{"collection":"myth-cosmogony","full_text_available":true,"graph_url":"https://unchartedknowledge.5gfusion.net/v2/api/page/gutenberg_41359/graph","html_url":"https://unchartedknowledge.5gfusion.net/v2/page/gutenberg_41359","id":"gutenberg_41359","license":"Public Domain (US)","rights_basis":"gutenberg_metadata_copyright_false","source":"gutenberg","source_url":"https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/41359","summary":null,"tags":["Category: Archaeology & Anthropology","Category: Mythology, Legends & Folklore","Category: Religion/Spirituality","Magic","Mythology","Religion","Superstition"],"text":"The Golden Bough\n\n A Study in Comparative Religion\n\n By\n\n James George Frazer, M.A.\n\n Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge\n\n In Two Volumes.\n\n Vol. II.\n\n New York and London\n\n MacMillan and Co.\n\n 1894\n\n\n\n\n\nCONTENTS\n\n\nChapter III\u2014(_continued_).\n \u00a7 10.\u2014The corn-spirit as an animal.\n \u00a7 11.\u2014Eating the god.\n \u00a7 12.\u2014Killing the divine animal.\n \u00a7 13.\u2014Transference of evil.\n \u00a7 14.\u2014Expulsion of evils,\n \u00a7 15.\u2014Scapegoats.\n \u00a7 16.\u2014Killing the god in Mexico.\nChapter IV\u2014The Golden Bough.\n \u00a7 1.\u2014Between heaven and earth.\n \u00a7 2.\u2014Balder.\n \u00a7 3.\u2014The external soul in folk-tales.\n \u00a7 4.\u2014The external soul in folk-custom.\n \u00a7 5.\u2014Conclusion.\nNote. Offerings of first-fruits.\nIndex.\nFootnotes\n\n\n\n\n\n\n [Cover Art]\n\n[Transcriber\u2019s Note: The above cover image was produced by the submitter\nat Distributed Proofreaders, and is being placed into the public domain.]\n\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER III\u2014(_CONTINUED_).\n\n\n\n\n\u00a7 10.\u2014The corn-spirit as an animal.\n\n\nIn some of the examples cited above to establish the meaning of the term\n\u201cneck\u201d as applied to the last sheaf, the corn-spirit appears in animal\nform as a gander, a goat, a hare, a cat, and a fox. This introduces us to\na new aspect of the corn-spirit, which we must now examine. By doing so we\nshall not only have fresh examples of killing the god, but may hope also\nto clear up some points which remain obscure in the myths and worship of\nAttis, Adonis, Osiris, Dionysus, Demeter, and Virbius.\n\nAmongst the many animals whose forms the corn-spirit is supposed to take\nare the wolf, dog, hare, cock, goose, cat, goat, cow (ox, bull), pig, and\nhorse. In one or other of these forms the corn-spirit is believed to be\npresent in the corn, and to be caught or killed in the last sheaf. As the\ncorn is being cut the animal flees before the reapers, and if a reaper is\ntaken ill on the field, he is supposed to have stumbled unwittingly on the\ncorn-spirit, who has thus punished the profane intruder. It is said \u201cThe\nRye-wolf has got hold of him,\u201d \u201cthe Harvest-goat has given him a push.\u201d\nThe person who cuts the last corn or binds the last sheaf gets the name of\nthe animal, as the Rye-wolf, the Rye-sow, the Oats-goat, etc., and retains\nthe name sometimes for a year. Also the animal is frequently represented\nby a puppet made out of the last sheaf or of wood, flowers, etc., which is\ncarried home amid rejoicings on the last harvest waggon. Even where the\nlast sheaf is not made up in animal shape, it is often called the\nRye-wolf, the Hare, Goat, and so on. Generally each kind of crop is\nsupposed to have its special animal, which is caught in the last sheaf,\nand called the Rye-wolf, the Barley-wolf, the Oats-wolf, the Pea-wolf, or\nthe Potato-wolf, according to the crop; but sometimes the figure of the\nanimal is only made up once for all at getting in the last crop of the\nwhole harvest. Sometimes the animal is believed to be killed by the last\nstroke of the sickle or scythe. But oftener it is thought to live so long\nas there is corn still unthreshed, and to be caught in the last sheaf\nthreshed. Hence the man who gives the last stroke with the flail is told\nthat he has got the Corn-sow, the Threshing-dog, etc. When the threshing\nis finished, a puppet is made in the form of the animal, and this is\ncarried by the thresher of the last sheaf to a neighbouring farm, where\nthe threshing is still going on. This again shows that the corn-spirit is\nbelieved to live wherever the corn is still being threshed. Sometimes the\nthresher of the last sheaf himself represents the animal; and if the\npeople of the next farm, who are still threshing, catch him, they treat\nhim like the animal he represents, by shutting him up in the pig-sty,\ncalling him with the cries commonly addressed to pigs, and so forth.(1)\n\nThese general statements will now be illustrated by examples. We begin\nwith the corn-spirit conceived as a wolf or a dog. This conception is\ncommon in France, Germany, and Slavonic countries. Thus, when the wind\nsets the corn in wave-like motion, the peasants often say, \u201cThe Wolf is\ngoing over, or through, the corn,\u201d \u201cthe Rye-wolf is rushing over the\nfield,\u201d \u201cthe Wolf is in the corn,\u201d \u201cthe mad Dog is in the corn,\u201d \u201cthe big\nDog is there.\u201d(2) When children wish to go into the corn-fields to pluck\nears or gather the blue corn-flowers, they are warned not to do so, for\n\u201cthe big Dog sits in the corn,\u201d or \u201cthe Wolf sits in the corn, and will\ntear you in pieces,\u201d \u201cthe Wolf will eat you.\u201d The wolf against whom the\nchildren are warned is not a common wolf, for he is often spoken of as the\nCorn-wolf, Rye-wolf, etc.; thus they say, \u201cThe Rye-wolf will come and eat\nyou up, children,\u201d \u201cthe Rye-wolf will carry you off,\u201d and so forth.(3)\nStill he has all the outward appearance of a wolf. For in the\nneighbourhood of Feilenhof (East Prussia), when a wolf was seen running\nthrough a field, the peasants used to watch whether he carried his tail in\nthe air or dragged it on the ground. If he dragged it on the ground, they\nwent after him, and thanked him for bringing them a blessing, and even set\ntit-bits before him. But if he carried his tail high, they cursed him and\ntried to kill him. Here the wolf is the corn-spirit, whose fertilising\npower is in his tail.(4)\n\nBoth dog and wolf appear as embodiments of the corn-spirit in\nharvest-customs. Thus in some parts of Silesia the person who binds the\nlast sheaf is called the Wheat-dog or the Peas-pug.(5) But it is in the\nharvest-customs of the north-east of France that the idea of the Corn-dog\ncomes out most clearly. Thus when a harvester, through sickness,\nweariness, or laziness, cannot or will not keep up with the reaper in\nfront of him, they say, \u201cThe White Dog passed near him,\u201d \u201che has the White\nBitch,\u201d or \u201cthe White Bitch has bitten him.\u201d(6) In the Vosges the\nHarvest-May is called the \u201cDog of the harvest.\u201d(7) About Lons-le-Saulnier,\nin the Jura, the last sheaf is called the Bitch. In the neighbourhood of\nVerdun the regular expression for finishing the reaping is, \u201cThey are\ngoing to kill the Dog;\u201d and at \u00c9pinal they say, according to the crop, \u201cWe\nwill kill the Wheat-dog, or the Rye-dog, or the Potato-dog.\u201d(8) In\nLorraine it is said of the man who cuts the last corn, \u201cHe is killing the\nDog of the harvest.\u201d(9) At Dux, in the Tyrol, the man who gives the last\nstroke at threshing is said to \u201cstrike down the Dog;\u201d(10) and at\nAhnebergen, near Stade, he is called, according to the crop, Corn-pug,\nRye-pug, Wheat-pug.(11)\n\nSo with the wolf. In Germany it is said that \u201cThe Wolf sits in the last\nsheaf.\u201d(12) In some places they call out to the reaper, \u201cBeware of the\nWolf;\u201d or they say, \u201cHe is chasing the Wolf out of the corn.\u201d(13) The last\nbunch of standing corn is called the Wolf, and the man who cuts it \u201chas\nthe Wolf.\u201d The last sheaf is also called the Wolf; and of the woman who\nbinds it they say, \u201cThe Wolf is biting her,\u201d \u201cshe has the Wolf,\u201d \u201cshe must\nfetch the Wolf\u201d (out of the corn).(14) Moreover, she is herself called\nWolf and has to bear the name for a whole year; sometimes, according to\nthe crop, she is called the Rye-wolf or the Potato-wolf.(15) In the island\nof R\u00fcgen they call out to the woman who binds the last sheaf, \u201cYou\u2019re\nWolf;\u201d and when she comes home she bites the lady of the house and the\nstewardess, for which she receives a large piece of meat. The same woman\nmay be Rye-wolf, Wheat-wolf, and Oats-wolf, if she happens to bind the\nlast sheaf of rye, wheat, and oats.(16) At Buir, in the district of\nCologne, it was formerly the custom to give to the last sheaf the shape of\na wolf. It was kept in the barn till all the corn was threshed. Then it\nwas brought to the farmer, and he had to sprinkle it with beer or\nbrandy.(17) In many places the sheaf called the Wolf is made up in human\nform and dressed in clothes. This indicates a confusion between the\nconceptions of the corn-spirit as theriomorphic (in animal form) and as\nanthropomorphic (in human form).(18) Generally the Wolf is brought home on\nthe last waggon, with joyful cries.(19)\n\nAgain, the Wolf is supposed to hide himself amongst the cut corn in the\ngranary, until he is driven out of the last bundle by the strokes of the\nflail. Hence at Wanzleben, near Magdeburg, after the threshing the\npeasants go in procession, leading by a chain a man, who is enveloped in\nthe threshed out straw and is called the Wolf.(20) He represents the\ncorn-spirit who has been caught escaping from the threshed corn. In Trier\nit is believed that the Corn-wolf is killed at threshing. The men thresh\nthe last sheaf till it is reduced to chopped straw. In this way they think\nthat the Corn-wolf who was lurking in the last sheaf, has been certainly\nkilled.(21)\n\nIn France also the Corn-wolf appears at harvest. Thus they call out to the\nreaper of the last corn, \u201cYou will catch the Wolf.\u201d Near Chamb\u00e9ry they\nform a ring round the last standing corn, and cry, \u201cThe Wolf is in there.\u201d\nIn Finisterre, when the reaping draws near an end, the harvesters cry,\n\u201cThere is the Wolf; we will catch him.\u201d Each takes a swath to reap, and he\nwho finishes first calls out, \u201cI\u2019ve caught the Wolf.\u201d(22) In Guyenne, when\nthe last corn has been reaped, they lead a wether all round the field. It\nis called \u201cthe Wolf of the field.\u201d Its horns are decked with a wreath of\nflowers and corn-ears, and its neck and body are also encircled with\ngarlands and ribbons. All the reapers march, singing, behind it. Then it\nis killed on the field. In this part of France the last sheaf is called\nthe _coujoulage_, which, in the patois, means a wether. Hence the killing\nof the wether represents the death of the corn-spirit, considered as\npresent in the last sheaf; but two different conceptions of the\ncorn-spirit\u2014as a wolf and as a wether\u2014are mixed up together.(23)\n\nSometimes it appears to be thought that the Wolf, caught in the last corn,\nlives during the winter in the farmhouse, ready to renew his activity as\ncorn-spirit in the spring. Hence at midwinter, when the lengthening days\nbegin to herald the approach of spring, the Wolf makes his appearance once\nmore. In Poland a man, with a wolf\u2019s skin thrown over his head, is led\nabout at Christmas; or a stuffed wolf is carried about by persons who\ncollect money.(24) There are facts which point to an old custom of leading\nabout a man enveloped in leaves and called the Wolf, while his conductors\ncollected money.(25)\n\nAnother form which the corn-spirit often assumes is that of a cock. In\nAustria children are warned against straying in the corn-fields, because\nthe Corn-cock sits there, and will peck their eyes out.(26) In North\nGermany they say that \u201cthe Cock sits in the last sheaf;\u201d and at cutting\nthe last corn the reapers cry, \u201cNow we will chase out the Cock.\u201d When it\nis cut they say, \u201cWe have caught the Cock.\u201d Then a cock is made of\nflowers, fastened on a pole, and carried home by the reapers, singing as\nthey go.(27) At Braller, in Transylvania, when the reapers come to the\nlast patch of corn, they cry, \u201cHere we shall catch the Cock.\u201d(28) At\nF\u00fcrstenwalde, when the last sheaf is about to be bound, the master lets\nloose a cock, which he has brought in a basket, and lets it run over the\nfield. All the harvesters chase it till they catch it. Elsewhere the\nharvesters all try to seize the last corn cut; he who succeeds in grasping\nit must crow, and is called Cock.(29) The last sheaf is called Cock,\nCock-sheaf, Harvest-cock, Harvest-hen, Autumn-hen. A distinction is made\nbetween a Wheat-cock, Bean-cock, etc., according to the crop.(30) At\nW\u00fcnschensuhl, in Th\u00fcringen, the last sheaf is made into the shape of a\ncock, and called Harvest-cock.(31) A figure of a cock, made of wood,\npasteboard, or ears of corn, is borne in front of the harvest-waggon,\nespecially in Westphalia, where the cock carries in his beak fruits of the\nearth of all kinds. Sometimes the image of the cock is fastened to the top\nof a May-tree on the last harvest-waggon. Elsewhere a live cock, or a\nfigure of one, is attached to a harvest-crown and carried on a pole. In\nGalicia and elsewhere this live cock is fastened to the garland of\ncorn-ears or flowers, which the leader of the women-reapers carries on her\nhead as she marches in front of the harvest procession.(32) In Silesia a\nlive cock is presented to the master on a plate. The harvest supper is\ncalled Harvest-cock, Stubble-cock, etc., and a chief dish at it, at least\nin some places, is a cock.(33) If a waggoner upsets a harvest-waggon, it\nis said that \u201che has spilt the Harvest-cock,\u201d and he loses the cock\u2014that\nis, the harvest supper.(34) The harvest-waggon, with the figure of the\ncock on it, is driven round the farmhouse before it is taken to the barn.\nThen the cock is nailed over, or at the side of the house door, or on the\ngable, and remains there till next harvest.(35) In East Friesland the\nperson who gives the last stroke at threshing is called the Clucking-hen,\nand grain is strewed before him as if he were a hen.(36)\n\nAgain, the corn-spirit is killed in the form of a cock. In parts of\nGermany, Hungary, Poland, and Picardy, the reapers place a live cock in\nthe corn which is to be cut last, and chase it over the field, or bury it\nup to the neck in the ground; afterwards they strike off its head with a\nsickle or scythe.(37) In many parts of Westphalia, when the harvesters\nbring the wooden cock to the farmer, he gives them a live cock, which they\nkill with whips or sticks, or behead with an old sword, or throw it into\nthe barn to the girls, or give it to the mistress to cook. If the\nHarvest-cock has not been spilt\u2014that is, if no waggon has been upset\u2014the\nharvesters have the right of killing the farmyard cock by throwing stones\nat it or beheading it. Where this custom has fallen into disuse, it is\nstill common for the farmer\u2019s wife to make cockie-leekie for the\nharvesters, and to show them the head of the cock which has been killed\nfor the soup.(38) In the neighbourhood of Klausenburg, Transylvania, a\ncock is buried on the harvest-field in the earth, so that only its head\nappears. A young man then takes a scythe and cuts off the cock\u2019s head at a\nsingle stroke. If he fails to do this, he is called the Red Cock for a\nwhole year, and people fear that next year\u2019s crop will be bad.(39) In the\nneighbourhood of Udvarhely, Transylvania, a live cock is bound up in the\nlast sheaf and killed with a spit. It is then skinned. The flesh is thrown\naway, but the skin and feathers are kept till next year; and in spring the\ngrain from the last sheaf is mixed with the feathers of the cock and\nscattered on the field which is to be tilled.(40) Nothing could set in a\nclearer light the identification of the cock with the spirit of the corn.\nBy being tied up in the last sheaf and killed, the cock is identified with\nthe corn, and its death with the cutting of the corn. By keeping its\nfeathers till spring, then mixing them with the seed-corn taken from the\nvery sheaf in which the bird had been bound, and scattering the feathers\ntogether with the seed over the field, the identity of the bird with the\ncorn is again emphasised, and its quickening and fertilising power, as the\ncorn-spirit, is intimated in the plainest manner. Thus the corn-spirit, in\nthe form of a cock, is killed at harvest, but rises to fresh life and\nactivity in spring. Again, the equivalence of the cock to the corn is\nexpressed, hardly less plainly, in the custom of burying the bird in the\nground, and cutting off its head (like the ears of corn) with the scythe.\n\nAnother common embodiment of the corn-spirit is the hare.(41) In some\nparts of Ayrshire the cutting of the last corn is called \u201ccutting the\nHare;\u201d(42) and in Germany a name for the last sheaf is the Hare.(43) In\nEast Prussia they say that the Hare sits in the last patch of standing\ncorn, and must be chased out by the last reaper. The reapers hurry with\ntheir work, each being anxious not to have \u201cto chase out the Hare;\u201d for\nthe man who does so, that is, who cuts the last corn, is much laughed\nat.(44) At Birk in Transylvania, when the reapers come to the last patch,\nthey cry out, \u201cWe have the Hare.\u201d(45) At Aurich, as we have seen,(46) an\nexpression for cutting the last corn is \u201cto cut off the Hare\u2019s tail.\u201d \u201cHe\nis killing the Hare\u201d is commonly said of the man who cuts the last corn in\nGermany, Sweden, Holland, France, and Italy.(47) In Norway the man who is\nthus said to \u201ckill the Hare\u201d must give \u201chare\u2019s blood,\u201d in the form of\nbrandy, to his fellows to drink.(48)\n\nAgain, the corn-spirit sometimes takes the form of a cat.(49) Near Kiel\nchildren are warned not to go into the corn-fields because \u201cthe Cat sits\nthere.\u201d In the Eisenach Oberland they are told \u201cthe Corn-cat will come and\nfetch you,\u201d \u201cthe Corn-cat goes in the corn.\u201d In some parts of Silesia at\nmowing the last corn they say, \u201cthe Cat is caught;\u201d and at threshing, the\nman who gives the last stroke is called the Cat. In the neighbourhood of\nLyons the last sheaf and the harvest supper are both called the Cat. About\nVesoul when they cut the last corn they say, \u201cWe have the Cat by the\ntail.\u201d At Brian\u00e7on, in Dauphin\u00e9, at the beginning of reaping, a cat is\ndecked out with ribbons, flowers, and ears of corn. It is called the Cat\nof the ball-skin (_le chat de peau de balle_). If a reaper is wounded at\nhis work, they make the cat lick the wound. At the close of the reaping\nthe cat is again decked out with ribbons and ears of corn; then there is\ndancing and merriment. When the dance is over, the cat is solemnly\nstripped of its ornaments by the girls. At Gr\u00fcneberg in Silesia the reaper\nwho cuts the last corn is called the Tom-cat. He is enveloped in\nrye-stalks and green withes, and is furnished with a long plaited tail.\nSometimes as a companion he has a man similarly dressed, who is called the\n(female) Cat. Their duty is to run after people whom they see and beat\nthem with a long stick. Near Amiens the expression for finishing the\nharvest is, \u201cThey are going to kill the Cat;\u201d and when the last corn is\ncut a cat is killed in the farmyard. At threshing, in some parts of\nFrance, a live cat is placed under the last bundle of corn to be threshed,\nand is struck dead with the flails. Then on Sunday it is roasted and eaten\nas a holiday dish.\n\nFurther, the corn-spirit often appears in the form of a goat. In the\nprovince of Prussia, when the corn bends before the wind, they say, \u201cThe\nGoats are chasing each other,\u201d \u201cthe wind is driving the Goats through the\ncorn,\u201d \u201cthe Goats are browsing there,\u201d and they expect a very good\nharvest. Again they say, \u201cthe Oats-goat is sitting in the oats-field,\u201d\n\u201cthe Corn-goat is sitting in the rye-field.\u201d(50) Children are warned not\nto go into the corn-fields to pluck the blue cornflowers, or amongst the\nbeans to pluck pods, because the Rye-goat, the Corn-goat, the Oats-goat,\nor the Bean-goat is sitting or lying there, and will carry them away or\nkill them.(51) When a harvester is taken sick or lags behind his fellows\nat their work, they call out, \u201cThe Harvest-goat has pushed him,\u201d \u201che has\nbeen pushed by the Corn-goat.\u201d(52) In the neighbourhood of Braunsberg\n(East Prussia) at binding the oats every harvester makes haste \u201clest the\nCorn-goat push him.\u201d At Oefoten in Norway each harvester has his allotted\npatch to reap. When a harvester in the middle has not finished reaping his\npiece after his neighbours have finished theirs, they say of him, \u201cHe\nremains on the island.\u201d And if the laggard is a man, they imitate the cry\nwith which they call a he-goat; if a woman, the cry with which they call a\nshe-goat.(53) Near Straubing in Lower Bavaria, it is said of the man who\ncuts the last corn that \u201che has the Corn-goat or the Wheat-goat, or the\nOats-goat,\u201d according to the crop. Moreover, two horns are set up on the\nlast heap of corn, and it is called \u201cthe horned Goat.\u201d At Kreutzburg, East\nPrussia, they call out to the woman who is binding the last sheaf, \u201cThe\nGoat is sitting in the sheaf.\u201d(54) At Gablingen in Swabia, when the last\nfield of oats upon a farm is being reaped, the reapers carve a goat out of\nwood. Ears of oats are inserted in its nostrils and mouth, and it is\nadorned with garlands of flowers. It is set upon the field and called the\nOats-goat. When the reaping approaches an end, each reaper hastens to\nfinish his piece first; he who is the last to finish gets the\nOats-goat.(55) Again, the last sheaf is itself called the Goat. Thus, in\nthe valley of the Wiesent, Bavaria, the last sheaf bound on the field is\ncalled the Goat, and they have a proverb, \u201cThe field must bear a\ngoat.\u201d(56) At Spachbr\u00fccken in Hesse, the last handful of corn which is cut\nis called the Goat, and the man who cuts it is much ridiculed.(57)\nSometimes the last sheaf is made up in the form of a goat,(58) and they\nsay, \u201cThe Goat is sitting in it.\u201d Again, the person who cuts or binds the\nlast sheaf is called the Goat. Thus, in parts of Mecklenburg they call out\nto the woman who binds the last sheaf, \u201cYou are the Harvest-goat.\u201d In the\nneighbourhood of Uelzen in Hanover, the harvest festival begins with \u201cthe\nbringing of the Harvest-goat;\u201d that is, the woman who bound the last sheaf\nis wrapt in straw, crowned with a harvest-wreath, and brought in a\nwheelbarrow to the village, where a round dance takes place. About\nL\u00fcneburg, also, the woman who binds the last corn is decked with a crown\nof corn-ears and is called the Corn-goat.(59) In the Canton St. Gall,\nSwitzerland, the person who cuts the last handful of corn on the field, or\ndrives the last harvest-waggon to the barn, is called the Corn-goat or the\nRye-goat, or simply the Goat.(60) In the Canton Thurgau he is called\nCorn-goat; like a goat he has a bell hung round his neck, is led in\ntriumph, and drenched with liquor. In parts of Styria, also, the man who\ncuts the last corn is called Corn-goat, Oats-goat, etc. As a rule, the man\nwho thus gets the name of Corn-goat has to bear it a whole year till the\nnext harvest.(61)\n\nAccording to one view, the corn-spirit, who has been caught in the form of\na goat or otherwise, lives in the farmhouse or barn over winter. Thus,\neach farm has its own embodiment of the corn-spirit. But, according to\nanother view, the corn-spirit is the genius or deity, not of the corn of\none farm only, but of all the corn. Hence when the corn on one farm is all\ncut, he flees to another where there is still corn left standing. This\nidea is brought out in a harvest-custom which was formerly observed in\nSkye. The farmer who first finished reaping sent a man or woman with a\nsheaf to a neighbouring farmer who had not finished; the latter in his\nturn, when he had finished, sent on the sheaf to his neighbour who was\nstill reaping; and so the sheaf made the round of the farms till all the\ncorn was cut. The sheaf was called the _goabbir bhacagh_, that is, the\nCripple Goat.(62) The corn-spirit was probably thus represented as lame\nbecause he had been crippled by the cutting of the corn. We have seen that\nsometimes the old woman who brings home the last sheaf must limp on one\nfoot.(63) In the B\u00f6hmer Wald mountains, between Bohemia and Bavaria, when\ntwo peasants are driving home their corn together, they race against each\nother to see who shall get home first. The village boys mark the loser in\nthe race, and at night they come and erect on the roof of his house the\nOats-goat, which is a colossal figure of a goat made of straw.(64)\n\nBut sometimes the corn-spirit, in the form of a goat, is believed to be\nslain on the harvest-field by the sickle or scythe. Thus, in the\nneighbourhood of Bernkastel, on the Moselle, the reapers determine by lot\nthe order in which they shall follow each other. The first is called the\nfore-reaper, the last the tail-bearer. If a reaper overtakes the man in\nfront he reaps past him, bending round so as to leave the slower reaper in\na patch by himself. This patch is called the Goat; and the man for whom\n\u201cthe Goat is cut\u201d in this way, is laughed and jeered at by his fellows for\nthe rest of the day. When the tail-bearer cuts the last ears of corn, it\nis said \u201cHe is cutting the Goat\u2019s neck off.\u201d(65) In the neighbourhood of\nGrenoble, before the end of the reaping, a live goat is adorned with\nflowers and ribbons and allowed to run about the field. The reapers chase\nit and try to catch it. When it is caught, the farmer\u2019s wife holds it fast\nwhile the farmer cuts off its head. The goat\u2019s flesh serves to furnish the\nharvest supper. A piece of the flesh is pickled and kept till the next\nharvest, when another goat is killed. Then all the harvesters eat of the\nflesh. On the same day the skin of the goat is made into a cloak, which\nthe farmer, who works with his men, must always wear at harvest-time if\nrain or bad weather sets in. But if a reaper gets pains in his back, the\nfarmer gives him the goat-skin to wear.(66) The reason for this seems to\nbe that the pains in the back, being inflicted by the corn-spirit, can\nalso be healed by it. Similarly we saw that elsewhere, when a reaper is\nwounded at reaping, a cat, as the representative of the corn-spirit, is\nmade to lick the wound.(67) Esthonian reapers in the island of Mon think\nthat the man who cuts the first ears of corn at harvest will get pains in\nhis back,(68)\u2014probably because the corn-spirit is believed to resent\nespecially the first wound; and, in order to escape pains in the back,\nSaxon reapers in Transylvania gird their loins with the first handful of\nears which they cut.(69) Here, again, the corn-spirit is applied to for\nhealing or protection, but in his original vegetable form, not in the form\nof a goat or a cat.\n\nFurther, the corn-spirit under the form of a goat is sometimes conceived\nas lurking among the cut corn in the barn, till he is driven from it by\nthe threshing-flail. For example, in the neighbourhood of Marktl in Upper\nBavaria the sheaves are called Straw-goats or simply Goats. They are laid\nin a great heap on the open field and threshed by two rows of men standing\nopposite each other, who, as they ply their flails, sing a song in which\nthey say that they see the Straw-goat amongst the corn-stalks. The last\nGoat, that is, the last sheaf, is adorned with a wreath of violets and\nother flowers and with cakes strung together. It is placed right in the\nmiddle of the heap. Some of the threshers rush at it and tear the best of\nit out; others lay on with their flails so recklessly that heads are\nsometimes broken. In threshing this last sheaf, each man casts up to the\nman opposite him the misdeeds of which he has been guilty throughout the\nyear.(70) At Oberinntal in Tyrol the last thresher is called Goat.(71) At\nTettnang in W\u00fcrtemberg the thresher who gives the last stroke to the last\nbundle of corn before it is turned goes by the name of the He-goat, and it\nis said \u201che has driven the He-goat away.\u201d The person who, after the bundle\nhas been turned, gives the last stroke of all, is called the She-goat.(72)\nIn this custom it is implied that the corn is inhabited by a pair of\ncorn-spirits, male and female. Further, the corn-spirit, captured in the\nform of a goat at threshing, is passed on to a neighbour whose threshing\nis not yet finished. In Franche Comt\u00e9, as soon as the threshing is over,\nthe young people set up a straw figure of a goat on the farmyard of a\nneighbour who is still threshing. He must give them wine or money in\nreturn. At Ellwangen in W\u00fcrtemberg the effigy of a goat is made out of the\nlast bundle of corn at threshing; four sticks form its legs, and two its\nhorns. The man who gives the last stroke with the flail must carry the\nGoat to the barn of a neighbour who is still threshing and throw it down\non the floor; if he is caught in the act, they tie the Goat on his\nback.(73) A similar custom is observed at Indersdorf in Upper Bavaria; the\nman who throws the straw Goat into the neighbour\u2019s barn imitates the\nbleating of a goat; if they catch him they blacken his face and tie the\nGoat on his back.(74) At Zabern in Elsass, when a farmer is a week or more\nbehind his neighbours with his threshing, they set a real stuffed goat (or\nfox) before his door.(75) Sometimes the spirit of the corn in goat form is\nbelieved to be killed at threshing. In the district of Traunstein, Upper\nBavaria, it is thought that the Oats-goat is in the last sheaf of oats. He\nis represented by an old rake set up on end, with an old pot for a head.\nThe children are then told to kill the Oats-goat.(76) A stranger passing a\nharvest-field is sometimes taken for the Corn-goat escaping in human shape\nfrom the cut or threshed grain. Thus, when a stranger passes a\nharvest-field, all the labourers stop and shout as with one voice\n\u201cHe-goat! He-goat!\u201d At rape-seed threshing in Schleswig, which generally\ntakes place on the field, the same cry is raised if the stranger does not\ntake off his hat.(77)\n\nAt sowing their winter corn the Prussian Slavs used to kill a goat,\nconsume its flesh with many superstitious ceremonies, and hang the skin on\na high pole near an oak and a large stone. Here it remained till harvest.\nThen, after a prayer had been offered by a peasant who acted as priest\n(_Weidulut_) the young folk joined hands and danced round the oak and the\npole. Afterwards they scrambled for the bunch of corn, and the priest\ndistributed the herbs with a sparing hand. Then he placed the goat-skin on\nthe large stone, sat down on it and preached to the people about the\nhistory of their forefathers and their old heathen customs and\nbeliefs.(78) The goat-skin thus suspended on the field from sowing time to\nharvest represents the corn-spirit superintending the growth of the corn.\n\nAnother form which the corn-spirit often assumes is that of a bull, cow,\nor ox. When the wind sweeps over the corn they say at Conitz in West\nPrussia, \u201cThe Steer is running in the corn;\u201d(79) when the corn is thick\nand strong in one spot, they say in some parts of East Prussia, \u201cThe Bull\nis lying in the corn.\u201d When a harvester has overstrained and lamed\nhimself, they say in the Graudenz district (West Prussia), \u201cThe Bull\npushed him;\u201d in Lothringen they say, \u201cHe has the Bull.\u201d The meaning of\nboth expressions is that he has unwittingly lighted upon the divine\ncorn-spirit, who has punished the profane intruder with lameness.(80) So\nnear Chamb\u00e9ry when a reaper wounds himself with his sickle, it is said\nthat he has \u201cthe wound of the Ox.\u201d(81) In the district of Bunzlau the last\nsheaf is sometimes made into the shape of a horned ox, stuffed with tow\nand wrapt in corn-ears. This figure is called the Old Man (_der Alte_). In\nsome parts of Bohemia the last sheaf is made up in human form and called\nthe Buffalo-bull.(82) These cases show a confusion between the\nanthropomorphic and the theriomorphic conception of the corn-spirit. The\nconfusion is parallel to that of killing a wether under the name of a\nwolf.(83) In the Canton of Thurgau, Switzerland, the last sheaf, if it is\na large one, is called the Cow.(84) All over Swabia the last bundle of\ncorn on the field is called the Cow; the man who cuts the last ears \u201chas\nthe Cow,\u201d and is himself called Cow or Barley-cow or Oats-cow, according\nto the crop; at the harvest supper he gets a nosegay of flowers and\ncorn-ears and a more liberal allowance of drink than the rest. But he is\nteased and laughed at; so no one likes to be the Cow.(85) The Cow was\nsometimes represented by the figure of a woman made out of ears of corn\nand corn-flowers. It was carried to the farmhouse by the man who had cut\nthe last handful of corn. The children ran after him and the neighbours\nturned out to laugh at him, till the farmer took the Cow from him.(86)\nHere again the confusion between the human and the animal form of the\ncorn-spirit is apparent. In various parts of Switzerland the reaper who\ncuts the last ears of corn is called Wheat-cow, Corn-cow, Oats-cow, or\nCorn-steer, and is the butt of many a joke.(87) In some parts of East\nPrussia, when a few ears of corn have been left standing by inadvertence\non the last swath, the foremost reaper seizes them and cries, \u201cBull!\nBull!\u201d(88) On the other hand, in the district of Rosenheim, in Upper\nBavaria, when a farmer is later in getting in his harvest than his\nneighbours, they set up on his land a Straw-bull, as it is called. This is\na gigantic figure of a bull made of stubble on a framework of wood and\nadorned with flowers and leaves. A label is attached to it containing\ndoggerel verses in ridicule of the man on whose land the Straw-bull is\nplaced.(89)\n\nAgain, the corn-spirit in the form of a bull or ox is killed on the\nharvest-field at the close of the reaping. At Pouilly near Dijon, when the\nlast ears of corn are about to be cut, an ox adorned with ribbons,\nflowers, and ears of corn is led all round the field, followed by the\nwhole troop of reapers dancing. Then a man disguised as the Devil cuts the\nlast ears of corn and immediately kills the ox. Part of the flesh of the\nanimal is eaten at the harvest supper; part is pickled and kept till the\nfirst day of sowing in spring. At Pont \u00e0 Mousson and elsewhere on the\nevening of the last day of reaping a calf adorned with flowers and ears of\ncorn is led three times round the farmyard, being allured by a bait or\ndriven by men with sticks, or conducted by the farmer\u2019s wife with a rope.\nThe calf selected for this ceremony is the calf which was born first on\nthe farm in the spring of the year. It is followed by all the reapers with\ntheir implements. Then it is allowed to run free; the reapers chase it,\nand whoever catches it is called King of the Calf. Lastly, it is solemnly\nkilled; at Lun\u00e9ville the man who acts as butcher is the Jewish merchant of\nthe village.(90)\n\nSometimes again the corn-spirit hides himself amongst the cut corn in the\nbarn to reappear in bull or cow form at threshing. Thus at Wurmlingen in\nTh\u00fcringen the man who gives the last stroke at threshing is called the\nCow, or rather the Barley-cow, Oats-cow, Peas-cow, etc., according to the\ncrop. He is entirely enveloped in straw; his head is surmounted by sticks\nin imitation of horns, and two lads lead him by ropes to the well to\ndrink. On the way thither he must low like a cow, and for a long time\nafterwards he goes by the name of the Cow.(91) At Obermedlingen in Swabia,\nwhen the threshing draws near an end, each man is careful to avoid giving\nthe last stroke. He who does give it \u201cgets the Cow,\u201d which is a straw\nfigure dressed in an old ragged petticoat, hood, and stockings. It is tied\non his back with a straw-rope; his face is blackened, he is tied with\nstraw-ropes to a wheelbarrow, and wheeled round the village.(92) Here,\nagain, we are met with that confusion between the anthropomorphic and\ntheriomorphic conception of the corn-spirit, which has been already\nsignalised. In Canton Schaffhausen the man who threshes the last corn is\ncalled the Cow; in Canton Thurgau, the Corn-bull; in Canton Zurich, the\nThresher-cow. In the last-mentioned district he is wrapt in straw and\nbound to one of the trees in the orchard.(93) At Arad in Hungary the man\nwho gives the last stroke at threshing is enveloped in straw and a cow\u2019s\nhide with the horns attached to it.(94) At Pessnitz, in the district of\nDresden, the man who gives the last stroke with the flail is called Bull.\nHe must make a straw-man and set it up before a neighbour\u2019s window.(95)\nHere, apparently, as in so many cases, the corn-spirit is passed on to a\nneighbour who has not finished threshing. So at Herbrechtingen in\nTh\u00fcringen the effigy of a ragged old woman is flung into the barn of the\nfarmer who is last with his threshing. The man who throws it in cries,\n\u201cThere is the Cow for you.\u201d If the threshers catch him they detain him\nover night and punish him by keeping him from the harvest supper.(96) In\nthese latter customs the confusion between the anthropomorphic and\ntheriomorphic conception of the corn-spirit meets us again. Further, the\ncorn-spirit in bull form is sometimes believed to be killed at threshing.\nAt Auxerre in threshing the last bundle of corn they call out twelve\ntimes, \u201cWe are killing the Bull.\u201d In the neighbourhood of Bordeaux, where\na butcher kills an ox on the field immediately after the close of the\nreaping, it is said of the man who gives the last stroke at threshing that\n\u201che has killed the Bull.\u201d(97) At Chamb\u00e9ry the last sheaf is called the\nsheaf of the Young Ox and a race takes place to it, in which all the\nreapers join. When the last stroke is given at threshing they say that\n\u201cthe Ox is killed;\u201d and immediately thereupon a real ox is slaughtered by\nthe reaper who cut the last corn. The flesh of the ox is eaten by the\nthreshers at supper.(98)\n\nWe have seen that sometimes the young corn-spirit, whose task it is to\nquicken the corn of the coming year, is believed to be born as a Corn-baby\non the harvest-field.(99) Similarly in Berry the young corn-spirit is\nsometimes believed to be born on the field in calf form. For when a binder\nhas not rope enough to bind all the corn in sheaves, he puts aside the\nwheat that remains over and imitates the lowing of a cow. The meaning is\nthat \u201cthe sheaf has given birth to a calf.\u201d(100) In Puy-de-D\u00f4me when a\nbinder cannot keep up with the reaper whom he or she follows, they say \u201cHe\nor she is giving birth to the Calf.\u201d(101) In some parts of Prussia, in\nsimilar circumstances, they call out to the woman, \u201cThe Bull is coming,\u201d\nand imitate the bellowing of a bull.(102) In these cases the woman is\nconceived as the Corn-cow or old corn-spirit, while the supposed calf is\nthe Corn-calf or young corn-spirit. In some parts of Austria a mythical\ncalf (_Muhk\u00e4lbchen_) is believed to be seen amongst the sprouting corn in\nspring and to push the children; when the corn waves in the wind they say,\n\u201cThe Calf is going about.\u201d Clearly, as Mannhardt observes, this calf of\nthe spring-time is the same animal which is afterwards believed to be\nkilled at reaping.(103)\n\nSometimes the corn-spirit appears in the shape of a horse or mare. Between\nKalw and Stuttgart, when the corn bends before the wind, they say, \u201cThere\nruns the Horse.\u201d(104) In Hertfordshire, at the end of the reaping, there\nis or was a ceremony called \u201ccrying the Mare.\u201d The last blades of corn\nleft standing on the field are tied together and called the Mare. The\nreapers stand at a distance and throw their sickles at it; he who cuts it\nthrough \u201chas the prize, with acclamations and good cheer.\u201d After it is cut\nthe reapers cry thrice with a loud voice, \u201cI have her!\u201d Others answer\nthrice, \u201cWhat have you?\u201d\u2014\u201cA Mare! a Mare! a Mare!\u201d\u2014\u201cWhose is she?\u201d is next\nasked thrice. \u201cA. B.\u2019s,\u201d naming the owner thrice. \u201cWhither will you send\nher?\u201d\u2014\u201cTo C. D.,\u201d naming some neighbour who has not all his corn\nreaped.(105) In this custom the corn-spirit in the form of a mare is\npassed on from a farm where the corn is all cut to another farm where it\nis still standing, and where therefore the corn-spirit may be supposed\nnaturally to take refuge. In Shropshire the custom is similar. \u201cCrying,\ncalling, or shouting the mare is a ceremony performed by the men of that\nfarm which is the first in any parish or district to finish the harvest.\nThe object of it is to make known their own prowess, and to taunt the\nlaggards by a pretended offer of the \u2018owd mar\u2019 [old mare] to help out\ntheir \u2018chem\u2019 [team]. All the men assemble (the wooden harvest-bottle being\nof course one of the company) in the stackyard, or, better, on the highest\nground on the farm, and there shout the following dialogue, preceding it\nby a grand \u2018Hip, hip, hip, hurrah!\u2019\n\n\u201c \u2018I \u2019ave \u2019er, I \u2019ave \u2019er, I \u2019ave \u2019er!\u2019\n\n\u201c \u2018Whad \u2019ast thee, whad \u2019ast thee, whad \u2019ast thee?\u2019\n\n\u201c \u2018A mar\u2019! a mar\u2019! a mar\u2019!\u2019\n\n\u201c \u2018Whose is \u2019er, whose is \u2019er, whose is \u2019er?\u2019\n\n\u201c \u2018Maister A.\u2019s, Maister A.\u2019s, Maister A.\u2019s!\u2019 (naming the farmer whose\nharvest is finished).\n\n\u201c \u2018W\u2019eer sha\u2019t the\u2019 send \u2019er? w\u2019eer sha\u2019t the\u2019 send \u2019er? w\u2019eer sha\u2019t the\u2019\nsend \u2019er?\u2019\n\n\u201c \u2018To Maister B.\u2019s, to Maister B.\u2019s, to Maister B.\u2019s\u2019 (naming one whose\nharvest is _not_ finished).\u201d\n\nThe farmer who finishes his harvest last, and who therefore cannot send\nthe Mare to any one else, is said \u201cto keep her all winter.\u201d The mocking\noffer of the Mare was sometimes responded to by a mocking acceptance of\nher help. Thus an old man told an inquirer, \u201cWhile we wun at supper, a mon\ncumm\u2019d wi\u2019 a autar [halter] to fatch her away.\u201d But at one place (Longnor,\nnear Leebotwood), down to about 1850, the Mare used really to be sent.\n\u201cThe head man of the farmer who had finished harvest first was mounted on\nthe best horse of the team\u2014the leader\u2014both horse and man being adorned\nwith ribbons, streamers, etc. Thus arrayed, a boy on foot led the pair in\ntriumph to the neighbouring farmhouses. Sometimes the man who took the\n\u2018mare\u2019 received, as well as plenty of harvest-ale, some rather rough,\nthough good-humoured, treatment, coming back minus his decorations, and so\non.\u201d(106) In the neighbourhood of Lille the idea of the corn-spirit in\nhorse form is clearly preserved. When a harvester grows weary at his work,\nit is said, \u201cHe has the fatigue of the Horse.\u201d The first sheaf, called the\n\u201cCross of the Horse,\u201d is placed on a cross of box-wood in the barn, and\nthe youngest horse on the farm must tread on it. The reapers dance round\nthe last blades of corn, crying, \u201cSee the remains of the Horse.\u201d The sheaf\nmade out of these last blades is given to the youngest horse of the parish\n(commune) to eat. This youngest horse of the parish clearly represents, as\nMannhardt says, the corn-spirit of the following year, the Corn-foal,\nwhich absorbs the spirit of the old Corn-horse by eating the last corn\ncut; for, as usual, the old corn-spirit takes his final refuge in the last\nsheaf. The thresher of the last sheaf is said to \u201cbeat the Horse.\u201d(107)\nAgain, a trace of the horse-shaped corn-spirit is reported from Berry. The\nharvesters there are accustomed to take a noon-day sleep in the field.\nThis is called \u201cseeing the Horse.\u201d The leader or \u201cKing\u201d of the harvesters\ngives the signal for going to sleep. If he delays giving the signal, one\nof the harvesters will begin to neigh like a horse, the rest imitate him,\nand then they all go \u201cto see the Horse.\u201d(108)\n\nThe last animal embodiment of the corn-spirit which we shall notice is the\npig (boar or sow). In Th\u00fcringen, when the wind sets the young corn in\nmotion, they sometimes say, \u201cThe Boar is rushing through the corn.\u201d(109)\nAmongst the Esthonians of the island of Oesel the last sheaf is called the\nRye-boar, and the man who gets it is saluted with a cry of, \u201cYou have the\nRye-boar on your back!\u201d In reply he strikes up a song, in which he prays\nfor plenty.(110) At Kohlerwinkel, near Augsburg, at the close of the\nharvest, the last bunch of standing corn is cut down, stalk by stalk, by\nall the reapers in turn. He who cuts the last stalk \u201cgets the Sow,\u201d and is\nlaughed at.(111) In other Swabian villages also the man who cuts the last\ncorn \u201chas the Sow,\u201d or \u201chas the Rye-sow.\u201d(112) In the Traunstein district,\nUpper Bavaria, the man who cuts the last handful of rye or wheat \u201chas the\nSow,\u201d and is called Sow-driver.(113) At Friedingen, in Swabia, the\nthresher who gives the last stroke is called Sow\u2014Barley-sow, Corn-sow,\netc., according to the crop. At Onstmettingen the man who gives the last\nstroke at threshing \u201chas the Sow;\u201d he is often bound up in a sheaf and\ndragged by a rope along the ground.(114) And, generally, in Swabia the man\nwho gives the last stroke with the flail is called Sow. He may, however,\nrid himself of this invidious distinction by passing on to a neighbour the\nstraw-rope, which is the badge of his position as Sow. So he goes to a\nhouse and throws the straw-rope into it, crying, \u201cThere, I bring you the\nSow.\u201d All the inmates give chase; and if they catch him they beat him,\nshut him up for several hours in the pig-sty, and oblige him to take the\n\u201cSow\u201d away again.(115) In various parts of Upper Bavaria the man who gives\nthe last stroke at threshing must \u201ccarry the Pig\u201d\u2014that is, either a straw\neffigy of a pig or merely a bundle of straw-ropes. This he carries to a\nneighbouring farm where the threshing is not finished, and throws it into\nthe barn. If the threshers catch him they handle him roughly, beating him,\nblackening or dirtying his face, throwing him into filth, binding the Sow\non his back, etc.; if the bearer of the Sow is a woman they cut off her\nhair. At the harvest supper or dinner the man who \u201ccarried the Pig\u201d gets\none or more dumplings made in the form of pigs; sometimes he gets a large\ndumpling and a number of small ones, all in pig form, the large one being\ncalled the sow and the small ones the sucking-pigs. Sometimes he has the\nright to be the first to put his hand into the dish and take out as many\nsmall dumplings (\u201csucking-pigs\u201d) as he can, while the other threshers\nstrike at his hand with spoons or sticks. When the dumplings are served up\nby the maid-servant, all the people at table cry, \u201cS\u00fcz, s\u00fcz, s\u00fcz!\u201d being\nthe cry used in calling pigs. Sometimes after dinner the man who \u201ccarried\nthe Pig\u201d has his face blackened, and is set on a cart and drawn round the\nvillage by his fellows, followed by a crowd crying, \u201cS\u00fcz, s\u00fcz, s\u00fcz!\u201d as if\nthey were calling swine. Sometimes, after being wheeled round the village,\nhe is flung on the dunghill.(116)\n\nAgain, the corn-spirit in the form of a pig plays his part at sowing-time\nas well as at harvest. At Neuautz, in Courland, when barley is sown for\nthe first time in the year, the farmer\u2019s wife boils the chine of a pig\nalong with the tail, and brings it to the sower on the field. He eats of\nit, but cuts off the tail and sticks it in the field; it is believed that\nthe ears of corn will then grow as long as the tail.(117) Here the pig is\nthe corn-spirit, whose fertilising power is sometimes supposed to lie\nespecially in his tail.(118) As a pig he is put in the ground at\nsowing-time, and as a pig he reappears amongst the ripe corn at harvest.\nFor amongst the neighbouring Esthonians, as we have seen,(119) the last\nsheaf is called the Rye-boar. Somewhat similar customs are observed in\nGermany. In the Salza district, near Meiningen, a certain bone in the pig\nis called \u201cthe Jew on the winnowing-fan\u201d (_der Jud\u2019 auf der Wanne_). The\nflesh of this bone is boiled on Shrove Tuesday, but the bone is put\namongst the ashes, which the neighbours exchange as presents on St.\nPeter\u2019s Day (22d February), and then mix with the seed-corn.(120) In the\nwhole of Hessen, Meiningen, etc., people eat pea-soup with dried pig-ribs\non Ash Wednesday or Candlemas. The ribs are then collected and hung in the\nroom till sowing-time, when they are inserted in the sown field or in the\nseed-bag amongst the flax seed. This is thought to be an infallible\nspecific against earth-fleas and moles, and to cause the flax to grow well\nand tall.(121) In many parts of White Russia people eat a roast lamb or\nsucking-pig at Easter, and then throw the bones backwards upon the fields,\nto preserve the corn from hail.(122)\n\nBut the conception of the corn-spirit as embodied in pig form is nowhere\nmore clearly expressed than in the Scandinavian custom of the Yule Boar.\nIn Sweden and Denmark at Yule (Christmas) it is the custom to bake a loaf\nin the form of a boar-pig. This is called the Yule Boar. The corn of the\nlast sheaf is often used to make it. All through Yule the Yule Boar stands\non the table. Often it is kept till the sowing-time in spring, when part\nof it is mixed with the seed-corn and part given to the ploughmen and\nplough-horses or plough-oxen to eat, in the expectation of a good\nharvest.(123) In this custom the corn-spirit, immanent in the last sheaf,\nappears at midwinter in the form of a boar made from the corn of the last\nsheaf; and his quickening influence on the corn is shown by mixing part of\nthe Yule Boar with the seed-corn, and giving part of it to the ploughman\nand his cattle to eat. Similarly we saw that the Corn-wolf makes his\nappearance at midwinter, the time when the year begins to verge towards\nspring.(124) We may conjecture that the Yule straw, of which Swedish\npeasants make various superstitious uses, comes, in part at least, from\nthe sheaf out of which the Yule Boar is made. The Yule straw is long\nrye-straw, a portion of which is always set apart for this season. It is\nstrewn over the floor at Christmas, and the peasants attribute many\nvirtues to it. For example, they think that some of it scattered on the\nground will make a barren field productive. Again, the peasant at\nChristmas seats himself on a log; his eldest son or daughter, or the\nmother herself, if the children are not old enough, places a wisp of the\nYule straw on his knee. From this he draws out single straws, and throws\nthem, one by one, up to the ceiling; and as many as lodge in the rafters,\nso many will be the sheaves of rye he will have to thresh at harvest.(125)\nAgain, it is only the Yule straw which may be used in binding the\nfruit-trees as a charm to fertilise them.(126) These uses of the Yule\nstraw show that it is believed to possess fertilising virtues analogous to\nthose ascribed to the Yule Boar; the conjecture is therefore legitimate\nthat the Yule straw is made from the same sheaf as the Yule Boar. Formerly\na real boar was sacrificed at Christmas,(127) and apparently also a man in\nthe character of the Yule Boar. This, at least, may perhaps be inferred\nfrom a Christmas custom still observed in Sweden. A man is wrapt up in a\nskin, and carries a wisp of straw in his mouth, so that the projecting\nstraws look like the bristles of a boar. A knife is brought, and an old\nwoman, with her face blackened, pretends to sacrifice the man.(128)\n\nSo much for the animal embodiments of the corn-spirit as they are\npresented to us in the folk-customs of Northern Europe. These customs\nbring out clearly the sacramental character of the harvest supper. The\ncorn-spirit is conceived as embodied in an animal; this divine animal is\nslain, and its flesh and blood are partaken of by the harvesters. Thus,\nthe cock, the goose, the hare, the cat, the goat, and the ox are eaten\nsacramentally by the harvesters, and the pig is eaten sacramentally by\nploughmen in spring.(129) Again, as a substitute for the real flesh of the\ndivine being, bread or dumplings are made in his image and eaten\nsacramentally; thus, pig-shaped dumplings are eaten by the harvesters, and\nloaves made in boar-shape (the Yule Boar) are eaten in spring by the\nploughman and his cattle.\n\nThe reader has probably remarked the complete parallelism between the\nanthropomorphic and the theriomorphic conceptions of the corn-spirit. The\nparallel may be here briefly resumed. When the corn waves in the wind it\nis said either that the Corn-mother or that the Corn-wolf, etc. is passing\nthrough the corn. Children are warned against straying in corn-fields\neither because the Corn-mother or because the Corn-wolf, etc. is there. In\nthe last corn cut or the last sheaf threshed either the Corn-mother or the\nCorn-wolf, etc. is supposed to be present. The last sheaf is itself called\neither the Corn-mother or the Corn-wolf, etc., and is made up in the shape\neither of a woman or of a wolf, etc. The person who cuts, binds, or\nthreshes the last sheaf is called either the Old Woman or the Wolf, etc.,\naccording to the name bestowed on the sheaf itself. As in some places a\nsheaf made in human form and called the Maiden, the Mother of the Maize,\netc. is kept from one harvest to the next in order to secure a continuance\nof the corn-spirit\u2019s blessing; so in some places the Harvest-cock and in\nothers the flesh of the goat is kept for a similar purpose from one\nharvest to the next. As in some places the grain taken from the\nCorn-mother is mixed with the seed-corn in spring to make the crop\nabundant; so in some places the feathers of the cock, and in Sweden the\nYule Boar is kept till spring and mixed with the seed-corn for a like\npurpose. As part of the Corn-mother or Maiden is given to the cattle to\neat in order that they may thrive, so part of the Yule Boar is given to\nthe ploughing horses or oxen in spring. Lastly, the death of the\ncorn-spirit is represented by killing (in reality or pretence) either his\nhuman or his animal representative; and the worshippers partake\nsacramentally either of the actual body and blood of the representative\n(human or animal) of the divinity, or of bread made in his likeness.\n\nOther animal forms assumed by the corn-spirit are the stag, roe, sheep,\nbear, ass, fox, mouse, stork, swan, and kite.(130) If it is asked why the\ncorn-spirit should be thought to appear in the form of an animal and of so\nmany different animals, we may reply that to primitive man the simple\nappearance of an animal or bird among the corn is probably sufficient of\nitself to suggest a mysterious connection between the animal or bird and\nthe corn; and when we remember that in the old days, before fields were\nfenced in, all kinds of animals must have been free to roam over them, we\nneed not wonder that the corn-spirit should have been identified even with\nlarge animals like the horse and cow, which nowadays could not, except by\na rare accident, be found straying among the corn. This explanation\napplies with peculiar force to the very common case in which the animal\nembodiment of the corn-spirit is believed to lurk in the last standing\ncorn. For at harvest a number of wild animals\u2014hares, rabbits, partridges,\netc.\u2014are commonly driven by the progress of the reaping into the last\npatch of standing corn, and make their escape from it as it is being cut\ndown. So regularly does this happen that reapers and others often stand\nround the last patch of corn armed with sticks or guns, with which they\nkill the animals as they dart out of their last refuge among the corn.\nNow, primitive man, to whom magical changes of shape seem perfectly\ncredible, finds it most natural that the spirit of the corn, driven from\nhis home amongst the corn, should make his escape in the form of the\nanimal which is seen to rush out of the last patch of corn as it falls\nunder the scythe of the reaper. Thus the identification of the corn-spirit\nwith an animal is analogous to the identification of him with a passing\nstranger. As the sudden appearance of a stranger near the harvest-field or\nthreshing-floor is, to the primitive mind, sufficient to identify him as\nthe spirit of the corn escaping from the cut or threshed corn, so the\nsudden appearance of an animal issuing from the cut corn is enough to\nidentify it with the corn-spirit escaping from his ruined home. The two\nidentifications are so analogous that they can hardly be dissociated in\nany attempt to explain them. Those who look to some other principle than\nthe one here suggested for the explanation of the latter identification\nare bound to show that their explanation covers the former identification\nalso.\n\nBut however we may explain it, the fact remains that in peasant folk-lore\nthe corn-spirit is very commonly conceived and represented in animal form.\nMay not this fact explain the relation in which certain animals stood to\nthe ancient deities of vegetation, Dionysus, Demeter, Adonis, Attis, and\nOsiris?\n\nTo begin with Dionysus. We have seen that he was represented sometimes as\na goat and sometimes as a bull. As a goat he can hardly be separated from\nthe minor divinities, the Pans, Satyrs, and Silenuses, all of whom are\nclosely associated with him and are represented more or less completely in\nthe form of goats. Thus, Pan was regularly represented in sculpture and\npainting with the face and legs of a goat.(131) The Satyrs were depicted\nwith pointed goat-ears, and sometimes with sprouting horns and short\ntails.(132) They were sometimes spoken of simply as goats;(133) and in the\ndrama their parts were played by men dressed in goat-skins.(134) Silenus\nis represented in art clad in a goat-skin.(135) Further, the Fauns, the\nItalian counterpart of the Greek Pans and Satyrs, are described as being\nhalf goats, with goat-feet and goat-horns.(136) Again, all these minor\ngoat-formed divinities partake more or less clearly of the character of\nwoodland deities. Thus, Pan was called by the Arcadians the Lord of the\nWood.(137) The Silenuses associated with the tree-nymphs.(138) The Fauns\nare expressly designated as woodland deities;(139) and their character as\nsuch is still further brought out by their association, or even\nidentification, with Silvanus and the Silvanuses, who, as their name of\nitself indicates, are spirits of the woods.(140) Lastly, the association\nof the Satyrs with the Silenuses, Fauns, and Silvanuses,(141) proves that\nthe Satyrs also were woodland deities. These goat-formed spirits of the\nwoods have their counterparts in the folk-lore of Northern Europe. Thus,\nthe Russian wood-spirits, called _Ljeschie_ (from _ljes_, \u201cwood,\u201d) are\nbelieved to appear partly in human shape, but with the horns, ears, and\nlegs of goats. The _Ljeschi_ can alter his stature at pleasure; when he\nwalks in the wood he is as tall as the trees; when he walks in the meadows\nhe is no higher than the grass. Some of the _Ljeschie_ are spirits of the\ncorn as well as of the wood; before harvest they are as tall as the\ncorn-stalks, but after it they shrink to the height of the stubble.(142)\nThis brings out\u2014what we have remarked before\u2014the close connection between\ntree-spirits and corn-spirits, and shows how easily the former may melt\ninto the latter. Similarly the Fauns, though wood-spirits, were believed\nto foster the growth of the crops.(143) We have already seen how often the\ncorn-spirit is represented in folk-custom as a goat.(144) On the whole,\nthen, as Mannhardt argues,(145) the Pans, Satyrs, and Fauns appear to\nbelong to a widely diffused class of wood-spirits conceived in goat-form.\nThe fondness of goats for straying in woods and nibbling the bark of\ntrees\u2014to which it is well known that they are most destructive\u2014is an\nobvious and perhaps sufficient reason why wood-spirits should so often be\nsupposed to take the form of goats. The inconsistency of a god of\nvegetation subsisting upon the vegetation which he personifies is not one\nto strike the primitive mind. Such inconsistencies arise when the deity,\nceasing to be immanent in the vegetation, comes to be regarded as its\nowner or lord; for the idea of owning the vegetation naturally leads to\nthat of subsisting on it. We have already seen that the corn-spirit,\noriginally conceived as immanent in the corn, afterwards comes to be\nregarded as its owner, who lives on it and is reduced to poverty and want\nby being deprived of it.(146)\n\nThus the representation of wood-spirits in goat-form appears to be both\nwidespread and, to the primitive mind, natural. Therefore when we find, as\nwe have done, that Dionysus\u2014a tree-god\u2014is sometimes represented in goat\nform,(147) we can hardly avoid concluding that this representation is\nsimply a part of his proper character as a tree-god and is not to be\nexplained by the fusion of two distinct and independent cults, in one of\nwhich he originally appeared as a tree-god and in the other as a goat. If\nsuch a fusion took place in the case of Dionysus, it must equally have\ntaken place in the case of the Pans and Satyrs of Greece, the Fauns of\nItaly, and the _Ljeschie_ of Russia. That such a fusion of two wholly\ndisconnected cults should have occurred once is possible; that it should\nhave occurred twice independently is improbable; that it should have\noccurred thrice independently is so unlikely as to be practically\nincredible.\n\nDionysus was also represented, as we have seen,(148) in the form of a\nbull. After what has gone before we are naturally led to expect that his\nbull form must have been only another expression for his character as a\ndeity of vegetation, especially as the bull is a common embodiment of the\ncorn-spirit in Northern Europe;(149) and the close association of Dionysus\nwith Demeter and Proserpine in the mysteries of Eleusis shows that he had\nat least strong agricultural affinities. The other possible explanation of\nthe bull-shaped Dionysus would be that the conception of him as a bull was\noriginally entirely distinct from the conception of him as a deity of\nvegetation, and that the fusion of the two conceptions was due to some\nsuch circumstance as the union of two tribes, one of which had previously\nworshipped a bull-god and the other a tree-god. This appears to be the\nview taken by Mr. Andrew Lang, who suggests that the bull-formed Dionysus\n\u201chad either been developed out of, or had succeeded to the worship of a\nbull-totem.\u201d(150) Of course this is possible. But it is not yet certain\nthat the Aryans ever had totemism. On the other hand, it is quite certain\nthat many Aryan peoples have conceived deities of vegetation as embodied\nin animal forms. Therefore when we find amongst an Aryan people like the\nGreeks a deity of vegetation represented as an animal, the presumption\nmust be in favour of explaining this by a principle which is certainly\nknown to have influenced the Aryan race rather than by one which is not\ncertainly known to have done so. In the present state of our knowledge,\ntherefore, it is safer to regard the bull form of Dionysus as being, like\nhis goat form, an expression of his proper character as a deity of\nvegetation.\n\nThe probability of this view will be somewhat increased if it can be shown\nthat in other rites than those of Dionysus the ancients slew an ox as a\nrepresentative of the spirit of vegetation. This they appear to have done\nin the Athenian sacrifice known as \u201cthe murder of the ox\u201d (_bouphonia_).\nIt took place about the end of June or beginning of July, that is, about\nthe time when the threshing is nearly over in Attica. According to\ntradition the sacrifice was instituted to procure a cessation of drought\nand barrenness which had afflicted the land. The ritual was as follows.\nBarley mixed with wheat, or cakes made of them, were laid upon the bronze\naltar of Zeus Polieus on the Acropolis. Oxen were driven round the altar,\nand the ox which went up to the altar and ate the offering on it was\nsacrificed. The axe and knife with which the beast was slain had been\npreviously wetted with water brought by maidens called \u201cwater-carriers.\u201d\nThe weapons were then sharpened and handed to the butchers, one of whom\nfelled the ox with the axe and another cut its throat with the knife. As\nsoon as he had felled the ox, the former threw the axe from him and fled;\nand the man who cut the beast\u2019s throat apparently imitated his example.\nMeantime the ox was skinned and all present partook of its flesh. Then the\nhide was stuffed with straw and sewed up; next the stuffed animal was set\non its feet and yoked to a plough as if it were ploughing. A trial then\ntook place in an ancient law-court presided over by the King (as he was\ncalled) to determine who had murdered the ox. The maidens who had brought\nthe water accused the men who had sharpened the axe and knife; the men who\nhad sharpened the axe and knife blamed the men who had handed these\nimplements to the butchers; the men who had handed the implements to the\nbutchers blamed the butchers; and the butchers laid the blame on the axe\nand knife, which were accordingly found guilty, condemned, and cast into\nthe sea.(151)\n\nThe name of this sacrifice,\u2014\u201cthe _murder_ of the ox,\u201d(152)\u2014the pains taken\nby each person who had a hand in the slaughter to lay the blame on some\none else, together with the formal trial and punishment of the axe or\nknife or both, prove that the ox was here regarded not merely as a victim\noffered to a god, but as itself a sacred creature, the slaughter of which\nwas sacrilege or murder. This is borne out by a statement of Varro that to\nkill an ox was formerly a capital crime in Attica.(153) The mode of\nselecting the victim suggests that the ox which tasted the corn was viewed\nas the corn-deity taking possession of his own. This interpretation is\nsupported by the following custom. In Beauce, in the district of Orleans,\non the 24th or 25th of April they make a straw-man called \u201cthe great\n_mondard_.\u201d For they say that the old _mondard_ is now dead and it is\nnecessary to make a new one. The straw-man is carried in solemn procession\nup and down the village and at last is placed upon the oldest apple-tree.\nThere he remains till the apples are gathered, when he is taken down and\nthrown into the water, or he is burned and his ashes cast into water. But\nthe person who plucks the first fruit from the tree succeeds to the title\nof \u201cthe great _mondard_.\u201d(154). Here the straw figure, called \u201cthe great\n_mondard_\u201d and placed on the apple-tree in spring, represents the spirit\nof the tree, who, dead in winter, revives when the apple-blossoms appear\nin spring. The fact, therefore, that the person who plucks the first fruit\nfrom the apple-tree receives the name of \u201cthe great _mondard_\u201d proves that\nhe is regarded as a representative of the tree-spirit. Primitive peoples\nare, as a rule, reluctant to taste the annual first-fruits of any crop,\nuntil some ceremony has been performed which makes it safe and pious for\nthem to do so. The reason of this reluctance appears to be that the\nfirst-fruits either are the property of, or actually contain, a divinity.\nTherefore when a man or animal is seen boldly to appropriate the sacred\nfirst-fruits, he or it is naturally regarded as the divinity himself in\nhuman or animal form taking possession of his own. The time of the\nAthenian sacrifice\u2014about the close of the threshing\u2014suggests that the\nwheat and barley laid upon the altar were a harvest offering; and the\nsacramental character of the subsequent repast\u2014all partaking of the flesh\nof the divine animal\u2014would make it parallel to the harvest suppers of\nmodern Europe, in which, as we have seen, the flesh of the animal who\nrepresents the corn-spirit is eaten by the harvesters. Again, the\ntradition that the sacrifice was instituted in order to put an end to\ndrought and famine is in favour of taking it as a harvest festival. The\nresurrection of the corn-spirit, represented by setting up the stuffed ox\nand yoking it to the plough, may be compared with the resurrection of the\ntree-spirit in the person of his representative, the Wild Man.(155)\n\nThe ox appears as a representative of the corn-spirit in other parts of\nthe world. At Great Bassam, in Guinea, two oxen are slain annually to\nprocure a good harvest. If the sacrifice is to be effectual, it is\nnecessary that the oxen should weep. So all the women of the village sit\nin front of the beasts, chanting, \u201cThe ox will weep; yes, he will weep!\u201d\nFrom time to time one of the women walks round the beasts, throwing manioc\nmeal or palm wine upon them, especially into their eyes. When tears roll\ndown from the eyes of the oxen, the people dance, singing, \u201cThe ox weeps!\nthe ox weeps!\u201d Then two men seize the tails of the beasts and cut them off\nat one blow. It is believed that a great misfortune will happen in the\ncourse of the year if the tails are not severed at one blow. The oxen are\nafterwards killed, and their flesh is eaten by the chiefs.(156) Here the\ntears of the oxen, like those of the human victims amongst the Khonds, are\nprobably a rain-charm. We have already seen that the virtue of the\ncorn-spirit, embodied in animal form, is sometimes supposed to reside in\nthe tail, and that the last handful of corn is sometimes conceived as the\ntail of the corn-spirit.(157) Still more clearly does the ox appear as a\npersonification of the corn-spirit in a ceremony which is observed in all\nthe provinces and districts of China to welcome the approach of spring. On\nthe first day of spring the governor or prefect of the city goes in\nprocession to the east gate of the city, and sacrifices to the Divine\nHusbandman, who is represented with a bull\u2019s head on the body of a man. A\nlarge effigy of an ox, cow, or buffalo has been prepared for the occasion,\nand stands outside of the east gate, with agricultural implements beside\nit. It is made of differently-coloured pieces of paper pasted on a\nframework either by a blind man or according to the directions of a\nnecromancer. The colours of the paper indicate the character of the coming\nyear; if red prevails, there will be many fires; if white, there will be\nfloods and rain, etc. The mandarins walk slowly round the ox, beating it\nseverely at each step with rods of various colours. It is filled with five\nkinds of grain, which pour forth when the ox is broken by the blows of the\nrods. The paper fragments are then set on fire, and a scramble takes place\nfor the burning fragments, as the people believe that whoever gets one of\nthem is sure to be fortunate throughout the year. A live buffalo is then\nkilled, and its flesh is divided among the mandarins. According to one\naccount, the effigy of the ox is made of clay, and, after being beaten by\nthe governor, is stoned by the people till they break it in pieces, \u201cfrom\nwhich they expect an abundant year.\u201d(158) Here the corn-spirit appears to\nbe plainly represented by the corn-filled ox, whose fragments may\ntherefore be supposed to bring fertility with them. We may compare the\nSilesian spring custom of burning the effigy of Death, scrambling for the\nburning fragments, and burying them in the fields to secure a good crop,\nand the Florentine custom of sawing the Old Woman and scrambling for the\ndried fruits with which she was filled.(159)\n\nOn the whole, then, we may perhaps conclude that both as a goat and as a\nbull Dionysus was essentially a god of vegetation. The Chinese and\nEuropean customs just referred to may perhaps shed light on the custom of\nrending a live bull or goat at the rites of Dionysus. The animal was torn\nin fragments, as the Khond victim was cut in pieces, in order that the\nworshippers might each secure a portion of the life-giving and fertilising\ninfluence of the god. The flesh was eaten raw as a sacrament, and we may\nconjecture that some of it was taken home to be buried in the fields, or\notherwise employed so as to convey to the fruits of the earth the\nquickening influence of the god of vegetation. The resurrection of\nDionysus, related in his myth, may have been represented in his rites by\nstuffing and setting up the slain ox, as was done at the Athenian\n_bouphonia_.\n\nPassing next to the corn-goddess Demeter, and remembering that in European\nfolk-lore the pig is a common embodiment of the corn-spirit,(160) we may\nnow ask, may not the pig, which was so closely associated with Demeter, be\nnothing but the goddess herself in animal form? The pig was sacred to\nher;(161) in art she was represented carrying or accompanied by a\npig;(162) and the pig was regularly sacrificed in her mysteries, the\nreason assigned being that the pig injures the corn and is therefore an\nenemy of the goddess.(163) But after an animal has been conceived as a god\nor a god as an animal, it sometimes happens, as we have seen, that the god\nsloughs off his animal form and becomes purely anthropomorphic; and that\nthen the animal, which at first had been slain in the character of the\ngod, comes to be regarded as a victim offered to the god on the ground of\nits hostility to the deity; in short, that the god is sacrificed to\nhimself on the ground that he is his own enemy. This happened to Dionysus,\nand it may have happened to Demeter also. And in fact the rites of one of\nher festivals, the Thesmophoria, bear out the view that originally the pig\nwas an embodiment of the corn-goddess herself, either Demeter or her\ndaughter and double Proserpine. The Thesmophoria was an autumn festival,\ncelebrated by women alone in October,(164) and appears to have represented\nwith mourning rites the descent of Proserpine (or Demeter)(165) into the\nlower world, and with joy her return from the dead.(166) Hence the name\nDescent or Ascent variously applied to the first, and the name\n_Kalligeneia_ (fair-born) applied to the third day of the festival. Now\nfrom a scholion on Lucian, first edited in 1870,(167) we learn some\ndetails about the mode of celebrating the Thesmophoria, which shed\nimportant light on the part of the festival called the Descent or the\nAscent. The scholiast tells us that it was customary at the Thesmophoria\nto throw pigs, cakes of dough, and branches of pine-trees into \u201cthe chasms\nof Demeter and Proserpine,\u201d which appear to have been sacred caverns or\nvaults.(168) In these caverns or vaults there were said to be serpents,\nwhich guarded the caverns and consumed most of the flesh of the pigs and\ndough-cakes which were thrown in. Afterwards\u2014apparently at the next annual\nfestival(169)\u2014the decayed remains of the pigs, the cakes, and the\npine-branches were fetched by women called \u201cdrawers,\u201d who, after observing\nrules of ceremonial purity for three days, descended into the caverns,\nand, frightening away the serpents by clapping their hands, brought up the\nremains and placed them on the altar. Whoever got a piece of the decayed\nflesh and cakes, and sowed it with the seed-corn in his field, was\nbelieved to be sure of a good crop.\n\nTo explain this rude and ancient rite the following legend was told. At\nthe moment that Pluto carried off Proserpine, a swineherd called Eubuleus\nwas herding his swine on the spot, and his herd was engulfed in the chasm\ndown which Pluto vanished with Proserpine. Accordingly at the Thesmophoria\npigs were annually thrown into caverns in order to commemorate the\ndisappearance of the swine of Eubuleus. It follows from this that the\ncasting of the pigs into the vaults at the Thesmophoria formed part of the\ndramatic representation of Proserpine\u2019s descent into the lower world; and\nas no image of Proserpine appears to have been thrown in, it follows that\nthe descent of the pigs must have been, not an accompaniment of her\ndescent, but the descent itself; in short, the pigs were Proserpine.\nAfterwards when Proserpine or Demeter (for the two are equivalent) became\nanthropomorphic, a reason had to be found for the custom of throwing pigs\ninto caverns at her festival; and this was done by saying that when\nProserpine was carried off, there happened to be some swine browsing near,\nwhich were swallowed up along with her. The story is obviously a forced\nand awkward attempt to bridge over the gulf between the old conception of\nthe corn-spirit as a pig and the new conception of her as an\nanthropomorphic goddess. A trace of the older conception survived in the\nlegend that when Demeter was looking for the lost Proserpine, the\nfootprints of the latter were obliterated by the footprints of a pig;(170)\noriginally, no doubt, the footprints of the pig were the footprints of\nProserpine and of Demeter herself. A consciousness of the intimate\nconnection of the pig with the corn lurks in the tradition that the\nswineherd Eubuleus was a brother of Triptolemus, to whom Demeter first\nimparted the secret of the corn. Indeed, according to one version of the\nstory, Eubuleus himself received, jointly with his brother Triptolemus,\nthe gift of the corn from Demeter as a reward for revealing to her the\nfate of Proserpine.(171) Further, it is to be noted that at the\nThesmophoria the women appear to have eaten swine\u2019s flesh.(172) The meal,\nif I am right, must have been a solemn sacrament or communion, the\nworshippers partaking of the body of the god.\n\nAs thus explained, the Thesmophoria has its analogies in the folk-customs\nof Northern Europe which have been already described. As at the\nThesmophoria\u2014an autumn festival in honour of the corn-goddess\u2014swine\u2019s\nflesh was partly eaten, partly kept in caverns till the following year,\nwhen it was taken up to be sown with the seed-corn in the fields for the\npurpose of securing a good crop; so in the neighbourhood of Grenoble the\ngoat killed on the harvest-field is partly eaten at the harvest supper,\npartly pickled and kept till the next harvest;(173) so at Pouilly the ox\nkilled on the harvest-field is partly eaten by the harvesters, partly\npickled and kept till the first day of sowing in spring(174)\u2014probably to\nbe then mixed with the seed, or eaten by the ploughmen, or both; so at\nUdvarhely the feathers of the cock which is killed in the last sheaf at\nharvest are kept till spring, and then sown with the seed on the\nfield;(175) so in Hessen and Meiningen the flesh of pigs is eaten on Ash\nWednesday or Candlemas, and the bones are kept till sowing-time, when they\nare put into the field sown or mixed with the seed in the bag;(176) so,\nlastly, the corn from the last sheaf is kept till Christmas, made into the\nYule Boar, and afterwards broken and mixed with the seed-corn at sowing in\nspring.(177) Thus, to put it generally, the corn-spirit is killed in\nanimal form in autumn; part of his flesh is eaten as a sacrament by his\nworshippers; and part of it is kept till next sowing-time or harvest as a\npledge and security for the continuance or renewal of the corn-spirit\u2019s\nenergies. Whether in the interval between autumn and spring he is\nconceived as dead, or whether, like the ox in the _bouphonia_, he is\nsupposed to come to life again immediately after being killed, is not\nclear. At the Thesmophoria, according to Clement and Pausanias, as emended\nby Lobeck,(178) the pigs were thrown in alive, and were supposed to\nreappear at the festival of the following year. Here, therefore, if we\naccept Lobeck\u2019s emendations, the corn-spirit is conceived as alive\nthroughout the year; he lives and works under ground, but is brought up\neach autumn to be renewed and then replaced in his subterranean\nabode.(179)\n\nIf it is objected that the Greeks never could have conceived Demeter and\nProserpine to be embodied in the form of pigs, it may be answered that in\nthe cave of Phigalia in Arcadia the Black Demeter was represented with the\nhead and mane of a horse on the body of a woman.(180) Between the\nrepresentation of a goddess as a pig, and the representation of her as a\nwoman with a horse\u2019s head, there is little to choose in respect of\nbarbarism. The legend told of the Phigalian Demeter indicates that the\nhorse was one of the animal forms assumed in ancient Greece, as in modern\nEurope,(181) by the corn-spirit. It was said that in her search for her\ndaughter, Demeter assumed the form of a mare to escape the addresses of\nPoseidon, and that, offended at his importunity, she withdrew to the cave\nof Phigalia. There, robed in black, she stayed so long that the fruits of\nthe earth were perishing, and mankind would have died of famine if Pan had\nnot soothed the angry goddess and persuaded her to quit the cave. In\nmemory of this event, the Phigalians set up an image of the Black Demeter\nin the cave; it represented a woman dressed in a long robe, with the head\nand mane of a horse.(182) The Black Demeter, in whose absence the fruits\nof the earth perish, is plainly a mythical expression for the state of\nvegetation in winter.\n\nPassing now to Attis and Adonis, we may note a few facts which seem to\nshow that these deities of vegetation had also, like other deities of\nvegetation, their animal embodiments. The worshippers of Attis abstained\nfrom eating the flesh of swine.(183) This fact is certainly in favour of\nsupposing that the pig was regarded as an embodiment of Attis. And the\nlegend that Attis was killed by a boar(184) points in the same direction.\nFor after the examples of the goat Dionysus and the pig Demeter it may\nalmost be laid down as a rule that an animal which is said to have injured\na god was originally the god himself. Perhaps the cry of \u201cHyes Attes! Hyes\nAttes!\u201d(185) which was raised by the worshippers of Attis, may be neither\nmore nor less than \u201cPig Attis! Pig Attis!\u201d\u2014_hyes_ being possibly a\nPhrygian form of the Greek _h\u0233s_, \u201ca pig.\u201d\n\nIn regard to Adonis, his connection with the boar was not always explained\nby the story that he was killed by a boar. According to another story, a\nboar rent with his tusk the bark of the tree in which the infant Adonis\nwas born.(186) According to another story, he was killed by Hephaestus on\nMount Lebanon while he was hunting wild boars.(187) These variations in\nthe legend serve to show that, while the connection of the boar with\nAdonis was certain, the reason of the connection was not understood, and\nthat consequently different stories were devised to explain it. Certainly\nthe pig was one of the sacred animals of the Syrians. At the great\nreligious metropolis of Hierapolis pigs were neither sacrificed nor eaten,\nand if a man touched a pig he was unclean for the rest of the day. Some\npeople said this was because the pigs were unclean; others said it was\nbecause the pigs were sacred.(188) This difference of opinion points to a\nstate of religious thought and feeling in which the ideas of sanctity and\nuncleanness are not yet differentiated, and which is best indicated by the\nword taboo. It is quite consistent with this that the pig should have been\nheld to be an embodiment of the divine Adonis, and the analogies of\nDionysus and Demeter make it probable that the story of the hostility of\nthe animal to the god was only a modern misunderstanding of the old view\nof the god as embodied in a pig. The rule that pigs were not sacrificed or\neaten by worshippers of Attis and presumably of Adonis, does not exclude\nthe possibility that in these cults the pig was slain on solemn occasions\nas a representative of the god and consumed sacramentally by the\nworshippers. Indeed, the sacramental killing and eating of an animal, that\nis the killing and eating it as a god, implies that the animal is sacred,\nand is, as a general rule, not killed.(189)\n\nThe attitude of the Jews to the pig was as ambiguous as that of the\nheathen Syrians towards the same animal. The Greeks could not decide\nwhether the Jews worshipped swine or abominated them. On the one hand they\nmight not eat swine; but on the other hand they might not kill them.(190)\nAnd if the former rule speaks for the uncleanness, the latter speaks still\nmore strongly for the sanctity of the animal. For whereas both rules may,\nand one rule must, be explained on the supposition that the pig was\nsacred; neither rule must, and one rule cannot, be explained on the\nsupposition that the pig was unclean. If, therefore, we prefer the former\nsupposition, we must conclude that, originally at least, the pig was held\nto be sacred rather than unclean by the Israelites. This is confirmed by\nthe fact that down to the time of Isaiah some of the Jews used to meet\nsecretly in gardens to eat the flesh of swine and mice as a religious\nrite.(191) Doubtless this was a very ancient rite, dating from a time when\nboth the pig and the mouse were venerated as divine, and when their flesh\nwas partaken of sacramentally on rare and solemn occasions as the body and\nblood of gods. And in general it may be said that all so-called unclean\nanimals were originally sacred; the reason why they were not eaten was\nthat they were divine.\n\nIn ancient Egypt, within historical times, the pig occupied the same\ndubious position as in Syria and Palestine, though at first sight its\nuncleanness is more prominent than its sanctity. The Egyptians are\ngenerally said by Greek writers to have abhorred the pig as a foul and\nloathsome animal.(192) If a man so much as touched a pig in passing, he\nstepped into the river with all his clothes on, to wash off the\ntaint.(193) To drink pig\u2019s milk was believed to cause leprosy to the\ndrinker.(194) Swineherds, though natives of Egypt, were forbidden to enter\nany temple, and they were the only men who were thus excluded. No one\nwould give his daughter in marriage to a swineherd, or marry a swineherd\u2019s\ndaughter; the swineherds married among themselves.(195) Yet once a year\nthe Egyptians sacrificed pigs to the moon and to Osiris, and not only\nsacrificed them, but ate of their flesh, though on any other day of the\nyear they would neither sacrifice them nor taste of their flesh. Those who\nwere too poor to offer a pig on this day baked cakes of dough, and offered\nthem instead.(196) This can hardly be explained except by the supposition\nthat the pig was a sacred animal which was eaten sacramentally by his\nworshippers once a year. The view that in Egypt the pig was a sacred\nanimal is borne out by the very facts which, to moderns, might seem to\nprove the contrary. Thus the Egyptians thought, as we have seen, that to\ndrink pig\u2019s milk produced leprosy. But exactly analogous views are held by\nsavages about the animals and plants which they deem most sacred. Thus in\nthe island of Wetar (between New Guinea and Celebes) people believe\nthemselves to be variously descended from wild pigs, serpents, crocodiles,\nturtles, dogs, and eels; a man may not eat an animal of the kind from\nwhich he is descended; if he does so, he will become a leper, and go\nmad.(197) Amongst the Omaha Indians of North America men whose totem\n(sacred animal or plant) is the elk, believe that if they ate the flesh of\nthe male elk they would break out in boils and white spots in different\nparts of their bodies.(198) In the same tribe men whose totem is the red\nmaize, think that if they ate red maize they would have running sores all\nround their mouths.(199) The Bush negroes of Surinam, who have totemism,\nbelieve that if they ate the _capia\u00ef_ (an animal like a pig) it would give\nthem leprosy;(200) probably the _capia\u00ef_ is one of their totems. In Samoa\neach man had generally his god in the shape of some species of animal; and\nif he ate one of these divine animals, it was supposed that the god\navenged himself by taking up his abode in the eater\u2019s body, and there\ngenerating an animal of the kind he had eaten till it caused his death.\nFor example, if a man whose god was the prickly sea-urchin, ate one of\nthese creatures, a prickly sea-urchin grew in his stomach and killed him.\nIf his god was an eel, and he ate an eel, he became very ill, and before\nhe died the voice of the god was heard from his stomach saying, \u201cI am\nkilling this man; he ate my incarnation.\u201d(201) These examples prove that\nthe eating of a sacred animal is often believed to produce skin-disease or\neven death; so far, therefore, they support the view that the pig must\nhave been sacred in Egypt, since the effect of drinking its milk was\nbelieved to be leprosy.\n\nAgain, the rule that, after touching a pig, a man had to wash himself and\nhis clothes, also favours the view of the sanctity of the pig. For it is a\ncommon belief that the effect of contact with a sacred object must be\nremoved, by washing or otherwise, before a man is free to mingle with his\nfellows. Thus the Jews wash their hands after reading the sacred\nscriptures. Before coming forth from the tabernacle after the\nsin-offering, the high priest had to wash himself, and put off the\ngarments which he had worn in the holy place.(202) It was a rule of Greek\nritual that, in offering an expiatory sacrifice, the sacrificer should not\ntouch the sacrifice, and that, after the offering was made, he must wash\nhis body and his clothes in a river or spring before he could enter a city\nor his own house.(203) The Polynesians felt strongly the need of ridding\nthemselves of the sacred contagion, if it may be so called, which they\ncaught by touching sacred objects. Various ceremonies were performed for\nthe purpose of removing this sacred contagion. For example, in Tonga a man\nwho happened to touch a sacred chief, or anything personally belonging to\nhim, as his clothes or his mat, was obliged to go through the ceremony of\ntouching the soles of the chief\u2019s (or of any chief\u2019s) feet with his hands,\nfirst applying the palm and then the back of each hand; next he had to\nrinse his hands in water, or, if there was no water near, the sap of the\nplantain or banana-tree might be used as a substitute. If he were to feed\nhimself with his hands before he performed this ceremony, it was believed\nthat he would swell up and die, or at least be afflicted with scrofula or\nsome other disease.(204) We have already seen what fatal effects are\nsupposed to follow, and do actually follow, from contact with a sacred\nobject in New Zealand.(205) In short, primitive man believes that what is\nsacred is dangerous; it is pervaded by a sort of electrical sanctity which\ncommunicates a shock to, even if it does not kill, whatever comes in\ncontact with it. Hence the savage is unwilling to touch or even to see\nthat which he deems peculiarly holy. Thus Bechuanas, of the Crocodile\nclan, think it \u201chateful and unlucky\u201d to meet or see a crocodile; the sight\nis thought to cause inflammation of the eyes. Yet the crocodile is their\nmost sacred object; they call it their father, swear by it, and celebrate\nit in their festivals.(206) The goat is the sacred animal of the\nMadenassana Bushmen; yet \u201cto look upon it would be to render the man for\nthe time impure, as well as to cause him undefined uneasiness.\u201d(207) The\nElk clan, among the Omaha Indians, believe that even to touch the male elk\nwould be followed by an eruption of boils and white spots on the\nbody.(208) Members of the Reptile clan in the same tribe think that if one\nof them touches or smells a snake, it will make his hair white.(209) In\nSamoa people whose god was a butterfly believed that if they caught a\nbutterfly it would strike them dead.(210) Again, in Samoa the\nreddish-seared leaves of the banana-tree were commonly used as plates for\nhanding food; but if any member of the Wild Pigeon clan had used banana\nleaves for this purpose, it was believed that he would have suffered from\nrheumatic swellings or an eruption all over the body like\nchicken-pox.(211)\n\nIn the light of these parallels the beliefs and customs of the Egyptians\ntouching the pig are probably to be explained as based upon an opinion of\nthe extreme sanctity rather than of the extreme uncleanness of the animal;\nor rather, to put it more correctly, they imply that the animal was looked\non, not simply as a filthy and disgusting creature, but as a being endowed\nwith high supernatural powers, and that as such it was regarded with that\nprimitive sentiment of religious awe and fear in which the feelings of\nreverence and abhorrence are almost equally blended. The ancients\nthemselves seem to have been aware that there was another side to the\nhorror with which swine seemed to inspire the Egyptians. For the Greek\nastronomer and mathematician Eudoxus, who resided fourteen months in Egypt\nand conversed with the priests,(212) was of opinion that the Egyptians\nspared the pig, not out of abhorrence, but from a regard to its utility in\nagriculture; for, according to him, when the Nile had subsided, herds of\nswine were turned loose over the fields to tread the seed down into the\nmoist earth.(213) But when a being is thus the object of mixed and\nimplicitly contradictory feelings, he may be said to occupy a position of\nunstable equilibrium. In course of time one of the contradictory feelings\nis likely to prevail over the other, and according as the feeling which\nfinally predominates is that of reverence or abhorrence, the being who is\nthe object of it will rise into a god or sink into a devil. The latter, on\nthe whole, was the fate of the pig in Egypt. For in historical times the\nfear and horror of the pig seem certainly to have outweighed the reverence\nand worship of which he must once have been the object, and of which, even\nin his fallen state, he never quite lost trace. He came to be looked on as\nan embodiment of Set or Typhon, the Egyptian devil and enemy of Osiris.\nFor it was in the shape of a boar that Typhon menaced the eye of the god\nHorus, who burned him and instituted the sacrifice of the pig, the sun-god\nRa having declared the pig abominable.(214) Again, the story that Typhon\nwas hunting a boar when he discovered and mangled the body of Osiris, and\nthat this was the reason why the pig was sacrificed once a year,(215) is a\ntransparent modernisation of an older story that Osiris, like Adonis and\nAttis, was slain or mangled by a boar, or by Typhon in the form of a boar.\nThus, the annual sacrifice of a pig to Osiris might naturally be\ninterpreted as vengeance inflicted on the hostile animal that had slain or\nmangled the god. But, in the first place, when an animal is thus killed as\na solemn sacrifice once and once only in the year, it generally or always\nmeans that the animal is divine\u2014that he is spared and respected the rest\nof the year as a god and slain, when he is slain, also in the character of\na god.(216) In the second place, the examples of Dionysus and Demeter, if\nnot of Attis and Adonis, have taught us that the animal which is\nsacrificed to a god on the ground that he is the god\u2019s enemy may have\nbeen, and probably was, originally the god himself. Therefore, the fact\nthat the pig was sacrificed once a year to Osiris, and the fact that he\nappears to have been sacrificed on the ground that he was the god\u2019s enemy,\ngo to show, first, that originally the pig was a god, and, second, that he\nwas Osiris. At a later age the pig was distinguished from Osiris when the\nlatter became anthropomorphic and his original relation to the pig was\nforgotten; later still, the pig was opposed as an enemy to Osiris by\nmythologists who could think of no reason for killing an animal in\nconnection with the worship of a god except that the animal was the god\u2019s\nenemy; or, as Plutarch puts it, not that which is dear to the gods, but\nthat which is the contrary, is fit to be sacrificed.(217) At this later\nstage the havoc which a wild boar notoriously makes amongst the corn would\nsupply a plausible reason for regarding him as an enemy of the\ncorn-spirit, though originally, if I am right, the very fact that the boar\nwas found ranging at will through the corn was the reason for identifying\nhim with the corn-spirit, to whom he was afterwards opposed as an enemy.\nThe view which identifies the pig with Osiris derives not a little support\nfrom the fact that the day on which the pigs were sacrificed to him was\nthe day on which, according to tradition, Osiris was killed;(218) for thus\nthe killing of the pig was the annual representation of the killing of\nOsiris, just as the throwing of the pigs into the caverns at the\nThesmophoria was an annual representation of the descent of Proserpine\ninto the lower world; and both customs are parallel to the European\npractice of killing a goat, cock, etc., at harvest as a representative of\nthe corn-spirit.\n\nAgain, the view that the pig, originally Osiris himself, afterwards came\nto be regarded as an embodiment of his enemy Typhon, is supported by the\nsimilar relation of red-haired men and red oxen to Typhon. For in regard\nto the red-haired men who were burned and whose ashes were scattered with\nwinnowing-fans, we have seen fair grounds for believing that originally,\nlike the red-haired puppies killed at Rome in spring, they were\nrepresentatives of the corn-spirit himself, that is, of Osiris, and were\nslain for the express purpose of making the corn turn red or golden.\n\nYet at a later time these men were explained to be representatives, not of\nOsiris, but of his enemy Typhon,(219) and the killing of them was regarded\nas an act of vengeance inflicted on the enemy of the god. Similarly, the\nred oxen sacrificed by the Egyptians were said to be sacrificed on the\nground of their resemblance to Typhon;(220) though it is more likely that\noriginally they were slain on the ground of their resemblance to the\ncorn-spirit Osiris. We have seen that the ox is a common representative of\nthe corn-spirit and is slain as such on the harvest-field.\n\nOsiris was regularly identified with the bull Apis of Memphis and the bull\nMnevis of Heliopolis.(221) But it is hard to say whether these bulls were\nembodiments of him as the corn-spirit, as the red oxen appear to have\nbeen, or whether they were not rather entirely distinct deities which got\nfused with Osiris by syncretism. The fact that these two bulls were\nworshipped by _all_ the Egyptians,(222) seems to put them on a different\nfooting from the ordinary sacred animals whose cults were purely local.\nHence, if the latter were evolved from totems, as they probably were, some\nother origin would have to be found for the worship of Apis and Mnevis. If\nthese bulls were not originally embodiments of the corn-god Osiris, they\nmay possibly be descendants of the sacred cattle worshipped by a pastoral\npeople.(223) If this were so, ancient Egypt would exhibit a stratification\nof the three great types of religion corresponding to the three great\nstages of society. Totemism or (roughly speaking) the worship of wild\nanimals\u2014the religion of society in the hunting stage\u2014would be represented\nby the worship of the local sacred animals; the worship of cattle\u2014the\nreligion of society in the pastoral stage\u2014would be represented by the\ncults of Apis and Mnevis; and the worship of cultivated plants, especially\nof corn\u2014the religion of society in the agricultural stage\u2014would be\nrepresented by the worship of Osiris and Isis. The Egyptian reverence for\ncows, which were never killed,(224) might belong either to the second or\nthird of these stages. The fact that cows were regarded as sacred to, that\nis, as embodiments of Isis, who was represented with cow\u2019s horns, would\nindicate that they, like the red oxen, were embodiments of the\ncorn-spirit. However, this identification of Isis with the cow, like that\nof Osiris with the bulls Apis and Mnevis, may be only an effect of\nsyncretism. But whatever the original relation of Apis to Osiris may have\nbeen, there is one fact about the former which ought not to be passed over\nin a chapter dealing with the custom of killing the god. Although the bull\nApis was worshipped as a god with much pomp and profound reverence, he was\nnot suffered to live beyond a certain length of time which was prescribed\nby the sacred books, and on the expiry of which he was drowned in a holy\nspring.(225) The limit, according to Plutarch, was twenty-five years;(226)\nbut it cannot always have been enforced, for the tombs of the Apis bulls\nhave been discovered in the present century, and from the inscriptions on\nthem it appears that in the twenty-second dynasty two bulls lived more\nthan twenty-six years.(227)\n\nWe are now in a position to hazard a conjecture\u2014for it can be little\nmore\u2014as to the meaning of the tradition that Virbius, the first of the\ndivine Kings of the Wood at Aricia, was killed by horses. Having found,\nfirst, that spirits of vegetation are not infrequently represented in the\nform of horses;(228) and, second, that the animal which in later legends\nis said to have injured the god was sometimes originally the god himself,\nwe may conjecture that the horses by which Virbius was said to have been\nslain were really embodiments of him as a deity of vegetation. The myth\nthat Virbius had been killed by horses was probably invented to explain\ncertain features in his cult, amongst others the custom of excluding\nhorses from his sacred grove. For myth changes while custom remains\nconstant; men continue to do what their fathers did before them, though\nthe reasons on which their fathers acted have been long forgotten. The\nhistory of religion is a long attempt to reconcile old custom with new\nreason; to find a sound theory for an absurd practice. In the case before\nus we may be sure that the myth is more modern than the custom and by no\nmeans represents the original reason for excluding horses from the grove.\nFrom the fact that horses were so excluded it might be inferred that they\ncould not be the sacred animals or embodiments of the god of the grove.\nBut the inference would be rash. The goat was at one time a sacred animal\nor embodiment of Athene, as may be inferred from the practice of\nrepresenting her clad in a goat-skin (_aegis_). Yet the goat was neither\nsacrificed to her as a rule, nor allowed to enter her great sanctuary, the\nAcropolis at Athens. The reason alleged for this was that the goat injured\nthe olive, the sacred tree of Athene.(229) So far, therefore, the relation\nof the goat to Athene is parallel to the relation of the horse to Virbius,\nboth animals being excluded from the sanctuary on the ground of injury\ndone by them to the god. But from Varro we learn that there was an\nexception to the rule which excluded the goat from the Acropolis. Once a\nyear, he says, the goat was driven on to the Acropolis for a necessary\nsacrifice.(230) Now, as has been remarked before, when an animal is\nsacrificed once and once only in the year, it is probably slain, not as a\nvictim offered to the god, but as a representative of the god himself.\nTherefore we may infer that if a goat was sacrificed on the Acropolis once\na year, it was sacrificed in the character of Athene herself; and it may\nbe conjectured that the skin of the sacrificed animal was placed on the\nstatue of the goddess and formed the _aegis_, which would thus be renewed\nannually. Similarly at Thebes in Egypt rams were sacred and were not\nsacrificed. But on one day in the year a ram was killed, and its skin was\nplaced on the statue of the god Ammon.(231) Now, if we knew the ritual of\nthe Arician grove better, we might find the rule of excluding horses from\nit, like the rule of excluding goats from the Acropolis at Athens, was\nsubject to an annual exception, a horse being once a year taken into the\ngrove and sacrificed as an embodiment of the god Virbius. By the usual\nmisunderstanding the horse thus killed would come in time to be regarded\nas an enemy offered up in sacrifice to the god whom he had injured, like\nthe pig which was sacrificed to Demeter and Osiris or the goat which was\nsacrificed to Athene and Dionysus. It is so easy for a writer to record a\nrule without noticing an exception that we need not wonder at finding the\nrule of the Arician grove recorded without any mention of an exception\nsuch as I suppose. If we had had only the statements of Athenaeus and\nPliny, we should have known only the rule which forbade the sacrifice of\ngoats to Athene and excluded them from the Acropolis, without being aware\nof the important exception which the fortunate preservation of Varro\u2019s\nwork has revealed to us.\n\nThe conjecture that once a year a horse may have been sacrificed in the\nArician grove as a representative of the deity of the grove derives some\nsupport from the fact that a horse sacrifice of a similar character took\nplace once a year at Rome. On the 15th of October in each year a\nchariot-race took place on the Field of Mars. The right-hand horse of the\nvictorious team was sacrificed to Mars by being stabbed with a spear. The\nobject of the sacrifice was to ensure good crops. The animal\u2019s head was\ncut off and adorned with a string of loaves. The inhabitants of two\nwards\u2014the Sacred Way and the Subura\u2014then contended with each other who\nshould get the head. If the people of the Sacred Way got it, they fastened\nit to a wall of the king\u2019s house; if the people of the Subura got it, they\nfastened it to the Mamilian tower. The horse\u2019s tail was cut off and\ncarried to the king\u2019s house with such speed that the blood dripped on the\nhearth of the house.(232) Further, it appears that the blood of the horse\nwas caught and preserved till the 21st of April, when it was mixed by the\nVestal virgins with the blood of the unborn calves which had been\nsacrificed six days before. The mixture was then distributed to shepherds,\nand used by them for fumigating their flocks.(233)\n\nIn this ceremony the decoration of the horse\u2019s head with a string of\nloaves, and the alleged object of the sacrifice, namely, to procure a good\nharvest, clearly indicate that the horse was killed as one of those animal\nrepresentatives of the corn-spirit of which we have seen so many examples.\nThe custom of cutting off the horse\u2019s tail is like the African custom of\ncutting off the tails of the oxen and sacrificing them to obtain a good\ncrop.(234) In both the Roman and the African custom the animal represents\nthe corn-spirit; and its fructifying power is supposed to reside\nespecially in its tail. The latter idea occurs, as we have seen, in\nEuropean folk-lore.