{"collection":"myth-cosmogony","full_text_available":true,"graph_url":"https://unchartedknowledge.5gfusion.net/v2/api/page/gutenberg_41832/graph","html_url":"https://unchartedknowledge.5gfusion.net/v2/page/gutenberg_41832","id":"gutenberg_41832","license":"Public Domain (US)","rights_basis":"gutenberg_metadata_copyright_false","source":"gutenberg","source_url":"https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/41832","summary":null,"tags":["Category: Archaeology & Anthropology","Category: Religion/Spirituality","Magic","Mythology","Religion","Superstition"],"text":"The Golden Bough\n\n                      A Study in Magic and Religion\n\n                                    By\n\n               James George Frazer, D.C.L., LL.D., Litt.D.\n\n                   Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge\n\n     Professor of Social Anthropology in the University of Liverpool\n\n                              Third Edition.\n\n                                Vol. III.\n\n                                 Part II\n\n                     Taboo and the Perils of the Soul\n\n                           New York and London\n\n                            MacMillan and Co.\n\n                                   1911\n\n\n\n\n\nCONTENTS\n\n\nPreface.\nChapter I. The Burden Of Royalty.\n   \u00a7 1. Royal and Priestly Taboos.\n   \u00a7 2. Divorce of the Spiritual from the Temporal Power.\nChapter II. The Perils Of The Soul.\n   \u00a7 1. The Soul as a Mannikin.\n   \u00a7 2. Absence and Recall of the Soul.\n   \u00a7 3. The Soul as a Shadow and a Reflection.\nChapter III. Tabooed Acts.\n   \u00a7 1. Taboos on Intercourse with Strangers.\n   \u00a7 2. Taboos on Eating and Drinking.\n   \u00a7 3. Taboos on shewing the Face.\n   \u00a7 4. Taboos on quitting the House.\n   \u00a7 5. Taboos on leaving Food over.\nChapter IV. Tabooed Persons.\n   \u00a7 1. Chiefs and Kings tabooed.\n   \u00a7 2. Mourners tabooed.\n   \u00a7 3. Women tabooed at Menstruation and Childbirth.\n   \u00a7 4. Warriors tabooed.\n   \u00a7 5. Manslayers tabooed.\n   \u00a7 6. Hunters and Fishers tabooed.\nChapter V. Tabooed Things.\n   \u00a7 1. The Meaning of Taboo.\n   \u00a7 2. Iron tabooed.\n   \u00a7 3. Sharp Weapons tabooed.\n   \u00a7 4. Blood tabooed.\n   \u00a7 5. The Head tabooed.\n   \u00a7 6. Hair tabooed.\n   \u00a7 7. Ceremonies at Hair-cutting.\n   \u00a7 8. Disposal of Cut Hair and Nails.\n   \u00a7 9. Spittle tabooed.\n   \u00a7 10. Foods tabooed.\n   \u00a7 11. Knots and Rings tabooed.\nChapter VI. Tabooed Words.\n   \u00a7 1. Personal Names tabooed.\n   \u00a7 2. Names of Relations tabooed.\n   \u00a7 3. Names of the Dead tabooed.\n   \u00a7 4. Names of Kings and other Sacred Persons tabooed.\n   \u00a7 5. Names of Gods tabooed.\n   \u00a7 6. Common Words tabooed.\nChapter VII. Our Debt To The Savage.\n   Note. Not To Step Over Persons And Things.\nIndex.\nFootnotes\n\n\n\n\n\n\n                               [Cover Art]\n\n[Transcriber\u2019s Note: The above cover image was produced by the submitter\nat Distributed Proofreaders, and is being placed into the public domain.]\n\n\n\n\n\nPREFACE.\n\n\nThe term Taboo is one of the very few words which the English language has\nborrowed from the speech of savages. In the Polynesian tongue, from which\nwe have adopted it, the word designates a remarkable system which has\ndeeply influenced the religious, social, and political life of the Oceanic\nislanders, both Polynesians and Melanesians, particularly by inculcating a\nsuperstitious veneration for the persons of nobles and the rights of\nprivate property. When about the year 1886 my ever-lamented friend William\nRobertson Smith asked me to write an article on Taboo for the Ninth\nEdition of the _Encyclopaedia Britannica_, I shared what I believe to have\nbeen at the time the current view of anthropologists, that the institution\nin question was confined to the brown and black races of the Pacific. But\nan attentive study of the accounts given of Taboo by observers who wrote\nwhile it still flourished in Polynesia soon led me to modify that view.\nThe analogies which the system presents to the superstitions, not only of\nsavages elsewhere, but of the civilised races of antiquity, were too\nnumerous and too striking to be overlooked; and I came to the conclusion\nthat Taboo is only one of a number of similar systems of superstition\nwhich among many, perhaps among all races of men have contributed in large\nmeasure, under many different names and with many variations of detail, to\nbuild up the complex fabric of society in all the various sides or\nelements of it which we describe as religious, social, political, moral\nand economic. This conclusion I briefly indicated in my article. My\ngeneral views on the subject were accepted by my friend Robertson Smith\nand applied by him in his celebrated _Lectures_ to the elucidation of some\naspects of Semitic religion. Since then the importance of Taboo and of\nsystems like it in the evolution of religion and morality, of government\nand property, has been generally recognised and has indeed become a\ncommonplace of anthropology.\n\nThe present volume is merely an expansion of the corresponding chapter in\nthe first edition of _The Golden Bough_. It treats of the principles of\ntaboo in their special application to sacred personages, such as kings and\npriests, who are the proper theme of the book. It does not profess to\nhandle the subject as a whole, to pursue it into all its ramifications, to\ntrace the manifold influences which systems of this sort have exerted in\nmoulding the multitudinous forms of human society. A treatise which should\nadequately discuss these topics would far exceed the limits which I have\nprescribed for myself in _The Golden Bough_. For example, I have barely\ntouched in passing on the part which these superstitions have played in\nshaping the moral ideas and directing the moral practice of mankind, a\nprofound subject fraught perhaps with momentous issues for the time when\nmen shall seriously set themselves to revise their ethical code in the\nlight of its origin. For that the ethical like the legal code of a people\nstands in need of constant revision will hardly be disputed by any\nattentive and dispassionate observer. The old view that the principles of\nright and wrong are immutable and eternal is no longer tenable. The moral\nworld is as little exempt as the physical world from the law of ceaseless\nchange, of perpetual flux. Contemplate the diversities, the\ninconsistencies, the contradictions of the ethical ideas and the ethical\npractice, not merely of different peoples in different countries, but of\nthe same people in the same country in different ages, then say whether\nthe foundations of morality are eternally fixed and unchanging. If they\nseem so to us, as they have probably seemed to men in all ages who did not\nextend their views beyond the narrow limits of their time and country, it\nis in all likelihood merely because the rate of change is commonly so slow\nthat it is imperceptible at any moment and can only be detected by a\ncomparison of accurate observations extending over long periods of time.\nSuch a comparison, could we make it, would probably convince us that if we\nspeak of the moral law as immutable and eternal, it can only be in the\nrelative or figurative sense in which we apply the same words to the\noutlines of the great mountains, by comparison with the short-lived\ngenerations of men. The mountains, too, are passing away, though we do not\nsee it; nothing is stable and abiding under or above the sun. We can as\nlittle arrest the process of moral evolution as we can stay the sweep of\nthe tides or the courses of the stars.\n\nTherefore, whether we like it or not, the moral code by which we regulate\nour conduct is being constantly revised and altered: old rules are being\nsilently expunged and new rules silently inscribed in the palimpsest by\nthe busy, the unresting hand of an invisible scribe. For unlike the public\nand formal revision of a legal code, the revision of the moral code is\nalways private, tacit, and informal. The legislators who make and the\njudges who administer it are not clad in ermine and scarlet, their edicts\nare not proclaimed with the blare of trumpets and the pomp of heraldry. We\nourselves are the lawgivers and the judges: it is the whole people who\nmake and alter the ethical standard and judge every case by reference to\nit. We sit in the highest court of appeal, judging offenders daily, and we\ncannot if we would rid ourselves of the responsibility. All that we can do\nis to take as clear and comprehensive a view as possible of the evidence,\nlest from too narrow and partial a view we should do injustice, perhaps\ngross and irreparable injustice, to the prisoners at the bar. Few things,\nperhaps, can better guard us from narrowness and illiberality in our moral\njudgments than a survey of the amazing diversities of ethical theory and\npractice which have been recorded among the various races of mankind in\ndifferent ages; and accordingly the Comparative Method applied to the\nstudy of ethical phenomena may be expected to do for morality what the\nsame method applied to religious phenomena is now doing for religion, by\nenlarging our mental horizon, extending the boundaries of knowledge,\nthrowing light on the origin of current beliefs and practices, and thereby\ndirectly assisting us to replace what is effete by what is vigorous, and\nwhat is false by what is true. The facts which I have put together in this\nvolume as well as in some of my other writings may perhaps serve as\nmaterials for a future science of Comparative Ethics. They are rough\nstones which await the master-builder, rude sketches which more cunning\nhands than mine may hereafter work up into a finished picture.\n\nJ. G. Frazer.\n\nCAMBRIDGE,\n_1st February 1911_.\n\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER I. THE BURDEN OF ROYALTY.\n\n\n\n\n\u00a7 1. Royal and Priestly Taboos.\n\n\n(M1) At a certain stage of early society the king or priest is often\nthought to be endowed with supernatural powers or to be an incarnation of\na deity, and consistently with this belief the course of nature is\nsupposed to be more or less under his control, and he is held responsible\nfor bad weather, failure of the crops, and similar calamities.(1) To some\nextent it appears to be assumed that the king\u2019s power over nature, like\nthat over his subjects and slaves, is exerted through definite acts of\nwill; and therefore if drought, famine, pestilence, or storms arise, the\npeople attribute the misfortune to the negligence or guilt of their king,\nand punish him accordingly with stripes and bonds, or, if he remains\nobdurate, with deposition and death.(2) Sometimes, however, the course of\nnature, while regarded as dependent on the king, is supposed to be partly\nindependent of his will. His person is considered, if we may express it\nso, as the dynamical centre of the universe, from which lines of force\nradiate to all quarters of the heaven; so that any motion of his\u2014the\nturning of his head, the lifting of his hand\u2014instantaneously affects and\nmay seriously disturb some part of nature. He is the point of support on\nwhich hangs the balance of the world, and the slightest irregularity on\nhis part may overthrow the delicate equipoise. The greatest care must,\ntherefore, be taken both by and of him; and his whole life, down to its\nminutest details, must be so regulated that no act of his, voluntary or\ninvoluntary, may disarrange or upset the established order of nature. Of\nthis class of monarchs the Mikado or Dairi, the spiritual emperor of\nJapan, is or rather used to be a typical example. He is an incarnation of\nthe sun goddess, the deity who rules the universe, gods and men included;\nonce a year all the gods wait upon him and spend a month at his court.\nDuring that month, the name of which means \u201cwithout gods,\u201d no one\nfrequents the temples, for they are believed to be deserted.(3) The Mikado\nreceives from his people and assumes in his official proclamations and\ndecrees the title of \u201cmanifest or incarnate deity\u201d (_Akitsu Kami_) and he\nclaims a general authority over the gods of Japan.(4) For example, in an\nofficial decree of the year 646 the emperor is described as \u201cthe incarnate\ngod who governs the universe.\u201d(5)\n\n(M2) The following description of the Mikado\u2019s mode of life was written\nabout two hundred years ago:\u2014(6)\n\n\u201cEven to this day the princes descended of this family more particularly\nthose who sit on the throne, are looked upon as persons most holy in\nthemselves, and as Popes by birth. And, in order to preserve these\nadvantageous notions in the minds of their subjects, they are obliged to\ntake an uncommon care of their sacred persons, and to do such things,\nwhich, examined according to the customs of other nations, would be\nthought ridiculous and impertinent. It will not be improper to give a few\ninstances of it. He thinks that it would be very prejudicial to his\ndignity and holiness to touch the ground with his feet; for this reason\nwhen he intends to go anywhere, he must be carried thither on men\u2019s\nshoulders. Much less will they suffer that he should expose his sacred\nperson to the open air, and the sun is not thought worthy to shine on his\nhead. There is such a holiness ascribed to all the parts of his body that\nhe dares to cut off neither his hair, nor his beard, nor his nails.\nHowever, lest he should grow too dirty, they may clean him in the night\nwhen he is asleep; because, they say, that which is taken from his body at\nthat time, hath been stolen from him, and that such a theft doth not\nprejudice his holiness or dignity. In ancient times, he was obliged to sit\non the throne for some hours every morning, with the imperial crown on his\nhead, but to sit altogether like a statue, without stirring either hands\nor feet, head or eyes, nor indeed any part of his body, because, by this\nmeans, it was thought that he could preserve peace and tranquillity in his\nempire; for if, unfortunately, he turned himself on one side or the other,\nor if he looked a good while towards any part of his dominions, it was\napprehended that war, famine, fire, or some other great misfortune was\nnear at hand to desolate the country. But it having been afterwards\ndiscovered, that the imperial crown was the palladium, which by its\nimmobility(7) could preserve peace in the empire, it was thought expedient\nto deliver his imperial person, consecrated only to idleness and\npleasures, from this burthensome duty, and therefore the crown is at\npresent placed on the throne for some hours every morning. His victuals\nmust be dressed every time in new pots, and served at table in new dishes:\nboth are very clean and neat, but made only of common clay; that without\nany considerable expense they may be laid aside, or broke, after they have\nserved once. They are generally broke, for fear they should come into the\nhands of laymen, for they believe religiously, that if any layman should\npresume to eat his food out of these sacred dishes, it would swell and\ninflame his mouth and throat. The like ill effect is dreaded from the\nDairi\u2019s sacred habits; for they believe that if a layman should wear them,\nwithout the Emperor\u2019s express leave or command, they would occasion\nswellings and pains in all parts of his body.\u201d To the same effect an\nearlier account of the Mikado says: \u201cIt was considered as a shameful\ndegradation for him even to touch the ground with his foot. The sun and\nmoon were not even permitted to shine upon his head. None of the\nsuperfluities of the body were ever taken from him, neither his hair, his\nbeard, nor his nails were cut. Whatever he eat was dressed in new\nvessels.\u201d(8)\n\n(M3) Similar priestly or rather divine kings are found, at a lower level\nof barbarism, on the west coast of Africa. At Shark Point near Cape\nPadron, in Lower Guinea, lives the priestly king Kukulu, alone in a wood.\nHe may not touch a woman nor leave his house; indeed he may not even quit\nhis chair, in which he is obliged to sleep sitting, for if he lay down no\nwind would arise and navigation would be stopped. He regulates storms, and\nin general maintains a wholesome and equable state of the atmosphere.(9)\nOn Mount Agu in Togo, a German possession in West Africa, there lives a\nfetish or spirit called Bagba, who is of great importance for the whole of\nthe surrounding country. The power of giving or withholding rain is\nascribed to him, and he is lord of the winds, including the Harmattan, the\ndry, hot wind which blows from the interior. His priest dwells in a house\non the highest peak of the mountain, where he keeps the winds bottled up\nin huge jars. Applications for rain, too, are made to him, and he does a\ngood business in amulets, which consist of the teeth and claws of\nleopards. Yet though his power is great and he is indeed the real chief of\nthe land, the rule of the fetish forbids him ever to leave the mountain,\nand he must spend the whole of his life on its summit. Only once a year\nmay he come down to make purchases in the market; but even then he may not\nset foot in the hut of any mortal man, and must return to his place of\nexile the same day. The business of government in the villages is\nconducted by subordinate chiefs, who are appointed by him.(10) In the West\nAfrican kingdom of Congo there was a supreme pontiff called Chitom\u00e9 or\nChitomb\u00e9, whom the negroes regarded as a god on earth and all-powerful in\nheaven. Hence before they would taste the new crops they offered him the\nfirst-fruits, fearing that manifold misfortunes would befall them if they\nbroke this rule. When he left his residence to visit other places within\nhis jurisdiction, all married people had to observe strict continence the\nwhole time he was out; for it was supposed that any act of incontinence\nwould prove fatal to him. And if he were to die a natural death, they\nthought that the world would perish, and the earth, which he alone\nsustained by his power and merit, would immediately be annihilated.(11)\nSimilarly in Humbe, a kingdom of Angola, the incontinence of young people\nunder the age of puberty used to be a capital crime, because it was\nbelieved to entail the death of the king within the year. Of late the\ndeath penalty has been commuted for a fine of ten oxen inflicted on each\nof the culprits. This commutation has attracted thousands of dissolute\nyouth to Humbe from the neighbouring tribes, among whom the old penalty is\nstill rigorously exacted.(12) Amongst the semi-barbarous nations of the\nNew World, at the date of the Spanish conquest, there were found\nhierarchies or theocracies like those of Japan;(13) in particular, the\nhigh pontiff of the Zapotecs in Southern Mexico appears to have presented\na close parallel to the Mikado. A powerful rival to the king himself, this\nspiritual lord governed Yopaa, one of the chief cities of the kingdom,\nwith absolute dominion. It is impossible, we are told, to overrate the\nreverence in which he was held. He was looked on as a god whom the earth\nwas not worthy to hold nor the sun to shine upon. He profaned his sanctity\nif he even touched the ground with his foot. The officers who bore his\npalanquin on their shoulders were members of the highest families; he\nhardly deigned to look on anything around him; and all who met him fell\nwith their faces to the earth, fearing that death would overtake them if\nthey saw even his shadow. A rule of continence was regularly imposed on\nthe Zapotec priests, especially upon the high pontiff; but \u201con certain\ndays in each year, which were generally celebrated with feasts and dances,\nit was customary for the high priest to become drunk. While in this state,\nseeming to belong neither to heaven nor to earth, one of the most\nbeautiful of the virgins consecrated to the service of the gods was\nbrought to him.\u201d If the child she bore him was a son, he was brought up as\na prince of the blood, and the eldest son succeeded his father on the\npontifical throne.(14) The supernatural powers attributed to this pontiff\nare not specified, but probably they resembled those of the Mikado and\nChitom\u00e9.\n\n(M4) Wherever, as in Japan and West Africa, it is supposed that the order\nof nature, and even the existence of the world, is bound up with the life\nof the king or priest, it is clear that he must be regarded by his\nsubjects as a source both of infinite blessing and of infinite danger. On\nthe one hand, the people have to thank him for the rain and sunshine which\nfoster the fruits of the earth, for the wind which brings ships to their\ncoasts, and even for the solid ground beneath their feet. But what he\ngives he can refuse; and so close is the dependence of nature on his\nperson, so delicate the balance of the system of forces whereof he is the\ncentre, that the least irregularity on his part may set up a tremor which\nshall shake the earth to its foundations. And if nature may be disturbed\nby the slightest involuntary act of the king, it is easy to conceive the\nconvulsion which his death might provoke. The natural death of the\nChitom\u00e9, as we have seen, was thought to entail the destruction of all\nthings. Clearly, therefore, out of a regard for their own safety, which\nmight be imperilled by any rash act of the king, and still more by his\ndeath, the people will exact of their king or priest a strict conformity\nto those rules, the observance of which is deemed necessary for his own\npreservation, and consequently for the preservation of his people and the\nworld. The idea that early kingdoms are despotisms in which the people\nexist only for the sovereign, is wholly inapplicable to the monarchies we\nare considering. On the contrary, the sovereign in them exists only for\nhis subjects; his life is only valuable so long as he discharges the\nduties of his position by ordering the course of nature for his people\u2019s\nbenefit. So soon as he fails to do so, the care, the devotion, the\nreligious homage which they had hitherto lavished on him cease and are\nchanged into hatred and contempt; he is dismissed ignominiously, and may\nbe thankful if he escapes with his life. Worshipped as a god one day, he\nis killed as a criminal the next. But in this changed behaviour of the\npeople there is nothing capricious or inconsistent. On the contrary, their\nconduct is entirely of a piece. If their king is their god, he is or\nshould be also their preserver; and if he will not preserve them, he must\nmake room for another who will. So long, however, as he answers their\nexpectations, there is no limit to the care which they take of him, and\nwhich they compel him to take of himself. A king of this sort lives hedged\nin by a ceremonious etiquette, a network of prohibitions and observances,\nof which the intention is not to contribute to his dignity, much less to\nhis comfort, but to restrain him from conduct which, by disturbing the\nharmony of nature, might involve himself, his people, and the universe in\none common catastrophe. Far from adding to his comfort, these observances,\nby trammelling his every act, annihilate his freedom and often render the\nvery life, which it is their object to preserve, a burden and sorrow to\nhim.\n\n(M5) Of the supernaturally endowed kings of Loango it is said that the\nmore powerful a king is, the more taboos is he bound to observe; they\nregulate all his actions, his walking and his standing, his eating and\ndrinking, his sleeping and waking.(15) To these restraints the heir to the\nthrone is subject from infancy; but as he advances in life the number of\nabstinences and ceremonies which he must observe increases, \u201cuntil at the\nmoment that he ascends the throne he is lost in the ocean of rites and\ntaboos.\u201d(16) In the crater of an extinct volcano, enclosed on all sides by\ngrassy slopes, lie the scattered huts and yam-fields of Riabba, the\ncapital of the native king of Fernando Po. This mysterious being lives in\nthe lowest depths of the crater, surrounded by a harem of forty women, and\ncovered, it is said, with old silver coins. Naked savage as he is, he yet\nexercises far more influence in the island than the Spanish governor at\nSanta Isabel. In him the conservative spirit of the Boobies or aboriginal\ninhabitants of the island is, as it were, incorporate. He has never seen a\nwhite man and, according to the firm conviction of all the Boobies, the\nsight of a pale face would cause his instant death. He cannot bear to look\nupon the sea; indeed it is said that he may never see it even in the\ndistance, and that therefore he wears away his life with shackles on his\nlegs in the dim twilight of his hut. Certain it is that he has never set\nfoot on the beach. With the exception of his musket and knife, he uses\nnothing that comes from the whites; European cloth never touches his\nperson, and he scorns tobacco, rum, and even salt.(17)\n\n(M6) Among the Ewe-speaking peoples of the Slave Coast, in West Africa,\n\u201cthe king is at the same time high priest. In this quality he was,\nparticularly in former times, unapproachable by his subjects. Only by\nnight was he allowed to quit his dwelling in order to bathe and so forth.\nNone but his representative, the so-called \u2018visible king,\u2019 with three\nchosen elders might converse with him, and even they had to sit on an\nox-hide with their backs turned to him. He might not see any European nor\nany horse, nor might he look upon the sea, for which reason he was not\nallowed to quit his capital even for a few moments. These rules have been\ndisregarded in recent times.\u201d(18) The king of Dahomey himself is subject\nto the prohibition of beholding the sea,(19) and so are the kings of\nLoango(20) and Great Ardra in Guinea.(21) The sea is the fetish of the\nEyeos, to the north-west of Dahomey, and they and their king are\nthreatened with death by their priests if ever they dare to look on\nit.(22) It is believed that the king of Cayor in Senegal would infallibly\ndie within the year if he were to cross a river or an arm of the sea.(23)\nIn Mashonaland down to recent times the chiefs would not cross certain\nrivers, particularly the Rurikwi and the Nyadiri; and the custom was still\nstrictly observed by at least one chief within the last few years. \u201cOn no\naccount will the chief cross the river. If it is absolutely necessary for\nhim to do so, he is blindfolded and carried across with shouting and\nsinging. Should he walk across, he will go blind or die and certainly lose\nthe chieftainship.\u201d(24) So among the Mahafalys and Sakalavas in the south\nof Madagascar some kings are forbidden to sail on the sea or to cross\ncertain rivers.(25) The horror of the sea is not peculiar to kings. The\nBasutos are said to share it instinctively, though they have never seen\nsalt water, and live hundreds of miles from the Indian Ocean.(26) The\nEgyptian priests loathed the sea, and called it the foam of Typhon; they\nwere forbidden to set salt on their table, and they would not speak to\npilots because they got their living by the sea; hence too they would not\neat fish, and the hieroglyphic symbol for hatred was a fish.(27) When the\nIndians of the Peruvian Andes were sent by the Spaniards to work in the\nhot valleys of the coast, the vast ocean which they saw before them as\nthey descended the Cordillera was dreaded by them as a cause of disease;\nhence they prayed to it that they might not fall ill. This they all did\nwithout exception, even the little children.(28) Similarly the inland\npeople of Lampong in Sumatra are said to pay a kind of adoration to the\nsea, and to make it an offering of cakes and sweetmeats when they behold\nit for the first time, deprecating its power of doing them mischief.(29)\n\n(M7) Among the Sakalavas of southern Madagascar the chief is regarded as a\nsacred being, but \u201che is held in leash by a crowd of restrictions, which\nregulate his behaviour like that of the emperor of China. He can undertake\nnothing whatever unless the sorcerers have declared the omens favourable:\nhe may not eat warm food: on certain days he may not quit his hut; and so\non.\u201d(30) Among some of the hill tribes of Assam both the headman and his\nwife have to observe many taboos in respect of food; thus they may not eat\nbuffalo, pork, dog, fowl, or tomatoes. The headman must be chaste, the\nhusband of one wife, and he must separate himself from her on the eve of a\ngeneral or public observance of taboo. In one group of tribes the headman\nis forbidden to eat in a strange village, and under no provocation\nwhatever may he utter a word of abuse. Apparently the people imagine that\nthe violation of any of these taboos by a headman would bring down\nmisfortune on the whole village.(31)\n\n(M8) The ancient kings of Ireland, as well as the kings of the four\nprovinces of Leinster, Munster, Connaught, and Ulster, were subject to\ncertain quaint prohibitions or taboos, on the due observance of which the\nprosperity of the people and the country, as well as their own, was\nsupposed to depend. Thus, for example, the sun might not rise on the king\nof Ireland in his bed at Tara, the old capital of Erin; he was forbidden\nto alight on Wednesday at Magh Breagh, to traverse Magh Cuillinn after\nsunset, to incite his horse at Fan-Chomair, to go in a ship upon the water\nthe Monday after Bealltaine (May day), and to leave the track of his army\nupon Ath Maighne the Tuesday after All-Hallows. The king of Leinster might\nnot go round Tuath Laighean left-hand-wise on Wednesday, nor sleep between\nthe Dothair (Dodder) and the Duibhlinn(32) with his head inclining to one\nside, nor encamp for nine days on the plains of Cualann, nor travel the\nroad of Duibhlinn on Monday, nor ride a dirty black-heeled horse across\nMagh Maistean. The king of Munster was prohibited from enjoying the feast\nof Loch Lein from one Monday to another; from banqueting by night in the\nbeginning of harvest before Geim at Leitreacha; from encamping for nine\ndays upon the Siuir; and from holding a border meeting at Gabhran. The\nking of Connaught might not conclude a treaty respecting his ancient\npalace of Cruachan(33) after making peace on All-Hallows Day, nor go in a\nspeckled garment on a grey speckled steed to the heath of Dal Chais, nor\nrepair to an assembly of women at Seaghais, nor sit in autumn on the\nsepulchral mounds of the wife of Maine, nor contend in running with the\nrider of a grey one-eyed horse at Ath Gallta between two posts. The king\nof Ulster was forbidden to attend the horse fair at Rath Line among the\nyouths of Dal Araidhe, to listen to the fluttering of the flocks of birds\nof Linn Saileach after sunset, to celebrate the feast of the bull of\nDaire-mic-Daire, to go into Magh Cobha in the month of March, and to drink\nof the water of Bo Neimhidh between two darknesses. If the kings of\nIreland strictly observed these and many other customs, which were\nenjoined by immemorial usage, it was believed that they would never meet\nwith mischance or misfortune, and would live for ninety years without\nexperiencing the decay of old age; that no epidemic or mortality would\noccur during their reigns; and that the seasons would be favourable and\nthe earth yield its fruit in abundance; whereas, if they set the ancient\nusages at naught, the country would be visited with plague, famine, and\nbad weather.(34)\n\n(M9) The kings of Egypt were worshipped as gods,(35) and the routine of\ntheir daily life was regulated in every detail by precise and unvarying\nrules. \u201cThe life of the kings of Egypt,\u201d says Diodorus, \u201cwas not like that\nof other monarchs who are irresponsible and may do just what they choose;\non the contrary, everything was fixed for them by law, not only their\nofficial duties, but even the details of their daily life.... The hours\nboth of day and night were arranged at which the king had to do, not what\nhe pleased, but what was prescribed for him.... For not only were the\ntimes appointed at which he should transact public business or sit in\njudgment; but the very hours for his walking and bathing and sleeping with\nhis wife, and, in short, performing every act of life were all settled.\nCustom enjoined a simple diet; the only flesh he might eat was veal and\ngoose, and he might only drink a prescribed quantity of wine.\u201d(36)\nHowever, there is reason to think that these rules were observed, not by\nthe ancient Pharaohs, but by the priestly kings who reigned at Thebes and\nin Ethiopia at the close of the twentieth dynasty.(37) Among the Karen-nis\nof Upper Burma a chief attains his position, not by hereditary right, but\non account of his habit of abstaining from rice and liquor. The mother,\ntoo, of a candidate for the chieftainship must have eschewed these things\nand lived solely on yams and potatoes so long as she was with child.\nDuring that time she may not eat any meat nor drink water from a common\nwell. And if her son is to be qualified for the office of chief he must\ncontinue to observe these habits.(38)\n\n(M10) Of the taboos imposed on priests we may see a striking example in\nthe rules of life prescribed for the Flamen Dialis at Rome, who has been\ninterpreted as a living image of Jupiter, or a human embodiment of the\nsky-spirit.(39) They were such as the following:\u2014The Flamen Dialis might\nnot ride or even touch a horse, nor see an army under arms,(40) nor wear a\nring which was not broken, nor have a knot on any part of his garments; no\nfire except a sacred fire might be taken out of his house; he might not\ntouch wheaten flour or leavened bread; he might not touch or even name a\ngoat, a dog,(41) raw meat, beans,(42) and ivy; he might not walk under a\nvine; the feet of his bed had to be daubed with mud; his hair could be cut\nonly by a free man and with a bronze knife, and his hair and nails when\ncut had to be buried under a lucky tree; he might not touch a dead body\nnor enter a place where one was burned;(43) he might not see work being\ndone on holy days; he might not be uncovered in the open air; if a man in\nbonds were taken into his house, the captive had to be unbound and the\ncords had to be drawn up through a hole in the roof and so let down into\nthe street. His wife, the Flaminica, had to observe nearly the same rules,\nand others of her own besides. She might not ascend more than three steps\nof the kind of staircase called Greek; at a certain festival she might not\ncomb her hair; the leather of her shoes might not be made from a beast\nthat had died a natural death, but only from one that had been slain or\nsacrificed; if she heard thunder she was tabooed till she had offered an\nexpiatory sacrifice.(44)\n\n(M11) Among the Grebo people of Sierra Leone there is a pontiff who bears\nthe title of Bodia and has been compared, on somewhat slender grounds, to\nthe high priest of the Jews. He is appointed in accordance with the behest\nof an oracle. At an elaborate ceremony of installation he is anointed, a\nring is put on his ankle as a badge of office, and the door-posts of his\nhouse are sprinkled with the blood of a sacrificed goat. He has charge of\nthe public talismans and idols, which he feeds with rice and oil every new\nmoon; and he sacrifices on behalf of the town to the dead and to demons.\nNominally his power is very great, but in practice it is very limited; for\nhe dare not defy public opinion, and he is held responsible, even with his\nlife, for any adversity that befalls the country. It is expected of him\nthat he should cause the earth to bring forth abundantly, the people to be\nhealthy, war to be driven far away, and witchcraft to be kept in abeyance.\nHis life is trammelled by the observance of certain restrictions or\ntaboos. Thus he may not sleep in any house but his own official residence,\nwhich is called the \u201canointed house\u201d with reference to the ceremony of\nanointing him at inauguration. He may not drink water on the highway. He\nmay not eat while a corpse is in the town, and he may not mourn for the\ndead. If he dies while in office, he must be buried at dead of night; few\nmay hear of his burial, and none may mourn for him when his death is made\npublic. Should he have fallen a victim to the poison ordeal by drinking a\ndecoction of sassywood, as it is called, he must be buried under a running\nstream of water.(45)\n\n(M12) Among the Todas of Southern India the holy milkman (_palol_), who\nacts as priest of the sacred dairy, is subject to a variety of irksome and\nburdensome restrictions during the whole time of his incumbency, which may\nlast many years. Thus he must live at the sacred dairy and may never visit\nhis home or any ordinary village. He must be celibate; if he is married he\nmust leave his wife. On no account may any ordinary person touch the holy\nmilkman or the holy dairy; such a touch would so defile his holiness that\nhe would forfeit his office. It is only on two days a week, namely Mondays\nand Thursdays, that a mere layman may even approach the milkman; on other\ndays if he has any business with him, he must stand at a distance (some\nsay a quarter of a mile) and shout his message across the intervening\nspace. Further, the holy milkman never cuts his hair or pares his nails so\nlong as he holds office; he never crosses a river by a bridge, but wades\nthrough a ford and only certain fords; if a death occurs in his clan, he\nmay not attend any of the funeral ceremonies, unless he first resigns his\noffice and descends from the exalted rank of milkman to that of a mere\ncommon mortal. Indeed it appears that in old days he had to resign the\nseals, or rather the pails, of office whenever any member of his clan\ndeparted this life. However, these heavy restraints are laid in their\nentirety only on milkmen of the very highest class.(46) Among the Todas\nthere are milkmen and milkmen; and some of them get off more lightly in\nconsideration of their humbler station in life.(47) Still, apart from the\ndignity they enjoy, the lot even of these other milkmen is not altogether\na happy one. Thus, for example, at a place called Kanodrs there is a\ndairy-temple of a conical form. The milkman who has charge of it must be\ncelibate during the tenure of his office: he must sleep in the calves\u2019\nhouse, a very flimsy structure with an open door and a fire-place that\ngives little heat: he may wear only one very scanty garment: he must take\nhis meals sitting on the outer wall which surrounds the dairy: in eating\nhe may not put his hand to his lips, but must throw the food into his\nmouth; and in drinking he may not put to his lips the leaf which serves as\na cup, he must tilt his head back and pour the liquid into his mouth in a\njet from above. With the exception of a single layman, who is allowed to\nbear the milkman company, but who is also bound to celibacy and has a bed\nrigged up for him in the calves\u2019 house, no other person is allowed to go\nnear this very sacred dairy under any pretext whatever. No wonder that\nsome years ago the dairy was unoccupied and the office of milkman stood\nvacant. \u201cAt the present time,\u201d says Dr. Rivers, \u201ca dairyman is appointed\nabout once a year and holds office for thirty or forty days only. So far\nas I could ascertain, the failure to occupy the dairy constantly is due to\nthe very considerable hardships and restrictions which have to be endured\nby the holder of the office of dairyman, and the time is probably not far\ndistant when this dairy, one of the most sacred among the Todas, will\ncease altogether to be used.\u201d(48)\n\n\n\n\n\u00a7 2. Divorce of the Spiritual from the Temporal Power.\n\n\n(M13) The burdensome observances attached to the royal or priestly office\nproduced their natural effect. Either men refused to accept the office,\nwhich hence tended to fall into abeyance; or accepting it, they sank under\nits weight into spiritless creatures, cloistered recluses, from whose\nnerveless fingers the reins of government slipped into the firmer grasp of\nmen who were often content to wield the reality of sovereignty without its\nname. In some countries this rift in the supreme power deepened into a\ntotal and permanent separation of the spiritual and temporal powers, the\nold royal house retaining their purely religious functions, while the\ncivil government passed into the hands of a younger and more vigorous\nrace.\n\n(M14) To take examples. In a previous part of this work we saw that in\nCambodia it is often necessary to force the kingships of Fire and Water\nupon the reluctant successors,(49) and that in Savage Island the monarchy\nactually came to an end because at last no one could be induced to accept\nthe dangerous distinction.(50) In some parts of West Africa, when the king\ndies, a family council is secretly held to determine his successor. He on\nwhom the choice falls is suddenly seized, bound, and thrown into the\nfetish-house, where he is kept in durance till he consents to accept the\ncrown. Sometimes the heir finds means of evading the honour which it is\nsought to thrust upon him; a ferocious chief has been known to go about\nconstantly armed, resolute to resist by force any attempt to set him on\nthe throne.(51) The savage Timmes of Sierra Leone, who elect their king,\nreserve to themselves the right of beating him on the eve of his\ncoronation; and they avail themselves of this constitutional privilege\nwith such hearty goodwill that sometimes the unhappy monarch does not long\nsurvive his elevation to the throne. Hence when the leading chiefs have a\nspite at a man and wish to rid themselves of him, they elect him king.(52)\nFormerly, before a man was proclaimed king of Sierra Leone, it used to be\nthe custom to load him with chains and thrash him. Then the fetters were\nknocked off, the kingly robe was placed on him, and he received in his\nhands the symbol of royal dignity, which was nothing but the axe of the\nexecutioner.(53) It is not therefore surprising to read that in Sierra\nLeone, where such customs have prevailed, \u201cexcept among the Mandingoes and\nSuzees, few kings are natives of the countries they govern. So different\nare their ideas from ours, that very few are solicitous of the honour, and\ncompetition is very seldom heard of.\u201d(54) Another writer on Sierra Leone\ntells us that \u201cthe honour of reigning, so much coveted in Europe, is very\nfrequently rejected in Africa, on account of the expense attached to it,\nwhich sometimes greatly exceeds the revenues of the crown.\u201d(55) A\nreluctance to accept the sovereignty in the Ethiopian kingdom of Gingiro\nwas simulated, if not really felt, as we learn from the old Jesuit\nmissionaries. \u201cThey wrap up the dead king\u2019s body in costly garments, and\nkilling a cow, put it into the hide; then all those who hope to succeed\nhim, being his sons or others of the royal blood, flying from the honour\nthey covet, abscond and hide themselves in the woods. This done, the\nelectors, who are all great sorcerers, agree among themselves who shall be\nking, and go out to seek him, when entering the woods by means of their\nenchantments, they say, a large bird called _liber_, as big as an eagle,\ncomes down with mighty cries over the place where he is hid, and they find\nhim encompass\u2019d by lyons, tygers, snakes, and other creatures gather\u2019d\nabout him by witchcraft. The elect, as fierce as those beasts, rushes out\nupon those who seek him, wounding and sometimes killing some of them, to\nprevent being seiz\u2019d. They take all in good part, defending themselves the\nbest they can, till they have seiz\u2019d him. Thus they carry him away by\nforce, he still struggling and seeming to refuse taking upon him the\nburthen of government, all which is mere cheat and hypocrisy.\u201d(56)\n\n(M15) The Mikados of Japan seem early to have resorted to the expedient of\ntransferring the honours and burdens of supreme power to their infant\nchildren; and the rise of the Tycoons, long the temporal sovereigns of the\ncountry, is traced to the abdication of a certain Mikado in favour of his\nthree-year-old son. The sovereignty having been wrested by a usurper from\nthe infant prince, the cause of the Mikado was championed by Yoritomo, a\nman of spirit and conduct, who overthrew the usurper and restored to the\nMikado the shadow, while he retained for himself the substance, of power.\nHe bequeathed to his descendants the dignity he had won, and thus became\nthe founder of the line of Tycoons. Down to the latter half of the\nsixteenth century the Tycoons were active and efficient rulers; but the\nsame fate overtook them which had befallen the Mikados. Immeshed in the\nsame inextricable web of custom and law, they degenerated into mere\npuppets, hardly stirring from their palaces and occupied in a perpetual\nround of empty ceremonies, while the real business of government was\nmanaged by the council of state.(57) In Tonquin the monarchy ran a similar\ncourse. Living like his predecessors in effeminacy and sloth, the king was\ndriven from the throne by an ambitious adventurer named Mack, who from a\nfisherman had risen to be Grand Mandarin. But the king\u2019s brother Tring put\ndown the usurper and restored the king, retaining, however, for himself\nand his descendants the dignity of general of all the forces.\nThenceforward the kings or _dovas_, though invested with the title and\npomp of sovereignty, ceased to govern. While they lived secluded in their\npalaces, all real political power was wielded by the hereditary generals\nor _chovas_.(58) The present king of Sikhim, \u201clike most of his\npredecessors in the kingship, is a mere puppet in the hands of his crafty\npriests, who have made a sort of priest-king of him. They encourage him by\nevery means in their power to leave the government to them, whilst he\ndevotes all his time to the degrading rites of devil-worship, and the\nceaseless muttering of meaningless jargon, of which the Tibetan form of\nBuddhism chiefly consists. They declare that he is a saint by birth, that\nhe is the direct descendant of the greatest king of Tibet, the canonised\nSrongtsan Gampo, who was a contemporary of Mahomed in the seventh century\nA.D. and who first introduced Buddhism to Tibet.\u201d \u201cThis saintly lineage,\nwhich secures for the king\u2019s person popular homage amounting to worship,\nis probably, however, a mere invention of the priests to glorify their\npuppet-prince for their own sordid ends. Such devices are common in the\nEast.\u201d(59) The custom regularly observed by the Tahitian kings of\nabdicating on the birth of a son, who was immediately proclaimed sovereign\nand received his father\u2019s homage, may perhaps have originated, like the\nsimilar custom occasionally practised by the Mikados, in a wish to shift\nto other shoulders the irksome burden of royalty; for in Tahiti as\nelsewhere the sovereign was subjected to a system of vexatious\nrestrictions.(60) In Mangaia, another Polynesian island, religious and\ncivil authority were lodged in separate hands, spiritual functions being\ndischarged by a line of hereditary kings, while the temporal government\nwas entrusted from time to time to a victorious war-chief, whose\ninvestiture, however, had to be completed by the king. To the latter were\nassigned the best lands, and he received daily offerings of the choicest\nfood.(61) The Mikado and Tycoon of Japan had their counterparts in the\nRoko Tui and Vunivalu of Fiji. The Roko Tui was the Reverend or Sacred\nKing. The Vunivalu was the Root of War or War King. In one kingdom a\ncertain Thakambau, who was the War King, kept all power in his own hands,\nbut in a neighbouring kingdom the real ruler was the Sacred King.(62)\nSimilarly in Tonga, besides the civil king or _How_, whose right to the\nthrone was partly hereditary and partly derived from his warlike\nreputation and the number of his fighting men, there was a great divine\nchief called _Tooitonga_ or \u201cChief of Tonga,\u201d who ranked above the king\nand the other chiefs in virtue of his supposed descent from one of the\nchief gods. Once a year the first-fruits of the ground were offered to him\nat a solemn ceremony, and it was believed that if these offerings were not\nmade the vengeance of the gods would fall in a signal manner on the\npeople. Peculiar forms of speech, such as were applied to no one else,\nwere used in speaking of him, and everything that he chanced to touch\nbecame sacred or tabooed. When he and the king met, the monarch had to sit\ndown on the ground in token of respect until his holiness had passed by.\nYet though he enjoyed the highest veneration by reason of his divine\norigin, this sacred personage possessed no political authority, and if he\nventured to meddle with affairs of state it was at the risk of receiving a\nrebuff from the king, to whom the real power belonged, and who finally\nsucceeded in ridding himself of his spiritual rival.(63) The king of the\nGetae regularly shared his power with a priest, whom his subjects called a\ngod. This divine man led a solitary life in a cave on a holy mountain,\nseeing few people but the king and his attendants. His counsels added much\nto the king\u2019s influence with his subjects, who believed that he was\nthereby enabled to impart to them the commands and admonitions of the\ngods.(64) At Athens the kings degenerated into little more than sacred\nfunctionaries and it is said that the institution of the new office of\nPolemarch or War Lord was rendered necessary by their growing\neffeminacy.(65) American examples of the partition of authority between a\nking and a pope have already been cited from the early history of Mexico\nand Colombia.(66)\n\n(M16) In some parts of western Africa two kings reign side by side, a\nfetish or religious king and a civil king, but the fetish king is really\nsupreme. He controls the weather and so forth, and can put a stop to\neverything. When he lays his red staff on the ground, no one may pass that\nway. This division of power between a sacred and a secular ruler is to be\nmet with wherever the true negro culture has been left unmolested, but\nwhere the negro form of society has been disturbed, as in Dahomey and\nAshantee, there is a tendency to consolidate the two powers in a single\nking.(67) Thus, for example, there used to be a fetish king at New Calabar\nwho ranked above the ordinary king in all native matters, whether\nreligious or civil, and always walked in front of him on public occasions,\nattended by a slave who held an umbrella over his head. His opinion\ncarried great weight.(68) The office and the causes which led to its\nextinction are thus described by a missionary who spent many years in\nCalabar: \u201cThe worship of the people is now given especially to their\nvarious _idems_, one of which, called Ndem Efik, is a sort of tutelary\ndeity of the country. An individual was appointed to take charge of this\nobject of worship, who bore the name of King Calabar; and likely, in\nbypast times, possessed the power indicated by the title, being both king\nand priest. He had as a tribute the skins of all leopards killed, and\nshould a slave take refuge in his shrine he belonged to Ndem Efik. The\noffice, however, imposed certain restrictions on its occupant. He, for\ninstance, could not partake of food in the presence of any one, and he was\nprohibited from engaging in traffic. On account of these and other\ndisabilities, when the last holder of the office died, a poor old man of\nthe Cobham family, no successor was found for him, and the priesthood has\nbecome extinct.\u201d(69) One of the practical inconveniences of such an office\nis that the house of the fetish king enjoys the right of sanctuary, and so\ntends to become little better than a rookery of bad characters. Thus on\nthe Grain Coast of West Africa the fetish king or Bodio, as he is called,\n\u201cexercises the functions of a high-priest, and is regarded as protector of\nthe whole nation. He lives in a house provided for him by the people, and\ntakes care of the national fetiches. He enjoys some immunities in virtue\nof his office, but is subject to certain restrictions which more than\ncounterbalance his privileges. His house is a sanctum to which culprits\nmay betake themselves without the danger of being removed by any one\nexcept by the Bodio himself.\u201d(70) One of these Bodios resigned office\nbecause of the sort of people who quartered themselves on him, the cost of\nfeeding them, and the squabbles they had among themselves. He led a\ncat-and-dog life with them for three years. Then there came a man with\nhomicidal mania varied by epileptic fits; and soon afterwards the\nspiritual shepherd retired into private life, but not before he had lost\nan ear and sustained other bodily injury in a personal conflict with this\nvery black sheep.(71)\n\n(M17) At Porto Novo there used to be, in addition to the ordinary monarch,\na King of the Night, who reigned during the hours of darkness from sunset\nto sunrise. He might not shew himself in the street after the sun was up.\nHis duty was to patrol the streets with his satellites and to arrest all\nwhom he found abroad after a certain hour. Each band of his catchpoles was\nled by a man who went about concealed from head to foot under a conical\ncasing of straw and blew blasts on a shell which caused every one that\nheard it to shudder. The King of the Night never met the ordinary king\nexcept on the first and last days of their respective reign; for each of\nthem invested the other with office and paid him the last honours at\ndeath.(72) With this King of the Night at Porto Novo we may compare a\ncertain king of Hawaii who was so very sacred that no man might see him,\neven accidentally, by day under pain of death; he only shewed himself by\nnight.(73)\n\n(M18) In some parts of the East Indian island of Timor we meet with a\npartition of power like that which is represented by the civil king and\nthe fetish king of western Africa. Some of the Timorese tribes recognise\ntwo rajahs, the ordinary or civil rajah, who governs the people, and the\nfetish or taboo rajah (_radja pomali_), who is charged with the control of\neverything that concerns the earth and its products. This latter ruler has\nthe right of declaring anything taboo; his permission must be obtained\nbefore new land may be brought under cultivation, and he must perform\ncertain necessary ceremonies when the work is being carried out. If\ndrought or blight threatens the crops, his help is invoked to save them.\nThough he ranks below the civil rajah, he exercises a momentous influence\non the course of events, for his secular colleague is bound to consult him\nin all important matters. In some of the neighbouring islands, such as\nRotti and eastern Flores, a spiritual ruler of the same sort is recognised\nunder various native names, which all mean \u201clord of the ground.\u201d(74)\nSimilarly in the Mekeo district of British New Guinea there is a double\nchieftainship. The people are divided into two groups according to\nfamilies, and each of the groups has its chief. One of the two is the war\nchief, the other is the taboo (_afu_) chief. The office of the latter is\nhereditary; his duty is to impose a taboo on any of the crops, such as the\ncoco-nuts and areca nuts, whenever he thinks it desirable to prohibit\ntheir use. In his office we may perhaps detect the beginning of a priestly\ndynasty, but as yet his functions appear to be more magical than\nreligious, being concerned with the control of the harvests rather than\nwith the propitiation of higher powers. The members of another family are\nbound to see to it that the taboo imposed by the chief is strictly\nobserved. For this purpose some fourteen or fifteen men of the family form\na sort of constabulary. Every evening they go round the village armed with\nclubs and disguised with masks or leaves. All the time they are in office\nthey are forbidden to live with their wives and even to look at a woman.\nHence women may not quit their houses while the men are going their\nrounds. Further, the constables on duty are prohibited from chewing betel\nnut and drinking coco-nut water, lest the areca and coco-nuts should not\ngrow. When there is a good show of nuts, the taboo chief proclaims that on\na certain day the restriction will come to an end.(75) In Ponape, one of\nthe Caroline Islands, the kingship is elective within the limits of the\nblood royal, which runs in the female line, so that the sovereignty passes\nbackwards and forwards between families which we, reckoning descent in the\nmale line, should regard as distinct. The chosen monarch must be in\npossession of certain secrets. He must know the places where the sacred\nstones are kept, on which he has to seat himself. He must understand the\nholy words and prayers of the liturgy, and after his election he must\nrecite them at the place of the sacred stones. But he enjoys only the\nhonours of his office; the real powers of government are in the hands of\nhis prime-minister or vizier.(76)\n\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER II. THE PERILS OF THE SOUL.\n\n\n\n\n\u00a7 1. The Soul as a Mannikin.\n\n\n(M19) The foregoing examples have taught us that the office of a sacred\nking or priest is often hedged in by a series of burdensome restrictions\nor taboos, of which a principal purpose appears to be to preserve the life\nof the divine man for the good of his people. But if the object of the\ntaboos is to save his life, the question arises, How is their observance\nsupposed to effect this end? To understand this we must know the nature of\nthe danger which threatens the king\u2019s life, and which it is the intention\nof these curious restrictions to guard against. We must, therefore, ask:\nWhat does early man understand by death? To what causes does he attribute\nit? And how does he think it may be guarded against?\n\n(M20) As the savage commonly explains the processes of inanimate nature by\nsupposing that they are produced by living beings working in or behind the\nphenomena, so he explains the phenomena of life itself. If an animal lives\nand moves, it can only be, he thinks, because there is a little animal\ninside which moves it: if a man lives and moves, it can only be because he\nhas a little man or animal inside who moves him. The animal inside the\nanimal, the man inside the man, is the soul. And as the activity of an\nanimal or man is explained by the presence of the soul, so the repose of\nsleep or death is explained by its absence; sleep or trance being the\ntemporary, death being the permanent absence of the soul. Hence if death\nbe the permanent absence of the soul, the way to guard against it is\neither to prevent the soul from leaving the body, or, if it does depart,\nto ensure that it shall return. The precautions adopted by savages to\nsecure one or other of these ends take the form of certain prohibitions or\ntaboos, which are nothing but rules intended to ensure either the\ncontinued presence or the return of the soul. In short, they are\nlife-preservers or life-guards. These general statements will now be\nillustrated by examples.\n\n(M21) Addressing some Australian blacks, a European missionary said, \u201cI am\nnot one, as you think, but two.\u201d Upon this they laughed. \u201cYou may laugh as\nmuch as you like,\u201d continued the missionary, \u201cI tell you that I am two in\none; this great body that you see is one; within that there is another\nlittle one which is not visible. The great body dies, and is buried, but\nthe little body flies away when the great one dies.\u201d To this some of the\nblacks replied, \u201cYes, yes. We also are two, we also have a little body\nwithin the breast.\u201d On being asked where the little body went after death,\nsome said it went behind the bush, others said it went into the sea, and\nsome said they did not know.(77) The Hurons thought that the soul had a\nhead and body, arms and legs; in short, that it was a complete little\nmodel of the man himself.(78) The Esquimaux believe that \u201cthe soul\nexhibits the same shape as the body it belongs to, but is of a more subtle\nand ethereal nature.\u201d(79) According to the Nootkas of British Columbia the\nsoul has the shape of a tiny man; its seat is the crown of the head. So\nlong as it stands erect, its owner is hale and hearty; but when from any\ncause it loses its upright position, he loses his senses.(80) Among the\nIndian tribes of the Lower Fraser River, man is held to have four souls,\nof which the principal one has the form of a mannikin, while the other\nthree are shadows of it.(81) The Malays conceive the human soul\n(_semangat_) as a little man, mostly invisible and of the bigness of a\nthumb, who corresponds exactly in shape, proportion, and even in\ncomplexion to the man in whose body he resides. This mannikin is of a thin\nunsubstantial nature, though not so impalpable but that it may cause\ndisplacement on entering a physical object, and it can flit quickly from\nplace to place; it is temporarily absent from the body in sleep, trance,\nand disease, and permanently absent after death.(82)\n\n(M22) The ancient Egyptians believed that every man has a soul (_ka_)\nwhich is his exact counterpart or double, with the same features, the same\ngait, even the same dress as the man himself. Many of the monuments dating\nfrom the eighteenth century onwards represent various kings appearing\nbefore divinities, while behind the king stands his soul or double,\nportrayed as a little man with the king\u2019s features. Some of the reliefs in\nthe temple at Luxor illustrate the birth of King Amenophis III. While the\nqueen-mother is being tended by two goddesses acting as midwives, two\nother goddesses are bringing away two figures of new-born children, only\none of which is supposed to be a child of flesh and blood: the\ninscriptions engraved above their heads shew that, while the first is\nAmenophis, the second is his soul or double. And as with kings and queens,\nso it was with common men and women. Whenever a child was born, there was\nborn with him a double which followed him through the various stages of\nlife; young while he was young, it grew to maturity and declined along\nwith him. And not only human beings, but gods and animals, stones and\ntrees, natural and artificial objects, everybody and everything had its\nown soul or double. The doubles of oxen and sheep were the duplicates of\nthe original oxen or sheep; the doubles of linen or beds, of chairs or\nknives, had the same form as the real linen, beds, chairs, and knives. So\nthin and subtle was the stuff, so fine and delicate the texture of these\ndoubles, that they made no impression on ordinary eyes. Only certain\nclasses of priests or seers were enabled by natural gifts or special\ntraining to perceive the doubles of the gods, and to win from them a\nknowledge of the past and the future. The doubles of men and things were\nhidden from sight in the ordinary course of life; still, they sometimes\nflew out of the body endowed with colour and voice, left it in a kind of\ntrance, and departed to manifest themselves at a distance.(83)\n\n(M23) So exact is the resemblance of the mannikin to the man, in other\nwords, of the soul to the body, that, as there are fat bodies and thin\nbodies, so there are fat souls and thin souls;(84) as there are heavy\nbodies and light bodies, long bodies and short bodies, so there are heavy\nsouls and light souls, long souls and short souls. The people of Nias (an\nisland to the west of Sumatra) think that every man, before he is born, is\nasked how long or how heavy a soul he would like, and a soul of the\ndesired weight or length is measured out to him. The heaviest soul ever\ngiven out weighs about ten grammes. The length of a man\u2019s life is\nproportioned to the length of his soul; children who die young had short\nsouls.(85) The Fijian conception of the soul as a tiny human being comes\nclearly out in the customs observed at the death of a chief among the\nNakelo tribe. When a chief dies, certain men, who are the hereditary\nundertakers, call him, as he lies, oiled and ornamented, on fine mats,\nsaying, \u201cRise, sir, the chief and let us be going. The day has come over\nthe land.\u201d Then they conduct him to the river side, where the ghostly\nferryman comes to ferry Nakelo ghosts across the stream As they thus\nattend the chief on his last journey, they hold their great fans close to\nthe ground to shelter him, because, as one of them explained to a\nmissionary, \u201cHis soul is only a little child.\u201d(86) People in the Punjaub\nwho tattoo themselves believe that at death the soul, \u201cthe little entire\nman or woman\u201d inside the mortal frame, will go to heaven blazoned with the\nsame tattoo patterns which adorned the body in life.(87) Sometimes,\nhowever, as we shall see, the human soul is conceived not in human but in\nanimal form.\n\n\n\n\n\u00a7 2. Absence and Recall of the Soul.\n\n\n(M24) The soul is commonly supposed to escape by the natural openings of\nthe body, especially the mouth and nostrils. Hence in Celebes they\nsometimes fasten fishhooks to a sick man\u2019s nose, navel, and feet, so that\nif his soul should try to escape it may be hooked and held fast.(88) A\nTurik on the Baram River, in Borneo, refused to part with some hook-like\nstones, because they, as it were, hooked his soul to his body, and so\nprevented the spiritual portion of him from becoming detached from the\nmaterial.(89) When a Sea Dyak sorcerer or medicine-man is initiated, his\nfingers are supposed to be furnished with fish-hooks, with which he will\nthereafter clutch the human soul in the act of flying away, and restore it\nto the body of the sufferer.(90) But hooks, it is plain, may be used to\ncatch the souls of enemies as well as of friends. Acting on this principle\nhead-hunters in Borneo hang wooden hooks beside the skulls of their slain\nenemies in the belief that this helps them on their forays to hook in\nfresh heads.(91) When an epidemic is raging, the Goajiro Indians of\nColombia attribute it to an evil spirit, it may be the prowling ghost of\nan enemy. So they hang strings furnished with hooks from the roofs of\ntheir huts and from all the trees in the neighbourhood, in order that the\ndemon or ghost may be caught on a hook and thus rendered powerless to harm\nthem.(92) Similarly the Calchaquis Indians to the west of Paraguay used to\nplant arrows in the ground about a sick man to keep death from getting at\nhim.(93) One of the implements of a Haida medicine-man is a hollow bone,\nin which he bottles up departing souls, and so restores them to their\nowners.(94) When any one yawns in their presence the Hindoos always snap\ntheir thumbs, believing that this will hinder the soul from issuing\nthrough the open mouth.(95) The Marquesans used to hold the mouth and nose\nof a dying man, in order to keep him in life by preventing his soul from\nescaping;(96) the same custom is reported of the New Caledonians;(97) and\nwith the like intention the Bagobos of the Philippine Islands put rings of\nbrass wire on the wrists or ankles of their sick.(98) On the other hand,\nthe Itonamas in South America seal up the eyes, nose, and mouth of a dying\nperson, in case his ghost should get out and carry off others;(99) and for\na similar reason the people of Nias, who fear the spirits of the recently\ndeceased and identify them with the breath, seek to confine the vagrant\nsoul in its earthly tabernacle by bunging up the nose or tying up the jaws\nof the corpse.(100) Before leaving a corpse the Wakelbura in Australia\nused to place hot coals in its ears in order to keep the ghost in the\nbody, until they had got such a good start that he could not overtake\nthem.(101) Esquimaux mourners plug their nostrils with deerskin, hair, or\nhay for several days,(102) probably to prevent their souls from following\nthat of their departed friend; the custom is especially incumbent on the\npersons who dress the corpse.(103) In southern Celebes, to hinder the\nescape of a woman\u2019s soul at childbirth, the nurse ties a band as tightly\nas possible round the body of the expectant mother.(104) The\nMinangkabauers of Sumatra observe a similar custom; a skein of thread or a\nstring is sometimes fastened round the wrist or loins of a woman in\nchildbed, so that when her soul seeks to depart in her hour of travail it\nmay find the egress barred.(105) Among the Kayans of Borneo illness is\nattributed to the absence of the soul; so when a man has been ill and is\nwell again, he attempts to prevent his soul from departing afresh. For\nthis purpose he ties the truant into his body by fastening round his wrist\na piece of string on which a _lukut_, or antique bead, is threaded; for a\nmagical virtue appears to be ascribed to such beads. But lest the string\nand the bead should be broken and lost, he will sometimes tattoo the\npattern of the bead on his wrist, and this is found to answer the purpose\nof tethering his soul quite as well.(106) Again, the Koryak of\nNorth-Eastern Asia fancy that if there are two sick people in a house and\none of them is at the last extremity, the soul of the other is apt to be\nlured away by the soul of the dying man; hence in order to hinder its\ndeparture they tie the patient\u2019s neck by a string to the bands of the\nsleeping-tent and recite a charm over the string so that it may be sure to\ndetain the soul.(107) And lest the soul of a babe should escape and be\nlost as soon as it is born, the Alfoors of Celebes, when a birth is about\nto take place, are careful to close every opening in the house, even the\nkeyhole; and they stop up every chink and cranny in the walls. Also they\ntie up the mouths of all animals inside and outside the house, for fear\none of them might swallow the child\u2019s soul. For a similar reason all\npersons present in the house, even the mother herself, are obliged to keep\ntheir mouths shut the whole time the birth is taking place. When the\nquestion was put, Why they did not hold their noses also, lest the child\u2019s\nsoul should get into one of them? the answer was that breath being exhaled\nas well as inhaled through the nostrils, the soul would be expelled before\nit could have time to settle down.(108) Popular expressions in the\nlanguage of civilised peoples, such as to have one\u2019s heart in one\u2019s mouth,\nor the soul on the lips or in the nose, shew how natural is the idea that\nthe life or soul may escape by the mouth or nostrils.(109)\n\n(M25) Often the soul is conceived as a bird ready to take flight. This\nconception has probably left traces in most languages,(110) and it lingers\nas a metaphor in poetry. But what is metaphor to a modern European poet\nwas sober earnest to his savage ancestor, and is still so to many people.\nThe Bororos of Brazil fancy that the human soul has the shape of a bird,\nand passes in that shape out of the body in dreams.(111) According to the\nBilqula or Bella Coola Indians of British Columbia the soul dwells in the\nnape of the neck and resembles a bird enclosed in an egg. If the shell\nbreaks and the soul flies away, the man must die. If he swoons or becomes\ncrazed, it is because his soul has flown away without breaking its shell.\nThe shaman can hear the buzzing of its wings, like the buzz of a mosquito,\nas the soul flits past; and he may catch and replace it in the nape of its\nowner\u2019s neck.(112) A Melanesian wizard in Lepers\u2019 Island has been known to\nsend out his soul in the form of an eagle to pursue a ship and learn the\nfortunes of some natives who were being carried off in it.(113) The soul\nof Aristeas of Proconnesus was seen to issue from his mouth in the shape\nof a raven.(114) There is a popular opinion in Bohemia that the parting\nsoul comes forth from the mouth like a white bird.(115) The Malays carry\nout the conception of the bird-soul in a number of odd ways. If the soul\nis a bird on the wing, it may be attracted by rice, and so either\nprevented from taking wing or lured back again from its perilous flight.\nThus in Java when a child is placed on the ground for the first time (a\nmoment which uncultured people seem to regard as especially dangerous), it\nis put in a hen-coop and the mother makes a clucking sound, as if she were\ncalling hens.(116) Amongst the Battas of Sumatra, when a man returns from\na dangerous enterprise, grains of rice are placed on his head, and these\ngrains are called _padiruma tondi_, that is, \u201cmeans to make the soul\n(_tondi_) stay at home.\u201d In Java also rice is placed on the head of\npersons who have escaped a great danger or have returned home unexpectedly\nafter it had been supposed that they were lost.(117) Similarly in the\ndistrict of Sintang in West Borneo, if any one has had a great fright, or\nescaped a serious peril, or comes back after a long and dangerous journey,\nor has taken a solemn oath, the first thing that his relations or friends\ndo is to strew yellow rice on his head, mumbling, \u201cCluck! cluck! soul!\u201d\n(_koer, koer, semangat_). And when a person, whether man, woman, or child,\nhas fallen out of a house or off a tree, and has been brought home, his\nwife or other kinswoman goes as speedily as possible to the spot where the\naccident happened, and there strews rice, which has been coloured yellow,\nwhile she utters the words, \u201cCluck! cluck! soul! So-and-so is in his house\nagain. Cluck! cluck! soul!\u201d Then she gathers up the rice in a basket,\ncarries it to the sufferer, and drops the grains from her hand on his\nhead, saying again, \u201cCluck! cluck! soul!\u201d(118) Here the intention clearly\nis to decoy back the loitering bird-soul and replace it in the head of its\nowner. In southern Celebes they think that a bridegroom\u2019s soul is apt to\nfly away at marriage, so coloured rice is scattered over him to induce it\nto stay. And, in general, at festivals in South Celebes rice is strewed on\nthe head of the person in whose honour the festival is held, with the\nobject of detaining his soul, which at such times is in especial danger of\nbeing lured away by envious demons.(119) For example, after a successful\nwar the welcome to the victorious prince takes the form of strewing him\nwith roasted and coloured rice \u201cto prevent his life-spirit, as if it were\na bird, from flying out of his body in consequence of the envy of evil\nspirits.\u201d(120) In Central Celebes, when a party of head-hunters returns\nfrom a successful expedition, a woman scatters rice on their heads for a\nsimilar purpose.(121) Among the Minangkabauers of Sumatra the old rude\nnotions of the soul seem to be dying out. Nowadays most of the people hold\nthat the soul, being immaterial, has no shape or form. But some of the\nsorcerers assert that the soul goes and comes in the shape of a tiny man.\nOthers are of opinion that it does so in the form of a fly; hence they\nmake food ready to induce the absent soul to come back, and the first fly\nthat settles on the food is regarded as the returning truant. But in\nnative poetry and popular expressions there are traces of the belief that\nthe soul quits the body in the form of a bird.(122)\n\n(M26) The soul of a sleeper is supposed to wander away from his body and\nactually to visit the places, to see the persons, and to perform the acts\nof which he dreams. For example, when an Indian of Brazil or Guiana wakes\nup from a sound sleep, he is firmly convinced that his soul has really\nbeen away hunting, fishing, felling trees, or whatever else he has dreamed\nof doing, while all the time his body has been lying motionless in his\nhammock. A whole Bororo village has been thrown into a panic and nearly\ndeserted because somebody had dreamed that he saw enemies stealthily\napproaching it. A Macusi Indian in weak health, who dreamed that his\nemployer had made him haul the canoe up a series of difficult cataracts,\nbitterly reproached his master next morning for his want of consideration\nin thus making a poor invalid go out and toil during the night.(123) The\nIndians of the Gran Chaco are often heard to relate the most incredible\nstories as things which they have themselves seen and heard; hence\nstrangers who do not know them intimately say in their haste that these\nIndians are liars. In point of fact the Indians are firmly convinced of\nthe truth of what they relate; for these wonderful adventures are simply\ntheir dreams, which they do not distinguish from waking realities.(124)\n\n(M27) Now the absence of the soul in sleep has its dangers, for if from\nany cause the soul should be permanently detained away from the body, the\nperson thus deprived of the vital principle must die.(125) There is a\nGerman belief that the soul escapes from a sleeper\u2019s mouth in the form of\na white mouse or a little bird, and that to prevent the return of the bird\nor animal would be fatal to the sleeper.(126) Hence in Transylvania they\nsay that you should not let a child sleep with its mouth open, or its soul\nwill slip out in the shape of a mouse, and the child will never wake.(127)\nMany causes may detain the sleeper\u2019s soul. Thus, his soul may meet the\nsoul of another sleeper and the two souls may fight; if a Guinea negro\nwakens with sore bones in the morning, he thinks that his soul has been\nthrashed by another soul in sleep.(128) Or it may meet the soul of a\nperson just deceased and be carried off by it; hence in the Aru Islands\nthe inmates of a house will not sleep the night after a death has taken\nplace in it, because the soul of the deceased is supposed to be still in\nthe house and they fear to meet it in a dream.(129) Similarly among the\nUpper Thompson Indians of British Columbia, the friends and neighbours who\ngathered in a house after a death and remained there till the burial was\nover were not allowed to sleep, lest their souls should be drawn away by\nthe ghost of the deceased or by his guardian spirit.(130) The Lengua\nIndians of the Gran Chaco hold that the vagrant spirits of the dead may\ncome to life again if only they can take possession of a sleeper\u2019s body\nduring the absence of his soul in dreams. Hence, when the shades of night\nhave fallen, the ghosts of the departed gather round the villages,\nwatching for a chance to pounce on the bodies of dreamers and to enter\ninto them through the gateway of the breast.(131) Again, the soul of the\nsleeper may be prevented by an accident or by physical force from\nreturning to his body. When a Dyak dreams of falling into the water, he\nsupposes that this accident has really befallen his spirit, and he sends\nfor a wizard, who fishes for the spirit with a hand-net in a basin of\nwater till he catches it and restores it to its owner.(132) The Santals\ntell how a man fell asleep, and growing very thirsty, his soul, in the\nform of a lizard, left his body and entered a pitcher of water to drink.\nJust then the owner of the pitcher happened to cover it; so the soul could\nnot return to the body and the man died. While his friends were preparing\nto burn the body some one uncovered the pitcher to get water. The lizard\nthus escaped and returned to the body, which immediately revived; so the\nman rose up and asked his friends why they were weeping. They told him\nthey thought he was dead and were about to burn his body. He said he had\nbeen down a well to get water, but had found it hard to get out and had\njust returned. So they saw it all.(133) A similar story is reported from\nTransylvania as follows. In the account of a witch\u2019s trial at M\u00fchlbach in\nthe eighteenth century it is said that a woman had engaged two men to work\nin her vineyard. After noon they all lay down to rest as usual. An hour\nlater the men got up and tried to waken the woman, but could not. She lay\nmotionless with her mouth wide open. They came back at sunset and still\nshe lay like a corpse. Just at that moment a big fly came buzzing past,\nwhich one of the men caught and shut up in his leathern pouch. Then they\ntried again to waken the woman, but could not. Afterwards they let out the\nfly; it flew straight into the woman\u2019s mouth and she awoke. On seeing this\nthe men had no further doubt that she was a witch.(134)\n\n(M28) It is a common rule with primitive people not to waken a sleeper,\nbecause his soul is away and might not have time to get back; so if the\nman wakened without his soul, he would fall sick. If it is absolutely\nnecessary to rouse a sleeper, it must be done very gradually, to allow the\nsoul time to return.(135) A Fijian in Matuku, suddenly wakened from a nap\nby somebody treading on his foot, has been heard bawling after his soul\nand imploring it to return. He had just been dreaming that he was far away\nin Tonga, and great was his alarm on suddenly wakening to find his body in\nMatuku. Death stared him in the face unless his soul could be induced to\nspeed at once across the sea and reanimate its deserted tenement. The man\nwould probably have died of fright if a missionary had not been at hand to\nallay his terror.(136) Some Brazilian Indians explain the headache from\nwhich a man sometimes suffers after a broken sleep by saying that his soul\nis tired with the exertions it made to return quickly to the body.(137) A\nHighland story, told to Hugh Miller on the picturesque shores of Loch\nShin, well illustrates the haste made by the soul to regain its body when\nthe sleeper has been prematurely roused by an indiscreet friend. Two young\nmen had been spending the early part of a warm summer day in the open air,\nand sat down on a mossy bank to rest. Hard by was an ancient ruin\nseparated from the bank on which they sat only by a slender runnel, across\nwhich there lay, immediately over a miniature cascade, a few withered\nstalks of grass. \u201cOvercome by the heat of the day, one of the young men\nfell asleep; his companion watched drowsily beside him; when all at once\nthe watcher was aroused to attention by seeing a little indistinct form,\nscarce larger than a humble-bee, issue from the mouth of the sleeping man,\nand, leaping upon the moss, move downwards to the runnel, which it crossed\nalong the withered grass stalks, and then disappeared among the\ninterstices of the ruin. Alarmed by what he saw, the watcher hastily shook\nhis companion by the shoulder, and awoke him; though, with all his haste,\nthe little cloud-like creature, still more rapid in its movements, issued\nfrom the interstice into which it had gone, and, flying across the runnel,\ninstead of creeping along the grass stalks and over the sward, as before,\nit re-entered the mouth of the sleeper, just as he was in the act of\nawakening. \u2018What is the matter with you?\u2019 said the watcher, greatly\nalarmed, \u2018what ails you?\u2019 \u2018Nothing ails me,\u2019 replied the other; \u2018but you\nhave robbed me of a most delightful dream. I dreamed I was walking through\na fine rich country, and came at length to the shores of a noble river;\nand, just where the clear water went thundering down a precipice, there\nwas a bridge all of silver, which I crossed; and then, entering a noble\npalace on the opposite side, I saw great heaps of gold and jewels; and I\nwas just going to load myself with treasure, when you rudely awoke me, and\nI lost all.\u2019 \u201d(138)\n\n(M29) Still more dangerous is it in the opinion of primitive man to move a\nsleeper or alter his appearance, for if this were done the soul on its\nreturn might not be able to find or recognise its body, and so the person\nwould die. The Minangkabauers of Sumatra deem it highly improper to\nblacken or dirty the face of a sleeper, lest the absent soul should shrink\nfrom re-entering a body thus disfigured.(139) Patani Malays fancy that if\na person\u2019s face be painted while he sleeps, the soul which has gone out of\nhim will not recognise him, and he will sleep on till his face is\nwashed.(140) In Bombay it is thought equivalent to murder to change the\naspect of a sleeper, as by painting his face in fantastic colours or\ngiving moustaches to a sleeping woman. For when the soul returns it will\nnot know its own body and the person will die.(141) The Coreans are of\nopinion that in sleep \u201cthe soul goes out of the body, and that if a piece\nof paper is put over the face of the sleeper he will surely die, for his\nsoul cannot find its way back into him again.\u201d(142) The Servians believe\nthat the soul of a sleeping witch often leaves her body in the form of a\nbutterfly. If during its absence her body be turned round, so that her\nfeet are placed where her head was before, the butterfly soul will not\nfind its way back into her body through the mouth, and the witch will\ndie.(143) The Esthonians of the island of Oesel think that the gusts which\nsweep up all kinds of trifles from the ground and whirl them along are the\nsouls of old women, who have gone out in this shape to seek what they can\nfind. Meantime the beldame\u2019s body lies as still as a stone, and if you\nturn it round her soul will never be able to enter it again, until you\nhave replaced the body in its original position. You can hear the soul\nwhining and whimpering till it has found the right aperture.(144)\nSimilarly in Livonia they think that when the soul of a were-wolf is out\non his hateful business, his body lies like dead; and if meanwhile the\nbody were accidentally moved, the soul would never more find its way into\nit, but would remain in the body of a wolf till death.(145) In the\npicturesque but little known Black Mountain of southern France, which\nforms a sort of link between the Pyrenees and the Cevennes, they tell how\na woman, who had long been suspected of being a witch, one day fell asleep\nat noon among the reapers in the field. Resolved to put her to the test,\nthe reapers carried her, while she slept, to another part of the field,\nleaving a large pitcher on the spot from which they had moved her. When\nher soul returned, it entered the pitcher and cunningly rolled it over and\nover till the vessel lay beside her body, of which the soul thereupon took\npossession.(146)\n\n(M30) But in order that a man\u2019s soul should quit his body, it is not\nnecessary that he should be asleep. It may quit him in his waking hours,\nand then sickness, insanity, or death will be the result. Thus a man of\nthe Wurunjeri tribe in Victoria lay at his last gasp because his spirit\n(_murup_) had departed from him. A medicine-man went in pursuit and caught\nthe spirit by the middle just as it was about to plunge into the sunset\nglow, which is the light cast by the souls of the dead as they pass in and\nout of the underworld, where the sun goes to rest. Having captured the\nvagrant spirit, the doctor brought it back under his opossum rug, laid\nhimself down on the dying man, and put the soul back into him, so that\nafter a time he revived.(147) The Karens of Burma are perpetually anxious\nabout their souls, lest these should go roving from their bodies, leaving\nthe owners to die. When a man has reason to fear that his soul is about to\ntake this fatal step, a ceremony is performed to retain or recall it, in\nwhich the whole family must take part. A meal is prepared consisting of a\ncock and hen, a special kind of rice, and a bunch of bananas. Then the\nhead of the family takes the bowl which is used to skim rice, and knocking\nwith it thrice on the top of the house-ladder says: \u201c_Prrrroo!_ Come back,\nsoul, do not tarry outside! If it rains, you will be wet. If the sun\nshines, you will be hot. The gnats will sting you, the leeches will bite\nyou, the tigers will devour you, the thunder will crush you. _Prrrroo!_\nCome back, soul! Here it will be well with you. You shall want for\nnothing. Come and eat under shelter from the wind and the storm.\u201d After\nthat the family partakes of the meal, and the ceremony ends with everybody\ntying their right wrist with a string which has been charmed by a\nsorcerer.(148) Similarly the Lolos, an aboriginal tribe of western China,\nbelieve that the soul leaves the body in chronic illness. In that case\nthey read a sort of elaborate litany, calling on the soul by name and\nbeseeching it to return from the hills, the vales, the rivers, the\nforests, the fields, or from wherever it may be straying. At the same time\ncups of water, wine, and rice are set at the door for the refreshment of\nthe weary wandering spirit. When the ceremony is over, they tie a red cord\nround the arm of the sick man to tether the soul, and this cord is worn by\nhim until it decays and drops off.(149) So among the Kenyahs of Sarawak a\nmedicine-man has been known to recall the stray soul of a child, and to\nfasten it firmly in its body by tying a string round the child\u2019s right\nwrist, and smearing its little arm with the blood of a fowl.(150) The\nIlocanes of Luzon think that a man may lose his soul in the woods or\ngardens, and that he who has thus lost his soul loses also his senses.\nHence before they quit the woods or the fields they call to their soul,\n\u201cLet us go! let us go!\u201d lest it should loiter behind or go astray. And\nwhen a man becomes crazed or mad, they take him to the place where he is\nsupposed to have lost his soul and invite the truant spirit to return to\nhis body.(151) The Mongols sometimes explain sickness by supposing that\nthe patient\u2019s soul is absent, and either does not care to return to its\nbody or cannot find the way back. To secure the return of the soul it is\ntherefore necessary on the one hand to make its body as attractive as\npossible, and on the other hand to shew the soul the way home. To make the\nbody attractive all the sick man\u2019s best clothes and most valued\npossessions are placed beside him; he is washed, incensed, and made as\ncomfortable as may be; and all his friends march thrice round the hut\ncalling out the sick man\u2019s name and coaxing his soul to return. To help\nthe wanderer to find its way back a coloured cord is stretched from the\npatient\u2019s head to the door of the hut. The priest in his robes reads a\nlist of the horrors of hell and the dangers incurred by souls which\nwilfully absent themselves from their bodies. Then turning to the\nassembled friends and the patient he asks, \u201cIs it come?\u201d All answer \u201cYes,\u201d\nand bowing to the returning soul throw seed over the sick man. The cord\nwhich guided the soul back is then rolled up and placed round the\npatient\u2019s neck, who must wear it for seven days without taking it off. No\none may frighten or hurt him, lest his soul, not yet familiar with its\nbody, should again take flight.(152)\n\n(M31) Some of the Congo tribes believe that when a man is ill, his soul\nhas left his body and is wandering at large. The aid of the sorcerer is\nthen called in to capture the vagrant spirit and restore it to the\ninvalid. Generally the physician declares that he has successfully chased\nthe soul into the branch of a tree. The whole town thereupon turns out and\naccompanies the doctor to the tree, where the strongest men are deputed to\nbreak off the branch in which the soul of the sick man is supposed to be\nlodged. This they do and carry the branch back to the town, insinuating by\ntheir gestures that the burden is heavy and hard to bear. When the branch\nhas been brought to the sick man\u2019s hut, he is placed in an upright\nposition by its side, and the sorcerer performs the enchantments by which\nthe soul is believed to be restored to its owner.(153) The soul or shade\nof a D\u00e9n\u00e9 or Tinneh Indian in the old days generally remained invisible,\nbut appeared wandering about in one form or another whenever disease or\ndeath was imminent. All the efforts of the sufferer\u2019s friends were\ntherefore concentrated on catching the roving shade. The method adopted\nwas simple. They stuffed the patient\u2019s moccasins with down and hung them\nup. If next morning the down was warm, they made sure that the lost soul\nwas in the boots, with which accordingly they carefully and silently shod\ntheir suffering friend. Nothing more could reasonably be demanded for a\nperfect cure.(154) An Ottawa medicine-man has been known to catch a stray\nsoul in a little box, which he brought back and inserted in the patient\u2019s\nmouth.(155)\n\n(M32) Pining, sickness, great fright, and death are ascribed by the Battas\nor Bataks of Sumatra to the absence of the soul (_tendi_) from the body.\nAt first they try to beckon the wanderer back, and to lure him, like a\nfowl, by strewing rice. Then the following form of words is commonly\nrepeated: \u201cCome back, O soul, whether thou art lingering in the wood, or\non the hills, or in the dale. See, I call thee with a _toemba bras_, with\nan egg of the fowl Rajah _moelija_, with the eleven healing leaves. Detain\nit not, let it come straight here, detain it not, neither in the wood, nor\non the hill, nor in the dale. That may not be. O come straight home!\u201d(156)\nSometimes the means adopted by the Battas to procure the return of a sick\nperson\u2019s soul are more elaborate. A procession sets out from the village\nto the tuck of drum to find and bring home the strayed soul. First goes a\nperson bearing a basket which contains cakes of rice-meal, rice dyed\nyellow, and a boiled fowl\u2019s egg. The sorcerer follows carrying a chicken,\nand behind him walks a man with a black, red, and white flag. A crowd of\nsympathisers brings up the rear. On reaching the spot where the lost soul\nis supposed to tarry, they set up a small bamboo altar, and the sorcerer\noffers on it the chicken to the spirit of the place, the drums beating all\nthe time. Then, waving his shawl to attract the soul of the sick man, he\nsays: \u201cCome hither, thou soul of So-and-So, whether thou sittest among the\nstones or in the mud. In the house is thy place. We have besought the\nspirit to let thee go.\u201d After that the procession reforms and marches back\nto the village to the roll of drums and the clash of cymbals. On reaching\nthe door of the house the sorcerer calls out to the inmates, \u201cHas it\ncome?\u201d and a voice from within answers, \u201cIt is here, good sorcerer.\u201d At\nevening the drums beat again.(157) A number of plants, including rice, a\nspecies of fig, and garlic, are supposed by the Battas to possess\nsoul-compelling virtue and are accordingly made use of by them in rites\nfor the recovery of lost souls. When a child is sick, the mother commonly\nwaves a cloth to beckon home its wandering spirit, and when a cock crows\nor a hen cackles in the yard, she knows that the prodigal has returned. If\nthe little sufferer persists in being ill in spite of these favourable\nomens, the mother will hang a bag of rice at the head of her bed when she\ngoes to sleep, and next morning on getting up she measures the rice. If\nthe rice has increased in volume during the night, as it may do in a\nmoisture-laden atmosphere, she is confident that the lost soul has indeed\ncome home to stay.(158) The Kayans of Borneo fasten packets of rice,\nflesh, and fish to the window in the roof through which the wandering soul\nof a sick man is expected to return home. The doctor sits cross-legged on\na mat under the open window with a display of pretty things spread out\ntemptingly before him as baits to entice the spirit back to its deserted\ntabernacle. From the window hangs a string of precious corals or pearls to\nserve the returning prodigal as a ladder and so facilitate his descent\ninto the house. The lower end of the string is attached to a bundle\ncomposed of wooden hooks, a fowl\u2019s feather, little packets of rice, and so\nforth. Chanting his spells, the doctor strokes the soul down the string\ninto the bundle, which he then deposits in a basket and hides in a corner\ntill the dusk of the evening. When darkness has fallen, he blows the\ncaptured soul back into the patient\u2019s head and strokes the sufferer\u2019s arm\ndownwards with the point of an old spear in order to settle the soul\nfirmly in his body.(159) Once when a popular traveller was leaving a Kayan\nvillage, the mothers, fearing that their children\u2019s souls might follow him\non his journey, brought him the boards on which they carry their infants\nand begged him to pray that the souls of the little ones would return to\nthe familiar boards and not go away with him into the far country. To each\nboard was fastened a looped string for the purpose of tethering the\nvagrant spirits, and through the loop each baby was made to pass a chubby\nfinger to make sure that its tiny soul would not wander away.(160) When a\nDyak is dangerously ill, the medicine-men may say that his soul has\nescaped far away, perhaps to the river; then they will wave a garment or\ncloth about to imitate the casting of a net, signifying thereby that they\nare catching the soul like a fish in a net. Or they may give out that the\nsoul has escaped into the jungle; and then they will rush out of the house\nto circumvent and secure it there. Or again they may allege that it has\nbeen carried away over seas to some unknown land; and then they will play\nat paddling a boat to follow it across the great water. But more commonly\ntheir mode of treatment is as follows. A spear is set up in the middle of\nthe verandah with a few leaves tied to it and the medicine-boxes of the\nmedicine-men laid at its foot. Round this the doctors run at full speed,\nchanting the while, till one of them falls down and lies motionless. The\nbystanders cover him with a blanket, and wait while his spirit hies away\nafter the errant soul and brings it back. Presently he comes to himself,\nstares vacantly about like a man awaking from sleep, and then rises,\nholding the soul in his clenched right hand. He then returns it to the\npatient through the crown of his head, while he mutters a spell.(161)\nAmong the Dyaks of the Kayan and Lower Melawie districts you will often\nsee, in houses where there are children, a basket of a peculiar shape with\nshells and dried fruits attached to it. These shells contain the remains\nof the children\u2019s navel-strings, and the basket to which they are fastened\nis commonly hung beside the place where the children sleep. When a child\nis frightened, for example by being bathed or by the bursting of a\nthunderstorm, its soul flees from its body and nestles beside its old\nfamiliar friend the navel-string in the basket, from which the mother\neasily induces it to return by shaking the basket and pressing it to the\nchild\u2019s body.(162) The Toboongkoos of Central Celebes believe that\nsickness in general is caused by the departure of the soul. To recover the\nwanderer a priest will set out food in the courtyard of the sufferer\u2019s\nhouse and then invoke the soul, promising it many fine things if it will\nonly come back. When he thinks it has complied with his request, he\ncatches it in a cloth which he keeps ready for the purpose. This cloth he\nafterwards claps on the sick man\u2019s head, thereby restoring to him his lost\nsoul.(163)\n\n(M33) In an Indian story a king conveys his soul into the dead body of a\nBrahman, and a hunchback conveys his soul into the deserted body of the\nking. The hunchback is now king and the king is a Brahman. However, the\nhunchback is induced to shew his skill by transferring his soul to the\ndead body of a parrot, and the king seizes the opportunity to regain\npossession of his own body.(164) A tale of the same type, with variations\nof detail, reappears among the Malays. A king has incautiously transferred\nhis soul to an ape, upon which the vizier adroitly inserts his own soul\ninto the king\u2019s body and so takes possession of the queen and the kingdom,\nwhile the true king languishes at court in the outward semblance of an\nape. But one day the false king, who played for high stakes, was watching\na combat of rams, and it happened that the animal on which he had laid his\nmoney fell down dead. All efforts to restore animation proved unavailing\ntill the false king, with the instinct of a true sportsman, transferred\nhis own soul to the body of the deceased ram, and thus renewed the fray.\nThe real king in the body of the ape saw his chance, and with great\npresence of mind darted back into his own body, which the vizier had\nrashly vacated. So he came to his own again, and the usurper in the ram\u2019s\nbody met with the fate he richly deserved.(165) In another Indian story a\nBrahman reanimates the dead body of a king by conveying his own soul into\nit. Meantime the Brahman\u2019s body has been burnt, and his soul is obliged to\nremain in the body of the king.(166) In a Chinese story we read of a monk\nin a Buddhist monastery who used from time to time to send his soul away\nout of himself. Whenever he was thus absent from the body, he took the\nprecaution of locking the door of his cell. On one of these occasions an\nenvoy from the north arrived and put up at the monastery, but there was no\ncell for him to pass the night in. Then he looked into the cell of the\nbrother whose soul was not at home, and seeing his body lying there\nmotionless, he battered the door in and said, \u201cI will lodge here. The man\nis dead. Take the body and burn it.\u201d His servants obeyed his orders, the\nmonks being powerless to interfere. That very night the soul came back,\nonly to find its body reduced to ashes. Every night it could be heard\ncrying, \u201cWhere shall I settle?\u201d Those who knew him then opened their\nwindows, saying, \u201cHere I am.\u201d So the soul came in and united itself with\ntheir body, and the result was that they became much cleverer than\nbefore.(167) Similarly the Greeks told how the soul of Hermotimus of\nClazomenae used to quit his body and roam far and wide, bringing back\nintelligence of what he had seen on his rambles to his friends at home;\nuntil one day, when his spirit was abroad, his enemies contrived to seize\nhis deserted body and committed it to the flames.(168) It is said that\nduring the last seven years of his life Sultan Bayazid ate nothing that\nhad life and blood in it. One day, being seized with a great longing for\nsheep\u2019s trotters, he struggled long in this glorious contest with his\nsoul, until at last, a savoury dish of trotters being set before him, he\nsaid unto his soul, \u201cMy soul, the trotters are before thee; if thou\nwishest to enjoy them, leave the body and feed on them.\u201d Hardly had he\nuttered these words when a living creature was seen to issue from his\nmouth and drink of the juice in the dish, after which it endeavoured to\nreturn whence it came. But the austere sultan, determined to mortify his\ncarnal appetite, prevented it with his hand from entering his mouth, and\nwhen it fell to the ground commanded that it should be beaten. The pages\nkicked it to death, and after this murder of his soul the sultan remained\nin gloomy seclusion, taking no part or interest in the affairs of\ngovernment.(169)\n\n(M34) The departure of the soul is not always voluntary. It may be\nextracted from the body against its will by ghosts, demons, or sorcerers.\nHence, when a funeral is passing the house, the Karens of Burma tie their\nchildren with a special kind of string to a particular part of the house,\nlest the souls of the children should leave their bodies and go into the\ncorpse which is passing. The children are kept tied in this way until the\ncorpse is out of sight.(170) And after the corpse has been laid in the\ngrave, but before the earth has been shovelled in, the mourners and\nfriends range themselves round the grave, each with a bamboo split\nlengthwise in one hand and a little stick in the other; each man thrusts\nhis bamboo into the grave, and drawing the stick along the groove of the\nbamboo points out to his soul that in this way it may easily climb up out\nof the tomb. While the earth is being shovelled in, the bamboos are kept\nout of the way, lest the souls should be in them, and so should be\ninadvertently buried with the earth as it is being thrown into the grave;\nand when the people leave the spot they carry away the bamboos, begging\ntheir souls to come with them.(171) Further, on returning from the grave\neach Karen provides himself with three little hooks made of branches of\ntrees, and calling his spirit to follow him, at short intervals, as he\nreturns, he makes a motion as if hooking it, and then thrusts the hook\ninto the ground. This is done to prevent the soul of the living from\nstaying behind with the soul of the dead.(172) On the return of a Burmese\nor Shan family from a burial, old men tie up the wrists of each member of\nthe family with string, to prevent his or her \u201cbutterfly\u201d or soul from\nescaping; and this string remains till it is worn out and falls off.(173)\nWhen a mother dies leaving a young baby, the Burmese think that the\n\u201cbutterfly\u201d or soul of the baby follows that of the mother, and that if it\nis not recovered the child must die. So a wise woman is called in to get\nback the baby\u2019s soul. She places a mirror near the corpse, and on the\nmirror a piece of feathery cotton down. Holding a cloth in her open hands\nat the foot of the mirror, she with wild words entreats the mother not to\ntake with her the \u201cbutterfly\u201d or soul of her child, but to send it back.\nAs the gossamer down slips from the face of the mirror she catches it in\nthe cloth and tenderly places it on the baby\u2019s breast. The same ceremony\nis sometimes observed when one of two children that have played together\ndies, and is thought to be luring away the soul of its playmate to the\nspirit-land. It is sometimes performed also for a bereaved husband or\nwife.(174) The Bahnars of eastern Cochin-China think that when a man is\nsick of a fever his soul has gone away with the ghosts to the tombs. At\nsunset a sorcerer attempts to lure the soul back by offering it\nsugar-cane, bananas, and other fruits, while he sings an incantation\ninviting the wanderer to return from among the dead to the land of the\nliving. He pretends to catch the truant soul in a piece of cotton, which\nhe then lays on the patient\u2019s head.(175) When the Karo-Bataks of Sumatra\nhave buried somebody and are filling in the grave, a sorceress runs about\nbeating the air with a stick. This she does in order to drive away the\nsouls of the survivors, for if one of these souls happened to slip into\nthe grave and to be covered up with earth, its owner would die.(176) Among\nsome of the Dyak tribes of south-eastern Borneo, as soon as the coffin is\ncarried to the place of burial, the house in which the death occurred is\nsprinkled with water, and the father of the family calls out the names of\nall his children and the other members of his household. For they think\nthat the ghost loves to decoy away the souls of his kinsfolk, but that his\ndesigns upon them can be defeated by calling out their names, which has\nthe effect of bringing back the souls to their owners. The same ceremony\nis repeated on the return from the burial.(177) It is a rule with the\nKwakiutl Indians of British Columbia that a corpse must not be coffined in\nthe house, or the souls of the other inmates would enter the coffin, and\nthey, too, would die. The body is taken out either through the roof or\nthrough a hole made in one of the walls, and is then coffined outside the\nhouse.(178) In the East Indian island of Keisar it is deemed imprudent to\ngo near a grave at night, lest the ghosts should catch and keep the soul\nof the passer-by.(179) The Kei Islanders believe that the spirits of their\nforefathers, angry at not receiving food, make people sick by detaining\ntheir souls. So they lay offerings of food on the grave and beg their\nancestors to allow the soul of the sick to return, or to drive it home\nspeedily if it should be lingering by the way.(180)\n\n(M35) In Bolang Mongondo, a district in the west of Celebes, all sickness\nis ascribed to the ancestral spirits who have carried off the patient\u2019s\nsoul. The object therefore is to bring back the soul of the sufferer and\nrestore it to him. An eye-witness has thus described the attempted cure of\na sick boy. The priestesses, who acted as physicians, made a doll of cloth\nand fastened it to the point of a spear, which an old woman held upright.\nRound this doll the priestesses danced, uttering charms, and chirruping as\nwhen one calls a dog. Then the old woman lowered the point of the spear a\nlittle, so that the priestesses could reach the doll. By this time the\nsoul of the sick boy was supposed to be in the doll, having been brought\ninto it by the incantations. So the priestesses approached it cautiously\non tiptoe and caught the soul in the many-coloured cloths which they had\nbeen waving in the air. Then they laid the soul on the boy\u2019s head, that\nis, they wrapped his head in the cloth in which the soul was supposed to\nbe, and stood still for some moments with great gravity, holding their\nhands on the patient\u2019s head. Suddenly there was a jerk, the priestesses\nwhispered and shook their heads, and the cloth was taken off\u2014the soul had\nescaped. The priestesses gave chase to it, running round and round the\nhouse, clucking and gesticulating as if they were driving hens into a\npoultry-yard. At last they recaptured the soul at the foot of the stair\nand restored it to its owner as before.(181) Much in the same way an\nAustralian medicine-man will sometimes bring the lost soul of a sick man\ninto a puppet and restore it to the patient by pressing the puppet to his\nbreast.(182) In Uea, one of the Loyalty Islands, the souls of the dead\nseem to have been credited with the power of stealing the souls of the\nliving. For when a man was sick the soul-doctor would go with a large\ntroop of men and women to the graveyard. Here the men played on flutes and\nthe women whistled softly to lure the soul home. After this had gone on\nfor some time they formed in procession and moved homewards, the flutes\nplaying and the women whistling all the way, while they led back the\nwandering soul and drove it gently along with open palms. On entering the\npatient\u2019s dwelling they commanded the soul in a loud voice to enter his\nbody.(183) In Madagascar when a man was sick or lunatic in consequence of\nthe loss of his soul, his friends despatched a wizard in haste to fetch\nhim a soul from the graveyard. The emissary repaired by night to the spot,\nand having made a hole in the wooden house which served as a tomb, begged\nthe spirit of the patient\u2019s father to bestow a soul on his son or\ndaughter, who had none. So saying he applied a bonnet to the hole, then\nfolded it up and rushed back to the house of the sufferer, saying he had a\nsoul for him. With that he clapped the bonnet on the head of the invalid,\nwho at once said he felt much better and had recovered the soul which he\nhad lost.(184)\n\n(M36) When a Dyak or Malay of some of the western tribes or districts of\nBorneo is taken ill, with vomiting and profuse sweating as the only\nsymptoms, he thinks that one of his deceased kinsfolk or ancestors is at\nthe bottom of it. To discover which of them is the culprit, a wise man or\nwoman pulls a lock of hair on the crown of the sufferer\u2019s head, calling\nout the names of all his dead relations. The name at which the lock gives\nforth a sound is the name of the guilty party. If the patient\u2019s hair is\ntoo short to be tugged with effect, he knocks his forehead seven times\nagainst the forehead of a kinsman who has long hair. The hair of the\nlatter is then tugged instead of that of the patient and answers to the\ntest quite as well. When the blame has thus been satisfactorily laid at\nthe door of the ghost who is responsible for the sickness, the physician,\nwho, as in other countries, is often an old woman, remonstrates with him\non his ill behaviour. \u201cGo back,\u201d says she, \u201cto your grave; what do you\ncome here for? The soul of the sick man does not choose to be called by\nyou, and will remain yet a long time in its body.\u201d Then she puts some\nashes from the hearth in a winnowing fan and moulds out of them a small\nfigure or image in human likeness. Seven times she moves the basket with\nthe little ashen figure up and down before the patient, taking care not to\nobliterate the figure, while at the same time she says, \u201cSickness, settle\nin the head, belly, hands, etc.; then quickly pass into the corresponding\npart of the image,\u201d whereupon the patient spits on the ashen image and\npushes it from him with his left hand. Next the beldame lights a candle\nand goes to the grave of the person whose ghost is doing all the mischief.\nOn the grave she throws the figure of ashes, calling out, \u201cGhost, plague\nthe sick man no longer, and stay in your grave, that he may see you no\nmore.\u201d On her return she asks the anxious relations in the house, \u201cHas his\nsoul come back?\u201d and they must answer quickly, \u201cYes, the soul of the sick\nman has come back.\u201d Then she stands beside the patient, blows out the\ncandle which had lighted the returning soul on its way, and strews\nyellow-coloured rice on the head of the convalescent, saying, \u201cCluck,\nsoul! cluck, soul! cluck, soul!\u201d Last of all she fastens on his right\nwrist a bracelet or ring which he must wear for three days.(185) In this\ncase we see that the saving of the soul is combined with a vicarious\nsacrifice to the ghost, who receives a puppet on which to work his will\ninstead of on the poor soul. In San Cristoval, one of the Melanesian\nislands, the vicarious sacrifice takes the form of a pig or a fish. A\nmalignant ghost of the name of Tapia is supposed to have seized on the\nsick man\u2019s soul and tied it up to a banyan-tree. Accordingly a man who has\ninfluence with Tapia takes a pig or fish to the holy place where the ghost\nresides and offers it to him, saying, \u201cThis is for you to eat in place of\nthat man; eat this, don\u2019t kill him.\u201d This satisfies the ghost; the soul is\nloosed from the tree and carried back to the sufferer, who naturally\nrecovers.(186) A regular part of the stock-in-trade of a Dyak medicine-man\nis a crystal into which he gazes to detect the hiding-place of a lost soul\nor to identify the demon who is causing the sickness.(187) In one of the\nNew Hebrides a ghost will sometimes impound the souls of trespassers\nwithin a magic fence in his garden, and will only consent to pull up the\nfence and let the souls out on receiving an unqualified apology and a\nsatisfactory assurance that no personal disrespect was intended.(188) In\nMotlav, another Melanesian island, it is enough to call out the sick man\u2019s\nname in the sacred place where he rashly intruded, and then, when the cry\nof the kingfisher or some other bird is heard, to shout \u201cCome back\u201d to the\nsoul of the sick man and run back with it to the house.(189)\n\n(M37) It is a comparatively easy matter to save a soul which is merely\ntied up to a tree or detained as a vagrant in a pound; but it is a far\nharder task to fetch it up from the nether world, if it once gets down\nthere. When a Buryat shaman is called in to attend a patient, the first\nthing he does is to ascertain where exactly the soul of the invalid is;\nfor it may have strayed, or been stolen, or be languishing in the prison\nof the gloomy Erlik, lord of the world below. If it is anywhere in the\nneighbourhood, the shaman soon catches and replaces it in the patient\u2019s\nbody. If it is far away, he searches the wide world till he finds it,\nransacking the deep woods, the lonely steppes, and the bottom of the sea,\nnot to be thrown off the scent even though the cunning soul runs to the\nsheep-walks in the hope that its footprints will be lost among the tracks\nof the sheep. But when the whole world has been searched in vain for the\nerrant soul, the shaman knows that there is nothing for it but to go down\nto hell and seek the lost one among the spirits in prison. At the stern\ncall of duty he does not flinch, though he knows that the journey is\ntoilsome, and that the travelling expenses, which are naturally defrayed\nby the patient, are very heavy. Sometimes the lord of the infernal regions\nwill only agree to release the soul on condition of receiving another in\nits stead, and that one the soul of the sick man\u2019s dearest friend. If the\npatient consents to the substitution, the shaman turns himself into a\nhawk, pounces upon the soul of the friend as it soars from his slumbering\nbody in the form of a lark, and hands over the fluttering, struggling\nthing to the grim warden of the dead, who thereupon sets the soul of the\nsick man at liberty. So the sick man recovers and his friend dies.(190)\n\n(M38) When a shaman declares that the soul of a sick Thompson Indian has\nbeen carried off by the dead, the good physician, who is the shaman\nhimself, puts on a conical mask and sets off in pursuit. He now acts as if\non a journey, jumping rivers and such like obstacles, searching, talking,\nand sometimes engaging in a tussle for the possession of the soul. His\nfirst step is to repair to the old trail by which the souls of heathen\nThompsons went to the spirit-land; for nowadays the souls of Christian\nThompsons travel by a new road. If he fails to find the tracks of the lost\nsoul there, he searches all the graveyards, one after the other, and\nalmost always discovers it in one of them. Sometimes he succeeds in\nheading off the departing soul by taking a short cut to the other world. A\nshaman can only stay a short time there. So as soon as he lays hands on\nthe soul he is after, he bolts with it. The other souls give chase, but he\nstamps with his foot, on which he wears a rattle made of deer\u2019s hoofs. At\nthe rattle of the hoofs the ghosts retreat and he hurries on. A bolder\nshaman will sometimes ask the ghosts for the soul, and if they refuse to\ngive it, he will wrest it from them. They attack him, but he clubs them\nand brings away the soul by force. When he comes back to the world, he\ntakes off his mask and shews his club all bloody. Then the people know he\nhad a desperate struggle. If he foresees that the harrowing of hell is\nlikely to prove a tough job, he increases the number of wooden pins in his\nmask. The rescued soul is placed by him on the patient\u2019s head and so\nreturned to his body.(191) Among the Twana Indians of Washington State the\ndescent of the medicine-men into the nether world to rescue lost souls is\nrepresented in pantomime before the eyes of the spectators, who include\nwomen and children as well as men. The surface of the ground is often\nbroken to facilitate the descent of the rescue party. When the adventurous\nband is supposed to have reached the bottom, they journey along, cross at\nleast one stream, and travel till they come to the abode of the spirits.\nThese they surprise, and after a desperate struggle, sustained with great\nardour and a prodigious noise, they succeed in rescuing the poor souls,\nand so, wrapping them up in cloth, they make the best of their way back to\nthe upper world and restore the recovered souls to their owners, who have\nbeen seen to cry heartily for joy at receiving them back.(192)\n\n(M39) Often the abduction of a man\u2019s soul is set down to demons. The\nAnnamites believe that when a man meets a demon and speaks to him, the\ndemon inhales the man\u2019s breath and soul.(193) The souls of the Bahnars of\neastern Cochin-China are apt to be carried off by evil spirits, and the\nmodes of recovering them are various. If a man suffers from a colic, the\nsorcerer may say that in planting sugar-cane, maize or what-not, he has\npierced the stomach of a certain god who lives like a mole in the ground,\nand that the injured deity has punished him by abstracting his soul and\nburying it under a plant. Hence the cure for the colic is to pull up the\nplant and water the hole with millet wine and the blood of a fowl, a goat,\nor a pig. Again, if a child falls ill in the forest or the fields, it is\nbecause some devil has made off with its soul. To retrieve this spiritual\nloss the sorcerer constructs an apparatus which comprises an egg-shell in\nan egg-holder, a little waxen image of the sick child, and a small bamboo\nfull of millet wine. This apparatus he sets up at a cross-road, praying\nthe devil to drink the wine and surrender the stolen soul by depositing it\nin the egg-shell. Then he returns to the house, and putting a little\ncotton to the child\u2019s head restores the soul to its owner. Sometimes the\nsorcerer lays a trap for the thievish demon, the bait consisting of the\nliver of a pig or a fowl and the blood-smeared handle of a little mattock.\nAt nightfall he sets the trap at a cross-road and lies in wait hard by.\nWhile the devil is licking the blood and munching the liver, the artful\nsorcerer pounces out on him, and after a severe struggle wrests the soul\nfrom his clutches, returning to the village victorious, but breathless and\nbleeding from his terrific encounter with the enemy of souls.(194) Fits\nand convulsions are generally set down by the Chinese to the agency of\ncertain mischievous spirits who love to draw men\u2019s souls out of their\nbodies. At Amoy the spirits who serve babies and children in this way\nrejoice in the high-sounding titles of \u201ccelestial agencies bestriding\ngalloping horses\u201d and \u201cliterary graduates residing halfway up in the sky.\u201d\nWhen an infant is writhing in convulsions, the frightened mother hastens\nto the roof of the house, and, waving about a bamboo pole to which one of\nthe child\u2019s garments is attached, cries out several times, \u201cMy child\nSo-and-so, come back, return home!\u201d Meantime, another inmate of the house\nbangs away at a gong in the hope of attracting the attention of the\nstrayed soul, which is supposed to recognise the familiar garment and to\nslip into it. The garment containing the soul is then placed on or beside\nthe child, and if the child does not die recovery is sure to follow sooner\nor later.(195) Similarly we saw that some Indians catch a man\u2019s lost soul\nin his boots and restore it to his body by putting his feet into\nthem.(196)\n\n(M40) If Galelareese mariners are sailing past certain rocks or come to a\nriver where they never were before, they must wash their faces, for\notherwise the spirits of the rocks or the river would snatch away their\nsouls.(197) When a Dyak is about to leave a forest through which he has\nbeen walking alone, he never forgets to ask the demons to give him back\nhis soul, for it may be that some forest-devil has carried it off. For the\nabduction of a soul may take place without its owner being aware of his\nloss, and it may happen either while he is awake or asleep.(198) The\nPapuans of Geelvink Bay in New Guinea are apt to think that the mists\nwhich sometimes hang about the tops of tall trees in their tropical\nforests envelop a spirit or god called Narbrooi, who draws away the breath\nor soul of those whom he loves, thus causing them to languish and die.\nAccordingly, when a man lies sick, a friend or relation will go to one of\nthese mist-capped trees and endeavour to recover the lost soul. At the\nfoot of the tree he makes a peculiar sound to attract the attention of the\nspirit, and lights a cigar. In its curling smoke his fancy discerns the\nfair and youthful form of Narbrooi himself, who, decked with flowers,\nappears and informs the anxious enquirer whether the soul of his sick\nfriend is with him or not. If it is, the man asks, \u201cHas he done any\nwrong?\u201d \u201cOh no!\u201d the spirit answers, \u201cI love him, and therefore I have\ntaken him to myself.\u201d So the man lays down an offering at the foot of the\ntree, and goes home with the soul of the sufferer in a straw bag. Arrived\nat the house, he empties the bag with its precious contents over the sick\nman\u2019s head, rubs his arms and hands with ginger-root, which he had first\nchewed small, and then ties a bandage round one of the patient\u2019s wrists.\nIf the bandage bursts, it is a sign that Narbrooi has repented of his\nbargain, and is drawing away the sufferer once more to himself.(199)\n\n(M41) In the Moluccas when a man is unwell it is thought that some devil\nhas carried away his soul to the tree, mountain, or hill where he (the\ndevil) resides. A sorcerer having pointed out the devil\u2019s abode, the\nfriends of the patient carry thither cooked rice, fruit, fish, raw eggs, a\nhen, a chicken, a silken robe, gold, armlets, and so forth. Having set out\nthe food in order they pray, saying: \u201cWe come to offer to you, O devil,\nthis offering of food, clothes, gold, and so on; take it and release the\nsoul of the patient for whom we pray. Let it return to his body, and he\nwho now is sick shall be made whole.\u201d Then they eat a little and let the\nhen loose as a ransom for the soul of the patient; also they put down the\nraw eggs; but the silken robe, the gold, and the armlets they take home\nwith them. As soon as they are come to the house they place a flat bowl\ncontaining the offerings which have been brought back at the sick man\u2019s\nhead, and say to him: \u201cNow is your soul released, and you shall fare well\nand live to grey hairs on the earth.\u201d(200) A more modern account from the\nsame region describes how the friend of the patient, after depositing his\nofferings on the spot where the missing soul is supposed to be, calls out\nthrice the name of the sick person, adding, \u201cCome with me, come with me.\u201d\nThen he returns, making a motion with a cloth as if he had caught the soul\nin it. He must not look to right or left or speak a word to any one he\nmeets, but must go straight to the patient\u2019s house. At the door he stands,\nand calling out the sick person\u2019s name, asks whether he is returned. Being\nanswered from within that he is returned, he enters and lays the cloth in\nwhich he has caught the soul on the patient\u2019s throat, saying, \u201cNow you are\nreturned to the house.\u201d Sometimes a substitute is provided; a doll,\ndressed up in gay clothing and tinsel, is offered to the demon in exchange\nfor the patient\u2019s soul, with these words, \u201cGive us back the ugly one which\nyou have taken away and receive this pretty one instead.\u201d(201)\n\n(M42) Among the Alfoors or Toradjas of Poso, in Central Celebes, a wooden\npuppet is offered to the demon as a substitute for the soul which he has\nabstracted, and the patient must touch the puppet in order to identify\nhimself with it. The effigy is then hung on a bamboo pole, which is\nplanted at the place of sacrifice outside of the house. Here too are\ndeposited offerings of rice, an egg, a little wood (which is afterwards\nkindled), a sherd of a broken cooking-pot, and so forth. A long rattan\nextends from the place of sacrifice to the sufferer, who grasps one end of\nit firmly, for along it his lost soul will return when the devil has\nkindly released it. All being ready, the priestess informs the demon that\nhe has come to the wrong place, and that there are no doubt much better\nquarters where he could reside. Then the father of the patient, standing\nbeside the offerings, takes up his parable as follows: \u201cO demon, we forgot\nto sacrifice to you. You have visited us with this sickness; will you now\ngo away from us to some other place? We have made ready provisions for you\non the journey. See, here is a cooking-pot, here are rice, fire, and a\nfowl. O demon, go away from us.\u201d With that the priestess strews rice\ntowards the bamboo-pole to lure back the wandering soul; and the fowl\npromised to the devil is thrown in the same direction, but is instantly\njerked back again by a string which, in a spirit of intelligent economy,\nhas been previously attached to its leg. The demon is now supposed to\naccept the puppet, which hangs from the pole, and to release the soul,\nwhich, sliding down the pole and along the rattan, returns to its proper\nowner. And lest the evil spirit should repent of the barter which has just\nbeen effected, all communication with him is broken off by cutting down\nthe pole.(202) Similarly the Mongols make up a horse of birch-bark and a\ndoll, and invite the demon to take the doll instead of the patient and to\nride away on the horse.(203) A Yakut shaman, rigged out in his\nprofessional costume, with his drum in his hand, will boldly descend into\nthe lower world and haggle with the demon who has carried off a sick man\u2019s\nsoul. Not uncommonly the demon proves amenable to reason, and in\nconsideration of the narrow circumstances of the patient\u2019s family will\naccept a more moderate ransom than he at first demanded. For instance, he\nmay be brought to put up with the skin of an Arctic hare or Arctic fox\ninstead of a foal or a steer. The bargain being struck, the shaman hurries\nback to the sufferer\u2019s bedside, from which to the merely carnal eye he has\nnever stirred, and informs the anxious relatives of the success of his\nmission. They in turn gladly hasten to provide the ransom.(204)\n\n(M43) Demons are especially feared by persons who have just entered a new\nhouse. Hence at a house-warming among the Alfoors of Minahassa in Celebes\nthe priest performs a ceremony for the purpose of restoring their souls to\nthe inmates. He hangs up a bag at the place of sacrifice and then goes\nthrough a list of the gods. There are so many of them that this takes him\nthe whole night through without stopping. In the morning he offers the\ngods an egg and some rice. By this time the souls of the household are\nsupposed to be gathered in the bag. So the priest takes the bag, and\nholding it on the head of the master of the house, says, \u201cHere you have\nyour soul; go (soul) to-morrow away again.\u201d He then does the same, saying\nthe same words, to the housewife and all the other members of the\nfamily.(205) Amongst the same Alfoors one way of recovering a sick man\u2019s\nsoul is to let down a bowl by a belt out of a window and fish for the soul\ntill it is caught in the bowl and hauled up.(206) And among the same\npeople, when a priest is bringing back a sick man\u2019s soul which he has\ncaught in a cloth, he is preceded by a girl holding the large leaf of a\ncertain palm over his head as an umbrella to keep him and the soul from\ngetting wet, in case it should rain; and he is followed by a man\nbrandishing a sword to deter other souls from any attempt at rescuing the\ncaptured spirit.(207)\n\n(M44) In Nias, when a man dreams that a pig is fastened under a\nneighbour\u2019s house, it is a sign that some one in that house will die. They\nthink that the sun-god is drawing away the shadows or souls of that\nhousehold from this world of shadows to his own bright world of radiant\nlight, and a ceremony must needs be performed to win back these passing\nsouls to earth. Accordingly, while it is still night, the priest begins to\ndrum and pray, and he continues his orisons till about nine o\u2019clock next\nmorning. Then he takes his stand at an opening in the roof through which\nhe can behold the sun, and spreading out a cloth waits till the beams of\nthe morning sun fall full upon it. In the sunbeams he thinks the wandering\nsouls have come back again; so he wraps the cloth up tightly, and quitting\nthe opening in the roof, hastens with his precious charge to the expectant\nhousehold. Before each member of it he stops, and dipping his fingers into\nthe cloth takes out his or her soul and restores it to the owner by\ntouching the person on the forehead.(208) The Thompson Indians of British\nColumbia think that the setting sun draws the souls of men away towards\nit; hence they will never sleep with their heads to the sunset.(209) The\nSamoans tell how two young wizards, passing a house where a chief lay very\nsick, saw a company of gods from the mountain sitting in the doorway. They\nwere handing from one to another the soul of the dying chief. It was wrapt\nin a leaf, and had been passed from the gods inside the house to those\nsitting in the doorway. One of the gods handed the soul to one of the\nwizards, taking him for a god in the dark, for it was night. Then all the\ngods rose up and went away; but the wizard kept the chief\u2019s soul. In the\nmorning some women went with a present of fine mats to fetch a famous\nphysician. The wizards were sitting on the shore as the women passed, and\nthey said to the women, \u201cGive us the mats and we will heal him.\u201d So they\nwent to the chief\u2019s house. He was very ill, his jaw hung down, and his end\nseemed near. But the wizards undid the leaf and let the soul into him\nagain, and forthwith he brightened up and lived.(210)\n\n(M45) The Battas or Bataks of Sumatra believe that the soul of a living\nman may transmigrate into the body of an animal. Hence, for example, the\ndoctor is sometimes desired to extract the patient\u2019s soul from the body of\na fowl, in which it has been hidden away by an evil spirit.(211)\n\n(M46) Sometimes the lost soul is brought back in a visible shape. In\nMelanesia a woman, knowing that a neighbour was at the point of death,\nheard a rustling in her house, as of a moth fluttering, just at the moment\nwhen a noise of weeping and lamentation told her that the soul was flown.\nShe caught the fluttering thing between her hands and ran with it, crying\nout that she had caught the soul. But though she opened her hands above\nthe mouth of the corpse, it did not revive.(212) In Lepers\u2019 Island, one of\nthe New Hebrides, for ten days after a birth the father is careful not to\nexert himself or the baby would suffer for it. If during this time he goes\naway to any distance, he will bring back with him on his return a little\nstone representing the infant\u2019s soul. Arrived at home he cries, \u201cCome\nhither,\u201d and puts down the stone in the house. Then he waits till the\nchild sneezes, at which he cries, \u201cHere it is\u201d; for now he knows that the\nlittle soul has not been lost after all.(213) The Salish or Flathead\nIndians of Oregon believe that a man\u2019s soul may be separated for a time\nfrom his body without causing death and without the man being aware of his\nloss. It is necessary, however, that the lost soul should be soon found\nand restored to its owner or he will die. The name of the man who has lost\nhis soul is revealed in a dream to the medicine-man, who hastens to inform\nthe sufferer of his loss. Generally a number of men have sustained a like\nloss at the same time; all their names are revealed to the medicine-man,\nand all employ him to recover their souls. The whole night long these\nsoulless men go about the village from lodge to lodge, dancing and\nsinging. Towards daybreak they go into a separate lodge, which is closed\nup so as to be totally dark. A small hole is then made in the roof,\nthrough which the medicine-man, with a bunch of feathers, brushes in the\nsouls, in the shape of bits of bone and the like, which he receives on a\npiece of matting. A fire is next kindled, by the light of which the\nmedicine-man sorts out the souls. First he puts aside the souls of dead\npeople, of which there are usually several; for if he were to give the\nsoul of a dead person to a living man, the man would die instantly. Next\nhe picks out the souls of all the persons present, and making them all to\nsit down before him, he takes the soul of each, in the shape of a splinter\nof bone, wood, or shell, and placing it on the owner\u2019s head, pats it with\nmany prayers and contortions till it descends into the heart and so\nresumes its proper place.(214) In Amboyna the sorcerer, to recover a soul\ndetained by demons, plucks a branch from a tree, and waving it to and fro\nas if to catch something, calls out the sick man\u2019s name. Returning he\nstrikes the patient over the head and body with the branch, into which the\nlost soul is supposed to have passed, and from which it returns to the\npatient.(215) In the Babar Islands offerings for evil spirits are laid at\nthe root of a great tree (_wokiorai_), from which a leaf is plucked and\npressed on the patient\u2019s forehead and breast; the lost soul, which is in\nthe leaf, is thus restored to its owner.(216) In some other islands of the\nsame seas, when a man returns ill and speechless from the forest, it is\ninferred that the evil spirits which dwell in the great trees have caught\nand kept his soul. Offerings of food are therefore left under a tree and\nthe soul is brought home in a piece of wax.(217) Amongst the Dyaks of\nSarawak the priest conjures the lost soul into a cup, where it is seen by\nthe uninitiated as a lock of hair, but by the initiated as a miniature\nhuman being. This the priest pokes back into the patient\u2019s body through an\ninvisible hole in his skull.(218) In Nias the sick man\u2019s soul is restored\nto him in the shape of a firefly, visible only to the sorcerer, who\ncatches it in a cloth and places it on the forehead of the patient.(219)\nAmongst the Indians of Santiago Tepehuacan, if a child has fallen from the\narms of its bearer and an illness has resulted from the fall, the parents\nwill take the child\u2019s shirt, stretch it out on the spot where the little\none fell, and say, \u201cCome, come, come back to the infant.\u201d Then they bring\nback a little of the earth wrapped up in the shirt, and put the shirt on\nthe child. They say that in this manner the spirit is replaced in the\nchild\u2019s body and that he will recover.(220) With this we may compare an\nIrish custom reported by Camden. When any one happens to fall, he springs\nup again, and turning round thrice to the right, digs the earth with a\nsword or knife, and takes up a turf, because they say the earth restores\nhis shade to him. But if he falls sick within two or three days\nthereafter, a woman skilled in these matters is sent to the spot, and\nthere says: \u201cI call thee, So-and-so, from the East and West, from the\nSouth and North, from the groves, woods, rivers, marshes, fairies white,\nred, and black,\u201d and so forth. After uttering certain short prayers, she\nreturns home to the sick person, and whispering in his ear another prayer,\nalong with a _Pater Noster_, puts some burning coals into a cup of clean\nwater, and so decides whether the distemper has been inflicted by the\nfairies.(221) Here, though Camden is not very explicit, and he probably\ndid not quite understand the custom he describes, it seems plain that the\nshade or soul of a man who has fallen is conceived as adhering to the\nground where he fell. Accordingly he seeks to regain possession of it by\ndigging up the earth; but if he fails to recover it, he sends a wise woman\nto the spot to win back his soul from the fairies who are detaining it.\n\n(M47) The ancient Egyptians held that a dead man is not in a state to\nenter on the life hereafter until his soul has been found and restored to\nhis mummified body. The vital spark had been commonly devoured by the\nmalignant god Sit, who concealed his true form in the likeness of a horned\nbeast, such as an ox or a gazelle. So the priests went in quest of the\nmissing spirit, slaughtered the animal which had devoured it, and cutting\nopen the carcase found the soul still undigested in its stomach.\nAfterwards the son of the deceased embraced the mummy or the image of his\nfather in order to restore his soul to him. Formerly it was customary to\nplace the skin of the slain beast on the dead man for the purpose of\nrecruiting his strength with that of the animal.(222)\n\n(M48) Again, souls may be extracted from their bodies or detained on their\nwanderings not only by ghosts and demons but also by men, especially by\nsorcerers. In Fiji, if a criminal refused to confess, the chief sent for a\nscarf with which \u201cto catch away the soul of the rogue.\u201d At the sight or\neven at the mention of the scarf the culprit generally made a clean\nbreast. For if he did not, the scarf would be waved over his head till his\nsoul was caught in it, when it would be carefully folded up and nailed to\nthe end of a chief\u2019s canoe; and for want of his soul the criminal would\npine and die.(223) The sorcerers of Danger Island used to set snares for\nsouls. The snares were made of stout cinet, about fifteen to thirty feet\nlong, with loops on either side of different sizes, to suit the different\nsizes of souls; for fat souls there were large loops, for thin souls there\nwere small ones. When a man was sick against whom the sorcerers had a\ngrudge, they set up these soul-snares near his house and watched for the\nflight of his soul. If in the shape of a bird or an insect it was caught\nin the snare the man would infallibly die.(224) When a Polynesian mother\ndesired that the child in her womb should grow up to be a great warrior or\na great thief, she repaired to the temple of the war-god Oro or of the\nthief-god Hiro. There the priest obligingly caught the spirit of the god\nin a snare made of coco-nut fibre, and then infused it into the woman.\nWhen the child was born, the mother took it to the temple and dedicated it\nto the god with whose divine spirit the infant was already possessed.(225)\nThe Algonquin Indians also used nets to catch souls, but only as a measure\nof defence. They feared lest passing souls, which had just quitted the\nbodies of dying people, should enter their huts and carry off the souls of\nthe inmates to deadland. So they spread nets about their houses to catch\nand entangle these ghostly intruders in the meshes.(226)\n\n(M49) Among the Sereres of Senegambia, when a man wishes to revenge\nhimself on his enemy he goes to the _Fitaure_ (chief and priest in one),\nand prevails on him by presents to conjure the soul of his enemy into a\nlarge jar of red earthenware, which is then deposited under a consecrated\ntree. The man whose soul is shut up in the jar soon dies.(227) Among the\nBaoules of the Ivory Coast it happened once that a chief\u2019s soul was\nextracted by the magic of an enemy, who succeeded in shutting it up in a\nbox. To recover it, two men held a garment of the sick man, while a witch\nperformed certain enchantments. After a time she declared that the soul\nwas now in the garment, which was accordingly rolled up and hastily\nwrapped about the invalid for the purpose of restoring his spirit to\nhim.(228) Some of the Congo negroes think that enchanters can get\npossession of human souls, and enclosing them in tusks of ivory, sell them\nto the white man, who makes them work for him in his country under the\nsea. It is believed that very many of the coast labourers are men thus\nobtained; so when these people go to trade they often look anxiously about\nfor their dead relations. The man whose soul is thus sold into slavery\nwill die \u201cin due course, if not at the time.\u201d(229) In some parts of West\nAfrica, indeed, wizards are continually setting traps to catch souls that\nwander from their bodies in sleep; and when they have caught one, they tie\nit up over the fire, and as it shrivels in the heat the owner sickens.\nThis is done, not out of any grudge towards the sufferer, but purely as a\nmatter of business. The wizard does not care whose soul he has captured,\nand will readily restore it to its owner if only he is paid for doing so.\nSome sorcerers keep regular asylums for strayed souls, and anybody who has\nlost or mislaid his own soul can always have another one from the asylum\non payment of the usual fee. No blame whatever attaches to men who keep\nthese private asylums or set traps for passing souls; it is their\nprofession, and in the exercise of it they are actuated by no harsh or\nunkindly feelings. But there are also wretches who from pure spite or for\nthe sake of lucre set and bait traps with the deliberate purpose of\ncatching the soul of a particular man; and in the bottom of the pot,\nhidden by the bait, are knives and sharp hooks which tear and rend the\npoor soul, either killing it outright or mauling it so as to impair the\nhealth of its owner when it succeeds in escaping and returning to him.\nMiss Kingsley knew a Kruman who became very anxious about his soul,\nbecause for several nights he had smelt in his dreams the savoury smell of\nsmoked crawfish seasoned with red pepper. Clearly some ill-wisher had set\na trap baited with this dainty for his dream-soul, intending to do him\ngrievous bodily, or rather spiritual, harm; and for the next few nights\ngreat pains were taken to keep his soul from straying abroad in his sleep.\nIn the sweltering heat of the tropical night he lay sweating and snorting\nunder a blanket, his nose and mouth tied up with a handkerchief to prevent\nthe escape of his precious soul.(230)\n\n(M50) When Dyaks of the Upper Melawie are about to go out head-hunting\nthey take the precaution of securing the souls of their enemies before\nthey attempt to kill their bodies, calculating apparently that mere bodily\ndeath will soon follow the spiritual death, or capture, of the soul. With\nthis intention they clear a small space in the underwood of the forest,\nand set up in the clearing one of those miniature houses in which it is\ncustomary to deposit the ashes of the dead. Food is placed in the little\nhouse, which, though raised on four posts, is connected with the ground by\na tiny inverted ladder of the sort up which spirits are believed to swarm.\nWhen these preparations have been completed, the leader of the expedition\ncomes and sits down a little way from the miniature house, and addressing\nthe spirits of kinsmen who had the misfortune to be beheaded by their\nenemies, he says, \u201cO ghosts of So-and-so, come speedily back to our\nvillage. We have rice in abundance. Our trees all bear ripe fruit. Our\nbaskets are full to the brim. O ghosts, come swiftly back and forget not\nto bring your new friends and acquaintances with you.\u201d But by the new\nfriends and acquaintances of the ghosts he means the souls of the enemies\nagainst whom he is about to lead the expedition. Meantime the other\nwarriors have hidden themselves close by behind trees and bushes, and are\nlistening with all their ears. When the cry of an animal is heard in the\nforest, or a humming sound seems to issue from the little house, it is a\nsign that the ghosts of their friends have come, bringing with them the\nsouls of their enemies, which are accordingly at their mercy. At that the\nlurking warriors leap forth from their ambush, and with brandished blades\nhew and slash at the souls of their foemen swarming unseen in the air.\nTaken completely by surprise, the panic-stricken souls flee in all\ndirections, and are fain to hide under every leaf and stone on the ground.\nBut even here their retreat is cut off. For now the leader of the\nexpedition is hard at work, grubbing up with his hands every stone and\nleaf to right and left, and thrusting them with feverish haste into the\nbasket, which he at once ties up securely. He now flatters himself that he\nhas the souls of the enemy safe in his possession; and when in the course\nof the expedition the heads of the foe are severed from their bodies, he\nwill pack them into the same basket in which their souls are already\nlanguishing in captivity.(231)\n\n(M51) In Hawaii there were sorcerers who caught souls of living people,\nshut them up in calabashes, and gave them to people to eat. By squeezing a\ncaptured soul in their hands they discovered the place where people had\nbeen secretly buried.(232) Amongst the Canadian Indians, when a wizard\nwished to kill a man, he sent out his familiar spirits, who brought him\nthe victim\u2019s soul in the shape of a stone or the like. The wizard struck\nthe soul with a sword or an axe till it bled profusely, and as it bled the\nman to whom it belonged fell ill and died.(233) In Amboyna if a doctor is\nconvinced that a patient\u2019s soul has been carried away by a demon beyond\nrecovery, he seeks to supply its place with a soul abstracted from another\nman. For this purpose he goes by night to a house and asks, \u201cWho\u2019s there?\u201d\nIf an inmate is incautious enough to answer, the doctor takes up from\nbefore the door a clod of earth, into which the soul of the person who\nreplied is thought to have passed. This clod the doctor lays under the\nsick man\u2019s pillow, and performs certain ceremonies by which the stolen\nsoul is conveyed into the patient\u2019s body. Then as he goes home the doctor\nfires two shots to frighten the soul from returning to its proper\nowner.(234) A Karen wizard will catch the wandering soul of a sleeper and\ntransfer it to the body of a dead man. The latter, therefore, comes to\nlife as the former dies. But the friends of the sleeper in turn engage a\nwizard to steal the soul of another sleeper, who dies as the first sleeper\ncomes to life. In this way an indefinite succession of deaths and\nresurrections is supposed to take place.(235)\n\n(M52) Nowhere perhaps is the art of abducting human souls more carefully\ncultivated or carried to higher perfection than in the Malay Peninsula.\nHere the methods by which the wizard works his will are various, and so\ntoo are his motives. Sometimes he desires to destroy an enemy, sometimes\nto win the love of a cold or bashful beauty. Some of the charms operate\nentirely without contact; in others, the receptacle into which the soul is\nto be lured has formed part of, or at least touched, the person of the\nvictim. Thus, to take an instance of the latter sort of charm, the\nfollowing are the directions given for securing the soul of one whom you\nwish to render distraught. Take soil from the middle of his footprint;\nwrap it up in pieces of red, black, and yellow cloth, taking care to keep\nthe yellow outside; and hang it from the centre of your mosquito curtain\nwith parti-coloured thread. It will then become your victim\u2019s soul. To\ncomplete the transubstantiation, however, it is needful to switch the\npacket with a birch composed of seven leaf-ribs from a \u201cgreen\u201d coco-nut.\nDo this seven times at sunset, at midnight, and at sunrise, saying, \u201cIt is\nnot earth that I switch, but the heart of So-and-so.\u201d Then bury it in the\nmiddle of a path where your victim is sure to step over it, and he will\nunquestionably become distraught.(236) Another way is to scrape the wood\nof the floor where your intended victim has been sitting, mix the\nscrapings with earth from his or her footprint, and knead the whole with\nwax from a deserted bees\u2019 comb into a likeness of him or her. Then\nfumigate the figure with incense and beckon to the soul every night for\nthree nights successively by waving a cloth, while you recite the\nappropriate spell.(237) In the following cases the charm takes effect\nwithout any contact whatever, whether direct or indirect, with the victim.\nWhen the moon, just risen, looks red above the eastern horizon, go out,\nand standing in the moonlight, with the big toe of your right foot on the\nbig toe of your left, make a speaking-trumpet of your right hand and\nrecite through it the following words:\n\n\n    \u201c_OM. I loose my shaft, I loose it and the moon clouds over,_\n    _I loose it, and the sun is extinguished._\n    _I loose it, and the stars burn dim._\n    _But it is not the sun, moon, and stars that I shoot at,_\n    _It is the stalk of the heart of that child of the congregation,\n                So-and-so._\n\n    _Cluck! cluck! soul of So-and-so, come and walk with me,_\n    _Come and sit with me,_\n    _Come and sleep and share my pillow._\n    _Cluck! cluck! soul._\u201d\n\n\nRepeat this thrice and after every repetition blow through your hollow\nfist.(238) Or you may catch the soul in your turban, thus. Go out on the\nnight of the full moon and the two succeeding nights; sit down on an\nant-hill facing the moon, burn incense, and recite the following\nincantation:\n\n\n    \u201c_I bring you a betel leaf to chew,_\n    _Dab the lime on to it, Prince Ferocious,_\n    _For Somebody, Prince Distraction\u2019s daughter, to chew._\n    _Somebody at sunrise be distraught for love of me,_\n    _Somebody at sunset be distraught for love of me._\n    _As you remember your parents, remember me;_\n    _As you remember your house and house-ladder, remember me._\n    _When thunder rumbles, remember me;_\n    _When wind whistles, remember me;_\n    _When the heavens rain, remember me;_\n    _When cocks crow, remember me;_\n    _When the dial-bird tells its tales, remember me;_\n    _When you look up at the sun, remember me;_\n    _When you look up at the moon, remember me,_\n    _For in that self-same moon I am there._\n    _Cluck! cluck! soul of Somebody come hither to me._\n    _I do not mean to let you have my soul,_\n    _Let your soul come hither to mine._\u201d\n\n\nNow wave the end of your turban towards the moon seven times each night.\nGo home and put it under your pillow, and if you want to wear it in the\ndaytime, burn incense and say, \u201cIt is not a turban that I carry in my\ngirdle, but the soul of Somebody.\u201d(239)\n\n(M53) Perhaps the magical ceremonies just described may help to explain a\ncurious rite, of immemorial antiquity, which was performed on a very\nsolemn occasion at Athens. On the eve of the sailing of the fleet for\nSyracuse, when all hearts beat high with hope, and visions of empire\ndazzled all eyes, consternation suddenly fell on the people one May\nmorning when they rose and found that most of the images of Hermes in the\ncity had been mysteriously mutilated in the night. The impious\nperpetrators of the sacrilege were unknown, but whoever they were, the\npriests and priestesses solemnly cursed them according to the ancient\nritual, standing with their faces to the west and shaking red cloths up\nand down.(240) Perhaps in these cloths they were catching the souls of\nthose at whom their curses were levelled, just as we have seen that Fijian\nchiefs used to catch the souls of criminals in scarves and nail them to\ncanoes.(241)\n\n(M54) The Indians of the Nass River, in British Columbia, are impressed\nwith a belief that a physician may swallow his patient\u2019s soul by mistake.\nA doctor who is believed to have done so is made by the other members of\nthe faculty to stand over the patient, while one of them thrusts his\nfingers down the doctor\u2019s throat, another kneads him in the stomach with\nhis knuckles, and a third slaps him on the back. If the soul is not in him\nafter all, and if the same process has been repeated upon all the medical\nmen without success, it is concluded that the soul must be in the\nhead-doctor\u2019s box. A party of doctors, therefore, waits upon him at his\nhouse and requests him to produce his box. When he has done so and\narranged its contents on a new mat, they take the votary of Aesculapius\nand hold him up by the heels with his head in a hole in the floor. In this\nposition they wash his head, and \u201cany water remaining from the ablution is\ntaken and poured upon the sick man\u2019s head.\u201d(242) Among the Kwakiutl\nIndians of British Columbia it is forbidden to pass behind the back of a\nshaman while he is eating, lest the shaman should inadvertently swallow\nthe soul of the passer-by. When that happens, both the shaman and the\nperson whose soul he has swallowed fall down in a swoon. Blood flows from\nthe shaman\u2019s mouth, because the soul is too large for him and is tearing\nhis inside. Then the clan of the person whose soul is doing this mischief\nmust assemble and sing the song of the shaman. In time the suffering\nsorcerer vomits out the soul, which he exhibits in the shape of a small\nbloody ball in the open palms of his hands. He restores it to its owner,\nwho is lying prostrate on a mat, by throwing it at him and then blowing on\nhis head. The man whose soul was swallowed has very naturally to pay for\nthe damage he did to the shaman as well as for his own cure.(243)\n\n\n\n\n\u00a7 3. The Soul as a Shadow and a Reflection.\n\n\n(M55) But the spiritual dangers I have enumerated are not the only ones\nwhich beset the savage. Often he regards his shadow or reflection as his\nsoul, or at all events as a vital part of himself, and as such it is\nnecessarily a source of danger to him. For if it is trampled upon, struck,\nor stabbed, he will feel the injury as if it were done to his person; and\nif it is detached from him entirely (as he believes that it may be) he\nwill die. In the island of Wetar there are magicians who can make a man\nill by stabbing his shadow with a pike or hacking it with a sword.(244)\nAfter Sankara had destroyed the Buddhists in India, it is said that he\njourneyed to Nepaul, where he had some difference of opinion with the\nGrand Lama. To prove his supernatural powers, he soared into the air. But\nas he mounted up, the Grand Lama, perceiving his shadow swaying and\nwavering on the ground, struck his knife into it and down fell Sankara and\nbroke his neck.(245) In the Babar Islands the demons get power over a\nman\u2019s soul by holding fast his shadow, or by striking and wounding\nit.(246) Among the Tolindoos of central Celebes to tread on a man\u2019s shadow\nis an offence, because it is supposed to make the owner sick;(247) and for\nthe same reason the Toboongkoos of that region forbid their children to\nplay with their shadows.(248) The Ottawa Indians thought they could kill a\nman by making certain figures on his shadow.(249) The Baganda of central\nAfrica regarded a man\u2019s shadow as his ghost; hence they used to kill or\ninjure their enemies by stabbing or treading on their shadows.(250) Among\nthe Bavili of West Africa it used to be considered a crime to trample on\nor even to cross the shadow of another, especially if the shadow were that\nof a married woman.(251) Some Caffres are very unwilling to let anybody\nstand on their shadow, believing that they can be influenced for evil\nthrough it.(252) They think that \u201ca sick man\u2019s shadow dwindles in\nintensity when he is about to die; for it has such an intimate relation to\nthe man that it suffers with him.\u201d(253) The Ja-Luo tribes of Kavirondo, to\nthe east of Lake Victoria Nyanza, tell of the ancestor of all men, Apodtho\nby name, who descended to earth from above, bringing with him cattle,\nfowls, and seeds. When he was old, the Ja-Luo plotted to kill him, but for\na long time they did not dare to attack him. At last, hearing that he was\nsick, they thought their chance had come, and sent a girl to see how he\nwas. She took a small horn, used for cupping blood, in her hand, and while\nshe talked with him she placed the cupping-horn on his shadow. To her\nsurprise it drew blood. So she returned and told her friends that, if they\nwished to kill Apodtho, they must not touch his body, but spear his\nshadow. They did so, and he died and turned into a rock, which has ever\nsince possessed the property of sharpening spears unusually well.(254) In\na Chinese book we read of a sage who examined human shadows by lamplight\nin order to discover the fate of their owners. \u201cA man\u2019s shadow,\u201d he said,\n\u201cought to be deep, for, if so, he will attain honourable positions, and a\ngreat age. Shadows are averse to being reflected in water, or in wells, or\nin washing-basins. It was on such grounds that the ancients avoided\nshadows, and that in old days _Kh\u00fc-seu_, _twan-hu_, and other\nshadow-treading vermin caused injury by hitting the shadows of men. In\nrecent times there have been men versed in the art of cauterizing the\nshadows of their patients.\u201d Another sapient Chinese writer observes: \u201cI\nhave heard that, if the shadow of a bird is hit with a piece of wood that\nwas struck by thunder, the bird falls to the ground immediately. I never\ntried it, but on account of the matter stated above I consider the thing\ncertain.\u201d(255) The natives of Nias tremble at the sight of a rainbow,\nbecause they think it is a net spread by a powerful spirit to catch their\nshadows.(256)\n\n(M56) In the Banks Islands, Melanesia, there are certain stones of a\nremarkably long shape which go by the name of _tamate gangan_ or \u201ceating\nghosts,\u201d because certain powerful and dangerous ghosts are believed to\nlodge in them. If a man\u2019s shadow falls on one of these stones, the ghost\nwill draw his soul out from him, so that he will die. Such stones,\ntherefore, are set in a house to guard it; and a messenger sent to a house\nby the absent owner will call out the name of the sender, lest the\nwatchful ghost in the stone should fancy that he came with evil intent and\nshould do him a mischief.(257) In Florida, one of the Solomon Islands,\nthere are places sacred to ghosts, some in the village, some in the\ngardens, and some in the bush. No man would pass one of these places when\nthe sun was so low as to cast his shadow into it, for then the ghost would\ndraw it from him.(258) The Indian tribes of the Lower Fraser River believe\nthat man has four souls, of which the shadow is one, though not the\nprincipal, and that sickness is caused by the absence of one of the souls.\nHence no one will let his shadow fall on a sick shaman, lest the latter\nshould purloin it to replace his own lost soul.(259) At a funeral in\nChina, when the lid is about to be placed on the coffin, most of the\nbystanders, with the exception of the nearest kin, retire a few steps or\neven retreat to another room, for a person\u2019s health is believed to be\nendangered by allowing his shadow to be enclosed in a coffin. And when the\ncoffin is about to be lowered into the grave most of the spectators recoil\nto a little distance lest their shadows should fall into the grave and\nharm should thus be done to their persons. The geomancer and his\nassistants stand on the side of the grave which is turned away from the\nsun; and the grave-diggers and coffin-bearers attach their shadows firmly\nto their persons by tying a strip of cloth tightly round their\nwaists.(260) In the Nicobar Islands burial usually takes place at sundown,\nbefore midnight, or at early dawn. In no case can an interment be carried\nout at noon or within an hour of it, lest the shadows of the bearers who\nlower the body into the earth, or of the mourners taking their last look\nat the shrouded figure, should fall into the grave; for that would cause\nthem to be sick or die. And when the dead has been laid in his last home,\nbut before the earth is shovelled in upon him, the leaves of a certain\njungle tree are waved over the grave, and a lighted torch is brandished\ninside it, to disperse any souls of the sorrowing bystanders that may be\nlingering with their departed friend in his narrow bed. Then the signal is\ngiven, and the earth or sand is rapidly shovelled in by a party of young\nmen who have been standing in readiness to perform the duty.(261) When the\nMalays are building a house, and the central post is being set up, the\ngreatest precautions are taken to prevent the shadow of any of the workers\nfrom falling either on the post or on the hole dug to receive it; for\notherwise they think that sickness and trouble will be sure to\nfollow.(262) When members of some Victorian tribes were performing magical\nceremonies for the purpose of bringing disease and misfortune on their\nenemies, they took care not to let their shadows fall on the object by\nwhich the evil influence was supposed to be wafted to the foe.(263) In\nDarfur people think that they can do an enemy to death by burying a\ncertain root in the earth on the spot where the shadow of his head happens\nto fall. The man whose shadow is thus tampered with loses consciousness at\nonce and will die if the proper antidote be not administered. In like\nmanner they can paralyse any limb, as a hand or leg, by planting a\nparticular root in the earth in the shadow of the limb they desire to\nmaim.(264) Nor is it human beings alone who are thus liable to be injured\nby means of their shadows. Animals are to some extent in the same\npredicament. A small snail, which frequents the neighbourhood of the\nlimestone hills in Perak, is believed to suck the blood of cattle through\ntheir shadows; hence the beasts grow lean and sometimes die from loss of\nblood.(265) The ancients supposed that in Arabia, if a hy\u00e6na trod on a\nman\u2019s shadow, it deprived him of the power of speech and motion; and that\nif a dog, standing on a roof in the moonlight, cast a shadow on the ground\nand a hy\u00e6na trod on it, the dog would fall down as if dragged with a\nrope.(266) Clearly in these cases the shadow, if not equivalent to the\nsoul, is at least regarded as a living part of the man or the animal, so\nthat injury done to the shadow is felt by the person or animal as if it\nwere done to his body. Even the shadows of trees are supposed by the\nCaffres to be sensitive. Hence when a Caffre doctor seeks to pluck the\nleaves of a tree for medicinal purposes, he \u201ctakes care to run up quickly,\nand to avoid touching the shadow lest it should inform the tree of the\ndanger, and so give the tree time to withdraw the medicinal properties\nfrom its extremities into the safety of the inaccessible trunk. The shadow\nof the tree is said to feel the touch of the man\u2019s feet.\u201d(267)\n\n(M57) Conversely, if the shadow is a vital part of a man or an animal, it\nmay under certain circumstances be as hazardous to be touched by it as it\nwould be to come into contact with the person or animal. Thus in the\nNorth-West Provinces of India people believe that if the shadow of the\ngoat-sucker bird falls on an ox or a cow, but especially on a cow buffalo,\nthe beast will soon die. The remedy is for some one to kill the bird, rub\nhis hands or a stick in the blood, and then wave the stick over the\nanimal. There are certain men who are noted for their powers in this\nrespect all over the district.(268) The Kaitish of central Australia hold\nthat if the shadow of a brown hawk falls on the breast of a woman who is\nsuckling a child, the breast will swell up and burst. Hence if a woman\nsees one of these birds in these circumstances, she runs away in\nfear.(269) In the Central Provinces of India a pregnant woman avoids the\nshadow of a man, believing that if it fell on her, the child would take\nafter him in features, though not in character.(270) In Shoa any obstinate\ndisorder, for which no remedy is known, such as insanity, epilepsy,\ndelirium, hysteria, and St. Vitus\u2019s dance, is traced either to possession\nby a demon or to the shadow of an enemy which has fallen on the\nsufferer.(271) The Bushman is most careful not to let his shadow fall on\nthe dead game, as he thinks this would bring bad luck.(272) Amongst the\nCaffres to overshadow the king by standing in his presence was an offence\nworthy of instant death.(273) And it is a Caffre superstition that if the\nshadow of a man who is protected by a certain charm falls on the shadow of\na man who is not so protected, the unprotected person will fall down,\novercome by the power of the charm which is transmitted through the\nshadow.(274) In the Punjaub some people believe that if the shadow of a\npregnant woman fell on a snake, it would blind the creature\ninstantly.(275)\n\n(M58) Hence the savage makes it a rule to shun the shadow of certain\npersons whom for various reasons he regards as sources of dangerous\ninfluence. Amongst the dangerous classes he commonly ranks mourners and\nwomen in general, but especially his mother-in-law. The Shuswap Indians of\nBritish Columbia think that the shadow of a mourner falling upon a person\nwould make him sick.(276) Amongst the Kurnai tribe of Victoria novices at\ninitiation were cautioned not to let a woman\u2019s shadow fall across them, as\nthis would make them thin, lazy, and stupid.(277) An Australian native is\nsaid to have once nearly died of fright because the shadow of his\nmother-in-law fell on his legs as he lay asleep under a tree.(278) The awe\nand dread with which the untutored savage contemplates his mother-in-law\nare amongst the most familiar facts of anthropology. In the Yuin tribes of\nNew South Wales the rule which forbade a man to hold any communication\nwith his wife\u2019s mother was very strict. He might not look at her or even\nin her direction. It was a ground of divorce if his shadow happened to\nfall on his mother-in-law: in that case he had to leave his wife, and she\nreturned to her parents.(279) In the Hunter River tribes of New South\nWales it was formerly death for a man to speak to his mother-in-law;\nhowever, in later times the wretch who had committed this heinous crime\nwas suffered to live, but he was severely reprimanded and banished for a\ntime from the camp.(280) In the Kulin tribe it was thought that if a woman\nlooked at or spoke to her son-in-law or even his brother, her hair would\nturn white. The same result, it was supposed, would follow if she ate of\ngame which had been presented to her husband by her son-in-law; but she\ncould obviate this ill consequence by blackening her face, and especially\nher mouth, with charcoal, for then her hair would not turn white.(281)\nSimilarly in the Kurnai tribe of Victoria a woman is not permitted to see\nher daughter\u2019s husband in camp or elsewhere. When he is present, she keeps\nher head covered with an opossum rug. The camp of the mother-in-law faces\nin a different direction to that of her son-in-law. A screen of high\nbushes is erected between both huts, so that no one can see over from\neither. When the mother-in-law goes for firewood, she crouches down as she\ngoes out or in, with her head covered.(282) In Uganda a man may not see\nhis mother-in-law nor speak to her face to face. Should they meet by\naccident, she must turn aside and cover her head with her clothes; or if\nher garments are too scanty for that, she may squat on her haunches and\nhide her face in her hands. If he wishes to hold any communication with\nher, it must be done through a third person, or through a wall or closed\ndoor. Were he to break these rules, he would certainly be seized with a\nshaking of the hands and general debility.(283) Among some tribes of\neastern Africa which formerly acknowledged the suzerainty of the sultan of\nZanzibar, before a young couple had children they might meet neither their\nfather-in-law nor their mother-in-law. To avoid them they must take a long\nroundabout. But if they could not do that, they must throw themselves on\nthe ground and hide their faces till the father-in-law or mother-in-law\nhad passed by.(284) Among the Basutos a man may never meet his wife\u2019s\nmother, nor speak to her, nor see her. If his wife is ill and her mother\ncomes to nurse her, he must flee the house so long as she is in it;\nsentinels are posted to warn him of her departure.(285) In New Britain the\nnative imagination fails to conceive the extent and nature of the\ncalamities which would result from a man\u2019s accidentally speaking to his\nwife\u2019s mother; suicide of one or both would probably be the only course\nopen to them. The most solemn form of oath a New Briton can take is, \u201cSir,\nif I am not telling the truth, I hope I may shake hands with my\nmother-in-law.\u201d(286) At Vanua Lava in the Banks Islands, a man would not\nso much as follow his mother-in-law along the beach until the rising tide\nhad washed out her footprints in the sand.(287) To avoid meeting his\nmother-in-law face to face a very desperate Apache Indian, one of the\nbravest of the brave, has been seen to clamber along the brink of a\nprecipice at the risk of his life, hanging on to rocks from which had he\nfallen he would have been dashed to pieces or at least have broken several\nof his limbs.(288) Still more curious and difficult to explain is the rule\nwhich forbids certain African kings, after the coronation ceremonies have\nbeen completed, ever to see their own mothers again. This restriction was\nimposed on the kings of Benin and Uganda. Yet the queen-mothers lived in\nregal state with a court and lands of their own. In Uganda it was thought\nthat if the king were to see his mother again, some evil and probably\ndeath would surely befall him.(289)\n\n(M59) Where the shadow is regarded as so intimately bound up with the life\nof the man that its loss entails debility or death, it is natural to\nexpect that its diminution should be regarded with solicitude and\napprehension, as betokening a corresponding decrease in the vital energy\nof its owner. An elegant Greek rhetorician has compared the man who lives\nonly for fame to one who should set all his heart on his shadow, puffed up\nand boastful when it lengthened, sad and dejected when it shortened,\nwasting and pining away when it dwindled to nothing. The spirits of such\nan one, he goes on, would necessarily be volatile, since they must rise or\nfall with every passing hour of the day. In the morning, when the level\nsun, just risen above the eastern horizon, stretched out his shadow to\nenormous length, rivalling the shadows cast by the cypresses and the\ntowers on the city wall, how blithe and exultant would he be, fancying\nthat in stature he had become a match for the fabled giants of old; with\nwhat a lofty port he would then strut and shew himself in the streets and\nthe market-place and wherever men congregated, that he might be seen and\nadmired of all. But as the day wore on, his countenance would change and\nhe would slink back crestfallen to his house. At noon, when his once\ntowering shadow had shrunk to his feet, he would shut himself up and\nrefuse to stir abroad, ashamed to look his fellow-townsmen in the face;\nbut in the afternoon his drooping spirits would revive, and as the day\ndeclined his joy and pride would swell again with the length of the\nevening shadows.(290) The rhetorician who thus sought to expose the vanity\nof fame as an object of human ambition by likening it to an ever-changing\nshadow, little dreamed that in real life there were men who set almost as\nmuch store by their shadows as the fool whom he had conjured up in his\nimagination to point a moral. So hard is it for the straining wings of\nfancy to outstrip the folly of mankind. In Amboyna and Uliase, two islands\nnear the equator, where necessarily there is little or no shadow cast at\nnoon, the people make it a rule not to go out of the house at mid-day,\nbecause they fancy that by doing so a man may lose the shadow of his\nsoul.(291) The Mangaians tell of a mighty warrior, Tukaitawa, whose\nstrength waxed and waned with the length of his shadow. In the morning,\nwhen his shadow fell longest, his strength was greatest; but as the shadow\nshortened towards noon his strength ebbed with it, till exactly at noon it\nreached its lowest point; then, as the shadow stretched out in the\nafternoon, his strength returned. A certain hero discovered the secret of\nTukaitawa\u2019s strength and slew him at noon.(292) The savage Besisis of the\nMalay Peninsula fear to bury their dead at noon, because they fancy that\nthe shortness of their shadows at that hour would sympathetically shorten\ntheir own lives.(293) The Baganda of central Africa used to judge of a\nman\u2019s health by the length of his shadow. They said, \u201cSo-and-so is going\nto die, his shadow is very small\u201d; or, \u201cHe is in good health, his shadow\nis large.\u201d(294) Similarly the Caffres of South Africa think that a man\u2019s\nshadow grows very small or vanishes at death. When her husband is away at\nthe wars, a woman hangs up his sleeping-mat; if the shadow grows less, she\nsays her husband is killed; if it remains unchanged, she says he is\nunscathed.(295) It is possible that even in lands outside the tropics the\nobservation of the diminished shadow at noon may have contributed, even if\nit did not give rise, to the superstitious dread with which that hour has\nbeen viewed by many peoples, as by the Greeks, ancient and modern, the\nBretons, the Russians, the Roumanians of Transylvania, and the Indians of\nSantiago Tepehuacan.(296) In this observation, too, we may perhaps detect\nthe reason why noon was chosen by the Greeks as the hour for sacrificing\nto the shadowless dead.(297) The loss of the shadow, real or apparent, has\noften been regarded as a cause or precursor of death. Whoever entered the\nsanctuary of Zeus on Mount Lycaeus in Arcadia was believed to lose his\nshadow and to die within the year.(298) In Lower Austria on the evening of\nSt. Sylvester\u2019s day\u2014the last day of the year\u2014the company seated round the\ntable mark whose shadow is not cast on the wall, and believe that the\nseemingly shadowless person will die next year. Similar presages are drawn\nin Germany both on St. Sylvester\u2019s day and on Christmas Eve.(299) The\nGalelareese fancy that if a child resembles his father, they will not both\nlive long; for the child has taken away his father\u2019s likeness or shadow,\nand consequently the father must soon die.(300) Similarly among some\ntribes of the Lower Congo, \u201cif the child is like its mother, father, or\nuncle, they think it has the spirit of the person it resembles, and that\nthat person will soon die. Hence a parent will resent it if you say that\nthe baby is like him or her.\u201d(301)\n\n(M60) Nowhere, perhaps, does the equivalence of the shadow to the life or\nsoul come out more clearly than in some customs practised to this day in\nsouth-eastern Europe. In modern Greece, when the foundation of a new\nbuilding is being laid, it is the custom to kill a cock, a ram, or a lamb,\nand to let its blood flow on the foundation-stone, under which the animal\nis afterwards buried. The object of the sacrifice is to give strength and\nstability to the building. But sometimes, instead of killing an animal,\nthe builder entices a man to the foundation-stone, secretly measures his\nbody, or a part of it, or his shadow, and buries the measure under the\nfoundation-stone; or he lays the foundation-stone upon the man\u2019s shadow.\nIt is believed that the man will die within the year.(302) In the island\nof Lesbos it is deemed enough if the builder merely casts a stone at the\nshadow of a passer-by; the man whose shadow is thus struck will die, but\nthe building will be solid.(303) A Bulgarian mason measures the shadow of\na man with a string, places the string in a box, and then builds the box\ninto the wall of the edifice. Within forty days thereafter the man whose\nshadow was measured will be dead and his soul will be in the box beside\nthe string; but often it will come forth and appear in its former shape to\npersons who were born on a Saturday. If a Bulgarian builder cannot obtain\na human shadow for this purpose, he will content himself with measuring\nthe shadow of the first animal that comes that way.(304) The Roumanians of\nTransylvania think that he whose shadow is thus immured will die within\nforty days; so persons passing by a building which is in course of\nerection may hear a warning cry, \u201cBeware lest they take thy shadow!\u201d Not\nlong ago there were still shadow-traders whose business it was to provide\narchitects with the shadows necessary for securing their walls.(305) In\nthese cases the measure of the shadow is looked on as equivalent to the\nshadow itself, and to bury it is to bury the life or soul of the man, who,\ndeprived of it, must die. Thus the custom is a substitute for the old\npractice of immuring a living person in the walls, or crushing him under\nthe foundation-stone of a new building, in order to give strength and\ndurability to the structure, or more definitely in order that the angry\nghost may haunt the place and guard it against the intrusion of enemies.\nThus when a new gate was made or an old gate was repaired in the walls of\nBangkok, it used to be customary to crush three men to death under an\nenormous beam in a pit at the gateway. Before they were led to their doom,\nthey were regaled at a splendid banquet; the whole court came to salute\nthem; and the king himself charged them straitly to guard well the gate\nthat was to be committed to their care, and to warn him if enemies or\nrebels came to assault the city. The next moment the ropes were cut and\nthe beam descended on them. The Siamese believed that these unfortunates\nwere transformed into the genii which they called _phi_.(306) It is said\nthat when the massive teak posts of the gateways of Mandalay were set up,\na man was bound and placed under each post and crushed to death. The\nBurmese believe that men who die a violent death turn into _nats_ or\ndemons and haunt the spot where they were killed, doing a mischief to such\nas attempt to molest the place. Thus their spirits become guardians of the\ngates.(307) This theory would explain why such sacrifices appear to be\noffered most commonly at thoroughfares, such as gates and bridges, where\nghostly warders may be deemed especially serviceable in keeping; watch on\nthe multitudes that go to and fro.(308) In Bima, a district of the East\nIndian island of Sambawa, the custom is marked by some peculiar features,\nwhich deserve to be mentioned. When a new flag-pole is set up at the\nsultan\u2019s palace a woman is crushed to death under it; but she must be\npregnant. If the destined victim should be brought to bed before her\nexecution, she goes free. The notion may be that the ghost of such a woman\nwould be more than usually fierce and vigilant. Again, when the wooden\ndoors are set up at the palace, it is customary to bury a child under each\nof the door-posts. For these purposes officers are sent to scour the\ncountry for a pregnant woman or little children, as the case may be, and\nif they come back empty-handed they must give up their own wives or\nchildren to serve as victims. When the gates are set up, the children are\nkilled, their bodies stript of flesh, and their bones laid in the holes in\nwhich the door-posts are erected. Then the flesh is boiled with horse\u2019s\nflesh and served up to the officers. Any officer who refuses to eat of it\nis at once cut down.(309) The intention of this last practice is perhaps\nto secure the fidelity of the officers by compelling them to enter into a\ncovenant of the most solemn and binding nature with the ghosts of the\nmurdered children who are to guard the gates.\n\n(M61) The practice of burying the measure of a man\u2019s shadow, as a\nsubstitute for the man himself, under the foundation-stone of a building\nmay perhaps throw light on the singular deity whom the people of Kisser,\nan East Indian island, choose to guard their houses and villages. The god\nin question is nothing more or less than the measuring-tape which was used\nto measure the foundations of the house or of the village temple. After it\nhas served this useful purpose, the tape is wound about a stick shaped\nlike a paddle, and is then deposited in the thatch of the roof of the\nhouse, where food is offered to it on all special occasions. The deified\nmeasuring-tape of the whole village is that which was used to measure the\nfoundations of the first house or of the village temple. The handle of the\npaddle-like stick on which it is wound is carved into the figure of a\nperson squatting in the usual posture; and the whole is kept in a rough\nwooden box along with one or two figures to act as its guards.(310) It is\npossible, though perhaps hardly probable, that these tapes may be thought\nto contain the souls of men whose shadows they measured at the foundation\nceremony.\n\n(M62) As some peoples believe a man\u2019s soul to be in his shadow, so other\n(or the same) peoples believe it to be in his reflection in water or a\nmirror. Thus \u201cthe Andamanese do not regard their shadows but their\nreflections (in any mirror) as their souls.\u201d(311) According to one\naccount, some of the Fijians thought that man has two souls, a light one\nand a dark one; the dark one goes to Hades, the light one is his\nreflection in water or a mirror.(312) When the Motumotu of New Guinea\nfirst saw their likenesses in a looking-glass they thought that their\nreflections were their souls.(313) In New Caledonia the old men are of\nopinion that a person\u2019s reflection in water or a mirror is his soul; but\nthe younger men, taught by the Catholic priests, maintain that it is a\nreflection and nothing more, just like the reflection of palm-trees in the\nwater.(314) The reflection-soul, being external to the man, is exposed to\nmuch the same dangers as the shadow-soul. Among the Galelareese,\nhalf-grown lads and girls may not look at themselves in a mirror; for they\nsay that the mirror takes away their bloom and leaves them ugly.(315) And\nas the shadow may be stabbed, so may the reflection. Hence an Aztec mode\nof keeping sorcerers from the house was to leave a vessel of water with a\nknife in it behind the door. When a sorcerer entered he was so much\nalarmed at seeing his reflection in the water transfixed by a knife that\nhe turned and fled.(316) In Corr\u00e8ze, a district of the Auvergne, a cow\u2019s\nmilk had dried up through the maleficent spells of a neighbouring witch,\nso a sorcerer was called in to help. He made the woman whose cow was\nbewitched sit in front of a pail of water with a knife in her hand till\nshe thought she saw the image of the witch in the water, whereupon he made\nher stab the image with the knife. They say that if the knife strikes the\nimage fair in the eye, the person whose likeness it is will suffer a\ncorresponding injury in his or her eye. This procedure, we are informed,\nhas been successful in restoring milk to the udders of a cow when even\nholy water had been tried in vain.(317) The Zulus will not look into a\ndark pool because they think there is a beast in it which will take away\ntheir reflections, so that they die.(318) The Basutos say that crocodiles\nhave the power of thus killing a man by dragging his reflection under\nwater. When one of them dies suddenly and from no apparent cause, his\nrelatives will allege that a crocodile must have taken his shadow some\ntime when he crossed a stream.(319) In Saddle Island, Melanesia, there is\na pool \u201cinto which if any one looks he dies; the malignant spirit takes\nhold upon his life by means of his reflection on the water.\u201d(320)\n\n(M63) We can now understand why it was a maxim both in ancient India and\nancient Greece not to look at one\u2019s reflection in water, and why the\nGreeks regarded it as an omen of death if a man dreamed of seeing himself\nso reflected.(321) They feared that the water-spirits would drag the\nperson\u2019s reflection or soul under water, leaving him soulless to perish.\nThis was probably the origin of the classical story of the beautiful\nNarcissus, who languished and died through seeing his reflection in the\nwater. The explanation that he died for love of his own fair image was\nprobably devised later, after the old meaning of the story was forgotten.\nThe same ancient belief lingers, in a faded form, in the English\nsuperstition that whoever sees a water fairy must pine and die.\n\n\n    \u201c_Alas, the moon should ever beam_\n    _To show what man should never see!\u2014_\n    _I saw a maiden on a stream,_\n    _And fair was she!_\n\n    _I staid to watch, a little space,_\n    _Her parted lips if she would sing;_\n    _The waters closed above her face_\n    _With many a ring._\n\n    _I know my life will fade away,_\n    _I know that I must vainly pine,_\n    _For I am made of mortal clay,_\n    _But she\u2019s divine!_\u201d\n\n\n(M64) Further, we can now explain the widespread custom of covering up\nmirrors or turning them to the wall after a death has taken place in the\nhouse. It is feared that the soul, projected out of the person in the\nshape of his reflection in the mirror, may be carried off by the ghost of\nthe departed, which is commonly supposed to linger about the house till\nthe burial. The custom is thus exactly parallel to the Aru custom of not\nsleeping in a house after a death for fear that the soul, projected out of\nthe body in a dream, may meet the ghost and be carried off by it.(322) In\nOldenburg it is thought that if a person sees his image in a mirror after\na death he will die himself. So all the mirrors in the house are covered\nup with white cloth.(323) In some parts of Germany and Belgium after a\ndeath not only the mirrors but everything that shines or glitters\n(windows, clocks, etc.) is covered up,(324) doubtless because they might\nreflect a person\u2019s image. The same custom of covering up mirrors or\nturning them to the wall after a death prevails in England, Scotland,\nMadagascar,(325) and among the Karaits, a Jewish sect in the Crimea.(326)\nThe Suni Mohammedans of Bombay cover with a cloth the mirror in the room\nof a dying man and do not remove it until the corpse is carried out for\nburial. They also cover the looking-glasses in their bedrooms before\nretiring to rest at night.(327) The reason why sick people should not see\nthemselves in a mirror, and why the mirror in a sick-room is therefore\ncovered up,(328) is also plain; in time of sickness, when the soul might\ntake flight so easily, it is particularly dangerous to project it out of\nthe body by means of the reflection in a mirror. The rule is therefore\nprecisely parallel to the rule observed by some peoples of not allowing\nsick people to sleep;(329) for in sleep the soul is projected out of the\nbody, and there is always a risk that it may not return. \u201cIn the opinion\nof the Raskolniks a mirror is an accursed thing, invented by the\ndevil,\u201d(330) perhaps on account of the mirror\u2019s supposed power of drawing\nout the soul in the reflection and so facilitating its capture.\n\n(M65) As with shadows and reflections, so with portraits; they are often\nbelieved to contain the soul of the person portrayed. People who hold this\nbelief are naturally loth to have their likenesses taken; for if the\nportrait is the soul, or at least a vital part of the person portrayed,\nwhoever possesses the portrait will be able to exercise a fatal influence\nover the original of it. Thus the Esquimaux of Bering Strait believe that\npersons dealing in witchcraft have the power of stealing a person\u2019s _inua_\nor shade, so that without it he will pine away and die. Once at a village\non the lower Yukon River an explorer had set up his camera to get a\npicture of the people as they were moving about among their houses. While\nhe was focusing the instrument, the headman of the village came up and\ninsisted on peeping under the cloth. Being allowed to do so, he gazed\nintently for a minute at the moving figures on the ground glass, then\nsuddenly withdrew his head and bawled at the top of his voice to the\npeople, \u201cHe has all of your shades in this box.\u201d A panic ensued among the\ngroup, and in an instant they disappeared helter-skelter into their\nhouses.(331) The Dacotas hold that every man has several _wanagi_ or\n\u201capparitions,\u201d of which after death one remains at the grave, while\nanother goes to the place of the departed. For many years no Yankton\nDacota would consent to have his picture taken lest one of his\n\u201capparitions\u201d should remain after death in the picture instead of going to\nthe spirit-land.(332) An Indian whose portrait the Prince of Wied wished\nto get, refused to let himself be drawn, because he believed it would\ncause his death.(333) The Mandan Indians also thought that they would soon\ndie if their portraits were in the hands of another; they wished at least\nto have the artist\u2019s picture as a kind of hostage.(334) The Tepehuanes of\nMexico stood in mortal terror of the camera, and five days\u2019 persuasion was\nnecessary to induce them to pose for it. When at last they consented, they\nlooked like criminals about to be executed. They believed that by\nphotographing people the artist could carry off their souls and devour\nthem at his leisure moments. They said that when the pictures reached his\ncountry they would die or some other evil would befall them.(335) The\nCanelos Indians of Ecuador think that their soul is carried away in their\npicture. Two of them, who had been photographed, were so alarmed that they\ncame back next day on purpose to ask if it were really true that their\nsouls had been taken away.(336) Similar notions are entertained by the\nAymara Indians of Peru and Bolivia.(337) The Araucanians of Chili are\nunwilling to have their portraits drawn, for they fancy that he who has\ntheir portraits in his possession could, by means of magic, injure or\ndestroy themselves.(338)\n\n(M66) The Yaos, a tribe of British Central Africa in the neighbourhood of\nLake Nyassa, believe that every human being has a _lisoka_, a soul, shade,\nor spirit, which they appear to associate with the shadow or picture of\nthe person. Some of them have been known to refuse to enter a room where\npictures were hung on the walls, \u201cbecause of the _masoka_, souls, in\nthem.\u201d The camera was at first an object of dread to them, and when it was\nturned on a group of natives they scattered in all directions with shrieks\nof terror. They said that the European was about to take away their\nshadows and that they would die; the transference of the shadow or\nportrait (for the Yao word for the two is the same, to wit _chiwilili_) to\nthe photographic plate would involve the disease or death of the shadeless\nbody. A Yao chief, after much difficulty, allowed himself to be\nphotographed on condition that the picture should be shewn to none of his\nsubjects, but sent out of the country as soon as possible. He feared lest\nsome ill-wisher might use it to bewitch him. Some time afterwards he fell\nill, and his attendants attributed the illness to some accident which had\nbefallen the photographic plate in England.(339) The Ngoni of the same\nregion entertain a similar belief, and formerly exhibited a similar dread\nof sitting to a photographer, lest by so doing they should yield up their\nshades or spirits to him and they should die.(340) When Joseph Thomson\nattempted to photograph some of the Wa-teita in eastern Africa, they\nimagined that he was a magician trying to obtain possession of their\nsouls, and that if he got their likenesses they themselves would be\nentirely at his mercy.(341) When Dr. Catat and some companions were\nexploring the Bara country on the west coast of Madagascar, the people\nsuddenly became hostile. The day before the travellers, not without\ndifficulty, had photographed the royal family, and now found themselves\naccused of taking the souls of the natives for the purpose of selling them\nwhen they returned to France. Denial was vain; in compliance with the\ncustom of the country they were obliged to catch the souls, which were\nthen put into a basket and ordered by Dr. Catat to return to their\nrespective owners.(342)\n\n(M67) Some villagers in Sikhim betrayed a lively horror and hid away\nwhenever the lens of a camera, or \u201cthe evil eye of the box\u201d as they called\nit, was turned on them. They thought it took away their souls with their\npictures, and so put it in the power of the owner of the pictures to cast\nspells on them, and they alleged that a photograph of the scenery blighted\nthe landscape.(343) Until the reign of the late King of Siam no Siamese\ncoins were ever stamped with the image of the king, \u201cfor at that time\nthere was a strong prejudice against the making of portraits in any\nmedium. Europeans who travel into the jungle have, even at the present\ntime, only to point a camera at a crowd to procure its instant dispersion.\nWhen a copy of the face of a person is made and taken away from him, a\nportion of his life goes with the picture. Unless the sovereign had been\nblessed with the years of a Methusaleh he could scarcely have permitted\nhis life to be distributed in small pieces together with the coins of the\nrealm.\u201d(344) Similarly, in Corea, \u201cthe effigy of the king is not struck on\nthe coins; only a few Chinese characters are put on them. They would deem\nit an insult to the king to put his sacred face on objects which pass into\nthe most vulgar hands and often roll on the ground in the dust or the mud.\nWhen the French ships arrived for the first time in Corea, the mandarin\nwho was sent on board to communicate with them was dreadfully shocked to\nsee the levity with which these western barbarians treated the face of\ntheir sovereign, reproduced on the coins, and the recklessness with which\nthey put it in the hands of the first comer, without troubling themselves\nin the least whether or not he would shew it due respect.\u201d(345) In\nMinahassa, a district of Celebes, many chiefs are reluctant to be\nphotographed, believing that if that were done they would soon die. For\nthey imagine that, were the photograph lost by its owner and found by\nsomebody else, whatever injury the finder chose to do to the portrait\nwould equally affect the person whom it represented.(346) Mortal terror\nwas depicted on the faces of the Battas upon whom von Brenner turned the\nlens of his camera; they thought he wished to carry off their shadows or\nspirits in a little box.(347) When Dr. Nieuwenhuis attempted to photograph\nthe Kayans or Bahaus of central Borneo, they were much alarmed, fearing\nthat their souls would follow their photographs into the far country and\nthat their deserted bodies would fall sick. Further, they imagined that\npossessing their likenesses the explorer would be able by magic art to\nwork on the originals at a distance.(348)\n\n(M68) Beliefs of the same sort still linger in various parts of Europe.\nNot very many years ago some old women in the Greek island of Carpathus\nwere very angry at having their likenesses drawn, thinking that in\nconsequence they would pine and die.(349) It is a German superstition that\nif you have your portrait painted, you will die.(350) Some people in\nRussia object to having their silhouettes taken, fearing that if this is\ndone they will die before the year is out.(351) In Albania Miss Durham\nsketched an old man who boasted of being a hundred and ten years old. When\nevery one recognised the likeness, a look of great anxiety came over the\npatriarch\u2019s face, and most earnestly he besought the artist never to\ndestroy the sketch, for he was certain that the moment the sketch was torn\nhe would drop down dead.(352) An artist in England once vainly attempted\nto sketch a gypsy girl. \u201cI won\u2019t have her drawed out,\u201d said the girl\u2019s\naunt. \u201cI told her I\u2019d make her scrawl the earth before me, if ever she let\nherself be drawed out again.\u201d \u201cWhy, what harm can there be?\u201d \u201cI know\nthere\u2019s a fiz (a charm) in it. There was my youngest, that the gorja\ndrawed out on Newmarket Heath, she never held her head up after, but\nwasted away, and died, and she\u2019s buried in March churchyard.\u201d(353) There\nare persons in the West of Scotland \u201cwho refuse to have their likenesses\ntaken lest it prove unlucky; and give as instances the cases of several of\ntheir friends who never had a day\u2019s health after being photographed.\u201d(354)\n\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER III. TABOOED ACTS.\n\n\n\n\n\u00a7 1. Taboos on Intercourse with Strangers.\n\n\n(M69) So much for the primitive conceptions of the soul and the dangers to\nwhich it is exposed. These conceptions are not limited to one people or\ncountry; with variations of detail they are found all over the world, and\nsurvive, as we have seen, in modern Europe. Beliefs so deep-seated and so\nwidespread must necessarily have contributed to shape the mould in which\nthe early kingship was cast. For if every person was at such pains to save\nhis own soul from the perils which threatened it on so many sides, how\nmuch more carefully must _he_ have been guarded upon whose life hung the\nwelfare and even the existence of the whole people, and whom therefore it\nwas the common interest of all to preserve? Therefore we should expect to\nfind the king\u2019s life protected by a system of precautions or safeguards\nstill more numerous and minute than those which in primitive society every\nman adopts for the safety of his own soul. Now in point of fact the life\nof the early kings is regulated, as we have seen and shall see more fully\npresently, by a very exact code of rules. May we not then conjecture that\nthese rules are in fact the very safeguards which we should expect to find\nadopted for the protection of the king\u2019s life? An examination of the rules\nthemselves confirms this conjecture. For from this it appears that some of\nthe rules observed by the kings are identical with those observed by\nprivate persons out of regard for the safety of their souls; and even of\nthose which seem peculiar to the king, many, if not all, are most readily\nexplained on the hypothesis that they are nothing but safeguards or\nlifeguards of the king. I will now enumerate some of these royal rules or\ntaboos, offering on each of them such comments and explanations as may\nserve to set the original intention of the rule in its proper light.