(235) Again, the custom of fumigating the cattle in\nspring with the blood of the horse may be compared with the custom of\ngiving the Maiden as fodder to the cattle at Christmas, and giving the\nYule Boar to the ploughing oxen or horses to eat in spring.(236) All these\ncustoms aim at ensuring the blessing of the corn-spirit on the homestead\nand its inmates and storing it up for another year.\n\nThe Roman sacrifice of the October horse, as it was called, carries us\nback to the early days when the Subura, afterwards a low and crowded\nquarter of the great metropolis, was still a separate village, whose\ninhabitants engaged in a friendly contest on the harvest-field with their\nneighbours of Rome, then a little rural town. The Field of Mars on which\nthe ceremony took place lay beside the Tiber, and formed part of the\nking\u2019s domain down to the abolition of the monarchy. For tradition ran\nthat at the time when the last of the kings was driven from Rome, the corn\nstood ripe for the sickle on the crown lands beside the river; but no one\nwould eat the accursed grain and it was flung into the river in such heaps\nthat, the water being low with the summer heat, it formed the nucleus of\nan island.(237) The horse sacrifice was thus an old autumn custom observed\nupon the king\u2019s corn-fields at the end of the harvest. The tail and blood\nof the horse, as the chief parts of the corn-spirit\u2019s representative, were\ntaken to the king\u2019s house and kept there; just as in Germany the\nharvest-cock is nailed on the gable or over the door of the farmhouse; and\nas the last sheaf, in the form of the Maiden, is carried home and kept\nover the fireplace in the Highlands of Scotland. Thus the blessing of the\ncorn-spirit was brought to the king\u2019s house and hearth and, through them,\nto the community of which he was the head. Similarly in the spring and\nautumn customs of Northern Europe the May-pole is sometimes set up in\nfront of the house of the mayor or burgomaster, and the last sheaf at\nharvest is brought to him as the head of the village. But while the tail\nand blood fell to the king, the neighbouring village of the Subura, which\nno doubt once had a similar ceremony of its own, was gratified by being\nallowed to compete for the prize of the horse\u2019s head. The Mamilian tower\nto which the Suburans nailed the horse\u2019s head when they succeeded in\ncarrying it off, appears to have been a peel-tower or keep of the old\nMamilian family, the magnates of the village.(238) The ceremony thus\nperformed on the king\u2019s fields and at his house on behalf of the whole\ntown and of the neighbouring village presupposes a time when each commune\nperformed a similar ceremony on its own fields. In the rural districts of\nLatium the villages may have continued to observe the custom, each on its\nown land, long after the Roman hamlets had merged their separate\nharvest-homes in the common celebration on the king\u2019s lands.(239) There is\nno intrinsic improbability in the supposition that the sacred grove of\nAricia, like the Field of Mars at Rome, may have been the scene of a\ncommon harvest celebration, at which a horse was sacrificed with the same\nrude rites on behalf of the neighbouring villages. The horse would\nrepresent the fructifying spirit both of the tree and of the corn, for the\ntwo ideas melt into each other, as we see in customs like the Harvest-May.\n\n\n\n\n\u00a7 11.\u2014Eating the god.\n\n\nWe have now seen that the corn-spirit is represented sometimes in human,\nsometimes in animal form, and that in both cases he is killed in the\nperson of his representative and eaten sacramentally. To find examples of\nactually killing the human representative of the corn-spirit we had of\ncourse to go to savage races; but the harvest suppers of our European\npeasants have furnished unmistakable examples of the sacramental eating of\nanimals as representatives of the corn-spirit. But further, as might have\nbeen anticipated, the new corn is itself eaten sacramentally, that is, as\nthe body of the corn-spirit. In Wermland, Sweden, the farmer\u2019s wife uses\nthe grain of the last sheaf to bake a loaf in the shape of a little girl;\nthis loaf is divided amongst the whole household and eaten by them.(240)\nHere the loaf represents the corn-spirit conceived as a maiden; just as in\nScotland the corn-spirit is similarly conceived and represented by the\nlast sheaf made up in the form of a woman and bearing the name of the\nMaiden. As usual, the corn-spirit is believed to reside in the last sheaf;\nand to eat a loaf made from the last sheaf is, therefore, to eat the\ncorn-spirit itself. Similarly at La Palisse in France a man made of dough\nis hung upon the fir-tree which is carried on the last harvest-waggon. The\ntree and the dough-man are taken to the mayor\u2019s house and kept there till\nthe vintage is over. Then the close of the harvest is celebrated by a\nfeast at which the mayor breaks the dough-man in pieces and gives the\npieces to the people to eat.(241)\n\nIn these examples the corn-spirit is represented and eaten in human shape.\nIn other cases, though the new corn is not baked in loaves of human shape,\nstill the solemn ceremonies with which it is eaten suffice to indicate\nthat it is partaken of sacramentally, that is, as the body of the\ncorn-spirit. For example, the following ceremonies used to be observed by\nLithuanian peasants at eating the new corn. When the harvest and the\nsowing of the new corn were over, each farmer held a festival called\nSabarios, that is, \u201cthe mixing or throwing together.\u201d He took a handful of\neach kind of grain\u2014wheat, barley, oats, flax, beans, lentils, etc.; and\neach handful he divided into three parts. The twenty-seven portions of\neach grain were then thrown on a heap and all mixed up together. The grain\nused had to be the grain which was first threshed and winnowed and which\nhad been set aside and kept for this purpose. A part of the grain thus\nmixed was used to bake little loaves, one for each of the household; the\nrest was mixed with more barley or oats and made into beer. The first beer\nbrewed from this mixture was for the drinking of the farmer, his wife, and\nchildren; the second brew was for the servants. The beer being ready, the\nfarmer chose an evening when no stranger was expected. Then he knelt down\nbefore the barrel of beer, drew a jugful of the liquor and poured it on\nthe bung of the barrel, saying, \u201cO fruitful earth, make rye and barley and\nall kinds of corn to flourish.\u201d Next he took the jug to the parlour, where\nhis wife and children awaited him. On the floor of the parlour lay bound a\nblack or white or speckled (not a red) cock and a hen of the same colour\nand of the same brood, which must have been hatched within the year. Then\nthe farmer knelt down, with the jug in his hand, and thanked God for the\nharvest and prayed for a good crop next year. Then all lifted up their\nhands and said, \u201cO God, and thou, O earth, we give you this cock and hen\nas a free-will offering.\u201d With that the farmer killed the fowls with the\nblows of a wooden spoon, for he might not cut their heads off. After the\nfirst prayer and after killing each of the birds he poured out a third of\nthe beer. Then his wife boiled the fowls in a new pot which had never been\nused before. A bushel was then set, bottom upwards, on the floor, and on\nit were placed the little loaves mentioned above and the boiled fowls.\nNext the new beer was fetched, together with a ladle and three mugs, none\nof which was used except on this occasion. When the farmer had ladled the\nbeer into the mugs, the family knelt down round the bushel. The father\nthen uttered a prayer and drank off the three mugs of beer. The rest\nfollowed his example. Then the loaves and the flesh of the fowls were\neaten, after which the beer went round again, till every one had emptied\neach of the three mugs nine times. None of the food should remain over;\nbut if anything did happen to be left, it was consumed next morning with\nthe same ceremonies. The bones were then given to the dog to eat; if he\ndid not eat them all up, the remains were buried under the dung in the\ncattle-stall. This ceremony was observed at the beginning of December. On\nthe day on which it occurred no bad word might be spoken.(242)\n\nSuch was the custom about two hundred years ago. At the present day in\nLithuania, when new potatoes or loaves made from the new corn are being\neaten, all the people at table pull each other\u2019s hair.(243) The meaning of\nthe latter custom is obscure, but a similar custom was certainly observed\nby the heathen Lithuanians at their solemn sacrifices.(244) Many of the\nEsthonians of the island of Oesel will not eat bread baked of the new corn\ntill they have first taken a bite at a piece of iron.(245) The iron is\nhere plainly a charm, intended to render harmless the spirit that is in\nthe corn.(246) In Sutherlandshire at the present day, when the new\npotatoes are dug all the family must taste them, otherwise \u201cthe spirits in\nthem [the potatoes] take offence, and the potatoes would not keep.\u201d(247)\nIn one part of Yorkshire it is still the custom for the clergyman to cut\nthe first corn; and my informant believes that the corn so cut is used to\nmake the communion bread.(248) If the latter part of the custom is\ncorrectly reported (and analogy is all in its favour), it shows how the\nChristian communion has absorbed within itself a sacrament which is\ndoubtless far older than Christianity.\n\nAt the close of the rice harvest in Boeroe, East Indies, each clan\n(_fenna_) meets at a common sacramental meal, to which every member of the\nclan is bound to contribute a little of the new rice. This meal is called\n\u201ceating the soul of the rice,\u201d a name which clearly indicates the\nsacramental character of the repast. Some of the rice is also set apart\nand offered to the spirits.(249) Amongst the Alfoers of Celebes the priest\nsows the first rice-seed and plucks the first ripe rice in each field.\nThis rice he roasts and grinds into meal, and gives some of it to each of\nthe household.(250) Shortly before the rice harvest in Bolang Mongondo,\nCelebes, an offering is made of a small pig or a fowl. Then the priest\nplucks a little rice, first on his own field and then on those of his\nneighbours. All the rice thus plucked by him he dries along with his own,\nand then gives it back to the respective owners, who have it ground and\nboiled. When it is boiled the women take it back, with an egg, to the\npriest, who offers the egg in sacrifice and returns the rice to the women.\nOf this rice every member of the family, down to the youngest child, must\npartake. After this ceremony every one is free to get in his rice.(251)\nAmongst the Burghers, a tribe of the Neilgherry Hills in Southern India,\nthe first handful of seed is sown and the first sheaf reaped by a\nCurumbar\u2014a man of a different tribe, whom the Burghers regard as\nsorcerers. The grain contained in the first sheaf \u201cis that day reduced to\nmeal, made into cakes, and, being offered as a first-fruit oblation, is,\ntogether with the remainder of the sacrificed animal, partaken of by the\nBurgher and the whole of his family as the meat of a federal offering and\nsacrifice.\u201d(252)\n\nAmongst the Coorgs of Southern India the man who is to cut the first sheaf\nof rice at harvest is chosen by an astrologer. At sunset the whole\nhousehold takes a hot bath and then goes to the rice-field, where the\nchosen reaper cuts an armful of rice with a new sickle, and distributes\ntwo or more stalks to all present. Then all return to the threshing-floor.\nA bundle of leaves is adorned with a stalk of rice and fastened to the\npost in the centre of the threshing-floor. Enough of the new rice is now\nthreshed, cleaned, and ground to provide flour for the dough cakes which\neach member of the household is to eat. Then they go to the door of the\nhouse, where the mistress washes the feet of the sheaf-cutter, and\npresents to him, and after him to all the rest, a brass vessel full of\nmilk, honey, and sugar, from which each person takes a draught. Then the\nman who cut the sheaf kneads a cake of rice meal, plantains, milk, honey,\nseven new rice corns, seven pieces of cocoa-nut, etc. Every one receives a\nlittle of this cake on an Ashvatha leaf, and eats it. The ceremony is then\nover and the sheaf-cutter mixes with the company. When he was engaged in\ncutting the rice no one might touch him.(253) Among the Hindoos of\nSouthern India the eating of the new rice is the occasion of a family\nfestival called Pongol. The new rice is boiled in a new pot on a fire\nwhich is kindled at noon on the day when, according to Hindoo astrologers,\nthe sun enters the tropic of Capricorn. The boiling of the pot is watched\nwith great anxiety by the whole family, for as the milk boils, so will the\ncoming year be. If the milk boils rapidly, the year will be prosperous;\nbut it will be the reverse if the milk boils slowly. Some of the new\nboiled rice is offered to the image of Ganesa; then every one partakes of\nit.(254) At Gilgit, in the Hindoo Koosh, before wheat-harvest begins, a\nmember of every household gathers a handful of ears of corn secretly at\ndusk. A few of the ears are hung up over the door of the house, and the\nrest are roasted next morning, and eaten steeped in milk. The day is spent\nin rejoicings, and next morning the harvest begins.(255)\n\nThe ceremony of eating the new yams at Onitsha, on the Quorra River,\nGuinea, is thus described: \u201cEach headman brought out six yams, and cut\ndown young branches of palm-leaves and placed them before his gate,\nroasted three of the yams, and got some kola-nuts and fish. After the yam\nis roasted, the _Libia_, or country doctor, takes the yam, scrapes it with\na sort of meal, and divides it into halves; he then takes one piece, and\nplaces it on the lips of the person who is going to eat the new yam. The\neater then blows up the steam from the hot yam, and afterwards pokes the\nwhole into his mouth, and says, \u2018I thank God for being permitted to eat\nthe new yam;\u2019 he then begins to chew it heartily, with fish\nlikewise.\u201d(256) Amongst the Kafirs of Natal and Zululand, no one may eat\nof the new fruits till after a festival which marks the beginning of the\nKafir year. All the people assemble at the king\u2019s kraal, where they feast\nand dance. Before they separate the \u201cdedication of the people\u201d takes\nplace. Various fruits of the earth, as corn, mealies, and pumpkins, mixed\nwith the flesh of a sacrificed animal and with \u201cmedicine,\u201d are boiled in\ngreat pots, and a little of this food is placed in each man\u2019s mouth by the\nking himself. After thus partaking of the sanctified fruits, a man is\nhimself sanctified for the whole year, and may immediately get in his\ncrops.(257)\n\nAmongst the Creek Indians of North America, the _busk_ or festival of\nfirst-fruits was the chief ceremony of the year.(258) It was held in July\nor August, when the corn was ripe, and marked the end of the old year and\nthe beginning of the new one. Before it took place none of the Indians\nwould eat or even handle any part of the new harvest. Sometimes each town\nhad its own busk; sometimes several towns united to hold one in common.\nBefore celebrating the busk, the people provided themselves with new\nclothes and new household utensils and furniture; they collected their old\nclothes and rubbish, together with all the remaining grain and other old\nprovisions, cast them together in one common heap, and consumed them with\nfire.(259) As a preparation for the ceremony, all the fires in the village\nwere extinguished, and the ashes swept clean away. In particular, the\nhearth or altar of the temple was dug up and the ashes carried out. Then\nthe chief priest put some roots of the button-snake plant, with some green\ntobacco leaves and a little of the new fruits, at the bottom of the\nfireplace, which he afterwards ordered to be covered up with white clay,\nand wetted over with clean water. A thick arbour of green branches of\nyoung trees was then made over the altar.(260) Meanwhile the women at home\nwere cleaning out their houses, renewing the old hearths, and scouring all\nthe cooking vessels that they might be ready to receive the new fire and\nthe new fruits.(261) The public or sacred square was carefully swept of\neven the smallest crumbs of previous feasts, \u201cfor fear of polluting the\nfirst-fruit offerings.\u201d Also every vessel that had contained or had been\nused about any food during the expiring year was removed from the temple\nbefore sunset. Then all the men who were not known to have violated the\nlaw of the first-fruit offering and that of marriage during the year were\nsummoned by a crier to enter the holy square and observe a solemn fast.\nBut the women (except six old ones), the children, and all who had not\nattained the rank of warriors were forbidden to enter the square.\nSentinels were also posted at the corners of the square to keep out all\npersons deemed impure and all animals. A strict fast was then observed for\ntwo nights and a day, the devotees drinking a bitter decoction of\nbutton-snake root \u201cin order to vomit and purge their sinful bodies.\u201d That\nthe people outside the square might also be purified, one of the old men\nlaid down a quantity of green tobacco at a corner of the square; this was\ncarried off by an old woman and distributed to the people without, who\nchewed and swallowed it \u201cin order to afflict their souls.\u201d During this\ngeneral fast, the women, children, and men of weak constitution were\nallowed to eat after mid-day, but not before. On the morning when the fast\nended, the women brought a quantity of the old year\u2019s food to the outside\nof the sacred square. These provisions were then brought in and set before\nthe famished multitude, but all traces of them had to be removed before\nnoon. When the sun was declining from the meridian, all the people were\ncommanded by the voice of a crier to stay within doors, to do no bad act,\nand to be sure to extinguish and throw away every spark of the old fire.\nUniversal silence now reigned. Then the high priest made the new fire by\nthe friction of two pieces of wood, and placed it on the altar under the\ngreen arbour. This new fire was believed to atone for all past crimes\nexcept murder. Then a basket of new fruits was brought; the high priest\ntook out a little of each sort of fruit, rubbed it with bear\u2019s oil, and\noffered it, together with some flesh, \u201cto the bountiful holy spirit of\nfire, as a first-fruit offering, and an annual oblation for sin.\u201d He also\nconsecrated the sacred emetics (the button-snake root and the cassina or\nblack-drink) by pouring a little of them into the fire. The persons who\nhad remained outside now approached, without entering, the sacred square;\nand the chief priest thereupon made a speech, exhorting the people to\nobserve their old rites and customs, announcing that the new divine fire\nhad purged away the sins of the past year, and earnestly warning the women\nthat, if any of them had not extinguished the old fire, or had contracted\nany impurity, they must forthwith depart, \u201clest the divine fire should\nspoil both them and the people.\u201d Some of the new fire was then laid down\noutside the holy square; the women carried it home joyfully, and laid it\non their unpolluted hearths. When several towns had united to celebrate\nthe festival, the new fire might thus be carried for several miles. The\nnew fruits were then dressed on the new fires and eaten with bear\u2019s oil,\nwhich was deemed indispensable. At one point of the festival the men\nrubbed the new corn between their hands, then on their faces and\nbreasts.(262) During the festival which followed, the warriors, dressed in\ntheir wild martial array, their heads covered with white down and carrying\nwhite feathers in their hands, danced round the sacred arbour, under which\nburned the new fire. The ceremonies lasted eight days, during which the\nstrictest continence was practised. Towards the conclusion of the festival\nthe warriors fought a mock battle; then the men and women together, in\nthree circles, danced round the sacred fire. Lastly, all the people\nsmeared themselves with white clay and bathed in running water. They came\nout of the water \u201cbelieving themselves out of the reach of temporal evil\nfor their past vicious conduct.\u201d So they departed in joy and peace.\n\nThe solemn preparations thus made for eating the new corn prove that it\nwas eaten as a sacrament. In the Boeroe and Creek customs, this sacrament\nis combined with a sacrifice, and in course of time the sacrifice of\nfirst-fruits tends to throw the sacrament into the shade, if not to\nsupersede it. The mere fact of having offered the first-fruits to the gods\nor ancestral spirits comes now to be thought a sufficient preparation for\neating the new corn; the gods having received their share, man is free to\nenjoy the rest. This mode of viewing the new fruits implies that they are\nregarded no longer as themselves instinct with divine life, but merely as\na gift bestowed by the gods upon man, who is bound to express his\ngratitude and homage to his divine benefactors by presenting them with a\nportion of the fruits of the earth. But with sacrifice, as distinct from\nsacrament, we are not here concerned.(263)\n\nThe custom of eating bread sacramentally as the body of a god was\npractised by the Aztecs before the discovery and conquest of Mexico by the\nSpaniards. Twice a year, in May and December, an image of the great\nMexican god Huitzilopochtli or Vitzilipuztli was made of dough, then\nbroken in pieces, and solemnly eaten by his worshippers. The May ceremony\nis thus described by the historian Acosta. \u201cTwo daies before this feast,\nthe virgins whereof I have spoken (the which were shut up and secluded in\nthe same temple and were as it were religious women) did mingle a\nquantitie of the seede of beetes with roasted Mays [maize], and then they\ndid mould it with honie, making an idol of that paste in bignesse like to\nthat of wood, putting insteede of eyes graines of greene glasse, of blue\nor white; and for teeth graines of Mays set forth with all the ornament\nand furniture that I have said. This being finished, all the Noblemen came\nand brought it an exquisite and rich garment, like unto that of the idol,\nwherewith they did attyre it. Being thus clad and deckt, they did set it\nin an azured chaire and in a litter to carry it on their shoulders. The\nmorning of this feast being come, an houre before day all the maidens came\nforth attired in white, with new ornaments, the which that day were called\nthe Sisters of their god Vitzilipuztli, they came crowned with garlands of\nMays rosted and parched, being like unto azahar or the flower of orange;\nand about their neckes they had great chaines of the same, which went\nbauldricke-wise under their left arme. Their cheekes were died with\nvermillion, their armes from the elbow to the wrist were covered with red\nparrots\u2019 feathers.\u201d Young men, crowned like the virgins with maize, then\ncarried the idol in its litter to the foot of the great pyramid-shaped\ntemple, up the steep and narrow steps of which it was drawn to the music\nof flutes, trumpets, cornets, and drums. \u201cWhile they mounted up the idoll\nall the people stoode in the Court with much reverence and feare. Being\nmounted to the top, and that they had placed it in a little lodge of roses\nwhich they held readie, presently came the yong men, which strawed many\nflowers of sundrie kindes, wherewith they filled the temple both within\nand without. This done, all the virgins came out of their convent,\nbringing peeces of paste compounded of beetes and rosted Mays, which was\nof the same paste whereof their idol was made and compounded, and they\nwere of the fashion of great bones. They delivered them to the yong men,\nwho carried them up and laide them at the idoll\u2019s feete, wherewith they\nfilled the whole place that it could receive no more. They called these\nmorcells of paste the flesh and bones of Vitzilipuztli.\u201d Then the priests\ncame in their robes of office, \u201cand putting themselves in order about\nthese morsells and peeces of paste, they used certaine ceremonies with\nsinging and dauncing. By means whereof they were blessed and consecrated\nfor the flesh and bones of this idoll.... The ceremonies, dauncing, and\nsacrifice ended, they went to unclothe themselves, and the priests and\nsuperiors of the temple tooke the idoll of paste, which they spoyled of\nall the ornaments it had, and made many peeces, as well of the idoll\nitselfe as of the tronchons which were consecrated, and then they gave\nthem to the people in maner of a communion, beginning with the greater,\nand continuing unto the rest, both men, women, and little children, who\nreceived it with such teares, feare, and reverence as it was an admirable\nthing, saying that they did eate the flesh and bones of God, wherewith\nthey were grieved. Such as had any sicke folkes demaunded thereof for\nthem, and carried it with great reverence and veneration.\u201d(264)\n\nBefore the festival in December, which took place at the winter solstice,\nan image of the god Huitzilopochtli was made of seeds of various sorts\nkneaded into a dough with the blood of children. The bones of the god were\nrepresented by pieces of acacia wood, This image was placed on the chief\naltar of the temple, and on the day of the festival the king offered\nincense to it. Early next day it was taken down and set on its feet in a\ngreat hall. Then a priest took a flint-tipped dart and hurled it into the\nbreast of the dough-image, piercing it through and through. This was\ncalled \u201ckilling the god Huitzilopochtli so that his body might be eaten.\u201d\nOne of the priests cut out the heart of the image and gave it to the king\nto eat. The rest of the image was divided into minute pieces, of which\nevery man great and small, down to the male children in the cradle,\nreceived one to eat. But no woman might taste a morsel. The ceremony was\ncalled _teoqualo_, that is, \u201cgod is eaten.\u201d(265)\n\nAt another festival the Mexicans made little images in human shape to\nrepresent the cloud-capped mountains. These images were made of paste of\nvarious seeds and were dressed in paper ornaments. Some people made five,\nothers ten, others as many as fifteen of these paste images. They were\nplaced in the oratory of each house and worshipped. Four times in the\ncourse of the night offerings of food were made to them in tiny vessels;\nand people sang and played the flute before them all night. At break of\nday the priests stabbed the images with a weaver\u2019s instrument, cut off\ntheir heads, and tore out their hearts, which they presented to the master\nof the house on a green saucer. The bodies of the images were then eaten\nby all the family, especially by the servants, \u201cin order that by eating\nthem they might be preserved from certain distempers, to which those\npersons who were negligent of worship to those deities conceived\nthemselves to be subject.\u201d (266)\n\nWe are now able to suggest an explanation of the proverb \u201cthere are many\nManii at Aricia.\u201d(267) Certain loaves made in the shape of men were called\nby the Romans _maniae_, and it appears that this kind of loaf was\nespecially made at Aricia.(268) Now, Mania, the name of one of these\nloaves, was also the name of the Mother or Grandmother of Ghosts,(269) to\nwhom woollen effigies of men and women were dedicated at the festival of\nthe Compitalia. These effigies were hung at the doors of all the houses in\nRome; one effigy was hung up for every free person in the house, and one\neffigy, of a different kind, for every slave. The reason was that on this\nday the ghosts of the dead were believed to be going about, and it was\nhoped that they would carry off the effigies at the door instead of the\nliving people in the house. According to tradition, these woollen figures\nwere substitutes for a former custom of sacrificing human beings.(270)\nUpon data so fragmentary and uncertain, it is of course impossible to\nbuild with certainty; but it seems worth suggesting that the loaves in\nhuman form, which appear to have been baked at Aricia, were sacramental\nbread, and that in the old days, when the divine King of the Wood was\nannually slain, loaves were made in his image, like the paste figures of\nthe gods in Mexico, and were eaten sacramentally by his worshippers.(271)\nThe Mexican sacraments in honour of Huitzilopochtli were also accompanied\nby the sacrifice of human victims. The tradition that the founder of the\nsacred grove at Aricia was a man named Manius, from whom many Manii were\ndescended, would thus be an etymological myth invented to explain the name\n_maniae_ as applied to these sacramental loaves. A dim recollection of the\noriginal connection of these loaves with human sacrifices may perhaps be\ntraced in the story that the effigies dedicated to Mania at the Compitalia\nwere substitutes for human victims. The story itself, however, is probably\ndevoid of foundation, since the practice of putting up dummies to divert\nthe attention of demons from living people is not uncommon. For example,\nwhen an epidemic is raging, some of the Dyaks of Borneo set up wooden\nimages at their doors, in the hope that the demons of the plague will be\ndeceived into carrying off the images instead of the people.(272) The\nMinahassa of Celebes will sometimes transport a sick man to another house,\nleaving on his bed a dummy made up of a pillow and clothes. This dummy the\ndemon is supposed to take by mistake for the sick man, who consequently\nrecovers.(273) Similarly in Burma it is thought that a patient will\nrecover if an effigy be buried in a small coffin.(274)\n\nThe custom of killing the god has now been traced amongst peoples who have\nreached the agricultural stage of society. We have seen that the spirit of\nthe corn, or of other cultivated plants, is commonly represented either in\nhuman or in animal form, and that a custom has prevailed of killing\nannually either the human or the animal representative of the god. The\nreason for thus killing the corn-spirit in the person of his\nrepresentative has been given implicitly in the earlier part of this\nchapter. But, further, we have found a widespread custom of eating the god\nsacramentally, either in the shape of the man or animal who represents the\ngod, or in the shape of bread made in human or animal form. The reasons\nfor thus partaking of the body of the god are, from the primitive\nstandpoint, simple enough. The savage commonly believes that by eating the\nflesh of an animal or man he acquires not only the physical, but even the\nmoral and intellectual qualities which were characteristic of that animal\nor man. To take examples. The Creeks, Cherokees, and kindred tribes of\nNorth American Indians \u201cbelieve that nature is possessed of such a\nproperty, as to transfuse into men and animals the qualities, either of\nthe food they use, or of those objects that are presented to their senses;\nhe who feeds on venison is, according to their physical system, swifter\nand more sagacious than the man who lives on the flesh of the clumsy bear,\nor helpless dunghill fowls, the slow-footed tame cattle, or the heavy\nwallowing swine. This is the reason that several of their old men\nrecommend, and say, that formerly their greatest chieftains observed a\nconstant rule in their diet, and seldom ate of any animal of a gross\nquality, or heavy motion of body, fancying it conveyed a dulness through\nthe whole system, and disabled them from exerting themselves with proper\nvigour in their martial, civil, and religious duties.\u201d(275) The Zaparo\nIndians of South America \u201cwill, unless from necessity, in most cases not\neat any heavy meats, such as tapir and peccary, but confine themselves to\nbirds, monkeys, deer, fish, etc., principally because they argue that the\nheavier meats make them unwieldy, like the animals who supply the flesh,\nimpeding their agility, and unfitting them for the chase.\u201d(276) The\nNamaquas abstain from eating the flesh of hares, because they think it\nwould make them faint-hearted as a hare. But they eat the flesh of the\nlion, or drink the blood of the leopard or lion to get the courage and\nstrength of these beasts.(277) The Arabs of Eastern Africa believe that an\nunguent of lion\u2019s fat inspires a man with boldness, and makes the wild\nbeasts flee in terror before him.(278) When a serious disease has attacked\na Zulu kraal, the medicine-man takes the bone of a very old dog, which has\ndied a natural death from mere old age, or the bone of an old cow, bull,\nor other very old animal, and administers it to the healthy as well as to\nthe sick people, in order that they may live to be as old as the animal of\nwhose bone they have partaken.(279) The Miris of Northern India prize\ntiger\u2019s flesh as food for men; it gives them strength and courage. But \u201cit\nis not suited for women; it would make them too strong-minded.\u201d(280)\nAmongst the Dyaks of North-west Borneo young men and warriors may not eat\nvenison, because it would make them as timid as deer; but the women and\nvery old men are free to eat it.(281) Men of the Buro and Aru Islands,\nEast Indies, eat the flesh of dogs in order to be bold and nimble in\nwar.(282) Amongst the Papuans of the Port Moresby and Motumotu districts,\nNew Guinea, young lads eat strong pig, wallaby, and large fish, in order\nto acquire the strength of the animal or fish.(283) In Corea the bones of\ntigers fetch a higher price than those of leopards as a means of inspiring\ncourage. A Chinaman in Soul bought and ate a whole tiger to make himself\nbrave and fierce.(284) The special seat of courage, according to the\nChinese, is the gall-bladder; so they sometimes procure the gall-bladders\nof tigers and bears, and eat the bile in the belief that it will give them\ncourage.(285) In Norse history, Ingiald, son of King Aunund, was timid in\nhis youth, but after eating the heart of a wolf he became very bold; and\nHialto gained strength and courage by eating the heart of a bear and\ndrinking its blood.(286) In Morocco lethargic patients are given ants to\nswallow; and to eat lion\u2019s flesh will make a coward brave.(287) When a\nchild is late in learning to speak, the Turks of Central Asia will give it\nthe tongues of certain birds to eat.(288) A North American Indian thought\nthat brandy must be a decoction of hearts and tongues, \u201cBecause,\u201d said he,\n\u201cafter drinking it I fear nothing, and I talk wonderfully.\u201d(289) The\npeople of Darfur, in Central Africa, think that the liver is the seat of\nthe soul, and that a man may enlarge his soul by eating the liver of an\nanimal. \u201cWhenever an animal is killed its liver is taken out and eaten,\nbut the people are most careful not to touch it with their hands, as it is\nconsidered sacred; it is cut up in small pieces and eaten raw, the bits\nbeing conveyed to the mouth on the point of a knife, or the sharp point of\na stick. Any one who may accidentally touch the liver is strictly\nforbidden to partake of it, which prohibition is regarded as a great\nmisfortune for him.\u201d Women are not allowed to eat liver, because they have\nno soul.(290)\n\nAgain, the flesh and blood of brave men are commonly eaten and drunk to\ninspire bravery. The Australian Kamilaroi eat the heart and liver of a\nbrave man to get his courage.(291) It is a common practice with the\nAustralian blacks to kill a man, cut out his caul-fat, and rub themselves\nwith it, \u201cthe belief being that all the qualifications, both physical and\nmental, of the previous owner of the fat were thus communicated to him who\nused it.\u201d(292) The Italones of the Philippine Islands drink the blood of\ntheir slain enemies, and eat part of the back of their heads and of their\nentrails raw, in order to acquire their courage. For the same reason the\nEfugaos, another tribe of the Philippines, suck the brains of their\nfoes.(293) Amongst the Kimbunda of Western Africa, when a new king\nsucceeds to the throne, a brave prisoner of war is killed in order that\nthe king and nobles may eat his flesh, and so acquire his strength and\ncourage.(294) The Basutos cut off pieces of their slain enemies and make\nthem into a powder, \u201cwhich is supposed to communicate to them the courage,\nskill, and good fortune of their adversaries.\u201d(295) The Zulus think that\nby eating the centre of the forehead and the eyebrow of an enemy they\nacquire the power of looking steadfastly at a foe.(296) In the Shire\nHighlands of Africa those who kill a brave man eat his heart to get his\ncourage.(297) For the same purpose the Chinese eat the bile of notorious\nbandits who have been executed.(298) In New Zealand \u201cthe chief was an atua\n[god], but there were powerful and powerless gods; each naturally sought\nto make himself one of the former; the plan therefore adopted was to\nincorporate the spirits of others with their own; thus, when a warrior\nslew a chief he immediately gouged out his eyes and swallowed them, the\n_atua tonga_, or divinity, being supposed to reside in that organ; thus he\nnot only killed the body, but also possessed himself of the soul of his\nenemy, and consequently the more chiefs he slew the greater did his\ndivinity become.\u201d(299)\n\nIt is now easy to understand why a savage should desire to partake of the\nflesh of an animal or man whom he regards as divine. By eating the body of\nthe god he shares in the god\u2019s attributes and powers. And when the god is\na corn-god, the corn is his proper body; when he is a vine-god, the juice\nof the grape is his blood; and so by eating the bread and drinking the\nwine the worshipper partakes of the real body and blood of his god. Thus\nthe drinking of wine in the rites of a vine-god like Dionysus is not an\nact of revelry, it is a solemn sacrament.(300)\n\n\n\n\n\u00a7 12.\u2014Killing the divine animal.\n\n\nIt remains to show that hunting and pastoral tribes, as well as\nagricultural peoples, have been in the habit of killing their gods. The\ngods whom hunters and shepherds adore and kill are animals pure and\nsimple, not animals regarded as embodiments of other supernatural beings.\nOur first example is drawn from the Indians of California, who, living in\na fertile country(301) under a serene and temperate sky, nevertheless rank\nnear the bottom of the savage scale. The Acagchemen tribe of San Juan\nCapistrano adored the great buzzard. Once a year, at a great festival\ncalled _Panes_ or bird-feast, they carried one of these birds in\nprocession to their chief temple, which seems to have been merely an\nunroofed enclosure of stakes. Here they killed the bird without losing a\ndrop of its blood. The skin was removed entire and preserved with the\nfeathers as a relic or for the purpose of making the festal garment or\n_paelt_. The carcass was buried in a hole in the temple, and the old women\ngathered round the grave weeping and moaning bitterly, while they threw\nvarious kinds of seeds or pieces of food on it, crying out, \u201cWhy did you\nrun away? Would you not have been better with us?\u201d and so on. They said\nthat the Panes was a woman who had run off to the mountains and there been\nchanged into a bird by the god Chinigchinich. They believed that though\nthey sacrificed the bird annually, she came to life again and returned to\nher home in the mountains. Moreover they thought that \u201cas often as the\nbird was killed, it became multiplied; because every year all the\ndifferent Capitanes celebrated the same feast of the Panes, and were firm\nin the opinion that the birds sacrificed were but one and the same\nfemale.\u201d(302)\n\nThe unity in multiplicity thus postulated by the Californians is very\nnoticeable and helps to explain their motive for killing the divine bird.\nThe notion of the life of a species as distinct from that of an\nindividual, easy and obvious as it seems to us, appears to be one which\nthe Californian savage cannot grasp. He is unable to conceive the life of\nthe species otherwise than as an individual life, and therefore as exposed\nto the same dangers and calamities which menace and finally destroy the\nlife of the individual. Apparently he thinks that a species left to itself\nwill grow old and die like an individual, and that therefore some step\nmust be taken to save from extinction the particular species which he\nregards as divine. The only means he can think of to avert the catastrophe\nis to kill a member of the species in whose veins the tide of life is\nstill running strong and has not yet stagnated among the fens of old age.\nThe life thus diverted from one channel will flow, he fancies, more\nfreshly and freely in a new one; in other words, the slain animal will\nrevive and enter on a new term of life with all the spring and energy of\nyouth. To us this reasoning is transparently absurd, but so too is the\ncustom. If a better explanation, that is, one more consonant with the\nfacts and with the principles of savage thought, can be given of the\ncustom, I will willingly withdraw the one here proposed. A similar\nconfusion, it may be noted, between the individual life and the life of\nthe species was made by the Samoans. Each family had for its god a\nparticular species of animal; yet the death of one of these animals, for\nexample an owl, was not the death of the god, \u201che was supposed to be yet\nalive, and incarnate in all the owls in existence.\u201d(303)\n\nThe rude Californian rite which we have just considered has a close\nparallel in the religion of ancient Egypt. The Thebans and all other\nEgyptians who worshipped the Theban god Ammon held rams to be sacred and\nwould not sacrifice them. But once a year at the festival of Ammon they\nkilled a ram, skinned it, and clothed the image of the god in the skin.\nThen they mourned over the ram and buried it in a sacred tomb. The custom\nwas explained by a story that Zeus had once exhibited himself to Hercules\nclad in the fleece and wearing the head of a ram.(304) Of course the ram\nin this case was simply the beast-god of Thebes, as the wolf was the\nbeast-god of Lycopolis, and the goat was the beast-god of Mendes. In other\nwords, the ram was Ammon himself. On the monuments, it is true, Ammon\nappears in semi-human form with the body of a man and the head of a\nram.(305) But this only shows that he was in the usual chrysalis state\nthrough which beast-gods regularly pass before they emerge as full-fledged\nanthropomorphic gods. The ram, therefore, was killed, not as a sacrifice\nto Ammon, but as the god himself, whose identity with the beast is plainly\nshown by the custom of clothing his image in the skin of the slain ram.\nThe reason for thus killing the ram-god annually may have been that which\nI have assigned for the general custom of killing the god and for the\nspecial Californian custom of killing the divine buzzard. As applied to\nEgypt, this explanation is supported by the analogy of the bull-god Apis,\nwho was not suffered to outlive a certain term of years.(306) The\nintention of thus putting a limit to the life of the god was, as I have\nargued, to secure him from the weakness and frailty of age. The same\nreasoning would explain the custom\u2014probably an older one\u2014of putting the\nbeast-god to death annually, as was done with the ram of Thebes.\n\nOne point in the Theban ritual\u2014the application of the skin to the image of\nthe god\u2014deserves special attention. If the god was at first the living\nram, his representation by an image must have originated later. But how\ndid it originate? The answer to this question is perhaps furnished by the\npractice of preserving the skin of the animal which is slain as divine.\nThe Californians, as we have seen, preserved the skin of the buzzard; and\nthe skin of the goat, which is killed on the harvest-field as a\nrepresentative of the corn-spirit, is kept for various superstitious\npurposes.(307) The skin in fact was kept as a token or memorial of the\ngod, or rather as containing in it a part of the divine life, and it had\nonly to be stuffed or stretched upon a frame to become a regular image of\nhim. At first an image of this kind would be renewed annually,(308) the\nnew image being provided by the skin of the slain animal. But from annual\nimages to permanent images the transition is easy. We have seen that the\nolder custom of cutting a new May-tree every year was superseded by the\npractice of maintaining a permanent May-pole, which was, however, annually\ndecked with fresh leaves and flowers and even surmounted each year by a\nfresh young tree.(309) Similarly when the stuffed skin, as a\nrepresentative of the god, was replaced by a permanent image of him in\nwood, stone, or metal, the permanent image was annually clad in the fresh\nskin of the slain animal. When this stage had been reached, the custom of\nkilling the ram came naturally to be interpreted as a sacrifice offered to\nthe image, and was explained by a story like that of Ammon and Hercules.\n\nWest Africa furnishes another example of the annual killing of a sacred\nanimal and the preservation of its skin. The negroes of Issapoo, in the\nisland of Fernando Po, regard the cobra-capella as their guardian deity,\nwho can do them good or ill, bestow riches or inflict disease and death.\nThe skin of one of these reptiles is hung tail downwards from a branch of\nthe highest tree in the public square, and the placing of it on the tree\nis an annual ceremony. As soon as the ceremony is over, all children born\nwithin the past year are carried out and their hands made to touch the\ntail of the serpent\u2019s skin.(310) The latter custom is clearly a way of\nplacing the infants under the protection of the tribal god. Similarly in\nSenegambia a python is expected to visit every child of the Python clan\nwithin eight days after birth;(311) and the Psylli, a Snake clan of\nancient Africa, used to expose their infants to snakes in the belief that\nthe snakes would not harm true-born children of the clan.(312)\n\nIn the Californian, Egyptian, and Fernando Po customs the animal slain\nprobably is, or once was, a totem. At all events, in all three cases the\nworship of the animal seems to have no relation to agriculture, and may\ntherefore be presumed to date from the hunter or pastoral stage of\nsociety. The same may be said of the following custom, though the people\nwho practise it\u2014the Zuni Indians of New Mexico\u2014are now settled in walled\nvillages or towns of a peculiar type, and practise agriculture and the\narts of pottery and weaving. But the Zuni custom is marked by certain\nfeatures which appear to place it in a somewhat different category from\nthe preceding cases. It may be well therefore to describe it at full\nlength in the words of an eye-witness.\n\n\u201cWith midsummer the heat became intense. My brother [_i.e._ adopted Indian\nbrother] and I sat, day after day, in the cool under-rooms of our\nhouse,\u2014the latter [_sic_] busy with his quaint forge and crude appliances,\nworking Mexican coins over into bangles, girdles, ear-rings, buttons, and\nwhat not for savage ornament.... One day as I sat watching him, a\nprocession of fifty men went hastily down the hill, and off westward over\nthe plain. They were solemnly led by a painted and shell-bedecked priest,\nand followed by the torch-bearing Shu-lu-wit-si, or God of Fire. After\nthey had vanished, I asked old brother what it all meant.\n\n\u201c \u2018They are going,\u2019 said he, \u2018to the city of the Ka-ka and the home of our\nothers.\u2019\n\n\u201cFour days after, toward sunset, costumed and masked in the beautiful\nparaphernalia of the Ka-k\u2019ok-shi, or \u2018Good Dance,\u2019 they returned in file\nup the same pathway, each bearing in his arms a basket filled with living,\nsquirming turtles, which he regarded and carried as tenderly as a mother\nwould her infant. Some of the wretched reptiles were carefully wrapped in\nsoft blankets, their heads and forefeet protruding,\u2014and, mounted on the\nbacks of the plume-bedecked pilgrims, made ludicrous but solemn\ncaricatures of little children in the same position. While I was at supper\nupstairs that evening, the governor\u2019s brother-in-law came in. He was\nwelcomed by the family as if a messenger from heaven. He bore in his\ntremulous fingers one of the much abused and rebellious turtles. Paint\nstill adhered to his hands and bare feet, which led me to infer that he\nhad formed one of the sacred embassy.\n\n\u201c \u2018So you went to Ka-thlu-el-lon, did you?\u2019 I asked.\n\n\u201c \u2018E\u2019e,\u2019 replied the weary man, in a voice husky with long chanting, as he\nsank, almost exhausted, on a roll of skins which had been placed for him,\nand tenderly laid the turtle on the floor. No sooner did the creature find\nitself at liberty than it made off as fast as its lame legs would take it.\nOf one accord the family forsook dish, spoon, and drinking-cup, and\ngrabbing from a sacred meal-bowl whole handfuls of the contents, hurriedly\nfollowed the turtle about the room, into dark corners, around water-jars,\nbehind the grinding-troughs, and out into the middle of the floor again,\npraying and scattering meal on its back as they went. At last, strange to\nsay, it approached the footsore man who had brought it.\n\n\u201c \u2018Ha!\u2019 he exclaimed, with emotion; \u2018see, it comes to me again; ah, what\ngreat favours the fathers of all grant me this day,\u2019 and passing his hand\ngently over the sprawling animal, he inhaled from his palm deeply and\nlong, at the same time invoking the favour of the gods. Then he leaned his\nchin upon his hand, and with large wistful eyes regarded his ugly captive\nas it sprawled about, blinking its meal-bedimmed eyes, and clawing the\nsmooth floor in memory of its native element. At this juncture I ventured\na question:\n\n\u201c \u2018Why do you not let him go, or give him some water?\u2019\n\n\u201cSlowly the man turned his eyes toward me, an odd mixture of pain,\nindignation, and pity on his face, while the worshipful family stared at\nme with holy horror.\n\n\u201c \u2018Poor younger brother!\u2019 he said at last, \u2018know you not how precious it\nis? It die? It will _not_ die; I tell you, it cannot die.\u2019\n\n\u201c \u2018But it will die if you don\u2019t feed it and give it water.\u2019\n\n\u201c \u2018I tell you it _cannot_ die; it will only change houses to-morrow, and\ngo back to the home of its brothers. Ah, well! How should _you_ know?\u2019 he\nmused. Turning to the blinded turtle again: \u2018Ah! my poor dear lost child\nor parent, my sister or brother to have been! Who knows which? Maybe my\nown great-grandfather or mother!\u2019 And with this he fell to weeping most\npathetically, and, tremulous with sobs, which were echoed by the women and\nchildren, he buried his face in his hands. Filled with sympathy for his\ngrief, however mistaken, I raised the turtle to my lips and kissed its\ncold shell; then depositing it on the floor, hastily left the\ngrief-stricken family to their sorrows. Next day, with prayers and tender\nbeseechings, plumes, and offerings, the poor turtle was killed, and its\nflesh and bones were removed and deposited in the little river, that it\nmight \u2018return once more to eternal life among its comrades in the dark\nwaters of the lake of the dead.\u2019 The shell, carefully scraped and dried,\nwas made into a dance-rattle, and, covered by a piece of buckskin, it\nstill hangs from the smoke-stained rafters of my brother\u2019s house. Once a\nNavajo tried to buy it for a ladle; loaded with indignant reproaches, he\nwas turned out of the house. Were any one to venture the suggestion that\nthe turtle no longer lived, his remark would cause a flood of tears, and\nhe would be reminded that it had only \u2018changed houses and gone to live for\never in the home of \u201cour lost others.\u201d \u2019 \u201d(313)\n\nIn this custom we find expressed in the clearest way a belief in the\ntransmigration of human souls into the bodies of turtles.(314) The same\nbelief in transmigration is held by the Moqui Indians, who belong to the\nsame race as the Zunis. The Moquis are divided into totem clans\u2014the Bear\nclan, Deer clan, Wolf clan, Hare clan, etc.; they believe that the\nancestors of the clans were bears, deer, wolves, hares, etc.; and that at\ndeath the members of each clan become bears, deer, etc.(315) The Zuni are\nalso divided into clans, the totems of which agree closely with those of\nthe Moquis, and one of their totems is the turtle.(316) Thus their belief\nin transmigration into the turtle is probably one of the regular articles\nof their totem faith. What then is the meaning of killing a turtle in\nwhich the soul of a kinsman is believed to be present? Apparently the\nobject is to keep up a communication with the other world in which the\nsouls of the departed are believed to be assembled in the form of turtles.\nIt is a common belief that the spirits of the dead return occasionally to\ntheir old homes; and accordingly the unseen visitors are welcomed and\nfeasted by the living, and then sent upon their way.(317) In the Zuni\nceremony the dead are fetched back in the form of turtles, and the killing\nof the turtles is the way of sending back the souls to the spirit-land.\nThus the general explanation given above of the custom of killing a god\nseems inapplicable to the Zuni custom, the true meaning of which is\nsomewhat obscure.\n\nDoubt also hangs over the meaning of the bear-sacrifice offered by the\nAinos, a primitive people who are found in the Japanese islands of Yesso\nand Saghalien, and also in the southern of the Kurile Islands. It is not\nquite easy to make out the attitude of the Ainos towards the bear. On the\none hand they give it the name of _Kamui_ or \u201cgod\u201d; but as they apply the\nsame word to strangers,(318) it probably means no more than a being\nsupposed to be endowed with superhuman powers. Again, it is said \u201cthe bear\nis their chief divinity;\u201d(319) \u201cin the religion of the Ainos the bear\nplays a chief part;\u201d(320) \u201camongst the animals it is especially the bear\nwhich receives an idolatrous veneration;\u201d(321) \u201cthey worship it after\ntheir fashion.... There is no doubt that this wild beast inspires more of\nthe feeling which prompts worship than the inanimate forces of nature, and\nthe Ainos may be distinguished as bear-worshippers.\u201d(322) Yet, on the\nother hand, they kill the bear whenever they can;(323) \u201cthe men spend the\nautumn, winter, and spring in hunting deer and bears. Part of their\ntribute or taxes is paid in skins, and they subsist on the dried\nmeat;\u201d(324) bear\u2019s flesh is indeed one of their staple foods; they eat it\nboth fresh and salted;(325) and the skins of bears furnish them with\nclothing.(326) In fact, the \u201cworship\u201d of which writers on this subject\nspeak appears to be paid only to the dead animal. Thus, although they kill\na bear whenever they can, \u201cin the process of dissecting the carcass they\nendeavour to conciliate the deity, whose representative they have slain,\nby making elaborate obeisances and deprecatory salutations;\u201d(327) \u201cwhen a\nbear is trapped or wounded by an arrow, the hunters go through an\napologetic or propitiatory ceremony.\u201d(328) The skulls of slain bears\nreceive a place of honour in their huts, or are set up on sacred posts\noutside the huts, and are treated with much respect; libations of _sake_,\nan intoxicating liquor, are offered to them.(329) The skulls of foxes are\nalso fastened to the sacred posts outside the huts; they are regarded as\ncharms against evil spirits, and are consulted as oracles.(330) Yet it is\nexpressly said, \u201cThe live fox is revered just as little as the bear;\nrather they avoid it as much as possible, considering it a wily\nanimal.\u201d(331) The bear cannot, therefore, be described as a sacred animal\nof the Ainos, and it certainly is not a totem; for they do not call\nthemselves bears, they appear to have no legend of their descent from a\nbear,(332) and they kill and eat the animal freely.\n\nBut it is the bear-festival of the Ainos which concerns us here. Towards\nthe end of winter a young bear is caught and brought into the village. At\nfirst he is suckled by an Aino woman; afterwards he is fed on fish. When\nhe grows so strong that he threatens to break out of the wooden cage in\nwhich he is confined, the feast is held. But \u201cit is a peculiarly striking\nfact that the young bear is not kept merely to furnish a good meal; rather\nhe is regarded and honoured as a fetish, or even as a sort of higher\nbeing.\u201d(333) The festival is generally celebrated in September or October.\nBefore it takes place the Ainos apologise to their gods, alleging that\nthey have treated the bear kindly as long as they could, now they can feed\nhim no longer, and are obliged to kill him. A man who gives a bear-feast\ninvites his relations and friends; in a small village nearly the whole\ncommunity takes part in the feast. One of these festivals has been\ndescribed by an eyewitness, Dr. Scheube.(334) On entering the hut he found\nabout thirty Ainos present, men, women, and children, all dressed in their\nbest. The master of the house first offered a libation on the fireplace to\nthe god of the fire, and the guests followed his example. Then a libation\nwas offered to the house-god in his sacred corner of the hut. Meanwhile\nthe housewife, who had nursed the bear, sat by herself, silent and sad,\nbursting now and then into tears. Her grief was obviously unaffected, and\nit deepened as the festival went on. Next, the master of the house and\nsome of the guests went out of the hut and offered libations before the\nbear\u2019s cage. A few drops were presented to the bear in a saucer, which he\nat once upset. Then the women and girls danced round the cage, their faces\nturned towards it, their knees slightly bent, rising and hopping on their\ntoes. As they danced they clapped their hands and sang a monotonous song.\nThe housewife and a few old women, who might have nursed many bears,\ndanced tearfully, stretching out their arms to the bear, and addressing it\nin terms of endearment. The young folks were less affected; they laughed\nas well as sang. Disturbed by the noise, the bear began to rush about his\ncage and howl lamentably. Next libations were offered to the _inabos_ or\nsacred wands which stand outside of an Aino hut. These wands are about a\ncouple of feet high, and are whittled at the top into spiral\nshavings.(335) Five new wands with bamboo leaves attached to them had been\nset up for the festival. This is regularly done when a bear is killed; the\nleaves mean that the bear may come to life again. Then the bear was let\nout of his cage, a rope was thrown round his neck, and he was led about in\nthe neighbourhood of the hut. While this was being done the men, headed by\na chief, shot at the bear with arrows tipped with wooden buttons. Dr.\nScheube had to do so also. Then the bear was taken before the sacred\nwands, a stick was put in his mouth, nine men knelt on him and pressed his\nneck against a beam. In five minutes the bear had expired without uttering\na sound. Meantime the women and girls had taken post behind the men, where\nthey danced, lamenting, and beating the men who were killing the bear. The\nbear\u2019s carcass was next placed on a mat before the sacred wands; and a\nsword and quiver, taken from the wands, were hung round the beast\u2019s neck.\nBeing a she-bear, it was also adorned with a necklace and ear-rings. Then\nfood and drink were offered to it, in the shape of millet-broth,\nmillet-cakes, and a pot of _sake_. The men now sat down on mats before the\ndead bear, offered libations to it, and drank deep. Meanwhile the women\nand girls had laid aside all marks of sorrow, and danced merrily, none\nmore merrily than the old women. When the mirth was at its height two\nyoung Ainos, who had let the bear out of his cage, mounted the roof of the\nhut and threw cakes of millet among the company, who all scrambled for\nthem without distinction of age or sex. The bear was next skinned and\ndisembowelled, and the trunk severed from the head, to which the skin was\nleft hanging. The blood, caught in cups, was eagerly swallowed by the men.\nNone of the women or children appeared to drink the blood, though custom\ndid not forbid them to do so. The liver was cut in small pieces and eaten\nraw, with salt, the women and children getting their share. The flesh and\nthe rest of the vitals were taken into the house to be kept till the next\nday but one, and then to be divided among the persons who had been present\nat the feast. Blood and liver were offered to Dr. Scheube. While the bear\nwas being disembowelled, the women and girls danced the same dance which\nthey had danced at the beginning\u2014not, however, round the cage, but in\nfront of the sacred wands. At this dance the old women, who had been merry\na moment before, again shed tears freely. After the brain had been\nextracted from the bear\u2019s head and swallowed with salt, the skull,\ndetached from the skin, was hung on a pole beside the sacred wands. The\nstick with which the bear had been gagged was also fastened to the pole,\nand so were the sword and quiver which had been hung on the carcass. The\nlatter were removed in about an hour, but the rest remained standing. The\nwhole company, men and women, danced noisily before the pole; and another\ndrinking-bout, in which the women joined, closed the festival.\n\nThe mode of killing the bear is described somewhat differently by Miss\nBird, who, however, did not witness the ceremony. She says: \u201cYells and\nshouts are used to excite the bear; and when he becomes much agitated a\nchief shoots him with an arrow, inflicting a slight wound which maddens\nhim, on which the bars of the cage are raised, and he springs forth, very\nfurious. At this stage the Ainos run upon him with various weapons, each\none striving to inflict a wound, as it brings good luck to draw his blood.\nAs soon as he falls down exhausted his head is cut off, and the weapons\nwith which he has been wounded are offered to it, and he is asked to\navenge himself upon them.\u201d At Usu, on Volcano Bay, when the bear is being\nkilled, the Ainos shout, \u201cWe kill you, O bear! come back soon into an\nAino.\u201d(336) A very respectable authority, Dr. Siebold, states that the\nbear\u2019s own heart is frequently offered to the dead animal, in order to\nassure him that he is still in life.(337) This, however, is denied by Dr.\nScheube, who says the heart is eaten.(338) Perhaps the custom may be\nobserved in some places, though not in others.\n\nThe Gilyaks, a Tunguzian people of Eastern Siberia,(339) hold a bear\nfestival of the same sort. \u201cThe bear is the object of the most refined\nsolicitude of an entire village and plays the chief part in their\nreligious ceremonies.\u201d(340) An old she-bear is shot and her cub is reared,\nbut not suckled in the village. When the bear is big enough he is taken\nfrom his cage and dragged through the village. But first he is led to the\nbank of the river, for this is believed to ensure abundance of fish to\neach family. He is then taken into every house in the village, where fish,\nbrandy, etc. are offered to him. Some people prostrate themselves before\nthe beast. His entrance into a house is supposed to bring a blessing; and\nif he snuffs at the food offered to him, this also is a blessing.\nNevertheless they tease and worry, poke and tickle the animal continually,\nso that he is surly and snappish.(341) After being thus taken to every\nhouse, he is tied to a peg and shot dead with arrows. His head is then cut\noff, decked with shavings, and placed on the table where the feast is set\nout. Here they beg pardon of the beast and worship him. Then his flesh is\nroasted and eaten in special vessels of wood finely carved. They do not\neat the flesh raw nor drink the blood, as the Ainos do. The brain and\nentrails are eaten last; and the skull, still decked with shavings, is\nplaced on a tree near the house. Then the people sing and both sexes dance\nin ranks, as bears.(342)\n\nThe Goldi, neighbours of the Gilyaks, treat the bear in much the same way.\nThey hunt and kill it; but sometimes they capture a live bear and keep him\nin a cage, feeding him well and calling him their son and brother. Then at\na great festival he is taken from his cage, paraded about with marked\nconsideration, and afterwards killed and eaten. \u201cThe skull, jaw-bones, and\nears are then suspended on a tree, as an antidote against evil spirits;\nbut the flesh is eaten and much relished, for they believe that all who\npartake of it acquire a zest for the chase, and become courageous.\u201d(343)\n\nIn the treatment of the captive bear by these tribes there are features\nwhich can hardly be distinguished from worship. Such in particular is the\nGilyak custom of leading him from house to house, that every family may\nreceive his blessing\u2014a custom parallel to the European one of taking a\nMay-tree or a personal representative of the tree-spirit from door to door\nin spring, in order that all may share the fresh energies of reviving\nnature. Again the expected resurrection of the bear is avowedly indicated\nby the bamboo leaves and by the prayer addressed to him to \u201ccome back soon\ninto an Aino.\u201d And that the eating of his flesh is regarded as a sacrament\nis made probable by the Gilyak custom of reserving special vessels to hold\nthe bear\u2019s flesh on this solemn occasion. How is the reverence thus paid\nto particular bears to be reconciled with the fact that bears in general\nare habitually hunted and killed by these tribes for the sake of their\nflesh and skins? On the one hand, the bear is treated as a god; on the\nother hand, as a creature wholly subservient to human needs. The apparent\ncontradiction vanishes when we place ourselves at the savage point of\nview. The savage, we must remember, believes that animals are endowed with\nfeelings and intelligence like those of men, and that, like men, they\npossess souls which survive the death of their bodies either to wander\nabout as disembodied spirits or to be born again in animal form. To the\nsavage, therefore, who regards all living creatures as practically on a\nfooting of equality with man,(344) the act of killing and eating an animal\nmust wear a very different aspect from that which the same act presents to\nus who regard the intelligence of animals as far inferior to our own and\ndeny them the possession of immortal souls. Thus on the principles of his\nrude philosophy the savage who slays an animal believes himself exposed to\nthe vengeance either of its disembodied spirit or of all the other animals\nof the same species, whom he considers as knit together, like men, by the\nties of kin and the obligations of the blood feud, and therefore as bound\nto resent the injury done to one of their number. Accordingly the savage\nmakes it a rule to spare the life of those animals which he has no\npressing motive for killing, at least such fierce and dangerous animals as\nare likely to exact a bloody vengeance for the slaughter of one of their\nkind. Crocodiles are animals of this sort. They are only found in hot\ncountries where, as a rule, food is abundant and primitive man has\ntherefore no reason to kill them for the sake of their tough and\nunpalatable flesh. Hence it is a general rule among savages to spare\ncrocodiles, or rather only to kill them in obedience to the law of blood\nfeud, that is, as a retaliation for the slaughter of men by crocodiles.\nFor example, the Dyaks of Borneo will not kill a crocodile unless a\ncrocodile has first killed a man. \u201cFor why, say they, should they commit\nan act of aggression, when he and his kindred can so easily repay them?\nBut should the alligator take a human life, revenge becomes a sacred duty\nof the living relatives, who will trap the man-eater in the spirit of an\nofficer of justice pursuing a criminal. Others, even then, hang back,\nreluctant to embroil themselves in a quarrel which does not concern them.\nThe man-eating alligator is supposed to be pursued by a righteous Nemesis;\nand whenever one is caught they have a profound conviction that it must be\nthe guilty one, or his accomplice.\u201d(345) So the natives of Madagascar\nnever kill a crocodile \u201cexcept in retaliation for one of their friends who\nhas been destroyed by a crocodile. They believe that the wanton\ndestruction of one of these reptiles will be followed by the loss of human\nlife, in accordance with the principle of _lex talionis_.\u201d The people who\nlive near the lake Itasy in Madagascar make a yearly proclamation to the\ncrocodiles, announcing that they will revenge the death of some of their\nfriends by killing as many crocodiles in return and warning all\nwell-disposed crocodiles to keep out of the way, as they have no quarrel\nwith them, but only with their evil-minded relations who have taken human\nlife.(346) The Foulahs of Senegambia respect crocodiles on similar\ngrounds.(347) The Seminoles, Sioux, and Iowa Indians of North America\nspare the rattle-snake because they fear that the ghost of the dead\nrattle-snake would incite its kinsfolk to take vengeance.(348) No\nconsideration will induce a Sumatran to catch or wound a tiger except in\nself-defence or immediately after the tiger has destroyed a friend or\nrelation. When a European has set traps for tigers, the people of the\nneighbourhood have been known to go by night to the place and explain to\nthe tiger that the traps are not set by them nor with their consent.(349)\n\nBut the savage clearly cannot afford to spare all animals. He must either\neat some of them or starve, and when the question thus comes to be whether\nhe or the animal must perish, he is forced to overcome his superstitious\nscruples and take the life of the beast. At the same time he does all he\ncan to appease his victims and their kinsfolk. Even in the act of killing\nthem he testifies his respect for them, endeavours to excuse or even\nconceal his share in procuring their death, and promises that their\nremains will be honourably treated. By thus robbing death of its terrors\nhe hopes to reconcile his victims to their fate and to induce their\nfellows to come and be killed also. For example, it was a principle with\nthe Kamtchatkans never to kill a land or sea animal without first making\nexcuses to it and begging that the animal would not take it ill. Also they\noffered it cedar-nuts, etc. to make it think that it was not a victim but\na guest at a feast. They believed that this prevented other animals of the\nsame species from growing shy. For instance, after they had killed a bear\nand feasted on its flesh, the host would bring the bear\u2019s head before the\ncompany, wrap it in grass, and present it with a variety of trifles. Then\nhe would lay the blame of the bear\u2019s death on the Russians, and bid the\nbeast wreak his wrath upon them. Also he would ask the bear to tell the\nother bears how well he had been treated, that they too might come without\nfear. Seals, sea-lions, and other animals were treated by the Kamtchatkans\nwith the same ceremonious respect.(350) When the Ostiaks have hunted and\nkilled a bear, they cut off its head and hang it on a tree. Then they\ngather round in a circle and pay it divine honours. Next they run towards\nthe carcass uttering lamentations and saying, \u201cWho killed you? It was the\nRussians. Who cut off your head? It was a Russian axe. Who skinned you? It\nwas a knife made by a Russian.\u201d They explain, too, that the feathers which\nsped the arrow on its flight came from the wing of a strange bird, and\nthat they did nothing but let the arrow go. They do all this because they\nbelieve that the wandering ghost of the slain bear would attack them on\nthe first opportunity, if they did not thus appease it.(351) Or they stuff\nthe skin of the slain bear with hay; and after celebrating their victory\nwith songs of mockery and insult, after spitting on and kicking it, they\nset it up on its hind legs, \u201cand then, for a considerable time, they\nbestow on it all the veneration due to a guardian god.\u201d(352) When a party\nof Koriaks have killed a bear or a wolf, they skin the beast and dress one\nof themselves in the skin. Then they dance round the skin-clad man, saying\nthat it was not they who killed the animal, but some one else, generally a\nRussian. When they kill a fox they skin it, wrap the body in grass, and\nbid him go tell his companions how hospitably he has been received, and\nhow he has received a new cloak instead of his old one.(353) The Finns\nused to try to persuade a slain bear that he had not been killed by them,\nbut had fallen from a tree, etc.(354) When the Lapps had succeeded in\nkilling a bear with impunity, they thanked him for not hurting them and\nfor not breaking the clubs and spears which had given him his death\nwounds; and they prayed that he would not visit his death upon them by\nsending storms or in any other way.(355) His flesh then furnished a feast.\n\nThe reverence of hunters for the bear whom they regularly kill and eat may\nthus be traced all along the northern region of the Old World, from\nBehring\u2019s Straits to Lappland. It reappears in similar forms in North\nAmerica. With the American Indians a bear hunt was an important event for\nwhich they prepared by long fasts and purgations. Before setting out they\noffered expiatory sacrifices to the souls of bears slain in previous\nhunts, and besought them to be favourable to the hunters. When a bear was\nkilled the hunter lit his pipe, and putting the mouth of it between the\nbear\u2019s lips, blew into the bowl, filling the beast\u2019s mouth with smoke.\nThen he begged the bear not to be angry at having been killed, and not to\nthwart him afterwards in the chase. The carcass was roasted whole and\neaten; not a morsel of the flesh might be left over. The head, painted red\nand blue, was hung on a post and addressed by orators, who heaped praise\non the dead beast.(356) When men of the Bear clan in the Otawa tribe\nkilled a bear, they made him a feast of his own flesh, and addressed him\nthus: \u201cCherish us no grudge because we have killed you. You have sense;\nyou see that our children are hungry. They love you and wish to take you\ninto their bodies. Is it not glorious to be eaten by the children of a\nchief?\u201d(357) Amongst the Nootka Indians of British Columbia, when a bear\nhad been killed, it was brought in and seated before the head chief in an\nupright posture, with a chief\u2019s bonnet, wrought in figures, on its head,\nand its fur powdered over with white down. A tray of provisions was then\nset before it, and it was invited by words and gestures to eat. The animal\nwas then skinned, boiled, and eaten.(358)\n\nA like respect is testified for other dangerous animals by the hunters who\nregularly trap and kill them. When Kafir hunters are in the act of\nshowering spears on an elephant, they call out, \u201cDon\u2019t kill us, great\ncaptain; don\u2019t strike or tread upon us, mighty chief.\u201d(359) When he is\ndead they make their excuses to him, pretending that his death was a pure\naccident. As a mark of respect they bury his trunk with much solemn\nceremony; for they say that \u201cThe elephant is a great lord; his trunk is\nhis hand.\u201d(360) Amongst some tribes of Eastern Africa, when a lion is\nkilled, the carcass is brought before the king, who does homage to it by\nprostrating himself on the ground and rubbing his face on the muzzle of\nthe beast.(361) In some parts of Western Africa if a negro kills a leopard\nhe is bound fast and brought before the chiefs for having killed one of\ntheir peers. The man defends himself on the plea that the leopard is chief\nof the forest and therefore a stranger. He is then set at liberty and\nrewarded. But the dead leopard, adorned with a chief\u2019s bonnet, is set up\nin the village, where nightly dances are held in its honour.(362) \u201cBefore\nleaving a temporary camp in the forest, where they have killed a tapir and\ndried the meat on a babracot, Indians [of Guiana] invariably destroy this\nbabracot, saying that should a tapir passing that way find traces of the\nslaughter of one of his kind, he would come by night on the next occasion\nwhen Indians slept at that place, and, taking a man, would babracot him in\nrevenge.\u201d(363)\n\nBut it is not merely dangerous animals with whom the savage desires to\nkeep on good terms. It is true that the respect which he pays to wild\nbeasts is in some measure proportioned to their strength and ferocity.\nThus the savage Stiens of Cambodia, believing that all animals have souls\nwhich roam about after their death, beg an animal\u2019s pardon when they kill\nit, lest its soul should come and torment them. Also they offer it\nsacrifices, but these sacrifices are proportioned to the size and strength\nof the animal. The ceremonies observed at the death of an elephant are\nconducted with much pomp and last seven days.(364) Similar distinctions\nare drawn by North American Indians. \u201cThe bear, the buffalo, and the\nbeaver are manidos [divinities] which furnish food. The bear is\nformidable, and good to eat. They render ceremonies to him, begging him to\nallow himself to be eaten, although they know he has no fancy for it. We\nkill you, but you are not annihilated. His head and paws are objects of\nhomage.... Other animals are treated similarly from similar reasons....\nMany of the animal manidos, not being dangerous, are often treated with\ncontempt\u2014the terrapin, the weasel, polecat, etc.\u201d(365) The distinction is\ninstructive. Animals which are feared, or are good to eat, or both, are\ntreated with ceremonious respect; those which are neither formidable nor\ngood to eat are despised. We have had examples of reverence paid to\nanimals which are both feared and eaten. It remains to prove that similar\nrespect is shown for animals which, without being feared, are either eaten\nor valued for their skins.\n\nWhen Siberian sable-hunters have caught a sable, no one is allowed to see\nit, and they think that if good or evil be spoken of the captured sable,\nno more sables will be caught. A hunter has been known to express his\nbelief that the sables could hear what was said of them as far off as\nMoscow. He said that the chief reason why the sable hunt was now so\nunproductive was that some live sables had been sent to Moscow. There they\nhad been viewed with astonishment as strange animals, and the sables\ncannot abide that. Another, though minor, cause of the diminished take of\nsable was, he alleged, that the world is now much worse than it used to\nbe, so that nowadays a hunter will sometimes hide the sable which he has\ngot instead of putting it into the common stock. This also, said he, the\nsables cannot abide.(366) Alaskan hunters preserve the bones of sables and\nbeavers out of reach of the dogs for a year and then bury them carefully,\n\u201clest the spirits who look after the beavers and sables should consider\nthat they are regarded with contempt, and hence no more should be killed\nor trapped.\u201d(367) The Canadian Indians were equally particular not to let\ntheir dogs gnaw the bones, or at least certain of the bones, of beavers.\nThey took the greatest pains to collect and preserve these bones and, when\nthe beaver had been caught in a net, they threw them into the river. To a\nJesuit who argued that the beavers could not possibly know what became of\ntheir bones, the Indians replied, \u201cYou know nothing about catching beavers\nand yet you will be talking about it. Before the beaver is stone dead, his\nsoul takes a turn in the hut of the man who is killing him and makes a\ncareful note of what is done with his bones. If the bones are given to the\ndogs, the other beavers would get word of it and would not let themselves\nbe caught. Whereas, if their bones are thrown into the fire or a river,\nthey are quite satisfied; and it is particularly gratifying to the net\nwhich caught them.\u201d(368) Before hunting the beaver they offered a solemn\nprayer to the Great Beaver, and presented him with tobacco; and when the\nchase was over, an orator pronounced a funeral oration over the dead\nbeavers. He praised their spirit and wisdom. \u201cYou will hear no more,\u201d said\nhe, \u201cthe voice of the chieftains who commanded you and whom you chose from\namong all the warrior beavers to give you laws. Your language, which the\nmedicine-men understand perfectly, will be heard no more at the bottom of\nthe lake. You will fight no more battles with the otters, your cruel foes.\nNo, beavers! But your skins shall serve to buy arms; we will carry your\nsmoked hams to our children; we will keep the dogs from eating your bones,\nwhich are so hard.\u201d(369)\n\nThe elan, deer, and elk were treated by the North American Indians with\nthe same punctilious respect, and for the same reason. Their bones might\nnot be given to the dogs nor thrown into the fire, nor might their fat be\ndropped upon the fire, because the souls of the dead animals were believed\nto see what was done to their bodies and to tell it to the other beasts,\nliving and dead. Hence, if their bodies were ill used, the animals of that\nspecies would not allow themselves to be taken, neither in this world nor\nin the world to come.(370) A sick man would be asked by the medicine-man\nwhether he had not thrown away some of the flesh of the deer or turtle,\nand if he answered yes, the medicine-man would say, \u201cThat is what is\nkilling you. The soul of the deer or turtle has entered into your body to\navenge the wrong you did it.\u201d(371) The Sioux will not stick an awl or\nneedle into a turtle, for they are sure that, if they were to do so, the\nturtle would punish them at some future time.(372) The Canadian Indians\nwould not eat the embryos of the elk, unless at the close of the hunting\nseason; otherwise the mother-elks would be shy and refuse to be\ncaught.(373) Some of the Indians believed that each sort of animal had its\npatron or genius who watched over and preserved it. An Indian girl having\nonce picked up a dead mouse, her father snatched the little creature from\nher and tenderly caressed and fondled it. Being asked why he did so, he\nsaid that it was to appease the genius of mice, in order that he might not\ntorment his daughter for eating the mouse. With that he handed the mouse\nto the girl and she ate it.(374)\n\nFor like reasons, a tribe which depends for its subsistence, chiefly or in\npart, upon fishing is careful to treat the fish with every mark of honour\nand respect. The Indians of Peru \u201cadored the fish that they caught in\ngreatest abundance; for they said that the first fish that was made in the\nworld above (for so they named Heaven) gave birth to all other fish of\nthat species, and took care to send them plenty of its children to sustain\ntheir tribe. For this reason they worshipped sardines in one region, where\nthey killed more of them than of any other fish; in others, the skate; in\nothers, the dogfish; in others, the golden fish for its beauty; in others,\nthe crawfish; in others, for want of larger gods, the crabs, where they\nhad no other fish, or where they knew not how to catch and kill them. In\nshort, they had whatever fish was most serviceable to them as their\ngods.\u201d(375) The Otawa Indians of Canada, believing that the souls of dead\nfish passed into other bodies of fish, never burned fish bones, for fear\nof displeasing the souls of the fish, who would come no more to the\nnets.(376) The Hurons also refrained from throwing fish bones into the\nfire, lest the souls of the fish should go and warn the other fish not to\nlet themselves be caught, since the Hurons would burn their bones.\nMoreover, they had men who preached to the fish and persuaded them to come\nand be caught. A good preacher was much sought after, for they thought\nthat the exhortations of a clever man had a great effect in drawing the\nfish to the nets. In the Huron fishing village where the French missionary\nSagard stayed, the preacher to the fish prided himself very much on his\neloquence, which was of a florid order. Every evening after supper, having\nseen that all the people were in their places and that a strict silence\nwas observed, he preached to the fish. His text was that the Hurons did\nnot burn fish bones. \u201cThen enlarging on his theme with extraordinary\nunction, he exhorted and conjured and invited and implored the fish to\ncome and be caught and to be of good courage and to fear nothing, for it\nwas all to serve their friends who honoured them and did not burn their\nbones.\u201d(377) The disappearance of herring from the sea about Heligoland in\n1530 was attributed by the fishermen to the fact that two lads had whipped\na freshly-caught herring and then flung it back into the sea.(378) The\nnatives of the Duke of York Island annually decorate a canoe with flowers\nand ferns, lade it, or are supposed to lade it, with shell-money, and set\nit adrift to pay the fish for those they lose by being caught.(379) It is\nespecially necessary to treat the first fish caught with consideration in\norder to conciliate the rest of the fish, for their conduct may be\nsupposed to be influenced by the reception given to the first of their\nkind which is taken. Accordingly the Maoris always put back into the sea\nthe first fish caught, \u201cwith a prayer that it may tempt other fish to come\nand be caught.\u201d(380)\n\nStill more stringent are the precautions taken when the fish are the first\nof the season. On salmon rivers, when the fish begin to run up the stream\nin spring, they are received with much deference by tribes who, like the\nIndians of the Pacific Coast of North America, subsist largely upon a fish\ndiet. In British Columbia the Indians used to go out to meet the first\nfish as they came up the river. \u201cThey paid court to them, and would\naddress them thus. \u2018You fish, you fish; you are all chiefs, you are; you\nare all chiefs.\u2019 \u201d(381) Amongst the Thlinket of Alaska the first halibut\nof the season is carefully handled, addressed as a chief, and a festival\nis given in his honour, after which the fishing goes on.(382) In spring,\nwhen the winds blow soft from the south and the salmon begin to run up the\nKlamath river, the Karoks of California dance for salmon, to ensure a good\ncatch. One of the Indians, called the Kareya or God-man, retires to the\nmountains and fasts for ten days. On his return the people flee, while he\ngoes to the river, takes the first salmon of the catch, eats some of it,\nand with the rest kindles the sacred fire in the sweating-house. \u201cNo\nIndian may take a salmon before this dance is held, nor for ten days after\nit, even if his family are starving.\u201d The Karoks also believe that a\nfisherman will take no salmon if the poles of which his spearing-booth is\nmade were gathered on the river-side, where the salmon might have seen\nthem. The poles must be brought from the top of the highest mountain. The\nfisherman will also labour in vain if he uses the same poles a second year\nin booths or weirs, \u201cbecause the old salmon will have told the young ones\nabout them.\u201d(383) Among the Indians of the Columbia River, \u201cwhen the\nsalmon make their first appearance in the river, they are never allowed to\nbe cut crosswise, nor boiled, but roasted; nor are they allowed to be sold\nwithout the heart being first taken out, nor to be kept over night, but\nmust be all consumed or eaten the day they are taken out of the water. All\nthese rules are observed for about ten days.\u201d(384) They think that if the\nheart of a fish were eaten by a stranger at the beginning of the season,\nthey would catch no more fish. Hence, they roast and eat the hearts\nthemselves.(385) There is a favourite fish of the Ainos which appears in\ntheir rivers about May and June. They prepare for the fishing by observing\nrules of ceremonial purity, and when they have gone out to fish, the women\nat home must keep strict silence or the fish would hear them and\ndisappear. When the first fish is caught he is brought home and passed\nthrough a small opening at the end of the hut, but not through the door;\nfor if he were passed through the door, \u201cthe other fish would certainly\nsee him and disappear.\u201d(386) This explains the custom observed by other\nsavages of bringing game into their huts, not by the door, but by the\nwindow, the smoke-hole, or by a special opening at the back of the\nhut.(387)\n\nWith some savages a special reason for respecting the bones of game, and\ngenerally of the animals which they eat, is a belief that, if the bones\nare preserved, they will in course of time be reclothed with flesh, and\nthus the animal will come to life again. It is, therefore, clearly for the\ninterest of the hunter to leave the bones intact, since to destroy them\nwould be to diminish the future supply of game. Many of the Minnetaree\nIndians \u201cbelieve that the bones of those bisons which they have slain and\ndivested of flesh rise again clothed with renewed flesh, and quickened\nwith life, and become fat, and fit for slaughter the succeeding\nJune.\u201d(388) Hence on the western prairies of America, the skulls of\nbuffalos may be seen arranged in circles and symmetrical piles, awaiting\nthe resurrection.(389) After feasting on a dog, the Dacotas carefully\ncollect the bones, scrape, wash, and bury them, \u201cpartly, as it is said, to\ntestify to the dog-species, that in feasting upon one of their number no\ndisrespect was meant to the species itself, and partly also from a belief\nthat the bones of the animal will rise and reproduce another.\u201d(390) In\nsacrificing an animal the Lapps regularly put aside the bones, eyes, ears,\nheart, lungs, sexual parts (if the animal was a male), and a morsel of\nflesh from each limb. Then, after eating the rest of the flesh, they laid\nthe bones etc. in anatomical order in a coffin and buried them with the\nusual rites, believing that the god to whom the animal was sacrificed\nwould reclothe the bones with flesh and restore the animal to life in\nJabme-Aimo, the subterranean world of the dead. Sometimes, as after\nfeasting on a bear, they seem to have contented themselves with thus\nburying the bones.(391) Thus the Lapps expected the resurrection of the\nslain animal to take place in another world, resembling in this respect\nthe Kamtchatkans, who believed that every creature, down to the smallest\nfly, would rise from the dead and live underground.(392) On the other\nhand, the North American Indians looked for the resurrection of the\nanimals in the present world. The habit, observed especially by Mongolian\npeoples, of stuffing the skin of a sacrificed animal, or stretching it on\na framework,(393) points rather to a belief in a resurrection of the\nlatter sort. The objection commonly entertained by primitive peoples to\nbreak the bones of the animals which they have eaten or sacrificed(394)\nmay be based either on a belief in the resurrection of the animals, or on\na fear of intimidating the other creatures of the same species and\noffending the ghosts of the slain animals. The reluctance of North\nAmerican Indians to let dogs gnaw the bones of animals(395) is perhaps\nonly a precaution to prevent the bones from being broken. There are traces\nin folk-tales of the same primitive belief that animals or men may come to\nlife again, if only their bones are preserved; not uncommonly the animal\nor man in the story comes to life lame of a limb, because one of his bones\nhas been eaten, broken, or lost.(396) In a Magyar tale, the hero is cut in\npieces, but the serpent-king lays the bones together in their proper\norder, and washes them with water, whereupon the hero comes to life again.\nHis shoulder-blade, however, had been lost, so the serpent-king supplied\nits place with one of gold and ivory.(397) Such stories, as Mannhardt has\nseen, explain why Pythagoras, who claimed to have lived many lives, one\nafter the other, was said to have exhibited his golden leg as a proof of\nhis supernatural pretensions.(398) Doubtless he was reported to have\nexplained that at one of his resurrections a leg had been broken or\nmislaid, and that it had been replaced with one of gold. Similarly, when\nthe murdered Pelops was restored to life, the shoulder which Demeter had\neaten was replaced with one of ivory.(399) The story that one of the\nmembers of the mangled Osiris was eaten by fish, and that, when Isis\ncollected his scattered limbs, she replaced the missing member with one of\nwood,(400) may perhaps belong to the same circle of beliefs.\n\nThere is a certain rule observed by savage hunters and fishers which,\nobscure at first sight, may be explained by this savage belief in\nresurrection. A traveller in America in the early part of this century was\ntold by a half-breed Choctaw that the Indians \u201chad an obscure story,\nsomewhat resembling that of Jacob wrestling with an angel; and that the\nfull-blooded Indians always separate the sinew which shrank, and that it\nis never seen in the venison exposed for sale; he did not know what they\ndid with it. His elder brother, whom I afterwards met, told me that they\neat it as a rarity; but I have also heard, though on less respectable\nauthority, that they refrain from it, like the ancient Jews. A gentleman,\nwho had lived on the Indian frontier, or in the nation, for ten or fifteen\nyears, told me that he had often been surprised that the Indians always\ndetached the sinew; but it had never occurred to him to inquire the\nreason.\u201d(401) James Adair, who knew the Indians of the South Eastern\nStates intimately, and whose theories appear not to have distorted his\nview of the facts, observes that \u201cwhen in the woods, the Indians cut a\nsmall piece out of the lower part of the thighs of the deer they kill,\nlengthways and pretty deep. Among the great number of venison-hams they\nbring to our trading houses, I do not remember to have observed one\nwithout it.... And I have been assured by a gentleman of character, who is\nnow an inhabitant of South Carolina, and well acquainted with the customs\nof the Northern Indians, that they also cut a piece out of the thigh of\nevery deer they kill, and throw it away; and reckon it such a dangerous\npollution to eat it as to occasion sickness and other misfortunes of\nsundry kinds, especially by spoiling their guns from shooting with proper\nforce and direction.\u201d(402) In recent years the statement of Adair\u2019s\ninformant has been confirmed by the French missionary Petitot, who has\nalso published the \u201cobscure story\u201d to which Hodgson refers. The Loucheux\nand Hare-skin Indians who roam the bleak steppes and forests that stretch\nfrom Hudson\u2019s Bay to the Rocky Mountains, and northward to the frozen sea,\nare forbidden by custom to eat the sinew of the legs of animals. To\nexplain this custom they tell the following \u201csacred story.\u201d Once upon a\ntime a man found a burrow of porcupines, and going down into it after the\nporcupines he lost his way in the darkness, till a kind giant called \u201cHe\nwho sees before and behind\u201d released him by cleaving open the earth. So\nthe man, whose name was \u201cFireless and Homeless,\u201d lived with the kind\ngiant, and the giant hunted elans and beavers for him, and carried him\nabout in the sheath of his flint knife. \u201cBut know, my son,\u201d said the\ngiant, \u201cthat he who uses the sky as his head is angry with me, and has\nsworn my destruction. If he slays me the clouds will be tinged with my\nblood; they will be red with it, probably.\u201d Then he gave the man an axe\nmade of the tooth of a gigantic beaver, and went forth to meet his enemy.\nBut from under the ice the man heard a dull muffled sound. It was a whale\nwhich was making this noise because it was naked and cold. Warned by the\nman, the giant went toward the whale, which took human shape, and rushed\nupon the giant. It was the wicked giant, the kind giant\u2019s enemy. The two\nstruggled together for a long time, till the kind giant cried, \u201cOh, my\nson! cut, cut the sinew of the leg.\u201d The man cut the sinew, and the wicked\ngiant fell down and was slain. That is why the Indians do not eat the\nsinew of the leg. Afterwards, one day the sky suddenly grew red, so\nFireless and Homeless knew that the kind giant was dead, and he wept.(403)\nThis myth, it is almost needless to observe, does not really explain the\ncustom. No people ever observed a custom because a mythical being was said\nto have once acted in a certain way. But, on the contrary, all peoples\nhave invented myths to explain why they observed certain customs.\nDismissing, therefore, the story of Fireless and Homeless as a myth\ninvented to explain why the Indians abstain from eating a particular\nsinew, it may be suggested(404) that the original reason for observing the\ncustom was a belief that the sinew in question was necessary to\nreproduction, and that deprived of it the slain animals could not come to\nlife again and stock the steppes and prairies either of the present world\nor of the spirit land. We have seen that the resurrection of animals is a\ncommon article of savage faith, and that when the Lapps bury the skeleton\nof the male bear in the hope of its resurrection they are careful to bury\nthe genital parts along with it.(405)\n\nBesides the animals which primitive man dreads for their strength and\nferocity, and those which he reveres on account of the benefits which he\nexpects from them, there is another class of creatures which he sometimes\ndeems it necessary to conciliate by worship and sacrifice. These are the\nvermin that infest the crops. To rid himself of these deadly foes the\nfarmer has recourse to a thousand superstitious devices, of which, though\nmany are meant to destroy or intimidate the vermin, others aim at\npropitiating them and persuading them by fair means to spare the fruits of\nthe earth. Thus Esthonian peasants, in the Island of Oesel, stand in great\nawe of the weevil, an insect which is exceedingly destructive to the\ngrain. They give it a euphemistic title, and if a child is about to kill a\nweevil they say, \u201cDon\u2019t do it; the more we hurt him, the more he hurts\nus.\u201d If they find a weevil they bury it in the earth instead of killing\nit. Some even put the weevil under a stone in the field and offer corn to\nit. They think that thus it is appeased and does less harm.(406) Amongst\nthe Saxons of Transylvania, in order to keep sparrows from the corn, the\nsower begins by throwing the first handful of seed backwards over his\nhead, saying, \u201cThat is for you, sparrows.\u201d To guard the corn against the\nattacks of leaf-flies (_Erdfl\u00f6he_) he shuts his eyes and scatters three\nhandfuls of oats in different directions. Having made this offering to the\nleaf-flies he feels sure that they will spare the corn. A Transylvanian\nway of securing the crops against all birds, beasts, and insects, is this:\nAfter he has finished sowing, the sower goes once more from end to end of\nthe field imitating the gesture of sowing, but with an empty hand. As he\ndoes so he says, \u201cI sow this for the animals; I sow it for everything that\nflies and creeps, that walks and stands, that sings and springs, in the\nname of God the Father, etc.\u201d(407) The following is a German way of\nfreeing a garden from caterpillars. After sunset or at midnight the\nmistress of the house, or another female member of the family, walks all\nround the garden dragging a broom after her. She must not look behind her,\nand must keep murmuring, \u201cGood evening, Mother Caterpillar, you shall come\nwith your husband to church.\u201d The garden gate is left open till the\nfollowing morning.(408)\n\nSometimes in dealing with vermin the farmer resorts neither to unmitigated\nseverity nor to unbounded indulgence, but aims at adopting a judicious\ncompromise between the two; kind but firm, he tempers severity with mercy.\nAn ancient Greek treatise on farming advises the husbandman who would rid\nhis lands of mice to act thus: \u201cTake a sheet of paper and write on it as\nfollows: \u2018I adjure you, ye mice here present, that ye neither injure me\nnor suffer another mouse to do so. I give you yonder field\u2019 (here you\nspecify the field); \u2018but if ever I catch you here again, by the Mother of\nthe Gods I will rend you in seven pieces.\u2019 Write this, and stick the paper\non an unhewn stone in the field before sunrise, taking care to keep the\nwritten side uppermost.\u201d(409) Sometimes the desired object is supposed to\nbe attained by treating with high distinction one or two chosen\nindividuals of the obnoxious species, while the rest are pursued with\nrelentless rigour. In the East Indian island of Bali, the mice which\nravage the rice-fields are caught in great numbers, and burned in the same\nway that corpses are burned. But two of the captured mice are allowed to\nlive, and receive a little packet of white linen. Then the people bow down\nbefore them, as before gods, and let them go.(410) In some parts of\nBohemia the peasant, though he kills field mice and gray mice without\nscruple, always spares white mice. If he finds a white mouse he takes it\nup carefully, and makes a comfortable bed for it in the window; for if it\ndied the luck of the house would be gone, and the gray mice would multiply\nfearfully in the house.(411) When caterpillars invaded a vineyard or field\nin Syria, the virgins were gathered, and one of the caterpillars was taken\nand a girl made its mother. Then they bewailed and buried it. Thereafter\nthey conducted the \u201cmother\u201d to the place where the caterpillars were,\nconsoling her, in order that all the caterpillars might leave the\ngarden.(412) On the 1st of September, Russian girls \u201cmake small coffins of\nturnips and other vegetables, enclose flies and other insects in them, and\nthen bury them with a great show of mourning.\u201d(413)\n\nIn these latter examples the deference shown to a few chosen individuals\nof the species is apparently regarded as entitling a person to exterminate\nwith impunity all the rest of the species upon which he can lay hands.\nThis principle perhaps explains the attitude, at first sight puzzling and\ncontradictory, of the Ainos towards the bear. The flesh and skin of the\nbear regularly afford them food and clothing; but since the bear is an\nintelligent and powerful animal, it is necessary to offer some\nsatisfaction or atonement to the bear species for the loss which it\nsustains in the death of so many of its members. This satisfaction or\natonement is made by rearing young bears, treating them, so long as they\nlive, with respect, and killing them with extraordinary marks of sorrow\nand devotion. Thus the other bears are appeased, and do not resent the\nslaughter of their kind by attacking the slayers or deserting the country,\nand thus depriving the Ainos of one of their means of subsistence.\n\nThus the primitive worship of animals assumes two forms, which are in some\nrespects the converse of each other. On the one hand animals are\nrespected, and are therefore neither killed nor eaten. Totemism is a form\nof this worship, if worship it can be called; but it is not the only form,\nfor we have seen that dangerous and useless animals, like the crocodile,\nare commonly revered and spared by men who do not regard the animal in\nquestion as their totem. On the other hand animals are worshipped because\nthey are habitually killed and eaten. In both forms of worship the animal\nis revered on account of some benefit, positive or negative, which the\nsavage hopes to receive from it. In the former worship the benefit comes\neither in the positive form of protection, advice, and help which the\nanimal affords the man, or in the negative one of abstinence from injuries\nwhich it is in the power of the animal to inflict. In the latter worship\nthe benefit takes the material form of the animal\u2019s flesh and skin. The\ntwo forms of worship are in some measure antithetical: in the one, the\nanimal is not eaten because it is revered; in the other, it is revered\nbecause it is eaten. But both may be practised by the same people, as we\nsee in the case of the North American Indians, who, while they revere and\nspare their totem animals, also revere the animals and fish upon which\nthey subsist. The aborigines of Australia have totemism in the most\nprimitive form known to us, but, so far as I am aware, there is no\nevidence that they attempt, like the North American Indians, to conciliate\nthe animals which they kill and eat. The means which the Australians adopt\nto secure a plentiful supply of game appear to be based not on\nconciliation, but on sympathetic magic,(414) a principle to which the\nNorth American Indians also resort for the same purpose.(415) If this is\nso, it would appear that the totemistic respect for animals is older than\nthe other, and that, before hunters think of worshipping the game as a\nmeans of ensuring an abundant supply of it, they seek to attain the same\nend by sympathetic magic. This, again, would show\u2014what there is good\nreason for believing\u2014that sympathetic magic is one of the earliest means\nby which man endeavours to adapt the agencies of nature to his needs.\n\nCorresponding to the two distinct types of animal worship, there are two\ndistinct types of the custom of killing the animal god. On the one hand,\nwhen the revered animal is habitually spared, it is nevertheless\nkilled\u2014and sometimes eaten\u2014on rare and solemn occasions. Examples of this\ncustom have been already given and an explanation of them offered. On the\nother hand, when the revered animal is habitually killed, the slaughter of\nany one of the species involves the killing of the god, and is atoned for\non the spot by apologies and sacrifices, especially when the animal is a\npowerful and dangerous one; and, in addition to this ordinary and everyday\natonement, there is a special annual atonement, at which a select\nindividual of the species is slain with extraordinary marks of respect and\ndevotion. Clearly the two types of sacramental killing\u2014the Egyptian and\nthe Aino types, as we may call them for distinction\u2014are liable to be\nconfounded by an observer; and, before we can say to which type any\nparticular example belongs, it is necessary to ascertain whether the\nanimal sacramentally slain belongs to a species which is habitually\nspared, or to one which is habitually killed by the tribe. In the former\ncase the example belongs to the Egyptian type of sacrament, in the latter\nto the Aino type.