\n\n(M70) As the object of the royal taboos is to isolate the king from all\nsources of danger, their general effect is to compel him to live in a\nstate of seclusion, more or less complete, according to the number and\nstringency of the rules he observes. Now of all sources of danger none are\nmore dreaded by the savage than magic and witchcraft, and he suspects all\nstrangers of practising these black arts. To guard against the baneful\ninfluence exerted voluntarily or involuntarily by strangers is therefore\nan elementary dictate of savage prudence. Hence before strangers are\nallowed to enter a district, or at least before they are permitted to\nmingle freely with the inhabitants, certain ceremonies are often performed\nby the natives of the country for the purpose of disarming the strangers\nof their magical powers, of counteracting the baneful influence which is\nbelieved to emanate from them, or of disinfecting, so to speak, the\ntainted atmosphere by which they are supposed to be surrounded. Thus, when\nthe ambassadors sent by Justin II., Emperor of the East, to conclude a\npeace with the Turks had reached their destination, they were received by\nshamans, who subjected them to a ceremonial purification for the purpose\nof exorcising all harmful influence. Having deposited the goods brought by\nthe ambassadors in an open place, these wizards carried burning branches\nof incense round them, while they rang a bell and beat on a tambourine,\nsnorting and falling into a state of frenzy in their efforts to dispel the\npowers of evil. Afterwards they purified the ambassadors themselves by\nleading them through the flames.(355) In the island of Nanumea (South\nPacific) strangers from ships or from other islands were not allowed to\ncommunicate with the people until they all, or a few as representatives of\nthe rest, had been taken to each of the four temples in the island, and\nprayers offered that the god would avert any disease or treachery which\nthese strangers might have brought with them. Meat offerings were also\nlaid upon the altars, accompanied by songs and dances in honour of the\ngod. While these ceremonies were going on, all the people except the\npriests and their attendants kept out of sight.(356) On returning from an\nattempted ascent of the great African mountain Kilimanjaro, which is\nbelieved by the neighbouring tribes to be tenanted by dangerous demons,\nMr. New and his party, as soon as they reached the border of the inhabited\ncountry, were disenchanted by the inhabitants, being sprinkled with \u201ca\nprofessionally prepared liquor, supposed to possess the potency of\nneutralising evil influences, and removing the spell of wicked\nspirits.\u201d(357) In the interior of Yoruba (West Africa) the sentinels at\nthe gates of towns often oblige European travellers to wait till nightfall\nbefore they admit them, fearing that if the strangers were admitted by day\nthe devil would enter behind them.(358) The whole Mahafaly country in\nMadagascar used to be tabooed to strangers of the white race, the natives\nimagining that the intrusion of a white man would immediately cause the\ndeath of their king. The traveller Bastard had the greatest difficulty in\novercoming the reluctance of the natives to allow him to enter their land\nand especially to visit their holy city.(359) Amongst the Ot Danoms of\nBorneo it is the custom that strangers entering the territory should pay\nto the natives a certain sum, which is spent in the sacrifice of buffaloes\nor pigs to the spirits of the land and water, in order to reconcile them\nto the presence of the strangers, and to induce them not to withdraw their\nfavour from the people of the country, but to bless the rice-harvest, and\nso forth.(360) The men of a certain district in Borneo, fearing to look\nupon a European traveller lest he should make them ill, warned their wives\nand children not to go near him. Those who could not restrain their\ncuriosity killed fowls to appease the evil spirits and smeared themselves\nwith the blood.(361) \u201cMore dreaded,\u201d says a traveller in central Borneo,\n\u201cthan the evil spirits of the neighbourhood are the evil spirits from a\ndistance which accompany travellers. When a company from the middle\nMahakam river visited me among the Blu-u Kayans in the year 1897, no woman\nshewed herself outside her house without a burning bundle of _plehiding_\nbark, the stinking smoke of which drives away evil spirits.\u201d(362) In Laos,\nbefore a stranger can be accorded hospitality, the master of the house\nmust offer sacrifice to the ancestral spirits; otherwise the spirits would\nbe offended and would send disease on the inmates.(363) When Madame\nPfeiffer arrived at the village of Hali-Bonar, among the Battas of\nSumatra, a buffalo was killed and the liver offered to her. Then a\nceremony was performed to propitiate the evil spirits. Two young men\ndanced, and one of them in dancing sprinkled water from a buffalo\u2019s horn\non the visitor and the spectators.(364) In the Mentawei Islands, when a\nstranger enters a house where there are children, the father or other\nmember of the family takes the ornament which the children wear in their\nhair and hands it to the stranger, who holds it in his hands for a while\nand then gives it back to him. This is thought to protect the children\nfrom the evil effect which the sight of a stranger might have upon\nthem.(365) When a Dutch steamship was approaching their villages, the\npeople of Biak, an island off the north coast of New Guinea, shook and\nknocked their idols about in order to ward off ill-luck.(366) At\nShepherd\u2019s Isle Captain Moresby had to be disenchanted before he was\nallowed to land his boat\u2019s crew. When he leaped ashore, a devil-man seized\nhis right hand and waved a bunch of palm leaves over the captain\u2019s head.\nThen \u201che placed the leaves in my left hand, putting a small green twig\ninto his mouth, still holding me fast, and then, as if with great effort,\ndrew the twig from his mouth\u2014this was extracting the evil spirit\u2014after\nwhich he blew violently, as if to speed it away. I now held a twig between\nmy teeth, and he went through the same process.\u201d Then the two raced round\na couple of sticks fixed in the ground and bent to an angle at the top,\nwhich had leaves tied to it. After some more ceremonies the devil-man\nconcluded by leaping to the level of Captain Moresby\u2019s shoulders (his\nhands resting on the captain\u2019s shoulders) several times, \u201cas if to show\nthat he had conquered the devil, and was now trampling him into the\nearth.\u201d(367) North American Indians \u201chave an idea that strangers,\nparticularly white strangers, are ofttimes accompanied by evil spirits. Of\nthese they have great dread, as creating and delighting in mischief. One\nof the duties of the medicine chief is to exorcise these spirits. I have\nsometimes ridden into or through a camp where I was unknown or unexpected,\nto be confronted by a tall, half-naked savage, standing in the middle of\nthe circle of lodges, and yelling in a sing-song, nasal tone, a string of\nunintelligible words.\u201d(368)\n\n(M71) When Crevaux was travelling in South America he entered a village of\nthe Apalai Indians. A few moments after his arrival some of the Indians\nbrought him a number of large black ants, of a species whose bite is\npainful, fastened on palm leaves. Then all the people of the village,\nwithout distinction of age or sex, presented themselves to him, and he had\nto sting them all with the ants on their faces, thighs, and other parts of\ntheir bodies. Sometimes when he applied the ants too tenderly they called\nout \u201cMore! more!\u201d and were not satisfied till their skin was thickly\nstudded with tiny swellings like what might have been produced by whipping\nthem with nettles.(369) The object of this ceremony is made plain by the\ncustom observed in Amboyna and Uliase of sprinkling sick people with\npungent spices, such as ginger and cloves, chewed fine, in order by the\nprickling sensation to drive away the demon of disease which may be\nclinging to their persons.(370) In Java a popular cure for gout or\nrheumatism is to rub Spanish pepper into the nails of the fingers and toes\nof the sufferer; the pungency of the pepper is supposed to be too much for\nthe gout or rheumatism, who accordingly departs in haste.(371) So on the\nSlave Coast of Africa the mother of a sick child sometimes believes that\nan evil spirit has taken possession of the child\u2019s body, and in order to\ndrive him out, she makes small cuts in the body of the little sufferer and\ninserts green peppers or spices in the wounds, believing that she will\nthereby hurt the evil spirit and force him to be gone. The poor child\nnaturally screams with pain, but the mother hardens her heart in the\nbelief that the demon is suffering equally.(372) In Hawaii a patient is\nsometimes pricked with bamboo needles for the sake of hurting and\nexpelling a refractory demon who is lurking in the sufferer\u2019s body and\nmaking him ill.(373) Dyak sorceresses in south-eastern Borneo will\nsometimes slash the body of a sick man with sharp knives in order, it is\nsaid, to allow the demon of disease to escape through the cuts;(374) but\nperhaps the notion rather is to make the present quarters of the spirit\ntoo hot for him. With a similar intention some of the natives of Borneo\nand Celebes sprinkle rice upon the head or body of a person supposed to be\ninfested by dangerous spirits; a fowl is then brought, which, by picking\nup the rice from the person\u2019s head or body, removes along with it the\nspirit or ghost which is clinging like a burr to his skin. This is done,\nfor example, to persons who have attended a funeral, and who may therefore\nbe supposed to be infested by the ghost of the deceased.(375) Similarly\nBasutos, who have carried a corpse to the grave, have their hands\nscratched with a knife from the tip of the thumb to the tip of the\nforefinger, and magic stuff is rubbed into the wound,(376) for the\npurpose, no doubt, of removing the ghost which may be adhering to their\nskin. Among the Barotse of south-eastern Africa a few days after a funeral\nthe sorcerer makes an incision in the forehead of each surviving member of\nthe family and fills it with medicine, \u201cin order to ward off contagion and\nthe effect of the sorcery which caused the death.\u201d(377) When\nelephant-hunters in East Africa have killed an elephant they get upon its\ncarcase, make little cuts in their toes, and rub gunpowder into the cuts.\nThis is done with the double intention of counteracting any evil influence\nthat may emanate from the dead elephant, and of acquiring thereby the\nfleetness of foot possessed by the animal in its life.(378) The people of\nNias carefully scrub and scour the weapons and clothes which they buy, in\norder to efface all connexion between the things and the persons from whom\nthey bought them.(379)\n\n(M72) It is probable that the same dread of strangers, rather than any\ndesire to do them honour, is the motive of certain ceremonies which are\nsometimes observed at their reception, but of which the intention is not\ndirectly stated. In the Ongtong Java Islands, which are inhabited by\nPolynesians, and lie a little to the north of the Solomon Islands, the\npriests or sorcerers seem to wield great influence. Their main business is\nto summon or exorcise spirits for the purpose of averting or dispelling\nsickness, and of procuring favourable winds, a good catch of fish, and so\non. When strangers land on the islands, they are first of all received by\nthe sorcerers, sprinkled with water, anointed with oil, and girt with\ndried pandanus leaves. At the same time sand and water are freely thrown\nabout in all directions, and the newcomer and his boat are wiped with\ngreen leaves. After this ceremony the strangers are introduced by the\nsorcerers to the chief.(380) In Afghanistan and in some parts of Persia\nthe traveller, before he enters a village, is frequently received with a\nsacrifice of animal life or food, or of fire and incense. The Afghan\nBoundary Mission, in passing by villages in Afghanistan, was often met\nwith fire and incense.(381) Sometimes a tray of lighted embers is thrown\nunder the hoofs of the traveller\u2019s horse, with the words, \u201cYou are\nwelcome.\u201d(382) On entering a village in central Africa Emin Pasha was\nreceived with the sacrifice of two goats; their blood was sprinkled on the\npath and the chief stepped over the blood to greet Emin.(383) Before\nstrangers entered the country or city of Benin, custom compelled them to\nhave their feet washed; sometimes the ceremony was performed in a sacred\nplace.(384) Amongst the Esquimaux of Cumberland Inlet, when a stranger\narrives at an encampment, the sorcerer goes out to meet him. The stranger\nfolds his arms and inclines his head to one side, so as to expose his\ncheek, upon which the magician deals a terrible blow, sometimes felling\nhim to the ground. Next the sorcerer in his turn presents his cheek to the\nsmiter and receives a buffet from the stranger. Then they kiss each other,\nthe ceremony is over, and the stranger is hospitably received by all.(385)\nSometimes the dread of strangers and their magic is too great to allow of\ntheir reception on any terms. Thus when Speke arrived at a certain\nvillage, the natives shut their doors against him, \u201cbecause they had never\nbefore seen a white man nor the tin boxes that the men were carrying: \u2018Who\nknows,\u2019 they said, \u2018but that these very boxes are the plundering Watuta\ntransformed and come to kill us? You cannot be admitted.\u2019 No persuasion\ncould avail with them, and the party had to proceed to the next\nvillage.\u201d(386)\n\n(M73) The fear thus entertained of alien visitors is often mutual.\nEntering a strange land the savage feels that he is treading enchanted\nground, and he takes steps to guard against the demons that haunt it and\nthe magical arts of its inhabitants. Thus on going to a strange land the\nMaoris performed certain ceremonies to make it _noa_ (common), lest it\nmight have been previously _tapu_ (sacred).(387) When Baron\nMiklucho-Maclay was approaching a village on the Maclay Coast of New\nGuinea, one of the natives who accompanied him broke a branch from a tree\nand going aside whispered to it for a while; then stepping up to each\nmember of the party, one after another, he spat something upon his back\nand gave him some blows with the branch. Lastly, he went into the forest\nand buried the branch under withered leaves in the thickest part of the\njungle. This ceremony was believed to protect the party against all\ntreachery and danger in the village they were approaching.(388) The idea\nprobably was that the malignant influences were drawn off from the persons\ninto the branch and buried with it in the depths of the forest. Before\nStuhlmann and his companions entered the territory of the Wanyamwesi in\ncentral Africa, one of his men killed a white cock and buried it in a pot\njust at the boundary.(389) In Australia, when a strange tribe has been\ninvited into a district and is approaching the encampment of the tribe\nwhich owns the land, \u201cthe strangers carry lighted bark or burning sticks\nin their hands, for the purpose, they say, of clearing and purifying the\nair.\u201d(390) On the coast of Victoria there is a tract of country between\nthe La Trobe River and the Yarra River, which some of the aborigines\ncalled the Bad Country. It was supposed to act injuriously on strangers.\nHence when a man of another clan entered it he needed some one of the\nnatives to look after him; and if his guardian went away from the camp, he\ndeputed another to take his place. During his first visit, before he\nbecame as it were acclimatised, the visitor did nothing for himself as to\nfood, drinking-water, or lodging. He was painted with a band of white\npipe-clay across the face below the eyes, and had to learn the Nulit\nlanguage before going further. He slept on a thick layer of leaves so that\nhe should not touch the ground; and he was fed with flesh-meat from the\npoint of a burnt stick, which he removed with his teeth, not with his\nlips. His drinking-water was drawn from a small hole in the ground by his\nentertainers, and they made it muddy by stirring it with a stick. He might\nonly take three mouthfuls at a time, each of which he had to let slowly\ntrickle down his throat. If he did otherwise, his throat would close\nup.(391) The Kayans and Kenyahs of Borneo think it well to conciliate the\nspirit of the land when they enter a strange country. \u201cThe old men,\nindeed, trusting to the protection afforded by omens, are in little need\nof further aid, but when young boys are brought into a new river of\nimportance, the hospitality of the local demons is invoked. The Kayans\nmake an offering of fowls\u2019 eggs, which must not be bought on the spot, but\nare carried from the house, sometimes for distances so long that the\ndevotion of the travellers is more apparent than their presents to the\nspirits of the land. Each boy takes an egg and puts it in a bamboo split\nat the end into four, while one of the older men calls upon the hills,\nrocks, trees, and streams to hear him and to witness the offering. Careful\nto disguise the true nature of the gift, he speaks of it as _ov\u0113_, a yam,\nusing a form of words fixed by usage. \u2018Omen bird,\u2019 he shouts into the air,\n\u2018we have brought you these boys. It is on their account only that we have\nprepared this feast. Harm them not; make things go pleasantly; and they\ngive you the usual offering of a yam. I give this to the country.\u2019 The\nlittle ceremony is performed behind the hut where the night is spent, and\nthe boys wait about for the charm to take effect. The custom of the\nKenyahs shows the same feeling for the unknown and unseen spirits that are\nsupposed to abound. A fowl\u2019s feathers, one for each boy, are held by an\nold man, while the youngsters touch his arm. The invocation is quite a\npowerful example of native rhetoric: \u2018Smooth away trouble, ye mystic\nmountains, hills, valleys, soil, rocks, trees. Shield the lives of the\nchildren who have come hither.\u2019 \u201d(392) When the Toradjas of central\nCelebes are on a head-hunting expedition and have entered the enemy\u2019s\ncountry, they may not eat any fruits which the foe has planted nor any\nanimal which he has reared until they have first committed an act of\nhostility, as by burning a house or killing a man. They think that if they\nbroke this rule they would receive something of the soul or spiritual\nessence of the enemy into themselves, which would destroy the mystic\nvirtue of their talismans.(393) It is said that just before Greek armies\nadvanced to the shock of battle, a man bearing a lighted torch stepped out\nfrom either side and threw his torch into the space between the hosts.\nThen they retired unmolested, for they were thought to be sacred to Ares\nand inviolable.(394) Now some peoples fancy that when they advance to\nbattle the spirits of their fathers hover in the van.(395) Hence fire\nthrown out in front of the line of battle may be meant to disperse these\nshadowy combatants, leaving the issue of the fight to be determined by\nmore substantial weapons than ghosts can wield. Similarly the fire which\nis sometimes borne at the head of an army(396) is perhaps in some cases\nintended to dissipate the evil influences, whether magical or spiritual,\nwith which the air of the enemy\u2019s country may be conceived to teem.\n\n(M74) Again, it is thought that a man who has been on a journey may have\ncontracted some magic evil from the strangers with whom he has been\nbrought into contact. Hence, on returning home, before he is readmitted to\nthe society of his tribe and friends, he has to undergo certain\npurificatory ceremonies. Thus the Bechuanas \u201ccleanse or purify themselves\nafter journeys by shaving their heads, etc., lest they should have\ncontracted from strangers some evil by witchcraft or sorcery.\u201d(397) In\nsome parts of western Africa when a man returns home after a long absence,\nbefore he is allowed to visit his wife, he must wash his person with a\nparticular fluid, and receive from the sorcerer a certain mark on his\nforehead, in order to counteract any magic spell which a stranger woman\nmay have cast on him in his absence, and which might be communicated\nthrough him to the women of his village.(398) Every year about one-third\nof the men of the Wanyamwesi tribe make journeys to the east coast of\nAfrica either as porters or as traffickers. Before he sets out, the\nhusband smears his cheeks with a sort of meal-porridge, and during his\nabsence his wife may eat no flesh and must keep for him the sediment of\nthe porridge in the pot. On their return from the coast the men sprinkle\nmeal every day on all the paths leading to the camp, for the purpose, it\nis supposed, of keeping evil spirits off; and when they reach their homes\nthe men again smear porridge on their faces, while the women who have\nstayed at home strew ashes on their heads.(399) In Uganda, when a man\nreturns from a journey, his wife takes some of the bark cloths from the\nbed of one of his children and lays them on her husband\u2019s bed; and as he\nenters the house, he jumps over one of his wives who has children by him,\nor over one of his children. If he neglects to do this, one of his\nchildren or one of his wives will die.(400) When Damaras return home after\na long absence, they are given a small portion of the fat of particular\nanimals, which is supposed to possess certain virtues.(401) A story is\ntold of a Navajo Indian who, after long wanderings, returned to his own\npeople. When he came within sight of his house, his people made him stop\nand told him not to approach nearer till they had summoned a shaman. When\nthe shaman was come \u201cceremonies were performed over the returned wanderer,\nand he was washed from head to foot, and dried with corn-meal; for thus do\nthe Navajo treat all who return to their homes from captivity with another\ntribe, in order that all alien substances and influences may be removed\nfrom them. When he had been thus purified he entered the house, and his\npeople embraced him and wept over him.\u201d(402) Two Hindoo ambassadors, who\nhad been sent to England by a native prince and had returned to India,\nwere considered to have so polluted themselves by contact with strangers\nthat nothing but being born again could restore them to purity. \u201cFor the\npurpose of regeneration it is directed to make an image of pure gold of\nthe female power of nature, in the shape either of a woman or of a cow. In\nthis statue the person to be regenerated is enclosed, and dragged through\nthe usual channel. As a statue of pure gold and of proper dimensions would\nbe too expensive, it is sufficient to make an image of the sacred _Yoni_,\nthrough which the person to be regenerated is to pass.\u201d Such an image of\npure gold was made at the prince\u2019s command, and his ambassadors were born\nagain by being dragged through it.(403) In some of the Moluccas, when a\nbrother or young blood-relation returns from a long journey, a young girl\nawaits him at the door with a _caladi_ leaf in her hand and water in the\nleaf. She throws the water over his face and bids him welcome.(404) Among\nthe Kayans of Borneo, men who have been absent on a long journey are\nsecluded for four days in a small hut made specially for the purpose\nbefore they are allowed to enter their own house.(405) The natives of\nSavage Island (South Pacific) invariably killed, not only all strangers in\ndistress who were drifted to their shores, but also any of their own\npeople who had gone away in a ship and returned home. This was done out of\ndread of disease. Long after they began to venture out to ships they would\nnot immediately use the things they obtained from them, but hung them up\nin quarantine for weeks in the bush.(406)\n\n(M75) When precautions like these are taken on behalf of the people in\ngeneral against the malignant influence supposed to be exercised by\nstrangers, it is no wonder that special measures are adopted to protect\nthe king from the same insidious danger. In the middle ages the envoys who\nvisited a Tartar Khan were obliged to pass between two fires before they\nwere admitted to his presence, and the gifts they brought were also\ncarried between the fires. The reason assigned for the custom was that the\nfire purged away any magic influence which the strangers might mean to\nexercise over the Khan.(407) When subject chiefs come with their retinues\nto visit Kalamba (the most powerful chief of the Bashilange in the Congo\nBasin) for the first time or after being rebellious, they have to bathe,\nmen and women together, in two brooks on two successive days, passing the\nnights under the open sky in the market-place. After the second bath they\nproceed, entirely naked, to the house of Kalamba, who makes a long white\nmark on the breast and forehead of each of them. Then they return to the\nmarket-place and dress, after which they undergo the pepper ordeal. Pepper\nis dropped into the eyes of each of them, and while this is being done the\nsufferer has to make a confession of all his sins, to answer all questions\nthat may be put to him, and to take certain vows. This ends the ceremony,\nand the strangers are now free to take up their quarters in the town for\nas long as they choose to remain.(408) Before strangers were admitted to\nthe presence of Lobengula, king of the Matebeles, they had to be treated\nwith a sticky green medicine, which was profusely sprinkled over them by\nmeans of a cow\u2019s tail.(409) At Kilema, in eastern Africa, when a stranger\narrives, a medicine is made out of a certain plant or a tree fetched from\na distance, mixed with the blood of a sheep or goat. With this mixture the\nstranger is besmeared or besprinkled before he is admitted to the presence\nof the king.(410) The king of Monomotapa, in South-East Africa, might not\nwear any foreign stuffs for fear of their being poisoned.(411) The king of\nCacongo, in West Africa, might not possess or even touch European goods,\nexcept metals, arms, and articles made of wood and ivory. Persons wearing\nforeign stuffs were very careful to keep at a distance from his person,\nlest they should touch him.(412) The king of Loango might not look upon\nthe house of a white man.(413) We have already seen how the native king of\nFernando Po dwells secluded from all contact with the whites in the depths\nof an extinct volcano, shunning the very sight of a pale face, which, in\nthe belief of his subjects, would be instantly fatal to him.(414) In a\nwild mountainous district of Java, to the south of Bantam, there exists a\nsmall aboriginal race who have been described as a living antiquity. These\nare the Baduwis, who about the year 1443 fled from Bantam to escape\nconversion to Islam, and in their mountain fastnesses, holding aloof from\ntheir neighbours, still cleave to the quaint and primitive ways of their\nheathen forefathers. Their villages are perched in spots which deep\nravines, lofty precipices, raging torrents, and impenetrable forests\ncombine to render almost inaccessible. Their hereditary ruler bears the\ntitle of Girang-Pu-un and unites in his hands the temporal and spiritual\npower. He must never quit the capital, and none even of his subjects who\nlive outside the town are ever allowed to see him. Were an alien to set\nfoot in his dwelling, the place would be desecrated and abandoned. In\nformer times the representatives of the Dutch Government and the Regent of\nJava once paid a visit to the capital of the Baduwis. That very night all\nthe people fled the place and never returned.(415)\n\n\n\n\n\u00a7 2. Taboos on Eating and Drinking.\n\n\n(M76) In the opinion of savages the acts of eating and drinking are\nattended with special danger; for at these times the soul may escape from\nthe mouth, or be extracted by the magic arts of an enemy present. Among\nthe Ewe-speaking peoples of the Slave Coast \u201cthe common belief seems to be\nthat the indwelling spirit leaves the body and returns to it through the\nmouth; hence, should it have gone out, it behoves a man to be careful\nabout opening his mouth, lest a homeless spirit should take advantage of\nthe opportunity and enter his body. This, it appears, is considered most\nlikely to take place while the man is eating.\u201d(416) Precautions are\ntherefore taken to guard against these dangers. Thus of the Battas of\nSumatra it is said that \u201csince the soul can leave the body, they always\ntake care to prevent their soul from straying on occasions when they have\nmost need of it. But it is only possible to prevent the soul from straying\nwhen one is in the house. At feasts one may find the whole house shut up,\nin order that the soul (_tondi_) may stay and enjoy the good things set\nbefore it.\u201d(417) The Zafimanelo in Madagascar lock their doors when they\neat, and hardly any one ever sees them eating.(418) In Shoa, one of the\nsouthern provinces of Abyssinia, the doors of the house are scrupulously\nbarred at meals to exclude the evil eye, and a fire is invariably lighted,\nelse devils would enter and there would be no blessing on the meat.(419)\nEvery time that an Abyssinian of rank drinks, a servant holds a cloth\nbefore his master to guard him from the evil eye.(420) The Warua will not\nallow any one to see them eating and drinking, being doubly particular\nthat no person of the opposite sex shall see them doing so. \u201cI had to pay\na man to let me see him drink; I could not make a man let a woman see him\ndrink.\u201d When offered a drink of _pombe_ they often ask that a cloth may be\nheld up to hide them whilst drinking. Further, every man and woman must\ncook for themselves; each person must have his own fire.(421) The Tuaregs\nof the Sahara never eat or drink in presence of any one else.(422) The\nThompson Indians of British Columbia thought that a shaman could bewitch\nthem most easily when they were eating, drinking, or smoking; hence they\navoided doing any of these things in presence of an unknown shaman.(423)\nIn Fiji persons who suspected others of plotting against them avoided\neating in their presence, or were careful to leave no fragment of food\nbehind.(424)\n\n(M77) If these are the ordinary precautions taken by common people, the\nprecautions taken by kings are extraordinary. The king of Loango may not\nbe seen eating or drinking by man or beast under pain of death. A\nfavourite dog having broken into the room where the king was dining, the\nking ordered it to be killed on the spot. Once the king\u2019s own son, a boy\nof twelve years old, inadvertently saw the king drink. Immediately the\nking ordered him to be finely apparelled and feasted, after which he\ncommanded him to be cut in quarters, and carried about the city with a\nproclamation that he had seen the king drink. \u201cWhen the king has a mind to\ndrink, he has a cup of wine brought; he that brings it has a bell in his\nhand, and as soon as he has delivered the cup to the king, he turns his\nface from him and rings the bell, on which all present fall down with\ntheir faces to the ground, and continue so till the king has drank.... His\neating is much in the same style, for which he has a house on purpose,\nwhere his victuals are set upon a bensa or table: which he goes to, and\nshuts the door: when he has done, he knocks and comes out. So that none\never see the king eat or drink. For it is believed that if any one should,\nthe king shall immediately die.\u201d The remnants of his food are buried,\ndoubtless to prevent them from falling into the hands of sorcerers, who by\nmeans of these fragments might cast a fatal spell over the monarch.(425)\nThe rules observed by the neighbouring king of Cacongo were similar; it\nwas thought that the king would die if any of his subjects were to see him\ndrink.(426) It is a capital offence to see the king of Dahomey at his\nmeals. When he drinks in public, as he does on extraordinary occasions, he\nhides himself behind a curtain, or handkerchiefs are held up round his\nhead, and all the people throw themselves with their faces to the\nearth.(427) Any one who saw the Muata Jamwo (a great potentate in the\nCongo Basin) eating or drinking would certainly be put to death.(428) When\nthe king (_Muata_) of Cazembe raises his glass to his mouth to drink, all\nwho are present prostrate themselves and avert their faces in such a\nmanner as not to see him drinking.(429) At Asaba, on the Lower Niger,\nwhere the kings or chiefs number fully four hundred, no one is allowed to\nprepare the royal dishes. The chiefs act as their own cooks and eat in the\nstrictest privacy.(430) The king and royal family of Walo, on the Senegal,\nnever take their meals in public; it is expressly forbidden to see them\neating.(431) Among the Monbutto of central Africa the king invariably\ntakes his meals in private; no one may see the contents of his dish, and\nall that he leaves is carefully thrown into a pit set apart for that\npurpose. Everything that the king has handled is held sacred and may not\nbe touched.(432) When the king of Unyoro in central Africa went to drink\nmilk in the dairy, every man must leave the royal enclosure and all the\nwomen had to cover their heads till the king returned. No one might see\nhim drink. One wife accompanied him to the dairy and handed him the\nmilk-pot, but she turned away her face while he drained it.(433) The king\nof Susa, a region to the south of Abyssinia, presides daily at the feast\nin the long banqueting-hall, but is hidden from the gaze of his subjects\nby a curtain.(434) Among the Ewe-speaking peoples of the Slave Coast the\nperson of the king is sacred, and if he drinks in public every one must\nturn away the head so as not to see him, while some of the women of the\ncourt hold up a cloth before him as a screen. He never eats in public, and\nthe people pretend to believe that he neither eats nor sleeps. It is\ncriminal to say the contrary.(435) When the king of Tonga ate, all the\npeople turned their backs to him.(436) In the palace of the Persian kings\nthere were two dining-rooms opposite each other; in one of them the king\ndined, in the other his guests. He could see them through a curtain on the\ndoor, but they could not see him. Generally the king took his meals alone;\nbut sometimes his wife or some of his sons dined with him.(437)\n\n\n\n\n\u00a7 3. Taboos on shewing the Face.\n\n\n(M78) In some of the preceding cases the intention of eating and drinking\nin strict seclusion may perhaps be to hinder evil influences from entering\nthe body rather than to prevent the escape of the soul. This certainly is\nthe motive of some drinking customs observed by natives of the Congo\nregion. Thus we are told of these people that \u201cthere is hardly a native\nwho would dare to swallow a liquid without first conjuring the spirits.\nOne of them rings a bell all the time he is drinking; another crouches\ndown and places his left hand on the earth; another veils his head;\nanother puts a stalk of grass or a leaf in his hair, or marks his forehead\nwith a line of clay. This fetish custom assumes very varied forms. To\nexplain them, the black is satisfied to say that they are an energetic\nmode of conjuring spirits.\u201d In this part of the world a chief will\ncommonly ring a bell at each draught of beer which he swallows, and at the\nsame moment a lad stationed in front of him brandishes a spear \u201cto keep at\nbay the spirits which might try to sneak into the old chief\u2019s body by the\nsame road as the _massanga_ (beer).\u201d(438) The same motive of warding off\nevil spirits probably explains the custom observed by some African sultans\nof veiling their faces. The Sultan of Darfur wraps up his face with a\npiece of white muslin, which goes round his head several times, covering\nhis mouth and nose first, and then his forehead, so that only his eyes are\nvisible. The same custom of veiling the face as a mark of sovereignty is\nsaid to be observed in other parts of central Africa.(439) The Sultan of\nWadai always speaks from behind a curtain; no one sees his face except his\nintimates and a few favoured persons.(440) Similarly the Sultan of Bornu\nnever shewed himself to his people and only spoke to them from behind a\ncurtain.(441) The king of Chonga, a town on the right bank of the Niger\nabove Egga, may not be seen by his subjects nor by strangers. At an\ninterview he sits in his palace concealed by a mat which hangs like a\ncurtain, and from behind it he converses with his visitor.(442) The Muysca\nIndians of Colombia had such a respect for their chiefs that they dared\nnot lift their eyes on them, but always turned their backs when they had\nto address them. If a thief, after repeated punishments, proved\nincorrigible, they took him to the chief, and one of the nobles, turning\nthe culprit round, said to him, \u201cSince you think yourself so great a lord\nthat you have the right to break the laws, you have the right to look at\nthe chief.\u201d From that moment the criminal was regarded as infamous. Nobody\nwould have anything to do with him or even speak to him, and he died an\noutcast.(443) Montezuma was revered by his subjects as a god, and he set\nso much store on their reverence that if on going out of the city he saw a\nman lift up his eyes on him, he had the rash gazer put to death. He\ngenerally lived in the retirement of his palace, seldom shewing himself.\nOn the days when he went to visit his gardens, he was carried in a litter\nthrough a street which was enclosed by walls; none but his bearers had the\nright to pass along that street.(444) It was a law of the Medes that their\nking should be seen by nobody.(445) The king of Jebu, on the Slave Coast\nof West Africa, is surrounded by a great deal of mystery. Until lately his\nface might not be seen even by his own subjects, and if circumstances\ncompelled him to communicate with them he did so through a screen which\nconcealed him from view. Now, though his face may be seen, it is customary\nto hide his body; and at audiences a cloth is held before him so as to\nconceal him from the neck downwards, and it is raised so as to cover him\naltogether whenever he coughs, sneezes, spits, or takes snuff. His face is\npartially hidden by a conical cap with hanging strings of beads.(446)\nAmongst the Tuaregs of the Sahara all the men (but not the women) keep the\nlower part of their face, especially the mouth, veiled constantly; the\nveil is never put off, not even in eating or sleeping.(447) Among the\nArabs men remarkable for their good looks have been known to veil their\nfaces, especially at festivals and markets, in order to protect themselves\nagainst the evil eye.(448) The same reason may explain the custom of\nmuffling their faces which has been observed by Arab women from the\nearliest times(449) and by the women of Boeotian Thebes in antiquity.(450)\nIn Samoa a man whose family god was the turtle might not eat a turtle, and\nif he helped a neighbour to cut up and cook one he had to wear a bandage\ntied over his mouth lest an embryo turtle should slip down his throat,\ngrow up, and be his death.(451) In West Timor a speaker holds his right\nhand before his mouth in speaking lest a demon should enter his body, and\nlest the person with whom he converses should harm the speaker\u2019s soul by\nmagic.(452) In New South Wales for some time after his initiation into the\ntribal mysteries, a young blackfellow (whose soul at this time is in a\ncritical state) must always cover his mouth with a rug when a woman is\npresent.(453) We have already seen how common is the notion that the life\nor soul may escape by the mouth or nostrils.(454)\n\n\n\n\n\u00a7 4. Taboos on quitting the House.\n\n\n(M79) By an extension of the like precaution kings are sometimes forbidden\never to leave their palaces; or, if they are allowed to do so, their\nsubjects are forbidden to see them abroad. We have seen that the priestly\nking at Shark Point, West Africa, may never quit his house or even his\nchair, in which he is obliged to sleep sitting; and that the king of\nFernando Po, whom no white man may see, is reported to be confined to his\nhouse with shackles on his legs.(455) The fetish king of Benin, who was\nworshipped as a deity by his subjects, might not quit his palace.(456)\nAfter his coronation the king of Loango is confined to his palace, which\nhe may not leave.(457) The king of Onitsha, on the Niger, \u201cdoes not step\nout of his house into the town unless a human sacrifice is made to\npropitiate the gods: on this account he never goes out beyond the\nprecincts of his premises.\u201d(458) Indeed we are told that he may not quit\nhis palace under pain of death or of giving up one or more slaves to be\nexecuted in his presence. As the wealth of the country is measured in\nslaves, the king takes good care not to infringe the law. One day the\nmonarch, charmed by some presents which he had received from a French\nofficer, politely attended his visitor to the gate, and in a moment of\nforgetfulness was about to break bounds, when his chamberlain, seizing his\nmajesty by his legs, and his wives, friends, and servants rushing up,\nprevented him from taking so fatal a step. Yet once a year at the Feast of\nYams the king is allowed, and even required by custom, to dance before his\npeople outside the high mud wall of the palace. In dancing he carries a\ngreat weight, generally a sack of earth, on his back to prove that he is\nstill able to support the burden and cares of state. Were he unable to\ndischarge this duty, he would be immediately deposed and perhaps\nstoned.(459) The Tomas or Habes, a hardy race of mountaineers who inhabit\nMount Bandiagara in Nigeria, revere a great fetish doctor called the Ogom,\nwho is not suffered to quit his house on any pretext.(460) Among the\nnatives of the Cross River in Southern Nigeria the sacred chiefs of\ncertain villages are confined to their compounds, that is, to the\nenclosures in which their houses are built. Such chiefs may be confined\nfor years within these narrow bounds. \u201cAmong these primitive people, the\nhead chief is often looked upon as half divine, the human representative\nof their ancestral god. He regulates their religious rites, and is by some\ntribes believed to have the power of making rain fall when they require\nit, and of bringing them good harvests. So, being of such value to the\ncommunity, he is not permitted, except on very rare occasions, to go\noutside his compound, lest evil should befall him, and the whole town have\nto suffer.\u201d(461) The kings of Ethiopia were worshipped as gods, but were\nmostly kept shut up in their palaces.(462) On the mountainous coast of\nPontus there dwelt in antiquity a rude and warlike people named the Mosyni\nor Mosynoeci, through whose rugged country the Ten Thousand marched on\ntheir famous retreat from Asia to Europe. These barbarians kept their king\nin close custody at the top of a high tower, from which after his election\nhe was never more allowed to descend. Here he dispensed justice to his\npeople; but if he offended them, they punished him by stopping his rations\nfor a whole day, or even starving him to death.(463) The kings of Sabaea\nor Sheba, the spice country of Arabia, were not allowed to go out of their\npalaces; if they did so, the mob stoned them to death.(464) But at the top\nof the palace there was a window with a chain attached to it. If any man\ndeemed he had suffered wrong, he pulled the chain, and the king perceived\nhim and called him in and gave judgment.(465) So down to recent times the\nkings of Corea, whose persons were sacred and received \u201chonours almost\ndivine,\u201d were shut up in their palace from the age of twelve or fifteen;\nand if a suitor wished to obtain justice of the king he sometimes lit a\ngreat bonfire on a mountain facing the palace; the king saw the fire and\ninformed himself of the case.(466) The Emperor of China seldom quits his\npalace, and when he does so, no one may look at him; even the guards who\nline the road must turn their backs.(467) The king of Tonquin was\npermitted to appear abroad twice or thrice a year for the performance of\ncertain religious ceremonies; but the people were not allowed to look at\nhim. The day before he came forth notice was given to all the inhabitants\nof the city and country to keep from the way the king was to go; the women\nwere obliged to remain in their houses and durst not shew themselves under\npain of death, a penalty which was carried out on the spot if any one\ndisobeyed the order, even through ignorance. Thus the king was invisible\nto all but his troops and the officers of his suite.(468) In Mandalay a\nstout lattice-paling, six feet high and carefully kept in repair, lined\nevery street in the walled city and all those streets in the suburbs\nthrough which the king was likely at any time to pass. Behind this paling,\nwhich stood two feet or so from the houses, all the people had to stay\nwhen the king or any of the queens went out. Any one who was caught\noutside it by the beadles after the procession had started was severely\nhandled, and might think himself lucky if he got off with a beating.\nNobody was supposed to peep through the holes in the lattice-work, which\nwere besides partly stopped up with flowering shrubs.(469)\n\n\n\n\n\u00a7 5. Taboos on leaving Food over.\n\n\n(M80) Again, magic mischief may be wrought upon a man through the remains\nof the food he has partaken of, or the dishes out of which he has eaten.\nOn the principles of sympathetic magic a real connexion continues to\nsubsist between the food which a man has in his stomach and the refuse of\nit which he has left untouched, and hence by injuring the refuse you can\nsimultaneously injure the eater. Among the Narrinyeri of South Australia\nevery adult is constantly on the look-out for bones of beasts, birds, or\nfish, of which the flesh has been eaten by somebody, in order to construct\na deadly charm out of them. Every one is therefore careful to burn the\nbones of the animals which he has eaten lest they should fall into the\nhands of a sorcerer. Too often, however, the sorcerer succeeds in getting\nhold of such a bone, and when he does so he believes that he has the power\nof life and death over the man, woman, or child who ate the flesh of the\nanimal. To put the charm in operation he makes a paste of red ochre and\nfish oil, inserts in it the eye of a cod and a small piece of the flesh of\na corpse, and having rolled the compound into a ball sticks it on the top\nof the bone. After being left for some time in the bosom of a dead body,\nin order that it may derive a deadly potency by contact with corruption,\nthe magical implement is set up in the ground near the fire, and as the\nball melts, so the person against whom the charm is directed wastes with\ndisease; if the ball is melted quite away, the victim will die. When the\nbewitched man learns of the spell that is being cast upon him, he\nendeavours to buy the bone from the sorcerer, and if he obtains it he\nbreaks the charm by throwing the bone into a river or lake.(470) Further,\nthe Narrinyeri think that if a man eats of the totem animal of his tribe,\nand an enemy obtains a portion of the flesh, the latter can make it grow\nin the inside of the eater, and so cause his death. Therefore when a man\npartakes of his totem he is careful either to eat it all or else to\nconceal or destroy the refuse.(471) In the Encounter Bay tribe of South\nAustralia, when a man cannot get the bone of an animal which his enemy has\neaten, he cooks a bird, beast, or fish, and keeping back one of the\ncreature\u2019s bones, offers the rest under the guise of friendship to his\nenemy. If the man is simple enough to partake of the proffered food, he is\nat the mercy of his perfidious foe, who can kill him by placing the\nabstracted bone near the fire.(472)\n\n(M81) Ideas and practices of the same sort prevail, or used to prevail, in\nMelanesia; all that was needed to injure a man was to bring the leavings\nof his food into contact with a malignant ghost or spirit. Hence in the\nisland of Florida when a scrap of an enemy\u2019s dinner was secreted and\nthrown into a haunted place, the man was supposed to fall ill; and in the\nNew Hebrides if a snake of a certain sort carried away a fragment of food\nto a spot sacred to a spirit, the man who had eaten the food would sicken\nas the fragment decayed. In Aurora the refuse is made up by the wizard\nwith certain leaves; as these rot and stink, the man dies. Hence it is, or\nwas, a constant care with the Melanesians to prevent the remains of their\nmeals from falling into the hands of persons who bore them a grudge; for\nthis reason they regularly gave the refuse of food to the pigs.(473) In\nTana, one of the New Hebrides, people bury or throw into the sea the\nleavings of their food, lest these should fall into the hands of the\ndisease-makers. For if a disease-maker finds the remnants of a meal, say\nthe skin of a banana, he picks it up and burns it slowly in the fire. As\nit burns, the person who ate the banana falls ill and sends to the\ndisease-maker, offering him presents if he will stop burning the banana\nskin.(474) In German New Guinea the natives take the utmost care to\ndestroy or conceal the husks and other remains of their food, lest these\nshould be found by their enemies and used by them for the injury or\ndestruction of the eaters. Hence they burn their leavings, throw them into\nthe sea, or otherwise put them out of harm\u2019s way. To such an extent does\nthis fear influence them that many people dare not stir beyond the\nterritory of their own village, lest they should leave behind them on the\nland of their neighbours something by means of which a hostile sorcerer\nmight do them a mischief.(475) Similar fears have led to similar customs\nin New Britain and the other islands of what is now called the Bismarck\nArchipelago, off the north coast of New Guinea. There also the natives\nbury, burn, or throw into the sea the remains of their meals to prevent\nthem from falling into the hands of magicians; there also the more\nsuperstitious of them will not eat in another village because they dread\nthe use which a sorcerer might make of their leavings when their back is\nturned. This theory has led to an odd practical result; all the cats in\nthe islands of the Archipelago go about with stumpy tails. The reason of\nthe peculiarity is this. The natives sometimes roast and eat their cats;\nand unscrupulous persons might be tempted to steal a neighbour\u2019s cat in\norder to furnish a meal. Accordingly, in the interests of the higher\nmorality people remove this stumbling-block from the path of their weaker\nbrothers by docking their cats of a piece of their tails and keeping the\nsevered portions in a secret place. If now a cat is stolen and eaten, the\nlawful owner of the animal has it in his power to avenge the crime: he\nneed only bury the piece of tail with certain spells in the ground, and\nthe thief will fall ill. Hence a man will hardly dare to steal and eat a\ncat with a stumpy tail, knowing the righteous retribution that would\nsooner or later overtake him for so doing.(476)\n\n(M82) From a like fear, no doubt, of sorcery, no one may touch the food\nwhich the king of Loango leaves upon his plate; it is buried in a hole in\nthe ground. And no one may drink out of the king\u2019s vessel.(477) Similarly,\nno man may drink out of the same cup or glass with the king of Fida\n(Whydah) in Guinea; \u201che hath always one kept particularly for himself; and\nthat which hath but once touched another\u2019s lips he never uses more, though\nit be made of metal that may be cleansed by fire.\u201d(478) Amongst the\nAlfoors of Celebes there is a priest called the _Leleen_, whose duty\nappears to be to make the rice grow. His functions begin about a month\nbefore the rice is sown, and end after the crop is housed. During this\ntime he has to observe certain taboos; amongst others he may not eat or\ndrink with any one else, and he may drink out of no vessel but his\nown.(479) An ancient Indian way of injuring an enemy was to offer him a\nmeal of rice and afterwards throw the remains of the rice into a fishpond;\nif the fish swam up in large numbers to devour the grains, the man\u2019s fate\nwas sealed.(480) In antiquity the Romans used immediately to break the\nshells of eggs and of snails which they had eaten in order to prevent\nenemies from making magic with them.(481) The common practice, still\nobserved among us, of breaking egg-shells after the eggs have been eaten\nmay very well have originated in the same superstition.\n\n(M83) The superstitious fear of the magic that may be wrought on a man\nthrough the leavings of his food has had the beneficial effect of inducing\nmany savages to destroy refuse which, if left to rot, might through its\ncorruption have proved a real, not a merely imaginary, source of disease\nand death. Nor is it only the sanitary condition of a tribe which has\nbenefited by this superstition; curiously enough the same baseless dread,\nthe same false notion of causation, has indirectly strengthened the moral\nbonds of hospitality, honour, and good faith among men who entertain it.\nFor it is obvious that no one who intends to harm a man by working magic\non the refuse of his food will himself partake of that food, because if he\ndid so he would, on the principles of sympathetic magic, suffer equally\nwith his enemy from any injury done to the refuse. This is the idea which\nin primitive society lends sanctity to the bond produced by eating\ntogether; by participation in the same food two men give, as it were,\nhostages for their good behaviour; each guarantees the other that he will\ndevise no mischief against him, since, being physically united with him by\nthe common food in their stomachs, any harm he might do to his fellow\nwould recoil on his own head with precisely the same force with which it\nfell on the head of his victim. In strict logic, however, the sympathetic\nbond lasts only so long as the food is in the stomach of each of the\nparties. Hence the covenant formed by eating together is less solemn and\ndurable than the covenant formed by transfusing the blood of the\ncovenanting parties into each other\u2019s veins, for this transfusion seems to\nknit them together for life.(482)\n\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER IV. TABOOED PERSONS.\n\n\n\n\n\u00a7 1. Chiefs and Kings tabooed.\n\n\n(M84) We have seen that the Mikado\u2019s food was cooked every day in new pots\nand served up in new dishes; both pots and dishes were of common clay, in\norder that they might be broken or laid aside after they had been once\nused. They were generally broken, for it was believed that if any one else\nate his food out of these sacred dishes, his mouth and throat would become\nswollen and inflamed. The same ill effect was thought to be experienced by\nany one who should wear the Mikado\u2019s clothes without his leave; he would\nhave swellings and pains all over his body.(483) In Fiji there is a\nspecial name (_kana lama_) for the disease supposed to be caused by eating\nout of a chief\u2019s dishes or wearing his clothes. \u201cThe throat and body\nswell, and the impious person dies. I had a fine mat given to me by a man\nwho durst not use it because Thakambau\u2019s eldest son had sat upon it. There\nwas always a family or clan of commoners who were exempt from this danger.\nI was talking about this once to Thakambau. \u2018Oh yes,\u2019 said he. \u2018Here,\nSo-and-so! come and scratch my back.\u2019 The man scratched; he was one of\nthose who could do it with impunity.\u201d The name of the men thus highly\nprivileged was _Na nduka ni_, or the dirt of the chief.(484)\n\n(M85) In the evil effects thus supposed to follow upon the use of the\nvessels or clothes of the Mikado and a Fijian chief we see that other side\nof the god-man\u2019s character to which attention has been already called. The\ndivine person is a source of danger as well as of blessing; he must not\nonly be guarded, he must also be guarded against. His sacred organism, so\ndelicate that a touch may disorder it, is also, as it were, electrically\ncharged with a powerful magical or spiritual force which may discharge\nitself with fatal effect on whatever comes in contact with it. Accordingly\nthe isolation of the man-god is quite as necessary for the safety of\nothers as for his own. His magical virtue is in the strictest sense of the\nword contagious: his divinity is a fire, which, under proper restraints,\nconfers endless blessings, but, if rashly touched or allowed to break\nbounds, burns and destroys what it touches. Hence the disastrous effects\nsupposed to attend a breach of taboo; the offender has thrust his hand\ninto the divine fire, which shrivels up and consumes him on the spot. The\nNubas, for example, who inhabit the wooded and fertile range of Jebel Nuba\nin eastern Africa, believe that they would die if they entered the house\nof their priestly king; however they can evade the penalty of their\nintrusion by baring the left shoulder and getting the king to lay his hand\non it. And were any man to sit on a stone which the king has consecrated\nto his own use, the transgressor would die within the year.(485) The\nCazembes, in the interior of Angola, regard their king (the _Muata_ or\n_Mambo_) as so holy that no one can touch him without being killed by the\nmagical power which pervades his sacred person. But since contact with him\nis sometimes unavoidable, they have devised a means whereby the sinner can\nescape with his life. Kneeling down before the king he touches the back of\nthe royal hand with the back of his own, then snaps his fingers;\nafterwards he lays the palm of his hand on the palm of the king\u2019s hand,\nthen snaps his fingers again. This ceremony is repeated four or five\ntimes, and averts the imminent danger of death.(486) In Tonga it was\nbelieved that if any one fed himself with his own hands after touching the\nsacred person of a superior chief or anything that belonged to him, he\nwould swell up and die; the sanctity of the chief, like a virulent poison,\ninfected the hands of his inferior, and, being communicated through them\nto the food, proved fatal to the eater. A commoner who had incurred this\ndanger could disinfect himself by performing a certain ceremony, which\nconsisted in touching the sole of a chief\u2019s foot with the palm and back of\neach of his hands, and afterwards rinsing his hands in water. If there was\nno water near, he rubbed his hands with the juicy stem of a plantain or\nbanana. After that he was free to feed himself with his own hands without\ndanger of being attacked by the malady which would otherwise follow from\neating with tabooed or sanctified hands. But until the ceremony of\nexpiation or disinfection had been performed, if he wished to eat, he had\neither to get some one to feed him, or else to go down on his knees and\npick up the food from the ground with his mouth like a beast. He might not\neven use a toothpick himself, but might guide the hand of another person\nholding the toothpick. The Tongans were subject to induration of the liver\nand certain forms of scrofula, which they often attributed to a failure to\nperform the requisite expiation after having inadvertently touched a chief\nor his belongings. Hence they often went through the ceremony as a\nprecaution, without knowing that they had done anything to call for it.\nThe king of Tonga could not refuse to play his part in the rite by\npresenting his foot to such as desired to touch it, even when they applied\nto him at an inconvenient time. A fat unwieldy king, who perceived his\nsubjects approaching with this intention, while he chanced to be taking\nhis walks abroad, has been sometimes seen to waddle as fast as his legs\ncould carry him out of their way, in order to escape the importunate and\nnot wholly disinterested expression of their homage. If any one fancied he\nmight have already unwittingly eaten with tabooed hands, he sat down\nbefore the chief, and, taking the chief\u2019s foot, pressed it against his own\nstomach, that the food in his belly might not injure him, and that he\nmight not swell up and die.(487) Since scrofula was regarded by the\nTongans as a result of eating with tabooed hands, we may conjecture that\npersons who suffered from it among them often resorted to the touch or\npressure of the king\u2019s foot as a cure for their malady. The analogy of the\ncustom with the old English practice of bringing scrofulous patients to\nthe king to be healed by his touch is sufficiently obvious, and suggests,\nas I have already pointed out elsewhere, that among our own remote\nancestors scrofula may have obtained its name of the King\u2019s Evil, from a\nbelief, like that of the Tongans, that it was caused as well as cured by\ncontact with the divine majesty of kings.(488)\n\n(M86) In New Zealand the dread of the sanctity of chiefs was at least as\ngreat as in Tonga. Their ghostly power, derived from an ancestral spirit\nor _atua_, diffused itself by contagion over everything they touched, and\ncould strike dead all who rashly or unwittingly meddled with it.(489) For\ninstance, it once happened that a New Zealand chief of high rank and great\nsanctity had left the remains of his dinner by the wayside. A slave, a\nstout, hungry fellow, coming up after the chief had gone, saw the\nunfinished dinner, and ate it up without asking questions. Hardly had he\nfinished when he was informed by a horror-stricken spectator that the food\nof which he had eaten was the chief\u2019s. \u201cI knew the unfortunate delinquent\nwell. He was remarkable for courage, and had signalised himself in the\nwars of the tribe,\u201d but \u201cno sooner did he hear the fatal news than he was\nseized by the most extraordinary convulsions and cramp in the stomach,\nwhich never ceased till he died, about sundown the same day. He was a\nstrong man, in the prime of life, and if any pakeha [European] freethinker\nshould have said he was not killed by the _tapu_ of the chief, which had\nbeen communicated to the food by contact, he would have been listened to\nwith feelings of contempt for his ignorance and inability to understand\nplain and direct evidence.\u201d(490) This is not a solitary case. A Maori\nwoman having eaten of some fruit, and being afterwards told that the fruit\nhad been taken from a tabooed place, exclaimed that the spirit of the\nchief, whose sanctity had been thus profaned, would kill her. This was in\nthe afternoon, and next day by twelve o\u2019clock she was dead.(491) An\nobserver who knows the Maoris well, says, \u201cTapu [taboo] is an awful\nweapon. I have seen a strong young man die the same day he was tapued; the\nvictims die under it as though their strength ran out as water.\u201d(492) A\nMaori chief\u2019s tinder-box was once the means of killing several persons;\nfor, having been lost by him, and found by some men who used it to light\ntheir pipes, they died of fright on learning to whom it had belonged. So,\ntoo, the garments of a high New Zealand chief will kill any one else who\nwears them. A chief was observed by a missionary to throw down a precipice\na blanket which he found too heavy to carry. Being asked by the missionary\nwhy he did not leave it on a tree for the use of a future traveller, the\nchief replied that \u201cit was the fear of its being taken by another which\ncaused him to throw it where he did, for if it were worn, his tapu\u201d (that\nis, his spiritual power communicated by contact to the blanket and through\nthe blanket to the man) \u201cwould kill the person.\u201d(493) For a similar reason\na Maori chief would not blow a fire with his mouth; for his sacred breath\nwould communicate its sanctity to the fire, which would pass it on to the\npot on the fire, which would pass it on to the meat in the pot, which\nwould pass it on to the man who ate the meat, which was in the pot, which\nstood on the fire, which was breathed on by the chief; so that the eater,\ninfected by the chief\u2019s breath conveyed through these intermediaries,\nwould surely die.(494)\n\n(M87) Thus in the Polynesian race, to which the Maoris belong,\nsuperstition erected round the persons of sacred chiefs a real, though at\nthe same time purely imaginary barrier, to transgress which actually\nentailed the death of the transgressor whenever he became aware of what he\nhad done. This fatal power of the imagination working through\nsuperstitious terrors is by no means confined to one race; it appears to\nbe common among savages. For example, among the aborigines of Australia a\nnative will die after the infliction of even the most superficial wound if\nonly he believes that the weapon which inflicted the wound had been sung\nover and thus endowed with magical virtue. He simply lies down, refuses\nfood, and pines away.(495) Similarly among some of the Indian tribes of\nBrazil, if the medicine-man predicted the death of any one who had\noffended him, \u201cthe wretch took to his hammock instantly in such full\nexpectation of dying, that he would neither eat nor drink, and the\nprediction was a sentence which faith effectually executed.\u201d(496) Speaking\nof certain African races Major Leonard observes: \u201cI have seen more than\none hardened old Haussa soldier dying steadily and by inches, because he\nbelieved himself to be bewitched; so that no nourishment or medicines that\nwere given to him had the slightest effect either to check the mischief or\nto improve his condition in any way, and nothing was able to divert him\nfrom a fate which he considered inevitable. In the same way, and under\nvery similar conditions, I have seen Kru-men and others die, in spite of\nevery effort that was made to save them, simply because they had made up\ntheir minds, not (as we thought at the time) to die, but that being in the\nclutch of malignant demons they were bound to die.\u201d(497) The Capuchin\nmissionary Merolla da Sorrento, who travelled in the West African kingdom\nof Congo in the latter part of the seventeenth century, has described a\nremarkable case of death wrought purely by superstitious fear. He says:\n\u201cIt is a custom that either the parents or the wizards give certain rules\nto be inviolably observed by the young people, and which they call\n_chegilla_: these are to abstain from eating either some sorts of poultry,\nthe flesh of some kinds of wild beasts, such and such fruits, roots either\nraw or boiled after this or another manner, with several other ridiculous\ninjunctions of the like nature, too many to be enumerated here. You would\nwonder with what religious observance these commands are obeyed. These\nyoung people would sooner chuse to fast several days together, than to\ntaste the least bit of what has been forbidden them; and if it sometimes\nhappen that the _chegilla_ has been neglected to have been given them by\ntheir parents, they think they shall presently die unless they go\nimmediately to receive it from the wizards. A certain young negro, being\nupon a journey, lodged in a friend\u2019s house by the way: his friend, before\nhe went out the next morning, had got a wild hen ready for his breakfast,\nthey being much better than the tame ones. The negro hereupon demanded,\n\u2018If it were a wild hen?\u2019 His host answered, \u2018No\u2019: then he fell on\nheartily, and afterwards proceeded on his journey. About four years after\nthese two met together again, and the aforesaid negro being not yet\nmarried, his old friend asked him, \u2018If he would eat a wild hen?\u2019 To which\nhe answered, \u2018That he had received the _chegilla_, and therefore could\nnot.\u2019 Hereat the host began immediately to laugh, enquiring of him, \u2018What\nmade him refuse it now, when he had eaten one at his table about four\nyears ago?\u2019 At the hearing of this the negro immediately fell a trembling,\nand suffered himself to be so far possessed with the effects of\nimagination, that he died in less than twenty-four hours after.\u201d(498)\n\n\n\n\n\u00a7 2. Mourners tabooed.\n\n\n(M88) Thus regarding his sacred chiefs and kings as charged with a\nmysterious spiritual force which so to say explodes at contact, the savage\nnaturally ranks them among the dangerous classes of society, and imposes\nupon them the same sort of restraints that he lays on manslayers,\nmenstruous women, and other persons whom he looks upon with a certain fear\nand horror. For example, sacred kings and priests in Polynesia were not\nallowed to touch food with their hands, and had therefore to be fed by\nothers;(499) and as we have just seen, their vessels, garments, and other\nproperty might not be used by others on pain of disease and death. Now\nprecisely the same observances are exacted by some savages from girls at\ntheir first menstruation, women after childbirth, homicides, mourners, and\nall persons who have come into contact with the dead. Thus, for example,\nto begin with the last class of persons, among the Maoris any one who had\nhandled a corpse, helped to convey it to the grave, or touched a dead\nman\u2019s bones, was cut off from all intercourse and almost all communication\nwith mankind. He could not enter any house, or come into contact with any\nperson or thing, without utterly bedevilling them. He might not even touch\nfood with his hands, which had become so frightfully tabooed or unclean as\nto be quite useless. Food would be set for him on the ground, and he would\nthen sit or kneel down, and, with his hands carefully held behind his\nback, would gnaw at it as best he could. In some cases he would be fed by\nanother person, who with outstretched arm contrived to do it without\ntouching the tabooed man; but the feeder was himself subjected to many\nsevere restrictions, little less onerous than those which were imposed\nupon the other. In almost every populous village there lived a degraded\nwretch, the lowest of the low, who earned a sorry pittance by thus waiting\nupon the defiled. Clad in rags, daubed from head to foot with red ochre\nand stinking shark oil, always solitary and silent, generally old,\nhaggard, and wizened, often half crazed, he might be seen sitting\nmotionless all day apart from the common path or thoroughfare of the\nvillage, gazing with lack-lustre eyes on the busy doings in which he might\nnever take a part. Twice a day a dole of food would be thrown on the\nground before him to munch as well as he could without the use of his\nhands; and at night, huddling his greasy tatters about him, he would crawl\ninto some miserable lair of leaves and refuse, where, dirty, cold, and\nhungry, he passed, in broken ghost-haunted slumbers, a wretched night as a\nprelude to another wretched day. Such was the only human being deemed fit\nto associate at arm\u2019s length with one who had paid the last offices of\nrespect and friendship to the dead. And when, the dismal term of his\nseclusion being over, the mourner was about to mix with his fellows once\nmore, all the dishes he had used in his seclusion were diligently smashed,\nand all the garments he had worn were carefully thrown away, lest they\nshould spread the contagion of his defilement among others,(500) just as\nthe vessels and clothes of sacred kings and chiefs are destroyed or cast\naway for a similar reason. So complete in these respects is the analogy\nwhich the savage traces between the spiritual influences that emanate from\ndivinities and from the dead, between the odour of sanctity and the stench\nof corruption.\n\n(M89) The rule which forbids persons who have been in contact with the\ndead to touch food with their hands would seem to have been universal in\nPolynesia. Thus in Samoa \u201cthose who attended the deceased were most\ncareful not to handle food, and for days were fed by others as if they\nwere helpless infants. Baldness and the loss of teeth were supposed to be\nthe punishment inflicted by the household god if they violated the\nrule.\u201d(501) Again, in Tonga, \u201cno person can touch a dead chief without\nbeing taboo\u2019d for ten lunar months, except chiefs, who are only taboo\u2019d\nfor three, four, or five months, according to the superiority of the dead\nchief; except again it be the body of Tooitonga [the great divine chief],\nand then even the greatest chief would be taboo\u2019d ten months, as was the\ncase with Finow\u2019s wife above mentioned. During the time a man is taboo\u2019d\nhe must not feed himself with his own hands, but must be fed by somebody\nelse: he must not even use a toothpick himself, but must guide another\nperson\u2019s hand holding the toothpick. If he is hungry and there is no one\nto feed him, he must go down upon his hands and knees, and pick up his\nvictuals with his mouth: and if he infringes upon any of these rules, it\nis firmly expected that he will swell up and die: and this belief is so\nstrong that Mr. Mariner thinks no native ever made an experiment to prove\nthe contrary. They often saw him feed himself with his hands after having\ntouched dead chiefs, and not observing his health to decline, they\nattributed it to his being a foreigner, and being governed by different\ngods.\u201d(502) Again, in Wallis Island \u201ccontact with a corpse subjects the\nhands to the law of taboo till they are washed, which is not done for\nseveral weeks. Until that purification has taken place, the tabooed\npersons may not themselves put food to their mouths; other people render\nthem that service.\u201d(503) A rule of the same sort is or was observed in\nvarious parts of Melanesia. Thus in Fiji the taboo for handling a dead\nchief lasted from one to ten months according to his rank; for a commoner\nit lasted not more than four days. It was commonly resorted to by the lazy\nand idle; for during the time of their seclusion they were not only\nprovided with food, but were actually fed by attendants or ate their food\nfrom the ground.(504) Similarly in the Motu tribe of New Guinea a man is\ntabooed, generally for three days, after handling a corpse, and while the\ntaboo lasts he may not touch food with his hands. At the end of the time\nhe bathes and the taboo is over.(505) So in New Caledonia the two men who\nare charged with the duty of burying and guarding a corpse have to remain\nin seclusion and observe a number of rules of abstinence. They live apart\nfrom their wives. They may not shave or cut their hair. Their food is laid\nfor them on leaves and they take it up with their mouth or a stick; but\noftener an attendant feeds them, just as he might feed a man whose limbs\nwere palsied.(506) So among the Nandi of British East Africa persons who\nhave handled a corpse bathe in a river, anoint their bodies with fat,\npartially shave their heads, and live in the hut of the deceased for four\ndays. All these days they may not be seen by boys or women: they may not\ndrink milk; and they may not touch food with their hands, but must eat it\nwith the help of a potsherd or chip of a gourd.(507) Similarly in the\nBa-Pedi and Ba-Thonga tribes of South Africa men who have dug a grave may\nnot touch food with their fingers till the rites of their purification are\naccomplished; meantime they eat with the help of special spoons. If they\nbroke this rule, it is thought that they would be consumptive.(508) So in\nthe Ngarigo tribe of New South Wales a novice who has just passed through\nthe ceremony of initiation has to go away to the mountains and stay there\nfor a while, sometimes for more than six months, under the charge of one\nor more old men; and all the time of his absence among the mountains he\nmay not touch cooked food with his hands; the food is put into his mouth\nby the man who looks after him.(509)\n\n(M90) Among the Shuswap of British Columbia widows and widowers in\nmourning are secluded and forbidden to touch their own head or body; the\ncups and cooking-vessels which they use may be used by no one else. They\nmust build a sweat-house beside a creek, sweat there all night and bathe\nregularly, after which they must rub their bodies with branches of spruce.\nThe branches may not be used more than once, and when they have served\ntheir purpose they are stuck into the ground all round the hut. No hunter\nwould come near such mourners, for their presence is unlucky. If their\nshadow were to fall on any one, he would be taken ill at once. They employ\nthorn bushes for bed and pillow, in order to keep away the ghost of the\ndeceased; and thorn bushes are also laid all around their beds.(510) This\nlast precaution shews clearly what the spiritual danger is which leads to\nthe exclusion of such persons from ordinary society; it is simply a fear\nof the ghost who is supposed to be hovering near them. Among the Thompson\nIndians of British Columbia the persons who handled a corpse and dug the\ngrave were secluded for four days. They fasted until the body was buried,\nafter which they were given food apart from the other people. They would\nnot touch the food with their hands, but must put it into their mouths\nwith sharp-pointed sticks. They ate off a small mat, and drank out of\nbirch-bark cups, which, together with the mat, were thrown away at the end\nof the four days. The first four mouthfuls of food, as well as of water,\nhad to be spit into the fire. During their seclusion they bathed in a\nstream and might not sleep with their wives. Widows and widowers were\nobliged to observe rules of a similar kind. Immediately after the death\nthey went out and passed through a patch of rose-bushes four times,\nprobably in order to rid themselves of the ghost, who might be supposed to\nstick on a thorn. For a year they had to sleep on a bed of fir-boughs, on\nwhich sticks of rose-bushes were laid; many wore twigs of rose-bush and\njuniper in a piece of buckskin on their persons. The first four days they\nmight not touch their food, but ate with sharp-pointed sticks and spat out\nthe first four mouthfuls of each meal, and the first four of water, into\nthe fire. A widower might not fish at another man\u2019s fishing-place or with\nanother man\u2019s net; if he did, it would make the place and the net useless\nfor the season. If he transplanted a trout into another lake, before\nreleasing it he blew on the head of the fish, and after chewing deer-fat,\nhe spat some of the grease on its head in order to remove the baneful\neffect of his touch. Then he let the trout go, bidding it farewell, and\nasking it to propagate its kind in plenty. Any grass or branches that a\nwidow or widower sat or lay down on withered up. If a widow should break\nsticks or boughs, her hands or arms would also break. She might not pick\nberries for a year, else the whole crop of berries would fall off the\nbushes or wither up. She might not cook food or fetch water for her\nchildren, nor let them lie down on her bed, nor should she lie or sit\nwhere they slept. Sometimes a widow would wear a breech-cloth made of dry\nbunch-grass for several days to prevent her husband\u2019s ghost from having\nintercourse with her.(511) Among the Tinneh or D\u00e9n\u00e9 Indians of North-West\nAmerica all who have handled a corpse are subject to many restrictions and\ntaboos. They are debarred for a certain period from eating any fresh meat:\nthey may never use a knife to cut their food but must tear it with their\nteeth: they may not drink out of a vessel in common use, but must employ a\ngourd which they carry about for the purpose; and they wear peeled willow\nwands about their arms and necks or carry them in their hands as\ndisinfectants to annul the evil consequences which are supposed to follow\nfrom handling the dead.(512) Among the Indian tribes of Queen Charlotte\nSound a widow or widower goes into special mourning for a month; among the\nKoskimos the period of mourning is four months. During this time he or she\nlives apart in a very small hut behind the house, eating and drinking\nalone, and using for that purpose dishes which are not employed by other\nmembers of the tribe.(513)\n\n(M91) Among the Agutainos, who inhabit Palawan, one of the Philippine\nIslands, a widow may not leave her hut for seven or eight days after the\ndeath; and even then she may only go out at an hour when she is not likely\nto meet anybody, for whoever looks upon her dies a sudden death. To\nprevent this fatal catastrophe, the widow knocks with a wooden peg on the\ntrees as she goes along, thus warning people of her dangerous proximity;\nand the very trees on which she knocks soon die.(514) So poisonous is the\natmosphere of death that surrounds those to whom the ghost of the departed\nmay be thought to cleave. In the Mekeo district of British New Guinea a\nwidower loses all his civil rights and becomes a social outcast, an object\nof fear and horror, shunned by all. He may not cultivate a garden, nor\nshew himself in public, nor traverse the village, nor walk on the roads\nand paths. Like a wild beast he must skulk in the long grass and the\nbushes; and if he sees or hears any one coming, especially a woman, he\nmust hide behind a tree or a thicket. If he wishes to fish or hunt, he\nmust do it alone and at night. If he would consult any one, even the\nmissionary, he does so by stealth and at night; he seems to have lost his\nvoice and speaks only in whispers. Were he to join a party of fishers or\nhunters, his presence would bring misfortune on them; the ghost of his\ndead wife would frighten away the fish or the game. He goes about\neverywhere and at all times armed with a tomahawk to defend himself, not\nonly against wild boars in the jungle, but against the dreaded spirit of\nhis departed spouse, who would do him an ill turn if she could; for all\nthe souls of the dead are malignant and their only delight is to harm the\nliving.(515)\n\n\n\n\n\u00a7 3. Women tabooed at Menstruation and Childbirth.\n\n\n(M92) In general, we may say that the prohibition to use the vessels,\ngarments, and so on of certain persons, and the effects supposed to follow\nan infraction of the rule, are exactly the same whether the persons to\nwhom the things belong are sacred or what we might call unclean and\npolluted. As the garments which have been touched by a sacred chief kill\nthose who handle them, so do the things which have been touched by a\nmenstruous woman. An Australian blackfellow, who discovered that his wife\nhad lain on his blanket at her menstrual period, killed her and died of\nterror himself within a fortnight.(516) Hence Australian women at these\ntimes are forbidden under pain of death to touch anything that men use, or\neven to walk on a path that any man frequents. They are also secluded at\nchildbirth, and all vessels used by them during their seclusion are\nburned.(517) In Uganda the pots which a woman touches while the impurity\nof childbirth or of menstruation is on her should be destroyed; spears and\nshields defiled by her touch are not destroyed but only purified.(518) No\nEsquimaux of Alaska will willingly drink out of the same cup or eat out of\nthe same dish that has been used by a woman at her confinement until it\nhas been purified by certain incantations.(519) Amongst some of the\nIndians of North America, women at menstruation are forbidden to touch\nmen\u2019s utensils, which would be so defiled by their touch that their\nsubsequent use would be attended by certain mischief or misfortune.(520)\nFor instance, in some of the Tinneh or D\u00e9n\u00e9 tribes girls verging on\nmaturity take care that the dishes out of which they eat are used by no\none else. When their first periodical sickness comes on, they are fed by\ntheir mothers or nearest kinswomen, and will on no account touch their\nfood with their own hands. At the same time they abstain from touching\ntheir heads with their hands, and keep a small stick to scratch their\nheads with when they itch. They remain outside the house in a hut built\nfor the purpose, and wear a skull-cap made of skin to fit very tight,\nwhich they never lay aside till the first monthly infirmity is over. A\nfringe of shells, bones, and so on hangs down from their forehead so as to\ncover their eyes, lest any malicious sorcerer should harm them during this\ncritical period.(521) \u201cAmong all the D\u00e9n\u00e9 and most other American tribes,\nhardly any other being was the object of so much dread as a menstruating\nwoman. As soon as signs of that condition made themselves apparent in a\nyoung girl she was carefully segregated from all but female company, and\nhad to live by herself in a small hut away from the gaze of the villagers\nor of the male members of the roving band. While in that awful state, she\nhad to abstain from touching anything belonging to man, or the spoils of\nany venison or other animal, lest she would thereby pollute the same, and\ncondemn the hunters to failure, owing to the anger of the game thus\nslighted. Dried fish formed her diet, and cold water, absorbed through a\ndrinking tube, was her only beverage. Moreover, as the very sight of her\nwas dangerous to society, a special skin bonnet, with fringes falling over\nher face down to her breast, hid her from the public gaze, even some time\nafter she had recovered her normal state.\u201d(522) Among the Bribri Indians\nof Costa Rica a menstruous woman is regarded as unclean (_bukuru_). The\nonly plates she may use for her food are banana leaves, which, when she\nhas done with them, she throws away in some sequestered spot; for were a\ncow to find them and eat them, the animal would waste away and perish. And\nshe drinks out of a special vessel for a like reason; because if any one\ndrank out of the same cup after her, he would surely die.(523) In the\nislands of Mabuiag and Saibai, in Torres Straits, girls at their first\nmenstruation are strictly secluded from the sight of men. In Mabuiag the\nseclusion lasts three months, in Saibai about a fortnight. During the time\nof her separation the girl is forbidden to feed herself or to handle food,\nwhich is put into her mouth by women or girls told off to wait on\nher.(524)\n\n(M93) Among many peoples similar restrictions are imposed on women in\nchildbed and apparently for similar reasons; at such periods women are\nsupposed to be in a dangerous condition which would infect any person or\nthing they might touch; hence they are put into quarantine until, with the\nrecovery of their health and strength, the imaginary danger has passed\naway. Thus, in Tahiti a woman after childbirth was secluded for a\nfortnight or three weeks in a temporary hut erected on sacred ground;\nduring the time of her seclusion she was debarred from touching\nprovisions, and had to be fed by another. Further, if any one else touched\nthe child at this period, he was subjected to the same restrictions as the\nmother until the ceremony of her purification had been performed.(525)\nSimilarly in Manahiki, an island of the Southern Pacific, for ten days\nafter her delivery a woman was not allowed to handle food, and had to be\nfed by some other person.(526) In the Sinaugolo tribe of British New\nGuinea, for about a month after her confinement a woman may not prepare or\nhandle food; she may not even cook for herself, and when she is eating the\nfood made ready for her by her friends she must use a sharpened stick to\ntransfer it to her mouth.(527) Similarly in the Roro and Mekeo districts\nof British New Guinea a woman after childbirth becomes for a time taboo\n(_opu_), and any person or thing she may chance to touch becomes taboo\nalso. Accordingly during this time she abstains from cooking; for were she\nto cook food, not only the victuals themselves but the pot and the fire\nwould be tabooed, so that nobody could eat the victuals, or use the pot,\nor warm himself at the fire. Further at meals she may not dip her hand\ninto the dish and help herself, as the natives commonly do; she must use\nfor the purpose a long fork, with which she takes up the bananas, sweet\npotatoes, yams, and so forth, in order not to contaminate the rest of the\nfood in the vessel by the touch of her fingers. If she wishes to drink, a\ngourd is set before her, and wrapping up her hands in a cloth or coco-nut\nfibre she pours the water into a small calabash for her use; or she may\npour the water directly into her mouth without letting the gourd touch her\nlips. If anything has to be handed to her, it is not given from hand to\nhand but reached to her at the end of a long stick.(528) Similarly in the\nisland of Kadiak, off Alaska, a woman about to be delivered retires to a\nmiserable low hovel built of reeds, where she must remain for twenty days\nafter the birth of her child, whatever the season may be, and she is\nconsidered so unclean that no one will touch her, and food is reached to\nher on sticks.(529) In the Ba-Pedi and Ba-Thonga tribes of South Africa a\nwoman in childbed may not touch her food with her hands all the time of\nher seclusion; she must eat with the help of a wooden spoon. They think\nthat if she touched her victuals she might infect them with her bloody\nflux, and that having partaken of such tainted food she would fall into a\nconsumption.(530) The Bribri Indians regard the pollution of childbed as\nmuch more dangerous even than that of menstruation. When a woman feels her\ntime approaching, she informs her husband, who makes haste to build a hut\nfor her in a lonely spot. There she must live alone, holding no converse\nwith anybody save her mother or another woman. After her delivery the\nmedicine-man purifies her by breathing on her and laying an animal, it\nmatters not what, upon her. But even this ceremony only mitigates her\nuncleanness into a state considered to be equivalent to that of a\nmenstruous woman; and for a full lunar month she must live apart from her\nhousemates, observing the same rules with regard to eating and drinking as\nat her monthly periods. The case is still worse, the pollution is still\nmore deadly, if she has had a miscarriage or has been delivered of a\nstillborn child. In that case she may not go near a living soul: the mere\ncontact with things she has used is exceedingly dangerous: her food is\nhanded to her at the end of a long stick. This lasts generally for three\nweeks, after which she may go home subject only to the restrictions\nincident to an ordinary confinement.(531) Among the Adivi or forest Gollas\nof Southern India, when a woman feels the first pains of labour, she is\nturned clean out of the village and must take up her quarters in a little\nhut made of leaves or mats about two hundred yards away. In this hut she\nmust bring forth her offspring unaided, unless a midwife can be fetched in\ntime to be with her before the child is born; if the midwife arrives after\nthe birth has taken place she may not go near the woman. For ninety days\nthe mother lives in the hut by herself. If any one touches her, he or she\nbecomes, like the mother herself, an outcast and is expelled from the\nvillage for three months, The woman\u2019s husband generally makes a little hut\nabout fifty yards from hers and stays in it sometimes to watch over her,\nbut he may not go near her on pain of being an outcast for three months.\nFood is placed on the ground near the woman\u2019s hut and she takes it. On the\nfourth day after the birth a woman of the village goes to her and pours\nwater on her, but may not come into contact with her. On the fifth day the\nvillagers clear away the stones and thorny bushes from a patch of ground\nabout ten yards on the village side of the hut, and to this clearing the\nwoman removes her hut unaided; no one may help her to do so. On the ninth,\nfifteenth, and thirtieth days she again shifts her hut nearer and nearer\nto the village; and again once in each of the two following months she\nbrings her hut still nearer. On the ninetieth day of her seclusion the\nwoman is called out from her hut, washed, clad in clean clothes, and after\nbeing taken to the village temple is conducted to her own house by a man\nof the caste, who performs purificatory ceremonies.(532)\n\n(M94) These customs shew that in the opinion of some primitive peoples a\nwoman at and after childbirth is pervaded by a certain dangerous influence\nwhich can infect anything and anybody she touches; so that in the interest\nof the community it becomes necessary to seclude her from society for a\nwhile until the virulence of the infection has passed away, when, after\nsubmitting to certain rites of purification, she is again free to mingle\nwith her fellows. This dread of lying-in women appears to be widespread,\nfor the practice of shutting them up at such times in lonely huts away\nfrom the rest of the people is very common. Sometimes the nature of the\ndanger which is apprehended from them is explicitly stated. Thus in the\nisland of Tumleo, off German New Guinea, after the birth of her first\nchild a woman is shut up with her infant for five to eight days, during\nwhich no man, not even her husband, may see her; for the men think that\nwere they to see her, their bodies would swell up and they would die.(533)\nApparently their notion is that the sight of a woman who has just been big\nwith child will, on the principles of homoeopathic magic, make their\nbodies big also to bursting. The Sulka of New Britain imagine that, when a\nwoman has been delivered of a child, the men become cowardly, weapons lose\ntheir force, and the slips which are to be planted out are deprived of\ntheir power of germinating. Hence they perform a ceremony which is\nintended to counteract this mysterious influence on men and plants. As\nsoon as it is known that a woman has been brought to bed, all the male\npopulation of the village assembles in the men\u2019s clubhouse. Branches of a\nstrong-smelling tree are fetched, the twigs are broken off, the leaves\nstripped off and put on the fire. All the men present then seize branches\nwith young buds. One of them holds ginger in his hand, which, after\nreciting a spell over it, he distributes to the others. They chew it and\nspit it out on the twigs, and these twigs are afterwards laid on the\nshields and other weapons in the house, and also on the slips which are to\nbe planted; moreover they are fastened on the roofs and over the doorways\nof the houses. In this way they seek to annul the noxious infection of\nchildbirth.(534) Among the Yabim of German New Guinea, when a birth has\ntaken place in the village, all the inhabitants remain at home next\nmorning \u201cin order that the fruits of the field may not be spoiled.\u201d(535)\nApparently they fear that if they went out to their fields and gardens\nimmediately after a woman had been brought to bed, they would carry with\nthem a dangerous contagion which might blight the crops. When a Herero\nwoman has given birth to a child, her female companions hastily construct\na special hut for her to which she is transferred. Both the hut and the\nwoman are sacred and \u201cfor this reason, the men are not allowed to see the\nlying-in woman until the navel string has separated from the child,\notherwise they would become weaklings, and when later they _yumbana_, that\nis, go to war with spear and bow, they would be shot.\u201d(536) Thus the\nHerero like the Sulka appear to imagine that the weakness of a lying-in\nwoman can, on the principles of homoeopathic magic, infect any men who may\nchance to see her.\n\n(M95) Among the Saragacos Indians of eastern Ecuador, as soon as a woman\nfeels the travail-pangs beginning, she retires into the forest to a\ndistance of three or four leagues from her home, where she takes up her\nabode in a hut of leaves which has been already prepared for her. \u201cThis\nbanishment,\u201d we are told, \u201cis the fruit of the superstition of these\nIndians, who are persuaded that the spirit of evil would attach himself to\ntheir house if the women were brought to bed in it.\u201d(537) The Esquimaux of\nBaffin Land think that the body of a lying-in woman exhales a vapour which\nwould adhere to the souls of seals if she ate the flesh of any seals\nexcept such as have been caught by her husband, by a boy, or by an aged\nman. \u201cCases of premature birth require particularly careful treatment. The\nevent must be announced publicly, else dire results will follow. If a\nwoman should conceal from the other people that she has had a premature\nbirth, they might come near her, or even eat in her hut of the seals\nprocured by her husband. The vapor arising from her would thus affect\nthem, and they would be avoided by the seals. The transgression would also\nbecome attached to the soul of the seal, which would take it down to\nSedna,\u201d the mythical mother of the sea-mammals, who lives in the lower\nworld and controls the destinies of mankind.(538)\n\n(M96) Some Bantu tribes of South Africa entertain even more exaggerated\nnotions of the virulent infection spread by a woman who has had a\nmiscarriage and has concealed it. An experienced observer of these people\ntells us that the blood of childbirth \u201cappears to the eyes of the South\nAfricans to be tainted with a pollution still more dangerous than that of\nthe menstrual fluid. The husband is excluded from the hut for eight days\nof the lying-in period, chiefly from fear that he might be contaminated by\nthis secretion. He dare not take his child in his arms for the three first\nmonths after the birth. But the secretion of childbed is particularly\nterrible when it is the product of a miscarriage, especially _a concealed\nmiscarriage_. In this case it is not merely the man who is threatened or\nkilled, it is the whole country, it is the sky itself which suffers. By a\ncurious association of ideas a physiological fact causes cosmic\ntroubles!\u201d(539) Thus, for example, the Ba-Pedi believe that a woman who\nhas procured abortion can kill a man merely by lying with him; her victim\nis poisoned, shrivels up, and dies within a week. As for the disastrous\neffect which a miscarriage may have on the whole country I will quote the\nwords of a medicine-man and rain-maker of the Ba-Pedi tribe: \u201cWhen a woman\nhas had a miscarriage, when she has allowed her blood to flow, and has\nhidden the child, it is enough to cause the burning winds to blow and to\nparch the country with heat. The rain no longer falls, for the country is\nno longer in order. When the rain approaches the place where the blood is,\nit will not dare to approach. It will fear and remain at a distance. That\nwoman has committed a great fault. She has spoiled the country of the\nchief, for she has hidden blood which had not yet been well congealed to\nfashion a man. That blood is taboo (_yila_). It should never drip on the\nroad! The chief will assemble his men and say to them, \u2018Are you in order\nin your villages?\u2019 Some one will answer, \u2018Such and such a woman was\npregnant and we have not yet seen the child which she has given birth to.\u2019\nThen they go and arrest the woman. They say to her, \u2018Shew us where you\nhave hidden it.\u2019 They go and dig at the spot, they sprinkle the hole with\na decoction of _mbendoula_ and _nyangale_ (two sorts of roots) prepared in\na special pot. They take a little of the earth of this grave, they throw\nit into the river, then they bring back water from the river and sprinkle\nit where she shed her blood. She herself must wash every day with the\nmedicine. Then the country will be moistened again (by rain). Further, we\n(medicine-men) summon the women of the country; we tell them to prepare a\nball of the earth which contains the blood. They bring it to us one\nmorning. If we wish to prepare medicine with which to sprinkle the whole\ncountry, we crumble this earth to powder; at the end of five days we send\nlittle boys and little girls, girls that yet know nothing of women\u2019s\naffairs and have not yet had relations with men. We put the medicine in\nthe horns of oxen, and these children go to all the fords, to all the\nentrances of the country. A little girl turns up the soil with her\nmattock, the others dip a branch in the horn and sprinkle the inside of\nthe hole saying, \u2018Rain! rain!\u2019 So we remove the misfortune which the women\nhave brought on the roads; the rain will be able to come. The country is\npurified!\u201d(540)\n\n(M97) Similarly the Ba-Thonga, another Bantu tribe of South Africa in the\nvalley of the Limpopo river, attribute severe droughts to the concealment\nof miscarriages by women, and they perform the following rites to remove\nthe pollution and procure rain. A small clearing is made in a thick and\nthorny wood, and here a pot is buried in the ground so that its mouth is\nflush with the surface. From the pot four channels run in the form of a\ncross to the four cardinal points of the horizon. Then a black ox or a\nblack ram, without a speck of white on it, is killed and the pot is\nstuffed with the half-digested grass found in the animal\u2019s stomach. Next,\nlittle girls, still in the age of innocence, are sent to draw water, which\nthey pour into the pot till it overflows into the four channels. After\nthat the women assemble, strip off their clothes, and covering their\nnakedness only with a scanty petticoat of grass they dance, leap, and\nsing, \u201cRain, fall!\u201d Then they go and dig up the remains of the prematurely\nborn infants and of twins buried in dry ground on a hill. These they\ncollect in one place. No man may approach the spot. The women would beat\nany male who might be so indiscreet as to intrude on their privacy, and\nthey would put riddles to him which he would have to answer in the most\nfilthy language borrowed from the circumcision ceremonies; for obscene\nwords, which are usually forbidden, are customary and legitimate on these\noccasions. The women pour water on the graves of the infants and of twins\nin order to \u201cextinguish\u201d (_timula_) them, as the natives phrase it; which\nseems to imply that the graves are thought to be the source of the\nscorching heat which is blasting the country. At the fall of evening they\nbury all the remains they have discovered, poking them away in the mud\nnear a stream. Then the rain will be free to fall.(541) In these\nceremonies the pouring of water into channels which run in the direction\nof the four quarters of the heaven is clearly a charm based on the\nprinciples of homoeopathic magic to procure rain. The supposed influence\nof twins over the waters of heaven and the use of foul language at\nrain-making ceremonies have been illustrated in another part of this\nwork.(542)\n\n(M98) Among the natives of the Ngu\u00f4n So\u2019n valley in Annam, during the\nfirst month after a woman has been delivered of a child, all the persons\nof the house are supposed to be affected with an evil destiny or ill luck\ncalled _phong long_. If a member of such a household enters another house,\nthe inmates never fail to say to him, \u201cYou bring me the _phong long_!\u201d\nShould a member of a family in which somebody is seriously ill have to\nenter a house infected by the _phong long_, on returning home he always\nfumigates himself with tea leaves or some other plant in order to rid\nhimself of the infection which he has contracted; for they fear that the\nblood of the woman who has been brought to bed may harm the patient. All\nthe time a house is tainted with the _phong long_, a branch of cactus\n(_Euphorbia antiquorum_) or pandanus is hung at the door. The same thing\nis done to a house infected by small-pox: it is a danger signal to warn\npeople off. The _phong long_ only disappears when the woman has gone to\nmarket for the first time after her delivery.(543) A trace of a similar\nbelief in the dangerous infection of childbirth may be seen in the rule of\nancient Greek religion, which forbade persons who had handled a corpse or\nbeen in contact with a lying-in woman to enter a temple or approach an\naltar for a certain time, sometimes for two days.(544)\n\n(M99) Restrictions and taboos like those laid on menstruous and lying-in\nwomen are imposed by some savages on lads at the initiatory rites which\ncelebrate the attainment of puberty; hence we may infer that at such times\nyoung men are supposed to be in a state like that of women at menstruation\nand in childbed. Thus, among the Creek Indians a lad at initiation had to\nabstain for twelve moons from picking his ears or scratching his head with\nhis fingers; he had to use a small stick for these purposes. For four\nmoons he must have a fire of his own to cook his food at; and a little\ngirl, a virgin, might cook for him. During the fifth moon any person might\ncook for him, but he must serve himself first, and use one spoon and pan.\nOn the fifth day of the twelfth moon he gathered corn cobs, burned them to\nashes, and with the ashes rubbed his body all over. At the end of the\ntwelfth moon he sweated under blankets, and then bathed in water, which\nended the ceremony. While the ceremonies lasted, he might touch no one but\nlads who were undergoing a like course of initiation.(545) Caffre boys at\ncircumcision live secluded in a special hut; they are smeared from head to\nfoot with white clay; they wear tall head-dresses with horn-like\nprojections and short skirts like those of ballet-dancers. When their\nwounds are healed, all the vessels which they had used during their\nseclusion and the boyish mantles which they had hitherto worn are burned,\ntogether with the hut, and the boys rush away from the burning hut without\nlooking back, \u201clest a fearful curse should cling to them.\u201d After that they\nare bathed, anointed, and clad in new garments.(546)\n\n\n\n\n\u00a7 4. Warriors tabooed.\n\n\n(M100) Once more, warriors are conceived by the savage to move, so to say,\nin an atmosphere of spiritual danger which constrains them to practise a\nvariety of superstitious observances quite different in their nature from\nthose rational precautions which, as a matter of course, they adopt\nagainst foes of flesh and blood. The general effect of these observances\nis to place the warrior, both before and after victory, in the same state\nof seclusion or spiritual quarantine in which, for his own safety,\nprimitive man puts his human gods and other dangerous characters. Thus\nwhen the Maoris went out on the war-path they were sacred or taboo in the\nhighest degree, and they and their friends at home had to observe strictly\nmany curious customs over and above the numerous taboos of ordinary life.\nThey became, in the irreverent language of Europeans who knew them in the\nold fighting days, \u201ctabooed an inch thick\u201d; and as for the leader of the\nexpedition, he was quite unapproachable.(547) Similarly, when the\nIsraelites marched forth to war they were bound by certain rules of\nceremonial purity identical with rules observed by Maoris and Australian\nblackfellows on the war-path. The vessels they used were sacred, and they\nhad to practise continence and a custom of personal cleanliness of which\nthe original motive, if we may judge from the avowed motive of savages who\nconform to the same custom, was a fear lest the enemy should obtain the\nrefuse of their persons, and thus be enabled to work their destruction by\nmagic.(548) Among some Indian tribes of North America a young warrior in\nhis first campaign had to conform to certain customs, of which two were\nidentical with the observances imposed by the same Indians on girls at\ntheir first menstruation: the vessels he ate and drank out of might be\ntouched by no other person, and he was forbidden to scratch his head or\nany other part of his body with his fingers; if he could not help\nscratching himself, he had to do it with a stick.(549) The latter rule,\nlike the one which forbids a tabooed person to feed himself with his own\nfingers, seems to rest on the supposed sanctity or pollution, whichever we\nchoose to call it, of the tabooed hands.(550) Moreover among these Indian\ntribes the men on the war-path had always to sleep at night with their\nfaces turned towards their own country; however uneasy the posture they\nmight not change it. They might not sit upon the bare ground, nor wet\ntheir feet, nor walk on a beaten path if they could help it; when they had\nno choice but to walk on a path, they sought to counteract the ill effect\nof doing so by doctoring their legs with certain medicines or charms which\nthey carried with them for the purpose. No member of the party was\npermitted to step over the legs, hands, or body of any other member who\nchanced to be sitting or lying on the ground; and it was equally forbidden\nto step over his blanket, gun, tomahawk, or anything that belonged to him.\nIf this rule was inadvertently broken, it became the duty of the member\nwhose person or property had been stepped over to knock the other member\ndown, and it was similarly the duty of that other to be knocked down\npeaceably and without resistance. The vessels out of which the warriors\nate their food were commonly small bowls of wood or birch bark, with marks\nto distinguish the two sides; in marching from home the Indians invariably\ndrank out of one side of the bowl, and in returning they drank out of the\nother. When on their way home they came within a day\u2019s march of the\nvillage, they hung up all their bowls on trees, or threw them away on the\nprairie,(551) doubtless to prevent their sanctity or defilement from being\ncommunicated with disastrous effects to their friends, just as we have\nseen that the vessels and clothes of the sacred Mikado, of women at\nchildbirth and menstruation, of boys at circumcision, and of persons\ndefiled by contact with the dead are destroyed or laid aside for a similar\nreason. The first four times that an Apache Indian goes out on the\nwar-path, he is bound to refrain from scratching his head with his fingers\nand from letting water touch his lips. Hence he scratches his head with a\nstick, and drinks through a hollow reed or cane. Stick and reed are\nattached to the warrior\u2019s belt and to each other by a leathern thong.(552)\nThe rule not to scratch their heads with their fingers, but to use a stick\nfor the purpose instead, was regularly observed by Ojebways on the\nwar-path.(553)\n\n(M101) For three or four weeks before they went on a warlike expedition,\nthe Nootka Indians made it an invariable rule to go into the water five or\nsix times a day, when they washed and scrubbed themselves from head to\nfoot with bushes intermixed with briars, so that their bodies and faces\nwere often entirely covered with blood. During this severe exercise they\ncontinually exclaimed, \u201cGood or great God, let me live, not be sick, find\nthe enemy, not fear him, find him asleep, and kill a great many of them.\u201d\nAll this time they had no intercourse with their women, and for a week\nbefore setting out abstained from feasting and every kind of merriment.\nFor the last three days they were almost constantly in the water,\nscrubbing and lacerating themselves in a terrible manner. They believed\nthat this hardened their skin, so that the weapons of the enemy could not\npierce them.(554) Before they went out on the war-path the Arikaras and\nthe Big Belly Indians (\u201c_Gros Ventres_\u201d) \u201cobserve a rigorous fast, or\nrather abstain from every kind of food for four days. In this interval\ntheir imagination is exalted to delirium; whether it be through bodily\nweakness or the natural effect of the warlike plans they cherish, they\npretend to have strange visions. The elders and sages of the tribe, being\ncalled upon to interpret these dreams, draw from them omens more or less\nfavourable to the success of the enterprise; and their explanations are\nreceived as oracles by which the expedition will be faithfully regulated.\nSo long as the preparatory fast continues, the warriors make incisions in\ntheir bodies, insert pieces of wood in the flesh, and having fastened\nleather thongs to them cause themselves to be hung from a beam which is\nfixed horizontally above an abyss a hundred and fifty feet deep. Often\nindeed they cut off one or two fingers which they offer in sacrifice to\nthe Great Spirit in order that they may come back laden with scalps.\u201d(555)\nIt is hard to conceive any course of training which could more effectually\nincapacitate men for the business of war than that which these foolish\nIndians actually adopted. With regard to the Creek Indians and kindred\ntribes we are told they \u201cwill not cohabit with women while they are out at\nwar; they religiously abstain from every kind of intercourse even with\ntheir own wives, for the space of three days and nights before they go to\nwar, and so after they return home, because they are to sanctify\nthemselves.\u201d(556) And as a preparation for attacking the enemy they \u201cgo to\nthe aforesaid winter house, and there drink a warm decoction of their\nsupposed holy consecrated herbs and roots for three days and nights,\nsometimes without any other refreshment. This is to induce the deity to\nguard and prosper them, amidst their impending dangers. In the most\npromising appearance of things, they are not to take the least nourishment\nof food, nor so much as to sit down, during that time of sanctifying\nthemselves, till after sunset. While on their expedition, they are not\nallowed to lean themselves against a tree, though they may be exceedingly\nfatigued, after a sharp day\u2019s march; nor must they lie by, a whole day to\nrefresh themselves, or kill and barbicue deer and bear for their war\njourney. The more virtuous they are, they reckon the greater will be their\nsuccess against the enemy, by the bountiful smiles of the deity. To gain\nthat favourite point, some of the aged warriors narrowly watch the young\nmen who are newly initiated, lest they should prove irreligious, and\nprophane the holy fast, and bring misfortunes on the out-standing camp. A\ngentleman of my acquaintance, in his youthful days observed one of their\nreligious fasts, but under the greatest suspicion of his virtue in this\nrespect, though he had often headed them against the common enemy: during\ntheir three days\u2019 purification, he was not allowed to go out of the\nsanctified ground, without a trusty guard, lest hunger should have tempted\nhim to violate their old martial law, and by that means have raised the\nburning wrath of the holy fire against the whole camp.\u201d \u201cEvery war captain\nchuses a noted warrior, to attend on him and the company. He is called\n_Etiss\u00fb_, or \u2018the waiter.\u2019 Everything they eat or drink during their\njourney, he gives them out of his hand, by a rigid abstemious rule,\u2014though\neach carries on his back all his travelling conveniencies, wrapt in a deer\nskin, yet they are so bigoted in their religious customs in war that none,\nthough prompted by sharp hunger or burning thirst, dares relieve himself.\nThey are contented with such trifling allowance as the religious waiter\ndistributes to them, even with a scanty hand. Such a regimen would be too\nmortifying to any of the white people, let their opinion of its violation\nbe ever so dangerous. When I roved the woods in a war party with the\nIndians, though I carried no scrip, nor bottle, nor staff, I kept a large\nhollow cane well corked at each end, and used to sheer off now and then to\ndrink, while they suffered greatly by thirst. The constancy of the savages\nin mortifying their bodies, to gain the divine favour, is astonishing,\nfrom the very time they beat to arms, till they return from their\ncampaign. All the while they are out, they are prohibited by ancient\ncustom, the leaning against a tree, either sitting or standing; nor are\nthey allowed to sit in the day-time, under the shade of trees, if it can\nbe avoided; nor on the ground, during the whole journey, but on such\nrocks, stones, or fallen wood, as their ark of war rests upon. By the\nattention they invariably pay to those severe rules of living, they weaken\nthemselves much more than by the unavoidable fatigues of war; but it is\nfruitless to endeavour to dissuade them from those things which they have\nby tradition, as the appointed means to move the deity, to grant them\nsuccess against the enemy, and a safe return home.\u201d(557) \u201cAn Indian,\nintending to go to war, will commence by blacking his face, permitting his\nhair to grow long, and neglecting his personal appearance, and also will\nfrequently fast, sometimes for two or three days together, and refrain\nfrom all intercourse with the other sex. If his dreams are favorable, he\nthinks that the Great Spirit will give him success.\u201d(558) Among the\nBa-Pedi and Ba-Thonga tribes of south Africa not only have the warriors to\nabstain from women, but the people left behind in the villages are also\nbound to continence; they think that any incontinence on their part would\ncause thorns to grow on the ground traversed by the warriors, and that\nsuccess would not attend the expedition.(559)\n\n(M102) When we observe what pains these misguided savages took to unfit\nthemselves for the business of war by abstaining from food, denying\nthemselves rest, and lacerating their bodies, we shall probably not be\ndisposed to attribute their practice of continence in war to a rational\nfear of dissipating their bodily energies by indulgence in the lusts of\nthe flesh. On the contrary, we can scarcely doubt that the motive which\nimpelled them to observe chastity on a campaign was just as frivolous as\nthe motive which led them simultaneously to fritter away their strength by\nsevere fasts, gratuitous fatigue, and voluntary wounds at the very moment\nwhen prudence called most loudly for a precisely opposite regimen. Why\nexactly so many savages have made it a rule to refrain from women in time\nof war,(560) we cannot say for certain, but we may conjecture that their\nmotive was a superstitious fear lest, on the principles of sympathetic\nmagic, close contact with women should infect them with feminine weakness\nand cowardice. Similarly some savages imagine that contact with a woman in\nchildbed enervates warriors and enfeebles their weapons.(561) Indeed the\nKayans of central Borneo go so far as to hold that to touch a loom or\nwomen\u2019s clothes would so weaken a man that he would have no success in\nhunting, fishing, and war.(562) Hence it is not merely sexual intercourse\nwith women that the savage warrior sometimes shuns; he is careful to avoid\nthe sex altogether. Thus among the hill tribes of Assam, not only are men\nforbidden to cohabit with their wives during or after a raid, but they may\nnot eat food cooked by a woman; nay they should not address a word even to\ntheir own wives. Once a woman, who unwittingly broke the rule by speaking\nto her husband while he was under the war taboo, sickened and died when\nshe learned the awful crime she had committed.(563)\n\n\n\n\n\u00a7 5. Manslayers tabooed.\n\n\n(M103) If the reader still doubts whether the rules of conduct which we\nhave just been considering are based on superstitious fears or dictated by\na rational prudence, his doubts will probably be dissipated when he learns\nthat rules of the same sort are often imposed even more stringently on\nwarriors after the victory has been won and when all fear of the living\ncorporeal foe is at an end. In such cases one motive for the inconvenient\nrestrictions laid on the victors in their hour of triumph is probably a\ndread of the angry ghosts of the slain; and that the fear of the vengeful\nghosts does influence the behaviour of the slayers is often expressly\naffirmed. The general effect of the taboos laid on sacred chiefs,\nmourners, women at childbirth, men on the war-path, and so on, is to\nseclude or isolate the tabooed persons from ordinary society, this effect\nbeing attained by a variety of rules, which oblige the men or women to\nlive in separate huts or in the open air, to shun the commerce of the\nsexes, to avoid the use of vessels employed by others, and so forth. Now\nthe same effect is produced by similar means in the case of victorious\nwarriors, particularly such as have actually shed the blood of their\nenemies. In the island of Timor, when a warlike expedition has returned in\ntriumph bringing the heads of the vanquished foe, the leader of the\nexpedition is forbidden by religion and custom to return at once to his\nown house. A special hut is prepared for him, in which he has to reside\nfor two months, undergoing bodily and spiritual purification. During this\ntime he may not go to his wife nor feed himself; the food must be put into\nhis mouth by another person.(564) That these observances are dictated by\nfear of the ghosts of the slain seems certain; for from another account of\nthe ceremonies performed on the return of a successful head-hunter in the\nsame island we learn that sacrifices are offered on this occasion to\nappease the soul of the man whose head has been taken; the people think\nthat some misfortune would befall the victor were such offerings omitted.\nMoreover, a part of the ceremony consists of a dance accompanied by a\nsong, in which the death of the slain man is lamented and his forgiveness\nis entreated. \u201cBe not angry,\u201d they say, \u201cbecause your head is here with\nus; had we been less lucky, our heads might now have been exposed in your\nvillage. We have offered the sacrifice to appease you. Your spirit may now\nrest and leave us at peace. Why were you our enemy? Would it not have been\nbetter that we should remain friends? Then your blood would not have been\nspilt and your head would not have been cut off.\u201d(565) The people of\nPaloo, in central Celebes, take the heads of their enemies in war and\nafterwards propitiate the souls of the slain in the temple.(566) In some\nDyak tribes men on returning from an expedition in which they have taken\nhuman heads are obliged to keep by themselves and abstain from a variety\nof things for several days; they may not touch iron nor eat salt or fish\nwith bones, and they may have no intercourse with women.(567)\n\n(M104) In Logea, an island off the south-eastern extremity of New Guinea,\nmen who have killed or assisted in killing enemies shut themselves up for\nabout a week in their houses. They must avoid all intercourse with their\nwives and friends, and they may not touch food with their hands. They may\neat vegetable food only, which is brought to them cooked in special pots.\nThe intention of these restrictions is to guard the men against the smell\nof the blood of the slain; for it is believed that if they smelt the\nblood, they would fall ill and die.(568) In the Toaripi or Motumotu tribe\nof south-eastern New Guinea a man who has killed another may not go near\nhis wife, and may not touch food with his fingers. He is fed by others,\nand only with certain kinds of food. These observances last till the new\nmoon.(569) Among the tribes at the mouth of the Wanigela River, in New\nGuinea, \u201ca man who has taken life is considered to be impure until he has\nundergone certain ceremonies: as soon as possible after the deed he\ncleanses himself and his weapon. This satisfactorily accomplished, he\nrepairs to his village and seats himself on the logs of sacrificial\nstaging. No one approaches him or takes any notice whatever of him. A\nhouse is prepared for him which is put in charge of two or three small\nboys as servants. He may eat only toasted bananas, and only the centre\nportion of them\u2014the ends being thrown away. On the third day of his\nseclusion a small feast is prepared by his friends, who also fashion some\nnew perineal bands for him. This is called _ivi poro_. The next day the\nman dons all his best ornaments and badges for taking life, and sallies\nforth fully armed and parades the village. The next day a hunt is\norganised, and a kangaroo selected from the game captured. It is cut open\nand the spleen and liver rubbed over the back of the man. He then walks\nsolemnly down to the nearest water, and standing straddle-legs in it\nwashes himself. All the young untried warriors swim between his legs. This\nis supposed to impart courage and strength to them. The following day, at\nearly dawn, he dashes out of his house, fully armed, and calls aloud the\nname of his victim. Having satisfied himself that he has thoroughly scared\nthe ghost of the dead man, he returns to his house. The beating of\nflooring-boards and the lighting of fires is also a certain method of\nscaring the ghost. A day later his purification is finished. He can then\nenter his wife\u2019s house.\u201d(570) Among the Roro-speaking tribes of British\nNew Guinea homicides were secluded in the warriors\u2019 clubhouse. They had to\npass the night in the building, but during the day they might paint and\ndecorate themselves and dance in front of it. For some time they might not\neat much food nor touch it with their hands, but were obliged to pick it\nup on a bone fork, the heft of which was wrapped in a banana leaf. After a\nwhile they bathed in the sea and thence forward for a period of about a\nmonth, though they had still to sleep in the warriors\u2019 clubhouse, they\nwere free to eat as much food as they pleased and to pick it up with their\nbare hands. Finally, those warriors who had never killed a man before\nassumed a beautiful ornament made of fretted turtle shell, which none but\nhomicides were allowed to flaunt in their head-dresses. Then came a dance,\nand that same night the men who wore the honourable badge of homicide for\nthe first time were chased about the village; embers were thrown at them\nand firebrands waved in order, apparently, to drive away the souls of the\ndead enemies, who seem to be conceived as immanent in some way in the\nheadgear of their slayers.(571) Again, among the Koita of British New\nGuinea, when a man had killed another, whether the victim were male or\nfemale, he did not wash the blood off the spear or club, but carefully\nallowed it to dry on the weapon. On his way home he bathed in fresh or\nsalt water, and on reaching his village went straight to his own house,\nwhere he remained in seclusion for about a week. He was taboo (_aina_): he\nmight not approach women, and he lifted his food to his mouth with a bone\nfork. His women-folk were not obliged to leave the house, but they might\nnot come near him. At the end of a week he built a rough shelter in the\nforest, where he lived for a few days. During this time he made a new\nwaist-band, which he wore on his return to the village. A man who has\nslain another is supposed to grow thin and emaciated, because he had been\nsplashed with the blood of his victim, and as the corpse rotted he wasted\naway.(572) Among the Southern Massim of British New Guinea a warrior who\nhas taken a prisoner or slain a man remains secluded in his house for six\ndays. During the first three days he may eat only roasted food and must\ncook it for himself. Then he bathes and blackens his face for the\nremaining three days.(573)\n\n(M105) Among the Monumbos of German New Guinea any one who has slain a foe\nin war becomes thereby \u201cunclean\u201d (_bolobolo_), and they apply the same\nterm \u201cunclean\u201d to menstruous and lying-in women and also to everything\nthat has come into contact with a corpse, which shews that all these\nclasses of persons and things are closely associated in their minds. The\n\u201cunclean\u201d man who has killed an enemy in battle must remain a long time in\nthe men\u2019s clubhouse, while the villagers gather round him and celebrate\nhis victory with dance and song. He may touch nobody, not even his own\nwife and children; if he were to touch them it is believed that they would\nbe covered with sores. He becomes clean again by washing and using other\nmodes of purification.(574) In Windessi, Dutch New Guinea, when a party of\nhead-hunters has been successful, and they are nearing home, they announce\ntheir approach and success by blowing on triton shells. Their canoes are\nalso decked with branches. The faces of the men who have taken a head are\nblackened with charcoal. If several have taken part in killing the same\nvictim, his head is divided among them. They always time their arrival so\nas to reach home in the early morning. They come rowing to the village\nwith a great noise, and the women stand ready to dance in the verandahs of\nthe houses. The canoes row past the _room sram_ or house where the young\nmen live; and as they pass, the murderers throw as many pointed sticks or\nbamboos at the wall or the roof as there were enemies killed. The day is\nspent very quietly. Now and then they drum or blow on the conch; at other\ntimes they beat the walls of the houses with loud shouts to drive away the\nghosts of the slain.(575) Similarly in the Doreh district of Dutch New\nGuinea, if a murder has taken place in the village, the inhabitants\nassemble for several evenings in succession and utter frightful yells to\ndrive away the ghost of the victim in case he should be minded to hang\nabout the village.(576) So the Yabim of German New Guinea believe that the\nspirit of a murdered man pursues his murderer and seeks to do him a\nmischief. Hence they drive away the spirit with shouts and the beating of\ndrums.(577) When the Fijians had buried a man alive, as they often did,\nthey used at nightfall to make a great uproar by means of bamboos,\ntrumpet-shells, and so forth, for the purpose of frightening away his\nghost, lest he should attempt to return to his old home. And to render his\nhouse unattractive to him they dismantled it and clothed it with\neverything that to their ideas seemed most repulsive.(578) On the evening\nof the day on which they had tortured a prisoner to death, the American\nIndians were wont to run through the village with hideous yells, beating\nwith sticks on the furniture, the walls, and the roofs of the huts to\nprevent the angry ghost of their victim from settling there and taking\nvengeance for the torments that his body had endured at their hands.(579)\n\u201cOnce,\u201d says a traveller, \u201con approaching in the night a village of\nOttawas, I found all the inhabitants in confusion: they were all busily\nengaged in raising noises of the loudest and most inharmonious kind. Upon\ninquiry, I found that a battle had been lately fought between the Ottawas\nand the Kickapoos, and that the object of all this noise was to prevent\nthe ghosts of the departed combatants from entering the village.\u201d(580)\n\n(M106) The executioner at Porto Novo, on the coast of Guinea, used to\ndecorate his walls with the jawbones of the persons on whom he had\noperated in the course of business. But for this simple precaution their\nghosts would unquestionably have come at night to knock with sobs and\ngroans, in an insufferable manner, at the door of the room where he slept\nthe sleep of the just.(581) The temper of a man who has just been executed\nis naturally somewhat short, and in a burst of vexation his ghost is apt\nto fall foul of the first person he comes across, without discriminating\nbetween the objects of his wrath with that nicety of judgment which in\ncalmer moments he may be expected to display. Hence in China it is, or\nused to be, customary for the spectators of an execution to shew a clean\npair of heels to the ghosts as soon as the last head was off.(582) The\nsame fear of the spirits of his victims leads the executioner sometimes to\nlive in seclusion for some time after he has discharged his office. Thus\nan old writer, speaking of Issini on the Gold Coast of West Africa, tells\nus that the \u201cexecutioners, being reckoned impure for three days, they\nbuild them a separate hut at a distance from the village. Meantime these\nfellows run like madmen through the place, seizing all they can lay hands\non; poultry, sheep, bread, and oil; everything they can touch is theirs;\nbeing deemed so polluted that the owners willingly give it up. They\ncontinue three days confined to their hut, their friends bringing them\nvictuals. This time expired, they take their hut in pieces, which they\nbundle up, not leaving so much as the ashes of their fire. The first\nexecutioner, having a pot on his head, leads them to the place where the\ncriminal suffered. There they all call him thrice by his name. The first\nexecutioner breaks his pot, and leaving their old rags and bundles they\nall scamper home.\u201d(583) Here the thrice-repeated invocation of the victim\nby name gives the clue to the rest of the observances; all of them are\nprobably intended to ward off the angry ghost of the slain man or to give\nhim the slip.\n\n(M107) Among the Basutos \u201cablution is specially performed on return from\nbattle. It is absolutely necessary that the warriors should rid\nthemselves, as soon as possible, of the blood they have shed, or the\nshades of their victims would pursue them incessantly, and disturb their\nslumbers. They go in a procession, and in full armour, to the nearest\nstream. At the moment they enter the water a diviner, placed higher up,\nthrows some purifying substances into the current. This is, however, not\nstrictly necessary. The javelins and battle-axes also undergo the process\nof washing.\u201d(584) According to another account of the Basuto custom,\n\u201cwarriors who have killed an enemy are purified. The chief has to wash\nthem, sacrificing an ox in presence of the whole army. They are also\nanointed with the gall of the animal, which prevents the ghost of the\nenemy from pursuing them any further.\u201d(585) Among the Bechuanas a man who\nhas killed another, whether in war or in single combat, is not allowed to\nenter the village until he has been purified. The ceremony takes place in\nthe evening. An ox is slaughtered, and a hole having been made through the\nmiddle of the carcase with a spear, the manslayer has to force himself\nthrough the animal, while two men hold its stomach open.(586) Sometimes\ninstead of being obliged to squeeze through the carcase of an ox the\nmanslayer is merely smeared with the contents of its stomach. The ceremony\nhas been described as follows: \u201cIn the purification of warriors, too, the\nox takes a conspicuous part. The warrior who has slain a man in the battle\nis unclean, and must on no account enter his own courtyard, for it would\nbe a serious thing if even his shadow were to fall upon his children. He\nstudiously keeps himself apart from the civil life of the town until he is\npurified. The purification ceremony is significant. Having bathed himself\nin running water, or, if that is not convenient, in water that has been\nappropriately medicated, he is smeared by the doctor with the contents of\nthe stomach of an ox, into which certain powdered roots have been already\nmixed, and then the doctor strikes him on the back, sides, and belly with\nthe large bowel of an ox.... A doctor takes a piece of roasted beef and\ncuts it into small lumps of about the size of a walnut, laying them\ncarefully on a large wooden trencher. He has already prepared charcoal, by\nroasting the root of certain trees in an old cracked pot, and this he\ngrinds down and sprinkles on the lumps of meat on the trencher. Then the\narmy surrounds the trencher, and every one who has slain a foe in the\nbattle steps forth, kneels down before the trencher, and takes out a piece\nof meat with his mouth, taking care not to touch it or the trencher with\nhis hands. As he takes the meat, the doctor gives him a smart cut with a\nswitch. And when he has eaten that lump of meat his purification is\ncomplete. This ceremony is called _Go alafsha dint\u00e8\u00e8_, or \u2018the\npurification of the strikers.\u2019 \u201d The writer to whom we owe this\ndescription adds: \u201cThis taking of meat from the trencher without using the\nhands is evidently a matter of ritual.\u201d(587) The observation is correct.\nHere as in so many cases persons ceremonially unclean are forbidden to\ntouch food with defiled hands until their uncleanness has been purged\naway. The same taboo is laid on the manslayer by the Bageshu of British\nEast Africa. Among them a man who has killed another may not return to his\nown house on the same day, though he may enter the village and spend the\nnight in a friend\u2019s house. He kills a sheep and smears his chest, his\nright arm, and his head with the contents of the animal\u2019s stomach. His\nchildren are brought to him and he smears them in like manner. Then he\nsmears each side of the doorway with the tripe and entrails, and finally\nthrows the rest of the stomach on the roof of his house. For a whole day\nhe may not touch food with his hands, but picks it up with two sticks and\nso conveys it to his mouth. His wife is not under any such restrictions.\nShe may even go to mourn for the man whom her husband has killed, if she\nwishes to do so.(588) In some Bechuana tribes the victorious warrior is\nobliged to eat a piece of the skin of the man he killed; the skin is taken\nfrom about the navel of his victim, and without it he may not enter the\ncattle pen. Moreover, the medicine-man makes a gash with a spear in the\nwarrior\u2019s thigh for every man he has killed.(589) Among the Angoni, a Zulu\ntribe settled to the north of the Zambesi, warriors who have slain foes on\nan expedition smear their bodies and faces with ashes, hang garments of\ntheir victims on their persons, and tie bark ropes round their necks, so\nthat the ends hang down over their shoulders or breasts. This costume they\nwear for three days after their return, and rising at break of day they\nrun through the village uttering frightful yells to drive away the ghosts\nof the slain, which, if they were not thus banished from the houses, might\nbring sickness and misfortune on the inmates.(590) In some Caffre tribes\nof South Africa men who have been wounded or killed an enemy in fight may\nnot see the king nor drink milk till they have been purified. An ox is\nkilled, and its gall, intestines, and other parts are boiled with roots.\nOf this decoction the men have to take three gulps, and the rest is\nsprinkled on their bodies. The wounded man has then to take a stick, spit\non it thrice, point it thrice at the enemy, and then throw it in his\ndirection. After that he takes an emetic and is declared clean.(591)\n\n(M108) In some of these accounts nothing is said of an enforced seclusion,\nat least after the ceremonial cleansing, but some South African tribes\ncertainly require the slayer of a very gallant foe in war to keep apart\nfrom his wife and family for ten days after he has washed his body in\nrunning water. He also receives from the tribal doctor a medicine which he\nchews with his food.(592) When a Nandi of British East Africa has killed a\nmember of another tribe, he paints one side of his body, spear, and sword\nred, and the other side white. For four days after the slaughter he is\nconsidered unclean and may not go home. He has to build a small shelter by\na river and live there; he may not associate with his wife or sweetheart,\nand he may eat nothing but porridge, beef, and goat\u2019s flesh. At the end of\nthe fourth day he must purify himself by taking a strong purge made from\nthe bark of the _segetet_ tree and by drinking goat\u2019s milk mixed with\nblood.(593) Among the Akikuya of British East Africa all who have shed\nhuman blood must be purified. The elders assemble and one of them cuts a\nstrip of hair from above both ears of each manslayer. After that the\nwarriors rub themselves with the dung taken from the stomach of a sheep\nwhich has been slaughtered for the occasion. Finally their bodies are\ncleansed with water. All the hair remaining on their heads is subsequently\nshaved off by their wives. For a month after the shedding of blood they\nmay have no contact with women.(594) On the contrary, when a Ketosh\nwarrior of British East Africa, who has killed a foe in battle, returns\nhome \u201cit is considered essential that he should have connection with his\nwife as soon as convenient; this is believed to prevent the spirit of his\ndead enemy from haunting and bewitching him.\u201d(595) An Angoni who has\nkilled a man in battle is obliged to perform certain purificatory\nceremonies before he may return to ordinary life. Amongst other things, he\nmust be sure to make an incision in the corpse of his slain foe, in order\nto let the gases escape and so prevent the body from swelling. If he fails\nto do so, his own body will swell in proportion as the corpse becomes\ninflated.(596) Among the Ovambos of southern Africa, when the warriors\nreturn to their villages, those who have killed an enemy pass the first\nnight in the open fields, and may not enter their houses until they have\nbeen cleansed of the guilt of blood by an older man, who smears them for\nthis purpose with a kind of porridge.(597) Herero warriors on their return\nfrom battle may not approach the sacred hearth until they have been\npurified from the guilt of bloodshed. They crouch in a circle round the\nhearth, but at some distance from it, while the chief besprinkles their\nbrows and temples with water in which branches of a holy bush have been\nplaced.(598) Again, ancient Herero custom requires that he who has killed\na man or a lion should have blood drawn from his breast and upper arm so\nas to trickle on the ground: a special name (_outoni_) is given to the\ncuts thus made; they must be made with a flint, not with an iron\ntool.(599) Among the Bantu tribes of Kavirondo, in eastern Africa, when a\nman has killed an enemy in warfare he shaves his head on his return home,\nand his friends rub a medicine, which generally consists of goat\u2019s dung,\nover his body to prevent the spirit of the slain man from troubling\nhim.(600) Exactly the same custom is practised for the same reason by the\nWageia of German East Africa.(601) With the Ja-Luo of Kavirondo the custom\nis somewhat different. Three days after his return from the fight the\nwarrior shaves his head. But before he may enter his village he has to\nhang a live fowl, head uppermost, round his neck; then the bird is\ndecapitated and its head left hanging round his neck. Soon after his\nreturn a feast is made for the slain man, in order that his ghost may not\nhaunt his slayer.(602) After the slaughter of the Midianites the\nIsraelitish warriors were obliged to remain outside the camp for seven\ndays: whoever had killed a man or touched the slain had to purify himself\nand his captive. The spoil taken from the enemy had also to be purified,\naccording to its nature, either by fire or water.(603) Similarly among the\nBasutos cattle taken from the enemy are fumigated with bundles of lighted\nbranches before they are allowed to mingle with the herds of the\ntribe.(604)\n\n(M109) The Arunta of central Australia believe that when a party of men\nhas been out against the enemy and taken a life, the spirit of the slain\nman follows the party on its return and is constantly on the watch to do a\nmischief to those of the band who actually shed the blood. It takes the\nform of a little bird called the _chichurkna_, and may be heard crying\nlike a child in the distance as it flies. If any of the slayers should\nfail to hear its cry, he would become paralysed in his right arm and\nshoulder. At night-time especially, when the bird is flying over the camp,\nthe slayers have to lie awake and keep the right arm and shoulder\ncarefully hidden, lest the bird should look down upon and harm them. When\nonce they have heard its cry their minds are at ease, because the spirit\nof the dead then recognises that he has been detected, and can therefore\ndo no mischief. On their return to their friends, as soon as they come in\nsight of the main camp, they begin to perform an excited war-dance,\napproaching in the form of a square and moving their shields as if to ward\noff something which was being thrown at them. This action is intended to\nrepel the angry spirit of the dead man, who is striving to attack them.\nNext the men who did the deed of blood separate themselves from the\nothers, and forming a line, with spears at rest and shields held out in\nfront, stand silent and motionless like statues. A number of old women now\napproach with a sort of exulting skip and strike the shields of the\nmanslayers with fighting-clubs till they ring again. They are followed by\nmen who smite the shields with boomerangs. This striking of the shields is\nsupposed to be a very effective way of frightening away the spirit of the\ndead man. The natives listen anxiously to the sounds emitted by the\nshields when they are struck; for if any man\u2019s shield gives forth a hollow\nsound under the blow, that man will not live long, but if it rings sharp\nand clear, he is safe. For some days after their return the slayers will\nnot speak of what they have done, and continue to paint themselves all\nover with powdered charcoal, and to decorate their foreheads and noses\nwith green twigs. Finally, they paint their bodies and faces with bright\ncolours, and become free to talk about the affair; but still of nights\nthey must lie awake listening for the plaintive cry of the bird in which\nthey fancy they hear the voice of their victim.(605)\n\n(M110) In the Washington group of the Marquesas Islands, the man who has\nslain an enemy in battle becomes tabooed for ten days, during which he may\nhold no intercourse with his wife, and may not meddle with fire. Hence\nanother has to make fire and to cook for him. Nevertheless he is treated\nwith marked distinction and receives presents of pigs.(606) In Fiji any\none who had clubbed a human being to death in war was consecrated or\ntabooed. He was smeared red by the king with turmeric from the roots of\nhis hair to his heels. A hut was built, and in it he had to pass the next\nthree nights, during which he might not lie down, but must sleep as he\nsat. Till the three nights had elapsed he might not change his garment,\nnor remove the turmeric, nor enter a house in which there was a\nwoman.(607) In the Pelew Islands, when the men return from a warlike\nexpedition in which they have taken a life, the young warriors who have\nbeen out fighting for the first time, and all who handled the slain, are\nshut up in the large council-house and become tabooed. They may not quit\nthe edifice, nor bathe, nor touch a woman, nor eat fish; their food is\nlimited to coco-nuts and syrup. They rub themselves with charmed leaves\nand chew charmed betel. After three days they go together to bathe as near\nas possible to the spot where the man was killed.(608)\n\n(M111) When the Tupi Indians of Brazil had made a prisoner in war, they\nused to bring him home amid great rejoicings, decked with the gorgeous\nplumage of tropical birds. In the village he was well treated: he received\na house and furniture and was married to a wife. When he was thus\ncomfortably installed, the relations and friends of his captor, who had\nthe first pick, came and examined him and decided which of his limbs and\njoints they proposed to eat; and according to their choice they were bound\nto provide him with victuals. Thus he might live for months or years,\ntreated like a king, supplied with all the delicacies of the country, and\nrearing a family of children who, when they were big, might or might not\nbe eaten with their father. While he was thus being fattened like a capon\nfor the slaughter, he wore a necklace of fruit or of fish-bones strung on\na cotton thread. This was the measure of his life. For every fruit or\nevery bone on the string he had a month to live; and as each moon waned\nand vanished they took a fruit or a bone from the necklace. When only one\nremained, they sent out invitations to friends and neighbours far and\nnear, who flocked in, sometimes to the number of ten or twelve thousand,\nto witness the spectacle and partake of the feast; for often a number of\nprisoners were to die the same day, father, mother, and children all\ntogether. As a rule they shewed a remarkable stolidity and indifference to\ndeath. The club with which they were to be despatched was elaborately\nprepared by the women, who adorned it with tassels of feathers, smeared it\nwith the pounded shells of a macaw\u2019s eggs, and traced lines on the\negg-shell powder. Then they hung it to a pole, above the ground, in an\nempty hut, and sang around it all night. The executioner, who was painted\ngrey with ashes and his whole body covered with the beautiful feathers of\nparrots and other birds of gay plumage, performed his office by striking\nthe victim on the head from behind and dashing out his brains. No sooner\nhad he despatched the prisoner than he retired to his house, where he had\nto stay all that day without eating or drinking, while the rest of the\npeople feasted on the body of the victim or victims. And for three days he\nwas obliged to fast and remain in seclusion. All this time he lay in his\nhammock and might not set foot on the ground; if he had to go anywhere, he\nwas carried by bearers. They thought that, were he to break this rule,\nsome disaster would befall him or he would die. Meantime he was given a\nsmall bow and passed his time in shooting arrows into wax. This he did in\norder to keep his hand and aim steady. In some of the tribes they rubbed\nthe pulse of the executioner with one of the eyes of his victim, and hung\nthe mouth of the murdered man like a bracelet on his arm. Afterwards he\nmade incisions in his breast, arms, and legs, and other parts of his body\nwith a saw made of the teeth of an animal. An ointment and a black powder\nwere then rubbed into the wounds, which left ineffaceable scars so\nartistically arranged that they presented the appearance of a\ntightly-fitting garment. It was believed that he would die if he did not\nthus draw blood from his own body after slaughtering the captive.(609) We\nmay conjecture that the original intention of these customs was to guard\nthe executioner against the angry and dangerous ghosts of his victims.\n\n(M112) Among the Natchez of North America young braves who had taken their\nfirst scalps were obliged to observe certain rules of abstinence for six\nmonths. They might not sleep with their wives nor eat flesh; their only\nfood was fish and hasty-pudding. If they broke these rules, they believed\nthat the soul of the man they had killed would work their death by magic,\nthat they would gain no more successes over the enemy, and that the least\nwound inflicted on them would prove mortal.(610) When a Choctaw had killed\nan enemy and taken his scalp, he went into mourning for a month, during\nwhich he might not comb his hair, and if his head itched he might not\nscratch it except with a little stick which he wore fastened to his wrist\nfor the purpose.(611) This ceremonial mourning for the enemies they had\nslain was not uncommon among the North American Indians. Thus the Dacotas,\nwhen they had killed a foe, unbraided their hair, blackened themselves all\nover, and wore a small knot of swan\u2019s down on the top of the head. \u201cThey\ndress as mourners yet rejoice.\u201d(612) A Thompson River Indian of British\nColumbia, who had slain an enemy, used to blacken his own face, lest his\nvictim\u2019s ghost should blind him.(613) When the Osages have mourned over\ntheir own dead, \u201cthey will mourn for the foe just as if he was a\nfriend.\u201d(614) From observing the great respect paid by the Indians to the\nscalps they had taken, and listening to the mournful songs which they\nhowled to the shades of their victims, Catlin was convinced that \u201cthey\nhave a superstitious dread of the spirits of their slain enemies, and many\nconciliatory offices to perform, to ensure their own peace.\u201d(615) When a\nPima Indian has killed an Apache, he must undergo purification. Sixteen\ndays he fasts, and only after the fourth day is he allowed to drink a\nlittle pinole. During the whole time he may not touch meat nor salt, nor\nlook on a blazing fire, nor speak to a human being. He lives alone in the\nwoods, waited on by an old woman, who brings him his scanty dole of food.\nHe bathes often in a river, and keeps his head covered almost the whole\ntime with a plaster of mud. On the seventeenth day a large space is\ncleared near the village and a fire lit in the middle of it. The men of\nthe tribe form a circle round the fire, and outside of it sit all the\nwarriors who have just been purified, each in a small excavation. Some of\nthe old men then take the weapons of the purified and dance with them in\nthe circle, after which both the slayer and his weapon are considered\nclean; but not until four days later is the man allowed to return to his\nfamily.(616) No doubt the peace enforced by the government of the United\nStates has, along with tribal warfare, abolished also these quaint\ncustoms. A fuller account of them has been given by a recent writer, and\nit deserves to be quoted at length. \u201cThere was no law among the Pimas,\u201d he\nsays, \u201cobserved with greater strictness than that which required\npurification and expiation for the deed that was at the same time the most\nlauded\u2014the killing of an enemy. For sixteen days the warrior fasted in\nseclusion and observed meanwhile a number of tabus.... Attended by an old\nman, the warrior who had to expiate the crime of blood guilt retired to\nthe groves along the river bottom at some distance from the villages or\nwandered about the adjoining hills. During the period of sixteen days he\nwas not allowed to touch his head with his fingers or his hair would turn\nwhite. If he touched his face it would become wrinkled. He kept a stick to\nscratch his head with, and at the end of every four days this stick was\nburied at the root and on the west side of a cat\u2019s claw tree and a new\nstick was made of greasewood, arrow bush, or any other convenient shrub.\nHe then bathed in the river, no matter how cold the temperature. The feast\nof victory which his friends were observing in the meantime at the village\nlasted eight days. At the end of that time, or when his period of\nretirement was half-completed, the warrior might go to his home to get a\nfetish made from the hair of the Apache whom he had killed. The hair was\nwrapped in eagle down and tied with a cotton string and kept in a long\nmedicine basket. He drank no water for the first two days and fasted for\nthe first four. After that time he was supplied with pinole by his\nattendant, who also instructed him as to his future conduct, telling him\nthat he must henceforth stand back until all others were served when\npartaking of food and drink. If he was a married man his wife was not\nallowed to eat salt during his retirement, else she would suffer from the\nowl disease which causes stiff limbs. The explanation offered for the\nobservance of this law of lustration is that if it is not obeyed the\nwarrior\u2019s limbs will become stiffened or paralyzed.\u201d(617) The Apaches, the\nenemies of the Pimas, purify themselves for the slaughter of their foes by\nmeans of baths in the sweat-house, singing, and other rites. These\nceremonies they perform for all the dead simultaneously after their return\nhome; but the Pimas, more punctilious on this point, resort to their\nelaborate ceremonies of purification the moment a single one of their own\nband or of the enemy has been laid low.(618) How heavily these religious\nscruples must have told against the Pimas in their wars with their\nferocious enemies is obvious enough. \u201cThis long period of retirement\nimmediately after a battle,\u201d says an American writer, \u201cgreatly diminished\nthe value of the Pimas as scouts and allies for the United States troops\noperating against the Apaches. The bravery of the Pimas was praised by all\narmy officers having any experience with them, but Captain Bourke and\nothers have complained of their unreliability, due solely to their rigid\nobservance of this religious law.\u201d(619) In nothing, perhaps, is the\npenalty which superstition sooner or later entails on its devotees more\nprompt and crushing than in the operations of war.\n\n(M113) Far away from the torrid home of the Pima and Apaches, an old\ntraveller witnessed ceremonies of the same sort practised near the Arctic\nCircle by some Indians who had surprised and brutally massacred an\nunoffending and helpless party of Esquimaux. His description is so\ninteresting that I will quote it in full. \u201cAmong the various superstitious\ncustoms of those people, it is worth remarking, and ought to have been\nmentioned in its proper place, that immediately after my companions had\nkilled the Esquimaux at the Copper River, they considered themselves in a\nstate of uncleanness, which induced them to practise some very curious and\nunusual ceremonies. In the first place, all who were absolutely concerned\nin the murder were prohibited from cooking any kind of victuals, either\nfor themselves or others. As luckily there were two in company who had not\nshed blood, they were employed always as cooks till we joined the women.\nThis circumstance was exceedingly favourable on my side; for had there\nbeen no persons of the above description in company, that task, I was\ntold, would have fallen on me; which would have been no less fatiguing and\ntroublesome, than humiliating and vexatious. When the victuals were\ncooked, all the murderers took a kind of red earth, or oker, and painted\nall the space between the nose and chin, as well as the greater part of\ntheir cheeks, almost to the ears, before they would taste a bit, and would\nnot drink out of any other dish, or smoke out of any other pipe, but their\nown; and none of the others seemed willing to drink or smoke out of\ntheirs. We had no sooner joined the women, at our return from the\nexpedition, than there seemed to be an universal spirit of emulation among\nthem, vying who should first make a suit of ornaments for their husbands,\nwhich consisted of bracelets for the wrists, and a band for the forehead,\ncomposed of porcupine quills and moose-hair, curiously wrought on leather.\nThe custom of painting the mouth and part of the cheeks before each meal,\nand drinking and smoking out of their own utensils, was strictly and\ninvariably observed, till the winter began to set in; and during the whole\nof that time they would never kiss any of their wives or children. They\nrefrained also from eating many parts of the deer and other animals,\nparticularly the head, entrails, and blood; and during their uncleanness,\ntheir victuals were never sodden in water, but dried in the sun, eaten\nquite raw, or broiled, when a fire fit for the purpose could be procured.\nWhen the time arrived that was to put an end to these ceremonies, the men,\nwithout a female being present, made a fire at some distance from the\ntents, into which they threw all their ornaments, pipe-stems, and dishes,\nwhich were soon consumed to ashes; after which a feast was prepared,\nconsisting of such articles as they had long been prohibited from eating;\nand when all was over, each man was at liberty to eat, drink, and smoke as\nhe pleased; and also to kiss his wives and children at discretion, which\nthey seemed to do with more raptures than I had ever known them do it\neither before or since.\u201d(620)\n\n(M114) Thus we see that warriors who have taken the life of a foe in\nbattle are temporarily cut off from free intercourse with their fellows,\nand especially with their wives, and must undergo certain rites of\npurification before they are readmitted to society. Now if the purpose of\ntheir seclusion and of the expiatory rites which they have to perform is,\nas we have been led to believe, no other than to shake off, frighten, or\nappease the angry spirit of the slain man, we may safely conjecture that\nthe similar purification of homicides and murderers, who have imbrued\ntheir hands in the blood of a fellow-tribesman, had at first the same\nsignificance, and that the idea of a moral or spiritual regeneration\nsymbolised by the washing, the fasting, and so on, was merely a later\ninterpretation put upon the old custom by men who had outgrown the\nprimitive modes of thought in which the custom originated. The conjecture\nwill be confirmed if we can shew that savages have actually imposed\ncertain restrictions on the murderer of a fellow-tribesman from a definite\nfear that he is haunted by the ghost of his victim. This we can do with\nregard to the Omahas, a tribe of the Siouan stock in North America. Among\nthese Indians the kinsmen of a murdered man had the right to put the\nmurderer to death, but sometimes they waived their right in consideration\nof presents which they consented to accept. When the life of the murderer\nwas spared, he had to observe certain stringent rules for a period which\nvaried from two to four years. He must walk barefoot, and he might eat no\nwarm food, nor raise his voice, nor look around. He was compelled to pull\nhis robe about him and to have it tied at the neck even in hot weather; he\nmight not let it hang loose or fly open. He might not move his hands\nabout, but had to keep them close to his body. He might not comb his hair\nand it might not be blown about by the wind. When the tribe went out\nhunting, he was obliged to pitch his tent about a quarter of a mile from\nthe rest of the people \u201clest the ghost of his victim should raise a high\nwind, which might cause damage.\u201d Only one of his kindred was allowed to\nremain with him at his tent. No one wished to eat with him, for they said,\n\u201cIf we eat with him whom Wakanda hates Wakanda will hate us.\u201d Sometimes he\nwandered at night crying and lamenting his offence. At the end of his long\nisolation the kinsmen of the murdered man heard his crying and said, \u201cIt\nis enough. Begone, and walk among the crowd. Put on moccasins and wear a\ngood robe.\u201d(621) Here the reason alleged for keeping the murderer at a\nconsiderable distance from the hunters gives the clue to all the other\nrestrictions laid on him: he was haunted and therefore dangerous. The\nancient Greeks believed that the soul of a man who had just been killed\nwas wroth with his slayer and troubled him; wherefore it was needful even\nfor the involuntary homicide to depart from his country for a year until\nthe anger of the dead man had cooled down; nor might the slayer return\nuntil sacrifice had been offered and ceremonies of purification performed.\nIf his victim chanced to be a foreigner, the homicide had to shun the\nnative country of the dead man as well as his own.(622) The legend of the\nmatricide Orestes, how he roamed from place to place pursued by the Furies\nof his murdered mother, and none would sit at meat with him, or take him\nin, till he had been purified,(623) reflects faithfully the real Greek\ndread of such as were still haunted by an angry ghost. When the turbulent\npeople of Cynaetha, after perpetrating an atrocious massacre, sent an\nembassy to Sparta, every Arcadian town through which the envoys passed on\ntheir journey ordered them out of its walls at once; and the Mantineans,\nafter the embassy had departed, even instituted a solemn purification of\nthe city and its territory by carrying sacrificial victims round them\nboth.(624)\n\n(M115) Among the Kwakiutl Indians of British Columbia, men who have\npartaken of human flesh as a ceremonial rite are subject for a long time\nafterwards to many restrictions or taboos of the sort we have been dealing\nwith. They may not touch their wives for a whole year; and during the same\ntime they are forbidden to work or gamble. For four months they must live\nalone in their bedrooms, and when they are obliged to quit the house for a\nnecessary purpose, they may not go out at the ordinary door, but must use\nonly the secret door in the rear of the house. On such occasions each of\nthem is attended by all the rest, carrying small sticks. They must all sit\ndown together on a long log, then get up, then sit down again, repeating\nthis three times before they are allowed to remain seated. Before they\nrise they must turn round four times. Then they go back to the house.\nBefore entering they must raise their feet four times; with the fourth\nstep they really pass the door, taking care to enter with the right foot\nforemost. In the doorway they turn four times and walk slowly into the\nhouse. They are not permitted to look back. During the four months of\ntheir seclusion each man in eating must use a spoon, dish, and kettle of\nhis own, which are thrown away at the end of the period. Before he draws\nwater from a bucket or a brook, he must dip his cup into it thrice; and he\nmay not take more than four mouthfuls at one time. He must carry a\nwing-bone of an eagle and drink through it, for his lips may not touch the\nbrim of his cup. Also he keeps a copper nail to scratch his head with, for\nwere his own nails to touch his own skin they would drop off. For sixteen\ndays after he has partaken of human flesh he may not eat any warm food,\nand for the whole of the four months he is forbidden to cool hot food by\nblowing on it with his breath. At the end of winter, when the season of\nceremonies is over, he feigns to have forgotten the ordinary ways of men,\nand has to learn everything anew. The reason for these remarkable\nrestrictions imposed on men who have eaten human flesh is not stated; but\nwe may surmise that fear of the ghost of the man whose body was eaten has\nat least a good deal to do with them. We are confirmed in our conjecture\nby observing that though these cannibals sometimes content themselves with\ntaking bites out of living people, the rules in question are especially\nobligatory on them after they have devoured a corpse. Moreover, the\ncareful treatment of the bones of the victim points to the same\nconclusion; for during the four months of seclusion observed by the\ncannibals, the bones of the person on whom they feasted are kept\nalternately for four days at a time under rocks in the sea and in their\nbedrooms on the north side of the house, where the sun cannot shine on\nthem. Finally the bones are taken out of the house, tied up, weighted with\na stone, and thrown into deep water, \u201cbecause it is believed that if they\nwere buried they would come back and take their master\u2019s soul.\u201d(625) This\nseems to mean that if the bones of the victim were buried, his ghost would\ncome back and fetch away the souls of the men who had eaten his body. The\nGebars, a cannibal tribe in the north of New Guinea, are much afraid of\nthe spirit of a slain man or woman. Among them persons who have partaken\nof human flesh for the first time reside for a month afterwards in a small\nhut and may not enter the dwelling-house.(626)\n\n\n\n\n\u00a7 6. Hunters and Fishers tabooed.\n\n\n(M116) In savage society the hunter and the fisherman have often to\nobserve rules of abstinence and to submit to ceremonies of purification of\nthe same sort as those which are obligatory on the warrior and the\nmanslayer; and though we cannot in all cases perceive the exact purpose\nwhich these rules and ceremonies are supposed to serve, we may with some\nprobability assume that, just as the dread of the spirits of his enemies\nis the main motive for the seclusion and purification of the warrior who\nhopes to take or has already taken their lives, so the huntsman or\nfisherman who complies with similar customs is principally actuated by a\nfear of the spirits of the beasts, birds, or fish which he has killed or\nintends to kill. For the savage commonly conceives animals to be endowed\nwith souls and intelligences like his own, and hence he naturally treats\nthem with similar respect. Just as he attempts to appease the ghosts of\nthe men he has slain, so he essays to propitiate the spirits of the\nanimals he has killed. These ceremonies of propitiation will be described\nlater on in this work;(627) here we have to deal, first, with the taboos\nobserved by the hunter and the fisherman before or during the hunting and\nfishing seasons, and, second, with the ceremonies of purification which\nhave to be practised by these men on returning with their booty from a\nsuccessful chase.\n\n(M117) While the savage respects, more or less, the souls of all animals,\nhe treats with particular deference the spirits of such as are either\nespecially useful to him or formidable on account of their size, strength,\nor ferocity. Accordingly the hunting and killing of these valuable or\ndangerous beasts are subject to more elaborate rules and ceremonies than\nthe slaughter of comparatively useless and insignificant creatures. Thus\nthe Indians of Nootka Sound prepared themselves for catching whales by\nobserving a fast for a week, during which they ate very little, bathed in\nthe water several times a day, sang, and rubbed their bodies, limbs, and\nfaces with shells and bushes till they looked as if they had been severely\ntorn with briars. They were likewise required to abstain from any commerce\nwith their women for the like period, this last condition being considered\nindispensable to their success. A chief who failed to catch a whale has\nbeen known to attribute his failure to a breach of chastity on the part of\nhis men.(628) It should be remarked that the conduct thus prescribed as a\npreparation for whaling is precisely that which in the same tribe of\nIndians was required of men about to go on the war-path.(629) Rules of the\nsame sort are, or were formerly, observed by Malagasy whalers. For eight\ndays before they went to sea the crew of a whaler used to fast, abstaining\nfrom women and liquor, and confessing their most secret faults to each\nother; and if any man was found to have sinned deeply he was forbidden to\nshare in the expedition.(630) In the island of Kadiak, off the south coast\nof Alaska, whalers were reckoned unclean during the fishing season, and\nnobody would eat out of the same dish with them or even come near them.\nYet we are told that great respect was paid to them, and that they were\nregarded as the purveyors of their country.(631) Though it is not\nexpressly said it seems to be implied, and on the strength of analogy we\nmay assume, that these Kadiak whalers had to remain chaste so long as the\nwhaling season lasted. In the island of Mabuiag continence was imposed on\nthe people both before they went to hunt the dugong and while the turtles\nwere pairing. The turtle-season lasts during parts of October and\nNovember; and if at that time unmarried persons had sexual intercourse\nwith each other, it was believed that when the canoe approached the\nfloating turtle, the male would separate from the female and both would\ndive down in different directions.(632) So at Mowat in New Guinea men have\nno relation with women when the turtle are coupling, though there is\nconsiderable laxity of morals at other times.(633) Among the Motu of Port\nMoresby, in New Guinea, chastity is enjoined before fishing and\nwallaby-hunting; they believe that men who have been unchaste will be\nunable to catch the fish and the wallabies, which will turn round and jeer\nat their pursuers.(634) Among the tribes about the mouth of the Wanigela\nRiver in New Guinea the preparations for fishing turtle and dugong are\nmost elaborate. They begin two months before the fishing. A headman is\nappointed who becomes holy. On his strict observance of the laws of the\ndugong net depends the success of the season. While the men of the village\nare making the nets, this sanctified leader lives entirely secluded from\nhis family, and may only eat a roasted banana or two after the sun has\ngone down. Every evening at sundown he goes ashore and, stripping himself\nof all his ornaments, which he is never allowed to doff at other times,\nbathes near where the dugongs feed; as he does so he throws scraped\ncoco-nut and scented herbs and gums into the water to charm the\ndugong.(635) Among the Roro-speaking tribes of British New Guinea the\nmagician who performs ceremonies for the success of a wallaby hunt must\nabstain from intercourse with his wife for a month before the hunt takes\nplace; and he may not eat food cooked by his wife or by any other\nwoman.(636) In the island of Uap, one of the Caroline group, every\nfisherman plying his craft lies under a most strict taboo during the whole\nof the fishing season, which lasts for six or eight weeks. Whenever he is\non shore he must spend all his time in the men\u2019s clubhouse (_failu_), and\nunder no pretext whatever may he visit his own house or so much as look\nupon the faces of his wife and womenkind. Were he but to steal a glance at\nthem, they think that flying fish must inevitably bore out his eyes at\nnight. If his wife, mother, or daughter brings any gift for him or wishes\nto talk with him, she must stand down towards the shore with her back\nturned to the men\u2019s clubhouse. Then the fisherman may go out and speak to\nher, or with his back turned to her he may receive what she has brought\nhim; after which he must return at once to his rigorous confinement.\nIndeed the fishermen may not even join in dance and song with the other\nmen of the clubhouse in the evening; they must keep to themselves and be\nsilent.(637) In the Pelew Islands, also, which belong to the Caroline\ngroup, fishermen are likewise debarred from intercourse with women, since\nit is believed that any such intercourse would infallibly have a\nprejudicial effect on the fishing. The same taboo is said to be observed\nin all the other islands of the South Sea.(638) In Mirzapur, when the seed\nof the silkworm is brought into the house, the Kol or Bhuiyar puts it in a\nplace which has been carefully plastered with holy cow-dung to bring good\nluck. From that time the owner must be careful to avoid ceremonial\nimpurity. He must give up cohabitation with his wife; he may not sleep on\na bed, nor shave himself, nor cut his nails, nor anoint himself with oil,\nnor eat food cooked with butter, nor tell lies, nor do anything else that\nhe deems wrong. He vows to Singarmati Devi that if the worms are duly born\nhe will make her an offering. When the cocoons open and the worms appear,\nhe assembles the women of the house and they sing the same song as at the\nbirth of a baby, and red lead is smeared on the parting of the hair of all\nthe married women of the neighbourhood. When the worms pair, rejoicings\nare made as at a marriage.(639) Thus the silkworms are treated as far as\npossible like human beings. Hence the custom which prohibits the commerce\nof the sexes while the worms are hatching may be only an extension, by\nanalogy, of the rule which is observed by many races, that the husband may\nnot cohabit with his wife during pregnancy and lactation.\n\n(M118) On Lake Victoria Nyanza the Baganda fishermen use a long stout line\nwhich is supported on the surface of the water by wooden floats, while\nshort lines with baited hooks attached to them depend from it at frequent\nintervals. The place where the fisherman makes his line, whether in his\nhut or his garden, is tabooed. People may not step over his cords or\ntools, and he himself has to observe a number of restrictions. He may not\ngo near his wife or any other woman. He eats alone, works alone, sleeps\nalone. He may not wash, except in the lake. He may not eat salt or meat or\nbutter. He may not smear any fat on his body. When the line is ready he\ngoes to the god, asks his blessing on it, and offers him a pot of beer. In\nreturn he receives from the deity a stick or bit of wood to fasten to the\nline, and also some medicine of herbs to smoke and blow over the water in\norder that the fish may come to the line and be caught. Then he carries\nthe line to the lake. If in going thither he should stumble over a stone\nor a tree-root, he takes it with him, and he does the same with any\ngrass-seeds that may stick to his clothes. These stones, roots, and seeds\nhe puts on the line, believing that just as he stumbled over them and they\nstuck to him, so the fish will also stumble over them and stick to the\nline. The taboo lasts till he has caught his first fish. If his wife has\nkept the taboo, he eats the fish with her; but if she has broken it, she\nmay not partake of the fish. After that if he wishes to go in to his wife,\nhe must take his line out of the water and place it in a tree or some\nother place of safety; he is then free to be with her. But so long as the\nline is in the water, he must keep apart from women, or the fish would at\nonce leave the shore. Any breach of this taboo renders the line useless to\nhim. He must sell it and make a new one and offer an expiatory offering to\nthe god.(640) Again, in Uganda the fisherman offers fish to his canoe,\nbelieving that if he neglected to make this offering more than twice, his\nnet would catch nothing. The fish thus offered to the canoe is eaten by\nthe fishermen. But if at the time of emptying the traps there is any man\nin the canoe who has committed adultery, eaten flesh or salt, or rubbed\nhis body with butter or fat, that man is not allowed to partake of the\nfish offered to the canoe. And if the sinner has not confessed his fault\nto the priest and been purified, the catch will be small. When the\nadulterer has confessed his sin, the priest calls the husband of the\nguilty woman and tells him of her crime. Her paramour has to wear a sign\nto shew that he is doing penance, and he makes a feast for the injured\nhusband, which the latter is obliged to accept in token of reconciliation.\nAfter that the husband may not punish either of the erring couple; the sin\nis atoned for and they are able to catch fish again.(641) Among the\nBangala of the Upper Congo, while fishermen are making their traps, they\nmust observe strict continence, and the restriction lasts until the traps\nhave caught fish and the fish have been eaten. Similarly Bangala hunters\nmay have no sexual intercourse from the time they made their traps till\nthey have caught game and eaten it; it is believed that any hunter who\nbroke this rule of chastity would have bad luck in the chase.(642)\n\n(M119) In the island of Nias the hunters sometimes dig pits, cover them\nlightly over with twigs, grass, and leaves, and then drive the game into\nthem. While they are engaged in digging the pits, they have to observe a\nnumber of taboos. They may not spit, or the game would turn back in\ndisgust from the pits. They may not laugh, or the sides of the pit would\nfall in. They may eat no salt, prepare no fodder for swine, and in the pit\nthey may not scratch themselves, for if they did, the earth would be\nloosened and would collapse. And the night after digging the pit they may\nhave no intercourse with a woman, or all their labour would be in\nvain.(643)\n\n(M120) This practice of observing strict chastity as a condition of\nsuccess in hunting and fishing is very common among rude races; and the\ninstances of it which have been cited render it probable that the rule is\nalways based on a superstition rather than on a consideration of the\ntemporary weakness which a breach of the custom may entail on the hunter\nor fisherman. In general it appears to be supposed that the evil effect of\nincontinence is not so much that it weakens him, as that, for some reason\nor other, it offends the animals, who in consequence will not suffer\nthemselves to be caught. In the Motumotu tribe of New Guinea a man will\nnot see his wife the night before he starts on a great fishing or hunting\nexpedition; if he did, he would have no luck. In the Motu tribe he is\nregarded as holy that night, and in the morning no one may speak to him or\ncall out his name.(644) In German East Africa elephant hunters must\nrefrain from women for several days before they set out for the\nchase.(645) We have seen that in the same region a wife\u2019s infidelity\nduring the hunter\u2019s absence is believed to give the elephant power over\nhim so as to kill or wound him.(646) As this belief is clearly a\nsuperstition, based on sympathetic magic, so doubtless is the practice of\nchastity before the hunt. The pygmies of the great African forest are also\nreported to observe strict continence the night before an important hunt.\nIt is said that at this time they propitiate their ancestors by rubbing\ntheir skulls, which they keep in boxes, with palm oil and with water in\nwhich the ashes of the bark and leaves of a certain tree (_moduma_) have\nbeen mixed.(647)\n\n(M121) The Huichol Indians of Mexico think that only the pure of heart\nshould hunt the deer. The deer would never enter a snare put up by a man\nin love; it would only look at it, snort \u201cPooh, pooh,\u201d and go back the way\nit came. Good luck in love means bad luck in deer-hunting. But even those\nwho have been abstinent must invoke the aid of the fire to burn the last\ntaint or blemish out of them. So the night before they set out for the\nchase they gather round the fire and pray aloud, all trying to get as near\nas they can to the flaming god, and turning every side of their bodies to\nhis blessed influence. They hold out their open hands to it, warm the\npalms, spit on them, and then rub them quickly over their joints, legs,\nand shoulders, as the shamans do in curing a sick man, in order that their\nlimbs and sinews may be as strong as their hearts are pure for the task of\nthe morrow.(648) A Carrier Indian of British Columbia used to separate\nfrom his wife for a full month before he set traps for bears, and during\nthis time he might not drink from the same vessel as his wife, but had to\nuse a special cup made of birch bark. The neglect of these precautions\nwould cause the game to escape after it had been snared. But when he was\nabout to snare martens, the period of continence was cut down to ten\ndays.(649) The Sia, a tribe of Pueblo Indians, observe chastity for four\ndays before a hunt as well as the whole time that it lasts, even if the\ngame be only rabbits.(650) Among the Tsetsaut Indians of British Columbia\nhunters who desire to secure good luck fast and wash their bodies with\nginger-root for three or four days, and do not touch a woman for two or\nthree months.(651) A Shuswap Indian, who intends to go out hunting must\nalso keep away from his wife, or he would have no luck.(652) Among the\nThompson Indians the grisly-bear hunter must abstain from sexual\nintercourse for some time before he went forth to hunt. These Indians\nbelieve that bears always hear what is said of them. Hence a man who\nintends to go bear-hunting must be very careful what he says about the\nbeasts or about his preparations for killing them, or they will get wind\nof it and keep out of his way.(653) In the same tribe of Indians some\ntrappers and hunters, who were very particular, would not eat with other\npeople when they were engaged, or about to be engaged, in hunting or\ntrapping; neither would they eat food cooked by any woman, unless she were\nold. They drank cold water in which mountain juniper or wild rhubarb had\nbeen soaked, using a cup of their own, which no one else might touch.\nHunters seldom combed their hair when they were on an expedition, but\nwaited to do so till their return.(654) The reason for this last rule is\ncertainly not that at such seasons they have no time to attend to their\npersons; the custom is probably based on that superstitious objection to\ntouch the heads of tabooed persons of which some examples have already\nbeen given, and of which more will be adduced shortly.\n\n(M122) In the late autumn or early winter a few families of the Hidatsa\nIndians seek some quiet spot in the forest and pitch their camp there to\ncatch eagles. After setting up their tents they build a small\nmedicine-lodge, where the ceremonies supposed to be indispensable for\ntrapping the eagles are performed. No woman may enter it. The traps are\nset on high places among the neighbouring hills. When some of the men wish\nto take part in the trapping, they fast and then go by day to the\nmedicine-lodge. There they continue without food until about midnight,\nwhen they partake of a little nourishment and fall asleep. They get up\njust before dawn, or when the morning-star has risen, and go to their\ntraps. There they sit all day without food or drink, watching for their\nprey, and struggling, it may be, from time to time with a captive eagle,\nfor they always take the birds alive. They return to the camp at sunset.\nAs they approach, every one rushes into his tent; for the hunter may\nneither see nor be seen by any of his fellow-hunters until he enters the\nmedicine-lodge. They spend the night in the lodge, and about midnight eat\nand drink for the first time since the previous midnight; then they lie\ndown to sleep, only to rise again before dawn and repair anew to the\ntraps. If any one of them has caught nothing during the day, he may not\nsleep at night, but must spend his time in loud lamentation and prayer.\nThis routine has to be observed by each hunter for four days and four\nnights, after which he returns to his own tent, hungry, thirsty, and\ntired, and follows his ordinary pursuits till he feels able to go again to\nthe eagle-traps. During the four days of the trapping he sees none of his\nfamily, and speaks to none of his friends except those who are engaged in\nthe trapping at the same time. They believe that if any hunter fails to\nperform all these rites, the captive eagle will get one of his claws loose\nand tear his captor\u2019s hands. There are men in the tribe who have had their\nhands crippled for life in that way.(655) It is obvious that the severe\nfasting coupled with the short sleep, or even the total sleeplessness, of\nthese eagle-hunters can only impair their physical vigour and so far tend\nto incapacitate them for capturing the eagles. The motive of their\nbehaviour in these respects is purely superstitious, not rational, and so,\nwe may safely conclude, is the custom which simultaneously cuts them off\nfrom all intercourse with their wives and families.\n\n(M123) An examination of all the many cases in which the savage bridles\nhis passions and remains chaste from motives of superstition, would be\ninstructive, but I cannot attempt it now. I will only add a few\nmiscellaneous examples of the custom before passing to the ceremonies of\npurification which are observed by the hunter and fisherman after the\nchase and the fishing are over. The workers in the salt-pans near Siphoum,\nin Laos, must abstain from all sexual relations at the place where they\nare at work; and they may not cover their heads nor shelter themselves\nunder an umbrella from the burning rays of the sun.(656) Among the Kachins\nof Burma the ferment used in making beer is prepared by two women, chosen\nby lot, who during the three days that the process lasts may eat nothing\nacid and may have no conjugal relations with their husbands; otherwise it\nis supposed that the beer would be sour.(657) Among the Masai honey-wine\nis brewed by a man and a woman who live in a hut set apart for them till\nthe wine is ready for drinking. But they are strictly forbidden to have\nsexual intercourse with each other during this time; it is deemed\nessential that they should be chaste for two days before they begin to\nbrew and for the whole of the six days that the brewing lasts. The Masai\nbelieve that were the couple to commit a breach of chastity, not only\nwould the wine be undrinkable but the bees which made the honey would fly\naway. Similarly they require that a man who is making poison should sleep\nalone and observe other taboos which render him almost an outcast.(658)\nThe Wandorobbo, a tribe of the same region as the Masai, believe that the\nmere presence of a woman in the neighbourhood of a man who is brewing\npoison would deprive the poison of its venom, and that the same thing\nwould happen if the wife of the poison-maker were to commit adultery while\nher husband was brewing the poison.(659) In this last case it is obvious\nthat a rationalistic explanation of the taboo is impossible. How could the\nloss of virtue in the poison be a physical consequence of the loss of\nvirtue in the poison-maker\u2019s wife? Clearly the effect which the wife\u2019s\nadultery is supposed to have on the poison is a case of sympathetic magic;\nher misconduct sympathetically affects her husband and his work at a\ndistance. We may, accordingly, infer with some confidence that the rule of\ncontinence imposed on the poison-maker himself is also a simple case of\nsympathetic magic, and not, as a civilised reader might be disposed to\nconjecture, a wise precaution designed to prevent him from accidentally\npoisoning his wife. Again, to take other instances, in the East Indian\nisland of Buru people smear their bodies with coco-nut oil as a protection\nagainst demons. But in order that the charm may be effective, the oil must\nhave been made by young unmarried girls.(660) In the Seranglao and Gorong\narchipelagoes the same oil is regarded as an antidote to poison; but it\nonly possesses this virtue if the nuts have been gathered on a Friday by a\nyouth who has never known a woman, and if the oil has been extracted by a\npure maiden, while a priest recited the appropriate spells.(661) So in the\nMarquesas Islands, when a woman was making coco-nut oil, she was tabooed\nfor four or five or more days, during which she might have no intercourse\nwith her husband. If she broke this rule, it was believed that she would\nobtain no oil.(662) In the same islands when a man had placed a dish of\nbananas and coco-nuts in an oven of hot stones to bake over night, he\nmight not go in to his wife, or the food would not be found baked in the\nmorning.(663) In ancient Mexico the men who distilled the wine known as\n_pulque_ from the sap of the great aloe, might not touch a woman for four\ndays; if they were unchaste, they thought the wine would be sour and\nputrid.(664)\n\n(M124) Among the Ba-Pedi and Ba-thonga tribes of South Africa, when the\nsite of a new village has been chosen and the houses are building, all the\nmarried people are forbidden to have conjugal relations with each other.\nIf it were discovered that any couple had broken this rule, the work of\nbuilding would immediately be stopped, and another site chosen for the\nvillage. For they think that a breach of chastity would spoil the village\nwhich was growing up, that the chief would grow lean and perhaps die, and\nthat the guilty woman would never bear another child.(665) Among the Chams\nof Cochin-China, when a dam is made or repaired on a river for the sake of\nirrigation, the chief who offers the traditional sacrifices and implores\nthe protection of the deities on the work, has to stay all the time in a\nwretched hovel of straw, taking no part in the labour, and observing the\nstrictest continence; for the people believe that a breach of his chastity\nwould entail a breach of the dam.(666) Here, it is plain, there can be no\nidea of maintaining the mere bodily vigour of the chief for the\naccomplishment of a task in which he does not even bear a hand. In New\nCaledonia the wizard who performs certain superstitious ceremonies at the\nbuilding and launching of a large canoe is bound to the most rigorous\nchastity the whole time that the vessel is on the stocks.(667) Among the\nnatives of the Gazelle Peninsula in New Britain men who are engaged in\nmaking fish-traps avoid women and observe strict continence. They believe\nthat if a woman were even to touch a fish-trap, it would catch\nnothing.(668) Here, therefore, the rule of continence probably springs\nfrom a fear of infecting sympathetically the traps with feminine weakness\nor perhaps with menstrual pollution. Every year at the end of September or\nthe beginning of October, when the north-east monsoon is near an end, a\nfleet of large sailing canoes leaves Port Moresby and the neighbouring\nMotu villages of New Guinea on a trading voyage to the deltas of the\nrivers which flow into the Papuan Gulf. The canoes are laden with a cargo\nof earthenware pots, and after about three months they return, sailing\nbefore the north-west monsoon and bringing back a cargo of sago which they\nhave obtained by barter for their crockery. It is about the beginning of\nthe south-east monsoon, that is, in April or May, that the skippers, who\nare leading men in the villages, make up their minds to go on these\ntrading voyages. When their resolution is taken they communicate it to\ntheir wives, and from about that time husband and wife cease to cohabit.\nThe same custom of conjugal separation is observed by what we may call the\nmate or second in command of each vessel. But it is not till the month of\nAugust that the work of preparing the canoes for sea by overhauling and\ncaulking them is taken seriously in hand. From that time both skipper and\nmate become particularly sacred or taboo (_helaga_), and consequently they\nkeep apart from their wives more than ever. Husband and wife, indeed,\nsleep in the same house but on opposite sides of it. In speaking of his\nwife he calls her \u201cmaiden,\u201d and she calls him \u201cyouth.\u201d They have no direct\nconversation or dealings with each other. If he wishes to communicate with\nher, he does so through a third person, usually a relative of one of them.\nBoth refrain from washing themselves, and he from combing his hair. \u201cThe\nwife\u2019s position indeed becomes very much like that of a widow.\u201d When the\ncanoe has been launched, skipper, mate, and crew are all forbidden to\ntouch their food with their fingers; they must always handle it and convey\nit to their mouths with a bone fork.(669) A briefer account of the custom\nand superstition had previously been given by a native pastor settled in\nthe neighbourhood of Port Moresby. He says: \u201cHere is a custom of\ntrading-voyage parties:\u2014If it is arranged to go westward, to procure\narrowroot, the leader of the party sleeps apart from his wife for the time\nbeing, and on until the return from the expedition, which is sometimes a\nterm of five months. They say if this is not done the canoe of the chief\nwill be sunk on the return voyage, all the arrowroot lost in the sea, and\nhe himself covered with shame. He, however, who observes the rule of\nself-denial, returns laden with arrowroot, has not a drop of salt water to\ninjure his cargo, and so is praised by his companions and crew.\u201d(670) The\nAkamba and Akikuyu of eastern Africa refrain from the commerce of the\nsexes on a journey, even if their wives are with them in the caravan; and\nthey observe the same rule of chastity so long as the cattle are at\npasture, that is, from the time the herds are driven out to graze in the\nmorning till they come back in the evening.(671) Why the rule should be in\nforce just while the cattle are at pasture is not said, but we may\nconjecture that any act of incontinence at that time is somehow supposed,\non the principles of sympathetic magic, to affect the animals injuriously.\nThe conjecture is confirmed by the observation that among the Akikuyu for\neight days after the quarterly festivals, which they hold for the sake of\nsecuring God\u2019s blessing on their flocks and herds, no commerce is\npermitted between the sexes. They think that any breach of continence in\nthese eight days would be followed by a mortality among the flocks.(672)\n\n(M125) If the taboos or abstinences observed by hunters and fishermen\nbefore and during the chase are dictated, as we have seen reason to\nbelieve, by superstitious motives, and chiefly by a dread of offending or\nfrightening the spirits of the creatures whom it is proposed to kill, we\nmay expect that the restraints imposed after the slaughter has been\nperpetrated will be at least as stringent, the slayer and his friends\nhaving now the added fear of the angry ghosts of his victims before their\neyes. Whereas on the hypothesis that the abstinences in question,\nincluding those from food, drink, and sleep, are merely salutary\nprecautions for maintaining the men in health and strength to do their\nwork, it is obvious that the observance of these abstinences or taboos\nafter the work is done, that is, when the game is killed and the fish\ncaught, must be wholly superfluous, absurd, and inexplicable. But as I\nshall now shew, these taboos often continue to be enforced or even\nincreased in stringency after the death of the animals, in other words,\nafter the hunter or fisher has accomplished his object by making his bag\nor landing his fish. The rationalistic theory of them therefore breaks\ndown entirely; the hypothesis of superstition is clearly the only one open\nto us.\n\n(M126) Among the Inuit or Esquimaux of Bering Strait \u201cthe dead bodies of\nvarious animals must be treated very carefully by the hunter who obtains\nthem, so that their shades may not be offended and bring bad luck or even\ndeath upon him or his people.\u201d Hence the Unalit hunter who has had a hand\nin the killing of a white whale, or even has helped to take one from the\nnet, is not allowed to do any work for the next four days, that being the\ntime during which the shade or ghost of the whale is supposed to stay with\nits body. At the same time no one in the village may use any sharp or\npointed instrument for fear of wounding the whale\u2019s shade, which is\nbelieved to be hovering invisible in the neighbourhood; and no loud noise\nmay be made lest it should frighten or offend the ghost. Whoever cuts a\nwhale\u2019s body with an iron axe will die. Indeed the use of all iron\ninstruments is forbidden in the village during these four days. These\nInuit have a special name (_nu-na hlukh-tuk_) \u201cfor a spot of ground where\ncertain things are tabooed, or where there is to be feared any evil\ninfluence caused by the presence of offended shades of men or animals, or\nthrough the influence of other supernatural means. This ground is\nsometimes considered unclean, and to go upon it would bring misfortune to\nthe offender, producing sickness, death, or lack of success in hunting or\nfishing. The same term is also applied to ground where certain animals\nhave been killed or have died.\u201d In the latter case the ground is thought\nto be dangerous only to him who there performs some forbidden act. For\nexample, the shore where a dead white whale has been beached is so\nregarded. At such a place and time to chop wood with an iron axe is\nsupposed to be fatal to the imprudent person who chops. Death, too, is\nsupposed to result from cutting wood with an iron axe where salmon are\nbeing dressed. An old man at St. Michael told Mr. Nelson of a melancholy\ncase of this kind which had fallen within the scope of his own\nobservation. A man began to chop a log near a woman who was splitting\nsalmon: both of them died soon afterwards. The reason of this disaster, as\nthe old man explained, was that the shade or ghost (_inua_) of the salmon\nand the spirit or mystery (_yu-a_) of the ground were incensed at the\nproceeding. Such offences are indeed fatal to every person who may be\npresent at the desecrated spot. Dogs are regarded as very unclean and\noffensive to the shades of game animals, and great care is taken that no\ndog shall get at the bones of a white whale. Should a dog touch one of\nthem, the hunter might lose his luck; his nets would break or be shunned\nby the whales, and his spears would not strike. But in addition to the\nstate of uncleanness or taboo which arises from the presence of the shades\nof men or animals, these Esquimaux believe in uncleanness of another sort\nwhich, though not so serious, nevertheless produces sickness or bad luck\nin hunting. It consists, we are told, of a kind of invisible, impalpable\nvapour, which may attach itself to a person from some contamination. A\nhunter infected by such a vapour is much more than usually visible to\ngame, so that his luck in the chase is gone until he succeeds in cleansing\nhimself once more. That is why hunters must avoid menstruous women; if\nthey do not, they will be unable to catch game.