\n\nThe practice of pastoral tribes appears to furnish examples of both types\nof sacrament. \u201cPastoral tribes,\u201d says the most learned ethnologist of the\nday, \u201cbeing sometimes obliged to sell their herds to strangers who may\nhandle the bones disrespectfully, seek to avert the danger which such a\nsacrilege would entail by consecrating one of the herd as an object of\nworship, eating it sacramentally in the family circle with closed doors,\nand afterwards treating the bones with all the ceremonious respect which,\nstrictly speaking, should be accorded to every head of cattle, but which,\nbeing punctually paid to the representative animal, is deemed to be paid\nto all. Such family meals are found among various peoples, especially\nthose of the Caucasus. When amongst the Abchases the shepherds in spring\neat their common meal with their loins girt and their staffs in their\nhands, this may be looked upon both as a sacrament and as an oath of\nmutual help and support. For the strongest of all oaths is that which is\naccompanied with the eating of a sacred substance, since the perjured\nperson cannot possibly escape the avenging god whom he has taken into his\nbody and assimilated.\u201d(416) This kind of sacrament is of the Aino or\nexpiatory type, since it is meant to atone to the species for the possible\nill-usage of individuals. An expiation, similar in principle but different\nin details, is offered by the Kalmucks to the sheep whose flesh is one of\ntheir staple foods. Rich Kalmucks are in the habit of consecrating a white\nram under the title of \u201cthe ram of heaven\u201d or \u201cthe ram of the spirit.\u201d The\nanimal is never shorn and never sold; but when it grows old and its owner\nwishes to consecrate a new one, the old ram must be killed and eaten at a\nfeast to which the neighbours are invited. On a lucky day, generally in\nautumn when the sheep are fat, a sorcerer kills the old ram, after\nsprinkling it with milk. Its flesh is eaten; the skeleton, with a portion\nof the fat, is burned on a turf altar; and the skin, with the head and\nfeet, is hung up.(417)\n\nAn example of a sacrament of the Egyptian type is furnished by the Todas,\na pastoral people of Southern India, who subsist largely upon the milk of\ntheir buffaloes. Amongst them \u201cthe buffalo is to a certain degree held\nsacred\u201d and \u201cis treated with great kindness, even with a degree of\nadoration, by the people.\u201d(418) They never eat the flesh of the cow\nbuffalo, and as a rule abstain from the flesh of the male. But to the\nlatter rule there is a single exception. Once a year all the adult males\nof the village join in the ceremony of killing and eating a very young\nmale calf,\u2014seemingly under a month old. They take the animal into the dark\nrecesses of the village wood, where it is killed with a club made from the\nsacred tree of the Todas (the _t\u00fbde_ or _Millingtonia_). A sacred fire\nhaving been made by the rubbing of sticks, the flesh of the calf is\nroasted on the embers of certain trees, and is eaten by the men alone,\nwomen being excluded from the assembly. This is the only occasion on which\nthe Todas eat buffalo flesh.(419) The Madi or Moru tribe of Central\nAfrica, whose chief wealth is their cattle, though they also practice\nagriculture, appear to kill a lamb sacramentally on certain solemn\noccasions. The custom is thus described by Dr. Felkin. \u201cA remarkable\ncustom is observed at stated times\u2014once a year, I am led to believe. I\nhave not been able to ascertain what exact meaning is attached to it. It\nappears, however, to relieve the people\u2019s minds, for beforehand they\nevince much sadness, and seem very joyful when the ceremony is duly\naccomplished. The following is what takes place: A large concourse of\npeople of all ages assemble, and sit down round a circle of stones, which\nis erected by the side of a road (really a narrow path). A very choice\nlamb is then fetched by a boy, who leads it four times round the assembled\npeople. As it passes they pluck off little bits of its fleece and place\nthem in their hair, or on to some other part of their body. The lamb is\nthen led up to the stones, and there killed by a man belonging to a kind\nof priestly order, who takes some of the blood and sprinkles it four times\nover the people. He then applies it individually. On the children he makes\na small ring of blood over the lower end of the breast bone, on women and\ngirls he makes a mark above the breasts, and the men he touches on each\nshoulder. He then proceeds to explain the ceremony, and to exhort the\npeople to show kindness.... When this discourse, which is at times of\ngreat length, is over, the people rise, each places a leaf on or by the\ncircle of stones, and then they depart with signs of great joy. The lamb\u2019s\nskull is hung on a tree near the stones, and its flesh is eaten by the\npoor. This ceremony is observed on a small scale at other times. If a\nfamily is in any great trouble, through illness or bereavement, their\nfriends and neighbours come together and a lamb is killed: this is thought\nto avert further evil. The same custom prevails at the grave of departed\nfriends, and also on joyful occasions, such as the return of a son home\nafter a very prolonged absence.\u201d(420) The sorrow thus manifested by the\npeople at the annual slaughter of the lamb clearly indicates that the lamb\nslain is a divine animal, whose death is mourned by his worshippers,(421)\njust as the death of the sacred buzzard was mourned by the Californians\nand the death of the Theban ram by the Egyptians. The smearing each of the\nworshippers with the blood of the lamb is a form of communion with the\ndivinity;(422) the vehicle of the divine life is applied externally\ninstead of being taken internally, as when the blood is drunk or the flesh\neaten.\n\nThe form of communion in which the sacred animal is taken from house to\nhouse, that all may enjoy a share of its divine influence, has been\nexemplified by the Gilyak custom of promenading the bear through the\nvillage before it is slain. A similar form of communion with the sacred\nsnake is observed by a Snake tribe in the Punjaub. Once a year in the\nmonth of September the snake is worshipped by all castes and religions for\nnine days only. At the end of August the Mirasans, especially those of the\nSnake tribe, make a snake of dough which they paint black and red, and\nplace on a winnowing basket. This basket they carry round the village, and\non entering any house they say\u2014\n\n\n \u201cGod be with you all!\n May every ill be far!\n May our patron\u2019s (Gugga\u2019s) word thrive!\u201d\n\n\nThey then present the basket with the snake, saying\u2014\n\n\n \u201cA small cake of flour:\n A little bit of butter:\n If you obey the snake,\n You and yours shall thrive!\u201d\n\n\nStrictly speaking, a cake and butter should be given, but it is seldom\ndone. Every one, however, gives something, generally a handful of dough or\nsome corn. In houses where there is a new bride or whence a bride has\ngone, or where a son has been born, it is usual to give a rupee and a\nquarter, or some cloth. Sometimes the bearers of the snake also sing\u2014\n\n\n \u201cGive the snake a piece of cloth,\n And he will send a lively bride.\u201d\n\n\nWhen every house has been thus visited, the dough snake is buried and a\nsmall grave is erected over it. Hither during the nine days of September\nthe women come to worship. They bring a basin of curds, a small portion of\nwhich they offer at the snake\u2019s grave, kneeling on the ground and touching\nthe earth with their foreheads. Then they go home and divide the rest of\nthe curds among the children. Here the dough snake is clearly a substitute\nfor a real snake. This is proved by the fact that in districts where\nsnakes abound the worship is offered, not at the grave of the dough snake,\nbut in the jungles where snakes are known to be. Besides this yearly\nworship performed by all the people, the members of the Snake tribe\nworship in the same way every morning after a new moon. The Snake tribe is\nnot uncommon in the Punjaub. Members of it will not kill a snake and they\nsay that its bite does not hurt them. If they find a dead snake, they put\nclothes on it and give it a regular funeral.(423)\n\nCeremonies closely analogous to this Indian worship of the snake have\nsurvived in Europe into recent times, and doubtless date from a very\nprimitive paganism. The best-known example is the \u201chunting of the wren.\u201d\nBy many European peoples\u2014the ancient Greeks and Romans, the modern\nItalians, Spaniards, French, Germans, Dutch, Danes, Swedes, English, and\nWelsh\u2014the wren has been designated the king, the little king, the king of\nbirds, the hedge king, etc.,(424) and has been reckoned amongst those\nbirds which it is extremely unlucky to kill. In England it is thought that\nif any one kills a wren or harries its nest, he will infallibly break a\nbone or meet with some dreadful misfortune within the year;(425) sometimes\nit is thought that the cows will give bloody milk.(426) In Scotland the\nwren is called \u201cthe Lady of Heaven\u2019s hen,\u201d and boys say\u2014\n\n\n \u201cMalisons, malisons, mair than ten,\n That harry the Ladye of Heaven\u2019s hen!\u201d(427)\n\n\nAt Saint Donan, in Brittany, people believe that if children touch the\nyoung wrens in the nest, they will suffer from the fire of St. Lawrence,\nthat is, from pimples on the face, legs, etc.(428) In other parts of\nFrance it is believed that if a person kills a wren or harries its nest,\nhis house will be struck by lightning, or that the fingers with which he\ndid the deed will shrivel up and drop off, or at least be maimed, or that\nhis cattle will suffer in their feet.(429) Notwithstanding such beliefs,\nthe custom of annually killing the wren has prevailed widely both in this\ncountry and in France. In the Isle of Man last century the custom was\nobserved on Christmas Eve or rather Christmas morning. On the 24th of\nDecember, towards evening, all the servants got a holiday; they did not go\nto bed all night, but rambled about till the bells rang in all the\nchurches at midnight. When prayers were over, they went to hunt the wren,\nand having found one of these birds they killed it and fastened it to the\ntop of a long pole with its wings extended. Thus they carried it in\nprocession to every house chanting the following rhyme\u2014\n\n\n \u201cWe hunted the wren for Robin the Bobbin,\n We hunted the wren for Jack of the Can,\n We hunted the wren for Robin the Bobbin,\n We hunted the wren for every one.\u201d\n\n\nAfter going from house to house and collecting all the money they could,\nthey laid the wren on a bier \u201cwith the utmost solemnity, singing dirges\nover her in the Manks language, which they call her knell; after which\nChristmas begins.\u201d After the burial the company outside the churchyard\nformed a circle and danced to music. About the middle of the present\ncentury the burial of the wren took place in the Isle of Man on St.\nStephen\u2019s Day (December 26th). Boys went from door to door with a wren\nsuspended by the legs in the centre of two hoops which crossed each other\nat right angles and were decorated with evergreens and ribbons. The\nbearers sang certain lines in which reference was made to boiling and\neating the bird. If at the close of the song they received a small coin,\nthey gave in return a feather of the wren; so that before the end of the\nday the bird often hung almost featherless. The wren was then buried, no\nlonger in the churchyard, but on the sea-shore or in some waste place. The\nfeathers distributed were preserved with religious care, it being believed\nthat every feather was an effectual preservative from shipwreck for a\nyear, and a fisherman would have been thought very foolhardy who had not\none of them.(430)\n\nIn Ireland the \u201chunting of the wren\u201d still takes place in parts of\nLeinster and Connaught. On Christmas Day or St. Stephen\u2019s Day the boys\nhunt and kill the wren, fasten it in the middle of a mass of holly and ivy\non the top of a broomstick, and on St. Stephen\u2019s Day go about with it from\nhouse to house, singing\u2014\n\n\n \u201cThe wren, the wren, the king of all birds,\n St. Stephen\u2019s Day was caught in the furze;\n Although he is little, his family\u2019s great,\n I pray you, good landlady, give us a treat.\u201d\n\n\nMoney or food (bread, butter, eggs, etc.) were given them, upon which they\nfeasted in the evening. Sometimes in Ireland, as in the Isle of Man, the\nbird was hung by the leg in the centre of two hoops crossing each other at\nright angles.(431) In Essex a similar custom used to be observed at\nChristmas, and the verses sung by the boys were almost identical with\nthose sung in Ireland.(432) In Pembrokeshire a wren, called the King, used\nto be carried about on Twelfth Day in a box with glass windows surmounted\nby a wheel, from which hung various coloured ribbons. The men and boys who\ncarried it from house to house sang songs, in one of which they wished\n\u201cjoy, health, love, and peace\u201d to the inmates of the house.(433)\n\nIn the first half of this century similar customs were still observed in\nvarious parts of the south of France. Thus at Carcassone, every year on\nthe first Sunday of December the young people of the street Saint Jean\nused to go out of the town armed with sticks, with which they beat the\nbushes, looking for wrens. The first to strike down one of these birds was\nproclaimed King. Then they returned to the town in procession, headed by\nthe King, who carried the wren on a pole. On the evening of the last day\nof the year the King and all who had hunted the wren marched through the\nstreets of the town with torches and music. At the door of every house\nthey stopped, and one of them wrote with chalk on the door _vive le roi!_\nwith the number of the year which was about to begin. On the morning of\nTwelfth Day the King again marched in procession with great pomp, wearing\na crown and a blue mantle and carrying a sceptre. In front of him was\nborne the wren fastened to the top of a pole, which was adorned with a\nwreath of olive, oak, and mistletoe. After hearing high mass in the\nchurch, surrounded by his officers and guards, he visited the bishop,\nmayor, magistrates, and the chief inhabitants, collecting money to defray\nthe expenses of the royal banquet which took place in the evening.(434) At\nEntraigues men and boys used to hunt the wren on Christmas Eve. When they\ncaught one alive they presented it to the priest, who, after the midnight\nmass, set the bird free in the church. At Mirabeau the priest blessed the\nbird. If the men failed to catch a wren and the women succeeded in doing\nso, the women had the right to mock and insult the men, and to blacken\ntheir faces with mud and soot, if they caught them.(435) At La Ciotat,\nnear Marseilles, a large body of men armed with swords and pistols used to\nhunt the wren every year about the end of December. When a wren was caught\nit was hung on the middle of a pole which two men carried, as if it were a\nheavy burden. Thus they paraded round the town; the bird was weighed in a\ngreat pair of scales; and then the company sat down to table and made\nmerry.(436)\n\nThe parallelism between this custom of \u201chunting the wren\u201d and some of\nthose we have considered, especially the Gilyak procession with the bear,\nand the Indian one with the snake, seems too close to allow us to doubt\nthat they all belong to the same circle of ideas. The worshipful animal is\nkilled with special solemnity once a year; and before or immediately after\ndeath, he is promenaded from door to door, that each of his worshippers\nmay receive a portion of the divine virtues that are supposed to emanate\nfrom the dead or dying god. Religious processions of this sort must have\nhad a great place in the ritual of European peoples in prehistoric times,\nif we may judge from the numerous traces of them which have survived in\nfolk-custom. A well-preserved specimen is the following, which survived in\nthe Highlands of Scotland and in St. Kilda down to the latter half of last\ncentury. \u201cOn the evening before New Year\u2019s Day, it is usual for the\ncowherd and the young people to meet together, and one of them is covered\nwith a cow\u2019s hide. The rest of the company are provided with staves, to\nthe end of which bits of raw hide are tied. The person covered with the\nhide runs thrice round the dwelling-house, _deiseil_\u2014_i.e._ according to\nthe course of the sun; the rest pursue, beating the hide with their\nstaves, and crying [here follows the Gaelic], \u2018Let us raise the noise\nlouder and louder; let us beat the hide.\u2019 They then come to the door of\neach dwelling-house, and one of them repeats some verses composed for the\npurpose. When admission is granted, one of them pronounces within the\nthreshold the _beannachadthurlair_, or verses by which he pretends to draw\ndown a blessing upon the whole family [here follows the Gaelic], \u2018May God\nbless this house and all that belongs to it, cattle, stones, and timber!\nIn plenty of meat, of bed and body-clothes, and health of men, may it ever\nabound!\u2019 Then each burns in the fire a little bit of hide which is tied to\nthe end of the staff. It is applied to the nose of every person and\ndomestic animal that belongs to the house. This, they imagine, will tend\nmuch to secure them from diseases and other misfortunes during the ensuing\nyear. The whole of the ceremony is called _colluinn_, from the great noise\nwhich the hide makes.\u201d(437) From another authority,(438) we learn that the\nhide of which pieces were burned in each house and applied to the inmates\nwas the breast part of a sheep-skin. Formerly, perhaps, pieces of the\ncow-hide in which the man was clad were detached for this purpose, just as\nin the Isle of Man a feather of the wren used to be given to each\nhousehold. Similarly, as we have seen, the human victim whom the Khonds\nslew as a divinity was taken from house to house, and every one strove to\nobtain a relic of his sacred person. Such customs are only another form of\nthat communion with the deity which is attained most completely by eating\nthe body and drinking the blood of the god.\n\nIn the \u201chunting of the wren,\u201d and the procession with the man clad in a\ncow-skin, there is nothing to show that the customs in question have any\nrelation to agriculture. So far as appears, they may date from the\npre-agricultural era when animals were revered as divine in themselves,\nnot merely as divine because they embodied the corn-spirit; and the\nanalogy of the Gilyak procession of the bear, and the Indian procession of\nthe snake is in favour of assigning the corresponding European customs to\nthis very early date. On the other hand, there are certain European\nprocessions of animals, or of men disguised as animals, which may possibly\nbe purely agricultural in their origin;(439) in other words, the animals\nwhich figure in them may have been from the first nothing but\nrepresentatives of the corn-spirit conceived in animal shape. But it is at\nleast equally possible that these processions originated in the\npre-agricultural era, and have only received an agricultural tinge from\nthe environment in which they have so long survived. But the question is\nan obscure and difficult one, and cannot be here discussed.\n\n\n\n\n\u00a7 13.\u2014Transference of evil.\n\n\nThe custom of killing the god has now been proved to have been practised\nby peoples in the hunting, pastoral, and agricultural stages of society,\nand the various reasons for observing the custom have been explained. One\naspect of the custom still remains to be noticed. The accumulated\nmisfortunes and sins of the whole people are sometimes laid upon the dying\ngod, who is supposed to bear them away for ever, leaving the people\ninnocent and happy. The notion that we can transfer our pains and griefs\nto some other being who will bear them in our stead is familiar to the\nsavage mind. It arises from a very obvious confusion between the physical\nand the mental. Because it is possible to transfer a load of wood, stones,\nor what not, from our own back to the back of another, the savage fancies\nthat it is equally possible to transfer the burden of his pains and\nsorrows to another, who will suffer them in his stead. Upon this idea he\nacts, and the result is an endless number of often very unamiable devices\nfor putting off upon some one else the trouble which a man shrinks from\nbearing himself. Such devices are amongst the most familiar facts in\nfolk-lore; but for the benefit of readers who are not professed students\nof folk-lore, a few illustrations may be given.\n\nIt is not necessary that the pain or trouble should be transferred from\nthe sufferer to a person; it may equally well be transferred to an animal\nor a thing, though in the last case the thing is often only a vehicle to\nconvey the trouble to the first person who touches it. In some of the East\nIndian islands epilepsy is believed to be cured by striking the patient on\nthe face with the leaves of certain trees and then throwing the leaves\naway. The epilepsy is believed to have passed into the leaves, and to have\nbeen thrown away with them.(440) To cure toothache some of the Australian\nblacks apply a heated spear-thrower to the cheek. The spear-thrower is\nthen cast away, and the toothache goes with it, in the shape of a black\nstone called _karriitch_. Stones of this kind are found in old mounds and\nsandhills. They are carefully collected and thrown in the direction of\nenemies, in order to give them toothache.(441) When a Moor has a headache,\nhe will sometimes take a lamb or a goat and beat it till it falls down,\nbelieving that the headache will thus be transferred to the animal.(442)\nAfter an illness, a Bechuana king seated himself upon an ox which lay\nstretched on the ground. The native doctor next poured water on the king\u2019s\nhead till it ran down over his body. Then the head of the ox was held in a\nvessel of water till the animal expired; whereupon the doctor declared,\nand the people believed, that the ox died of the king\u2019s disease, which had\nbeen transferred to it from the king.(443) Amongst the Malagasy the\nvehicle for carrying away evils is called a _faditra_. \u201cThe faditra is\nanything selected by the sikidy [divining-board] for the purpose of taking\naway any hurtful evils or diseases that might prove injurious to an\nindividual\u2019s happiness, peace, or prosperity. The faditra may be either\nashes, cut money, a sheep, a pumpkin, or anything else the sikidy may\nchoose to direct. After the particular article is appointed, the priest\ncounts upon it all the evils that may prove injurious to the person for\nwhom it is made, and which he then charges the faditra to take away for\never. If the faditra be ashes, it is blown, to be carried away by the\nwind. If it be cut money, it is thrown to the bottom of deep water, or\nwhere it can never be found. If it be a sheep, it is carried away to a\ndistance on the shoulders of a man, who runs with all his might, mumbling\nas he goes, as if in the greatest rage against the faditra for the evils\nit is bearing away. If it be a pumpkin, it is carried on the shoulders to\na little distance, and there dashed upon the ground with every appearance\nof fury and indignation.\u201d(444) A Malagasy was informed by a diviner that\nhe was doomed to a bloody death, but that possibly he might avert his fate\nby performing a certain rite. Carrying a small vessel full of blood upon\nhis head, he was to mount upon the back of a bullock; while thus mounted,\nhe was to spill the blood upon the bullock\u2019s head, and then send the\nanimal away into the wilderness, whence it might never return.(445)\n\nThe Battas of Sumatra have a ceremony which they call \u201cmaking the curse to\nfly away.\u201d When a woman is childless, a sacrifice is offered to the gods\nof three grasshoppers, representing a head of cattle, a buffalo, and a\nhorse. Then a swallow is set free, with a prayer that the curse may fall\nupon the bird and fly away with it.(446) At the cleansing of a leper and\nof a house suspected of being tainted with leprosy, the Jews let a bird\nfly away.(447) Amongst the Miaotse of China, when the eldest son of the\nhouse attains the age of seven years, a ceremony called \u201cdriving away the\ndevil\u201d takes place. The father makes a kite of straw and lets it fly away\nin the desert, bearing away all evil with it.(448) In Morocco most wealthy\nMoors keep a wild boar in their stables, in order that the jinn and evil\nspirits may be diverted from the horses and enter into the boar.(449) The\nDyaks believe that certain men possess in themselves the power of\nneutralising bad omens. So, when evil omens have alarmed a farmer for the\nsafety of his crops, he takes a small portion of his farm produce to one\nof these wise men, who eats it raw for a small consideration, \u201cand thereby\nappropriates to himself the evil omen, which in him becomes innocuous, and\nthus delivers the other from the ban of the _pemali_ or taboo.\u201d(450) In\nTravancore, when a Rajah is dangerously ill and his life is despaired of,\na holy Brahman is brought, who closely embraces the King, and says, \u201cO\nKing! I undertake to bear all your sins and diseases. May your Highness\nlive long and reign happily.\u201d Then the sin-bearer is sent away from the\ncountry, and never allowed to return.(451) Amongst the Burghers or Badagas\nof the Neilgherry Hills in Southern India, when a death has taken place,\nthe sins of the deceased are laid upon a buffalo calf. A set form of\nconfession of sins, the same for every one, is recited aloud, then the\ncalf is set free, and is never afterwards used for common purposes. \u201cThe\nidea of this ceremony is that the sins of the deceased enter the calf, or\nthat the task of his absolution is laid on it. They say that the calf very\nsoon disappears, and that it is never after heard of.\u201d(452)\n\nSimilar attempts to shift the burden of disease and sin from one\u2019s self to\nanother person, or to an animal or thing, have been common in ancient and\nmodern Europe. Grave writers of antiquity recommended that, if a man be\nstung by a scorpion, he should sit upon an ass with his face to the tail,\nor whisper in the ear of the ass, \u201cA scorpion has stung me\u201d; in either\ncase, they thought, the pain would be transferred from the man to the\nass.(453) A Roman cure for fever was to pare the patient\u2019s nails, and\nstick the parings with wax upon a neighbour\u2019s door before sunrise; the\nfever then passed from the sick man to his neighbour.(454) Similar devices\nmust have been practised by the Greeks; for in laying down laws for his\nideal state, Plato thinks it too much to expect that men should not be\nalarmed at finding certain wax figures adhering to their doors or to the\ntombstones of their parents, or lying at cross-roads.(455) In modern\nEurope there is no end to such devices. Thus the Orkney Islanders will\nwash a sick person and then throw the water down at a gateway, in the\nbelief that the sickness will leave the patient and be transferred to the\nfirst person who passes through the gate.(456) A Bavarian cure for the\nfever is to write upon a piece of paper, \u201cFever, stay away, I am not at\nhome,\u201d and to put the paper in some person\u2019s pocket. The latter then\ncatches the fever and the patient is rid of it.(457) Another cure is for\nthe patient to stick a twig of the elder-tree in the ground without\nspeaking. The fever then adheres to the twig, and whoever pulls up the\ntwig will catch the disease.(458) To get rid of warts, take a string and\nmake as many knots in it as you have warts. Then lay the string under a\nstone. Whoever treads upon the stone will get the warts, and you will be\nrid of them.(459) Gout may be transferred from a man to a tree thus. Pare\nthe nails of the sufferer\u2019s fingers and clip some hairs from his legs.\nBore a hole in an oak, stuff the nails and hair in the hole, stop up the\nhole again, and smear it with cow\u2019s dung. If, for three months afterwards,\nthe patient is free of gout, then the oak has it in his stead.(460) A\nFlemish cure for the ague is to go early in the morning to an old willow,\ntie three knots in one of its branches, say, \u201cGood-morrow, Old One, I give\nthee the cold, good-morrow, Old One,\u201d then turn and run away without\nlooking round.(461) A cure current in Sunderland for a cough is to shave\nthe patient\u2019s head and hang the hair on a bush. When the birds carry the\nhair to their nests, they will carry the cough with it. A Northamptonshire\nand Devonshire cure is to put a hair of the patient\u2019s head between two\nslices of buttered bread and give it to a dog. The dog will get the cough\nand the patient will lose it.(462) In the Greek island of Carpathus the\npriest ties a red thread round the neck of a sick person. Next morning the\nfriends of the patient remove the thread and go out to the hillside, where\nthey tie the thread to a tree, thinking that they thus transfer the\nsickness to the tree.(463)\n\nThe old Welsh custom known as \u201csin-eating\u201d is another example of the\nsupposed transference of evil from one person to another. According to\nAubrey, \u201cIn the County of Hereford was an old Custome at funeralls to hire\npoor people, who were to take upon them all the sinnes of the party\ndeceased. One of them, I remember, lived in a cottage on Rosse-high way\n(he was a long, leane, ugly, lamentable poor raskal). The manner was that\nwhen the Corps was brought out of the house and layd on the Biere; a Loafe\nof bread was brought out, and delivered to the Sinne-eater over the corps,\nas also a Mazar-bowle of maple (Gossips bowle) full of beer, which he was\nto drinke up, and sixpence in money, in consideration whereof he took upon\nhim (ipso facto) all the Sinnes of the Defunct, and freed him (or her)\nfrom walking after they were dead.... I believe this custom was heretofore\nused over all Wales.... In North Wales the Sinne-eaters are frequently\nmade use of; but there, instead of a Bowle of Beere, they have a bowle of\nMilke.\u201d(464) According to a letter dated February 1, 1714-5, \u201cwithin the\nmemory of our fathers, in Shropshire, in those villages adjoyning to\nWales, when a person dyed, there was notice given to an old sire (for so\nthey called him), who presently repaired to the place where the deceased\nlay, and stood before the door of the house, when some of the family came\nout and furnished him with a cricket, on which he sat down facing the\ndoor. Then they gave him a groat, which he put in his pocket; a crust of\nbread, which he eat; and a full bowle of ale, which he drank off at a\ndraught. After this he got up from the cricket and pronounced, with a\ncomposed gesture, the ease and rest of the soul departed for which he\nwould pawn his own soul. This I had from the ingenious John Aubrey,\nEsq.\u201d(465) In recent years some doubt has been thrown on Aubrey\u2019s account\nof the custom.(466) The practice, however, is reported to have prevailed\nin a valley not far from Llandebie to a recent period. An instance was\nsaid to have occurred about forty years ago.(467) Aubrey\u2019s statement is\nsupported by the analogy of similar customs in India. When the Rajah of\nTanjore died in 1801, some of his bones and the bones of the two wives,\nwho were burned with his corpse, were ground to powder and eaten, mixed\nwith boiled rice, by twelve Brahmans. It was believed that the sins of the\ndeceased passed into the bodies of the Brahmans, who were paid for the\nservice.(468) A Brahman, resident in a village near Raip\u00far, stated that he\nhad eaten food (rice and milk) out of the hand of the dead Rajah of\nBil\u00e1sp\u00far, and that in consequence he had been placed on the throne for the\nspace of a year. At the end of the year he had been given presents and\nthen turned out of the territory and forbidden apparently to return. He\nwas an outcast among his fellows for having eaten out of a dead man\u2019s\nhand.(469) A similar custom is believed to obtain among the hill states\nabout K\u00e1ngr\u00e1, and to have given rise to a caste of \u201coutcaste\u201d Brahmans. At\nthe funeral of a R\u00e1n\u00ed of Chamb\u00e1 rice and _gh\u00ed_ were eaten out of the hands\nof the corpse by a Brahman paid for the purpose. Afterwards a stranger,\nwho had been caught outside the Chamb\u00e1 territory, was given the costly\nwrappings of the corpse, then told to depart and never show his face in\nthe country again.(470) In Oude when an infant was killed it used to be\nburied in the room in which it had been born. On the thirteenth day\nafterwards the priest had to cook and eat his food in that room. By doing\nso he was supposed to take the whole sin upon himself and to cleanse the\nfamily from it.(471) At Utch Kurgan in Turkistan Mr. Schuyler saw an old\nman who was said to get his living by taking on himself the sins of the\ndead and thenceforth devoting his life to prayer for their souls.(472)\n\n\n\n\n\u00a7 14.\u2014Expulsion of evils,\n\n\nThese examples illustrate the primitive principle of the transference of\nills to another person, animal, or thing. In the instances cited the\nprinciple is applied for the benefit of individuals only. But analogous\nproceedings are employed by barbarous peoples to rid a whole community of\nall their troubles at a blow. The frame of mind which prompts such\nwholesale clearances of evil may be described in the language of Mr. Im\nThurn, for though he wrote of the Indians of Guiana in particular, his\ndescription is capable of a much wider application. He says: \u201cThus the\nwhole world of the Indian swarms with these [spiritual] beings. If by a\nmighty mental effort we could for a moment revert to a similar mental\nposition we should find ourselves surrounded by a host of possibly hurtful\nbeings, so many in number that to describe them as innumerable would fall\nridiculously short of the truth. It is not therefore wonderful that the\nIndian fears to move beyond the light of his camp-fire after dark, or, if\nhe is obliged to do so, carries a firebrand with him that he may at least\nsee among what enemies he walks; nor is it wonderful that occasionally the\nair round the settlement seems to the Indian to grow so full of beings\nthat a peaiman [sorcerer], who is supposed to have the power of\ntemporarily driving them away, is employed to effect a general clearance\nof these beings, if only for a time.\u201d(473) Such general clearances of evil\ninfluences may be divided into two classes, according as the expelled\nevils are immaterial and invisible or are embodied in a material vehicle\nor scapegoat. The former may be called the direct or immediate expulsion\nof evils; the latter the indirect or mediate expulsion, or the expulsion\nby scapegoat. We begin with examples of the former.\n\nIn the island of Rook, between New Guinea and New Britain, when any\nmisfortune has happened, all the people run together, scream, curse, howl,\nand beat the air with sticks to drive away the devil (_Mars\u00e1ba_), who is\nsupposed to be the author of the mishap. From the spot where the mishap\ntook place they drive him step by step to the sea, and on reaching the\nshore they redouble their shouts and blows in order to expel him from the\nisland. He generally retires to the sea or to the island of Lottin.(474)\nThe natives of New Britain ascribe sickness, drought, the failure of\ncrops, and in short all misfortunes, to the influence of wicked spirits.\nSo at times when many people sicken and die, as at the beginning of the\nrainy season, all the inhabitants of a district, armed with branches and\nclubs, go out by moonlight to the fields, where they beat and stamp on the\nground with wild howls till morning, believing that this drives away the\ndevils.(475) When a village has been visited by a series of disasters or a\nsevere epidemic, the Minahassa of Celebes lay the blame upon the devils\nwho are infesting the village and must be expelled from it. Accordingly,\nearly one morning all the people, men, women, and children, quit their\nhomes, carrying their household goods with them, and take up their\nquarters in temporary huts which have been erected outside the village.\nHere they spend several days, offering sacrifices and preparing for the\nfinal ceremony. At last the men, some wearing masks, others with their\nfaces blackened, and so on, but all armed with swords, guns, pikes, or\nbrooms, steal cautiously and silently back to the deserted village. Then,\nat a signal from the priest, they rush furiously up and down the streets\nand into and under the houses (which are raised on piles above the\nground), yelling and striking on walls, doors, and windows, to drive away\nthe devils. Next, the priests and the rest of the people come with the\nholy fire and march nine times round each house and thrice round the\nladder that leads up to it, carrying the fire with them. Then they take\nthe fire into the kitchen, where it must burn for three days continuously.\nThe devils are now driven away, and great and general is the joy.(476) The\nAlfoers of Halmahera attribute epidemics to the devil who comes from other\nvillages to carry them off. So, in order to rid the village of the\ndisease, the sorcerer drives away the devil. From all the villagers he\nreceives a costly garment and places it on four vessels, which he takes to\nthe forest and leaves at the spot where the devil is supposed to be. Then\nwith mocking words he bids the demon abandon the place.(477) In the Key\nIslands, south of New Guinea, when sickness prevails, the people erect a\nstage on the shore and load it with meat and drink. Then the priest in\npresence of the people bans the spirits which are causing the disease,\nwhereupon the people run back to the village at full speed, like\nfugitives.(478)\n\nIn the island of Nias, when a man is seriously ill and other remedies have\nbeen tried in vain, the sorcerer proceeds to exorcise the devil who is\ncausing the illness. A pole is set up in front of the house, and from the\ntop of the pole a rope of palm-leaves is stretched to the roof of the\nhouse. Then the sorcerer mounts the roof with a pig, which he kills and\nallows to roll from the roof to the ground. The devil, anxious to get the\npig, lets himself down hastily from the roof by the rope of palm-leaves,\nand a good spirit, invoked by the sorcerer, prevents him from climbing up\nagain. If this remedy fails, it is believed that other devils must still\nbe lurking in the house. So a general hunt is made after them. All the\ndoors and windows in the house are closed, except a single dormer-window\nin the roof. The men, shut up in the house, hew and slash with their\nswords right and left to the clash of gongs and the rub-a-dub of drums.\nTerrified at this onslaught the devils escape by the dormer-window, and\nsliding down the rope of palm-leaves take themselves off. As all the doors\nand windows, except the one in the roof, are shut, the devils cannot get\ninto the house again. In the case of an epidemic the proceedings are\nsimilar. All the gates of the village, except one, are closed; every voice\nis raised, every gong and drum beaten, every sword brandished. Thus the\ndevils are driven out and the last gate is shut behind them. For eight\ndays thereafter the village is in a state of siege, no one being allowed\nto enter it.(479) When cholera has broken out in a Burmese village the\nable-bodied men scramble on the roofs and lay about them with bamboos and\nbillets of wood, while all the rest of the population, old and young,\nstand below and thump drums, blow trumpets, yell, scream, beat floors,\nwalls, tin-pans, everything to make a din. This uproar, repeated on three\nsuccessive nights, is thought to be very effective in driving away the\ncholera demons.(480) When small-pox first appeared amongst the Kumis of\nSouth-Eastern India, they thought it was a devil come from Arracan. The\nvillages were placed in a state of siege, no one being allowed to leave or\nenter them. A monkey was killed by being dashed on the ground, and its\nbody was hung at the village gate. Its blood, mixed with small river\npebbles, was sprinkled on the houses, the threshold of every house was\nswept with the monkey\u2019s tail, and the fiend was adjured to depart.(481) At\nGreat Bassam, in Guinea, the French traveller Hecquard witnessed the\nexorcism of the evil spirit who was believed to make women barren. The\nwomen who wished to become mothers offered to the fetish wine-vessels or\nstatuettes representing women suckling children. Then being assembled in\nthe fetish hut, they were sprinkled with rum by the priest, while young\nmen fired guns and brandished swords to drive away the demon.(482) When\nsickness was prevalent in a Huron village, and all other remedies had been\ntried in vain, the Indians had recourse to the ceremony called\n_Lonouyroya_, \u201cwhich is the principal invention and most proper means, so\nthey say, to expel from the town or village the devils and evil spirits\nwhich cause, induce, and import all the maladies and infirmities which\nthey suffer in body and mind.\u201d Accordingly, one evening the men would\nbegin to rush like madmen about the village, breaking and upsetting\nwhatever they came across in the wigwams. They threw fire and burning\nbrands about the streets, and all night long they ran howling and singing\nwithout cessation. Then they all dreamed of something, a knife, dog, skin,\nor whatever it might be, and when morning came they went from wigwam to\nwigwam asking for presents. These they received silently, till the\nparticular thing was given them which they had dreamed about. On receiving\nit they uttered a cry of joy and rushed from the hut, amid the\ncongratulations of all present. The health of those who received what they\nhad dreamed of was believed to be assured; whereas those who did not get\nwhat they had set their hearts upon regarded their fate as sealed.(483)\n\nThe observance of such ceremonies, from being occasional, tends to become\nperiodic. It comes to be thought desirable to have a general riddance of\nevil spirits at fixed times, usually once a year, in order that the people\nmay make a fresh start in life, freed from all the malignant influences\nwhich have been long accumulating about them. Some of the Australian\nblacks annually expelled the ghosts of the dead from their territory. The\nceremony was witnessed by the Rev. W. Ridley on the banks of the river\nBarwan. \u201cA chorus of twenty, old and young, were singing and beating time\nwith boomerangs.... Suddenly, from under a sheet of bark darted a man with\nhis body whitened by pipeclay, his head and face coloured with lines of\nred and yellow, and a tuft of feathers fixed by means of a stick two feet\nabove the crown of his head. He stood twenty minutes perfectly still,\ngazing upwards. An aboriginal who stood by told me he was looking for the\nghosts of dead men. At last he began to move very slowly, and soon rushed\nto and fro at full speed, flourishing a branch as if to drive away some\nfoes invisible to us. When I thought this pantomime must be almost over,\nten more, similarly adorned, suddenly appeared from behind the trees, and\nthe whole party joined in a brisk conflict with their mysterious\nassailants.... At last, after some rapid evolutions in which they put\nforth all their strength, they rested from the exciting toil which they\nhad kept up all night and for some hours after sunrise: they seemed\nsatisfied that the ghosts were driven away for twelve months. They were\nperforming the same ceremony at every station along the river, and I am\ntold it is an annual custom.\u201d(484)\n\nCertain seasons of the year mark themselves naturally out as appropriate\nmoments for a general expulsion of devils. Such a moment occurs towards\nthe close of an Arctic winter, when the sun reappears on the horizon after\nan absence of weeks or months. Accordingly, at Point Barrow, the most\nnortherly extremity of Alaska, and nearly of America, the Eskimo choose\nthe moment of the sun\u2019s reappearance to hunt the mischievous spirit Tu\u00f1a\nfrom every house. The ceremony was witnessed a few years ago by the\nmembers of the United States Polar Expedition, who wintered at Point\nBarrow. A fire was built in front of the council-house, and an old woman\nwas posted at the entrance to every _iglu_ (Eskimo house). The men\ngathered round the council-fire, while the young women and girls drove the\nspirits out of every _iglu_ with their knives, stabbing viciously under\nthe bunk and deer-skins, and calling upon Tu\u00f1a to leave the _iglu_. When\nthey thought he had been driven out of every hole and corner, they thrust\nhim down through the hole in the floor and chased him into the open air\nwith loud cries and frantic gestures. Meanwhile the old woman at the\nentrance of the _iglu_ made passes with a long knife in the air to keep\nhim from returning. Each party drove the spirit towards the fire and\ninvited him to go into it. All were by this time drawn up in a semicircle\nround the fire, when several of the leading men made specific charges\nagainst the spirit; and each after his speech brushed his clothes\nviolently, calling on the spirit to leave him and go into the fire. Two\nmen now stepped forward with rifles loaded with blank cartridges, while a\nthird brought a vessel of urine and flung it on the fire. At the same time\none of the men fired a shot into the fire; and as the cloud of steam rose\nit received the other shot, which was supposed to finish Tu\u00f1a for the time\nbeing.(485) In autumn, when heavy gales are raging, the Eskimo of Baffin\nLand think that the female spirit Sedna dwells amongst them, and the most\npowerful enchanter is employed to drive her out. Beside a small hole in\nthe centre of the floor a line of seal-skin is coiled up. Holding a\nsealing-spear in his left hand the enchanter watches the hole in the\nfloor. Another sorcerer sits in the rear of the hut chanting songs to\nattract Sedna. Now she is heard approaching under the floor of the hut.\nWhen she reaches the hole the enchanter strikes her with his harpoon and\npays out the line. A severe struggle ensues, but ultimately Sedna flies to\nher country, Adlivun. The performance is cleverly managed. When the\nharpoon is drawn out of the hole it is covered with blood, and the heavy\nbreathing of Sedna can be distinctly heard under the floor.(486)\n\nThe Iroquois inaugurated the new year in January, February, or March (the\ntime varied) with a \u201cfestival of dreams\u201d like that which the Hurons\nobserved on special occasions.(487) The whole ceremonies lasted several\ndays, or even weeks, and formed a kind of Saturnalia. Men and women,\nvariously disguised, went from wigwam to wigwam smashing and throwing down\nwhatever they came across. It was a time of general licence; the people\nwere supposed to be out of their senses, and therefore not to be\nresponsible for what they did. Accordingly, many seized the opportunity of\npaying off old scores by belabouring obnoxious persons, drenching them\nwith ice-cold water, and covering them with filth or hot ashes. Others\nseized burning brands or coals and flung them at the heads of the first\npersons they met. The only way of escaping from these persecutors was to\nguess what they had dreamed of. On one day of the festival the ceremony of\ndriving away evil spirits from the village took place. Men clothed in the\nskins of wild beasts, their faces covered with hideous masks, and their\nhands with the shell of the tortoise, went from hut to hut making\nfrightful noises; in every hut they took the fuel from the fire and\nscattered the embers and ashes about the floor with their hands. The\ngeneral confession of sins which preceded the festival was probably a\npreparation for the public expulsion of evil influences; it was a way of\nstripping the people of their moral burdens, that these might be collected\nand cast out. This New Year festival is still celebrated by some of the\nheathen Iroquois, though it has been shorn of its former turbulence. A\nconspicuous feature in the ceremony is now the sacrifice of the White Dog,\nbut this appears to have been added to the festival in comparatively\nmodern times, and does not figure in the oldest descriptions of the\nceremonies. We shall return to it later on.(488) A great annual festival\nof the Cherokee Indians was the Propitiation, \u201cCementation,\u201d or\nPurification festival. \u201cIt was celebrated shortly after the first new moon\nof autumn, and consisted of a multiplicity of rigorous rites, fastings,\nablutions, and purifications. Among the most important functionaries on\nthe occasion were seven exorcisers or cleansers, whose duty it was, at a\ncertain stage of the proceedings, to drive away evil, and purify the town.\nEach one bore in his hand a white rod of sycamore. \u2018The leader, followed\nby the others, walked around the national heptagon, and coming to the\ntreasure or store-house to the west of it, they lashed the eaves of the\nroofs with their rods. The leader then went to another house, followed by\nthe others, singing, and repeated the same ceremony until every house was\npurified.\u2019 This ceremony was repeated daily during the continuance of the\nfestival. In performing their ablutions they went into the water and\nallowed their old clothes to be carried away by the stream, by which means\nthey supposed their impurities removed.\u201d(489)\n\nIn September the Incas of Peru celebrated a festival called Situa, the\nobject of which was to banish from the capital and its vicinity all\ndisease and troubles. The festival fell in September because the rains\nbegin about this time, and with the first rains there was generally much\nsickness. As a preparation for the festival the people fasted on the first\nday of the moon after the autumnal equinox. Having fasted during the day,\nand the night being come, they baked a coarse paste of maize. This paste\nwas made of two sorts. One was kneaded with the blood of children aged\nfive to ten years, the blood being obtained by bleeding the children\nbetween the eye-brows. These two kinds of paste were baked separately,\nbecause they were for different uses. Each family assembled at the house\nof the eldest brother to celebrate the feast; and those who had no elder\nbrother went to the house of their next relation of greater age. On the\nsame night all who had fasted during the day washed their bodies, and\ntaking a little of the blood-kneaded paste, rubbed it over their head,\nface, breast, shoulders, arms, and legs. They did this in order that the\npaste might take away all their infirmities. After this the head of the\nfamily anointed the threshold with the same paste, and left it there as a\ntoken that the inmates of the house had performed their ablutions and\ncleansed their bodies. Meantime the High Priest performed the same\nceremonies in the temple of the Sun. As soon as the Sun rose, all the\npeople worshipped and besought him to drive all evils out of the city, and\nthen they broke their fast with the paste that had been kneaded without\nblood. When they had paid their worship and broken their fast, which they\ndid at a stated hour, in order that all might adore the Sun as one man, an\nInca of the blood royal came forth from the fortress, as a messenger of\nthe Sun, richly dressed, with his mantle girded round his body, and a\nlance in his hand. The lance was decked with feathers of many hues,\nextending from the blade to the socket, and fastened with rings of gold.\nHe ran down the hill from the fortress brandishing his lance, till he\nreached the centre of the great square, where stood the golden urn, like a\nfountain, that was used for the sacrifice of _chicha_. Here four other\nIncas of the blood royal awaited him, each with a lance in his hand, and\nhis mantle girded up to run. The messenger touched their four lances with\nhis lance, and told them that the Sun bade them, as his messengers, drive\nthe evils out of the city. The four Incas then separated and ran down the\nfour royal roads which led out of the city to the four quarters of the\nworld. While they ran, all the people, great and small, came to the doors\nof their houses, and with great shouts of joy and gladness shook their\nclothes, as if they were shaking off dust, while they cried, \u201cLet the\nevils be gone. How greatly desired has this festival been by us. O Creator\nof all things, permit us to reach another year, that we may see another\nfeast like this.\u201d After they had shaken their clothes, they passed their\nhands over their heads, faces, arms, and legs, as if in the act of\nwashing. All this was done to drive the evils out of their houses, that\nthe messengers of the Sun might banish them from the city. This was done\nnot only in the streets through which the Incas ran, but generally in all\nquarters of the city. Moreover, they all danced, the Inca himself amongst\nthem, and bathed in the rivers and fountains, saying that their maladies\nwould come out of them. Then they took great torches of straw, bound round\nwith cords. These they lighted, and passed from one to the other, striking\neach other with them, and saying, \u201cLet all harm go away.\u201d Meanwhile the\nrunners ran with their lances for a quarter of a league outside the city,\nwhere they found four other Incas ready, who received the lances from\ntheir hands and ran with them. Thus the lances were carried by relays of\nrunners for a distance of five or six leagues, at the end of which the\nrunners washed themselves and their weapons in rivers, and set up the\nlances, in sign of a boundary within which the banished evils might not\nreturn.(490)\n\nThe negroes of Guinea annually banish the devil from all their towns with\nmuch ceremony. At Axim, on the Gold Coast, this annual expulsion is\npreceded by a feast of eight days, during which mirth and jollity reign,\nand \u201ca perfect lampooning liberty is allowed, and scandal so highly\nexalted, that they may freely sing of all the faults, villanies, and\nfrauds of their superiors as well as inferiors, without punishment, or so\nmuch as the least interruption.\u201d On the eighth day they hunt out the devil\nwith a dismal cry, running after him and pelting him with sticks, stones,\nand whatever comes to hand. When they have driven him far enough out of\nthe town, they all return. In this way he is driven out of more than a\nhundred towns at the same time. To make sure that he does not return to\ntheir houses, the women wash and scour all their wooden and earthen\nvessels, \u201cto free them from all uncleanness and the devil.\u201d(491) At\nOnitsha, on the Quorra River, Mr. J. C. Taylor witnessed the celebration\nof New Year\u2019s Day by the negroes. It fell on 20th December 1858. Every\nfamily brought a firebrand out into the street, threw it away, and\nexclaimed as they returned, \u201cThe gods of the new year! New Year has come\nround again.\u201d Mr. Taylor adds, \u201cThe meaning of the custom seems to be that\nthe fire is to drive away the old year with its sorrows and evils, and to\nembrace the new year with hearty reception.\u201d(492) Of all Abyssinian\nfestivals that of Mascal or the Cross is celebrated with the greatest\npomp. The eve of the festival witnesses a ceremony which doubtless belongs\nto the world-wide class of customs we are dealing with. At sunset a\ndischarge of firearms takes place from all the principal houses. \u201cThen\nevery one provides himself with a torch, and during the early part of the\nnight bonfires are kindled, and the people parade the town, carrying their\nlighted torches in their hands. They go through their houses too, poking a\nlight into every dark corner in the hall, under the couches, in the\nstables, kitchen, etc., as if looking for something lost, and calling out,\n\u2018Akho, akhoky! turn out the spinage, and bring in the porridge; Mascal is\ncome!\u2019.... After this they play, and poke fun and torches at each\nother.\u201d(493)\n\nSometimes the date of the annual expulsion of devils is fixed with\nreference to the agricultural seasons. Among the Hos of North-Eastern\nIndia the great festival of the year is the harvest home, held in January,\nwhen the granaries are full of grain, and the people, to use their own\nexpression, are full of devilry. \u201cThey have a strange notion that at this\nperiod men and women are so overcharged with vicious propensities, that it\nis absolutely necessary for the safety of the person to let off steam by\nallowing for a time full vent to the passions.\u201d The ceremonies open with a\nsacrifice to the village god of three fowls, two of which must be black.\nAlong with them are offered flowers of the Pal\u00e1s tree, bread made from\nrice-flour, and sesamum seeds. These offerings are presented by the\nvillage priest, who prays that during the year about to begin they and\ntheir children may be preserved from all misfortune and sickness, and that\nthey may have seasonable rain and good crops. Prayer is also made in some\nplaces for the souls of the dead. At this time an evil spirit is supposed\nto infest the place, and to get rid of it men, women, and children go in\nprocession round and through every part of the village with sticks in\ntheir hands, as if beating for game, singing a wild chant, and shouting\nvociferously, till they feel assured that the evil spirit must have fled.\nThen they give themselves up to feasting and drinking rice-beer, till they\nare in a fit state for the wild debauch which follows. The festival now\n\u201cbecomes a saturnale, during which servants forget their duty to their\nmasters, children their reverence for parents, men their respect for\nwomen, and women all notions of modesty, delicacy, and gentleness; they\nbecome raging bacchantes.\u201d Usually the Hos are quiet and reserved in\nmanner, decorous and gentle to women. But during this festival \u201ctheir\nnature appears to undergo a temporary change. Sons and daughters revile\ntheir parents in gross language, and parents their children; men and women\nbecome almost like animals in the indulgence of their amorous\npropensities.\u201d The Mundaris, kinsmen and neighbours of the Hos, keep the\nfestival in much the same manner. \u201cThe resemblance to a Saturnale is very\ncomplete, as at this festival the farm labourers are feasted by their\nmasters, and allowed the utmost freedom of speech in addressing them. It\nis the festival of the harvest home; the termination of one year\u2019s toil,\nand a slight respite from it before they commence again.\u201d(494)\n\nAmongst some of the Hindoo Koosh tribes, as among the Hos and Mundaris,\nthe expulsion of devils takes place after harvest. When the last crop of\nautumn has been got in, it is thought necessary to drive away evil spirits\nfrom the granaries. A kind of porridge called _mool_ is eaten, and the\nhead of the family takes his matchlock and fires it into the floor. Then,\ngoing outside, he sets to work loading and firing till his powder horn is\nexhausted, while all his neighbours are similarly employed. The next day\nis spent in rejoicings. In Chitral this festival is called\n\u201cdevil-driving.\u201d(495) On the other hand the Khonds of India expel the\ndevils at seed-time instead of at harvest. At this time they worship\nPitteri Pennu, the god of increase and of gain in every shape. On the\nfirst day of the festival a rude car is made of a basket set upon a few\nsticks, tied upon bamboo rollers for wheels. The priest takes this car\nfirst to the house of the lineal head of the tribe, to whom precedence is\ngiven in all ceremonies connected with agriculture. Here he receives a\nlittle of each kind of seed and some feathers. He then takes the car to\nall the other houses in the village, each of which contributes the same\nthings. Lastly, the car is conducted to a field without the village,\nattended by all the young men, who beat each other and strike the air\nviolently with long sticks. The seed thus carried out is called the share\nof the \u201cevil spirits, spoilers of the seed.\u201d \u201cThese are considered to be\ndriven out with the car; and when it and its contents are abandoned to\nthem, they are held to have no excuse for interfering with the rest of the\nseed-corn.\u201d Next day each household kills a hog over the seed for the\nyear, and prays to Pitteri Pennu. The elders then feast upon the hogs. The\nyoung men are excluded from the repast, but enjoy the privilege of\nwaylaying and pelting with jungle fruit their elders as they return from\nthe feast. Upon the third day the lineal head of the tribe goes out and\nsows his seed, after which all the rest may do so.(496)\n\nThe people of Bali, an island to the east of Java, have periodical\nexpulsions of devils upon a great scale. Generally the time chosen for the\nexpulsion is the day of the \u201cdark moon\u201d in the ninth month. When the\ndemons have been long unmolested the country is said to be \u201cwarm,\u201d and the\npriest issues orders to expel them by force, lest the whole of Bali should\nbe rendered uninhabitable. On the day appointed the people of the village\nor district assemble at the principal temple. Here at a cross-road\nofferings are set out for the devils. After prayers have been recited by\nthe priests, the blast of a horn summons the devils to partake of the meal\nwhich has been prepared for them. At the same time a number of men step\nforward and light their torches at the holy lamp which burns before the\nchief priest. Immediately afterwards, followed by the bystanders, they\nspread in all directions and march through the streets and lanes crying,\n\u201cDepart! go away!\u201d Wherever they pass, the people who have stayed at home\nhasten by a deafening knocking on doors, beams, rice-blocks, etc., to take\ntheir share in the expulsion of devils. Thus chased from the houses, the\nfiends flee to the banquet which has been set out for them; but here the\npriest receives them with curses which finally drive them from the\ndistrict. When the last devil has taken his departure, the uproar is\nsucceeded by a dead silence, which lasts during the next day also. The\ndevils, it is thought, are anxious to return to their old homes, and in\norder to make them think that Bali is not Bali but some desert island, no\none may stir from his own premises for twenty-four hours. Even ordinary\nhousehold work, including cooking, is discontinued. Only the watchmen may\nshow themselves in the streets. Wreaths of thorns and leaves are hung at\nall the entrances to warn strangers from entering. Not till the third day\nis this state of siege raised, and even then it is forbidden to work at\nthe rice-fields or to buy and sell in the market. Most people still stay\nat home, striving to while away the time with cards and dice.(497)\n\nIn some parts of Fiji an annual ceremony took place which has much the\naspect of an expulsion of devils. The time of its celebration was\ndetermined by the appearance of a certain fish or sea-slug (_balolo_)\nwhich swarms out in dense shoals from the coral reefs on a single day of\nthe year, usually in the last quarter of the moon in November. The\nappearance of the sea-slugs was the signal for a general feast at those\nplaces where they were taken. An influential man ascended a tree and\nprayed to the spirit of the sky for good crops, fair winds, and so on.\nThereupon a tremendous clatter, with drumming and shouting, was raised by\nall the people in their houses for about half an hour. This was followed\nby a dead quiet for four days, during which the people feasted on the\nsea-slug. All this time no work of any kind might be done, not even a leaf\nplucked nor the offal removed from the houses. If a noise was made in any\nhouse, as by a child crying, a forfeit was at once exacted by the chief.\nAt daylight on the expiry of the fourth night the whole town was in an\nuproar; men and boys scampered about, knocking with clubs and sticks at\nthe doors of the houses and crying \u201cSinariba.\u201d This concluded the\nceremony.(498)\n\nOn the night before spring begins the Japanese throw roasted beans against\nthe walls and floors of their houses, crying thrice loudly, \u201cAway from\nhere, wicked spirit!\u201d but adding softly, \u201cEnter, O god of riches!\u201d(499)\nAmongst some of the Hindus of the Punjaub on the morning after Diwali or\nthe festival of lamps (at which the souls of ancestors are believed to\nvisit the house) the oldest woman of the family takes all the sweepings\nand rubbish of the family and throws them out, with the words, \u201cLet all\ndirt and wretchedness depart from here, and all good fortune come\nin.\u201d(500) In Tonquin a _theckydaw_ or general expulsion of malevolent\nspirits commonly took place once a year, especially if there was a great\nmortality amongst men or cattle, \u201cthe cause of which they attribute to the\nmalicious spirits of such men as have been put to death for treason,\nrebellion, and conspiring the death of the king, general, or princes, and\nin that revenge of the punishment they have suffered, they are bent to\ndestroy everything and commit horrible violence. To prevent which their\nsuperstition has suggested to them the institution of this theckydaw as a\nproper means to drive the devil away, and purge the country of evil\nspirits.\u201d The day appointed for the ceremony was generally the 25th of\nFebruary, one month after the commencement of the new year, which began on\nthe 25th of January. The intermediate month was a season of feasting,\nmerry-making of all kinds, and general licence. During the whole month the\ngreat seal was kept shut up in a box, face downwards, and the law was, as\nit were, laid asleep. All courts of justice were closed; debtors could not\nbe seized; small crimes, such as petty larceny, fighting, and assault,\nescaped with impunity; only treason and murder were taken account of and\nthe malefactors detained till the great seal should come into operation\nagain. At the close of the saturnalia the wicked spirits were driven away.\nGreat masses of troops and artillery having been drawn up with flying\ncolours and all the pomp of war, \u201cthe general beginneth then to offer meat\nofferings to the criminal devils and malevolent spirits (for it is usual\nand customary likewise amongst them to feast the condemned before their\nexecution), inviting them to eat and drink, when presently he accuses them\nin a strange language, by characters and figures, etc., of many offences\nand crimes committed by them, as to their having disquieted the land,\nkilled his elephants and horses, etc., for all which they justly deserved\nto be chastised and banished the country. Whereupon three great guns are\nfired as the last signal; upon which all the artillery and musquets are\ndischarged, that, by their most terrible noise the devils may be driven\naway; and they are so blind as to believe for certain, that they really\nand effectually put them to flight.\u201d(501)\n\nIn Cambodia the expulsion of evil spirits took place in March. Bits of\nbroken statues and stones, considered as the abode of the demons, were\ncollected and brought to the capital. Here as many elephants were\ncollected as could be got together. On the evening of the full moon\nvolleys of musketry were fired and the elephants charged furiously to put\nthe devils to flight.(502) In Siam the banishment of demons is annually\ncarried into effect on the last day of the old year. A signal gun is fired\nfrom the palace; it is answered from the next station, and so on from\nstation to station, till the firing has reached the outer gate of the\ncity. Thus the demons are driven out step by step. As soon as this is done\na consecrated rope is fastened round the circuit of the city walls to\nprevent the banished demons from returning. The rope is made of tough\ncouch-grass and is painted in alternate stripes of red, yellow, and\nblue.(503) The Shans of Southern China annually expel the fire-spirit. The\nceremony was witnessed by the English Mission under Colonel Sladen on the\n13th of August 1868. Bullocks and cows were slaughtered in the\nmarket-place; the meat was all sold, part of it was cooked and eaten,\nwhile the rest was fired out of guns at sundown. The pieces of flesh which\nfell on the land were supposed to become mosquitoes, those which fell in\nthe water were believed to turn into leeches. In the evening the chief\u2019s\nretainers beat gongs and blew trumpets; and when darkness had set in\ntorches were lit and a party, preceded by the musicians, searched the\ncentral court for the fire-spirit, who is supposed to lurk about at this\nseason with evil intent. They then searched all the rooms and the gardens,\nthrowing the light of the torches into every nook and corner where the\nevil spirit might find a hiding-place.(504)\n\nAnnual expulsions of demons or of evil influences are not unknown in\nEurope at the present day. Amongst the heathen Wotyaks, a Finnish people\nof Eastern Russia, all the young girls of the village assemble on the last\nday of the year or on New Year\u2019s Day armed with sticks, the ends of which\nare split in nine places. With these they beat every corner of the house\nand yard, saying, \u201cWe are driving Satan out of the village.\u201d Afterwards\nthe sticks are thrown into the river below the village, and as they float\ndown stream Satan goes with them to the next village, from which he must\nbe driven out in turn. In some villages the expulsion is managed\notherwise. The unmarried men receive from every house in the village\ngroats, flesh, and brandy. These they take to the field, light a fire\nunder a fir-tree, boil the groats, and eat of the food they have brought\nwith them, after pronouncing the words, \u201cGo away into the wilderness, come\nnot into the house.\u201d Then they return to the village and enter every house\nwhere there are young women. They take hold of the young women and throw\nthem into the snow, saying, \u201cMay the spirits of disease leave you.\u201d The\nremains of the groats and the other food are then distributed among all\nthe houses in proportion to the amount that each contributed, and each\nfamily consumes its share. According to a Wotyak of the Malmyz district\nthe young men throw into the snow whomever they find in the houses, and\nthis is called \u201cdriving out Satan;\u201d moreover some of the boiled groats are\nthrown into the fire with the words, \u201cO god, afflict us not with sickness\nand pestilence, give us not up as a prey to the spirits of the wood.\u201d But\nthe most antique form of the ceremony is that observed by the Wotyaks of\nthe Kasan Government. First of all a sacrifice is offered to the Devil at\nnoon. Then all the men assemble on horseback in the centre of the village,\nand decide with which house they shall begin. When this question, which\noften gives rise to hot disputes, is settled, they tether their horses to\nthe paling, and arm themselves with whips, clubs of lime-wood, and bundles\nof lighted twigs. The lighted twigs are believed to have the greatest\nterrors for Satan. Thus armed, they proceed with frightful cries to beat\nevery corner of the house and yard, then shut the door, and spit at the\nejected fiend. So they go from house to house, till the Devil has been\ndriven from every one. Then they mount their horses and ride out of the\nvillage, yelling wildly and brandishing their clubs in every direction.\nOutside of the village they fling away the clubs and spit once more at the\nDevil.(505) The Cheremiss, another Finnish people of Eastern Russia, chase\nSatan from their dwellings by beating the walls with cudgels of lime-wood.\nWhen he has fled to the wood, they pelt the trees with some of the\ncheese-cakes and eggs which furnished the feast.(506)\n\nIn Albania on Easter Eve the young people light torches of resinous wood\nand march in procession, swinging them, through the village. At last they\nthrow the torches into the river, crying, \u201cHa, Kore! we throw you into the\nriver, like these torches, that you may never return.\u201d(507) In some\nvillages of Calabria the month of March is inaugurated with the expulsion\nof the witches. It takes place at night to the sound of the church bells,\nthe people running about the streets and crying, \u201cMarch is come.\u201d They say\nthat the witches roam about in March, and the ceremony is repeated every\nFriday evening during the month.(508) In the Tyrol the expulsion of\nwitches takes place on the first of May. On a Thursday at midnight bundles\nare made up of resinous splinters, black and red spotted hemlock,\ncaper-spurge, rosemary, and twigs of the sloe. These are kept and burned\non May Day by men who must first have received plenary absolution from the\nchurch. On the last three days of April all the houses are cleansed and\nfumigated with juniper berries and rue. On May Day, when the evening bell\nhas rung and the twilight is falling, the ceremony of \u201cburning out the\nwitches,\u201d as it is called, begins. Men and boys make a racket with whips,\nbells, pots, and pans; the women carry censers; the dogs are unchained and\nrun barking and yelping about. As soon as the church bells begin to ring,\nthe bundles of twigs, fastened on poles, are set on fire and the incense\nis ignited. Then all the house-bells and dinner-bells are rung, pots and\npans are clashed, dogs bark, every one must make a noise. And amid this\nhubbub all scream at the pitch of their voices,\n\n\n \u201cWitch flee, flee from here,\n Or it will go ill with thee.\u201d\n\n\nThen they run seven times round the houses, the yards, and the village. So\nthe witches are smoked out of their lurking-places and driven away.(509)\nAt Brunnen in Switzerland the boys go about in procession on Twelfth\nNight, carrying torches and lanterns, and making a great noise with horns,\ncow-bells, whips, etc. This is said to frighten away the two female\nspirits of the wood, Strudeli and Str\u00e4tteli.(510)\n\n\n\n\n\u00a7 15.\u2014Scapegoats.\n\n\nThus far the examples cited have belonged to the class of direct or\nimmediate expulsion of ills. It remains to illustrate the second class of\nexpulsions, in which the evil influences are either embodied in a visible\nform or are at least supposed to be loaded upon a material medium, which\nacts as a vehicle to draw them off from the people, village, or town. The\nPomos of California celebrate an expulsion of devils every seven years, at\nwhich the devils are represented by disguised men. \u201cTwenty or thirty men\narray themselves in harlequin rig and barbaric paint, and put vessels of\npitch on their heads; then they secretly go out into the surrounding\nmountains. These are to personify the devils. A herald goes up to the top\nof the assembly-house, and makes a speech to the multitude. At a signal\nagreed upon in the evening the masqueraders come in from the mountains,\nwith the vessels of pitch flaming on their heads, and with all the\nfrightful accessories of noise, motion, and costume which the savage mind\ncan devise in representation of demons. The terrified women and children\nflee for life, the men huddle them inside a circle, and, on the principle\nof fighting the devil with fire, they swing blazing firebrands in the air,\nyell, whoop, and make frantic dashes at the marauding and bloodthirsty\ndevils, so creating a terrific spectacle, and striking great fear into the\nhearts of the assembled hundreds of women, who are screaming and fainting\nand clinging to their valorous protectors. Finally the devils succeed in\ngetting into the assembly-house, and the bravest of the men enter and hold\na parley with them. As a conclusion of the whole farce, the men summon\ncourage, the devils are expelled from the assembly-house, and with a\nprodigious row and racket of sham fighting are chased away into the\nmountains.\u201d(511) In spring, as soon as the willow leaves were full grown\non the banks of the river, the Mandan Indians celebrated their great\nannual festival, one of the features of which was the expulsion of the\ndevil. A man, painted black to represent the devil, entered the village\nfrom the prairie, chased and frightened the women, and acted the part of a\nbuffalo bull in the buffalo dance, the object of which was to ensure a\nplentiful supply of buffaloes during the ensuing year. Finally he was\nchased from the village, the women pursuing him with hisses and gibes,\nbeating him with sticks, and pelting him with dirt.(512) On the last night\nof the year the palace of the Kings of Cambodia is purged of devils. Men\npainted as fiends are chased by elephants about the palace courts. When\nthey have been expelled, a consecrated thread of cotton is stretched round\nthe palace to keep them out.(513) The Kasyas, a hill tribe of Assam,\nannually expel the demons. The ceremony takes place on a fixed month in\nthe year, and part of it consists in a struggle between two bands of men\nwho stand on opposite sides of a stream, each side tugging at the end of a\nrope which is stretched across the water. In this contest, which resembles\nthe game of \u201cFrench and English,\u201d the men on one side probably represent\nthe demons.(514) At Carmona in Andalusia, on one day of the year, boys are\nstripped naked and smeared with glue in which feathers are stuck. Thus\ndisguised, they run from house to house, the people trying to avoid them\nand to bar their houses against them.(515) The ceremony is probably a\nrelic of an annual expulsion of devils.\n\nOftener, however, the expelled demons are not represented at all, but are\nunderstood to be present invisibly in the material and visible vehicle\nwhich conveys them away. Here, again, it will be convenient to distinguish\nbetween occasional and periodical expulsions. We begin with the former.\n\nThe vehicle which conveys away the demons may be of various kinds. A\ncommon one is a little ship or boat. Thus, in the southern district of the\nisland of Ceram, when a whole village suffers from sickness, a small ship\nis made and filled with rice, tobacco, eggs, etc., which have been\ncontributed by all the people. A little sail is hoisted on the ship. When\nall is ready, a man calls out in a very loud voice, \u201cO all ye sicknesses,\nye small-poxes, agues, measles, etc., who have visited us so long and\nwasted us so sorely, but who now cease to plague us, we have made ready\nthis ship for you, and we have furnished you with provender sufficient for\nthe voyage. Ye shall have no lack of food nor of _siri_ nor of _pinang_\nnor of tobacco. Depart, and sail away from us directly; never come near us\nagain, but go to a land which is far from here. Let all the tides and\nwinds waft you speedily thither, and so convey you thither that for the\ntime to come we may live sound and well, and that we may never see the sun\nrise on you again.\u201d Then ten or twelve men carry the vessel to the shore,\nand let it drift away with the land-breeze, feeling convinced that they\nare free from sickness for ever, or at least till the next time. If\nsickness attacks them again, they are sure it is not the same sickness,\nbut a different one, which in due time they dismiss in the same manner.\nWhen the demon-laden bark is lost to sight, the bearers return to the\nvillage, whereupon a man cries out, \u201cThe sicknesses are now gone,\nvanished, expelled, and sailed away.\u201d At this all the people come running\nout of their houses, passing the word from one to the other with great\njoy, beating on gongs and on tinkling instruments.(516)\n\nSimilar ceremonies are commonly resorted to in other East Indian islands.\nThus in Timorlaut, to mislead the demons who are causing sickness, a small\nprao, containing the image of a man and provisioned for a long voyage, is\nallowed to drift away with wind and tide. As it is being launched, the\npeople cry, \u201cO sickness, go from here; turn back; what do you here in this\npoor land?\u201d Three days after this ceremony a pig is killed, and part of\nthe flesh is offered to Dudilaa, who lives in the sun. One of the oldest\nmen says, \u201cOld sir, I beseech you, make well the grandchildren, children,\nwomen, and men, that we may be able to eat pork and rice and to drink\npalm-wine. I will keep my promise. Eat your share, and make all the people\nin the village well.\u201d If the prao is stranded at any inhabited spot, the\nsickness will break out there. Hence a stranded prao excites much alarm\namongst the coast population, and they immediately burn it, because demons\nfly from fire.(517) In the island of Buro the prao which carries away the\ndemons of disease is about twenty feet long, rigged out with sails, oars,\nanchor, etc., and well stocked with provisions. For a day and a night the\npeople beat gongs and drums, and rush about to frighten the demons. Next\nmorning ten stalwart young men strike the people with branches, which have\nbeen previously dipped in an earthen pot of water. As soon as they have\ndone so, they run down to the beach, put the branches on board the prao,\nlaunch another prao in great haste, and tow the disease-burdened prao far\nout to sea. There they cast it off, and one of them calls out,\n\u201cGrandfather Small-pox, go away\u2014go willingly away\u2014go visit another land;\nwe have made you food ready for the voyage, we have now nothing more to\ngive.\u201d When they have landed, all the people bathe together in the\nsea.(518) In this ceremony the reason for striking the people with the\nbranches is clearly to rid them of the disease-demons, which are then\nsupposed to be transferred to the branches. Hence the haste with which the\nbranches are deposited in the prao and towed away to sea. So in the inland\ndistricts of Ceram, when small-pox or other sickness is raging, the priest\nstrikes all the houses with consecrated branches, which are then thrown\ninto the river, to be carried down to the sea;(519) exactly as amongst the\nWotyaks of Russia the sticks which have been used for expelling the devils\nfrom the village are thrown into the river, that the current may sweep the\nbaleful burden away. In Amboina, for a similar purpose, the whole body of\nthe patient is rubbed with a live white cock, which is then placed on a\nlittle prao and committed to the waves;(520) and in the Babar archipelago\nthe bark which is to carry away to sea the sickness of a whole village\ncontains a bowl of ashes taken from every kitchen in the village, and\nanother bowl into which all the sick people have spat.(521) The plan of\nputting puppets in the boat to represent sick persons, in order to lure\nthe demons after them, is not uncommon.(522)\n\nThe practice of sending away diseases in boats is known outside the limits\nof the East Indian Archipelago. Thus when the people of Tikopia, a small\nisland in the Pacific, to the north of the New Hebrides, were attacked by\nan epidemic cough, they made a little canoe and adorned it with flowers.\nFour sons of the principal chiefs carried it on their shoulders all round\nthe island, accompanied by the whole population, some of whom beat the\nbushes, while others uttered loud cries. On returning to the spot from\nwhich they had set out, they launched the canoe on the sea.(523) In the\nNicobar Islands, in the Bay of Bengal, when there is much sickness in a\nvillage or no fish are caught, the blame is laid upon the spirits. They\nmust be propitiated with offerings. All relations and friends are invited,\na huge pig is roasted, and the best of it is eaten, but some parts are\noffered to the shades. The heap of offerings remains in front of the house\ntill it is carried away by the rising tide. Then the priests, their faces\nreddened with paint and swine\u2019s blood, pretend to catch the demon of\ndisease, and, after a hand-to-hand struggle, force him into a model boat,\nmade of leaves and decked with garlands, which is then towed so far to sea\nthat neither wind nor tide is likely to drive it back to the shore.(524)\n\nOften the vehicle which carries away the collected demons or ills of a\nwhole community is an animal or scapegoat. In the Central Provinces of\nIndia, when cholera breaks out in a village, every one retires after\nsunset to his house. The priests then parade the streets, taking from the\nroof of each house a straw, which is burnt with an offering of rice,\n_ghi_, and turmeric, at some shrine to the east of the village. Chickens\ndaubed with vermilion are driven away in the direction of the smoke, and\nare believed to carry the disease with them. If they fail, goats are\ntried, and last of all pigs.(525) When cholera is very bad among the\nBh\u00e1rs, Mall\u00e1ns, and Kurm\u00eds of India, they take a goat or a buffalo\u2014in\neither case the animal must be a female, and as black as possible\u2014then\nthey tie some grain, cloves, and red lead in a yellow cloth on its back,\nand turn it out of the village. It is conducted beyond the boundary, and\nis not allowed to return.(526) The people of the city and cantonments of\nSagar being afflicted with a violent influenza, \u201cI had an application from\nthe old Queen Dowager of Sagar to allow of a noisy religious procession,\nfor the purpose of imploring deliverance from this great calamity. Men,\nwomen, and children in this procession were to do their utmost to add to\nthe noise by \u2019raising their voices in psalmody,\u2019 beating upon their brass\npots and pans with all their might, and discharging firearms where they\ncould get them. Before the noisy crowd was to be driven a buffalo, which\nhad been purchased by general subscription, in order that every family\nmight participate in the merit. They were to follow it out eight miles,\nwhere it was to be turned loose for any man who would take it. If the\nanimal returned the disease must return with it, and the ceremony be\nperformed over again.... It was, however, subsequently determined that the\nanimal should be a goat; and he was driven before the crowd accordingly. I\nhave on several occasions been requested to allow of such noisy ceremonies\nin cases of epidemics.\u201d(527) Once, when influenza was raging in Pithuria,\na man had a small carriage made, after a plan of his own, for a pair of\nscapegoats, which were harnessed to it and driven to a wood at some\ndistance, where they were let loose. From that hour the disease entirely\nceased in the town. The goats never returned; had they done so, \u201cthe\ndisease must have come back with them.\u201d(528) The idea of the scapegoat is\nnot uncommon in the hills of the Eastern Ghats. In 1886, during a severe\noutbreak of small-pox, the people of Jeypur made \u201cpuja\u201d to a goat, marched\nit to the Ghats, and let it loose on the plains.(529) In Southern Konkan,\non the appearance of cholera, the villagers went in procession from the\ntemple to the extreme boundaries of the village, carrying a basket of\ncooked rice covered with red powder, a wooden doll representing the\npestilence, and a cock. The head of the cock was cut off at the village\nboundary, and the body was thrown away. When cholera was thus transferred\nfrom one village to another, the second village observed the same ceremony\nand passed on the scourge to its neighbours, and so on through a number of\nvillages.(530) When the Aymara Indians were suffering from a plague, they\nloaded a llama with the clothes of the plague-stricken people, and drove\nthe animal into the mountains, hoping that it would take the plague away\nwith it.(531) Sometimes the scapegoat is a man. Some of the aboriginal\ntribes of China, as a protection against pestilence, select a man of great\nmuscular strength to act the part of scapegoat. Having besmeared his face\nwith paint, he performs many antics with the view of enticing all\npestilential and noxious influences to attach themselves to him only. He\nis assisted by a priest. Finally the scapegoat, hotly pursued by men and\nwomen beating gongs and tom-toms, is driven with great haste out of the\ntown or village.(532) A Hindu cure for the murrain is to hire a man of the\nCham\u00e1r caste, turn his face away from the village, brand him with a\nred-hot sickle, and let him go out into the jungle, taking the murrain\nwith him. He must not look back.(533)\n\nThe mediate expulsion of evils by means of a scapegoat or other material\nvehicle, like the immediate expulsion of them in invisible form, tends to\nbecome periodic, and for a like reason. Thus every year, generally in\nMarch, the people of Leti, Moa, and Lakor send away all their diseases to\nsea. They make a prao about six feet long, rig it with sails, oars,\nrudder, etc., and every family deposits in it some rice, fruit, a fowl,\ntwo eggs, insects that ravage the fields, etc. Then they let it drift away\nto sea, saying, \u201cTake away from here all kinds of sickness, take them to\nother islands, to other lands, distribute them in places that lie\neastward, where the sun rises.\u201d(534) The Biajas of Borneo annually send to\nsea a little bark laden with the sins and misfortunes of the people. The\ncrew of any ship that falls in with the ill-omened bark at sea will suffer\nall the sorrows with which it is laden.(535) At the beginning of the dry\nseason, every year, the Nicobar islanders carry the model of a ship\nthrough their villages. The devils are chased out of the huts, and driven\non board the little ship, which is then launched and suffered to sail away\nwith the wind.(536) At Sucla-Tirtha, in India, an earthen pot containing\nthe accumulated sins of the people is (annually?) set adrift on the river.\nLegend says that the custom originated with a wicked priest who, after\natoning for his guilt by a course of austerities and expiatory ceremonies,\nwas directed to sail upon the river in a boat with white sails. If the\nwhite sails turned black, it would be a sign that his sins were forgiven\nhim. They did so, and he joyfully allowed the boat to drift with his sins\nto sea.(537) Amongst many of the aboriginal tribes of China, a great\nfestival is celebrated in the third month of every year. It is held by way\nof a general rejoicing over what the people believe to be a total\nannihilation of the ills of the past twelve months. This annihilation is\nsupposed to be effected in the following way. A large earthenware jar\nfilled with gunpowder, stones, and bits of iron is buried in the earth. A\ntrain of gunpowder, communicating with the jar, is then laid; and a match\nbeing applied, the jar and its contents are blown up. The stones and bits\nof iron represent the ills and disasters of the past year, and the\ndispersion of them by the explosion is believed to remove the ills and\ndisasters themselves. The festival is attended with much revelling and\ndrunkenness.(538) At Old Calabar, in Guinea, the devils are expelled once\nevery two years. A number of figures called _nabikems_ are made of sticks\nand bamboos, and fixed indiscriminately about the town. Some of them\nrepresent human beings, others birds, crocodiles, and so on. After three\nor four weeks the devils are expected to take up their abode in these\nfigures. When the night comes for their general expulsion, the people\nfeast and sally out in parties, beating at empty corners, and shouting\nwith all their might. Shots are fired, the _nabikems_ are torn up with\nviolence, set in flames, and flung into the river. The orgies last till\ndaybreak, and the town is considered to be rid of evil influences for two\nyears to come.(539) Mr. George Bogle, the English envoy sent to Tibet by\nWarren Hastings, witnessed the celebration of the Tibetan New Year\u2019s Day\nat Teshu Lumbo the capital of the Teshu Lama. \u201cThe figure of a man,\nchalked upon paper, was laid upon the ground. Many strange ceremonies,\nwhich to me who did not understand them appeared whimsical, were performed\nabout it; and a great fire being kindled in a corner of the court, it was\nat length held over it, and being formed of combustibles, vanished with\nmuch smoke and explosion. I was told it was a figure of the devil.\u201d(540)\n\nOn one day of the year some of the people of the Western Himalayas take a\ndog, intoxicate him with spirits and bhang or hemp, and having fed him\nwith sweetmeats, lead him round the village and let him loose. They then\nchase and kill him with sticks and stones, and believe that, when they\nhave done so, no disease or misfortune will visit the village during the\nyear.(541) In some parts of Breadalbane it was formerly the custom on New\nYear\u2019s Day to take a dog to the door, give him a bit of bread, and drive\nhim out, saying, \u201cGet away you dog! Whatever death of men, or loss of\ncattle would happen in this house to the end of the present year, may it\nall light on your head!\u201d(542) It appears that the white dogs annually\nsacrificed by the Iroquois at their New Year Festival are, or have been,\nregarded as scapegoats. According to Mr. J. V. H. Clark, who witnessed the\nceremony in January 1841, on the first day of the festival all the fires\nin the village were extinguished, the ashes scattered to the winds, and a\nnew fire was kindled with flint and steel. On a subsequent day, men\ndressed in fantastic costumes went round the village, gathering the sins\nof the people. On the morning of the last day of the festival, two white\ndogs, decorated with red paint, wampum, feathers, and ribbons were led\nout. They were soon strangled, and hung on a ladder. Firing and yelling\nsucceeded, and half an hour later the dogs were taken into a house, \u201cwhere\nthe peoples\u2019 sins were transferred to them.\u201d The dogs were afterwards\nburnt on a pyre of wood.(543) According to the Rev. Mr. Kirkland, who\nwrote last century, the ashes of the pyre upon which one of the white dogs\nwas burned were carried through the village and sprinkled at the door of\nevery house.(544) Formerly, however, as we have seen, the Iroquois\nexpulsion of evils was immediate and not by scapegoat.(545) The Jews\nannually laid all the sins of the people upon the head of a goat and sent\nit away into the wilderness.(546)\n\nThe scapegoat upon whom the sins of the people are periodically laid, may\nalso be a human being. At Onitsha, on the Quorra River, two human beings\nare annually sacrificed to take away the sins of the land. The victims are\npurchased by public subscription. All persons who, during the past year,\nhave fallen into gross sins, such as incendiarism, theft, adultery,\nwitchcraft, etc. are expected to contribute 28 _ngugas_, or a little over\n\u00a32. The money thus collected is taken into the interior of the country and\nexpended in the purchase of two sickly persons \u201cto be offered as a\nsacrifice for all these abominable crimes\u2014one for the land and one for the\nriver.\u201d A man from a neighbouring town is hired to put them to death. The\nsacrifice of one of these victims was witnessed by the Rev. J. C. Taylor\non 27th February 1858. The sufferer was a woman, about nineteen or twenty\nyears of age. She was dragged alive along the ground, face downwards, from\nthe king\u2019s house to the river, a distance of two miles. The crowds who\naccompanied her cried \u201cWickedness! wickedness!\u201d The intention was \u201cto take\naway the iniquities of the land. The body was dragged along in a merciless\nmanner, as if the weight of all their wickedness was thus carried\naway.\u201d(547) In Siam it was formerly the custom on one day of the year to\nsingle out a woman broken down by debauchery, and carry her on a litter\nthrough all the streets to the music of drums and hautboys. The mob\ninsulted her and pelted her with dirt; and after having carried her\nthrough the whole city, they threw her on a dunghill or a hedge of thorns\noutside the ramparts, forbidding her ever to enter the walls again. They\nbelieved that the woman thus drew upon herself all the malign influences\nof the air and of evil spirits.(548) The people of Nias offer either a red\nhorse or a buffalo as a public sacrifice to purify the land and obtain the\nfavour of the gods. Formerly, it is said, a man was bound to the same\nstake as the buffalo, and when the animal was killed, the man was driven\naway; no one might receive him, converse with him, or give him food.(549)\nDoubtless he was supposed to carry away the sins and misfortunes of the\npeople.\n\nIn Tibet the ceremony of the scapegoat is marked by some peculiar\nfeatures. The Tibetan New Year begins with the new moon, which appears\nabout 15th February. For twenty-three days afterwards the government of\nLh\u00e1s\u00e1, the capital, is taken out of the hands of the ordinary rulers and\nentrusted to the monk of the Debang monastery who offers to pay the\nhighest sum for the privilege. The successful bidder is called the Jalno,\nand he announces the fact in person through the streets of Lh\u00e1s\u00e1, bearing\na silver stick. Monks from all the neighbouring monasteries and temples\nassemble to pay him homage. The Jalno exercises his authority in the most\narbitrary manner for his own benefit, as all the fines which he exacts are\nhis by purchase. The profit he makes is about ten times the amount of the\npurchase money. His men go about the streets in order to discover any\nconduct on the part of the inhabitants that can be found fault with. Every\nhouse in Lh\u00e1s\u00e1 is taxed at this time, and the slightest fault is punished\nwith unsparing rigour by fines. This severity of the Jalno drives all\nworking classes out of the city till the twenty-three days are over.\nMeantime, all the priests flock from the neighbourhood to the\nM\u00e1chindr\u00e1n\u00e1th temple, where they perform religious ceremonies. The temple\nis a very large one, standing in the centre of the city, surrounded by\nbazaars and shops. The idols in it are richly inlaid with gold and\nprecious stones. Twenty-four days after the Jalno has ceased to have\nauthority, he assumes it again, and for ten days acts in the same\narbitrary manner as before. On the first of the ten days the priests\nassemble as before at the M\u00e1chindr\u00e1n\u00e1th temple, pray to the gods to\nprevent sickness and other evils among the people, \u201cand, as a\npeace-offering, sacrifice one man. The man is not killed purposely, but\nthe ceremony he undergoes often proves fatal.(550) Grain is thrown against\nhis head, and his face is painted half white, half black.\u201d On the tenth\nday, all the troops in Lh\u00e1s\u00e1 march to the temple and form in line before\nit. The victim is brought forth from the temple and receives small\ndonations from the assembled multitude. He then throws dice with the\nJalno. If the victim wins, much evil is foreboded; but if the Jalno wins,\nthere is great rejoicing, for it is then believed that the victim has been\naccepted by the gods to bear all the sins of the people of Lh\u00e1s\u00e1.\nThereupon his face is painted half white and half black, a leathern coat\nis put on him, and he is marched to the walls of the city, followed by the\nwhole populace, hooting, shouting, and firing volleys after him. When he\nis driven outside the city, the people return, and the victim is carried\nto the S\u00e1me monastery. Should he die shortly afterwards, the people say it\nis an auspicious sign; but if not, he is kept a prisoner at the monastery\nfor a whole year, after which he is allowed to return to Lh\u00e1s\u00e1.(551)\n\nHuman scapegoats, as we shall see presently, were well known in classical\nantiquity, and even in medi\u00e6val Europe the custom seems not to have been\nwholly extinct. In the town of Halberstadt in Th\u00fcringen there was a church\nwhich was said to have been founded by Charlemagne. In this church every\nyear a man was chosen, who was believed to be stained with heinous sins.\nOn the first day of Lent he was brought to the church, dressed in mourning\ngarb, with his head muffled up. At the close of the service he was turned\nout of the church. During the forty days of Lent he perambulated the city\nbarefoot, neither entering the churches nor speaking to any one. The\ncanons took it in turn to feed him. After midnight he was allowed to sleep\non the streets. On the day before Good Friday, after the consecration of\nthe holy oil, he was readmitted to the church and absolved from his sins.\nThe people gave him money. He was called Adam, and was now believed to be\nin a state of innocence.(552) At Entlebuch in Switzerland, down to the\nclose of last century, the custom of annually expelling a scapegoat was\npreserved in the ceremony of driving \u201cPosterli\u201d from the village into the\nlands of the neighbouring village. \u201cPosterli\u201d was represented by a lad\ndisguised as an old witch or as a goat or an ass. Amid a deafening noise\nof horns, clarionets, bells, whips, etc. he was driven out. Sometimes\n\u201cPosterli\u201d was represented by a puppet, which was drawn in a sledge and\nleft in a corner of the neighbouring village. The ceremony took place on\nthe Thursday evening of the last week but one before Christmas.(553)\n\nSometimes the scapegoat is a divine animal. The people of Malabar share\nthe Hindu reverence for the cow, to kill and eat which \u201cthey esteem to be\na crime as heinous as homicide or wilful murder.\u201d Nevertheless \u201cthe\nBramans transfer the sins of the people into one or more Cows, which are\nthen carry\u2019d away, both the Cows and the Sins wherewith these Beasts are\ncharged, to what place the Braman shall appoint.\u201d(554) When the ancient\nEgyptians sacrificed a bull, they invoked upon its head all the evils that\nmight otherwise befall themselves and the land of Egypt, and thereupon\nthey either sold the bull\u2019s head to the Greeks or cast it into the\nriver.(555) Now, it cannot be said that in the times known to us the\nEgyptians worshipped bulls in general, for they seem to have commonly\nkilled and eaten them.(556) But a good many circumstances point to the\nconclusion that originally all cattle, bulls as well as cows, were held\nsacred by the Egyptians. For not only were all cows esteemed holy by them\nand never sacrificed, but even bulls might not be sacrificed unless they\nhad certain natural marks; a priest examined every bull before it was\nsacrificed; if it had the proper marks, he put his seal on the animal in\ntoken that it might be sacrificed; and if a man sacrificed a bull which\nhad not been sealed, he was put to death. Moreover, the worship of the\nblack bulls Apis and Mnevis, especially the former, played an important\npart in Egyptian religion; all bulls that died a natural death were\ncarefully buried in the suburbs of the cities, and their bones were\nafterwards collected from all parts of Egypt and buried in a single spot;\nand at the sacrifice of a bull in the great rites of Isis all the\nworshippers beat their breasts and mourned.(557) On the whole, then, we\nare perhaps entitled to infer that bulls were originally, as cows were\nalways, esteemed sacred by the Egyptians, and that the slain bull upon\nwhose head they laid the misfortunes of the people was once a divine\nscapegoat. It seems not improbable that the lamb annually slain by the\nMadis of Central Africa is a divine scapegoat, and the same supposition\nmay partly explain the Zuni sacrifice of the turtle.(558)\n\nLastly, the scapegoat may be a divine man. Thus, in November the Gonds of\nIndia worship Ghansyam Deo, the protector of the crops, and at the\nfestival the god himself is said to descend on the head of one of the\nworshippers, who is suddenly seized with a kind of fit and, after\nstaggering about, rushes off into the jungle, where it is believed that,\nif left to himself, he would die mad. As it is, he is brought back, but\ndoes not recover his senses for one or two days. \u201cThe idea is, that one\nman is thus singled out as a scapegoat for the sins of the rest of the\nvillage.\u201d(559) In the temple of the Moon the Albanians of the Eastern\nCaucasus kept a number of sacred slaves, of whom many were inspired and\nprophesied. When one of these men exhibited more than usual symptoms of\ninspiration and wandered solitary up and down the woods, like the Gond in\nthe jungle, the high priest had him bound with a sacred chain and\nmaintained him in luxury for a year. At the end of the year he was\nanointed with unguents and led forth to be sacrificed. A man whose\nbusiness it was to slay these human victims and to whom practice had given\ndexterity, advanced from the crowd and thrust a sacred spear into the\nvictim\u2019s side, piercing his heart. From the manner in which the slain man\nfell, omens were drawn as to the welfare of the commonwealth. Then the\nbody was carried to a certain spot where all the people stood upon it as a\npurificatory ceremony.(560) This last circumstance clearly indicates that\nthe sins of the people were transferred to the victim, just as the Jewish\npriest transferred the sins of the people to the scapegoat by laying his\nhand on the animal\u2019s head; and since the man was believed to be possessed\nby the divine spirit, we have here an undoubted example of a man-god slain\nto take away the sins and misfortunes of the people.\n\nThe foregoing survey of the custom of publicly expelling the accumulated\nevils of a village or district suggests a few general observations. In the\nfirst place, it will not be disputed that what I have called the immediate\nand the mediate expulsions of evil are identical in intention; in other\nwords, that whether the evils are conceived of as invisible or as embodied\nin a material form, is a circumstance entirely subordinate to the main\nobject of the ceremony, which is simply to effect a total clearance of all\nthe ills that have been infesting a people. If any link were wanting to\nconnect the two kinds of expulsion, it would be furnished by such a\npractice as that of sending the evils away in a boat. For here, on the one\nhand, the evils are invisible and intangible; and, on the other hand,\nthere is a visible and tangible vehicle to convey them away. And a\nscapegoat is nothing more than such a vehicle.\n\nIn the second place, when a general clearance of evils is resorted to\nperiodically, the interval between the celebrations of the ceremony is\ncommonly a year, and the time of year when the ceremony takes place\nusually coincides with some well-marked change of season\u2014such as the close\nof winter in the arctic and temperate zones, and the beginning or end of\nthe rainy season in the tropics. The increased mortality which such\nclimatic changes are apt to produce, especially amongst ill-fed,\nill-clothed, and ill-housed savages, is set down by primitive man to the\nagency of demons, who must accordingly be expelled. Hence, in New Britain\nand Peru, the devils are or were driven out at the beginning of the rainy\nseason. When a tribe has taken to agriculture, the time for the general\nexpulsion of devils is naturally made to agree with one of the great\nepochs of the agricultural year, as sowing or harvest; but, as these\nepochs themselves often coincide with changes of season, it does not\nfollow that the transition from the hunting or pastoral to the\nagricultural life involves any alteration in the time of celebrating this\ngreat annual rite. Some of the agricultural communities of India and the\nHindoo Koosh, as we have seen, hold their general clearance of demons at\nharvest, others at sowing-time. But, at whatever season of the year it is\nheld, the general expulsion of devils commonly marks the beginning of the\nnew year. For, before entering on a new year, people are anxious to rid\nthemselves of the troubles that have harassed them in the past; hence the\nfact that amongst so many people\u2014Iroquois, Tonquinese, Siamese, Tibetans,\netc.\u2014the beginning of the new year is inaugurated with a solemn and public\nbanishment of evil spirits.\n\nIn the third place, it is to be observed that this public and periodic\nexpulsion of devils is commonly preceded or followed by a period of\ngeneral licence, during which the ordinary restraints of society are\nthrown aside, and all offences, short of the gravest, are allowed to pass\nunpunished. In Guinea and Tonquin the period of licence precedes the\npublic expulsion of demons; and the suspension of the ordinary government\nin Lh\u00e1s\u00e1 previous to the expulsion of the scapegoat is perhaps a relic of\na similar period of universal licence. Amongst the Hos the period of\nlicence follows the expulsion of the devil. Amongst the Iroquois it hardly\nappears whether it preceded or followed the banishment of evils. In any\ncase, the extraordinary relaxation of all ordinary rules of conduct on\nsuch occasions is doubtless to be explained by the general clearance of\nevils which precedes or follows it. On the one hand, when a general\nriddance of evil and absolution from all sin is in immediate prospect, men\nare encouraged to give the rein to their passions, trusting that the\ncoming ceremony will wipe out the score which they are running up so fast.\nOn the other hand, when the ceremony has just taken place, men\u2019s minds are\nfreed from the oppressive sense, under which they generally labour, of an\natmosphere surcharged with devils; and in the first revulsion of joy they\noverleap the limits commonly imposed by custom and morality. When the\nceremony takes place at harvest-time, the elation of feeling which it\nexcites is further stimulated by the state of physical wellbeing produced\nby an abundant supply of food.(561)\n\nFourthly, the employment of a divine man or animal as a scapegoat is\nespecially to be noted; indeed, we are here directly concerned with the\ncustom of banishing evils only in so far as these evils are believed to be\ntransferred to a god who is afterwards slain. It may be suspected that the\ncustom of employing a divine man or animal as a public scapegoat is much\nmore widely diffused than appears from the examples cited. For, as has\nalready been pointed out, the custom of killing a god dates from so early\na period of human history that in later ages, even when the custom\ncontinues to be practised, it is liable to be misinterpreted. The divine\ncharacter of the animal or man is forgotten, and he comes to be regarded\nmerely as an ordinary victim. This is especially likely to be the case\nwhen it is a divine man who is killed. For when a nation becomes\ncivilised, if it does not drop human sacrifices altogether, it at least\nselects as victims only such criminals as would be put to death at any\nrate. Thus, as in the Sacaean festival at Babylon, the killing of a god\nmay come to be confounded with the execution of a criminal.\n\nIf we ask why a dying god should be selected to take upon himself and\ncarry away the sins and sorrows of the people, it may be suggested that in\nthe practice of using the divinity as a scapegoat we have a combination of\ntwo customs which were at one time distinct and independent. On the one\nhand we have seen that it has been customary to kill the human or animal\ngod in order to save his divine life from being weakened by the inroads of\nage. On the other hand we have seen that it has been customary to have a\ngeneral expulsion of evils and sins once a year. Now, if it occurred to\npeople to combine these two customs, the result would be the employment of\nthe dying god as a scapegoat. He was killed, not originally to take away\nsin, but to save the divine life from the degeneracy of old age; but,\nsince he had to be killed at any rate, people may have thought that they\nmight as well seize the opportunity to lay upon him the burden of their\nsufferings and sins, in order that he might bear it away with him to the\nunknown world beyond the grave.\n\nThe use of the divinity as a scapegoat clears up the ambiguity which, as\nwe saw, appeared to hang about the European folk-custom of \u201ccarrying out\nDeath.\u201d(562) Grounds have been shown for believing that in this ceremony\nthe so-called Death was originally the spirit of vegetation, who was\nannually slain in spring, in order that he might come to life again with\nall the vigour of youth. But, as we saw, there are certain features in the\nceremony which are not explicable on this hypothesis alone. Such are the\nmarks of joy with which the effigy of Death is carried out to be buried or\nburnt, and the fear and abhorrence of it manifested by the bearers. But\nthese features become at once intelligible if we suppose that the Death\nwas not merely the dying god of vegetation, but also a public scapegoat,\nupon whom were laid all the evils that had afflicted the people during the\npast year. Joy on such an occasion is natural and appropriate; and if the\ndying god appears to be the object of that fear and abhorrence which are\nproperly due not to himself, but to the sins and misfortunes with which he\nis laden, this arises merely from the difficulty of distinguishing or at\nleast of marking the distinction between the bearer and the burden. When\nthe burden is of a baleful character, the bearer of it will be feared and\nshunned just as much as if he were himself instinct with those dangerous\nproperties of which, as it happens, he is only the vehicle. Similarly we\nhave seen that disease-laden and sin-laden boats are dreaded and shunned\nby East Indian peoples.(563) Again, the view that in these popular customs\nthe Death is a scapegoat as well as a representative of the divine spirit\nof vegetation derives some support from the circumstance that its\nexpulsion is always celebrated in spring and chiefly by Slavonic peoples.\nFor the Slavonic year began in spring;(564) and thus, in one of its\naspects, the ceremony of \u201ccarrying out Death\u201d would be an example of the\nwidespread custom of expelling the accumulated evils of the past year\nbefore entering on a new one.\n\nWe are now prepared to notice the use of the scapegoat in classical\nantiquity. Every year on the 14th of March a man clad in skins was led in\nprocession through the streets of Rome, beaten with long white rods, and\ndriven out of the city. He was called Mamurius Veturius,(565) that is,\n\u201cthe old Mars,\u201d(566) and as the ceremony took place on the day preceding\nthe first full moon of the old Roman year (which began on 1st March), the\nskin-clad man must have represented the Mars of the past year, who was\ndriven out at the beginning of a new one. Now Mars was originally not a\ngod of war but of vegetation. For it was to Mars that the Roman husbandman\nprayed for the prosperity of his corn and his vines, his fruit-trees and\nhis copses;(567) it was to Mars that the priestly college of the Arval\nBrothers, whose business it was to sacrifice for the growth of the\ncrops,(568) addressed their petitions almost exclusively;(569) and it was\nto Mars, as we saw,(570) that a horse was sacrificed in October to secure\nan abundant harvest. Moreover, it was to Mars, under his title of \u201cMars of\nthe woods\u201d (_Mars Silvanus_) that farmers offered sacrifice for the\nwelfare of their cattle.(571) We have already seen that cattle are\ncommonly supposed to be under the special patronage of tree-gods.(572)\nOnce more, the fact that the vernal month of March was dedicated to Mars\nseems to point him out as the deity of the sprouting vegetation. Thus the\nRoman custom of expelling the old Mars at the beginning of the New Year in\nspring is identical with the Slavonic custom of \u201ccarrying out Death,\u201d if\nthe view here taken of the latter custom is correct. The similarity of the\nRoman and Slavonic customs has been already remarked by scholars, who\nappear, however, to have taken Mamurius Veturius and the corresponding\nfigures in the Slavonic ceremonies to be representatives of the old year\nrather than of the old god of vegetation.(573) It is possible that\nceremonies of this kind may have come to be thus interpreted in later\ntimes even by the people who practised them. But the personification of a\nperiod of time is too abstract an idea to be primitive. However, in the\nRoman, as in the Slavonic, ceremony, the representative of the god appears\nto have been treated not only as a deity of vegetation but also as a\nscapegoat. His expulsion implies this; for there is no reason why the god\nof vegetation, as such, should be expelled the city. But it is otherwise\nif he is also a scapegoat; it then becomes necessary to drive him beyond\nthe boundaries, that he may carry his sorrowful burden away to other\nlands. And, in fact, Mamurius Veturius appears to have been driven away to\nthe land of the Oscans, the enemies of Rome.(574)\n\nThe ancient Greeks were also familiar with the use of a human scapegoat.\nAt Plutarch\u2019s native town of Chaeronea in Boeotia, there was a ceremony of\nthis kind performed by the chief magistrate at the Town Hall, and by each\nhouseholder at his own home. It was called the \u201cexpulsion of hunger.\u201d A\nslave was beaten with rods of the _agnus castus_, and turned out of doors\nwith the words, \u201cOut with hunger, and in with wealth and health.\u201d When\nPlutarch held the office of chief magistrate of his native town he\nperformed this ceremony at the Town Hall, and he has recorded the\ndiscussion to which the custom afterwards gave rise.(575) The ceremony\nclosely resembles the Japanese, Hindoo, and Highland customs already\ndescribed.(576)\n\nBut in civilised Greece the custom of the scapegoat took darker forms than\nthe innocent rite over which the amiable and pious Plutarch presided.\nWhenever Marseilles, one of the busiest and most brilliant of Greek\ncolonies, was ravaged by a plague, a man of the poorer classes used to\noffer himself as a scapegoat. For a whole year he was maintained at the\npublic expense, being fed on choice and pure food. At the expiry of the\nyear he was dressed in sacred garments, decked with holy branches, and led\nthrough the whole city, while prayers were uttered that all the evils of\nthe people might fall on his head. He was then cast out of the city.(577)\nThe Athenians regularly maintained a number of degraded and useless beings\nat the public expense; and when any calamity, such as plague, drought, or\nfamine befell the city, they sacrificed two of these outcasts as\nscapegoats. One of the victims was sacrificed for the men and the other\nfor the women. The former wore round his neck a string of black, the\nlatter a string of white figs. Sometimes, it seems, the victim slain on\nbehalf of the women was a woman. They were led about the city and then\nsacrificed, apparently by being stoned to death outside the city.(578) But\nsuch sacrifices were not confined to extraordinary occasions of public\ncalamity; it appears that every year, at the festival of the Thargelia in\nMay, two victims, one for the men and one for the women, were led out of\nAthens and stoned to death.(579)\n\nFrom the Lover\u2019s Leap, a white bluff at the southern end of their island,\nthe Leucadians used annually to hurl a criminal into the sea as a\nscapegoat. But to lighten his fall they fastened live birds and feathers\nto him, and a flotilla of small boats waited below to catch him and convey\nhim beyond the boundary.(580) Doubtless these humane precautions were a\nmitigation of an earlier custom of flinging the scapegoat into the sea to\ndrown. The custom of the scapegoat as practised by the Greeks of Asia\nMinor in the sixth century B.C. was as follows. When a city suffered from\nplague, famine, or other public calamity, an ugly or deformed person was\nchosen to take upon himself all the evils by which the city was afflicted.\nHe was brought to a suitable place where dried figs, a barley loaf, and\ncheese were put into his hand. These he ate. Then he was beaten seven\ntimes upon his genital organs with squills and branches of the wild fig\nand other wild trees. Afterwards he was burned on a pyre constructed of\nthe wood of forest trees; and his ashes were cast into the sea.(581) A\nsimilar custom appears to have been annually celebrated by the Asiatic\nGreeks at the harvest festival of the Thargelia.(582)\n\nIn the ritual just described the beating of the victim with squills,\nbranches of the wild fig, etc., cannot have been intended to aggravate his\nsufferings, otherwise any stick would have been good enough to beat him\nwith. The true meaning of this part of the ceremony has been explained by\nW. Mannhardt.(583) He points out that the ancients attributed to squills a\nmagical power of averting evil influences, and accordingly hung them up at\nthe doors of their houses and made use of them in purificatory rites.(584)\nHence the Arcadian custom of beating the image of Pan with squills at a\nfestival or whenever the hunters returned empty-handed,(585) must have\nbeen meant, not to punish the god, but to purify him from the harmful\ninfluences which were impeding him in the exercise of his divine functions\nas a god who should supply the hunter with game. Similarly the object of\nbeating the human scapegoat on the genital organs with squills, etc., must\nhave been to release his reproductive energies from any restraint or spell\nunder which they might be laid by demoniacal or other malignant agency;\nand as the Thargelia at which he was annually sacrificed was an early\nharvest festival,(586) we must recognise in him a representative of the\ncreative and fertilising god of vegetation. The representative of the god\nwas annually slain for the purpose I have indicated, that of maintaining\nthe divine life in perpetual vigour, untainted by the weakness of age; and\nbefore he was put to death it was not unnatural to stimulate his\nreproductive powers in order that these might be transmitted in full\nactivity to his successor, the new god or new embodiment of the old god,\nwho was doubtless supposed immediately to take the place of the one\nslain.(587) Similar reasoning would lead to a similar treatment of the\nscapegoat on special occasions, such as drought or famine. If the crops\ndid not answer to the expectation of the husbandman, this would be\nattributed to some failure in the generative powers of the god whose\nfunction it was to produce the fruits of the earth. It might be thought he\nwas under a spell or was growing old and feeble. Accordingly he was slain\nin the person of his representative, with all the ceremonies already\ndescribed, in order that, born young again, he might infuse his own\nyouthful vigour into the stagnant energies of nature. On the same\nprinciple we can understand why Mamurius Veturius was beaten with rods,\nwhy the slave at the Chaeronean ceremony was beaten with the _agnus\ncastus_ (a tree to which magical properties were ascribed),(588) why the\neffigy of Death in north Europe is assailed with sticks and stones, and\nwhy at Babylon the criminal who played the god was scourged before he was\ncrucified. The purpose of the scourging was not to intensify the agony of\nthe divine sufferer, but on the contrary to dispel any malignant\ninfluences by which at the supreme moment he might conceivably be beset.\n\nThe interpretation here given to the custom of beating the human scapegoat\nwith certain plants is supported by many analogies. With the same\nintention some of the Brazilian Indians beat themselves on the genital\norgans with an aquatic plant, the white _aninga_, three days before or\nafter the new moon.(589) We have already had examples of the custom of\nbeating sick people with the leaves of certain plants or with branches in\norder to rid them of the noxious influences.(590) At the autumn festival\nin Peru people used to strike each other with torches saying, \u201cLet all\nharm go away.\u201d(591) Indians of the Quixos, in South America, before they\nset out on a long hunting expedition, cause their wives to whip them with\nnettles, believing that this renders them fleeter and helps them to\novertake the peccaries. They resort to the same proceeding as a cure for\nsickness.(592) At Mowat in New Guinea small boys are beaten lightly with\nsticks during December \u201cto make them grow strong and hardy.\u201d(593) In\nCentral Europe a similar custom is very commonly observed in spring. On\nthe 1st of March the Albanians strike men and beasts with cornel branches,\nbelieving that this is very good for their health.(594) On Good Friday and\nthe two previous days people in Croatia and Slavonia take rods with them\nto church, and when the service is over they beat each other \u201cfresh and\nhealthy.\u201d(595) In some parts of Russia people returning from the church on\nPalm Sunday beat the children and servants who have stayed at home with\npalm branches, saying, \u201cSickness into the forest, health into the\nbones.\u201d(596) In Germany the custom is widely known as _Schmeckostern_,\nbeing observed at Eastertide. People beat each other, especially with\nfresh green twigs of the birch. The beating is supposed to bring good\nluck; the person beaten will, it is believed, be free of vermin during the\nsummer, or will have no pains in his back or his legs for a year.(597)\n\nIf the view here taken of the Greek scapegoat is correct, it obviates an\nobjection which might otherwise be brought against the main argument of\nthis chapter. To the theory that the priest of Nemi was slain as a\nrepresentative of the spirit of the grove, it might have been objected\nthat such a custom has no analogy in classical antiquity. But reasons have\nnow been given for believing that the human being periodically and\noccasionally slain by the Asiatic Greeks was regularly treated as an\nembodiment of a divinity. Probably the persons whom the Athenians kept to\nbe sacrificed were similarly treated as divine. That they were social\noutcasts did not matter. On the primitive view a man is not chosen to be\nthe mouth-piece or embodiment of a god on account of his high moral\nqualities or social standing. The divine afflatus descends equally on the\ngood and the bad, the lofty and the lowly. If then the civilised Greeks of\nAsia and Athens habitually sacrificed men whom they regarded as incarnate\ngods, there can be no inherent improbability in the supposition that at\nthe dawn of history a similar custom was observed by the semi-barbarous\nLatins in the Arician Grove.\n\n\n\n\n\u00a7 16.\u2014Killing the god in Mexico.\n\n\nBut the religion of ancient Mexico, as it was found and described by the\nSpanish conquerors in the sixteenth century, offers perhaps the closest\nparallels to the rule of the Arician priesthood, as I conceive that rule\nto have been originally observed. Certainly nowhere does the custom of\nkilling the human representative of a god appear to have been carried out\nso systematically and on so extensive a scale as in Mexico. \u201cThey tooke a\ncaptive,\u201d says Acosta, \u201csuch as they thought good; and afore they did\nsacrifice him unto their idolls, they gave him the name of the idoll, to\nwhom hee should be sacrificed, and apparelled him with the same ornaments\nlike their idoll, saying that he did represent the same idoll. And during\nthe time that this representation lasted, which was for a yeere in some\nfeasts, in others six moneths, and in others lesse, they reverenced and\nworshipped him in the same maner as the proper idoll; and in the meane\ntime he did eate, drincke, and was merry. When hee went through the\nstreetes the people came forth to worship him, and every one brought him\nan almes, with children and sicke folkes, that he might cure them, and\nbless them, suffering him to doe all things at his pleasure, onely hee was\naccompanied with tenne or twelve men lest he should flie. And he (to the\nend he might be reverenced as he passed) sometimes sounded upon a small\nflute, that the people might prepare to worship him. The feast being come,\nand hee growne fatte, they killed him, opened him, and eat him, making a\nsolempne sacrifice of him.\u201d(598) For example, at the annual festival of\nthe great god Tezcatlipoca, which fell about Easter or a few days later, a\nyoung man was chosen to be the living image of Tezcatlipoca for a whole\nyear. He had to be of unblemished body, and he was carefully trained to\nsustain his lofty role with becoming grace and dignity. During the year he\nwas lapped in luxury, and the king himself took care that the future\nvictim was apparelled in gorgeous attire, \u201cfor already he esteemed him as\na god.\u201d Attended by eight pages clad in the royal livery, the young man\nroamed the streets of the capital day and night at his pleasure, carrying\nflowers and playing the flute. All who saw him fell on their knees before\nhim and adored him, and he graciously acknowledged their homage. Twenty\ndays before the festival at which he was to be sacrificed, four damsels,\ndelicately nurtured, and bearing the names of four goddesses, were given\nhim to be his brides. For five days before the sacrifice divine honours\nwere showered on him more abundantly than ever. The king remained in his\npalace, while the whole court went after the destined victim. Everywhere\nthere were solemn banquets and balls. On the last day the young man, still\nattended by his pages, was ferried across the lake in a covered barge to a\nsmall and lonely temple, which, like the Mexican temples in general, rose\nin the form of a pyramid. As he ascended the stairs of the temple he broke\nat every step one of the flutes on which he had played in the days of his\nglory. On reaching the summit he was seized and held down on a block of\nstone, while a priest cut open his breast with a stone knife, and plucking\nout his heart, offered it to the sun. His head was hung among the skulls\nof previous victims, and his legs and arms were cooked and prepared for\nthe table of the lords. His place was immediately filled up by another\nyoung man, who for a year was treated with the same profound respect, and\nat the end of it shared the same fate.(599)\n\nThe idea that the god thus slain in the person of his representative comes\nto life again immediately, was graphically represented in the Mexican\nritual by skinning the slain man-god and clothing in his skin a living\nman, who thus became the new representative of the godhead. Thus at an\nannual festival a woman was sacrificed who represented Toci or the Mother\nof the Gods. She was dressed with the ornaments, and bore the name of the\ngoddess, whose living image she was believed to be. After being feasted\nand diverted with sham fights for several days, she was taken at midnight\nto the summit of a temple, and beheaded on the shoulders of a man. The\nbody was immediately flayed, and one of the priests, clothing himself in\nthe skin, became the representative of the goddess Toci. The skin of the\nwoman\u2019s thigh was removed separately, and a young man who represented the\ngod Cinteotl, the son of the goddess Toci, wrapt it round his face like a\nmask. Various ceremonies then followed, in which the two men, clad in the\nwoman\u2019s skin, played the parts respectively of the god and goddess.(600)\nAgain, at the annual festival of the god Totec, a number of captives\nhaving been killed and skinned, a priest clothed himself in one of their\nskins, and thus became the image of the god Totec. Then wearing the\nornaments of the god\u2014a crown of feathers, golden necklaces and ear-rings,\nscarlet shoes, etc.\u2014he was enthroned, and received offerings of the first\nfruits and first flowers of the season, together with bunches of the maize\nwhich had been kept for seed.(601) Every fourth year the Quauhtitlans\noffered sacrifices in honour of the god of fire. On the eve of the\nfestival they sacrificed two slaves, skinned them, and took out their\nthigh bones. Next day two priests clothed themselves in the skins, took\nthe bones in their hands, and with solemn steps and dismal howlings\ndescended the stairs of the temple. The people, who were assembled in\ncrowds below, called out, \u201cBehold, there come our gods.\u201d(602)\n\nThus it appears that human sacrifices of the sort I suppose to have\nprevailed at Aricia were, as a matter of fact, systematically offered on a\nlarge scale by a people whose level of culture was probably not inferior,\nif indeed it was not distinctly superior, to that occupied by the Italian\nraces at the early period to which the origin of the Arician priesthood\nmust be referred. The positive and indubitable evidence of the prevalence\nof such sacrifices in one part of the world may reasonably be allowed to\nstrengthen the probability of their prevalence in places for which the\nevidence is less full and trustworthy. Taken all together, the evidence\naffords a fair presumption that the custom of killing men whom their\nworshippers regard as divine has prevailed in many parts of the world.\nWhether the general explanation which I have offered of that custom is\nadequate, and whether the rule that the priest of Aricia had to die a\nviolent death is, as I have tried to show, a particular instance of the\ngeneral custom, are questions which I must now leave to the judgment of\nthe reader.\n\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER IV\u2014THE GOLDEN BOUGH.\n\n\n \u201cUnd gr\u00fcn des Lebens goldner Baum.\u201d\u2014FAUST.\n\n\n\n\n\u00a7 1.\u2014Between heaven and earth.\n\n\nAt the outset of this book two questions were proposed for answer; Why had\nthe priest of Nemi (Aricia) to slay his predecessor? And why, before doing\nso, had he to pluck the Golden Bough? Of these two questions the first has\nnow been answered. The priest of Nemi, if I am right, embodied in himself\nthe spirit, primarily, of the woods and, secondarily, of vegetable life in\ngeneral. Hence, according as he was well or ill, the woods, the flowers,\nand the fields were believed to flourish or fade; and if he were to die of\nsickness or old age, the plant world, it was supposed, would\nsimultaneously perish. Therefore it was necessary that this priest of the\nwoodlands, this sylvan deity incarnate in a man, should be put to death\nwhile he was still in the full bloom of his divine manhood, in order that\nhis sacred life, transmitted in unabated force to his successor, might\nrenew its youth, and thus by successive transmissions through a perpetual\nline of vigorous incarnations might remain eternally fresh and young, a\npledge and security that the buds and blossoms of spring, the verdure of\nsummer woods, and the mellow glories of autumn would never fail.\n\nBut we have still to ask, What was the Golden Bough? and why had each\ncandidate for the Arician priesthood to pluck it before he could slay the\npriest? These questions I will now try to answer.\n\nIt will be well to begin by noticing two of those rules or taboos by\nwhich, as we have seen, the life of divine kings or priests is regulated.\nThe first of the rules to which I desire to call the reader\u2019s attention is\nthat the divine personage may not touch the ground with his foot. This\nrule was observed by the Mikado of Japan and by the supreme pontiff of the\nZapotecs in Mexico. The latter \u201cprofaned his sanctity if he so much as\ntouched the ground with his foot.\u201d(603) For the Mikado to touch the ground\nwith his foot was a shameful degradation; indeed, in the sixteenth\ncentury, it was enough to deprive him of his office. Outside his palace he\nwas carried on men\u2019s shoulders; within it he walked on exquisitely wrought\nmats.(604) The king and queen of Tahiti might not touch the ground\nanywhere but within their hereditary domains; for the ground on which they\ntrod became sacred. In travelling from place to place they were carried on\nthe shoulders of sacred men. They were always accompanied by several pairs\nof these sacred men; and when it became necessary to change their bearers,\nthe king and queen vaulted on to the shoulders of their new bearers\nwithout letting their feet touch the ground.(605) It was an evil omen if\nthe king of Dosuma touched the ground, and he had to perform an expiatory\nceremony.(606) The king of Persia was never seen on foot outside his\npalace.(607)\n\nThe second rule to be here noted is that the sun may not shine upon the\ndivine person. This rule was observed both by the Mikado and by the\npontiff of the Zapotecs. The latter \u201cwas looked upon as a god whom the\nearth was not worthy to hold, nor the sun to shine upon.\u201d(608) The\nJapanese would not allow that the Mikado \u201cshould expose his sacred person\nto the open air, and the sun is not thought worthy to shine on his\nhead.\u201d(609) The heir to the throne of Bogota in Colombia, South America,\nhad to undergo a severe training from the age of sixteen; he lived in\ncomplete retirement in a temple, where he might not see the sun nor eat\nsalt nor converse with a woman.(610) The heir to the kingdom of Sogamoso\nin Colombia, before succeeding to the crown, had to fast for seven years\nin the temple, being shut up in the dark and not allowed to see the sun or\nlight.(611) The prince who was to become Inca of Peru had to fast for a\nmonth without seeing light.(612)\n\nNow it is remarkable that these two rules\u2014not to touch the ground and not\nto see the sun\u2014are observed either separately or conjointly by girls at\npuberty in many parts of the world. Thus amongst the negroes of Loango\ngirls at puberty are confined in separate huts, and they may not touch the\nground with any part of their bare body.(613) Amongst the Zulus and\nkindred tribes of South Africa, when the first signs of puberty show\nthemselves \u201cwhile a girl is walking, gathering wood, or working in the\nfield, she runs to the river and hides herself among the reeds for the day\nso as not to be seen by men. She covers her head carefully with her\nblanket that the sun may not shine on it and shrivel her up into a\nwithered skeleton, assured result from exposure to the sun\u2019s beams. After\ndark she returns to her home and is secluded\u201d in a hut for some time.(614)\n\nIn New Ireland girls are confined for four or five years in small cages,\nbeing kept in the dark and not allowed to set foot on the ground. The\ncustom has been thus described by an eye-witness. \u201cI heard from a teacher\nabout some strange custom connected with some of the young girls here, so\nI asked the chief to take me to the house where they were. The house was\nabout twenty-five feet in length, and stood in a reed and bamboo\nenclosure, across the entrance to which a bundle of dried grass was\nsuspended to show that it was strictly \u2018_tabu_\u2019. Inside the house were\nthree conical structures about seven or eight feet in height, and about\nten or twelve feet in circumference at the bottom, and for about four feet\nfrom the ground, at which point they tapered off to a point at the top.\nThese cages were made of the broad leaves of the pandanus-tree, sewn quite\nclose together so that no light, and little or no air could enter. On one\nside of each is an opening which is closed by a double door of plaited\ncocoa-nut tree and pandanus-tree leaves. About three feet from the ground\nthere is a stage of bamboos which forms the floor. In each of these cages\nwe were told there was a young woman confined, each of whom had to remain\nfor at least four or five years, without ever being allowed to go outside\nthe house. I could scarcely credit the story when I heard it; the whole\nthing seemed too horrible to be true. I spoke to the chief, and told him\nthat I wished to see the inside of the cages, and also to see the girls\nthat I might make them a present of a few beads. He told me that it was\n\u2018_tabu_,\u2019 forbidden for any men but their own relations to look at them;\nbut I suppose the promised beads acted as an inducement, and so he sent\naway for some old lady who had charge, and who alone is allowed to open\nthe doors.... She had to undo the door when the chief told her to do so,\nand then the girls peeped out at us, and, when told to do so, they held\nout their hands for the beads. I, however, purposely sat at some distance\naway and merely held out the beads to them, as I wished to draw them quite\noutside, that I might inspect the inside of the cages. This desire of mine\ngave rise to another difficulty, as these girls were not allowed to put\ntheir feet to the ground all the time they were confined in these places.\nHowever, they wished to get the beads, and so the old lady had to go\noutside and collect a lot of pieces of wood and bamboo, which she placed\non the ground, and then going to one of the girls, she helped her down and\nheld her hand as she stepped from one piece of wood to another until she\ncame near enough to get the beads I held out to her. I then went to\ninspect the inside of the cage out of which she had come, but could\nscarcely put my head inside of it, the atmosphere was so hot and stifling.\nIt was clean and contained nothing but a few short lengths of bamboo for\nholding water. There was only room for the girl to sit or lie down in a\ncrouched position on the bamboo platform, and when the doors are shut it\nmust be nearly or quite dark inside. The girls are never allowed to come\nout except once a day to bathe in a dish or wooden bowl placed close to\neach cage. They say that they perspire profusely. They are placed in these\nstifling cages when quite young, and must remain there until they are\nyoung women, when they are taken out and have each a great marriage feast\nprovided for them.\u201d(615)\n\nIn some parts of New Guinea \u201cdaughters of chiefs, when they are about\ntwelve or thirteen years of age, are kept indoors for two or three years,\nnever being allowed, under any pretence, to descend from the house, and\nthe house is so shaded that the sun cannot shine on them.\u201d(616) Among the\nOt Danoms of Borneo girls at the age of eight or ten years are shut up in\na little room or cell of the house and cut off from all intercourse with\nthe world for a long time. The cell, like the rest of the house, is raised\non piles above the ground, and is lit by a single small window opening on\na lonely place, so that the girl is in almost total darkness. She may not\nleave the room on any pretext whatever, not even for the most necessary\npurposes. None of her family may see her all the time she is shut up, but\na single slave woman is appointed to wait on her. During her lonely\nconfinement, which often lasts seven years, the girl occupies herself in\nweaving mats or with other handiwork. Her bodily growth is stunted by the\nlong want of exercise, and when, on attaining womanhood, she is brought\nout, her complexion is pale and wax-like. She is now shown the sun, the\nearth, the water, the trees, and the flowers, as if she were newly born.\nThen a great feast is made, a slave is killed, and the girl is smeared\nwith his blood.(617) In Ceram girls at puberty were formerly shut up by\nthemselves in a hut which was kept dark.(618)\n\nAmongst the Aht Indians of Vancouver Island, when girls reach puberty they\nare placed in a sort of gallery in the house \u201cand are there surrounded\ncompletely with mats, so that neither the sun nor any fire can be seen. In\nthis cage they remain for several days. Water is given them, but no food.\nThe longer a girl remains in this retirement the greater honour is it to\nthe parents; but she is disgraced for life if it is known that she has\nseen fire or the sun during this initiatory ordeal.\u201d(619) Amongst the\nThlinkeet or Kolosh Indians of Alaska, when a girl shows signs of\nwomanhood she is shut up in a little hut or cage, which is completely\nblocked up with the exception of a small air-hole. In this dark and filthy\nabode she had formerly to remain a year, without fire, exercise, or\nassociates. Her food was put in at the small window; she had to drink out\nof the wing-bone of a white-headed eagle. The time has now been reduced,\nat least in some places, to six months. The girl has to wear a sort of hat\nwith long flaps, that her gaze may not pollute the sky; for she is thought\nunfit for the sun to shine upon.(620) Amongst the Koniags, an Esquimaux\npeople of Alaska, girls at puberty were placed in small huts in which they\nhad to remain on their hands and knees for six months; then the hut was\nenlarged enough to let them kneel upright, and they had to remain in this\nposture for six months more.(621)\n\nWhen symptoms of puberty appeared on a girl for the first time, the\nIndians of the Rio de la Plata used to sew her up in her hammock as if she\nwere dead, leaving only a small hole for her mouth to allow her to\nbreathe. In this state she continued so long as the symptoms lasted.(622)\nIn similar circumstances the Chiriguanos of Bolivia hoisted the girl in\nher hammock to the roof, where she stayed for a month; the second month\nthe hammock was let half way down from the roof; and in the third month\nold women, armed with sticks, entered the hut and ran about striking\neverything they met, saying they were hunting the snake that had wounded\nthe girl. This they did till one of the women gave out that she had killed\nthe snake.(623) Amongst some of the Brazilian Indians, when a girl\nattained to puberty, her hair was burned or shaved off close to the head.\nThen she was placed on a flat stone and cut with the tooth of an animal\nfrom the shoulders all down the back, till she ran with blood. Then the\nashes of a wild gourd were rubbed into the wounds; the girl was bound hand\nand foot, and hung in a hammock, being enveloped in it so closely that no\none could see her. Here she had to stay for three days without eating or\ndrinking. When the three days were over, she stepped out of the hammock\nupon the flat stone, for her feet might not touch the ground. If she had a\ncall of nature, a female relation took the girl on her back and carried\nher out, taking with her a live coal to prevent evil influences from\nentering the girl\u2019s body. Being replaced in her hammock she was now\nallowed to get some flour, boiled roots, and water, but might not taste\nsalt or flesh. Thus she continued to the end of the first monthly period,\nat the expiry of which she was gashed on the breast and belly as well as\nall down the back. During the second month she still stayed in her\nhammock, but her rule of abstinence was less rigid, and she was allowed to\nspin. The third month she was blackened with a certain pigment and began\nto go about as usual.(624)\n\nAmongst the Macusis of British Guiana, when a girl shows the first signs\nof puberty, she is hung in a hammock at the highest point of the hut. For\nthe first few days she may not leave the hammock by day, but at night she\nmust come down, light a fire, and spend the night beside it, else she\nwould break out in sores on her neck, throat, etc. So long as the symptoms\nare at their height, she must fast rigorously. When they have abated, she\nmay come down and take up her abode in a little compartment that is made\nfor her in the darkest corner of the hut. In the morning she may cook her\nfood, but it must be at a separate fire and in a vessel of her own. In\nabout ten days the magician comes and undoes the spell by muttering charms\nand breathing on her and on the more valuable of the things with which she\nhas come in contact. The pots and drinking vessels which she used are\nbroken and the fragments buried. After her first bath, the girl must\nsubmit to be beaten by her mother with thin rods without uttering a cry.\nAt the end of the second period she is again beaten, but not afterwards.\nShe is now \u201cclean,\u201d and can mix again with people.(625) Other Indians of\nGuiana, after keeping the girl in her hammock at the top of the hut for a\nmonth, expose her to certain large ants, whose bite is very painful.(626)\nThe custom of stinging the girl with ants or beating her with rods is\nintended, we may be sure, not as a punishment or a test of endurance, but\nas a purification, the object being to drive away the malignant influences\nwith which a girl at such times is believed to be beset and enveloped.\nExamples of purification, both by beating and by stinging with ants, have\nalready come before us.(627) Probably, beating or scourging as a religious\nor ceremonial rite always originated with a similar intention. It was\nmeant to wipe off and drive away a dangerous contagion (whether\npersonified as demoniacal or not) which was supposed to be adhering\nphysically, though invisibly, to the body of the sufferer.(628) The pain\ninflicted on the person beaten was no more the object of the beating than\nit is of a surgical operation with us; it was a necessary accident, that\nwas all. In later times such customs were interpreted otherwise, and the\npain, from being an accident, became the prime object of the ceremony,\nwhich was now regarded either as a test of endurance imposed upon persons\nat critical epochs of life, or as a mortification of the flesh well\npleasing to the god. But asceticism, under any shape or form, is never\nprimitive. Amongst the Uaupes of Brazil a girl at puberty is secluded in\nthe house for a month, and allowed only a small quantity of bread and\nwater. Then she is taken out into the midst of her relations and friends,\neach of whom gives her four or five blows with pieces of _sipo_ (an\nelastic climber), till she falls senseless or dead. If she recovers, the\noperation is repeated four times at intervals of six hours, and it is\nconsidered an offence to the parents not to strike hard. Meantime, pots of\nmeats and fish have been made ready; the _sipos_ are dipped into them and\nthen given to the girl to lick, who is now considered a marriageable\nwoman.(629)\n\nWhen a Hindoo maiden reaches maturity she is kept in a dark room for four\ndays, and is forbidden to see the sun. She is regarded as unclean; no one\nis allowed to touch her. Her diet is restricted to boiled rice, milk,\nsugar, curd, and tamarind without salt.(630) In Cambodia a girl at puberty\nis put to bed under a mosquito curtain, where she should stay a hundred\ndays. Usually, however, four, five, ten, or twenty days are thought\nenough; and even this, in a hot climate and under the close meshes of the\ncurtain, is sufficiently trying.(631) According to another account, a\nCambodian maiden at puberty is said to \u201center into the shade.\u201d During her\nretirement, which, according to the rank and position of her family, may\nlast any time from a few days to several years, she has to observe a\nnumber of rules, such as not to be seen by a strange man, not to eat flesh\nor fish, and so on. She goes nowhere, not even to the pagoda. But this\nstate of retirement is discontinued during eclipses; at such times she\ngoes forth and pays her devotions to the monster who is supposed to cause\neclipses by catching the heavenly bodies between his teeth.(632) The fact\nthat her retirement is discontinued during an eclipse seems to show how\nliterally the injunction is interpreted which forbids maidens entering on\nwomanhood to look upon the sun.\n\nA superstition so widely diffused as this might be expected to leave\ntraces in legends and folk-tales. And it has done so. In a modern Greek\nfolk-tale the Fates predict that in her fifteenth year a princess must be\ncareful not to let the sun shine on her, for if this were to happen she\nwould be turned into a lizard.(633) A Tyrolese story tells how it was the\ndoom of a lovely maiden to be transported into the belly of a whale if\never a sunbeam fell on her.(634) In another modern Greek tale the Sun\nbestows a daughter upon a childless woman on condition of taking the child\nback to himself when she is twelve years old. So, when the child was\ntwelve, the mother closed the doors and windows, and stopped up all the\nchinks and crannies, to prevent the Sun from coming to fetch away her\ndaughter. But she forgot to stop up the key-hole, and a sunbeam streamed\nthrough it and carried off the girl.(635) In a Sicilian story a seer\nforetells that a king will have a daughter who, in her fourteenth year,\nwill conceive a child by the Sun. So, when the child was born, the king\nshut her up in a lonely tower which had no window, lest a sunbeam should\nfall on her. When she was nearly fourteen years old, it happened that her\nparents sent her a piece of roasted kid, in which she found a sharp bone.\nWith this bone she scraped a hole in the wall, and a sunbeam shot through\nthe hole and impregnated her.(636) The old Greek story of Danae, who was\nconfined by her father in a subterranean chamber or a brazen tower, but\nimpregnated by Zeus, who reached her in the shape of a shower of gold,\nperhaps belongs to the same class of tales. It has its counterpart in the\nlegend which the Kirgis of Siberia tell of their ancestry. A certain Khan\nhad a fair daughter, whom he kept in a dark iron house, that no man might\nsee her. An old woman tended her; and when the girl was grown to\nmaidenhood she asked the old woman, \u201cWhere do you go so often?\u201d\u2014\u201cMy\nchild,\u201d said the old dame, \u201cthere is a bright world. In that bright world\nyour father and mother live, and all sorts of people live there. That is\nwhere I go.\u201d The maiden said, \u201cGood mother, I will tell nobody, but show\nme that bright world.\u201d So the old woman took the girl out of the iron\nhouse. But when she saw the bright world, the girl tottered and fainted;\nand the eye of God fell upon her, and she conceived. Her angry father put\nher in a golden chest and sent her floating away (fairy gold can float in\nfairyland) over the wide sea.(637) The shower of gold in the Greek story,\nand the eye of God in the Kirgis legend, probably stand for sunlight and\nthe sun. The idea that women may be impregnated by the sun is not uncommon\nin legends,(638) and there are even traces of it in marriage customs.(639)\n\nThe ground of this seclusion of girls at puberty lies in the deeply\nengrained dread which primitive man universally entertains of menstruous\nblood. Evidence of this has already been adduced,(640) but a few more\nfacts may here be added. Amongst the Australian blacks \u201cthe boys are told\nfrom their infancy that, if they see the blood, they will early become\ngray-headed, and their strength will fail prematurely.\u201d Hence a woman\nlives apart at these times; and if a young man or boy approaches her she\ncalls out, and he immediately makes a circuit to avoid her. The men go out\nof their way to avoid even crossing the tracks made by women at such\ntimes. Similarly the woman may not walk on any path frequented by men, nor\ntouch anything used by men; she may not eat fish, or go near water at all,\nmuch less cross it; for if she did, the fish would be frightened, and the\nfishers would have no luck; she may not even fetch water for the camp; it\nis sufficient for her to say _Thama_ to ensure her husband fetching the\nwater himself. A severe beating, or even death, is the punishment\ninflicted on an Australian woman who breaks these rules.(641) The Bushmen\nthink that, by a glance of a girl\u2019s eye at the time when she ought to be\nkept in strict retirement, men become fixed in whatever position they\nhappen to occupy, with whatever they were holding in their hands, and are\nchanged into trees which talk.(642) The Guayquiries of the Orinoco think\nthat, when a woman has her courses, everything upon which she steps will\ndie, and that if a man treads on the place where she has passed, his legs\nwill immediately swell up.(643) The Creek and kindred Indians of the\nUnited States compelled women at menstruation to live in separate huts at\nsome distance from the village. There the women had to stay, at the risk\nof being surprised and cut off by enemies. It was thought \u201ca most horrid\nand dangerous pollution\u201d to go near the women at such times; and the\ndanger extended to enemies who, if they slew the women, had to cleanse\nthemselves from the pollution by means of certain sacred herbs and\nroots.(644) Similarly, among the Chippeways and other Indians of the\nHudson Bay Territory, women at such seasons are excluded from the camp,\nand take up their abode in huts of branches. They wear long hoods, which\neffectually conceal the head and breast. They may not touch the household\nfurniture nor any objects used by men; for their touch \u201cis supposed to\ndefile them, so that their subsequent use would be followed by certain\nmischief or misfortune,\u201d such as disease or death. They may not walk on\nthe common paths nor cross the tracks of animals. They \u201care never\npermitted to walk on the ice of rivers or lakes, or near the part where\nthe men are hunting beaver, or where a fishing-net is set, for fear of\naverting their success. They are also prohibited at those times from\npartaking of the head of any animal, and even from walking in or crossing\nthe track where the head of a deer, moose, beaver, and many other animals\nhave lately been carried, either on a sledge or on the back. To be guilty\nof a violation of this custom is considered as of the greatest importance;\nbecause they firmly believe that it would be a means of preventing the\nhunter from having an equal success in his future excursions.\u201d(645) So the\nLapps forbid women at menstruation to walk on that part of the shore where\nthe fishers are in the habit of setting out their fish.(646)\n\nAmongst the civilised nations of Europe the superstitions which have\nprevailed on this subject are not less extravagant. In the oldest existing\ncyclopaedia\u2014the _Natural History_ of Pliny\u2014the list of dangers apprehended\nfrom menstruation is longer than any furnished by savages. According to\nPliny, the touch of a menstruous woman turned wine to vinegar, blighted\ncrops, killed seedlings, blasted gardens, brought down the fruit from\ntrees, dimmed mirrors, blunted razors, rusted iron and brass (especially\nat the waning of the moon), killed bees, or at least drove them from their\nhives, caused mares to miscarry, and so forth.(647) Similarly, in various\nparts of Europe, it is still believed that if a woman in her courses\nenters a brewery the beer will turn sour; if she touches beer, wine,\nvinegar, or milk, it will go bad; if she makes jam, it will not keep; if\nshe mounts a mare, it will miscarry; if she touches buds, they will\nwither; if she climbs a cherry-tree, it will die.(648)\n\nThus the object of secluding women at menstruation is to neutralise the\ndangerous influences which are supposed to emanate from them at such\ntimes. That the danger is believed to be especially great at the first\nmenstruation appears from the unusual precautions taken to isolate girls\nat this crisis. Two of these precautions have been illustrated above,\nnamely, the rules that the girl may not touch the ground nor see the sun.\nThe general effect of these rules is to keep the girl suspended, so to\nsay, between heaven and earth. Whether enveloped in her hammock and slung\nup to the roof, as in South America, or elevated above the ground in a\ndark and narrow cage, as in New Ireland, she may be considered to be out\nof the way of doing mischief, since, being shut off both from the earth\nand from the sun, she can poison neither of these great sources of life by\nher deadly contagion. In short, she is rendered harmless by being, in\nelectrical language, insulated. But the precautions thus taken to isolate\nor insulate the girl are dictated by a regard for her own safety as well\nas for the safety of others. For it is thought that the girl herself would\nsuffer if she were to neglect the prescribed regimen. Thus Zulu girls, as\nwe have seen, believe that they would shrivel to skeletons if the sun were\nto shine on them at puberty, and in some Brazilian tribes the girls think\nthat a transgression of the rules would entail sores on the neck and\nthroat. In short, the girl is viewed as charged with a powerful force\nwhich, if not kept within bounds, may prove the destruction both of the\ngirl herself and of all with whom she comes in contact. To repress this\nforce within the limits necessary for the safety of all concerned is the\nobject of the taboos in question.\n\nThe same explanation applies to the observance of the same rules by divine\nkings and priests. The uncleanness, as it is called, of girls at puberty\nand the sanctity of holy men do not, to the primitive mind, differ from\neach other. They are only different manifestations of the same\nsupernatural energy which, like energy in general, is in itself neither\ngood nor bad, but becomes beneficent or maleficent according to its\napplication.(649) Accordingly, if, like girls at puberty, divine\npersonages may neither touch the ground nor see the sun, the reason is, on\nthe one hand, a fear lest their divinity might, at contact with earth or\nheaven, discharge itself with fatal violence on either; and, on the other\nhand, an apprehension, that the divine being, thus drained of his ethereal\nvirtue, might thereby be incapacitated for the future performance of those\nsupernatural functions, upon the proper discharge of which the safety of\nthe people and even of the world is believed to hang. Thus the rules in\nquestion fall under the head of the taboos which we examined in the second\nchapter; they are intended to preserve the life of the divine person and\nwith it the life of his subjects and worshippers. Nowhere, it is thought,\ncan his precious yet dangerous life be at once so safe and so harmless as\nwhen it is neither in heaven nor in earth, but, as far as possible,\nsuspended between the two.(650)\n\n\n\n\n\u00a7 2.\u2014Balder.\n\n\nA god whose life might in a sense be said to be neither in heaven nor\nearth but between the two, was the Norse Balder, the good and beautiful\ngod. The story of his death is as follows: Once on a time Balder dreamed\nheavy dreams which seemed to forebode his death. Thereupon the gods held a\ncouncil and resolved to make him secure against every danger. So the\ngoddess Frigg took an oath from fire and water, iron and all metals,\nstones and earth, from trees, sicknesses and poisons, and from all\nfour-footed beasts, birds, and creeping things, that they would not hurt\nBalder. When this was done Balder was deemed invulnerable; so the gods\namused themselves by setting him in their midst, while some shot at him,\nothers hewed at him, and others threw stones at him. But whatever they\ndid, nothing could hurt him; and at this they were all glad. Only Loki,\nthe mischief-maker, was displeased, and he went in the guise of an old\nwoman to Frigg, who told him that the weapons of the gods could not wound\nBalder, since she had made them all swear not to hurt him. Then Loki\nasked, \u201cHave all things sworn to spare Balder?\u201d She answered, \u201cEast of\nWalhalla grows a plant called mistletoe; it seemed to me too young to\nswear.\u201d So Loki went and pulled the mistletoe and took it to the assembly\nof the gods. There he found the blind god H\u00f6dur standing at the outside of\nthe circle. Loki asked him, \u201cWhy do you not shoot at Balder?\u201d H\u00f6dur\nanswered, \u201cBecause I do not see where he stands; besides I have no\nweapon.\u201d Then said Loki, \u201cDo like the rest and show Balder honour, as they\nall do. I will show you where he stands, and do you shoot at him with this\ntwig.\u201d H\u00f6dur took the mistletoe and threw it at Balder, as Loki directed\nhim. The mistletoe struck Balder and pierced him through and through, and\nhe fell down dead. And that was the greatest misfortune that ever befel\ngods and men. For a while the gods stood speechless, then they lifted up\ntheir voices and wept bitterly. They took Balder\u2019s body and brought it to\nthe sea-shore. There stood Balder\u2019s ship; it was called Ringhorn, and was\nthe hugest of all ships. The gods wished to launch the ship and to burn\nBalder\u2019s body on it, but the ship would not stir. So they sent for a\ngiantess called Hyrrockin. She came riding on a wolf and gave the ship\nsuch a push that fire flashed from the rollers and all the earth shook.\nThen Balder\u2019s body was taken and placed on the funeral pile upon his ship.\nWhen his wife Nanna saw that, her heart burst for sorrow and she died. So\nshe was laid on the funeral pile with her husband, and fire was put to it.\nBalder\u2019s horse, too, with all its trappings, was burned on the pile.(651)\n\nThe circumstantiality of this story suggests that it belongs to the\nextensive class of myths which are invented to explain ritual. For a myth\nis never so graphic and precise in its details as when it is a simple\ntranscript of a ceremony which the author of the myth witnessed with his\neyes. At all events, if it can be made probable that rites like those\ndescribed in the Balder myth have been practised by Norsemen and by other\nEuropean peoples, we shall be justified in inferring that the ritual gave\nbirth to the myth, not the myth to the ritual. For while many cases can be\nshown in which a myth has been invented to explain a rite, it would be\nhard to point to a single case in which a myth has given rise to a rite.\nRitual may be the parent of myth, but can never be its child.(652)\n\nThe main incidents in the myth of Balder\u2019s death are two; first, the\npulling of the mistletoe, and second, the death and burning of the god.\nNow both these incidents appear to have formed parts of an annual ceremony\nonce observed by Celts and Norsemen, probably also by Germans and Slavs.\n\nIn most parts of Europe the peasants have been accustomed from time\nimmemorial to kindle bonfires on certain days of the year, and to dance\nround them or leap over them. Customs of this kind can be traced back on\nhistorical evidence to the Middle Ages,(653) and their analogy to similar\ncustoms observed in antiquity goes with strong internal evidence to prove\nthat their origin must be sought in a period long prior to the spread of\nChristianity. Indeed the earliest evidence of their observance in Northern\nEurope is furnished by the attempts made by Christian synods in the eighth\ncentury to put them down as heathenish rites.(654) Not uncommonly effigies\nare burned in these fires, or a pretence is made of burning a living\nperson in them; and there are grounds for believing that anciently human\nbeings were actually burned on these occasions. A brief review of the\ncustoms in question will bring out the traces of human sacrifice, and will\nserve at the same time to throw light on their meaning.(655)\n\nThe seasons of the year at which these bonfires are most commonly lit are\nspring and midsummer, but in some places they are kindled at Hallow E\u2019en\n(October 31st) and Christmas. In spring the first Sunday in Lent\n(Quadragesima) and Easter Eve are the days on which in different places\nthe ceremony is observed. Thus in the Eifel Mountains, Rhenish Prussia, on\nthe first Sunday in Lent young people used to collect straw and brushwood\nfrom house to house. These they carried to an eminence and piled them up\nround a tall, slim, beech-tree, to which a piece of wood was fastened at\nright angles to form a cross. The structure was known as the \u201chut\u201d or\n\u201ccastle.\u201d Fire was set to it and the young people marched round the\nblazing \u201ccastle\u201d bareheaded, each carrying a lighted torch and praying\naloud. Sometimes a straw man was burned in the \u201chut.\u201d People observed the\ndirection in which the smoke blew from the fire. If it blew towards the\ncorn-fields, it was a sign that the harvest would be abundant. On the same\nday, in some parts of the Eifel, a great wheel was made of straw and\ndragged by three horses to the top of a hill. Thither the village boys\nmarched at nightfall, set fire to the wheel, and sent it rolling down the\nslope. Two lads followed it with levers to set it in motion again, in case\nit should anywhere meet with a check.(656) About Echternach the same\nceremony is called \u201cburning the witch.\u201d(657) At Voralberg in the Tyrol on\nthe first Sunday in Lent a slender young fir-tree is surrounded with a\npile of straw and fire-wood. At the top of the tree is fastened a human\nfigure called the \u201cwitch\u201d; it is made of old clothes and stuffed with\ngunpowder. At night the whole is set on fire and boys and girls dance\nround it, swinging torches and singing rhymes in which the words \u201ccorn in\nthe winnowing-basket, the plough in the earth\u201d may be distinguished.(658)\nIn Swabia on the first Sunday in Lent a figure called the \u201cwitch\u201d or the\n\u201cold wife\u201d or \u201cwinter\u2019s grandmother\u201d is made up of clothes and fastened to\na pole. This is stuck in the middle of a pile of wood, to which fire is\napplied. While the \u201cwitch\u201d is burning the young people throw blazing discs\ninto the air. The discs are thin round pieces of wood, a few inches in\ndiameter, with notched edges to imitate the rays of the sun or stars. They\nhave a hole in the middle, by which they are attached to the end of a\nwand. Before the disc is thrown it is set on fire, the wand is swung to\nand fro, and the impetus thus communicated to the disc is augmented by\ndashing the rod sharply against a sloping board. The burning disc is thus\nthrown off, and mounting high into the air, describes a long curve before\nit reaches the ground. A single lad may fling up forty or fifty of these\ndiscs, one after the other. The object is to throw them as high as\npossible. The wand by which they are hurled must, at least in some parts\nof Swabia, be of hazel. Sometimes the lads also leap over the fire\nbrandishing blazing torches of pine-wood. The charred embers of the burned\n\u201cwitch\u201d and discs are taken home and planted in the flax-fields the same\nnight, in the belief that they will keep vermin from the fields.(659) In\nthe Rh\u00f6n Mountains, Bavaria, on the first Sunday in Lent the people used\nto march to the top of a hill or eminence. Children and lads carried\ntorches, brooms daubed with tar, and poles swathed in straw. A wheel,\nwrapt in combustibles, was kindled and rolled down the hill; and the young\npeople rushed about the fields with their burning torches and brooms, till\nat last they flung them in a heap, and standing round them, struck up a\nhymn or a popular song. The object of running about the fields with the\nblazing torches was to \u201cdrive away the wicked sower.\u201d Or it was done in\nhonour of the Virgin, that she might preserve the fruits of the earth\nthroughout the year and bless them.(660)\n\nIt seems hardly possible to separate from these bonfires, kindled on the\nfirst Sunday in Lent, the fires in which, about the same season, the\neffigy called Death is burned as part of the ceremony of \u201ccarrying out\nDeath.\u201d We have seen that at Spachendorf, Austrian Silesia, on the morning\nof Rupert\u2019s Day (Shrove Tuesday?) a straw-man, dressed in a fur coat and a\nfur cap, is laid in a hole outside the village and there burned, and that\nwhile it is blazing every one seeks to snatch a fragment of it, which he\nfastens to a branch of the highest tree in his garden or buries in his\nfield, believing that this will make the crops to grow better. The\nceremony is known as the \u201cburying of Death.\u201d(661) Even when the straw-man\nis not designated as Death, the meaning of the observance is probably the\nsame; for the name Death, as I have tried to show, does not express the\noriginal intention of the ceremony. At Cobern in the Eifel Mountains the\nlads make up a straw-man on Shrove Tuesday. The effigy is formally tried\nand accused of having perpetrated all the thefts that have been committed\nin the neighbourhood throughout the year. Being condemned to death, the\nstraw-man is led through the village, shot, and burned upon a pyre. They\ndance round the blazing pile, and the last bride must leap over it.(662)\nIn Oldenburg on the evening of Shrove Tuesday people used to make long\nbundles of straw, which they set on fire, and then ran about the fields\nwaving them, shrieking, and singing wild songs. Finally they burnt a\nstraw-man on the field.(663) In the district of D\u00fcsseldorf the straw-man\nburned on Shrove Tuesday was made of an unthreshed sheaf of corn.(664) On\nthe first Monday after the spring equinox the urchins of Zurich drag a\nstraw-man on a little cart through the streets, while at the same time the\ngirls carry about a May-tree. When vespers ring, the straw-man is\nburned.(665) In the district of Aachen on Ash Wednesday a man used to be\nencased in peas-straw and taken to an appointed place. Here he slipped\nquietly out of his straw casing, which was then burned, the children\nthinking that it was the man who was being burned.(666) In the Val di\nLedro (Tyrol) on the last day of the Carnival a figure is made up of straw\nand brushwood and then burned. The figure is called the Old Woman, and the\nceremony \u201cburning the Old Woman.\u201d(667)\n\nAnother occasion on which these fire-festivals are held is Easter Eve, the\nSaturday before Easter Sunday. On that day it has been customary in\nCatholic countries to extinguish all the lights in the churches, and then\nto make a new fire, sometimes with flint and steel, sometimes with a\nburning-glass. At this fire is lit the Easter candle, which is then used\nto rekindle all the extinguished lights in the church. In many parts of\nGermany a bonfire is also kindled, by means of the new fire, on some open\nspace near the church. It is consecrated, and the people bring sticks of\noak, walnut, and beech, which they char in the fire, and then take home\nwith them. Some of these charred sticks are thereupon burned at home in a\nnewly-kindled fire, with a prayer that God will preserve the homestead\nfrom fire, lightning, and hail. Thus every house receives \u201cnew fire.\u201d Some\nof the sticks are placed in the fields, gardens, and meadows, with a\nprayer that God will keep them from blight and hail. Such fields and\ngardens are thought to thrive more than others; the corn and the plants\nthat grow in them are not beaten down by hail, nor devoured by mice,\nvermin, and beetles, no witch harms them, and the ears of corn stand close\nand full. The charred sticks are also applied to the plough. The ashes of\nthe Easter bonfire, together with the ashes of the consecrated\npalm-branches, are mixed with the seed at sowing. A wooden figure called\nJudas is sometimes burned in the consecrated bonfire.(668)\n\nSometimes instead of the consecrated bonfire a profane fire used to be\nkindled on Easter Eve. In the afternoon the lads of the village collected\nfirewood and carried it to a corn-field or to the top of a hill. Here they\npiled it together and fastened in the midst of it a pole with a\ncross-piece, all wrapt in straw, so that it looked like a man with\noutstretched arms. This figure was called the Easter-man, or the Judas. In\nthe evening the lads lit their lanterns at the new holy fire in the\nchurch, and ran at full speed to the pile. The one who reached it first\nset fire to it and to the effigy. No women or girls might be present,\nthough they were allowed to watch the scene from a distance. Great was the\njoy while the effigy was burning. The ashes were collected and thrown at\nsunrise into running water, or were scattered over the fields on Easter\nMonday. At the same time the palm branches which had been consecrated on\nPalm Sunday, and sticks which had been charred in the fire and consecrated\non Good Friday, were also stuck up in the fields. The object was to\npreserve the fields from hail.(669) In M\u00fcnsterland, these Easter fires are\nalways kindled upon certain definite hills, which are hence known as\nEaster or Pascal Mountains. The whole community assembles about the fire.\nFathers of families form an inner circle round it. An outer circle is\nformed by the young men and maidens, who, singing Easter hymns, march\nround and round the fire in the direction of the sun, till the blaze dies\ndown. Then the girls jump over the fire in a line, one after the other,\neach supported by two young men who hold her hands and run beside her.\nWhen the fire has burned out, the whole assemblage marches in solemn\nprocession to the church, singing hymns. They march thrice round the\nchurch, and then break up. In the twilight boys with blazing bundles of\nstraw run over the fields to make them fruitful.(670) In Holland, also,\nEaster fires used to be kindled on the highest eminences, the people\ndanced round them, and leaped through the flames.(671) In Schaumburg, the\nEaster bonfires may be seen blazing on all the mountains around for miles.\nThey are made with a tar barrel fastened to a pine-tree, which is wrapt in\nstraw. The people dance singing round them.(672) Easter bonfires are also\ncommon in the Harz Mountains and in Brunswick, Hanover, and Westphalia.\nThey are generally lit upon particular heights and mountains which are\nhence called Easter Mountains. In the Harz the fire is commonly made by\npiling brushwood about a tree and setting it on fire, and blazing tar\nbarrels are often rolled down into the valley. In Osterode, every one\ntries to snatch a brand from the bonfire and rushes about with it; the\nbetter it burns, the more lucky it is. In Grund there are torch\nraces.(673) In the Altmark, the Easter bonfires are composed of tar\nbarrels, bee-hives, etc., piled round a pole. The young folk dance round\nthe fire; and when it has died out, the old folk come and collect the\nashes, which they preserve as a remedy for the ailments of bees. It is\nalso believed that as far as the blaze of the bonfire is visible, the corn\nwill grow well throughout the year, and no conflagration will break\nout.(674) In some parts of Bavaria, bonfires were kindled at Easter upon\nsteep mountains, and burning arrows or discs of wood were shot high into\nthe air, as in the Swabian custom already described. Sometimes, instead of\nthe discs, an old waggon wheel was wrapt in straw, set on fire, and sent\nrolling down the mountain. The lads who hurled the discs received painted\nEaster eggs from the girls.(675) In some parts of Swabia the Easter fires\nmight not be kindled with iron or flint or steel; but only by the friction\nof wood.(676) At Braunr\u00f6de in the Harz Mountains it was the custom to burn\nsquirrels in the Easter bonfire.(677) In the Altmark, bones were burned in\nit.(678)\n\nIn the central Highlands of Scotland bonfires, known as the Beltane fires,\nwere formerly kindled with great ceremony on the 1st of May, and the\ntraces of human sacrifices at them were particularly clear and\nunequivocal. In the neighbourhood of Callander, in Perthshire, the custom\nlasted down to the close of last century. The fires were lit by the people\nof each hamlet on a hill or knoll round which their cattle were pasturing.\nHence various eminences in the Highlands are known as \u201cthe hill of the\nfires,\u201d just as in Germany some mountains take their name from the Easter\nfires which are kindled upon them. On the morning of May Day the people\nrepaired to a hill or knoll and cut a round trench in the green sod,\nleaving in the centre a platform of turf large enough to contain the whole\ncompany. On this turf they seated themselves, and in the middle was placed\na pile of wood or other fuel, which of old they kindled with\n_tein-eigin_\u2014that is, forced fire or need-fire. The way of making the\nneed-fire was this: \u201cThe night before, all the fires in the country were\ncarefully extinguished, and next morning the materials for exciting this\nsacred fire were prepared. The most primitive method seems to be that\nwhich was used in the islands of Skye, Mull, and Tiree. A well-seasoned\nplank of oak was procured, in the midst of which a hole was bored. A\nwimble of the same timber was then applied, the end of which they fitted\nto the hole. But in some parts of the mainland the machinery was\ndifferent. They used a frame of green wood, of a square form, in the\ncentre of which was an axle-tree. In some places three times three\npersons, in others three times nine, were required for turning round, by\nturns, the axle-tree or wimble. If any of them had been guilty of murder,\nadultery, theft, or other atrocious crime, it was imagined either that the\nfire would not kindle, or that it would be devoid of its usual virtue. So\nsoon as any sparks were emitted by means of the violent friction, they\napplied a species of agaric which grows on old birch-trees, and is very\ncombustible. This fire had the appearance of being immediately derived\nfrom heaven, and manifold were the virtues ascribed to it. They esteemed\nit a preservative against witchcraft, and a sovereign remedy against\nmalignant diseases, both in the human species and in cattle; and by it the\nstrongest poisons were supposed to have their nature changed.\u201d For many\nyears, however, before the close of last century, the Beltane fires were\nkindled in the usual way. The fire being lit, the company prepared a\ncustard of eggs and milk, which they ate. Afterwards they amused\nthemselves a while by singing and dancing round the fire. Then \u201cthey knead\na cake of oatmeal, which is toasted at the embers against a stone. After\nthe custard is eaten up they divide the cake into so many portions, as\nsimilar as possible to one another in size and shape, as there are persons\nin the company. They daub one of these portions all over with charcoal\nuntil it be perfectly black. They put all the bits of cake into a bonnet.\nEvery one, blindfold, draws out a portion. He who holds the bonnet is\nentitled to the last bit. Whoever draws the black bit is the devoted\nperson who is to be sacrificed to _Baal_, whose favour they mean to\nimplore, in rendering the year productive of the sustenance of man and\nbeast.\u201d The victim thus selected \u201cwas called _cailleach bealtine_\u2014_i.e._\nthe Beltane _carline_, a term of great reproach. Upon his being known,\npart of the company laid hold of him, and made a show of putting him into\nthe fire; but, the majority interposing, he was rescued. And in some\nplaces they laid him flat on the ground, making as if they would quarter\nhim. Afterwards he was pelted with eggshells, and retained the odious\nappellation during the whole year. And, while the feast was fresh in\npeople\u2019s memory, they affected to speak of the _cailleach bealtine_ as\ndead.\u201d He had to leap thrice through the flames, and this concluded the\nceremony.(679)\n\nAnother account of the Beltane festival, written in the latter half of\nlast century, is as follows: \u201cOn the 1st of May the herdsmen of every\nvillage hold their Beltien, a rural sacrifice. They cut a square trench on\nthe ground, leaving the turf in the middle; on that they make a fire of\nwood, on which they dress a large caudle of eggs, butter, oatmeal, and\nmilk, and bring, besides the ingredients of the caudle, plenty of beer and\nwhisky; for each of the company must contribute something. The rites begin\nwith spilling some of the caudle on the ground, by way of libation; on\nthat every one takes a cake of oatmeal, upon which are raised nine square\nknobs, each dedicated to some particular being, the supposed preserver of\ntheir flocks and herds, or to some particular animal, the real destroyer\nof them; each person then turns his face to the fire, breaks off a knob,\nand, flinging it over his shoulder, says, \u2018This I give to thee, preserve\nthou my horses; this to thee, preserve thou my sheep; and so on.\u2019 After\nthat they use the same ceremony to the noxious animals: \u2018This I give to\nthee, O fox! spare thou my lambs; this to thee, O hooded crow! this to\nthee, O eagle!\u2019 When the ceremony is over they dine on the caudle; and,\nafter the feast is finished, what is left is hid by two persons deputed\nfor that purpose; but on the next Sunday they reassemble, and finish the\nreliques of the first entertainment.\u201d(680) The 1st of May is a great\npopular festival in the more midland and southern parts of Sweden. On the\npreceding evening huge bonfires, which should be lighted by striking two\nflints together, blaze on all the hills and knolls. Every large hamlet has\nits own fire, round which the young people dance in a ring. The old folk\nnotice whether the flames incline to the north or to the south. In the\nformer case the spring will be cold and backward; in the latter mild and\ngenial.(681)\n\nBut the season at which these fire-festivals are most generally held all\nover Europe is the summer solstice, that is, Midsummer Eve (23d June) or\nMidsummer Day (24th June). According to a medi\u00e6val writer the three great\nfeatures of this festival were the bonfires, the procession with torches\nround the fields, and the custom of rolling a wheel. The writer adds that\nthe smoke drives away harmful dragons which cause sickness, and he\nexplains the custom of rolling the wheel to mean that the sun has now\nreached the highest point in the ecliptic, and begins thenceforward to\ndescend.(682) From his description, which is still applicable, we see that\nthe main features of the midsummer fire-festival are identical with those\nwhich characterise the spring festivals. In Swabia lads and lasses, hand\nin hand, leap over the midsummer bonfire, praying that the hemp may grow\nthree ells high, and they set fire to wheels of straw and send them\nrolling down the hill.(683) In Lechrain bonfires are kindled on the\nmountains on Midsummer Day; and besides the bonfire a tall beam, thickly\nwrapt in straw, and surmounted by a cross-piece, is burned in many places.\nRound this cross, as it burns, the lads dance; and when the flames have\nsubsided, the young people leap over the fire in pairs, a young man and a\nyoung woman together. It is believed that the flax will grow that year as\nhigh as they leap over the fire; and that if a charred billet be taken\nfrom the fire and stuck in a flax field it will promote the growth of the\nflax.(684) At Deffingen, as they jumped over the midsummer bonfire, they\ncried out, \u201cFlax, flax! may the flax this year grow seven ells high!\u201d(685)\nIn Bohemia bonfires are kindled on many of the mountains on Midsummer Eve;\nboys and girls, hand in hand, leap over them; cart-wheels smeared with\nresin are ignited and sent rolling down the hill; and brooms covered with\ntar and set on fire are swung about or thrown high into the air. The\nhandles of the brooms or embers from the fire are preserved and stuck in\ngardens to protect the vegetables from caterpillars and gnats. Sometimes\nthe boys run down the hillside in troops, brandishing the blazing brooms\nand shouting. The bonfire is sometimes made by stacking wood and branches\nround the trunk of a tree and setting the whole on fire.(686)\n\nIn old farm-houses of the Surenthal and Winenthal a couple of holes or a\nwhole row of them may sometimes be seen facing each other in the\ndoor-posts of the barn or stable. Sometimes the holes are smooth and\nround; sometimes they are deeply burnt and blackened. The explanation of\nthem is this. About midsummer, but especially on Midsummer Day, two such\nholes are bored opposite each other, into which the extremities of a\nstrong pole are fixed. The holes are then stuffed with tow steeped in\nresin and oil; a rope is looped round the pole, and two young men, who\nmust be brothers or must have the same baptismal name, and must be of the\nsame age, pull the ends of the rope backwards and forwards so as to make\nthe pole revolve rapidly, till smoke and sparks issue from the two holes\nin the door-posts. The sparks are caught and blown up with tinder, and\nthis is the new and pure fire, the appearance of which is greeted with\ncries of joy. Heaps of combustible materials are now ignited with the new\nfire, and blazing bundles are placed on boards and sent floating down the\nbrook. The boys light torches at the new fire and run to fumigate the\npastures. This is believed to drive away all the demons and witches that\nmolest the cattle. Finally the torches are thrown in a heap on the meadow\nand allowed to burn out. On their way back the boys strew the ashes over\nthe fields: this is supposed to make them fertile. If a farmer has taken\npossession of a new house, or if servants have changed masters, the boys\nfumigate the new abode and are rewarded by the farmer with a supper.(687)\n\nAt Konz, on the Moselle, the midsummer fire-festival used to be celebrated\nas follows. A quantity of straw, contributed jointly by every house, was\ncollected on the top of the Stromberg Hill. Here, towards evening, the men\nand boys assembled, while the women and girls took up their position at a\ncertain well down below. On the top of the hill a huge wheel was\ncompletely covered with a portion of the collected straw, the remainder of\nwhich was made into torches. The mayor of Sierk, who always received a\nbasket of cherries for his services, gave the signal, the wheel was\nignited with a torch, and sent rolling down the hill amid shouts of joy.\nAll the men and boys swung their torches in the air, some of them remained\non the top of the hill, while others followed the fiery wheel on its\ncourse down the hillside to the Moselle. As it passed the women and girls\nat the well they raised cries of joy which were answered by the men on the\ntop of the hill. The inhabitants of the neighbouring villages also stood\non the banks of the river and mingled their voices with the general shout\nof jubilation. The wheel was often extinguished before it reached the\nwater, but if it plunged blazing into the river the people expected an\nabundant vintage, and the inhabitants of Konz had the right to exact a\nwaggon-load of white wine from the surrounding vineyards.(688)\n\nIn France the midsummer customs are similar. In Poitou a wheel enveloped\nin straw is set on fire, and people run with it through the fields, which\nare supposed to be fertilised thereby; also, the people leap thrice over\nthe fire, holding in their hands branches of nut-trees, which are\nafterwards hung over the door of the cattle-stall. At Brest torches are\nbrandished, and hundreds of them flung up into the air together.(689) In\nBritanny midsummer fires blaze on the hills, the people dance round them,\nsinging and leaping over the glowing embers. The bonfire is made by piling\nwood round a pole which is surmounted by a nosegay or crown.(690)\nSometimes, instead of rolling fiery wheels, discs of wood are ignited in\nthe midsummer fires and thrown into the air in the manner already\ndescribed.(691) At Edersleben, near Sangerhausen, a high pole was planted\nin the ground and a tar barrel was hung from it by a chain which reached\nto the ground. The barrel was then set on fire and swung round the pole\namid shouts of joy.(692)\n\nIn our own country the custom of lighting bonfires at midsummer has\nprevailed extensively. In the North of England these fires used to be lit\nin the open streets. Young and old gathered round them; the former leaped\nover the fires and engaged in games, while the old people looked on.\nSometimes the fires were kindled on the tops of high hills. The people\nalso carried firebrands about the fields.(693) In Herefordshire and\nSomersetshire people used to make fires in the fields on Midsummer Eve \u201cto\nbless the apples.\u201d(694) In Devonshire the custom of leaping over the\nmidsummer fires was also observed.(695) In Cornwall bonfires were lit on\nMidsummer Eve and the people marched round them with lighted torches,\nwhich they also carried from village to village. On Whiteborough, a large\ntumulus near Launceston, a huge bonfire used to be kindled on Midsummer\nEve; a tall summer pole with a large bush at the top was fixed in the\ncentre of the bonfire.(696) At Darowen in Wales small bonfires were lit on\nMidsummer Eve.(697) On the same day people in the Isle of Man used to\nlight fires to the windward of every field, so that the smoke might pass\nover the corn; and they folded their cattle and carried blazing furze or\ngorse round them several times.(698)\n\nIn Ireland, \u201con the Eves of St. John Baptist and St. Peter, they always\nhave in every town a bonfire late in the evening, and carry about bundles\nof reeds fast tied and fired; these being dry, will last long, and flame\nbetter than a torch, and be a pleasing divertive prospect to the distant\nbeholder; a stranger would go near to imagine the whole country was on\nfire.\u201d(699) Another writer says of the South of Ireland: \u201cOn Midsummer\u2019s\nEve, every eminence, near which is a habitation, blazes with bonfires; and\nround these they carry numerous torches, shouting and dancing.\u201d(700) An\nauthor who described Ireland in the first quarter of last century says:\n\u201cOn the vigil of St. John the Baptist\u2019s nativity, they make bonfires, and\nrun along the streets and fields with wisps of straw blazing on long poles\nto purify the air, which they think infectious by believing all the\ndevils, spirits, ghosts, and hobgoblins fly abroad this night to hurt\nmankind.\u201d(701) Another writer states that he witnessed the festival in\nIreland in 1782: \u201cExactly at midnight the fires began to appear, and\ntaking advantage of going up to the leads of the house, which had a widely\nextended view, I saw on a radius of thirty miles, all around, the fires\nburning on every eminence which the country afforded. I had a further\nsatisfaction in learning, from undoubted authority, that the people\n_danced __ round the fires_, and at the close went through these fires,\nand made their sons and daughters, together with their cattle, pass\nthrough the fire; and the whole was conducted with religious\nsolemnity.\u201d(702) That the custom prevailed in full force as late as 1867\nappears from a notice in the _Liverpool Mercury_, 29th June 1867, which\nruns thus: \u201cThe old pagan fire-worship still survives in Ireland, though\nnominally in honour of St. John. On Sunday night bonfires were observed\nthroughout nearly every county in the province of Leinster. In Kilkenny\nfires blazed on every hillside at intervals of about a mile. There were\nvery many in the Queen\u2019s county, also in Kildare and Wexford. The effect\nin the rich sunset appeared to travellers very grand. The people assemble\nand dance round the fires, the children jump through the flames, and in\nformer times live coals were carried into the corn-fields to prevent\nblight.\u201d(703)\n\nIn Scotland the traces of midsummer fires are few. In reference to the\nparish of Mongahitter it is said: \u201cThe Midsummer Eve fire, a relic of\nDruidism, was kindled in some parts of this country.\u201d(704) Moresin states\nthat on St. Peter\u2019s Day (29th June) the Scotch ran about with lighted\ntorches on mountains and high grounds;(705) and at Loudon in Ayrshire it\nappears that down to the close of last century the custom still prevailed\nfor herdsmen and young people to kindle fires on high grounds on St.\nPeter\u2019s Day.(706) In the Perthshire Highlands on Midsummer Day the cowherd\nused to go three times round the fold, according to the course of the sun,\nwith a burning torch in his hand. This was believed to purify the flocks\nand herds and prevent diseases.(707)\n\nIn Slavonic countries also the midsummer festival is celebrated with\nsimilar rites. In Russia fires are lighted and young people, crowned with\nflowers, jump through them and drive their cattle through them. In Little\nRussia a stake is driven into the ground on St. John\u2019s Night, wrapt in\nstraw, and set on fire. As the flames rise the peasant women throw\nbirch-tree boughs into them, saying, \u201cMay my flax be as tall as this\nbough!\u201d(708) \u201cIn Ruthenia the bonfires are lighted by a flame procured\nfrom wood by friction, the operation being performed by the elders of the\nparty, amid the respectful silence of the rest. But as soon as the fire is\n\u2018churned,\u2019 the bystanders break forth with joyous songs, and when the\nbonfires are lit the young people take hands, and spring in couples\nthrough the smoke, if not through the flames, and after that the cattle in\ntheir turn are driven through it.\u201d(709) In many parts of Prussia and\nLithuania great fires are kindled on the Eve of St. John (Midsummer Eve).\nAll the heights are ablaze with them, as far as the eye can see. The fires\nare supposed to be a protection against thunder, hail, and cattle disease,\nespecially if next morning the cattle are driven over the places where the\nfires burned.(710) In some parts of Masuren it is the custom on the\nevening of Midsummer Day to put out all the fires in the village. Then an\noaken stake is driven into the ground, a wheel is fixed on it as on an\naxle and is made to revolve rapidly, till the friction produces fire.\nEvery one takes home a light from the new fire and rekindles the fire on\nthe domestic hearth.(711) In Bohemia the cows used to be driven over the\nmidsummer fires to protect them from witchcraft.(712) In Servia on\nMidsummer Eve herdsmen light torches of birch bark and march round the\nsheepfolds and cattle-stalls; then they climb the hills and there allow\nthe torches to burn out.(713)\n\nIn Greece the women light fires on St. John\u2019s Eve and jump over them\ncrying, \u201cI leave my sins behind me.\u201d(714) Italy must also have had its\nmidsummer bonfires, since at Orvieto they were specially excepted from the\nprohibition directed against bonfires in general.(715) We have seen that\nthey are still lighted in Sardinia.(716) In Corsica on the Eve of St. John\nthe people set fire to the trunk of a tree or to a whole tree, and the\nyoung men and maidens dance round the blaze, which is called\n_fucaraja_.(717) Midsummer fires are, or were formerly, lighted in\nSpain.(718) Even the Mohammedans of Algeria and Morocco are reported to\nhave kindled great midsummer bonfires of straw, into which they kept\nthrowing incense and spices the whole night, invoking the divine blessing\non their fruit-trees.(719)\n\nIt remains to show that the burning of effigies of human beings in the\nmidsummer fires was not uncommon. At Rottenburg in W\u00fcrtemberg, down to the\nbeginning of the present century, a ceremony was observed on Midsummer Day\nwhich was called \u201cbeheading the angel-man.\u201d A stump was driven into the\nground, wrapt with straw, and fashioned into the rude likeness of a human\nfigure, with arms, head, and face. This was the angel-man; round about him\nwood was piled up. The boys, armed with swords, assembled in crowds,\ncovered the figure completely over with flowers, and eagerly awaited the\nsignal. When the pile of wood was fired and the angel-man burst into a\nblaze, the word was given and all the boys fell upon him with their swords\nand hewed the burning figure in pieces. Then they leaped backwards and\nforwards over the fire.(720) In some parts of the Tyrol a straw-man is\ncarted about the village on Midsummer Day and then burned. He is called\nthe _Lotter_, which has been corrupted into Luther.(721) In French\nFlanders down to 1789 a straw figure representing a man was always burned\nin the midsummer bonfire, and the figure of a woman was burned on St.\nPeter\u2019s Day, 29th June.(722) At Gr\u00e4tz on the 23d June the common people\nused to make a puppet called the _Tatermann_, which they dragged to the\nbleaching-ground, and pelted with burning besoms till it took fire.(723)\nIn some parts of Russia a figure of Kupalo is burned or thrown into a\nstream on St. John\u2019s Night.(724) The Russian custom of carrying the straw\neffigy of Kupalo over the midsummer bonfire has been already\ndescribed.(725)\n\nThe best general explanation of these European fire-festivals seems to be\nthe one given by Mannhardt, namely, that they are sun-charms or magical\nceremonies intended to ensure a proper supply of sunshine for men,\nanimals, and plants. We have seen that savages resort to charms for making\nsunshine,(726) and we need not wonder that primitive man in Europe has\ndone the same. Indeed, considering the cold and cloudy climate of Europe\nduring a considerable part of the year, it is natural that sun-charms\nshould have played a much more prominent part among the superstitious\npractices of European peoples than among those of savages who live nearer\nthe equator. This view of the festivals in question is supported by\nvarious considerations drawn partly from the rites themselves, partly from\nthe influence which they are believed to exert upon the weather and on\nvegetation. For example, the custom of rolling a burning wheel down a\nhillside, which is often observed on these occasions, seems a very natural\nimitation of the sun\u2019s course in the sky, and the imitation is especially\nappropriate on Midsummer Day when the sun\u2019s annual declension begins. Not\nless graphic is the imitation of his apparent revolution by swinging a\nburning tar-barrel round a pole.(727) The custom of throwing blazing\ndiscs, shaped like suns, into the air is probably also a piece of\nimitative magic. In these, as in so many cases, the magic force is\nsupposed to take effect through mimicry or sympathy; by imitating the\ndesired result you actually produce it; by counterfeiting the sun\u2019s\nprogress through the heavens you really help the luminary to pursue his\ncelestial journey with punctuality and despatch. The name \u201cfire of\nheaven,\u201d by which the midsummer fire is sometimes popularly known,(728)\nclearly indicates a consciousness of the connection between the earthly\nand the heavenly flame.\n\nAgain, the manner in which the fire appears to have been originally\nkindled on these occasions favours the view that it was intended to be a\nmock-sun. For, as various scholars have seen,(729) it is highly probable\nthat originally at these festivals fire was universally obtained by the\nfriction of two pieces of wood. We have seen that this is still the case\nin some places both at the Easter and midsummer fires, and that it is\nexpressly stated to have been formerly the case at the Beltane fires.(730)\nBut what makes it almost certain that this was once the invariable mode of\nkindling the fire at these periodic festivals is the analogy of the\nneed-fires. Need-fires are kindled, not at fixed periods, but on occasions\nof special distress, particularly at the outbreak of a murrain, and the\ncattle are driven through the need-fire, just as they are sometimes driven\nthrough the midsummer fires.(731) Now, the need-fire has always been\nproduced by the friction of wood and sometimes by the revolution of a\nwheel; in Mull, for example, it was made by turning an oaken wheel over\nnine oaken spindles from east to west, that is, in the direction of the\nsun. It is a plausible conjecture that the wheel employed to produce the\nneed-fire represents the sun;(732) and if the spring and midsummer fires\nwere originally produced in the same way, it would be a confirmation of\nthe view that they were originally sun-charms. In point of fact there is,\nas Kuhn has pointed out,(733) some evidence to show that the midsummer\nfire was originally thus produced. For at Obermedlingen in Swabia the\n\u201cfire of heaven,\u201d as it was called, was made on St. Vitus\u2019s Day (15th\nJune) by igniting a cart-wheel, which, smeared with pitch and plaited with\nstraw, was fastened on a pole twelve feet high, the top of the pole being\ninserted in the nave of the wheel. This fire was made on the summit of the\nmountain, and as the flame ascended, the people uttered a set form of\nwords, with eyes and arms directed heaven-ward.(734) Here the fact of a\nwheel being fixed on the top of a pole and ignited makes it probable that\noriginally the fire was produced, as in the need-fire, by the revolution\nof a wheel. The day on which the ceremony takes place (15th June) is near\nmidsummer; and we have seen that in Masuren fire is (or was) actually made\non Midsummer Day by turning a wheel rapidly about an oaken pole, though it\nis not said that the new fire so produced is used to light a bonfire.\n\nOnce more, the influence which these bonfires are supposed to exert on the\nweather and on vegetation, goes to show that they are sun-charms, since\nthe effects ascribed to them are identical with those of sunshine. Thus,\nin Sweden the warmth or cold of the coming season is inferred from the\ndirection in which the flames of the bonfire are blown; if they blow to\nthe south, it will be warm, if to the north, cold. No doubt at present the\ndirection of the flames is regarded merely as an augury of the weather,\nnot as a mode of influencing it. But we may be pretty sure that this is\none of the cases in which magic has dwindled into divination. So in the\nEifel Mountains, when the smoke blows towards the corn-fields, this is an\nomen that the harvest will be abundant. But doubtless the older view was,\nnot merely that the smoke and flames prognosticated, but that they\nactually produced an abundant harvest, the heat of the flames acting like\nsunshine on the corn. Indeed, this older view must still have been held by\npeople in the Isle of Man when they lit fires to windward of their fields\nin order that the smoke might blow over them. Again, the idea that the\ncorn will grow well as far as the blaze of the bonfire is visible, is\ncertainly a remnant of the belief in the quickening and fertilising power\nof the bonfires. The same belief reappears in the notion that embers taken\nfrom the bonfires and inserted in the fields will promote the growth of\nthe crops, and again it plainly underlies the custom of mixing the ashes\nof the bonfire with the seed-corn at sowing, or of scattering the ashes by\nthemselves over the field. The belief that the flax will grow as high as\nthe people leap over the bonfire belongs clearly to the same class of\nideas. Once more, we saw that at Konz, on the banks of the Moselle, if the\nblazing wheel which was trundled down the hillside reached the river\nwithout being extinguished, this was hailed as a proof that the vintage\nwould be abundant. So firmly was this belief held that the successful\nperformance of the ceremony entitled the villagers to levy a tax upon the\nowners of the neighbouring vineyards. Here the unextinguished wheel meant\nan unclouded sun, and this in turn meant an abundant vintage. So the\nwaggon-load of white wine which the villagers received from the vineyards\nround about was in fact a payment for the sunshine which they had procured\nfor the grapes.\n\nThe interpretation of these fire-customs as charms for making sunshine is\nconfirmed by a parallel custom observed by the Hindoos of Southern India\nat the Pongol or Feast of Ingathering. The festival is celebrated in the\nearly part of January, when, according to Hindoo astrologers, the sun\nenters the tropic of Capricorn, and the chief event of the festival\ncoincides with the passage of the sun. For some days previously the boys\ngather heaps of sticks, straw, dead leaves, and everything that will burn.\nOn the morning of the first day of the festival the heaps are fired. Every\nstreet and lane has its bonfire. The young folk leap over the fire or pile\non fresh fuel. This fire is an offering to S\u00fbrya, the sun-god, or to Agni,\nthe deity of fire; it \u201cwakes him from his sleep, calling on him again to\ngladden the earth with his light and heat.\u201d(735) To say that the fires\nawaken the sun-god from his sleep is only a metaphorical and perhaps\nmodernised expression of the belief that they actually help to rekindle\nthe sun\u2019s light and heat.\n\nThe custom of leaping over the fire and driving cattle through it may be\nintended, on the one hand, to secure for man and beast a share of the\nvital energy of the sun, and, on the other hand, to purify them from all\nevil influences; for to the primitive mind fire is the most powerful of\nall purificatory agents. The latter idea is obviously uppermost in the\nminds of Greek women when they leap over the midsummer fire, saying, \u201cI\nleave my sins behind me.\u201d So in Yucatan at a New Year\u2019s festival the\npeople used to light a huge bonfire and pass through it, in the belief\nthat this was a means of ridding themselves of their troubles.(736) The\ncustom of driving cattle through a fire is not confined to Europe. At\ncertain times the Hottentots make a fire of chips, dry branches, and green\ntwigs, so as to raise a great smoke. Through this fire they drive their\nsheep, dragging them through by force, if necessary. If the sheep make\ntheir escape without passing through the fire, it is reckoned a heavy\ndisgrace and a very bad omen. But if they pass readily through or over the\nfire, the joy of the Hottentots is indescribable.(737)\n\nThe procession or race with burning torches, which so often forms a part\nof these fire-festivals, appears to be simply a means of diffusing far and\nwide the genial influence of the bonfire or of the sunshine which it\nrepresents. Hence on these occasions lighted torches are very frequently\ncarried over the fields, sometimes with the avowed intention of\nfertilising them;(738) and with the same intention live coals from the\nbonfire are sometimes placed in the field \u201cto prevent blight.\u201d The custom\nof trundling a burning wheel over the fields, which is practised for the\nexpress purpose of fertilising them, embodies the same idea in a still\nmore graphic form; since in this way the mock-sun itself, not merely its\nlight and heat represented by torches, is made actually to pass over the\nground which is to receive its quickening and kindly influence. Again, the\ncustom of carrying lighted brands round the cattle is plainly equivalent\nto driving the animals through the fire. It is quite possible that in\nthese customs the idea of the quickening power of fire may be combined\nwith the conception of it as a purgative agent for the expulsion or\ndestruction of evil beings. It is certainly sometimes interpreted in the\nlatter way by persons who practise the customs; and this purgative use of\nfire comes out very prominently, as we have seen, in the general expulsion\nof demons from towns and villages. But in the present class of cases this\naspect of it is perhaps secondary, if indeed it is more than a later\nmisinterpretation of the custom.\n\nIt remains to ask, What is the meaning of burning an effigy in these\nbonfires? The effigies so burned, as was remarked above, can hardly be\nseparated from the effigies of Death which are burned or otherwise\ndestroyed in spring; and grounds have been already given for regarding the\nso-called effigies of Death as really representations of the tree-spirit\nor spirit of vegetation. Are the other effigies, which are burned in the\nspring and midsummer bonfires, susceptible of the same explanation? It\nwould seem so. For just as the fragments of the so-called Death are stuck\nin the fields to make the crops grow, so the charred embers of the figure\nburned in the spring bonfires are sometimes placed in the fields in the\nbelief that they will keep vermin from the crop. Again, the rule that the\nlast married bride must leap over the fire in which the straw-man is\nburned on Shrove Tuesday, is probably intended to make her fruitful. But,\nas we have seen, the power of blessing women with offspring is a special\nattribute of tree-spirits;(739) it is therefore a fair presumption that\nthe burning effigy over which the bride must leap is a representative of\nthe fertilising tree-spirit or spirit of vegetation. This character of the\neffigy, as representative of the spirit of vegetation, is almost\nunmistakable when the effigy is composed of an unthreshed sheaf of corn or\nis covered from head to foot with flowers.(740) Again, it is to be noted\nthat instead of an effigy living trees are sometimes burned both in the\nspring and midsummer bonfires.(741) Now, considering the frequency with\nwhich the tree-spirit is represented in human shape, it is hardly rash to\nsuppose that when sometimes a tree and sometimes an effigy is burned in\nthese fires, the effigy and the tree are regarded as equivalent to each\nother, each being a representative of the tree-spirit. This, again, is\nconfirmed by observing, first, that sometimes the effigy which is to be\nburned is carried about simultaneously with a May-tree, the former being\ncarried by the boys, the latter by the girls;(742) and, second, that the\neffigy is sometimes tied to a living tree and burned with it.(743) In\nthese cases, we can scarcely doubt, the tree-spirit is represented, as we\nhave found it represented before, in duplicate, both by the tree and by\nthe effigy. That the true character of the effigy as a representative of\nthe beneficent spirit of vegetation should sometimes be forgotten, is\nnatural. The custom of burning a beneficent god is too foreign to later\nmodes of thought to escape misinterpretation. Naturally enough the people\nwho continued to burn his image came in time to identify it as the effigy\nof persons, whom, on various grounds, they considered objectionable, such\nas Judas Iscariot, Luther, and a witch.\n\nThe general reasons for killing a god or his representative have been\nexamined in the preceding chapter. But when the god happens to be a deity\nof vegetation, there are special reasons why he should die by fire. For\nlight and heat are necessary to vegetable growth; and, on the principle of\nsympathetic magic, by subjecting the personal representative of vegetation\nto their influence, you secure a supply of these necessaries for trees and\ncrops. In other words, by burning the spirit of vegetation in a fire which\nrepresents the sun, you make sure that, for a time at least, vegetation\nshall have plenty of sun. It may be objected that, if the intention is\nsimply to secure enough sunshine for vegetation, this end would be better\nattained, on the principles of sympathetic magic, by merely passing the\nrepresentative of vegetation through the fire instead of burning him. In\npoint of fact this is sometimes done. In Russia, as we have seen, the\nstraw figure of Kupalo is not burned in the midsummer fire, but merely\ncarried backwards and forwards across it.(744) But, for the reasons\nalready given, it is necessary that the god should die; so next day Kupalo\nis stripped of her ornaments and thrown into a stream. In this Russian\ncustom, therefore, the passage of the image through the fire is a\nsun-charm pure and simple; the killing of the god is a separate act, and\nthe mode of killing him\u2014by drowning\u2014is probably a rain-charm. But usually\npeople have not thought it necessary to draw this fine distinction; for\nthe various reasons already assigned, it is advantageous, they think, to\nexpose the god of vegetation to a considerable degree of heat, and it is\nalso advantageous to kill him, and they combine these advantages in a\nrough-and-ready way by burning him.\n\nFinally, we have to ask, were human beings formerly burned as\nrepresentatives of the tree-spirit or deity of vegetation? We have seen\nreasons for believing that living persons have often acted as\nrepresentatives of the tree-spirit, and have suffered death as such. There\nis no reason, therefore, why they should not have been burned, if any\nspecial advantages were likely to be attained by putting them to death in\nthat way. The consideration of human suffering is not one which enters\ninto the calculations of primitive man. It would have been surprising if\nit did, when we remember the record of Christian Europe. Now, in the\nfire-festivals which we are discussing, the pretence of burning people is\nsometimes carried so far that it seems reasonable to regard it as a\nmitigated survival of an older custom of actually burning them. Thus in\nAachen, as we saw, the man clad in peas-straw acts so cleverly that the\nchildren really believe he is being burned. And at the Beltane fires the\npretended victim was seized, and a show made of throwing him into the\nfire, and for some time afterwards people affected to speak of him as\ndead. In the following customs Mannhardt is probably right in recognising\ntraces of an old custom of burning a leaf-clad representative of the\nspirit of vegetation. At Wolfeck, in Austria, on Midsummer Day, a boy\ncompletely clad in green fir branches goes from house to house,\naccompanied by a noisy crew, collecting wood for the bonfire. As he gets\nthe wood he sings\u2014\n\n\n \u201cForest trees I want,\n No sour milk for me,\n But beer and wine,\n So can the wood-man be jolly and gay.