(673)\n\n(M127) These same Esquimaux of Bering Strait celebrate a great annual\nfestival in December, when the bladders of all the seals, whales, walrus,\nand white bears that have been killed in the year are taken into the\nassembly-house of the village. They remain there for several days, and so\nlong as they do so the hunters avoid all intercourse with women, saying\nthat if they failed in that respect the shades of the dead animals would\nbe offended.(674) Similarly among the Aleuts of Alaska the hunter who had\nstruck a whale with a charmed spear would not throw again, but returned at\nonce to his home and separated himself from his people in a hut specially\nconstructed for the purpose, where he stayed for three days without food\nor drink, and without touching or looking upon a woman. During this time\nof seclusion he snorted occasionally in imitation of the wounded and dying\nwhale, in order to prevent the whale which he had struck from leaving the\ncoast. On the fourth day he emerged from his seclusion and bathed in the\nsea, shrieking in a hoarse voice and beating the water with his hands.\nThen, taking with him a companion, he repaired to that part of the shore\nwhere he expected to find the whale stranded. If the beast was dead he at\nonce cut out the place where the death-wound had been inflicted. If the\nwhale was not dead, he again returned to his home and continued washing\nhimself until the whale died.(675) Here the hunter\u2019s imitation of the\nwounded whale is probably intended by means of homoeopathic magic to make\nthe beast die in earnest. Among the Kaniagmuts of Alaska the men who\nattacked the whale were considered by their countrymen as unclean during\nthe fishing season, though otherwise they were held in high honour.(676)\n\n(M128) The central Esquimaux of Baffin Land and Hudson Bay think that\nwhales, ground seals, and common seals originated in the severed fingers\nof the goddess Sedna. Hence an Esquimau of these regions must make\natonement for each of these animals that he kills, and must observe\nstrictly certain taboos after their slaughter. Some of the rules of\nconduct thus enjoined are identical with those which are in force after\nthe death of a human being. Thus after the killing of one of these\nsea-mammals, as after the decease of a person, it is forbidden to scrape\nthe frost from the window, to shake the bed or to disturb the shrubs under\nthe bed, to remove the drippings of oil from under the lamp, to scrape\nhair from skins, to cut snow for the purpose of melting it, to work on\niron, wood, stone, or ivory. Furthermore, women are forbidden to comb\ntheir hair, to wash their faces, and to dry their boots and stockings. All\nthese regulations must be kept with the greatest care after a ground seal\nhas been killed, because the transgression of taboos that refer to this\nanimal makes the hands of Sedna very sore. When a seal is brought into the\nhut, the women must stop working until it is cut up. After the capture of\na ground seal, walrus, or whale, they must rest for three days. Not all\nkinds of work, however, are forbidden; they may mend articles made of\nsealskin, but they may not make anything new. Working on the new skins of\ncaribou, the American reindeer, is strictly prohibited; for a series of\nrules forbids all contact between that animal and the sea-mammals. Thus\nreindeer-skins obtained in summer may not be prepared before the ice has\nformed and the first seal is caught with the harpoon. Later, as soon as\nthe first walrus has been killed, the work must stop again until the next\nautumn. Hence everybody is eager to have his reindeer-skins ready as\nquickly as possible, for until that is done the walrus season will not\nbegin. When the first walrus has been killed a messenger goes from village\nto village and announces the news, whereupon all work on reindeer-skins\nimmediately ceases. On the other hand, when the season for hunting the\nreindeer begins, all the winter clothing and the winter tents that had\nbeen in use during the walrus hunting season become tabooed and are buried\nunder stones; they may not be used again till the next walrus hunting\nseason comes round. No walrus-hide or thongs made of such hide may be\ntaken inland, where the reindeer live. Venison may not be put in the same\nboat with walrus-meat, nor yet with salmon. If venison or the antlers of\nthe reindeer were in a boat which goes walrus-hunting, the boat would be\nliable to be broken by the walrus. The Esquimaux are not allowed to eat\nvenison and walrus on the same day, unless they first strip naked or put\non clothing of reindeer-skin that has never been worn in hunting walrus.\nThe transgression of these taboos gives umbrage to the souls of walrus;\nand a myth is told to account for the mutual aversion of the walrus and\nthe reindeer. And in general the Esquimaux say that Sedna dislikes the\nreindeer, wherefore they may not bring the beast into contact with her\nfavourites, the sea-mammals. Hence the meat of the whale and the seal, as\nwell as of the walrus, may not be eaten on the same day with venison. It\nis not permitted that both sorts of meat lie on the floor of the hut or\nbehind the lamps at the same time. If a man who has eaten venison in the\nmorning happens to enter a hut in which seal meat is being cooked, he is\nallowed to eat venison on the bed, but it must be wrapped up before it is\ncarried into the hut, and he must take care to keep clear of the floor.\nBefore they change from one food to the other the Esquimaux must wash\nthemselves.\n\n(M129) But even among the sea-beasts themselves there are rules of mutual\navoidance which these central Esquimaux must observe. Thus a person who\nhas been eating or hunting walrus must strip naked or change his clothes\nbefore he eats seal; otherwise the transgression will become fastened to\nthe soul of the walrus in a manner which will be explained presently.\nAgain, the soul of a salmon is very powerful, and its body may not be\neaten on the same day with walrus or venison. Salmon may not be cooked in\na pot that has been used to boil any other kind of meat; and it must\nalways be cooked at some distance from the hut. The salmon-fisher is not\nallowed to wear boots that have been used in hunting walrus; and no work\nmay be done on boot-legs till the first salmon has been caught and put on\na boot-leg. Once more the soul of the grim polar bear is offended if the\ntaboos which concern him are not observed. His soul tarries for three days\nnear the spot where it left his body, and during these days the Esquimaux\nare particularly careful to conform rigidly to the laws of taboo, because\nthey believe that punishment overtakes the transgressor who sins against\nthe soul of a bear far more speedily than him who sins against the souls\nof the sea-beasts.(677)\n\n(M130) The native explanation of the taboos thus enjoined on hunters among\nthe central Esquimaux has been given us by the eminent American\nethnologist Dr. Franz Boas. As it sets what may be called the spiritual\nbasis of taboo in the clearest light, it deserves to be studied with\nattention.\n\n(M131) The goddess Sedna, he tells us, the mother of the sea-mammals, may\nbe considered to be the chief deity of the central Esquimaux. She is\nsupposed to bear supreme sway over the destinies of mankind, and almost\nall the observances of these tribes have for their object to retain her\ngood will or appease her anger. Her home is in the lower world, where she\ndwells in a house built of stone and whale-ribs. \u201cThe souls of seals,\nground seals, and whales are believed to proceed from her house. After one\nof these animals has been killed, its soul stays with the body for three\ndays. Then it goes back to Sedna\u2019s abode, to be sent forth again by her.\nIf, during the three days that the soul stays with the body, any taboo or\nproscribed custom is violated, the violation (_pitss\u0113te_) becomes attached\nto the animal\u2019s soul, and causes it pain. The soul strives in vain to free\nitself of these attachments, but is compelled to take them down to Sedna.\nThe attachments, in some manner not explained, make her hands sore, and\nshe punishes the people who are the cause of her pains by sending to them\nsickness, bad weather, and starvation. If, on the other hand, all taboos\nhave been observed, the sea-animals will allow themselves to be caught;\nthey will even come to meet the hunter. The object of the innumerable\ntaboos that are in force after the killing of these sea-animals,\ntherefore, is to keep their souls free from attachments that would hurt\ntheir souls as well as Sedna.\n\n(M132) \u201cThe souls of the sea-animals are endowed with greater powers than\nthose of ordinary human beings. They can see the effect of contact with a\ncorpse, which causes objects touched by it to appear dark in colour; and\nthey can see the effect of flowing human blood, from which a vapour rises\nthat surrounds the bleeding person and is communicated to every one and\nevery thing that comes in contact with such a person. This vapour and the\ndark colour of death are exceedingly unpleasant to the souls of the\nsea-animals, that will not come near a hunter thus affected. The hunter\nmust therefore avoid contact with people who have touched a body, or with\nthose who are bleeding, more particularly with menstruating women or with\nthose who have recently given birth. The hands of menstruating women\nappear red to the sea-animals. If any one who has touched a body or who is\nbleeding should allow others to come in contact with him, he would cause\nthem to become distasteful to the seals, and therefore to Sedna as well.\nFor this reason custom demands that every person must at once announce if\nhe has touched a body, and that women must make known when they are\nmenstruating or when they have had a miscarriage. If they do not do so,\nthey will bring ill-luck to all the hunters.\n\n(M133) \u201cThese ideas have given rise to the belief that it is necessary to\nannounce the transgression of any taboo. The transgressor of a custom is\ndistasteful to Sedna and to the animals, and those who abide with him will\nbecome equally distasteful through contact with him. For this reason it\nhas come to be an act required by custom and morals to confess any and\nevery transgression of a taboo, in order to protect the community from the\nevil influence of contact with the evil-doer. The descriptions of Eskimo\nlife given by many observers contain records of starvation, which,\naccording to the belief of the natives, was brought about by some one\ntransgressing a law, and not announcing what he had done.\n\n(M134) \u201cI presume the importance of the confession of a transgression,\nwith a view to warning others to keep at a distance from the transgressor,\nhas gradually led to the idea that a transgression, or, we might say, a\nsin can be atoned for by confession. This is one of the most remarkable\ntraits among the religious beliefs of the central Eskimo. There are\ninnumerable tales of starvation brought about by the transgression of a\ntaboo. In vain the hunters try to supply their families with food; gales\nand drifting snow make their endeavours fruitless. Finally the help of the\n_angakok_(678) is invoked, and he discovers that the cause of the\nmisfortune of the people is due to the transgression of a taboo. Then the\nguilty one is searched for. If he confesses, all is well; the weather\nmoderates, and the seals allow themselves to be caught; but if he\nobstinately maintains his innocence, his death alone will soothe the wrath\nof the offended deity....\n\n(M135) \u201cThe transgressions of taboos do not affect the souls of game\nalone. It has already been stated that the sea-mammals see their effect\nupon man also, who appears to them of a dark colour, or surrounded by a\nvapour which is invisible to ordinary man. This means, of course, that the\ntransgression also affects the soul of the evil-doer. It becomes attached\nto it, and makes him sick. The _angakok_(679) is able to see these\nattachments with the help of his guardian spirit, and is able to free the\nsoul from them. If this is not done, the person must die. In many cases\nthe transgressions become fastened also to persons who come in contact\nwith the evil-doer. This is especially true of children, to whose souls\nthe sins of their parents, and particularly of their mothers, become\nreadily attached. Therefore, when a child is sick, the _angakok_ first of\nall, asks its mother if she has transgressed any taboos. The attachment\nseems to have a different appearance, according to the taboo that has been\nviolated. A black attachment is due to removing oil-drippings from under\nthe lamp, a piece of caribou-skin represents the scrapings removed from a\ncaribou-skin at a time when such work was forbidden. As soon as the mother\nacknowledges the transgression of a taboo, the attachment leaves the\nchild\u2019s soul, and the child recovers.\n\n(M136) \u201cA number of customs may be explained by the endeavours of the\nnatives to keep the sea-mammals free from contaminating influences. All\nthe clothing of a dead person, the tent in which he died, and the skins\nobtained by him, must be discarded; for if a hunter should wear clothing\nmade of skins that had been in contact with the deceased, these would\nappear dark, and the seal would avoid him. Neither would a seal allow\nitself to be taken into a hut darkened by a dead body; and all those who\nentered such a hut would appear dark to it, and would be avoided.\n\n\u201cWhile it is customary for a successful hunter to invite all the men of\nthe village to eat of the seal that he has caught, they must not take any\nof the seal-meat out of the hut, because it might come in contact with\npersons who are under taboo, and thus the hunter might incur the\ndispleasure of the seal and of Sedna. This is particularly strictly\nforbidden in the case of the first seal of the season.\n\n\u201cA woman who has a new-born child, and who has not quite recovered, must\neat only of seals caught by her husband, by a boy, or by an aged man; else\nthe vapour arising from her body would become attached to the souls of\nother seals, which would take the transgression down to Sedna, thus making\nher hands sore.\n\n\u201cCases of premature birth require particularly careful treatment. The\nevent must be announced publicly, else dire results will follow. If a\nwoman should conceal from the other people that she has had a premature\nbirth, they might come near her, or even eat in her hut of the seals\nprocured by her husband. The vapour arising from her would thus affect\nthem, and they would be avoided by the seals. The transgression would also\nbecome attached to the soul of the seal, which would take it down to\nSedna.\u201d(680)\n\n(M137) In these elaborate taboos so well described by Dr. Boas we seem to\nsee a system of animism in the act of passing into religion. The rules\nthemselves bear the clearest traces of having originated in a doctrine of\nsouls, and of being determined by the supposed likes and dislikes,\nsympathies and antipathies of the various classes of spirits toward each\nother. But above and behind the souls of men and animals has grown up the\novershadowing conception of a powerful goddess who rules them all, so that\nthe taboos come more and more to be viewed as a means of propitiating her\nrather than as merely adapted to suit the tastes of the souls themselves.\nThus the standard of conduct is shifted from a natural to a supernatural\nbasis: the supposed wish of the deity or, as we commonly put it, the will\nof God, tends to supersede the wishes, real or imaginative, of purely\nnatural beings as the measure of right and wrong. The old savage taboos,\nresting on a theory of the direct relations of living creatures to each\nother, remain in substance unchanged, but they are outwardly transformed\ninto ethical precepts with a religious or supernatural sanction. In this\ngradual passage of a rude philosophy into an elementary religion the place\noccupied by confession as a moral purgative is particularly interesting. I\ncan hardly agree with Dr. Boas that among these Esquimaux the confession\nof sins was in its origin no more than a means of warning others against\nthe dangerous contagion of the sinner; in other words, that its saving\nefficacy consisted merely in preventing the innocent from suffering with\nthe guilty, and that it had no healing virtue, no purifying influence, for\nthe evil-doer himself. It seems more probable that originally the\nviolation of taboo, in other words, the sin, was conceived as something\nalmost physical, a sort of morbid substance lurking in the sinner\u2019s body,\nfrom which it could be expelled by confession as by a sort of spiritual\npurge or emetic. This is confirmed by the form of auricular confession\nwhich is practised by the Akikuyu of British East Africa. Amongst them, we\nare told, \u201csin is essentially remissable; it suffices to confess it.\nUsually this is done to the sorcerer, who expels the sin by a ceremony of\nwhich the principal rite is a pretended emetic: _kotahikio_, derived from\n_tahika_, \u2018to vomit.\u2019 \u201d(681) Thus among these savages the confession and\nabsolution of sins is, so to say, a purely physical process of relieving a\nsufferer of a burden which sits heavy on his stomach rather than on his\nconscience. This view of the matter is again confirmed by the observation\nthat these same Akikuyu resort to another physical mode of expelling sin\nfrom a sinner, and that is by the employment of a scapegoat, which by\nthem, as by the Jews and many other people, has been employed as a vehicle\nfor carting away moral rubbish and dumping it somewhere else. For example,\nif a Kikuyu man has committed incest, which would naturally entail his\ndeath, he produces a substitute in the shape of a he-goat, to which by an\nignoble ceremony he transfers his guilt. Then the throat of the animal is\ncut, and the human culprit is thereby purged of his sin.(682)\n\n(M138) Hence we may suspect that the primary motive of the confession of\nsins among savages was self-regarding; in other words, the intention was\nrather to benefit the sinner himself than to safeguard others by warning\nthem of the danger they would incur by coming into contact with him. This\nview is borne out by the observation that confession is sometimes used as\na means of healing the sick transgressor himself, who is supposed to\nrecover as soon as he has made a clean breast of his transgression. Thus\n\u201cwhen the Carriers are severely sick, they often think that they shall not\nrecover, unless they divulge to a priest or magician every crime which\nthey may have committed, which has hitherto been kept secret. In such a\ncase they will make a full confession, and then they expect that their\nlives will be spared for a time longer. But should they keep back a single\ncrime, they as firmly believe that they shall suffer almost instant\ndeath.\u201d(683) Again, the Aurohuaca Indians, who, under the tropical sun of\nSouth America, inhabit a chilly region bordering on the perpetual snows of\nthe Sierra Nevada in Colombia, believe that all sickness is a punishment\nfor sin. So when one of their medicine-men is summoned to a sick bed, he\ndoes not enquire after the patient\u2019s symptoms but makes strange passes\nover him and asks in a sepulchral voice whether he will confess his sins.\nIf the sick man persists in drawing a veil of silence over his frailties,\nthe doctor will not attempt to treat him, but will turn on his heel and\nleave the house. On the other hand if a satisfactory confession has been\nmade, the leech directs the patient\u2019s friends to procure certain\nodd-looking bits of stone or shell to which the sins of the sufferer may\nbe transferred, for when that is done he will be made whole. For this\npurpose the sin-laden stones or shells are carried high up into the\nmountains and laid in some spot where the first beams of the sun, rising\nin clear or clouded majesty above the long white slopes or the towering\ncrags of the Sierra Nevada, will strike down on them, driving sin and\nsickness far away by their radiant influence.(684) Here, again, we see\nthat sin is regarded as something almost material which by confession can\nbe removed from the body of the patient and laid on stones or shells.\nFurther, the confession of sins has been resorted to by some people as a\nmeans of accelerating the birth of a child when the mother was in hard\nlabour. Thus, \u201camong the Indians of Guatemala, in the time of their\nidolatry when a woman was in labour, the midwife ordered her to confess\nher sins; and if she was not delivered, the husband was to confess his;\nand if that did not do they took off his clouts and put them about his\nwife\u2019s loins; if still she could not be delivered, the midwife drew blood\nfrom herself and sprinkled it towards the four quarters of heaven with\nsome invocations and ceremonies.\u201d(685) In these attempts of the Indians to\naccelerate the birth of the child it seems clear that the confession of\nsins on the part first of the wife and afterwards of the husband is\nnothing but a magical ceremony like the putting of the husband\u2019s clothes\non the suffering woman(686) or the sprinkling of the midwife\u2019s blood\ntowards the four quarters of the heaven. Amongst the Antambahoaka, a\nsavage tribe of Madagascar, when a woman is in hard labour, a sorcerer is\ncalled in to her aid. After making some magical signs and uttering some\nincantations, he generally declares that the patient cannot be delivered\nuntil she has publicly confessed a secret fault which she has committed.\nIn such a case a woman has been known to confess to incest with her\nbrother; and immediately after her confession the child was born.(687) In\nthese cases the confession of sins is clearly not a mode of warning people\nto keep clear of the sinner; it is a magical ceremony primarily intended\nto benefit the sinner himself or herself and no other. The same thing may\nperhaps be said of a confession which was prescribed in a certain case by\nancient Hindoo ritual. At a great festival of Varuna, which fell at the\nbeginning of the rainy season, the priest asked the wife of the sacrificer\nto name her paramour or paramours, and she had to mention their names or\nat least to take up as many grass-stalks as she had lovers.(688) \u201cNow when\na woman who belongs to one man carries on intercourse with another, she\nundoubtedly commits a sin against Varuna. He therefore thus asks her, lest\nshe should sacrifice with a secret pang in her mind; for when confessed\nthe sin becomes less, since it becomes truth; this is why he thus asks\nher. And whatever connection she confesses not, that indeed will turn out\ninjurious to her relatives.\u201d(689) In this passage of the _Satapatha\nBrahmana_ confession of sin is said to diminish the sin, just as if the\nmere utterance of the words ejected or expelled some morbid matter from\nthe person of the sinner, thereby relieving her of its burden and\nbenefiting also her relatives, who would suffer through any sin which she\nmight not have confessed.\n\n(M139) Thus at an early stage of culture the confession of sins wears the\naspect of a bodily rather than of a moral and spiritual purgation; it is a\nmagical rather than a religious rite, and as such it resembles the\nceremonies of washing, scouring, fumigation, and so forth, which in like\nmanner are applied by many primitive peoples to the purification of what\nwe should regard as moral guilt, but what they consider rather as a\ncorporeal pollution or infection, which can be removed by the physical\nagencies of fire, water, fasts, purgatives, abrasion, scarification, and\nso forth. But when the guilt of sin ceases to be regarded as something\nmaterial, a sort of clinging vapour of death, and is conceived as the\ntransgression of the will of a wise and good God, it is obvious that the\nobservance of these outward rites of purification becomes superfluous and\nabsurd, a vain show which cannot appease the anger of the offended deity.\nThe only means of turning away his wrath and averting the fatal\nconsequences of sin is now believed to be the humble confession and true\nrepentance of the sinner. At this stage of ethical evolution the practice\nof confession loses its old magical character as a bodily purge and\nassumes the new aspect of a purely religious rite, the propitiation of a\ngreat supernatural and moral being, who by a simple fiat can cancel the\ntransgression and restore the transgressor to a state of pristine\ninnocence. This comfortable doctrine teaches us that in order to blot out\nthe effects of our misdeeds we have only to acknowledge and confess them\nwith a lowly and penitent heart, whereupon a merciful God will graciously\npardon our sin and absolve us and ours from its consequences. It might\nindeed be well for the world if we could thus easily undo the past, if we\ncould recall the words that have been spoken amiss, if we could arrest the\nlong train that follows, like a flight of avenging Furies, on every evil\naction. But this we cannot do. Our words and acts, good and bad, have\ntheir natural, their inevitable consequences. God may pardon sin, but\nNature cannot.\n\n(M140) It seems not improbable that in our own rules of conduct, in what\nwe call the common decencies of life as well as in the weightier matters\nof morality, there may survive not a few old savage taboos which,\nmasquerading as an expression of the divine will or draped in the flowing\nrobes of a false philosophy, have maintained their credit long after the\ncrude ideas out of which they sprang have been discarded by the progress\nof thought and knowledge; while on the other hand many ethical precepts\nand social laws, which now rest firmly on a solid basis of utility, may at\nfirst have drawn some portion of their sanctity from the same ancient\nsystem of superstition. For example, we can hardly doubt that in primitive\nsociety the crime of murder derived much of its horror from a fear of the\nangry ghost of the murdered man. Thus superstition may serve as a\nconvenient crutch to morality till she is strong enough to throw away the\ncrutch and walk alone. To judge by the legislation of the Pentateuch the\nancient Semites appear to have passed through a course of moral evolution\nnot unlike that which we can still detect in process among the Esquimaux\nof Baffin Land. Some of the old laws of Israel are clearly savage taboos\nof a familiar type thinly disguised as commands of the deity. This\ndisguise is indeed a good deal more perfect in Palestine than in Baffin\nLand, but in substance it is the same. Among the Esquimaux it is the will\nof Sedna; among the Israelites it is the will of Jehovah.(690)\n\nBut it is time to return to our immediate subject, to wit, the rules of\nconduct observed by hunters after the slaughter of the game.\n\n(M141) When the Kayans or Bahaus of central Borneo have shot one of the\ndreaded Bornean panthers, they are very anxious about the safety of their\nsouls, for they think that the soul of a panther is almost more powerful\nthan their own. Hence they step eight times over the carcase of the dead\nbeast reciting the spell, \u201cPanther, thy soul under my soul.\u201d On returning\nhome they smear themselves, their dogs, and their weapons with the blood\nof fowls in order to calm their souls and hinder them from fleeing away;\nfor being themselves fond of the flesh of fowls they ascribe the same\ntaste to their souls. For eight days afterwards they must bathe by day and\nby night before going out again to the chase.(691) After killing an animal\nsome Indian hunters used to purify themselves in water as a religious\nrite.(692) When a Damara hunter returns from a successful chase he takes\nwater in his mouth and ejects it three times over his feet, and also into\nthe fire on his own hearth.(693) Amongst the Caffres of South Africa \u201cthe\nslaughter of a lion, however honourable it is esteemed, is nevertheless\nassociated with an idea of moral uncleanness, and is followed by a very\nstrange ceremony. When the hunters approach the village on their return,\nthe man who gave the lion the first wound is hidden from every eye by the\nshields which his comrades hold up before him. One of the hunters steps\nforward and, leaping and bounding in a strange manner, praises the courage\nof the lion-killer. Then he rejoins the band, and the same performance is\nrepeated by another. All the rest meanwhile keep up a ceaseless shouting,\nrattling with their clubs on their shields. This goes on till they have\nreached the village. Then a mean hut is run up not far from the village;\nand in this hut the lion-killer, because he is unclean, must remain four\ndays, cut off from all association with the tribe. There he dyes his body\nall over with white paint; and lads who have not yet been circumcised, and\nare therefore, in respect to uncleanness, in the same state as himself,\nbring him a calf to eat, and wait upon him. When the four days are over,\nthe unclean man washes himself, paints himself with red paint in the usual\nmanner, and is escorted back to the village by the head chief, attended\nwith a guard of honour. Lastly, a second calf is killed; and, the\nuncleanness being now at an end, every one is free to eat of the calf with\nhim.\u201d(694) Among the Hottentots, when a man has killed a lion, leopard,\nelephant, or rhinoceros he is esteemed a great hero, but he is deluged\nwith urine by the medicine-man and has to remain at home quite idle for\nthree days, during which his wife may not come near him; she is also\nenjoined to restrict herself to a poor diet and to eat no more than is\nbarely necessary to keep her in health.(695) Similarly the Lapps deem it\nthe height of glory to kill a bear, which they consider the king of\nbeasts. Nevertheless, all the men who take part in the slaughter are\nregarded as unclean, and must live by themselves for three days in a hut\nor tent made specially for them, where they cut up and cook the bear\u2019s\ncarcase. The reindeer which brought in the carcase on a sledge may not be\ndriven by a woman for a whole year; indeed, according to one account, it\nmay not be used by anybody for that period. Before the men go into the\ntent where they are to be secluded, they strip themselves of the garments\nthey had worn in killing the bear, and their wives spit the red juice of\nalder bark in their faces. They enter the tent not by the ordinary door\nbut by an opening at the back. When the bear\u2019s flesh has been cooked, a\nportion of it is sent by the hands of two men to the women, who may not\napproach the men\u2019s tent while the cooking is going on. The men who convey\nthe flesh to the women pretend to be strangers bringing presents from a\nforeign land; the women keep up the pretence and promise to tie red\nthreads round the legs of the strangers. The bear\u2019s flesh may not be\npassed in to the women through the door of their tent, but must be thrust\nin at a special opening made by lifting up the hem of the tent-cover. When\nthe three days\u2019 seclusion is over and the men are at liberty to return to\ntheir wives, they run, one after the other, round the fire, holding the\nchain by which pots are suspended over it. This is regarded as a form of\npurification; they may now leave the tent by the ordinary door and rejoin\nthe women. But the leader of the party must still abstain from\ncohabitation with his wife for two days more.(696)\n\n(M142) Again, the Caffres are said to dread greatly the boa-constrictor or\nan enormous serpent resembling it; \u201cand being influenced by certain\nsuperstitious notions they even fear to kill it. The man who happened to\nput it to death, whether in self-defence or otherwise, was formerly\nrequired to lie in a running stream of water during the day for several\nweeks together; and no beast whatever was allowed to be slaughtered at the\nhamlet to which he belonged, until this duty had been fully performed. The\nbody of the snake was then taken and carefully buried in a trench, dug\nclose to the cattle-fold, where its remains, like those of a chief, were\nhenceforward kept perfectly undisturbed. The period of penance, as in the\ncase of mourning for the dead, is now happily reduced to a few days.\u201d(697)\nAmongst the Ewe-speaking peoples of the Slave Coast, who worship the\npython, a native who killed one of these serpents used to be burned alive.\nBut for some time past, though a semblance of carrying out the old penalty\nis preserved, the culprit is allowed to escape with his life, but he has\nto pay a heavy fine. A small hut of dry faggots and grass is set up,\ngenerally near the lagoon at Whydah, if the crime has been perpetrated\nthere; the guilty man is thrust inside, the door of plaited grass is shut\non him, and the hut is set on fire. Sometimes a dog, a kid, and two fowls\nare enclosed along with him, and he is drenched with palm-oil and yeast,\nprobably to render him the more combustible. As he is unbound, he easily\nbreaks out of the frail hut before the flames consume him; but he has to\nrun the gauntlet of the angry serpent-worshippers, who belabour the\nmurderer of their god with sticks and pelt him with clods until he reaches\nwater and plunges into it, which is supposed to wash away his sin.\nThirteen days later a commemoration service is held in honour of the\ndeceased python.(698) In Madras it is considered a great sin to kill a\ncobra. When this has happened, the people generally burn the body of the\nserpent just as they burn the bodies of human beings. The murderer deems\nhimself polluted for three days. On the second day milk is poured on the\nremains of the cobra. On the third day the guilty wretch is free from\npollution.(699) Under native rule, we may suspect, he would not get off so\nlightly.\n\n(M143) In these last cases the animal whose slaughter has to be atoned for\nis sacred, that is, it is one whose life is commonly spared from motives\nof superstition. Yet the treatment of the sacrilegious slayer seems to\nresemble so closely the treatment of hunters and fishermen who have killed\nanimals for food in the ordinary course of business, that the ideas on\nwhich both sets of customs are based may be assumed to be substantially\nthe same. Those ideas, if I am right, are the respect which the savage\nfeels for the souls of beasts, especially valuable or formidable beasts,\nand the dread which he entertains of their vengeful ghosts. Some\nconfirmation of this view may be drawn from the ceremonies observed by\nfishermen of Annam when the carcase of a whale is washed ashore. These\nfisherfolk, we are told, worship the whale on account of the benefits they\nderive from it. There is hardly a village on the sea-shore which has not\nits small pagoda, containing the bones, more or less authentic, of a\nwhale. When a dead whale is washed ashore, the people accord it a solemn\nburial. The man who first caught sight of it acts as chief mourner,\nperforming the rites which as chief mourner and heir he would perform for\na human kinsman. He puts on all the garb of woe, the straw hat, the white\nrobe with long sleeves turned inside out, and the other paraphernalia of\nfull mourning. As next of kin to the deceased he presides over the funeral\nrites. Perfumes are burned, sticks of incense kindled, leaves of gold and\nsilver scattered, crackers let off. When the flesh has been cut off and\nthe oil extracted, the remains of the carcase are buried in the sand.\nAfterwards a shed is set up and offerings are made in it. Usually some\ntime after the burial the spirit of the dead whale takes possession of\nsome person in the village and declares by his mouth whether he is a male\nor a female.(700)\n\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER V. TABOOED THINGS.\n\n\n\n\n\u00a7 1. The Meaning of Taboo.\n\n\n(M144) Thus in primitive society the rules of ceremonial purity observed\nby divine kings, chiefs, and priests agree in many respects with the rules\nobserved by homicides, mourners, women in childbed, girls at puberty,\nhunters and fishermen, and so on. To us these various classes of persons\nappear to differ totally in character and condition; some of them we\nshould call holy, others we might pronounce unclean and polluted. But the\nsavage makes no such moral distinction between them; the conceptions of\nholiness and pollution are not yet differentiated in his mind. To him the\ncommon feature of all these persons is that they are dangerous and in\ndanger, and the danger in which they stand and to which they expose others\nis what we should call spiritual or ghostly, and therefore imaginary. The\ndanger, however, is not less real because it is imaginary; imagination\nacts upon man as really as does gravitation, and may kill him as certainly\nas a dose of prussic acid. To seclude these persons from the rest of the\nworld so that the dreaded spiritual danger shall neither reach them, nor\nspread from them, is the object of the taboos which they have to observe.\nThese taboos act, so to say, as electrical insulators to preserve the\nspiritual force with which these persons are charged from suffering or\ninflicting harm by contact with the outer world.(701)\n\nTo the illustrations of these general principles which have been already\ngiven I shall now add some more, drawing my examples, first, from the\nclass of tabooed things, and, second, from the class of tabooed words; for\nin the opinion of the savage both things and words may, like persons, be\ncharged or electrified, either temporarily or permanently, with the\nmysterious virtue of taboo, and may therefore require to be banished for a\nlonger or shorter time from the familiar usage of common life. And the\nexamples will be chosen with special reference to those sacred chiefs,\nkings and priests, who, more than anybody else, live fenced about by taboo\nas by a wall. Tabooed things will be illustrated in the present chapter,\nand tabooed words in the next.\n\n\n\n\n\u00a7 2. Iron tabooed.\n\n\n(M145) In the first place we may observe that the awful sanctity of kings\nnaturally leads to a prohibition to touch their sacred persons. Thus it\nwas unlawful to lay hands on the person of a Spartan king;(702) no one\nmight touch the body of the king or queen of Tahiti;(703) it is forbidden\nto touch the person of the king of Siam under pain of death;(704) and no\none may touch the king of Cambodia, for any purpose whatever, without his\nexpress command. In July 1874 the king was thrown from his carriage and\nlay insensible on the ground, but not one of his suite dared to touch him;\na European coming to the spot carried the injured monarch to his\npalace.(705) Formerly no one might touch the king of Corea; and if he\ndeigned to touch a subject, the spot touched became sacred, and the person\nthus honoured had to wear a visible mark (generally a cord of red silk)\nfor the rest of his life. Above all, no iron might touch the king\u2019s body.\nIn 1800 King Tieng-tsong-tai-oang died of a tumour in the back, no one\ndreaming of employing the lancet, which would probably have saved his\nlife. It is said that one king suffered terribly from an abscess in the\nlip, till his physician called in a jester, whose pranks made the king\nlaugh heartily, and so the abscess burst.(706) Roman and Sabine priests\nmight not be shaved with iron but only with bronze razors or shears;(707)\nand whenever an iron graving-tool was brought into the sacred grove of the\nArval Brothers at Rome for the purpose of cutting an inscription in stone,\nan expiatory sacrifice of a lamb and a pig must be offered, which was\nrepeated when the graving-tool was removed from the grove.(708) As a\ngeneral rule iron might not be brought into Greek sanctuaries.(709) In\nCrete sacrifices were offered to Menedemus without the use of iron,\nbecause the legend ran that Menedemus had been killed by an iron weapon in\nthe Trojan war.(710) The Archon of Plataea might not touch iron; but once\na year, at the annual commemoration of the men who fell at the battle of\nPlataea, he was allowed to carry a sword wherewith to sacrifice a\nbull.(711) To this day a Hottentot priest never uses an iron knife, but\nalways a sharp splint of quartz, in sacrificing an animal or circumcising\na lad.(712) Among the Ovambo of south-west Africa custom requires that\nlads should be circumcised with a sharp flint; if none is to hand, the\noperation may be performed with iron, but the iron must afterwards be\nburied.(713) The Antandroy and Tanala of Madagascar cut the navel-strings\nof their children with sharp wood or with a thread, but never with an iron\nknife.(714) In Uap, one of the Caroline Islands, wood of the hibiscus\ntree, which was used to make the fire-drill, must be cut with shell knives\nor shell axes, never with iron or steel.(715) Amongst the Moquis of\nArizona stone knives, hatchets, and so on have passed out of common use,\nbut are retained in religious ceremonies.(716) After the Pawnees had\nceased to use stone arrow-heads for ordinary purposes, they still employed\nthem to slay the sacrifices, whether human captives or buffalo and\ndeer.(717) We have seen that among the Esquimaux of Bering Strait the use\nof iron implements is forbidden for four days after the slaughter of a\nwhite whale, and that the use of an iron axe at a place where salmon are\nbeing dressed is believed by these people to be a fatal imprudence.(718)\nThey hold a festival in the assembly-house of the village, while the\nbladders of the slain beasts are hanging there, and during its celebration\nno wood may be cut with an iron axe. If it is necessary to split firewood,\nthis may be done with wedges of bone.(719) At Kushunuk, near Cape\nVancouver, it happened that Mr. Nelson and his party entered an\nassembly-house of these Esquimaux while the festival of the bladders was\nin progress. \u201cWhen our camping outfit was brought in from the sledges, two\nmen took drums, and as the clothing and goods of the traders who were with\nme were brought in, the drums were beaten softly and a song was sung in a\nlow, humming tone, but when our guns and some steel traps were brought in,\nwith other articles of iron, the drums were beaten loudly and the songs\nraised in proportion. This was done that the shades of the animals present\nin the bladders might not be frightened.\u201d(720) The Esquimaux on the\nwestern coast of Hudson Bay may not work on iron during the season for\nhunting musk-oxen, which falls in March. And no such work may be done by\nthem until the seals have their pups.(721) Negroes of the Gold Coast\nremove all iron or steel from their person when they consult their\nfetish.(722) The men who made the need-fire in Scotland had to divest\nthemselves of all metal.(723) There was hardly any belief, we are told,\nthat had a stronger hold on the mind of a Scottish Highlander than that on\nno account whatever should iron be put in the ground on Good Friday. Hence\nno grave was dug and no field ploughed on that day. It has been suggested\nthat the belief was based on that rooted aversion to iron which fairies\nare known to feel. These touchy beings live underground, and might resent\nhaving the roof pulled from over their heads on the hallowed day.(724)\nAgain, in the Highlands of Scotland the shoulder-blades of sheep are\nemployed in divination, being consulted as to future marriages, births,\ndeaths, and funerals; but the forecasts thus made will not be accurate\nunless the flesh has been removed from the bones without the use of any\niron.(725) In making the _clavie_ (a kind of Yule-tide fire-wheel) at\nBurghead, no hammer may be used; the hammering must be done with a\nstone.(726) Amongst the Jews no iron tool was used in building the Temple\nat Jerusalem or in making an altar.(727) The old wooden bridge (_Pons\nSublicius_) at Rome, which was considered sacred, was made and had to be\nkept in repair without the use of iron or bronze.(728) It was expressly\nprovided by law that the temple of Jupiter Liber at Furfo might be\nrepaired with iron tools.(729) The council chamber at Cyzicus was\nconstructed of wood without any iron nails, the beams being so arranged\nthat they could be taken out and replaced.(730) The late Rajah\nVijyanagram, a member of the Viceroy\u2019s Council, and described as one of\nthe most enlightened and estimable of Hindoo princes, would not allow iron\nto be used in the construction of buildings within his territory,\nbelieving that its use would inevitably be followed by small-pox and other\nepidemics.(731)\n\n(M146) This superstitious objection to iron perhaps dates from that early\ntime in the history of society when iron was still a novelty, and as such\nwas viewed by many with suspicion and dislike.(732) For everything new is\napt to excite the awe and dread of the savage. \u201cIt is a curious\nsuperstition,\u201d says a pioneer in Borneo, \u201cthis of the Dusuns, to attribute\nanything\u2014whether good or bad, lucky or unlucky\u2014that happens to them to\nsomething novel which has arrived in their country. For instance, my\nliving in Kindram has caused the intensely hot weather we have experienced\nof late.\u201d(733) Some years ago a harmless naturalist was collecting plants\namong the high forest-clad mountains on the borders of China and Tibet.\nFrom the summit of a pass he gazed with delight down a long valley which,\nstretching away as far as eye could reach to the south, resembled a sea of\nbloom, for everywhere the forest was ablaze with the gorgeous hues of the\nrhododendron and azalea in flower. In this earthly paradise the votary of\nscience hastened to install himself beside a lake. But hardly had he done\nso when, alas! the weather changed. Though the season was early June, the\ncold became intense, snow fell heavily, and the bloom of the rhododendrons\nwas cut off. The inhabitants of a neighbouring village at once set down\nthe unusual severity of the weather to the presence of a stranger in the\nforest; and a round-robin, signed by them unanimously, was forwarded to\nthe nearest mandarin, setting forth that the snow which had blocked the\nroad, and the hail which was blasting their crops, were alike caused by\nthe intruder, and that all sorts of disturbances would follow if he were\nallowed to remain. In these circumstances the naturalist, who had intended\nto spend most of the summer among the mountains, was forced to decamp.\n\u201cCollecting in this country,\u201d he adds pathetically, \u201cis not an easy\nmatter.\u201d(734) The unusually heavy rains which happened to follow the\nEnglish survey of the Nicobar Islands in the winter of 1886-1887 were\nimputed by the alarmed natives to the wrath of the spirits at the\ntheodolites, dumpy-levellers, and other strange instruments which had been\nset up in so many of their favourite haunts; and some of them proposed to\nsoothe the anger of the spirits by sacrificing a pig.(735) When the German\nHans Stade was a captive in a cannibal tribe of Brazilian Indians, it\nhappened that, shortly before a prisoner was to be eaten, a great wind\narose and blew away part of the roofs of the huts. The savages were angry\nwith Stade, and said he had made the wind to come by looking into his\nthunder-skins, by which they meant a book he had been reading, in order to\nsave the prisoner, who was a friend of his, from their stomachs. So the\npious German prayed to God, and God mercifully heard his prayer; for next\nmorning the weather was beautifully fine, and his friend was butchered,\ncarved, and eaten in the most perfect comfort.(736) According to the\nOrotchis of eastern Siberia, misfortunes have multiplied on them with the\ncoming of Europeans; \u201cthey even go so far as to lay the appearance of\n_new_ phenomena like thunder at the door of the Russians.\u201d(737) In the\nseventeenth century a succession of bad seasons excited a revolt among the\nEsthonian peasantry, who traced the origin of the evil to a water-mill,\nwhich put a stream to some inconvenience by checking its flow.(738) The\nfirst introduction of iron ploughshares into Poland having been followed\nby a succession of bad harvests, the farmers attributed the badness of the\ncrops to the iron ploughshares, and discarded them for the old wooden\nones.(739) To this day the primitive Baduwis of Java, who live chiefly by\nhusbandry, will use no iron tools in tilling their fields.(740)\n\n(M147) The general dislike of innovation, which always makes itself\nstrongly felt in the sphere of religion, is sufficient by itself to\naccount for the superstitious aversion to iron entertained by kings and\npriests and attributed by them to the gods; possibly this aversion may\nhave been intensified in places by some such accidental cause as the\nseries of bad seasons which cast discredit on iron ploughshares in Poland.\nBut the disfavour in which iron is held by the gods and their ministers\nhas another side. Their antipathy to the metal furnishes men with a weapon\nwhich may be turned against the spirits when occasion serves. As their\ndislike of iron is supposed to be so great that they will not approach\npersons and things protected by the obnoxious metal, iron may obviously be\nemployed as a charm for banning ghosts and other dangerous spirits. And\noften it is so used. Thus in the Highlands of Scotland the great safeguard\nagainst the elfin race is iron, or, better yet, steel. The metal in any\nform, whether as a sword, a knife, a gun-barrel, or what not, is\nall-powerful for this purpose. Whenever you enter a fairy dwelling you\nshould always remember to stick a piece of steel, such as a knife, a\nneedle, or a fish-hook, in the door; for then the elves will not be able\nto shut the door till you come out again. So too when you have shot a deer\nand are bringing it home at night, be sure to thrust a knife into the\ncarcase, for that keeps the fairies from laying their weight on it. A\nknife or a nail in your pocket is quite enough to prevent the fairies from\nlifting you up at night. Nails in the front of a bed ward off elves from\nwomen \u201cin the straw\u201d and from their babes; but to make quite sure it is\nbetter to put the smoothing-iron under the bed, and the reaping-hook in\nthe window. If a bull has fallen over a rock and been killed, a nail stuck\ninto it will preserve the flesh from the fairies. Music discoursed on that\nmelodious instrument, a Jew\u2019s harp, keeps the elfin women away from the\nhunter, because the tongue of the instrument is of steel.(741) Again, when\nScotch fishermen were at sea, and one of them happened to take the name of\nGod in vain, the first man who heard him called out \u201cCauld airn,\u201d at which\nevery man of the crew grasped the nearest bit of iron and held it between\nhis hands for a while.(742) So too when he hears the unlucky word \u201cpig\u201d\nmentioned, a Scotch fisherman will feel for the nails in his boots and\nmutter \u201cCauld airn.\u201d(743) The same magic words are even whispered in the\nchurches of Scotch fishing-villages when the clergyman reads the passage\nabout the Gadarene swine.(744) In Morocco iron is considered a great\nprotection against demons; hence it is usual to place a knife or dagger\nunder a sick man\u2019s pillow.(745) The Singhalese believe that they are\nconstantly surrounded by evil spirits, who lie in wait to do them harm. A\npeasant would not dare to carry good food, such as cakes or roast meat,\nfrom one place to another without putting an iron nail on it to prevent a\ndemon from taking possession of the viands and so making the eater ill. No\nsick person, whether man or woman, would venture out of the house without\na bunch of keys or a knife in his hand, for without such a talisman he\nwould fear that some devil might take advantage of his weak state to slip\ninto his body. And if a man has a large sore on his body he tries to keep\na morsel of iron on it as a protection against demons.(746) The\ninhabitants of Salsette, an island near Bombay, dread a spirit called\n_g\u00eer\u00e2_, which plays many pranks with a solitary traveller, leading him\nastray, lowering him into an empty well, and so on. But a _g\u00eer\u00e2_ dare not\ntouch a person who has on him anything made of iron or steel, particularly\na knife or a nail, of which the spirit stands in great fear. Nor will he\nmeddle with a woman, especially a married woman, because he is afraid of\nher bangles.(747) Among the Majhw\u00e2r, an aboriginal tribe in the hill\ncountry of South Mirzapur, an iron implement such as a sickle or a\nbetel-cutter is constantly kept near an infant\u2019s head during its first\nyear for the purpose of warding off the attacks of ghosts.(748) Among the\nMaravars, an aboriginal race of southern India, a knife or other iron\nobject lies beside a woman after childbirth to keep off the devil.(749)\nWhen a Mala woman is in labour, a sickle and some _n\u00efm_ leaves are always\nkept on the cot. In Malabar people who have to pass by burning-grounds or\nother haunted places commonly carry with them iron in some form, such as a\nknife or an iron rod used as a walking-stick. When pregnant women go on a\njourney, they carry with them a few twigs or leaves of the _n\u00efm_ tree, or\niron in some shape, to scare evil spirits lurking in groves or\nburial-grounds which they may pass.(750) In Bilaspore people attribute\ncholera to a goddess who visits the afflicted family. But they think that\nshe may be kept off by iron; hence during an epidemic of cholera people go\nabout with axes or sickles in their hands. \u201cTheir horses are not shod,\notherwise they might possibly nail horse-shoes to the door, but their\nbelief is more primitive; for with them iron does not _bring_ good luck,\nbut it _scares away_ the evil spirits, so when a man has had an epileptic\nfit he will wear an iron bracelet to keep away the evil spirit which was\nsupposed to have possessed him.\u201d(751) The Annamites imagine that a\nnew-born child is exposed to the attacks of evil spirits. To protect the\ninfant from these malignant beings the parents sometimes sell the child to\nthe village smith, who makes a small ring or circlet of iron and puts it\non the child\u2019s foot, commonly adding a little chain of iron. When the\ninfant has been sold to the smith and firmly attached to him by the chain,\nthe demons no longer have any power over him. After the child has grown\nbig and the danger is over, the parents ask the smith to break the iron\nring and thank him for his services. No metal but iron will serve the\npurpose.(752) On the Slave Coast of Africa when a mother sees her child\ngradually wasting away, she concludes that a demon has entered into the\nchild and takes her measures accordingly. To lure the demon out of the\nbody of her offspring, she offers a sacrifice of food; and while the devil\nis bolting it, she attaches iron rings and small bells to her child\u2019s\nankles and hangs iron chains round his neck. The jingling of the iron and\nthe tinkling of the bells are supposed to prevent the demon, when he has\nconcluded his repast, from entering again into the body of the little\nsufferer. Hence many children may be seen in this part of Africa weighed\ndown with iron ornaments.(753) The use of iron as a means to exorcise\ndemons was forbidden by the Coptic church.(754) In India \u201cthe mourner who\nperforms the ceremony of putting fire into the dead person\u2019s mouth carries\nwith him a piece of iron: it may be a key or a knife, or a simple piece of\niron, and during the whole time of his separation (for he is unclean for a\ncertain time, and no one will either touch him or eat or drink with him,\nneither can he change his clothes(755)) he carries the piece of iron about\nwith him to keep off the evil spirit. In Calcutta the Bengali clerks in\nthe Government Offices used to wear a small key on one of their fingers\nwhen they had been chief mourners.\u201d(756) When a woman dies in childbed in\nthe island of Salsette, they put a nail or other piece of iron in the\nfolds of her dress; this is done especially if the child survives her. The\nintention plainly is to prevent her spirit from coming back; for they\nbelieve that a dead mother haunts the house and seeks to carry away her\nchild.(757) In the north-east of Scotland immediately after a death had\ntaken place, a piece of iron, such as a nail or a knitting-wire, used to\nbe stuck into all the meal, butter, cheese, flesh, and whisky in the\nhouse, \u201cto prevent death from entering them.\u201d The neglect of this salutary\nprecaution is said to have been closely followed by the corruption of the\nfood and drink; the whisky has been known to become as white as milk.(758)\nWhen iron is used as a protective charm after a death, as in these Hindoo\nand Scotch customs, the spirit against which it is directed is the ghost\nof the deceased.(759)\n\n\n\n\n\u00a7 3. Sharp Weapons tabooed.\n\n\n(M148) There is a priestly king to the north of Zengwih in Burma, revered\nby the Sotih as the highest spiritual and temporal authority, into whose\nhouse no weapon or cutting instrument may be brought.(760) This rule may\nperhaps be explained by a custom observed by various peoples after a\ndeath; they refrain from the use of sharp instruments so long as the ghost\nof the deceased is supposed to be near, lest they should wound it. Thus\namong the Esquimaux of Bering Strait \u201cduring the day on which a person\ndies in the village no one is permitted to work, and the relatives must\nperform no labour during the three following days. It is especially\nforbidden during this period to cut with any edged instrument, such as a\nknife or an axe; and the use of pointed instruments, like needles or\nbodkins, is also forbidden. This is said to be done to avoid cutting or\ninjuring the shade, which may be present at any time during this period,\nand, if accidentally injured by any of these things, it would become very\nangry and bring sickness or death to the people. The relatives must also\nbe very careful at this time not to make any loud or harsh noises that may\nstartle or anger the shade.\u201d(761) We have seen that in like manner after\nkilling a white whale these Esquimaux abstain from the use of cutting or\npointed instruments for four days, lest they should unwittingly cut or\nstab the whale\u2019s ghost.(762) The same taboo is sometimes observed by them\nwhen there is a sick person in the village, probably from a fear of\ninjuring his shade which may be hovering outside of his body.(763) After a\ndeath the Roumanians of Transylvania are careful not to leave a knife\nlying with the sharp edge uppermost as long as the corpse remains in the\nhouse, \u201cor else the soul will be forced to ride on the blade.\u201d(764) For\nseven days after a death, the corpse being still in the house, the Chinese\nabstain from the use of knives and needles, and even of chopsticks, eating\ntheir food with their fingers.(765) On the third, sixth, ninth, and\nfortieth days after the funeral the old Prussians and Lithuanians used to\nprepare a meal, to which, standing at the door, they invited the soul of\nthe deceased. At these meals they sat silent round the table and used no\nknives, and the women who served up the food were also without knives. If\nany morsels fell from the table they were left lying there for the lonely\nsouls that had no living relations or friends to feed them. When the meal\nwas over the priest took a broom and swept the souls out of the house,\nsaying, \u201cDear souls, ye have eaten and drunk. Go forth, go forth.\u201d(766) In\ncutting the nails and combing the hair of a dead prince in South Celebes\nonly the back of the knife and of the comb may be used.(767) The Germans\nsay that a knife should not be left edge upwards, because God and the\nspirits dwell there, or because it will cut the face of God and the\nangels.(768) Among the Monumbos of New Guinea a pregnant woman may not use\nsharp instruments; for example, she may not sew. If she used such\ninstruments, they think that she would thereby stab the child in her\nwomb.(769) Among the Kayans of Borneo, when the birth-pangs begin, all men\nleave the room, and all cutting weapons and iron are also removed,\n\u201cperhaps in order not to frighten the child,\u201d says the writer who reports\nthe custom.(770) The reason may rather be a fear of injuring the flitting\nsoul of mother or babe. In Uganda, when the hour of a woman\u2019s delivery is\nat hand, her husband carries all spears and weapons out of the house,(771)\ndoubtless in order that they may not hurt the tender soul of the new-born\nchild. Early in the period of the Ming dynasty a professor of geomancy\nmade the alarming discovery that the spiritual atmosphere of K\u00fc-yung, a\ncity near Nanking, was in a truly deplorable condition through the\nintrusion of an evil spirit. The Chinese emperor, with paternal\nsolicitude, directed that the north gate, by which the devil had effected\nhis entrance, should be built up solid, and that for the future the\npopulation of the city should devote their energies to the pursuits of\nhair-dressing, corn-cutting, and the shaving of bamboo-roots, because, as\nhe sagaciously perceived, all these professions call for the use of\nsharp-edged instruments, which could not fail to keep the demon at\nbay.(772) We can now understand why no cutting instrument may be taken\ninto the house of the Burmese pontiff. Like so many priestly kings, he is\nprobably regarded as divine, and it is therefore right that his sacred\nspirit should not be exposed to the risk of being cut or wounded whenever\nit quits his body to hover invisible in the air or to fly on some distant\nmission.\n\n\n\n\n\u00a7 4. Blood tabooed.\n\n\n(M149) We have seen that the Flamen Dialis was forbidden to touch or even\nname raw flesh.(773) At certain times a Brahman teacher is enjoined not to\nlook on raw flesh, blood, or persons whose hands have been cut off.(774)\nIn Uganda the father of twins is in a state of taboo for some time after\nthe birth; among other rules he is forbidden to kill anything or to see\nblood.(775) In the Pelew Islands when a raid has been made on a village\nand a head carried off, the relations of the slain man are tabooed and\nhave to submit to certain observances in order to escape the wrath of his\nghost. They are shut up in the house, touch no raw flesh, and chew betel\nover which an incantation has been uttered by the exorcist. After this the\nghost of the slaughtered man goes away to the enemy\u2019s country in pursuit\nof his murderer.(776) The taboo is probably based on the common belief\nthat the soul or spirit of the animal is in the blood. As tabooed persons\nare believed to be in a perilous state\u2014for example, the relations of the\nslain man are liable to the attacks of his indignant ghost\u2014it is\nespecially necessary to isolate them from contact with spirits; hence the\nprohibition to touch raw meat. But as usual the taboo is only the special\nenforcement of a general precept; in other words, its observance is\nparticularly enjoined in circumstances which seem urgently to call for its\napplication, but apart from such circumstances the prohibition is also\nobserved, though less strictly, as a common rule of life. Thus some of the\nEsthonians will not taste blood because they believe that it contains the\nanimal\u2019s soul, which would enter the body of the person who tasted the\nblood.(777) Some Indian tribes of North America, \u201cthrough a strong\nprinciple of religion, abstain in the strictest manner from eating the\nblood of any animal, as it contains the life and spirit of the beast.\u201d\nThese Indians \u201ccommonly pull their new-killed venison (before they dress\nit) several times through the smoke and flame of the fire, both by the way\nof a sacrifice and to consume the blood, life, or animal spirits of the\nbeast, which with them would be a most horrid abomination to eat.\u201d(778)\nAmong the western D\u00e9n\u00e9s or Tinneh Indians of British Columbia until lately\nno woman would partake of blood, \u201cand both men and women abhorred the\nflesh of a beaver which had been caught and died in a trap, and of a bear\nstrangled to death in a snare, because the blood remained in the\ncarcase.\u201d(779) Many of the Slave, Hare, and Dogrib Indians scruple to\ntaste the blood of game; hunters of the former tribes collect the blood in\nthe animal\u2019s paunch and bury it in the snow.(780) The Malepa, a Bantu\ntribe in the north of the Transvaal, will taste no blood. Hence they cut\nthe throats of the cattle they slaughter and let the blood drain out of\nthe carcase before they will eat it. And they do the same with game.(781)\nJewish hunters poured out the blood of the game they had killed and\ncovered it up with dust. They would not taste the blood, believing that\nthe soul or life of the animal was in the blood, or actually was the\nblood.(782) The same belief was held by the Romans,(783) and is shared by\nthe Arabs,(784) by Chinese medical writers,(785) and by some of the Papuan\ntribes of New Guinea.(786)\n\n(M150) It is a common rule that royal blood may not be shed upon the\nground. Hence when a king or one of his family is to be put to death a\nmode of execution is devised by which the royal blood shall not be spilt\nupon the earth. About the year 1688 the generalissimo of the army rebelled\nagainst the king of Siam and put him to death \u201cafter the manner of royal\ncriminals, or as princes of the blood are treated when convicted of\ncapital crimes, which is by putting them into a large iron caldron, and\npounding them to pieces with wooden pestles, because none of their royal\nblood must be spilt on the ground, it being, by their religion, thought\ngreat impiety to contaminate the divine blood by mixing it with\nearth.\u201d(787) Other Siamese modes of executing a royal person are\nstarvation, suffocation, stretching him on a scarlet cloth and thrusting a\nbillet of fragrant sandal-wood into his stomach,(788) or lastly, sewing\nhim up in a leather sack with a large stone and throwing him into the\nriver; sometimes the sufferer\u2019s neck is broken with sandal-wood clubs\nbefore he is thrown into the water.(789) When Kublai Khan defeated and\ntook his uncle Nayan, who had rebelled against him, he caused Nayan to be\nput to death by being wrapt in a carpet and tossed to and fro till he\ndied, \u201cbecause he would not have the blood of his Line Imperial spilt upon\nthe ground or exposed in the eye of Heaven and before the Sun.\u201d(790)\n\u201cFriar Ricold mentions the Tartar maxim: \u2018One Khan will put another to\ndeath to get possession of the throne, but he takes great care that the\nblood be not spilt. For they say that it is highly improper that the blood\nof the Great Khan should be spilt upon the ground; so they cause the\nvictim to be smothered somehow or other.\u2019 The like feeling prevails at the\ncourt of Burma, where a peculiar mode of execution without bloodshed is\nreserved for princes of the blood.\u201d(791) Another writer on Burma observes\nthat \u201caccording to Mongolian tradition, it is considered improper to spill\nthe blood of any member of the royal race. Princes of the Blood are\nexecuted by a blow, or blows, of a bludgeon, inflicted on the back of the\nneck. The corpse is placed in a red velvet sack, which is fixed between\ntwo large perforated jars, and then sunk in the river Irawadi. Princesses\nare executed in a similar manner, with the exception that they are put to\ndeath by a blow in front, instead of the back of the neck.\u201d(792) In 1878\nthe relations of Theebaw, king of Burma, were despatched by being beaten\nacross the throat with a bamboo.(793) In Tonquin the ordinary mode of\nexecution is beheading, but persons of the blood royal are strangled.(794)\nIn Ashantee the blood of none of the royal family may be shed; if one of\nthem is guilty of a great crime he is drowned in the river Dah.(795) As\nthe blood royal of Dahomey may not be spilled, offenders of the royal\nfamily are drowned or strangled. Commonly they are bound hand and foot,\ncarried out to sea in a canoe, and thrown overboard.(796) When a king of\nBenin came to the throne he used to put his brothers to death; but as no\none might lay hands on a prince of the blood, the king commanded his\nbrothers to hang themselves, after which he buried their bodies with great\npomp.(797) In Madagascar the blood of nobles might not be shed; hence when\nfour Christians of that class were to be executed they were burned\nalive.(798) In Uganda \u201cno one may shed royal blood on any account, not\neven when ordered by the king to slay one of the royal house; royalty may\nonly be starved or burned to death.\u201d(799) Formerly when a young king of\nUganda came of age all his brothers were burnt except two or three, who\nwere preserved to keep up the succession.(800) Or a space of ground having\nbeen fenced in with a high paling and a deep ditch, the doomed men were\nled into the enclosure and left there till they died, while guards kept\nwatch outside to prevent their escape.(801) Among the Bawenda of southern\nAfrica dangerous princes are strangled, for their blood may not be\nshed.(802)\n\n(M151) The reluctance to spill royal blood seems to be only a particular\ncase of a general unwillingness to shed blood or at least to allow it to\nfall on the ground. Marco Polo tells us that in his day persons caught in\nthe streets of Cambaluc (Peking) at unseasonable hours were arrested, and\nif found guilty of a misdemeanour were beaten with a stick. \u201cUnder this\npunishment people sometimes die, but they adopt it in order to eschew\nbloodshed, for their _Bacsis_ say that it is an evil thing to shed man\u2019s\nblood.\u201d(803) When Captain Christian was shot by the Manx Government at the\nRestoration in 1660, the spot on which he stood was covered with white\nblankets, that his blood might not fall on the ground.(804) In West Sussex\npeople believe that the ground on which human blood has been shed is\naccursed and will remain barren for ever.(805) Among some primitive\npeoples, when the blood of a tribesman has to be spilt it is not suffered\nto fall upon the ground, but is received upon the bodies of his\nfellow-tribesmen. Thus in some Australian tribes boys who are being\ncircumcised are laid on a platform, formed by the living bodies of the\ntribesmen;(806) and when a boy\u2019s tooth is knocked out as an initiatory\nceremony, he is seated on the shoulders of a man, on whose breast the\nblood flows and may not be wiped away.(807) When Australian blacks bleed\neach other as a cure for headache and other ailments, they are very\ncareful not to spill any of the blood on the ground, but sprinkle it on\neach other.(808) We have already seen that in the Australian ceremony for\nmaking rain the blood which is supposed to imitate the rain is received\nupon the bodies of the tribesmen.(809) \u201cAlso the Gauls used to drink their\nenemies\u2019 blood and paint themselves therewith. So also they write that the\nold Irish were wont; and so have I seen some of the Irish do, but not\ntheir enemies\u2019 but friends\u2019 blood, as, namely, at the execution of a\nnotable traitor at Limerick, called Murrogh O\u2019Brien, I saw an old woman,\nwhich was his foster-mother, take up his head whilst he was quartered and\nsuck up all the blood that ran thereout, saying that the earth was not\nworthy to drink it, and therewith also steeped her face and breast and\ntore her hair, crying out and shrieking most terribly.\u201d(810) After a\nbattle in Horne Island, South Pacific, it was found that the brother of\nthe vanquished king was among the wounded. \u201cIt was sad to see his wife\ncollect in her hands the blood which had flowed from his wounds, and throw\nit on to her head, while she uttered piercing cries. All the relatives of\nthe wounded collected in the same manner the blood which had flowed from\nthem, down even to the last drop, and they even applied their lips to the\nleaves of the shrubs and licked it all up to the last drop.\u201d(811) In the\nMarquesas Islands the persons who helped a woman at childbirth received on\ntheir heads the blood which flowed at the cutting of the navel-string; for\nthe blood might not touch anything but a sacred object, and in Polynesia\nthe head is sacred in a high degree.(812) In South Celebes at childbirth a\nfemale slave stands under the house (the houses being raised on posts\nabove the ground) and receives in a basin on her head the blood which\ntrickles through the bamboo floor.(813) Among the Latuka of central Africa\nthe earth on which a drop of blood has fallen at childbirth is carefully\nscraped up with an iron shovel, put into a pot along with the water used\nin washing the mother, and buried tolerably deep outside the house on the\nleft-hand side.(814) In West Africa, if a drop of your blood has fallen on\nthe ground, you must carefully cover it up, rub and stamp it into the\nsoil; if it has fallen on the side of a canoe or a tree, the place is cut\nout and the chip destroyed.(815) The Caffres, we are told, have a great\nhorror of blood, and must purify themselves from the pollution if they\nhave shed it and been bespattered by it. Hence warriors on the return from\nbattle purge themselves with emetics, and that so violently that some of\nthem give up the ghost. A Caffre would never allow even a drop of blood\nfrom his nose or a wound to lie uncovered, but huddles it over with earth,\nthat his feet may not be defiled by it.(816) One motive of these African\ncustoms may be a wish to prevent the blood from falling into the hands of\nmagicians, who might make an evil use of it. That is admittedly the reason\nwhy people in West Africa stamp out any blood of theirs which has fallen\non the ground or cut out any wood that has been soaked with it.(817) From\na like dread of sorcery natives of New Guinea are careful to burn any\nsticks, leaves, or rags which are stained with their blood; and if the\nblood has dripped on the ground they turn up the soil and if possible\nlight a fire on the spot.(818) The same fear explains the curious duties\ndischarged by a class of men called _ramanga_ or \u201cblue blood\u201d among the\nBetsileo of Madagascar. It is their business to eat all the nail-parings\nand to lick up all the spilt blood of the nobles. When the nobles pare\ntheir nails, the parings are collected to the last scrap and swallowed by\nthese _ramanga_. If the parings are too large, they are minced small and\nso gulped down. Again, should a nobleman wound himself, say in cutting his\nnails or treading on something, the _ramanga_ lick it up as fast as\npossible. Nobles of high rank hardly go anywhere without these humble\nattendants; but if it should happen that there are none of them present,\nthe cut nails and the spilt blood are carefully collected to be afterwards\nswallowed by the _ramanga_. There is scarcely a nobleman of any\npretensions who does not strictly observe this custom,(819) the intention\nof which probably is to prevent these parts of his person from falling\ninto the hands of sorcerers, who on the principles of contagious magic\ncould work him harm thereby. The tribes of the White Nile are said never\nto shed human blood in their villages because they think the sight of it\nwould render women barren or bring misfortune on their children. Hence\nexecutions and murders commonly take place on the roads or in the\nforest.(820)\n\n(M152) The unwillingness to shed blood is extended by some peoples to the\nblood of animals. Thus, when the Caffres offer an ox to the spirits, the\nblood of the beast must be carefully caught in a calabash, and none of it\nmay fall on the ground.(821) When the Wanika in eastern Africa kill their\ncattle for food, \u201cthey either stone or beat the animal to death, so as not\nto shed the blood.\u201d(822) Amongst the Damaras cattle killed for food are\nsuffocated, but when sacrificed they are speared to death.(823) But like\nmost pastoral tribes in Africa, both the Wanika and Damaras very seldom\nkill their cattle, which are indeed commonly invested with a kind of\nsanctity.(824) Some of the Ewe-speaking negroes of Togoland, in West\nAfrica, celebrate a festival in honour of the Earth at which it is\nunlawful to shed blood on the ground. Hence the fowls which are sacrificed\non these occasions have their necks wrung, not their throats cut.(825) In\nkilling an animal for food the Easter Islanders do not shed its blood, but\nstun it or suffocate it in smoke.(826) When the natives of San Cristoval,\none of the Solomon Islands, sacrifice a pig to a ghost in a sacred place,\nthey take great care that the blood shall not fall on the ground; so they\nplace the animal in a large bowl and cut it up there.(827) It is said that\nin ancient India the sacrificial victims were not slaughtered but\nstrangled.(828)\n\n(M153) The general explanation of the reluctance to shed blood on the\nground is probably to be found in the belief that the soul is in the\nblood, and that therefore any ground on which it may fall necessarily\nbecomes taboo or sacred. In New Zealand anything upon which even a drop of\na high chief\u2019s blood chances to fall becomes taboo or sacred to him. For\ninstance, a party of natives having come to visit a chief in a fine new\ncanoe, the chief got into it, but in doing so a splinter entered his foot,\nand the blood trickled on the canoe, which at once became sacred to him.\nThe owner jumped out, dragged the canoe ashore opposite the chief\u2019s house,\nand left it there. Again, a chief in entering a missionary\u2019s house knocked\nhis head against a beam, and the blood flowed. The natives said that in\nformer times the house would have belonged to the chief.(829) As usually\nhappens with taboos of universal application, the prohibition to spill the\nblood of a tribesman on the ground applies with peculiar stringency to\nchiefs and kings, and is observed in their case long after it has ceased\nto be observed in the case of others.\n\n(M154) We have seen that the Flamen Dialis was not allowed to walk under a\ntrellised vine.(830) The reason for this prohibition was perhaps as\nfollows. It has been shewn that plants are considered as animate beings\nwhich bleed when cut, the red juice which exudes from some of them being\nregarded as the blood of the plant.(831) The juice of the grape is\ntherefore naturally conceived as the blood of the vine.(832) And since, as\nwe have just seen, the soul is often believed to be in the blood, the\njuice of the grape is regarded as the soul, or as containing the soul, of\nthe vine. This belief is strengthened by the intoxicating effects of wine.\nFor, according to primitive notions, all abnormal mental states, such as\nintoxication or madness, are caused by the entrance of a spirit into the\nperson; such mental states, in other words, are accounted forms of\npossession or inspiration. Wine, therefore, is considered on two distinct\ngrounds as a spirit, or containing a spirit; first because, as a red\njuice, it is identified with the blood of the plant, and second because it\nintoxicates or inspires. Therefore if the Flamen Dialis had walked under a\ntrellised vine, the spirit of the vine, embodied in the clusters of\ngrapes, would have been immediately over his head and might have touched\nit, which for a person like him in a state of permanent taboo(833) would\nhave been highly dangerous. This interpretation of the prohibition will be\nmade probable if we can shew, first, that wine has been actually viewed by\nsome peoples as blood, and intoxication as inspiration produced by\ndrinking the blood; and, second, that it is often considered dangerous,\nespecially for tabooed persons, to have either blood or a living person\nover their heads.\n\n(M155) With regard to the first point, we are informed by Plutarch that of\nold the Egyptian kings neither drank wine nor offered it in libations to\nthe gods, because they held it to be the blood of beings who had once\nfought against the gods, the vine having sprung from their rotting bodies;\nand the frenzy of intoxication was explained by the supposition that the\ndrunken man was filled with the blood of the enemies of the gods.(834) The\nAztecs regarded _pulque_ or the wine of the country as bad, on account of\nthe wild deeds which men did under its influence. But these wild deeds\nwere believed to be the acts, not of the drunken man, but of the wine-god\nby whom he was possessed and inspired; and so seriously was this theory of\ninspiration held that if any one spoke ill of or insulted a tipsy man, he\nwas liable to be punished for disrespect to the wine-god incarnate in his\nvotary. Hence, says Sahagun, it was believed, not without ground, that the\nIndians intoxicated themselves on purpose to commit with impunity crimes\nfor which they would certainly have been punished if they had committed\nthem sober.(835) Thus it appears that on the primitive view intoxication\nor the inspiration produced by wine is exactly parallel to the inspiration\nproduced by drinking the blood of animals.(836) The soul or life is in the\nblood, and wine is the blood of the vine. Hence whoever drinks the blood\nof an animal is inspired with the soul of the animal or of the god, who,\nas we have seen,(837) is often supposed to enter into the animal before it\nis slain; and whoever drinks wine drinks the blood, and so receives into\nhimself the soul or spirit, of the god of the vine.\n\n(M156) With regard to the second point, the fear of passing under blood or\nunder a living person, we are told that some of the Australian blacks have\na dread of passing under a leaning tree or even under the rails of a\nfence. The reason they give is that a woman may have been upon the tree or\nfence, and some blood from her may have fallen on it and might fall from\nit on them.(838) In Ugi, one of the Solomon Islands, a man will never, if\nhe can help it, pass under a tree which has fallen across the path, for\nthe reason that a woman may have stepped over it before him.(839) Amongst\nthe Karens of Burma \u201cgoing under a house, especially if there are females\nwithin, is avoided; as is also the passing under trees of which the\nbranches extend downwards in a particular direction, and the butt-end of\nfallen trees, etc.\u201d(840) The Siamese think it unlucky to pass under a rope\non which women\u2019s clothes are hung, and to avert evil consequences the\nperson who has done so must build a chapel to the earth-spirit.(841)\n\n(M157) Probably in all such cases the rule is based on a fear of being\nbrought into contact with blood, especially the blood of women. From a\nlike fear a Maori will never lean his back against the wall of a native\nhouse.(842) For the blood of women is supposed to have disastrous effects\nupon males. The Arunta of central Australia believe that a draught of\nwoman\u2019s blood would kill the strongest man.(843) In the Encounter Bay\ntribe of South Australia boys are warned that if they see the blood of\nwomen they will early become grey-headed and their strength will fail\nprematurely.(844) Men of the Booandik tribe in South Australia think that\nif they see the blood of their women they will not be able to fight\nagainst their enemies and will be killed; if the sun dazzles their eyes at\na fight, the first woman they afterwards meet is sure to get a blow from\ntheir club.(845) In the island of Wetar it is thought that if a man or a\nlad comes upon a woman\u2019s blood he will be unfortunate in war and other\nundertakings, and that any precautions he may take to avoid the misfortune\nwill be vain.(846) The people of Ceram also believe that men who see\nwomen\u2019s blood will be wounded in battle.(847) It is an Esthonian belief\nthat men who see women\u2019s blood will suffer from an eruption on the\nskin.(848) A Fan negro told Miss Kingsley that a young man in his village,\nwho was so weak that he could hardly crawl about, had fallen into this\nstate through seeing the blood of a woman who had been killed by a falling\ntree. \u201cThe underlying idea regarding blood is of course the old one that\nthe blood is the life. The life in Africa means a spirit, hence the\nliberated blood is the liberated spirit, and liberated spirits are always\nwhipping into people who do not want them. In the case of the young Fan,\nthe opinion held was that the weak spirit of the woman had got into\nhim.\u201d(849)\n\n\n\n\n\u00a7 5. The Head tabooed.\n\n\n(M158) Again, the reason for not passing under dangerous objects, like a\nvine or women\u2019s blood, is a fear that they may come in contact with the\nhead; for among many peoples the head is peculiarly sacred. The special\nsanctity attributed to it is sometimes explained by a belief that it is\nthe seat of a spirit which is very sensitive to injury or disrespect. Thus\nthe Yorubas of the Slave Coast hold that every man has three spiritual\ninmates, of whom the first, called Olori, dwells in the head and is the\nman\u2019s protector, guardian, and guide. Offerings are made to this spirit,\nchiefly of fowls, and some of the blood mixed with palm-oil is rubbed on\nthe forehead.(850) The Karens of Burma suppose that a being called the\n_tso_ resides in the upper part of the head, and while it retains its seat\nno harm can befall the person from the efforts of the seven _Kelahs_, or\npersonified passions. \u201cBut if the _tso_ becomes heedless or weak certain\nevil to the person is the result. Hence the head is carefully attended to,\nand all possible pains are taken to provide such dress and attire as will\nbe pleasing to the _tso_.\u201d(851) The Siamese think that a spirit called\n_khuan_ or _kwun_ dwells in the human head, of which it is the guardian\nspirit. The spirit must be carefully protected from injury of every kind;\nhence the act of shaving or cutting the hair is accompanied with many\nceremonies. The _kwun_ is very sensitive on points of honour, and would\nfeel mortally insulted if the head in which he resides were touched by the\nhand of a stranger. When Dr. Bastian, in conversation with a brother of\nthe king of Siam, raised his hand to touch the prince\u2019s skull in order to\nillustrate some medical remarks he was making, a sullen and threatening\nmurmur bursting from the lips of the crouching courtiers warned him of the\nbreach of etiquette he had committed, for in Siam there is no greater\ninsult to a man of rank than to touch his head. If a Siamese touch the\nhead of another with his foot, both of them must build chapels to the\nearth-spirit to avert the omen. Nor does the guardian spirit of the head\nlike to have the hair washed too often; it might injure or incommode him.\nIt was a grand solemnity when the king of Burma\u2019s head was washed with\nwater drawn from the middle of the river. Whenever the native professor,\nfrom whom Dr. Bastian took lessons in Burmese at Mandalay, had his head\nwashed, which took place as a rule once a month, he was generally absent\nfor three days together, that time being consumed in preparing for, and\nrecovering from, the operation of head-washing. Dr. Bastian\u2019s custom of\nwashing his head daily gave rise to much remark.(852) The head of the king\nof Persia was cleaned only once a year, on his birthday.(853) Roman women\nwashed their heads annually on the thirteenth of August, Diana\u2019s day.(854)\nThe Indians of Peru fancied they could rid themselves of their sins by\nscrubbing their heads with a small stone and then washing them in a\nstream.(855)\n\n(M159) Again, the Burmese think it an indignity to have any one,\nespecially a woman, over their heads, and for this reason Burmese houses\nhave never more than one story. The houses are raised on posts above the\nground, and whenever anything fell through the floor Dr. Bastian had\nalways difficulty in persuading a servant to fetch it from under the\nhouse. In Rangoon a priest, summoned to the bedside of a sick man, climbed\nup a ladder and got in at the window rather than ascend the staircase, to\nreach which he must have passed under a gallery. A pious Burman of\nRangoon, finding some images of Buddha in a ship\u2019s cabin, offered a high\nprice for them, that they might not be degraded by sailors walking over\nthem on the deck.(856) Formerly in Siam no person might cross a bridge\nwhile his superior in rank was passing underneath, nor might he walk in a\nroom above one in which his superior was sitting or lying.(857) The\nCambodians esteem it a grave offence to touch a man\u2019s head; some of them\nwill not enter a place where anything whatever is suspended over their\nheads; and the meanest Cambodian would never consent to live under an\ninhabited room. Hence the houses are built of one story only; and even the\nGovernment respects the prejudice by never placing a prisoner in the\nstocks under the floor of a house, though the houses are raised high above\nthe ground.(858) The same superstition exists amongst the Malays; for an\nearly traveller reports that in Java people \u201cwear nothing on their heads,\nand say that nothing must be on their heads ... and if any person were to\nput his hand upon their head they would kill him; and they do not build\nhouses with storeys, in order that they may not walk over each other\u2019s\nheads.\u201d(859) In Uganda no person belonging to the king\u2019s totem clan was\nallowed to get on the top of the palace to roof it, for that would have\nbeen regarded as equivalent to getting on the top of the king. Hence the\npalace had to be roofed by men of a different clan from the king.(860)\n\n(M160) The same superstition as to the head is found in full force\nthroughout Polynesia. Thus of Gattanewa, a Marquesan chief, it is said\nthat \u201cto touch the top of his head, or anything which had been on his\nhead, was sacrilege. To pass over his head was an indignity never to be\nforgotten. Gattanewa, nay, all his family, scorned to pass a gateway which\nis ever closed, or a house with a door; all must be as open and free as\ntheir unrestrained manners. He would pass under nothing that had been\nraised by the hand of man, if there was a possibility of getting round or\nover it. Often have I seen him walk the whole length of our barrier, in\npreference to passing between our water-casks; and at the risk of his life\nscramble over the loose stones of a wall, rather than go through the\ngateway.\u201d(861) Marquesan women have been known to refuse to go on the\ndecks of ships for fear of passing over the heads of chiefs who might be\nbelow.(862) The son of a Marquesan high priest has been seen to roll on\nthe ground in an agony of rage and despair, begging for death, because\nsome one had desecrated his head and deprived him of his divinity by\nsprinkling a few drops of water on his hair.(863) But it was not the\nMarquesan chiefs only whose heads were sacred. The head of every Marquesan\nwas taboo, and might neither be touched nor stepped over by another; even\na father might not step over the head of his sleeping child;(864) women\nwere forbidden to carry or touch anything that had been in contact with,\nor had merely hung over, the head of their husband or father.(865) No one\nwas allowed to be over the head of the king of Tonga.(866) In Hawaii (the\nSandwich Islands) if a man climbed upon a chiefs house or upon the wall of\nhis yard, he was put to death; if his shadow fell on a chief, he was put\nto death; if he walked in the shadow of a chiefs house with his head\npainted white or decked with a garland or wetted with water, he was put to\ndeath.(867) In Tahiti any one who stood over the king or queen, or passed\nhis hand over their heads, might be put to death.(868) Until certain rites\nwere performed over it, a Tahitian infant was especially taboo; whatever\ntouched the child\u2019s head, while it was in this state, became sacred and\nwas deposited in a consecrated place railed in for the purpose at the\nchild\u2019s house. If a branch of a tree touched the child\u2019s head, the tree\nwas cut down; and if in its fall it injured another tree so as to\npenetrate the bark, that tree also was cut down as unclean and unfit for\nuse. After the rites were performed these special taboos ceased; but the\nhead of a Tahitian was always sacred, he never carried anything on it, and\nto touch it was an offence.(869) In New Zealand \u201cthe heads of the chiefs\nwere always tabooed (_tapu_), hence they could not pass, or sit, under\nfood hung up; or carry food, as others, on their backs; neither would they\neat a meal in a house, nor touch a calabash of water in drinking. No one\ncould touch their head, nor, indeed, commonly speak of it, or allude to\nit; to do so offensively was one of their heaviest curses, and grossest\ninsults, only to be wiped out with blood.\u201d(870) So sacred was the head of\na Maori chief that \u201cif he only touched it with his fingers, he was obliged\nimmediately to apply them to his nose, and snuff up the sanctity which\nthey had acquired by the touch, and thus restore it to the part from\nwhence it was taken.\u201d(871) On account of the sacredness of his head a\nMaori chief \u201ccould not blow the fire with his mouth, for the breath being\nsacred, communicated his sanctity to it, and a brand might be taken by a\nslave, or a man of another tribe, or the fire might be used for other\npurposes, such as cooking, and so cause his death.\u201d(872) It is a crime for\na sacred person in New Zealand to leave his comb, or anything else which\nhas touched his head, in a place where food has been cooked, or to suffer\nanother person to drink out of any vessel which has touched his lips.\nHence when a chief wishes to drink he never puts his lips to the vessel,\nbut holds his hands close to his mouth so as to form a hollow, into which\nwater is poured by another person, and thence is allowed to flow into his\nmouth. If a light is needed for his pipe, the burning ember taken from the\nfire must be thrown away as soon as it is used; for the pipe becomes\nsacred because it has touched his mouth; the coal becomes sacred because\nit has touched the pipe; and if a particle of the sacred cinder were\nreplaced on the common fire, the fire would also become sacred and could\nno longer be used for cooking.(873) Some Maori chiefs, like other\nPolynesians, object to go down into a ship\u2019s cabin from fear of people\npassing over their heads.(874) Dire misfortune was thought by the Maoris\nto await those who entered a house where any article of animal food was\nsuspended over their heads. \u201cA dead pigeon, or a piece of pork hung from\nthe roof, was a better protection from molestation than a sentinel.\u201d(875)\nIf I am right, the reason for the special objection to having animal food\nover the head is the fear of bringing the sacred head into contact with\nthe spirit of the animal; just as the reason why the Flamen Dialis might\nnot walk under a vine was the fear of bringing his sacred head into\ncontact with the spirit of the vine. Similarly King Darius would not pass\nthrough a gate over which there was a tomb, because in doing so he would\nhave had a corpse above his head.(876) Among the Awuna tribes of the Gold\nCoast, West Africa, the worshippers of Hebesio, the god of thunder,\nbelieve that their heads are sacred, being associated in some mysterious\nway with the presence of the protective spirit of their god, which has\npassed into them through this channel at baptism. Hence they carefully\nguard their heads against injury, especially against any wound that might\ndraw blood, for they think that such a wound would entail the loss of\nreason on the sufferer, and that it would bring down the wrath of the\nthundering god and of his mouth-piece the fetish priest on the impious\nsmiter.(877)\n\n\n\n\n\u00a7 6. Hair tabooed.\n\n\n(M161) When the head was considered so sacred that it might not even be\ntouched without grave offence, it is obvious that the cutting of the hair\nmust have been a delicate and difficult operation. The difficulties and\ndangers which, on the primitive view, beset the operation are of two\nkinds. There is first the danger of disturbing the spirit of the head,\nwhich may be injured in the process and may revenge itself upon the person\nwho molests him. Secondly, there is the difficulty of disposing of the\nshorn locks. For the savage believes that the sympathetic connexion which\nexists between himself and every part of his body continues to exist even\nafter the physical connexion has been broken, and that therefore he will\nsuffer from any harm that may befall the severed parts of his body, such\nas the clippings of his hair or the parings of his nails. Accordingly he\ntakes care that these severed portions of himself shall not be left in\nplaces where they might either be exposed to accidental injury or fall\ninto the hands of malicious persons who might work magic on them to his\ndetriment or death. Such dangers are common to all, but sacred persons\nhave more to fear from them than ordinary people, so the precautions taken\nby them are proportionately stringent. The simplest way of evading the\nperil is not to cut the hair at all; and this is the expedient adopted\nwhere the risk is thought to be more than usually great. The Frankish\nkings were never allowed to crop their hair; from their childhood upwards\nthey had to keep it unshorn.(878) To poll the long locks that floated on\ntheir shoulders would have been to renounce their right to the throne.\nWhen the wicked brothers Clotaire and Childebert coveted the kingdom of\ntheir dead brother Clodomir, they inveigled into their power their little\nnephews, the two sons of Clodomir; and having done so, they sent a\nmessenger bearing scissors and a naked sword to the children\u2019s\ngrandmother, Queen Clotilde, at Paris. The envoy shewed the scissors and\nthe sword to Clotilde, and bade her choose whether the children should be\nshorn and live or remain unshorn and die. The proud queen replied that if\nher grandchildren were not to come to the throne she would rather see them\ndead than shorn. And murdered they were by their ruthless uncle Clotaire\nwith his own hand.(879) The king of Ponape, one of the Caroline Islands,\nmust wear his hair long, and so must his grandees.(880) The hair of the\nAztec priests hung down to their hams, so that the weight of it became\nvery troublesome; for they might never poll it so long as they lived, or\nat least until they had been relieved of their office on the score of old\nage. They wore it braided in great tresses, six fingers broad, and tied\nwith cotton.(881) A Haida medicine-man may neither clip nor comb his\ntresses, so they are always long and tangled.(882) Among the Hos, a negro\ntribe of Togoland in West Africa, \u201cthere are priests on whose head no\nrazor may come during the whole of their lives. The god who dwells in the\nman forbids the cutting of his hair on pain of death. If the hair is at\nlast too long, the owner must pray to his god to allow him at least to\nclip the tips of it. The hair is in fact conceived as the seat and\nlodging-place of his god, so that were it shorn the god would lose his\nabode in the priest.\u201d(883) A rain-maker at Boroma, on the lower Zambesi,\nused to give out that he was possessed by two spirits, one of a lion, the\nother of a leopard, and in the assemblies of the people he mimicked the\nroaring of these beasts. In order that their spirits might not leave him,\nhe never cut his hair nor drank alcohol.(884) The Masai clan of the El\nKiboron, who are believed to possess the art of making rain, may not pluck\nout their beards, because the loss of their beards would, it is supposed,\nentail the loss of their rain-making powers. The head chief and the\nsorcerers of the Masai observe the same rule for a like reason: they think\nthat were they to pull out their beards, their supernatural gifts would\ndesert them.