\u201d(745)\n\n\nIn some parts of Bavaria, also, the boys who go from house to house\ncollecting fuel for the midsummer bonfire envelop one of their number from\nhead to foot in green branches of firs, and lead him by a rope through the\nwhole village.(746) At Moosheim, in W\u00fcrtemberg, the festival of St. John\u2019s\nFire usually lasted for fourteen days, ending on the second Sunday after\nMidsummer Day. On this last day the bonfire was left in charge of the\nchildren, while the older people retired to a wood. Here they encased a\nyoung fellow in leaves and twigs, who, thus disguised, went to the fire,\nscattered it, and trod it out. All the people present fled at the sight of\nhim.(747)\n\nBut it seems possible to go farther than this. Of human sacrifices offered\non these occasions the most unequivocal traces, as we have seen, are those\nwhich, about a hundred years ago, still lingered at the Beltane fires in\nthe Highlands of Scotland, that is, among a Celtic people who, situated in\na remote corner of Europe, enjoying practical independence, and almost\ncompletely isolated from foreign influence, had till then conserved their\nold heathenism better than any other people in the West of Europe. It is\nsignificant, therefore, that human sacrifices by fire are known, on\nunquestionable evidence, to have been systematically practised by the\nCelts. The earliest description of these sacrifices is by Julius Caesar.\nAs conqueror of the hitherto independent Celts of Gaul, Caesar had ample\nopportunity of observing the national Celtic religion and manners, while\nthese were still fresh and crisp from the native mint and had not yet been\nfused in the melting-pot of Roman civilisation. With his own notes Caesar\nappears to have incorporated the observations of a Greek explorer, by name\nPosidonius, who travelled in Gaul about fifty years before Caesar carried\nthe Roman arms to the English Channel. The Greek geographer Strabo and the\nhistorian Diodorus seem also to have derived their descriptions of the\nCeltic sacrifices from the work of Posidonius, but independently of each\nother and of Caesar, for each of the three derivative accounts contains\nsome details which are not to be found in either of the others. By\ncombining them, therefore, we can restore the original account of\nPosidonius with some certainty, and thus obtain a picture of the\nsacrifices offered by the Celts of Gaul at the close of the second century\nB.C.(748) The following seem to have been the main outlines of the custom.\nCondemned criminals were reserved by the Celts in order to be sacrificed\nto the gods at a great festival which took place once in every five years.\nThe more there were of such victims, the greater was believed to be the\nfertility of the land.(749) When there were not enough criminals to\nfurnish victims, captives taken in war were sacrificed to supply the\ndeficiency. When the time came the victims were sacrificed by the Druids\nor priests. Some were shot down with arrows, some were impaled, and some\nwere burned alive in the following manner. Colossal images of wicker-work\nor of wood and grass were constructed; these were filled with live men,\ncattle, and animals of other kinds; fire was then applied to the images,\nand they were burned with their living contents.\n\nSuch were the great festivals held once every five years. But besides\nthese quinquennial festivals, celebrated on so grand a scale and with,\napparently, so large an expenditure of human life, it seems reasonable to\nsuppose that festivals of the same sort, only on a lesser scale, were held\nannually, and that from these annual festivals are lineally descended some\nat least of the fire-festivals which, with their traces of human\nsacrifices, are still celebrated year by year in many parts of Europe. The\ngigantic images constructed of osiers or covered with grass in which the\nDruids enclosed their victims remind us of the leafy framework in which\nthe human representative of the tree-spirit is still so often\nencased.(750) Considering, therefore, that the fertility of the land was\napparently supposed to depend upon the due performance of these\nsacrifices, Mannhardt is probably right in viewing the Celtic victims,\ncased in osiers and grass, as representatives of the tree-spirit or spirit\nof vegetation. These wicker giants of the Druids seem to have still their\nrepresentatives at the spring and midsummer festivals of modern Europe. At\nDouay a procession takes place annually on the Sunday nearest to the 7th\nof July. The great feature of the procession is a colossal figure made of\nosiers, and called \u201cthe giant,\u201d which is moved through the streets by\nmeans of rollers and ropes worked by men who are enclosed within the\nfigure. The wooden head of the giant is said to have been carved and\npainted by Rubens. The figure is armed as a knight with lance and sword,\nhelmet and shield. Behind him march his wife and his three children, all\nconstructed of osiers on the same principle, but on a smaller scale.(751)\nAt Dunkirk the giant is forty to fifty feet high, being made of\nbasket-work and canvas, properly painted and dressed. It contains a great\nmany living men within it, who move it about. Wicker giants of this sort\nare common in the towns of Belgium and French Flanders; they are led about\nat the Carnival in spring. The people, it is said, are much attached to\nthese grotesque figures, speak of them with patriotic enthusiasm, and\nnever weary of gazing at them.(752) In England artificial giants seem to\nhave been a standing feature of the midsummer festival. A writer of the\nsixteenth century speaks of \u201cMidsommer pageants in London, where, to make\nthe people wonder, are set forth great and uglie gyants, marching as if\nthey were alive, and armed at all points, but within they are stuffed full\nof browne paper and tow, which the shrewd boyes, underpeeping, do\nguilefully discover, and turne to a greate derision.\u201d(753) The Mayor of\nChester in 1599 \u201caltered many antient customs, as the shooting for the\nsheriff\u2019s breakfast; the going of the Giants at Midsommer, etc.\u201d(754) In\nthese cases the giants only figure in the processions. But sometimes they\nare burned in the spring or summer bonfires. Thus the people of the Rue\naux Ours in Paris used annually to make a great wicker-work figure,\ndressed as a soldier, which they promenaded up and down the streets for\nseveral days, and solemnly burned on the 3d of July, the crowd of\nspectators singing _Salve Regina_. The burning fragments of the image were\nscattered among the people, who eagerly scrambled for them. The custom was\nabolished in 1743.(755) In Brie, Isle de France, a wicker-work giant,\neighteen feet high, was annually burned on Midsummer Eve.(756)\n\nAgain, the Druidical custom of burning live animals, enclosed in\nwicker-work, has its counterpart at the spring and midsummer festivals. At\nLuchon in the Pyrenees on Midsummer Eve \u201ca hollow column, composed of\nstrong wicker-work, is raised to the height of about sixty feet in the\ncentre of the principal suburb, and interlaced with green foliage up to\nthe very top; while the most beautiful flowers and shrubs procurable are\nartistically arranged in groups below, so as to form a sort of background\nto the scene. The column is then filled with combustible materials, ready\nfor ignition. At an appointed hour\u2014about 8 P.M.\u2014a grand procession,\ncomposed of the clergy, followed by young men and maidens in holiday\nattire, pour forth from the town chanting hymns, and take up their\nposition around the column. Meanwhile, bonfires are lit, with beautiful\neffect, in the surrounding hills. As many living serpents as could be\ncollected are now thrown into the column, which is set on fire at the base\nby means of torches, armed with which about fifty boys and men dance\naround with frantic gestures. The serpents, to avoid the flames, wriggle\ntheir way to the top, whence they are seen lashing out laterally until\nfinally obliged to drop, their struggles for life giving rise to\nenthusiastic delight among the surrounding spectators. This is a favourite\nannual ceremony for the inhabitants of Luchon and its neighbourhood, and\nlocal tradition assigns to it a heathen origin.\u201d(757) In the midsummer\nfires formerly kindled on the Place de Gr\u00e8ve at Paris it was the custom to\nburn a basket, barrel, or sack full of live cats; sometimes a fox was\nburned. The people collected the embers and ashes of the fire and took\nthem home, believing that they brought good luck.(758) At Metz midsummer\nfires were lighted on the Esplanade, and six cats were burned in\nthem.(759) In Russia a white cock was sometimes burned in the midsummer\nbonfire;(760) in Meissen or Th\u00fcringen a horse\u2019s head used to be thrown\ninto it.(761) Sometimes animals are burned in the spring bonfires. In the\nVosges cats were burned on Shrove Tuesday; in Elsass they were thrown into\nthe Easter bonfire.(762) We have seen that squirrels were sometimes burned\nin the Easter fire.\n\nIf the men who were burned in wicker frames by the Druids represented the\nspirit of vegetation, the animals burned along with them must have had the\nsame meaning. Amongst the animals burned by the Druids or in modern\nbonfires have been, as we saw, cattle, cats, foxes, and cocks; and all of\nthese creatures are variously regarded by European peoples as embodiments\nof the corn-spirit.(763) I am not aware of any certain evidence that in\nEurope serpents have been regarded as representatives of the tree-spirit\nor corn-spirit;(764) as victims at the midsummer festival in Luchon they\nmay have replaced animals which really had this representative character.\nWhen the meaning of the custom was forgotten, utility and humanity might\nunite in suggesting the substitution of noxious reptiles as victims in\nroom of harmless and useful animals.\n\nThus it appears that the sacrificial rites of the Celts of ancient Gaul\ncan be traced in the popular festivals of modern Europe. Naturally it is\nin France, or rather in the wider area comprised within the limits of\nancient Gaul, that these rites have left the clearest traces in the\ncustoms of burning giants of wicker-work and animals enclosed in\nwicker-work or baskets. These customs, it will have been remarked, are\ngenerally observed at or about midsummer. From this we may infer that the\noriginal rites of which these are the degenerate successors were\nsolemnised at midsummer. This inference harmonises with the conclusion\nsuggested by a general survey of European folk-custom, that the midsummer\nfestival must on the whole have been the most widely diffused and the most\nsolemn of all the yearly festivals celebrated by the primitive Aryans in\nEurope. And in its application to the Celts this general conclusion is\ncorroborated by the more or less perfect vestiges of midsummer\nfire-festivals which we have found lingering in all those westernmost\npromontories and islands which are the last strongholds of the Celtic race\nin Europe\u2014Britanny, Cornwall, Wales, the Isle of Man, Scotland, and\nIreland. In Scotland, it is true, the chief Celtic fire-festivals\ncertainly appear to have been held at Beltane (1st May) and Hallow E\u2019en;\nbut this was exceptional.\n\nTo sum up: the combined evidence of ancient writers and of modern\nfolk-custom points to the conclusion that amongst the Celts of Gaul an\nannual festival was celebrated at midsummer, at which living men,\nrepresenting the tree-spirit or spirit of vegetation, were enclosed in\nwicker-frames and burned. The whole rite was designed as a charm to make\nthe sun to shine and the crops to grow.\n\nBut another great feature of the Celtic midsummer festival appears to have\nbeen the gathering of the sacred mistletoe by the Druids. The ceremony has\nbeen thus described by Pliny in a passage which has often been quoted.\nAfter enumerating the different kinds of mistletoe he proceeds: \u201cIn\ntreating of this subject, the admiration in which the mistletoe is held\nthroughout Gaul ought not to pass unnoticed. The Druids, for so they call\ntheir wizards, esteem nothing more sacred than the mistletoe and the tree\non which it grows, provided only that the tree is an oak. But apart from\nthis they choose oak-woods for their sacred groves and perform no sacred\nrites without oak-leaves; so that the very name of Druids may be regarded\nas a Greek appellation derived from their worship of the oak.(765) For\nthey believe that whatever grows on these trees is sent from heaven, and\nis a sign that the tree has been chosen by the god himself. The mistletoe\nis very rarely to be met with; but when it is found, they gather it with\nsolemn ceremony. This they do especially in the sixth month (the\nbeginnings of their months and years are determined by the moon) and after\nthe tree has passed the thirtieth year of its age, because by that time it\nhas plenty of vigour, though it has not attained half its full size. After\ndue preparations have been made for a sacrifice and a feast under the\ntree, they hail it as the universal healer and bring to the spot two white\nbulls, whose horns have never been bound before. A priest clad in a white\nrobe climbs the tree and with a golden(766) sickle cuts the mistletoe,\nwhich is caught in a white cloth. Then they sacrifice the victims, praying\nthat God may make his own gift to prosper with those upon whom he has\nbestowed it. They believe that a potion prepared from mistletoe will make\nbarren animals to bring forth, and that the plant is a remedy against all\npoison.\u201d(767)\n\nIn saying that the Druids cut the mistletoe in the sixth month Pliny must\nhave had in his mind the Roman calendar, in which the sixth month was\nJune. Now, if the cutting of the mistletoe took place in June, we may be\nalmost certain that the day which witnessed the ceremony was Midsummer\nEve. For in many places Midsummer Eve, a day redolent of a thousand\ndecaying fancies of yore, is still the time for culling certain magic\nplants, whose evanescent virtue can be secured at this mystic season\nalone. For example, on Midsummer Eve the fern is believed to burst into a\nwondrous bloom, like fire or burnished gold. Whoever catches this bloom,\nwhich very quickly fades and falls off, can make himself invisible, can\nunderstand the language of animals, and so forth. But he must not touch it\nwith his hand; he must spread a white cloth under the fern, and the magic\nbloom (or seed) will fall into it.(768) Again, St. John\u2019s wort (_Hypericum\nperforatum_), a herb which is believed to heal all kinds of wounds and to\ndrive away witches and demons, is gathered on Midsummer Eve (Eve of St.\nJohn), and is worn as an amulet or hung over doors and windows on that\nday.(769) Again, mugwort (_Artemisia vulgaris_) is believed to possess\nmagic qualities provided it be gathered on St. John\u2019s Eve. Hence in France\nit is called the herb of St. John. People weave themselves a girdle of the\nplant, believing that it will protect them against ghosts, magic,\nmisfortune, and disease, throughout the year. Or they weave garlands of it\non St. John\u2019s Eve, and look through them at the midsummer bonfire or put\nthem on their heads. Whoever does this will suffer no aches in his eyes or\nhead that year. Sometimes the plant is thrown into the midsummer\nbonfire.(770) The superstitious association of fern-seed, St. John\u2019s wort,\nand mugwort with Midsummer Eve is widely diffused over Europe. The\nfollowing associations seem to be more local. In England the orpine\n(_Sedum telephium_) is popularly called Midsummer Men, because it has been\ncustomary to gather it on Midsummer Eve for the purpose of using it to\nascertain the fate of lovers;(771) and in England sprigs of red sage are\nsometimes gathered on Midsummer Eve for the same purpose.(772) In Bohemia\npoachers fancy they can make themselves invulnerable by means of fir-cones\ngathered before sunrise on St. John\u2019s Day.(773) Again, in Bohemia wild\nthyme gathered on Midsummer Day is used to fumigate the trees on Christmas\nEve, in order that they may grow well.(774) In Germany and Bohemia a plant\ncalled St. John\u2019s Flower or St. John\u2019s Blood (_Hieracium pilosella_) is\ngathered on Midsummer Eve. It should be rooted up with a gold coin. The\nplant is supposed to bring luck and to be especially good for sick\ncattle.(775)\n\nThese facts by themselves would suffice to raise a strong presumption\nthat, if the Druids cut the mistletoe in June, as we learn from Pliny that\nthey did, the day on which they cut it could have been no other than\nMidsummer Eve or Midsummer Day. This presumption is converted into\npractical certainty when we find it to be still a rule of folk-lore that\nthe mistletoe should be cut on Midsummer Eve.(776) Further, the peasants\nof Piedmont and Lombardy still go out on Midsummer morning to search the\noak-leaves for the \u201coil of St. John,\u201d which is supposed to heal all wounds\nmade with cutting instruments.(777) Originally no doubt the \u201coil of St.\nJohn\u201d was simply the mistletoe, or a decoction made from it. For in\nHolstein the mistletoe, especially oak-mistletoe, is still regarded as a\npanacea for green wounds;(778) and if, as is alleged, \u201call-healer\u201d is an\nepithet of the mistletoe in the modern Celtic speech of Britanny, Wales,\nIreland, and Scotland,(779) this can be nothing but a survival of the name\nby which, as we have seen, the Druids addressed the oak, or rather,\nperhaps, the mistletoe.\n\nThus it appears that the two main features of the Balder myth\u2014the pulling\nof the mistletoe and the burning of the god\u2014were reproduced in the great\nmidsummer festival of the Celts. But in Scandinavia itself, the home of\nBalder, both these features of his myth can still be traced in the popular\ncelebration of midsummer. For in Sweden on Midsummer Eve mistletoe is\n\u201cdiligently sought after, they believing it to be, in a high degree,\npossessed of mystic qualities; and that if a sprig of it be attached to\nthe ceiling of the dwelling-house, the horse\u2019s stall, or the cow\u2019s crib,\nthe \u2018Troll\u2019 will then be powerless to injure either man or beast.\u201d(780)\nAnd in Sweden, Norway, and Denmark huge bonfires are kindled on hills and\neminences on Midsummer Eve.(781) It does not appear, indeed, that any\neffigy is burned in these bonfires; but the burning of an effigy is a\nfeature which might easily drop out after its meaning was forgotten. And\nthe name of Balder\u2019s bale-fires (_Balder\u2019s B\u0103lar_), by which these\nmidsummer fires were formerly known in Sweden,(782) puts their connection\nwith Balder beyond the reach of doubt, and makes it certain that in former\ntimes either a living representative or an effigy of Balder must have been\nannually burned in them. Midsummer was the season sacred to Balder, and\nthe fact that the Swedish poet Tegner, in his _Frithiofssaga_, places the\nburning of Balder at midsummer(783) may perhaps be allowed as evidence of\na Swedish tradition to that effect. From this double coincidence of the\nBalder myth, on the one hand with the midsummer festival of Celtic Gaul\nand on the other with the midsummer festival in Scandinavia, we may safely\nconclude that the myth is not a myth pure and simple, that is, a mere\ndescription of physical phenomena in imagery borrowed from human life; it\nmust undoubtedly be a ritualistic myth, that is a myth based on actual\nobservation of religious ceremonies and purporting to explain them. Now,\nthe standing explanation which myth gives of ritual is that the ritual in\nquestion is a periodic commemoration of some remarkable transaction in the\npast, the actors in which may have been either gods or men. Such an\nexplanation the Balder myth would seem to offer of the annual\nfire-festivals which, as we saw, must have played so prominent a part in\nthe primitive religion of the Aryan race in Europe. Balder must have been\nthe Norse representative of the being who was burnt in effigy or in the\nperson of a living man at the fire-festivals in question. But if, as I\nhave tried to show, the being so burnt was the tree-spirit or spirit of\nvegetation, it follows that Balder also must have been a tree-spirit or\nspirit of vegetation.\n\nBut it is desirable to determine, if we can, the particular kind of tree\nor trees, of which a personal representative was burned at the\nfire-festivals. For we may be quite sure that it was not as a\nrepresentative of vegetation in general that the victim suffered death.\nThe conception of vegetation in general is too abstract to be primitive.\nMost probably the victim at first represented a particular kind of sacred\ntree. Now of all European trees none has such claims as the oak to be\nconsidered as pre-eminently the sacred tree of the Aryans. Its worship is\nattested for all the great branches of the Aryan stock in Europe. We have\nseen that it was not only the sacred tree, but the principal object of\nworship of both Celts and Slavs.(784) According to Grimm, the oak ranked\nfirst among the holy trees of the Germans, and was indeed their chief god.\nIt is certainly known to have been adored by them in the age of\nheathendom, and traces of its worship have survived in various parts of\nGermany almost to the present day.(785) Amongst the ancient Italians,\naccording to Preller, the oak was sacred above all other trees.(786) The\nimage of Jupiter on the Capitol at Rome seems to have been originally\nnothing but a natural oak-tree.(787) At Dodona, perhaps the oldest of all\nGreek sanctuaries, Zeus was worshipped as immanent in the sacred oak, and\nthe rustling of its leaves in the wind was his voice.(788) If, then, the\ngreat god of both Greeks and Romans was represented in some of his oldest\nshrines under the form of an oak, and if the oak was the principal object\nof worship of Celts, Germans, and Slavs, we may certainly conclude that\nthis tree was one of the chief, if not the very chief divinity of the\nAryans before the dispersion; and that their primitive home must have lain\nin a land which was clothed with forests of oak.(789)\n\nNow, considering the primitive character and remarkable similarity of the\nfire-festivals observed by all the branches of the Aryan race in Europe,\nwe may infer that these festivals form part of the common stock of\nreligious observances which the various peoples carried with them in their\nwanderings from their original home. But, if I am right, an essential\nfeature of those primitive fire-festivals was the burning of a man who\nrepresented the tree-spirit. In view, then, of the place occupied by the\noak in the religion of the Aryans, the presumption is that the tree so\nrepresented at the fire-festivals must originally have been the oak. So\nfar as the Celts and Slavs are concerned, this conclusion will perhaps\nhardly be contested. But both for them and for the Germans it is confirmed\nby a remarkable piece of religious conservatism. The most primitive method\nknown to man of producing fire is by rubbing two pieces of wood against\neach other till they ignite; and we have seen that this method is still\nused in Europe for kindling sacred fires such as the need-fire, and that\nmost probably it was formerly resorted to at all the fire-festivals under\ndiscussion. Now it is sometimes prescribed that the need-fire, or other\nsacred fire, must be made by the friction of a particular kind of wood;\nand wherever the kind of wood is prescribed, whether among Celts, Germans,\nor Slavs, that wood is always the oak. Thus we have seen that amongst the\nSlavs of Masuren the new fire for the village is made on Midsummer Day by\ncausing a wheel to revolve rapidly round an axle of oak till the axle\ntakes fire.(790) When the perpetual fire which the ancient Slavs used to\nmaintain chanced to go out, it was rekindled by the friction of a piece of\noak-wood, which had been previously heated by being struck with a gray\n(not a red) stone.(791) In Germany the need-fire was regularly kindled by\nthe friction of oak-wood;(792) and in the Highlands of Scotland, both the\nBeltane and the need-fires were lighted by similar means.(793) Now, if the\nsacred fire was regularly kindled by the friction of oak-wood, we may\ninfer that originally the fire was also fed with the same material. In\npoint of fact, the perpetual fire which burned under the sacred oak at the\ngreat Slavonian sanctuary of Romove was fed with oak-wood;(794) and that\noak-wood was formerly the fuel burned in the midsummer fires may perhaps\nbe inferred from the circumstance that in many mountain districts of\nGermany peasants are still in the habit of making up their cottage fire on\nMidsummer Day with a heavy block of oak-wood. The block is so arranged\nthat it smoulders slowly and is not finally reduced to charcoal till the\nexpiry of a year. Then upon next Midsummer Day the charred embers of the\nold log are removed to make room for the new one, and are mixed with the\nseed-corn or scattered about the garden. This is believed to promote the\ngrowth of the crops and to preserve them from blight and vermin.(795) It\nmay be remembered that at the Boeotian festival of the Daedala, the\nanalogy of which to the spring and midsummer festivals of modern Europe\nhas been already pointed out, the great feature was the felling and\nburning of an oak.(796) The general conclusion is, that at those periodic\nor occasional ceremonies, of which the object was to cause the sun to\nshine, and the fruits of the earth to grow, the ancient Aryans both\nkindled and fed the fire with the sacred oak-wood.\n\nBut if at these solemn rites the fire was regularly made of oak-wood, it\nfollows that the man who was burned in it as a personification of the\ntree-spirit could have represented no tree but the oak. The sacred oak was\nthus burned in duplicate; the wood of the tree was consumed in the fire,\nand along with it was consumed a living man as a personification of the\noak-spirit. The conclusion thus drawn for the European Aryans in general\nis confirmed in its special application to the Celts and Scandinavians by\nthe relation in which, amongst these peoples, the mistletoe stood to the\nburning of the victim in the midsummer fire. We have seen that among Celts\nand Scandinavians it has been customary to gather the mistletoe at\nmidsummer. But so far as appears on the face of this custom, there is\nnothing to connect it with the midsummer fires in which human victims or\neffigies of them were burned. Even if the fire, as seems probable, was\noriginally always made with oak-wood, why should it have been necessary to\npull the mistletoe? The last link between the midsummer customs of\ngathering the mistletoe and lighting the bonfires is supplied by Balder\u2019s\nmyth, which certainly cannot be disjoined from the customs in question.\nThe myth shows that a vital connection must once have been believed to\nsubsist between the mistletoe and the human representative of the oak who\nwas burned in the fire. According to the myth, Balder could be killed by\nnothing in heaven or earth except the mistletoe; and so long as the\nmistletoe remained on the oak, he was not only immortal, but invulnerable.\nNow, as soon as we see that Balder was the oak, the origin of the myth\nbecomes plain. The mistletoe was viewed as the seat of life of the oak,\nand so long as it was uninjured nothing could kill or even wound the oak.\nThe conception of the mistletoe as the seat of life of the oak would\nnaturally be suggested to primitive people by the observation that while\nthe oak is deciduous, the mistletoe which grows on it is evergreen. In\nwinter the sight of its fresh foliage among the bare branches must have\nbeen hailed by the worshippers of the tree as a sign that the divine life\nwhich had ceased to animate the branches yet survived in the mistletoe, as\nthe heart of a sleeper still beats when his body is motionless. Hence when\nthe god had to be killed\u2014when the sacred tree had to be burnt\u2014it was\nnecessary to begin by breaking off the mistletoe. For so long as the\nmistletoe remained intact, the oak (so people thought) was invulnerable;\nall the blows of their knives and axes would glance harmless from its\nsurface. But once tear from the oak its sacred heart\u2014the mistletoe\u2014and the\ntree nodded to its fall. And when in later times the spirit of the oak\ncame to be represented by a living man, it was logically necessary to\nsuppose that, like the tree he personated, he could neither be killed nor\nwounded so long as the mistletoe remained uninjured. The pulling of the\nmistletoe was thus at once the signal and the cause of his death.\n\nBut since the idea of a being whose life is thus, in a sense, outside\nitself, must be strange to many readers, and has, indeed, not yet been\nrecognised in its full bearing on primitive superstition, it will be worth\nwhile to devote a couple of sections to the subject. The result will be to\nshow that, in assuming this idea as the explanation of the relation of\nBalder to the mistletoe, I assume a principle which is deeply engraved on\nthe mind of primitive man.\n\n\n\n\n\u00a7 3.\u2014The external soul in folk-tales.\n\n\nIn a former chapter we saw that, in the opinion of primitive people, the\nsoul may temporarily absent itself from the body without causing death.\nSuch temporary absences of the soul are often believed to involve\nconsiderable risk, since the wandering soul is liable to a variety of\nmishaps at the hands of enemies, and so forth. But there is another aspect\nto this power of externalising the soul. If only the safety of the soul\ncan be ensured during its absence from the body, there is no reason why\nthe soul should not continue absent for an indefinite time; indeed a man\nmay, on a pure calculation of personal safety, desire that his soul should\nnever return to his body. Unable to conceive of life abstractly as a\n\u201cpermanent possibility of sensation\u201d or a \u201ccontinuous adjustment of\ninternal arrangements to external relations,\u201d the savage thinks of it as a\nconcrete material thing of a definite bulk, capable of being seen and\nhandled, kept in a box or jar, and liable to be bruised, fractured, or\nsmashed in pieces. It is not needful that the life, so conceived, should\nbe in the man; it may be absent from his body and still continue to\nanimate him, by virtue of a sort of sympathy or \u201caction at a distance.\u201d So\nlong as this object which he calls his life or soul remains unharmed, the\nman is well; if it is injured, he suffers; if it is destroyed, he dies.\nOr, to put it otherwise, when a man is ill or dies, the fact is explained\nby saying that the material object called his life or soul, whether it be\nin his body or out of it, has either sustained injury or been destroyed.\nBut there may be circumstances in which, if the life or soul remains in\nthe man, it stands a greater chance of sustaining injury than if it were\nstowed away in some safe and secret place. Accordingly, in such\ncircumstances, primitive man takes his soul out of his body and deposits\nit for security in some safe place, intending to replace it in his body\nwhen the danger is past. Or if he should discover some place of absolute\nsecurity, he may be content to leave his soul there permanently. The\nadvantage of this is that, so long as the soul remains unharmed in the\nplace where he has deposited it, the man himself is immortal; nothing can\nkill his body, since his life is not in it.\n\nEvidence of this primitive belief is furnished by a class of folk-tales of\nwhich the Norse story of \u201cThe giant who had no heart in his body\u201d is\nperhaps the best-known example. Stories of this kind are widely diffused\nover the world, and from their number and the variety of incident and of\ndetails in which the leading idea is embodied, we may infer that the\nconception of an external soul is one which has had a powerful hold on the\nminds of men at an early stage of history. For folk-tales are a faithful\nreflection of the world as it appeared to the primitive mind; and we may\nbe sure that any idea which commonly occurs in them, however absurd it may\nseem to us, must once have been an ordinary article of belief. This\nassurance, so far as it concerns the supposed power of externalising the\nsoul for a longer or shorter time, is amply corroborated by a comparison\nof the folk-tales in question with the actual beliefs and practices of\nsavages. To this we shall return after some specimens of the tales have\nbeen given. The specimens will be selected with a view of illustrating\nboth the characteristic features and the wide diffusion of this class of\ntales.\n\nIn the first place, the story of the external soul is told, in various\nforms, by all Aryan peoples from Hindustan to the Hebrides. A very common\nform of it is this: A warlock, giant, or other fairyland being is\ninvulnerable and immortal because he keeps his soul hidden far away in\nsome secret place; but a fair princess, whom he holds enthralled in his\nenchanted castle, wiles his secret from him and reveals it to the hero,\nwho seeks out the warlock\u2019s soul, heart, life, or death (as it is\nvariously called), and, by destroying it, simultaneously kills the\nwarlock. Thus a Hindoo story tells how a magician called Punchkin held a\nqueen captive for twelve years, and would fain marry her, but she would\nnot have him. At last the queen\u2019s son came to rescue her, and the two\nplotted together to kill Punchkin. So the queen spoke the magician fair,\nand pretended that she had at last made up her mind to marry him. \u201c \u2018And\ndo tell me,\u2019 she said, \u2018are you quite immortal? Can death never touch you?\nAnd are you too great an enchanter ever to feel human suffering?\u2019 ... \u2018It\nis true,\u2019 he said, \u2018that I am not as others. Far, far away\u2014hundreds of\nthousands of miles from this\u2014there lies a desolate country covered with\nthick jungle. In the midst of the jungle grows a circle of palm-trees, and\nin the centre of the circle stand six chattees full of water, piled one\nabove another; below the sixth chattee is a small cage, which contains a\nlittle green parrot\u2014on the life of the parrot depends my life\u2014and if the\nparrot is killed I must die. It is, however,\u2019 he added, \u2018impossible that\nthe parrot should sustain any injury, both on account of the\ninaccessibility of the country, and because, by my appointment, many\nthousand genii surround the palm-trees, and kill all who approach the\nplace.\u2019 \u201d But the queen\u2019s young son overcame all difficulties, and got\npossession of the parrot. He brought it to the door of the magician\u2019s\npalace, and began playing with it. Punchkin, the magician, saw him, and,\ncoming out, tried to persuade the boy to give him the parrot. \u201c \u2018Give me\nmy parrot!\u2019 cried Punchkin. Then the boy took hold of the parrot and tore\noff one of his wings; and as he did so the magician\u2019s right arm fell off.\nPunchkin then stretched out his left arm, crying, \u2018Give me my parrot!\u2019 The\nprince pulled off the parrot\u2019s second wing, and the magician\u2019s left arm\ntumbled off. \u2018Give me my parrot!\u2019 cried he, and fell on his knees. The\nprince pulled off the parrot\u2019s right leg, the magician\u2019s right leg fell\noff; the prince pulled off the parrot\u2019s left leg, down fell the magician\u2019s\nleft. Nothing remained of him except the lifeless body and the head; but\nstill he rolled his eyes, and cried, \u2018Give me my parrot!\u2019 \u2018Take your\nparrot, then,\u2019 cried the boy; and with that he wrung the bird\u2019s neck, and\nthrew it at the magician; and, as he did so, Punchkin\u2019s head twisted\nround, and, with a fearful groan, he died!\u201d(797) In another Hindoo tale an\nogre is asked by his daughter, \u201c \u2018Papa, where do you keep your soul?\u2019\n\u2018Sixteen miles away from this place,\u2019 said he, \u2018is a tree. Round the tree\nare tigers, and bears, and scorpions, and snakes; on the top of the tree\nis a very great fat snake; on his head is a little cage; in the cage is a\nbird; and my soul is in that bird.\u2019 \u201d The end of the ogre is like that of\nthe magician in the previous tale. As the bird\u2019s wings and legs are torn\noff, the ogre\u2019s arms and legs drop off; and when its neck is wrung he\nfalls down dead.(798)\n\nIn another Hindoo story a princess called Sodewa Bai is born with a golden\nnecklace about her neck, and the astrologer told her parents, \u201cThis is no\ncommon child; the necklace of gold about her neck contains your daughter\u2019s\nsoul; let it, therefore, be guarded with the utmost care; for if it were\ntaken off and worn by another person, she would die.\u201d So her mother caused\nit to be firmly fastened round the child\u2019s neck, and, as soon as the child\nwas old enough to understand, she told her its value, and warned her never\nto let it be taken off. In course of time Sodewa Bai was married to a\nprince who had another wife living. The first wife, jealous of her young\nrival, persuaded a negress to steal from Sodewa Bai the golden necklace\nwhich contained her soul. The negress did so, and, as soon as she put the\nnecklace round her own neck, Sodewa Bai died. All day long the negress\nused to wear the necklace; but late at night, on going to bed, she would\ntake it off and put it by till morning; and whenever she took it off,\nSodewa Bai\u2019s soul returned to her and she lived. But when morning came,\nand the negress put on the necklace, Sodewa Bai died again. At last the\nprince discovered the treachery of his elder wife and restored the golden\nnecklace to Sodewa Bai.(799) In another Hindoo story a holy mendicant\ntells a queen that she will bear a son, adding, \u201cAs enemies will try to\ntake away the life of your son, I may as well tell you that the life of\nthe boy will be bound up in the life of a big _boal_-fish which is in your\ntank in front of the palace. In the heart of the fish is a small box of\nwood, in the box is a necklace of gold, that necklace is the life of your\nson.\u201d The boy was born and received the name of Dalim. His mother was the\nSuo or younger queen. But the Duo or elder queen hated the child, and\nlearning the secret of his life, she caused the _boal_-fish, with which\nhis life was bound up, to be caught. Dalim was playing near the tank at\nthe time, but \u201cthe moment the _boal_-fish was caught in the net, that\nmoment Dalim felt unwell; and when the fish was brought up to land, Dalim\nfell down on the ground, and made as if he was about to breathe his last.\nHe was immediately taken into his mother\u2019s room, and the king was\nastonished on hearing of the sudden illness of his son and heir. The fish\nwas by the order of the physician taken into the room of the Duo queen,\nand as it lay on the floor striking its fins on the ground, Dalim in his\nmother\u2019s room was given up for lost. When the fish was cut open, a casket\nwas found in it; and in the casket lay a necklace of gold. The moment the\nnecklace was worn by the queen, that very moment Dalim died in his\nmother\u2019s room.\u201d The queen used to put off the necklace every night, and\nwhenever she did so, the boy came to life again. But every morning when\nthe queen put on the necklace, he died again.(800)\n\nIn a Cashmeer story a lad visits an old ogress, pretending to be her\ngrandson, the son of her daughter who had married a king. So the old\nogress took him into her confidence and showed him seven cocks, a\nspinning-wheel, a pigeon, and a starling. \u201cThese seven cocks,\u201d said she,\n\u201ccontain the lives of your seven uncles, who are away for a few days. Only\nas long as the cocks live can your uncles hope to live; no power can hurt\nthem as long as the seven cocks are safe and sound. The spinning-wheel\ncontains my life; if it is broken, I too shall be broken, and must die;\nbut otherwise I shall live on for ever. The pigeon contains your\ngrandfather\u2019s life, and the starling your mother\u2019s; as long as these live,\nnothing can harm your grandfather or your mother.\u201d So the lad killed the\nseven cocks and the pigeon and the starling, and smashed the\nspinning-wheel; and at the moment he did so the ogres and ogresses\nperished.(801) In another story from Cashmeer an ogre cannot die unless a\nparticular pillar in the verandah of his palace be broken. Learning the\nsecret, a prince struck the pillar again and again till it was broken in\npieces. And it was as if each stroke had fallen on the ogre, for he howled\nlamentably and shook like an aspen every time the prince hit the pillar,\nuntil at last, when the pillar fell down, the ogre also fell down and gave\nup the ghost.(802) In another Cashmeer tale an ogre is represented as\nlaughing very heartily at the idea that he might possibly die. He said\nthat \u201che should never die. No power could oppose him; no years could age\nhim; he should remain ever strong and ever young, for the thing wherein\nhis life dwelt was most difficult to obtain.\u201d It was in a queen bee, which\nwas in a honeycomb on a tree. But the bees in the honeycomb were many and\nfierce, and it was only at the greatest risk that any one could catch the\nqueen. But the hero achieved the enterprise and crushed the queen bee; and\nimmediately the ogre fell stone dead to the ground, so that the whole land\ntrembled with the shock.(803) In some Bengalee tales the life of a whole\ntribe of ogres is described as concentrated in two bees. The secret was\nthus revealed by an old ogress to a captive princess who pretended to fear\nlest the ogress should die. \u201cKnow, foolish girl,\u201d said the ogress, \u201cthat\nwe ogres never die. We are not naturally immortal, but our life depends on\na secret which no human being can unravel. Let me tell you what it is that\nyou may be comforted. You know yonder tank; there is in the middle of it a\ncrystal pillar, on the top of which in deep water are two bees. If any\nhuman being can dive into the water and bring up the two bees from the\npillar in one breath, and destroy them so that not a drop of their blood\nfalls to the ground, then we ogres shall certainly die; but if a single\ndrop of blood falls to the ground, then from it will start up a thousand\nogres. But what human being will find out this secret, or, finding it,\nwill be able to achieve the feat? You need not, therefore, darling, be\nsad; I am practically immortal.\u201d As usual, the princess reveals the secret\nto the hero, who kills the bees, and that same moment all the ogres drop\ndown dead, each on the spot where he happened to be standing.(804) In\nanother Bengalee story it is said that all the ogres dwell in Ceylon, and\nthat all their lives are in a single lemon. A boy cuts the lemon in\npieces, and all the ogres die.(805)\n\nIn a Siamese or Cambodian story, probably derived from India, we are told\nthat Thossakan or Ravana, the King of Ceylon, was able by magic art to\ntake his soul out of his body and leave it in a box at home, while he went\nto the wars. Thus he was invulnerable in battle. When he was about to give\nbattle to Rama, he deposited his soul with a hermit called Fire-eye, who\nwas to keep it safe for him. So in the fight Rama was astounded to see\nthat his arrows struck the king without wounding him. But one of Rama\u2019s\nallies, knowing the secret of the king\u2019s invulnerability, transformed\nhimself by magic into the likeness of the king, and going to the hermit\nasked back his soul. On receiving it he soared up into the air and flew to\nRama, brandishing the box and squeezing it so hard that all the breath\nleft the King of Ceylon\u2019s body, and he died.(806) In a Bengalee story a\nprince going into a far country planted with his own hands a tree in the\ncourtyard of his father\u2019s palace, and said to his parents, \u201cThis tree is\nmy life. When you see the tree green and fresh, then know that it is well\nwith me; when you see the tree fade in some parts, then know that I am in\nan ill case; and when you see the whole tree fade, then know that I am\ndead and gone.\u201d(807) In another Indian tale a prince, setting forth on his\ntravels, left behind him a barley plant with instructions that it should\nbe carefully tended and watched, for if it flourished, he would be alive\nand well, but if it drooped, then some mischance was about to happen to\nhim. And so it fell out. For the prince was beheaded, and as his head\nrolled off, the barley plant snapped in two and the ear of barley fell to\nthe ground.(808) In the legend of the origin of Gilgit there figures a\nfairy king whose soul is in the snows and who can only perish by\nfire.(809)\n\nIn Greek tales, ancient and modern, the idea of an external soul is not\nuncommon. When Meleager was seven days old, the Fates appeared to his\nmother and told her that Meleager would die when the brand which was\nblazing on the hearth had burnt down. So his mother snatched the brand\nfrom the fire and kept it in a box. But in after years, being enraged at\nher son for slaying her brothers, she burnt the brand in the fire and\nMeleager at once expired.(810) Again, Nisus King of Megara, had a purple\nor golden hair on the middle of his head, and it was fated that whenever\nthe hair was pulled out the king should die. When Megara was besieged by\nthe Cretans, the king\u2019s daughter Scylla fell in love with Minos, their\nKing, and pulled out the fatal hair from her father\u2019s head. So he\ndied.(811) Similarly Poseidon made Pterelaus immortal by giving him a\ngolden hair on his head. But when Taphos, the home of Pterelaus, was\nbesieged by Amphitryon, the daughter of Pterelaus fell in love with\nAmphitryon and killed her father by plucking out the golden hair with\nwhich his life was bound up.(812) In a modern Greek folk-tale a man\u2019s\nstrength lies in three golden hairs on his head. When his mother pulls\nthem out, he grows weak and timid and is slain by his enemies.(813) In\nanother modern Greek story the life of an enchanter is bound up with three\ndoves which are in the belly of a wild boar. When the first dove is\nkilled, the magician grows sick, when the second is killed, he grows very\nsick, and when the third is killed, he dies.(814) In another Greek story\nof the same sort an ogre\u2019s strength is in three singing birds which are in\na wild boar. The hero kills two of the birds, and then coming to the\nogre\u2019s house finds him lying on the ground in great pain. He shows the\nthird bird to the ogre, who begs that the hero will either let it fly away\nor give it to him to eat. But the hero wrings the bird\u2019s neck and the ogre\ndies on the spot.(815) In a variant of the latter story the monster\u2019s\nstrength is in two doves, and when the hero kills one of them, the monster\ncries out, \u201cAh, woe is me! Half my life is gone. Something must have\nhappened to one of the doves.\u201d When the second dove is killed, he\ndies.(816) In another Greek story the incidents of the three golden hairs\nand the three doves are artificially combined. A monster has three golden\nhairs on his head which open the door of a chamber in which are three\ndoves; when the first dove is killed, the monster grows sick, when the\nsecond is killed, he grows worse, and when the third is killed, he\ndies.(817) In another Greek tale an old man\u2019s strength is in a ten-headed\nserpent. When the serpent\u2019s heads are being cut off, he feels unwell, and\nwhen the last head is struck off, he expires.(818) In another Greek story\na dervish tells a queen that she will have three sons, that at the birth\nof each she must plant a pumpkin in the garden, and that in the fruit\nborne by the pumpkins will reside the strength of the children. In due\ntime the infants are born and the pumpkins planted. As the children grow\nup the pumpkins grow with them. One morning the eldest son feels sick, and\non going into the garden they find that the largest pumpkin is gone. Next\nnight the second son keeps watch in a summer-house in the garden. At\nmidnight a negro appears and cuts the second pumpkin. At once the boy\u2019s\nstrength goes out of him and he is unable to pursue the negro. The\nyoungest son, however, succeeds in slaying the negro and recovering the\nlost pumpkins.(819)\n\nAncient Italian legend furnishes a close parallel to the Greek story of\nMeleager. Silvia, the young wife of Septimius Marcellus, had a child by\nthe god Mars. The god gave her a spear, with which he said that the fate\nof the child would be bound up. When the boy grew up he quarrelled with\nhis maternal uncles and slew them. So in revenge his mother burned the\nspear on which his life depended.(820) In one of the stories of the\n_Pentamerone_ a certain queen has a twin brother, a dragon. The\nastrologers declared at her birth that she would live just as long as the\ndragon and no longer, the death of the one involving the death of the\nother. If the dragon were killed, the only way to restore the queen to\nlife would be to smear her temples, breast, pulses, and nostrils with the\nblood of the dragon.(821) In a modern Roman version of \u201cAladdin and the\nWonderful Lamp,\u201d the magician tells the princess whom he holds captive in\na floating rock in mid-ocean that he will never die. The princess reports\nthis to the prince her husband, who has come to rescue her. The prince\nreplies, \u201cIt is impossible but that there should be some one thing or\nother that is fatal to him; ask him what that one fatal thing is.\u201d So the\nprincess asked the magician and he told her that in the wood was a hydra\nwith seven heads; in the middle head of the hydra was a leveret, in the\nhead of the leveret was a bird, in the bird\u2019s head was a precious stone,\nand if this stone were put under his pillow he would die. The prince\nprocured the stone and the princess laid it under the magician\u2019s pillow.\nNo sooner did the enchanter lay his head on the pillow than he gave three\nterrible yells, turned himself round and round three times, and died.(822)\n\nStories of the same sort are current among Slavonic peoples. Thus in a\nRussian tale a warlock called Koshchei the Deathless is asked where his\ndeath is. \u201cMy death,\u201d he answered, \u201cis in such and such a place. There\nstands an oak, and under the oak is a casket, and in the casket is a hare,\nand in the hare is a duck, and in the duck is an egg, and in the egg is my\ndeath.\u201d A prince obtained the egg and squeezed it, whereupon Koshchei the\nDeathless bent double. But when the prince shivered the egg in pieces, the\nwarlock died.(823) \u201cIn one of the descriptions of Koshchei\u2019s death, he is\nsaid to be killed by a blow on the forehead inflicted by the mysterious\negg\u2014that last link in the magic chain by which his life is darkly bound.\nIn another version of the same story, but told of a snake, the fatal blow\nis struck by a small stone found in the yolk of an egg, which is inside a\nduck, which is inside a hare, which is inside a stone, which is on an\nisland.\u201d(824) In another variant the prince shifts the fatal egg from one\nhand to the other, and as he does so Koshchei rushes wildly from side to\nside of the room. At last the prince smashes the egg, and Koshchei drops\ndead.(825) In another Russian story the death of an enchantress is in a\nblue rose-tree in a blue forest. Prince Ivan uproots the rose-tree,\nwhereupon the enchantress straightway sickens. He brings the rose-tree to\nher house and finds her at the point of death. Then he throws it into the\ncellar, crying, \u201cBehold her death!\u201d and at once the whole building shakes,\n\u201cand becomes an island, on which are people who had been sitting in Hell,\nand who offer up thanks to Prince Ivan.\u201d(826) In another Russian story a\nprince is grievously tormented by a witch who has got hold of his heart,\nand keeps it seething in a magic cauldron.(827) In a Bohemian tale a\nwarlock\u2019s strength lies in an egg, which is in a duck, which is in a stag,\nwhich is under a tree. A seer finds the egg and sucks it. Then the warlock\ngrows as weak as a child, \u201cfor all his strength had passed into the\nseer.\u201d(828) In a Serbian story a fabulous being called True Steel\ndeclares, \u201cFar away from this place there is a very high mountain, in the\nmountain there is a fox, in the fox there is a heart, in the heart there\nis a bird, and in this bird is my strength.\u201d The fox is caught and killed\nand its heart is taken out. Out of the fox\u2019s heart is taken the bird,\nwhich is then burnt, and that very moment True Steel falls dead.(829) In a\nSouth Slavonian story a dragon tells an old woman, \u201cMy strength is a long\nway off, and you cannot go thither. Far in another empire under the\nemperor\u2019s city is a lake, in that lake is a dragon, and in the dragon a\nboar, and in the boar a pigeon, and in that is my strength.\u201d(830)\n\nAmongst peoples of the Teutonic stock stories of the external soul are not\nwanting. In a tale told by the Saxons of Transylvania it is said that a\nyoung man shot at a witch again and again. The bullets went clean through\nher but did her no harm, and she only laughed and mocked at him. \u201cSilly\nearthworm,\u201d she cried, \u201cshoot as much as you like. It does me no harm. For\nknow that my life resides not in me but far, far away. In a mountain is a\npond, on the pond swims a duck, in the duck is an egg, in the egg burns a\nlight, that light is my life. If you could put out that light, my life\nwould be at an end. But that can never, never be.\u201d However, the young man\ngot hold of the egg, smashed it, and put out the light, and with it the\nwitch\u2019s life went out also.(831) In a German story a cannibal called\nSoulless keeps his soul in a box, which stands on a rock in the middle of\nthe Red Sea. A soldier gets possession of the box and goes with it to\nSoulless, who begs the soldier to give him back his soul. But the soldier\nopens the box, takes out the soul, and flings it backward over his head.\nAt the same moment the cannibal drops down stone dead.(832) In an\nOldenburg story a king has three sons and a daughter, and for each child\nthere grows a flower in the king\u2019s garden. Each of the flowers is a life\nflower; it blooms and flourishes while the child lives, but when the child\ndies it withers away.(833) In another German story an old warlock lives\nwith a damsel all alone in the midst of a vast and gloomy wood. She fears\nthat being old he may die and leave her alone in the forest. But he\nreassures her. \u201cDear child,\u201d he said, \u201cI cannot die, and I have no heart\nin my breast.\u201d But she importuned him to tell her where his heart was. So\nhe said, \u201cFar, far from here in an unknown and lonesome land stands a\ngreat church. The church is well secured with iron doors, and round about\nit flows a broad deep moat. In the church flies a bird and in the bird is\nmy heart. So long as that bird lives, I live. It cannot die of itself, and\nno one can catch it; therefore I cannot die, and you need have no\nanxiety.\u201d However, the young man, whose bride the damsel was to have been\nbefore the warlock spirited her away, contrived to reach the church and\ncatch the bird. He brought it to the damsel, who stowed him and it away\nunder the warlock\u2019s bed. Soon the old warlock came home. He was ailing,\nand said so. The girl wept and said, \u201cAlas, daddy is dying; he has a heart\nin his breast after all.\u201d \u201cChild,\u201d replied the warlock, \u201chold your tongue.\nI _can\u2019t_ die. It will soon pass over.\u201d At that the young man under the\nbed gave the bird a gentle squeeze; and as he did so, the old warlock felt\nvery unwell and sat down. Then the young man gripped the bird tighter, and\nthe warlock fell senseless from his chair. \u201cNow squeeze him dead,\u201d cried\nthe damsel. Her lover obeyed, and when the bird was dead, the old warlock\nalso lay dead on the floor.(834)\n\nIn the Norse tale of \u201cthe giant who had no heart in his body,\u201d the giant\ntells the captive princess, \u201cFar, far away in a lake lies an island, on\nthat island stands a church, in that church is a well, in that well swims\na duck, in that duck there is an egg, and in that egg there lies my\nheart.\u201d The hero of the tale obtains the egg and squeezes it, at which the\ngiant screams piteously and begs for his life. But the hero breaks the egg\nin pieces and the giant at once bursts.(835) In another Norse story a\nhill-ogre tells the captive princess that she will never be able to return\nhome unless she finds the grain of sand which lies under the ninth tongue\nof the ninth head of a certain dragon; but if that grain of sand were to\ncome over the rock in which the ogres live, they would all burst \u201cand the\nrock itself would become a gilded palace, and the lake green meadows.\u201d The\nhero finds the grain of sand and takes it to the top of the high rock in\nwhich the ogres live. So all the ogres burst and the rest falls out as one\nof the ogres had foretold.(836) In an Icelandic parallel to the story of\nMeleager, the spae-wives or sybils come and foretell the high destiny of\nthe infant Gestr as he lies in his cradle. Two candles were burning beside\nthe child, and the youngest of the spae-wives, conceiving herself\nslighted, cried out, \u201cI foretell that the child shall live no longer than\nthis candle burns.\u201d Whereupon the chief sybil put out the candle and gave\nit to Gestr\u2019s mother to keep, charging her not to light it again until her\nson should wish to die. Gestr lived three hundred years; then he kindled\nthe candle and expired.(837)\n\nIn a Celtic tale a giant says, \u201cThere is a great flagstone under the\nthreshold. There is a wether under the flag. There is a duck in the\nwether\u2019s belly, and an egg in the belly of the duck, and it is in the egg\nthat my soul is.\u201d The egg is crushed, and the giant falls down dead.(838)\nIn another Celtic tale, a sea beast has carried off a king\u2019s daughter, and\nan old smith declares that there is no way of killing the beast but one.\n\u201cIn the island that is in the midst of the loch is Eillid Chaisthion\u2014the\nwhite-footed hind, of the slenderest legs, and the swiftest step, and,\nthough she should be caught, there would spring a hoodie out of her, and\nthough the hoodie should be caught, there would spring a trout out of her,\nbut there is an egg in the mouth of the trout, and the soul of the beast\nis in the egg, and if the egg breaks, the beast is dead.\u201d As usual the egg\nis broken and the beast dies.(839) In a Breton story there figures a giant\nwhom neither fire nor water nor steel can harm. He tells a princess whom\nhe has just married, \u201cI am immortal, and no one can hurt me, unless he\ncrushes on my breast an egg which is in a pigeon, which is in the belly of\na hare; this hare is in the belly of a wolf, and this wolf is in the belly\nof my brother, who dwells a thousand leagues from here. So I am quite easy\non that score.\u201d A soldier gets the egg and crushes it on the breast of the\ngiant, who immediately expires.(840) In another Breton tale a giant is\ncalled Body-without-Soul because his life does not reside in his body. It\nresides in an egg, the egg is in a dove, the dove is in a hare, the hare\nis in a wolf, and the wolf is in an iron chest at the bottom of the sea.\nThe hero kills the animals one after another, and at the death of each\nanimal the giant grows weaker, as if he had lost a limb. When at last the\nhero comes to the giant\u2019s castle bearing the egg in his hand, he finds\nBody-without-Soul stretched on his bed at the point of death. So he dashes\nthe egg against the giant\u2019s forehead, the egg breaks, and the giant\nstraightway dies.(841)\n\nThe notion of an external soul has now been traced in folk-tales told by\nAryan peoples from India to Brittany and the Hebrides. We have still to\nshow that the same idea occurs commonly in the popular stories of\nnon-Aryan peoples. In the first place it appears in the ancient Egyptian\nstory of \u201cThe Two Brothers.\u201d This story was written down in the reign of\nRameses II, about 1300 years B.C. It is therefore older than our present\nredaction of Homer, and far older than the Bible. The outline of the\nstory, so far as it concerns us here, is as follows: Once upon a time\nthere were two brethren; the name of the elder was Anupu and the name of\nthe younger was Bitiu. Now Anupu had a house and a wife, and his younger\nbrother dwelt with him as his servant. It was Anupu who made the garments,\nand every morning when it grew light he drove the kine afield. As he\nwalked behind them they used to say to him, \u201cThe grass is good in such and\nsuch a place,\u201d and he heard what they said and led them to the good\npasture that they desired. So his kine grew very sleek and multiplied\ngreatly. One day when the two brothers were at work in the field the elder\nbrother said to the younger, \u201cRun and fetch seed from the village.\u201d So the\nyounger brother ran and said to the wife of his elder brother, \u201cGive me\nseed that I may run to the field, for my brother sent me saying, tarry\nnot.\u201d She said, \u201cGo to the barn and take as much as you desire.\u201d He went\nand filled a jar full of wheat and barley, and came forth bearing it on\nhis shoulders. When the woman saw him her heart went out to him, and she\nlaid hold of him and said, \u201cCome, let us rest an hour together.\u201d But he\nsaid, \u201cThou art to me as a mother, and my brother is to me as a father.\u201d\nSo he would not hearken to her, but took the load on his back and went\naway to the field. In the evening, when the elder brother was returning\nfrom the field, his wife feared for what she had said. So she took soot\nand made herself as one who has been beaten. And when her husband came\nhome, she said, \u201cWhen thy younger brother came to fetch seed, he said to\nme, Come, let us rest an hour together. But I would not, and he beat me.\u201d\nThen the elder brother became like a panther of the south; he sharpened\nhis knife and stood behind the door of the cow-house. And when the sun set\nand the younger brother came laden with all the herbs of the field, as was\nhis wont every day, the cow that walked in front of the herd said to him,\n\u201cBehold, thy elder brother stands with a knife to kill thee. Flee before\nhim.\u201d When he heard what the cow said, he looked under the door of the\ncow-house and saw the feet of his elder brother standing behind the door,\nhis knife in his hand. So he fled and his brother pursued him with the\nknife. But the younger brother cried for help to the Sun, and the Sun\nheard him and caused a great water to spring up between him and his elder\nbrother, and the water was full of crocodiles. The two brothers stood, the\none on the one side of the water and the other on the other, and the\nyounger brother told the elder brother all that had befallen. So the elder\nbrother repented him of what he had done and he wept aloud. But he could\nnot come at the farther bank by reason of the crocodiles. His younger\nbrother called to him and said, \u201cGo home and tend the cattle thyself. For\nI will dwell no more in the place where thou art. I will go to the Valley\nof the Acacia. But this is what thou shalt do for me. Thou shalt come and\ncare for me, if evil befalls me, for I will enchant my heart and place it\non the top of the flower of the Acacia; and if they cut the Acacia and my\nheart falls to the ground, thou shalt come and seek it, and when thou hast\nfound it thou shalt lay it in a vessel of fresh water. Then I shall come\nto life again. But this is the sign that evil has befallen me; the pot of\nbeer in thine hand shall bubble.\u201d So he went away to the Valley of the\nAcacia, but his brother returned home with dust on his head and slew his\nwife and cast her to the dogs.\n\nFor many days afterwards the younger brother dwelt alone in the Valley of\nthe Acacia. By day he hunted the beasts of the field, but at evening he\ncame and laid him down under the Acacia, on the top of whose flower was\nhis heart. And many days after that he built himself a house in the Valley\nof the Acacia. But the gods were grieved for him; and the Sun said to\nKhnum, \u201cMake a wife for Bitiu, that he may not dwell alone.\u201d So Khnum made\nhim a woman to dwell with him, who was perfect in her limbs more than any\nwoman on earth, for all the gods were in her. So she dwelt with him. But\none day a lock of her hair fell into the river and floated down to the\nland of Egypt, to the house of Pharaoh\u2019s washerwomen. The fragrance of the\nlock perfumed Pharaoh\u2019s raiment, and the washerwomen were blamed, for it\nwas said, \u201cAn odour of perfume in the garments of Pharaoh!\u201d So the heart\nof Pharaoh\u2019s chief washerman was weary of the complaints that were made\nevery day, and he went to the quay, and there in the water he saw the lock\nof hair. He sent one down into the river to fetch it, and, because it\nsmelt sweetly, he took it to Pharaoh. Then Pharaoh\u2019s magicians were sent\nfor and they said, \u201cThis lock of hair belongs to a daughter of the Sun,\nwho has in her the essence of all the gods. Let messengers go forth to all\nforeign lands to seek her.\u201d So the woman was brought from the Valley of\nthe Acacia with chariots and archers and much company, and all the land of\nEgypt rejoiced at her coming, and Pharaoh loved her. But when they asked\nher of her husband, she said to Pharaoh, \u201cLet them cut down the Acacia and\nlet them destroy him.\u201d So men were sent with tools to cut down the Acacia.\nThey came to it and cut the flower upon which was the heart of Bitiu; and\nhe fell down dead in that evil hour. But the next day, when the elder\nbrother of Bitiu was entered into his house and had sat down, they brought\nhim a pot of beer and it bubbled, and they gave him a jug of wine and it\ngrew turbid. Then he took his staff and his sandals and hied him to the\nValley of the Acacia, and there he found his younger brother lying dead in\nhis house. So he sought for the heart of his brother under the Acacia. For\nthree years he sought in vain, but in the fourth year he found it in the\nberry of the Acacia. So he threw the heart into a cup of fresh water. And\nwhen it was night and the heart had sucked in much water, Bitiu shook in\nall his limbs and revived. Then he drank the cup of water in which his\nheart was, and his heart went into its place, and he lived as before.(842)\n\nIn the story of Seyf-el-Mulook in the Arabian Nights, the Jinnee declares,\n\u201cWhen I was born, the astrologers declared that the destruction of my soul\nwould be effected by the hand of one of the sons of the human kings. I\ntherefore took my soul, and put it into the crop of a sparrow, and I\nimprisoned the sparrow in a little box, and put this into another small\nbox, and this I put within seven other small boxes, and I put these within\nseven chests, and the chests I put into a coffer of marble within the\nverge of this circumambient ocean; for this part is remote from the\ncountries of mankind, and none of mankind can gain access to it.\u201d But\nSeyf-el-Mulook got possession of the sparrow and strangled it, and the\nJinnee fell upon the ground a heap of black ashes.(843) In a modern\nArabian tale a king marries an ogress, who puts out the eyes of the king\u2019s\nforty wives. One of the blinded queens gives birth to a son whom she names\nMohammed the Prudent. But the ogress queen hated him and compassed his\ndeath. So she sent him on an errand to the house of her kinsfolk the\nogres. In the house of the ogres he saw some things hanging from the roof,\nand on asking a female slave what they were, she said, \u201cThat is the bottle\nwhich contains the life of my lady the queen, and the other bottle beside\nit contains the eyes of the queens whom my mistress blinded.\u201d A little\nafterwards he spied a beetle and rose to kill it. \u201cDon\u2019t kill it,\u201d cried\nthe slave, \u201cfor that is my life.\u201d But Mohammed the Prudent watched the\nbeetle till it entered a chink in the wall; and when the female slave had\nfallen asleep, he killed the beetle in its hole, and so the slave died.\nThen Mohammed took down the two bottles and carried them home to his\nfather\u2019s palace. There he presented himself before the ogress queen and\nsaid, \u201cSee, I have your life in my hand, but I will not kill you till you\nhave replaced the eyes which you took from the forty queens.\u201d The ogress\ndid as she was bid, and then Mohammed the Prudent said, \u201cThere, take your\nlife.\u201d But the bottle slipped from his hand and fell, the life of the\nogress escaped from it, and she died.(844)\n\nIn a Kabyl story an ogre declares that his fate is far away in an egg,\nwhich is in a pigeon, which is in a camel, which is in the sea. The hero\nprocures the egg and crushes it between his hands, and the ogre dies.(845)\nIn a Magyar folk-tale, an old witch detains a young prince called Ambrose\nin the bowels of the earth. At last she confided to him that she kept a\nwild boar in a silken meadow, and if it were killed, they would find a\nhare inside, and inside the hare a pigeon, and inside the pigeon a small\nbox, and inside the box one black and one shining beetle: the shining\nbeetle held her life, and the black one held her power; if these two\nbeetles died, then her life would come to an end also. When the old hag\nwent out, Ambrose killed the wild boar, took out the hare, from the hare\nhe took the pigeon, from the pigeon the box, and from the box the two\nbeetles; he killed the black beetle, but kept the shining one alive. So\nthe witch\u2019s power left her immediately, and when she came home, she had to\ntake to her bed. Having learned from her how to escape from his prison to\nthe upper air, Ambrose killed the shining beetle, and the old hag\u2019s spirit\nleft her at once.(846) In another Hungarian story the safety of the\nDwarf-king resides in a golden cockchafer, inside a golden cock, inside a\ngolden sheep, inside a golden stag, in the ninety-ninth island. The hero\novercomes all these golden animals and so recovers his bride, whom the\nDwarf-king had carried off.(847) A Samoyed story tells how seven warlocks\nkilled a certain man\u2019s mother and carried off his sister, whom they kept\nto serve them. Every night when they came home the seven warlocks used to\ntake out their hearts and place them in a dish, which the woman hung on\nthe tent-poles. But the wife of the man whom they had wronged stole the\nhearts of the warlocks while they slept, and took them to her husband. By\nbreak of day he went with the hearts to the warlocks, and found them at\nthe point of death. They all begged for their hearts; but he threw six of\ntheir hearts to the ground, and six of the warlocks died. The seventh and\neldest warlock begged hard for his heart, and the man said, \u201cYou killed my\nmother. Make her alive again, and I will give you back your heart.\u201d The\nwarlock said to his wife, \u201cGo to the place where the dead woman lies. You\nwill find a bag there. Bring it to me. The woman\u2019s spirit is in the bag.\u201d\nSo his wife brought the bag; and the warlock said to the man, \u201cGo to your\ndead mother, shake the bag and let the spirit breathe over her bones; so\nshe will come to life again.\u201d The man did as he was bid, and his mother\nwas restored to life. Then he hurled the seventh heart to the ground, and\nthe seventh warlock died.(848)\n\nIn a Tartar poem two heroes named Ak Molot and Bulat engage in mortal\ncombat. Ak Molot pierces his foe through and through with an arrow,\ngrapples with him, and dashes him to the ground, but all in vain, Bulat\ncould not die. At last when the combat has lasted three years, a friend of\nAk Molot sees a golden casket hanging by a white thread from the sky, and\nbethinks him that perhaps this casket contains Bulat\u2019s soul. So he shot\nthrough the white thread with an arrow, and down fell the casket. He\nopened it, and in the casket sat ten white birds, and one of the birds was\nBulat\u2019s soul. Bulat wept when he saw that his soul was found in the\ncasket. But one after the other the birds were killed, and then Ak Molot\neasily slew his foe.(849) In another Tartar poem, two brothers going to\nfight two other brothers take out their souls and hide them in the form of\na white herb with six stalks in a deep pit. But one of their foes sees\nthem doing so and digs up their souls, which he puts into a golden ram\u2019s\nhorn, and then puts the ram\u2019s horn in his quiver. The two warriors whose\nsouls have thus been stolen know that they have no chance of victory, and\naccordingly make peace with their enemies.(850) In another Tartar poem a\nterrible demon sets all the gods and heroes at defiance. At last a valiant\nyouth fights the demon, binds him hand and foot, and slices him with his\nsword. But still the demon is not slain. So the youth asked him, \u201cTell me,\nwhere is your soul hidden? For if your soul had been hidden in your body,\nyou must have been dead long ago.\u201d The demon replied, \u201cOn the saddle of my\nhorse is a bag. In the bag is a serpent with twelve heads. In the serpent\nis my soul. When you have killed the serpent, you have killed me also.\u201d So\nthe youth took the saddle-bag from the horse and killed the twelve-headed\nserpent, whereupon the demon expired.(851) In another Tartar poem a hero\ncalled K\u00f6k Chan deposits with a maiden a golden ring, in which is half his\nstrength. Afterwards when K\u00f6k Chan is wrestling long with a hero and\ncannot kill him, a woman drops into his mouth the ring which contains half\nhis strength. Thus inspired with fresh force he slays his enemy.(852)\n\nIn a Mongolian story the hero Joro gets the better of his enemy the lama\nTschoridong in the following way. The lama, who is an enchanter, sends out\nhis soul in the form of a wasp to sting Joro\u2019s eyes. But Joro catches the\nwasp in his hand, and by alternately shutting and opening his hand he\ncauses the lama alternately to lose and recover consciousness.(853) In a\nTartar poem two youths cut open the body of an old witch and tear out her\nbowels, but all to no purpose, she still lives. On being asked where her\nsoul is, she answers that it is in the middle of her shoe-sole in the form\nof a seven-headed speckled snake. So one of the youths slices her\nshoe-sole with his sword, takes out the speckled snake, and cuts off its\nseven heads. Then the witch dies.(854) Another Tartar poem describes how\nthe hero Kartaga grappled with the Swan-woman. Long they wrestled. Moons\nwaxed and waned and still they wrestled; years came and went, and still\nthe struggle went on. But the piebald horse and the black horse knew that\nthe Swan-woman\u2019s soul was not in her. Under the black earth flow nine\nseas; where the seas meet and form one, the sea comes to the surface of\nthe earth. At the mouth of the nine seas rises a rock of copper; it rises\nto the surface of the ground, it rises up between heaven and earth, this\nrock of copper. At the foot of the copper rock is a black chest, in the\nblack chest is a golden casket, and in the golden casket is the soul of\nthe Swan-woman. Seven little birds are the soul of the Swan-woman; if the\nbirds are killed the Swan-woman will die straightway. So the horses ran to\nthe foot of the copper rock, opened the black chest, and brought back the\ngolden casket. Then the piebald horse turned himself into a bald-headed\nman, opened the golden casket, and cut off the heads of the seven birds.\nSo the Swan-woman died.(855) In a Tartar story a chief called Tash Kan is\nasked where his soul is. He answers that there are seven great poplars,\nand under the poplars a golden well; seven _Maralen_ (?) come to drink the\nwater of the well, and the belly of one of them trails on the ground; in\nthis _Maral_ is a golden box, in the golden box is a silver box, in the\nsilver box are seven quails, the head of one of the quails is golden and\nits tail silver; that quail is Tash Kan\u2019s soul. The hero of the story gets\npossession of the seven quails and wrings the necks of six of them. Then\nTash Kan comes running and begs the hero to let his soul go free. But the\nhero wrings the quail\u2019s neck, and Tash Kan drops dead.(856) In another\nTartar poem the hero, pursuing his sister who has driven away his cattle,\nis warned to desist from the pursuit because his sister has carried away\nhis soul in a golden sword and a golden arrow, and if he pursues her she\nwill kill him by throwing the golden sword or shooting the golden arrow at\nhim.(857)\n\nA Malay poem relates how once upon a time in the city of Indrapoera there\nwas a certain merchant who was rich and prosperous, but he had no\nchildren. One day as he walked with his wife by the river they found a\nbaby girl, fair as an angel. So they adopted the child and called her\nBidasari. The merchant caused a golden fish to be made, and into this fish\nhe transferred the soul of his adopted daughter. Then he put the golden\nfish in a golden box full of water, and hid it in a pond in the midst of\nhis garden. In time the girl grew to be a lovely woman. Now the King of\nIndrapoera had a fair young queen, who lived in fear that the king might\ntake to himself a second wife. So, hearing of the charms of Bidasari, the\nqueen resolved to put her out of the way. So she lured the girl to the\npalace and tortured her cruelly; but Bidasari could not die, because her\nsoul was not in her. At last she could stand the torture no longer and\nsaid to the queen, \u201cIf you wish me to die, you must bring the box which is\nin the pond in my father\u2019s garden.\u201d So the box was brought and opened, and\nthere was the golden fish in the water. The girl said, \u201cMy soul is in that\nfish. In the morning you must take the fish out of the water, and in the\nevening you must put it back into the water. Do not let the fish lie\nabout, but bind it round your neck. If you do this, I shall soon die.\u201d So\nthe queen took the fish out of the box and fastened it round her neck; and\nno sooner had she done so, than Bidasari fell into a swoon. But in the\nevening, when the fish was put back into the water, Bidasari came to\nherself again. Seeing that she thus had the girl in her power, the queen\nsent her home to her adopted parents. To save her from further persecution\nher parents resolved to remove their daughter from the city. So in a\nlonely and desolate spot they built a house and brought Bidasari thither.\nHere she dwelt alone, undergoing vicissitudes that corresponded with the\nvicissitudes of the golden fish in which was her soul. All day long, while\nthe fish was out of the water, she remained unconscious; but in the\nevening, when the fish was put into the water, she revived. One day the\nking was out hunting, and coming to the house where Bidasari lay\nunconscious, was smitten with her beauty. He tried to waken her, but in\nvain. Next day, towards evening, he repeated his visit, but still found\nher unconscious. However, when darkness fell, she came to herself and told\nthe king the secret of her life. So the king returned to the palace, took\nthe fish from the queen, and put it in water. Immediately Bidasari\nrevived, and the king took her to wife.(858)\n\nThe last story of an external soul which I shall notice comes from Nias,\nan island to the west of Sumatra, which we have visited more than once in\nthe course of this book. Once on a time a chief was captured by his\nenemies, who tried to put him to death but failed. Water would not drown\nhim nor fire burn him nor steel pierce him. At last his wife revealed the\nsecret. On his head he had a hair as hard as a copper wire; and with this\nwire his life was bound up. So the hair was plucked out, and with it his\nspirit fled.(859)\n\n\n\n\n\u00a7 4.\u2014The external soul in folk-custom.\n\n\nThus the idea that the soul may be deposited for a longer or shorter time\nin some place of security outside the body, or at all events in the hair,\nis found in the popular tales of many races. It remains to show that the\nidea is not a mere figment devised to adorn a tale, but is a real article\nof primitive faith, which has given rise to a corresponding set of\ncustoms.\n\nWe have seen that in the tales the hero, as a preparation for battle,\nsometimes removes his soul from his body, in order that his body may be\ninvulnerable and immortal in the combat. With a like intention the savage\nremoves his soul from his body on various occasions of real or imaginary\ndanger. Thus we have seen that among the Minahassa of Celebes, when a\nfamily moves into a new house, a priest collects the souls of the whole\nfamily in a bag, and afterwards restores them to their owners, because the\nmoment of entering a new house is supposed to be fraught with supernatural\ndanger.(860) In Southern Celebes when a woman is brought to bed the\nmessenger who fetches the doctor or the midwife always carries with him a\npiece of iron, which he delivers to the doctor. The doctor must keep it in\nhis house till the confinement is over, when he gives it back, receiving a\nfixed sum of money for doing so. The piece of iron represents the woman\u2019s\nsoul, which at this critical time is believed to be safer out of her body\nthan in it. Hence the doctor must take great care of the piece of iron;\nfor if it were lost, the woman\u2019s soul would assuredly, it is supposed, be\nlost with it.(861)\n\nAgain, we have seen that in folk-tales a man\u2019s soul or strength is\nsometimes represented as bound up with his hair, and that when his hair is\ncut off he dies or grows weak. So the natives of Amboina used to think\nthat their strength was in their hair and would desert them if it were\nshorn. A criminal under torture in a Dutch Court of that island persisted\nin denying his guilt till his hair was cut off, when he immediately\nconfessed. One man who was tried for murder endured without flinching the\nutmost ingenuity of his torturers till he saw the surgeon standing with a\npair of shears. On asking what this was for, and being told that it was to\ncut his hair, he begged they would not do it, and made a clean breast. In\nsubsequent cases, when torture failed to wring a confession from a\nprisoner, the Dutch authorities made a practice of cutting off his\nhair.(862) In Ceram it is still believed that if young people have their\nhair cut they will be weakened and enervated thereby.(863) In Zacynthus\npeople think that the whole strength of the ancient Greeks resided in\nthree hairs on their breasts, and vanished whenever these hairs were cut;\nbut if the hairs were allowed to grow again, their strength returned.(864)\n\nAgain, we have seen that in folk-tales the life of a person is sometimes\nso bound up with the life of a plant that the withering of the plant will\nimmediately follow or be followed by the death of the person.(865)\nSimilarly among the M\u2019Bengas in Western Africa, about the Gaboon, when two\nchildren are born on the same day, the people plant two trees of the same\nkind and dance round them. The life of each of the children is believed to\nbe bound up with the life of one of the trees; and if the tree dies or is\nthrown down, they are sure that the child will soon die.(866) In the\nCameroons, also, the life of a person is believed to be sympathetically\nbound up with that of a tree.(867) Some of the Papuans unite the life of a\nnew-born child sympathetically with that of a tree by driving a pebble\ninto the bark of the tree. This is supposed to give them complete mastery\nover the child\u2019s life; if the tree is cut down, the child will die.(868)\nAfter a birth the Maoris used to bury the navel-string in a sacred place\nand plant a young sapling over it. As the tree grew, it was a _tohu\noranga_ or sign of life for the child; if it flourished, the child would\nprosper; if it withered and died, the parents augured the worst for their\nchild.(869) In Southern Celebes, when a child is born, a cocoa-nut is\nplanted, and is watered with the water in which the after-birth and\nnavel-string have been washed. As it grows up, the tree is called the\n\u201ccontemporary\u201d of the child.(870) So in Bali a cocoa-palm is planted at\nthe birth of a child. It is believed to grow up equally with the child,\nand is called its \u201clife-plant.\u201d(871) On certain occasions the Dyaks of\nBorneo plant a palm-tree, which is believed to be a complete index of\ntheir fate. If it flourishes, they reckon on good fortune; but if it\nwithers or dies, they expect misfortune.(872) It is said that there are\nstill families in Russia, Germany, England, France, and Italy who are\naccustomed to plant a tree at the birth of a child. The tree, it is hoped,\nwill grow with the child, and it is tended with special care.(873) The\ncustom is still pretty general in the canton of Aargau in Switzerland; an\napple-tree is planted for a boy and a pear-tree for a girl, and the people\nthink that the child will flourish or dwindle with the tree.(874) In\nMecklenburg the after-birth is thrown out at the foot of a young tree, and\nthe child is then believed to grow with the tree.(875) In England persons\nare sometimes passed through a cleft tree as a cure for rupture, and\nthenceforward a sympathetic connection is believed to exist between them\nand the tree. \u201cThomas Chillingworth, son of the owner of an adjoining\nfarm, now about thirty-four years of age, was, when an infant of a year\nold, passed through a similar tree, now perfectly sound, which he\npreserves with so much care that he will not suffer a single branch to be\ntouched, for it is believed that the life of the patient depends on the\nlife of the tree; and the moment that it is cut down, be the patient ever\nso distant, the rupture returns, and a mortification ensues.\u201d(876) When\nLord Byron first visited his ancestral estate of Newstead \u201che planted, it\nseems, a young oak in some part of the grounds, and had an idea that as\n_it_ flourished so should _he_.\u201d(877)\n\nBut in practice, as in folk-tales, it is not merely with trees and plants\nthat the life of an individual is occasionally believed to be united by a\nbond of physical sympathy. The same bond, it is supposed, may exist\nbetween a man and an animal or a thing, so that the death or destruction\nof the animal or thing is immediately followed by the death of the man.\nThe Emperor Romanus Lecapenus was once informed by an astronomer that the\nlife of Simeon prince of Bulgaria was bound up with a certain column in\nConstantinople, so that if the capital of the column were removed Simeon\nwould immediately die. The Emperor took the hint and removed the capital,\nand at the same hour, as the emperor learned by inquiry, Simeon died of\nheart disease in Bulgaria.(878) Amongst the Karens of Burma \u201cthe knife\nwith which the navel-string is cut is carefully preserved for the child.\nThe life of the child is supposed to be in some way connected with it, for\nif lost or destroyed it is said the child will not be long-lived.\u201d(879)\nThe Malays believe that \u201cthe soul of a person may pass into another person\nor into an animal, or rather that such a mysterious relation can arise\nbetween the two that the fate of the one is wholly dependent on that of\nthe other.\u201d(880) In the Banks Islands \u201csome people connect themselves with\nan object, generally an animal, as a lizard or a snake, or with a stone,\nwhich they imagine to have a certain very close natural relation to\nthemselves. This, at Mota, is called tamaniu\u2014likeness. This word at Aurora\nis used for the \u2018atai\u2019 [_i.e._ soul] of Mota. Some fancy dictates the\nchoice of a tamaniu; or it may be found by drinking the infusion of\ncertain herbs and heaping together the dregs. Whatever living thing is\nfirst seen in or upon the heap is the tamaniu. It is watched, but not fed\nor worshipped. The natives believe that it comes at call. The life of the\nman is bound up with the life of his tamaniu. If it dies, gets broken or\nlost, the man will die. In sickness they send to see how the tamaniu is,\nand judge the issue accordingly. This is only the fancy of some.\u201d(881)\n\nBut what among the Banks Islanders and the Malays is irregular and\noccasional, among other peoples is systematic and universal. The Zulus\nbelieve that every man has his _ihlozi_, a kind of mysterious serpent,\n\u201cwhich specially guards and helps him, lives with him, wakes with him,\nsleeps and travels with him, but always under ground. If it ever makes its\nappearance, great is the joy, and the man must seek to discover the\nmeaning of its appearance. He who has no _ihlozi_ must die. Therefore if\nany one unintentionally kills an _ihlozi_ serpent, the man whose _ihlozi_\nit was dies, but the serpent comes to life again.\u201d(882) Amongst the\nZapotecs of Central America, when a woman was about to be confined, her\nrelations assembled in the hut, and began to draw on the floor figures of\ndifferent animals, rubbing each one out as soon as it was completed. This\nwent on till the moment of birth, and the figure that then remained\nsketched upon the ground was called the child\u2019s _tona_ or second self.\n\u201cWhen the child grew old enough he procured the animal that represented\nhim and took care of it, as it was believed that health and existence were\nbound up with that of the animal\u2019s, in fact that the death of both would\noccur simultaneously,\u201d or rather that when the animal died the man would\ndie.(883) Among the Indians of Guatemala the _nagual_ or _naual_ is an\n\u201canimate or inanimate object, generally an animal, which stands in a\nparallel relation to a particular man, so that the weal and woe of the man\ndepend on the fate of the animal.\u201d Among the Chontal Indians who inhabit\nthe part of Honduras bordering on Guatemala and in point of social culture\nstand very close to the Pipil Indians of Guatemala, the _nagual_ used to\nbe obtained as follows. The young Indian went into the forest to a lonely\nplace by a river or to the top of a mountain, and prayed with tears to the\ngods that they would vouchsafe to him what his forefathers had possessed\nbefore him. After sacrificing a dog or a bird he laid himself down to\nsleep. Then in a dream or after awakening from sleep there appeared to him\na jaguar, puma, coyote (prairie-wolf), crocodile, serpent, or bird. To\nthis visionary animal the Indian offered blood drawn from his tongue, his\nears, and other parts of his body, and prayed for an abundant yield of\nsalt and cacao. Then the animal said to him, \u201cOn such and such a day you\nshall go out hunting, and the first animal that meets you will be myself,\nwho will always be your companion and _nagual_.\u201d A man who had no _nagual_\ncould never grow rich. The Indians were persuaded that the death of their\n_nagual_ would entail their own. Legend affirms that in the first battles\nwith the Spaniards on the plateau of Quetzaltenango the _naguals_ of the\nIndian chiefs fought in the form of serpents. The _nagual_ of the highest\nchief was especially conspicuous, because it had the form of a great bird,\nresplendent in green plumage. The Spanish general Pedro de Alvarado killed\nthe bird with his lance, and at the same moment the Indian chief fell dead\nto the ground.(884)\n\nIn many of the Australian tribes each sex regards a particular species of\nanimals in the same way that a Central American Indian regards his\n_nagual_, but with this difference, that whereas the Indian apparently\nknows the individual animal with which his life is bound up, the\nAustralians only know that each of their lives is bound up with some one\nanimal of the species, but they cannot say with which. The result\nnaturally is that every man spares and protects all the animals of the\nspecies with which the lives of the men are bound up; and every woman\nspares and protects all the animals of the species with which the lives of\nthe women are bound up; because no one knows but that the death of any\nanimal of the respective species might entail his or her own; just as the\nkilling of the green bird was immediately followed by the death of the\nIndian chief, and the killing of the parrot by the death of Punchkin in\nthe fairy tale. Thus, for example, the Wotjobaluk tribe of South Eastern\nAustralia \u201cheld that \u2018the life of Ng\u016dn\u016dng\u016dn\u016dt (the Bat) is the life of a\nman and the life of Y\u00e1rtatg\u016drk (the Nightjar) is the life of a woman,\u2019 and\nthat when either of these creatures is killed the life of some man or of\nsome woman is shortened. In such a case every man or every woman in the\ncamp feared that he or she might be the victim, and from this cause great\nfights arose in this tribe. I learn that in these fights, men on one side\nand women on the other, it was not at all certain which would be\nvictorious, for at times the women gave the men a severe drubbing with\ntheir yamsticks while often women were injured or killed by spears.\u201d(885)\nThe particular species of animals with which the lives of the sexes were\nbelieved to be respectively bound up varied somewhat from tribe to tribe.\nThus whereas among the Wotjobaluk the bat was the animal of the men, at\nGunbower Creek on the lower Murray the bat seems to have been the animal\nof the women, for the natives would not kill it for the reason that \u201cif it\nwas killed, one of their lubras [women] would be sure to die in\nconsequence.\u201d(886) But the belief itself and the fights to which it gave\nrise are known to have extended over a large part of South Eastern\nAustralia, and probably they extended much farther.(887) The belief is a\nvery serious one, and so consequently are the fights which spring from it.\nThus where the bat is the men\u2019s animal they \u201cprotect it against injury,\neven to the half-killing of their wives for its sake;\u201d and where the fern\nowl or large goatsucker (a night bird) is the women\u2019s animal, \u201cit is\njealously protected by them. If a man kills one, they are as much enraged\nas if it was one of their children, and will strike him with their long\npoles.\u201d(888)\n\nThe jealous protection thus afforded by Australian men and women to bats\nand owls respectively (for bats and owls seem to be the creatures usually\nallotted to men and women respectively) is not based upon purely selfish\nconsiderations. For each man believes that not only his own life, but the\nlives of his father, brothers, sons, etc., are bound up with the lives of\nparticular bats, and that therefore in protecting the bat species he is\nprotecting the lives of all his male relations as well as his own.\nSimilarly, each woman believes that the lives of her mother, sisters,\ndaughters, etc., equally with her own, are bound up with the lives of\nparticular owls, and that in guarding the owl species she is guarding the\nlives of all her female relations in addition to her own. Now, when men\u2019s\nlives are thus supposed to be contained in certain animals, it is obvious\nthat the animals can hardly be distinguished from the men, or the men from\nthe animals. If my brother John\u2019s life is in a bat, then, on the one hand,\nthe bat is my brother as well as John; and, on the other hand, John is in\na sense a bat, since his life is in a bat. Similarly, if my sister Mary\u2019s\nlife is in an owl, then the owl is my sister and Mary is an owl. This is a\nnatural enough conclusion, and the Australians have not failed to draw it.\nWhen the bat is the man\u2019s animal, it is called his brother; and when the\nowl is the woman\u2019s animal, it is called her sister. And conversely a man\naddresses a woman as an owl, and she addresses him as a bat.(889) So with\nthe other animals allotted to the sexes respectively in other tribes. For\nexample, among the Kurnai all Emu Wrens were \u201cbrothers\u201d of the men, and\nall the men were Emu Wrens; all Superb Warblers were \u201csisters\u201d of the\nwomen, and all the women were Superb Warblers.(890)\n\nBut when a savage names himself after an animal, calls it his brother, and\nrefuses to kill it, the animal is said to be his totem. Accordingly the\nbat and the owl, the Emu Wren and the Superb Warbler, may properly be\ndescribed as totems of the sexes. But the assignation of a totem to a sex\nis comparatively rare, and has hitherto been discovered nowhere but in\nAustralia. Far more commonly the totem is appropriated not to a sex, but\nto a tribe or clan, and is hereditary either in the male or female line.\nThe relation of an individual to the tribal totem does not differ in kind\nfrom his relation to the sex totem; he will not kill it, he speaks of it\nas his brother, and he calls himself by its name.(891) Now if the\nrelations are similar, the explanation which holds good of the one ought\nequally to hold good of the other. Therefore the reason why a tribe revere\na particular species of animals or plants (for the tribal totem may be a\nplant) and call themselves after it, must be a belief that the life of\neach individual of the tribe is bound up with some one animal or plant of\nthe species, and that his or her death would be the consequence of killing\nthat particular animal, or destroying that particular plant. This\nexplanation of totemism squares very well with Sir George Grey\u2019s\ndefinition of a totem or _kobong_ in Western Australia. He says, \u201cA\ncertain mysterious connection exists between a family and its _kobong_, so\nthat a member of the family will never kill an animal of the species to\nwhich his _kobong_ belongs, should he find it asleep; indeed he always\nkills it reluctantly, and never without affording it a chance to escape.\nThis arises from the family belief that some one individual of the species\nis their nearest friend, to kill whom would be a great crime, and to be\ncarefully avoided. Similarly, a native who has a vegetable for his\n_kobong_ may not gather it under certain circumstances, and at a\nparticular period of the year.\u201d(892) Here it will be observed that though\neach man spares all the animals or plants of the species, they are not all\nequally precious to him; far from it, out of the whole species there is\nonly one which is specially dear to him; but as he does not know which the\ndear one is, he is obliged to spare them all from fear of injuring the\none. Again, this explanation of the tribal totem harmonises with the\nsupposed effect of killing one of the totem species. \u201cOne day one of the\nblacks killed a crow. Three or four days afterwards a Boortwa (crow)\n[_i.e._ a man of the Crow clan or tribe] named Larry died. He had been\nailing for some days, but the killing of his wingong [totem] hastened his\ndeath.\u201d(893) Here the killing of the crow caused the death of a man of the\nCrow clan, exactly as, in the case of the sex totems, the killing of a bat\ncauses the death of a Bat man, or the killing of an owl causes the death\nof an Owl woman. Similarly, the killing of his _nagual_ causes the death\nof a Central American Indian, the killing of his _ihlozi_ causes the death\nof a Zulu, the killing of his _tamaniu_ causes the death of a Banks\nIslander, and the killing of the animal in which his life is stowed away\ncauses the death of the giant or warlock in the fairy tale.\n\nThus it appears that the story of \u201cThe giant who had no heart in his body\u201d\nfurnishes the key to the religious aspect of totemism, that is, to the\nrelation which is supposed to subsist between a man and his totem. The\ntotem, if I am right, is simply the receptacle in which a man keeps his\nlife, as Punchkin kept his life in a parrot, and Bidasari kept her soul in\na golden fish. It is no valid objection to this view that when a savage\nhas both a sex totem and a tribal totem his life must be bound up with two\ndifferent animals, the death of either of which would entail his own. If a\nman has more vital places than one in his body, why, the savage may think,\nshould he not have more vital places than one outside it? Why, since he\ncan externalise his life, should he not transfer one portion of it to one\nanimal and another to another? The divisibility of life, or, to put it\notherwise, the plurality of souls, is an idea suggested by many familiar\nfacts, and has commended itself to philosophers like Plato as well as to\nsavages. It is only when the notion of a soul, from being a\nquasi-scientific hypothesis, becomes a theological dogma that its unity\nand indivisibility are insisted upon as essential. The savage, unshackled\nby dogma, is free to explain the facts of life by the assumption of as\nmany souls as he thinks necessary. Hence, for example, the Caribs supposed\nthat there was one soul in the head, another in the heart, and other souls\nat all the places where an artery is felt pulsating.(894) Some of the\nHidatsa Indians explain the phenomena of gradual death, when the\nextremities appear dead first, by supposing that man has four souls, and\nthat they quit the body, not simultaneously, but one after the other,\ndissolution being only complete when all four have departed.(895) The Laos\nsuppose that the body is the seat of thirty spirits, which reside in the\nhands, the feet, the mouth, the eyes, etc.(896) Hence, from the primitive\npoint of view, it is perfectly possible that a savage should have one soul\nin his sex totem, and another in his tribal totem. However, as I have\nobserved, sex totems occur nowhere but in Australia; so that as a rule the\nsavage who practises totemism need not have more than one soul out of his\nbody at a time.\n\nIf this explanation of the totem as a receptacle in which a man keeps his\nsoul or one of his souls is correct, we should expect to find some\ntotemistic tribes of whom it is expressly stated that every man amongst\nthem is believed to keep at least one soul permanently out of his body,\nand that the destruction of this external soul is supposed to entail the\ndeath of its owner. Such a tribe are the Battas of Sumatra. The Battas are\ndivided into exogamous clans (_margas_) with descent in the male line; and\neach clan is forbidden to eat the flesh of a particular animal. One clan\nmay not eat the tiger, another the ape, another the crocodile, another the\ndog, another the cat, another the dove, another the white buffalo. The\nreason given by members of a clan for abstaining from the flesh of the\nparticular animal is either that they are descended from animals of that\nspecies, and that their souls after death may transmigrate into the\nanimals, or that they or their forefathers have been under certain\nobligations to the animals. Sometimes, but not always, the clan bears the\nname of the animal.(897) Thus the Battas have totemism in full. But,\nfurther, each Batta believes that he has seven or, on a more moderate\ncomputation, three souls. One of these souls is always outside the body,\nbut nevertheless whenever it dies, however far away it may be at the time,\nthat same moment the man dies also.(898) The writer who mentions this\nbelief says nothing about the Batta totems; but on the analogy of the\nAustralian and Central American evidence we can scarcely avoid concluding\nthat the external soul, whose death entails the death of the man, must be\nhoused in the totem animal or plant.\n\nAgainst this view it can hardly be thought to militate that the Batta does\nnot in set terms affirm his external soul to be in his totem, but alleges\nother, though hardly contradictory, grounds for respecting the sacred\nanimal or plant of his clan. For if a savage seriously believes that his\nlife is bound up with an external object, it is in the last degree\nunlikely that he will let any stranger into the secret. In all that\ntouches his inmost life and beliefs the savage is exceedingly suspicious\nand reserved; Europeans have resided among savages for years without\ndiscovering some of their capital articles of faith, and in the end the\ndiscovery has often been the result of accident. Above all, the savage\nlives in an intense and perpetual dread of assassination by sorcery; the\nmost trifling relics of his person\u2014the clippings of his hair and nails,\nhis spittle, the remnants of his food, his very name\u2014all these may, he\nfancies, be turned by the sorcerer to his destruction, and he is therefore\nanxiously careful to conceal or destroy them. But if in matters such as\nthese, which are but the outposts and outworks of his life, he is shy and\nsecretive to a degree, how close must be the concealment, how impenetrable\nthe reserve in which he enshrouds the inner keep and citadel of his being!\nWhen the princess in the fairy tale asks the giant where he keeps his\nsoul, he generally gives false or evasive answers, and it is only after\nmuch coaxing and wheedling that the secret is at last wrung from him. In\nhis jealous reticence the giant resembles the timid and furtive savage;\nbut whereas the exigencies of the story demand that the giant should at\nlast reveal his secret, no such obligation is laid on the savage; and no\ninducement that can be offered is likely to tempt him to imperil his soul\nby revealing its hiding-place to a stranger. It is therefore no matter for\nsurprise that the central mystery of the savage\u2019s life should so long have\nremained a secret, and that we should be left to piece it together from\nscattered hints and fragments and from the recollections of it which\nlinger in fairy tales.\n\nThis view of totemism throws light on a class of religious rites of which\nno adequate explanation, so far as I am aware, has yet been offered.\nAmongst many savage tribes, especially such as are known to practise\ntotemism, it is customary for lads at puberty to undergo certain\ninitiatory rites, of which one of the commonest is a pretence of killing\nthe lad and bringing him to life again. Such rites become intelligible if\nwe suppose that their substance consists in extracting the youth\u2019s soul in\norder to transfer it to his totem. For the extraction of his soul would\nnaturally be supposed to kill the youth or, at least, to throw him into a\ndeath-like trance, which the savage hardly distinguishes from death. His\nrecovery would then be attributed either to the gradual recovery of his\nsystem from the violent shock which it had received, or, more probably, to\nthe infusion into him of fresh life drawn from the totem. Thus the essence\nof these initiatory rites, so far as they consist in a simulation of death\nand resurrection, would be an exchange of life or souls between the man\nand his totem. The primitive belief in the possibility of such an exchange\nof souls comes clearly out in the story of the Basque hunter who affirmed\nthat he had been killed by a bear, but that the bear had, after killing\nhim, breathed its own soul into him, so that the bear\u2019s body was now dead,\nbut he himself was a bear, being animated by the bear\u2019s soul.(899) This\nrevival of the dead hunter as a bear is exactly analogous to what, if I am\nright, is supposed to take place in the totemistic ceremony of killing a\nlad at puberty and bringing him to life again. The lad dies as a man and\ncomes to life again as an animal; the animal\u2019s soul is now in him, and his\nhuman soul is in the animal. With good right, therefore, does he call\nhimself a Bear or a Wolf, etc., according to his totem; and with good\nright does he treat the bears or the wolves, etc., as his brethren, since\nin these animals are lodged the souls of himself and his kindred.\n\nExamples of this supposed death and resurrection at initiation are the\nfollowing. Among some of the Australian tribes of New South Wales, when\nlads are initiated, it is thought that a being called Thuremlin takes each\nlad to a distance, kills him, and sometimes cuts him up, after which he\nrestores him to life and knocks out a tooth.(900) In one part of\nQueensland the humming sound of the Bullroarer, which is swung at the\ninitiatory rites, is said to be the noise made by the wizards in\nswallowing the boys and bringing them up again as young men. \u201cThe Ualaroi\nof the Upper Darling River say that the boy meets a ghost which kills him\nand brings him to life again as a man.\u201d(901) This resurrection appears to\nbe represented at the initiatory rites by the following ceremony. An old\nman, disguised with stringy bark fibre, lies down in a grave, and is\nlightly covered up with sticks and earth, and as far as possible the\nnatural appearance of the ground is restored, the excavated earth being\ncarried away. The buried man holds a small bush in his hand; it appears to\nbe growing in the soil, and other bushes are stuck in the soil to heighten\nthe effect. The novices are then brought to the edge of the grave, and a\nsong is sung, in which the only words used are the \u201cclass-name\u201d of the\nburied man and the word for stringy bark fibre. Gradually, as the song\ncontinues, the bush held by the buried man begins to quiver and then to\nmove more and more, and finally the man himself starts up from the\ngrave.(902) Similarly, Fijian lads at initiation were shown a row of\napparently dead men, covered with blood, their bodies seemingly cut open,\nand their entrails protruding. But at a yell from the priest the pretended\ndead men sprang to their feet and ran to the river to cleanse themselves\nfrom the blood and entrails of pigs with which they had been\nbesmeared.(903)\n\nIn the valley of the Congo initiatory rites of this sort are common. In\nsome places they are called Ndembo. \u201cIn the practice of Ndembo the\ninitiating doctors get some one to fall down in a pretended fit, and in\nthat state he is carried away to an enclosed place outside the town. This\nis called \u2018dying Ndembo.\u2019 Others follow suit, generally boys and girls,\nbut often young men and women.... They are supposed to have died. But the\nparents and friends supply food, and after a period varying, according to\ncustom, from three months to three years, it is arranged that the doctor\nshall bring them to life again.... When the doctor\u2019s fee has been paid,\nand money (goods) saved for a feast, the _Ndembo_ people are brought to\nlife. At first they pretend to know no one and nothing; they do not even\nknow how to masticate food, and friends have to perform that office for\nthem. They want everything nice that any one uninitiated may have, and\nbeat them if it is not granted, or even strangle and kill people. They do\nnot get into trouble for this, because it is thought that they do not know\nbetter. Sometimes they carry on the pretence of talking gibberish, and\nbehaving as if they had returned from the spirit-world. After this they\nare known by another name, peculiar to those who have \u2018died Ndembo.\u2019 ...\nWe hear of the custom far along on the upper river, as well as in the\ncataract region.\u201d(904) The following account of the rites, as practised in\nthis part of Africa, was given to Bastian by an interpreter. \u201cIn the land\nof Ambamba every one must die once, and when the fetish priest shakes his\ncalabash against a village, all the men and lads whose hour is come fall\ninto a state of lifeless torpidity, from which they generally awake after\nthree days. But if the fetish loves a man he carries him away into the\nbush and buries him in the fetish house, often for many years. When he\ncomes to life again, he begins to eat and drink as before, but his\nunderstanding is gone and the fetish man must teach him and direct him in\nevery motion, like the smallest child. At first this can only be done with\na stick, but gradually his senses return, so that it is possible to talk\nwith him, and when his education is complete, the priest brings him back\nto his parents. They would seldom recognise their son but for the express\nassurances of the fetish priest, who moreover recalls previous events to\ntheir memory. He who has not gone through the ceremony of the new birth in\nAmbamba is universally looked down upon and is not admitted to the\ndances.\u201d During the period of initiation the novice is sympathetically\nunited to the fetish by which his life is henceforward determined.(905)\nThe novice, plunged in the magic sleep or death-like trance within the\nsacred hut, \u201cbeholds a bird or other object with which his existence is\nthenceforward sympathetically bound up, just as the life of the young\nIndian is bound up with the animal which he sees in his dreams at\npuberty.\u201d(906)\n\nRites of this sort were formerly observed in Quoja, on the west coast of\nAfrica, to the north of the Congo. They are thus described by an old\nwriter:\u2014\u201cThey have another ceremony which they call Belli-Paaro, but it is\nnot for everybody. For it is an incorporation in the assembly of the\nspirits, and confers the right of entering their groves, that is to say,\nof going and eating the offerings which the simple folk bring thither. The\ninitiation or admission to the Belli-Paaro is celebrated every twenty or\ntwenty-five years. The initiated recount marvels of the ceremony, saying\nthat they are roasted, that they entirely change their habits and life,\nand that they receive a spirit quite different from that of other people\nand quite new lights. The badge of membership consists in some lines\ntraced on the neck between the shoulders; the lines seem to be pricked\nwith a needle. Those who have this mark pass for persons of spirit, and\nwhen they have attained a certain age they are allowed a voice in all\npublic assemblies; whereas the uninitiated are regarded as profane,\nimpure, and ignorant persons, who dare not express an opinion on any\nsubject of importance. When the time for the ceremony has come, it is\ncelebrated as follows: By order of the king a place is appointed in the\nforest, whither they bring the youths who have not been marked, not\nwithout much crying and weeping; for it is impressed upon the youths that\nin order to undergo this change it is necessary to suffer death. So they\ndispose of their property, as if it were all over with them. There are\nalways some of the initiated beside the novices to instruct them. They\nteach them to dance a certain dance called _killing_, and to sing verses\nin praise of Belli. Above all, they are very careful not to let them die\nof hunger, because if they did so, it is much to be feared that the\nspiritual resurrection would profit them nothing. This manner of life\nlasts five or six years, and is comfortable enough, for there is a village\nin the forest, and they amuse themselves with hunting and fishing. Other\nlads are brought thither from time to time, so that the last comers have\nnot long to stay. No woman or uninitiated person is suffered to pass\nwithin four or five leagues of the sacred wood. When their instruction is\ncompleted, they are taken from the wood and shut up in small huts made for\nthe purpose. Here they begin once more to hold communion with mankind and\nto talk with the women who bring them their food. It is amusing to see\ntheir affected simplicity. They pretend to know no one, and to be ignorant\nof all the customs of the country, such as the customs of washing\nthemselves, rubbing themselves with oil, etc. When they enter these huts,\ntheir bodies are all covered with the feathers of birds, and they wear\ncaps of bark which hang down before their faces. But after a time they are\ndressed in clothes and taken to a great open place, where all the people\nof the neighbourhood are assembled. Here the novices give the first proof\nof their capacity by dancing a dance which is called the dance of Belli.\nAfter the dance is over, the novices are taken to the houses of their\nparents by their instructors.\u201d(907)\n\nAmong the Indians of Virginia, an initiatory ceremony, called _Huskanaw_,\ntook place every sixteen or twenty years, or oftener, as the young men\nhappened to grow up. The youths were kept in solitary confinement in the\nwoods for several months, receiving no food but an infusion of some\nintoxicating roots, so that they went raving mad, and continued in this\nstate eighteen or twenty days. \u201cUpon this occasion it is pretended that\nthese poor creatures drink so much of the water of Lethe that they\nperfectly lose the remembrance of all former things, even of their\nparents, their treasure, and their language. When the doctors find that\nthey have drank sufficiently of the Wysoccan (so they call this mad\npotion), they gradually restore them to their senses again by lessening\nthe intoxication of their diet; but before they are perfectly well they\nbring them back into their towns, while they are still wild and crazy\nthrough the violence of the medicine. After this they are very fearful of\ndiscovering anything of their former remembrance; for if such a thing\nshould happen to any of them, they must immediately be _Huskanaw\u2019d_ again;\nand the second time the usage is so severe that seldom any one escapes\nwith life. Thus they must pretend to have forgot the very use of their\ntongues, so as not to be able to speak, nor understand anything that is\nspoken, till they learn it again. Now, whether this be real or\ncounterfeit, I don\u2019t know; but certain it is that they will not for some\ntime take notice of any body nor any thing with which they were before\nacquainted, being still under the guard of their keepers, who constantly\nwait upon them everywhere till they have learnt all things perfectly over\nagain. Thus they unlive their former lives, and commence men by forgetting\nthat they ever have been boys.\u201d(908)\n\nAmong some of the Indian tribes of North America there are certain\nreligious associations which are only open to candidates who have gone\nthrough a pretence of being killed and brought to life again. Captain\nCarver witnessed the admission of a candidate to an association called\n\u201cthe friendly society of the Spirit\u201d among the Naudowessies. The candidate\nknelt before the chief, who told him that \u201che himself was now agitated by\nthe same spirit which he should in a few moments communicate to him; that\nit would strike him dead, but that he would instantly be restored again to\nlife.... As he spoke this, he appeared to be greatly agitated, till at\nlast his emotions became so violent that his countenance was distorted and\nhis whole frame convulsed. At this juncture he threw something that\nappeared both in shape and colour like a small bean at the young man,\nwhich seemed to enter his mouth, and he instantly fell as motionless as if\nhe had been shot.\u201d For a time the man lay like dead, but under a shower of\nblows he showed signs of consciousness, and finally, discharging from his\nmouth the bean, or whatever it was the chief had thrown at him, he came to\nlife.(909) In other tribes the instrument by which the candidate is\napparently slain is the medicine-bag. The bag is made of the skin of an\nanimal (such as the otter, wild cat, serpent, bear, raccoon, wolf, owl,\nweasel), of which it roughly preserves the shape. Each member of the\nsociety has one of these bags, in which he keeps the odds and ends that\nmake up his \u201cmedicine\u201d or charms. \u201cThey believe that from the\nmiscellaneous contents in the belly of the skin bag or animal there issues\na spirit or breath, which has the power, not only to knock down and kill a\nman, but also to set him up and restore him to life.\u201d The mode of killing\na man with one of these medicine-bags is to thrust it at him; he falls\nlike dead, but a second thrust of the bag restores him to life.(910)\n\nA ceremony witnessed by Jewitt during his captivity among the Indians of\nNootka Sound doubtless belongs to this class of customs. The Indian king\nor chief \u201cdischarged a pistol close to his son\u2019s ear, who immediately fell\ndown as if killed, upon which all the women of the house set up a most\nlamentable cry, tearing handfuls of hair from their heads, and exclaiming\nthat the prince was dead; at the same time a great number of the\ninhabitants rushed into the house armed with their daggers, muskets, etc.,\ninquiring the cause of their outcry. These were immediately followed by\ntwo others dressed in wolf skins, with masks over their faces representing\nthe head of that animal. The latter came in on their hands and feet in the\nmanner of a beast, and taking up the prince, carried him off upon their\nbacks, retiring in the same manner as they entered.\u201d(911) In another place\nJewitt mentions that the young prince\u2014a lad of about eleven years of\nage\u2014wore a mask in imitation of a wolf\u2019s head.(912) Now, as the Indians of\nthis part of America are divided into totem clans, of which the Wolf clan\nis one of the principal, and as the members of each clan are in the habit\nof wearing some portion of the totem animal about their person,(913) it is\nprobable that the prince belonged to the Wolf clan, and that the ceremony\ndescribed by Jewitt represented the killing of the lad in order that he\nmight be born anew as a wolf, much in the same way that the Basque hunter\nsupposed himself to have been killed and to have come to life again as a\nbear. The Toukaway Indians of Texas, one of whose totems is the wolf, have\na ceremony in which men, dressed in wolf skins, run about on all fours,\nhowling and mimicking wolves. At last they scratch up a living tribesman,\nwho has been buried on purpose, and putting a bow and arrows in his hands,\nbid him do as the wolves do\u2014rob, kill, and murder.(914) The ceremony\nprobably forms part of an initiatory rite like the resurrection from the\ngrave of the old man in the Australian rites.\n\nThe people of Rook, an island east of New Guinea, hold festivals at which\none or two disguised men, their heads covered with wooden masks, go\ndancing through the village, followed by all the other men. They demand\nthat the circumcised boys who have not yet been swallowed by Marsaba (the\ndevil) shall be given up to them. The boys, trembling and shrieking, are\ndelivered to them, and must creep between the legs of the disguised men.\nThen the procession moves through the village again, and announces that\nMarsaba has eaten up the boys, and will not disgorge them till he receives\na present of pigs, taro, etc. So all the villagers, according to their\nmeans, contribute provisions, which are then consumed in the name of\nMarsaba.(915) In New Britain all males are members of an association\ncalled the Duk-duk. The boys are admitted to it very young, but are not\nfully initiated till their fourteenth year, when they receive from the\nTubuvan a terrible blow with a cane, which is supposed to kill them. The\nTubuvan and the Duk-duk are two disguised men who represent cassowaries.\nThey dance with a short hopping step in imitation of the cassowary. Each\nof them wears a huge hat like an extinguisher, woven of grass or\npalm-fibres; it is six feet high, and descends to the wearer\u2019s shoulders,\ncompletely concealing his head and face. From the neck to the knees the\nman\u2019s body is hidden by a crinoline made of the leaves of a certain tree\nfastened on hoops, one above the other. The Tubuvan is regarded as a\nfemale, the Duk-duk as a male. No woman may see these disguised men. The\ninstitution of the Duk-duk is common to the neighbouring islands of New\nIreland and the Duke of York.(916)\n\nAmongst the Galela and Tobelorese of Halmahera, an island to the west of\nNew Guinea, boys go through a form of initiation, part of which seems to\nconsist in a pretence of begetting them anew. When a number of boys have\nreached the proper age, their parents agree to celebrate the ceremony at\ntheir common expense, and they invite others to be present at it. A shed\nis erected, and two long tables are placed in it, with benches to match,\none for the men and one for the women. When all the preparations have been\nmade for a feast, a great many skins of the rayfish, and some pieces of a\nwood which imparts a red colour to water, are taken to the shed. A priest\nor elder causes a vessel to be placed in the sight of all the people, and\nthen begins, with significant gestures, to rub a piece of the wood with\nthe ray-skin. The powder so produced is put in the vessel, and at the same\ntime the name of one of the boys is called out. The same proceeding is\nrepeated for each boy. Then the vessels are filled with water, after which\nthe feast begins. At the third cock-crow the priest smears the faces and\nbodies of the boys with the red water, which represents the blood shed at\nthe perforation of the _hymen_. Towards daybreak the boys are taken to the\nwood, and must hide behind the largest trees. The men, armed with sword\nand shield, accompany them, dancing and singing. The priest knocks thrice\non each of the trees behind which a boy is hiding. All day the boys stay\nin the wood, exposing themselves to the heat of the sun as much as\npossible. In the evening they bathe and return to the shed, where the\nwomen supply them with food.(917)\n\nIn the west of Ceram boys at puberty are admitted to the Kakian\nassociation.(918) Modern writers have commonly regarded this association\nas primarily a political league instituted to resist foreign domination.\nIn reality its objects are purely religious and social, though it is\npossible that the priests may have occasionally used their powerful\ninfluence for political ends. The society is in fact merely one of those\nwidely-diffused primitive institutions, of which a chief object is the\ninitiation of young men. In recent years the true nature of the\nassociation has been duly recognised by the distinguished Dutch\nethnologist, J. G. F. Riedel. The Kakian house is an oblong wooden shed,\nsituated under the darkest trees in the depth of the forest, and is built\nto admit so little light that it is impossible to see what goes on in it.\nEvery village has such a house. Thither the boys who are to be initiated\nare conducted blindfolded, followed by their parents and relations. Each\nboy is led by the hand by two men, who act as his sponsors or guardians,\nlooking after him during the period of initiation. When all are assembled\nbefore the shed, the high priest calls aloud upon the devils. Immediately\na hideous uproar is heard to proceed from the shed. It is made by men with\nbamboo trumpets, who have been secretly introduced into the building by a\nback door, but the women and children think it is made by the devils, and\nare much terrified. Then the priests enter the shed, followed by the boys,\none at a time. As soon as each boy has disappeared within the precincts, a\ndull chopping sound is heard, a fearful cry rings out, and a sword or\nspear, dripping with blood, is thrust through the roof of the shed. This\nis a token that the boy\u2019s head has been cut off, and that the devil has\ncarried him away to the other world, there to regenerate and transform\nhim. So at sight of the bloody sword the mothers weep and wail, crying\nthat the devil has murdered their children. In some places, it would seem,\nthe boys are pushed through an opening made in the shape of a crocodile\u2019s\njaws or a cassowary\u2019s beak, and it is then said that the devil has\nswallowed them. The boys remain in the shed for five or nine days. Sitting\nin the dark, they hear the blast of the bamboo trumpets, and from time to\ntime the sound of musket shots and the clash of swords. Every day they\nbathe, and their faces and bodies are smeared with a yellow dye, to give\nthem the appearance of having been swallowed by the devil. During his stay\nin the Kakian house each boy has one or two crosses tattooed with thorns\non his breast or arm. When they are not sleeping, the lads must sit in a\ncrouching posture without moving a muscle. As they sit in a row\ncross-legged, with their hands stretched out, the chief takes his trumpet,\nand placing the mouth of it on the hands of each lad, speaks through it in\nstrange tones, imitating the voice of the spirits. He warns the lads,\nunder pain of death, to observe the rules of the Kakian society, and never\nto reveal what has passed in the Kakian house. The novices are also told\nby the priests to behave well to their blood relations, and are taught the\ntraditions and secrets of the tribe.\n\nMeantime the mothers and sisters of the lads have gone home to weep and\nmourn. But in a day or two the men who acted as guardians or sponsors to\nthe novices return to the village with the glad tidings that the devil, at\nthe intercession of the priests, has restored the lads to life. The men\nwho bring this news come in a fainting state and daubed with mud, like\nmessengers freshly arrived from the nether world. Before leaving the\nKakian house, each lad receives from the priest a stick adorned at both\nends with cock\u2019s or cassowary\u2019s feathers. The sticks are supposed to have\nbeen given to the lads by the devil at the time when he restored them to\nlife, and they serve as a token that the lads have been in the\nspirit-land. When they return to their homes they totter in their walk,\nand enter the house backward, as if they had forgotten how to walk\nproperly; or they enter the house by the back door. If a plate of food is\ngiven to them, they hold it upside down. They remain dumb, indicating\ntheir wants by signs only. All this is to show that they are still under\nthe influence of the devil or the spirits. Their sponsors have to teach\nthem all the common acts of life, as if they were new-born children.\nFurther, upon leaving the Kakian house the boys are strictly forbidden to\neat of certain fruits until the next celebration of the rites has taken\nplace. And for twenty or thirty days their hair may not be combed by their\nmothers or sisters. At the end of that time the high priest takes them to\na lonely place in the forest, and cuts off a lock of hair from the crown\nof each of their heads. After these initiatory rites the lads are deemed\nmen, and may marry; it would be a scandal if they married before.\n\nThe simulation of death and resurrection or of a new birth at initiation\nappears to have lingered on, or at least to have left traces of itself,\namong peoples who have advanced far beyond the stage of savagery. Thus,\nafter his investiture with the sacred thread\u2014the symbol of his order\u2014a\nBrahman is called \u201ctwice-born.\u201d Manu says, \u201cAccording to the injunction of\nthe revealed texts the first birth of an Aryan is from his natural mother,\nthe second happens on the tying of the girdle of Mu\u00f1ga grass, and the\nthird on the initiation to the performance of a Srauta sacrifice.\u201d(919) A\npretence of killing the candidate appears to have formed part of the\ninitiation to the Mithraic mysteries.(920)\n\nThus, if I am right, wherever totemism is found, and wherever a pretence\nis made of killing and bringing to life again at initiation, there must\nexist or have existed not only a belief in the possibility of permanently\ndepositing the soul in some external object\u2014animal, plant, or what not\u2014but\nan actual intention of so depositing it. If the question is put, why do\nmen desire to deposit their life outside their bodies? the answer can only\nbe that, like the giant in the fairy tale, they think it safer to do so\nthan to carry it about with them, just as people deposit their money with\na banker rather than carry it on their persons. We have seen that at\ncritical periods the life or soul is sometimes temporarily deposited in a\nsafe place till the danger is past. But institutions like totemism are not\nresorted to merely on special occasions of danger; they are systems into\nwhich every one, or at least every male, is obliged to be initiated at a\ncertain period of life. Now the period of life at which initiation takes\nplace is regularly puberty; and this fact suggests that the special danger\nwhich totemism and systems like it are intended to obviate is supposed not\nto arise till sexual maturity has been attained, in fact, that the danger\napprehended is believed to attend the relation of the sexes to each other.\nIt would be easy to prove by a long array of facts that the sexual\nrelation is associated in the primitive mind with many supernatural\nperils; but the exact nature of the danger apprehended is still obscure.\nWe may hope that a more exact acquaintance with savage modes of thought\nwill in time disclose this central mystery of primitive society, and will\nthereby furnish the clue, not only to the social aspect of totemism (the\nprohibition of sexual union between persons of the same totem), but to the\norigin of the marriage system.\n\n\n\n\n\u00a7 5.\u2014Conclusion.\n\n\nThus the view that Balder\u2019s life was in the mistletoe is entirely in\nharmony with primitive modes of thought. It may indeed sound like a\ncontradiction that, if his life was in the mistletoe, he should\nnevertheless have been killed by a blow from it. But when a person\u2019s life\nis conceived as embodied in a particular object, with the existence of\nwhich his own existence is inseparably bound up, and the destruction of\nwhich involves his own, the object in question may be regarded and spoken\nof indifferently as the person\u2019s life or as his death, as happens in the\nfairy tales. Hence if a man\u2019s death is in an object, it is perfectly\nnatural that he should be killed by a blow from it. In the fairy tales\nKoshchei the Deathless is killed by a blow from the egg or the stone in\nwhich his life or death is;(921) the ogres burst when a certain grain of\nsand\u2014doubtless containing their life or death\u2014is carried over their\nheads;(922) the magician dies when the stone in which his life or death is\ncontained is put under his pillow;(923) and the Tartar hero is warned that\nhe may be killed by the golden arrow or golden sword in which his soul has\nbeen stowed away.(924)\n\nThe idea that the life of the oak was in the mistletoe was probably\nsuggested, as I have said, by the observation that in winter the mistletoe\ngrowing on the oak remains green, while the oak itself is leafless. But\nthe position of the plant\u2014growing, not from the ground, but from the trunk\nor branches of the tree\u2014might confirm this idea. Primitive man might think\nthat, like himself, the oak-spirit had sought to deposit his life in some\nsafe place, and for this purpose had pitched on the mistletoe, which,\nbeing in a sense neither on earth nor in heaven, was as secure a place as\ncould be found. At the beginning of this chapter we saw that primitive man\nseeks to preserve the life of his human divinities by keeping them in a\nsort of intermediate position between earth and heaven, as the place where\nthey are least likely to be assailed by the dangers that encompass the\nlife of man on earth. We can therefore understand why in modern\nfolk-medicine the mistletoe is not allowed to touch the ground; if it\ntouches the ground, its healing virtue is supposed to be gone.(925) This\nmay be a survival of the old superstition that the plant in which the life\nof the sacred tree was concentrated should not be exposed to the risk\nincurred by contact with the ground. In an Indian legend, which offers a\nparallel to the Balder myth, Indra promised the demon Namuci not to kill\nhim by day or by night, nor with what was wet or what was dry. But he\nkilled him in the morning twilight by sprinkling over him the foam of the\nsea.(926) The foam of the sea is just such an object as a savage might\nchoose to put his life in, because it occupies that sort of intermediate\nor nondescript position between earth and sky or sea and sky in which\nprimitive man sees safety. It is therefore not surprising that the foam of\nthe river should be the totem of a clan in India.(927) Again, the view\nthat the mistletoe owes its mystic character partly to the fact of its not\ngrowing on the ground is confirmed by a parallel superstition about the\nmountain-ash or rowan-tree. In Jutland a rowan that is found growing out\nof the top of another tree is esteemed \u201cexceedingly effective against\nwitchcraft: since it does not grow on the ground witches have no power\nover it; if it is to have its full effect it must be cut on Ascension\nDay.\u201d(928) Hence it is placed over doors to prevent the ingress of\nwitches.(929) Similarly the mistletoe in Germany is still universally\nconsidered a protection against witchcraft, and in Sweden, as we saw, the\nmistletoe which is gathered on Midsummer Eve is attached to the ceiling of\nthe house, the horse stall, or the cow\u2019s crib, in the belief that this\nrenders the Troll powerless to injure man or beast.(930)\n\nThe view that the mistletoe was not merely the instrument of Balder\u2019s\ndeath, but that it contained his life, is countenanced by the analogy of a\nScottish superstition. Tradition ran that the fate of the family of Hay\nwas bound up with the mistletoe of a certain oak.\n\n\n \u201cWhile the mistletoe bats on Errol\u2019s oak,\n And that oak stands fast,\n The Hays shall flourish, and their good gray hawk\n Shall not flinch before the blast.\n\n \u201cBut when the root of the oak decays,\n And the mistletoe dwines on its withered breast,\n The grass shall grow on the Earl\u2019s hearthstone,\n And the corbies craw in the falcon\u2019s nest.\u201d\n\n\n\u201cA large oak with the mistletoe growing on it was long pointed out as the\ntree referred to. A piece of the mistletoe cut by a Hay was believed to\nhave magical virtues. \u2018The oak is gone and the estate is lost to the\nfamily,\u2019 as a local historian says.\u201d(931) The idea that the fate of a\nfamily, as distinct from the lives of its members, is bound up with a\nparticular plant or tree, is no doubt comparatively modern. The older view\nprobably was that the lives of all the Hays were in this particular\nmistletoe, just as in the Indian story the lives of all the ogres are in a\nlemon; to break a twig of the mistletoe would then have been to kill one\nof the Hays. Similarly in the island of Rum, whose bold mountains the\nvoyager from Oban to Skye observes to seaward, it was thought that if one\nof the family of Lachlin shot a deer on the mountain of Finchra, he would\ndie suddenly or contract a distemper which would soon prove fatal.(932)\nProbably the life of the Lachlins was bound up with the deer on Finchra,\nas the life of the Hays was bound up with the mistletoe on Errol\u2019s oak.\n\nIt is not a new opinion that the Golden Bough was the mistletoe.(933)\nTrue, Virgil does not identify but only compares it with the mistletoe.\nBut this may be only a poetical device to cast a mystic glamour over the\nhumble plant. Or, more probably, his description was based on a popular\nsuperstition that at certain times the mistletoe blazed out into a\nsupernatural golden glory. The poet tells how two doves, guiding Aeneas to\nthe gloomy vale in whose depth grew the Golden Bough, alighted upon a\ntree, \u201cwhence shone a flickering gleam of gold. As in the woods in winter\ncold the mistletoe\u2014a plant not native to its tree\u2014is green with fresh\nleaves and twines its yellow berries about the boles; such seemed upon the\nshady oak the leafy gold, so rustled in the gentle breeze the golden\nleaf.\u201d(934) Here Virgil definitely describes the Golden Bough as growing\non an oak, and compares it with the mistletoe. The inference is almost\ninevitable that the Golden Bough was nothing but the mistletoe seen\nthrough the haze of poetry or of popular superstition.\n\nNow grounds have been shown for believing that the priest of the Arician\ngrove\u2014the King of the Wood\u2014personified the tree on which grew the Golden\nBough.(935) Hence, if that tree was the oak, the King of the Wood must\nhave been a personification of the oak-spirit. It is, therefore, easy to\nunderstand why, before he could be slain, it was necessary to break the\nGolden Bough. As an oak-spirit, his life or death was in the mistletoe on\nthe oak, and so long as the mistletoe remained intact, he, like Balder,\ncould not die. To slay him, therefore, it was necessary to break the\nmistletoe, and probably, as in the case of Balder, to throw it at him. And\nto complete the parallel, it is only necessary to suppose that the King of\nthe Wood was formerly burned, dead or alive, at the midsummer fire\nfestival which, as we have seen, was annually celebrated in the Arician\ngrove.(936) The perpetual fire which burned in the grove, like the\nperpetual fire under the oak at Romove, was probably fed with the sacred\noak-wood; and thus it would be in a great fire of oak that the King of the\nWood formerly met his end. At a later time, as I have suggested, his\nannual tenure of office was lengthened or shortened, as the case might be,\nby the rule which allowed him to live so long as he could prove his divine\nright by the strong hand. But he only escaped the fire to fall by the\nsword.\n\nThus it seems that at a remote age in the heart of Italy, beside the sweet\nlake of Nemi, the same fiery tragedy was annually enacted which Italian\nmerchants and soldiers were afterwards to witness among their rude\nkindred, the Celts of Gaul, and which, if the Roman eagles had ever\nswooped on Norway, might have been found repeated with little difference\namong the barbarous Aryans of the North. The rite was probably an\nessential feature in the primitive Aryan worship of the oak.(937)\n\nIt only remains to ask, Why was the mistletoe called the Golden Bough? The\nname was not simply a poet\u2019s fancy, nor even peculiarly Italian; for in\nWelsh also the mistletoe is known as \u201cthe tree of pure gold.\u201d(938) The\nwhitish-yellow of the mistletoe berries is hardly enough to account for\nthe name. For Virgil says that the Bough was altogether golden, stem as\nwell as leaves,(939) and the same is implied in the Welsh name, \u201cthe tree\nof pure gold.\u201d A clue to the real meaning of the name is furnished by the\nmythical fern-seed or fern-bloom.\n\nWe saw that fern-seed is popularly supposed to bloom like gold or fire on\nMidsummer Eve. Thus in Bohemia it is said that \u201con St. John\u2019s Day\nfern-seed blooms with golden blossoms that gleam like fire.\u201d(940) Now it\nis a property of this mythical fern-seed that whoever has it, or will\nascend a mountain holding it in his hand on Midsummer Eve, will discover a\nvein of gold or will see the treasures of the earth shining with a bluish\nflame.(941) And if you place fern-seed among money, the money will never\ndecrease, however much of it you spend.(942) Sometimes the fern-seed is\nsupposed to bloom at Christmas, and whoever catches it will become very\nrich.(943) Thus, on the principle of like by like, fern-seed is supposed\nto discover gold because it is itself golden; and for a similar reason it\nenriches its possessor with an unfailing supply of gold. But while the\nfern-seed is described as golden, it is equally described as glowing and\nfiery.(944) Hence, when we consider that two great days for gathering the\nfabulous seed are Midsummer Eve and Christmas\u2014that is, the two solstices\n(for Christmas is nothing but an old heathen celebration of the winter\nsolstice)\u2014we are led to regard the fiery aspect of the fern-seed as\nprimary, and its golden aspect as secondary and derivative. Fern-seed, in\nfact, would seem to be an emanation of the sun\u2019s fire at the two\nturning-points of its course, the summer and winter solstices. This view\nis confirmed by a German story in which a hunter is said to have procured\nfern-seed by shooting at the sun on Midsummer Day at noon; three drops of\nblood fell down, which he caught in a white cloth, and these blood-drops\nwere the fern-seed.(945) Here the blood is clearly the blood of the sun,\nfrom which the fern-seed is thus directly derived. Thus it may be taken as\ncertain that fern-seed is golden, because it is believed to be an\nemanation of the sun\u2019s golden fire.\n\nNow, like fern-seed, the mistletoe is gathered either at Midsummer or\nChristmas(946)\u2014that is, at the summer and winter solstices\u2014and, like\nfern-seed, it is supposed to possess the power of revealing treasures in\nthe earth. On Midsummer Eve people in Sweden make divining-rods of\nmistletoe or of four different kinds of wood, one of which must be\nmistletoe. The treasure-seeker places the rod on the ground after sundown,\nand when it rests directly over treasure, the rod begins to move as if it\nwere alive.(947) Now, if the mistletoe discovers gold, it must be in its\ncharacter of the Golden Bough; and if it is gathered at the solstices,\nmust not the Golden Bough, like the golden fern-seed, be an emanation of\nthe sun\u2019s fire? The question cannot be answered with a simple affirmative.\nWe have seen that the primitive Aryans probably kindled the midsummer\nbonfires as sun-charms, that is, with the intention of supplying the sun\nwith fresh fire. But as this fire was always elicited by the friction of\noak wood,(948) it must have appeared to the primitive Aryan that the sun\nwas periodically recruited from the fire which resided in the sacred oak.\nIn other words, the oak must have seemed to him the original storehouse or\nreservoir of the fire which was from time to time drawn out to feed the\nsun. But the life of the oak was conceived to be in the mistletoe;\ntherefore the mistletoe must have contained the seed or germ of the fire\nwhich was elicited by friction from the wood of the oak. Thus, instead of\nsaying that the mistletoe was an emanation of the sun\u2019s fire, it would be\nmore correct to say that the sun\u2019s fire was regarded as an emanation of\nthe mistletoe. No wonder, then, that the mistletoe shone with a golden\nsplendour, and was called the Golden Bough. Probably, however, like\nfern-seed, it was thought to assume its golden aspect only at those stated\ntimes, especially midsummer, when fire was drawn from the oak to light up\nthe sun.(949) At Pulverbatch, in Shropshire, it was believed within living\nmemory that the oak-tree blooms on Midsummer Eve and the blossom withers\nbefore daylight.(950) This fleeting bloom of the oak, if I am right, could\noriginally have been nothing but the mistletoe in its character of the\nGolden Bough. As Shropshire borders on Wales, the superstition may be\nWelsh in its immediate origin, though probably the belief is a fragment of\nthe primitive Aryan creed. In some parts of Italy, as we saw,(951)\npeasants still go out on Midsummer morning to search the oak-trees for the\n\u201coil of St. John,\u201d which, like the mistletoe, heals all wounds, and is\ndoubtless the mistletoe itself in its glorified aspect. Thus it is easy to\nunderstand how a title like the Golden Bough or the \u201ctree of pure gold,\u201d\nso little descriptive of the real appearance of the plant, should have\nheld its ground as a name for the mistletoe in Italy and Wales, and\nprobably in other parts of the Aryan world.(952)\n\nNow, too, we can fully understand why Virbius came to be confounded with\nthe sun. If Virbius was, as I have tried to show, a tree-spirit, he must\nhave been the spirit of the oak on which grew the Golden Bough; for\ntradition represented him as the first of the Kings of the Wood. As an\noak-spirit he must have been supposed periodically to rekindle the sun\u2019s\nfire, and might therefore easily be confounded with the sun itself.\nSimilarly we can explain why Balder, an oak-spirit, was described as \u201cso\nfair of face and so shining that a light went forth from him,\u201d(953) and\nwhy he should have been so often taken to be the sun. And in general we\nmay say that in primitive society, when the only known way of making fire\nis by the friction of wood, the savage must necessarily conceive fire as a\nproperty stored away, like sap or juice, in trees, from which he has\nlaboriously to extract it. Thus all trees, or at least the particular\nsorts of trees whose wood he employs in fire-making, must be regarded by\nhim as reservoirs of hidden fire, and it is natural that he should\ndescribe them by epithets like golden, shining, or bright. May not this\nhave been the origin of the name, \u201cthe Bright or Shining One\u201d (Zeus, Jove)\nby which the ancient Greeks and Italians designated their supreme\ngod?(954) It is at least highly significant that, amongst both Greeks and\nItalians, the oak should have been the tree of the supreme god, that at\nhis most ancient shrines, both in Greece and Italy, this supreme god\nshould have been actually represented by an oak, and that so soon as the\nbarbarous Aryans of Northern Europe appear in the light of history, they\nshould be found, amid all diversities of language, of character, and of\ncountry, nevertheless at one in worshipping the oak as the chief object of\ntheir religious reverence, and extracting their sacred fire from its wood.\nIf we are to judge of the primitive religion of the European Aryans by\ncomparing the religions of the different branches of the stock, the\nhighest place in their pantheon must certainly be assigned to the oak. The\nresult, then, of our inquiry is to make it probable that, down to the time\nof the Roman Empire and the beginning of our era, the primitive worship of\nthe Aryans was maintained nearly in its original form in the sacred grove\nat Nemi, as in the oak woods of Gaul, of Prussia, and of Scandinavia; and\nthat the King of the Wood lived and died as an incarnation of the supreme\nAryan god, whose life was in the mistletoe or Golden Bough.\n\n \u2010\u2010\u2010\u2010\u2010\u2010\u2010\u2010\u2010\u2010\u2010\u2010\u2010\u2010\u2010\u2010\u2010\u2010\u2010\u2010\u2010\u2010\u2010\u2010\u2010\u2010\u2010\u2010\u2010\u2010\u2010\u2010\u2010\u2010\u2010\u2010\u2010\n\nIf, in bidding farewell to Nemi, we look around us for the last time, we\nshall find the lake and its surroundings not much changed from what they\nwere in the days when Diana and Virbius still received the homage of their\nworshippers in the sacred grove. The temple of Diana, indeed, has\ndisappeared, and the King of the Wood no longer stands sentinel over the\nGolden Bough. But Nemi\u2019s woods are still green, and at evening you may\nhear the church bells of Albano, and perhaps, if the air be still, of Rome\nitself, ringing the Angelus. Sweet and solemn they chime out from the\ndistant city, and die lingeringly away across the wide Campagnan marshes.\n_Le roi est mort, vive le roi!_\n\n\n\n\n\nNOTE. OFFERINGS OF FIRST-FRUITS.\n\n\nWe have seen (vol. ii. p. 68 _sqq._) that primitive peoples often partake\nof the new corn sacramentally, because they suppose it to be instinct with\na divine spirit or life. At a later age, when the fruits of the earth are\nconceived as produced rather than as animated by a divinity, the new\nfruits are no longer partaken of sacramentally as the body and blood of a\ngod; but a portion of them is presented as a thank-offering to the divine\nbeings who are believed to have produced them. Sometimes the first-fruits\nare presented to the king, probably in his character of a god. Till the\nfirst-fruits have been offered to the deity or the king, people are not at\nliberty to eat of the new crops. But, as it is not always possible to draw\na sharp line between the sacrament and the sacrifice of first-fruits, it\nmay be well to round off this part of the subject by appending some\nmiscellaneous examples of the latter.\n\nAmong the Basutos, when the corn has been threshed and winnowed, it is\nleft in a heap on the threshing-floor. Before it can be touched a\nreligious ceremony must be performed. The persons to whom the corn belongs\nbring a new vessel to the spot, in which they boil some of the grain. When\nit is boiled they throw a few handfuls of it on the heap of corn, saying,\n\u201cThank you, gods; give us bread to-morrow also!\u201d When this is done the\nrest is eaten, and the provision for the year is considered pure and fit\nto eat.(955) Here the sacrifice of the first-fruits to the gods is the\nprominent idea, which comes out again in the custom of leaving in the\nthreshing-floor a little hollow filled with grain, as a thank-offering to\nthe gods.(956) Still the Basutos retain a lively sense of the sanctity of\nthe corn in itself; for, so long as it is exposed to view, all defiled\npersons are carefully kept from it. If it is necessary to employ a defiled\nperson in carrying home the harvest, he remains at some distance while the\nsacks are being filled, and only approaches to place them upon the draught\noxen. As soon as the load is deposited at the dwelling he retires, and\nunder no pretext may he help to pour the corn into the baskets in which it\nis kept.(957)\n\nIn Ashantee a harvest festival is held in September when the yams are\nripe. During the festival the king eats the new yams, but none of the\npeople may eat them till the close of the festival, which lasts a\nfortnight. During its continuance the grossest liberty prevails; theft,\nintrigue, and assault go unpunished, and each sex abandons itself to its\npassions.(958) The Hovas of Madagascar present the first sheaves of the\nnew grain to the sovereign. The sheaves are carried in procession to the\npalace from time to time as the grain ripens.(959) So in Burma, when the\n_pangati_ fruits ripen, some of them used to be taken to the king\u2019s palace\nthat he might eat of them; no one might partake of them before the\nking.(960)\n\nEvery year, when they gather their first crops, the Kochs of Assam offer\nsome of the first-fruits to their ancestors, calling to them by name and\nclapping their hands.(961) In August, when the rice ripens, the Hos offer\nthe first-fruits of the harvest to Sing Bonga, who dwells in the sun.\nAlong with the new rice a white cock is sacrificed; and till the sacrifice\nhas been offered no one may eat the new rice.(962) Among the hill tribes\nnear Rajamahall, in India, when the _kosarane_ grain is being reaped in\nNovember or early in December, a festival is held as a thanksgiving before\nthe new grain is eaten. On a day appointed by the chief a goat is\nsacrificed by two men to a god called Chitariah Gossaih, after which the\nchief himself sacrifices a fowl. Then the vassals repair to their fields,\noffer thanksgiving, make an oblation to Kull Gossaih (who is described as\nthe Ceres of these mountaineers), and then return to their houses to eat\nof the new _kosarane_. As soon as the inhabitants have assembled at the\nchief\u2019s house\u2014the men sitting on one side and the women on the other\u2014a\nhog, a measure of _kosarane_, and a pot of spirits are presented to the\nchief, who in return blesses his vassals, and exhorts them to industry and\ngood behaviour; \u201cafter which, making a libation in the names of all their\ngods, and of their dead, he drinks, and also throws a little of the\n_kosarane_ away, repeating the same pious exclamations.\u201d Drinking and\nfestivity then begin, and are kept up for several days. The same tribes\nhave another festival at reaping the Indian corn in August or September.\nEvery man repairs to his fields with a hog, a goat, or a fowl, which he\nsacrifices to Kull Gossaih. Then, having feasted, he returns home, where\nanother repast is prepared. On this day it is customary for every family\nin the village to distribute to every house a little of what they have\nprepared for their feast. Should any person eat of the new _kosarane_ or\nthe new Indian corn before the festival and public thanksgiving at the\nreaping of these crops, the chief fines him a white cock, which is\nsacrificed to Chitariah.(963) In the Central Provinces of India the first\ngrain of the season is always offered to the god Bh\u00edmsen or Bh\u00edm Deo.(964)\nIn the Punjaub, when sugar-cane is planted, a woman puts on a necklace and\nwalks round the field, winding thread on to a spindle;(965) and when the\nsugar-cane is cut the first-fruits are offered on an altar, which is built\nclose to the press and is sacred to the sugar-cane god. Afterwards the\nfirst-fruits are given to Brahmans. Also, when the women begin to pick the\ncotton, they go round the field eating rice-milk, the first mouthful of\nwhich they spit upon the field toward the west; and the first cotton\npicked is exchanged at the village shop for its weight in salt, which is\nprayed over and kept in the house till the picking is finished.(966)\n\nIn the island of Tjumba, East Indies, a festival is held after harvest.\nVessels filled with rice are presented as a thank-offering to the gods.\nThen the sacred stone at the foot of a palm-tree is sprinkled with the\nblood of a sacrificed animal; and rice, with some of the flesh, is laid on\nthe stone for the gods. The palm-tree is hung with lances and\nshields.(967) The Dyaks of Borneo hold a feast of first-fruits when the\npaddy (unhusked rice) is ripe. The priestesses, accompanied by a gong and\ndrum, go in procession to the farms and gather several bunches of the ripe\npaddy. These are brought back to the village, washed in cocoa-nut water,\nand laid round a bamboo altar, which at the harvest festivals is erected\nin the common room of the largest house. The altar is gaily decorated with\nwhite and red streamers, and is hung with the sweet-smelling blossom of\nthe areca palm. The feast lasts two days, during which the village is\ntabooed; no one may leave it. Only fowls are killed, and dancing and\ngong-beating go on day and night. When the festival is over the people are\nfree to get in their crops.(968)\n\nThe pounding of the new paddy is the occasion of a harvest festival which\nis celebrated all over Celebes. The religious ceremonies which accompany\nthe feast were witnessed by Dr. B. F. Matthes in July 1857. Two mats were\nspread on the ground, each with a pillow on it. On one of the pillows were\nplaced a man\u2019s clothes and a sword, on the other a woman\u2019s clothes. These\nwere seemingly intended to represent the deceased ancestors. Rice and\nwater were placed before the two dummy figures, and they were sprinkled\nwith the new paddy. Also dishes of rice were set down for the rest of the\nfamily and the slaves of the deceased. This was the end of the\nceremony.(969) The Minahassa of Celebes have a festival of \u201ceating the new\nrice.\u201d Fowls or pigs are killed; some of the flesh, with rice and\npalm-wine, is set apart for the gods, and then the eating and drinking\nbegin.(970) The people of Kobi and Sariputi, two villages on the\nnorth-east coast of Ceram, offer the first-fruits of the paddy, in the\nform of cooked rice, with tobacco, etc., to their ancestors, as a token of\ngratitude. The ceremony is called \u201cfeeding the dead.\u201d(971) In the Tenimber\nand Timorlaut Islands, East Indies, the first-fruits of the paddy, along\nwith live fowls and pigs, are offered to the _matmate_. The _matmate_ are\nthe spirits of their ancestors, which are worshipped as guardian-spirits\nor household gods. They are supposed to enter the house through an opening\nin the roof, and to take up their abode temporarily in their skulls, or in\nimages of wood or ivory, in order to partake of the offerings and to help\nthe family. They also take the form of birds, pigs, crocodiles, turtles,\nsharks, etc.(972) In Amboina, after the rice or other harvest has been\ngathered in, some of the new fruits are offered to the gods, and till this\nis done, the priests may not eat of them. A portion of the new rice, or\nwhatever it may be, is boiled, and milk of the cocoa-nut is poured on it,\nmixed with Indian saffron. It is then taken to the place of sacrifice and\noffered to the god. Some people also pour out oil before the deity; and if\nany of the oil is left over, they take it home as a holy and priceless\ntreasure, wherewith they smear the forehead and breast of sick people and\nwhole people, in the firm conviction that the oil confers all kinds of\nblessings.(973) The Irayas and Catalangans of Luzon, tribes of the Malay\nstock, but of mixed blood, worship chiefly the souls of their ancestors\nunder the name of _anitos_, to whom they offer the first-fruits of the\nharvest. The _anitos_ are household deities; some of them reside in pots\nin the corners of the houses; and miniature houses, standing near the\ndwelling-house, are especially sacred to them.(974)\n\nIn certain tribes of Fiji \u201cthe first-fruits of the yam harvest are\npresented to the ancestors in the Nanga [sacred stone enclosure] with\ngreat ceremony, before the bulk of the crop is dug for the people\u2019s use,\nand no man may taste of the new yams until the presentation has been made.\nThe yams thus offered are piled in the Great Nanga, and are allowed to rot\nthere. If any one were impiously bold enough to appropriate them to his\nown use, he would be smitten with madness. The mission teacher before\nmentioned told me that when he visited the Nanga he saw among the weeds\nwith which it was overgrown numerous yam vines which had sprung up out of\nthe piles of decayed offerings. Great feasts are made at the presentations\nof the first-fruits, which are times of public rejoicing, and the Nanga\nitself is frequently spoken of as the _Mbaki_, or Harvest.\u201d(975) In other\nparts of Fiji the practice with regard to the first-fruits seems to have\nbeen different, for we are told by another observer that \u201cthe first-fruits\nof the yams, which are always presented at the principal temple of the\ndistrict, become the property of the priests, and form their revenue,\nalthough the pretence of their being required for the use of the god is\ngenerally kept up.\u201d(976) In Tana, one of the New Hebrides, the general\nname for gods appeared to be _aremha_, which meant \u201ca dead man.\u201d The\nspirits of departed ancestors were among the gods of the people. Chiefs\nwho reached an advanced age were deified after their death, addressed by\nname, and prayed to on various occasions. They were supposed to preside\nespecially over the growth of the yams and fruit-trees. The first-fruits\nwere presented to them. A little of the new fruit was laid on a stone, or\non a shelving branch of the tree, or on a rude temporary altar, made of a\nfew sticks lashed together with strips of bark, in the form of a table,\nwith its four feet stuck in the ground. All being quiet, the chief acted\nas high priest, and prayed aloud as follows: \u201cCompassionate father! here\nis some food for you; eat it; be kind to us on account of it.\u201d Then all\nthe people shouted. This took place about noon, and afterwards the\nassembled people feasted and danced till midnight or morning.(977)\n\nIn some of the Kingsmill Islands the god most commonly worshipped was\ncalled Tubu\u00e9riki. He was represented by a flat coral stone, of irregular\nshape, about three feet long by eighteen inches wide, set up on one end in\nthe open air. Leaves of the cocoa-nut palm were tied about it,\nconsiderably increasing its size and height. The leaves were changed every\nmonth, that they might be always fresh. The worship paid to the god\nconsisted in repeating prayers before the stone, and laying beside it a\nportion of the food prepared by the people for their own use. This they\ndid at their daily meals, at festivals, and whenever they specially wished\nto propitiate the favour of the god. The first-fruits of the season were\nalways offered to him. Every family of distinction had one of these stones\nwhich was considered rather in the light of a family altar than as an\nidol.(978)\n\nThe following is a description of the festival of first-fruits as it was\ncelebrated in Tonga in the days when a European flag rarely floated among\nthe islands of the Pacific. \u201c_Inachi._ This word means literally a share\nor portion of any thing that is to be, or has been, distributed out: but\nin the sense here mentioned it means that portion of the fruits of the\nearth, and other eatables, which is offered to the gods in the person of\nthe divine chief Tooitonga, which allotment is made once a year, just\nbefore the yams in general are arrived at a state of maturity; those which\nare used in this ceremony being planted sooner than others, and,\nconsequently, they are the first-fruits of the yam season. The object of\nthis offering is to insure the protection of the gods, that their favour\nmay be extended to the welfare of the nation generally, and in particular\nto the productions of the earth, of which yams are the most important.\n\n\u201cThe time for planting most kinds of yams is about the latter end of July,\nbut the species called _caho-caho_, which is always used in this ceremony,\nis put in the ground about a month before, when, on each plantation, there\nis a small piece of land chosen and fenced in, for the purpose of growing\na couple of yams of the above description. As soon as they have arrived at\na state of maturity, the _How_ [King] sends a messenger to Tooitonga,\nstating that the yams for the _inachi_ are fit to be taken up, and\nrequesting that he would appoint a day for the ceremony; he generally\nfixes on the tenth day afterwards, reckoning the following day for the\nfirst. There are no particular preparations made till the day before the\nceremony; at night, however, the sound of the conch is heard occasionally\nin different parts of the islands, and as the day of the ceremony\napproaches, it becomes more frequent, so that the people of almost every\nplantation sound the conch three or four times, which, breaking in upon\nthe silence of the night, has a pleasing effect, particularly at Vavaoo,\nwhere the number of woods and hills send back repeated echoes, adding\ngreatly to the effect. The day before the ceremony the yams are dug up,\nand ornamented with a kind of ribbon prepared from the inner membrane of\nthe leaf of a species of pandanus, and dyed red....\n\n\u201cThe sun has scarcely set when the sound of the conch begins again to echo\nthrough the island, increasing as the night advances. At the Mooa\n[capital] and all the plantations the voices of men and women are heard\nsinging _N\u00f3fo \u00f3oa tegger gnao\u00f3e, \u00f3ooa gnao\u00f3e_, Rest thou, doing no work;\nthou shalt not work. This increases till midnight, men generally singing\nthe first part of the sentence, and the women the last: it then subsides\nfor three or four hours, and again increases as the sun rises. Nobody,\nhowever, is seen stirring out in the public roads till about eight\no\u2019clock, when the people from all quarters of the island are seen\nadvancing towards the Mooa, and canoes from all the other islands are\nlanding their men; so that all the inhabitants of Tonga seem approaching\nby sea and land, singing and sounding the conch. At the Mooa itself the\nuniversal bustle of preparation is seen and heard; and the different\nprocessions entering from various quarters of men and women, all dressed\nup in new _gnatoos_, ornamented with red ribbons and wreaths of flowers,\nand the men armed with spears and clubs, betoken the importance of the\nceremony about to be performed. Each party brings in its yams in a basket,\nwhich is carried in the arms with great care by the principal vassal of\nthe chief to whom the plantation may belong. The baskets are deposited in\nthe _mal\u00e1i_(979) (in the _Mooa_), and some of them begin to employ\nthemselves in slinging the yams, each upon the centre of a pole about\neight or nine feet long, and four inches diameter. The proceedings are\nregulated by attending matabooles.(980) The yams being all slung, each\npole is carried by two men upon their shoulders, one walking before the\nother, and the yam hanging between them, ornamented with red ribbons. The\nprocession begins to move towards the grave of the last Tooitonga (which\nis generally in the neighbourhood, or the grave of one of his family will\ndo), the men advancing in a single line, every two bearing a yam, with a\nslow and measured pace, sinking at every step, as if their burden were of\nimmense weight. In the meantime the chiefs and matabooles are seated in a\nsemicircle before the grave, with their heads bowed down, and their hands\nclasped before them.\u201d The procession then marched round the grave twice or\nthrice in a great circle, the conchs blowing and the men singing. Next the\nyams, still suspended from the poles, were deposited before the grave, and\ntheir bearers sat down beside them. One of the _matabooles_ of Tooitonga\nnow addressed the gods generally, and afterwards particularly, mentioning\nthe late Tooitonga, and the names of several others. He thanked them for\ntheir divine bounty in favouring the land with the prospect of so good a\nharvest, and prayed that their beneficence might be continued in future.\nWhen he had finished, the men rose and resumed their loads, and after\nparading two or three times round the grave, marched back to the _mal\u00e1i_,\nsinging and blowing the conchs as before. The chiefs and _matabooles_ soon\nfollowed to the same place, where the yams had been again deposited. Here\nthe company sat down in a great circle, presided over by Tooitonga. Then\nthe other articles that formed part of the _Inachi_ were brought forward,\nconsisting of dried fish, mats, etc., which, with the yams, were divided\ninto shares. About a fourth was allotted to the gods, and appropriated by\nthe priests; about a half fell to the king; and the remainder belonged to\nTooitonga. The materials of the _Inachi_ having been carried away, the\ncompany set themselves to drink _cava_, and a _mataboole_ addressed them,\nsaying that the gods would protect them, and grant them long lives, if\nthey continued to observe the religious ceremonies and to pay respect to\nthe chiefs.(981)\n\nThe Samoans used to present the first-fruits to the spirits (_aitus_) and\nchiefs.(982) For example, a family whose god was in the form of an eel\npresented the first-fruits of their taro plantations to the eel.(983) In\nTahiti \u201cthe first fish taken periodically on their shores, together with a\nnumber of kinds regarded as sacred, were conveyed to the altar. The\nfirst-fruits of their orchards and gardens were also _taumaha_, or\noffered, with a portion of their live stock, which consisted of pigs,\ndogs, and fowls, as it was supposed death would be inflicted on the owner\nor the occupant of the land from which the god should not receive such\nacknowledgment.\u201d(984) In Huahine, one of the Society Islands, the\nfirst-fruits were presented to the god Tani. A poor person was expected to\nbring two of the earliest fruits gathered, of whatever kind; a _raatira_\nhad to bring ten, and chiefs and princes had to bring more, according to\ntheir rank and riches. They brought the fruits to the temple, where they\nthrew them down on the ground, with the words, \u201cHere, Tani, I have brought\nyou something to eat.\u201d(985) The chief gods of the Easter Islanders were\nMake-Make and Haua. To these they offered the first of all the produce of\nthe ground.(986) Amongst the Maoris the offering of the first-fruits of\nthe sweet potatoes to Pani, son of Rongo, the god of sweet potatoes, was a\nsolemn religious ceremony.(987)\n\nIt has been affirmed that the old Prussians offered the first-fruits of\ntheir crops and of their fishing to the god Curcho, but doubt rests on the\nstatement.(988) The Romans sacrificed the first ears of corn to Ceres, and\nthe first of the new wine to Liber; and until the priests had offered\nthese sacrifices, the people might not eat the new corn nor drink the new\nwine.(989)\n\nThe chief solemnity of the Natchez, an Indian tribe on the Lower\nMississippi, was the Harvest Festival or the Festival of New Fire. When\nthe time for the festival drew near, a crier went through the villages\ncalling upon the people to prepare new vessels and new garments, to wash\ntheir houses, and to burn the old grain, the old garments, and the old\nutensils in a common fire. He also proclaimed an amnesty to criminals.\nNext day he appeared again, commanding the people to fast for three days,\nto abstain from all pleasures, and to make use of the medicine of\npurification. Thereupon all the people took some drops extracted from a\nroot which they called the \u201croot of blood.\u201d It was a kind of plantain and\ndistilled a red liquor which acted as a violent emetic. During their three\ndays\u2019 fast the people kept silence. At the end of it the crier proclaimed\nthat the festival would begin on the following day. So next morning, as\nsoon as it began to grow light in the sky, the people streamed from all\nquarters towards the temple of the Sun. The temple was a large building\nwith two doors, one opening to the east, the other to the west. On this\nmorning the eastern door of the temple stood open. Facing the eastern door\nwas an altar, placed so as to catch the first beams of the rising sun. An\nimage of a _chouchouacha_ (a small marsupial) stood upon the altar; on its\nright was an image of a rattlesnake, on its left an image of a marmoset.\nBefore these images a fire of oak bark burned perpetually. Once a year\nonly, on the eve of the Harvest Festival, was the sacred flame suffered to\ndie out. To the right of the altar, on \u201cthis pious morn,\u201d stood the great\nchief, who took his title and traced his descent from the Sun. To the left\nof the altar stood his wife. Round them were grouped, according to their\nranks, the war chiefs, the sachems, the heralds, and the young braves. In\nfront of the altar were piled bundles of dry reeds, stacked in concentric\nrings.\n\nThe high priest, standing on the threshold of the temple, kept his eyes\nfixed on the eastern horizon. Before presiding at the festival he had to\nplunge thrice into the Mississippi. In his hands he held two pieces of dry\nwood which he kept rubbing slowly against each other, muttering magic\nwords. At his side two acolytes held two cups filled with a kind of black\nsherbet. All the women, their backs turned to the east, each leaning with\none hand on her rude mattock and supporting her infant with the other,\nstood in a great semicircle at the gate of the temple. Profound silence\nreigned throughout the multitude while the priest watched attentively the\ngrowing light in the east. As soon as the diffused light of dawn began to\nbe shot with beams of fire, he quickened the motion of the two pieces of\nwood which he held in his hands; and at the moment when the upper edge of\nthe sun\u2019s disc appeared above the horizon, fire flashed from the wood and\nwas caught in tinder. At the same instant the women outside the temple\nfaced round and held up their infants and their mattocks to the rising\nsun.\n\nThe great chief and his wife now drank the black liquor. The priests\nkindled the circle of dried reeds; fire was set to the heap of oak bark on\nthe altar, and from this sacred flame all the hearths of the village were\nrekindled. No sooner were the circles of reeds consumed than the chief\u2019s\nwife came forth from the temple and placing herself at the head of the\nwomen marched in procession to the harvest fields, whither the men were\nnot allowed to follow them. They went to gather the first sheaves of maize\nand returned to the temple bearing them on their heads. Some of the\nsheaves they presented to the high priest, who laid them on the altar.\nOthers they used to bake the unleavened bread which was to be eaten in the\nevening. The eastern door of the sanctuary was now closed, and the western\ndoor was opened.\n\nWhen the day began to decline, the multitude assembled once more at the\ntemple, this time at its western gate, where they formed a great crescent,\nwith the horns turned toward the west. The unleavened bread was held up\nand presented to the setting sun, and a priest struck up a hymn in praise\nof his descending light. When darkness had fallen the whole plain twinkled\nwith fires, round which the people feasted; and the sounds of music and\nrevelry broke the silence of night.(990)\n\n\n\n\n\nINDEX.\n\n\nAachen, fire festival at, ii. 251\n\nAargau, trees planted at births in, ii. 330\n\nAberdeenshire, ceremony at the cutting of the last sheaf in, i. 345\n\nAbyssinia, rain-making on the outskirts of, i. 53\n\nAbyssinian festivals, ii. 171\n\nAcagchemen tribe, adoration of the buzzard by the, ii. 90, 91\n\nAdonis, myth and worship of, i. 279-282, 296;\n connection with vegetation, i. 281;\n gardens of, i. 284-296;\n rites of, similar to those of Osiris, i. 319, 320;\n probable origin of the cult of, i. 363;\n lament of, i. 280, 399;\n as a pig, ii. 49, 50\n\nAegira, blood drunk at, before prophesying, i. 34\n\nAethiopian kings confined to their palaces, i. 164\n\nAfghan Boundary Mission, reception of the, by the natives, i. 155\n\nAfghanistan, reception of strangers in, i. 155\n\nAfrica, weather kings common in, i. 44;\n reluctance to accept the crown in some parts of West, i. 118, 119;\n priestly kings on the west coast of, i. 112;\n human heart eaten in the Shire Highlands of, ii. 89\n\nAgue, cure for, ii. 153\n\nAht Indians, seclusion of girls amongst the, ii. 229, 230\n\nAin, May-day customs in the D\u00e9partement de l\u2019, i. 88\n\nAino type of sacrament, ii. 134-136\n\nAinos, bear festival of the, ii. 101-105;\n preparation for fishing, ii. 122;\n treatment of the bear, ii. 132\n\nAlaskan sable hunters, ii. 116\n\nAlban hills, i. 1;\n mount, i. 2\n\nAlbania, Easter Eve custom in, i. 276; ii. 181;\n scapegoat in, ii. 201, 202;\n beating in, ii. 216\n\nAlexandria, commemoration of the death of Adonis and Aphrodite at, i. 279,\n 280\n\nAlfoers, function of their high priest Leleen, i. 166;\n ceremony for restoring the soul, i. 134, 135;\n priest\u2019s hair uncut, i. 194;\n priest sows the first rice seed and plucks the first ripe rice, ii. 71;\n driving away the devil by the, ii. 159\n\nAlgeria, midsummer fires in, ii. 266\n\nAlligator, the man-eating, ii. 109\n\nAlps, May-day custom in the, i. 104\n\nAltisheim, harvest custom in, i. 337\n\nAltmark, Whitsuntide customs in, i. 98;\n Easter bonfires, ii. 254\n\nAmboina, soul-abstracting in, i. 139, 140;\n sprinkling the sick with spices in, i. 154;\n hair burying in, i. 201;\n disease boats in, ii. 188;\n strength thought to be in the hair in, ii. 328;\n offerings of first-fruits in, ii. 377\n\nAmenh\u00f4tep IV and the sun-god, i. 314, 315\n\nAmerica, belief in the resurrection of the buffalo in the western prairies\n of, ii. 123\n\nAmmon, rage of the sun-god Ra against, i. 315;\n rams held sacred by the worshippers of, ii. 92, 93\n\nAndamanese belief in the reflection as the soul, i. 145\n\nAnderida, wealds of Kent, Surrey, and Sussex, remnants of the forest of,\n i. 57\n\nAngel-man, beheading the, ii. 267\n\nAngoul\u00eame, custom of burning a poplar on St. Peter\u2019s Day in, i. 101\n\nAngoy, king of, must have no bodily defects, i. 221\n\nAnimal worship, two types of, ii. 133, 134;\n sacred carried in procession, ii. 139-147;\n employed as a scapegoat, ii. 189-191, 194, 195;\n eaten to obtain its quality, ii. 86, 87;\n spared by savages from fear of the vengeance of other animals of the\n same kind, ii. 107-110;\n respect shown by the savage for the animal he kills, ii. 110-132;\n Savage belief in the resurrection of the, ii. 122-125;\n burnt as representative of the spirit of vegetation, ii. 282-284\n\nAnnamites, soul superstition amongst the, i. 132\n\nAntaymour kings responsible for the general welfare, i. 46\n\nAntrim, harvest custom in, i. 339\n\nApache Indians, rain-making by the, i. 15\n\nApalai Indians, ceremony on the arrival of a stranger by the, i. 153, 154\n\nAphrodite, i. 279\n\nApis the sacred Egyptian bull drowned, ii. 61 _sq._\n\nApollo Diradiotes, blood of sacrificial lamb drunk in the temple of, i. 34\n\nApple-tree, superstition with regard to the, by barren women, i. 73\n\nArabia, belief concerning a man\u2019s shadow in, i. 143\n\nArabian stories, the external soul in, ii. 318, 319\n\nArabic belief in the properties of lion\u2019s fat, ii. 86\n\nArabs, rain-making by the heathen, i. 20\n\nArcadia, rain-charm in, i. 21;\n beating the scapegoat, ii. 214\n\nArchon of Plataeae, the, may not touch iron, i. 173\n\nArden, forest of, i. 57\n\nArgive tradition concerning Dionysus, i. 324, 325\n\nAriadne, marriage of, i. 104\n\nAricia, \u201cthere are many Manii at,\u201d explanation of the proverb, ii. 82, 83\n\nArician Grove, the, i. 1-6;\n ritual, ii. 63, 64;\n harvest celebration, ii. 67;\n Manius the traditional founder of the, ii. 84;\n sacrament, ii. 83, 84\n\nAru Islands, soul superstition in the, i. 125, 126;\n custom after a death in the, i. 147;\n hair cutting, i. 201;\n dog\u2019s flesh eaten, ii. 87\n\nArval Brothers, priestly college of the, and the sacred grove, i. 65;\n sacred grove of the, and iron, i. 172\n\nAryans, the, tree worshippers, i. 56-59, 99;\n totemism and the, ii. 38;\n oak the sacred tree of the, ii. 291;\n primitive worship, ii. 370\n\nAscension Day custom, i. 265\n\nAschbach, harvest custom in, i. 368\n\nAsh Wednesday customs, i. 254-257; ii. 29, 48, 251\n\nAshantee, royal blood not shed in, i. 181;\n harvest festival in, ii. 374\n\nAsia Minor, Pontiffs of, i. 7, 8\n\nAthene, relation of the goat to, ii. 63\n\nAthens, annual marriage of the queen to Dionysus at, i. 103, 104;\n rites of Adonis observed in, i. 284, 285;\n scapegoats in, ii. 212;\n ritual at the sacrifice of the ox in, ii. 38, 39, 41\n\nAttis, myth and festival of, i. 296-298; ii. 50;\n a tree-spirit or corn-spirit, i. 298-300;\n probability that the high priest of, was slain in the character of the\n god, i. 300;\n probable origin of the cult of, i. 363;\n relation to Lityerses, i. 396, 397;\n as a pig, ii. 49, 50\n\nAustralia, rain-making in, i. 20, 21;\n ceremony on entering strange territory by the Australians, i. 156;\n seclusion of women in, i. 170;\n blood may not be spilt on the ground in some parts of, i. 181, 182;\n hair burning after child-birth in, i. 206;\n totemism, ii. 133, 334-336\n\nAustralian blacks\u2019 charm for staying the sun, i. 25;\n attack the dust columns of red sand, i. 29, 30;\n fear of women\u2019s blood, i. 185, 186; ii. 238;\n remedy for toothache, ii. 149;\n annual expulsion of ghosts, ii. 163\n\n\u2014\u2014 Kamilaroi, cannibalism by the, ii. 88\n\n\u2014\u2014 medicine man and recall of the soul, i. 131, 132\n\n\u2014\u2014 Wotjobaluk, rain-making by the, i. 14\n\nAustria, charm for lulling the wind in, i. 28;\n old peasant belief in the souls of trees in, i. 61\n\nAuxerre, reaping custom at, i. 335\n\nAxim, annual expulsion of devils at, ii. 170\n\nAymara Indians, scapegoat used by the, in times of plague, ii. 191\n\nAztecs, the, and the reflection-soul, i. 145;\n aversion to wine, i. 185\n\nBaba, a name given to the last sheaf, i. 339, 340\n\nBabar Islands, restoration of the soul in the, i. 137;\n the soul believed to be in the shadow, i. 142\n\nBabylon, Sacaea festival at, i. 226\n\nBabylonian legend concerning the goddess Istar, i. 287\n\nBaffin Land, expulsion of evil by the Eskimo of, ii. 165\n\nBagota, restrictions on the heir to the throne in, ii. 225\n\nBalder killed by the mistletoe, ii. 244 _sq._;\n the oak, ii. 295;\n life of, in the mistletoe, ii. 359-362\n\nBalder\u2019s bale-fires, ii. 289 _sq._\n\nBali, mice and the rice fields of the island of, ii. 131;\n periodic expulsion of devils, ii. 174, 175;\n custom at a birth, ii. 329\n\nBalquhidder, harvest custom in, i. 344\n\nBanjar kings held responsible for the weather, i. 46, 47\n\nBanks Islanders, the tamaniu of the, ii. 331, 332\n\nBaranton, fountain of, i. 15\n\nBarcelona, Mid-Lent custom in, i. 262\n\nBari tribe, rain kings of the, i. 52, 53\n\nBarotse, the chief a demigod in, i. 46\n\nBarren women\u2019s superstition regarding the apple-tree, i. 73\n\nBassam, Great, sacrifice of oxen at, ii. 41, 42;\n ceremony of driving out the evil spirit, ii. 161, 162\n\nBasutos, the, and the reflection-soul, i. 145;\n cannibalism by the, ii. 89;\n offerings of first-fruits, ii. 373\n\nBat, the, ii. 334-337\n\nBattambang, rain-charm in, i. 19\n\nBattas, the, fighting the wind, i. 28, 29;\n refuse to fell trees, i. 64, 65;\n soul superstition, i. 124, 125, 135, 136;\n soul straying, i. 160;\n ceremony of making the curse to fly away by the, ii. 150, 151;\n totemism amongst the, ii. 340, 341;\n belief in plurality of souls, ii. 341\n\nBavaria, May custom in, i. 84;\n Whitsuntide representative of the tree-spirit in, i. 242;\n harvest custom in, i. 342; ii. 27, 28;\n cure for fever, ii. 153;\n Easter bonfires in, ii. 254;\n midsummer bonfires in, ii. 278\n\nBear, Shrovetide, i. 254, 255;\n sacrifice of the, ii. 99-108;\n ceremony at killing a, ii. 111-113, 115;\n ceremony before a bear-hunt, ii. 112, 113\n\nBears, dead, treated with respect, ii. 111-113\n\nBeasts, divine, held responsible for the course of nature, i. 48\n\nBeating as a ceremonial purification, ii. 213-217, 232-234\n\nBeauce, straw man in, ii. 40\n\nBeavers, superstition about killing, ii. 116\n\nBechuanaland, rain-charm in, i. 18;\n sun superstition in, i. 23;\n hack-thorn held sacred in, i. 69;\n purification after travel, i. 157;\n crocodile superstition in, ii. 55, 56;\n transference of ills in, ii. 149\n\nBedouins, pursuing the wind, i. 29\n\nBelfast, harvest custom at, i. 336, 337\n\nBelgium, procession with wicker giant in, ii. 281\n\nBelli-Paaro, ceremony of, in Quoja, ii. 347, 348\n\nBeltane fires, ii. 254-258\n\nBengal, Gardens of Adonis in, i. 288, 289\n\nBernkastel, reaping custom in, ii. 15\n\nBerry, belief regarding the birth of the corn-spirit in, ii. 23;\n harvest custom, ii. 26\n\nBhagats, mock human sacrifices by the, i. 252, 253\n\nBhotan, man worshippers in, i. 42\n\nBiajas of Borneo, expulsion of diseases to sea by the, ii. 192\n\nBidasari, ii. 325 _sq._\n\nBilaspur, custom at, on the death of a Rajah, i. 232\n\nBirch-tree dressed in women\u2019s clothes in Russia at Whitsuntide, i. 77\n\nBirths, trees planted at, ii. 229, 230\n\nBison, resurrection of the, ii. 122, 123\n\nBithynia, lament by the reapers in, i. 365\n\nBlack Lake, i. 15\n\nBlankenfelde, harvest custom in, i. 370\n\nBleeding trees, i. 61\n\nBlekinge, midsummer ceremonies in, i. 292\n\nBlood, the soul thought to be in the, i. 178, 179;\n not eaten, _ib._;\n royal blood not spilt upon the ground, i. 179-183;\n ill effect of seeing, i. 185, 186;\n dread of contact with, i. 185-187;\n primitive dread of menstruous, ii. 238-241\n\nBlood-drinking, inspiration by, i. 34, 35\n\nBoba, a name given to the last sheaf, i. 340, 341\n\nBoeotians of Plataea, festival of the, i. 100-103\n\nBoeroe, ceremony at the rice harvest in, ii. 71\n\nBohemian midsummer custom, i. 79; ii. 259;\n Mid-Lent custom, i. 82;\n Whit Monday custom, i. 91, 244-247;\n ceremony of carrying out Death, i. 258-260;\n superstition regarding death, i. 260;\n ceremony of bringing back summer, i. 263;\n harvest custom, i. 340;\n white mice spared in Bohemia, ii. 131, 132;\n superstition held by poachers in Bohemia, ii. 288\n\nB\u00f6hmer Wald Mountains, custom of the reapers in the, ii. 15\n\nBolang Mongondo, recapture of the soul in, i. 131;\n preservation of cut hair, i. 203;\n ceremony at rice harvest in, ii. 71, 72\n\nBombay, soul superstition in, i. 127\n\nBones of animals not broken by savages, ii. 124\n\nBoni, king of, and his courtiers, i. 222, 223\n\nBooandik tribe superstition concerning the blood of women, i. 186\n\nBook of the Dead, i. 312\n\nBormus, the name given to the lament of the Bithynian reapers, i. 365, 398\n\nBorneo, custom in, regarding infested persons, i. 154\n\nBouphonia, the, ii. 38-41\n\nBrabant, North, Whitsuntide custom in, i. 88\n\nBrahman soul story, i. 128, 129;\n sin eaters, ii. 156\n\nBrahmans, temple of the, i. 230;\n transference of sins by the, ii. 200\n\nBrandy, North American Indian theory about, ii. 87\n\nBrazilian Indians, self-beating by the, ii. 215, 216;\n treatment of girls at the age of puberty by the, ii. 231, 232\n\nBresse, May customs in, i. 98;\n ceremony regarding the last sheaf, i. 408\n\nBrest, fire festival at, ii. 261\n\nBreton peasant and the wind, i. 30\n\nBrian\u00e7on, May-day in the neighbourhood of, i. 95;\n harvest ceremony at, ii. 11\n\nBride, a name given to the binder of the last sheaf, i. 345\n\nBrie, May-day custom in, i. 84;\n harvest custom in, i. 370, 375;\n burning of mock giant in, ii. 282\n\nBritanny, reaping custom in, i. 335, 336;\n midsummer fires in, ii. 261\n\nBritish Columbia, fish ceremony by the Indians of, ii. 121\n\nBruck, harvest custom in, i. 333, 334\n\nBr\u00fcd\u2019s bed in the Highlands, i. 97\n\nBrunnen, Twelfth Night custom at, ii. 182\n\nBrunswick, Whitsuntide customs in, i. 90\n\nBuddhist animism, i. 59\n\n\u2014\u2014 Tartar worship, i. 42, 43\n\nBuffalo, belief in the resurrection of the, ii. 123;\n held sacred by the Todas, ii. 136, 137\n\n\u2014\u2014 bull, ii. 19\n\nBulgarian rain-charm, i. 16;\n custom at the laying of a foundation stone, i. 144;\n harvest custom, i. 341\n\nBull, Dionysus as a, i. 325, 326; ii. 37-44;\n the corn-spirit as a, ii. 19-24;\n Osiris and the, ii. 59-61;\n sacred, ii. 60;\n as a scapegoat, ii. 200, 201\n\nBurghers, first seed sowing and reaping amongst the, ii. 72;\n transference of sins by the, ii. 151, 152\n\nBurgundian kings deposed in times of scarcity, i. 47\n\nBurma, mode of executing princes of the blood in, i. 180;\n head-washing in, i. 188, 189;\n mock burial in time of sickness in, ii. 84;\n ceremony of driving away cholera in, ii. 161;\n offering of first-fruits in, ii. 374\n\nBurmese and the soul, i. 130\n\nBurnt sacrifices among the Celts, ii. 278-280\n\nBuro Islands, dog\u2019s flesh eaten in the, ii. 87;\n disease boats, ii. 187\n\nBurying alive, i. 217\n\nBusiris, legend of, i. 400, 401\n\nButterfly, the Samoans and the, ii. 56\n\nBuzzard, sacrifice of the sacred, ii. 90-92\n\nByblus, lamentation for the death of Adonis at, i. 280\n\nCalabria, expulsion of witches in, ii. 181\n\nCalcutta, iron-charm used in, i. 176\n\nCalf, the corn-spirit as a, ii. 19-24\n\nCalicut, kings killed at the expiry of twelve years in, i. 224, 225\n\nCalifornian Indians, their opinion of the dust columns, i. 30\n\n\u2014\u2014 sacrifice of the buzzard, ii. 90, 91\n\nCaligula, i. 4\n\nCallander, Beltane fires in, ii. 254, 255\n\nCambodia, search for inspired man in time of epidemic in, i. 36;\n kings of fire and water in, i. 53-56;\n its sacred tree, i. 67;\n kings of, i. 118;\n touching the king\u2019s body in, i. 172;\n man\u2019s head not touched in, i. 189;\n ceremony at the cutting of the king\u2019s hair in, i. 197;\n temporary kings of, i. 228;\n the Stiens of Cambodia and the killing of animals, ii. 115;\n expulsion of evil spirits, etc. in, ii. 178, 184;\n seclusion of girls in, ii. 235\n\nCambridgeshire, harvest custom in, i. 341, 342\n\nCameroons, the life of a person supposed to be bound up with that of a\n tree by the, ii. 329\n\nCanadian Indians, detention of the soul amongst the, i. 139;\n beaver hunting by the, ii. 116, 117\n\nCandlemas Day customs, i. 97; ii. 29, 48\n\nCanelos Indians, their belief of the soul in the portrait, i. 148\n\nCannibalism, ii. 88, 89\n\nCapital offences, i. 162, 190\n\nCarcassonne, hunting the wren in, ii. 143, 144\n\nCaribs, the, belief in the plurality of souls, ii. 339\n\nCarinthia, ceremonies on St. George\u2019s Day in, i. 84, 85;\n ceremony at the installation of a prince of, i. 232, 233\n\nCarmona, custom in, ii. 184, 185\n\nCarnival, ceremony of burying the, i. 244, 252-257, 270, 272\n\nCarnival Fool, i. 256\n\nCarpathus islanders, reluctance to have their likenesses drawn, i. 148,\n 149;\n transference of sickness by the, ii. 154\n\nCashmere stories, the external soul in, ii. 302-304\n\nCat, the corn-spirit as a, ii. 11, 12;\n burnt, ii. 283\n\nCaterpillars, method of freeing a garden from, ii. 130\n\nCattle, trees and, i. 72 _sq._;\n driven through the fire, ii. 273\n\nCedar, the sacred, of Gilgit, i. 69\n\nCelebes, the, and the soul, i. 123-125;\n custom regarding infested persons, i. 154;\n superstition regarding the knife, i. 177;\n blood not spilt on the ground by the, i. 182;\n custom at a birth, ii. 329;\n harvest festival, ii. 376\n\nCeltic human sacrifices, ii. 278-284;\n the external soul in Celtic stories, ii. 313, 314\n\nCeram, rain-making in, i. 13;\n superstition regarding the blood of women in, i. 187;\n hair cutting superstition in, i. 194; ii. 328;\n disease boats in, ii. 185, 186;\n ceremony in epidemic, ii. 187;\n seclusion of girls in, ii. 229;\n initiation ceremony, ii. 354-356\n\nChaeronea, human scapegoat in, ii. 210, 211\n\nChamb\u00e9ry, threshing ceremony at, ii. 23\n\nChedooba, ceremony on felling a tree in the island of, i. 64\n\nCheremiss, expulsion of Satan by the, ii. 180, 181\n\nCherokee Indians, purification festival of the, ii. 166, 167\n\nChester, procession of mock giant at, ii. 281\n\nChibchas, weather kings of the, i. 44\n\nChildren sacrificed by their parents, i. 235-237\n\nChile, preservation of cut hair in, i. 204\n\nChina, emperors of, offer public sacrifices, i. 8;\n rain-charm in, i. 18;\n emperor held responsible for drought, etc., i. 49;\n abstention from knives after a death in, i. 177;\n ceremony to welcome the return of spring in, ii. 42, 43;\n special seat of courage amongst the Chinese, ii. 87;\n cannibalism in, ii. 89;\n human scapegoat in, ii. 191;\n festival of the aboriginal tribes of, ii. 193\n\nChios, rites of Dionysus at, i. 329\n\nChippeways, seclusion of women amongst the, ii. 239, 240\n\nChiriguanos, seclusion of girls by the, ii. 231\n\nChitom\u00e9, the, i. 113-115;\n not allowed to die a natural death, i. 217, 218\n\nCholera, driving away, ii. 161, 189, 191\n\nChontal Indians, the nagual amongst the, ii. 333\n\nChristian, Captain, shooting of, i. 181\n\nChristmas customs, i. 60, 334; ii. 6, 7, 29-31, 141, 142, 144\n\nChrudim, ceremony of carrying out Death at, i. 259, 260\n\nChuwash, the, test of a suitable sacrificial victim, i. 36\n\nCircassians, the pear-tree believed to be the protector of cattle by the,\n i. 73\n\nCircumcision, i. 171\n\nClucking-hen, ii. 8\n\nCobern, fire festival at, ii. 250\n\nCobra Capella, sacrifice of the, ii. 94, 95\n\nCock, the corn-spirit as a, ii. 7-10\n\nColumbia River, Indians of the, and the salmon, ii. 121, 122\n\nComanches, rain-charm used by the, i. 18\n\nCompitalia, festival of the, ii. 83\n\nCongo belief in the souls of trees, i. 60;\n the Chitom\u00e9 in the kingdom of, i. 113;\n negroes and soul selling, i. 139;\n initiatory rites in the valley of the, ii. 345, 346\n\nCoorg rice-harvest ceremonies, ii. 72, 73\n\nCorea, kings of, confined to their palaces, i. 164;\n may not be touched, i. 172;\n tigers\u2019 bones valuable in, ii. 87\n\nCorn drenched as a rain-charm, i. 286;\n double personification of the, i. 358, 359;\n reaper, binder, or thresher wrapt up in corn, i. 370, 371\n\n\u2014\u2014 baby, ii. 23\n\n\u2014\u2014 goat, ii. 13, 14\n\n\u2014\u2014 mother, i. 232, 233;\n a prototype of Demeter, i. 356\n\nCorn queen, i. 341\n\n\u2014\u2014 spirit, the, as the grandmother, etc., i. 336-343;\n as youthful, i. 343-346;\n death of, i. 363, 364;\n binding persons in sheaves as representatives of the, i. 367-372;\n pretence of killing the, or its representative, i. 372-380;\n represented by a stranger, i. 375-380;\n represented by a human victim, i. 390-395;\n how the representative is chosen, i. 393;\n as an animal, ii. 1-67;\n as a cock, ii. 7-10;\n as a hare, ii. 11;\n as a cat, ii. 11, 12;\n as a goat, ii. 12-17;\n as a bull, ii. 19-24;\n as a calf, _ib._;\n as a cow, ii. 20, 21;\n as a mare, ii. 24, 25;\n as a horse, ii. 26;\n as a pig, ii. 26-31;\n parallelism between the anthropomorphic and theriomorphic conceptions of\n the, ii. 32;\n death of the, ii. 33;\n suggested explanation of the embodiment of the, in animal form, ii. 34;\n the ox as the embodiment of the, ii. 41-43\n\n\u2014\u2014 wolf, ii. 3-7, 30\n\n\u2014\u2014 woman, i. 342, 343\n\nCornwall, May-day custom in, i. 75;\n midsummer bonfires in, i. 101; ii. 262;\n reaping cries in, i. 407\n\nCorsica, midsummer fires in, ii. 266\n\nCough, cure for, ii. 154\n\nCourt ceremonies, i. 22, 23; ii. 88\n\nCow, the corn-spirit as a, ii. 20, 21;\n sacred, ii. 61;\n man in cow\u2019s hide, ii. 145, 146;\n cow as a scapegoat, ii. 200, 201\n\nCracow, harvest customs in, i. 340\n\nCrannon, rain-charm at, i. 21\n\nCreek Indians, festival of the first-fruits amongst the, ii. 75-78;\n opinions held regarding the properties of various foods amongst the, ii.\n 85, 86;\n seclusion of women by the, ii. 239\n\nCrete, sacrifices in, i. 173;\n festival of Dionysus in, i. 324;\n worship of Demeter in, i. 331\n\nCroatia, beating in, ii. 216\n\nCrocodiles spared from fear of the vengeance of other crocodiles, ii. 109\n\nCrops, kings and priests punished for the failure of the, i. 46-48;\n human sacrifices for the, i. 383, 384;\n ceremonies at the eating of the new, ii. 69, 71;\n sacramental eating of the new, ii. 68-77\n\nCrying the Neck, i. 405-408\n\nCurka Coles of India, their belief that the tops of trees are inhabited,\n i. 65\n\nCurse, ceremony of making the curse to fly away, ii. 150, 151\n\nCyzicus, construction of the council chamber of, i. 174\n\nDacotas and the resurrection of the dog, ii. 123\n\nDaedala, festival of the, i. 100-103\n\nDahomey, king of, a capital offence to see him eat, i. 162\n\nDamaras, custom of the, after travel, i. 158;\n blood of cattle not shed by the, i. 182\n\nDanae, ii. 237\n\nDanger Islanders, soul snare used by the, i. 138, 139\n\nDanzig, burying of cut hair in, i. 202;\n reaping custom, i. 333;\n harvest ceremony, i. 367, 368\n\nDards, the, rain-charm, i. 19\n\nDarfur, veiling the sultan of, i. 162;\n the sultans and their courtiers, i. 222;\n the liver thought to be the seat of the soul in, ii. 88\n\nDarowen, midsummer bonfires at, ii. 262\n\nDead Sunday, i. 254, 260\n\nDeath, preference for a violent, i. 216, 217;\n superstition concerning, i. 260;\n \u201ccarrying out,\u201d i. 257-261, 264-271; ii. 207;\n driving out, i. 258, 259, 272, 276;\n in the custom of \u201ccarrying out\u201d Death is probably a divine scapegoat,\n ii. 206-208;\n ceremonies at the burying of, ii. 250;\n effigy of, i. 257 _sq._\n\nDebden, May Day custom in, i. 76\n\nDeer, regard for, ii. 117, 118\n\nDeities, reduplication of, i. 360-362\n\nDemeter, the corn mother, i. 331, 332;\n festivals of, ii. 44-47;\n as a pig, ii. 44-49;\n legend of the Phigalian, ii. 49;\n representation of the black, ii. 49;\n and Proserpine, myth of, i. 330, 331;\n probable origin of, i. 355 _sq._;\n prototypes of, i. 356, 357\n\nDemons, the soul carried off by, i. 132-135\n\nDenderah, tree of Osiris at, i. 308\n\nDenmark Christmas customs, ii. 29, 30;\n midsummer bonfires, ii. 289\n\nDevils, ceremony at the expulsion of, ii. 151, 158, 159-162, 170-185, 192,\n 193, 203;\n represented by men and expelled, ii. 183-185\n\nDevonshire reaping cries, i. 405, 406;\n rain-charm, i. 408;\n cure for cough, ii. 154\n\nDiana, rule of the priesthood of, i. 2, 3, 6;\n ceremonies at the festival of, i. 5;\n Arician Grove said to be first consecrated to her by Manius Egerius, i.\n 5;\n a tree goddess, i. 105\n\nDiana\u2019s mirror, i. 1\n\nDieyerie of South Australia, rain-making by the, i. 20;\n tree superstition amongst the, i. 62\n\nDingelstedt, harvest custom at, i. 371\n\nDionysus, marriage of, i. 104;\n titles of, i. 320, 321;\n myth of, i. 322-325;\n rites of, i. 324, 329; ii. 43-46, 90;\n rites of, similar to those of Osiris, i. 319, 320;\n as an animal, i. 325-327, ii. 34-38;\n association of, with Demeter and Proserpine, ii. 37\n\nDiseases sent away in boats, ii. 185-189, 192 _sq._\n\nDivine beasts, i. 48\n\n\u2014\u2014 king, dependence of nature upon the, i. 109\n\n\u2014\u2014 kings, i. 49;\n care taken of, i. 115;\n cease to govern, i. 118, 119\n\n\u2014\u2014 kings and priests, burdensome observances placed upon, i. 110-118;\n effects of these burdens, i. 118-120\n\n\u2014\u2014 Man as scapegoat, ii. 201, 205\n\n\u2014\u2014 persons, seclusion of, ii. 242, 243\n\n\u2014\u2014 spirit, transmigration of, i. 42-44\n\nDivining rods made from the mistletoe, ii. 367\n\nDog, the corn-spirit as a, ii. 3-7;\n the flesh of the, eaten, ii. 87;\n resurrection of the, ii. 123;\n used as a scapegoat, ii. 194, 195\n\nDomalde, King of Sweden, sacrificed, i. 47\n\nDouai, annual procession at, ii. 280\n\nDreams, festival of, ii. 165, 166\n\nDruids, oak-worship of the, i. 58\n\nDublin, May Day custom in, i. 101\n\nDuk-duk, the, ii. 352 _sq._\n\nDuke of York Island, fishing ceremony by the natives of, ii. 120\n\nDulyn, i. 15\n\nDunkirk, annual procession at, ii. 280, 281\n\nDust columns, i. 30\n\nDutch criminals, cutting the hair of, to enforce confession, ii. 328\n\nDyaks, belief in the souls of trees amongst the, i. 59, 60;\n abduction of the soul, i. 132, 133;\n restoration of the soul, i. 138;\n harvest custom, i. 68, 69, 353, 354;\n the Dyaks and bad omens, ii. 151;\n custom in epidemic, ii. 84;\n may not eat venison, ii. 86, 87;\n spare the crocodile, ii. 109;\n Dyaks and the palm-tree, ii. 329;\n festival of first-fruits, ii. 376\n\nEast Indian Islands, supposed cure for epilepsy in the, ii. 148, 149\n\nEaster customs, i. 272, 276, 334; ii. 29, 181, 216, 217\n\n\u2014\u2014 fires, ii. 251, 252\n\n\u2014\u2014 Islanders, blood of an animal not shed by the, i. 182, 183;\n offerings of first fruits, ii. 381\n\nEating animals to get their qualities, ii. 85-89\n\n\u2014\u2014 the god, ii. 67-90\n\n\u2014\u2014 and drinking, precautions taken at, i. 160-162\n\nEdersleben, midsummer fire festival in, ii. 262\n\nEfugaos, cannibalism by the, ii. 88\n\nEgeria, i. 5\n\nEgypt, beasts responsible for the course of nature in Upper, i. 48;\n Egyptian kings deified, i. 49, 50;\n Egyptian kings blamed for failure of crops, i. 50;\n ancient Egyptian kings did not drink wine, i. 184, 185;\n temporary-rulers in Upper Egypt, i. 231;\n custom of burning red-haired men by the ancient Egyptians, i. 307;\n religion of ancient Egypt, i. 313;\n Egyptians and the pig, ii. 52, 53, 56, 57;\n the bulls Apis and Mnevis worshipped, ii. 60;\n sacred cattle in Egypt, ii. 60, 61;\n sacrifice of the ram in, ii. 92, 93;\n Egyptian type of sacrament, ii. 134-136;\n Egyptian scapegoat, ii. 200;\n the external soul in Egyptian story, ii. 315-318\n\nEifel mountains, fire festival in the, ii. 247, 248;\n harvest omens in the, ii. 271\n\nEisenach, ceremony of bringing back summer in, i. 263;\n ceremony of carrying out death in, _ib._\n\nElan, regard for the, ii. 117, 118\n\nElephant, ceremony at the killing of an, ii. 113-115\n\nEleusis, mysteries of, ii. 37\n\nElk, regard for the, ii. 117, 118\n\nEllwangen, harvest ceremony in, ii. 17\n\nEmin Pasha\u2019s reception in a Central African village, i. 155\n\nEmu wren, ii. 336, 337\n\nEncounter Bay tribe, their dread of women\u2019s blood, i. 186\n\nEnglish tradition concerning the killing of the wren, ii. 140, 141\n\nEntlebuch, human scapegoat in, ii. 199\n\nEntraigues, hunting the wren in, ii. 144\n\nEpidemic, ceremony in time of, i. 36; ii. 84, 187-189\n\nEpilepsy, supposed cure for, ii. 148, 149\n\nErfurt, harvest custom in, i. 336\n\nErtingen, midsummer custom in, i. 89\n\nErzgebirge, Shrovetide custom in the, i. 244\n\nEskimos, charm for lulling the wind, i. 28;\n Eskimos and the soul, i. 122;\n reception of strangers, i. 155;\n Eskimo women, i. 170\n\nEssex, hunting the wren in, ii. 143\n\nEsthonian superstition regarding the welfare of cattle, i. 72 _sq._;\n blood not tasted by the Esthonians, i. 178, 179;\n belief concerning women\u2019s blood, i. 187;\n preservation of the parings of nails by the Esthonians, i. 204;\n carrying out the effigy of Death, i. 270;\n ceremony at the eating of the new corn, ii. 69, 70;\n dread of the weevil by the Esthonian peasants, ii. 129, 130\n\nEthiopian kings and their courtiers, i. 222\n\nEtruscan wizards, i. 22\n\nEuropean rain-charm, i. 18;\n forests, i. 57;\n fire festivals, ii. 246-285\n\nEvils, expulsion of, ii. 145 _sq._;\n occasional, ii. 158-162;\n periodic, ii. 162-182;\n two kinds of expulsion of evils, the direct or immediate, and the\n indirect or mediate, ii. 158;\n general observations on, ii. 202-206;\n transference of, ii. 145 _sq._\n\nFauns, representation of the, ii. 35;\n the Fauns wood and corn-spirits, ii. 35, 36\n\nFeilenhof, the wolf a corn-spirit in, ii. 3\n\nFeloupes of Senegambia, charm for rain-making, i. 18\n\nFern seed, midsummer, ii. 365, 366\n\nFernando Po, restrictions on the food of the king of, i. 208\n\nFever, cure for, ii. 152, 153\n\nFida, no one to drink out of the king\u2019s glass in, i. 166\n\nField of Mars, chariot race on the, ii. 64-66\n\nFiji, charm used for staying the sun in, i. 24;\n gods of, i. 39;\n soul extraction in, i. 138;\n belief in two souls in, i. 145;\n eating in the presence of suspected persons avoided in, i. 160;\n self-immolation at old age in, i. 216;\n expulsion of devils in, ii. 175, 176;\n initiatory rites in, ii. 344, 345;\n offerings of first-fruits in, ii. 377, 378\n\nFinland, wind selling in, i. 27;\n cattle protected by the wood god in, i. 105, 106;\n ceremony at the killing of a bear in, ii. 112\n\nFire festivals, human sacrifices offered at, i. 251\n\n\u2014\u2014 festivals in Europe, ii. 246-285;\n they were charms to make the sun shine, ii. 267, 274\n\n\u2014\u2014 kings, i. 53-56\n\n\u2014\u2014 sacred, made by the friction of wood, ii. 269;\n made with oak wood, ii. 292, 293\n\nFire spirit, expulsion of the, ii. 178\n\nFirstborn sacrificed, i. 236, 237\n\nFirst-fruits, festival of the, ii. 75-78;\n offerings of, ii. 373-384\n\nFish, respect shown by savages to, ii. 118-122;\n fish preachers, ii. 119, 120\n\nFladda\u2019s chapel and wind-making, i. 26, 27\n\nFlamen Dialis, rules of life, i. 117;\n not allowed to walk under a trellised vine, i. 183, 184;\n cuttings from the hair and nails buried, i. 200;\n restriction on the food of the, i. 207\n\n\u2014\u2014 Virbialis, i. 6\n\nFlaminica, rules of life for the, i. 117, 118\n\nFlanders, midsummer bonfires in, ii. 267;\n Flemish cure for ague, ii. 153\n\nFlax-pullers, custom of the, i. 375\n\nFlorence, \u201csawing the old woman\u201d in, i. 261\n\nFlorida, sacrifice of the firstborn by the Indians of, i. 236, 237\n\nFolk tales, resurrection in, ii. 125\n\nFood, unconsumed, buried, i. 166;\n prohibited food, i. 207, 208;\n strong food, ii. 85\n\nForests, Europe covered with, in prehistoric times, i. 56\n\nFors, the, of Central Africa, preservation of nail parings by the, i. 204,\n 205\n\nForsaken sleeper, i. 96\n\nFoulahs of Senegambia spare the crocodile, ii. 110\n\nFrance, harvest customs in the northeast of, ii. 4\n\nFranche Comt\u00e9, harvest customs in, ii. 17\n\nFrankish kings not allowed to cut their hair, i. 193\n\nFriedingen, harvest custom in, ii. 27\n\nFriesland, harvest customs in East, ii. 8\n\nFrog-flayer, i. 92\n\nFuneral custom, i. 129, 130\n\nF\u00fcrstenwalde, harvest ceremonies in, ii. 7\n\nGablingen, harvest customs in, ii. 13\n\nGalela, ceremony at the initiation of boys amongst the, ii. 353\n\nGalicia, harvest customs in, ii. 8\n\nGall-bladder the special seat of courage amongst the Chinese, ii. 87\n\nGareloch, Dumbartonshire, harvest customs on some farms on the, i. 345\n\nGaros, rain-charm used by the, i. 18\n\nGeorgia, rain-charm in, i. 17\n\nGermany\u2014German peasants and a whirlwind, i. 30;\n sacred groves common amongst the ancient Germans, i. 58;\n ceremony on felling a tree, i. 64;\n rain-charm, i. 93;\n custom after a death, i. 147;\n superstition regarding the knife, i. 177;\n superstition concerning hair cutting, i. 196, 199;\n harvest custom, i. 337, 345, 374, 375; ii. 9;\n harvest cries, i. 408, 409;\n way to free a garden from caterpillars, ii. 130;\n beating as a charm, ii. 216, 217;\n oak the sacred tree, ii. 291;\n oak log burnt on Midsummer Day, ii. 294;\n the external soul in German stories, ii. 310-312\n\nGervasius, rain spring mentioned by, i. 19\n\nGhosts, the soul carried off by, i. 129-132;\n annual expulsion of the ghosts of the dead, ii. 163\n\nGiant, sham, procession and burning of the, ii. 280-282\n\nGilgit, ceremony on felling a tree in, i. 65;\n sacred cedar of, i. 69 _sq._;\n harvest custom at, ii. 73, 74\n\nGilyak sacrifice of the bear, ii. 105-107\n\nGirls secluded at puberty, ii. 225-247;\n reason for, ii. 238-242;\n not allowed to touch the ground or see the sun, ii. 225-253;\n traces in folk tales of the rule which forbids girls at puberty to see\n the sun, ii. 235-237\n\nGoat, the, sacred, ii. 56, 63;\n Dionysus as a, i. 326-328; ii. 34-37;\n the corn-spirit as a, ii. 12-19\n\nGod, killing the, i. 213; ii. 218-222;\n killing a god in animal form, i. 327, 328;\n motives for killing the god, i. 214-216\n\nGod\u2019s Mouth, the name of the supreme ruler of the old Prussians, i. 223\n\nGods die and are buried, i. 213, 214\n\n\u2014\u2014 incarnate, slain, ii. 218-222\n\nGold Coast, sacrifices of the negroes of the, i. 67;\n their superstition with regard to iron, i. 173\n\nGolden Bough, Turner\u2019s picture of the, i. 1;\n legend of the, i. 4;\n the representative of the tree-spirit, i. 107;\n between heaven and earth, ii. 223-243;\n what was it, ii. 224;\n the Golden Bough is the mistletoe, ii. 363, 368;\n why was the mistletoe called the Golden Bough, ii. 365;\n the Golden Bough an emanation of the sun\u2019s fire, ii. 367\n\nGoldi sacrifice of the bear, ii. 107, 108\n\nGommern, harvest festival at, i. 370\n\nGonds, human sacrifices by the, i. 252, 384;\n mock-human sacrifices, i. 252;\n scapegoats amongst the, ii. 200\n\nGood Friday custom, ii. 216\n\nGout transferred from a man to a tree, ii. 153\n\nGrand Lama, death and reappearance of the, i. 42, 43;\n and the shadow of Sankara, i. 142\n\nGrandmother, a name given to the last sheaf, i. 336\n\nGranny, a name given to the last sheaf, i. 336\n\nGrass king, i. 91-93, 247\n\nGr\u00e4tz, midsummer custom in, ii. 267\n\nGreece, rain-making in, i. 16;\n tree worship in, i. 58, 59, 99;\n festivals of the Greeks, i. 99, 100, 103;\n ceremony at the laying of a foundation stone in, i. 144;\n sacrificial ritual in, ii. 54, 55;\n human scapegoats in, ii. 210-217;\n midsummer fires in, ii. 266;\n the external soul in Greek stories, ii. 305-307\n\nGreen George, i. 84-86\n\nGrenoble, May Day in, i. 94;\n harvest custom in, ii. 15, 47\n\nGrihya-S\u00fbtras, provision in the, for the burning of cut hair, i. 202\n\nGrossvargula, Whitsuntide custom in, i. 91\n\nGround, sacred persons not allowed to touch the, ii. 224, 243 _note_;\n girls at puberty not allowed to touch the, ii. 225-253;\n sacred things may not touch the, ii. 243 _note_\n\nGr\u00fcneberg, harvest ceremony in, ii. 11\n\nGuanches, rain-charm in, i. 19\n\nGuatemala, the nagual amongst the, ii. 333, 334\n\nGuaycurus and storms, i. 28\n\nGuinea, secreting of cut hair and nails in, i. 203;\n annual expulsion of the devil by the negroes of, ii. 170;\n time of licence in, ii. 204\n\nGuyenne, harvest ceremony in, ii. 6\n\nHack-thorn, sacred, i. 69\n\nHadeln, reaping custom in the district of, i. 333\n\nHaida Indian wind-charm, i. 26\n\nHair, burning of loose, i. 205;\n burning after child-birth, i. 206;\n cut hair deposited in a safe place, i. 200-205;\n cutting, i. 193 _sq._;\n most sacred day of the year appointed for hair cutting, i. 197;\n superstition concerning the cutting of the, i. 196, 198, 199;\n cut only during a storm, i. 199;\n haircutting as a disinfectant, i. 206, 207;\n magic use of cut hair, i. 198, 199;\n strength supposed to be in the, ii. 328;\n hair not cut, i. 193-195;\n superstition about cutting the hair and nails, i. 193-207\n\nHalberstadt, human scapegoats in, ii. 199\n\nHalibut, festival in honour of the, ii. 121\n\nHalmahera, rain-making in, i. 13, 21\n\nHampstead, forest of, i. 57\n\nHare, the corn-spirit as a, ii. 10 _sq._\n\nHarran, ritual observed by the heathen Syrians of, i. 283\n\nHarvest child, a name given to the last sheaf, i. 344\n\n\u2014\u2014 cock, a name given to the last sheaf, ii. 7, 8\n\n\u2014\u2014 cries, i. 404-409\n\n\u2014\u2014 customs, i. 333-347, 352, 353, 367-381, 408; ii. 4-27, 32, 47, 48,\n 68-73, 213\n\n\u2014\u2014 festival, i. 169; ii. 171, 172, 374-376, 382-384\n\n\u2014\u2014 goat, ii. 13\n\n\u2014\u2014 maiden, a prototype of Proserpine, i. 356\n\n\u2014\u2014 May, i. 68, 69, 81, 82; ii. 4\n\n\u2014\u2014 omens, ii. 271\n\n\u2014\u2014 queen, i. 344\n\n\u2014\u2014 songs and cries, ii. 364-366, 404-409\n\nHarz Mountains, Easter fires in the, ii. 253\n\nHawaii, detention of the soul in, i. 139;\n capital offences in, i. 190\n\nHay family, the, and the mistletoe, ii. 362\n\nHead, sanctity of the, i. 187-193;\n ceremony at the washing of the, i. 188\n\nHeadache, transference of, ii. 149\n\nHeadington, May-day custom at, i. 94, 95\n\nHeaven, the Golden Bough between heaven and earth, ii. 223-243\n\nHebrides, representation of spring in the, i. 97\n\nHeligoland, disappearance of the herring from, ii. 120\n\nHerbrechtingen, threshing custom in, ii. 22\n\nHercynian forest, i. 56, 57\n\nHereford, sin eaters in, ii. 154, 155\n\nHerefordshire, midsummer fires in, ii. 262\n\nHermsdorf, harvest custom in, i. 338\n\nHerodotus, story by, of the wind fighters of Psylli, i. 29\n\nHerring, disappearance of the, from Heligoland, ii. 120\n\nHertfordshire harvest custom, ii. 24\n\nHessen, Ash Wednesday custom in, ii. 29;\n sowing-time customs in, ii. 48\n\nHidatsa Indians, belief in the plurality of souls amongst the, ii. 339\n\nHierapolis, pigs sacred at, ii. 50\n\nHimalayas, scapegoats in the Western, ii. 194\n\nHindoo cure for the murrain, ii. 191;\n festival of Ingathering, ii. 272;\n girls and puberty, ii. 234, 235;\n the external soul in Hindoo stories, ii. 298-302\n\nHindoos, the, test of a suitable sacrificial victim, i. 36;\n Hindoos and yawning, i. 123;\n custom of nail cutting by the, i. 196;\n festival at the eating of the new rice by the, ii. 73\n\nHindoo Koosh, smoke from the sacred tree inhaled by the sybil, i. 35;\n blood sucking the test of a diviner amongst the, _ib._;\n expulsion of devils amongst the, ii. 173\n\nHippolytus, i. 6\n\nHolland, Whitsuntide custom in, i. 88;\n Easter fires, ii. 253\n\nHolstein, reaping custom in, i. 333;\n healing effects of the mistletoe in, ii. 289\n\nHornkampe, harvest custom in, i. 337\n\nHorse, the corn-spirit as a, ii. 24-26;\n sacrifice of the, ii. 64\n\nHorses excluded from the Arician grove, i. 6\n\n\u2014\u2014 and Virbius, ii. 62-64\n\nHos, harvest festival amongst the, ii. 171, 172;\n time of licence with the, ii. 204;\n offering of first-fruits by the, ii. 374\n\nHottentot priests do not use iron, i. 173;\n wind-charm, i. 27, 28;\n sheep driven through the fire by the, ii. 273\n\nHovas of Madagascar, offerings of first-fruits by the, ii. 374\n\nHow, coffer of Osiris at, i. 309\n\nHuahine, offerings of first-fruits in, ii. 381\n\nHuitzilopochtli, dough image of the Mexican god, made and eaten, ii. 81\n\nHuman sacrifices, i. 235-237, 251, 252, 381;\n replaced by mock sacrifices, i. 250-253\n\n\u2014\u2014 victim represents the corn-spirit, i. 390-395\n\nHungary, Whitsuntide custom in, i. 93;\n the external soul in Hungarian stories, ii. 320, 321\n\nHunger, expulsion of, ii. 210, 211\n\nHunting the wren, ii. 140-144\n\nHurons, the, and fish bones, ii. 119;\n their idea of the soul, i. 122;\n driving away sickness amongst the, ii. 162\n\nHuskanaw, the name of an initiatory ceremony amongst the Indians of\n Virginia, ii. 348\n\nHyl\u00e6, sacred men inspired by the image of Apollo at, i. 37\n\nIbo, king of, confined to his premises, i. 164\n\nIddah, king of, asserts that he is god, i. 41, 42\n\nIhlozi, the, of the Zulus, ii. 332\n\nIncarnate gods, i. 30-54\n\nIncarnation, temporary and permanent, i. 32, 37-42\n\nIncas of Peru revered as gods, i. 49;\n preservation of cut hair and parings of the nails of the, i. 203;\n restrictions upon the prince who is to become Inca of Peru, ii. 225;\n ceremony for the expulsion of diseases, etc. by the, ii. 167-169\n\nIndersdorf, harvest custom in, ii. 17, 18\n\nIndia, devil dancer drinks sacrificial blood in Southern, i. 34;\n human gods in, i. 41, 42;\n marriage of shrubs and trees in, i. 60;\n sin eating in, ii. 155, 156;\n iron used as a charm in, i. 175, 176;\n harvest custom in the Central Provinces of, i. 371, 372;\n custom during cholera in Central Provinces of, ii. 189;\n offerings of first-fruits in, ii. 374, 375\n\nIndians of Alaska, preservation of cut hair by the, i. 201, 202\n\n\u2014\u2014 of Arizona offer human sacrifices, i. 251\n\n\u2014\u2014 of Guayaquil sacrifice human beings at seed time, i. 381\n\n\u2014\u2014 of Guiana, treatment of girls at puberty by the, ii. 232-234\n\n\u2014\u2014 of Peru and their fish gods, ii. 118, 119\n\n\u2014\u2014 of Virginia, initiatory ceremony amongst the, ii. 348, 349\n\nInfluenza, ii. 190\n\nInitiatory rites, simulation of death and resurrection at, ii. 342-358\n\nInnuit of Alaska, custom after a death amongst the, i. 177\n\nInspiration, i. 33;\n by blood drinking, i. 34, 35;\n by use of sacred tree, i. 35; 36\n\nInspired men, i. 36, 37\n\n\u2014\u2014 victims, i. 36\n\nIrayas of Luzon, offerings of first-fruits by the, ii. 377\n\nIreland, May Day in the south-east of, i. 94;\n hunting the wren at Christmas in, ii. 142, 143;\n midsummer fires in, ii. 263, 264\n\nIron, superstitious aversion to, i. 172-174;\n as a charm, i. 175\n\nIron-Beard, Dr., i. 249, 257\n\nIroquois, ceremony at the festival of dreams by the, ii. 165, 166;\n scapegoat used by the, ii. 194, 195;\n time of licence amongst the, ii. 204\n\nIsis, acorn goddess, i. 310, 311;\n named the moon by the aboriginal inhabitants of Egypt, i. 311;\n as a cow, ii. 61\n\nIsle of Man, wind selling in the, i. 27;\n hunting the wren at Christmas in the, ii. 142;\n midsummer bonfires, ii. 263\n\nIssapoo, the cobra capella the guardian deity of the negroes of, ii. 94,\n 95\n\nIstar, legend concerning the goddess, i. 287\n\nItalones, cannibalism by the, ii. 88\n\nItaly, tree worship in ancient, i. 58, 59;\n custom of \u201csawing the old woman\u201d in, i. 261, 262;\n gardens of Adonis in, i. 294;\n midsummer fires in, ii. 266;\n oak the sacred tree in, ii. 291;\n the external soul in Italian stories, ii. 307, 308\n\nItonamas, the, and the soul, i. 123\n\nItzgrund, harvest custom in, i. 338\n\nIvy girl, i. 344\n\nJack-in-the-green, i. 88, 89, 247\n\nJambi, temporary kings in, i. 231, 232\n\nJapanese, expulsion of evil spirits by the, ii. 176\n\nJarkino, belief in animate trees in, i. 61\n\nJavanese and rice bloom, i. 60, 61;\n ceremony at rice harvest, i. 355;\n\nJavanese and the soul, i. 124, 125\n\nJerome of Prague, i. 24\n\nJeypur, scapegoat used in cases of smallpox in, ii. 190, 191\n\nJubilee, i. 225\n\nJupiter represented by an oak on the Capitol at Rome, ii. 291\n\nKaffa, worship of human god in, i. 42\n\nKafir boys at circumcision, i. 171;\n New Year festival, ii. 74;\n elephant hunters, ii. 113, 114;\n burying of cut hair and nails by the Kafirs, i. 202, 203\n\nKakian Association, ii. 354-357\n\nKakongo, king of, not allowed to touch certain European goods, i. 160;\n not seen eating, i. 162\n\nKalamba, ceremonies on a visit to, by subject chiefs, i. 159\n\nKalmucks, consecration of the white ram by the, ii. 136\n\nKamant tribe do not allow a natural death, i. 217\n\nKamtchatkans excuse themselves before killing land or sea animals, ii.