(885) In central Borneo the chiefs of a particular Kayan\nfamily never allow their hair to be shorn.(886) Ancient Indian law\nrequired that when a new king had performed the ceremony of consecration\nhe might not shave his hair for a year, though he was allowed to crop it.\nAccording to one account none of his subjects, except a Brahman, might\nhave his hair cut during this period, and even horses were left\nunclipped.(887) Amongst the Alfoors of Celebes the _Leleen_ or priest who\nlooks after the rice-fields may not shear his hair during the time that he\nexercises his special functions, that is from a month before the rice is\nsown until it is housed.(888) In Usukuma, a district to the south of Lake\nVictoria Nyanza, the people are forbidden to shave their heads till the\ncorn has been sown.(889) Men of the Tsetsaut tribe in British Columbia do\nnot cut their hair, believing that if they cut it they would quickly grow\nold.(890) In Ceram men do not crop their hair: if married men did so, they\nwould lose their wives; if young men did so, they would grow weak and\nenervated.(891) In Timorlaut married men may not poll their hair for the\nsame reason as in Ceram, but widowers and men on a journey may do so after\noffering a fowl or a pig in sacrifice.(892) Malays of the Peninsula are\nforbidden to clip their hair during their wife\u2019s pregnancy and for forty\ndays after the child has been born; and a similar abstention is said to\nhave been formerly incumbent on all persons prosecuting a journey or\nengaged in war.(893) Elsewhere men travelling abroad have been in the\nhabit of leaving their hair unshorn until their return. The reason for\nthis custom is probably the danger to which, as we have seen, a traveller\nis believed to be exposed from the magic arts of the strangers amongst\nwhom he sojourns; if they got possession of his shorn hair, they might\nwork his destruction through it. The Egyptians on a journey kept their\nhair uncut till they returned home.(894) \u201cAt T\u00e2if when a man returned from\na journey his first duty was to visit the Rabba and poll his hair.\u201d(895)\nAchilles kept unshorn his yellow hair, because his father had vowed to\noffer it to the River Sperchius if ever his son came home from the wars\nbeyond the sea.(896) Formerly when Dyak warriors returned with the heads\nof their enemies, each man cut off a lock from the front of his head and\nthrew it into the river as a mode of ending the taboo to which they had\nbeen subjected during the expedition.(897) Bechuanas after a battle had\ntheir hair shorn by their mothers \u201cin order that new hair might grow, and\nthat all which was old and polluted might disappear and be no more.\u201d(898)\n\n(M162) Again, men who have taken a vow of vengeance sometimes keep their\nhair unshorn till they have fulfilled their vow. Thus of the Marquesans we\nare told that \u201coccasionally they have their head entirely shaved, except\none lock on the crown, which is worn loose or put up in a knot. But the\nlatter mode of wearing the hair is only adopted by them when they have a\nsolemn vow, as to revenge the death of some near relation, etc. In such\ncase the lock is never cut off until they have fulfilled their\npromise.\u201d(899) A similar custom was sometimes observed by the ancient\nGermans; among the Chatti the young warriors never clipped their hair or\ntheir beard till they had slain an enemy.(900) Six thousand Saxons once\nswore that they would not poll their hair nor shave their beards until\nthey had taken vengeance on their foes.(901) On one occasion a Hawaiian\ntaboo is said to have lasted thirty years, \u201cduring which the men were not\nallowed to trim their beards, etc.\u201d(902) While his vow lasted, a Nazarite\nmight not have his hair cut: \u201cAll the days of the vow of his separation\nthere shall no razor come upon his head.\u201d(903) Possibly in this case there\nwas a special objection to touching the tabooed man\u2019s head with iron. The\nRoman priests, as we have seen, were shorn with bronze knives. The same\nfeeling perhaps gave rise to the European rule that a child\u2019s nails should\nnot be pared during the first year, but that if it is absolutely necessary\nto shorten them they should be bitten off by the mother or nurse.(904) For\nin all parts of the world a young child is believed to be especially\nexposed to supernatural dangers, and particular precautions are taken to\nguard it against them; in other words, the child is under a number of\ntaboos, of which the rule just mentioned is one. \u201cAmong Hindus the usual\ncustom seems to be that the nails of a first-born child are cut at the age\nof six months. With other children a year or two is allowed to\nelapse.\u201d(905) The Slave, Hare, and Dogrib Indians of North-West America do\nnot pare the nails of female children till they are four years of\nage.(906) In Uganda a child\u2019s hair may not be cut until the child has\nreceived a name. Should any of it be rubbed or plucked off accidentally,\nit is refastened to the child\u2019s head with string or by being knotted to\nthe other hair.(907) Amongst the Ewe negroes of the Slave Coast, a mother\nsometimes vows a sacrifice to the fetish if her infant should live. She\nthen leaves the child unshorn till its fourth or sixth year, when she\nfulfils her vow and has the child\u2019s hair cut by a priest.(908) To this day\na Syrian mother will sometimes, like Hannah, devote her little one to God.\nWhen the child reaches a certain age, its hair is cut and weighed, and\nmoney is paid in proportion to the weight. If the boy thus dedicated is a\nMoslem, he becomes in time a dervish; if he is a Christian, he becomes a\nmonk.(909) Among the Toradjas of central Celebes, when a child\u2019s hair is\ncut to rid it of vermin, some locks are allowed to remain on the crown of\nthe head as a refuge for one of the child\u2019s souls. Otherwise the soul\nwould have no place in which to settle, and the child would sicken.(910)\nThe Karo-Bataks of Sumatra are much afraid of frightening away the soul\n(_t\u0115ndi_) of a child; hence when they cut its hair, they always leave a\npatch unshorn, to which the soul can retreat before the shears. Usually\nthis lock remains unshorn all through life, or at least up till\nmanhood.(911) In some parts of Germany it is thought that if a child\u2019s\nhair is combed in its first year the child will be unlucky;(912) or that\nif a boy\u2019s hair is cut before his seventh year he will have no\ncourage.(913)\n\n\n\n\n\u00a7 7. Ceremonies at Hair-cutting.\n\n\n(M163) But when it becomes necessary to crop the hair, measures are taken\nto lessen the dangers which are supposed to attend the operation. The\nchief of Namosi in Fiji always ate a man by way of precaution when he had\nhad his hair cut. \u201cThere was a certain clan that had to provide the\nvictim, and they used to sit in solemn council among themselves to choose\nhim. It was a sacrificial feast to avert evil from the chief.\u201d(914) This\nremarkable custom has been described more fully by another observer. The\nold heathen temple at Namosi is called Rukunitambua, \u201cand round about it\nare hundreds of stones, each of which tells a fearful tale. A subject\ntribe, whose town was some little distance from Namosi, had committed an\nunpardonable offence, and were condemned to a frightful doom. The\nearth-mound on which their temple had stood was planted with the mountain\n_ndalo_ (arum), and when the crop was ripe, the poor wretches had to carry\nit down to Namosi, and give at least one of their number to be killed and\neaten by the chief. He used to take advantage of these occasions to have\nhis hair cut, for the human sacrifice was supposed to avert all danger of\nwitchcraft if any ill-wisher got hold of the cuttings of his hair, human\nhair being the most dangerous channel for the deadliest spells of the\nsorcerers. The stones round Rukunitambua represented these and other\nvictims who had been killed and eaten at Namosi. Each stone was the record\nof a murder succeeded by a cannibal feast.\u201d(915) Amongst the Maoris many\nspells were uttered at hair-cutting; one, for example, was spoken to\nconsecrate the obsidian knife with which the hair was cut; another was\npronounced to avert the thunder and lightning which hair-cutting was\nbelieved to cause.(916) \u201cHe who has had his hair cut is in immediate\ncharge of the Atua (spirit); he is removed from the contact and society of\nhis family and his tribe; he dare not touch his food himself; it is put\ninto his mouth by another person; nor can he for some days resume his\naccustomed occupations or associate with his fellow-men.\u201d(917) The person\nwho cuts the hair is also tabooed; his hands having been in contact with a\nsacred head, he may not touch food with them or engage in any other\nemployment; he is fed by another person with food cooked over a sacred\nfire. He cannot be released from the taboo before the following day, when\nhe rubs his hands with potato or fern root which has been cooked on a\nsacred fire; and this food having been taken to the head of the family in\nthe female line and eaten by her, his hands are freed from the taboo. In\nsome parts of New Zealand the most sacred day of the year was that\nappointed for hair-cutting; the people assembled in large numbers on that\nday from all the neighbourhood.(918) Sometimes a Maori chief\u2019s hair was\nshorn by his wife, who was then tabooed for a week as a consequence of\nhaving touched his sacred locks.(919) It is an affair of state when the\nking of Cambodia\u2019s hair is cropped. The priests place on the barber\u2019s\nfingers certain old rings set with large stones, which are supposed to\ncontain spirits favourable to the kings, and during the operation the\nBrahmans keep up a noisy music to drive away the evil spirits.(920) The\nhair and nails of the Mikado could only be cut while he was asleep,(921)\nperhaps because his soul being then absent from his body, there was less\nchance of injuring it with the shears.\n\n(M164) From their earliest days little Siamese children have the crown of\nthe head clean shorn with the exception of a single small tuft of hair,\nwhich is daily combed, twisted, oiled, and tied in a little knot until the\nday when it is finally removed with great pomp and ceremony. The ceremony\nof shaving the top-knot takes place before the child has reached puberty,\nand great anxiety is felt at this time lest the _kwun_, or guardian-spirit\nwho commonly resides in the body and especially the head of every\nSiamese,(922) should be so disturbed by the tonsure as to depart and leave\nthe child a hopeless wreck for life. Great pains are therefore taken to\nrecall this mysterious being in case he should have fled, and to fix him\nsecurely in the child. This is the object of an elaborate ceremony\nperformed on the afternoon of the day when the top-knot has been cut. A\nminiature pagoda is erected, and on it are placed several kinds of food\nknown to be favourites of the spirit. When the _kwun_ has arrived and is\nfeasting on these dainties, he is caught and held fast under a cloth\nthrown over the food. The child is now placed near the pagoda, and all the\nfamily and friends form a circle, with the child, the captured spirit, and\nthe Brahman priests in the middle. Hereupon the priests address the\nspirit, earnestly entreating him to enter into the child. They amuse him\nwith tales, and coax and wheedle him with flattery, jest, and song; the\ngongs ring out their loudest; the people cheer and only a _kwun_ of the\nsourest and most obdurate disposition could resist the combined appeal.\nThe last sentences of the formal invocation run as follows: \u201cBenignant\n_kwun_! Thou fickle being who art wont to wander and dally about! From the\nmoment that the child was conceived in the womb, thou hast enjoyed every\npleasure, until ten (lunar) months having elapsed and the time of delivery\narrived, thou hast suffered and run the risk of perishing by being born\nalive into the world. Gracious _kwun_! thou wast at that time so tender,\ndelicate, and wavering as to cause great anxiety concerning thy fate; thou\nwas exactly like a child, youthful, innocent, and inexperienced. The least\ntrifle frightened thee and made thee shudder. In thy infantile playfulness\nthou wast wont to frolic and wander to no purpose. As thou didst commence\nto learn to sit, and, unassisted, to crawl totteringly on all fours, thou\nwast ever falling flat on thy face or on thy back. As thou didst grow up\nin years and couldst move thy steps firmly, thou didst begin to run and\nsport thoughtlessly and rashly all round the rooms, the terrace, and\nbridging planks of travelling boat or floating house, and at times thou\ndidst fall into the stream, creek, or pond, among the floating\nwater-weeds, to the utter dismay of those to whom thy existence was most\ndear. O gentle _kwun_, come into thy corporeal abode; do not delay this\nauspicious rite. Thou art now full-grown and dost form everybody\u2019s delight\nand admiration. Let all the tiny particles of _kwun_ that have fallen on\nland or water assemble and take permanent abode in this darling little\nchild. Let them all hurry to the site of this auspicious ceremony and\nadmire the magnificent preparations made for them in this hall.\u201d The\nbrocaded cloth from the pagoda, under which lurks the captive spirit, is\nnow rolled up tightly and handed to the child, who is told to clasp it\nfirmly to his breast and not let the _kwun_ escape. Further, the child\ndrinks the milk of the coco-nuts which had been offered to the spirit, and\nby thus absorbing the food of the _kwun_ ensures the presence of that\nprecious spirit in his body. A magic cord is tied round his wrist to keep\noff the wicked spirits who would lure the _kwun_ away from home; and for\nthree nights he sleeps with the embroidered cloth from the pagoda fast\nclasped in his arms.(923)\n\n\n\n\n\u00a7 8. Disposal of Cut Hair and Nails.\n\n\n(M165) But even when the hair and nails have been safely cut, there\nremains the difficulty of disposing of them, for their owner believes\nhimself liable to suffer from any harm that may befall them. The notion\nthat a man may be bewitched by means of the clippings of his hair, the\nparings of his nails, or any other severed portion of his person is almost\nworld-wide,(924) and attested by evidence too ample, too familiar, and too\ntedious in its uniformity to be here analysed at length. The general idea\non which the superstition rests is that of the sympathetic connexion\nsupposed to persist between a person and everything that has once been\npart of his body or in any way closely related to him. A very few examples\nmust suffice. They belong to that branch of sympathetic magic which may be\ncalled contagious.(925) Thus, when the Chilote Indians, inhabiting the\nwild, deeply indented coasts and dark rain-beaten forests of southern\nChili, get possession of the hair of an enemy, they drop it from a high\ntree or tie it to a piece of seaweed and fling it into the surf; for they\nthink that the shock of the fall, or the blows of the waves as the tress\nis tossed to and fro on the heaving billows, will be transmitted through\nthe hair to the person from whose head it was cut.(926) Dread of sorcery,\nwe are told, formed one of the most salient characteristics of the\nMarquesan islanders in the old days. The sorcerer took some of the hair,\nspittle, or other bodily refuse of the man he wished to injure, wrapped it\nup in a leaf, and placed the packet in a bag woven of threads or fibres,\nwhich were knotted in an intricate way. The whole was then buried with\ncertain rites, and thereupon the victim wasted away of a languishing\nsickness which lasted twenty days. His life, however, might be saved by\ndiscovering and digging up the buried hair, spittle, or what not; for as\nsoon as this was done the power of the charm ceased.(927) A Marquesan\nchief told Lieutenant Gamble that he was extremely ill, the Happah tribe\nhaving stolen a lock of his hair and buried it in a plantain leaf for the\npurpose of taking his life. Lieutenant Gamble argued with him, but in\nvain; die he must unless the hair and the plantain leaf were brought back\nto him; and to obtain them he had offered the Happahs the greater part of\nhis property. He complained of excessive pain in the head, breast, and\nsides.(928) A Maori sorcerer intent on bewitching somebody sought to get a\ntress of his victim\u2019s hair, the parings of his nails, some of his spittle,\nor a shred of his garment. Having obtained the object, whatever it was, he\nchanted certain spells and curses over it in a falsetto voice and buried\nit in the ground. As the thing decayed, the person to whom it had belonged\nwas supposed to waste away.(929) Again, an Australian girl, sick of a\nfever, laid the blame of her illness on a young man who had come behind\nher and cut off a lock of her hair; she was sure he had buried it and that\nit was rotting. \u201cHer hair,\u201d she said, \u201cwas rotting somewhere, and her\n_Marm-bu-la_ (kidney fat) was wasting away, and when her hair had\ncompletely rotted, she would die.\u201d(930) When an Australian blackfellow\nwishes to get rid of his wife, he cuts off a lock of her hair in her\nsleep, ties it to his spear-thrower, and goes with it to a neighbouring\ntribe, where he gives it to a friend. His friend sticks the spear-thrower\nup every night before the camp fire, and when it falls down it is a sign\nthat the wife is dead.(931) The way in which the charm operates was\nexplained to Dr. Howitt by a Wirajuri man. \u201cYou see,\u201d he said, \u201cwhen a\nblackfellow doctor gets hold of something belonging to a man and roasts it\nwith things, and sings over it, the fire catches hold of the smell of the\nman, and that settles the poor fellow.\u201d(932) A slightly different form of\nthe charm as practised in Australia is to fasten the enemy\u2019s hair with wax\nto the pinion bone of a hawk, and set the bone in a small circle of fire.\nAccording as the sorcerer desires the death or only the sickness of his\nvictim he leaves the bone in the midst of the fire or removes it and lays\nit in the sun. When he thinks he has done his enemy enough harm, he places\nthe bone in water, which ends the enchantment.(933) Lucian describes how a\nSyrian witch professed to bring back a faithless lover to his forsaken\nfair one by means of a lock of his hair, his shoes, his garments, or\nsomething of that sort. She hung the hair, or whatever it was, on a peg\nand fumigated it with brimstone, sprinkling salt on the fire and\nmentioning the names of the lover and his lass. Then she drew a magic\nwheel from her bosom and set it spinning, while she gabbled a spell full\nof barbarous and fearsome words. This soon brought the false lover back to\nthe feet of his charmer.(934) Apuleius tells how an amorous Thessalian\nwitch essayed to win the affections of a handsome Boeotian youth by\nsimilar means. As darkness fell she mounted the roof, and there,\nsurrounded by a hellish array of dead men\u2019s bones, she knotted the severed\ntresses of auburn hair and threw them on the glowing embers of a perfumed\nfire. But her cunning handmaid had outwitted her; the hair was only goat\u2019s\nhair; and all her enchantments ended in dismal and ludicrous failure.(935)\n\n(M166) The Huzuls of the Carpathians imagine that if mice get a person\u2019s\nshorn hair and make a nest of it, the person will suffer from headache or\neven become idiotic.(936) Similarly in Germany it is a common notion that\nif birds find a person\u2019s cut hair, and build their nests with it, the\nperson will suffer from headache;(937) sometimes it is thought that he\nwill have an eruption on the head.(938) The same superstition prevails, or\nused to prevail, in West Sussex. \u201cI knew how it would be,\u201d exclaimed a\nmaidservant one day, \u201cwhen I saw that bird fly off with a bit of my hair\nin its beak that blew out of the window this morning when I was dressing;\nI knew I should have a clapping headache, and so I have.\u201d(939) In like\nmanner the Scottish Highlanders believe that if cut or loose hair is\nallowed to blow away with the wind and it passes over an empty nest, or a\nbird takes it to its nest, the head from which it came will ache.(940) The\nTodas of southern India hide their clipped hair in bushes or hollows in\nthe rocks, in order that it may not be found by crows, and they bury the\nparings of their nails lest they should be eaten by buffaloes, with whom,\nit is believed, they would disagree.(941)\n\n(M167) Again it is thought that cut or combed-out hair may disturb the\nweather by producing rain and hail, thunder and lightning. We have seen\nthat in New Zealand a spell was uttered at hair-cutting to avert thunder\nand lightning. In the Tyrol, witches are supposed to use cut or combed-out\nhair to make hailstones or thunderstorms with.(942) Thlinkeet Indians have\nbeen known to attribute stormy weather to the rash act of a girl who had\ncombed her hair outside of the house.(943) The Romans seem to have held\nsimilar views, for it was a maxim with them that no one on shipboard\nshould cut his hair or nails except in a storm,(944) that is, when the\nmischief was already done. In the Highlands of Scotland it is said that no\nsister should comb her hair at night if she have a brother at sea.(945) In\nWest Africa, when the Mani of Chitombe or Jumba died, the people used to\nrun in crowds to the corpse and tear out his hair, teeth, and nails, which\nthey kept as a rain-charm, believing that otherwise no rain would fall.\nThe Makoko of the Anzikos begged the missionaries to give him half their\nbeards as a rain-charm.(946) When Du Chaillu had his hair cut among the\nAshira of West Africa, the people scuffled and fought for the clippings of\nhis hair, even the aged king himself taking part in the scrimmage. Every\none who succeeded in getting some of the hairs wrapped them up carefully\nand went off in triumph. When the traveller, who was regarded as a spirit\nby these simple-minded folk, asked the king what use the clippings could\nbe to him, his sable majesty replied, \u201cOh, spirit! these hairs are very\nprecious; we shall make _mondas_ (fetiches) of them, and they will bring\nother white men to us, and bring us great good luck and riches. Since you\nhave come to us, oh spirit! we have wished to have some of your hair, but\ndid not dare to ask for it, not knowing that it could be cut.\u201d(947) The\nWabondei of eastern Africa preserve the hair and nails of their dead\nchiefs and use them both for the making of rain and the healing of the\nsick.(948) The hair, beard, and nails of their deceased chiefs are the\nmost sacred possession, the most precious treasure of the Baronga of\nsouth-eastern Africa. Preserved in pellets of cow-dung wrapt round with\nleathern thongs, they are kept in a special hut under the charge of a high\npriest, who offers sacrifices and prayers at certain seasons, and has to\nobserve strict continence for a month before he handles these holy relics\nin the offices of religion. A terrible drought was once the result of this\npalladium falling into the hands of the enemy.(949) In some Victorian\ntribes the sorcerer used to burn human hair in time of drought; it was\nnever burned at other times for fear of causing a deluge of rain. Also\nwhen the river was low, the sorcerer would place human hair in the stream\nto increase the supply of water.(950)\n\n(M168) If cut hair and nails remain in sympathetic connexion with the\nperson from whose body they have been severed, it is clear that they can\nbe used as hostages for his good behaviour by any one who may chance to\npossess them; for on the principles of contagious magic he has only to\ninjure the hair or nails in order to hurt simultaneously their original\nowner. Hence when the Nandi have taken a prisoner they shave his head and\nkeep the shorn hair as a surety that he will not attempt to escape; but\nwhen the captive is ransomed, they return his shorn hair with him to his\nown people.(951) For a similar reason, perhaps, when the Tiaha, an Arab\ntribe of Moab, have taken a prisoner whom they do not wish to put to\ndeath, they shave one corner of his head above his temples and let him go.\nSo, too, an Arab of Moab who pardons a murderer will sometimes cut off the\nman\u2019s hair and shave his chin before releasing him. Again, when two\nMoabite Arabs had got hold of a traitor who had revealed their plan of\ncampaign to the enemy, they contented themselves with shaving completely\none side of his head and his moustache on the other, after which they set\nhim at liberty.(952) We can now, perhaps, understand why Hanun King of\nAmmon shaved off one-half of the beards of King David\u2019s messengers and cut\noff half their garments before he sent them back to their master.(953) His\nintention, we may conjecture, was not simply to put a gross affront on the\nenvoys. He distrusted the ambitious designs of King David and wished to\nhave some guarantee of the maintenance of peace and friendly relations\nbetween the two countries. That guarantee he may have imagined that he\npossessed in half of the beards and garments of the ambassadors; and if\nthat was so, we may suppose that when the indignant David set the army of\nIsrael in motion against Ammon, and the fords of Jordan were alive with\nthe passage of his troops, the wizards of Ammon were busy in the strong\nkeep of Rabbah muttering their weird spells and performing their quaint\nenchantments over the shorn hair and severed skirts in order to dispel the\nthundercloud of war that was gathering black about their country. Vain\nhopes! The city fell, and from the gates the sad inhabitants trooped forth\nin thousands to be laid in long lines on the ground and sawed asunder or\nripped up with harrows or to walk into the red glow of the burning brick\nkilns.(954) Again, the parings of nails may serve the same purpose as the\nclippings of hair; they too may be treated as bail for the good behaviour\nof the persons from whose fingers they have been cut. It is apparently on\nthis principle that when the Ba-yaka of the Congo valley cement a peace,\nthe chiefs of the two tribes meet and eat a cake which contains some of\ntheir nail-parings as a pledge of the maintenance of the treaty. They\nbelieve that he who breaks an engagement contracted in this solemn manner\nwill die.(955) Each of the high contracting parties has in fact given\nhostages to fortune in the shape of the nail-parings which are lodged in\nthe other man\u2019s stomach.\n\n(M169) To preserve the cut hair and nails from injury and from the\ndangerous uses to which they may be put by sorcerers, it is necessary to\ndeposit them in some safe place. Hence the natives of the Maldives\ncarefully keep the cuttings of their hair and nails and bury them, with a\nlittle water, in the cemeteries; \u201cfor they would not for the world tread\nupon them nor cast them in the fire, for they say that they are part of\ntheir body, and demand burial as it does; and, indeed, they fold them\nneatly in cotton; and most of them like to be shaved at the gates of\ntemples and mosques.\u201d(956) In New Zealand the severed hair was deposited\non some sacred spot of ground \u201cto protect it from being touched\naccidentally or designedly by any one.\u201d(957) The shorn locks of a chief\nwere gathered with much care and placed in an adjoining cemetery.(958) The\nTahitians buried the cuttings of their hair at the temples.(959) In the\nstreets of Soku, West Africa, a modern traveller observed cairns of large\nstones piled against walls with tufts of human hair inserted in the\ncrevices. On asking the meaning of this, he was told that when any native\nof the place polled his hair he carefully gathered up the clippings and\ndeposited them in one of these cairns, all of which were sacred to the\nfetish and therefore inviolable. These cairns of sacred stones, he further\nlearned, were simply a precaution against witchcraft, for if a man were\nnot thus careful in disposing of his hair, some of it might fall into the\nhands of his enemies, who would, by means of it, be able to cast spells\nover him and so compass his destruction.(960) When the top-knot of a\nSiamese child has been cut with great ceremony, the short hairs are put\ninto a little vessel made of plantain leaves and set adrift on the nearest\nriver or canal. As they float away, all that was wrong or harmful in the\nchild\u2019s disposition is believed to depart with them. The long hairs are\nkept till the child makes a pilgrimage to the holy Footprint of Buddha on\nthe sacred hill at Prabat. They are then presented to the priests, who are\nsupposed to make them into brushes with which they sweep the Footprint;\nbut in fact so much hair is thus offered every year that the priests\ncannot use it all, so they quietly burn the superfluity as soon as the\npilgrims\u2019 backs are turned.(961) The cut hair and nails of the Flamen\nDialis were buried under a lucky tree.(962) The shorn tresses of the\nVestal virgins were hung on an ancient lotus-tree.(963) In Morocco women\noften hang their cut hair on a tree that grows on or near the grave of a\nwonder-working saint; for they think thus to rid themselves of headache or\nto guard against it.(964) In Germany the clippings of hair used often to\nbe buried under an elder-bush.(965) In Oldenburg cut hair and nails are\nwrapt in a cloth which is deposited in a hole in an elder-tree three days\nbefore the new moon; the hole is then plugged up.(966) In the West of\nNorthumberland it is thought that if the first parings of a child\u2019s nails\nare buried under an ash-tree, the child will turn out a fine singer.(967)\nIn Amboyna, before a child may taste sago-pap for the first time, the\nfather cuts off a lock of the infant\u2019s hair, which he buries under a\nsago-palm.(968) In the Aru Islands, when a child is able to run alone, a\nfemale relation shears a lock of its hair and deposits it on a\nbanana-tree.(969) In the island of Rotti it is thought that the first hair\nwhich a child gets is not his own, and that, if it is not cut off, it will\nmake him weak and ill. Hence, when the child is about a month old, his\nhair is polled with much ceremony. As each of the friends who are invited\nto the ceremony enters the house he goes up to the child, snips off a\nlittle of its hair and drops it into a coco-nut shell full of water.\nAfterwards the father or another relation takes the hair and packs it into\na little bag made of leaves, which he fastens to the top of a palm-tree.\nThen he gives the leaves of the palm a good shaking, climbs down, and goes\nhome without speaking to any one.(970) Indians of the Yukon territory,\nAlaska, do not throw away their cut hair and nails, but tie them up in\nlittle bundles and place them in the crotches of trees or wherever they\nare not likely to be disturbed by beasts. For \u201cthey have a superstition\nthat disease will follow the disturbance of such remains by animals.\u201d(971)\n\n(M170) Often the clipped hair and nails are stowed away in any secret\nplace, not necessarily in a temple or cemetery or at a tree, as in the\ncases already mentioned. Thus in Swabia you are recommended to deposit\nyour clipped hair in some spot where neither sun nor moon can shine on it,\nfor example in the earth or under a stone.(972) In Danzig it is buried in\na bag under the threshold.(973) In Ugi, one of the Solomon Islands, men\nbury their hair lest it should fall into the hands of an enemy who would\nmake magic with it and so bring sickness or calamity on them.(974) The\nsame fear seems to be general in Melanesia, and has led to a regular\npractice of hiding cut hair and nails.(975) In Fiji, the shorn hair is\nconcealed in the thatch of the house.(976) Most Burmese and Shans tie the\ncombings of their hair and the parings of their nails to a stone and sink\nthem in deep water or bury them in the ground.(977) The Zend-Avesta\ndirects that the clippings of hair and the parings of nails shall be\nplaced in separate holes, and that three, six, or nine furrows shall be\ndrawn round each hole with a metal knife.(978) In the _Grihya-S\u00fbtras_ it\nis provided that the hair cut from a child\u2019s head at the end of the first,\nthird, fifth, or seventh year shall be buried in the earth at a place\ncovered with grass or in the neighbourhood of water.(979) At the end of\nthe period of his studentship a Brahman has his hair shaved and his nails\ncut; and a person who is kindly disposed to him gathers the shorn hair and\nthe clipped nails, puts them in a lump of bull\u2019s dung, and buries them in\na cow-stable or near an _adumbara_ tree or in a clump of _darbha_ grass,\nwith the words, \u201cThus I hide the sins of So-and-so.\u201d(980) The Madi or Moru\ntribe of central Africa bury the parings of their nails in the\nground.(981) In Uganda grown people throw away the clippings of their\nhair, but carefully bury the parings of their nails.(982) The A-lur are\ncareful to collect and bury both their hair and nails in safe places.(983)\nThe same practice prevails among many tribes of South Africa, from a fear\nlest wizards should get hold of the severed particles and work evil with\nthem.(984) The Caffres carry still further this dread of allowing any\nportion of themselves to fall into the hands of an enemy; for not only do\nthey bury their cut hair and nails in a secret spot, but when one of them\ncleans the head of another he preserves the vermin which he catches,\n\u201ccarefully delivering them to the person to whom they originally\nappertained, supposing, according to their theory, that as they derived\ntheir support from the blood of the man from whom they were taken, should\nthey be killed by another, the blood of his neighbour would be in his\npossession, thus placing in his hands the power of some superhuman\ninfluence.\u201d(985) Amongst the Wanyoro of central Africa all cuttings of the\nhair and nails are carefully stored under the bed and afterwards strewed\nabout among the tall grass.(986) Similarly the Wahoko of central Africa\ntake pains to collect their cut hair and nails and scatter them in the\nforest.(987) The Asa, a branch of the Masai, hide the clippings of their\nhair and the parings of their nails or throw them away far from the kraal,\nlest a sorcerer should get hold of them and make their original owners ill\nby his magic.(988) In North Guinea the parings of the finger-nails and the\nshorn locks of the head are scrupulously concealed, lest they be converted\ninto a charm for the destruction of the person to whom they belong.(989)\nFor the same reason the clipped hair and nail-parings of chiefs in\nSouthern Nigeria are secretly buried.(990) Among the Thompson Indians of\nBritish Columbia loose hair was buried, hidden, or thrown into the water,\nbecause, if an enemy got hold of it, he might bewitch the owner.(991) In\nBolang Mongondo, a district of western Celebes, the first hair cut from a\nchild\u2019s head is kept in a young coco-nut, which is commonly hung on the\nfront of the house, under the roof.(992) To spit upon the hair before\nthrowing it away is thought in some parts of Europe to be a sufficient\nsafeguard against its use by witches.(993) Spitting as a protective charm\nis well known.(994)\n\n(M171) Sometimes the severed hair and nails are preserved, not to prevent\nthem from falling into the hands of a magician, but that the owner may\nhave them at the resurrection of the body, to which some races look\nforward. Thus the Incas of Peru \u201ctook extreme care to preserve the\nnail-parings and the hairs that were shorn off or torn out with a comb;\nplacing them in holes or niches in the walls; and if they fell out, any\nother Indian that saw them picked them up and put them in their places\nagain. I very often asked different Indians, at various times, why they\ndid this, in order to see what they would say, and they all replied in the\nsame words saying, \u2018Know that all persons who are born must return to\nlife\u2019 (they have no word to express resuscitation), \u2018and the souls must\nrise out of their tombs with all that belonged to their bodies. We,\ntherefore, in order that we may not have to search for our hair and nails\nat a time when there will be much hurry and confusion, place them in one\nplace, that they may be brought together more conveniently, and, whenever\nit is possible, we are also careful to spit in one place.\u2019 \u201d(995) In Chili\nthis custom of stuffing the shorn hair into holes in the wall is still\nobserved, it being thought the height of imprudence to throw the hair\naway.(996) Similarly the Turks never throw away the parings of their\nnails, but carefully stow them in cracks of the walls or of the boards, in\nthe belief that they will be needed at the resurrection.(997) The\nArmenians do not throw away their cut hair and nails and extracted teeth,\nbut hide them in places that are esteemed holy, such as a crack in the\nchurch wall, a pillar of the house, or a hollow tree. They think that all\nthese severed portions of themselves will be wanted at the resurrection,\nand that he who has not stowed them away in a safe place will have to hunt\nabout for them on the great day.(998) With the same intention the\nMacedonians bury the parings of their nails in a hole,(999) and devout\nMoslems in Morocco hide them in a secret place.(1000) Similarly the Arabs\nof Moab bestow the parings of their nails in the crannies of walls, where\nthey are sanguine enough to expect to find them when they appear before\ntheir Maker.(1001) Some of the Esthonians keep the parings of their finger\nand toe nails in their bosom, in order to have them at hand when they are\nasked for them at the day of judgment.(1002) In a like spirit peasants of\nthe Vosges will sometimes bury their extracted teeth secretly, marking the\nspot well so that they may be able to walk straight to it on the\nresurrection day.(1003) In the village of Drumconrath, near Abbeyleix, in\nIreland, there used to be some old women who, having ascertained from\nScripture that the hairs of their heads were all numbered by the Almighty,\nexpected to have to account for them at the day of judgment. In order to\nbe able to do so they stuffed the severed hair away in the thatch of their\ncottages.(1004) In Abyssinia men who have had their hands or feet cut off\nare careful to dry the severed limbs over a fire and preserve them in\nbutter for the purpose of being buried with them in the grave. Thus they\nexpect to get up with all their limbs complete at the general\nrising.(1005) The pains taken by the Chinese to preserve corpses entire\nand free from decay seems to rest on a firm belief in the resurrection of\nthe dead; hence it is natural to find their ancient books laying down a\nrule that the hair, nails, and teeth which have fallen out during life\nshould be buried with the dead in the coffin, or at least in the\ngrave.(1006) The Fors of central Africa object to cut any one else\u2019s\nnails, for should the part cut off be lost and not delivered into its\nowner\u2019s hands, it will have to be made up to him somehow or other after\ndeath. The parings are buried in the ground.(1007)\n\n(M172) Some people burn their loose hair to save it from falling into the\nhands of sorcerers. This is done by the Patagonians and some of the\nVictorian tribes.(1008) In the Upper Vosges they say that you should never\nleave the clippings of your hair and nails lying about, but burn them to\nhinder the sorcerers from using them against you.(1009) For the same\nreason Italian women either burn their loose hairs or throw them into a\nplace where no one is likely to look for them.(1010) The almost universal\ndread of witchcraft induces the West African negroes, the Makololo of\nSouth Africa, and the Tahitians to burn or bury their shorn hair.(1011)\nFor the same reason the natives of Uap, one of the Caroline Islands,\neither burn or throw into the sea the clippings of their hair and the\nparings of their nails.(1012) One of the pygmies who roam through the\ngloomy depths of the vast central African forests has been seen to collect\ncarefully the clippings of his hair in a packet of banana leaves and keep\nthem till next morning, when, the camp breaking up for the day\u2019s march, he\nthrew them into the hot ashes of the abandoned fire.(1013) Australian\naborigines of the Proserpine River, in Queensland, burn a woman\u2019s cut hair\nto prevent it from getting into a man\u2019s bag; for if it did, the woman\nwould fall ill.(1014) When an English officer had cut off a lock of hair\nof a Fuegian woman, the men of her party were angry, and one of them,\ntaking the lock away, threw half of it into the fire and swallowed the\nrest. \u201cImmediately afterwards, placing his hands to the fire, as if to\nwarm them, and looking upwards, he uttered a few words, apparently of\ninvocation: then, looking at us, pointed upwards, and exclaimed, with a\ntone and gesture of explanation, \u2018_Pecheray, Pecheray_.\u2019 After which they\ncut off some hair from several of the officers who were present, and\nrepeated a similar ceremony.\u201d(1015) The Thompson Indians used to burn the\nparings of their nails, because if an enemy got possession of the parings\nhe might bewitch the person to whom they belonged.(1016) In the Tyrol many\npeople burn their hair lest the witches should use it to raise\nthunderstorms; others burn or bury it to prevent the birds from lining\ntheir nests with it, which would cause the heads from which the hair came\nto ache.(1017) Cut and combed-out hair is burned in Pomerania and\nsometimes in Belgium.(1018) In Norway the parings of nails are either\nburned or buried, lest the elves or the Finns should find them and make\nthem into bullets wherewith to shoot the cattle.(1019) In Corea all the\nclippings and combings of the hair of a whole family are carefully\npreserved throughout the year and then burned in potsherds outside the\nhouse on the evening of New Year\u2019s Day. At such seasons the streets of\nSeoul, the capital, present a weird spectacle. They are for the most part\nsilent and deserted, sometimes muffled deep in snow; but through the dusk\nof twilight red lights glimmer at every door, where little groups are busy\ntending tiny fires whose flickering flames cast a ruddy fitful glow on the\nmoving figures. The burning of the hair in these fires is thought to\nexclude demons from the house for a year; but coupled with this belief may\nwell be, or once have been, a wish to put these relics out of the reach of\nwitches and wizards.(1020)\n\n(M173) This destruction of the hair and nails plainly involves an\ninconsistency of thought. The object of the destruction is avowedly to\nprevent these severed portions of the body from being used by sorcerers.\nBut the possibility of their being so used depends upon the supposed\nsympathetic connexion between them and the man from whom they were\nsevered. And if this sympathetic connexion still exists, clearly these\nsevered portions cannot be destroyed without injury to the man.\n\n(M174) Before leaving this subject, on which I have perhaps dwelt too\nlong, it may be well to call attention to the motive assigned for cutting\na young child\u2019s hair in Rotti.(1021) In that island the first hair is\nregarded as a danger to the child, and its removal is intended to avert\nthe danger. The reason of this may be that as a young child is almost\nuniversally supposed to be in a tabooed or dangerous state, it is\nnecessary, in removing the taboo, to remove also the separable parts of\nthe child\u2019s body because they are infected, so to say, by the virus of\ntaboo and as such are dangerous. The cutting of the child\u2019s hair would\nthus be exactly parallel to the destruction of the vessels which have been\nused by a tabooed person.(1022) This view is borne out by a practice,\nobserved by some Australians, of burning off part of a woman\u2019s hair after\nchildbirth as well as burning every vessel which has been used by her\nduring her seclusion.(1023) Here the burning of the woman\u2019s hair seems\nplainly intended to serve the same purpose as the burning of the vessels\nused by her; and as the vessels are burned because they are believed to be\ntainted with a dangerous infection, so, we must suppose, is also the hair.\nSimilarly among the Latuka of central Africa, a woman is secluded for\nfourteen days after the birth of her child, and at the end of her\nseclusion her hair is shaved off and burnt.(1024) Again, we have seen that\ngirls at puberty are strongly infected with taboo; hence it is not\nsurprising to find that the Ticunas of Brazil tear out all the hair of\ngirls at that period.(1025) Once more, the father of twins in Uganda is\ntabooed for some time after the birth of the children, and during that\ntime he may not dress his hair nor cut his finger nails. This state of\ntaboo lasts until the next war breaks out. When the army is under orders\nto march, the father of twins has the whole of his body shaved and his\nnails cut. The shorn hair and the cut nails are then tied up in a ball,\nwhich the man takes with him to the war, together with the bark cloth he\nwore at the ceremonial dances after the birth of the twins. When he has\nkilled a foe, he crams the ball into the dead man\u2019s mouth, ties the bark\ncloth round the neck of the corpse, and leaves them there on the\nbattlefield.(1026) The ceremony appears to be intended to rid the man of\nthe taint of taboo which may be supposed to adhere to his hair, nails, and\nthe garment he wore. Hence we can understand the importance attached by\nmany peoples to the first cutting of a child\u2019s hair and the elaborate\nceremonies by which the operation is accompanied.(1027) Again, we can\nunderstand why a man should poll his head after a journey.(1028) For we\nhave seen that a traveller is often believed to contract a dangerous\ninfection from strangers, and that, therefore, on his return home he is\nobliged to submit to various purificatory ceremonies before he is allowed\nto mingle freely with his own people.(1029) On my hypothesis the polling\nof the hair is simply one of these purificatory or disinfectant\nceremonies. Certainly this explanation applies to the custom as practised\nby the Bechuanas, for we are expressly told that \u201cthey cleanse or purify\nthemselves after journeys by shaving their heads, etc., lest they should\nhave contracted from strangers some evil by witchcraft or sorcery.\u201d(1030)\nThe cutting of the hair after a vow may have the same meaning. It is a way\nof ridding the man of what has been infected by the dangerous state,\nwhether we call it taboo, sanctity, or uncleanness (for all these are only\ndifferent expressions for the same primitive conception), under which he\nlaboured during the continuance of the vow. Still more clearly does the\nmeaning of the practice come out in the case of mourners, who cut their\nhair and nails and use new vessels when the period of their mourning is at\nan end. This was done in ancient India, obviously for the purpose of\npurifying such persons from the dangerous influence of death and the ghost\nto which for a time they had been exposed.(1031) Among the Bodos and\nDhimals of Assam, when a death has occurred, the family of the deceased is\nreckoned unclean for three days. At the end of that time they bathe,\nshave, and are sprinkled with holy water, after which they hold the\nfuneral feast.(1032) Here the act of shaving must clearly be regarded as a\npurificatory rite, like the bathing and sprinkling with holy water. At\nHierapolis no man might enter the great temple of Astarte on the same day\non which he had seen a corpse; next day he might enter, provided he had\nfirst purified himself. But the kinsmen of the deceased were not allowed\nto set foot in the sanctuary for thirty days after the death, and before\ndoing so they had to shave their heads.(1033) At Agweh, on the Slave Coast\nof West Africa, widows and widowers at the end of their period of mourning\nwash themselves, shave their heads, pare their nails, and put on new\ncloths; and the old cloths, the shorn hair, and the nail-parings are all\nburnt.(1034) The Kayans of Borneo are not allowed to cut their hair or\nshave their temples during the period of mourning; but as soon as the\nmourning is ended by the ceremony of bringing home a newly severed human\nhead, the barber\u2019s knife is kept busy enough. As each man leaves the\nbarber\u2019s hands, he gathers up the shorn locks and spitting on them murmurs\na prayer to the evil spirits not to harm him. He then blows the hair out\nof the verandah of the house.(1035) Among the Wajagga of East Africa\nmourners shear their hair under a fruit-bearing banana-tree and lay their\nshorn locks at the foot of the tree. When the fruit of the tree is ripe,\nthey brew beer with it and invite all the mourners to partake of it,\nsaying, \u201cCome and drink the beer of those hair-bananas.\u201d(1036) The tribes\nof British Central Africa destroy the house in which a man has died, and\non the day when this is done the mourners have their heads shaved and bury\nthe shorn hair on the site of the house; the Atonga burn it in a new fire\nmade by the rubbing of two sticks.(1037) When an Akikuyu woman has, in\naccordance with custom, exposed her misshapen or prematurely born infant\nin the wood for the hyaenas to devour, she is shaved on her return by an\nold woman and given a magic potion to drink; after which she is regarded\nas clean.(1038) Similarly at some Hindoo places of pilgrimage on the banks\nof rivers men who have committed great crimes or are troubled by uneasy\nconsciences have every hair shaved off by professional barbers before they\nplunge into the sacred stream, from which \u201cthey emerge new creatures, with\nall the accumulated guilt of a long life effaced.\u201d(1039) The matricide\nOrestes is said to have polled his hair after appeasing the angry Furies\nof his murdered mother.(1040)\n\n\n\n\n\u00a7 9. Spittle tabooed.\n\n\n(M175) The same fear of witchcraft which has led so many people to hide or\ndestroy their loose hair and nails has induced other or the same people to\ntreat their spittle in a like fashion. For on the principles of\nsympathetic magic the spittle is part of the man, and whatever is done to\nit will have a corresponding effect on him. A Chilote Indian, who has\ngathered up the spittle of an enemy, will put it in a potato, and hang the\npotato in the smoke, uttering certain spells as he does so in the belief\nthat his foe will waste away as the potato dries in the smoke. Or he will\nput the spittle in a frog and throw the animal into an inaccessible,\nunnavigable river, which will make the victim quake and shake with\nague.(1041) When a Cherokee sorcerer desires to destroy a man, he gathers\nup his victim\u2019s spittle on a stick and puts it in a joint of wild parsnip,\ntogether with seven earthworms beaten to a paste and several splinters\nfrom a tree which has been struck by lightning. He then goes into the\nforest, digs a hole at the foot of a tree which has been struck by\nlightning, and deposits in the hole the joint of wild parsnip with its\ncontents. Further, he lays seven yellow stones in the hole, then fills in\nthe earth, and makes a fire over the spot to destroy all traces of his\nwork. If the ceremony has been properly carried out, the man whose spittle\nhas thus been treated begins to feel ill at once; his soul shrivels up and\ndwindles; and within seven days he is a dead man.(1042) In the East Indian\nisland of Siaoo or Siauw, one of the Sangi group, there are witches who by\nmeans of hellish charms compounded from the roots of plants can change\ntheir shape and bring sickness and misfortune on other folk. These hags\nalso crawl under the houses, which are raised above the ground on posts,\nand there gathering up the spittle of the inmates cause them to fall\nill.(1043) If a Wotjobaluk sorcerer cannot get the hair of his foe, a\nshred of his rug, or something else that belongs to the man, he will watch\ntill he sees him spit, when he will carefully pick up the spittle with a\nstick and use it for the destruction of the careless spitter.(1044) The\nnatives of Urewera, a district in the north island of New Zealand, enjoyed\na high reputation for their skill in magic. It was said that they made use\nof people\u2019s spittle to bewitch them. Hence visitors were careful to\nconceal their spittle, lest they should furnish these wizards with a\nhandle for working them harm.(1045) Similarly among some tribes of South\nAfrica no man will spit when an enemy is near, lest his foe should find\nthe spittle and give it to a wizard, who would then mix it with magical\ningredients so as to injure the person from whom it fell. Even in a man\u2019s\nown house his saliva is carefully swept away and obliterated for a similar\nreason.(1046) For a like reason, no doubt, the natives of the Marianne\nIslands use great precautions in spitting and take care never to\nexpectorate near somebody else\u2019s house.(1047) Negroes of Senegal, the\nBissagos Archipelago, and some of the West Indian Islands, such as\nGuadeloupe and Martinique, are also careful to efface their spittle by\npressing it into the ground with their feet, lest a sorcerer should use it\nto their hurt.(1048) Natives of Astrolabe Bay, in German New Guinea, wipe\nout their spittle for the same reason;(1049) and a like dread of sorcery\nprevents some natives of German New Guinea from spitting on the ground in\npresence of others.(1050) The Telugus say that if a man, rinsing his teeth\nwith charcoal in the mornings, spits on the road and somebody else treads\non his spittle, the spitter will be laid up with a sharp attack of fever\nfor two or three days. Hence all who wish to avoid the ailment should at\nonce efface their spittle by sprinkling water on it.(1051)\n\n(M176) If common folk are thus cautious, it is natural that kings and\nchiefs should be doubly so. In the Sandwich Islands chiefs were attended\nby a confidential servant bearing a portable spittoon, and the deposit was\ncarefully buried every morning to put it out of the reach of\nsorcerers.(1052) On the Slave Coast of Africa, for the same reason,\nwhenever a king or chief expectorates, the saliva is scrupulously gathered\nup and hidden or buried.(1053) The same precautions are taken for the same\nreason with the spittle of the chief of Tabali in Southern Nigeria.(1054)\nAt Bulebane, in Senegambia, a French traveller observed a captive engaged,\nwith an air of great importance, in covering over with sand all the\nspittle that fell from the lips of a native dignitary; the man used a\nsmall stick for the purpose.(1055) Page-boys, who carry tails of\nelephants, hasten to sweep up or cover with sand the spittle of the king\nof Ashantee;(1056) an attendant used to perform a similar service for the\nking of Congo;(1057) and a custom of the same sort prevails or used to\nprevail at the court of the Muata Jamwo in the interior of Angola.(1058)\nIn Yap, one of the Caroline Islands, there are two great wizards, the head\nof all the magicians, whose exalted dignity compels them to lead a very\nstrict life. They may eat fruit only from plants or trees which are grown\nspecially for them. When one of them goes abroad the other must stay at\nhome, for if they were to meet each other on the road, some direful\ncalamity would surely follow. Though they may not smoke tobacco, they are\nallowed to chew a quid of betel; but that which they expectorate is\ncarefully gathered up, carried away, and burned in a special manner, lest\nany evil-disposed person should get possession of the spittle and do their\nreverences a mischief by uttering a curse over it.(1059) Among the\nGuaycurus and Payaguas of Brazil, when a chief spat, the persons about him\nreceived his saliva on their hands,(1060) probably in order to prevent it\nfrom being misused by magicians.\n\n(M177) The magical use to which spittle may be put marks it out, like\nblood or nail-parings, as a suitable material basis for a covenant, since\nby exchanging their saliva the covenanting parties give each other a\nguarantee of good faith. If either of them afterwards forswears himself,\nthe other can punish his perfidy by a magical treatment of the perjurer\u2019s\nspittle which he has in his custody. Thus when the Wajagga of East Africa\ndesire to make a covenant, the two parties will sometimes sit down with a\nbowl of milk or beer between them, and after uttering an incantation over\nthe beverage they each take a mouthful of the milk or beer and spit it\ninto the other\u2019s mouth. In urgent cases, when there is no time to stand on\nceremony, the two will simply spit into each other\u2019s mouth, which seals\nthe covenant just as well.(1061)\n\n\n\n\n\u00a7 10. Foods tabooed.\n\n\n(M178) As might have been expected, the superstitions of the savage\ncluster thick about the subject of food; and he abstains from eating many\nanimals and plants, wholesome enough in themselves, which for one reason\nor another he fancies would prove dangerous or fatal to the eater.\nExamples of such abstinence are too familiar and far too numerous to\nquote. But if the ordinary man is thus deterred by superstitious fear from\npartaking of various foods, the restraints of this kind which are laid\nupon sacred or tabooed persons, such as kings and priests, are still more\nnumerous and stringent. We have already seen that the Flamen Dialis was\nforbidden to eat or even name several plants and animals, and that the\nflesh diet of Egyptian kings was restricted to veal and goose.(1062) In\nantiquity many priests and many kings of barbarous peoples abstained\nwholly from a flesh diet.(1063) The _Gangas_ or fetish priests of the\nLoango Coast are forbidden to eat or even see a variety of animals and\nfish, in consequence of which their flesh diet is extremely limited; often\nthey live only on herbs and roots, though they may drink fresh\nblood.(1064) The heir to the throne of Loango is forbidden from infancy to\neat pork; from early childhood he is interdicted the use of the _cola_\nfruit in company; at puberty he is taught by a priest not to partake of\nfowls except such as he has himself killed and cooked; and so the number\nof taboos goes on increasing with his years.(1065) In Fernando Po the king\nafter installation is forbidden to eat _cocco_ (_arum acaule_), deer, and\nporcupine, which are the ordinary foods of the people.(1066) The head\nchief of the Masai may eat nothing but milk, honey, and the roasted livers\nof goats; for if he partook of any other food he would lose his power of\nsoothsaying and of compounding charms.(1067) The diet of the king of\nUnyoro in Central Africa was strictly regulated by immemorial custom. He\nmight never eat vegetables, but must live on milk and beef. Mutton he\nmight not touch. The beef he ate must be that of young animals not more\nthan one year old, and it must be spitted and roasted before a wood fire.\nBut he might not drink milk and eat beef at the same meal. He drank milk\nthrice a day in the dairy, and the milk was always drawn from a sacred\nherd which was kept for his exclusive use. Nine cows, neither more nor\nless, were daily brought from pasture to the royal enclosure to be milked\nfor the king. The herding and the milking of the sacred animals were\nperformed according to certain rules prescribed by ancient custom.(1068)\nAmongst the Murrams of Manipur (a district of eastern India, on the border\nof Burma) \u201cthere are many prohibitions in regard to the food, both animal\nand vegetable, which the chief should eat, and the Murrams say the chief\u2019s\npost must be a very uncomfortable one.\u201d(1069) Among the hill tribes of\nManipur the scale of diet allowed by custom to the _ghennabura_ or\nreligious head of a village is always extremely limited. The savoury dog,\nthe tomato, the _murghi_, are forbidden to him. If a man in one of these\ntribes is wealthy enough to feast his whole village and to erect a\nmemorial stone, he is entitled to become subject to the same self-denying\nordinances as the _ghennabura_. He wears the same special clothes, and for\nthe space of a year at least he may not use a drinking horn, but must\ndrink from a bamboo cup.(1070) Among the Karennis or Red Karens of Burma a\nchief attains his position not by hereditary right but in virtue of the\nobservance of taboo. He must abstain from rice and liquor. His mother too\nmust have eschewed these things and lived only on yams and potatoes while\nshe was with child. During that time she might neither eat meat nor drink\nwater from a common well; and in order to be duly qualified for a\nchiefship her son must continue these habits.(1071) Among the Pshaws and\nChewsurs of the Caucasus, whose nominal Christianity has degenerated into\nsuperstition and polytheism, there is an annual office which entails a\nnumber of taboos on the holder or _dasturi_, as he is called. He must live\nthe whole year in the temple, without going to his house or visiting his\nwife; indeed he may not speak to any one, except the priests, for fear of\ndefiling himself. Once a week he must bathe in the river, whatever the\nweather may be, using for the purpose a ladder on which no one else may\nset foot. His only nourishment is bread and water. In the temple he\nsuperintends the brewing of the beer for the festivals.(1072) In the\nvillage of Tomil, in Yap, one of the Caroline Islands, the year consists\nof twenty-four months, and there are five men who for a hundred days of\nthe year may eat only fish and taro, may not chew betel, and must observe\nstrict continence. The reason assigned by them for submitting to these\nrestraints is that if they did not act thus the immature girls would\nattain to puberty too soon.(1073)\n\nTo explain the ultimate reason why any particular food is prohibited to a\nwhole tribe or to certain of its members would commonly require a far more\nintimate knowledge of the history and beliefs of the tribe than we\npossess. The general motive of such prohibitions is doubtless the same\nwhich underlies the whole taboo system, namely, the conservation of the\ntribe and the individual.\n\n\n\n\n\u00a7 11. Knots and Rings tabooed.\n\n\n(M179) We have seen that among the many taboos which the Flamen Dialis at\nRome had to observe, there was one that forbade him to have a knot on any\npart of his garments, and another that obliged him to wear no ring unless\nit were broken.(1074) In like manner Moslem pilgrims to Mecca are in a\nstate of sanctity or taboo and may wear on their persons neither knots nor\nrings.(1075) These rules are probably of kindred significance, and may\nconveniently be considered together. To begin with knots, many people in\ndifferent parts of the world entertain a strong objection to having any\nknot about their person at certain critical seasons, particularly\nchildbirth, marriage, and death. Thus among the Saxons of Transylvania,\nwhen a woman is in travail all knots on her garments are untied, because\nit is believed that this will facilitate her delivery, and with the same\nintention all the locks in the house, whether on doors or boxes, are\nunlocked.(1076) The Lapps think that a lying-in woman should have no knot\non her garments, because a knot would have the effect of making the\ndelivery difficult and painful.(1077) In ancient India it was a rule to\nuntie all knots in a house at the moment of childbirth.(1078) Roman\nreligion required that women who took part in the rites of Juno Lucina,\nthe goddess of childbirth, should have no knot tied on their\npersons.(1079) In the East Indies this superstition is extended to the\nwhole time of pregnancy; the people believe that if a pregnant woman were\nto tie knots, or braid, or make anything fast, the child would thereby be\nconstricted or the woman would herself be \u201ctied up\u201d when her time\ncame.(1080) Nay, some of them enforce the observance of the rule on the\nfather as well as the mother of the unborn child. Among the Sea Dyaks\nneither of the parents may bind up anything with string or make anything\nfast during the wife\u2019s pregnancy.(1081) Among the Land Dyaks the husband\nof the expectant mother is bound to refrain from tying things together\nwith rattans until after her delivery.(1082) In the Toumbuluh tribe of\nNorth Celebes a ceremony is performed in the fourth or fifth month of a\nwoman\u2019s pregnancy, and after it her husband is forbidden, among many other\nthings, to tie any fast knots and to sit with his legs crossed over each\nother.(1083) In the Kaitish tribe of central Australia the father of a\nnewborn child goes out into the scrub for three days, away from his camp,\nleaving his girdle and arm-bands behind him, so that he has nothing tied\ntightly round any part of his body. This freedom from constriction is\nsupposed to benefit his wife.(1084)\n\n(M180) In all these cases the idea seems to be that the tying of a knot\nwould, as they say in the East Indies, \u201ctie up\u201d the woman, in other words,\nimpede and perhaps prevent her delivery, or delay her convalescence after\nthe birth. On the principles of homoeopathic or imitative magic the\nphysical obstacle or impediment of a knot on a cord would create a\ncorresponding obstacle or impediment in the body of the woman. That this\nis really the explanation of the rule appears from a custom observed by\nthe Hos of Togoland in West Africa at a difficult birth. When a woman is\nin hard labour and cannot bring forth, they call in a magician to her aid.\nHe looks at her and says, \u201cThe child is bound in the womb, that is why she\ncannot be delivered.\u201d On the entreaties of her female relations he then\npromises to loose the bond so that she may bring forth. For that purpose\nhe orders them to fetch a tough creeper from the forest, and with it he\nbinds the hands and feet of the sufferer on her back. Then he takes a\nknife and calls out the woman\u2019s name, and when she answers he cuts through\nthe creeper with a knife, saying, \u201cI cut through to-day thy bonds and thy\nchild\u2019s bonds.\u201d After that he chops up the creeper small, puts the bits in\na vessel of water, and bathes the woman with the water.(1085) Here the\ncutting of the creeper with which the woman\u2019s hands and feet are bound is\na simple piece of homoeopathic or imitative magic: by releasing her limbs\nfrom their bonds the magician imagines that he simultaneously releases the\nchild in her womb from the trammels which impede its birth. For a similar\nreason, no doubt, among the same people a priest ties up the limbs of a\npregnant woman with grass and then unties the knots, saying, \u201cI will now\nopen you.\u201d After that the woman has to partake of some maize-porridge in\nwhich a ring made of a magic cord had been previously placed by the\npriest.(1086) The intention of this ceremony is probably, on the\nprinciples of homoeopathic magic, to ensure for the woman an easy delivery\nby releasing her from the bonds of grass. The same train of thought\nunderlies a practice observed by some peoples of opening all locks, doors,\nand so on, while a birth is taking place in the house. We have seen that\nat such a time the Germans of Transylvania open all the locks, and the\nsame thing is done also in Voigtland and Mecklenburg.(1087) In\nnorth-western Argyllshire superstitious people used to open every lock in\nthe house at childbirth.(1088) The old Roman custom of presenting women\nwith a key as a symbol of an easy delivery(1089) perhaps points to the\nobservance of a similar custom. In the island of Salsette near Bombay,\nwhen a woman is in hard labour, all locks of doors or drawers are opened\nwith a key to facilitate her delivery.(1090) Among the Mandelings of\nSumatra the lids of all chests, boxes, pans and so forth are opened; and\nif this does not produce the desired effect, the anxious husband has to\nstrike the projecting ends of some of the house-beams in order to loosen\nthem; for they think that \u201ceverything must be open and loose to facilitate\nthe delivery.\u201d(1091) At a difficult birth the Battas of Sumatra make a\nsearch through the possessions of husband and wife and untie everything\nthat is tied up in a bundle.(1092) In some parts of Java, when a woman is\nin travail, everything in the house that was shut is opened, in order that\nthe birth may not be impeded; not only are doors opened and the lids of\nchests, boxes, rice-pots, and water-buts lifted up, but even swords are\nunsheathed and spears drawn out of their cases.(1093) Customs of the same\nsort are practised with the same intention in other parts of the East\nIndies.(1094) In Chittagong, when a woman cannot bring her child to the\nbirth, the midwife gives orders to throw all doors and windows wide open,\nto uncork all bottles, to remove the bungs from all casks, to unloose the\ncows in the stall, the horses in the stable, the watchdog in his kennel,\nto set free sheep, fowls, ducks, and so forth. This universal liberty\naccorded to the animals and even to inanimate things is, according to the\npeople, an infallible means of ensuring the woman\u2019s delivery and allowing\nthe babe to be born.(1095) At the moment of childbirth the Chams of\nCochin-China hasten to open the stall of the buffaloes and to unyoke the\nplough, doubtless with the intention of aiding the woman in travail,\nthough the writer who reports the custom is unable to explain it.(1096)\nAmong the Singhalese, a few hours before a birth is expected to take\nplace, all the cupboards in the house are unlocked with the express\npurpose of facilitating the delivery.(1097) In the island of Saghalien,\nwhen a woman is in labour, her husband undoes everything that can be\nundone. He loosens the plaits of his hair and the laces of his shoes. Then\nhe unties whatever is tied in the house or its vicinity. In the courtyard\nhe takes the axe out of the log in which it is stuck; he unfastens the\nboat, if it is moored to a tree, he withdraws the cartridges from his gun,\nand the arrows from his crossbow.(1098) In Bilaspore a woman\u2019s hair is\nnever allowed to remain knotted while she is in the act of giving birth to\na child.(1099) Among some modern Jews of Roumania it is customary for the\nunmarried girls of a household to unbraid their hair and let it hang loose\non their shoulders while a woman is in hard labour in the house.(1100)\n\n(M181) Again, we have seen that a Toumbuluh man abstains not only from\ntying knots, but also from sitting with crossed legs during his wife\u2019s\npregnancy. The train of thought is the same in both cases. Whether you\ncross threads in tying a knot, or only cross your legs in sitting at your\nease, you are equally, on the principles of homoeopathic magic, crossing\nor thwarting the free course of things, and your action cannot but check\nand impede whatever may be going forward in your neighbourhood. Of this\nimportant truth the Romans were fully aware. To sit beside a pregnant\nwoman or a patient under medical treatment with clasped hands, says the\ngrave Pliny, is to cast a malignant spell over the person, and it is worse\nstill if you nurse your leg or legs with your clasped hands, or lay one\nleg over the other. Such postures were regarded by the old Romans as a let\nand hindrance to business of every sort, and at a council of war or a\nmeeting of magistrates, at prayers and sacrifices, no man was suffered to\ncross his legs or clasp his hands.(1101) The stock instance of the\ndreadful consequences that might flow from doing one or the other was that\nof Alcmena, who travailed with Hercules for seven days and seven nights,\nbecause the goddess Lucina sat in front of the house with clasped hands\nand crossed legs, and the child could not be born until the goddess had\nbeen beguiled into changing her attitude.(1102) It is a Bulgarian\nsuperstition that if a pregnant woman is in the habit of sitting with\ncrossed legs, she will suffer much in childbed.(1103) In some parts of\nBavaria, when conversation comes to a standstill and silence ensues, they\nsay, \u201cSurely somebody has crossed his legs.\u201d(1104)\n\n(M182) The magical effect of knots in trammelling and obstructing human\nactivity was believed to be manifested at marriage not less than at birth.\nDuring the Middle Ages, and down to the eighteenth century, it seems to\nhave been commonly held in Europe that the consummation of marriage could\nbe prevented by any one who, while the wedding ceremony was taking place,\neither locked a lock or tied a knot in a cord, and then threw the lock or\nthe cord away. The lock or the knotted cord had to be flung into water;\nand until it had been found and unlocked, or untied, no real union of the\nmarried pair was possible.(1105) Hence it was a grave offence, not only to\ncast such a spell, but also to steal or make away with the material\ninstrument of it, whether lock or knotted cord. In the year 1718 the\nparliament of Bordeaux sentenced some one to be burned alive for having\nspread desolation through a whole family by means of knotted cords; and in\n1705 two persons were condemned to death in Scotland for stealing certain\ncharmed knots which a woman had made, in order thereby to mar the wedded\nhappiness of Spalding of Ashintilly.(1106) The belief in the efficacy of\nthese charms appears to have lingered in the Highlands of Perthshire down\nto the end of the eighteenth century, for at that time it was still\ncustomary in the beautiful parish of Logierait, between the river Tummel\nand the river Tay, to unloose carefully every knot in the clothes of the\nbride and bridegroom before the celebration of the marriage ceremony. When\nthe ceremony was over, and the bridal party had left the church, the\nbridegroom immediately retired one way with some young men to tie the\nknots that had been loosed a little before; and the bride in like manner\nwithdrew somewhere else to adjust the disorder of her dress.(1107) In some\nparts of the Highlands it was deemed enough that the bridegroom\u2019s left\nshoe should be without buckle or latchet, \u201cto prevent witches from\ndepriving him, on the nuptial night, of the power of loosening the virgin\nzone.\u201d(1108) We meet with the same superstition and the same custom at the\npresent day in Syria. The persons who help a Syrian bridegroom to don his\nwedding garments take care that no knot is tied on them and no button\nbuttoned, for they believe that a button buttoned or a knot tied would put\nit within the power of his enemies to deprive him of his nuptial rights by\nmagical means.(1109) In Lesbos the malignant person who would thus injure\na bridegroom on his wedding day ties a thread to a bush, while he utters\nimprecations; but the bridegroom can defeat the spell by wearing at his\ngirdle a piece of an old net or of an old mantilla belonging to the bride\nin which knots have been tied.(1110) The fear of such charms is diffused\nall over North Africa at the present day. To render a bridegroom impotent\nthe enchanter has only to tie a knot in a handkerchief which he had\npreviously placed quietly on some part of the bridegroom\u2019s body when he\nwas mounted on horseback ready to fetch his bride: so long as the knot in\nthe handkerchief remains tied, so long will the bridegroom remain\npowerless to consummate the marriage. Another way of effecting the same\nobject is to stand behind the bridegroom when he is on horseback, with an\nopen clasp-knife or pair of scissors in your hand and to call out his\nname; if he imprudently answers, you at once shut the clasp-knife or the\npair of scissors with a snap, and that makes him impotent. To guard\nagainst this malignant spell the bridegroom\u2019s mother will sometimes buy a\npenknife on the eve of the marriage, shut it up, and then open it just at\nthe moment when her son is about to enter the bridal chamber.(1111)\n\n(M183) A curious use is made of knots at marriage in the little East\nIndian island of Rotti. When a man has paid the price of his bride, a cord\nis fastened round her waist, if she is a maid, but not otherwise. Nine\nknots are tied in the cord, and in order to make them harder to unloose,\nthey are smeared with wax. Bride and bridegroom are then secluded in a\nchamber, where he has to untie the knots with the thumb and forefinger of\nhis left hand only. It may be from one to twelve months before he succeeds\nin undoing them all. Until he has done so he may not look on the woman as\nhis wife. In no case may the cord be broken, or the bridegroom would\nrender himself liable to any fine that the bride\u2019s father might choose to\nimpose. When all the knots are loosed, the woman is his wife, and he shews\nthe cord to her father, and generally presents his wife with a golden or\nsilver necklace instead of the cord.(1112) The meaning of this custom is\nnot clear, but we may conjecture that the nine knots refer to the nine\nmonths of pregnancy, and that miscarriage would be the supposed result of\nleaving a single knot untied.\n\n(M184) The maleficent power of knots may also be manifested in the\ninfliction of sickness, disease, and all kinds of misfortune. Thus among\nthe Hos of Togoland a sorcerer will sometimes curse his enemy and tie a\nknot in a stalk of grass, saying, \u201cI have tied up So-and-So in this knot.\nMay all evil light upon him! When he goes into the field, may a snake\nsting him! When he goes to the chase, may a ravening beast attack him! And\nwhen he steps into a river, may the water sweep him away! When it rains,\nmay the lightning strike him! May evil nights be his!\u201d It is believed that\nin the knot the sorcerer has bound up the life of his enemy.(1113)\nBabylonian witches and wizards of old used to strangle their victim, seal\nhis mouth, wrack his limbs, and tear his entrails by merely tying knots in\na cord, while at each knot they muttered a spell. But happily the evil\ncould be undone by simply undoing the knots.(1114) We hear of a man in one\nof the Orkney Islands who was utterly ruined by nine knots cast on a blue\nthread; and it would seem that sick people in Scotland sometimes prayed to\nthe devil to restore them to health by loosing the secret knot that was\ndoing all the mischief.(1115) In the Koran there is an allusion to the\nmischief of \u201cthose who puff into the knots,\u201d and an Arab commentator on\nthe passage explains that the words refer to women who practise magic by\ntying knots in cords, and then blowing and spitting upon them. He goes on\nto relate how, once upon a time, a wicked Jew bewitched the prophet\nMohammed himself by tying nine knots on a string, which he then hid in a\nwell. So the prophet fell ill, and nobody knows what might have happened\nif the archangel Gabriel had not opportunely revealed to the holy man the\nplace where the knotted cord was concealed. The trusty Ali soon fetched\nthe baleful thing from the well; and the prophet recited over it certain\ncharms, which were specially revealed to him for the purpose. At every\nverse of the charms a knot untied itself, and the prophet experienced a\ncertain relief.(1116) It will hardly be disputed that by tying knots on\nthe string the pestilent Hebrew contrived, if I may say so, to constrict\nor astringe or, in short, to tie up some vital organ or organs in the\nprophet\u2019s stomach. At least we are informed that something of this sort is\ndone by Australian blackfellows at the present day, and if so, why should\nit not have been done by Arabs in the time of Mohammed? The Australian\nmode of operation is as follows. When a blackfellow wishes to settle old\nscores with another blackfellow, he ties a rope of fibre or bark so\ntightly round the neck of his slumbering friend as partially to choke him.\nHaving done this he takes out the man\u2019s caul-fat from under his short rib,\nties up his inside carefully with string, replaces the skin, and having\neffaced all external marks of the wound, makes off with the stolen fat.\nThe victim on awakening feels no inconvenience, but sooner or later,\nsometimes months afterwards, while he is hunting or exerting himself\nviolently in some other way, he will feel the string snap in his inside.\n\u201cHallo,\u201d says he, \u201csomebody has tied me up inside with string!\u201d and he\ngoes home to the camp and dies on the spot.(1117) Who can doubt but that\nin this lucid diagnosis we have the true key to the prophet\u2019s malady, and\nthat he too might have succumbed to the wiles of his insidious foe if it\nhad not been for the timely intervention of the archangel Gabriel?\n\n(M185) If knots are supposed to kill, they are also supposed to cure. This\nfollows from the belief that to undo the knots which are causing sickness\nwill bring the sufferer relief. But apart from this negative virtue of\nmaleficent knots, there are certain beneficent knots to which a positive\npower of healing is ascribed. Pliny tells us that some folk cured diseases\nof the groin by taking a thread from a web, tying seven or nine knots on\nit, and then fastening it to the patient\u2019s groin; but to make the cure\neffectual it was necessary to name some widow as each knot was tied.(1118)\nThe ancient Assyrians seem to have made much use of knotted cords as a\nremedy for ailments and disease. The cord with its knots, which were\nsometimes twice seven in number, was tied round the head, neck, or limbs\nof the patient, and then after a time cut off and thrown away, carrying\nwith it, as was apparently supposed, the aches and pains of the sufferer.\nSometimes the magic cord which was used for this beneficent purpose\nconsisted of a double strand of black and white wool; sometimes it was\nwoven of the hair of a virgin kid.(1119) A modern Arab cure for fever\nreported from the ruins of Nineveh is to tie a cotton thread with seven\nknots on it round the wrist of the patient, who must wear it for seven or\neight days or till such time as the fever passes, after which he may throw\nit away.(1120) O\u2019Donovan describes a similar remedy for fever employed\namong the Turcomans. The enchanter takes some camel hair and spins it into\na stout thread, droning a spell the while. Next he ties seven knots on the\nthread, blowing on each knot before he pulls it tight. This knotted thread\nis then worn as a bracelet on his wrist by the patient. Every day one of\nthe knots is untied and blown upon, and when the seventh knot is undone\nthe whole thread is rolled up into a ball and thrown into a river, bearing\naway (as they imagine) the fever with it.(1121) The Hos of Togoland in\nlike manner tie strings round a sick man\u2019s neck, arms, or legs, according\nto the nature of the malady; some of the strings are intended to guard him\nagainst the influence of \u201cthe evil mouth\u201d; others are a protection against\nthe ghosts of the dead.(1122) In Argyleshire, threads with three knots on\nthem are still used to cure the internal ailments of man and beast. The\nwitch rubs the sick person or cow with the knotted thread, burns two of\nthe knots in the fire, saying, \u201cI put the disease and the sickness on the\ntop of the fire,\u201d and ties the rest of the thread with the single knot\nround the neck of the person or the tail of the cow, but always so that it\nmay not be seen.(1123) A Scotch cure for a sprained leg or arm is to cast\nnine knots in a black thread and then tie the thread round the suffering\nlimb, while you say:\n\n\n    \u201c_The Lord rade,_\n    _And the foal slade;_\n    _He lighted_\n    _And he righted,_\n    _Set joint to joint,_\n    _Bone to bone,_\n    _And sinew to sinew._\n    _Heal, in the Holy Ghost\u2019s name!_\u201d(1124)\n\n\nIn Gujarat, if a man takes seven cotton threads, goes to a place where an\nowl is hooting, strips naked, ties a knot at each hoot, and fastens the\nknotted thread round the right arm of a man sick of the fever, the malady\nwill leave him.(1125)\n\n(M186) Again, knots may be used by an enchantress to win a lover and\nattach him firmly to herself. Thus the love-sick maid in Virgil seeks to\ndraw Daphnis to her from the city by spells and by tying three knots on\neach of three strings of different colours.(1126) So an Arab maiden, who\nhad lost her heart to a certain man, tried to gain his love and bind him\nto herself by tying knots in his whip; but her jealous rival undid the\nknots.(1127) On the same principle magic knots may be employed to stop a\nrunaway. In Swazieland you may often see grass tied in knots at the side\nof the footpaths. Every one of these knots tells of a domestic tragedy. A\nwife has run away from her husband, and he and his friends have gone in\npursuit, binding up the paths, as they call it, in this fashion to prevent\nthe fugitive from doubling back over them.(1128) When a Swaheli wishes to\ncapture a runaway slave he will sometimes take a string of coco-nut fibre\nto a wise man and get him to recite a passage of the Koran seven times\nover it, while at each reading the wizard ties a knot in the string. Then\nthe slave-owner, armed with the knotted string, takes his stand in the\ndoor of the house and calls on his slave seven times by name, after which\nhe hangs the string over the door.(1129)\n\n(M187) The obstructive power of knots and locks as means of barring out\nevil manifests itself in many ways. Thus on the principle that prevention\nis better than cure, Zulu hunters immediately tie a knot in the tail of\nany animal they have killed, because they believe that this will hinder\nthe meat from giving them pains in their stomachs.(1130) An ancient Hindoo\nbook recommends that travellers on a dangerous road should tie knots in\nthe skirts of their garments, for this will cause their journey to\nprosper.(1131) Similarly among some Caffre tribes, when a man is going on\na doubtful journey, he knots a few blades of grass together that the\njourney may turn out well.(1132) In Laos hunters fancy that they can throw\na spell over a forest so as to prevent any one else from hunting there\nsuccessfully. Having killed game of any kind, they utter certain magical\nwords, while they knot together some stalks of grass, adding, \u201cAs I knot\nthis grass, so let no hunter be lucky here.\u201d The virtue of this spell will\nlast, as usually happens in such cases, so long as the stalks remain\nknotted together.(1133) The Yabims of German New Guinea lay a knot in a\nfishing-boat that is not ready for sea, in order that a certain being\ncalled Balum may not embark in it; for he has the power of taking away the\nfish and weighing down the boat.(1134)\n\n(M188) In Russia amulets often derive their protective virtue in great\nmeasure from knots. Here, for example, is a spell which will warrant its\nemployer against all risk of being shot: \u201cI attach five knots to each\nhostile, infidel shooter, over arquebuses, bows, and all manner of warlike\nweapons. Do ye, O knots, bar the shooter from every road and way, lock\nfast every arquebuse, entangle every bow, involve all warlike weapons, so\nthat the shooters may not reach me with their arquebuses, nor may their\narrows attain to me, nor their warlike weapons do me hurt. In my knots\nlies hid the mighty strength of snakes\u2014from the twelve-headed snake.\u201d A\nnet, from its affluence of knots, has always been considered in Russia\nvery efficacious against sorcerers; hence in some places, when a bride is\nbeing dressed in her wedding attire, a fishing-net is flung over her to\nkeep her out of harm\u2019s way. For a similar purpose the bridegroom and his\ncompanions are often girt with pieces of net, or at least with tight-drawn\ngirdles, for before a wizard can begin to injure them he must undo all the\nknots in the net, or take off the girdles. But often a Russian amulet is\nmerely a knotted thread. A skein of red wool wound about the arms and legs\nis thought to ward off agues and fevers; and nine skeins, fastened round a\nchild\u2019s neck, are deemed a preservative against scarlatina. In the Tver\nGovernment a bag of a special kind is tied to the neck of the cow which\nwalks before the rest of a herd, in order to keep off wolves; its force\nbinds the maw of the ravening beast. On the same principle, a padlock is\ncarried thrice round a herd of horses before they go afield in the spring,\nand the bearer locks and unlocks it as he goes, saying, \u201cI lock from my\nherd the mouths of the grey wolves with this steel lock.\u201d After the third\nround the padlock is finally locked, and then, when the horses have gone\noff, it is hidden away somewhere till late in the autumn, when the time\ncomes for the drove to return to winter quarters. In this case the \u201cfirm\nword\u201d of the spell is supposed to lock up the mouths of the wolves. The\nBulgarians have a similar mode of guarding their cattle against wild\nbeasts. A woman takes a needle and thread after dark, and sews together\nthe skirt of her dress. A child asks her what she is doing, and she tells\nhim that she is sewing up the ears, eyes, and jaws of the wolves so that\nthey may not hear, see, or bite the sheep, goats, calves, and pigs.(1135)\nSimilarly in antiquity a witch fancied that she could shut the mouths of\nher enemies by sewing up the mouth of a fish with a bronze needle,(1136)\nand farmers attempted to ward off hail from their crops by tying keys to\nropes all round the fields.(1137) The Armenians essay to lock the jaws of\nwolves by uttering a spell, tying seven knots in a shoe-lace, and placing\nthe string between the teeth of a wool-comber, which are probably taken to\nrepresent the fangs of a wolf.(1138) And an Armenian bride and bridegroom\nwill carry a locked lock on their persons at and after marriage to guard\nthem against those evil influences to which at this crisis of life they\nare especially exposed.(1139) The following mode of keeping an epidemic\nfrom a village is known to have been practised among the Balkan Slavs. Two\nold women proceed to a spot outside the village, the one with a copper\nkettle full of water, the other with a house-lock and key. The old dame\nwith the kettle asks the other, \u201cWhither away?\u201d The one with the lock\nanswers, \u201cI came to lock the village against mishap,\u201d and suiting the\naction to the words she locks the lock and throws it, together with the\nkey, into the kettle of water. Then she strides thrice round the village,\neach time repeating the performance with the lock and kettle.(1140) To\nthis day a Transylvanian sower thinks he can keep birds from the corn by\ncarrying a lock in the seed-bag.(1141) Such magical uses of locks and keys\nare clearly parallel to the magical use of knots, with which we are here\nconcerned. In Ceylon the Singhalese observe \u201ca curious custom of the\nthreshing-floor called \u2018Goigote\u2019\u2014the tying of the cultivator\u2019s knot. When\na sheaf of corn has been threshed out, before it is removed the grain is\nheaped up and the threshers, generally six in number, sit round it, and\ntaking a few stalks, with the ears of corn attached, jointly tie a knot\nand bury it in the heap. It is left there until all the sheaves have been\nthreshed, and the corn winnowed and measured. The object of this ceremony\nis to prevent the devils from diminishing the quantity of corn in the\nheap.\u201d(1142) Knots and locks may serve to avert not only devils but death\nitself. When they brought a woman to the stake at St. Andrews in 1572 to\nburn her alive for a witch, they found on her a white cloth like a collar,\nwith strings and many knots on the strings. They took it from her, sorely\nagainst her will, for she seemed to think that she could not die in the\nfire, if only the cloth with the knotted strings was on her. When it was\ntaken away, she said, \u201cNow I have no hope of myself.\u201d(1143) In many parts\nof England it is thought that a person cannot die so long as any locks are\nlocked or bolts shot in the house. It is therefore a very common practice\nto undo all locks and bolts when the sufferer is plainly near his end, in\norder that his agony may not be unduly prolonged.(1144) For example, in\nthe year 1863, at Taunton, a child lay sick of scarlatina and death seemed\ninevitable. \u201cA jury of matrons was, as it were, empanelled, and to prevent\nthe child \u2018dying hard\u2019 all the doors in the house, all the drawers, all\nthe boxes, all the cupboards were thrown wide open, the keys taken out,\nand the body of the child placed under a beam, whereby a sure, certain,\nand easy passage into eternity could be secured.\u201d Strange to say, the\nchild declined to avail itself of the facilities for dying so obligingly\nplaced at its disposal by the sagacity and experience of the British\nmatrons of Taunton; it preferred to live rather than give up the ghost\njust then.(1145) A Masai man whose sons have gone out to war will take a\nhair and tie a knot in it for each of his absent sons, praying God to keep\ntheir bodies and souls as firmly fastened together as these knots.(1146)\n\n(M189) The precise mode in which the virtue of the knot is supposed to\ntake effect in some of these instances does not clearly appear. But in\ngeneral we may say that in all the cases we have been considering the\nleading characteristic of the magic knot or lock is that, in strict\naccordance with its physical nature, it always acts as an impediment,\nhindrance, or obstacle, and that its influence is maleficent or beneficent\naccording as the thing which it impedes or hinders is good or evil. The\nobstructive tendency attributed to the knot in spiritual matters appears\nin a Swiss superstition that if, in sewing a corpse into its shroud, you\nmake a knot on the thread, it will hinder the soul of the deceased on its\npassage to eternity.(1147) In coffining a corpse the Highlanders of\nScotland used to untie or cut every string in the shroud; else the spirit\ncould not rest.(1148) The Germans of Transylvania place a little pillow\nwith the dead in the coffin; but in sewing it they take great care not to\nmake any knot on the thread, for they say that to do so would hinder the\ndead man from resting in the grave and his widow from marrying\nagain.(1149) Among the Pidhireanes, a Ruthenian people on the hem of the\nCarpathians, when a widow wishes to marry again soon, she unties the knots\non her dead husband\u2019s grave-clothes before the coffin is shut down on him.\nThis removes all impediments to her future marriage.(1150) A Nandi who is\nstarting on a journey will tie a knot in grass by the wayside, as he\nbelieves that by so doing he will prevent the people whom he is going to\nvisit from taking their meal till he arrives, or at all events he will\nensure that they leave enough food over for him.(1151)\n\n(M190) The rule which prescribes that at certain magical and religious\nceremonies the hair should hang loose and the feet should be bare(1152) is\nprobably based on the same fear of trammelling and impeding the action in\nhand, whatever it may be, by the presence of any knot or constriction,\nwhether on the head or on the feet of the performer. This connexion of\nideas comes out clearly in a passage of Ovid, who bids a pregnant woman\nloosen her hair before she prays to the goddess of childbirth, in order\nthat the goddess may gently loose her teeming womb.(1153) It is less easy\nto say why on certain solemn occasions it appears to have been customary\nwith some people to go with one shoe off and one shoe on. The forlorn hope\nof two hundred men who, on a dark and stormy night, stole out of Plataea,\nbroke through the lines of the besieging Spartans, and escaped from the\ndoomed city, were shod on the left foot only. The historian who records\nthe fact assumes that the intention was to prevent their feet from\nslipping in the mud.(1154) But if so, why were not both feet unshod or\nshod? What is good for the one foot is surely good for the other. The\npeculiar attire of the Plataeans on this occasion had probably nothing to\ndo with the particular state of the ground and the weather at the time\nwhen they made their desperate sally, but was an old custom, a form of\nconsecration or devotion, observed by men in any great hazard or grave\nemergency. Certainly the costume appears to have been regularly worn by\nsome fighting races in antiquity, at least when they went forth to battle.\nThus we are told that all the Aetolians were shod only on one foot,\n\u201cbecause they were so warlike,\u201d(1155) and Virgil represents some of the\nrustic militia of ancient Latium as marching to war, their right feet shod\nin boots of raw hide, while their left feet were bare.(1156) An oracle\nwarned Pelias, king of Iolcus, to beware of the man with one sandal, and\nwhen Jason arrived with a sandal on his right foot but with his left foot\nbare, the king recognised the hand of fate. The common story that Jason\nhad lost one of his sandals in fording a river was probably invented when\nthe real motive of the costume was forgotten.(1157) Again, according to\none legend Perseus seems to have worn only one shoe when he went on his\nperilous enterprise to cut off the Gorgon\u2019s head.(1158) In certain forms\nof purification Greek ritual appears to have required that the person to\nbe cleansed should wear a rough shoe on one foot, while the other was\nunshod. The rule is not mentioned by ancient writers, but may be inferred\nfrom a scene painted on a Greek vase, where a man, naked except for a\nfillet round his head, is seen crouching on the skin of a sacrificial\nvictim, his bare right foot resting on the skin, while his left foot, shod\nin a rough boot, is planted on the ground in front of him. Round about\nwomen with torches and vessels are engaged in performing ceremonies of\npurification over him.(1159) When Dido in Virgil, deserted by Aeneas, has\nresolved to die, she feigns to perform certain magical rites which will\neither win back her false lover or bring relief to her wounded heart. In\nappealing to the gods and the stars, she stands by the altar with her\ndress loosened and with one foot bare.(1160) Among the heathen Arabs the\ncursing of an enemy was a public act. The maledictions were often couched\nin the form of a satirical poem, which the poet himself recited with\ncertain solemn formalities. Thus when the young Lebid appeared at the\nCourt of Norman to denounce the Absites, he anointed the hair of his head\non one side only, let his garment hang down loosely, and wore but one\nshoe. This, we are told, was the costume regularly adopted by certain\npoets on such occasions.(1161)\n\n(M191) Thus various peoples seem to be of opinion that it stands a man in\ngood stead to go with one foot shod and one foot bare on certain momentous\noccasions. But why? The explanation must apparently be sought in the\nmagical virtue attributed to knots; for down to recent times, we may take\nit, shoes have been universally tied to the feet by latchets. Now the\nmagical action of a knot, as we have seen, is supposed to be to bind and\nrestrain not merely the body but the soul,(1162) and this action is\nbeneficial or harmful according as the thing which is bound and restrained\nis evil or good. It is a necessary corollary of this doctrine that to be\nwithout knots is to be free and untrammelled, which, by the way, may be\nthe reason why the augur\u2019s staff at Rome had to be made from a piece of\nwood in which there was no knot;(1163) it would never do for a divining\nrod to be spell-bound. Hence we may suppose that the intention of going\nwith one shoe on and one shoe off is both to restrain and to set at\nliberty, to bind and to unbind. But to bind or unbind whom or what?\nPerhaps the notion is to rid the man himself of magical restraint, but to\nlay it on his foe, or at all events on his foe\u2019s magic; in short, to bind\nhis enemy by a spell while he himself goes free. This is substantially the\nexplanation which the acute and learned Servius gives of Dido\u2019s costume.