\n 110, 111;\n respect the seal and sea lion, ii. 111\n\nK\u00e2nagr\u00e2, spring custom in, i. 276, 277\n\nK\u00e1ngr\u00e1, custom at, on the death of a Rajah, i. 232;\n sin eaters in, ii. 156\n\nKarens, funeral custom by the, i. 129, 130;\n transference of the soul in Karen, i. 140;\n dread of women\u2019s blood by the, i. 186;\n belief concerning the head, i. 187;\n custom at rice sowing, i. 354, 355\n\nKarma tree, i. 289\n\nKaroks of California and salmon catching, ii. 121\n\nKasyas, expulsion of devils by the, ii. 184\n\nKatodis, ceremony before felling a tree by the, i. 63\n\nKent, the ivy girl in, i. 344\n\nKeramin tribe of New South Wales, rain-making by the, i. 15\n\nKey Islanders, soul superstition amongst the, i. 130, 131;\n expulsion of sickness by the, ii. 160\n\nKhonds, human sacrifices by the, i. 384-390;\n rain-charm, ii. 42;\n expulsion of devils by the, ii. 173, 174\n\nKibanga, kings killed in, i. 218\n\nKilema, ceremony in, before a stranger is allowed to see the king, i. 159\n\nKilimanjaro Mount, believed to be tenanted by demons, i. 151\n\nKimbunda, cannibalism amongst the, ii. 88, 89\n\nKing Hop, the title of a temporary king, i. 230\n\n\u2014\u2014 of the calf, ii. 21\n\n\u2014\u2014 of the May, i. 247\n\n\u2014\u2014 of the sacred rites, i. 7\n\n\u2014\u2014 of the Wood, i. 1-108;\n why so called, i. 7;\n never a temporal sovereign, i. 51;\n an incarnation of the tree spirit, i. 106-108;\n probability that he was formerly slain annually, i. 240, 241;\n similarity to North European personages, i. 249, 250;\n a personification of the oak, ii. 364;\n probably burned in a fire of oak wood, ii. 363-365\n\nKings\u2014as gods, i. 8;\n supposed to control the weather, i. 44-46;\n punished for the failure of crops, i. 46-48;\n killed, i. 48;\n divine, i. 49;\n of nature, i. 52;\n of fire, i. 53-56;\n of rain, i, 52, 53;\n of water, i. 53-56;\n divine, cease to govern, i. 118, 119;\n abdicate, i. 120;\n guarded against strangers, i. 158, 159;\n veiled, i. 162, 163;\n at meals, i. 162;\n confined to their palaces, i. 164, 165;\n killed when they show signs of decay, i. 217-223;\n killed at expiry of fixed term, i. 223;\n mitigation of the above rule, kings allowed to defend themselves, i.\n 224;\n killed annually, i. 225-227;\n temporary, i. 228-234;\n temporary kings sometimes hereditary, i. 228, 232;\n sons sacrificed in times of great danger, i. 235\n\nKingsmill Islands, offerings of first-fruits in, ii. 378\n\nKirn, the name of a harvest supper, i. 345\n\nKlausenburg, harvest custom at, ii. 9\n\nKloxin, harvest ceremony in, i. 369\n\nKnives, reluctance to use, after a death, i. 176, 177\n\nKobi, offering of first-fruits by the, ii. 376\n\nKochs of Assam, offerings of first-fruits by the, ii. 374\n\nKohlerwinkel, harvest ceremony at, ii. 27\n\nKolosh Indians, seclusion of girls amongst the, ii. 230\n\nKoniags, seclusion of girls amongst the, ii. 230\n\nK\u00f6nigshain, driving out Death in, i. 276\n\nKonkan, scapegoat used in Southern, in cases of cholera, ii. 191\n\nKonz, midsummer fire festival in, ii. 260, 261\n\nKostroma, funeral of, i. 273\n\nKostrubonko, i. 272\n\nKukulu, the priest king, i. 112, 113\n\nKumis, driving away small-pox by the, ii. 161\n\nKupalo, funeral of, i. 272;\n representation of, i. 292\n\nKupole\u2019s festival, i. 294\n\nLachlin family and the deer, ii. 363\n\nLa Ciotat, hunting the wren in, ii. 144\n\nLada, funeral of, i. 273\n\nLagos, human sacrifices at, i. 383\n\nLakor, expulsion of diseases to sea in, ii. 192\n\nLamas, Grand, i. 42, 43;\n the chief of the, i. 43, 44\n\nLamb killed sacramentally by the Madi tribe of Central Africa, ii. 137,\n 138\n\nLamps, festival of, ii. 176\n\nLaos, precautions against strangers in, i. 152;\n belief in plurality of souls amongst the, ii. 339\n\nLaosia, women worshippers in, i. 42\n\nLa Palisse, harvest custom in, ii. 68\n\nLapis manalis, i. 22\n\nLappland, wind selling in, i. 27;\n ceremony at the sacrifice of an animal in, ii. 123;\n seclusion of women in, ii. 240\n\nLarch-tree, sacred, i. 61, 62\n\nLazy man, the, i. 89\n\nLechrain, midsummer fires in, ii. 258, 259\n\nLeipzig, carrying out the effigy of Death in, i. 268\n\nLent customs, ii. 247-249\n\nLeopard, ceremony at the killing of a, ii. 114\n\nLeper, custom at the cleansing of a, ii. 151\n\nLerwick wind-sellers, i. 27\n\nLeti, expulsion of diseases to sea by the, ii. 92\n\nLeucadian scapegoat, ii. 213\n\nLewis, wind selling in the island of, i. 27\n\nLhoosai, harvest festival of the, i. 69\n\nLibchowic, Mid-Lent custom in the neighbourhood of, i. 93\n\nLicence, periods of, ii. 204\n\nLife of a person bound up with that of a plant, ii. 328-330\n\nLife plants, ii. 329, 330\n\nLille, harvest ceremonies at, ii. 25, 26\n\nLinus, the name given to the Phoenician lament at vintage time, i. 365\n\n\u2014\u2014 song, i. 398, 399\n\n\u2014\u2014 identified with Adonis, i. 399\n\nLion, ceremony at the killing of a, ii. 114;\n Arabic belief in the properties of lion\u2019s fat, ii. 86\n\nLithuania, sun worshippers in, i. 24, 25;\n tree worshippers in, i. 58;\n superstition concerning the felling of sacred groves in, i. 66, 67;\n May customs in, i. 83, 84;\n custom after a funeral in, i. 177;\n harvest custom in, i. 340, 341;\n ceremony at threshing time in, i. 372, 373;\n ceremonies by the peasants at the eating of the new corn in, ii. 69, 70\n\nLittle leaf man, i. 88\n\nLityerses compared with harvest customs, i. 366, 367;\n story of, i. 392-395;\n relation of, to Attis, i. 396, 397\n\n\u2014\u2014 the name given to a song by the Phrygian reapers, i. 365, 366\n\nLiver, the, thought to be the seat of the soul, ii. 88\n\nLivonia, sacred grove in, i. 65\n\nLlandebie, sin eating in, ii. 155\n\nLoango, king of, deposed when the harvest fails, i. 47;\n supernaturally endowed kings of, i. 116;\n a capital offence to see the king eat, i. 161;\n the king confined to his palace after coronation, i. 164;\n food left by the king buried, i. 166;\n food restrictions in, i. 207, 208;\n girls secluded at puberty in, ii. 226\n\nLondon, midsummer pageants in, ii. 281\n\nLongnor, harvest custom at, ii. 25\n\nLost children, superstition concerning, i. 63\n\nLoucheux Indians, abstinence from the sinew of the thigh by the, ii. 127,\n 128\n\nLuchon, midsummer fire ceremony at, ii. 282\n\nLumley, Sir J., excavation of the site of the Diana Nemorensis by, i. 2\n _note_\n\nL\u00fcneberg, harvest custom in, i. 377\n\nLusatia, ceremony of carrying out Death in, i. 259, 264\n\nM\u2019Bengas, life of a child supposed to be bound up with that of a tree by\n the, ii. 328, 329\n\nMacusis of British Guiana, treatment of girls at the age of puberty by\n the, ii. 232 _sq._\n\nMadagascar, power ascribed to the souls of the dead in, i. 132;\n blood of nobles may not be shed in, i. 181;\n crocodile not killed in, ii. 109, 110\n\nMadenassana bushmen, the goat sacred to the, ii. 56\n\nMadi tribe, burying of the parings of the nails by the, i. 202;\n lamb killed sacramentally by the, ii. 137, 138\n\nMagic, sympathetic, i. 9-12\n\n\u2014\u2014 use of cut hair, i. 198-200\n\nMaiden, a name given to the last handful of corn, i. 344, 345\n\nMaize, mother of the, i. 350-352\n\nMakololo, burning or burying of cut hair by the, i. 205\n\nMalabar, reverence for the cow in, ii. 200\n\nMalagasy, vehicle used by the, for the transference of ills, ii. 149, 150\n\nMalay poem, the external soul in a, ii. 325, 326\n\nMalays and the soul, i. 124; ii. 331;\n do not touch a man\u2019s head, i. 189\n\nMaldives, cuttings from the hair and nails buried by the natives of the,\n i. 200\n\nMamilian tower, ii. 67\n\nMamurius Veturius or the old Mars, ii. 208-210\n\nMan in cow-skin, ii. 145, 146\n\n\u2014\u2014 gods in the South Sea Islands, i. 38, 39\n\nMandan Indians, and their portraits, i. 148;\n expulsion of devils by the, ii. 183, 184\n\nManeros, the name given to the lament of the Egyptian reapers at the\n cutting of the first sheaf, i. 364\n\nMangaia, priests called gods in, i. 33;\n spiritual and temporal government in, i. 120;\n story of a warrior\u2019s shadow, i. 142, 143\n\nMan-god, two types of, i. 12\n\nMania, i. 6\n\n\u201cManii, there are many at Aricia,\u201d explanation of the proverb, ii. 82, 83\n\nManius Egerius, traditional founder of the Arician Grove, etc., i. 5; ii.\n 84\n\nMaori ceremonies on entering strange territory, i. 156;\n the Maoris and dead bodies, i. 169;\n fear of the blood of women, i. 186;\n sacredness of the head amongst the, i. 191, 192;\n ceremony at hair cutting, i. 196, 197;\n fishing custom, ii. 120;\n offerings of first-fruits, ii. 381, 382\n\nMare, the corn-spirit as a, ii. 24-26\n\nMarimos, human sacrifices by the, i. 383, 384\n\nMarktl, harvest ceremonies in the neighbourhood of, ii. 16, 17\n\nMarquesas Islands, men deified in their life-time in the, i. 37, 38;\n the Marquesans and the soul, i. 123;\n shaving of the head in the, i. 195\n\nMars, chariot race on the field of, ii. 64-66\n\n\u2014\u2014 the old, ii. 208-210\n\nMarseilles, human scapegoat in, ii. 212\n\nMasuren, midsummer fire festival in, ii. 265, 266\n\nMay bride, i. 98\n\n\u2014\u2014 Day carols, i. 75, 76\n\n\u2014\u2014 Day customs, i. 72-86, 88, 89, 94, 95, 98-101; ii. 181, 182, 254, 255,\n 257, 258\n\n\u2014\u2014 king, i. 90, 91\n\n\u2014\u2014 poles, i. 78 _sq._, 230, 308; ii. 66\n\n\u2014\u2014 queen, i. 93, 94\n\n\u2014\u2014 sleeping bridegroom of, i. 95\n\n\u2014\u2014 trees, i. 74-82, 90, 91, 243, 247, 268, 269; ii. 8, 251\n\nMayenne, May Day custom in, i. 76\n\nMecklenburg, reaping custom in, i. 376\n\nMeiningen, Ash Wednesday custom in, ii. 29;\n sowing time custom, ii. 48\n\nMelanesia, sunshine making in, i. 24;\n bringing back the soul in, i. 136;\n Melanesian stones and a man\u2019s shadow, i. 142\n\nMeleager, ii. 305\n\nMen eaten to obtain their qualities, ii. 88, 89\n\nMenstruation, seclusion of women at periods of, ii. 238-242\n\nMenstruous blood, primitive dread of, ii. 238, 241\n\nMentawej Islands, precautions against strangers in the, i. 152\n\nMeroe, Ethiopian kings of, killed, i. 218\n\nMetz, midsummer fires in, ii. 283\n\nMexican sacraments, paste images of the god eaten, ii. 79-82;\n festivals, ii. 80-84\n\nMexico, oath of kings at accession in, i. 49;\n sacrifice of new-born babes in, i. 307;\n human sacrifice at harvest festival in, i. 381;\n incarnate gods slain in, ii. 218-222\n\nMiaotse, ceremony of driving away the devil by the, ii. 151\n\nMice, charm for ridding lands from, ii. 131\n\nMid-Lent customs, i. 82, 93, 254, 261-263, 268, 269\n\nMidsummer customs, i. 78 _sq._, 89, 101, 272, 290-294; ii. 366, 367\n\n\u2014\u2014 European fire festivals at, ii. 258-267, 282, 283;\n burning of effigies in the midsummer fires, ii. 266, 267\n\n\u2014\u2014 Eve superstitions, ii. 286, 287;\n magic plants gathered on Midsummer Eve, ii. 286-288\n\n\u2014\u2014 omens, i. 294\n\nMikado, description of the life of the, i. 110-112;\n cooking of his food, i. 166, 167;\n effects of wearing his clothes without leave, i. 167;\n cutting his hair and nails, i. 197;\n not allowed to touch the ground, ii. 224, 225\n\nMiklucho-Maclay, Baron, ceremony on his entering a village on the Maclay\n coast, i. 156\n\nMilkmen worshipped by the Todas, i. 41\n\nMinahassa, rain-charm used by the, i. 17;\n blood drinking at festivals by the, i. 35;\n custom in time of sickness, ii. 84;\n driving away devils by the, ii. 158, 159\n\nMingrelia, rain-getting in, i. 15\n\nMinnetaree Indians and the resurrection of the bison, ii. 122, 123\n\nMiris, tree superstition of the, i. 63;\n tiger\u2019s flesh eaten by the, ii. 86\n\nMirrors, covering up of, i. 147\n\nMistletoe, the, worshipped by the Celts and gathered by the Druids, ii.\n 285, 286, 288, 289, 295;\n gathered on Midsummer Eve, ii. 286 _sq._;\n qualities of, ii. 289;\n viewed as the seat of life, ii. 295;\n life of the oak in the, ii. 360, 361;\n not allowed to touch the ground, ii. 361;\n a protection against witchcraft, ii. 362;\n the Golden Bough the, ii. 363, 368;\n reason it was called the Golden Bough, ii. 365;\n why called golden, ii. 366, 367;\n divining rods made from, in Sweden, ii. 367;\n gathered at midsummer and Christmas, ii. 367\n\nMithraic mysteries, ii. 358\n\nMnevis, the bull, ii. 60, 61\n\nMoa, expulsion of diseases to sea by the, ii. 192\n\nMock executions, i. 261\n\n\u2014\u2014 human sacrifices, i. 250-253\n\nMole, Le, i. 5\n\nMoluccas, festivals in the, i. 40;\n treatment of clove-trees in blossom in the, i. 60;\n soul abduction in the, i. 133, 134;\n ceremony in the, after a journey, i. 158\n\nMondard, the great, ii. 40\n\nMongolians, stuffing the skin of a sacrificed animal by the, ii. 124\n\nMongols, the, and the soul, i. 128\n\nMonomotapa, precautions taken for the king of, i. 159\n\nMontalto, Mid Lent custom in, i. 262\n\nMooris, custom at births by the, ii. 329\n\nMoosheim, fire festival at, ii. 278\n\nMoqui Indians, belief in the transmigration of human souls into turtles\n held by the, ii. 98, 99;\n totem clans of the, ii. 99\n\nMoresby, Captain, at Shepherd\u2019s Isle, i. 152, 153\n\nMorocco, iron a protection against demons in, i. 175;\n ants eaten in, ii. 87;\n diverting evil spirits in, ii. 151\n\nMother-cotton, the, i. 353\n\n\u2014\u2014 of the maize, i. 350-352\n\nMotumotu theory of storms, i. 27\n\n\u2014\u2014, the soul believed to be in the reflection by the, i. 145\n\nMowat, the chief of, supposed to have power of affecting crops, etc., i.\n 46;\n boys beaten to make them grow in, ii. 216\n\nMozcas, weather kings of the, i. 44\n\nMuato Jamwo, a capital offence to see him eat, i. 162\n\nMundaris, sacred groves of the, i. 63;\n superstition concerning the felling of sacred groves, i. 67;\n harvest festival, ii. 172\n\nMundas, ceremony at the planting of the rice by the, i. 288, 289\n\nMunster, rain fountain in, i. 19\n\nM\u00fcnsterland, Easter fires in, ii. 252, 253\n\nMurrain, cure for the, ii. 191\n\nMurrams of Manipur, restrictions of food among the, i. 208\n\nMuyscas, weather kings of the, i. 44\n\nNagual, the, of the Indians of Guatemala, ii. 333, 334\n\nNails, cutting the, i. 195, 196;\n burying the first cuttings of a child\u2019s, i. 201;\n cuttings of, preserved, i. 202-205\n\nNamaquas, foods eaten and rejected by the, ii. 86\n\nNanumea, precautions against strangers in the island of, i. 151\n\nNarrinyeri and their totems, i. 165, 166\n\nNass River, Indians of the, and the recall of the soul, i. 140, 141\n\nNatchez, harvest festival by the, ii. 382-384\n\nNature, kings of, i. 52;\n dependence of, upon the divine king, i. 109\n\nNauders, sacred larch-tree at, i. 61, 62\n\nNaudowessies, initiatory ceremony amongst the, ii. 350\n\nNavarre, rain-making in, i. 15\n\nNdembo, the, ii. 345\n\nNeed fires, ii. 269, 293\n\nNegro idea of the soul, i. 125\n\nNemi, lake of, i. 1;\n tree within the sanctuary, i. 4;\n priest of, i. 249, 253, ii. 223;\n unchanged, ii. 370, 371\n\nNerechta, Whitsuntide customs in, i. 96\n\nNeuautz, custom at barley sowing in, ii. 28\n\nNeuhausen, harvest custom in, i. 370\n\nNeusaass, harvest custom in, i. 337\n\nNew Britain, rain-making in, i. 13, 14;\n wind-charm, i. 26;\n driving away evil in, ii. 158;\n expulsion of devils in, ii. 203;\n initiation ceremony in, ii. 352, 353\n\nNew Caledonia, rain-making in, i. 16;\n charm for making sunshine in, i. 22-24\n\nNew fruits etc. eaten sacramentally, ii. 68-79\n\nNew Guinea, seclusion of girls in, ii. 228, 229\n\nNew Ireland, seclusion of girls in, ii. 226-228\n\nNew South Wales, ceremony of initiation in, i. 163;\n first-born eaten in, i. 236\n\nNew Year\u2019s Day customs, ii. 170, 171, 179, 193, 194, 272, 273\n\nNew Zealand, sacredness of blood in, i. 183;\n superstition concerning the head, i. 192;\n hair cutting in, i. 197, 199;\n clippings from the hair buried in, i. 200;\n effects of sacred contagion in, ii. 55;\n gods, ii. 89\n\nNias, the people of, and the soul, i. 122, 138;\n precautions against strangers in, i. 154;\n succession in, i. 238;\n slaves sacrificed at the funeral of a chief in, i. 251;\n exorcising the devil in, ii. 160, 161;\n scapegoats in, ii. 196, 197\n\nNicobar Islands, ceremony in cases of epidemic in the, ii. 188, 189;\n expulsion of devils in the, ii. 192\n\nNightjar, the, ii. 334, 335\n\nNisus, King of Megara, ii. 305\n\nNootka Indians, ceremony by the, at the killing of a bear, ii. 113;\n initiatory ceremony by the, ii. 351\n\nN\u00f6rdlingen, threshing custom in, i. 371\n\nNorse stories, the external soul in, ii. 312, 313\n\nNorth American Indians, their idea with regard to strangers, i. 153;\n restrictions upon women at certain times, i. 170;\n cleansing after the slaying of enemies, i. 170, 171;\n abstinence from blood, i. 179;\n nail cutting amongst the, i. 196;\n belief concerning the various properties of food, ii. 85, 86;\n spare the rattlesnake, ii. 110;\n ceremony at bear killing, ii. 115;\n respect for the elan, deer and elk, ii. 117, 118;\n regard for the bones of animals, ii. 125\n\nNorthamptonshire, May-day custom in, i. 75;\n cure for cough, ii. 154\n\nNorway, cut hair and nails buried or burned in, i. 205;\n midsummer bonfires in, ii. 289\n\nN\u00fcrnberg, ceremony of carrying out Death in, i. 259\n\nOak worship, ii. 291;\n the chief sacred tree of the European Aryans, ii. 291-370;\n sacred fires made of, ii. 292;\n oak wood burnt on Midsummer Day, ii. 294;\n Balder is the, ii. 295;\n human representative of the, slain, ii. 294-296;\n life of, in the mistletoe, ii. 360, 361;\n superstition concerning the oak tree, ii. 368;\n a store of solar fire, ii. 369\n\nOats-goat, ii. 13-15\n\nObermedlingen, threshing custom in, ii. 21, 22;\n midsummer fires in, ii. 270\n\nOberpfalz, threshing custom in, i. 371\n\nOctober horse, ii. 64-67\n\nOfferings of first-fruits, ii. 373-384\n\nOil of St. John, ii. 288, 289\n\nOjebways, sunshine charm used by the, i. 22;\n seldom fell living trees, i. 61\n\nOlaf, King of Sweden, sacrificed, i. 47, 48\n\nOld Calabar, revellings at the expulsion of devils in, ii. 193\n\nOld man, a name given to the last sheaf, i. 337, 338\n\nOld woman, a name given to the last sheaf, i. 337, 338\n\nOldenburg, superstition regarding the reflection in, i. 147;\n custom with regard to clippings from the hair in, i. 201;\n fire festival in, ii. 250\n\nOmaha Indians, rain-making by the, i. 14;\n wind clan of the Omahas, i. 26;\n their totems, ii. 53, 56\n\nOmens, neutralising bad, ii. 151\n\nOnitsha, ceremony of eating the new yams at, ii. 74;\n New Year festival in, ii. 170, 171;\n human scapegoats in, ii. 195, 196\n\nOraon festival, i. 85, 86\n\nOraons, ceremony at rice planting by the, i. 288\n\nOrchomenus, human sacrifice at the rites of Dionysus in, i. 329\n\nOregon, belief in the recall of the soul by the Salish Indians of, i. 136,\n 137\n\nOrestes, the originator of the worship of Diana, i. 3\n\nOrinoco rain-charm, i. 18, 93;\n sunshine charm, i. 22\n\nOrissa, worshippers of the Queen of England in, i. 41;\n rice growing in, i. 61\n\nOrkney Islands, transference of sickness in the, ii. 153\n\nOsiris, myth of, i. 301 _sq._;\n ritual of, i. 303-305;\n representation of the dead body of, in the temple of Isis, i. 305;\n a corn-spirit, i. 305-307;\n a tree-spirit, i. 307-309;\n grave of, at Philae, i. 309;\n arguments for and against his being the sun-god, i. 311-313, 316, 317,\n 318, 320;\n a god of vegetation, i. 319;\n rites of, similar to those of Dionysus and Adonis, i. 319, 320;\n probable origin of the cult of, i. 363;\n once represented by a human victim, i. 400-404;\n on monuments, i. 403;\n key to the mysteries of, i. 404;\n as a pig, ii. 52-60;\n death of, ii. 58, 59;\n annual sacrifice of a pig to, ii. 58, 59;\n as a bull, ii. 59-61\n\nOsnabr\u00fcck, harvest custom in, i. 336\n\nOsterode, Easter fires in, ii. 253\n\nOstiaks, ceremony by the, at the killing of a bear, ii. 111, 112\n\nOt Damons, custom with regard to strangers by the, i. 151, 152;\n seclusion of girls amongst the, ii. 229\n\nOtawa Indians, ceremony at the killing of a bear by the, ii. 113;\n do not burn fish bones, ii. 119\n\nOude, sin eating in, ii. 156\n\nOwl, the, ii. 335, 336\n\nOx, ritual at the Athenian sacrifice of the, ii. 38, 39, 41;\n as an embodiment of the corn-spirit, ii. 41-43;\n Osiris and the, ii. 59-61\n\nOzieri, Gardens of Adonis at, i. 290\n\nPacific, human gods in the, i. 38, 39\n\nP\u00e1dams of Assam, superstition concerning lost children by the, i. 63\n\nPalermo, \u201csawing the old woman\u201d in, i. 261\n\nPalm-tree, the Dyaks and the, ii. 329\n\n\u2014\u2014 Sunday custom, ii. 216\n\nPan, representation of, ii. 34, 35;\n the Lord of the Wood, ii. 35\n\nPanes, festival of the, ii. 90, 91\n\nPapuans, foods eaten by the, ii. 87;\n belief in a child\u2019s life being bound up with that of a tree, ii. 329\n\nParis, procession of mock giant in, ii. 281\n\nParthian monarchs worshipped as deities, i. 49\n\nPatagonians, burning of loose hair by the, i. 205\n\nPawnees, human sacrifices by the, at sowing, i. 381, 382\n\nPayaguas, method of fighting the wind by the, i. 28\n\nPear-tree, the protector of cattle, i. 73\n\nPelew Islanders, god of the, i. 39, 40;\n custom at tree-felling by the, i. 62, 63;\n ceremony on the killing of a man by the, i. 178\n\nPembrokeshire, Twelfth Day custom in, ii. 143\n\nPepper Coast, high priest held responsible for the general welfare, i. 47\n\nPermanent incarnation, i. 37-42\n\nPersian kings not seen eating, i. 162\n\nPeru, rain-charm in, i. 17;\n charm for staying the sun in, i. 24;\n preservation of the representative corn-spirit by the ancient Peruvians,\n i. 350, 351;\n expulsion of devils in, ii. 203;\n self-beating in, ii. 216.\n _See also under_ Incas.\n\nPhilippine Islands, belief in the souls of trees in the, i. 62;\n cannibalism in the, ii. 88\n\nPhilosophy, primitive, defect of, i. 210-212;\n rules of life of sacred men are the outcome of, _ib._\n\nPhoenician custom at vintage, i. 365;\n Linus song, i. 398, 399\n\nPhrygia, mock human sacrifices in, i. 300;\n reapers\u2019 song in, i. 365, 366\n\nPiedmont, midsummer peasant custom in, i. 288\n\nPig, the corn-spirit as a, ii. 26-31;\n sacred, ii. 50-57;\n Osiris as a, ii. 52-60\n\nPigs, Demeter and Proserpine as, ii. 44-49;\n Attis and Adonis as, ii. 49, 50\n\nPilsen, Whitsuntide custom near, i. 92\n\nPine-tree sacred to Dionysus, i. 321\n\nPinsk, Whit Monday customs by Russian girls in, i. 87, 88\n\nPlas, Whitsuntide custom in the neighbourhood of, i. 92\n\nPo, excavations in the valley of the, i. 57\n\nPoachers and the fir-cones, ii. 288\n\nPoint Barrow, hunting the evil spirit by the Eskimo of, ii. 164, 165\n\nPoitou, midsummer fire festival in, ii. 261\n\nPoland, ceremony of carrying out Death in, i. 261;\n harvest custom in, i. 339, 340, 342, 343;\n Christmas custom in, ii. 6, 7\n\nPolynesians, superstition held by the, concerning the head, i. 189, 190;\n and sacred contagion, ii. 55\n\nPomerania, cut hair buried in, i. 205;\n reaping custom in, i. 205\n\nPomos of California, expulsions of devils by the, ii. 183\n\nPongol festival, ii. 73\n\nPont \u00e0 Mousson, harvest ceremony at, ii. 21\n\nPoplar, burning of a, on St. Peter\u2019s Day, i. 101\n\nPortrait, the soul in the, i. 148, 149\n\nPortraits, life in, i. 148\n\nPotato-dog, ii. 4\n\n\u2014\u2014 wolf, ii. 2, 5\n\nPotatoes, custom at the digging of new, in Sutherlandshire, ii. 71\n\nPotniae, rites of Dionysus at, i. 329\n\nPouilly, harvest ceremony at, ii. 20, 21, 47\n\nPreacher to the fish, ii. 119, 120\n\nPregnancy, i. 239\n\nPriestly kings, i. 7, 8\n\nPriests, Roman and Sabine, not shaved with iron razors, i. 172\n\nPrimitive man and the supernatural, i. 6-30\n\n\u2014\u2014 philosophy, rules of life are the outcome of, i. 208-210\n\nProphesying, drinking blood before, i. 34, 35\n\nPropitiation of the fish, ii. 118, 119\n\nProserpine and the pig, ii. 44-49\n\nPrussia, reverence for the oak in, i. 58;\n high trees worshipped by the ancient Prussians, i. 64;\n custom after a funeral by the old Prussians, i. 177;\n self-immolation of the supreme ruler of the old Prussians, i. 223;\n ceremony at spring ploughing in, i. 286;\n corn drenching in, i. 287;\n gardens of Adonis in, i. 294, 295;\n harvest custom in, i. 336, 338, 343;\n ceremony at the sowing of the winter corn by the Prussian Slavs, ii. 18,\n 19;\n midsummer fire festival in, ii. 265\n\nPuberty, girls at, not allowed to touch the ground or see the sun, ii.\n 225-253;\n girls secluded at, ii. 225;\n reasons for the seclusion, ii. 238 _sq._\n\nPulverbatch, oak tree superstition at, ii. 368\n\nPunjaub, Gen. Nicholson worshipped by a sect in the, i. 41;\n ceremony at the bursting of the cotton boles in the, i. 353;\n custom at the festival of lamps, ii. 176\n\nPurification after travel, i. 157, 158\n\nPyrenees, customs in the, i. 101\n\nQuauhtitlans, human sacrifices by the, ii. 221\n\nQueen of the sacred rites, i. 7\n\nQueensland, initiatory rites in, ii. 343, 344\n\nQuilacare, self-immolation of the king of, i. 224\n\nQuoja, initiatory rites in, ii. 347\n\nRa, the sun-god, i. 313-316\n\nRain-charm, i. 93, 199, 287, 289, 299, 333, 374, 390, 400; ii. 42\n\n\u2014\u2014 kings of, i. 52, 53\n\n\u2014\u2014 making, i. 13-22\n\nRajah, custom at the death of a, i. 232\n\nRajah Vijyanagram, his aversion to iron, i. 174\n\nRajamahall, offerings of first-fruits in, ii. 374, 375\n\nRali fair, the, i. 276, 277\n\nRam, sacred, ii. 63;\n Egyptian sacrifice of the, ii. 92-94;\n consecration of the white ram by the Kalmucks, ii. 136\n\nRamin, harvest custom in, i. 377\n\nRaskolniks, the, and mirrors, i. 147\n\nRattlesnake not killed, ii. 110\n\nRatzeburg, harvest custom in, i. 376, 377\n\nRed cock, ii. 9\n\n\u2014\u2014 haired victims, i. 306, 307\n\nReflection, the soul in the, i. 145-148\n\nReligion, marks of a primitive, i. 348, 349\n\n\u2014\u2014 and magic, relation of, i. 30-32\n\nReligious aspect of Peruvian, Parthian and Egyptian sovereigns, i. 48-50\n\nResurrection, the, of animals, ii. 123-125;\n traces in folk-tales of the belief in, ii. 125;\n simulation of death and resurrection at initiatory rites, ii. 342-358\n\nRhetra, priest tastes the sacrificial blood at, i. 35\n\nRh\u00f6n mountains, fire festivals in the, ii. 249\n\nRice-bride, the, i. 355\n\nRice harvest, ceremonies at the, ii. 71, 72\n\nRio de la Plata, seclusion of girls amongst the Indians of, ii. 230, 231\n\nRoman cure for fever, ii. 152\n\n\u2014\u2014 haircutting custom, i. 199\n\nRomans, tree worship by the, i. 99\n\nRome, ceremony of driving out the old Mars from, ii. 208-210\n\nRomove, sacred oak at, i. 58, 64\n\nRook, expulsion of evil in the island of, ii. 158;\n initiation festival, ii. 352\n\nRosenheim, harvest custom in, ii. 20\n\nRoti, haircutting ceremony in the island of, i. 201, 205, 206\n\nRottenburg, midsummer ceremony in, ii. 266, 267\n\nRoumanians, rain-making by the, i. 16;\n custom after a death by the, i. 176;\n corn-drenching by the, i. 286\n\nRowan, the, effective against witchcraft, ii. 361\n\nRoyal and priestly taboos, i. 109-120, 149-209\n\n\u2014\u2014 blood not spilt upon the ground, i. 179-183\n\nRuhla, springtide custom in, i. 88\n\nRupture, cure for, ii. 330\n\nRussia, Whitsuntide customs in, i. 76, 77;\n first-born sacrificed by the heathen in, i. 237;\n Eastertide customs in Little Russia, i. 272, 273;\n harvest custom in, i. 341;\n ceremony on the cutting of the first sheaf in, i. 364;\n Easter custom in White Russia, ii. 29;\n Russian wood-spirits, ii. 35, 36;\n Russian corn-spirits, ii. 36;\n beating as a charm in, ii. 216;\n midsummer customs in, ii. 265, 267\n\nRuthenia, fire festival in, ii. 265\n\nRye-boar, ii. 26, 27\n\n\u2014\u2014 goat, ii. 12\n\n\u2014\u2014 wolf, ii. 1-3, 5\n\nSabaea, kings of, not allowed out of their palaces, i. 164\n\nSabarios, festival of, ii. 69\n\nSables, superstition about killing, ii. 115\n\nSacaea festival at Babylon, i. 226, 400\n\nSacramental bread, traces of the use of, at Aricia, ii. 82-84\n\n\u2014\u2014 character of the harvest supper, corn-spirit eaten in animal form, ii.\n 31\n\n\u2014\u2014 killing of an animal, two types of the, ii. 134 _sq._\n\nSacramental killing of sacred animal by pastoral peoples, ii. 135-138\n\nSacraments in ancient Mexico, ii. 78, 79\n\nSacred cattle in Egypt, ii. 60, 61\n\n\u2014\u2014 persons\u2019 vessels not to be used by others, i. 166;\n sacred persons are dangerous, i. 166, 167;\n not allowed to see the sun, ii. 225, 243 _note_;\n not allowed to touch the ground, ii. 224, 243 _note_\n\nSacredness and uncleanness not distinguished by primitive man, i. 169-172\n\nSacrifices, human, i. 235-237, 251, 252\n\nSacrificial king, i. 7\n\nSaddle Island, the reflection and the soul in the, i. 145\n\nSaffron Walden, May-day custom in, i. 76\n\nSagar, influenza in, ii. 189, 190\n\nSalign\u00e9, harvest custom in, i. 343\n\nSalii, the, ii. 210 _note_\n\nSalmon-catching, ii. 121, 122\n\nSalza district, Shrove Tuesday custom in the, ii. 29\n\nSalzwedel, Whitsuntide custom in, i. 90\n\nSamoan gods, i. 39; ii. 54\n\nSamoans, the, and bleeding trees, i. 61;\n recall of the soul amongst the, i. 135;\n turtle not eaten by the, i. 163;\n\nSamoans and the butterfly, ii. 56;\n presentation of first-fruits by the, ii. 381\n\nSamogitians, tree superstition amongst the, i. 65;\n birds and beasts of the wood held sacred by the, i. 105\n\nSamorin kings, i. 225\n\nSamoyed story, the external soul in a, ii. 321\n\nSankara and his shadow, i. 142\n\nSantals, story of a soul by the, i. 126\n\nSardinia, Gardens of Adonis in, i. 290\n\nSatyrs, representation of the, ii. 35\n\nSavage, our debt to the, i. 210-212\n\nSavage Island, kings killed in the, i. 48;\n collapse of the monarchy in the, i. 118;\n killing of strangers in the, i. 158\n\nSavages and the soul, i. 121, 122\n\n\u201cSawing the old woman,\u201d i. 261, 262\n\nSaxon villages, Whitsuntide custom in, i. 95\n\nSaxons of Transylvania, charm for keeping sparrows from the corn used by\n the, ii. 130\n\nSaxony, Whitsuntide ceremonies in, i. 243\n\nScandinavian Christmas custom, ii. 29\n\nScapegoat, ii. 182-217;\n animal employed as a, ii. 189-191, 194 _sq._;\n human, ii. 191 _sq._;\n dog used as a, ii. 194, 195;\n Tibetan ceremony of the, ii. 197, 198;\n divine, ii. 199-201, 205;\n cow and bull as, ii. 201, 202;\n use of, in classical antiquity, ii. 208-217;\n reason for beating the, ii. 213-215\n\nSchaumburg, Easter fires in, ii. 253\n\nSchluckenau, Shrovetide custom in, i. 244\n\nScotland, representation of spring in the Highlands of, i. 97;\n iron as a charm in, i. 175, 176;\n harvest custom in, i. 339, 345;\n cowherd clothed in cow\u2019s hide in the Highlands of, ii. 145, 146;\n midsummer fires in, ii. 264, 265\n\nScythian kings put in bonds in times of scarcity, i. 46\n\nSea-lion, respect for the, ii. 111\n\nSeal, respect for the, ii. 111\n\nSelf-immolation, i. 216, 224\n\nSemites, sacrifice of children by the, i. 235;\n the king\u2019s son sacrificed, _ib._;\n worship of Adonis, i. 279\n\nSenegambia, the Python clan in, ii. 95;\n soul detention among the Sereres of, i. 139\n\nSenjero, first-born sacrificed in, i. 236, 237\n\nServia, rain-making in, i. 16;\n torchlight procession in, ii. 266\n\nSeven Oaks, May-day custom in, i. 76\n\nSex-totems in Australia, ii. 334-337\n\nShadow, the soul in the, i. 141-149\n\nShamans, the, sacrifice their chief on account of pestilence, i. 48\n\nShans, expulsion of the fire-spirit by the, ii. 178, 179\n\nShark Point the home of the priestly King Kukulu, i. 112\n\nSharp instruments supposed to wound spirits, i. 176, 177\n\nSheaf, the last, various names given to, and ceremonies in connection\n with, i. 336-338, 340-346, 408; ii. 4, 7, 8, 68\n\nShepherd\u2019s Isle, precautions taken against strangers in, i. 152, 153\n\nShetland seamen and wind buying, i. 27\n\nShropshire, \u201cNeck\u201d the name given to the last handful of corn in, i. 407,\n 408;\n harvest custom, ii. 24, 25;\n sin-eating in, ii. 155\n\nShrovetide Bear, i. 254, 255\n\n\u2014\u2014 customs, i. 96, 244, 270; ii. 29, 250, 254-257, 283\n\nSiam, soul superstition in, i. 59;\n mode of royal executions in, i. 179, 180;\n superstition concerning the head, i. 187, 188;\n temporary king of, i. 229;\n banishment of demons in, ii. 178;\n human scapegoats in, ii. 196;\n the external soul in Siamese story, ii. 304, 305\n\nSiberian sable hunters, ii. 115, 116\n\nSicily, Gardens of Adonis in, i. 294, 295\n\nSilenus both a wood and corn spirit, ii. 35;\n representation of, _ib._\n\nSilesia, driving out Death in, i. 260;\n \u201ccarrying out Death\u201d in, i. 267;\n bringing back summer in, i. 263;\n harvest custom in, i. 336, 346; ii. 8\n\nSilvanus both a wood and corn spirit, ii. 35\n\nSin-bearers, ii. 151, 152\n\nSin-eating, ii. 154-157\n\n\u201cSinew which shrank,\u201d abstinence from the, ii. 126-128\n\nSkye, harvest festival in, ii. 14;\n Beltane fires in, ii. 255, 256\n\nSlaves sacrificed, i. 251, 252\n\nSlavonia, \u201ccarrying out Death\u201d in, i. 260; ii. 209;\n custom of \u201csawing the old woman\u201d amongst the Slavs, i. 262;\n reaping custom amongst the Slavs, i. 334, 355;\n beating in, ii. 216;\n midsummer fires in, ii. 265;\n perpetual fire of the Slavs, ii. 293;\n the external soul in Slavonic stories, ii. 309, 310\n\nSlovenes of Oberkrain, Shrove Tuesday custom amongst the, i. 96\n\nSmall-pox, driving away the, ii. 161;\n scapegoat used for, ii. 190, 191\n\nSnake, communion with the, ii. 139\n\n\u2014\u2014 tribe, ii. 95;\n ceremony performed with a dough snake by the, ii. 139, 140\n\nSoest, custom of flax pullers at, i. 375\n\nSofala, kings of, killed, i. 219, 220\n\nSogamoso, restrictions on the heir to the throne in, ii. 225\n\nSol\u00f6r, harvest custom in, i. 375\n\nSomersetshire, midsummer fires in, ii. 262\n\nSorcerers, the soul extracted or detained by, i. 135-141\n\nSoul, perils of the, i. 109 _sq._;\n a miniature of the body, i. 121-123;\n precautions to prevent its escape, i. 123;\n conceived as a bird, i. 124;\n its flight, i. 124, 125;\n absent in sleep, i. 125-129;\n its departure not always voluntary, i. 129;\n carried off by ghosts, i. 129-132;\n recall of the, i. 129-141;\n stolen by demons, i. 132-135;\n brought back in visible shape, i. 136-138;\n extracted or detained by sorcerers, i. 138-141;\n transference of the, i. 140;\n the soul thought to be in the portrait, i. 148, 149;\n in the shadow, i. 141-149;\n in the reflection, i. 145-148;\n in the blood, i. 178, 179;\n transmigration of the human soul into that of a turtle, ii. 98;\n the external soul in folk tales, ii. 296-326;\n in folk custom, ii. 327-359\n\nSouls, of trees, i. 59-61;\n of divine persons transmitted to successors, i. 237-239;\n plurality of, ii. 339\n\nSouth American Indians, foods eaten and avoided by the, ii. 86;\n beating by the, ii. 216\n\nSouth Sea Islands, man-gods in the, i. 38, 39.\n\nSowing-time custom, ii. 28-30, 32, 48\n\nSpachendorf, fire festivals in, ii. 249, 250\n\nSpain, custom of \u201csawing the old woman\u201d in, i. 261, 262;\n midsummer fires in, ii. 266\n\nSparrows, the, and the corn, ii. 130\n\nSparta, state sacrifices offered by the kings of, i. 7\n\nSpices, sprinkling the sick with, i. 154\n\nSpirit, of vegetation, in human shape, i. 87, 88\n\n\u2014\u2014 robbing the, i. 380\n\nSpirits, sharp instruments supposed to wound, i. 176, 177\n\nSpitting as a protective charm, i. 205\n\nSpring and harvest customs compared, i. 346, 347\n\n\u2014\u2014 ceremony in, in China, ii. 42, 43;\n European fire festivals in, ii. 247-254\n\nStorms, Motumotu theory of, i. 27\n\nStrangers, precautions against the magic arts of, i. 150-160;\n tied up in the sheaves by the reapers as representatives of the\n corn-spirit, i. 374-380\n\nStraw goats, ii. 16\n\nSucla-Tirtha, expulsion of sins to sea by the, ii. 192\n\nSuicide of Fijians at old age, i. 216\n\nSumatra, rain-charm in, i. 17;\n tree-superstition in, i. 63;\n reluctance to wound a tiger in, ii. 110\n\nSummer, bringing back, i. 263, 268\n\n\u2014\u2014 tree, i. 268, 269\n\nSun, staying the, i. 24;\n sacred person not allowed to see the, ii. 225, 243 _note_;\n girls at puberty not allowed to see the, ii. 225-253;\n traces in folktales of the rule which forbids girls at puberty to see\n the sun, ii. 235-237;\n belief that the sun can impregnate women, ii. 236;\n tabooed persons may not see the, ii. 243 _note_;\n fires as sun charms, ii. 267-274\n\nSuni Mohammedans, covering up mirrors by the, i. 147\n\nSunshine, making, i. 22-24\n\nSuperb warbler, ii. 336, 337\n\nSurenthal, midsummer fire ceremony in the, ii. 259, 260\n\nSurinam, the bush negroes of, and their totems, ii. 53, 54\n\nSutherland, cure for cough in, ii. 154\n\nSutherlandshire, custom at the digging of new potatoes in, ii. 71\n\nSwabia, burying of cut hair in, i. 202;\n burying the carnival in, i. 254-257;\n harvest custom, ii. 27;\n fire festival, ii. 248-249;\n Easter fires in, ii. 254; midsummer fires in, ii. 258\n\nSweden, harvest superstition in, i. 68;\n King Domalde sacrificed on account of famine, i. 47, 48;\n May Eve customs in, i. 78;\n midsummer ceremonies, i. 78, 79;\n Christmas customs in, ii. 29-31;\n superstitious use of Yule straw in, ii. 30, 31;\n May Day fires in, ii. 258;\n midsummer bonfires in, ii. 289;\n mistletoe superstition in, _ib._;\n divining rods made from the mistletoe in, ii. 367\n\nSwineherds, restrictions on, in Egypt, ii. 52\n\nSyleus, legend of, i. 398\n\nSympathetic eating, Savage belief that a man acquires the character of the\n animal or man whose flesh he eats, ii. 85-89\n\n\u2014\u2014 magic, i. 9-12\n\nSyria, caterpillars in, ii. 132\n\nTaboo, i. 121, 178;\n fatal effects of, i. 167-170;\n seclusion of tabooed persons, i. 170, 171;\n the object of, is to preserve life, i. 149;\n royal and priestly taboos, i. 109-120, 149-150, 209\n\nTabor, in Bohemia, ceremony of carrying out Death in, i. 258\n\nTahiti, abdication of kings of, i. 120;\n the bodies of the king and queen not allowed to be touched, i. 172;\n superstition concerning the head in, i. 190, 191;\n burying of cut hair in, i. 200\n\nT\u00e2if, hair cut on returning from a journey in, i. 194\n\nTamaniu, the, of the Bank Islanders, ii. 331, 332\n\nTana, disposal of unconsumed food by the islanders, i. 166;\n offerings of first-fruits in, ii. 378\n\nTarnow, reaping custom in, i. 335\n\nTartar Khan, ceremony on a visit by a stranger to a, i. 158, 159\n\n\u2014\u2014 poems, the external soul in, ii. 321-324\n\nTa-ta-thi tribe of New South Wales, rain-making by the, i. 14\n\nT\u00e2-uz, festival in honour of, i. 283, 284\n\nTemporary kings, i. 228-234;\n sometimes hereditary, i. 228, 232\n\nTenedos, rites of Dionysus at, i. 329\n\nTenimber Islands, offering of first-fruits in the, ii. 376, 377\n\nTeutonic kings exercised the powers of high priests, i. 8\n\nTexas, initiatory ceremony among the Toukaway Indians of, ii. 352\n\nThammuz as a corn-spirit, i. 283, 288\n\nThann, May-Day customs in, i. 83\n\nTheban ritual, ii. 92, 93;\n rams sacred at Thebes, ii. 63\n\nThesmophoria, the, ii. 44-48\n\nThlinket of Alaska, festival to the halibut by the, ii. 121\n\nThuringen, Whitsuntide customs in, i. 90, 91, 243;\n Mid-Lent customs in, i. 257, 258;\n threshing custom in, i. 371\n\nTibetan New Year\u2019s day custom, ii. 193-195;\n scapegoat, ii. 197-198\n\nTiger, flesh of, eaten, ii. 86;\n reluctance to wound a, ii. 110\n\nTikopia islanders, ceremony by the, in cases of epidemic, ii. 188\n\nTillot, threshing custom in the canton of, i. 372\n\nTimor, West, custom of a speaker in, i. 163\n\nTimorese rain-charm, i. 18\n\nTimorlaut, married men not allowed to cut their hair in, i. 194;\n disease-boats in, ii. 186, 187\n\nTjumba, harvest festival in, ii. 375, 376\n\nTodas, the dairy a sanctuary amongst the, i. 41;\n buffalo held sacred by the, ii. 136, 137\n\nTom-cat, ii. 11\n\nTona, the, of the Zapotecs, ii. 332, 333\n\nTonga, king of, not seen eating, i. 162;\n ceremony in, with regard to sacred contagion, ii. 55;\n festival of the first-fruits in, ii. 379-381\n\nTongues of birds given to backward children to eat, ii. 87\n\nTonquin, the test of a suitable sacrificial victim in, i. 36;\n selection of guardian spirits in, i. 40;\n the monarchy, i. 119, 120;\n kings not allowed to be viewed in public, i. 165;\n mode of royal executions in, i. 180, 181;\n expulsion of evil spirits in, ii. 176-178;\n time of licence in, ii. 204\n\nToothache cure, ii. 149\n\nTorchlight processions, ii. 266, 273\n\nTotem, a, is an object (animal, plant, etc.) in which a man deposits his\n soul for safety, ii. 337-342\n\nTotemism, ii. 38, 53, 54, 56, 133, 337-342, 358, 359\n\nTotems, sex, ii. 334\n\nTouaregs of the Sahara, custom of veiling the face amongst the, i. 163\n\nTransmigration of divine spirit, i. 42-44\n\nTransylvania, rain-charm in, i. 17;\n burying the carnival amongst the Saxons of, i. 255;\n \u201ccarrying out Death\u201d in, i. 265, 266;\n corn-drenching in, i. 286;\n custom for preserving the crops from insects, etc. in, ii. 130\n\nTransylvanian story of a soul, i. 126, 127\n\nTraunstein district, harvest custom in the, ii. 27\n\nTravancore, transference of sickness in, ii. 151\n\nTravel, purification after, i. 157, 158\n\nTree-spirit represented by leaf-clad persons alone, i. 87-90;\n killing the, i. 240-253;\n reason for annually killing the, i. 247-249;\n the goat as an embodiment of the, ii. 34-37;\n burnt in effigy, ii. 274-277;\n human beings burnt as representatives of the, ii. 277-285\n\n\u2014\u2014 spirits give rain and sunshine, i. 66;\n cause the crops to grow, i. 67-70;\n influence of, on women and cattle, i. 70-74\n\n\u2014\u2014 worship, i. 56-98;\n in antiquity, 98-108\n\nTrees, bleeding, i. 61;\n souls of, i. 59-61;\n souls of the dead believed to animate, i. 62;\n inhabited by spirits, i. 62-65;\n planted at the births of children, ii. 329, 330;\n regarded as storehouses of the sun\u2019s fire, ii. 369 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 and cattle, i. 72 _sq._\n\nTrier, harvest custom in, ii. 6\n\nTukaitawa and his shadow, i. 142, 143\n\nTurks, parings from the nails preserved by the, i. 204;\n Turks of Central Asia give backward children tongues of birds to eat,\n ii. 87\n\nTurner\u2019s picture of the Golden Bough, i. 1\n\nTurtle, the, not eaten, i. 163;\n sacrifice of the sacred, ii. 95-99;\n belief in the transmigration of human souls into, ii. 98, 99\n\nTwelfth Day customs, ii. 143, 144, 182\n\nTycoons, the, i. 119\n\nTypes, two, of animal worship, ii. 133, 134\n\nTyphon, ii. 57-60\n\nTyrol, expulsion of witches in the, i. 181, 182;\n witches said to make use of the hair cut in the, i. 199;\n midsummer customs in the, ii. 267\n\nUalaroi, ceremony at initiatory rites in, ii. 344\n\nUapes of Brazil, treatment of girls at the age of puberty in, ii. 334\n\nUdvarhely, harvest home in, i. 370, 371;\n ceremony with the last sheaf in, ii. 9, 48\n\nUea, power ascribed to the souls of the dead in, i. 132\n\nUelzen, harvest ceremony in, ii. 13\n\nUganda, custom of burning the king\u2019s brothers in, i. 181;\n king of, and his courtiers, i. 222\n\nUgi, dread of women\u2019s blood in, i. 186;\n burying of cut hair in, i. 202\n\nUliase, sprinkling the sick with spices in, i. 154\n\nUnyoro, kings killed in, i. 218\n\nUpsala, sacred grove at, i. 58\n\nUtch Kurgan, sin eating in, ii. 156, 157\n\nVal di Ledro, fire festival in, ii. 251\n\nVat\u00e9, burying alive at, i. 217\n\nVegetation, spirit of, in human shape, i. 87, 88;\n slain at midsummer, i. 274, 275\n\nVeiling, i. 162, 163\n\nVenison not eaten, ii. 86, 87\n\nVermin, respect shown by primitive people for, ii. 129-132\n\nVestal fire, i. 5\n\n\u2014\u2014 virgins, hair of, i. 200\n\nVictoria, Queen, worshipped by a sect in Orissa, i. 41\n\nVine, not to walk under a, i. 183;\n sacred to Dionysus, i. 321\n\nVintage, Phoenician custom at, i. 365\n\nVirbius, legend of, i. 6;\n possible explanation of his relation to the Arician Diana, i. 362;\n and the horse, ii. 62-67;\n reason why he was confounded with the sun, ii. 369\n\nVolders, threshing custom at, i. 374\n\nVorarlberg, fire festival at, ii. 248\n\nVosges Mountains, May Day customs in the, i. 76\n\nWadai, veiling of the Sultan of, i. 163;\n he must have no bodily defect, i. 221\n\nWaganda, worship in, i. 45\n\nWalber, the, i. 84, 86\n\nWallachia, corn-drenching in, i. 286\n\nWanika, the, believers in the souls of trees, i. 59;\n do not shed the blood of animals, i. 182\n\nWanyoro, secretion of cut hair and nails by the, i. 203\n\nWanzleben, harvest custom in, ii. 5\n\nWarts, cure for, ii. 153\n\nWarua, the, not seen eating, i. 160, 161\n\nWa-teita, the, their reluctance to be photographed, i. 148\n\nWater, kings of, i. 53-56\n\n\u2014\u2014 fairy, English superstition regarding the, i. 146\n\nWatjobaluk, the, and the bat, ii. 334\n\nWeather kings, i. 44-46\n\n\u2014\u2014 omens, ii. 270, 271\n\nWeevil, the, ii. 129, 130\n\nWeiden, harvest custom in, i. 338\n\nWelsh custom of sin eating, ii. 154, 155\n\nWends dancing round the oak-tree, i. 72\n\nWermland, custom among the threshers in, i. 378;\n ceremony with regard to the last sheaf in, ii. 68\n\nWest African rain-makers, i. 20\n\nWesterh\u00fcsen, reaping custom in, i. 334\n\nWestphalia, Whitsuntide customs in, i. 98;\n harvest custom in, i. 336; ii. 8, 9\n\nWetar, men injured by attacking their shadows in, i. 142;\n superstition concerning the blood of women in, i. 187;\n opinion of the inhabitants as to their descent, ii. 53\n\nWheat-bride, a name given to the binder of the last sheaf, i. 346\n\n\u2014\u2014 dog, a name given to the binder of the last sheaf, ii. 4\n\nWhite dog, sacrifice of the, ii. 166\n\n\u2014\u2014 mice spared, ii. 131, 132\n\nWhitsuntide basket, i. 89\n\n\u2014\u2014 bride, i. 98\n\n\u2014\u2014 customs, i. 76, 77, 80, 87, 88, 90-96, 98, 242, 243-247\n\n\u2014\u2014 flower, i. 88\n\n\u2014\u2014 king, i. 90\n\n\u2014\u2014 queen, i. 93\n\nWiedingharde, threshing custom in, i. 378\n\nWild man, i. 243, 244, 248, 250, 270; ii. 41\n\nWind, buying and selling, i. 27;\n fighting the, i. 28-30;\n wind-making, i. 26, 27\n\nWine the blood of the vine, i. 184, 185;\n abstention from, _ib._\n\nWinenthal, midsummer fire ceremony in the, ii. 259, 260\n\nWitchcraft, protection against, ii. 361, 362\n\nWitches, expulsion of, ii. 181\n\nWolf, the corn-spirit as a, ii. 3-7\n\nWolfeck, midsummer bonfire in, ii. 277\n\nWomen, superstition concerning the blood of, i. 185-187\n\n\u2014\u2014 secluded, ii. 238-242\n\n\u2014\u2014 and tree-spirits, i. 70-74\n\nWotjaks, sacred groves of the, i. 65;\n driving out Satan by the, ii. 179, 180\n\nWren, hunting the, ii. 140-144;\n English tradition concerning the hunting of the, ii. 140, 141\n\nWurmlingen, Whit Monday custom in, i. 242, 243;\n threshing custom in, ii. 21\n\nYakut charm for making wind, i. 26;\n sacrifices, i. 36\n\nYawning, Hindoo custom when, i. 123\n\nYarilo, funeral of, i. 273\n\nYorkshire custom of the clergyman cutting the first corn, ii. 71\n\nYoruba, precautions against strangers in, i. 151\n\nYucutan charm for staying the sun, i. 25;\n New Year\u2019s festival, ii. 272, 273\n\nYule boar, ii. 29-32, 48\n\n\u2014\u2014 straw, ii. 30, 31\n\nZabern, May Day custom in, i. 77;\n harvest custom in, ii. 18\n\nZacynthus, strength thought to be in the hair by the people of, ii. 328\n\nZafimanelo, the, not seen eating, i. 160\n\nZaparo Indians of South America, foods eaten and avoided by the, ii. 86\n\nZapotecs, high pontiff of the, i. 113, 114; ii. 224;\n harvest custom, i. 352, 353;\n the tona of the, ii. 332\n\nZealand, custom at the madder harvest in, i. 378, 379\n\nZend Avesta, directions by the, concerning the clippings of hair and\n nails, i. 202\n\nZeus, a man\u2019s shadow lost on entering the sanctuary of, i. 143;\n represented by an oak at Dodona, ii. 291\n\n\u2014\u2014 and Hera, representation of the marriage of, i. 103\n\nZoolas, qualities required for the king of the, i. 219\n\nZulu rain-charm, i. 19;\n belief in the reflection as the soul, i. 145;\n kings put to death, i. 218, 219;\n custom in time of disease, ii. 86;\n cannibalism, ii. 89;\n girls secluded at puberty, ii. 226;\n the Ihlozi of the, ii. 332\n\nZuni sacrifice of the turtle, ii. 95-99;\n totem clans, ii. 99\n\nZ\u00fcrich, fire festival in, ii. 250, 251\n\n\n\n\n\n\nFOOTNOTES\n\n\n 1 W. Mannhardt, _Die Kornd\u00e4monen_, pp. 1-6.\n\n 2 W. Mannhardt, _Roggenwolf und Roggenhund_ (Danzig, 1865), p. 5;\n _id._, _Antike Wald-und Feldkulte_, p. 318 _sq._; _id._, _Mythol.\n Forsch._ p. 103; Witzschel, _Sagen, Sitten und Gebr\u00e4uche aus\n Th\u00fcringen_, p. 213.\n\n 3 W. Mannhardt, _Roggenwolf u. Roggenhund_, p. 7 _sqq._; _id._, _A. W.\n F._ p. 319.\n\n 4 W. Mannhardt, _Roggenwolf_, etc. p. 10.\n\n 5 W. Mannhardt, _M. F._ p. 104.\n\n_ 6 Ib._\n\n_ 7 Ib._ p. 104 _sq._ On the Harvest-May, see above, vol. i. p. 68.\n\n_ 8 Ib._ p. 105.\n\n_ 9 Ib._ p. 30.\n\n_ 10 Ib._ pp. 30, 105.\n\n_ 11 Ib._ p. 105 _sq._\n\n_ 12 A. W. F._ p. 320; _Roggenwolf_, p. 24.\n\n_ 13 Roggenwolf_, p. 24.\n\n_ 14 Roggenwolf_, p. 24.\n\n_ 15 Ib._ p. 25.\n\n_ 16 Ib._ p. 28; _A. W. F._ p. 320.\n\n_ 17 Roggenwolf_, p. 25.\n\n_ 18 Ib._ p. 26.\n\n_ 19 Ib._ p. 26; _A. W. F._ p. 320.\n\n_ 20 A. W. F._ p. 321.\n\n_ 21 A. W. F._ p. 321 _sq._\n\n_ 22 A. W. F._ p. 320.\n\n_ 23 A. W. F._ p. 320 _sq._\n\n_ 24 A. W. F._ p. 322.\n\n_ 25 Ib._ p. 323.\n\n_ 26 Die Kornd\u00e4monen_, p. 13.\n\n_ 27 Ib._; Schmitz, _Sitten und Sagen des Eifler Volkes_, i. p. 95;\n Kuhn, _Westf\u00e4lische Sagen, M\u00e4rchen und Gebr\u00e4uche_, ii. p. 181; Kuhn\n und Schwartz, _Norddeutsche Sagen, M\u00e4rchen und Gebr\u00e4uche_, p. 398.\n\n 28 G. A. Heinrich, _Agrarische Sitten und Gebr\u00e4uche unter den Sachsen\n Siebenb\u00fcrgens_, p. 21.\n\n_ 29 Die Kornd\u00e4monen_, p. 13. Cp. Kuhn and Schwartz, _l.c._\n\n_ 30 Die Kornd\u00e4monen_, p. 13.\n\n 31 Witzschel, _Sagen, Sitten und Gebr\u00e4uche aus Th\u00fcringen_, p. 220.\n\n_ 32 Die Kornd\u00e4monen_, p. 13 _sq._; _Kuhn, Westf\u00e4lische Sagen, M\u00e4rchen\n und Gebr\u00e4uche_, ii. p. 180 _sq._; Pfannenschmid, _Germanische\n Erntefeste_, p. 110.\n\n_ 33 Die Kornd\u00e4monen_, p. 14; Pfannenschmid, _op. cit._ pp. 111, 419\n _sq._\n\n_ 34 Die Kornd\u00e4monen_, p. 15. So in Shropshire, where the corn-spirit is\n conceived in the form of a gander (see above, vol. i. p. 407), the\n expression for overthrowing a load at harvest is \u201cto lose the\n goose,\u201d and the penalty used to be the loss of the goose at the\n harvest supper (Burne and Jackson, _Shropshire Folk-lore_, p. 375);\n and in some parts of England the harvest supper was called the\n Harvest Gosling, or the Inning Goose (Brand, _Popular Antiquities_,\n ii. 23, 26, Bohn\u2019s ed.)\n\n_ 35 Die Kornd\u00e4monen_, p. 14.\n\n_ 36 Ib._ p. 15.\n\n_ 37 M. F._ p. 30.\n\n_ 38 Die Kornd\u00e4monen_, p. 15.\n\n_ 39 Ib._ p. 15 _sq._\n\n_ 40 Ib._ p. 15; _M. F._ p. 30.\n\n_ 41 Die Kornd\u00e4monen_, p. 1.\n\n_ 42 Folk-lore Journal_, vii. 47.\n\n_ 43 Die Kornd\u00e4monen_, p. 3.\n\n 44 Lemke, _Volksth\u00fcmliches in Ostpreussen_, i. 24.\n\n 45 G. A. Heinrich, _Agrarische Sitten und Gebr\u00e4uche unter den Sachsen\n Siebenb\u00fcrgens_, p. 21.\n\n 46 Above, vol. i. p. 408.\n\n_ 47 M. F._ p. 29.\n\n_ 48 M. F._ p. 29 _sq._; _Die Kornd\u00e4monen_, p. 5.\n\n_ 49 A. W. F._ pp. 172-174; _M. F._ p. 30.\n\n 50 W. Mannhardt, _A. W. F._ p. 155 _sq._\n\n_ 51 Ib._ p. 157 _sq._\n\n_ 52 Ib._ p. 159.\n\n_ 53 Ib._ p. 161 _sq._\n\n 54 W. Mannhardt, _A. W. F._ p. 162.\n\n 55 Panzer, _Beitrag zur deutschen Mythologie_, ii. p. 232 _sq._ No.\n 426; _A. W. F._ p. 162.\n\n 56 Panzer, _op. cit._ ii. p. 228 _sq._ No. 422; _A. W. F._ p. 163.\n\n_ 57 A. W. F._ p. 163.\n\n_ 58 Ib._ p. 164.\n\n_ 59 A. W. F._ p. 164.\n\n_ 60 Ib._ p. 164 _sq._\n\n_ 61 Ib._ p. 165.\n\n 62 Brand, _Popular Antiquities_, ii. 24, Bohn\u2019s ed.; _A. W. F._ p. 165.\n\n 63 Above, vol. i. p. 380.\n\n_ 64 A. W. F._ p. 165.\n\n_ 65 A. W. F._ p. 166; _M. F._ p. 185.\n\n_ 66 A. W. F._ p. 166.\n\n 67 Above, p. 11.\n\n 68 Holzmayer, _Osiliana_, p. 107.\n\n 69 G. A. Heinrich, _Agrarische Sitten u. Gebr\u00e4uche unter den Sachsen\n Siebenb\u00fcrgens_, p. 19. Cp. B. K. p. 482 _sqq._\n\n 70 Panzer, _Beitrag zur deutschen Mythologie_, ii. p. 225 _sqq._ No.\n 421; _A. W. F._ p. 167 _sq._\n\n_ 71 A. W. F._ p. 168.\n\n 72 E. Meier, _Deutsche Sagen, Sitten und Gebr\u00e4uche aus Schwaben_, p.\n 445, No. 162; _A. W. F._ p. 168.\n\n_ 73 A. W. F._ p. 169.\n\n 74 Panzer, _op. cit._ ii. p. 224 sq. No. 420; _A. W. F._ p. 169.\n\n_ 75 A. W. F._ p. 169.\n\n_ 76 Ib._ p. 170.\n\n_ 77 Ib._ p. 170.\n\n 78 Praetorius, _Deliciae Prussicae_, p. 23 _sq._; _B. K._ p. 394 _sq._\n\n_ 79 M. F._ p. 58.\n\n_ 80 Ib._\n\n_ 81 M. F._ p. 62.\n\n_ 82 M. F._ p. 59.\n\n 83 Above, p. 6.\n\n_ 84 M. F._ p. 59.\n\n 85 E. Meier, _Deutsche Sagen, Sitten und Gebr\u00e4uche aus Schwaben_, p.\n 440 _sq. Nos._ 151, 152, 153; Panzer, _Beitrag zur deutschen\n Mythologie_, ii. p. 234, No. 428; _M. F._ p. 59.\n\n 86 Panzer, _op. cit._ ii. p. 233, No. 427; _M. F._ p. 59.\n\n_ 87 M. F._ p. 59 _sq._\n\n_ 88 M. F._ p. 58.\n\n 89 M. F. p. 58 _sq._\n\n_ 90 M. F._ p. 60.\n\n 91 E. Meier, _Deutsche Sagen, Sitten und Gebr\u00e4uche aus Schwaben_, p.\n 444 _sq._ No. 162; _M. F._ p. 61.\n\n 92 Panzer, _Beitrag zur deutschen Mythologie_, ii. p. 233, No. 427.\n\n_ 93 M. F._ p. 61 _sq._\n\n_ 94 M. F._ p. 62.\n\n_ 95 M. F._ p. 62.\n\n 96 E. Meier, _op. cit._ p. 445 _sq._ No. 163.\n\n_ 97 M. F._ p. 60.\n\n_ 98 M. F._ p. 62.\n\n 99 Above, vol. i. p. 343 _sq._\n\n 100 Laisnel de la Salle, _Croyances et L\u00e9gendes du Centre de la France_,\n ii. 135.\n\n_ 101 M. F._ p. 62, \u201c_Il fait le veau_.\u201d\n\n_ 102 M. F._ p. 62.\n\n_ 103 M. F._ p. 63.\n\n_ 104 M. F._ p. 167.\n\n 105 Brand, _Popular Antiquities_, ii. 24, Bohn\u2019s ed.\n\n 106 Burne and Jackson, _Shropshire Folk-lore_, p. 373 _sq._\n\n_ 107 M. F._ p. 167.\n\n 108 Laisnel de la Salle, _Croyances et L\u00e9gendes du Centre de la France_,\n ii. 133; _M. F._ p. 167 _sq._\n\n 109 Witzschel, _Sagen, Sitten und Gebr\u00e4uche aus Th\u00fcringen_, p. 213, No.\n 4.\n\n 110 Holzmayer, _Osiliana_, p. 107; _M. F._ p. 187.\n\n 111 Birlinger, _Aus Schwaben_, ii. 328.\n\n 112 Panzer, _Beitrag zur deutschen Mythologie_, ii. pp. 223, 224, Nos.\n 417, 419.\n\n_ 113 M. F._ p. 112.\n\n 114 E. Meier, _Deutsche Sagen, Sitten und Gebr\u00e4uche aus Schwaben_, p.\n 445, No. 162.\n\n 115 Birlinger, _Volksth\u00fcmliches aus Schwaben_, ii. 425, No. 379.\n\n 116 Panzer, _Beitrag zur deutschen Mythologie_, ii. pp. 221-224, Nos.\n 409, 410, 411, 412, 413, 414, 415, 418.\n\n_ 117 M. F._ p. 186 _sq._\n\n 118 Above, p. 3.\n\n 119 Above, p. 26 _sq._\n\n_ 120 M. F._ p. 187.\n\n_ 121 M. F._ p. 187 _sq._; Witzschel, _Sagen, Sitten und Gebr\u00e4uche aus\n Th\u00fcringen_, pp. 189, 218; W. Kolbe, _Hessische Volks-Sitten und\n Gebr\u00e4uche_ (Marburg, 1888), p. 35.\n\n_ 122 M. F._ p. 188; Ralston, _Songs of the Russian People_, p. 220.\n\n_ 123 A. W. F._ p. 197 _sq._; Panzer, _Beitrag zur deutschen Mythologie_,\n ii. p. 491; Jamieson, _Dictionary of the Scottish Language_, _s.v._\n \u201cMaiden\u201d; Afzelius, _Volkssagen und Volkslieder aus Schwedens\n \u00e4lterer und neuerer Zeit_, \u00fcbersetzt von Ungewitter, i. 9.\n\n 124 Above, p. 6 _sq._\n\n 125 L. Lloyd, _Peasant Life in Sweden_, pp. 169 _sq._, 182. On Christmas\n night children sleep on a bed of the Yule straw (_ib._ p. 177).\n\n 126 Jahn, _Deutsche Opfergebr\u00e4uche_, p. 215. Cp. above, vol. i. p. 60.\n\n 127 Afzelius, _op. cit._ i. 31.\n\n 128 Afzelius, _op. cit._ i. 9; Lloyd, _Peasant Life in Sweden_, pp. 181,\n 185.\n\n 129 Above, pp. 8 _sq._, 11, 12, 15 _sq._, 21, 23, 28. In regard to the\n hare the substitution of brandy for hare\u2019s blood is doubtless\n comparatively modern.\n\n_ 130 Die Kornd\u00e4monen_, p. 1.\n\n 131 Herodotus, ii. 46.\n\n 132 Preller, _Griechische Mythologie_, 3 i. 600; _A. W. F._ p. 138.\n\n_ 133 A. W. F._ p. 139.\n\n 134 Pollux, iv. 118.\n\n_ 135 A. W. F._ p. 142 _sq._\n\n 136 Ovid, _Fasti_, ii. 361; iii. 312; v. 101; _id._, _Heroides_, iv. 49.\n\n 137 Macrobius, _Sat._ i. 22, 3.\n\n 138 Homer, _Hymn to Aphrodite_, 262 _sqq._\n\n 139 Pliny, _N. H._ xii. 3; Ovid, _Metam._ vi. 392; _id._, _Fasti_, iii.\n 303, 309; Gloss. Isid. Mart. Cap. ii. 167, cited by Mannhardt, _A.\n W. F._ p. 113.\n\n 140 Pliny, _N. H._ xii. 3; Martianus Capella, ii. 167; Augustine, _Civ.\n Dei_, xv. 23; Aurelius Victor, _Origo gentis Romanae_, iv. 6.\n\n 141 Servius on Virgil, _Ecl._ vi. 14; Ovid, _Metam._ vi. 392 _sq._;\n Martianus Capella, ii. 167.\n\n_ 142 B. K._ p. 138 _sq._; _A. W. F._ p. 145.\n\n 143 Servius on Virgil, _Georg._ i. 10.\n\n 144 Above, p. 12 _sqq._\n\n_ 145 A. W. F._ ch. iii.\n\n 146 Above, vol. i. p. 379 _sq._\n\n 147 Above, vol. i. p. 326 _sq._\n\n 148 Above, vol. i. p. 325 _sq._\n\n 149 Above, p. 19 _sqq._\n\n 150 A. Lang, _Myth, Ritual, and Religion_, ii. 232.\n\n 151 Pausanias, i. 24, 4; _id._, i. 28, 10; Porphyry, _De abstinentia_,\n ii. 29 _sq._; Aelian, _Var. Hist._ viii. 3; Schol. on Aristophanes,\n _Peace_, 419; Hesychius, Suidas, and _Etymol. Magnum_, _s.v._\n \u03b2\u03bf\u03cd\u03c6\u03bf\u03bd\u03b9\u03b1. The date of the sacrifice (14th Skirophorion) is given by\n the Schol. on Aristophanes and the _Etym. Magn._; and this date\n corresponds, according to Mannhardt (_M. F._ p. 68), with the close\n of the threshing in Attica. No writer mentions the trial of both the\n axe and the knife. Pausanias speaks of the trial of the axe,\n Porphyry and Aelian of the trial of the knife. But from Porphyry\u2019s\n description it is clear that the slaughter was carried out by two\n men, one wielding an axe and the other a knife, and that the former\n laid the blame on the latter. Perhaps the knife alone was condemned.\n That the King Archon (on whom see above, vol. i. p. 7), presided at\n the trial of all lifeless objects, is mentioned by Pollux, viii. 90;\n cp. _id._ viii. 120.\n\n 152 The real import of the name _bouphonia_ was first perceived by Prof.\n W. Robertson Smith. See his _Religion of the Semites_, i. 286 _sqq._\n\n 153 Varro, _De re rustica_, ii. 5, 4. Cp. Columella, vi. praef. \u00a7 7.\n Perhaps, however, Varro\u2019s statement may be merely an inference drawn\n from the ritual of the _bouphonia_ and the legend told to explain\n it.\n\n_ 154 B. K._ p. 409.\n\n 155 See above, vol. i. p. 243.\n\n 156 Hecquard, _Reise an die K\u00fcste und in das Innere von West-Afrika_,\n pp. 41-43.\n\n 157 Above, p. 3, and vol. i. p. 408.\n\n_ 158 China Review_, i. 62, 154, 162, 203 _sq._; Doolittle, _Social Life\n of the Chinese_, p. 375 _sq._, ed. Paxton Hood; Gray, _China_, ii.\n 115 _sq._\n\n 159 Above, vol. i. pp. 261, 267.\n\n 160 See above, p. 26 _sqq._\n\n 161 Schol. on Aristophanes, _Acharn._ 747.\n\n 162 Overbeck, _Griechische Kunstmythologie_, ii. 493; M\u00fcller-Wieseler,\n _Denkm\u00e4ler d. alt. Kunst_, ii. pl. viii. 94.\n\n 163 Hyginus, _Fab._ 277; Cornutus, _De nat. deor._ c. 28; Macrobius,\n _Sat._ i. 12, 23; Schol. on Aristophanes, _Acharn._ 747; _id._ on\n _Frogs_, 338; _id._ on _Peace_, 374; Servius on Virgil, _Georg._ ii.\n 380; Aelian, _Nat. Anim._ x. 16.\n\n 164 For the authorities on the Thesmophoria and a discussion of some\n doubtful points in the festival, I may be permitted to refer to my\n article \u201cThesmophoria\u201d in the _Encyclopaedia Britannica_, ninth ed.\n\n 165 Photius, _s.v._ \u03c3\u03c4\u03ae\u03bd\u03b9\u03b1, speaks of the ascent of _Demeter_ from the\n lower world; and Clement of Alexandria speaks of both Demeter and\n Proserpine as having been engulfed in the chasm (_Protrept._ ii. \u00a7\n 17). The original equivalence of Demeter and Proserpine must be\n borne steadily in mind.\n\n 166 Plutarch, _Isis et Osiris_, 69; Photius, _s.v._ \u03c3\u03c4\u03ae\u03bd\u03b9\u03b1.\n\n 167 E. Rohde, \u201cUnedirte Luciansscholien, die attischen Thesmophorien und\n Haloen betreffend,\u201d in _Rheinisches Museum_, N. F. xxv. (1870) 548\n _sqq_. Two passages of classical writers (Clemens Alex., _Protrept._\n ii. \u00a7 17 and Pausanias, ix. 8, 1) refer to the rites described by\n the Scholiast on Lucian, and had been rightly interpreted by Lobeck\n (_Aglaophamus_, p. 827 _sqq._)\n\n 168 The scholiast speaks of them as _megara_ and _adyta_. _Megara_ (from\n a Phoenician word meaning \u201ccavern,\u201d \u201csubterranean chasm,\u201d Movers,\n _Die Phoenizier_, i. 220) were properly subterranean vaults or\n chasms sacred to the gods. See Hesychius, quoted by Movers, _l.c._\n (the passage does not appear in M. Schmidt\u2019s minor edition of\n Hesychius); Porphyry, _De antro nymph._ 6.\n\n 169 We infer this from Pausanias, ix. 8, 1, though the passage is\n incomplete and apparently corrupt. For \u1f10\u03bd \u0394\u03c9\u03b4\u03ce\u03bd\u1fc3 Lobeck proposes to\n read \u1f00\u03bd\u03b1\u03b4\u1fe6\u03bd\u03b1\u03b9 or \u1f00\u03bd\u03b1\u03b4\u03bf\u03b8\u1fc6\u03bd\u03b1\u03b9. At the spring and autumn festivals of\n Isis at Tithorea geese and goats were thrown into the _adyton_ and\n left there till the following festival, when the remains were\n removed and buried at a certain spot a little way from the temple.\n Pausanias, x. 32, 14 (9). This analogy supports the view that the\n pigs thrown into the caverns at the Thesmophoria were left there\n till the next festival.\n\n 170 Ovid, _Fasti_, iv. 461-466, upon which Gierig remarks, \u201c_Sues melius\n poeta omisisset in hac narratione_.\u201d Such is the wisdom of the\n commentator.\n\n 171 Pausanias, i. 14, 3.\n\n 172 Schol. on Aristophanes, _Frogs_, 338.\n\n 173 Above, p. 15 _sq._\n\n 174 Above, p. 20 _sq._\n\n 175 Above, p. 9.\n\n 176 Above, p. 29.\n\n 177 Above, p. 29 _sq._\n\n 178 In Clemens Alex., _Protrept._ ii. 17, for \u03bc\u03b5\u03b3\u03b1\u03c1\u03af\u03b6\u03bf\u03bd\u03c4\u03b5\u03c2 \u03c7\u03bf\u03af\u03c1\u03bf\u03c5\u03c2\n \u1f10\u03ba\u03b2\u03ac\u03bb\u03bb\u03bf\u03c5\u03c3\u03b9 Lobeck (Aglaophamus, p. 831) would read \u03bc\u03b5\u03b3\u03ac\u03c1\u03bf\u03b9\u03c2 \u03b6\u1ff6\u03bd\u03c4\u03b1\u03c2\n \u03c7\u03bf\u03af\u03c1\u03bf\u03c5\u03c2 \u1f10\u03bc\u03b2\u03ac\u03bb\u03bb\u03bf\u03c5\u03c3\u03b9. For his emendation of Pausanias, see above, p.\n 45.\n\n 179 It is worth noting that in Crete, which was an ancient seat of\n Demeter worship (see above, vol. i. p. 331), the pig was esteemed\n very sacred and was not eaten, Athenaeus, 375 F\u00b7376 A. This would\n not exclude the possibility of its being eaten sacramentally, as at\n the Thesmophoria.\n\n 180 Pausanias, viii. 42.\n\n 181 Above, p. 24 _sqq._\n\n 182 Pausanias, viii. 25 and 42. On the Phigalian Demeter, see W.\n Mannhardt, _M. F._ p. 244 _sqq._\n\n 183 Above, vol. i. p. 296 _sq._\n\n 184 Above, vol. i. p. 296.\n\n 185 Demosthenes, _De corona_, p. 313.\n\n 186 Above, vol. i. p. 281.\n\n 187 Cureton, _Spicilegium Syriacum_, p. 44.\n\n 188 Lucian, _De dea Syria_, 54.\n\n 189 The heathen Harranians sacrificed swine once a year and ate the\n flesh; En-Nedim, in Chwolsohn\u2019s _Die Ssabier und der Ssabismus_, ii.\n 42. My friend Professor W. Robertson Smith has conjectured that the\n wild boars annually sacrificed in Cyprus on 2d April (Joannes Lydus,\n _De mensibus_, iv. 45) represented Adonis himself. See his _Religion\n of the Semites_, i. 272 sq., 392.\n\n 190 Plutarch, _Quaest. Conviv._ iv. 5.\n\n 191 Isaiah lxv. 3, 4, lxvi. 3, 17.\n\n 192 Herodotus, ii. 47; Plutarch, _Isis et Osiris_, 8; Aelian, _Nat.\n Anim._ x. 16.\n\n 193 Herodotus, _l.c._\n\n 194 Plutarch and Aelian, _ll.cc._\n\n 195 Herodotus, _l.c._\n\n 196 Herodotus, ii. 47 _sq._; Aelian and Plutarch, _ll.cc._ Herodotus\n distinguishes the sacrifice to the moon from that to Osiris.\n According to him, at the sacrifice to the moon, the extremity of the\n pig\u2019s tail, together with the spleen and the caul, were covered with\n fat and burned; the rest of the flesh was eaten. On the evening (not\n the eve, see Stein on the passage) of the festival the sacrifice to\n Osiris took place. Each man slew a pig before his door, then gave it\n to the swineherd, from whom he had bought it, to take away.\n\n 197 Riedel, _De sluik-en kroesharige rassen tusschen Selebes en Papua_,\n pp. 432, 452.\n\n_ 198 Third Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology_ (Washington), p.\n 225.\n\n_ 199 Ib._ p. 231.\n\n 200 J. Crevaux, _Voyages dans l\u2019Am\u00e9rique au Sud_, p. 59.\n\n 201 Turner, _Samoa_, pp. 17 _sq._, 50 _sq._\n\n 202 Leviticus xvi. 23 _sq._\n\n 203 Porphyry, _De abstin._ ii. 44. For this and the Jewish examples I am\n indebted to my friend Prof. W. Robertson Smith.\n\n 204 Mariner, _Tonga Islands_, i. 434, _note_; ii. 82, 222 _sq._\n\n 205 Above, vol. i. p. 167 _sqq._\n\n 206 Casalis, _The Basutos_, p. 211; Livingstone, _Missionary Travels and\n Researches in South Africa_, p. 255; John Mackenzie, _Ten Years\n north of the Orange River_, p. 135 _note_.\n\n 207 J. Mackenzie, _l.c._\n\n_ 208 Third Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology_ (Washington), p.\n 225.\n\n_ 209 Ib._ p. 275.\n\n 210 Turner, _Samoa_, p. 76.\n\n_ 211 Ib._ p. 70.\n\n 212 Diogenes Laertius, _Vitae Philos._ viii. 8.\n\n 213 Aelian, _Nat. Anim._ x. 16. The story is repeated by Pliny, _Nat.\n Hist._ xviii. 168.\n\n 214 Lef\u00e9bure, _Le mythe Osirien_, i. 44.\n\n 215 Plutarch, _Isis et Osiris_, 8. Lef\u00e9bure (_op. cit._ p. 46)\n recognises that in this story the boar is Typhon himself.\n\n 216 This important principle was first recognised by Prof. W. Robertson\n Smith. See his article \u201cSacrifice,\u201d _Encycl. Britann._ 9th ed. xxi.\n 137 sq. Cp. his _Religion of the Semites_, pp. 353 _sq._, 391 _sq._\n\n 217 Plutarch, _Isis et Osiris_, 31.\n\n 218 Lef\u00e9bure, _Le mythe Osirien_, p. 48 _sq._\n\n 219 Plutarch, _Isis et Osiris_, 33, 73; Diodorus, i. 88.\n\n 220 Plutarch, _Isis et Osiris_, 31; Diodorus, i. 88. Cp. Herodotus, ii.\n 38.\n\n 221 Plutarch, _Isis et Osiris_, 20, 29, 33, 43; Strabo, xvii. 1, 31;\n Diodorus, i. 21, 85; Duncker, _Geschichte des Alterthums_,5 i. 55\n _sqq._ On Apis and Mnevis, see also Herodotus, ii. 153, iii. 27\n _sq._; Ammianus Marcellinus, xxii. 14, 7; Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ viii.\n 184 _sqq._; 17.; Solinus, xxxii. 17-21; Cicero, _De nat. deor._ i.\n 29; Aelian, _Nat. Anim._ xi. 10 _sq._; Plutarch, _Quaest. Conviv._\n viii. 1, 3; _id._, _Isis et Osiris_, 5, 35: Eusebius, _Praepar.\n Evang._ iii. 13, 1 _sq._; Pausanias, i. 18, 4, vii. 22, 3 _sq._ Both\n Apis and Mnevis were black bulls, but Apis had certain white spots.\n\n 222 Diodorus, i. 21.\n\n 223 On the religious reverence of pastoral peoples for their cattle, and\n the possible derivation of the Apis and Isis-Hathor worship from the\n pastoral stage of society, see W. Robertson Smith, _Religion of the\n Semites_, i. 277 _sqq._\n\n 224 Herodotus, ii. 41.\n\n 225 Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ viii. 184; Solinus, xxxii. 18; Ammianus\n Marcellinus, xxii. 14, 7. The spring or well in which he was drowned\n was perhaps the one from which his drinking water was procured; he\n might not drink the water of the Nile. Plutarch, _Isis et Osiris_,\n 5.\n\n 226 Plutarch, _Isis et Osiris_, 56.\n\n 227 Maspero, _Histoire ancienne_,4 p. 31. Cp. Duncker, _Geschichte des\n Alterthums_,5 i. 56.\n\n 228 See above, p. 24 _sqq._\n\n 229 Athenaeus, 587 A; Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ viii. 204. Cp. _Encycl.\n Britann._ 9th ed. art. \u201cSacrifice,\u201d xxi. 135.\n\n 230 Varro, _De agri cult._ i. 2, 19 _sq._\n\n 231 Herodotus, ii. 42.\n\n 232 Festus, ed. M\u00fcller, pp. 178, 179, 220; Plutarch, _Quaest. Rom._ 97;\n Polybius, xii. 4 B. The sacrifice is referred to by Julian, _Orat._\n 176 D.\n\n 233 Ovid, _Fasti_, iv. 731 _sqq._, cp. 629 _sqq._; Propertius, v. 1, 19\n _sq._\n\n 234 Above, p. 41 _sq._\n\n 235 Above, vol. i. p. 408, vol. ii. p. 3.\n\n 236 Above, p. 30.\n\n 237 Livy, ii. 5.\n\n 238 Festus, ed. M\u00fcller, pp. 130, 131.\n\n 239 The October horse is the subject of an essay by Mannhardt\n (_Mytholog. Forsch._ pp. 156-201), of which the above account is a\n summary.\n\n_ 240 M. F._ p. 179.\n\n_ 241 B. K._ p. 205. It is not said that the dough-man is made of the new\n corn; but probably this is, or once was, the case.\n\n 242 Praetorius, _Deliciae Prussicae_, pp. 60-64; _A. W. F._ p. 249\n _sqq._\n\n 243 Bezzenberger, _Litauische Forschungen_ (G\u00f6ttingen, 1882), p. 89.\n\n 244 Simon Grunau, _Preussische Chronik_, ed. Perlbach, i. 91.\n\n 245 Holzmayer, _Osiliana_, p. 108.\n\n 246 On iron as a charm against spirits, see above, vol. i. p. 175 _sq._\n\n_ 247 Folk-lore Journal_, vii. 54.\n\n 248 Communicated by the Rev. J. J. C. Yarborough, of Chislehurst, Kent.\n See _Folk-lore Journal_, vii. 50.\n\n 249 G. A. Wilken, _Bijdrage tot de kennis der Alfoeren van het eiland\n Boeroe_, p. 26.\n\n 250 P. N. Wilken, \u201cBijdragen tot de kennis van de zeden en gewoonten der\n Alfoeren in de Minahassa,\u201d in _Mededeelingen van wege het\n Nederlandsche Zendelinggenootschap_, vii. (1863) p. 127.\n\n 251 N. P. Wilken en J. A. Schwarz, \u201cAllerlei over het land en volk van\n Bolaang Mongondou,\u201d in _Mededeel. v. w. h. Nederl. Zendelinggen_.\n xi. 369 _sq._\n\n 252 H. Harkness, _Description of a Singular Aboriginal Race inhabiting\n the Summit of the Neilgherry Hills_, p. 56 _sq._\n\n 253 Gover, _Folk-songs of Southern India_, p. 105 _sqq._; _Folk-lore\n Journal_, vii. 302 _sqq._\n\n 254 Gover, \u201cThe Pongol Festival in Southern India,\u201d _Journ. R. Asiatic\n Society_, N. S. v. (1871) p. 91 _sqq._\n\n 255 Biddulph, _Tribes of the Hindoo Koosh_, p. 103.\n\n 256 Crowther and Taylor, _The Gospel on the Banks of the Niger_, p. 287\n _sq._ Mr. Taylor\u2019s information is repeated in _West African\n Countries and Peoples_, by J. Africanus B. Horton (London, 1868), p.\n 180 _sq._\n\n 257 Speckmann, _Die Hermannsburger Mission in Afrika_, p. 150 _sq._ On\n the Zulu feast of first-fruits, see also N. Isaacs, _Travels and\n Adventures in Eastern Africa_, ii. 291 _sq._; Arbousset et Daumas,\n _Voyage d\u2019exploration_, etc. p. 308 _sq._; Callaway, _Religious\n System of the Amazulu_, p. 389 _note_; _South African Folk-lore\n Journal_, i. 135 _sqq._; Fritsch, _Die Eingeborenen S\u00fcd-Afrikas_, p.\n 143; Lewis Grout, _Zululand_, p. 160 _sqq._ From Mr. Grout\u2019s\n description it appears that a bull is killed and its gall drunk by\n the king and people. In killing it the men must use nothing but\n their naked hands. The flesh of the bull is given to the boys to eat\n what they like and burn the rest; the men may not taste it. As a\n final ceremony the king breaks a green calabash in presence of the\n people, \u201cthereby signifying that he opens the new year, and grants\n the people leave to eat of the fruits of the season.\u201d If a man eats\n the new fruits before the festival, he will die or is actually put\n to death.\n\n 258 The ceremony is described independently by James Adair, _History of\n the American Indians_ (London, 1775), pp. 96-111; W. Bartram,\n _Travels through North and South Carolina, Georgia, East and West\n Florida_ (London, 1792), p. 507 _sq._; B. Hawkins, \u201cSketch of the\n Creek country,\u201d in _Collections of the Georgia Historical Society_,\n iii. (Savannah, 1848), pp. 75-78; A. A. M\u2019Gillivray, in\n Schoolcraft\u2019s _Indian Tribes_, v. 267 _sq._ Adair\u2019s description is\n the fullest and has been chiefly followed in the text. In\n _Observations on the Creek and Cherokee Indians_, by William Bartram\n (1789), _with prefatory and supplementary notes_, by E. G. Squier,\n p. 75, there is a description\u2014extracted from an MS. of J. H. Payne\n (author of _Home, Sweet Home_)\u2014of the similar ceremony observed by\n the Cherokees. I possess a copy of this work in pamphlet form, but\n it appears to be an extract from the transactions or proceedings of\n a society, probably an American one. Mr. Squier\u2019s preface is dated\n New York, 1851.\n\n 259 W. Bartram, _Travels_, p. 507.\n\n 260 So amongst the Cherokees, according to J. H. Payne, an arbour of\n green boughs was made in the sacred square; then \u201ca beautiful\n bushy-topped shade-tree was cut down close to the roots, and planted\n in the very centre of the sacred square. Every man then provided\n himself with a green bough.\u201d\n\n 261 So Adair. Bartram, on the other hand, as we have seen, says that the\n old vessels were burned and new ones prepared for the festival.\n\n 262 B. Hawkins, \u201cSketch,\u201d etc., p. 76.\n\n 263 See Note on \u201cOfferings of first-fruits\u201d at the end of the volume.\n\n 264 Acosta, _Natural and Moral History of the Indies_, bk. v. c. 24,\n vol. ii. pp. 356-360 (Hakluyt Society, 1880).\n\n 265 Bancroft, _Native Races of the Pacific States_, iii. 297-300 (after\n Torquemada); Clavigero, _History of Mexico_, trans. by Cullen, i.\n 309 _sqq._; Sahagun, _Histoire g\u00e9n\u00e9rale des choses de la\n Nouvelle-Espagne_, traduite et annot\u00e9e par Jourdanet et Sim\u00e9on\n (Paris, 1880), p. 203 _sq._; J. G. M\u00fcller, _Geschichte der\n amerikanischen Urreligionen_, p. 605.\n\n 266 Clavigero, i. 311; Sahagun, pp. 74, 156 _sq._; M\u00fcller, p. 606;\n Bancroft, iii. 316. This festival took place on the last day of the\n 16th month (which extended from 23d December to 11th January). At\n another festival the Mexicans made the semblance of a bone out of\n paste and ate it sacramentally as the bone of the god. Sahagun, p.\n 33.\n\n 267 See above, vol. i. p. 5 _sq._\n\n 268 Festus, ed. M\u00fcller, pp. 128, 129, 145. The reading of the last\n passage is, however, uncertain (\u201c_et Ariciae genus panni fieri; quod\n manici \u2020 appelletur_\u201d).\n\n 269 Varro, _De ling. lat._ ix. 61; Arnobius, _Adv. nationes_, iii. 41;\n Macrobius, _Saturn_, i. 7, 35; Festus, p. 128, ed. M\u00fcller. Festus\n speaks of the mother or grandmother of the _larvae_; the other\n writers speak of the mother of the _lares_.\n\n 270 Macrobius, _l.c._; Festus, pp. 121, 239, ed. M\u00fcller. The effigies\n hung up for the slaves were called _pilae_, not _maniae_. _Pilae_\n was also the name given to the straw-men which were thrown to the\n bulls to gore in the arena. Martial, _Epigr._ ii. 43, 5 _sq._;\n Asconius, _In Cornel._ p. 55, ed. Kiessling and Schoell.\n\n 271 The ancients were at least familiar with the practice of sacrificing\n images made of dough or other materials as substitutes for the\n animals themselves. It was a recognised principle that when an\n animal could not be easily obtained for sacrifice, it was lawful to\n offer an image of it made of bread or wax. Servius on Virgil, _Aen._\n ii. 116. (Similarly a North-American Indian dreamed that a sacrifice\n of twenty elans was necessary for the recovery of a sick girl; but\n the elans could not be procured, and the girl\u2019s parents were allowed\n to sacrifice twenty loaves instead. _Relations des Jesuites_, 1636,\n p. 11, ed. 1858). Poor people who could not afford to sacrifice real\n animals offered dough images of them. Suidas, _s.v._ \u03b2\u03bf\u1fe6\u03c2 \u1f15\u03b2\u03b4\u03bf\u03bc\u03bf\u03c2;\n cp. Hesychius, _s. vv._ \u03b2\u03bf\u1fe6\u03c2, \u1f15\u03b2\u03b4\u03bf\u03bc\u03bf\u03c2 \u03b2\u03bf\u1fe6\u03c2. Hence bakers made a\n regular business of baking cakes in the likeness of all the animals\n which were sacrificed to the gods. Proculus, quoted and emended by\n Lobeck, _Aglaophamus_, p. 1079. When Cyzicus was besieged by\n Mithridates and the people could not procure a black cow to\n sacrifice at the rites of Proserpine, they made a cow of dough and\n placed it at the altar. Plutarch, _Lucullus_, 10. In a Boeotian\n sacrifice to Hercules, in place of the ram which was the proper\n victim, an apple was regularly substituted, four chips being stuck\n in it to represent legs and two to represent horns. Pollux, i. 30\n _sq._ The Athenians are said to have once offered to Hercules a\n similar substitute for an ox. Zenobius, _Cent._ v. 22. And the\n Locrians, being at a loss for an ox to sacrifice, made one out of\n figs and sticks, and offered it instead of the animal. Zenobius,\n _Cent._ v. 5. At the Athenian festival of the Diasia cakes shaped\n like animals were sacrificed. Schol. on Thucydides, i. 126, quoted\n by Lobeck, _l.c._ We have seen above (p. 53) that the poorer\n Egyptians offered dough images of pigs and ate them sacramentally.\n\n 272 P. J. Veth, _Borneo\u2019s Wester Afdeeling_, ii. 309.\n\n 273 N. Graafland, _De Minahassa_, i. 326.\n\n 274 Shway Yoe, _The Burman_, ii. 138.\n\n 275 James Adair, _History of the American Indians_, p. 133.\n\n 276 Alfred Simson, _Travels in the Wilds of Ecuador_ (London, 1887), p.\n 168; _id._ in _Journal of the Anthrop. Institute_, vii. 503.\n\n 277 Theophilus Hahn, _Tsuni-Goam, the Supreme Being of the Khoi-Khoi_,\n p. 106. Compare John Buchanan, _The Shire Highlands_, pg. 138;\n Callaway, _Religious System of the Amazulu_, p. 438 _note_.\n\n 278 Jerome Becker, _La Vie en Afrique_, (Paris and Brussels, 1887), ii.\n 366.\n\n 279 Callaway, _Nursery Tales, Traditions, and Histories of the Zulus_,\n p. 175 _note_.\n\n 280 Dalton, _Ethnology of Bengal_, p. 33.\n\n 281 St. John, _Life in the Forests of the Far East_,2 i. 186, 206.\n\n 282 Riedel, _De sluik-en kroesharige rassen tusschen Selebes en Papua_,\n pp. 10, 262.\n\n 283 James Chalmers, _Pioneering in New Guinea_, p. 166.\n\n_ 284 Proceedings Royal Geogr. Society_, N. S. viii. (1886) p. 307.\n\n 285 J. Henderson, \u201cThe Medicine and Medical Practice of the Chinese,\u201d\n _Journ. North China Branch R. Asiatic Society_, New Series, i.\n (Shanghai, 1865) p. 35 _sq._\n\n 286 M\u00fcller on Saxo Grammaticus, vol. ii. p. 60.\n\n 287 Leared, _Morocco and the Moors_, p. 281.\n\n 288 Vambery, _Das T\u00fcrkenvolk_, p. 218.\n\n 289 Charlevoix, _Histoire de la Nouvelle France_, vi. 8.\n\n 290 Felkin, \u201cNotes on the For tribe of Central Africa,\u201d in _Proceedings\n of the Royal Society of Edinburgh_, xiii. (1884-1886) p. 218.\n\n 291 W. Ridley, _Kamilaroi_, p. 160.\n\n 292 Brough Smyth, _Aborigines of Victoria_, ii. 313.\n\n 293 Blumentritt, \u201cDer Ahnencultus und die religi\u00f6sen Anschauungen der\n Malaien des Philippinen-Archipels,\u201d in _Mittheilungen d. Wiener\n Geogr. Gesellschaft_, 1882, p. 154.\n\n 294 Magyar, _Reisen in S\u00fcd-Afrika in den Jahren_ 1849-1857, pp. 273-276.\n\n 295 Casalis, _The Basutos_, p. 257 _sq._\n\n 296 Callaway, _Nursery Tales, Traditions and Histories of the Zulus_, p.\n 163 _note_.\n\n 297 John Buchanan, _The Shire Highlands_, p. 138.\n\n_ 298 Journal of the North China Branch Royal Asiatic Society, l.c._\n\n 299 R. Taylor, _Te Ika a Maui, or New Zealand and its Inhabitants_\n (London, 1870), p. 352. Cp. _ib._ p. 173; Ellis, _Polynesian\n Researches_, i. 358; J. Dumont D\u2019Urville, _Voyage autour du Monde\n sur la corvette Astrolabe_, ii. 547; _Journal of the Anthrop. Inst._\n xix. 108.\n\n 300 On the custom of eating a god, see also a paper by Felix Liebrecht,\n \u201cDer aufgegessene Gott,\u201d in _Zur Volkskunde_, pp. 436-439; and\n especially W. R. Smith, art. \u201cSacrifice,\u201d _Encycl. Britann._ 9th ed.\n vol. xxi. p. 137 _sq._ On wine as the blood of a god, see above,\n vol. i. p. 183 _sqq._\n\n 301 This does not refer to the Californian peninsula, which is an arid\n and treeless wilderness of rock and sand.\n\n 302 Boscana, in Alfred Robinson\u2019s _Life in California_ (New York, 1846),\n p. 291 sq.; Bancroft, _Native Races of the Pacific States_, iii.\n 168.\n\n 303 Turner, _Samoa_, p. 21, cp. pp. 26, 61.\n\n 304 Herodotus, ii. 42. The custom has been already referred to, above,\n p. 63.\n\n 305 Ed. Meyer, _Geschichte des Alterthums_, i. \u00a7 58. Cp. Wilkinson,\n _Manners and Customs of the Ancient Egyptians_, iii. 1 _sqq._ (ed.\n 1878).\n\n 306 Above, p. 61 _sq._\n\n 307 Above, p. 15 _sq._\n\n 308 The Italmens of Kamtchatka, at the close of the fishing season, used\n to make the figure of a wolf out of grass. This figure they\n carefully kept the whole year, believing that it wedded with their\n maidens and prevented them from giving birth to twins; for twins\n were esteemed a great misfortune. Steller, _Beschreibung von dem\n Lande Kamtschatka_, p. 327 _sq._ According to Hartknoch (_Dissertat.\n histor. de variis rebus Prussicis_, p. 163; _Altpreussen_, p. 161)\n the image of the old Prussian god Curcho was annually renewed. But\n see Mannhardt, _Die Kornd\u00e4monen_, p. 27.\n\n 309 Above, vol. i. p. 81.\n\n 310 T. J. Hutchinson, _Impressions of Western Africa_ (London, 1858), p.\n 196 _sq._ The writer does not expressly state that a serpent is\n killed annually, but his statement implies it.\n\n_ 311 Revue d\u2019Ethnographie_, iii. 397.\n\n 312 Varro in Priscian, x. 32, vol. i. p. 524, ed. Keil; Pliny, _Nat.\n Hist._ vii. \u00a7 14. Pliny\u2019s statement is to be corrected by Varro\u2019s.\n\n 313 Mr. Frank H. Cushing, \u201cMy Adventures in Zu\u00f1i,\u201d in _The Century_, May\n 1883, p. 45 _sq._\n\n 314 Mr. Cushing, indeed, while he admits that the ancestors of the Zuni\n may have believed in transmigration, says, \u201cTheir belief, to-day,\n however, relative to the future life is spiritualistic.\u201d But the\n expressions in the text seem to leave no room for doubting that the\n transmigration into turtles is a living article of Zuni faith.\n\n 315 Schoolcraft, _Indian Tribes_, iv. 86. On the totem clans of the\n Moquis, see J. G. Bourke, _Snake-Dance of the Moquis of Arizona_,\n pp. 116 _sq._, 334 _sqq._\n\n 316 For this information I am indebted to the kindness of Captain J. G.\n Bourke, 3d. Cavalry, U.S. Army, author of the work mentioned in the\n preceding note.\n\n 317 The old Prussian and Japanese customs are typical. For the former,\n see above, vol. i. p. 177. For the latter, Charlevoix, _Histoire et\n Description g\u00e9n\u00e9rale du Japon_, i, 128 _sq._ Thunberg, _Voyages au\n Japon_, etc. iv. 18 _sqq._ A general account of such customs must be\n reserved for another work.\n\n 318 B. Scheube, \u201cDer Baerencultus und die Baerenfeste der Ainos,\u201d in\n _Mittheilungen der deutschen Gesellschaft b. S. und S. Ostasiens_\n (Yokama), Heft xxii. p. 45.\n\n_ 319 Transactions of the Ethnological Society_, iv. 36.\n\n 320 Rein, _Japan_, i. 446.\n\n 321 H. von Siebold, _Ethnologische Studien \u00fcber die Ainos auf der Insel\n Yesso_, p. 26.\n\n 322 Miss Bird, _Unbeaten Tracks in Japan_ (new ed. 1885), p. 275.\n\n_ 323 Trans. Ethnol. Soc._ _l.c._\n\n 324 Miss Bird, _op. cit._ p. 269.\n\n 325 Scheube, _Die Ainos_, p. 4.\n\n 326 Scheube, \u201cBaerencultus,\u201d etc. p. 45; Joest, in _Verhandlungen d.\n Berliner Gesell. f. Anthropologie_, 1882, p. 188.\n\n_ 327 Trans. Ethnol. Soc. l.c._\n\n 328 Miss Bird, _op. cit._ p. 277.\n\n 329 Scheube, _Die Ainos_, p. 15; Siebold, _op. cit._ p. 26; _Trans.\n Ethnol. Soc._ _l.c._; Rein, _Japan_, i. 447; Von Brandt, \u201cThe Ainos\n and Japanese,\u201d in _Journ. Anthrop. Inst._ iii. 134; Miss Bird, _op.\n cit._ pp. 275, 276.\n\n 330 Scheube, _Die Ainos_, pp. 15, 16; _Journ. Anthrop. Inst._ iii. 134.\n\n 331 Scheube, _Die Ainos_, p. 16.\n\n 332 Reclus (_Nouvelle G\u00e9ographie Universelle_, vii. 755) mentions a\n (Japanese?) legend which attributes the hairiness of the Ainos to\n the fact of their first ancestor having been suckled by a bear. But\n in the absence of other evidence this is no proof of totemism.\n\n 333 Rein, _Japan_, i. 447.\n\n 334 \u201cDer Baerencultus,\u201d etc. See above.\n\n 335 Scheube, \u201cBaerencultus,\u201d etc. p. 46; _id._, _Die Ainos_, p. 15; Miss\n Bird, _op. cit._ p. 273 _sq._\n\n 336 Miss Bird, _op. cit._ p. 276 _sq._ Miss Bird\u2019s information must be\n received with caution, as there are grounds for believing that her\n informant deceived her.\n\n 337 Siebold, _Ethnolog. Studien \u00fcber die Ainos_, p. 26.\n\n 338 \u201cBaerencultus,\u201d etc. p. 50 _note_.\n\n 339 They inhabit the banks of the lower Amoor and the north of\n Saghalien. E. G. Ravenstein, _The Russians on the Amur_, p. 389.\n\n 340 \u201cNotes on the River Amur and the adjacent districts,\u201d translated\n from the Russian, _Journal Royal Geogr. Soc._ xxviii. (1858) p. 396.\n\n 341 Compare the custom of pinching the frog before cutting off his head,\n above vol. i. p. 93. In Japan sorceresses bury a dog in the earth,\n tease him, then cut off his head and put it in a box to be used in\n magic. Bastian, _Die Culturl\u00e4nder des alten Amerika_, i. 475 _note_,\n who adds \u201c_wie im ostindischen Archipelago die Schutzseele gereizt\n wird_.\u201d He probably refers to the Batta _Pang-hulu-balang_. See\n Rosenberg, _Der Malayische Archipel_, p. 59 _sq._; W. K\u00f6dding, \u201cDie\n Batakschen G\u00f6tter,\u201d in _Allgemeine Missions-Zeitschrift_, xii.\n (1885) 478 _sq._; Neumann, \u201cHet Pane-en Bila-stroomgebied op het\n eiland Sumatra,\u201d in _Tijdschrift v. h. Nederl. Aardrijks Genootsch_.\n ii. series, dl. iii. Afdeeling: meer uitgebreide artikelen, No. 2,\n p. 306.\n\n 342 W. Joest, in Scheube, _Die Ainos_, p. 17; _Revue d\u2019Ethnographie_,\n ii. 307 _sq._ (on the authority of Mr. Seeland); _Internationales\n Archiv f\u00fcr Ethnologie_, i. 102 (on the authority of Captain\n Jacobsen). What exactly is meant by \u201cdancing as bears\u201d (\u201c_tanzen\n beide Geschlechter Reigent\u00e4nze, wie B\u00e4ren_,\u201d Joest, _l.c._) does not\n appear.\n\n 343 Ravenstein, _The Russians on the Amur_, p. 379 _sq._; T. W.\n Atkinson, _Travels in the Regions of the Upper and Lower Amoor_\n (London, 1860), p. 482 _sq._\n\n 344 A Bushman, questioned by the Rev. Mr. Campbell, \u201ccould not state any\n difference between a man and a brute\u2014he did not know but a buffalo\n might shoot with bows and arrows as well as a man, if it had them.\u201d\n John Campbell, _Travels in South Africa, being a Narrative of a\n Second Journey in the Interior of that Country_, ii. 34. When the\n Russians first landed on one of the Alaskan islands the people took\n them for cuttle-fish, \u201con account of the buttons on their clothes.\u201d\n Petroff, _Alaska_, p. 145.\n\n 345 Rev. J. Perham, \u201cSea Dyak Religion,\u201d _Journal of the Straits Branch\n of the Royal Asiatic Society_, No. 10, p. 221. Cp. C. Hupe, \u201cKorte\n verhandeling over de godsdienst zeden, enz. der Dajakkers,\u201d in\n _Tijdschrift voor Ne\u00earland\u2019s Indi\u00eb_, 1846, dl. iii. 160; S. M\u00fcller,\n _Reizen en onderzoekingen in den Indischen Archipel_, i. 238;\n Perelaer, _Ethnographische Beschrijving der Dayaks_, p. 7.\n\n 346 Sibree, _The Great African Island_, p. 269.\n\n 347 Raffenel, _Voyage dans l\u2019Afrique Occidentale_ (Paris, 1846), p. 84\n _sq._\n\n 348 Bastian, _Die V\u00f6lker des \u00f6stlichen Asien_, v. 65.\n\n 349 Marsden, _History of Sumatra_, p. 292.\n\n 350 Steller, _Beschreibung von dem Lande Kamtschatka_, pp. 280, 331.\n\n_ 351 Voyages au Nord_ (Amsterdam, 1727), viii. 41, 416; Pallas, _Reise\n durch verschiedene Provinzen des russischen Reichs_, iii. 64;\n Georgi, _Beschreibung aller Nationen des russischen Reichs_, p. 83.\n\n 352 Erman, _Travels in Siberia_, ii. 43. For the veneration of the polar\n bear by the Samoyedes, who nevertheless kill and eat it, see _ib._\n 54 _sq._\n\n 353 Bastian, _Der Mensch in der Geschichte_, iii. 26.\n\n 354 Max Buch, _Die Wotj\u00e4ken_, p. 139.\n\n 355 Scheffer, _Lapponia_ (Frankfort, 1673), p. 233 _sq._ The Lapps \u201chave\n still an elaborate ceremony in hunting the bear. They pray and chant\n to his carcase, and for several days worship before eating it.\u201d E.\n Rae, _The White Sea Peninsula_ (London, 1881), p. 276.\n\n 356 Charlevoix, _Histoire de la Nouvelle France_, v. 173 _sq._;\n Chateaubriand, _Voyage en Am\u00e9rique_, pp. 172-181 (Paris, Michel\n L\u00e9vy, 1870).\n\n_ 357 Lettres \u00e9difiantes et curieuses_, vi. 171. Morgan states that the\n names of the Otawa totem clans had not been obtained (_Ancient\n Society_, p. 167). From the _Lettres \u00e9difiantes_, vi. 168-171, he\n might have learned the names of the Hare, Carp, and Bear clans, to\n which may be added the Gull clan, as I learn from an extract from\n _The Canadian Journal_ (Toronto) for March 1858, quoted in the\n _Academy_, 27th September 1884, p. 203.\n\n_ 358 A Narrative of the Adventures and Sufferings of John R. Jewitt_, p.\n 117 (Middletown, 1820), p. 133 (Edinburgh, 1824).\n\n 359 Stephen Kay, _Travels and Researches in Caffraria_ (London, 1833),\n p. 138.\n\n 360 Alberti, _De Kaffers aan de Zuidkust van Afrika_ (Amsterdam, 1810),\n p. 95. Alberti\u2019s information is repeated by Lichtenstein (_Reisen im\n s\u00fcdlichen Afrika_, i. 412), and by Rose (_Four Years in Southern\n Africa_, p. 155). The burial of the trunk is also mentioned by Kay,\n _l.c._\n\n 361 Jerome Becker, _La Vie en Afrique_ (Paris and Brussels, 1887), ii.\n 298 _sq._ 305.\n\n 362 Bastian, _Die deutsche Expedition an der Loango-K\u00fcste_, ii. 243.\n\n 363 Im Thurn, _Among the Indians of Guiana_, p. 352.\n\n 364 Mouhot, _Travels in the Central Parts of Indo-China_, i. 252; Moura,\n _Le Royaume du Cambodge_, i. 422.\n\n 365 Schoolcraft, _Indian Tribes_, v. 420.\n\n 366 J. G. Gmelin, _Reise durch Sibirien_, ii. 278.\n\n 367 W. Dall, _Alaska and its Resources_, p. 89.\n\n_ 368 Relations des J\u00e9suites_, 1634, p. 24, ed. 1858. Nets are regarded\n by the Indians as living creatures who not only think and feel but\n also eat, speak, and marry wives. Sagard, _Le Grand Voyage du Pays\n des Hurons_, p. 256 (p. 178 _sq._ of the Paris reprint, Librairie\n Tross, 1865); S. Hearne, _Journey to the Northern Ocean_, p. 329\n _sq._; _Relations des J\u00e9suites_, 1636, p. 109; _ib._ 1639, p. 95;\n Charlevoix, _Histoire de la Nouvelle France_, v. 225; Chateaubriand,\n _Voyage en Am\u00e9rique_, p. 140 _sqq._\n\n 369 Chateaubriand, _Voyage en Am\u00e9rique_, pp. 175, 178. They will not let\n the blood of beavers fall on the ground, or their luck in hunting\n them would be gone. _Relations des J\u00e9suites_, 1633, p. 21. Compare\n the rule about not allowing the blood of kings to fall on the\n ground, above, vol. i. p. 179 _sqq._\n\n 370 Hennepin, _Nouveau voyage d\u2019un pais plus grand que l\u2019Europe_\n (Utrecht, 1698), p. 141 _sq._; _Relations des J\u00e9suites_, 1636, p.\n 109; Sagard, _Le Grand Voyage du Pays des Hurons_, p. 255 (p. 178 of\n the Paris reprint). Not quite consistently the Canadian Indians used\n to kill every elan they could overtake in the chase, lest any should\n escape to warn their fellows (Sagard, _l.c._)\n\n_ 371 Lettres \u00e9difiantes et curieuses_, viii. 339.\n\n 372 Schoolcraft, _Indian Tribes_, iii. 230.\n\n_ 373 Relations des J\u00e9suites_, 1634, p. 26.\n\n 374 Charlevoix, _Histoire de la Nouvelle France_, v. 443.\n\n 375 Garcilasso de la Vega, _Royal Commentaries of the Yncas_, First\n Part, bk. i. ch. 10, vol. i. p. 49 _sq._, Hakluyt Society. Cp.\n _id._, ii. p. 148.\n\n_ 376 Relations des J\u00e9suites_, 1667, p. 12.\n\n 377 Sagard, _Le Grand Voyage du Pays des Hurons_, p. 255 _sqq._ (p. 178\n _sqq._ of the Paris reprint).\n\n 378 Schleiden, _Das Salz_, p. 47. For this reference I am indebted to my\n friend Prof. W. Robertson Smith.\n\n 379 W. Powell, _Wanderings in a Wild Country_, p. 66 _sq._\n\n 380 R. Taylor, _Te Ika a Maui; or, New Zealand and its Inhabitants_, p.\n 200; A. S. Thomson, _The Story of New Zealand_, i. 202; E. Tregear,\n \u201cThe Maoris of New Zealand,\u201d _Journal Anthrop. Inst._ xix. 109.\n\n 381 Lubbock, _Origin of Civilisation_,4, p. 277, quoting _Metlahkatlah_,\n p. 96.\n\n 382 W. Dall, _Alaska and its Resources_, p. 413.\n\n 383 Stephen Powers, _Tribes of California_, p. 31 _sq._\n\n 384 Alex. Ross, _Adventures of the First Settlers on the Oregon or\n Columbia River_, p. 97.\n\n 385 Ch. Wilkes, _Narrative of the U.S. Exploring Expedition_, iv. 324,\n v. 119, where it is said, \u201ca dog must never be permitted to eat the\n heart of a salmon; and in order to prevent this, they cut the heart\n of the fish out before they sell it.\u201d\n\n 386 H. C. St. John, \u201cThe Ainos,\u201d in _Journ. Anthrop. Inst._ ii. 253;\n _id._ _Notes and Sketches from the Wild Coasts of Nipon_, p. 27\n _sq._\n\n 387 Scheffer, _Lapponia_, p. 242 _sq._; _Journ. Anthrop. Inst._ vii.\n 207; _Revue d\u2019Ethnographie_, ii. 308 _sq._\n\n 388 James, _Expedition from Pittsburgh to the Rocky Mountains_, i. 257.\n\n 389 Brinton, _Myths of the New World_, p. 278.\n\n 390 Keating, _Expedition to the Source of St. Peter\u2019s River_, i. 452.\n\n 391 E. J. Jessen, _De Finnorum Lapponumque Norwegicorum religione pagana\n tractatus singularis_, pp. 46 _sq._, 52 _sq._, 65. The work of\n Jessen is bound up (paged separately) with the work of C. Leem, _De\n Lapponibus Finmarchiae eorumque lingua, vita, et religione pristina\n commentatio_ (Latin and Danish), Copenhagen, 1767. Compare Leem\u2019s\n work, pp. 418-420 (Latin), 428 _sq._, also Acerbi, _Travels through\n Sweden, Finnland, and Lapland_, ii. 302.\n\n 392 Steller, _Beschreibung von dem Lande Kamtschatka_, p. 269;\n Kraschennikow, _Kamtschatka_, p. 246.\n\n 393 See Erman, referred to above, p. 111 _sq._; Gmelin, _Reise durch\n Sibirien_, i. 274, ii. 182 _sq._, 214; Vambery, Das _T\u00fcrkenvolk_, p.\n 118 sq. When a fox, the sacred animal of the Conchucos in Peru, had\n been killed, its skin was stuffed and set up. Bastian, _Die\n Culturl\u00e4nder des alten Amerika_, i. 443. Cp. the _bouphonia_, above,\n p. 38 _sq._\n\n 394 At the annual sacrifice of the White Dog, the Iroquois were careful\n to strangle the animal without shedding its blood or breaking its\n bones. The dog was afterwards burned. L. H. Morgan, _League of the\n Iroquois_, p. 210. It is a rule with some of the Australian blacks\n that in killing the native bear they must not break his bones. They\n say that the native bear once stole all the water of the river, and\n that if they were to break his bones or take off his skin before\n roasting him, he would do so again. Brough Smyth, _Aborigines of\n Victoria_, i. 447 _sqq._ When the Tartars whom Carpini visited\n killed animals for eating, they might not break their bones but\n burned them with fire. Carpini, _Historia Mongalorum_ (Paris, 1838),\n cap. iii. \u00a7 i. 2, p. 620. North American Indians might not break the\n bones of the animals which they ate at feasts. Charlevoix, _Histoire\n de la Nouvelle France_, vi. 72. In the war feast held by Indian\n warriors after leaving home, a whole animal was cooked and had to be\n all eaten. No bone of it might be broken. After being stripped of\n the flesh the bones were hung on a tree. _Narrative of the Captivity\n and Adventures of John Tanner_, p. 287. On St. Olaf\u2019s Day (29th\n July) the Karels of Finland kill a lamb, without using a knife, and\n roast it whole. None of its bones may be broken. The lamb has not\n been shorn since spring. Some of the flesh is placed in a corner of\n the room for the house-spirits, some is deposited on the field and\n beside the birch-trees which are destined to be used as May-trees\n next year. W. Mannhardt, _A. W. F._ p. 160 _sq._ _note_. The Innuit\n (Esquimaux) of Point Barrow, Alaska, carefully preserve unbroken the\n bones of the seals which they have caught and return them to the\n sea, either leaving them in an ice-crack far out from the land or\n dropping them through a hole in the ice. By doing so they think they\n secure good fortune in the pursuit of seals. _Report of the\n International Expedition to Point Barrow, Alaska_ (Washington,\n 1885), p. 40. In this last custom the idea probably is that the\n bones will be reclothed with flesh and the seals come to life again.\n The Mosquito Indians of Central America carefully preserved the\n bones of deer and the shells of eggs, lest the deer or chickens\n should die or disappear. Bancroft, _Native Races of the Pacific\n States_, i. 741. The Yurucares of Bolivia \u201ccarefully put by even\n small fish bones, saying that unless this is done the fish and game\n will disappear from the country.\u201d Brinton, _Myths of the New World_,\n p. 278.\n\n_ 395 Relations des J\u00e9suites_, 1634, p. 25, ed. 1858; A. Mackenzie,\n _Voyages through the Continent of America_, civ; J. Dunn, _History\n of the Oregon Territory_, p. 99; Whymper in _Journ. Royal Geogr.\n Soc._ xxxviii. (1868) p. 228; _id._ in _Transact. Ethnolog. Soc._\n vii. 174; A. P. Reid, \u201cReligious Belief of the Ojibois Indians,\u201d in\n _Journ. Anthrop. Inst._ iii. 111. After a meal the Indians of Costa\n Rica gather all the bones carefully and either burn them or put them\n out of reach of the dogs. W. M. Gabb, _On the Indian Tribes and\n Languages of Costa Rica_ (read before the American Philosophical\n Society, 20th Aug. 1875), p. 520 (Philadelphia, 1875). The fact that\n the bones are often burned to prevent the dogs getting them does not\n contradict the view suggested in the text. It may be a way of\n transmitting the bones to the spirit-land. The aborigines of\n Australia burn the bones of the animals which they eat, but for a\n different reason; they think that if an enemy got hold of the bones\n and burned them with charms, it would cause the death of the person\n who had eaten the animal. _Native Tribes of South Australia_, pp.\n 24, 196.\n\n 396 Mannhardt, _Germanische Mythen_, pp. 57-74; _id._, _B. K._ p. 116;\n Cosquin, _Contes populaires de Lorraine_, ii. 25; Hartland, \u201cThe\n physicians of Myddfai,\u201d _Archaeological Review_, i. 30 _sq._ In\n folk-tales, as in primitive custom, the blood is sometimes not\n allowed to fall on the ground. See Cosquin, _l.c._\n\n 397 W. Mannhardt, _Germ. Myth._ p. 66.\n\n 398 Jamblichus, _Vita Pythag._ \u00a7\u00a7 92, 135, 140; Porphyry, _Vit. Pythag._\n \u00a7 28.\n\n 399 Pindar, _Olymp._ i. 37 _sqq._, with the Scholiast.\n\n 400 Plutarch, _Isis et Osiris_, 18. This is one of the sacred stories\n which the pious Herodotus (ii. 48) concealed and the pious Plutarch\n divulged.\n\n 401 Adam Hodgson, _Letters from North America_, i. 244.\n\n 402 Adair, _History of the American Indians_, p. 137 _sq._\n\n 403 Petitot, _Monographie des D\u00e8n\u00e8-Dindji\u00e9?_ (Paris, 1867), pp. 77, 81\n _sq._; _id._, _Traditions indiennes du Canada Nord-ouest_ (Paris,\n 1886), p. 132 _sqq._, cp. pp. 41, 76, 213, 264.\n\n 404 The first part of this suggestion is that of my friend Prof. W.\n Robertson Smith. See his _Lectures on the Religion of the Semites_,\n first series, p. 360, _note_ 2. The Faleshas, a Jewish sect of\n Abyssinia, after killing an animal for food, \u201ccarefully remove the\n vein from the thighs with its surrounding flesh.\u201d Hal\u00e9vy, \u201cTravels\n in Abyssinia,\u201d in _Publications of the Society of Hebrew\n Literature_, second series, vol. ii. p. 220.\n\n 405 It seems to be a common custom with hunters to cut out the tongues\n of the animals which they kill. Omaha hunters remove the tongue of a\n slain buffalo through an opening made in the animal\u2019s throat. The\n tongues thus removed are sacred and may not touch any tool or metal\n except when they are boiling in the kettles at the sacred tent. They\n are eaten as sacred food. _Third Report of the Bureau of Ethnology_\n (Washington), p. 289 _sq._ Indian bear-hunters cut out what they\n call the bear\u2019s little tongue (a fleshy mass under the real tongue)\n and keep it for good luck in hunting or burn it to determine from\n its crackling, etc., whether the soul of the slain bear is angry\n with them or not. Kohl, _Kitschi-Gami_, ii. 251 _sq._; Charlevoix,\n _Histoire de la Nouvelle France_, v. 173; Chateaubriand, _Voyage en\n Am\u00e9rique_, pp. 179 _sq._, 184. In folk-tales the hero commonly cuts\n out the tongue of the wild beast which he has slain and preserves it\n as a token. The incident serves to show that the custom was a common\n one, since folk-tales reflect with accuracy the customs and beliefs\n of a primitive age. For examples of the incident, see Blade, _Contes\n populaires recueillis en Agenais_, pp. 12, 14; Dasent, _Tales from\n the Norse_, p. 133 _sq._ (\u201cShortshanks\u201d); Schleicher, _Litauische\n M\u00e4rchen_; Sepp, Altbayerischer Sagenschatz, p. 114; K\u00f6hler on\n Gonzenbach\u2019s _Sicilianische M\u00e4rchen_, ii. 230; Apollodorus, iii. 13,\n 3; Mannhardt, _A. W. F._ p. 53; Poestion, _Lapplandische M\u00e4rchen_,\n p. 231 _sq._ It may be suggested that the cutting out of the tongues\n is a precaution to prevent the slain animals from telling their fate\n to the live animals and thus frightening away the latter. At least\n this explanation harmonises with the primitive modes of thought\n revealed in the foregoing customs.\n\n 406 Holzmayer, _Osiliana_, p. 105 _note_.\n\n 407 Heinrich, _Agrarische Sitten und Gebr\u00e4uche unter den Sachsen\n Siebenb\u00fcrgens_, p. 15 _sq._\n\n 408 E. Krause, \u201cAberglaubische Kuren und sonstiger Aberglaube in\n Berlin,\u201d _Zeitschrift f\u00fcr Ethnologie_, xv. (1883) p. 93.\n\n_ 409 Geoponica_, xiii. 5. According to the commentator, the field\n assigned to the mice is a neighbour\u2019s, but it may be a patch of\n waste ground on the farmer\u2019s own land.\n\n 410 R. van Eck, \u201cSchetsen van het eiland Bali,\u201d in _Tijdschrift voor\n Nederlandsch Indi\u00eb_, N.S. viii. (1879) p. 125.\n\n 411 Grohmann, _Aberglauben und Gebr\u00e4uche aus B\u00f6hmen und M\u00e4hren_, \u00a7 405.\n\n 412 Lagarde, _Reliquiae juris ecclesiastici antiquissimae_, p. 135. For\n this passage I am indebted to my friend Prof. W. Robertson Smith,\n who kindly translated it for me from the Syriac.\n\n 413 Ralston, _Songs of the Russian People_, p. 255.\n\n 414 Compare _Native Tribes of South Australia_, p. 280, with the customs\n referred to in the following note.\n\n 415 Catlin, _O-Kee-pa_, Folium reservatum; Lewis and Clarke, _Travels to\n the Source of the Missouri River_ (London, 1815), i. 205 _sq._\n\n 416 A. Bastian, in _Verhandlungen der Berliner Gesellschaft f\u00fcr\n Anthropologie, Ethnologie, und Urgeschichte_, 1870-71, p. 59.\n Reinegg (_Beschreibung des Kaukasus_, ii. 12 _sq._) describes what\n seems to be a sacrament of the Abghazses (Abchases). It takes place\n in the middle of autumn. A white ox called Ogginn appears from a\n holy cave, which is also called Ogginn. It is caught and led about\n amongst the assembled men (women are excluded) amid joyful cries.\n Then it is killed and eaten. Any man who did not get at least a\n scrap of the sacred flesh would deem himself most unfortunate. The\n bones are then carefully collected, burned in a great hole, and the\n ashes buried there.\n\n 417 Bastian, _Die V\u00f6lker des \u00f6stlichen Asien_, vi. 632 _note_. On the\n Kalmucks as a people of shepherds and on their diet of mutton, see\n Georgi, _Beschreibung aller Nationen des russischen Reichs_, p. 406\n _sq._, cp. 207; B. Bergmann, _Nomadische Streifereien unter den\n Kalm\u00fccken_, ii. 80 _sqq._, 122; Pallas, _Reise durch verschiedene\n Provinzen des russischen Reichs_, i. 319, 325. According to Pallas,\n it is only rich Kalmucks who commonly kill their sheep or cattle for\n eating; ordinary Kalmucks do not usually kill them except in case of\n necessity or at great merry-makings. It is, therefore, especially\n the rich who need to make expiation.\n\n 418 W. E. Marshall, _Travels amongst the Todas_, p. 129 _sq._ On the\n Todas, see also above, vol. i. p. 41.\n\n 419 Marshall, _op. cit._ pp. 80 _sq._ 130.\n\n 420 R. W. Felkin, \u201cNotes on the Madi or Moru tribe of Central Africa,\u201d\n _Proceedings of the Royal Society of Edinburgh_, xii. (1882-84) p.\n 336 _sq._\n\n 421 The fact that the flesh of sheep appears to be now eaten by the\n tribe as a regular article of food (Felkin, _op. cit._ p. 307), is\n not inconsistent with the original sanctity of the sheep.\n\n 422 See W. R. Smith, _Religion of the Semites_, i. p. 325 _sq._\n\n_ 423 Panjab Notes and Queries_, ii. No. 555.\n\n 424 See Brand, _Popular Antiquities_, iii. 195 _sq._, Bohn\u2019s ed.;\n Swainson, _Folk-lore of British Birds_, p. 36; E. Rolland, _Faune\n populaire de la France_, ii. 288 _sqq._ The names for it are\n \u03b2\u03b1\u03c3\u03b9\u03bb\u03af\u03c3\u03ba\u03bf\u03c2, _regulus_, _rex avium_ (Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ viii. 90; x.