\nHe says that she went with one shoe on and one shoe off in order that\nAeneas might be entangled and herself released.(1164) An analogous\nexplanation would obviously apply to all the other cases we have\nconsidered, for in all of them the man who wears this peculiar costume is\nconfronted with hostile powers, whether human or supernatural, which it\nmust be his object to lay under a ban.\n\n(M192) A similar power to bind and hamper spiritual as well as bodily\nactivities is ascribed by some people to rings. Thus in the Greek island\nof Carpathus, people never button the clothes they put upon a dead body\nand they are careful to remove all rings from it; \u201cfor the spirit, they\nsay, can even be detained in the little finger, and cannot rest.\u201d(1165)\nHere it is plain that even if the soul is not definitely supposed to issue\nat death from the finger-tips, yet the ring is conceived to exercise a\ncertain constrictive influence which detains and imprisons the immortal\nspirit in spite of its efforts to escape from the tabernacle of clay; in\nshort the ring, like the knot, acts as a spiritual fetter. This may have\nbeen the reason of an ancient Greek maxim, attributed to Pythagoras, which\nforbade people to wear rings.(1166) Nobody might enter the ancient\nArcadian sanctuary of the Mistress at Lycosura with a ring on his or her\nfinger.(1167) Persons who consulted the oracle of Faunus had to be chaste,\nto eat no flesh, and to wear no rings.(1168)\n\n(M193) On the other hand, the same constriction which hinders the egress\nof the soul may prevent the entrance of evil spirits; hence we find rings\nused as amulets against demons, witches, and ghosts. In the Tyrol it is\nsaid that a woman in childbed should never take off her wedding-ring, or\nspirits and witches will have power over her.(1169) Among the Lapps, the\nperson who is about to place a corpse in the coffin receives from the\nhusband, wife, or children of the deceased a brass ring, which he must\nwear fastened to his right arm until the corpse is safely deposited in the\ngrave. The ring is believed to serve the person as an amulet against any\nharm which the ghost might do to him.(1170) The Huzuls of the Carpathians\nsometimes milk a cow through a wedding-ring to prevent witches from\nstealing its milk.(1171) In India iron rings are often worn as an amulet\nagainst disease or to counteract the malignant influence of the planet\nSaturn. A coral ring is used in Gujarat to ward off the baleful influence\nof the sun, and in Bengal mourners touch it as a form of\npurification.(1172) A Masai mother who has lost one or more children at an\nearly age will put a copper ring on the second toe of her next infant\u2019s\nright foot to guard it against sickness.(1173) Masai men also wear on the\nmiddle finger of the right hand a ring made out of the hide of a\nsacrificial victim; it is supposed to protect the wearer from witchcraft\nand disease of every kind.(1174) We have seen that magic cords are\nfastened round the wrists of Siamese children to keep off evil\nspirits;(1175) that some people tie strings round the wrists of women in\nchildbed, of convalescents after sickness, and of mourners after a funeral\nin order to prevent the escape of their souls at these critical\nseasons;(1176) and that with the same intention the Bagobos put brass\nrings on the wrists or ankles of the sick.(1177) This use of wrist-bands,\nbracelets, and anklets as amulets to keep the soul in the body is exactly\nparallel to the use of finger-rings which we are here considering. The\nplacing of these spiritual fetters on the wrists is especially\nappropriate, because some people fancy that a soul resides wherever a\npulse is felt beating.(1178) How far the custom of wearing finger-rings,\nbracelets, and anklets may have been influenced by, or even have sprung\nfrom, a belief in their efficacy as amulets to keep the soul in the body,\nor demons out of it, is a question which seems worth considering.(1179)\nHere we are only concerned with the belief in so far as it seems to throw\nlight on the rule that the Flamen Dialis might not wear a ring unless it\nwere broken. Taken in conjunction with the rule which forbade him to have\na knot on his garments, it points to a fear that the powerful spirit\nembodied in him might be trammelled and hampered in its goings-out and\ncomings-in by such corporeal and spiritual fetters as rings and knots. The\nsame fear probably dictated the rule that if a man in bonds were taken\ninto the house of the Flamen Dialis, the captive was to be unbound and the\ncords to be drawn up through a hole in the roof and so let down into the\nstreet.(1180) Further, we may conjecture that the custom of releasing\nprisoners at a festival may have originated in the same train of thought;\nit might be imagined that their fetters would impede the flow of the\ndivine grace. The custom was observed at the Greek festival of the\nThesmophoria,(1181) and at the Athenian festival of Dionysus in the\ncity.(1182) At the great festival of the Dassera, celebrated in October by\nthe Goorkhas of Nepaul, all the law courts are closed, and all prisoners\nin gaol are removed from the precincts of the city; but those who are\nimprisoned outside the city do not have to change their place of\nconfinement at the time of the Dassera.(1183) This Nepaulese custom\nappears strongly to support the explanation here suggested of such\ngaol-deliveries. For observe that the prisoners are not released, but\nmerely removed from the city. The intention is therefore not to allow them\nto share the general happiness, but merely to rid the city of their\ninopportune presence at the festival.\n\n(M194) Before quitting the subject of knots I may be allowed to hazard a\nconjecture as to the meaning of the famous Gordian knot, which Alexander\nthe Great, failing in his efforts to untie it, cut through with his sword.\nIn Gordium, the ancient capital of the kings of Phrygia, there was\npreserved a waggon of which the yoke was fastened to the pole by a strip\nof cornel-bark or a vine-shoot twisted and tied in an intricate knot.\nTradition ran that the waggon had been dedicated by Midas, the first king\nof the dynasty, and that whoever untied the knot would be ruler of\nAsia.(1184) Perhaps the knot was a talisman with which the fate of the\ndynasty was believed to be bound up in such a way that whenever the knot\nwas loosed the reign of the dynasty would come to an end. We have seen\nthat the magic virtue ascribed to knots is naturally enough supposed to\nlast only so long as they remain untied. If the Gordian knot was the\ntalisman of the Phrygian kings, the local fame it enjoyed, as guaranteeing\nto them the rule of Phrygia, might easily be exaggerated by distant rumour\ninto a report that the sceptre of Asia itself would fall to him who should\nundo the wondrous knot.(1185)\n\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER VI. TABOOED WORDS.\n\n\n\n\n\u00a7 1. Personal Names tabooed.\n\n\n(M195) Unable to discriminate clearly between words and things, the savage\ncommonly fancies that the link between a name and the person or thing\ndenominated by it is not a mere arbitrary and ideal association, but a\nreal and substantial bond which unites the two in such a way that magic\nmay be wrought on a man just as easily through his name as through his\nhair, his nails, or any other material part of his person.(1186) In fact,\nprimitive man regards his name as a vital portion of himself and takes\ncare of it accordingly. Thus, for example, the North American Indian\n\u201cregards his name, not as a mere label, but as a distinct part of his\npersonality, just as much as are his eyes or his teeth, and believes that\ninjury will result as surely from the malicious handling of his name as\nfrom a wound inflicted on any part of his physical organism. This belief\nwas found among the various tribes from the Atlantic to the Pacific, and\nhas occasioned a number of curious regulations in regard to the\nconcealment and change of names. It may be on this account that both\nPowhatan and Pocahontas are known in history under assumed appellations,\ntheir true names having been concealed from the whites until the\npseudonyms were too firmly established to be supplanted. Should his\nprayers have no apparent effect when treating a patient for some serious\nillness, the shaman sometimes concludes that the name is affected, and\naccordingly goes to water, with appropriate ceremonies, and christens the\npatient with a new name, by which he is henceforth to be known. He then\nbegins afresh, repeating the formulas with the new name selected for the\npatient, in the confident hope that his efforts will be crowned with\nsuccess.\u201d(1187) Some Esquimaux take new names when they are old, hoping\nthereby to get a new lease of life.(1188) The Tolampoos of central Celebes\nbelieve that if you write a man\u2019s name down you can carry off his soul\nalong with it. On that account the headman of a village appeared uneasy\nwhen Mr. A. C. Kruijt wrote down his name. He entreated the missionary to\nerase it, and was only reassured on being told that it was not his real\nname but merely his second name that had been put on paper. Again, when\nthe same missionary took down the names of villages from the lips of a\nwoman, she asked him anxiously if he would not thereby take away the soul\nof the villages and so cause the inhabitants to fall sick.(1189) If we may\njudge from the evidence of language, this crude conception of the relation\nof names to persons was widely prevalent, if not universal, among the\nforefathers of the Aryan race. For an analysis of the words for \u201cname\u201d in\nthe various languages of that great family of speech points to the\nconclusion that \u201cthe Celts, and certain other widely separated Aryans,\nunless we should rather say the whole Aryan family, believed at one time\nnot only that the name was a part of the man, but that it was that part of\nhim which is termed the soul, the breath of life, or whatever you may\nchoose to define it as being.\u201d(1190) However this may have been among the\nprimitive Aryans, it is quite certain that many savages at the present day\nregard their names as vital parts of themselves, and therefore take great\npains to conceal their real names, lest these should give to evil-disposed\npersons a handle by which to injure their owners.\n\n(M196) Thus, to begin with the savages who rank at the bottom of the\nsocial scale, we are told that the secrecy with which among the Australian\naborigines personal names are often kept from general knowledge \u201carises in\ngreat measure from the belief that an enemy, who knows your name, has in\nit something which he can use magically to your detriment.\u201d(1191) \u201cAn\nAustralian black,\u201d says another writer, \u201cis always very unwilling to tell\nhis real name, and there is no doubt that this reluctance is due to the\nfear that through his name he may be injured by sorcerers.\u201d(1192) On\nHerbert River in Queensland the wizards, in order to practise their arts\nagainst some one, \u201cneed only to know the name of the person in question,\nand for this reason they rarely use their proper names in addressing or\nspeaking of each other, but simply their class names.\u201d(1193) In the tribes\nof south-eastern Australia \u201cwhen the new name is given at initiation, the\nchild\u2019s name becomes secret, not to be revealed to strangers, or to be\nmentioned by friends. The reason appears to be that a name is part of a\nperson, and therefore can be made use of to that person\u2019s detriment by any\nwho wish to \u2018catch\u2019 him by evil magic.\u201d(1194) Thus among the Yuin of New\nSouth Wales the totem name is said to have been something magical rather\nthan a mere name in our sense, and it was kept secret lest an enemy should\ninjure its bearer by sorcery. The name was revealed to a youth by his\nfather at initiation, but very few other people knew it.(1195) Another\nwriter, who knew the Australians well, observes that in many tribes the\nbelief prevails \u201cthat the life of an enemy may be taken by the use of his\nname in incantations. The consequence of this idea is, that in the tribes\nin which it obtains, the name of the male is given up for ever at the time\nwhen he undergoes the first of a series of ceremonies which end in\nconferring the rights of manhood. In such tribes a man has no name, and\nwhen a man desires to attract the attention of any male of his tribe who\nis out of his boyhood, instead of calling him by name, he addresses him as\nbrother, nephew, or cousin, as the case may be, or by the name of the\nclass to which he belongs. I used to notice, when I lived amongst the\nBangerang, that the names which the males bore in infancy were soon almost\nforgotten by the tribe.\u201d(1196) It may be questioned, however, whether the\nwriter whom I have just quoted was not deceived in thinking that among\nthese tribes men gave up their individual names on passing through the\nceremony of initiation into manhood. It is more in harmony with savage\nbeliefs and practices to suppose either that the old names were retained\nbut dropped out of use in daily life, or that new names were given at\ninitiation and sedulously concealed from fear of sorcery. A missionary who\nresided among the aborigines at Lake Tyers, in Victoria, informs us that\n\u201cthe blacks have great objections to speak of a person by name. In\nspeaking to each other they address the person spoken to as brother,\ncousin, friend, or whatever relation the person spoken to bears. Sometimes\na black bears a name which we would term merely a nickname, as the\nleft-handed, or the bad-handed, or the little man. They would speak of a\nperson by this name while living, but they would never mention the proper\nname. I found great difficulty in collecting the native names of the\nblacks here. I found afterwards that they had given me wrong names; and,\non asking the reason why, was informed they had two or three names, but\nthey never mentioned their right name for fear any one got it, then they\nwould die.\u201d(1197) Amongst the tribes of central Australia every man,\nwoman, and child has, besides a personal name which is in common use, a\nsecret or sacred name which is bestowed by the older men upon him or her\nsoon after birth, and which is known to none but the fully initiated\nmembers of the group. This secret name is never mentioned except upon the\nmost solemn occasions; to utter it in the hearing of women or of men of\nanother group would be a most serious breach of tribal custom, as serious\nas the most flagrant case of sacrilege among ourselves. When mentioned at\nall, the name is spoken only in a whisper, and not until the most\nelaborate precautions have been taken that it shall be heard by no one but\nmembers of the group. \u201cThe native thinks that a stranger knowing his\nsecret name would have special power to work him ill by means of\nmagic.\u201d(1198)\n\n(M197) The same fear seems to have led to a custom of the same sort\namongst the ancient Egyptians, whose comparatively high civilisation was\nstrangely dashed and chequered with relics of the lowest savagery. Every\nEgyptian received two names, which were known respectively as the true\nname and the good name, or the great name and the little name; and while\nthe good or little name was made public, the true or great name appears to\nhave been carefully concealed.(1199) Similarly in Abyssinia at the present\nday it is customary to conceal the real name which a person receives at\nbaptism and to call him only by a sort of nickname which his mother gives\nhim on leaving the church. The reason for this concealment is that a\nsorcerer cannot act upon a person whose real name he does not know. But if\nhe has ascertained his victim\u2019s real name, the magician takes a particular\nkind of straw, and muttering something over it bends it into a circle and\nplaces it under a stone. The person aimed at is taken ill at the very\nmoment of the bending of the straw; and if the straw snaps, he dies.(1200)\nA Brahman child receives two names, one for common use, the other a secret\nname which none but his father and mother should know. The latter is only\nused at ceremonies such as marriage. The custom is intended to protect the\nperson against magic, since a charm only becomes effectual in combination\nwith the real name.(1201) Amongst the Kru negroes of West Africa a man\u2019s\nreal name is always concealed from all but his nearest relations; to other\npeople he is known only under an assumed name.(1202) The Ewe-speaking\npeople of the Slave Coast \u201cbelieve that there is a real and material\nconnexion between a man and his name, and that by means of the name injury\nmay be done to the man. An illustration of this has been given in the case\nof the tree-stump that is beaten with a stone to compass the death of an\nenemy; for the name of that enemy is not pronounced solely with the object\nof informing the animating principle of the stump who it is whose death is\ndesired, but through a belief that, by pronouncing the name, the\npersonality of the man who bears it is in some way brought to the\nstump.\u201d(1203) The Wolofs of Senegambia are very much annoyed if any one\ncalls them in a loud voice, even by day; for they say that their name will\nbe remembered by an evil spirit and made use of by him to do them a\nmischief at night.(1204) Similarly, the natives of Nias believe that harm\nmay be done to a person by the demons who hear his name pronounced. Hence\nthe names of infants, who are especially exposed to the assaults of evil\nspirits, are never spoken; and often in haunted spots, such as the gloomy\ndepths of the forest, the banks of a river, or beside a bubbling spring,\nmen will abstain from calling each other by their names for a like\nreason.(1205) Among the hill tribes of Assam each individual has a private\nname which may not be revealed. Should any one imprudently allow his\nprivate name to be known, the whole village is tabooed for two days and a\nfeast is provided at the expense of the culprit.(1206) A Manegre, of the\nupper valley of the Amoor, will never mention his own name nor that of one\nof his fellows. Only the names of children are an exception to this\nrule.(1207) A Bagobo man of Mindanao, one of the Philippine Islands, never\nutters his own name from fear of being turned into a raven, because the\nraven croaks out its own name.(1208) The natives of the East Indian island\nof Buru, and the Manggarais of West Flores are forbidden by custom to\nmention their own names.(1209) When Fafnir had received his death-wound\nfrom Sigurd, he asked his slayer what his name was; but the cunning Sigurd\nconcealed his real name and mentioned a false one, because he well knew\nhow potent are the words of a dying man when he curses his enemy by\nname.(1210)\n\n(M198) The Indians of Chiloe, a large island off the southern coast of\nChili, keep their names secret and do not like to have them uttered aloud;\nfor they say that there are fairies or imps on the mainland or\nneighbouring islands who, if they knew folk\u2019s names, would do them an\ninjury; but so long as they do not know the names, these mischievous\nsprites are powerless.(1211) The Araucanians, who inhabit the mainland of\nChili to the north of Chiloe, will hardly ever tell a stranger their names\nbecause they fear that he would thereby acquire some supernatural power\nover themselves. Asked his name by a stranger, who is ignorant of their\nsuperstitions, an Araucanian will answer, \u201cI have none.\u201d(1212) Names taken\nfrom plants, birds, or other natural objects are bestowed on the Indians\nof Guiana at their birth by their parents or the medicine-man, \u201cbut these\nnames seem of little use, in that owners have a very strong objection to\ntelling or using them, apparently on the ground that the name is part of\nthe man, and that he who knows the name has part of the owner of that name\nin his power. To avoid any danger of spreading knowledge of their names,\none Indian, therefore, generally addresses another only according to the\nrelationship of the caller and the called, as brother, sister, father,\nmother, and so on; or, when there is no relationship, as boy, girl,\ncompanion, and so on. These terms, therefore, practically form the names\nactually used by Indians amongst themselves.\u201d(1213) Amongst the Indians of\nthe Goajira peninsula in Colombia it is a punishable offence to mention a\nman\u2019s name; in aggravated cases heavy compensation is demanded.(1214) The\nIndians of Darien never tell their names, and when one of them is asked,\n\u201cWhat is your name?\u201d he answers, \u201cI have none.\u201d(1215) For example, the\nGuami of Panama, \u201clike the greater part of the American Indians, has\nseveral names, but that under which he is known to his relations and\nfriends is never mentioned to a stranger; according to their ideas a\nstranger who should learn a man\u2019s name would obtain a secret power over\nhim. As to the girls, they generally have no name of their own up to the\nage of puberty.\u201d(1216) Among the Tepehuanes of Mexico a name is a sacred\nthing, and they never tell their real native names.(1217)\n\n(M199) In North America superstitions of the same sort are current. \u201cNames\nbestowed with ceremony in childhood,\u201d says Schoolcraft, \u201care deemed\nsacred, and are seldom pronounced, out of respect, it would seem, to the\nspirits under whose favour they are supposed to have been selected.\nChildren are usually called in the family by some name which can be\nfamiliarly used.\u201d(1218) The Navajoes of New Mexico are most unwilling to\nreveal their own Indian names or those of their friends; they generally go\nby some Mexican names which they have received from the whites.(1219) \u201cNo\nApache will give his name to a stranger, fearing some hidden power may\nthus be placed in the stranger\u2019s hand to his detriment.\u201d(1220) The Tonkawe\nIndians of Texas will give their children Comanche and English names in\naddition to their native names, which they are unwilling to communicate to\nothers; for they believe that when somebody calls a person by his or her\nnative name after death the spirit of the deceased may hear it, and may be\nprompted to take revenge on such as disturbed his rest; whereas if the\nspirit be called by a name drawn from another language, it will pay no\nheed.(1221) Speaking of the Californian Indians, and especially of the\nNishinam tribe, a well-informed writer observes: \u201cOne can very seldom\nlearn an Indian\u2019s and never a squaw\u2019s Indian name, though they will tell\ntheir American titles readily enough.... No squaw will reveal her own\nname, but she will tell all her neighbors\u2019 that she can think of. For the\nreason above given many people believe that half the squaws have no names\nat all. So far is this from the truth that every one possesses at least\none and sometimes two or three.\u201d(1222) Blackfoot Indians believe that they\nwould be unfortunate in all their undertakings if they were to speak their\nnames.(1223) When the Canadian Indians were asked their names, they used\nto hang their heads in silence or answer that they did not know.(1224)\nWhen an Ojebway is asked his name, he will look at some bystander and ask\nhim to answer. \u201cThis reluctance arises from an impression they receive\nwhen young, that if they repeat their own names it will prevent their\ngrowth, and they will be small in stature. On account of this\nunwillingness to tell their names, many strangers have fancied that they\neither have no names or have forgotten them.\u201d(1225)\n\n(M200) In this last case no scruple seems to be felt about communicating a\nman\u2019s name to strangers, and no ill effects appear to be dreaded as a\nconsequence of divulging it; harm is only done when a name is spoken by\nits owner. Why is this? and why in particular should a man be thought to\nstunt his growth by uttering his own name? We may conjecture that to\nsavages who act and think thus a person\u2019s name only seems to be a part of\nhimself when it is uttered with his own breath; uttered by the breath of\nothers it has no vital connexion with him, and no harm can come to him\nthrough it. Whereas, so these primitive philosophers may have argued, when\na man lets his own name pass his lips, he is parting with a living piece\nof himself, and if he persists in so reckless a course he must certainly\nend by dissipating his energy and shattering his constitution. Many a\nbroken-down debauchee, many a feeble frame wasted with disease, may have\nbeen pointed out by these simple moralists to their awe-struck disciples\nas a fearful example of the fate that must sooner or later overtake the\nprofligate who indulges immoderately in the seductive habit of mentioning\nhis own name.\n\n(M201) However we may explain it, the fact is certain that many a savage\nevinces the strongest reluctance to pronounce his own name, while at the\nsame time he makes no objection at all to other people pronouncing it, and\nwill even invite them to do so for him in order to satisfy the curiosity\nof an inquisitive stranger. Thus in some parts of Madagascar it is _f\u00e0dy_\nor taboo for a person to tell his own name, but a slave or attendant will\nanswer for him.(1226) \u201cChatting with an old Sakalava while the men were\npacking up, we happened to ask him his name; whereupon he politely\nrequested us to ask one of his servants standing by. On expressing our\nastonishment that he should have forgotten this, he told us that it was\n_f\u00e0dy_ (tabooed) for one of his tribe to pronounce his own name. We found\nthis was perfectly true in that district, but it is not the case with the\nSakalava a few days farther down the river.\u201d(1227) The same curious\ninconsistency, as it may seem to us, is recorded of some tribes of\nAmerican Indians. Thus we are told that \u201cthe name of an American Indian is\na sacred thing, not to be divulged by the owner himself without due\nconsideration. One may ask a warrior of any tribe to give his name, and\nthe question will be met with either a point-blank refusal or the more\ndiplomatic evasion that he cannot understand what is wanted of him. The\nmoment a friend approaches, the warrior first interrogated will whisper\nwhat is wanted, and the friend can tell the name, receiving a\nreciprocation of the courtesy from the other.\u201d(1228) This general\nstatement applies, for example, to the Indian tribes of British Columbia,\nas to whom it is said that \u201cone of their strangest prejudices, which\nappears to pervade all tribes alike, is a dislike to telling their\nnames\u2014thus you never get a man\u2019s right name from himself; but they will\ntell each other\u2019s names without hesitation.\u201d(1229) Though it is considered\nvery rude for a stranger to ask an Apache his name, and the Apache will\nnever mention it himself, he will allow his friend at his side to mention\nit for him.(1230) The Abipones of South America thought it a sin in a man\nto utter his own name, but they would tell each other\u2019s names freely; when\nFather Dobrizhoffer asked a stranger Indian his name, the man would nudge\nhis neighbour with his elbow as a sign that his companion should answer\nthe question.(1231) Some of the Malemut Esquimaux of Bering Strait dislike\nvery much to pronounce their own names; if a man be asked his name he will\nappear confused and will generally turn to a bystander, and request him to\nmention it for him.(1232) In the whole of the East Indian Archipelago the\netiquette is the same. As a general rule no one will utter his own name.\nTo enquire, \u201cWhat is your name?\u201d is a very indelicate question in native\nsociety. When in the course of administrative or judicial business a\nnative is asked his name, instead of replying he will look at his comrade\nto indicate that he is to answer for him, or he will say straight out,\n\u201cAsk him.\u201d The superstition is current all over the East Indies without\nexception,(1233) and it is found also among the Motu and Motumotu tribes\nof British New Guinea,(1234) the Papuans of Finsch Haven in German New\nGuinea,(1235) the Nufoors of Dutch New Guinea,(1236) and the Melanesians\nof the Bismarck Archipelago.(1237) Among many tribes of South Africa men\nand women never mention their names if they can get any one else to do it\nfor them, but they do not absolutely refuse when it cannot be\navoided.(1238) No Warua will tell his name, but he does not object to\nbeing addressed by it.(1239) Among the Masai, \u201cwhen a man is called or\nspoken to, he is addressed by his father\u2019s name, and his own name is only\nused when speaking to his mother. It is considered unlucky for a man to be\naddressed by name. The methods employed in finding out what an individual\nis called seem apt to lead to confusion. If a man is asked his name, he\nreplies by giving that of his father, and to arrive at his own name it is\nnecessary to ask a third person, or to ask him what is the name of his\nmother. There is no objection to another person mentioning his name even\nin his presence.\u201d(1240) We are told that the Wanyamwesi almost always\naddress each other as \u201cMate\u201d or \u201cFriend,\u201d and a man sometimes quite\nforgets his own name and has to be reminded of it by another.(1241) The\nwriter who makes this statement was probably unaware of the reluctance of\nmany savages to utter their own names, and hence he mistook that\nreluctance for forgetfulness. In Uganda no one will mention his totem. If\nit is necessary that it should be known, he will ask a bystander to\nmention it for him.(1242) The Ba-Lua in the Congo region are unwilling to\npronounce the name of their tribe; if they are pressed on the subject,\nthey will call on some foreigner to give the required information.(1243)\n\n(M202) Sometimes the embargo laid on personal names is not permanent; it\nis conditional on circumstances, and when these change it ceases to\noperate. Thus when the Nandi men are away on a foray, nobody at home may\npronounce the names of the absent warriors; they must be referred to as\nbirds. Should a child so far forget itself as to mention one of the\ndistant ones by name, the mother would rebuke it, saying, \u201cDon\u2019t talk of\nthe birds who are in the heavens.\u201d(1244) Among the Bangala of the Upper\nCongo, while a man is fishing and when he returns with his catch, his\nproper name is in abeyance and nobody may mention it. Whatever the\nfisherman\u2019s real name may be, he is called _mwele_ without distinction.\nThe reason is that the river is full of spirits, who, if they heard the\nfisherman\u2019s real name, might so work against him that he would catch\nlittle or nothing. Even when he has caught his fish and landed with them,\nthe buyer must still not address him by his proper name, but must only\ncall him _mwele_; for even then, if the spirits were to hear his proper\nname, they would either bear it in mind and serve him out another day, or\nthey might so mar the fish he had caught that he would get very little for\nthem. Hence the fisherman can extract heavy damages from anybody who\nmentions his name, or can compel the thoughtless speaker to relieve him of\nthe fish at a good price so as to restore his luck.(1245) When the Sulka\nof New Britain are near the territory of their enemies the Gaktei, they\ntake care not to mention them by their proper name, believing that were\nthey to do so, their foes would attack and slay them. Hence in these\ncircumstances they speak of the Gaktei as _o lapsiek_, that is, \u201cthe\nrotten tree-trunks,\u201d and they imagine that by calling them that they make\nthe limbs of their dreaded enemies ponderous and clumsy like logs.(1246)\nThis example illustrates the extremely materialistic view which these\nsavages take of the nature of words; they suppose that the mere utterance\nof an expression signifying clumsiness will homoeopathically affect with\nclumsiness the limbs of their distant foemen. Another illustration of this\ncurious misconception is furnished by a Caffre superstition that the\ncharacter of a young thief can be reformed by shouting his name over a\nboiling kettle of medicated water, then clapping a lid on the kettle and\nleaving the name to steep in the water for several days. It is not in the\nleast necessary that the thief should be aware of the use that is being\nmade of his name behind his back; the moral reformation will be effected\nwithout his knowledge.(1247)\n\n(M203) When it is deemed necessary that a man\u2019s real name should be kept\nsecret, it is often customary, as we have seen, to call him by a surname\nor nickname. As distinguished from the real or primary names, these\nsecondary names are apparently held to be no part of the man himself, so\nthat they may be freely used and divulged to everybody without endangering\nhis safety thereby. Sometimes in order to avoid the use of his own name a\nman will be called after his child. Thus we are informed that \u201cthe\nGippsland blacks objected strongly to let any one outside the tribe know\ntheir names, lest their enemies, learning them, should make them vehicles\nof incantation, and so charm their lives away. As children were not\nthought to have enemies, they used to speak of a man as \u2018the father,\nuncle, or cousin of So-and-so,\u2019 naming a child; but on all occasions\nabstained from mentioning the name of a grown-up person.\u201d(1248) Similarly\namong the Nufoors of Dutch New Guinea, grown-up persons who are related by\nmarriage may not mention each other\u2019s names, but it is lawful to mention\nthe names of children; hence in order to designate a person whose name\nthey may not pronounce they will speak of him or her as the father or\nmother of So-and-so.(1249) The Alfoors of Poso, in Celebes, will not\npronounce their own names. Among them, accordingly, if you wish to\nascertain a person\u2019s name, you ought not to ask the man himself, but\nshould enquire of others. But if this is impossible, for example, when\nthere is no one else near, you should ask him his child\u2019s name, and then\naddress him as the \u201cFather of So-and-so.\u201d Nay, these Alfoors are shy of\nuttering the names even of children; so when a boy or girl has a nephew or\nniece, he or she is addressed as \u201cUncle of So-and-so,\u201d or \u201cAunt of\nSo-and-so.\u201d(1250) In pure Malay society, we are told, a man is never asked\nhis name, and the custom of naming parents after their children is adopted\nonly as a means of avoiding the use of the parents\u2019 own names. The writer\nwho makes this statement adds in confirmation of it that childless persons\nare named after their younger brothers.(1251) Among the land Dyaks of\nnorthern Borneo children as they grow up are called, according to their\nsex, the father or mother of a child of their father\u2019s or mother\u2019s younger\nbrother, or sister,(1252) that is, they are called the father or mother of\nwhat we should call their first cousin. The Caffres used to think it\ndiscourteous to call a bride by her own name, so they would call her \u201cthe\nMother of So-and-so,\u201d even when she was only betrothed, far less a wife\nand a mother.(1253) Among the Kukis and Zemis or Kacha Nagas of Assam\nparents drop their own names after the birth of a child and are named\nFather and Mother of So-and-so. Childless couples go by the names of \u201cthe\nchildless father,\u201d \u201cthe childless mother,\u201d \u201cthe father of no child,\u201d \u201cthe\nmother of no child.\u201d(1254) A Zulu woman may not utter her husband\u2019s name;\nif she speaks to or of him she says, \u201cFather of So-and-so,\u201d mentioning the\nname of one of his children.(1255) A Hindoo woman will not name her\nhusband. If she has to refer to him she will designate him as the father\nof her child or by some other periphrasis.(1256) The widespread custom of\nnaming a father after his child has sometimes been supposed to spring from\na desire on the father\u2019s part to assert his paternity, apparently as a\nmeans of obtaining those rights over his children which had previously,\nunder a system of mother-kin, been possessed by the mother.(1257) But this\nexplanation does not account for the parallel custom of naming the mother\nafter her child, which seems commonly to co-exist with the practice of\nnaming the father after the child. Still less, if possible, does it apply\nto the customs of calling childless couples the father and mother of\nchildren which do not exist, of naming people after their younger\nbrothers, and of designating children as the uncles and aunts of\nSo-and-so, or as the fathers and mothers of their first cousins. But all\nthese practices are explained in a simple and natural way if we suppose\nthat they originate in a reluctance to utter the real names of persons\naddressed or directly referred to. That reluctance is probably based\npartly on a fear of attracting the notice of evil spirits, partly on a\ndread of revealing the name to sorcerers, who would thereby obtain a\nhandle for injuring the owner of the name.(1258)\n\n\n\n\n\u00a7 2. Names of Relations tabooed.\n\n\n(M204) It might naturally be expected that the reserve so commonly\nmaintained with regard to personal names would be dropped or at least\nrelaxed among relations and friends. But the reverse of this is often the\ncase. It is precisely the persons most intimately connected by blood and\nespecially by marriage to whom the rule applies with the greatest\nstringency. Such people are often forbidden, not only to pronounce each\nother\u2019s names, but even to utter ordinary words which resemble or have a\nsingle syllable in common with these names. The persons who are thus\nmutually debarred from mentioning each other\u2019s names are especially\nhusbands and wives, a man and his wife\u2019s parents, and a woman and her\nhusband\u2019s father. For example, among the Caffres of South Africa a woman\nmay not publicly pronounce the birth-name of her husband or of any of his\nbrothers, nor may she use the interdicted word in its ordinary sense. If\nher husband, for instance, be called u-Mpaka, from _impaka_, a small\nfeline animal, she must speak of that beast by some other name.(1259)\nFurther, a Caffre wife is forbidden to pronounce even mentally the names\nof her father-in-law and of all her husband\u2019s male relations in the\nascending line; and whenever the emphatic syllable of any of their names\noccurs in another word, she must avoid it by substituting either an\nentirely new word, or, at least, another syllable in its place. Hence this\ncustom has given rise to an almost distinct language among the women,\nwhich the Caffres call _Ukuteta Kwabafazi_ or \u201cwomen\u2019s speech.\u201d(1260) The\ninterpretation of this \u201cwomen\u2019s speech\u201d is naturally very difficult, \u201cfor\nno definite rules can be given for the formation of these substituted\nwords, nor is it possible to form a dictionary of them, their number being\nso great\u2014since there may be many women, even in the same tribe, who would\nbe no more at liberty to use the substitutes employed by some others, than\nthey are to use the original words themselves.\u201d(1261) A Caffre man, on his\nside, may not mention the name of his mother-in-law, nor may she pronounce\nhis; but he is free to utter words in which the emphatic syllable of her\nname occurs.(1262) In Northern Nyassaland no woman will speak the name of\nher husband or even use a word that may be synonymous with it. If she were\nto call him by his proper name, she believes it would be unlucky and would\naffect her powers of conception. In like manner women abstain, for\nsuperstitious reasons, from using the common names of articles of food,\nwhich they designate by terms peculiar to themselves.(1263) Among the\nKondes, at the north-western end of Lake Nyassa, a woman may not mention\nthe name of her father-in-law; indeed she may not even speak to him nor\nsee him.(1264) Among the Barea and Bogos of Eastern Africa a woman never\nmentions her husband\u2019s name; a Bogo wife would rather be unfaithful to him\nthan commit the monstrous sin of allowing his name to pass her lips.(1265)\nAmong the Haussas \u201cthe first-born son is never called by his parents by\nhis name; indeed they will not even speak with him if other people are\npresent. The same rule holds good of the first husband and the first\nwife.\u201d(1266) In antiquity Ionian women would not call their husbands by\ntheir names.(1267) While the rites of Ceres were being performed in Rome,\nno one might name a father or a daughter.(1268) Among the South Slavs at\nthe present day husbands and wives will not mention each other\u2019s names,\nand a young wife may not call any of her housemates by their true names;\nshe must invent or at least adopt other names for them.(1269) A Kirghiz\nwoman dares not pronounce the names of the older relations of her husband,\nnor even use words which resemble them in sound. For example, if one of\nthese relations is called Shepherd, she may not speak of sheep, but must\ncall them \u201cthe bleating ones\u201d; if his name is Lamb, she must refer to\nlambs as \u201cthe young of the bleating ones.\u201d(1270) After marriage an Aino\nwife may not mention her husband\u2019s name; to do so would be deemed\nequivalent to killing him.(1271) Among the Sgaus, a Karen tribe of Burma,\nchildren never mention their parents\u2019 names.(1272) A Toda man may not\nutter the names of his mother\u2019s brother, his grandfather and grandmother,\nhis wife\u2019s mother, and of the man from whom he has received his wife, who\nis usually the wife\u2019s father. All these names are tabooed to him in the\nlifetime of the persons who bear them, and after death the prohibitions\nare not only maintained but extended.(1273) In southern India wives\nbelieve that to tell their husband\u2019s name or to pronounce it even in a\ndream would bring him to an untimely end. Further, they may not mention\nthe names of their parents, their parents-in-law, and their\nbrothers-in-law and sisters-in-law.(1274) Among the Ojebways husbands and\nwives never mention each other\u2019s names;(1275) among the Omahas a man and\nhis father-in-law and mother-in-law will on no account utter each other\u2019s\nnames in company.(1276) A Dacota \u201cis not allowed to address or to look\ntowards his wife\u2019s mother, especially, and the woman is shut off from\nfamiliar intercourse with her husband\u2019s father and others, and etiquette\nprohibits them from speaking the names of their relatives by marriage.\u201d\n\u201cNone of their customs,\u201d adds the same writer, \u201cis more tenacious of life\nthan this; and no family law is more binding.\u201d(1277) In the Nishinam tribe\nof California \u201ca husband never calls his wife by name on any account, and\nit is said that divorces have been produced by no other provocation than\nthat.\u201d(1278)\n\n(M205) The Battas or Bataks of Sumatra display a great aversion to\nmentioning their own names and a still greater aversion to mentioning the\nnames of their parents, grandparents, or elder blood-relations. Politeness\nforbids the putting of direct questions on this subject, so that the\ninvestigation of personal identity becomes difficult and laborious. When a\nBatta expects to be questioned as to his relations, he will usually\nprovide himself with a friend to answer for him.(1279) A Batak man may\nnever mention the names of his wife, his daughter-in-law and of his\nson-in-law; a woman is most particularly forbidden to mention the name of\nthe man who has married her daughter.(1280) Among the Karo-Bataks the\nforbidden names are those of parents, uncles, aunts, parents-in-law,\nbrothers and sisters, and especially grandparents.(1281) Among the Dyaks a\nchild never pronounces the names of his parents, and is angry if any one\nelse does so in his presence. A husband never calls his wife by her name,\nand she never calls him by his. If they have children, they name each\nother after them, \u201cFather of So-and-so\u201d and \u201cMother of So-and-so\u201d; if they\nhave no children they use the pronouns \u201che\u201d and \u201cshe,\u201d or an expression\nsuch as \u201che or she whom I love\u201d; and in general, members of a Dyak family\ndo not mention each other\u2019s names.(1282) Moreover, when the personal names\nhappen also, as they often do, to be names of common objects, the Dyak is\ndebarred from designating these objects by their ordinary names. For\ninstance, if a man or one of his family is called Bintang, which means\n\u201cstar,\u201d he must not call a star a star (_bintang_); he must call it a\n_pariama_. If he or a member of his domestic circle bears the name of\nBulan, which means \u201cmoon,\u201d he may not speak of the moon as the moon\n(_bulan_); he must call it _penala_. Hence it comes about that in the Dyak\nlanguage there are two sets of distinct names for many objects.(1283)\nAmong the sea Dyaks of Sarawak a man may not pronounce the name of his\nfather-in-law or mother-in-law without incurring the wrath of the spirits.\nAnd since he reckons as his father-in-law and mother-in-law not only the\nfather and mother of his own wife, but also the fathers and mothers of his\nbrothers\u2019 wives and sisters\u2019 husbands, and likewise the fathers and\nmothers of all his cousins, the number of tabooed names may be very\nconsiderable and the opportunities of error correspondingly numerous. To\nmake confusion worse confounded, the names of persons are often the names\nof common things, such as moon, bridge, barley, cobra, leopard; so that\nwhen any of a man\u2019s many fathers-in-law and mothers-in-law are called by\nsuch names, these common words may not pass his lips.(1284) Among the\nDyaks of Landak and Tajan it is forbidden to mention the names of parents\nand grandparents, sometimes also of great-grandparents, whether they are\nalive or dead.(1285) Among the Alfoors or Toradjas of Poso, in central\nCelebes, you may not pronounce the names of your father, mother,\ngrandparents, and other near relations. But the strictest taboo is on the\nnames of parents-in-law. A son-in-law and a daughter-in-law may not only\nnever mention the names of their parents-in-law, but if the names happen\nto be ordinary words of the language, they may never allow the words in\ntheir common significance to pass their lips. For example, if my father is\ncalled Njara (\u201chorse\u201d), I may not speak of him by that name; but in\nspeaking of the animal I am free to use the word horse (_njara_). But if\nmy father-in-law is called Njara, the case is different, for then not only\nmay I not refer to him by his name, but I may not even call a horse a\nhorse; in speaking of the animal I must use some other word. The\nmissionary who reports the custom is acquainted with a man whose\nmother-in-law rejoices in the name of Ringgi (\u201crixdollar\u201d). When this man\nhas occasion to refer to real rixdollars, he alludes to them delicately as\n\u201clarge guilders\u201d (_roepia bose_). Another man may not use the ordinary\nword for water (_oewe_); in speaking of water he employs a word (_owai_)\ntaken from a different dialect. Indeed, among these Alfoors it is the\ncommon practice in such cases to replace the forbidden word by a kindred\nword of the same significance borrowed from another dialect. In this way\nmany fresh terms or new forms of an old word pass into general\ncirculation.(1286) Among the Alfoors of Minahassa, in northern Celebes,\nthe custom is carried still further so as to forbid the use even of words\nwhich merely resemble the personal names in sound. It is especially the\nname of a father-in-law which is thus laid under an interdict. If he, for\nexample, is called Kalala, his son-in-law may not speak of a horse by its\ncommon name _kawalo_; he must call it a \u201criding-beast\u201d\n(_sasakajan_).(1287) So among the Alfoors of the island of Buru it is\ntaboo to mention the names of parents and parents-in-law, or even to speak\nof common objects by words which resemble these names in sound. Thus, if\nyour mother-in-law is called Dalu, which means \u201cbetel,\u201d you may not ask\nfor betel by its ordinary name, you must ask for \u201cred mouth\u201d (_mue miha_);\nif you want betel-leaf, you may not say betel-leaf (_dalu \u2019mun_), you must\nsay _karon fenna_. In the same island it is also taboo to mention the name\nof an elder brother in his presence.(1288) Transgressions of these rules\nare punished with fines.(1289) In Bolang Mongondo, a district in the west\nof Celebes, the unmentionable names are those of parents, parents-in-law,\nuncles and aunts.(1290) Among the Alfoors of Halmahera a son-in-law may\nnever use his father-in-law\u2019s name in speaking to him; he must simply\naddress him as \u201cFather-in-law.\u201d(1291) In Sunda it is thought that a\nparticular crop would be spoilt if a man were to mention the names of his\nfather and mother.(1292)\n\n(M206) Among the Nufoors, as we have seen,(1293) persons who are related\nto each other by marriage are forbidden to mention each other\u2019s names.\nAmong the connexions whose names are thus tabooed are wife, mother-in-law,\nfather-in-law, your wife\u2019s uncles and aunts and also her grand-uncles and\ngrand-aunts, and the whole of your wife\u2019s or your husband\u2019s family in the\nsame generation as yourself, except that men may mention the names of\ntheir brothers-in-law, though women may not. The taboo comes into\noperation as soon as the betrothal has taken place and before the marriage\nhas been celebrated. Families thus connected by the betrothal of two of\ntheir members are not only forbidden to pronounce each other\u2019s names; they\nmay not even look at each other, and the rule gives rise to the most\ncomical scenes when they happen to meet unexpectedly. And not merely the\nnames themselves, but any words that sound like them are scrupulously\navoided and other words used in their place. If it should chance that a\nperson has inadvertently uttered a forbidden name, he must at once throw\nhimself on the floor and say, \u201cI have mentioned a wrong name. I throw it\nthrough the chinks of the floor in order that I may eat well.\u201d(1294) In\nGerman New Guinea near relations by marriage, particularly father-in-law\nand daughter-in-law, mother-in-law and son-in-law, as well as\nbrothers-in-law and sisters-in-law, must see as little of each other as\npossible; they may not converse together and they may not mention each\nother\u2019s names, not even when these names have passed to younger members of\nthe family. Thus if a child is called after its deceased paternal\ngrandfather, the mother may not call her child by its name but must employ\nanother name for the purpose.(1295) Among the Yabim, for example, on the\nsouth-east coast of German New Guinea, parents-in-law may neither be\ntouched nor named. Even when their names are borne by other people or are\nthe ordinary names of common objects, they may not pass the lips of their\nsons-in-law and daughters-in-law.(1296) Among the western tribes of\nBritish New Guinea the principal taboo or _sabi_, as it is there called,\nconcerns the names of relatives by marriage. A man may not mention the\nname of his wife\u2019s father, mother, elder sister, or elder brother, nor the\nname of any male or female relative of her father or mother, so long as\nthe relative in question is a member of the same tribe as the speaker. The\nnames of his wife\u2019s younger brothers and sisters are not tabooed to him.\nThe same law applies to a woman with reference to the names of her\nhusband\u2019s relatives. As a general rule, this taboo does not extend outside\nthe tribal boundaries. Hence when a man or woman marries out of his or her\ntribe, the taboo is usually not applied. And when members of one tribe,\nwho may not pronounce each other\u2019s names at home, are away from their own\nterritory, they are no longer strictly bound to observe the prohibition. A\nbreach of the taboo has to be atoned for by the offender paying a fine to\nthe person whose name he has taken in vain. Until that has been done,\nneither of the parties concerned, if they are males, may enter the men\u2019s\nclub-house. In the old times the offended party might recover his social\nstanding by cutting off somebody else\u2019s head.(1297)\n\n(M207) In the western islands of Torres Straits a man never mentioned the\npersonal names of his father-in-law, mother-in-law, brother-in-law, and\nsister-in-law; and a woman was subject to the same restrictions. A\nbrother-in-law might be spoken of as the husband or brother of some one\nwhose name it was lawful to mention; and similarly a sister-in-law might\nbe called the wife of So-and-so. If a man by chance used the personal name\nof his brother-in-law, he was ashamed and hung his head. His shame was\nonly relieved when he had made a present as compensation to the man whose\nname he had taken in vain. The same compensation was made to a\nsister-in-law, a father-in-law, and a mother-in-law for the accidental\nmention of their names. This disability to use the personal names of\nrelatives by marriage was associated with the custom, so common throughout\nthe world, that a man or woman is not allowed to speak to these relatives.\nIf a man wished to communicate with his father-in-law or mother-in-law, he\nspoke to his wife and she spoke to her parent. When direct communication\nbecame absolutely necessary, it was said that a man might talk to his\nfather-in-law or mother-in-law a very little in a low voice. The behaviour\ntowards a brother-in-law was the same.(1298) Similar taboos on the names\nof persons connected by marriage are in force in New Britain and New\nIreland.(1299) Among the natives who inhabit the coast of the Gazelle\nPeninsula in New Britain to mention the name of a brother-in-law is the\ngrossest possible affront you can offer to him; it is a crime punishable\nwith death.(1300) In the Santa Cruz and Reef Islands a man is forbidden to\npronounce the name of his mother-in-law, and he may never see her face so\nlong as he lives. She on her side lies under similar restrictions in\nregard to him. Further, a man is prohibited from mentioning the name of\nhis son-in-law, though he is allowed to look at him. And if a husband has\npaid money for his wife to several men, none of these men may ever utter\nhis name or look him in the face. If one of them did by chance look at\nhim, the offended husband would destroy some of the offender\u2019s\nproperty.(1301) In New Caledonia a brother may not mention his sister\u2019s\nname, and she may not mention his. The same rule is observed by male and\nfemale cousins in regard to each other\u2019s names.(1302) In the Banks\u2019\nIslands, Melanesia, the taboos laid on the names of persons connected by\nmarriage are very strict. A man will not mention the name of his\nfather-in-law, much less the name of his mother-in-law, nor may he name\nhis wife\u2019s brother; but he may name his wife\u2019s sister\u2014she is nothing to\nhim. A woman may not name her father-in-law, nor on any account her\nson-in-law. Two people whose children have intermarried are also debarred\nfrom mentioning each other\u2019s names. And not only are all these persons\nforbidden to utter each other\u2019s names; they may not even pronounce\nordinary words which chance to be either identical with these names or to\nhave any syllables in common with them. \u201cA man on one occasion spoke to me\nof his house as a shed, and when that was not understood, went and touched\nit with his hand to shew what he meant; a difficulty being still made, he\nlooked round to be sure that no one was near and whispered, not the name\nof his son\u2019s wife, but the respectful substitute for her name, _amen\nMulegona_, she who was with his son, and whose name was Tuwarina,\nHind-house.\u201d Again, we hear of a native of these islands who might not use\nthe common words for \u201cpig\u201d and \u201cto die,\u201d because these words occurred in\nthe polysyllabic name of his son-in-law; and we are told of another\nunfortunate who might not pronounce the everyday words for \u201chand\u201d and\n\u201chot\u201d on account of his wife\u2019s brother\u2019s name, and who was even debarred\nfrom mentioning the number \u201cone,\u201d because the word for \u201cone\u201d formed part\nof the name of his wife\u2019s cousin.(1303)\n\n(M208) It might be expected that similar taboos on the names of relations\nand on words resembling them would commonly occur among the aborigines of\nAustralia, and that some light might be thrown on their origin and meaning\nby the primitive modes of thought and forms of society prevalent among\nthese savages. Yet this expectation can scarcely be said to be fulfilled;\nfor the evidence of the observance of such customs in Australia is scanty\nand hardly of a nature to explain their origin. We are told that there are\ninstances \u201cin which the names of natives are never allowed to be spoken,\nas those of a father or mother-in-law, of a son-in-law, and some cases\narising from a connection with each other\u2019s wives.\u201d(1304) Among some\nVictorian tribes, a man never at any time mentioned the name of his\nmother-in-law, and from the time of his betrothal to his death neither she\nnor her sisters might ever look at or speak to him. He might not go within\nfifty yards of their habitation, and when he met them on a path they\nimmediately left it, clapped their hands, and covering up their heads with\ntheir rugs, walked in a stooping posture and spoke in whispers until he\nhad gone by. They might not talk with him, and when he and they spoke to\nother people in each other\u2019s presence, they used a special form of speech\nwhich went by the name of \u201cturn tongue.\u201d This was not done with any\nintention of concealing their meaning, for \u201cturn tongue\u201d was understood by\neverybody.(1305) A writer, who enjoyed unusually favourable opportunities\nof learning the language and customs of the Victorian aborigines, informs\nus that \u201cA stupid custom existed among them, which they called\n_knal-oyne_. Whenever a female child was promised in marriage to any man,\nfrom that very hour neither he nor the child\u2019s mother were permitted to\nlook upon or hear each other speak nor hear their names mentioned by\nothers; for, if they did, they would immediately grow prematurely old and\ndie.\u201d(1306) Among the Gudangs of Cape York, in Queensland, and the\nKowraregas of the Prince of Wales Islands, a man carefully avoids speaking\nto or even mentioning the name of his mother-in-law, and his wife acts\nsimilarly with regard to her father-in-law. \u201cThus the mother of a person\ncalled Nuki\u2014which means water\u2014is obliged to call water by another\nname.\u201d(1307) In the Booandik tribe of South Australia persons connected by\nmarriage, except husbands and wives, spoke to each other in a low whining\nvoice, and employed words different from those in common use.(1308)\nAnother writer, speaking of the same tribe, says: \u201cMothers-in-law and\nsons-in-law studiously avoid each other. A father-in-law converses with\nhis son-in-law in a low tone of voice, and in a phraseology differing\nsomewhat from the ordinary one.\u201d(1309)\n\n(M209) It will perhaps occur to the reader that customs of this latter\nsort may possibly have originated in the intermarriage of tribes speaking\ndifferent languages; and there are some Australian facts which seem at\nfirst sight to favour this supposition. Thus with regard to the natives of\nSouth Australia we are told that \u201cthe principal mark of distinction\nbetween the tribes is difference of language or dialect; where the tribes\nintermix greatly no inconvenience is experienced on this account, as every\nperson understands, in addition to his own dialect, that of the\nneighbouring tribe; the consequence is that two persons commonly converse\nin two languages, just as an Englishman and German would hold a\nconversation, each person speaking his own language, but understanding\nthat of the other as well as his own. This peculiarity will often occur in\none family through intermarriages, neither party ever thinking of changing\nhis or her dialect for that of the other. Children do not always adopt the\nlanguage of the mother, but that of the tribe among whom they live.\u201d(1310)\nAmong some tribes of western Victoria a man was actually forbidden to\nmarry a wife who spoke the same dialect as himself; and during the\npreliminary visit, which each paid to the tribe of the other, neither was\npermitted to speak the language of the tribe which he or she was visiting.\nThe children spoke the language of their father and might never mix it\nwith any other. To her children the mother spoke in their father\u2019s\nlanguage, but to her husband she spoke in her own, and he answered her in\nhis; \u201cso that all conversation is carried on between husband and wife in\nthe same way as between an Englishman and a Frenchwoman, each speaking his\nor her own language. This very remarkable law explains the preservation of\nso many distinct dialects within so limited a space, even where there are\nno physical obstacles to ready and frequent communication between the\ntribes.\u201d(1311) So amongst the Sakais, an aboriginal race of the Malay\nPeninsula, a man goes to a considerable distance for a wife, generally to\na tribe who speak quite a different dialect.(1312) The Indian tribes of\nFrench Guiana have each their own dialect and would hardly be able to\nunderstand each other, were it not that almost every person marries a wife\nor a husband of a different tribe, and thus the newcomers serve as\ninterpreters between the tribe in which they live and that in which they\nwere born and brought up.(1313) It is well known that the Carib women\nspoke a language which differed in some respects from that of the men, and\nthe explanation generally given of the difference is that the women\npreserved the language of a race of whom the men had been exterminated and\nthe women married by the Caribs. This explanation is not, as some seem to\nsuppose, a mere hypothesis of the learned, devised to clear up a curious\ndiscrepancy; it was a tradition current among the Caribs themselves in the\nseventeenth century,(1314) and as such it deserves serious attention. But\nthere are other facts which seem to point to a different\nexplanation.(1315) Among the Carayahis, a tribe of Brazilian Indians on\nthe Rio Grande or Araguaya River, the dialect of the women differs from\nthat of the men. For the most part the differences are limited to the form\nand sound of the words; only a few words seem to be quite distinct in the\ntwo dialects. The speech of the women appears to preserve older and fuller\nforms than that of the men: for instance, \u201cgirl\u201d is _yadokoma_ in the\nfemale speech but _yad\u00f4ma_ in the male; \u201cnail\u201d is _desika_ in the mouth of\na woman but _desia_ in the mouth of a man.(1316) However such remarkable\ndifferences are to be explained, a little reflection will probably\nconvince us that a mere intermixture of races speaking different tongues\ncould scarcely account for the phenomena of language under consideration.\nFor the reluctance to mention the names or even syllables of the names of\npersons connected with the speaker by marriage can hardly be separated\nfrom the reluctance evinced by so many people to utter their own names or\nthe names of the dead or of chiefs and kings; and if the reticence as to\nthese latter names springs mainly from superstition, we may infer that the\nreticence as to the former has no better foundation. That the savage\u2019s\nunwillingness to mention his own name is based, at least in part, on a\nsuperstitious fear of the ill use that might be made of it by his foes,\nwhether human or spiritual, has already been shewn. It remains to examine\nthe similar usage in regard to the names of the dead and of royal\npersonages.\n\n\n\n\n\u00a7 3. Names of the Dead tabooed.\n\n\n(M210) The custom of abstaining from all mention of the names of the dead\nwas observed in antiquity by the Albanians of the Caucasus,(1317) and at\nthe present day it is in full force among many savage tribes. Thus we are\ntold that one of the customs most rigidly observed and enforced amongst\nthe Australian aborigines is never to mention the name of a deceased\nperson, whether male or female; to name aloud one who has departed this\nlife would be a gross violation of their most sacred prejudices, and they\ncarefully abstain from it.(1318) The chief motive for this abstinence\nappears to be a fear of evoking the ghost, although the natural\nunwillingness to revive past sorrows undoubtedly operates also to draw the\nveil of oblivion over the names of the dead.(1319) Once Mr. Oldfield so\nterrified a native by shouting out the name of a deceased person, that the\nman fairly took to his heels and did not venture to shew himself again for\nseveral days. At their next meeting he bitterly reproached the rash white\nman for his indiscretion; \u201cnor could I,\u201d adds Mr. Oldfield, \u201cinduce him by\nany means to utter the awful sound of a dead man\u2019s name, for by so doing\nhe would have placed himself in the power of the malign spirits.\u201d(1320) On\nanother occasion, a Watchandie woman having mentioned the name of a\ncertain man, was informed that he had long been dead. At that she became\ngreatly excited and spat thrice to counteract the evil effect of having\ntaken a dead man\u2019s name into her lips. This custom of spitting thrice, as\nMr. Oldfield afterwards learned, was the regular charm whereby the natives\nfreed themselves from the power of the dangerous spirits whom they had\nprovoked by such a rash act.(1321) Among the aborigines of Victoria the\ndead were very rarely spoken of, and then never by their names; they were\nreferred to in a subdued voice as \u201cthe lost one\u201d or \u201cthe poor fellow that\nis no more.\u201d To speak of them by name would, it was supposed, excite the\nmalignity of Couit-gil, the spirit of the departed, which hovers on earth\nfor a time before it departs for ever towards the setting sun.(1322) Once\nwhen a Kurnai man was spoken to about a dead friend, soon after the\ndecease, he looked round uneasily and said, \u201cDo not do that, he might hear\nyou and kill me!\u201d(1323) If a Kaiabara black dies, his tribes-people never\nmention his name, but call him _Wurponum_, \u201cthe dead,\u201d and in order to\nexplain who it is that has died, they speak of his father, mother,\nbrothers, and so forth.(1324) Of the tribes on the Lower Murray River we\nare told that when a person dies \u201cthey carefully avoid mentioning his\nname; but if compelled to do so, they pronounce it in a very low whisper,\nso faint that they imagine the spirit cannot hear their voice.\u201d(1325)\nAmongst the tribes of Central Australia no one may utter the name of the\ndeceased during the period of mourning, unless it is absolutely necessary\nto do so, and then it is only done in a whisper for fear of disturbing and\nannoying the man\u2019s spirit which is walking about in ghostly form. If the\nghost hears his name mentioned he concludes that his kinsfolk are not\nmourning for him properly; if their grief were genuine they could not bear\nto bandy his name about. Touched to the quick by their hard-hearted\nindifference, the indignant ghost will come and trouble them in\ndreams.(1326) In these tribes no woman may ever again mention the name of\na dead person, but the restriction on the male sex is not so absolute, for\nthe name may be mentioned by men of the two subclasses to which the wife\u2019s\nfather and wife\u2019s brother of the deceased belong.(1327) Among some tribes\nof north-western Australia a dead man\u2019s name is never mentioned after his\nburial and he is only spoken of as \u201cthat one\u201d; otherwise they think that\nhe would return and frighten them at night in camp.(1328)\n\n(M211) The same reluctance to utter the names of the dead appears to\nprevail among all the Indian tribes of America from Hudson\u2019s Bay Territory\nto Patagonia. Among the Iroquois, for example, the name of the deceased\nwas never mentioned after the period of mourning had expired.(1329) The\nsame rule was rigidly observed by the Indians of California and Oregon;\nits transgression might be punished with a heavy fine or even with\ndeath.(1330) Thus among the Karok of California we are told that \u201cthe\nhighest crime one can commit is the _pet-chi-\u00e9-ri_, the mere mention of\nthe dead relative\u2019s name. It is a deadly insult to the survivors, and can\nbe atoned for only by the same amount of blood-money paid for wilful\nmurder. In default of that they will have the villain\u2019s blood.\u201d(1331)\nAmongst the Wintun, also of California, if some one in a group of merry\ntalkers inadvertently mentions the name of a deceased person, \u201cstraightway\nthere falls upon all an awful silence. No words can describe the\nshuddering and heart-sickening terror which seizes upon them at the\nutterance of that fearful word.\u201d(1332) Among the Goajiros of Colombia to\nmention the dead before his kinsmen is a dreadful offence, which is often\npunished with death; for if it happen on the _rancho_ of the deceased, in\npresence of his nephew or uncle, they will assuredly kill the offender on\nthe spot if they can. But if he escapes, the penalty resolves itself into\na heavy fine, usually of two or more oxen.(1333) So among the Abipones of\nParaguay to mention the departed by name was a serious crime, which often\nled to blows and bloodshed. When it was needful to refer to such an one,\nit was done by means of a general phrase such as \u201che who is no more,\u201d eked\nout with particulars which served to identify the person meant.(1334)\n\n(M212) A similar reluctance to mention the names of the dead is reported\nof peoples so widely separated from each other as the Samoyeds of Siberia\nand the Todas of southern India; the Mongols of Tartary and the Tuaregs of\nthe Sahara; the Ainos of Japan and the Akamba and Nandi of central Africa;\nthe Tinguianes of the Philippines and the inhabitants of the Nicobar\nIslands, of Borneo, of Madagascar, and of Tasmania.(1335) In all cases,\neven where it is not expressly stated, the fundamental reason for this\navoidance is probably the fear of the ghost. That this is the real motive\nwith the Tuaregs of the Sahara we are positively informed. They dread the\nreturn of the dead man\u2019s spirit, and do all they can to avoid it by\nshifting their camp after a death, ceasing for ever to pronounce the name\nof the departed, and eschewing everything that might be regarded as an\nevocation or recall of his soul. Hence they do not, like the Arabs,\ndesignate individuals by adding to their personal names the names of their\nfathers; they never speak of So-and-so, son of So-and-so; they give to\nevery man a name which will live and die with him.(1336) So among some of\nthe Victorian tribes in Australia personal names were rarely perpetuated,\nbecause the natives believed that any one who adopted the name of a\ndeceased person would not live long;(1337) probably his ghostly namesake\nwas supposed to come and fetch him away to the spirit-land. The Yabims of\nGerman New Guinea, who believe that the spirits of the dead pass their\ntime in the forest eating unpalatable fruits, are unwilling to mention the\nnames of the deceased lest their ghosts should suspend their habitual\noccupation to come and trouble the living.(1338) In Logea, one of the\nSamarai Archipelago, off the south-eastern end of New Guinea, no custom is\nobserved so strictly as the one which forbids the naming of the dead in\npresence of their relations. To say to a person \u201cYour fathers are dead,\u201d\nis considered a direct challenge to fight; it is an insult which must be\navenged either by the death of the man who pronounced these awful words,\nor by the death of one of his relatives or friends. The uttering of the\nnames of the dead is, along with homicide, one of the chief causes of war\nin the island. When it is necessary to refer to a dead man they designate\nhim by such a phrase as \u201cthe father of So-and-so,\u201d or \u201cthe brother of\nSo-and-so.\u201d(1339) Thus the fear of mentioning the names of the dead gives\nrise to circumlocutions of precisely the same sort as those which\noriginate in a reluctance to name living people. Among the Klallam Indians\nof Washington State no person may bear the name of his deceased father,\ngrandfather, or any other direct ancestor in the paternal line.(1340) The\nMasai of eastern Africa are said to resort to a simple device which\nenables them to speak of the dead freely without risk of the inopportune\nappearance of the ghost. As soon as a man or woman dies, they change his\nor her name, and henceforth always speak of him or her by the new name,\nwhile the old name falls into oblivion, and to utter it in the presence of\na kinsman of the deceased is an insult which calls for vengeance. They\nassume that the dead man will not know his new name, and so will not\nanswer to it when he hears it pronounced.(1341) Ghosts are notoriously\ndull-witted; nothing is easier than to dupe them. However, according to\nanother and more probable account, the name of a Masai is not changed\nafter his death; it is merely suppressed, and he or she is referred to by\na descriptive phrase, such as \u201cmy brother,\u201d \u201cmy uncle,\u201d \u201cmy sister.\u201d To\ncall a dead man by his name is deemed most unlucky, and is never done\nexcept with the intention of doing harm to his surviving family, who make\ngreat lamentations on such an occasion.(1342)\n\n(M213) The same fear of the ghost, which moves people to suppress his old\nname, naturally leads all persons who bear a similar name to exchange it\nfor another, lest its utterance should attract the attention of the ghost,\nwho cannot reasonably be expected to discriminate between all the\ndifferent applications of the same name. Thus we are told that in the\nAdelaide and Encounter Bay tribes of South Australia the repugnance to\nmentioning the names of those who have died lately is carried so far, that\npersons who bear the same name as the deceased abandon it, and either\nadopt temporary names or are known by any others that happen to belong to\nthem.(1343) The same practice was observed by the aborigines of New South\nWales,(1344) and is said to be observed by the tribes of the Lower Murray\nRiver,(1345) and of King George\u2019s Sound in western Australia.(1346) A\nsimilar custom prevails among some of the Queensland tribes; but the\nprohibition to use the names of the dead is not permanent, though it may\nlast for many years. On the Bloomfield River, when a namesake dies, the\nsurvivor is called Tanyu, a word whose meaning is unknown; or else he or\nshe receives a name which refers to the corpse, with the syllable Wau\nprefixed to it. For example, he may be called Wau-batcha, with reference\nto the place where the man was buried; or Wau-wotchinyu (\u201cburnt\u201d), with\nreference to the cremation of the body. And if there should be several\npeople in camp all bearing one of these allusive designations, they are\ndistinguished from each other by the mention of the names of their mothers\nor other relatives, even though these last have long been dead and gone.\nWhenever Mr. W. E. Roth, to whom we owe this information, could obtain an\nexplanation of the custom, the reason invariably assigned was a fear that\nthe ghost, hearing himself called by name, might return and cause\nmischief.(1347) In some Australian tribes the change of name thus brought\nabout is permanent; the old name is laid aside for ever, and the man is\nknown by his new name for the rest of his life, or at least until he is\nobliged to change it again for a like reason.(1348) Among the North\nAmerican Indians all persons, whether men or women, who bore the name of\none who had just died were obliged to abandon it and to adopt other names,\nwhich was formally done at the first ceremony of mourning for the\ndead.(1349) In some tribes to the east of the Rocky Mountains this change\nof name lasted only during the season of mourning,(1350) but in other\ntribes on the Pacific Coast of North America it seems to have been\npermanent.(1351) Amongst the Masai also, when two men of the same tribe\nbear the same name, and one of them dies, the survivor changes his\nname.(1352)\n\n(M214) Sometimes by an extension of the same reasoning all the near\nrelations of the deceased change their names, whatever they may happen to\nbe, doubtless from a fear that the sound of the familiar names might lure\nback the vagrant spirit to its old home. Thus in some Victorian tribes the\nordinary names of all the next of kin were disused during the period of\nmourning, and certain general terms, prescribed by custom, were\nsubstituted for them. To call a mourner by his own name was considered an\ninsult to the departed, and often led to fighting and bloodshed.(1353)\nAmong Indian tribes of north-western America near relations of the\ndeceased often change their names \u201cunder an impression that spirits will\nbe attracted back to earth if they hear familiar names often\nrepeated.\u201d(1354) Among the Kiowa Indians the name of the dead is never\nspoken in the presence of the relatives, and on the death of any member of\na family all the others take new names. This custom was noted by Raleigh\u2019s\ncolonists on Roanoke Island more than three centuries ago.(1355) Among the\nLengua Indians of the Gran Chaco in South America not only is a dead man\u2019s\nname never mentioned, but all the survivors change their names also. They\nsay that Death has been among them and has carried off a list of the\nliving, and that he will soon come back for more victims; hence in order\nto defeat his fell purpose they change their names, believing that on his\nreturn Death, though he has got them all on his list, will not be able to\nidentify them under their new names, and will depart to pursue the search\nelsewhere.(1356) So among the Guaycurus of the Gran Chaco, when a death\nhad taken place, the chief used to change the names of every person in the\ntribe, man and woman, young and old, and it is said to have been wonderful\nto observe how from that moment everybody remembered his new name just as\nif he had borne it all his life.(1357) Nicobarese mourners take new names\nin order to escape the unwelcome attentions of the ghost; and for the same\npurpose they disguise themselves by shaving their heads so that the ghost\nis unable to recognise them.(1358) The Chukchees of Bering Strait believe\nthat the souls of the dead turn into malignant spirits who seek to harm\nthe living. Hence when a mother dies the name of her youngest and dearest\nchild is changed, in order that her ghost may not know the child.(1359)\n\n(M215) Further, when the name of the deceased happens to be that of some\ncommon object, such as an animal, or plant, or fire, or water, it is\nsometimes considered necessary to drop that word in ordinary speech and\nreplace it by another. A custom of this sort, it is plain, may easily be a\npotent agent of change in language; for where it prevails to any\nconsiderable extent many words must constantly become obsolete and new\nones spring up. And this tendency has been remarked by observers who have\nrecorded the custom in Australia, America, and elsewhere. For example,\nwith regard to the Australian aborigines it has been noted that \u201cthe\ndialects change with almost every tribe. Some tribes name their children\nafter natural objects; and when the person so named dies, the word is\nnever again mentioned; another word has therefore to be invented for the\nobject after which the child was called.\u201d The writer gives as an instance\nthe case of a man whose name Karla signified \u201cfire\u201d; when Karla died, a\nnew word for fire had to be introduced. \u201cHence,\u201d adds the writer, \u201cthe\nlanguage is always changing.\u201d(1360) In the Moorunde tribe the name for\n\u201cteal\u201d used to be _torpool_; but when a boy called Torpool died, a new\nname (_tilquaitch_) was given to the bird, and the old name dropped out\naltogether from the language of the tribe.(1361) Sometimes, however, such\nsubstitutes for common words were only in vogue for a limited time after\nthe death, and were then discarded in favour of the old words. Thus among\nthe Kowraregas of the Prince of Wales\u2019 Islands and the Gudangs of Cape\nYork in Queensland, the names of the dead are never mentioned without\ngreat reluctance, so that, for example, when a man named Us, or quartz,\ndied, the name of the stone was changed to _nattam ure_, \u201cthe thing which\nis a namesake,\u201d but the original word would gradually return to common\nuse.(1362) Again, a missionary, who lived among the Victorian aborigines,\nremarks that \u201cit is customary among these blacks to disuse a word when a\nperson has died whose name was the same, or even of the same sound. I find\ngreat difficulty in getting blacks to repeat such words. I believe this\ncustom is common to all the Victorian tribes, though in course of time the\nword is resumed again. I have seen among the Murray blacks the dead freely\nspoken of when they have been dead some time.\u201d(1363) Again, in the\nEncounter Bay tribe of South Australia, if a man of the name of Ngnke,\nwhich means \u201cwater,\u201d were to die, the whole tribe would be obliged to use\nsome other word to express water for a considerable time after his\ndecease. The writer who records this custom surmises that it may explain\nthe presence of a number of synonyms in the language of the tribe.(1364)\nThis conjecture is confirmed by what we know of some Victorian tribes\nwhose speech comprised a regular set of synonyms to be used instead of the\ncommon terms by all members of a tribe in times of mourning. For instance,\nif a man called Waa (\u201ccrow\u201d) departed this life, during the period of\nmourning for him nobody might call a crow a _waa_; everybody had to speak\nof the bird as a _narrapart_. When a person who rejoiced in the title of\nRingtail Opossum (_weearn_) had gone the way of all flesh, his sorrowing\nrelations and the tribe at large were bound for a time to refer to\nringtail opossums by the more sonorous name of _manuungkuurt_. If the\ncommunity were plunged in grief for the loss of a respected female who\nbore the honourable name of Turkey Bustard, the proper name for turkey\nbustards, which was _barrim barrim_, went out, and _tillit tilliitsh_ came\nin. And so _mutatis mutandis_ with the names of Black Cockatoo, Grey Duck,\nGigantic Crane, Kangaroo, Eagle, Dingo, and the rest.(1365)\n\n(M216) A similar custom used to be constantly transforming the language of\nthe Abipones of Paraguay, amongst whom, however, a word once abolished\nseems never to have been revived. New words, says the missionary\nDobrizhoffer, sprang up every year like mushrooms in a night, because all\nwords that resembled the names of the dead were abolished by proclamation\nand others coined in their place. The mint of words was in the hands of\nthe old women of the tribe, and whatever term they stamped with their\napproval and put in circulation was immediately accepted without a murmur\nby high and low alike, and spread like wildfire through every camp and\nsettlement of the tribe. You would be astonished, says the same\nmissionary, to see how meekly the whole nation acquiesces in the decision\nof a withered old hag, and how completely the old familiar words fall\ninstantly out of use and are never repeated either through force of habit\nor forgetfulness. In the seven years that Dobrizhoffer spent among these\nIndians the native word for jaguar was changed thrice, and the words for\ncrocodile, thorn, and the slaughter of cattle underwent similar though\nless varied vicissitudes. As a result of this habit, the vocabularies of\nthe missionaries teemed with erasures, old words having constantly to be\nstruck out as obsolete and new ones inserted in their place.(1366)\nSimilarly, a peculiar feature of the Comanche language is that a portion\nof the vocabulary is continually changing. If, for example, a person\ncalled Eagle or Bison dies, a new name is invented for the bird or beast,\nbecause it is forbidden to mention the name of any one who is dead.(1367)\nSo amongst the Kiowa Indians all words that suggest the name of a deceased\nperson are dropped for a term of years and other words are substituted for\nthem. The old word may after the lapse of years be restored, but it often\nhappens that the new one keeps its place and the original word is entirely\nforgotten. Old men sometimes remember as many as three different names\nwhich have been successively used for the same thing. The new word is\ncommonly a novel combination of existing roots, or a novel use of a\ncurrent word, rather than a deliberately invented term.(1368)\n\n(M217) The Basagala, a cattle-breeding people to the west of Uganda, cease\nto use a word if it was the name of an influential person who has died.\nFor example, after the death of a chief named Mwenda, which means \u201cnine,\u201d\nthe name for the numeral was changed.(1369) \u201cOn the death of a child, or a\nwarrior, or a woman amongst the Masai, the body is thrown away, and the\nperson\u2019s name is buried, _i.e._ it is never again mentioned by the family.\nShould there be anything which is called by that name, it is given another\nname which is not like that of the deceased, For instance, if an\nunimportant person called Ol-onana (he who is soft, or weak, or gentle)\nwere to die, gentleness would not be called _enanai_ in that kraal, but it\nwould be called by another name, such as _epolpol_ (it is smooth).... If\nan elder dies leaving children, his name is not buried for his descendants\nare named after him.\u201d(1370) From this statement, which is translated from\na native account in the Masai language, we may perhaps infer that among\nthe Masai it is as a rule only the childless dead whose names are avoided.\nIn the island of Buru it is unlawful to mention the names of the dead or\nany words that resemble them in sound.(1371) In many tribes of British New\nGuinea the names of persons are also the names of common things. The\npeople believe that if the name of a deceased person is pronounced, his\nspirit will return, and as they have no wish to see it back among them the\nmention of his name is tabooed and a new word is created to take its\nplace, whenever the name happens to be a common term of the\nlanguage.(1372) Thus at Waga-waga, near the south-eastern extremity of New\nGuinea, the names of the dead become taboo immediately after death, and if\nthey are, as generally happens, the names of common objects, new words\nmust be adopted for these things and the old words are dropped from the\nlanguage, so long at least as the memory of the dead survives. For\nexample, when a man died whose name Binama meant \u201chornbill,\u201d a new name\n_ambadina_, literally \u201cthe plasterer,\u201d was adopted for the bird.\nConsequently many words are permanently lost or revived with modified or\nnew meanings. The frequent changes of vocabulary caused by this custom are\nvery inconvenient, and nowadays the practice of using foreign words as\nsubstitutes is coming more and more into vogue. English profanity now\ncontributes its share to the language of these savages.(1373) In the\nCaroline Islands the ordinary name for pig is _puik_, but in the Paliker\ndistrict of Ponape the pig is called not _puik_ but _man-teitei_, or \u201cthe\nanimal that grubs in the soil,\u201d for the word _puik_ was there tabooed\nafter the death of a man named Puik. \u201cThis is a living instance showing\nhow under our very eyes old words are dropping out of use in these\nisolated dialects and new ones are taking their place.\u201d(1374) In the\nNicobar Islands a similar practice has similarly affected the speech of\nthe natives. \u201cA most singular custom,\u201d says Mr. de Roepstorff, \u201cprevails\namong them which one would suppose must most effectually hinder the\n\u2018making of history,\u2019 or, at any rate, the transmission of historical\nnarrative. By a strict rule, which has all the sanction of Nicobar\nsuperstition, no man\u2019s name may be mentioned after his death! To such a\nlength is this carried that when, as very frequently happens, the man\nrejoiced in the name of \u2018Fowl,\u2019 \u2018Hat,\u2019 \u2018Fire,\u2019 \u2018Road,\u2019 etc., in its\nNicobarese equivalent, the use of these words is carefully eschewed for\nthe future, not only as being the personal designation of the deceased,\nbut even as the names of the common things they represent; the words die\nout of the language, and either new vocables are coined to express the\nthing intended, or a substitute for the disused word is found in other\nNicobarese dialects or in some foreign tongue. This extraordinary custom\nnot only adds an element of instability to the language, but destroys the\ncontinuity of political life, and renders the record of past events\nprecarious and vague, if not impossible.\u201d(1375)\n\n(M218) That a superstition which suppresses the names of the dead must cut\nat the very root of historical tradition has been remarked by other\nworkers in this field. \u201cThe Klamath people,\u201d observes Mr. A. S. Gatschet,\n\u201cpossess no historic traditions going further back in time than a century,\nfor the simple reason that there was a strict law prohibiting the mention\nof the person or acts of a deceased individual by _using his name_. This\nlaw was rigidly observed among the Californians no less than among the\nOregonians, and on its transgression the death penalty could be inflicted.\nThis is certainly enough to suppress all historical knowledge within a\npeople. How can history be written without names?\u201d(1376) Among some of the\ntribes of New South Wales the simple ditties, never more than two lines\nlong, to which the natives dance, are never transmitted from one\ngeneration to another, because, when the rude poet dies, \u201call the songs of\nwhich he was author are, as it were, buried with him, inasmuch as they, in\ncommon with his very name, are studiously ignored from thenceforward,\nconsequently they are quite forgotten in a very short space of time\nindeed. This custom of endeavouring persistently to forget everything\nwhich had been in any way connected with the dead entirely precludes the\npossibility of anything of an historical nature having existence amongst\nthem; in fact the most vital occurrence, if only dating a single\ngeneration back, is quite forgotten, that is to say, if the recounting\nthereof should necessitate the mention of a defunct aboriginal\u2019s\nname.\u201d(1377) Thus among these simple savages even a sacred bard could not\navail to rescue an Australian Agamemnon from the long night of oblivion.\n\n(M219) In many tribes, however, the power of this superstition to blot out\nthe memory of the past is to some extent weakened and impaired by a\nnatural tendency of the human mind. Time, which wears out the deepest\nimpressions, inevitably dulls, if it does not wholly efface, the print\nleft on the savage mind by the mystery and horror of death. Sooner or\nlater, as the memory of his loved ones fades slowly away, he becomes more\nwilling to speak of them, and thus their rude names may sometimes be\nrescued by the philosophic enquirer before they have vanished, like autumn\nleaves or winter snows, into the vast undistinguished limbo of the past.\nThis was Sir George Grey\u2019s experience when he attempted to trace the\nintricate system of kinship prevalent among the natives of western\nAustralia. He says: \u201cIt is impossible for any person, not well acquainted\nwith the language of the natives, and who does not possess great personal\ninfluence over them, to pursue an inquiry of this nature; for one of the\ncustoms most rigidly observed and enforced amongst them is, never to\nmention the name of a deceased person, male or female. In an inquiry,\ntherefore, which principally turns upon the names of their ancestors, this\nprejudice must be every moment violated, and a very great difficulty\nencountered in the outset. The only circumstance which at all enabled me\nto overcome this was, that the longer a person has been dead the less\nrepugnance do they evince in uttering his name. I, therefore, in the first\ninstance, endeavoured to ascertain only the oldest names on record; and on\nsubsequent occasions, when I found a native alone, and in a loquacious\nhumour, I succeeded in filling up some of the blanks. Occasionally, round\ntheir fires at night, I managed to involve them in disputes regarding\ntheir ancestors, and, on these occasions, gleaned much of the information\nof which I was in want.\u201d(1378) In some of the Victorian tribes the\nprohibition to mention the names of the dead remained in force only during\nthe period of mourning;(1379) in the Port Lincoln tribe of South Australia\nit lasted many years.(1380) Among the Chinook Indians of North America\n\u201ccustom forbids the mention of a dead man\u2019s name, at least till many years\nhave elapsed after the bereavement.\u201d(1381) In the Twana, Chemakum, and\nKlallam tribes of Washington State the names of deceased members may be\nmentioned two or three years after their death.(1382) Among the Puyallup\nIndians the observance of the taboo is relaxed after several years, when\nthe mourners have forgotten their grief; and if the deceased was a famous\nwarrior, one of his descendants, for instance a great-grandson, may be\nnamed after him. In this tribe the taboo is not much observed at any time\nexcept by the relations of the dead.(1383) Similarly the Jesuit missionary\nLafitau tells us that the name of the departed and the similar names of\nthe survivors were, so to say, buried with the corpse until, the poignancy\nof their grief being abated, it pleased the relations to \u201clift up the tree\nand raise the dead.\u201d By raising the dead they meant bestowing the name of\nthe departed upon some one else, who thus became to all intents and\npurposes a reincarnation of the deceased, since on the principles of\nsavage philosophy the name is a vital part, if not the soul, of the man.\nWhen Father Lafitau arrived at St. Louis to begin work among the Iroquois,\nhis colleagues decided that in order to make a favourable impression on\nhis flock the new shepherd should assume the native name of his deceased\npredecessor, Father Br\u00fcyas, \u201cthe celebrated missionary,\u201d who had lived\nmany years among the Indians and enjoyed their high esteem. But Father\nBr\u00fcyas had been called from his earthly labours to his heavenly rest only\nfour short months before, and it was too soon, in the phraseology of the\nIroquois, to \u201craise up the tree.\u201d However, raised up it was in spite of\nthem; and though some bolder spirits protested that their new pastor had\nwronged them by taking the name of his predecessor, \u201cnevertheless,\u201d says\nFather Lafitau, \u201cthey did not fail to regard me as himself in another form\n(_un autre lui-m\u00eame_), since I had entered into all his rights.\u201d (1384)\n\n(M220) The same mode of bringing a dead man to life again by bestowing his\nname upon a living person was practised by the Hurons and other Indian\ntribes of Canada. An early French traveller in Canada has described the\nceremony of resurrection as it was observed by a tribe whom he calls the\nAttiuoindarons. He says: \u201cThe Attiuoindarons practise resurrections of the\ndead, principally of persons who have deserved well of their country by\ntheir remarkable services, so that the memory of illustrious and valiant\nmen revives in a certain way in others. Accordingly they call assemblies\nfor this purpose and hold councils, at which they choose one of them who\nhas the same virtues and qualities, if possible, as he had whom they wish\nto resuscitate; or at least he must be of irreproachable life, judged by\nthe standard of a savage people. Wishing, then, to proceed to the\nresurrection they all stand up, except him who is to be resuscitated, to\nwhom they give the name of the deceased, and all letting their hands down\nvery low they pretend to lift him up from the earth, intending by that to\nsignify that they draw the great personage deceased from the grave and\nrestore him to life in the person of this other, who stands up and, after\ngreat acclamations of the people, receives the presents which the\nbystanders offer him. They further hold several feasts in his honour and\nregard him thenceforth as the deceased whom he represents; and by this\nmeans the memory of virtuous men and of good and valiant captains never\ndies among them.\u201d(1385) Among the Hurons the ceremony took place between\nthe death and the great Festival of the Dead, which was usually celebrated\nat intervals of twelve years. When it was resolved to resuscitate a\ndeparted warrior, the members of his family met and decided which of them\nwas to be regarded as an incarnation of the deceased. If the dead man had\nbeen a famous chief and leader in war, his living representative and\nnamesake succeeded to his functions. Presents were made to him, and he\nentertained the whole tribe at a magnificent banquet. His old robes were\ntaken from him, and he was clad in richer raiment. Thereupon a herald\nproclaimed aloud the mystery of the incarnation. \u201cLet all the people,\u201d he\nsaid, \u201cremain silent. Open your ears and shut your mouths. That which I am\nabout to say is of importance. Our business is to resuscitate a dead man\nand to bring a great captain to life again.\u201d With that he named the dead\nman and all his posterity, and reminded his hearers of the place and\nmanner of his death. Then turning to him who was to succeed the departed,\nhe lifted up his voice: \u201cBehold him,\u201d he cried, \u201cclad in this beautiful\nrobe. It is not he whom you saw these past days, who was called Nehap. He\nhas given his name to another, and he himself is now called Etouait\u201d (the\nname of the defunct). \u201cLook on him as the true captain of this nation. It\nis he whom you are bound to obey; it is he whom you are bound to listen\nto; it is he whom you are bound to honour.\u201d The new incarnation meanwhile\nmaintained a dignified silence, and afterwards led the young braves out to\nwar in order to prove that he had inherited the courage and virtues as\nwell as the name of the dead chief.(1386) The Carrier Indians of British\nColumbia firmly believe \u201cthat a departed soul can, if it pleases, come\nback to the earth, in a human shape or body, in order to see his friends,\nwho are still alive. Therefore, as they are about to set fire to the pile\nof wood on which a corpse is laid, a relation of the deceased person\nstands at his feet, and asks him if he will ever come back among them.\nThen the priest or magician, with a grave countenance, stands at the head\nof the corpse, and looks through both his hands on its naked breast, and\nthen raises them toward heaven, and blows through them, as they say, the\nsoul of the deceased, that it may go and find, and enter into a relative.\nOr, if any relative is present, the priest will hold both his hands on the\nhead of this person, and blow through them, that the spirit of the\ndeceased may enter into him or her; and then, as they affirm, the first\nchild which this person has will possess the soul of the deceased\nperson.\u201d(1387) The writer does not say that the infant took the name of\nthe deceased who was born again in it; but probably it did. For sometimes\nthe priest would transfer the soul from a dead to a living person, who in\nthat case took the name of the departed in addition to his own.