\n 203), _re di siepe_, _reyezuelo_, _roitelet_, _roi des oiseaux_,\n _Zaunk\u00f6nig_, etc.\n\n 425 Brand, _Popular Antiquities_, iii. 194.\n\n 426 Chambers, _Popular Rhymes of Scotland_, p. 188.\n\n_ 427 Ib._ p. 186.\n\n 428 P. S\u00e9billot, _Traditions et Superstitions de la Haute Bretagne_, ii.\n 214.\n\n 429 Rolland, _op. cit._ ii. 294 _sq._; S\u00e9billot, _l.c._; Swainson, _op.\n cit._ p. 42.\n\n 430 G. Waldron, _Description of the Isle of Man_ (reprinted for the Manx\n Society, Douglas, 1865), p. 49 _sqq._; J. Train, _Account of the\n Isle of Man_, ii. 124 _sqq._ 141.\n\n 431 Brand, _Popular Antiquities_, iii. 195; Swainson, _Folk-lore of\n British Birds_, p. 36 _sq._; Rolland, _Faune populaire de la\n France_, ii. 297; Professor W. Ridgeway in _Academy_, 10th May 1884,\n p. 332; Dyer, _British Popular Customs_, p. 497.\n\n 432 Henderson, _Folk-lore of the Northern Counties_, p. 125.\n\n 433 Swainson, _op. cit._ p. 40 _sq._\n\n 434 Rolland, _op. cit._ ii. 295 _sq._; J. W. Wolf, _Beitr\u00e4ge zur\n deutschen Mythologie_, ii. 437 _sq._\n\n 435 Rolland, _op. cit._ ii. 296 _sq._\n\n 436 Brand\u2019s _Popular Antiquities_, iii. 198. The \u201chunting of the wren\u201d\n may be compared with a Swedish custom. On the 1st of May children\n rob the magpies\u2019 nests of both eggs and young. These they carry in a\n basket from house to house in the village and show them to the\n housewives, while one of the children sings some doggerel lines\n containing a threat that, if a present is not given, the hens,\n chickens, and eggs will fall a prey to the magpie. They receive\n bacon, eggs, milk, etc., upon which they afterwards feast. L. Lloyd,\n _Peasant Life in Sweden_, p. 237 _sq._ The resemblance of such\n customs to the \u201cswallow song\u201d and \u201ccrow song\u201d of the ancient Greeks\n (on which see Athenaeus, pp. 359, 360) is obvious and has been\n remarked before now. Probably the Greek swallow-singers and\n crow-singers carried about dead swallows and crows or effigies of\n them. In modern Greece it is said to be still customary for children\n on 1st March to go about the streets singing spring songs and\n carrying a wooden swallow, which is kept turning on a cylinder.\n Grimm, _Deutsche Mythologie_,4 ii. 636.\n\n 437 John Ramsay, _Scotland and Scotsmen in the Eighteenth Century_, ii.\n 438 sq.; cp. Chambers, _Popular Rhymes of Scotland_, p. 166 _sq_.;\n Samuel Johnson, _Journey to the Western Islands of Scotland_, p. 228\n _sq._ (first American edition, 1810). The custom is clearly referred\n to in the \u201cPenitential of Theodore,\u201d quoted by Kemble, _Saxons in\n England_, i. 525; Elton, Origins of English History, p. 411; \u201c_Si\n quis in Kal. Januar. in cervulo vel vitula vadit, id est in ferarum\n habitus se communicant, et vestiuntur pellibus pecudum et assumunt\n capita bestiarum_,\u201d etc.\n\n 438 Chambers, _l.c._\n\n 439 Such are the Bohemian processions at the Carnival when a man called\n the Shrovetide Bear, swathed from head to foot in peas-straw and\n sometimes wearing a bear\u2019s mask, is led from house to house. He\n dances with the women of the house, and collects money and food.\n Then they go to the alehouse, where all the peasants assemble with\n their wives. For at the Carnival, especially on Shrove Tuesday, it\n is necessary that every one should dance, if the flax, the corn, and\n the vegetables are to grow well. The higher they leap the better\n will be the crops. Sometimes the women pull out some of the straw in\n which the Shrovetide Bear is swathed, and put it in the nests of the\n geese and fowls, believing that this will make them lay well.\n Reinsberg-D\u00fcringsfeld, _Fest-Kalender aus B\u00f6hmen_, pp. 49-52. On\n similar customs, see W. Mannhardt, _A. W. F._ pp. 183-200.\n\n 440 J. G. F. Riedel, _De sluik-en kroesharige rassen tusschen Selebes en\n Papua_, pp. 266 _sq._, 305, 357 _sq._; cp. id. pp. 141, 340.\n\n 441 J. Dawson, _Australian Aborigines_, p. 59.\n\n 442 Dapper, _Description de l\u2019Afrique_, p. 117.\n\n 443 John Campbell, _Travels in South Africa_ (second journey), ii. 207\n _sq._\n\n 444 Ellis, _History of Madagascar_, i. 422 _sq_.; cp. _id._ pp. 232,\n 435, 436 _sq._; Sibree, _The Great African Island_, p. 303 _sq._\n\n 445 Ellis, _op. cit._ i. 374; Sibree, _op. cit_. p. 304; _Antananarivo\n Annual and Madagascar Magazine_, iii. 263.\n\n 446 K\u00f6dding, \u201cDie Batakschen G\u00f6tter,\u201d _Allgemeine Missions-Zeitschrift_,\n xii. (1885) 478.\n\n 447 Leviticus xiv. 7, 53. For a similar use in Arabia see Wellhausen,\n _Reste arabischen Heidentumes_, p. 156; W. Robertson Smith,\n _Religion of the Semites_, i. 402.\n\n 448 R. Andree, _Ethnographische Parallele und Vergleiche_, p. 29 _sq._\n\n 449 A. Leared, _Morocco and the Moors_, p. 301.\n\n 450 J. Perham, \u201cSea Dyak Religion,\u201d in _Journ. Straits Branch Royal\n Asiatic Soc._ No. 10, p. 232.\n\n 451 S. Mateer, _Native Life in Travancore_, p. 136.\n\n 452 H. Harkness, _Singular Aboriginal Race of the Neilgherry Hills_, p.\n 133; Metz, _The Tribes Inhabiting the Neilgherry Hills_, p. 78;\n Jagor, \u201cUeber die Badagas im Nilgiri-Gebirge,\u201d _Verhandl. d. Berlin.\n Gesell. f. Anthropol._ (1876), p. 196 _sq._ For the custom of\n letting a bullock go loose after a death, compare also Grierson,\n _Bihar Peasant Life_, p. 409; Ibbetson, _Settlement Report of the\n Panipat, Tahsil, and Karnal Parganah of the Karnal district_\n (Allahabad, 1883) p. 137. In the latter case it is said that the\n animal is let loose \u201cto become a pest.\u201d Perhaps the older idea was\n that the animal carried away death from the survivors. The idea of\n sin is not primitive.\n\n_ 453 Geoponica_, xiii. 9, xv. 1; Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ xxviii. \u00a7 155. The\n authorities for these cures are respectively Apuleius and\n Democritus. The latter is probably not the atomic philosopher. See\n _Archaeological Review_, i. 180, _note_.\n\n 454 Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ xxviii. \u00a7 86.\n\n 455 Plato, _Laws_, xi. c. 12, p. 933 B.\n\n 456 Ch. Rogers, _Social Life in Scotland_, iii. 226.\n\n 457 G. Lammert, _Volkmedizin und medizinischer Aberglaube in Bayern_, p.\n 264.\n\n_ 458 Ib._ p. 263.\n\n 459 Strackerjan, _Aberglaube und Sagen aus dem Herzogthum Oldenburg_, i.\n \u00a7 85.\n\n 460 Carl Meyer, _Der Aberglaube des Mittelalters_, p. 104.\n\n 461 Grimm, _Deutsche Mythologie_,4 ii. 979.\n\n 462 Henderson, _Folk-lore of the Northern Counties_, p. 143. Collections\n of cures by transference will be found in Strackerjan\u2019s work, cited\n above, i. \u00a7 85 _sqq._; W. G. Black, _Folk-medicine_, ch. ii. Cp.\n Grimm, _Deutsche Mythologie_,4 ii. c. 36.\n\n_ 463 Blackwood\u2019s Magazine_, February 1886, p. 239.\n\n 464 Aubrey, _Remains of Gentilisme and Judaisme_ (Folk-lore Society,\n 1881), p. 35 _sq._\n\n 465 Bagford\u2019s letter in Leland\u2019s _Collectanea_, i. 76, quoted by Brand,\n _Popular Antiquities_, ii. 246 _sq._, Bohn\u2019s ed.\n\n 466 In the _Academy_, 13th Nov. 1875, p. 505, Mr. D. Silvan Evans stated\n that he knew of no such custom anywhere in Wales; and Miss Burne\n knows no example of it in Shropshire. Burne and Jackson, _Shropshire\n Folk-lore_, p. 307 _sq._\n\n 467 The authority for the statement is a Mr. Moggridge, reported in\n _Archaeologia Cambrensis_, second series, iii. 330. But Mr.\n Moggridge did not speak from personal knowledge, and as he appears\n to have taken it for granted that the practice of placing bread and\n salt upon the breast of a corpse was a survival of the custom of\n \u201csin-eating,\u201d his evidence must be received with caution. He\n repeated his statement, in somewhat vaguer terms, at a meeting of\n the Anthropological Institute, 14th December 1875. See _Journ.\n Anthrop. Inst_. v. 423 _sq._\n\n 468 Dubois, _Moeurs des Peuples de l\u2019Inde_, ii. 32.\n\n 469 R. Richardson, in _Panjab Notes and Queries_, i. No. 674.\n\n_ 470 Panjab Notes and Queries_, i. No. 674; ii. No. 559. Some of these\n customs have been already referred to in a different connection. See\n above, vol. i. p. 232.\n\n_ 471 Op. cit._ iii. No. 745.\n\n 472 E. Schuyler, _Turkistan_, ii. 28.\n\n 473 E. F. im Thurn, _Among the Indians of Guiana_, p. 356 _sq._\n\n 474 Paul Reina, \u201cUeber die Bewohner der Insel Rook,\u201d _Zeitschrift f\u00fcr\n allgemeine Erdkunde_, N. F. iv. 356.\n\n 475 R. Parkinson, _Im Bismarck-Archipel_, p. 142.\n\n 476 [P. N. Wilken], \u201cDe godsdienst en godsdienstplegtigheden der\n Alfoeren in de Menahassa op het eiland Celebes,\u201d _Tijdschrift voor\n Nederlandsch Indi\u00eb_, December 1849, pp. 392-394; id., \u201cBijdragen tot\n de kennis van de zeden en gewoonten der Alfoeren in de Minahassa,\u201d\n _Mededeelingen v. w. het Nederland. Zendelinggenootsch_. vii. (1863)\n 149 _sqq._; J. G. F. Riedel, \u201cDe Minahasa in 1825,\u201d _Tijdschrift\n voor Indische Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde_, xviii. (1872), 521 _sq._\n Wilken\u2019s first and fuller account is reprinted in Graafland\u2019s _De\n Minahassa_, i. 117-120.\n\n 477 Riedel, \u201cGalela und Tobeloresen,\u201d in _Zeitschrift f. Ethnologie_,\n xvii. (1885) 82; G. A. Wilken, _Het Shamanisme bij de Volken van de\n Indischen Archipel_, p. 58.\n\n 478 Riedel, _De sluik-en kroesharige rassen tusschen Selebes en Papua_,\n p. 239.\n\n 479 Nieuwenhuisen en Rosenberg, _Verslag omtrent het eiland Nias_, p.\n 116 _sq._, Rosenberg, _Der Malayische Archipel_, p. 174 _sq._ Cp.\n Chatelin, \u201cGodsdienst en Bijgeloof der Niassers,\u201d _Tijdschrift voor\n Indische Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde_, xxvi. 139. The Dyaks also\n drive the devil at the point of the sword from a house where there\n is sickness. See Hupe, \u201cKorte verhandeling over de godsdienst,\n zeden, enz. der Dajakkers\u201d in _Tijdschrift voor Ne\u00earland\u2019s Indi\u00eb_,\n viii. (1846) dl. iii. p. 149.\n\n 480 Forbes, _British Burma_, p. 233; Shway Yoe, _The Burman_, i. 282,\n ii. 105 _sqq._; Bastian, _Die V\u00f6lker des \u00f6stlichen Asien_, ii. 98.\n\n 481 Lewin, _Wild Tribes of South-Eastern India_, p. 226.\n\n 482 Hecquard, _Reise an die K\u00fcste und in das Innere von West Afrika_, p.\n 43.\n\n 483 Sagard, _Le Grand Voyage du Pays des Hurons_, p. 279 _sqq._ (195\n _sq._ of the Paris reprint). Compare _Relations des J\u00e9suites_, 1639,\n pp. 88-92 (Canadian reprint), from which it appears that each man\n demanded the subject of his dream in the form of a riddle, which the\n hearers tried to solve. The propounding of riddles is not uncommon\n as a superstitious observance. Probably enigmas were originally a\n kind of divination. Cp. Vambery, _Das T\u00fcrkenvolk_, p. 232 _sq._;\n Riedel, _De sluiken kroesharige rassen_, etc. p. 267 _sq._ In Bolang\n Mongondo (Celebes) riddles may never be asked except when there is a\n corpse in the village. N. P. Wilken en J. A. Schwarz, \u201cAllerlei over\n het land en volk van Bola\u00e4ng Mongondou,\u201d _Mededeelingen van wege het\n Nederlandsch. Zendelinggenootschap_, xi. (1867) p. 357.\n\n 484 The Rev. W. Ridley, in J. D. Lang\u2019s _Queensland_, p. 441; cp.\n Ridley, _Kamilaroi_, p. 149.\n\n_ 485 Report of the International Polar Expedition to Point Barrow,\n Alaska_ (Washington, 1885), p. 42 _sq._\n\n 486 Franz Boas, \u201cThe Eskimo,\u201d _Proceedings and Transactions of the Royal\n Society of Canada for 1887_, vol. v. (Montreal, 1888), sect. ii. 36\n _sq._\n\n 487 Above, p. 162.\n\n 488 Charlevoix, _Histoire de la Nouvelle France_, vi. 82 _sqq._; Timothy\n Dwight, _Travels in New England and New York_, iv. 201 _sq._; L. H.\n Morgan, _League of the Iroquois_, p. 207 _sqq._; Mrs. E. A. Smith,\n \u201cMyths of the Iroquois,\u201d _Second Annual Report of the Bureau of\n Ethnology_ (Washington, 1883), p. 112 _sqq._; Horatio Hale,\n \u201cIroquois sacrifice of the White Dog,\u201d _American Antiquarian_, vii.\n 7 _sqq._; W. M. Beauchamp, \u201cIroquois White Dog feast,\u201d _ib._ p. 235\n _sqq._\n\n 489 Squier\u2019s notes upon Bartram\u2019s _Creek and Cherokee Indians_, p. 78,\n from the MS. of Mr. Payne. See above, p. 75 _note_.\n\n 490 Garcilasso de la Vega, _Royal Commentaries of the Yncas_, pt. i. bk.\n vii. ch. 6, vol. ii. p. 228 _sqq._, Markham\u2019s translation; Molina,\n \u201cFables and Rites of the Yncas,\u201d in _Rites and Laws of the Yncas_\n (Hakluyt Society, 1873), p. 20 _sqq._; Acosta, _History of the\n Indies_, bk. v. ch. 28, vol. ii. p. 375 _sq._ (Hakluyt Society,\n 1880). The accounts of Garcilasso and Molina are somewhat\n discrepant, but this may be explained by the statement of the latter\n that \u201cin one year they added, and in another they reduced the number\n of ceremonies, according to circumstances.\u201d Molina places the\n festival in August, Garcilasso and Acosta in September. According to\n Garcilasso there were only four runners in Cuzco; according to\n Molina there were four hundred. Acosta\u2019s account is very brief. In\n the description given in the text features have been borrowed from\n all three accounts, where these seemed consistent with each other.\n\n 491 Bosman\u2019s \u201cGuinea,\u201d in Pinkerton\u2019s _Voyages and Travels_, xvi. 402.\n Cp. Pierre Bouche, _La C\u00f4te des Esclaves_, p. 395.\n\n 492 S. Crowther and J. C. Taylor. _The Gospel on the Banks of the\n Niger_, p. 320.\n\n 493 Mansfield Parkyns, _Life in Abyssinia_, p. 285 _sqq._\n\n 494 Dalton, _Ethnology of Bengal_, p. 196 _sq._\n\n 495 Biddulph, _Tribes of the Hindoo Koosh_, p. 103.\n\n 496 W. Macpherson, _Memorials of Service in India_, p. 357 _sq._\n Possibly this case belongs more strictly to the class of mediate\n expulsions, the devils being driven out upon the car. Perhaps,\n however, the car with its contents is regarded rather as a bribe to\n induce them to go than as a vehicle in which they are actually\n carted away. Anyhow it is convenient to take this case along with\n those other expulsions of demons which are the accompaniment of an\n agricultural festival.\n\n 497 R. van Eck, \u201cSchetsen van het eiland Bali,\u201d _Tijdschrift voor\n Nederlandsch Indi\u00eb_, N. S. viii. (1879) 58-60. Van Eck\u2019s account is\n reprinted in J. Jacobs\u2019s _Eenigen tijd onder de Bali\u00ebrs_ (Batavia,\n 1883), p. 190 _sqq._\n\n_ 498 U.S. Exploring Expedition, Ethnography and Philology_, by H. Hale,\n p. 67 _sq._; Ch. Wilkes, _Narrative of the U.S. Exploring\n Expedition_, iii. 90 _sq._ According to the latter, the sea-slug was\n eaten by the men alone, who lived during the four days in the\n temple, while the women and boys remained shut up in their houses.\n\n 499 Bastian, _Die V\u00f6lker des \u00f6stlichen Asien_, v. 367.\n\n_ 500 Panjab Notes and Queries_, ii. No. 792; D. C. J. Ibbetson,\n _Outlines of Panjab Ethnography_, p. 119.\n\n 501 Baron, \u201cDescription of the Kingdom of Tonqueen,\u201d Pinkerton\u2019s\n _Voyages and Travels_, ix. 673, 695 _sq._; cp. Richard, \u201cHistory of\n Tonquin,\u201d _ib._ p. 746. The account of the ceremony by Tavernier\n (whom Baron criticises very unfavourably) is somewhat different.\n According to him the expulsion of wicked souls at the New Year is\n combined with sacrifice to the honoured dead. See Harris, _Voyages\n and Travels_, i. 823.\n\n 502 Aymonier, _Notice sur le Cambodge_, p. 62.\n\n 503 Bastian, _Die V\u00f6lker des \u00f6stlichen Asien_, iii. 237, 298, 314, 529\n _sq._; Pallegoix, _Royaume Thai ou Siam_, i. 252. Bastian (p. 314),\n with whom Pallegoix seems to agree, distinctly states that the\n expulsion takes place on the last day of the year. Yet both state\n that it occurs in the fourth month of the year. According to\n Pallegoix (i. 253) the Siamese year is composed of twelve lunar\n months, and the first month usually begins in December. Hence the\n expulsion of devils would commonly take place in March, as in\n Cambodia.\n\n 504 J. Anderson, _Mandalay to Momien_, p. 308.\n\n 505 Max Buch, _Die Wotj\u00e4ken_, p. 153 _sq._\n\n 506 Bastian, _Der Mensch in der Geschichte_, ii. 94.\n\n 507 J. G. von Hahn, _Albanesische Studien_, i. 160. Cp. above, vol. i.\n p. 276.\n\n 508 Vincenzo Dorsa, _La tradizione greco-latina negli usi e nelle\n credenze popolari della Calabria Citeriore_, p. 42 _sq._\n\n 509 Von Alpenburg, _Mythen und Sagen Tirols_, p. 260 _sq._ A Westphalian\n form of the expulsion of evil is the driving out the _S\u00fcntev\u00f6gel_,\n _Sunnenv\u00f6gel_, or _Sommerv\u00f6gel_, _i.e._, the butterfly. On St.\n Peter\u2019s Day, 22d February, children go from house to house knocking\n on them with hammers and singing doggerel rhymes in which they bid\n the _Sommerv\u00f6gel_ to depart. Presents are given to them at every\n house. Or the people of the house themselves go through all the\n rooms, knocking on all the doors, to drive away the _Sunnenv\u00f6gel_.\n If this ceremony is omitted, it is thought that various misfortunes\n will be the consequence. The house will swarm with rats, mice, and\n other vermin, the cattle will be sick, the butterflies will multiply\n at the milk-bowls, etc. Woeste, _Volks\u00fcberlieferungen in der\n Grafschaft Mark_, p. 24; J. W. Wolf, Beitr\u00e4ge zur deutschen\n Mythologie, i. 87; A. Kuhn, _Westf\u00e4lische Sagen, Gebr\u00e4uche und\n M\u00e4rchen_, ii. \u00a7\u00a7 366-374; Montanus, _Die deutschen Volksfeste,\n Volksbr\u00e4uche_, etc., p. 21 _sq._; Jahn, _Die deutschen\n Opfergebr\u00e4uche bei Ackerbau und Viehzucht_, pp. 94-96.\n\n 510 Usener, \u201cItalische Mythen,\u201d in _Rheinisches Museum_, N. F. xxx. 198.\n\n 511 S. Powers, _Tribes of California_, p. 159.\n\n 512 G. Catlin, _North American Indians_, i. 166 _sqq._; _id._,\n _O-kee-pa, a Religious Ceremony, and other Customs of the Mandans_.\n\n 513 Moura, _Le Royaume du Cambodge_, i. 172. Cp. above, p. 178.\n\n 514 A. Bastian, in _Verhandl. d. Berlin. Gesellsch. f. Anthropol._ 1881,\n p. 151; cp. _id._, _V\u00f6lkerst\u00e4mme am Brahmaputra_, p. 6 _sq._ Amongst\n the Chukmas of South-east India the body of a priest is conveyed to\n the place of cremation on a car; ropes are attached to the car, the\n people divide themselves into two equal bodies and pull at the ropes\n in opposite directions. \u201cOne side represents the good spirits; the\n other, the powers of evil. The contest is so arranged that the\n former are victorious. Sometimes, however, the young men\n representing the demons are inclined to pull too vigorously, but a\n stick generally quells this unseemly ardour in the cause of evil.\u201d\n Lewin, _Wild Tribes of South-Eastern India_, p. 185. The contest is\n like that between the angels and devils depicted in the frescoes of\n the Campo Santo at Pisa. In Burma a similar contest takes place at\n the funeral of a holy man; but there the original meaning of the\n ceremony appears to be forgotten. See Sangermano, _Description of\n the Burmese Empire_ (ed. 1885), p. 98; Forbes, _British Burma_, p.\n 216 _sq._; Shway Yoe, _The Burman_, ii. 334 _sq._, 342. Sometimes\n ceremonies of this sort are instituted for a different purpose. In\n some East Indian islands when the people want a rainy wind from the\n west, the population of the village, men, women, and children,\n divide into two parties and pull against each other at the ends of a\n long bamboo. But the party at the eastern end must pull the harder,\n in order to draw the desired wind out of the west. Riedel, _De\n sluik-en kroesharige rassen tusschen Selebes en Papua_, p. 282. The\n Cingalese perform a ceremony like \u201cFrench and English\u201d in honour of\n the goddess Patin\u00e9. Forbes, _Eleven Years in Ceylon_ (London, 1840),\n i. 358.\n\n_ 515 Folk-lore Journal_, vii. 174.\n\n 516 Fran\u00e7ois Valentyn, _Oud-en nieuw Ost-Indi\u00ebn_, iii. 14. Backer,\n _L\u2019Archipel Indien_, p. 377 _sq._, copies from Valentyn.\n\n 517 Riedel, _De sluik-en kroesharige rassen tusschen Selebes en Papua_,\n p. 304 _sq._\n\n_ 518 Ib._ p. 25 _sq._\n\n_ 519 Ib._ p. 141.\n\n 520 Riedel, _op. cit._ p. 78.\n\n_ 521 Ib._ p. 357.\n\n_ 522 Ib._ pp. 266, 304 _sq._, 327, 357. For other examples of sending\n away disease-laden boats in these islands, _ib._ pp. 181, 210; Van\n Eck, \u201cSchetsen van het eiland Bali,\u201d _Tijdschrift voor Nederlandsch\n Indi\u00eb_, N.S. viii. (1879) p. 104; Bastian, _Indonesien_, i. 147;\n Hupe, \u201cKorte verhandeling over de godsdienst, zeden, enz. der\n Dajakkers,\u201d _Tijdschrift voor Ne\u00earland\u2019s Indi\u00eb_, 1846, dl. iii. 150;\n Campen, \u201cDe godsdienstbegrippen der Halmaherasche Alfoeren,\u201d\n _Tijdschrift voor Indische Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde_, xxvii.\n (1882) p. 441; _Journal of the Straits Branch of the Royal Asiatic\n Society_, No. 12, pp. 229-231; Van Hasselt, _Volksbeschrijving van\n Midden-Sumatra_, p. 98.\n\n 523 J. Dumont D\u2019Urville, _Voyage autour du monde et \u00e0 la recherche de La\n P\u00e9rouse, sur la corvette Astrolabe_, v. 311.\n\n 524 Roepstorff, \u201cEin Geisterboot der Nicobaresen,\u201d _Verhandl. der\n Berlin. Gesellsch. f. Anthropologie_ (1881), p. 401. For Siamese\n applications of the same principle to the cure of individuals, see\n Bastian, _Die Volker des \u00f6stlichen Asien_, iii. 295 _sq._, 485 _sq._\n\n_ 525 Panjab Notes and Queries_, i. No. 418.\n\n_ 526 Id._ iii. No. 373.\n\n_ 527 Panjab Notes and Queries_, ii. No. 1127.\n\n_ 528 Id._ ii. No. 1123.\n\n 529 F. Fawcett, \u201cOn the Saoras (or Savaras),\u201d _Journ. Anthrop. Soc.\n Bombay_, i. 213 _note_.\n\n_ 530 Journ. Anthrop. Soc. Bombay_, i. 37.\n\n 531 R. Andree, _Ethnographische Parallelen und Vergleiche_ (first\n series), p. 30.\n\n 532 J. H. Gray, _China_, ii. 306.\n\n_ 533 Panjab Notes and Queries_, i. 598.\n\n 534 Riedel, _De sluik-en kroesharige rassen tusschen Selebes en Papua_,\n p. 393.\n\n 535 Bastian, _Der Mensch in der Geschichte_, ii. 93.\n\n_ 536 Id._ ii. 91.\n\n_ 537 Asiatic Researches_, ix. 96 _sq._\n\n 538 J. H. Gray, _China_, ii. 306 _sq._\n\n 539 T. J. Hutchinson, _Impressions of Western Africa_, p. 162.\n\n 540 Bogle and Manning, _Tibet_, edited by C. R. Markham, p. 106 _sq._\n\n 541 E. T. Atkinson, \u201cNotes on the History of Religion in the Himalaya of\n the North-West Provinces,\u201d _Journal of the Asiatic Society of\n Bengal_, liii. pt. i. (1884), p. 62.\n\n_ 542 Scotland and Scotsmen in the Eighteenth Century_, from the MSS. of\n John Ramsay of Ochtertyre, edited by Alex. Allardyce (Edinburgh,\n 1888), ii. 439.\n\n 543 W. M. Beauchamp, \u201cThe Iroquois White Dog Feast,\u201d _American\n Antiquarian_, vii. 237.\n\n_ 544 Ib._ p. 236; T. Dwight, _Travels in New England and New York_, iv.\n 202.\n\n 545 Above, p. 165 _sq._\n\n 546 Leviticus xvi. Modern Jews sacrifice a white cock on the eve of the\n Festival of Expiation, nine days after the beginning of their New\n Year. The father of the family knocks the cock thrice against his\n own head, saying, \u201cLet this cock be a substitute for me, let it take\n my place, let death be laid upon this cock, but a happy life\n bestowed on me and on all Israel.\u201d Then he cuts its throat and\n dashes the bird violently on the ground. The intestines are thrown\n on the roof of the house. The flesh of the cock was formerly given\n to the poor. Buxtorf, _Synagoga Judaica_, c. xxv.\n\n 547 S. Crowther and J. C. Taylor, _The Gospel on the Banks of the\n Niger_, pp. 343-345. Cp. J. F. Schon and S. Crowther, _Journals_, p.\n 48 _sq._ The account of the custom by J. Africanus B. Horton (_West\n African Countries and Peoples_ p. 185 _sq._) is entirely from\n Taylor.\n\n 548 Turpin, \u201cHistory of Siam,\u201d in Pinkerton\u2019s _Voyages and Travels_, ix.\n 579.\n\n 549 K\u00f6dding, \u201cDie Bataksche G\u00f6tter,\u201d _Allgemeine Missions-Zeitschrift_,\n xii. (1885) pp. 476, 478.\n\n 550 The ceremony referred to is probably the one performed on the tenth\n day, as described in the text.\n\n 551 \u201cReport of a Route Survey by Pundit\u2014from Nepal to Lhasa,\u201d etc.,\n _Journal Royal Geogr. Soc._ xxxviii. (1868) pp. 167, 170 _sq._;\n \u201cFour Years\u2019 Journeying through Great Tibet, by one of the\n Trans-Himalayan Explorers,\u201d _Proceed. Royal Geogr. Soc._ N.S. vii.\n (1885) p. 67 _sq._\n\n 552 Aeneas Sylvius, _Opera_ (B\u00e2le, 1571), p. 423 _sq._\n\n 553 Usener, \u201cItalische Mythen,\u201d _Rheinisches Museum_, N.F. xxx. 198.\n\n 554 J. Thomas Phillips, _Account of the Religion, Manners, and Learning\n of the People of Malabar_, pp. 6, 12 _sq._\n\n 555 Herodotus, ii. 39.\n\n 556 Herodotus, ii. 38-41; Wilkinson, _Manners and Customs of the Ancient\n Egyptians_, iii. 403 _sqq._ (ed. 1878).\n\n 557 Herodotus, _l.c._\n\n 558 See above, pp. 95 _sqq._, 137 _sq._\n\n_ 559 Panjab Notes and Queries_, ii. No. 335.\n\n 560 Strabo, xi. 4, 7. For the custom of standing upon a sacrificed\n victim, cp. Demosthenes, p. 642; Pausanias, iii. 20, 9.\n\n 561 In the Dassera festival, as celebrated in Nepaul, we seem to have\n another instance of the annual expulsion of demons preceded by a\n time of licence. The festival occurs at the beginning of October and\n lasts ten days. \u201cDuring its continuance there is a general holiday\n among all classes of the people. The city of Kathmandu at this time\n is required to be purified, but the purification is effected rather\n by prayer than by water-cleansing. All the courts of law are closed,\n and all prisoners in jail are removed from the precincts of the\n city.... The Kalendar is cleared, or there is a jail-delivery always\n at the Dassera of all prisoners.\u201d This seems a trace of a period of\n licence. At this time \u201cit is a general custom for masters to make an\n annual present, either of money, clothes, buffaloes, goats, etc., to\n such servants as have given satisfaction during the past year. It is\n in this respect, as well as in the feasting and drinking which goes\n on, something like our \u2018boxing-time\u2019 at Christmas.\u201d On the seventh\n day at sunset there is a parade of all the troops in the capital,\n including the artillery. At a given signal the regiments commence\n firing, the artillery takes it up, and a general firing goes on for\n about twenty minutes, when it suddenly ceases. This probably\n represents the expulsion of the demons. \u201cThe grand cutting of the\n rice-crops is always postponed till the Dassera is over, and\n commences all over the valley the very day afterwards.\u201d See the\n description of the festival in Oldfield\u2019s _Sketches from Nipal_, ii.\n 342-351. On the Dassera in India, see Dubois, _Moeurs, Institutions\n et C\u00e9r\u00e9monies des Peuples de l\u2019Inde_, ii. 329 _sqq._ Amongst the\n Wasuahili of East Africa New Year\u2019s Day was formerly a day of\n general licence, \u201cevery man did as he pleased. Old quarrels were\n settled, men were found dead on the following day, and no inquiry\n was instituted about the matter.\u201d Ch. New, _Life, Wanderings, and\n Labours in Eastern Africa_, p. 65. In Ashantee the annual festival\n of the new yams is a time of general licence. See the Note on\n \u201cOfferings of first fruits\u201d at the end of the volume.\n\n 562 See above, vol. i. p. 275 _sq._\n\n 563 Above, pp. 186 _sq._, 192.\n\n 564 H. Usener, \u201cItalische Mythen,\u201d _Rheinisches Museum_, N. F. (1875)\n xxx. 194.\n\n 565 Joannes Lydus, _De mensibus_, iii. 29, iv. 36. Lydus places the\n expulsion on the Ides of March, that is 15th March. But this seems\n to be a mistake. See Usener, \u201cItalische Mythen,\u201d _Rheinisches\n Museum_, xxx. 209 _sqq._ Again, Lydus does not expressly say that\n Mamurius Veturius was driven out of the city, but he implies it by\n mentioning the legend that his mythical prototype was beaten with\n rods and expelled the city. Lastly, Lydus only mentions the name\n Mamurius. But the full name Mamurius Veturius is preserved by Varro,\n _Ling. Lat._ vi. 45; Festus, ed. Muller, p. 131; Plutarch, _Numa_,\n 13.\n\n 566 Usener, _op. cit._ p. 212 _sq._; Roscher, _Apollon und Mars_, p. 27;\n Preller, _R\u00f6mische Mythologie_,3 i. 360; Vani\u010dek,\n _Griechisch-lateinisches etymologisches W\u00f6rterbuch_, p. 715. The\n three latter scholars take Veturius as = _annuus_, because _vetus_\n is etymologically equivalent to \u1f14\u03c4\u03bf\u03c2. But, as Usener argues, it\n seems quite unallowable to take the Greek meaning of the word\n instead of the Latin.\n\n 567 Cato, _De agri cult._ 141.\n\n 568 Varro, _De lingua latina_, v. 85.\n\n 569 See the song of the Arval Brothers in _Acta Fratrum Arvalium_, ed.\n Henzen, p. 26 _sq._; Wordsworth, _Fragments and Specimens of Early\n Latin_, p. 158.\n\n 570 Above, p. 64.\n\n 571 Cato, _De agri cult._ 83.\n\n 572 Above, vol. i. p. 70 _sqq._ p. 105 _sq._\n\n 573 Preller, _R\u00f6mische Mythologie_,3 i. 360; Rosscher, _Apollon und\n Mars_, p. 49; Usener, _op. cit._ The ceremony also closely resembles\n the Highland New Year ceremony described above, p. 145 _sq._\n\n 574 Propertius, v. 2, 61 _sq._; Usener, _op. cit._ p. 210. One of the\n functions of the Salii or dancing priests, who during March went up\n and down the city dancing, singing, and clashing their swords\n against their shields (Livy, i. 20; Plutarch, _Numa_, 13; Dionysius\n Halicarn. _Antiq._ ii. 70) may have been to rout out the evils or\n demons from all parts of the city, as a preparation for transferring\n them to the scapegoat Mamurius Veturius. Similarly, as we have seen\n (above, p. 194 _sq._), among the Iroquois, men in fantastic costume\n went about collecting the sins of the people as a preliminary to\n transferring them to the scapegoat dogs. We have had many examples\n of armed men rushing about the streets and houses to drive out\n demons and evils of all kinds. The blows which were showered on\n Mamurius Veturius seem to have been administered by the Salii\n (Servius on Virgil, _Aen._ vii. 188; Minucius Felix, 24, 3; Preller,\n _R\u00f6m. Myth._3 i. 360, _note_ 1; Rosscher, _Apollon und Mars_, p.\n 49). The reason for beating the scapegoat will be explained\n presently. As priests of Mars, the god of agriculture, the Salii\n probably had also certain agricultural functions. They were named\n from the remarkable _leaps_ which they made. Now dancing and leaping\n high are common sympathetic charms to make the crops grow high. See\n Peter, _Volksth\u00fcmliches aus Oesterreichisch Schlesien_, ii. 266; E.\n Meier, _Deutsche Sagen, Sitten und Gebr\u00e4uche aus Schwaben_, p. 499,\n No. 333; Reinsberg-D\u00fcringsfeld, _Fest-Kalender aus B\u00f6hmen_, p. 49;\n O. Knoop, _Volkssagen_, etc., _aus dem \u00f6stlichen Hinterpommern_, p.\n 176, No. 197; E. Sommer, _Sagen, M\u00e4rchen und Gebr\u00e4uche aus Sachsen\n und Th\u00fcringen_, p. 148; Witzschel, _Sagen, Sitten und Gebr\u00e4uche aus\n Th\u00fcringen_, p. 190, No. 13; Woeste, _Volks\u00fcberlieferungen in der\n Grafschaft Mark_, p. 56; _Bavaria_, ii. 298; _id._, iv. Abth. ii.\n pp. 379, 382; Heinrich, _Agrarische Sitten u. Gebr\u00e4uche unter den\n Sachsen Siebenb\u00fcrgens_, p. 11 _sq._; Schulenberg, _Wendische\n Volkssagen und Gebr\u00e4uche_, p. 252; Wuttke, _Der deutsche\n Volksaberglaube_,2 \u00a7 657; Jahn, _Die deutsche Opfergebr\u00e4uche bei\n Ackerbau und Viehzucht_, p. 194 _sq._; cp. Schott, _Walachische\n M\u00e4hrchen_, p. 301 _sq._; Gerard, _The Land beyond the Forest_, i.\n 264; Cieza de Leon, _Travels_ (Hakluyt Soc. 1864), p. 413. Was it\n one of the functions of the Salii to dance and leap on the fields at\n the spring or autumn sowing, or at both? The dancing processions of\n the Salii took place in October as well as in March (Marquardt,\n _Sacralwesen_,2 p. 436 _sq._), and the Romans sowed both in spring\n and autumn (Columella, ii. 9, 6 _sq._) In their song the Salii\n mentioned Saturnus or Saeturnus the god of sowing (Festus, p. 325,\n ed. M\u00fcller. _Saeturnus_ is an emendation of Ritschl\u2019s. See\n Wordsworth, _Fragments and Specimens of Early Latin_, p. 405). The\n weapons borne by the Salii, while effective against demons in\n general, may have been especially directed against the demons who\n steal the seed corn or the ripe grain. Compare the Khond and Hindoo\n Koosh customs described above, p. 173. In Western Africa the field\n labours of tilling and sowing are sometimes accompanied by dances of\n armed men on the field. See Labat, _Voyage du Chevalier des Marchais\n en Guin\u00e9e, Isles voisines, et \u00e0 Cayenne_, ii. p. 99 of the Paris\n ed., p. 80 of the Amsterdam ed.; Olivier de Sanderval, _De\n l\u2019Atlantique au Niger par le Foulah-Djallon_ (Paris, 1883), p. 230.\n In Calicut (Southern India) \u201cthey plough the land with oxen as we\n do, and when they sow the rice in the field they have all the\n instruments of the city continually sounding and making merry. They\n also have ten or twelve men clothed like devils, and these unite in\n making great rejoicing with the players on the instruments, in order\n that the devil may make that rice very productive.\u201d Varthema,\n _Travels_ (Hakluyt Soc. 1863), p. 166 _sq._ The resemblance of the\n Salii to the sword-dancers of northern Europe has been pointed out\n by K. M\u00fcllenhoff, \u201cUeber den Schwerttanz,\u201d in _Festgaben f\u00fcr Gustav\n Homeyer_ (Berlin, 1871). In England the Morris Dancers who\n accompanied the procession of the plough through the streets on\n Plough Monday (the first Monday after Twelfth Day) sometimes wore\n swords (Brand, _Popular Antiquities_, i. 505, Bohn\u2019s ed.), and\n sometimes they \u201cwore small bunches of corn in their hats, from which\n the wheat was soon shaken out by the ungainly jumping which they\n called dancing.... Bessy rattled his box and danced so high that he\n showed his worsted stockings and corduroy breeches.\u201d Chambers, _Book\n of Days_, i. 94. It is to be observed that in the \u201cLord of Misrule,\u201d\n who reigned from Christmas till Twelfth Night (see Brand, _Popular\n Antiquities_, i. 497 _sqq._), we have a clear trace of one of those\n periods of general licence and suspension of ordinary government\n which so commonly occur at the end of the old year or beginning of\n the new one in connection with a general expulsion of evils. The\n fact that this period of licence immediately preceded the procession\n of the Morris Dancers on Plough Monday seems to indicate that the\n functions of these dancers were like those which I have attributed\n to the Salii. But the parallel cannot be drawn out here. Cp.\n meantime Dyer, _British Popular Customs_, pp. 31, 39. The Salii were\n said to have been founded by _Morrius_, King of Veii (Servius on\n Virgil, _Aen._ viii. 285). _Morrius_ seems to be etymologically the\n same with _Mamurius_ and _Mars_ (Usener, _Italische Mythen_, p.\n 213). Can the English _Morris_ (in _Morris_ dancers) be the same?\n Analogy suggests that at Rome the Saturnalia, which fell in December\n when the Roman year began in January, may have been celebrated in\n February when the Roman year began in March. Thus at Rome, as in so\n many places, the public expulsion of evils at the New Year would be\n preceded by a period of general licence, such as the Saturnalia was.\n A trace of the former celebration of the Saturnalia in February or\n the beginning of March may perhaps be seen in the _Matronalia_,\n celebrated on 1st March, at which mistresses feasted their slaves,\n just as masters feasted theirs at the Saturnalia. Macrobius,\n _Saturn._ i. 12, 7; Solinus, i. 35, p. 13, ed. Mommsen; Joannes\n Lydus, _De mensibus_, iii. 15.\n\n 575 Plutarch, _Quaest. Conviv._ vi. 8.\n\n 576 See above, pp. 176, 194.\n\n 577 Servius on Virgil, _Aen._ iii. 57, from Petronius.\n\n 578 Helladius, in Photius, _Bibliotheca_, p. 534 A, ed. Bekker; Schol.\n on Aristophanes, _Frogs_, 734, and on _Knights_, 1136; Hesychius,\n _s.v._ \u03c6\u03b1\u03c1\u03bc\u03b1\u03ba\u03bf\u03af; cp. Suidas, _s.vv._ \u03ba\u03ac\u03b8\u03b1\u03c1\u03bc\u03b1, \u03c6\u03b1\u03c1\u03bc\u03b1\u03ba\u03bf\u03cc\u03c2, and\n \u03c6\u03b1\u03c1\u03bc\u03b1\u03ba\u03bf\u03cd\u03c2; Lysias, _Orat._ vi. 53. That they were stoned is an\n inference from Harpocration. See next note.\n\n 579 Harpocration, _s.v._ \u03c6\u03b1\u03c1\u03bc\u03b1\u03ba\u03cc\u03c2, who says \u03b4\u03cd\u03bf \u1f04\u03bd\u03b4\u03c1\u03b1\u03c2 \u1f08\u03b8\u03ae\u03bd\u03b7\u03c3\u03b9\u03bd \u1f11\u03be\u1fc6\u03b3\u03bf\u03bd\n \u03ba\u03b1\u03b8\u03ac\u03c1\u03c3\u03b9\u03b1 \u1f10\u03c3\u03bf\u03bc\u03ad\u03bd\u03bf\u03c5\u03c2 \u03c4\u1fc6\u03c2 \u03c0\u03cc\u03bb\u03b5\u03c9\u03c2 \u1f10\u03bd \u03c4\u03bf\u1fd6\u03c2 \u0398\u03b1\u03c1\u03b3\u03b7\u03bb\u03af\u03bf\u03b9\u03c2, \u1f15\u03bd\u03b1 \u03bc\u1f72\u03bd \u1f51\u03c0\u03b5\u03c1 \u03c4\u1ff6\u03bd\n \u1f00\u03bd\u03b4\u03c1\u1ff6\u03bd, \u1f15\u03bd\u03b1 \u03b4\u1f72 \u1f51\u03c0\u03b5\u03c1 \u03c4\u1ff6\u03bd \u03b3\u03c5\u03bd\u03b1\u03b9\u03ba\u1ff6\u03bd. He does not expressly state that\n they were put to death; but as he says that the ceremony was an\n imitation of the execution of a mythical Pharmacus who was stoned to\n death, we may infer that the victims were killed by being stoned.\n Suidas (_sv._ \u03c6\u03ac\u03c1\u03bc\u03b1\u03ba\u03bf\u03c2) copies Harpocration.\n\n 580 Strabo, x. 2, 9. I do not know what authority Wordsworth (_Greece,\n Pictorial, Historical, and Descriptive_, p. 354) has for saying that\n the priests of Apollo, whose temple stood near the edge of the\n cliff, sometimes flung themselves down in this way.\n\n 581 Tzetzes, _Chiliades_, v. 726-761. Tzetzes\u2019s authority is the\n satyrical poet Hipponax.\n\n 582 This may be inferred from the verse of Hipponax, quoted by\n Athenaeus, 370 B, where for \u03c6\u03b1\u03c1\u03bc\u03ac\u03ba\u03bf\u03c5 we should perhaps read \u03c6\u03b1\u03c1\u03bc\u03b1\u03ba\u03bf\u1fe6\n with Schneidewin (_Poetae lyr. Gr._3 ed. Bergk, ii. 763).\n\n 583 See his _Mytholog. Forschungen_, p. 113 _sqq._, especially 123 _sq._\n 133.\n\n 584 Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ xx. 101; Dioscorides, _De mat. med._ ii. 202;\n Lucian, _Necyom._ 7; _id._, _Alexander_, 47; Theophrastus,\n _Superstitious Man_.\n\n 585 Theocritus, vii. 106 _sqq._ with the scholiast.\n\n 586 Cp. Aug. Mommsen, _Heortologie_, 414 _sqq._; W. Mannhardt, _A. W.\n F._ p. 215.\n\n 587 At certain sacrifices in Yucatan blood was drawn from the genitals\n of a human victim and smeared on the face of the idol. De Landa,\n _Relation des choses de Yucatan_, ed. Brasseur de Bourbourg (Paris,\n 1864) p. 167. Was the original intention of this rite to transfuse\n into the god a fresh supply of reproductive energy?\n\n 588 Aelian, _Nat. Anim._ ix. 26.\n\n 589 De Santa-Anna Nery, _Folk-lore Br\u00e9silien_ (Paris, 1889) p. 253.\n\n 590 Above, pp. 148 _sq._ 187. Compare Plutarch, _Parallela_, 35, where a\n woman is represented as going from house to house striking sick\n people with a hammer and bidding them be whole.\n\n 591 Acosta, _History of the Indies_, ii. 375 (Hakluyt Soc.) See above,\n p. 169.\n\n 592 Osculati, _Esplorazione delle regioni equatoriali lungo il Napo ed\n il fiume delle Amazzoni_ (Milan, 1854), p. 118.\n\n 593 Ed. Beardmore, _Anthropological Notes collected at Mowat, Dandai,\n New Guinea_ (1888) (in manuscript).\n\n 594 Hahn, _Albanesische Studien_, i. 155.\n\n 595 F. S. Krauss, _Kroatien und Slavonien_ (Vienna, 1889), p. 108.\n\n 596 W. Mannhardt, _B. K._ p. 257.\n\n 597 W. Mannhardt, _B. K._ p. 258-263. See his whole discussion of such\n customs, pp. 251-303, and _Myth. Forsch._ pp. 113-153.\n\n 598 Acosta, _History of the Indies_, ii. 323 (Hakluyt Soc. 1880).\n\n 599 Sahagun, _Histoire des choses de la Nouvelle Espagne_ (Paris, 1880),\n pp. 61 _sq._, 96-99, 103; Acosta, _History of the Indies_, ii. 350\n _sq._; Clavigero, _History of Mexico_, trans. by Cullen, i. 300;\n Bancroft, _Native Races of the Pacific States_, ii. 319 _sq._ For\n other Mexican instances of persons representing deities and slain in\n that character, see Sahagun, pp. 75, 116 _sq._, 123, 158 _sq._, 164\n _sq._, 585 _sqq._, 589; Acosta, ii. 384 _sqq._; Clavigero, i. 312;\n Bancroft, ii. 325 _sqq._, 337 _sq._\n\n 600 Sahagun, pp. 18 _sq._, 68 _sq._, 133-139; Bancroft, iii. 353-359.\n\n 601 Sahagun, p. 584 _sq._ For this festival see also _id._ pp. 37 _sq._\n 58 _sq._ 60, 87 _sqq._ 93; Clavigero, i. 297; Bancroft, ii. 306\n _sqq._\n\n 602 Clavigero, i. 283.\n\n 603 Bancroft, _Native Races of the Pacific States_, ii. 142.\n\n_ 604 Memorials of Japan_ (Hakluyt Society, 1850), pp. 14, 141; Varenius,\n _Descriptio regni Japoniae_, p. 11; Caron, \u201cAccount of Japan,\u201d in\n Pinkerton\u2019s _Voyages and Travels_, vii. 613; Kaempfer, \u201cHistory of\n Japan,\u201d in _id._, vii. 716.\n\n 605 Ellis, _Polynesian Researches_, iii. 102 _sq._ ed. 1836; James\n Wilson, _Missionary Voyage to the Southern Pacific Ocean_, p. 329.\n\n 606 Bastian, _Der Mensch in der Geschichte_, iii. 81.\n\n 607 Athenaeus, 514 C.\n\n 608 Bancroft, _l.c._\n\n 609 Kaempfer, \u201cHistory of Japan,\u201d in Pinkerton\u2019s _Voyages and Travels_,\n vii. 717; Caron, \u201cAccount of Japan,\u201d _id._ vii. 613; Varenius,\n _Descriptio regni Japoniae_, p. 11, \u201c_Radiis solis caput nunquam\n illustrabatur: in apertum a\u00ebrem non procedebat_.\u201d\n\n 610 Waitz, _Anthropologie der Naturv\u00f6lker_, iv. 359.\n\n 611 Alonzo de Zurita, \u201cRapport sur les differentes classes de chefs de\n la Nouvelle-Espagne,\u201d p. 30, in Ternaux-Compans\u2019s _Voyages,\n Relations et M\u00e9moires originaux_ (Paris, 1840); Waitz, _l.c._;\n Bastian, _Die Culturl\u00e4nder des alten Amerika_, ii. 204.\n\n 612 Cieza de Leon, _Second Part of the Chronicle of Peru_ (Hakluyt Soc.\n 1883), p. 18.\n\n 613 Pechuel-Loesche, \u201cIndiscretes aus Loango,\u201d _Zeitschrift f\u00fcr\n Ethnologie_, x. (1878) 23.\n\n 614 Rev. James Macdonald (Reay Free Manse, Caithness), _Manners,\n Customs, Superstitions, and Religions of South African Tribes_ (in\n manuscript).\n\n 615 The Rev. G. Brown, quoted by the Rev. B. Danks, \u201cMarriage Customs of\n the New Britain Group,\u201d _Journ. Anthrop. Institute_, xviii. 284\n _sq._; cp. Rev. G. Brown, \u201cNotes on the Duke of York Group, New\n Britain, and New Ireland,\u201d _Journ. Royal Geogr. Soc._ xlvii. (1877)\n p. 142 _sq._ Powell\u2019s description of the New Ireland custom is\n similar (_Wanderings in a Wild Country_, p. 249). According to him\n the girls wear wreaths of scented herbs round the waist and neck; an\n old woman or a little child occupies the lower floor of the cage:\n and the confinement lasts only a month. Probably the long period\n mentioned by Mr. Brown is that prescribed for chiefs\u2019 daughters.\n Poor people could not afford to keep their children so long idle.\n This distinction is sometimes expressly stated; for example, among\n the Goajiras of Colombia rich people keep their daughters shut up in\n separate huts at puberty for periods varying from one to four years,\n but poor people cannot afford to do so for more than a fortnight or\n a month. F. A. Simons, \u201cAn exploration of the Goajira Peninsula,\u201d\n _Proceed. Royal Geogr. Soc._ N.S. vii. (1885) p. 791. In Fiji,\n brides who were being tattooed were kept from the sun. Williams,\n _Fiji and the Fijians_, i. 170. This was perhaps a modification of\n the Melanesian custom of secluding girls at puberty. The reason\n mentioned by Mr. Williams, \u201cto improve her complexion,\u201d can hardly\n have been the original one.\n\n 616 Chalmers and Gill, _Work and Adventure in New Guinea_, p. 159.\n\n 617 Schwaner, _Borneo, Beschrijving van het stroomgebied van den\n Barito_, etc. ii. 77 _sq._; Zimmerman, _Die Inseln des Indischen und\n Stillen Meeres_, ii. 632 _sq._; Otto Finsch, _Neu Guinea und seine\n Bewohner_, p. 116.\n\n 618 Riedel, _De sluik-en kroesharige rassen tusschen Selebes en Papua_,\n p. 138.\n\n 619 Sproat, _Scenes and Studies of Savage Life_, p. 93 _sq._\n\n 620 Erman, \u201cEthnographische Wahrnehmungen u. Erfahrungen an den K\u00fcsten\n des Berings-Meeres,\u201d _Zeitschrift f. Ethnologie_, ii. 318 _sq._;\n Langsdorff, _Reise um die Welt_, ii. 114 _sq._; Holmberg, \u201cEthnogr.\n Skizzen \u00fcber die V\u00f6lker d. russischen Amerika,\u201d _Acta Societatis\n Scientiarum Fennicae_, iv. (1856) p. 320 _sq._; Bancroft, _Native\n Races of the Pacific States_, i. 110 _sq._; Krause, _Die\n Tlinkit-Indianer_, p. 217 _sq._; Rev. Sheldon Jackson, \u201cAlaska and\n its Inhabitants,\u201d _American Antiquarian_, ii. 111 _sq._; W. M.\n Grant, in _Journal of American Folk-lore_, i. 169. For caps, hoods,\n and veils worn by girls at such seasons, compare G. H. Loskiel,\n _History of the Mission of the United Brethren among the Indians_,\n i. 56; _Journal Anthrop. Institute_, vii. 206; G. M. Dawson, _Report\n of the Queen Charlotte Islands_, 1878 (Geological Survey of Canada),\n p. 130 B; Petitot, _Monographie des D\u00e8n\u00e8-Dindji\u00e9_, pp. 72, 75;\n _id._, _Traditions indiennes du Canada Nord-Ouest_, p. 258.\n\n 621 Holmberg, _op. cit._ p. 401; Bancroft, i. 82; Petroff, _Report on\n the Population_, etc. _of Alaska_, p. 143.\n\n 622 Lafitau, _Moeurs des Sauvages am\u00e9riquains_ i. 262 _sq._\n\n_ 623 Lettres \u00e9difiantes et curieuses_, viii. 333. On the Chiriguanos see\n Von Martius, _Zur Ethnographie Amerika\u2019s zumal Brasiliens_, p. 212\n _sqq._\n\n 624 Thevet, _Cosmographie Universelle_ (Paris, 1575) ii. 946 B _sq._;\n Lafitau, _op. cit._ i 290 _sqq._\n\n 625 Schomburgk, _Reisen in Britisch Guiana_, ii. 315 _sq._; Martius,\n _Zur Ethnographie Amerika\u2019s_, p. 644.\n\n 626 Labat, _Voyage du Chevalier des Marchais en Guin\u00e9e, Isles voisines,\n et \u00e0 Cayenne_, iv. p. 365 _sq._ (Paris ed.), p. 17 _sq._ (Amsterdam\n ed.)\n\n 627 Above, p. 213 _sq._, vol. i. p. 153 _sq._\n\n 628 This interpretation of the custom is supported by the fact that\n beating or scourging is inflicted on inanimate objects expressly for\n the purpose indicated in the text. Thus the Indians of Costa Rica\n hold that there are two kinds of ceremonial uncleanness, _nya_ and\n _bu-ku-r\u00fa_. Anything that has been connected with a death is _nya_.\n But _bu-ku-r\u00fa_ is much more virulent. It can not only make one sick\n but kill. \u201cThe worst _bu-ku-r\u00fa_ of all is that of a young woman in\n her first pregnancy. She infects the whole neighbourhood. Persons\n going from the house where she lives carry the infection with them\n to a distance, and all the deaths or other serious misfortunes in\n the vicinity are laid to her charge. In the old times, when the\n savage laws and customs were in full force, it was not an uncommon\n thing for the husband of such a woman to pay damages for casualties\n thus caused by his unfortunate wife.... _Bu-ku-r\u00fa_ emanates in a\n variety of ways; arms, utensils, even houses become affected by it\n after long disuse, and before they can be used again must be\n purified. In the case of portable objects left undisturbed for a\n long time, the custom is to beat them with a stick before touching\n them. I have seen a woman take a long walking stick and beat a\n basket hanging from the roof of a house by a cord. On asking what\n that was for, I was told that the basket contained her treasures,\n that she would probably want to take something out the next day, and\n that she was driving off the _bu-ku-r\u00fa_. A house long unused must be\n swept, and then the person who is purifying it must take a stick and\n beat not only the movable objects, but the beds, posts, and in short\n every accessible part of the interior. The next day it is fit for\n occupation. A place not visited for a long time or reached for the\n first time is _bu-ku-r\u00fa_. On our return from the ascent of Pico\n Blanco, nearly all the party suffered from little calenturas, the\n result of extraordinary exposure to wet and cold and want of food.\n The Indians said that the peak was especially _bu-ku-r\u00fa_, since\n nobody had ever been on it before.\u201d One day Mr. Gabb took down some\n dusty blow-guns amid cries of _bu-ku-r\u00fa_ from the Indians. Some\n weeks afterwards a boy died, and the Indians firmly believed that\n the _bu-ku-r\u00fa_ of the blow-guns had killed him. \u201cFrom all the\n foregoing, it would seem that _bu-ku-r\u00fa_ is a sort of evil spirit\n that takes possession of the object, and resents being disturbed;\n but I have never been able to learn from the Indians that they\n consider it so. They seem to think of it as a property the objects\n acquires.\u201d W. M. Gabb, _Indian Tribes and Languages of Costa Rica_\n (read before the American Philosophical Society, 20th August 1875),\n p. 504 _sq._\n\n 629 A. R. Wallace, _Narrative of Travels on the Amazon and Rio Negro_,\n p. 496.\n\n 630 Bose, _The Hindoos as they are_, p. 86. Similarly, after a Brahman\n boy has been invested with the sacred thread, he is for three days\n strictly forbidden to see the sun. He may not eat salt, and he is\n enjoined to sleep either on a carpet or a deer\u2019s skin, without a\n mattress or mosquito curtain. _Ib._ p. 186. In Bali, boys who have\n had their teeth filed, as a preliminary to marriage, are kept shut\n up in a dark room for three days. Van Eck, \u201cSchetsen van het eiland\n Bali,\u201d _Tijdschrift voor Nederlandsch Indi\u00eb_, N. S. ix. (1880) 428\n _sq._\n\n 631 Moura, _Royaume du Cambodge_, i. 377.\n\n 632 Aymonier, \u201cNotes sur les coutumes et croyances superstitieuses des\n Cambodgiens,\u201d _Cochinchine Fran\u00e7aise, Excursions et\n Reconnaissances_, No. 16 (Saigon, 1883), p. 193 _sq._ Cp. _id._\n _Notice sur le Cambodge_, p. 50.\n\n 633 B. Schmidt, _Griechische M\u00e4rchen, Sagen und Volkslieder_, p. 98.\n\n 634 Schneller, _M\u00e4rchen und Sagen aus W\u00e4lschtirol_, No. 22.\n\n 635 J. G. von Hahn, _Griechische und albanesische M\u00e4rchen_, No. 41.\n\n 636 Gonzenbach, _Sicilianische M\u00e4rchen_, No. 28. The incident of the\n bone occurs in other folk-tales. A prince or princess is shut up for\n safety in a tower and makes his or her escape by scraping a hole in\n the wall with a bone which has been accidentally conveyed into the\n tower; sometimes it is expressly said that care was taken to let the\n princess have no bones with her meat. Hahn, _op. cit._ No. 15;\n Gonzenbach, Nos. 26, 27; _Pentamerone_, No. 23. From this we should\n infer that it is a rule with savages not to let women handle the\n bones of animals during their monthly seclusions. We have already\n seen the great respect with which the savage treats the bones of\n game (see above, p. 116 _sqq._); and women in their courses are\n specially forbidden to meddle with the hunter or fisher, as their\n contact or neighbourhood would spoil his sport (see below, p. 238\n _sqq._) In folk-tales the hero who uses the bone is sometimes a boy;\n but the incident might easily be transferred from a girl to a boy\n after its real meaning had been forgotten. Amongst the Hare-skin\n Indians a girl at puberty is forbidden to break the bones of hares.\n Petitot, _Traditions indiennes du Canada Nordouest_, p. 258. On the\n other hand, she drinks out of a tube made of a swan\u2019s bone (Petitot,\n _l.c._ and _id._, _Monographie des D\u00e8n\u00e8-Dindji\u00e9_, p. 76), and we\n have seen that a Thlinkeet girl in the same circumstances used to\n drink out of the wing-bone of a white-headed eagle (Langsdorff,\n _Reise um die Welt_, ii. 114).\n\n 637 W. Radloff, _Proben der Volkslitteratur der t\u00fcrkischen St\u00e4mme\n S\u00fcd-Sibiriens_, iii. 82 _sq._\n\n 638 Bastian, _Die V\u00f6lker des \u00f6stlichen Asien_, i. 416, vi. 25; Turner,\n _Samoa_, p. 200; _Panjab Notes and Queries_, ii. No. 797.\n\n 639 Amongst the Chaco Indians of South America a newly-married couple\n sleep the first night on a skin with their heads towards the west;\n \u201cfor the marriage is not considered as ratified till the rising sun\n shines on their feet the succeeding morning.\u201d T. J. Hutchinson, \u201cThe\n Chaco Indians,\u201d _Transact. Ethnolog. Soc._ iii. 327. At old Hindoo\n marriages, the first ceremony was the \u201cImpregnation-rite\u201d\n (_Garbh\u0101dh\u0101na_). \u201cDuring the previous day the young married woman\n was made to look towards the sun, or in some way exposed to its\n rays.\u201d Monier Williams, _Religious Life and Thought in India_, p.\n 354. Amongst the Turks of Siberia it was formerly the custom on the\n morning after marriage to lead the young couple out of the hut to\n greet the rising sun. The same custom is said to be still practised\n in Iran and Central Asia, the belief being that the beams of the\n rising sun are the surest means of impregnating the new bride.\n Vambery, _Das T\u00fcrkenvolk_, p. 112.\n\n 640 Above, vol. i. p. 170.\n\n_ 641 Native Tribes of South Australia_, p. 186; E. J. Eyre, _Journals_,\n ii. 295, 304; W. Ridley, _Kamilaroi_, p. 157; _Journ. Anthrop.\n Inst._ ii. 268, ix. 459 _sq._; Brough Smyth, _Aborigines of\n Victoria_, i. 65, 236. Cp. Sir George Grey, _Journals_, ii. 344; J.\n Dawson, _Australian Aborigines_, ci. _sq._\n\n 642 Bleek, _Brief Account of Bushman Folk-lore_, p. 14; cp. _ib._ p. 10.\n\n 643 Gumilla, _Histoire de l\u2019Or\u00e9noque_, i. 249.\n\n 644 James Adair, _History of the American Indians_, p. 123 _sq._\n\n 645 S. Hearne, _Journey to the Northern Ocean_, p. 314 _sq._; Alex.\n Mackenzie, _Voyages through the Continent of North America_,\n cxxiii.; Petitot, _Monographie des D\u00e8n\u00e8-Dindji\u00e9_, p. 75 _sq._\n\n 646 C. Leemius, _De Lapponibus Finmarchiae eorumque lingua vita et\n religione pristina_ (Copenhagen, 1767), p. 494.\n\n 647 Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ vii. \u00a7 64 _sq._, xxviii. \u00a7 77 _sqq._ Cp.\n _Geoponica_, xii. c. 20, 5, and c. 25, 2; Columella, xi. 3, 50.\n\n 648 A. Schleicher, _Volkst\u00fcmliches aus Sonnenberg_; p. 134; B. Souch\u00e9,\n _Croyances, Pr\u00e9sages et Traditions diverses_, p. 11; V. Fossel,\n _Volksmedicin und medicinischer Aberglaube in Steiermark_ (Graz,\n 1886), p. 124. The Greeks and Romans thought that a field was\n completely protected against insects if a menstruous woman walked\n round it with bare feet and streaming hair. Pliny, _Nat. Hist._\n xvii. 266, xxviii. 78; Columella, x. 358 _sq._, xi. 3, 64;\n Palladius, _De re rustica_, i. 35, 3; _Geoponica_, xii. 8, 5 _sq._;\n Aelian, _Nat. Anim._ vi. 36. A similar remedy is employed for the\n same purpose by North American Indians and European peasants.\n Schoolcraft, _Indian Tribes_, v. 70; Wiedemann, _Aus dem inneren und\n \u00e4ussern Leben der Ehsten_, p. 484. Cp. Haltrich, _Zur Volkskunde der\n Siebenb\u00fcrger Sachsen_, p. 280; Heinrich, _Agrarische Sitten und\n Gebr\u00e4uche unter den Sachsen Siebenb\u00fcrgens_, p. 14; Grimm, _Deutsche\n Mythologie_,4 iii. 468.\n\n 649 For an example of the beneficent application of the menstrual\n energy, see note on p. 241.\n\n 650 The rules just discussed do not hold exclusively of the persons\n mentioned in the text, but are applicable in certain circumstances\n to other tabooed persons and things. Whatever, in fact, is permeated\n by the mysterious virtue of taboo may need to be isolated from earth\n and heaven. Mourners are taboo all the world over; accordingly in\n mourning the Ainos wear peculiar caps in order that the sun may not\n shine upon their heads. Bastian, _Die V\u00f6lker des \u00f6stlichen Asien_,\n v. 366. During a solemn fast of three days the Indians of Costa Rica\n eat no salt, speak as little as possible, light no fires, and stay\n strictly indoors, or if they go out during the day they carefully\n cover themselves from the light of the sun, believing that exposure\n to the sun\u2019s rays would turn them black. W. M. Gabb, _Indian Tribes\n and Languages of Costa Rica_, p. 510. On Yule night it has been\n customary in parts of Sweden from time immemorial to go on\n pilgrimage, whereby people learn many secret things and know what is\n to happen in the coming year. As a preparation for this pilgrimage,\n \u201csome secrete themselves for three days previously in a dark cellar,\n so as to be shut out altogether from the light of heaven. Others\n retire at an early hour of the preceding morning to some out-of-the\n way place, such as a hayloft, where they bury themselves in the hay,\n that they may neither hear nor see any living creature; and here\n they remain, in silence and fasting, until after sundown; whilst\n there are those who think it sufficient if they rigidly abstain from\n food on the day before commencing their wanderings. During this\n period of probation a man ought not to see fire.\u201d L. Lloyd, _Peasant\n Life in Sweden_, p. 194. During the sixteen days that a Pima Indian\n is undergoing purification for killing an Apache he may not see a\n blazing fire. Bancroft, _Native Races of the Pacific States_, i.\n 553. Again warriors on the war-path are strictly taboo; hence\n Indians may not sit on the bare ground the whole time they are out\n on a warlike expedition. J. Adair, _History of the American\n Indians_, p. 382; _Narrative of the Captivity and Adventures of John\n Tanner_, p. 123. The holy ark of the North American Indians is\n deemed \u201cso sacred and dangerous to be touched\u201d that no one, except\n the war chief and his attendant, will touch it \u201cunder the penalty of\n incurring great evil. Nor would the most inveterate enemy touch it\n in the woods for the very same reason.\u201d In carrying it against the\n enemy they never place it on the ground, but rest it on stones or\n logs. Adair, _History of the American Indians_, p. 162 _sq._ The\n sacred clam shell of the Elk clan among the Omahas is kept in a\n sacred bag, which is never allowed to touch the ground. E. James,\n _Expedition from Pittsburgh to the Rocky Mountains_, ii. 47; J. Owen\n Dorsey, \u201cOmaha Sociology,\u201d _Third Report of the Bureau of Ethnology_\n (Washington, 1884), p. 226. Newly born infants are strongly taboo;\n accordingly in Loango they are not allowed to touch the earth.\n Pechuel-Loesche, \u201cIndiscretes aus Loango,\u201d _Zeitschrift f\u00fcr\n Ethnologie_, x. (1878) p. 29 _sq._ In Laos the hunting of elephants\n gives rise to many taboos; one of them is that the chief hunter may\n not touch the earth with his foot. Accordingly when he alights from\n his elephant, the others spread a carpet of leaves for him to step\n upon. E. Aymonier, _Notes sur le Laos_, p. 26. In some parts of\n Aberdeenshire, the last bit of standing corn (which, as we have\n seen, is very sacred) is not allowed to touch the ground; but as it\n is cut, it is placed on the lap of the \u201cgueedman.\u201d W. Gregor,\n \u201cQuelques coutumes du Nord-Est du Comt\u00e9 d\u2019Aberdeen,\u201d _Revue des\n Traditions populaires_, iii. (1888) 485 B. Sacred food may not, in\n certain circumstances, touch the ground. F. Grabowsky, \u201cDer Distrikt\n Dusson Timor in S\u00fcdost-Borneo und seine Bewohner,\u201d _Ausland_ (1884),\n No. 24, p. 474; Ch. F. Hall, _Narrative of the Second Arctic\n Expedition_, edited by Prof. J. E. Nourse (Washington, 1879), p.\n 110; Gerard, _The Land beyond the Forest_, ii. 7. In Scotland, when\n water was carried from sacred wells to sick people, the water-vessel\n might not touch the ground. C. F. Gordon Cumming, _In the Hebrides_,\n p. 211. On the relation of spirits to the ground, compare Denzil\n Ibbetson in _Panjab Notes and Queries_, i. No. 5.\n\n_ 651 Die Edda_, \u00fcbersetzt von K. Simrock,8 pp. 286-288, cp. pp. 8, 34,\n 264. In English the Balder story is told at length by Prof. Rhys,\n _Celtic Heathendom_, p. 529 _sqq._\n\n 652 It is strange to find so learned and judicious a student of custom\n and myth as H. Usener exactly inverting their true relation to each\n other. After showing that the essential features of the myth of the\n marriage of Mars and Nerio have their counterpart in the marriage\n customs of peasants at the present day, he proceeds to infer that\n these customs are the reflection of the myth. \u201cItalische Mythen,\u201d\n _Rheinisches Museum_, N. F. xxx. 228 _sq._ Surely the myth is the\n reflection of the custom. Men not only fashion gods in their own\n likeness (as Xenophanes long ago remarked) but make them think and\n act like themselves. Heaven is a copy of earth, not earth of heaven.\n\n 653 See Grimm, _Deutsche Mythologie_,4 i. 502, 510, 516.\n\n 654 Mannhardt, _Baumkultus_, p. 518 _sq._\n\n 655 In the following survey of these fire-customs I follow chiefly W.\n Mannhardt, _Baumkultus_, kap. vi. p. 497 _sqq._ Compare also Grimm,\n _Deutsche Mythologie_,4 i. 500 _sqq._\n\n 656 Schmitz, _Sitten und Sagen_ etc. _des Eifler Volkes_, i. pp. 21-25;\n _B. K._ p. 501.\n\n_ 657 B. K._ p. 501.\n\n 658 Vonbun, _Beitr\u00e4ge zur deutschen Mythologie_, p. 20; _B. K._ p. 501.\n\n 659 E. Meier, _Deutsche Sagen, Sitten und Gebr\u00e4uche aus Schwaben_, p.\n 380 _sqq_.; Birlinger, _Volksth\u00fcmliches aus Schwaben_, ii. 59 _sq._\n , 66 _sq._; _Bavaria_, ii. 2, p. 838 _sq._; Panzer, _Beitrag zur\n deutschen Mythologie_, i. p. 211, No. 232, _B. K._ p. 501 _sq._\n\n_ 660 Witzschel, Sagen, Sitten und Gebr\u00e4uche aus Th\u00fcringen_, p. 189;\n Panzer, _Beitrag zur deutschen Mythologie_, ii. 207; _B. K._ p. 500\n _sq._\n\n 661 Th. Vernalcken, _Mythen und Br\u00e4uche des Volkes in Oesterreich_, p.\n 293 _sq._; _B. K._ p. 498. See above, vol. i. p. 267.\n\n_ 662 Schmitz, Sitten, u. Sagen des Eifler Volkes_, i. p. 20; _B. K._ p.\n 499.\n\n 663 Strackerjan, _Aberglaube u. Sagen aus dem Herzogthum Oldenburg_, ii.\n 39, No. 306; _B. K._ p. 499.\n\n_ 664 B. K._ p. 499.\n\n_ 665 B. K._ p. 498 _sq._\n\n_ 666 B. K._ p. 499.\n\n 667 Schneller, _M\u00e4rchen u. Sagen aus W\u00e4lschtirol_, p. 234 _sq._; _B. K._\n p. 499 _sq._\n\n_ 668 B. K._ pp. 502-505; Wuttke, _Der deutsche Volksaberglaube_,2 \u00a7 81;\n Zingerle, _Sitten, Br\u00e4uche und Meinungen des Tiroler Volkes_,2 p.\n 149, \u00a7\u00a7 1286-1289; _Bavaria_, i. 1, p. 371.\n\n 669 Panzer, _Beitrag zur deutschen Mythologie_, i. p. 212 _sq._, ii. p.\n 78 _sq._; _B. K._ p. 505.\n\n 670 Strackerjan, _Aberglaube und Sagen aus dem Herzogthum Oldenburg_,\n ii. p. 43 _sq._, No. 313; _B. K._ p. 505 _sq._\n\n 671 Wolf, _Beitr\u00e4ge zur deutschen Mythologie_, i. 75 _sq._; _B. K._ p.\n 506.\n\n 672 Grimm, _Deutsche Mythologie_,4 i. 512; _B. K._ p. 506 _sq._\n\n 673 H. Pr\u00f6hle, _Harzbilder_, p. 63; Kuhn und Schwartz, _Norddeutsche\n Sagen, M\u00e4rchen und Gebr\u00e4uche_, p. 373; _B. K._ p. 507.\n\n 674 Kuhn, _Markische Sagen und M\u00e4rchen_, p. 312 _sq._; _B. K._ p. 507.\n\n 675 Panzer, _Beitrag zur deutschen Mythologie_, i. p. 211 _sq._; _B. K._\n p. 507 _sq._\n\n 676 Birlinger, _Volksth\u00fcmliches aus Schwaben_, ii. p. 82, No. 106; _B.\n K._ p. 508.\n\n_ 677 B. K._ p. 508; cp. Wolf, _Beitr\u00e4ge zur deutsch. Myth._ i. 74;\n Grimm, _Deutsche Myth._4 i. 512. The two latter writers only state\n that before the fires were kindled it was customary to hunt\n squirrels in the woods.\n\n 678 Kuhn, _l.c._; _B. K._ p. 508.\n\n 679 Brand, _Popular Antiquities_, i. 224 _sq._, Bohn\u2019s ed., quoting\n Sinclair\u2019s _Statistical Account of Scotland_, 1794, xi. 620;\n _Scotland and Scotsmen in the Eighteenth Century_, from the MSS. of\n John Ramsay of Ochtertyre, edited by Alex. Allardyce, ii. 439-445;\n _B. K._ p. 508.\n\n 680 Pennant, \u201cTour in Scotland,\u201d Pinkerton\u2019s _Voyages and Travels_, iii.\n 49; Brand, _Popular Antiquities_, i. 226.\n\n 681 L. Lloyd, _Peasant Life in Sweden_, p. 233 _sq._\n\n_ 682 B. K._ p. 509; Brand, _Pop. Antiq._ i. 298 _sq._; Grimm, _D. M._4\n i. 516.\n\n 683 Birlinger, _Volksth\u00fcmliches aus Schwaben_, ii. p. 96 _sqq._ No. 128,\n p. 103 _sq._ No. 129; E. Meier, _Deutsche Sagen, Sitten und\n Gebr\u00e4uche aus Schwaben_, p. 423 _sqq._; _B. K._ p. 510.\n\n 684 Leoprechting, _Aus dem Lechrain_, p. 182 _sq._; _B. K._ p. 510. Cp.\n Panzer, _Beitrag zur deutschen Mythologie_, i. 210; _Bavaria_, iii.\n 956.\n\n 685 Panzer, _op. cit._ ii. 549.\n\n 686 Reinsberg-D\u00fcringsfeld, _Fest-Kalender aus B\u00f6hmen_, pp. 306-311; _B.\n K._ p. 510. For the custom of burning a tree in the midsummer\n bonfires, see vol. i. p. 79.\n\n 687 Rochholz, _Deutscher Glaube und Brauch_, ii. 144 _sqq._\n\n 688 Grimm, _D. M._4 i. 515 _sq._; _B. K._ p. 510 _sq._\n\n 689 Wolf, _Beitr\u00e4ge zur deutschen Mythologie_, ii. 393; Grimm, _D. M._4\n i. 517; _B. K._ p. 511.\n\n 690 S\u00e9billot, Coutumes populaires de la Haute Bretagne, p. 193 _sq._\n Wolf, _op. cit._ ii. 392 _sq._\n\n 691 Zingerle, _Sitten, etc. des Tiroler Volkes_,2 p. 159, No. 1354;\n Panzer, _Beitrag_, i. 210; _B. K._ p. 511.\n\n 692 Kuhn u. Schwartz, _Norddeutsche Sagen, M\u00e4rchen und Gebr\u00e4uche_, p.\n 390; _B. K._ 511.\n\n 693 Brand, _Popular Antiquities_, i. 300 _sq._, 318, cp. pp. 305, 306,\n 308 _sq._; _B. K._ p. 512.\n\n 694 Aubrey, _Remaines of Gentilisme and Judaisme_, p. 96, cp. _id._ p.\n 26.\n\n 695 Brand, _op. cit._ i. 311.\n\n_ 696 Id._ i. 303, 318, 319; Dyer, _British Popular Customs_, p. 315.\n\n 697 Brand, _op. cit._ i. 318.\n\n 698 J. Train, _Account of the Isle of Man_, ii. 120.\n\n 699 Brand, i. 303, quoting Sir Henry Piers\u2019s _Description of Westmeath_.\n\n 700 Brand, _l.c._, quoting the author of the _Survey of the South of\n Ireland_.\n\n 701 Brand, i. 305, quoting the author of the _Comical Pilgrim\u2019s\n Pilgrimage into Ireland_.\n\n 702 Brand, i. 304, quoting _The Gentleman\u2019s Magazine_, February 1795, p.\n 124.\n\n 703 Quoted by Dyer, _British Popular Customs_, p. 321 _sq._\n\n 704 Brand, i. 311, quoting _Statistical Account of Scotland_, xxi. 145.\n\n_ 705 B. K._ p. 512.\n\n 706 Brand, i. 337.\n\n 707 J. Ramsay and A. Allardyce, _Scotland and Scotsmen in the Eighteenth\n Century_, ii. 436.\n\n 708 Ralston, _Songs of the Russian People_, p. 240; Grimm, _D. M._4 i.\n 519.\n\n 709 Ralston. _l.c._\n\n 710 Tettau und Temme, _Die Volkssagen Ostpreussens, Litthauens und\n Westpreussens_, p. 277; Grimm, _D. M._4 i. 519.\n\n 711 T\u00f6ppen, _Aberglauben aus Masuren_,2 p. 71.\n\n 712 Grimm, _l.c._; Reinsberg-D\u00fcringsfeld, _Fest-Kalender aus B\u00f6hmen_, p.\n 307 _note_.\n\n 713 Grimm, _l.c._\n\n 714 Grimm, _l.c._\n\n 715 Grimm, _D. M._4 i. 518.\n\n 716 Above, vol. i. p. 291.\n\n 717 Gubernatis, _Mythologie des Plantes_, i. 185.\n\n 718 Brand, _Popular Antiquities_, i. 317; Grimm, _l.c._\n\n 719 G. Ferraro, _Superstizioni, usi e proverbi Monferrini_, p. 34 _sq._,\n referring to Alvise da Cadamosto, _Relazion dei viaggi d\u2019Africa_, in\n Ramusio.\n\n 720 Birlinger, _Volksth\u00fcmliches aus Schwaben_, ii. 100 _sq._; _B. K._ p.\n 513 _sq._\n\n 721 Zingerle, _Sitten_, etc., _des Tiroler Volkes_,2 p. 159, No. 1353,\n cp. No. 1355; _B. K._ p. 513.\n\n 722 Wolf, _Beitr\u00e4ge zur deutschen Mythologie_, ii. 392; _B. K._ p. 513.\n\n_ 723 B. K._ p. 513.\n\n 724 Ralston, _Songs of the Russian People_, p. 240.\n\n 725 Above, vol. i. p. 272 _sq._\n\n 726 Above, vol. i. p. 22 _sqq._\n\n 727 Above, p. 262.\n\n 728 Birlinger, _Volksth\u00fcmliches aus Schwaben_, ii. 57, 97; _B. K._ p.\n 510; cp. Panzer, _Beitrag_, ii. 240.\n\n 729 Cp. Grimm, _D. M._4 i. 521; Wolf, _Beitr\u00e4ge zur deutschen\n Mythologie_, ii. 389; Ad. Kuhn, _Herabkunft des Feuers_,2 pp. 41\n _sq._, 47; W. Mannhardt, _B. K._ p. 521.\n\n 730 See above, pp. 254, 255, 260, 265.\n\n 731 On the need-fires, see Grimm, _D. M._ i. 501 _sqq._; Wolf, _op.\n cit._ i. 116 _sq._, ii. 378 _sqq._; Kuhn, _op. cit._ p. 41 _sqq._;\n _B. K._ p. 518 _sqq._; Elton, _Origins of English History_, p. 293\n _sq._; Jahn, _Die deutschen Opfergebr\u00e4uche bei Ackerbau und\n Viehzucht_, p. 26 _sqq._\n\n 732 This is the view of Grimm, Wolf, Kuhn, and Mannhardt.\n\n_ 733 Herabkunft des Feuers_,2 p. 47.\n\n 734 Panzer, _Beitrag_, ii. 240.\n\n 735 Ch. E. Gover, \u201cThe Pongol festival in Southern India,\u201d _Journ. Royal\n Asiatic Society_, N.S. v. (1870) p. 96 _sq._\n\n 736 Diego de Landa, _Relation des choses de Yucatan_ (Paris, 1864), p.\n 233.\n\n 737 Kolben, _Present State of the Cape of Good Hope_, i. 129 _sqq._\n\n 738 P. 253. The torches of Demeter, which figure so largely in her myth\n and on the monuments, are perhaps to be explained by this custom. To\n regard, with Mannhardt (_B. K._ p. 536), the torches in the modern\n European customs as imitations of lightning seems unnecessary.\n\n 739 Above, vol. i. p. 70 _sqq._\n\n 740 Pp. 250, 267.\n\n 741 Pp. 247, 248, 253, 259, 266.\n\n 742 P. 250 _sq._\n\n 743 Pp. 247, 248.\n\n 744 Vol. i. p. 272.\n\n_ 745 B. K._ p. 524.\n\n_ 746 Bavaria_, iii. 956; _B. K._ p. 524.\n\n 747 Birlinger, _Volksth\u00fcmliches aus Schwaben_, ii. 121 _sq._, No. 146;\n _B. K._ p. 524 _sq._\n\n 748 Caesar, _Bell. Gall._ vi. 15; Strabo, iv. 4, 5, p. 198; Casaubon;\n Diodorus, v. 32. See Mannhardt, _B. K._ p. 525 _sqq._\n\n 749 Strabo, iv. 4, 4, p. 197, \u03c4\u1f70\u03c2 \u03b4\u1f72 \u03c6\u03bf\u03bd\u03b9\u03ba\u1f70\u03c2 \u03b4\u03af\u03ba\u03b1\u03c2 \u03bc\u03ac\u03bb\u03b9\u03c3\u03c4\u03b1 \u03c4\u03bf\u03cd\u03c4\u03bf\u03b9\u03c2 [i.e.\n the Druids] \u1f10\u03c0\u03b5\u03c4\u03ad\u03c4\u03c1\u03b1\u03c0\u03c4\u03bf \u03b4\u03b9\u03ba\u03ac\u03b6\u03b5\u03b9\u03bd, \u1f45\u03c4\u03b1\u03bd \u03c4\u03b5 \u03c6\u03bf\u03c1\u1f70 \u03c4\u03bf\u03cd\u03c4\u03c9\u03bd \u1f27, \u03c6\u03bf\u03c1\u1f70\u03bd \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76\n \u03c4\u1fc6\u03c2 \u03c7\u03ce\u03c1\u03b1\u03c2 \u03bd\u03bf\u03bc\u03af\u03b6\u03bf\u03c5\u03c3\u03b9\u03bd \u1f50\u03c0\u03ac\u03c1\u03c7\u03b5\u03b9\u03bd. On this passage see Mannhardt, _B.\n K._ p. 529 _sqq._\n\n 750 See vol. i. p. 88 _sqq._\n\n_ 751 B. K._ p. 523, _note_.\n\n_ 752 B. K._ p. 523, _note_; John Milner, _The History, Civil and\n Ecclesiastical, and Survey of the Antiquities of Winchester_, i. 8\n _sq._; Brand, _Popular Antiquities_, i. 325 _sq._; James Logan, _The\n Scottish Gael_, ii. 358 (new ed.); Reinsberg-D\u00fcringsfeld,\n _Calendrier Belge_, p. 123 _sqq._\n\n 753 Puttenham, _Arte of English Poesie_, 1589, p. 128, quoted by Brand,\n _Popular Antiquities_, i. 323.\n\n 754 King\u2019s _Vale Royal of England_, p. 208, quoted by Brand, _l.c._\n\n 755 Liebrecht, _Gervasius von Tilbury_, p. 212 _sq._; _B. K._ p. 514.\n\n_ 756 B. K._ pp. 514, 523.\n\n_ 757 Athenaeum_, 24th July 1869, p. 115; _B. K._ p. 515 _sq._\n\n 758 Wolf, _Beitr\u00e4ge zur deutschen Mythologie_, ii. 388; _B. K._ p. 515.\n\n_ 759 B. K._ p. 515.\n\n 760 Grimm, _Deutsche Mythologie_,4 i. 519; _B. K._ p. 515.\n\n_ 761 B. K._ p. 515.\n\n_ 762 Ib._\n\n 763 Above, vol. i. p. 408, vol. ii. p. 1 _sqq._\n\n 764 Some of the serpents worshipped by the old Prussians lived in hollow\n oaks, and as oaks were sacred among the Prussians, the serpents may\n have been regarded as genii of the trees. Simon Grunau, _Preussische\n Chronik_, ed. Perlbach, i. p. 89; Hartknoch, _Altund Neues\n Preussen_, pp. 143, 163. Serpents, again, played an important part\n in the worship of Demeter, as we have seen. But that they were\n regarded as embodiments of her can hardly be assumed. In Siam the\n spirit of the _takhien_ tree is believed to appear, sometimes in the\n form of a woman, sometimes in the form of a serpent. Bastian, _Die\n Volker des \u00f6stlichen Asien_, iii. 251.\n\n 765 Pliny derives the name Druid the Greek _dr\u016bs_, \u201coak.\u201d He did not\n know that the Celtic word for oak was the same (_daur_), and that\n therefore Druid, in the sense of priest of the oak, was genuine\n Celtic, not borrowed from the Greek. See Curtius, _Griech.\n Etymologie_,5 p. 238 _sq._; Vani\u010dek, _Griechisch-lateinisches\n etymolog. W\u00f6rterbuch_, p. 368 _sqq._; Rhys, _Celtic Heathendom_, p.\n 221 _sqq._ In the Highlands of Scotland the word is found in\n place-names like Bendarroch (the mountain of the oak),\n Craigandarroch, etc.\n\n 766 It is still a folk-lore rule not to cut the mistletoe with iron;\n some say it should be cut with gold. Grimm, _Deutsche Mythologie_4\n ii. 1001. On the objection to the use of iron in such cases, see\n Liebrecht, _Gervasius von Tilbury_, p. 103; and above, vol. i. p.\n 177 _sqq._\n\n 767 Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ xvi. \u00a7 249 _sqq._ On the Celtic worship of the\n oak, see also Maximus Tyrius, _Dissert._ viii. 8, \u039a\u03b5\u03bb\u03c4\u03bf\u1f76 \u03c3\u03ad\u03b2\u03bf\u03c5\u03c3\u03b9 \u03bc\u1f72\u03bd\n \u0394\u03af\u03b1 \u1f04\u03b3\u03b1\u03bb\u03bc\u03b1 \u03b4\u1f72 \u0394\u03b9\u1f78\u03c2 \u039a\u03b5\u03bb\u03c4\u03b9\u03ba\u1f78\u03bd \u1f50\u03c8\u03b7\u03bb\u1f74 \u03b4\u03c1\u1fe6\u03c2. With this mode of gathering\n the mistletoe compare the following. In Cambodia when a man\n perceives a certain parasitic plant growing on a tamarind-tree, he\n dresses in white and taking a new earthen pot climbs the tree at\n mid-day. He puts the plant in the pot and lets the whole fall to the\n ground. Then in the pot he makes a decoction which renders\n invulnerable. Aymonier, \u201cNotes sur les coutumes et croyances\n superstitieuses des Cambodgiens,\u201d in _Cochinchine Fran\u00e7aise,\n Excursions et Reconnaissances_, No. 16, p. 136.\n\n 768 Wuttke, _Der deutsche Volksaberglaube_,2 \u00a7 123; Grohmann,\n _Aberglauben und Gebr\u00e4uche aus B\u00f6hmen und M\u00e4hren_, \u00a7\u00a7 673-677;\n Gubernatis, _Mythologie des Plantes_, ii. 144 _sqq._; Friend,\n _Flowers and Flower Lore_, p. 362; Brand, _Popular Antiquities_, i.\n 314 _sqq._; Vonbun, _Beitr\u00e4ge zur deutschen Mythologie_, p. 133\n _sqq._; Burne and Jackson, _Shropshire Folk-lore_, p. 242. Cp.\n _Archaeological Review_, i. 164 _sqq._\n\n 769 Brand, _Popular Antiquities_, i. 307, 312; Dyer, _Folk-lore of\n Plants_, pp. 62, 286; Friend, _Flowers and Flower Lore_, pp. 147,\n 149, 150, 540; Wuttke, \u00a7 134.\n\n 770 Grimm, _D. M._4 i. 514 _sq._, ii. 1013 _sq._, iii. 356; Grohmann,\n _op. cit._ \u00a7 635-637; Friend, _op. cit._ p. 75; Gubernatis, _Myth.\n des Plantes_, i. 189 _sq._, ii. 16 _sqq._\n\n 771 Aubrey, _Remaines of Gentilisme and Judaisme_, p. 25 _sq._; Brand,\n _Pop. Ant._ i. 329 _sqq._; Friend, p. 136.\n\n 772 Brand, i. 333.\n\n 773 Grohmann, \u00a7 1426.\n\n 774 Grohmann, \u00a7 648.\n\n 775 Grohmann, \u00a7 681; Wuttke, \u00a7 134; Rochholz, _Deutscher Glaube und\n Brauch_, i. 9; Gubernatis, _Mythologie des Plantes_, i. 190.\n\n 776 Grimm, _D. M._4 iii. 78, 353.\n\n 777 Gubernatis, _Mythologie des Plantes_, ii. 73.\n\n 778 Friend, _Flowers and Flower Lore_, p. 378. Hunters believe that the\n mistletoe heals all wounds and brings luck in hunting. Kuhn,\n _Herabkunjt des Feuers_,2 p. 206.\n\n 779 Grimm, _D. M._4 ii. 1009.\n\n 780 L. Lloyd, _Peasant Life in Sweden_, p. 269.\n\n 781 Lloyd, _op. cit._ p. 259; Grimm, _D. M._4 i. 517 _sq._\n\n 782 Lloyd, _l.c._\n\n 783 Grimm, _D. M._4 iii. 78, who adds, \u201c_Mahnen die Johannisfeuer an\n Baldrs Leichenbrand?_\u201d This pregnant hint, which contains in germ\n the solution of the whole myth, has been quite lost on the\n mythologists who since Grimm\u2019s day have enveloped the subject in a\n cloud of learned dust.\n\n 784 Above, p. 285, and vol. i. pp. 58, 64.\n\n 785 Grimm, _D. M._4 i. 55 _sq._, 58 _sq._, ii. 542, iii. 187 _sq._\n\n 786 Preller, _R\u00f6m. Mythol._3 i. 108.\n\n 787 Livy, i. 10. Cp. C. B\u00f6tticher, _Der Baumkultus der Hellenen_, p. 133\n _sq._\n\n 788 B\u00f6tticher, _op. cit._ p. 111 _sqq._; Preller, _Griech. Mythol._4 ed.\n C. Robert, i. 122 _sqq._\n\n 789 Without hazarding an opinion on the vexed question of the primitive\n home of the Aryans, I may observe that in various parts of Europe\n the oak seems to have been formerly more common than it is now. In\n Denmark the present beech woods were preceded by oak woods and these\n by the Scotch fir. Lyell, _Antiquity of Man_, p. 9; J. Geikie,\n _Prehistoric Europe_, p. 486 _sq._ In parts of North Germany it\n appears from the evidence of archives that the fir has ousted the\n oak. O. Schrader, _Sprachvergleichung und Urgeschichte_,2 (Jena,\n 1890), p. 394. In prehistoric times the oak appears to have been the\n chief tree in the forests which clothed the valley of the Po; the\n piles on which the pile villages rested were of oak. W. Helbig, _Die\n Italiker in der Poebene_, p. 25 _sq._ The classical tradition that\n in the olden time men subsisted largely on acorns is borne out by\n the evidence of the pile villages in Northern Italy, in which great\n quantities of acorns have been discovered. See Helbig, _op. cit._\n pp. 16 _sq._, 26, 72 _sq._\n\n 790 Above, p. 265 _sq._\n\n 791 Praetorius, _Deliciae Prussicae_, p. 19 _sq._ Mr. Ralston states (on\n what authority I do not know) that if the fire maintained in honour\n of the Lithuanian god Perkunas went out, it was rekindled by sparks\n struck from a stone which the image of the god held in his hand.\n _Songs of the Russian People_, p. 88.\n\n 792 Grimm, _D. M._4 i. 502, 503; Kuhn, _Herabkunft des Feuers_,2 p. 43;\n Pr\u00f6hle, _Harzbilder_, p. 75; Bartsch, _Sagen, M\u00e4rchen und Gebr\u00e4uche\n aus Mecklenburg_, ii. 150; Rochholz, _Deutscher Glaube und Brauch_,\n ii. 148. The writer who styles himself Montanus says (_Die deutschen\n Volksfeste_, etc., p. 127) that the need-fire was made by the\n friction of oak and fir. Sometimes it is said that the need-fire\n should be made with nine different kinds of wood (Grimm, _D. M._4 i.\n 503, 505; Wolf, _Beitr\u00e4ge zur deutschen Mythologie_, ii. 380; Jahn,\n _Die deutschen Opfergebr\u00e4uche_, p. 27); but the kinds of wood are\n not specified.\n\n 793 John Ramsay, _Scotland and Scotsmen in the Eighteenth Century_, ii.\n 442; Grimm, _D. M._4 i. 506. See above, p. 255.\n\n 794 Above, vol. i. p. 58.\n\n 795 Montanus, _Die deutschen Volksfeste_, etc., p. 127.\n\n 796 Above, vol. i. p. 100.\n\n 797 Mary Frere, _Old Deccan Days_, p. 12 _sqq._\n\n 798 Maive Stokes, _Indian Fairy Tales_, p. 58 _sqq._ For similar\n stories, see _id_. p. 187 _sq._; Lal Behari Day, _Folk-tales of\n Bengal_, p. 121 _sq._; F. A. Steel and R. C. Temple, _Wide-awake\n Stories_, p. 58 _sqq._\n\n_ 799 Old Deccan Days_, p. 239 _sqq._\n\n 800 Lal Behari Day, _op. cit._ p. 1 _sqq._ For similar stories of\n necklaces, see _Old Deccan Days_, p. 233 _sq._; _Wide-awake\n Stories_, p. 83 _sqq._\n\n 801 J. H. Knowles, _Folk-tales of Kashmir_ (London, 1888), p. 49 _sq._\n\n 802 J. H. Knowles, _Folk-tales of Kashmir_ (London, 1888), p. 134.\n\n_ 803 Id._ p. 382 _sqq._\n\n 804 Lal Behari Day, _op. cit._ p. 85 _sq._, cp. _id._ p. 253 _sqq._;\n _Indian Antiquary_, i. (1872) 117. For an Indian story in which a\n giant\u2019s life is in five black bees, see Clouston, _Popular Tales and\n Fictions_, i. 350.\n\n_ 805 Indian Antiquary_, i. 171.\n\n 806 A. Bastian, _Die V\u00f6lker des \u00f6stlichen Asien_, iv. 340 _sq._\n\n 807 Lal Behari Day, _op. cit._ p. 189.\n\n_ 808 Wide-awake Stories_, pp. 52, 64.\n\n 809 G. W. Leitner, _The Languages and Races of Dardistan_, p. 9.\n\n 810 Apollodorus, i. 8; Diodorus, iv. 34; Pausanias, x. 31, 4; Aeschylus,\n _Choeph._ 604 _sqq._\n\n 811 Apollodorus, iii. 15, 8; Aeschylus, _Choeph._ 612 _sqq._; Pausanias,\n i. 19, 4. According to Tzetzes (_Schol. on Lycophron_, 650) not the\n life but the strength of Nisus was in his golden hair; when it was\n pulled out, he became weak and was slain by Minos. According to\n Hyginus (_Fab._ 198) Nisus was destined to reign only so long as he\n kept the purple lock on his head.\n\n 812 Apollodorus, ii. 4, \u00a7\u00a7 5, 7.\n\n 813 Hahn, _Griechische und Albanesische M\u00e4rchen_, i. p. 217; a similar\n story, _id._ ii. p. 282.\n\n 814 Hahn, _op. cit._ ii. p. 215 _sq._\n\n_ 815 Id._ ii. p. 275 _sq._ Similar stories, _id._ ii. pp. 204, 294 _sq._\n In an Albanian story a monster\u2019s strength is in three pigeons, which\n are in a hare, which is in the silver tusk of a wild boar. When the\n boar is killed, the monster feels ill; when the hare is cut open, he\n can hardly stand on his feet; when the three pigeons are killed, he\n expires. Dozon, _Contes albanais_, p. 132 _sq._\n\n 816 Hahn, _op. cit._ ii. p. 260 _sqq._\n\n_ 817 Id._ i. p. 187.\n\n_ 818 Id._ ii. p. 23 _sq._\n\n 819 Legrand, _Contes populaires grecs_, p. 191 _sqq._\n\n 820 Plutarch, _Parallela_, 26. In both the Greek and Italian stories the\n subject of quarrel between nephew and uncles is the skin of a boar,\n which the nephew presented to his lady-love and which his uncles\n took from her.\n\n 821 Basile, _Pentamerone_, ii. p. 60 _sq._ (Liebrecht\u2019s German trans.)\n\n 822 R. H. Busk, _Folk-lore of Rome_, p. 164 _sqq._\n\n 823 Ralston, _Russian Folk-tales_, p. 103 _sq._; so Dietrich, _Russian\n Popular Tales_, p. 23 _sq._\n\n 824 Ralston, _op. cit._ p. 109.\n\n_ 825 Ib._\n\n 826 Ralston, _Russian Folk-tales_, p. 113 _sq._\n\n_ 827 Id._, p. 114.\n\n_ 828 Id._, p. 110.\n\n 829 Mijatovics, _Serbian Folk-lore_, edited by the Rev. W. Denton, p.\n 172; F. S. Krauss, _Sagen und M\u00e4rchen der S\u00fcdslaven_, i. (No. 34) p.\n 168 _sq._\n\n 830 A. H. Wraitslaw, _Sixty Folk-Tales from exclusively Slavonic\n sources_ (London, 1889), p. 225.\n\n 831 Haltrich, _Deutsche Volksm\u00e4rchen aus dem Sachsenlande in\n Siebenb\u00fcrgen_,4 No. 34 (No. 33 of the first ed.), p. 149 _sq._\n\n 832 J. W. Wolf, _Deutsche Marchen und Sagen_, No. 20, p. 87 _sqq._\n\n 833 Strackerjan, _Aberglaube und Sagen aus dem Herzogthum Oldenburg_,\n ii. p. 306 _sq._\n\n 834 K. M\u00fcllenhoff, _Sagen, M\u00e4rchen und Lieder der Herzogth\u00fcmer\n Schleswig-Holstein und Lauenburg_, p. 404 _sqq._\n\n 835 Asbj\u00f6rnsen og Moe, _Norske Folke-Eventyr_, No. 36; Dasent, _Popular\n Tales from the Norse_, p. 55 _sqq._\n\n 836 Asbj\u00f6rnsen og Moe, _Norske Folke-Eventyr_, Ny Samling, No. 70;\n Dasent, _Tales from the Fjeld_, p. 229 (\u201cBoots and the Beasts.\u201d)\n\n 837 Mannhardt, _Germanische Mythen_, p. 592; Jamieson, _Dictionary of\n the Scottish Language_, _s.v._ \u201cYule.\u201d\n\n 838 J. F. Campbell, _Popular Tales of the West Highlands_, i. p. 10\n _sq._\n\n 839 J. F. Campbell, _Popular Tales of the West Highlands_, i. p. 80\n _sqq._\n\n 840 S\u00e9billot, _Contes populaires de la Haute-Bretagne_ (Paris, 1885), p.\n 63 _sqq._\n\n 841 F. M. Luzel, _Contes populaires de Basse-Bretagne_ (Paris, 1887), i.\n 445-449.\n\n 842 Maspero, _Contes populaires de l\u2019\u00c9gypte ancienne_ (Paris, 1882), p.\n 5 _sqq._\n\n 843 Lane\u2019s _Arabian Nights_, iii. 316 _sq._\n\n 844 G. Spitta-Bey, _Contes arabes modernes_ (Leyden and Paris, 1883),\n No. 2, p. 12 _sqq._ The story in its main outlines is identical with\n the Cashmeer story of \u201cThe Ogress Queen\u201d (J. H. Knowles, _Folk-tales\n of Kashmir_, p. 42 _sqq._) and the Bengalee story of \u201cThe Boy whom\n Seven Mothers Suckled\u201d (Lal Behari Day, _Folk-tales of Bengal_, p.\n 117 _sqq._; _Indian Antiquary_, i. 170 _sqq._) In another Arabian\n story the life of a witch is bound up with a phial: when it is\n broken, she dies. W. A. Clouston, _A Group of Eastern Romances and\n Stories_, p. 30. A similar incident occurs in a Cashmeer story.\n Knowles, _op. cit._ p. 73. In the Arabian story mentioned in the\n text, the hero, by a genuine touch of local colour, is made to drink\n the milk of an ogress\u2019s breasts and hence is regarded by her as her\n son. Cp. W. Robertson Smith, _Kinship and Marriage in Early Arabia_,\n p. 149; and for the same mode of creating kinship among other races,\n see D\u2019Abbadie, _Douze ans dans la Haute Ethiopie_, p. 272 _sq._;\n Tausch, \u201cNotices of the Circassians,\u201d _Journ. Royal Asiatic Soc._ i.\n (1834) p. 104; Biddulph, _Tribes of the Hindoo Koosh_, pp. 77, 83\n (cp. Leitner, _Languages and Races of Dardistan_, p. 34); Denzil\n Ibbetson, _Settlement Report of the Panipat, Tahsil, and Karnal\n Parganah of the Karnal District_, p. 101; Moura, _Royaume du\n Cambodge_, i. 427; F. S. Krauss, _Sitte und Brauch der S\u00fcdslaven_,\n p. 14.\n\n 845 Rivi\u00e8re, _Contes populaires de la Kabylie du Djurdjura_, p. 191.\n\n 846 W. H. Jones and L. L. Kropf, _The Folk-tales of the Magyar_ (London,\n 1889), p. 205 _sq._\n\n 847 R. H. Busk, _The Folk-lore of Rome_, p. 168.\n\n 848 Castren, _Ethnologische Vorlesungen \u00fcber die Altaischen V\u00f6lker_, p.\n 173 _sqq._\n\n 849 Schiefner, _Heldensagen der Minussinschen Tataren_, pp. 172-176.\n\n 850 Schiefner, _op. cit._ pp. 108-112.\n\n 851 Schiefner, _op. cit._ pp. 360-364; Castren, _Vorlesungen \u00fcber die\n finnische Mythologie_, p. 186 _sq._\n\n 852 Schiefner, _op. cit._ pp. 189-193. In another Tartar poem\n (Schiefner, _op. cit._ p. 390 _sq._) a boy\u2019s soul is shut up by his\n enemies in a box. While the soul is in the box, the boy is dead;\n when it is taken out, he is restored to life. In the same poem (p.\n 384) the soul of a horse is kept shut up in a box, because it is\n feared the owner of the horse will become the greatest hero on\n earth. But these cases are, to some extent, the converse of those in\n the text.\n\n 853 Schott, \u201cUeber die Sage von Geser Chan,\u201d _Abhandlungen d. K\u00f6nigl.\n Akad. d. Wissensch. zu Berlin_, 1851, p. 269.\n\n 854 W. Radloff, _Proben der Volkslitteratur der t\u00fcrkischen St\u00e4mme\n S\u00fcd-Siberiens_, ii. 237 _sq._\n\n 855 W. Radloff, _op. cit._ ii. 531 _sqq._\n\n_ 856 Id._, iv. 88 _sq._\n\n 857 W. Radloff, _op. cit._ i. 345 _sq._\n\n 858 G. A. Wilken, \u201cDe Simsonsage,\u201d _De Gids_, 1888, No. 5, p. 6 _sqq._\n (of the separate reprint). Cp. Backer, _L\u2019Archipel Indien_, pp.\n 144-149.\n\n 859 Nieuwenhuisen en Rosenberg, \u201cVerslag omtrent het eiland Nias,\u201d\n _Verhandel. van het Batav. Genootsch. v. Kunsten en Wetenschappen_,\n xxx. p. 111; Sundermann, \u201cDie Insel Nias,\u201d _Allgemeine\n Missions-Zeitschrift_, xi. (1884) p. 453.\n\n 860 Above, vol. i. p. 134.\n\n 861 B. F. Matthes, _Bijdragen tot de Ethnologie van Zuid-Celebes_, p.\n 54.\n\n 862 F. Valentyn, _Oud en Nieuw Oost-Indi\u00ebn_, ii. 143 _sq._; G. A.\n Wilken, _De Simsonsage_, p. 15 _sq._\n\n 863 Riedel, _De sluik-en kroesharige rassen tusschen Selebes en Papua_,\n p. 137.\n\n 864 B. Schmidt, _Das Volksleben der Neugriechen_, p. 206.\n\n 865 Above, pp. 305, 307, 309, 311.\n\n_ 866 Revue d\u2019Ethnographie_, ii. 223.\n\n 867 Bastian, _Die deutsche Expedition an der Loango-K\u00fcste_, i. 165.\n\n 868 Bastian, _Ein Besuch in San Salvador_, p. 103 _sq._; _id._, _Der\n Mensch in der Geschichte_, iii. 193.\n\n 869 R. Taylor, _Te Ika a Maui; or, New Zealand and its Inhabitants_,2 p.\n 184; Dumont D\u2019Urville, _Voyage autour du monde et \u00e0 la recherche de\n La P\u00e9rouse sur la corvette Astrolabe_, ii. 444.\n\n 870 Matthes, _Bijdragen tot de Ethnologie van Zuid-Celebes_, p. 59.\n\n 871 Van Eck, \u201cSchetsen van het eiland Bali,\u201d _Tijdschrift voor\n Nederlandsch Indi\u00eb_, N. S. ix. (1880) p. 417 _sq._\n\n 872 G. A. Wilken, _De Simsonsage_, p. 26.\n\n 873 Gubernatis, _Mythologie des Plantes_, i. xxviii. _sq._\n\n 874 W. Mannhardt, _B. K._ p. 50; Ploss, _Das Kind_,2 i. 79.\n\n 875 K. Bartsch, _Sagen, M\u00e4rchen und Gebr\u00e4uche aus Mecklenburg_, ii. 43,\n No. 63.\n\n_ 876 Gentleman\u2019s Magazine_, October 1804, p. 909, quoted by Brand,\n _Popular Antiquities_, iii. 289; W. G. Black, _Folk-medicine_, pp.\n 31 _sq._, 67.\n\n 877 Moore\u2019s _Life of Lord Byron_, i. 101.\n\n 878 Cedrenus, _Compend. Histor._ p. 625 B, vol. ii. p. 308, ed. Bekker.\n\n 879 F. Mason, \u201cPhysical Character of the Karens,\u201d _Journal of the\n Asiatic Society of Bengal_, 1866, pt. ii. p. 9.\n\n 880 Matthes, _Makassarsch-Hollandsch Woordenboek_, _s.v._ _soem\u00e2\u00f1g\u00e1_, p.\n 569; G. A. Wilken, \u201cHet anim\u00edsme bij de volken van den Indischen\n Archipel,\u201d _De Indische Gids_, June 1884, p. 933.\n\n 881 R. H. Codrington, \u201cNotes on the Customs of Mota, Banks Islands\u201d\n (communicated by the Rev. Lorimer Fison), _Transactions of the Royal\n Society of Victoria_, xvi. 136.\n\n 882 F. Speckmann, _Die Hermannsburger Mission in Afrika_ (Hermannsburg,\n 1876), p. 167.\n\n 883 Bancroft, _Native Races of the Pacific Coast_, i. 661. The words\n quoted by Bancroft (p. 662, _note_) \u201c_Cons\u00e9rvase entre ellos la\n creencia de que su vida est\u00e1 unida \u00e0 la de un animal, y que es\n forzoso que mueran ellos cuando \u00e9ste muere_,\u201d are not quite\n accurately represented by the statement of Bancroft in the text.\n\n 884 Otto Stoll, _Die Ethnologie der Indianerst\u00e4mme von Guatemala_\n (Leyden, 1889), p. 57 _sq._; Bancroft, _Native Races of the Pacific\n States_, i. 740 _sq._; Bastian, _Die Culturl\u00e4nder des alten\n Amerika_, ii. 282.\n\n 885 A. W. Howitt, \u201cFurther Notes on the Australian Class Systems,\u201d\n _Journ. Anthrop. Inst._ xviii. 58.\n\n 886 Gerard Krefft, \u201cManners and Customs of the Aborigines of the Lower\n Murray and Darling,\u201d _Transact. Philos. Soc. New South Wales_,\n 1862-65, p. 359 _sq._\n\n 887 A. W. Howitt, _l.c._\n\n 888 Dawson, _Australian Aborigines_, p. 52.\n\n_ 889 Journ. Anthrop. Inst._ xiv. 350, xv. 416, xviii. 57 (the \u201cnightjar\u201d\n is apparently an owl).\n\n 890 Fison and Howitt, _Kamilaroi and Kurnai_, pp. 194, 201 _sq._, 215;\n _Journ. Anthrop. Inst._ xv. 416, xviii. 56 _sq._\n\n 891 The chief facts of totemism have been collected by the present\n writer in a little work, _Totemism_ (Edinburgh, A. and C. Black,\n 1887).\n\n 892 (Sir) George Grey, _Journals of Two Expeditions of Discovery in\n North-West and Western Australia_, ii. 228 _sq._\n\n 893 Fison and Howitt, _Kamilaroi and Kurnai_, p. 169.\n\n 894 De la Borde, \u201cRelation de l\u2019Origine, etc. des Caraibes,\u201d p. 15, in\n _Recueil de divers Voyages faits en Afrique et en l\u2019Am\u00e9rique_\n (Paris, 1684).\n\n 895 Washington Matthews, _The Hidatsa Indians_, p. 50.\n\n 896 Bastian, _Die Volker des ostlichen Asien_, iii. 248.\n\n 897 I. B. Neumann, \u201cHet Pane-en Bila-stroomgebied op het eiland\n Sumatra,\u201d _Tijdschrift van het Nederlandsch Aardrijks, Genootsch._,\n Tweede Serie, dl. iii. Afdeeling: meer uitgebreide artikelen, No. 2,\n p. 311 _sq._; _id._, dl. iv. No. 1, p. 8 sq.; Van Ho\u00ebvell, \u201cIets\n over \u2019t oorlogvoeren der Batta\u2019s,\u201d _Tijdschrift voor Nederlandsch\n Indie_, N. S. vii. (1878) p. 434; G. A. Wilken, _Over de\n verwantschap en het huwelijks-en erfrecht bij de volken van het\n maleische ras_, pp. 20 _sq._, 36; _id._, _Iets over de Papoewas van\n de Geelvunksbaai_, p. 27 _sq._ (reprint from _Bijdragen tot de Taal-\n Land- en Volkenkunde van Ned.-Indi\u00eb_, 5e Volgreeks ii.); _Journal\n Anthrop. Inst._ ix. 295; Backer, _L\u2019Archipel Indien_, p. 470.\n\n 898 B. Hagen, \u201cBeitr\u00e4ge zur Kenntniss der Battareligion,\u201d _Tijdschrift\n voor Indische Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde_ xxviii. 514. J. B. Neumann\n (_op. cit._ dl. iii. No. 2, p. 299) is the authority for the seven\n souls.\n\n 899 Th. Benfey, _Pantschatantra_, i. 128 _sq._\n\n 900 A. L. P. Cameron, \u201cNotes on some Tribes of New South Wales,\u201d _Journ.\n Anthrop. Instit._ xiv. 358.\n\n 901 A. W. Howitt, \u201cOn Australian Medicine Men,\u201d _Journ. Anthrop. Inst._\n xvi. 47 _sq._ On the Bullroarer (a piece of wood fastened to a cord\n or thong and swung round so as to produce a booming sound), see A.\n Lang, _Custom and Myth_, p. 29 _sqq._ The religious use of the\n Bullroarer is best known in Australia, but in the essay just\n referred to Mr. Andrew Lang has shown that the instrument has been\n similarly employed not only in South Africa and by the Zunis of New\n Mexico, but also by the ancient Greeks in their religious mysteries.\n As a sacred instrument it also occurs in Western Africa (R. F.\n Burton, _Abeokuta and the Cameroons Mountains_, i. 197 _sq._;\n Bouche, _La C\u00f4te des Esclaves_, p. 124), and in New Guinea (J.\n Chalmers, _Pioneering in New Guinea_, p. 85).\n\n 902 A. W. Howitt, \u201cOn some Australian ceremonies of initiation,\u201d _Journ.\n Anthrop. Inst._ xiii. 453 _sq._ The \u201cclass-name\u201d is the name of the\n totemic division to which the man belongs.\n\n 903 L. Fison, \u201cThe Nanga, or sacred stone enclosure of Wainimala, Fiji,\u201d\n _Journ. Anthrop. Inst._ xiv. 22.\n\n 904 W. H. Bentley, _Life on the Congo_ (London, 1887), p. 78 _sq._\n\n 905 A. Bastian, _Ein Besuch in San Salvador_, pp. 82 _sq._ 86.\n\n 906 Bastian, _Die deutsche Expedition an der Loango-K\u00fcste_, ii. 183; cp.\n _id._, pp. 15-18, 30 _sq._ On these initiatory rites in the Congo\n region see also H. H. Johnston in _Proceed. Royal Geogr. Soc._ N. S.\n v. (1883) p. 572 _sq._, and in _Journ. Anthrop. Inst._ xiii. 472; E.\n Delmar Morgan, in _Proceed. Royal Geogr. Soc._ N. S. vi. 193.\n\n 907 Dapper, _Description de l\u2019Afrique_, p. 268 _sq._ Dapper\u2019s account\n has been abbreviated in the text.\n\n 908 (Beverley\u2019s) _History of Virginia_ (London, 1722), p. 177 _sq._\n\n 909 J. Carver, _Travels through the Interior Parts of North America_,\n pp. 271-275.\n\n 910 Carver, _op. cit._ p. 277 sq.; Schoolcraft, _Indian Tribes_, iii.\n 287, v. 430 sqq.; Kohl, _Kitschi-Gami_, i. 64-70.\n\n_ 911 Narrative of the Adventures and Sufferings of John R. Jewitt_\n (Middletown, 1820), p. 119.\n\n_ 912 Id._, p. 44. For the age of the prince, see _id._, p. 35.\n\n 913 Holmberg, \u201cUeber die V\u00f6lker des russischen Amerika,\u201d _Acta Soc.\n Scient. Fennicae_, iv. (Helsingfors, 1856) pp. 292 _sqq._, 328;\n Petroff, _Report on the Population, etc. of Alaska_, p. 165 _sq._;\n A. Krause, Die _Tlinkit-Indianer_, p. 112; R. C. Mayne, _Four years\n in British Columbia and Vancouver Island_, p. 257 _sq._, 268.\n\n 914 Schoolcraft, _Indian Tribes_, v. 683. In a letter dated 16th Dec.\n 1887, Mr. A. S. Gatschet, of the Bureau of Ethnology, Washington,\n writes to me: \u201cAmong the Toukawe whom in 1884 I found at Fort\n Griffin [?], Texas, I noticed that they never kill the big or gray\n wolf, _hatchukun\u00e4n_, which has a mythological signification,\n \u2018holding the earth\u2019 (_hatch_). He forms one of their totem clans,\n and they have had a dance in his honor, danced by the males only,\n who carried sticks.\u201d\n\n 915 Reina, \u201cUeber die Bewohner der Insel Rook,\u201d _Zeitschrift f\u00fcr\n allgemeine Erdkunde_, N. F. iv. (1858) p. 356 _sq._\n\n 916 R. Parkinson, _Im Bismarck Archipel_, pp. 129-134; Rev. G. Brown,\n \u201cNotes on the Duke of York Group, New Britain, and New Ireland,\u201d\n _Journ. Royal Geogr. Soc._ xlvii. (1878) p. 148 _sq._; H. H.\n Romilly, \u201cThe Islands of the New Britain Group,\u201d _Proceed. Royal\n Geogr. Soc._ N. S. ix. (1887) p. 11 _sq._; Rev. G. Brown, _ib._ p.\n 17; W. Powell, _Wanderings in a Wild Country_, pp. 60-66; C. Hager,\n _Kaiser Wilhelm\u2019s Land und der Bismarck Archipel_, pp. 115-128. The\n inhabitants of these islands are divided into two exogamous classes,\n which in the Duke of York Island have two insects for their totems.\n One of the insects is the _mantis religiosus_; the other is an\n insect that mimicks the leaf of the horse-chestnut tree very\n closely. Rev. B. Danks, \u201cMarriage customs of the New Britain Group,\u201d\n _Journ. Anthrop. Inst._ xviii. 281 _sq._\n\n 917 J. G. F. Riedel, \u201cGalela und Tobeloresen,\u201d _Zeitschrift f.\n Ethnologie_, xvii. (1885) p. 81 _sq._\n\n 918 The Kakian association and its initiatory ceremonies have often been\n described. See Valentyn, _Oud en nieuw Oost-Indi\u00ebn_, iii. 3 _sq._;\n Von Schmid, \u201cHet Kakihansch Verbond op het eiland Ceram,\u201d\n _Tijdschrift v. Ne\u00earlands Indi\u00eb_, v. dl. ii. (1843) 25-38; Van\n Ekris, \u201cHetCeramsche Kakianverbond,\u201d _Mededeelingen van wege het\n Nederland. Zendelinggenootschap_, (1865) ix. 205-226 (repeated with\n slight changes in _Tijdschrift v. Indische Taal- Land- en\n Volkenkunde_, xvi. 1866, pp. 290-315); F. Fournier, \u201cDe Zuidkust van\n Ceram,\u201d _Tijdschrift v. Indische Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde_, xvi.\n 154 _sqq._; Van Rees, _Die Pionniers der Beschaving in Ne\u00earlands\n Indi\u00eb_, pp. 92-106; Van Ho\u00ebvell, _Ambon en meer bepaaldelijk de\n Oeliasers_, p. 153 _sqq._; Schulze, \u201cUeber Ceram und seine\n Bewohner,\u201d _Verhandl. d. Berliner Gesell. f. Anthropologie_, etc.\n (1877) p. 117; W. Joest, \u201cBeitr\u00e4ge zur Kenntniss der Eingebornen der\n Insel Formosa und Ceram,\u201d _id._ (1882), p. 64; Rosenberg, _Der\n Malayische Archipel_, p. 318; Bastian, _Indonesien_, i. 145-148;\n Riedel, _De sluik-en kroesharige rassen tusschen Selebes en Papua_,\n pp. 107-111. The best accounts are those of Valentyn, Von Schmid,\n Van Ekris, Van Rees, and Riedel, which are accordingly followed in\n the text.\n\n_ 919 Laws of Manu_, ii. 169, trans. by B\u00fchler; Dubois, _Moeurs,\n Institutions et C\u00e9r\u00e9monies des Peuples de l\u2019Inde_, i. 125; Monier\n Williams, _Religious Life and Thought in India_, pp. 360 _sq._ 366\n _sq._\n\n 920 Lampridius, _Commodus_, 9; C. W. King, _The Gnostics and their\n Remains_,2 pp. 127, 129.\n\n 921 Above, p. 309.\n\n 922 Above, p. 312 _sq._\n\n 923 Above, p. 308 _sq._\n\n 924 Above, p. 324 _sq._ In the myth the throwing of the weapons and of\n the mistletoe at Balder and the blindness of H\u00f6dur who slew him\n remind us of the custom of the Irish reapers who kill the\n corn-spirit in the last sheaf by throwing their sickles blindfold at\n it. (See above, vol. i. p. 339). In Mecklenburg a cock is sometimes\n buried in the ground and a man who is blindfolded strikes at it with\n a flail. If he misses it, another tries, and so on till the cock is\n killed. Bartsch, _Sagen, M\u00e4rchen und Gebr\u00e4uche aus Mecklenburg_, ii.\n 280. In England on Shrove Tuesday a hen used to be tied upon a man\u2019s\n back, and other men blindfolded struck at it with branches till they\n killed it. Dyer, _British Popular Customs_, p. 68. Mannhardt (_Die\n Kornd\u00e4monen_, p. 16 _sq._) has made it probable that such sports are\n directly derived from the custom of killing a cock upon the\n harvest-field as a representative of the corn-spirit (see above, p.\n 9). These customs, therefore, combined with the blindness of H\u00f6dur\n in the myth suggest that the man who killed the human representative\n of the oak-spirit was blindfolded, and threw his weapon or the\n mistletoe from a little distance. After the Lapps had killed a\n bear\u2014which was the occasion of many superstitious ceremonies\u2014the\n bear\u2019s skin was hung on a post, and the women, blindfolded, shot\n arrows at it. Scheffer, _Lapponia_, p. 240.\n\n 925 Grimm, _Deutsche Mythologie_,4 ii. 1001, 1010.\n\n_ 926 Folk-lore Journal_, vii. 61.\n\n 927 Col. E. T. Dalton, \u201cThe Kols of Chota-Nagpore,\u201d _Trans. Ethnol.\n Soc._ vi. 36.\n\n 928 Jens Kamp, _Danske Folkeminder_ (Odense, 1877), pp. 172, 65 _sq._\n referred to in Feilberg\u2019s _Bidrag til en Ordbog over Jyske\n Almuesm\u00e5l_, Fjerde hefte (Copenhagen, 1888), p. 320. For a sight of\n Feilberg\u2019s work I am indebted to the kindness of the Rev. Walter\n Gregor, M.A., Pitsligo, who pointed out the passage to me.\n\n 929 E. T. Kristensen, _Iydske Folkeminder_, vi. 380, referred to by\n Feilberg, _l.c._\n\n 930 Wuttke, _Der deutsche Volksaberglaube_,2 \u00a7 128; L. Lloyd, _Peasant\n Life in Sweden_, p. 269.\n\n 931 Extract from a newspaper, copied and sent to me by the Rev. Walter\n Gregor, M.A., Pitsligo. Mr. Gregor does not mention the name of the\n newspaper.\n\n 932 Martin, \u201cDescription of the Western Islands of Scotland,\u201d in\n Pinkerton\u2019s _Voyages and Travels_, iii. 661\n\n 933 Rochholz, _Deutscher Glaube und Brauch_, i. 9.\n\n 934 Virgil, _Aen._ vi. 203 _sqq._, cp. 136 _sqq._ On the mistletoe\n (_viscum_) see Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ xvi. 245 _sqq._\n\n 935 Virgil (Aen. vi. 201 _sqq._) places the Golden Bough in the\n neighbourhood of Lake Avernus. But this was probably a poetical\n liberty, adopted for the convenience of Aeneas\u2019s descent to the\n infernal world. Italian tradition, as we learn from Servius, placed\n the Golden Bough in the grove at Nemi.\n\n 936 See above, vol. i. p. 4 _sq._\n\n 937 A custom of annually burning a human representative of the\n corn-spirit has been noted among the Egyptians, Pawnees, and Khonds.\n See above, vol. i. pp. 382, 387, 401 _sq._ In Semitic lands there\n are traces of a practice of annually burning a human god. For the\n image of Hercules (that is, of Baal) which was periodically burned\n on a pyre at Tarsus, must have been a substitute for a human\n representative of the god. See Dio Chrysostom, _Orat._ 33, vol. ii.\n p. 16, ed. Dindorf; W. R. Smith, _The Religion of the Semites_, i.\n 353 _sq._ The Druids seem to have eaten portions of the human\n victim. Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ xxx. \u00a7 13. Perhaps portions of the flesh\n of the King of the Wood were eaten by his worshippers as a\n sacrament. We have seen traces of the use of sacramental bread at\n Nemi. See above, p. 82 _sq._\n\n 938 Grimm, _Deutsche Mythologie_, ii. 1009, _pren puraur_.\n\n 939 Virgil, _Aen._ vi. 137 _sq._\n\n 940 Grohmann, _Aberglauben und Gebr\u00e4uche aus B\u00f6hmen und M\u00e4hren_, \u00a7 673.\n\n 941 Grohmann, _op. cit._ \u00a7 676; Wuttke, _Der deutsche Volksaberglaube_,\n \u00a7 123.\n\n_ 942 Zingerle, Sitten, Br\u00e4uche und Meinungen des Tiroler Volkes_,2 \u00a7\n 882.\n\n 943 Zingerle, _op. cit._ \u00a7 1573.\n\n 944 Grohmann, _op. cit._ \u00a7 675; Ralston, _Songs of the Russian People_,\n p. 98.\n\n 945 L. Bechstein, _Deutsches Sagenbuch_ No. 500; _id._, _Th\u00fcringer\n Sagenbuch_ (Leipzig, 1885), ii. No. 161.\n\n 946 For gathering it at midsummer, see above, p. 289. The custom of\n gathering it at Christmas still survives among ourselves. At York\n \u201con the eve of Christmas Day they carry mistletoe to the high altar\n of the cathedral, and proclaim a public and universal liberty,\n pardon, and freedom to all sorts of inferior and even wicked people\n at the gates of the city, towards the four quarters of heaven.\u201d\n Stukeley, _Medallic History of Carausius_, quoted by Brand, _Popular\n Antiquities_, i. 525. This last custom is of course now obsolete.\n\n 947 Afzelius, _Volkssagen und Volkslieder aus Schwedens \u00e4lterer und\n neuerer Zeit_, i. 41 _sq._; Grimm, _Deutsche Mythologie_,4 iii. 289;\n L. Lloyd, _Peasant Life in Sweden_, p. 266 _sq._\n\n 948 Above, p. 293.\n\n 949 Fern-seed is supposed to bloom at Easter as well as at midsummer and\n Christmas (Ralston, _Songs of the Russian People_, p. 98 _sq._); and\n Easter, as we have seen, is one of the times when sun-fires are\n kindled.\n\n 950 Burne and Jackson, _Shropshire Folk-lore_, p. 242.\n\n 951 P. 288.\n\n 952 The reason why Virgil represents Aeneas as taking the mistletoe with\n him to Hades is perhaps that the mistletoe was supposed to repel\n evil spirits (see above, p. 362). Hence when Charon is disposed to\n bluster at Aeneas, the sight of the Golden Bough quiets him (_Aen._\n vi. 406 _sq._) Perhaps also the power ascribed to the mistletoe of\n laying bare the secrets of the earth may have suggested its use as a\n kind of \u201copen Sesame\u201d to the lower world. Compare _Aen._ vi. 140\n _sq._\u2014\n\n \u201c_Sed non ante datur telluris operta subire,_\n _ Auricomos quam qui decerpserit arbore fetus._\u201d\n\n_ 953 Die Edda_, \u00fcbersetzt von K. Simrock,8 p. 264.\n\n 954 On the derivation of the names Zeus and Jove from a root meaning\n \u201cshining,\u201d \u201cbright,\u201d see Curtius, _Griech. Etymologie_,5 p. 236;\n Vani\u010d, _Griech.-Latein. Etymolog. W\u00f6rterbuch_, p. 353 _sqq._ On the\n relation of Jove to the oak, compare Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ xii. \u00a7 3,\n _arborum genera numinibus suis dicata perpetuo servantur, ut Jovi\n aesculus_; Servius on Virgil, _Georg._ iii. 332, _omnis quercus Jovi\n est consecrata_. Zeus and Jupiter have commonly been regarded as sky\n gods, because their names are etymologically connected with the\n Sanscrit word for sky. The reason seems insufficient.\n\n 955 Casalis, _The Basutos_, p. 251 _sq._\n\n_ 956 Ib._ p. 252.\n\n 957 Casalis, _The Basutos_, p. 252 _sq._\n\n 958 A. B. Ellis, _The Tshi-speaking Peoples of the Gold Coast_, p. 229\n _sq._; T. E. Bowdich, _Mission to Ashantee_, p. 226 _sq._ (ed.\n 1873.)\n\n 959 J. Cameron, \u201cOn the Early Inhabitants of Madagascar,\u201d _Antananarivo\n Annual and Madagascar Magazine_, iii. 263.\n\n 960 Bastian, _Die V\u00f6lker des \u00f6stlichen Asien_, ii. 105.\n\n 961 Dalton, _Ethnology of Bengal_, p. 91.\n\n 962 Dalton, _op. cit._ p. 198.\n\n 963 Thomas Shaw, \u201cThe Inhabitants of the Hills near Rajamahall,\u201d\n _Asiatic Researches_, iv. 56 _sq._\n\n_ 964 Panjab Notes and Queries_, i. No. 502.\n\n 965 This is curiously unlike the custom of ancient Italy, in most parts\n of which women were forbidden by law to walk on the highroads\n twirling a spindle, because this was supposed to injure the crops.\n Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ xxviii. \u00a7 28.\n\n 966 D. C. J. Ibbetson, _Outlines of Panjab Ethnography_ (Calcutta,\n 1883), p. 119.\n\n 967 Fr. Junghuhn, _Die Battal\u00e4nder auf Sumatra_, ii. 312.\n\n 968 Spenser St. John, _Life in the Forests of the Far East_, i. 191. On\n taboos observed at agricultural operations, see _id._ i. 185; R. G.\n Woodthorpe, \u201cWild Tribes Inhabiting the so-called Naga Hills,\u201d\n _Journ. Anthrop. Inst._ xi. 71; _Old New Zealand_, by a Pakeha Maori\n (London, 1884), p. 103 _sq._; R. Taylor, _Te Ika a Maui; or, New\n Zealand and its Inhabitants_,2 p. 165 _sq._; E. Tregear, \u201cThe Maoris\n of New Zealand,\u201d _Journ. Anthrop. Inst._ xix. 110.\n\n 969 B. F. Matthes, _Beknopt Verslag mijner reizen in de Binnenlanden van\n Celebes, in de jaren 1857 en 1861_, p. 5.\n\n 970 N. Graafland, _De Minahassa_, i. 165.\n\n 971 J. G. F. Riedel, _De sluik-en kroesharige rassen tusschen Selebes en\n Papua_, p. 107.\n\n 972 Riedel, _op. cit._ pp. 281, 296 _sq._\n\n 973 Fr. Valentyn, _Oud en nieuw Oost-Indi\u00ebn_, iii. 10.\n\n 974 C. Semper, _Die Philippinen und ihre Bewohner_, p. 56.\n\n 975 Rev. Lorimer Fison, \u201cThe Nanga, or sacred stone enclosure, of\n Wainimala, Fiji,\u201d _Journ. Anthrop. Inst._ xiv. 27.\n\n 976 J. E. Erskine, _Journal of a Cruise among the Islands of the Western\n Pacific_, p. 252.\n\n 977 Turner, _Samoa_, p. 318 _sq._\n\n 978 Horatio Hale, _United States Exploring Expedition, Ethnology and\n Philology_, p. 97.\n\n 979 The _mal\u00e1i_ is \u201ca piece of ground, generally before a large house,\n or chief\u2019s grave, where public ceremonies are principally held.\u201d\n Mariner, _Tonga Islands, Vocabulary_.\n\n 980 The _mataboole_ is \u201ca rank next below chiefs or nobles.\u201d _Ib._\n\n 981 W. Mariner, _Account of the Natives of the Tonga Islands_ (London,\n 1818), ii. 196-203.\n\n 982 Ch. Wilkes, _Narrative of the United States Exploring Expedition_,\n ii. 133.\n\n 983 Turner, _Samoa_, p. 70 _sq._\n\n 984 Ellis, _Polynesian Researches_, i. 350.\n\n 985 Tyerman and Bennet, _Journal of Voyages and Travels_, i. 284.\n\n 986 Geiseler, _Die Oester-Insel_ (Berlin, 1883), p. 31.\n\n 987 E. Tregear, \u201cThe Maoris of New Zealand,\u201d _Journ. Anthrop. Inst._\n xix. 110.\n\n 988 Hartknoch, _Alt und neues Preussen_, p. 161; _id._, _Dissertationes\n historicae de variis rebus Prussicis_, p. 163 (appended to his\n edition of Dusburg\u2019s _Chronicon Prussiae_). Cp. W. Mannhardt, _Die\n Kornd\u00e4monen_, p. 27.\n\n 989 Festus, _s.v._ _sacrima_, p. 319, ed. M\u00fcller; Pliny, _Nat. Hist._\n xviii. \u00a7 8.\n\n 990 Chateaubriand, _Voyage en Am\u00e9rique_, pp. 130-136 (Michel L\u00e9vy,\n Paris, 1870). Chateaubriand\u2019s description is probably based on\n earlier accounts, which I have been unable to trace. Compare,\n however, Le Petit, \u201cRelation des Natchez,\u201d in _Recueil de voiages au\n Nord_, ix. 13 _sq._ (Amsterdam edition); De Tonti, \u201cRelation de la\n Louisiane et du Mississippi,\u201d _ib._ v. 122; Charlevoix, _Histoire de\n la Nouvelle France_, vi. 183; _Lettres \u00e9difiantes et curieuses_,\n vii. 18 _sq._","title":"The Golden Bough: A Study in Comparative Religion (Vol. 2 of 2)","tradition":"myth-cosmogony","translated_text":null,"word_count":147759}