(1388)\n\n(M221) Among the Lapps, when a woman was with child and near the time of\nher delivery, a deceased ancestor or relation (known as a _Jabmek_) used\nto appear to her in a dream and inform her what dead person was to be born\nagain in her infant, and whose name the child was therefore to bear. If\nthe woman had no such dream, it fell to the father or the relatives to\ndetermine the name by divination or by consulting a wizard.(1389) Among\nthe Khonds a birth is celebrated on the seventh day after the event by a\nfeast given to the priest and to the whole village. To determine the\nchild\u2019s name the priest drops grains of rice into a cup of water, naming\nwith each grain a deceased ancestor. From the movements of the seed in the\nwater, and from observations made on the person of the infant, he\npronounces which of his progenitors has reappeared in him, and the child\ngenerally, at least among the northern tribes, receives the name of that\nancestor.(1390) Among the Ewe-speaking peoples of Togo, in West Africa,\nwhen a woman is in hard labour, a fetish priest or priestess is called in\nto disclose the name of the deceased relative who has just been born again\ninto the world in the person of the infant. The name of that relative is\nbestowed on the child.(1391) Among the Yorubas, soon after a child has\nbeen born, a priest of Ifa, the god of divination, appears on the scene to\nascertain what ancestral soul has been reborn in the infant. As soon as\nthis has been decided, the parents are told that the child must conform in\nall respects to the manner of life of the ancestor who now animates him or\nher, and if, as often happens, they profess ignorance, the priest supplies\nthe necessary information. The child usually receives the name of the\nancestor who has been born again in him.(1392) In Uganda a child is named\nwith much ceremony by its grandfather, who bestows on it the name of one\nof its ancestors, but never the name of its father. The spirit of the\ndeceased namesake then enters the child and assists him through\nlife.(1393) Here the reincarnation of the ancestor appears to be effected\nby giving his name, and with it his soul, to his descendant. The same idea\nseems to explain a curious ceremony observed by the Makalaka of South\nAfrica at the naming of a child. The spirit of the ancestor (_motsimo_),\nwhose name the child is to bear, is represented by an elderly kinsman or\nkinswoman, according as the little one is a boy or a girl. A pretence is\nmade of catching the representative of the spirit, and dragging him or her\nto the hut of the child\u2019s parents. Outside the hut the pretended spirit\ntakes his seat and the skin of an animal is thrown over him. He then\nwashes his hands in a vessel of water, eats some millet-porridge, and\nwashes it down with beer. Meantime the women and girls dance gleefully\nround him, screaming or singing, and throw copper rings, beads, and so\nforth as presents into the vessel of water. The men do the same, but\nwithout dancing; after that they enter the hut to partake of a feast. The\nrepresentative of the ancestral spirit now vanishes, and the child\nthenceforth bears his or her name.(1394) This ceremony may be intended to\nrepresent the reincarnation of the ancestral spirit in the child.\n\n(M222) In the Nicobar Islands the names of dead relatives are tabooed for\na generation; but when both their parents are dead, men and women are\nbound to assume the names of their deceased grandfathers or grandmothers\nrespectively.(1395) Perhaps with the names they may be thought to inherit\nthe spirits of their ancestors. Among the Tartars in the Middle Ages the\nnames of the dead might not be uttered till the third generation.(1396)\nAmong the Gilyaks of Saghalien no two persons in the same tribe may bear\nthe same name at the same time; for they think that if a child were to\nreceive the name of a living man, either the child or the man would die\nwithin the year. When a man dies, his name may not be uttered until after\nthe celebration of the festival at which they sacrifice a bear for the\npurpose of procuring plenty of game and fish. At that festival they call\nout the name of the deceased while they beat the skin of the bear.\nThenceforth the name may be pronounced by every one, and it will be\nbestowed on a child who shall afterwards be born.(1397) These customs\nsuggest that the Gilyaks, like other peoples, suppose the namesake of a\ndeceased person to be his or her reincarnation; for their objection to let\ntwo living persons bear the same name seems to imply a belief that the\nsoul goes with the name, and therefore cannot be shared by two people at\nthe same time.\n\n(M223) Among the Esquimaux of Bering Strait the first child born in a\nvillage after some one has died receives the dead person\u2019s name, and must\nrepresent him in subsequent festivals which are given in his honour. The\nday before the great feast of the dead the nearest male relative of the\ndeceased goes to the grave and plants before it a stake bearing the crest\nor badge of the departed. This is the notice served to the ghost to attend\nthe festival. Accordingly he returns from the spirit-land to the grave.\nAfterwards a song is sung at the grave inviting the ghost to repair to the\nassembly-house, where the people are gathered to celebrate the festival.\nThe shade accepts the invitation and takes his place, with the other\nghosts, in the fire-pit under the floor of the assembly-house. All the\ntime of the festival, which lasts for several days, lamps filled with\nseal-oil are kept burning day and night in the assembly-house in order to\nlight up the path to the spirit-land and enable the ghosts to find their\nway back to their old haunts on earth. When the spirits of the dead are\ngathered in the pit, and the proper moment has come, they all rise up\nthrough the floor and enter the bodies of their living namesakes.\nOfferings of food, drink, and clothes are now made to these namesakes, who\neat and drink and wear the clothes on behalf of the ghosts. Finally, the\nshades, refreshed and strengthened by the banquet, are sent away back to\ntheir graves thinly clad in the spiritual essence of the clothes, while\nthe gross material substance of the garments is retained by their\nnamesakes.(1398) Here the reincarnation of the dead in the living is not\npermanent, but merely occasional and temporary. Still a special connexion\nmay well be thought to subsist at all times between the deceased and the\nliving person who bears his or her name.\n\n(M224) The foregoing facts seem to render it probable that even where a\nbelief in the reincarnation of ancestors either is not expressly attested\nor has long ceased to form part of the popular creed, many of the\nsolemnities which attend the naming of children may have sprung originally\nfrom the widespread notion that the souls of the dead come to life again\nin their namesakes.(1399)\n\n(M225) In some cases the period during which the name of the deceased may\nnot be pronounced seems to bear a close relation to the time during which\nhis mortal remains may be supposed still to hold together. Thus, of some\nIndian tribes on the north-west coast of America it is said that they may\nnot speak the name of a dead person \u201cuntil the bones are finally disposed\nof.\u201d(1400) Among the Narrinyeri of South Australia the name might not be\nuttered until the corpse had decayed.(1401) In the Encounter Bay tribe of\nthe same country the dead body is dried over a fire, packed up in mats,\nand carried about for several months among the scenes which had been\nfamiliar to the deceased in his life. Next it is placed on a platform of\nsticks and left there till it has completely decayed, whereupon the next\nof kin takes the skull and uses it as a drinking-cup. After that the name\nof the departed may be uttered without offence. Were it pronounced sooner\nhis kinsmen would be deeply offended, and a war might be the result.(1402)\nThe rule that the name of the dead may not be spoken until his body has\nmouldered away seems to point to a belief that the spirit continues to\nexist only so long as the body does so, and that, when the material frame\nis dissolved, the spiritual part of the man perishes with it, or goes\naway, or at least becomes so feeble and incapable of mischief that his\nname may be bandied about with impunity.(1403) This view is to some extent\nconfirmed by the practice of the Arunta tribe in central Australia. We\nhave seen that among them no one may mention the name of the deceased\nduring the period of mourning for fear of disturbing and annoying the\nghost, who is believed to be walking about at large. Some of the relations\nof the dead man, it is true, such as his parents, elder brothers and\nsisters, paternal aunts, mother-in-law, and all his sons-in-law, whether\nactual or possible, are debarred all their lives from taking his name into\ntheir lips; but other people, including his wife, children, grandchildren,\ngrandparents, younger brothers and sisters, and father-in-law, are free to\nname him so soon as he has ceased to walk the earth and hence to be\ndangerous. Some twelve or eighteen months after his death the people seem\nto think that the dead man has enjoyed his liberty long enough, and that\nit is time to confine his restless spirit within narrower bounds.\nAccordingly a grand battue or ghost-hunt brings the days of mourning to an\nend. The favourite haunt of the deceased is believed to be the burnt and\ndeserted camp where he died. Here therefore on a certain day a band of men\nand women, the men armed with shields and spear-throwers, assemble and\nbegin dancing round the charred and blackened remains of the camp,\nshouting and beating the air with their weapons and hands in order to\ndrive away the lingering spirit from the spot he loves too well. When the\ndancing is over, the whole party proceed to the grave at a run, chasing\nthe ghost before them. It is in vain that the unhappy ghost makes a last\nbid for freedom, and, breaking away from the beaters, doubles back towards\nthe camp; the leader of the party is prepared for this man\u0153uvre, and by\nmaking a long circuit adroitly cuts off the retreat of the fugitive.\nFinally, having run him to earth, they trample him down into the grave,\ndancing and stamping on the heaped-up soil, while with downward thrusts\nthrough the air they beat and force him under ground. There, lying in his\nnarrow house, flattened and prostrate under a load of earth, the poor\nghost sees his widow wearing the gay feathers of the ring-neck parrot in\nher hair, and he knows that the time of her mourning for him is over. The\nloud shouts of the men and women shew him that they are not to be\nfrightened and bullied by him any more, and that he had better lie quiet.\nBut he may still watch over his friends, and guard them from harm, and\nvisit them in dreams.(1404)\n\n\n\n\n\u00a7 4. Names of Kings and other Sacred Persons tabooed.\n\n\n(M226) When we see that in primitive society the names of mere commoners,\nwhether alive or dead, are matters of such anxious care, we need not be\nsurprised that great precautions should be taken to guard from harm the\nnames of sacred kings and priests. Thus the name of the king of Dahomey is\nalways kept secret, lest the knowledge of it should enable some\nevil-minded person to do him a mischief. The appellations by which the\ndifferent kings of Dahomey have been known to Europeans are not their true\nnames, but mere titles, or what the natives call \u201cstrong names\u201d\n(_nyi-sese_). As a rule, these \u201cstrong names\u201d are the first words of\nsentences descriptive of certain qualities. Thus Agaja, the name by which\nthe fourth king of the dynasty was known, was part of a sentence meaning,\n\u201cA spreading tree must be lopped before it can be cast into the fire\u201d; and\nTegbwesun, the name of the fifth king, formed the first word of a sentence\nwhich signified, \u201cNo one can take the cloth off the neck of a wild bull.\u201d\nThe natives seem to think that no harm comes of such titles being known,\nsince they are not, like the birth-names, vitally connected with their\nowners.(1405) In the Galla kingdom of Ghera the birth-name of the\nsovereign may not be pronounced by a subject under pain of death, and\ncommon words which resemble it in sound are changed for others. Thus when\na queen named Carre reigned over the kingdom, the word _hara_, which means\nsmoke, was exchanged for _unno_; further, _arre_, \u201cass,\u201d was replaced by\n_culula_; and _gudare_, \u201cpotato,\u201d was dropped and _loccio_ substituted for\nit.(1406) Among the Bahima of central Africa, when the king dies, his name\nis abolished from the language, and if his name was that of an animal, a\nnew appellation must be found for the creature at once. For example, the\nking is often called a lion; hence at the death of a king named Lion a new\nname for lions in general has to be coined.(1407) Thus in the language of\nthe Bahima the word for \u201clion\u201d some years ago was _mpologoma_. But when a\nprominent chief of that name died, the word for lion was changed to\n_kichunchu_. Again, in the Bahima language the word for \u201cnine\u201d used to be\n_mwenda_, a word which occurs with the same meaning but dialectical\nvariations in the languages of other tribes of central and eastern Africa.\nBut when a chief who bore the name Mwenda died, the old name for \u201cnine\u201d\nhad to be changed, and accordingly the word _isaga_ has been substituted\nfor it.(1408) In Siam it used to be difficult to ascertain the king\u2019s real\nname, since it was carefully kept secret from fear of sorcery; any one who\nmentioned it was clapped into gaol. The king might only be referred to\nunder certain high-sounding titles, such as \u201cthe august,\u201d \u201cthe perfect,\u201d\n\u201cthe supreme,\u201d \u201cthe great emperor,\u201d \u201cdescendant of the angels,\u201d and so\non.(1409) In Burma it was accounted an impiety of the deepest dye to\nmention the name of the reigning sovereign; Burmese subjects, even when\nthey were far from their country, could not be prevailed upon to do\nso;(1410) after his accession to the throne the king was known by his\nroyal titles only.(1411) The proper name of the Emperor of China may\nneither be pronounced nor written by any of his subjects.(1412) Coreans\nwere formerly forbidden, under severe penalties, to utter the king\u2019s name,\nwhich, indeed, was seldom known.(1413) When a prince ascends the throne of\nCambodia he ceases to be designated by his real name; and if that name\nhappens to be a common word in the language, the word is often changed.\nThus, for example, since the reign of King Ang Duong the word _duong_,\nwhich meant a small coin, has been replaced by _dom_.(1414) In the island\nof Sunda it is taboo to utter any word which coincides with the name of a\nprince or chief.(1415) The name of the rajah of Bolang Mongondo, a\ndistrict in the west of Celebes, is never mentioned except in case of\nurgent necessity, and even then his pardon must be asked repeatedly before\nthe liberty is taken.(1416) In the island of Sumba people do not mention\nthe real name of a prince, but refer to him by the name of the first slave\nwhom in his youth he became master of. This slave is regarded by the chief\nas his second self, and he enjoys practical impunity for any misdeeds he\nmay commit.(1417)\n\n(M227) Among the Zulus no man will mention the name of the chief of his\ntribe or the names of the progenitors of the chief, so far as he can\nremember them; nor will he utter common words which coincide with or\nmerely resemble in sound tabooed names. \u201cAs, for instance, the Zungu tribe\nsay _mata_ for _manzi_ (water), and _inkosta_ for _tshanti_ (grass), and\n_embigatdu_ for _umkondo_ (assegai), and _inyatugo_ for _enhlela_ (path),\nbecause their present chief is Umfan-o inhlela, his father was Manzini,\nhis grandfather Imkondo, and one before him Tshani.\u201d In the tribe of the\nDwandwes there was a chief called Langa, which means the sun; hence the\nname of the sun was changed from _langa_ to _gala_, and so remains to this\nday, though Langa died more than a hundred years ago. Once more, in the\nXnumayo tribe the word meaning \u201cto herd cattle\u201d was changed from _alusa_\nor _ayusa_ to _kagesa_, because u-Mayusi was the name of the chief.\nBesides these taboos, which were observed by each tribe separately, all\nthe Zulu tribes united in tabooing the name of the king who reigned over\nthe whole nation. Hence, for example, when Panda was king of Zululand, the\nword for \u201ca root of a tree,\u201d which is _impando_, was changed to _nxabo_.\nAgain, the word for \u201clies\u201d or \u201cslander\u201d was altered from _amacebo_ to\n_amakwata_, because _amacebo_ contains a syllable of the name of the\nfamous King Cetchwayo. These substitutions are not, however, carried so\nfar by the men as by the women, who omit every sound even remotely\nresembling one that occurs in a tabooed name. At the king\u2019s kraal, indeed,\nit is sometimes difficult to understand the speech of the royal wives, as\nthey treat in this fashion the names not only of the king and his\nforefathers, but even of his and their brothers back for generations. When\nto these tribal and national taboos we add those family taboos on the\nnames of connexions by marriage which have been already described,(1418)\nwe can easily understand how it comes about that in Zululand every tribe\nhas words peculiar to itself, and that the women have a considerable\nvocabulary of their own. Members, too, of one family may be debarred from\nusing words employed by those of another. The women of one kraal, for\ninstance, may call a hyaena by its ordinary name; those of the next may\nuse the common substitute; while in a third the substitute may also be\nunlawful and another term may have to be invented to supply its place.\nHence the Zulu language at the present day almost presents the appearance\nof being a double one; indeed, for multitudes of things it possesses three\nor four synonyms, which through the blending of tribes are known all over\nZululand.(1419)\n\n(M228) In Madagascar a similar custom everywhere prevails and has\nresulted, as among the Zulus, in producing certain dialectic differences\nin the speech of the various tribes. There are no family names in\nMadagascar, and almost every personal name is drawn from the language of\ndaily life and signifies some common object or action or quality, such as\na bird, a beast, a tree, a plant, a colour, and so on. Now, whenever one\nof these common words forms the name or part of the name of the chief of\nthe tribe, it becomes sacred and may no longer be used in its ordinary\nsignification as the name of a tree, an insect, or what not. Hence a new\nname for the object must be invented to replace the one which has been\ndiscarded. Often the new name consists of a descriptive epithet or a\nperiphrasis. Thus when the princess Rabodo became queen in 1863 she took\nthe name of Rasoherina. Now _soherina_ was the word for the silkworm moth,\nbut having been assumed as the name of the sovereign it could no longer be\napplied to the insect, which ever since has been called _zany-dandy_,\n\u201coffspring of silk.\u201d So, again, if a chief had or took the name of an\nanimal, say of the dog (_amboa_), and was known as Ramboa, the animal\nwould henceforth be called by another name, probably a descriptive one,\nsuch as \u201cthe barker\u201d (_famovo_) or \u201cthe driver away\u201d (_fandroaka_), etc.\nIn the western part of Imerina there was a chief called Andria-mamba; but\n_mamba_ was one of the names of the crocodile, so the chiefs subjects\nmight not call the reptile by that name and were always scrupulous to use\nanother. It is easy to conceive what confusion and uncertainty may thus be\nintroduced into a language when it is spoken by many little local tribes\neach ruled by a petty chief with his own sacred name. Yet there are tribes\nand people who submit to this tyranny of words as their fathers did before\nthem from time immemorial. The inconvenient results of the custom are\nespecially marked on the western coast of the island, where, on account of\nthe large number of independent chieftains, the names of things, places,\nand rivers have suffered so many changes that confusion often arises, for\nwhen once common words have been banned by the chiefs the natives will not\nacknowledge to have ever known them in their old sense.(1420)\n\n(M229) But it is not merely the names of living kings and chiefs which are\ntabooed in Madagascar; the names of dead sovereigns are equally under a\nban, at least in some parts of the island. Thus among the Sakalavas, when\na king has died, the nobles and people meet in council round the dead body\nand solemnly choose a new name by which the deceased monarch shall be\nhenceforth known. The new name always begins with _andrian_, \u201clord,\u201d and\nends with _arrivou_, \u201cthousand,\u201d to signify that the late king ruled over\na numerous nation. The body of the name is composed of an epithet or\nphrase descriptive of the deceased or of his reign. After the new name has\nbeen adopted, the old name by which the king was known during his life\nbecomes sacred and may not be pronounced under pain of death. Further,\nwords in the common language which bear any resemblance to the forbidden\nname also become sacred and have to be replaced by others. For example,\nafter the death of King Makka the word _laka_, which meant a canoe, was\nabandoned and the word _fiounr\u00e2ma_ substituted for it. When Taoussi died,\nthe word _taoussi_, signifying \u201cbeautiful,\u201d was replaced by _senga_. For\nsimilar reasons the word _\u00e2nt\u00e9tsi_, \u201cold,\u201d was changed for _matou\u00e9_, which\nproperly means \u201cripe\u201d; the word _vo\u00fbssi_, \u201ccastrated,\u201d was dropped and\n_manapaka_, \u201ccut,\u201d adopted in its place; and the word for island (_nossi_)\nwas changed into _vario\u00fb_, which signifies strictly \u201ca place where there\nis rice.\u201d Again, when a Sakalava king named Marentoetsa died, two words\nfell into disuse, namely, the word _m\u00e0ry_ or _m\u00e0re_ meaning \u201ctrue,\u201d and\nthe word _toetsa_ meaning \u201ccondition.\u201d Persons who uttered these forbidden\nwords were looked on not only as grossly rude, but even as felons; they\nhad committed a capital crime. However, these changes of vocabulary are\nconfined to the district over which the deceased king reigned; in the\nneighbouring districts the old words continue to be employed in the old\nsense.(1421) Again, among the Bara, another tribe of Madagascar, \u201cthe\nmemory of their deceased kings is held in the very highest respect; the\nname of such kings is considered sacred\u2014too sacred indeed for utterance,\nand no one is allowed to pronounce it. To such a length is this absurdity\ncarried that the name of any person or thing whatsoever, if it bear a\nresemblance to the name of the deceased king, is no longer used, but some\nother designation is given. For instance, there was a king named\nAndriamasoandro. After his decease the word _masoandro_ was no longer\nemployed as the name of the sun, but _mahenika_ was substituted for\nit.\u201d(1422) An eminent authority on Madagascar has observed: \u201cA curious\nfact, which has had a very marked influence on the Malagasy language, is\nthe custom of no longer pronouncing the name of a dead person nor even the\nwords which resemble it in their conclusions. The name is replaced by\nanother. King Ramitra, since his decease, has been called\nMahatenatenarivou, \u2019the prince who has conquered a thousand foes,\u2019 and a\nMalagasy who should utter his old name would be regarded as the murderer\nof the prince, and would therefore be liable to the confiscation of his\nproperty, or even to the penalty of death. It is easy accordingly to\nunderstand how the Malagasy language, one in its origin, has been\ncorrupted, and how it comes about that at the present day there are\ndiscrepancies between the various dialects. In Menabe, since the death of\nKing Vinany, the word _vilany_, meaning a pot, has been replaced by\n_fiketrehane_, \u2018cooking vessel,\u2019 whereas the old word continues in use in\nthe rest of Madagascar. These changes, it is true, hardly take place\nexcept for kings and great chiefs.\u201d(1423)\n\n(M230) The sanctity attributed to the persons of chiefs in Polynesia\nnaturally extended also to their names, which on the primitive view are\nhardly separable from the personality of their owners. Hence in Polynesia\nwe find the same systematic prohibition to utter the names of chiefs or of\ncommon words resembling them which we have already met with in Zululand\nand Madagascar. Thus in New Zealand the name of a chief is held so sacred\nthat, when it happens to be a common word, it may not be used in the\nlanguage, and another has to be found to replace it. For example, a chief\nto the southward of East Cape bore the name of Maripi, which signified a\nknife, hence a new word (_nekra_) for knife was introduced, and the old\none became obsolete. Elsewhere the word for water (_wai_) had to be\nchanged, because it chanced to be the name of the chief, and would have\nbeen desecrated by being applied to the vulgar fluid as well as to his\nsacred person. This taboo naturally produced a plentiful crop of synonyms\nin the Maori language, and travellers newly arrived in the country were\nsometimes puzzled at finding the same things called by quite different\nnames in neighbouring tribes.(1424) When a king comes to the throne in\nTahiti, any words in the language that resemble his name in sound must be\nchanged for others. In former times, if any man were so rash as to\ndisregard this custom and to use the forbidden words, not only he but all\nhis relations were immediately put to death.(1425) On the accession of\nKing Otoo, which happened before Vancouver\u2019s visit to Tahiti, the proper\nnames of all the chiefs were changed, as well as forty or fifty of the\ncommonest words in the language, and every native was obliged to adopt the\nnew terms, for any neglect to do so was punished with the greatest\nseverity.(1426) When a certain king named Tu came to the throne of Tahiti\nthe word _tu_, which means \u201cto stand,\u201d was changed to _tia_; _fetu_, \u201ca\nstar,\u201d became _fetia_; _tui_, \u201cto strike,\u201d was turned into _tiai_, and so\non. Sometimes, as in these instances, the new names were formed by merely\nchanging or dropping some letter or letters of the original words; in\nother cases the substituted terms were entirely different words, whether\nchosen for their similarity of meaning though not of sound, or adopted\nfrom another dialect, or arbitrarily invented. But the changes thus\nintroduced were only temporary; on the death of the king the new words\nfell into disuse, and the original ones were revived.(1427) Similarly in\nSamoa, when the name of a sacred chief was that of an animal or bird, the\nname of the animal or bird was at once changed for another, and the old\none might never again be uttered in that chief\u2019s district. For example, a\nsacred Samoan chief was named Pe\u2019a, which means \u201cflying-fox.\u201d Hence in his\ndistrict a flying-fox was no longer called a flying-fox but a \u201cbird of\nheaven\u201d (_manu langi_).(1428)\n\n(M231) In ancient Greece the names of the priests and other high officials\nwho had to do with the performances of the Eleusinian mysteries might not\nbe uttered in their lifetime. To pronounce them was a legal offence. The\npedant in Lucian tells how he fell in with these august personages hailing\nalong to the police court a ribald fellow who had dared to name them,\nthough well he knew that ever since their consecration it was unlawful to\ndo so, because they had become anonymous, having lost their old names and\nacquired new and sacred titles.(1429) From two inscriptions found at\nEleusis it appears that the names of the priests were committed to the\ndepths of the sea;(1430) probably they were engraved on tablets of bronze\nor lead, which were then thrown into deep water in the Gulf of Salamis.\nThe intention doubtless was to keep the names a profound secret; and how\ncould that be done more surely than by sinking them in the sea? what human\nvision could spy them glimmering far down in the dim depths of the green\nwater? A clearer illustration of the confusion between the incorporeal and\nthe corporeal, between the name and its material embodiment, could hardly\nbe found than in this practice of civilised Greece.\n\n(M232) In Togo, a district of West Africa, a secret religious society\nflourishes under the name of the Yewe order. Both men and women are\nadmitted to it. The teaching and practice of the order are lewd and\nlicentious. Murderers and debtors join it for the sake of escaping from\njustice, for the members are not amenable to the laws. On being initiated\nevery one receives a new name, and thenceforth his or her old name may\nnever be mentioned by anybody under penalty of a heavy fine. Should the\nold name be uttered in a quarrel by an uninitiated person, the aggrieved\nparty, who seems to be oftener a woman than a man, pretends to fall into a\nfrenzy, and in this state rushes into the house of the offender, smashes\nhis pots, destroys the grass roof, and tears down the fence. Then she runs\naway into the forest, where the simple people believe that she is changed\ninto a leopard. In truth she slinks by night into the conventual buildings\nof the order, and is there secretly kept in comfort till the business is\nsettled. At last she is publicly brought back by the society with great\npomp, her body smeared with red earth and adorned with an artificial tail\nin order to make the ignorant think that she has really been turned into a\nleopard.(1431)\n\n(M233) When the name is held to be a vital part of the person, it is\nnatural to suppose that the mightier the person the more potent must be\nhis name. Hence the names of supernatural beings, such as gods and\nspirits, are commonly believed to be endowed with marvellous virtues, and\nthe mere utterance of them may work wonders and disturb the course of\nnature. The Warramunga of central Australia believe in a formidable but\nmythical snake called the Wollunqua, which lives in a pool. When they\nspeak of it amongst themselves they designate it by another name, because\nthey say that, were they to call the snake too often by its real name,\nthey would lose control over the creature, and it would come out of the\nwater and eat them all up.(1432) For this reason, too, the sacred books of\nthe Mongols, which narrate the miraculous deeds of the divinities, are\nallowed to be read only in spring or summer; because at other seasons the\nreading of them would bring on tempests or snow.(1433) When Mr. Campbell\nwas travelling with some Bechuanas, he asked them one morning after\nbreakfast to tell him some of their stories, but they informed him that\nwere they to do so before sunset, the clouds would fall from the heavens\nupon their heads.(1434) The Sulka of New Britain believe in a certain\nhostile spirit named Kot, to whose wrath they attribute earthquakes,\nthunder, and lightning. Among the things which provoke his vengeance is\nthe telling of tales and legends by day; stories should be told only at\nevening or night.(1435) Most of the rites of the Navajo Indians may be\ncelebrated only in winter, when the thunder is silent and the rattlesnakes\nare hibernating. Were they to tell of their chief gods or narrate the\nmyths of the days of old at any other time, the Indians believe that they\nwould soon be killed by lightning or snake-bites. When Dr. Washington\nMatthews was in New Mexico, he often employed as his guide and informant a\nliberal-minded member of the tribe who had lived with Americans and\nMexicans and seemed to be free from the superstitions of his fellows. \u201cOn\none occasion,\u201d says Dr. Matthews, \u201cduring the month of August, in the\nheight of the rainy season, I had him in my study conversing with him. In\nan unguarded moment, on his part, I led him into a discussion about the\ngods of his people, and neither of us had noticed a heavy storm coming\nover the crest of the Zu\u00f1i mountains, close by. We were just talking of\nEstsanatlehi, the goddess of the west, when the house was shaken by a\nterrific peal of thunder. He rose at once, pale and evidently agitated,\nand, whispering hoarsely, \u2018Wait till Christmas; they are angry,\u2019 he\nhurried away. I have seen many such evidences of the deep influence of\nthis superstition on them.\u201d(1436) Among the Iroquois the rehearsal of\ntales of wonder formed the chief entertainment at the fireside in winter.\nBut all the summer long, from the time when the trees began to bud in\nspring till the red leaves of autumn began to fall, these marvellous\nstories were hushed and historical traditions took their place.(1437)\nOther Indian tribes also will only tell their mythic tales in winter, when\nthe snow lies like a pall on the ground, and lakes and rivers are covered\nwith sheets of ice; for then the spirits underground cannot hear the\nstories in which their names are made free with by merry groups gathered\nround the fire.(1438) The Yabims of German New Guinea tell their magical\ntales especially at the time when the yams have been gathered and are\nstored in the houses. Such tales are told at evening by the light of the\nfire to a circle of eager listeners, the narrative being broken from time\nto time with a song in which the hearers join. The telling of these\nstories is believed to promote the growth of the crops. Hence each tale\nends with a wish that there may be many yams, that the taro may be big,\nthe sugar-cane thick, and the bananas long.(1439)\n\n(M234) Among the Kwakiutl Indians of British Columbia the superstition\nabout names has affected in a very curious way the social structure of the\ntribe. The nobles have two different sets of names, one for use in winter\nand the other in summer. Their winter names are those which were given\nthem at initiation by their guardian spirits, and as these spirits appear\nto their devotees only in winter, the names which they bestowed on the\nIndians may not be pronounced in summer. Conversely the summer names may\nnot be used in winter. The change from summer to winter names takes place\nfrom the moment when the spirits are supposed to be present, and it\ninvolves a complete transformation of the social system; for whereas\nduring summer the people are grouped in clans, in winter they are grouped\nin societies, each society consisting of all persons who have been\ninitiated by the same spirit and have received from him the same magical\npowers. Thus among these Indians the fundamental constitution of society\nchanges with the seasons: in summer it is organised on a basis of kin, in\nwinter on a basis of spiritual affinity: for one half the year it is\ncivil, for the other half religious.(1440)\n\n\n\n\n\u00a7 5. Names of Gods tabooed.\n\n\n(M235) Primitive man creates his gods in his own image. Xenophanes\nremarked long ago that the complexion of negro gods was black and their\nnoses flat; that Thracian gods were ruddy and blue-eyed; and that if\nhorses, oxen, and lions only believed in gods and had hands wherewith to\nportray them, they would doubtless fashion their deities in the form of\nhorses, and oxen, and lions.(1441) Hence just as the furtive savage\nconceals his real name because he fears that sorcerers might make an evil\nuse of it, so he fancies that his gods must likewise keep their true names\nsecret, lest other gods or even men should learn the mystic sounds and\nthus be able to conjure with them. Nowhere was this crude conception of\nthe secrecy and magical virtue of the divine name more firmly held or more\nfully developed than in ancient Egypt, where the superstitions of a\ndateless past were embalmed in the hearts of the people hardly less\neffectually than the bodies of cats and crocodiles and the rest of the\ndivine menagerie in their rock-cut tombs. The conception is well\nillustrated by a story which tells how the subtle Isis wormed his secret\nname from Ra, the great Egyptian god of the sun. Isis, so runs the tale,\nwas a woman mighty in words, and she was weary of the world of men, and\nyearned after the world of the gods. And she meditated in her heart,\nsaying, \u201cCannot I by virtue of the great name of Ra make myself a goddess\nand reign like him in heaven and earth?\u201d For Ra had many names, but the\ngreat name which gave him all power over gods and men was known to none\nbut himself. Now the god was by this time grown old; he slobbered at the\nmouth and his spittle fell upon the ground. So Isis gathered up the\nspittle and the earth with it, and kneaded thereof a serpent and laid it\nin the path where the great god passed every day to his double kingdom\nafter his heart\u2019s desire. And when he came forth according to his wont,\nattended by all his company of gods, the sacred serpent stung him, and the\ngod opened his mouth and cried, and his cry went up to heaven. And the\ncompany of gods cried, \u201cWhat aileth thee?\u201d and the gods shouted, \u201cLo and\nbehold!\u201d But he could not answer; his jaws rattled, his limbs shook, the\npoison ran through his flesh as the Nile floweth over the land. When the\ngreat god had stilled his heart, he cried to his followers, \u201cCome to me, O\nmy children, offspring of my body. I am a prince, the son of a prince, the\ndivine seed of a god. My father devised my name; my father and my mother\ngave me my name, and it remained hidden in my body since my birth, that no\nmagician might have magic power over me. I went out to behold that which I\nhave made, I walked in the two lands which I have created, and lo!\nsomething stung me. What it was, I know not. Was it fire? was it water? My\nheart is on fire, my flesh trembleth, all my limbs do quake. Bring me the\nchildren of the gods with healing words and understanding lips, whose\npower reacheth to heaven.\u201d Then came to him the children of the gods, and\nthey were very sorrowful. And Isis came with her craft, whose mouth is\nfull of the breath of life, whose spells chase pain away, whose word\nmaketh the dead to live. She said, \u201cWhat is it, divine Father? what is\nit?\u201d The holy god opened his mouth, he spake and said, \u201cI went upon my\nway, I walked after my heart\u2019s desire in the two regions which I have made\nto behold that which I have created, and lo! a serpent that I saw not\nstung me. Is it fire? is it water? I am colder than water, I am hotter\nthan fire, all my limbs sweat, I tremble, mine eye is not steadfast, I\nbehold not the sky, the moisture bedeweth my face as in summer-time.\u201d Then\nspake Isis, \u201cTell me thy name, divine Father, for the man shall live who\nis called by his name.\u201d Then answered Ra, \u201cI created the heavens and the\nearth, I ordered the mountains, I made the great and wide sea, I stretched\nout the two horizons like a curtain. I am he who openeth his eyes and it\nis light, and who shutteth them and it is dark. At his command the Nile\nriseth, but the gods know not his name. I am Khepera in the morning, I am\nRa at noon, I am Tum at eve.\u201d But the poison was not taken away from him;\nit pierced deeper, and the great god could no longer walk. Then said Isis\nto him, \u201cThat was not thy name that thou spakest unto me. Oh tell it me,\nthat the poison may depart; for he shall live whose name is named.\u201d Now\nthe poison burned like fire, it was hotter than the flame of fire. The god\nsaid, \u201cI consent that Isis shall search into me, and that my name shall\npass from my breast into hers.\u201d Then the god hid himself from the gods,\nand his place in the ship of eternity was empty. Thus was the name of the\ngreat god taken from him, and Isis, the witch, spake, \u201cFlow away poison,\ndepart from Ra. It is I, even I, who overcome the poison and cast it to\nthe earth; for the name of the great god hath been taken away from him.\nLet Ra live and let the poison die.\u201d Thus spake great Isis, the queen of\nthe gods, she who knows Ra and his true name.(1442)\n\n(M236) Thus we see that the real name of the god, with which his power was\ninextricably bound up, was supposed to be lodged, in an almost physical\nsense, somewhere in his breast, from which it could be extracted by a sort\nof surgical operation and transferred with all its supernatural powers to\nthe breast of another. In Egypt attempts like that of Isis to appropriate\nthe power of a high god by possessing herself of his name were not mere\nlegends told of the mythical beings of a remote past; every Egyptian\nmagician aspired to wield like powers by similar means. For it was\nbelieved that he who possessed the true name possessed the very being of\ngod or man, and could force even a deity to obey him as a slave obeys his\nmaster. Thus the art of the magician consisted in obtaining from the gods\na revelation of their sacred names, and he left no stone unturned to\naccomplish his end. When once a god in a moment of weakness or\nforgetfulness had imparted to the wizard the wondrous lore, the deity had\nno choice but to submit humbly to the man or pay the penalty of his\ncontumacy.(1443) In one papyrus we find the god Typhon thus adjured: \u201cI\ninvoke thee by thy true names, in virtue of which thou canst not refuse to\nhear me\u201d; and in another the magician threatens Osiris that if the god\ndoes not do his bidding he will name him aloud in the port of\nBusiris.(1444) So in the Lucan the Thessalian witch whom Sextus Pompeius\nconsulted before the battle of Pharsalia threatens to call up the Furies\nby their real names if they will not do her bidding.(1445) In modern Egypt\nthe magician still works his old enchantments by the same ancient means;\nonly the name of the god by which he conjures is different. The man who\nknows \u201cthe most great name\u201d of God can, we are told, by the mere utterance\nof it kill the living, raise the dead, transport himself instantly\nwherever he pleases, and perform any other miracle.(1446) Similarly among\nthe Arabs of North Africa at the present day \u201cthe power of the name is\nsuch that when one knows the proper names the jinn can scarcely help\nanswering the call and obeying; they are the servants of the magical\nnames; in this case the incantation has a constraining quality which is\nfor the most part very strongly marked. When Ibn el H\u00e2djdj et-Tlems\u00e2n\u00ee\nrelates how the jinn yielded up their secrets to him, he says, \u2018I once met\nthe seven kings of the jinn in a cave and I asked them to teach me the way\nin which they attack men and women, causing them to fall sick, smiting\nthem, paralysing them, and the like. They all answered me: \u201cIf it were\nanybody but you we would teach that to nobody, but you have discovered the\nbonds, the spells, and the names which compel us; were it not for the\nnames by which you have constrained us, we would not have answered to your\ncall.\u201d \u2019 \u201d(1447) So, too, \u201cthe Chinese of ancient times were dominated by\nthe notion that beings are intimately associated with their names, so that\na man\u2019s knowledge of the name of a spectre might enable him to exert power\nover the latter and to bend it to his will.\u201d(1448)\n\n(M237) The belief in the magic virtue of divine names was shared by the\nRomans. When they sat down before a city, the priests addressed the\nguardian deity of the place in a set form of prayer or incantation,\ninviting him to abandon the beleaguered city and come over to the Romans,\nwho would treat him as well as or better than he had ever been treated in\nhis old home. Hence the name of the guardian deity of Rome was kept a\nprofound secret, lest the enemies of the republic might lure him away,\neven as the Romans themselves had induced many gods to desert, like rats,\nthe falling fortunes of cities that had sheltered them in happier\ndays.(1449) Nay, the real name, not merely of its guardian deity, but of\nthe city itself, was wrapt in mystery and might never be uttered, not even\nin the sacred rites. A certain Valerius Soranus, who dared to divulge the\npriceless secret, was put to death or came to a bad end.(1450) In like\nmanner, it seems, the ancient Assyrians were forbidden to mention the\nmystic names of their cities;(1451) and down to modern times the Cheremiss\nof the Caucasus keep the names of their communal villages secret from\nmotives of superstition.(1452)\n\n(M238) If the reader has had the patience to follow this long and perhaps\ntedious examination of the superstitions attaching to personal names, he\nwill probably agree that the mystery in which the names of royal\npersonages are so often shrouded is no isolated phenomenon, no arbitrary\nexpression of courtly servility and adulation, but merely the particular\napplication of a general law of primitive thought, which includes within\nits scope common folk and gods as well as kings and priests.\n\n\n\n\n\u00a7 6. Common Words tabooed.\n\n\n(M239) But personal names are not the only words which superstitious fears\nhave banished from everyday use. In many cases similar motives forbid\ncertain persons at certain times to call common things by common names,\nthus obliging them either to refrain from mentioning these things\naltogether or to designate them by special terms or phrases reserved for\nsuch occasions. A consideration of these cases follows naturally on an\nexamination of the taboos imposed upon personal names; for personal names\nare themselves very often ordinary terms of the language, so that an\nembargo laid on them necessarily extends to many expressions current in\nthe commerce of daily life. And though a survey of some of the interdicts\non common words is not strictly necessary for our immediate purpose, it\nmay serve usefully to complete our view of the transforming influence\nwhich superstition has exercised on language. I shall make no attempt to\nsubject the examples to a searching analysis or a rigid classification,\nbut will set them down as they come in a rough geographical order. And\nsince my native land furnishes as apt instances of the superstition as any\nother, we may start on our round from Scotland.\n\n(M240) In the Atlantic Ocean, about six leagues to the west of Gallon Head\nin the Lewis, lies a small group of rocky islets known as the Flannan\nIslands. Sheep and wild fowl are now their only inhabitants, but remains\nof what are described as Druidical temples and the title of the Sacred\nIsles given them by Buchanan suggest that in days gone by piety or\nsuperstition may have found a safe retreat from the turmoil of the world\nin these remote solitudes, where the dashing of the waves and the strident\nscream of the sea-birds are almost the only sounds that break the silence.\nOnce a year, in summer-time, the inhabitants of the adjacent lands of the\nLewis, who have a right to these islands, cross over to them to fleece\ntheir sheep and kill the wild fowl for the sake both of their flesh and\ntheir feathers. They regard the islands as invested with a certain\nsanctity, and have been heard to say that none ever yet landed in them but\nfound himself more disposed to devotion there than anywhere else.\nAccordingly the fowlers who go thither are bound, during the whole of the\ntime that they ply their business, to observe very punctiliously certain\nquaint customs, the transgression of which would be sure, in their\nopinion, to entail some serious inconvenience. When they have landed and\nfastened their boat to the side of a rock, they clamber up into the island\nby a wooden ladder, and no sooner are they got to the top, than they all\nuncover their heads and make a turn sun-ways round about, thanking God for\ntheir safety. On the biggest of the islands are the ruins of a chapel\ndedicated to St. Flannan. When the men come within about twenty paces of\nthe altar, they all strip themselves of their upper garments at once and\nbetake themselves to their devotions, praying thrice before they begin\nfowling. On the first day the first prayer is offered as they advance\ntowards the chapel on their knees; the second is said as they go round the\nchapel; and the third is said in or hard by the ruins. They also pray\nthrice every evening, and account it unlawful to kill a fowl after evening\nprayers, as also to kill a fowl at any time with a stone. Another ancient\ncustom forbids the crew to carry home in the boat any suet of the sheep\nthey slaughter in the islands, however many they may kill. But what here\nchiefly concerns us is that so long as they stay on the islands they are\nstrictly forbidden to use certain common words, and are obliged to\nsubstitute others for them. Thus it is absolutely unlawful to call the\nisland of St. Kilda, which lies thirty leagues to the southward, by its\nproper Gaelic name of Hirt; they must call it only \u201cthe high country.\u201d\nThey may not so much as once name the islands in which they are fowling by\nthe ordinary name of Flannan; they must speak only of \u201cthe country.\u201d\n\u201cThere are several other things that must not be called by their common\nnames: _e.g._ _visk_, which in the language of the natives signifies\nwater, they call burn; a rock, which in their language is _creg_, must\nhere be called _cruey_, _i.e._ hard; shore in their language expressed by\n_claddach_, must here be called _vah_, _i.e._ a cave; sour in their\nlanguage is expressed _gort_, but must here be called _gaire_, _i.e._\nsharp; slippery, which is expressed _bog_, must be called soft; and\nseveral other things to this purpose.\u201d(1453) When Highlanders were in a\nboat at sea, whether sailing or fishing, they were forbidden to call\nthings by the names by which they were known on land. Thus the boat-hook\nshould not be called a _croman_, but a _chliob_; a knife not _sgian_, but\n\u201cthe sharp one\u201d (_a ghiar_); a seal not _r\u00f2n_, but \u201cthe bald beast\u201d\n(_b\u00e9isd mhaol_); a fox not _sionnach_, but \u201cthe red dog\u201d (_madadh ruadh_);\nthe stone for anchoring the boat not _clach_, but \u201chardness\u201d (_cruaidh_).\nThis practice now prevails much more on the east coast than on the west,\nwhere it may be said to be generally extinct. It is reported to be\ncarefully observed by the fishermen about the Cromarty Firth.(1454) Among\nthe words tabooed by fishermen in the north of Scotland when they are at\nsea are minister, salmon, hare, rabbit, rat, pig, and porpoise. At the\npresent day if some of the boats that come to the herring-fishing at Wick\nshould meet a salmon-boat from Reay in Caithness, the herring-men will not\nspeak to, nor even look at, the salmon-fishers.(1455)\n\n(M241) When Shetland fishermen are at sea, they employ a nomenclature\npeculiar to the occasion, and hardly anything may be mentioned by its\nusual name. The substituted terms are mostly of Norwegian origin, for the\nNorway men were reported to be good fishers.(1456) In setting their lines\nthe Shetland fishermen are bound to refer to certain objects only by some\nspecial words or phrases. Thus a knife is then called a _skunie_ or\n_tullie_; a church becomes _buanhoos_ or _banehoos_; a minister is\n_upstanda_ or _haydeen_ or _prestingolva_; the devil is _da auld chield_,\n_da sorrow_, _da ill-healt_ (health), or _da black tief_; a cat is\n_kirser_, _fitting_, _vengla_, or _foodin_.(1457) On the north-east coast\nof Scotland there are some villages, of which the inhabitants never\npronounce certain words and family names when they are at sea; each\nvillage has its peculiar aversion to one or more of these words, among\nwhich are \u201cminister,\u201d \u201ckirk,\u201d \u201cswine,\u201d \u201csalmon,\u201d \u201ctrout,\u201d and \u201cdog.\u201d When\na church has to be referred to, as often happens, since some of the\nchurches serve as land-marks to the fishermen at sea, it is spoken of as\nthe \u201cbell-hoose\u201d instead of the \u201ckirk.\u201d A minister is called \u201cthe man wi\u2019\nthe black quyte.\u201d It is particularly unlucky to utter the word \u201csow\u201d or\n\u201cswine\u201d or \u201cpig\u201d while the line is being baited; if any one is foolish\nenough to do so, the line is sure to be lost. In some villages on the\ncoast of Fife a fisherman who hears the ill-omened word spoken will cry\nout \u201cCold iron.\u201d In the village of Buckie there are some family names,\nespecially Ross, and in a less degree Coull, which no fisherman will\npronounce. If one of these names be mentioned in the hearing of a\nfisherman, he spits or, as he calls it, \u201cchiffs.\u201d Any one who bears the\ndreaded name is called a \u201cchiffer-oot,\u201d and is referred to only by a\ncircumlocution such as \u201cThe man it diz so in so,\u201d or \u201cthe laad it lives at\nsuch and such a place.\u201d During the herring-season men who are unlucky\nenough to inherit the tabooed names have little chance of being hired in\nthe fishing-boats; and sometimes, if they have been hired before their\nnames were known, they have been refused their wages at the end of the\nseason, because the boat in which they sailed had not been successful, and\nthe bad luck was set down to their presence in it.(1458) Although in\nScotland superstitions of this kind appear to be specially incident to the\ncallings of fishermen and fowlers, other occupations are not exempt from\nthem. Thus in the Outer Hebrides the fire of a kiln is not called fire\n(_teine_) but _aingeal_. Such a fire, it is said, is a dangerous thing,\nand ought not to be referred to except by a euphemism. \u201cEvil be to him who\ncalled it fire or who named fire in the kiln. It was considered the next\nthing to setting it on fire.\u201d(1459) Again, in some districts of Scotland a\nbrewer would have resented the use of the word \u201cwater\u201d in reference to the\nwork in which he was engaged. \u201cWater be your part of it,\u201d was the common\nretort. It was supposed that the use of the word would spoil the\nbrewing.(1460) The Highlanders say that when you meet a hobgoblin, and the\nfiend asks what is the name of your dirk, you should not call it a dirk\n(_biodag_), but \u201cmy father\u2019s sister\u201d (_piuthar m\u2019athar_) or \u201cmy\ngrandmother\u2019s sister\u201d (_piuthar mo sheanamhair_) or by some similar title.\nIf you do not observe this precaution, the goblin will lay such an\nenchantment on the blade that you will be unable to stab him with it; the\ndirk will merely make a tinkling noise against the soft impalpable body of\nthe fiend.(1461)\n\n(M242) Manx fishermen think it unlucky to mention a horse or a mouse on\nboard a fishing-boat.(1462) The fishermen of Dieppe on board their boats\nwill not speak of several things, for instance priests and cats.(1463)\nGerman huntsmen, from motives of superstition, call everything by names\ndifferent from those in common use.(1464) In some parts of Bavaria the\nfarmer will not mention a fox by its proper name, lest his poultry-yard\nshould suffer from the ravages of the animal. So instead of _Fuchs_ he\ncalls the beast _Loinl_, _Henoloinl_, _Henading_, or _Henabou_.(1465) In\nPrussia and Lithuania they say that in the month of December you should\nnot call a wolf a wolf but \u201cthe vermin\u201d (_das Gew\u00fcrm_), otherwise you will\nbe torn in pieces by the werewolves.(1466) In various parts of Germany it\nis a rule that certain animals may not be mentioned by their proper names\nin the mystic season between Christmas and Twelfth Night. Thus in\nTh\u00fcringen they say that if you would be spared by the wolves you must not\nmention their name at this time.(1467) In Mecklenburg people think that\nwere they to name a wolf on one of these days the animal would appear. A\nshepherd would rather mention the devil than the wolf at this season; and\nwe read of a farmer who had a bailiff named Wolf, but did not dare to call\nthe man by his name between Christmas and Twelfth Night, referring to him\ninstead as Herr Undeert (Mr. Monster). In Quatzow, a village of\nMecklenburg, there are many animals whose common names are disused at this\nseason and replaced by others: thus a fox is called \u201clong-tail,\u201d and a\nmouse \u201cleg-runner\u201d (_Boenl\u00f6per_). Any person who disregards the custom has\nto pay a fine.(1468) In the Mark of Brandenburg they say that between\nChristmas and Twelfth Night you should not speak of mice as mice but as\n_dinger_; otherwise the field-mice would multiply excessively.(1469)\nAccording to the Swedish popular belief, there are certain animals which\nshould never be spoken of by their proper names, but must always be\nsignified by euphemisms and kind allusions to their character. Thus, if\nyou speak slightingly of the cat or beat her, you must be sure not to\nmention her name; for she belongs to the hellish crew, and is a friend of\nthe mountain troll, whom she often visits. Great caution is also needed in\ntalking of the cuckoo, the owl, and the magpie, for they are birds of\nwitchery. The fox must be called \u201cblue-foot,\u201d or \u201che that goes in the\nforest\u201d; and rats are \u201cthe long-bodied,\u201d mice \u201cthe small grey,\u201d and the\nseal \u201cbrother Lars.\u201d Swedish herd-girls, again, believe that if the wolf\nand the bear be called by other than their proper and legitimate names,\nthey will not attack the herd. Hence they give these brutes names which\nthey fancy will not hurt their feelings. The number of endearing\nappellations lavished by them on the wolf is legion; they call him \u201cgolden\ntooth,\u201d \u201cthe silent one,\u201d \u201cgrey legs,\u201d and so on; while the bear is\nreferred to by the respectful titles of \u201cthe old man,\u201d \u201cgrandfather,\u201d\n\u201ctwelve men\u2019s strength,\u201d \u201cgolden feet,\u201d and more of the same sort. Even\ninanimate things are not always to be called by their usual names. For\ninstance, fire is sometimes to be called \u201cheat\u201d (_hetta_) not _eld_ or\n_ell_; water for brewing must be called _lag_ or _l\u00f6u_, not _vatn_, else\nthe beer would not turn out so well.(1470) The Huzuls of the Carpathians,\na pastoral people, who dread the ravages of wild beasts on their flocks\nand herds, are unwilling to mention the bear by his proper name, so they\ncall him respectfully \u201cthe little uncle\u201d or \u201cthe big one.\u201d In like manner\nand for similar reasons they name the wolf \u201cthe little one\u201d and the\nserpent \u201cthe long one.\u201d(1471) They may not say that wool is scalded, or in\nthe heat of summer the sheep would rub themselves till their sides were\nraw; so they merely say that the wool is warmed.(1472) The Lapps fear to\ncall the bear by his true name, lest he should ravage their herds; so they\nspeak of him as \u201cthe old man with the coat of skin,\u201d and in cooking his\nflesh to furnish a meal they may not refer to the work they are engaged in\nas \u201ccooking,\u201d but must designate it by a special term.(1473) The Finns\nspeak of the bear as \u201cthe apple of the wood,\u201d \u201cbeautiful honey-paw,\u201d \u201cthe\npride of the thicket,\u201d \u201cthe old man,\u201d and so on.(1474) And in general a\nFinnish hunter thinks that he will have poor sport if he calls animals by\ntheir real names; the beasts resent it. The fox and the hare are only\nspoken of as \u201cgame,\u201d and the lynx is termed \u201cthe forest cat,\u201d lest it\nshould devour the sheep.(1475) Esthonian peasants are very loth to mention\nwild beasts by their proper names, for they believe that the creatures\nwill not do so much harm if only they are called by other names than their\nown. Hence they speak of the bear as \u201cbroad foot\u201d and the wolf as \u201cgrey\ncoat.\u201d(1476)\n\n(M243) The natives of Siberia are unwilling to call a bear a bear; they\nspeak of him as \u201cthe little old man,\u201d \u201cthe master of the forest,\u201d \u201cthe\nsage,\u201d \u201cthe respected one.\u201d Some who are more familiar style him \u201cmy\ncousin.\u201d(1477) The Kamtchatkans reverence the whale, the bear, and the\nwolf from fear, and never mention their names when they meet them,\nbelieving that they understand human speech.(1478) Further, they think\nthat mice also understand the Kamtchatkan language; so in autumn, when\nthey rob the field-mice of the bulbs which these little creatures have\nlaid up in their burrows as a store against winter, they call everything\nby names different from the ordinary ones, lest the mice should know what\nthey were saying. Moreover, they leave odds and ends, such as old rags,\nbroken needles, cedar-nuts, and so forth, in the burrows, to make the mice\nthink that the transaction has been not a robbery but a fair exchange. If\nthey did not do that, they fancy that the mice would go and drown or hang\nthemselves out of pure vexation; and then what would the Kamtchatkans do\nwithout the mice to gather the bulbs for them? They also speak kindly to\nthe animals, and beg them not to take it ill, explaining that what they do\nis done out of pure friendship.(1479) The Cherokee Indians regard the\nrattlesnake as a superior being and take great pains not to offend him.\nThey never say that a man has been bitten by a snake but that he has been\n\u201cscratched by a briar.\u201d In like manner, when an eagle has been shot for a\nceremonial dance, it is announced that \u201ca snowbird has been killed.\u201d The\npurpose is to deceive the spirits of rattlesnakes or eagles which might be\nlistening.(1480) The Esquimaux of Bering Strait think that some animals\ncan hear and understand what is said of them at a distance. Hence, when a\nhunter is going out to kill bears he will speak of them with the greatest\nrespect and give out that he is going to hunt some other beast. Thus the\nbears will be deceived and taken unawares.(1481) Among the Esquimaux of\nBaffin Land, women in mourning may not mention the names of any\nanimals.(1482) Among the Thompson Indians of British Columbia, children\nmay not name the coyote or prairie wolf in winter, lest he should turn on\nhis back and so bring cold weather.(1483)\n\n(M244) The Arabs call a man who has been bitten by a snake \u201cthe sound\none\u201d; leprosy or the scab they designate \u201cthe blessed disease\u201d; the left\nside they name \u201cthe lucky side\u201d; they will not speak of a lion by his\nright name, but refer to him as for example \u201cthe fox.\u201d(1484) In Africa the\nlion is alluded to with the same ceremonious respect as the wolf and the\nbear in northern Europe and Asia. The Arabs of Algeria, who hunt the lion,\nspeak of him as Mr. John Johnson (Johan-ben-el-Johan), because he has the\nnoblest qualities of man and understands all languages. Hence, too, the\nfirst huntsman to catch sight of the beast points at him with his finger\nand says, \u201cHe is not there\u201d; for if he were to say \u201cHe is there,\u201d the lion\nwould eat him up.(1485) Except under dire necessity the Waziguas of\neastern Africa never mention the name of the lion from fear of attracting\nhim. They call him \u201cthe owner of the land\u201d or \u201cthe great beast.\u201d(1486) The\nnegroes of Angola always use the word _ngana_ (\u201csir\u201d) in speaking of the\nsame noble animal, because they think that he is \u201cfetish\u201d and would not\nfail to punish them for disrespect if they omitted to do so.(1487) Bushmen\nand Bechuanas both deem it unlucky to speak of the lion by his proper\nname; the Bechuanas call him \u201cthe boy with the beard.\u201d(1488) During an\nepidemic of smallpox in Mombasa, British East Africa, it was noticed that\nthe people were unwilling to mention the native name (_ndui_) of the\ndisease. They referred to it either as \u201cgrains of corn\u201d (_tete_) or simply\nas \u201cthe bad disease.\u201d(1489) So the Chinese of Amoy are averse to speak of\nfever by its proper name; they prefer to call it \u201cbeggar\u2019s disease,\u201d\nhoping thereby to make the demons of fever imagine that they despise it\nand that therefore it would be useless to attack them.(1490) Some of the\nnatives of Nigeria dread the owl as a bird of ill omen and are loth to\nmention its name, preferring to speak of it by means of a circumlocution\nsuch as \u201cthe bird that makes one afraid.\u201d(1491) The Herero think that if\nthey see a snake and call it by its name, the reptile will sting them, but\nthat if they call it a strap (_omuvia_) it will lie still.(1492) When\nNandi warriors are out on an expedition, they may not call a knife a knife\n(_chepkeswet_); they must call it \u201can arrow for bleeding cattle\u201d\n(_lo\u00f1get_); and none of the party may utter the usual word employed in\ngreeting males.(1493) In Madagascar there seems to be an aversion to\npronouncing the word for lightning (_v\u00e0ratra_); the word for mud\n(_f\u00f2taka_) is sometimes substituted for it.(1494) Again, it is strictly\nforbidden to mention the word for crocodile (_m\u00e0mba_) near some rivers of\nMadagascar; and if clothes should be wetted in certain other rivers of the\nisland, you may not say that they are wet (_l\u00e8na_); you must say that they\nare on fire (_may_) or that they are drinking water (_mis\u00f2tro\nr\u00e0no_).(1495) A certain spirit, who used to inhabit a lake in Madagascar,\nentertained a rooted aversion to salt, so that whenever the thing was\ncarried past the lake in which he resided it had to be called by another\nname, or it would all have been dissolved and lost. The persons whom he\ninspired had to veil their references to the obnoxious article under the\ndisguise of \u201csweet peppers.\u201d(1496) In a West African story we read of a\nman who was told that he would die if ever the word for salt was\npronounced in his hearing. The fatal word was pronounced, and die he did\nsure enough, but he soon came to life again with the help of a magical\nwooden pestle of which he was the lucky possessor.(1497)\n\n(M245) In India the animals whose names are most commonly tabooed are the\nsnake and the tiger, but the same tribute of respect is paid to other\nbeasts also. Sayids and Mussulmans of high rank in northern India say that\nyou should never call a snake by its proper name, but always describe it\neither as a tiger (_sher_) or a string (_rassi_).(1498) In Telingana the\neuphemistic name for a snake, which should always be employed, is worm or\ninsect (_purugu_); if you call a cobra by its proper name, the creature\nwill haunt you for seven years and bite you at the first\nopportunity.(1499) Ignorant Bengalee women will not mention a snake or a\nthief by their proper names at night, for fear that one or other might\nappear. When they have to allude to a serpent, they call it \u201cthe creeping\nthing\u201d; when they speak of a thief, they say \u201cthe unwelcome\nvisitor.\u201d(1500) Other euphemisms for the snake in northern India are\n\u201cmaternal uncle\u201d and \u201crope.\u201d They say that if a snake bites you, you\nshould not mention its name, but merely observe \u201cA rope has touched\nme.\u201d(1501) Natives of Travancore are careful not to speak disrespectfully\nof serpents. A cobra is called \u201cthe good lord\u201d (_nalla tambiran_) or \u201cthe\ngood snake\u201d (_nalla pambu_). While the Malayalies of the Shervaray Hills\nare hunting the tiger, they speak of the beast only as \u201cthe dog.\u201d(1502)\nThe Canarese of southern India call the tiger either \u201cthe dog\u201d or \u201cthe\njackal\u201d; they think that if they called him by his proper name, he would\nbe sure to carry off one of them.(1503) The jungle people of northern\nIndia, who meet the tiger in his native haunts, will not pronounce his\nname, but speak of him as \u201cthe jackal\u201d (_g\u00eddar_), or \u201cthe beast\u201d\n(_janwar_), or use some other euphemistic term. In some places they treat\nthe wolf and the bear in the same fashion.(1504) The Pankas of South\nMirzapur will not name the tiger, bear, camel, or donkey by their proper\nnames; the camel they call \u201clong neck.\u201d Other tribes of the same district\nonly scruple to mention certain animals in the morning. Thus, the\nKharwars, a Dravidian tribe, will not name a pig, squirrel, hare, jackal,\nbear, monkey, or donkey in the morning hours; if they have to allude to\nthese animals at that time, they call them by special names. For instance,\nthey call the hare \u201cthe four-footed one\u201d or \u201che that hides in the rocks\u201d;\nwhile they speak of the bear as _jigariya_, which being interpreted means\n\u201che with the liver of compassion.\u201d If the Bhuiyars are absolutely obliged\nto refer to a monkey or a bear in the morning, they speak of the monkey as\n\u201cthe tree-climber\u201d and the bear as \u201cthe eater of white ants.\u201d They would\nnot mention a crocodile. Among the Pataris the matutinal title of the bear\nis \u201cthe hairy creature.\u201d(1505) The Kols, a Dravidian race of northern\nIndia, will not speak of death or beasts of prey by their proper names in\nthe morning. Their name for the tiger at that time of day is \u201che with the\nclaws,\u201d and for the elephant \u201che with the teeth.\u201d(1506) The forests of the\nSundarbans, the district at the mouth of the Ganges, are full of\nman-eating tigers and the annual loss of life among the woodcutters is\nheavy. Here accordingly the ferocious animal is not called a tiger but a\njackal (_\u00e7ial_).(1507)\n\n(M246) In Annam the fear inspired by tigers, elephants, and other wild\nanimals induces the people to address these creatures with the greatest\nrespect as \u201clord\u201d or \u201cgrandfather,\u201d lest the beasts should take umbrage\nand attack them.(1508) The tiger reigns supreme in the forests of Tonquin\nand Cochin-China, and the peasants honour him as a maleficent deity. In\ntalking of him they always call him _ong_, which means monsieur or\ngrandfather. They are convinced that if they dared to speak of him\ndisrespectfully, he would avenge the insult.(1509) In Siam there are many\npeople who would never venture to utter the words tiger or crocodile in a\nspot where these terrible creatures might be in hiding, lest the sound of\ntheir names should attract the attention of the beasts towards the\nspeakers.(1510) When the Malays of Patani Bay in Siam are in the jungle\nand think there is a tiger near, they will either speak of him in\ncomplimentary terms as the \u201cgrandfather of the woods\u201d or only mention him\nin a whisper.(1511) In Laos, while a man is out hunting elephants he is\nobliged to give conventional names to all common objects, which creates a\nsort of special language for elephant-hunters.(1512) So when the Chams and\nOrang-Gla\u00ef of Indo-China are searching for the precious eagle-wood in the\nforest, they must employ an artificial jargon to designate most objects of\neveryday life; thus, for example, fire is called \u201cthe red,\u201d a she-goat\nbecomes \u201ca spider,\u201d and so on. Some of the terms which compose the jargon\nare borrowed from the dialects of neighbouring tribes.(1513) When the\nMentras or aborigines of Malacca are searching for what they call _gaharu_\n(_lignum aloes_) they are obliged to use a special language, avoiding the\nwords in ordinary use. At such times they call _gaharu_ by the name of\n_tabak_, and they speak of a snake as \u201cthe long animal\u201d and of the\nelephant as \u201cthe great animal.\u201d They have also to observe a number of\nother taboos, particularly in the matter of diet. If a man has found a\npromising _gaharu_ tree, and on going home dreams that the guardian spirit\nof the tree (_hantu gaharu_) demands a human victim as the price of his\nproperty, the dreamer will try next day to catch somebody asleep and to\nsmear his forehead with lime. This is a sign to the guardian spirit of the\ntree, who accordingly carries away the soul of the sleeper to the land of\nthe dead by means of a fever or other ailment, whereas the original\ndreamer gets a good supply of aloes wood.(1514)\n\n(M247) At certain seasons of the year parties of Jakuns and Binuas go out\nto seek for camphor in the luxuriant forests of their native country,\nwhich is the narrow southern extremity of the Malay Peninsula, the Land\u2019s\nEnd of Asia. They are absent for three or four months together, and during\nthe whole of this time the use of the ordinary Malay language is forbidden\nto them, and they have to speak a special language called by them the\n_bassa kapor_ (camphor language) or _pantang_(_1515_)_ kapur_. Indeed not\nonly have the searchers to employ this peculiar language, but even the men\nand women who stay at home in the villages are obliged to speak it while\nthe others are away looking for the camphor. They believe that a spirit\npresides over the camphor trees, and that without propitiating him they\ncould not obtain the precious gum; the shrill cry of a species of cicada,\nheard at night, is supposed to be the voice of the spirit. If they failed\nto employ the camphor language, they think that they would have great\ndifficulty in finding the camphor trees, and that even when they did find\nthem the camphor would not yield itself up to the collector. The camphor\nlanguage consists in great part of words which are either Malayan or of\nMalay origin; but it also contains many words which are not Malayan but\nare presumed to be remains of the original Jakun dialects now almost\nextinct in these districts. The words derived from Malayan are formed in\nmany cases by merely substituting a descriptive phrase for the common\nterm. Thus instead of rice they say \u201cgrass fruit\u201d; instead of gun they say\n\u201cfar sounding\u201d; the epithet \u201cshort-legged\u201d is substituted for hog; hair is\nreferred to as \u201cleaves,\u201d and so on.(1516) So when the Battas or Bataks of\nSumatra have gone out to search for camphor, they must abandon the speech\nof daily life as soon as they reach the camphor forest. For example, if\nthey wish to speak of the forest they may not use the ordinary word for it\n(_hoetan_), but must call it _kerrengettetdoeng_. When they have fixed on\na spot in which to try their luck, they set up a booth and clear a space\nin front of it to serve as a place of sacrifice. Here, after summoning the\ncamphor spirit (_berroe ni kapoer_) by playing on a flute, they offer\nsacrifice to him repeatedly. Then they lie down to dream of the place\nwhere camphor is to be found. If this succeeds, the leader goes and\nchooses the tree. When it has been cut down to the accompaniment of\ncertain spells or incantations, one of the men runs and wraps the top of\nthe fallen tree in a garment to prevent the camphor from escaping from the\ntrunk before they have secured it. Then the tree is cleft and split up in\nthe search for the camphor crystals, which are to be found in the fibres\nof the wood.(1517) Similarly, when the Kayans of Borneo are searching for\ncamphor, they talk a language invented solely for their use at this time.\nThe camphor itself is never mentioned by its proper name, but is always\nreferred to as \u201cthe thing that smells\u201d; and all the tools employed in\ncollecting the drug receive fanciful names. Unless they conform to this\nrule they suppose that the camphor crystals, which are found only in the\ncrevices of the wood, will elude them.(1518) The Malanau tribes of Borneo\nobserve the same custom very strictly, believing that the crystals would\nimmediately dissolve if they spoke anything but the camphor language. For\nexample, the common Malanau word for \u201creturn\u201d is _muli_, but in presence\nof a camphor tree they say _beteku_. Again, \u201cto hide\u201d is _palim_ in the\nMalanau language, but when they are looking for camphor they say _krian_.\nIn like manner, all common names for implements and food are exchanged for\nothers. In some tribes the camphor-seekers may never mention the names of\nchiefs and influential men; if they broke this rule, they would find no\ncamphor in the trees.(1519)\n\n(M248) In the western states of the Malay Peninsula the chief industry is\ntin-mining, and odd ideas prevail among the natives as to the nature and\nproperties of the ore. They regard it as alive and growing, sometimes in\nthe shape of a buffalo, which makes its way from place to place\nunderground. Ore of inferior quality is excused on the score of its tender\nyears; it will no doubt improve as it grows older. Not only is the tin\nbelieved to be under the protection and command of certain spirits who\nmust be propitiated, but it is even supposed to have its own special likes\nand dislikes for certain persons and things. Hence the Malays deem it\nadvisable to treat tin ore with respect, to consult its convenience, nay,\nto conduct the business of mining in such a way that the ore may, as it\nwere, be extracted without its own knowledge. When such are their ideas\nabout the mineral it is no wonder that the miners scruple to employ\ncertain words in the mines, and replace them by others which are less\nlikely to give offence to the ore or its guardian spirits. Thus, for\nexample, the elephant must not be called an elephant but \u201cthe tall one who\nturns himself about\u201d; and in like manner special words, different from\nthose in common use, are employed by the miners to designate the cat, the\nbuffalo, the snake, the centipede, tin sand, metallic tin, and lemons.\nLemons are particularly distasteful to the spirits; they may not be\nbrought into the mines.(1520) Again, the Malay wizard, who is engaged in\nsnaring pigeons with the help of a decoy-bird and a calling-tube, must on\nno account call things by their common names. The tiny conical hut, in\nwhich he sits waiting for the wild pigeons to come fluttering about him,\ngoes by the high-sounding name of the Magic Prince, perhaps with a\ndelicate allusion to its noble inmate. The calling-tube is known as Prince\nDistraction, doubtless on account of the extraordinary fascination it\nexercises on the birds. The decoy-pigeon receives the name of the\nSquatting Princess, and the rod with a noose at the end of it, which\nserves to catch the unwary birds, is disguised under the title of Prince\nInvitation. Everything, in fact, is on a princely scale, so far at least\nas words can make it so. The very nooses destined to be slipped over the\nnecks or legs of the little struggling prisoners are dignified by the\ntitle of King Solomon\u2019s necklaces and armlets; and the trap into which the\nbirds are invited to walk is variously described as King Solomon\u2019s\nAudience Chamber, or a Palace Tower, or an Ivory Hall carpeted with silver\nand railed with amalgam. What pigeon could resist these manifold\nattractions, especially when it is addressed by the respectful title of\nPrincess Kapor or Princess Sarap or Princess Puding?(1521) Again, the\nfisher-folk on the east coast of the Malay Peninsula, like their brethren\nin Scotland, are reluctant to mention the names of birds or beasts while\nthey are at sea. All animals then go by the name of _cheweh_, a\nmeaningless word which is believed not to be understood by the creatures\nto whom it refers. Particular kinds of animals are distinguished by\nappropriate epithets; the pig is \u201cthe grunting _cheweh_,\u201d the buffalo is\n\u201cthe _cheweh_ that says _uak_,\u201d the snipe is \u201cthe _cheweh_ that cries\n_kek-kek_,\u201d and so on.(1522) In this respect the fishermen of Patani Bay\nclass together sea spirits, Buddhist monks, beasts, and reptiles; these\nare all _cheweh_ and their common names may not be mentioned at sea. But,\ncuriously enough, they lay no such embargo on the names of fish and birds,\nexcept the vulture and domestic fowls and ducks. At sea the vulture is\nnamed \u201cbald head,\u201d the tiger \u201cstriped,\u201d the snake \u201cweaver\u2019s sword,\u201d the\nhorse \u201cfast,\u201d and a species of monkey \u201clong tail.\u201d The human foot is\ncalled \u201ctortoise,\u201d and a Buddhist monk \u201cyellow\u201d on account of the colour\nof his robe. These Malay fishermen are at least as unwilling to speak of a\nBuddhist monk at sea as Scotch fishermen are to mention a minister in\nsimilar circumstances. If one of them mentions a monk, his mates will fall\non him and beat him; whereas for other slips of the tongue they think it\nenough to throw a little bilge-water over the back of the transgressor and\nto say, \u201cMay the ill-luck be dismissed!\u201d The use of this special language\nis even more obligatory by night than by day. On shore the fishermen make\nvery merry over those lubberly landsmen who cannot talk correctly at\nsea.(1523) In like manner Achinese fishermen, in northern Sumatra, employ\na special vocabulary when they are at sea. Thus they may not call a\nmountain a mountain, or mountain-high billows would swamp the boat; they\nrefer to it as \u201chigh ground.\u201d They may not speak of an elephant by its\nproper name of _gadjah_, but must call it _p\u00f2 meurah_. If a man wishes to\nsay that something is clear, he must not use the ordinary word for clear\n(_lheu\u00ebh_) because it bears the meaning also of \u201cfree,\u201d \u201cloose\u201d; and the\nutterance of such a word might enable the fish to get free from the net\nand escape. Instead of _lheu\u00ebh_ he must therefore employ the less\ndangerous synonym _leungka_. In like manner, we are told, among the\nfishermen of the north coast of Java whole lists of words might be\ncompiled which are tabooed at sea and must be replaced by others.(1524)\n\n(M249) In Sumatra the spirits of the gold mines are treated with as much\ndeference as the spirits of the tin-mines in the Malay Peninsula. Tin,\nivory, and the like may not be brought by the miners to the scene of their\noperations, for at the scent of such things the spirits of the mine would\ncause the gold to vanish. For the same reason it is forbidden to refer to\ncertain things by their proper names, and in speaking of them the miners\nmust use other words. In some cases, for example in removing the grains of\nthe gold, a deep silence must be observed; no commands may be given or\nquestions asked,(1525) probably because the removal of the precious metal\nis regarded as a theft which the spirits would punish if they caught the\nthieves in the act. Certainly the Dyaks believe that gold has a soul which\nseeks to avenge itself on men who dig the precious metal. But the angry\nspirit is powerless to harm miners who observe certain precautions, such\nas never to bathe in a river with their faces turned up stream, never to\nsit with their legs dangling, and never to tie up their hair.(1526) Again,\na Sumatran who fancies that there is a tiger or a crocodile in his\nneighbourhood, will speak of the animal by the honourable title of\n\u201cgrandfather\u201d for the purpose of propitiating the creature.(1527) In the\nforest a Karo-Batak refers to a tiger as \u201cGrandfather to whom the wood\nbelongs,\u201d \u201che with the striped coat,\u201d or \u201cthe roving trap.\u201d(1528) Among\nthe Gayos of Sumatra it is forbidden to mention the name of small-pox in\nthe house of a man who is suffering from the disease; and the words for\nugly, red, stinking, unlucky, and so forth are forbidden under the same\ncircumstances. The disease is referred to under the title of \u201cprince of\nthe averters of misfortune.\u201d(1529) So long as the hunting season lasts,\nthe natives of Nias may not name the eye, the hammer, stones, and in some\nplaces the sun by their true names; no smith may ply his trade in the\nvillage, and no person may go from one village to another to have smith\u2019s\nwork done for him. All this, with the exception of the rule about not\nnaming the eye and the sun, is done to prevent the dogs from growing\nstiff, and so losing the power of running down the game.(1530) During the\nrice-harvest in Nias the reapers seldom speak to each other, and when they\ndo so, it is only in whispers. Outside the field they must speak of\neverything by names different from those in common use, which gives rise\nto a special dialect or jargon known as \u201cfield speech.\u201d It has been\nobserved that some of the words in this jargon resemble words in the\nlanguage of the Battas of Sumatra.(1531) While these rice-reapers of Nias\nare at work they may not address each other by their names; they must use\nonly such general terms as \u201cman,\u201d \u201cwoman,\u201d \u201cgirl,\u201d \u201cold man,\u201d and \u201cold\nwoman.\u201d The word for \u201cfire\u201d may not pass their lips; instead of it they\nmust use the word for \u201ccold.\u201d Other words tabooed to them during the\nharvest are the words for \u201csmoke\u201d and \u201cstone.\u201d If a reaper wishes to ask\nanother for his whetstone to sharpen his knife, he must speak of it as a\n\u201cfowl\u2019s egg.\u201d(1532) In Java when people suspect that a tiger or crocodile\nis near, they avoid the use of the proper name of the beast and refer to\nhim as \u201cthe old lord\u201d or \u201cgrandfather.\u201d Similarly, men who are watching a\nplantation to protect it from wild boars speak of these animals as\n\u201chandsome men\u201d (_wong bagus_). When after harvest the unhusked rice is to\nbe brought into the barn, the barn is not called a barn but \u201cthe dark\nstore-house.\u201d Serious epidemics may not be mentioned by their true names;\nthus smallpox is called the \u201cpretty girl\u201d (_lara bagus_). The Javanese are\nparticularly careful to eschew certain common words at evening or night.\nThus the snake is then called a \u201ctree-root\u201d; the venomous centipede is\nreferred to as the \u201cred ant\u201d; oil is spoken of as \u201cwater\u201d; and so forth.\nAnd when leaves and herbs are being gathered for use in medicine they are\nregularly designated by other than their ordinary names.(1533)\n\n(M250) The Alfoors or Toradjas of Poso, in Celebes, are forbidden by\ncustom to speak the ordinary language when they are at work in the\nharvest-field. At such times they employ a secret language which is said\nto agree with the ordinary one only in this, that in it some things are\ndesignated by words usually applied in a different sense, or by\ndescriptive phrases or circumlocutions. Thus instead of \u201crun\u201d they say\n\u201climp\u201d; instead of \u201chand\u201d they say \u201cthat with which one reaches\u201d; instead\nof \u201cfoot\u201d they say \u201cthat with which one limps\u201d; and instead of \u201cear\u201d they\nsay \u201cthat with which one hears.\u201d Again, in the field-speech \u201cto drink\u201d\nbecomes \u201cto thrust forward the mouth\u201d; \u201cto pass by\u201d is expressed by \u201cto\nnod with the head\u201d; a gun is \u201ca fire-producer\u201d; and wood is \u201cthat which is\ncarried on the shoulder.\u201d The writer who reports the custom was formerly\nof opinion that this secret language was designed to avoid attracting the\nattention of evil spirits to the ripe rice; but further enquiry has\nsatisfied him that the real reason for adopting it is a wish not to\nfrighten the soul of the rice by revealing to it the alarming truth that\nit is about to be cut, carried home, boiled, and eaten. It is just the\nwords referring to these actions, he tells us, which are especially\ntabooed and replaced by others. Beginning with a rule of avoiding a\ncertain number of common words, the custom has grown among people of the\nMalay stock till it has produced a complete language for use in the\nfields. In Minahassa also this secret field-speech consists in part of\nphrases or circumlocutions, of which many are said to be very\npoetical.(1534) But it is not only on the harvest field that the Toradja\nresorts to the use of a secret language from superstitious motives. In the\ngreat primaeval forest he feels ill at ease, for well he knows the\ncholeric temper of the spirits who inhabit the giant trees of the wood,\nand that were he to excite their wrath they would assuredly pay him out in\none way or other, it might be by carrying off his soul and so making him\nill, it might be by crushing him flat under a falling tree. These touchy\nbeings particularly dislike to hear certain words pronounced, and\naccordingly on his way through the forest the Toradja takes care to avoid\nthe offensive terms and to substitute others for them. Thus he will not\ncall a dog a dog, but refers to it as \u201cthe hairy one\u201d; a buffalo is spoken\nof as \u201cthick hide\u201d; a cooking pot becomes \u201cthat which is set down\u201d; the\nhair of the head is alluded to as \u201cbetel\u201d; goats and pigs are \u201cthe folk\nunder the house\u201d; a horse is \u201clong nose\u201d; and deer are \u201cdenizens of the\nfell.\u201d If he is rash or careless enough to utter a forbidden word in the\nforest, a short-tempered tree-spirit will fetch him such a bang on the\nhead that the blood will spout from his nose and mouth.(1535) Again, when\nthe weather is fine and the Toradja wishes it to continue so, he is\ncareful not to utter the word \u201crain,\u201d for if he did so the rain would\nfancy he was called for and would obligingly present himself. Indeed, in\nthe district of Pakambia, which is frequently visited by heavy storms, the\nword \u201crain\u201d may not be mentioned throughout the year lest it should\nprovoke a tempest; the unmentionable thing is there delicately alluded to\nas \u201ctree-blossoms.\u201d(1536)\n\n(M251) When a Bugineese or Macassar man is at sea and sailing past a place\nwhich he believes to be haunted by evil spirits, he keeps as quiet as he\ncan; but if he is obliged to speak he designates common things and\nactions, such as water, wind, fire, cooking, eating, the rice-pot, and so\nforth, by peculiar terms which are neither Bugineese nor Macassar, and\ntherefore cannot be understood by the evil spirits, whose knowledge of\nlanguages is limited to these two tongues. However, according to another\nand later account given by the same authority, it appears that many of the\nsubstituted terms are merely figurative expressions or descriptive phrases\nborrowed from the ordinary language. Thus the word for water is replaced\nby a rare word meaning \u201crain\u201d; a rice-pot is called a \u201cblack man\u201d; boiled\nrice is \u201cone who is eaten\u201d; a fish is a \u201ctree-leaf\u201d; a fowl is \u201cone who\nlives in a poultry hatch\u201d; and an ape is a \u201ctree-dweller.\u201d(1537) Natives\nof the island of Saleyer, which lies off the south coast of Celebes, will\nnot mention the name of their island when they are making a certain\nsea-passage; and in sailing they will never speak of a fair wind by its\nproper name. The reason in both cases is a fear of disturbing the evil\nspirits.(1538) When natives of the Sapoodi Archipelago, to the north-east\nof Java, are at sea they will never say that they are near the island of\nSapoodi, for if they did so they would be carried away from it by a head\nwind or by some other mishap.(1539) When Galelareese sailors are crossing\nover to a land that is some way off, say one or two days\u2019 sail, they do\nnot remark on any vessels that may heave in sight or any birds that may\nfly past; for they believe that were they to do so they would be driven\nout of their course and not reach the land they are making for. Moreover,\nthey may not mention their own ship, or any part of it. If they have to\nspeak of the bow, for example, they say \u201cthe beak of the bird\u201d; starboard\nis named \u201csword,\u201d and larboard \u201cshield.\u201d(1540) The inhabitants of Ternate\nand of the Sangi Islands deem it very dangerous to point at distant\nobjects or to name them while they are at sea. Once while sailing with a\ncrew of Ternate men a European asked one of them the name of certain small\nislands which they had passed. The man had been talkative before, but the\nquestion reduced him to silence. \u201cSir,\u201d he said, \u201cthat is a great taboo;\nif I told you we should at once have wind and tide against us, and perhaps\nsuffer a great calamity. As soon as we come to anchor I will tell you the\nname of the islands.\u201d The Sangi Islanders have, besides the ordinary\nlanguage, an ancient one which is only partly understood by some of the\npeople. This old language is often used by them at sea, as well as in\npopular songs and certain heathen rites.(1541) The reason for resorting to\nit on shipboard is to hinder the evil spirits from overhearing and so\nfrustrating the plans of the voyagers.(1542) The Nufoors of Dutch New\nGuinea believe that if they were to mention the name of an island to which\nthe bow of their vessel was pointing, they would be met by storm, rain, or\nmist which would drive them from their course.(1543)\n\n(M252) In some parts of Sunda it is taboo or forbidden to call a goat a\ngoat; it must be called a \u201cdeer under the house.\u201d A tiger may not be\nspoken of as a tiger; he must be referred to as \u201cthe supple one,\u201d \u201cthe one\nthere,\u201d \u201cthe honourable,\u201d \u201cthe whiskered one,\u201d and so on. Neither a wild\nboar nor a mouse may be mentioned by its proper name; a boar must be\ncalled \u201cthe beautiful one\u201d (masculine) and the mouse \u201cthe beautiful one\u201d\n(feminine). When the people are asked what would be the consequence of\nbreaking a taboo, they generally say that the person or thing would suffer\nfor it, either by meeting with a mishap or by falling ill. But some say\nthey do not so much fear a misfortune as experience an indefinite feeling,\nhalf fear, half reverence, towards an institution of their forefathers.\nOthers can assign no reason for observing the taboos, and cut enquiry\nshort by saying that \u201cIt is so because it is so.\u201d(1544) When the Kenyahs\nof Borneo are about to poison the fish of a section of the river with the\n_tuba_ root, they always speak of the matter as little as possible and use\nthe most indirect and fanciful modes of expression. Thus they will say,\n\u201cThere are many leaves fallen here,\u201d meaning that there are many fish in\nthe river. And they will not breathe the name of the _tuba_ root; if they\nmust refer to it, they call it _pakat abong_, where _abong_ is the name of\na strong-smelling root something like _tuba_, and _pakat_ means \u201cto agree\nupon\u201d; so that _pakat abong_ signifies \u201cwhat we have agreed to call\n_abong_.\u201d This concealment of the truth deceives all the bats, birds, and\ninsects, which might otherwise overhear the talk of the men and inform the\nfish of the deep-laid plot against them.(1545) These Kenyahs also fear the\ncrocodile and do not like to mention it by name, especially if one be in\nsight; they refer to the beast as \u201cthe old grandfather.\u201d(1546) When\nsmall-pox invades a village of the Sakarang Dyaks in Borneo, the people\ndesert the place and take refuge in the jungle. In the daytime they do not\ndare to stir or to speak above a whisper, lest the spirits should see or\nhear them. They do not call the small-pox by its proper name, but speak of\nit as \u201cjungle leaves\u201d or \u201cfruit\u201d or \u201cthe chief,\u201d and ask the sufferer,\n\u201cHas he left you?\u201d and the question is put in a whisper lest the spirit\nshould hear.(1547) Natives of the Philippines were formerly prohibited\nfrom speaking of the chase in the house of a fisherman and from speaking\nof fishing in the house of a hunter; journeying by land they might not\ntalk of marine matters, and sailing on the sea they might not talk of\nterrestrial matters.(1548)\n\n(M253) When we survey the instances of this superstition which have now\nbeen enumerated, we can hardly fail to be struck by the number of cases in\nwhich a fear of spirits, or of other beings regarded as spiritual and\nintelligent, is assigned as the reason for abstaining in certain\ncircumstances from the use of certain words.(1549) The speaker imagines\nhimself to be overheard and understood by spirits, or animals, or other\nbeings whom his fancy endows with human intelligence; and hence he avoids\ncertain words and substitutes others in their stead, either from a desire\nto soothe and propitiate these beings by speaking well of them, or from a\ndread that they may understand his speech and know what he is about, when\nhe happens to be engaged in that which, if they knew of it, would excite\ntheir anger or their fear. Hence the substituted terms fall into two\nclasses according as they are complimentary or enigmatic; and these\nexpressions are employed, according to circumstances, for different and\neven opposite reasons, the complimentary because they will be understood\nand appreciated, and the enigmatic because they will not. We can now see\nwhy persons engaged in occupations like fishing, fowling, hunting, mining,\nreaping, and sailing the sea, should abstain from the use of the common\nlanguage and veil their meaning in strange words and dark phrases. For\nthey have this in common that all of them are encroaching on the domain of\nthe elemental beings, the creatures who, whether visible or invisible,\nwhether clothed in fur or scales or feathers, whether manifesting\nthemselves in tree or stone or running stream or breaking wave, or\nhovering unseen in the air, may be thought to have the first right to\nthose regions of earth and sea and sky into which man intrudes only to\nplunder and destroy. Thus deeply imbued with a sense of the all-pervading\nlife and intelligence of nature, man at a certain stage of his\nintellectual development cannot but be visited with fear or compunction,\nwhether he is killing wild fowl among the stormy Hebrides, or snaring\ndoves in the sultry thickets of the Malay Peninsula; whether he is hunting\nthe bear in Lapland snows, or the tiger in Indian jungles, or hauling in\nthe dripping net, laden with silvery herring, on the coast of Scotland;\nwhether he is searching for the camphor crystals in the shade of the\ntropical forest, or extracting the red gold from the darksome mine, or\nlaying low with a sweep of his sickle the yellow ears on the harvest\nfield. In all these his depredations on nature, man\u2019s first endeavour\napparently is by quietness and silence to escape the notice of the beings\nwhom he dreads; but if that cannot be, he puts the best face he can on the\nmatter by dissembling his foul designs under a fair exterior, by\nflattering the creatures whom he proposes to betray, and by so guarding\nhis lips, that, though his dark ambiguous words are understood well enough\nby his fellows, they are wholly unintelligible to his victims. He pretends\nto be what he is not, and to be doing something quite different from the\nreal business in hand. He is not, for example, a fowler catching pigeons\nin the forest; he is a Magic Prince or King Solomon himself(1550) inviting\nfair princesses into his palace tower or ivory hall. Such childish\npretences suffice to cheat the guileless creatures whom the savage intends\nto rob or kill, perhaps they even impose to some extent upon himself; for\nwe can hardly dissever them wholly from those forms of sympathetic magic\nin which primitive man seeks to effect his purpose by imitating the thing\nhe desires to produce, or even by assimilating himself to it. It is hard\nindeed for us to realise the mental state of a Malay wizard masquerading\nbefore wild pigeons in the character of King Solomon; yet perhaps the\nmake-believe of children and of the stage, where we see the players daily\nforgetting their real selves in their passionate impersonation of the\nshadowy realm of fancy, may afford us some glimpse into the workings of\nthat instinct of imitation or mimicry which is deeply implanted in the\nconstitution of the human mind.\n\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER VII. OUR DEBT TO THE SAVAGE.\n\n\n(M254) It would be easy to extend the list of royal and priestly taboos,\nbut the instances collected in the preceding pages may suffice as\nspecimens. To conclude this part of our subject it only remains to state\nsummarily the general conclusions to which our enquiries have thus far\nconducted us. We have seen that in savage or barbarous society there are\noften found men to whom the superstition of their fellows ascribes a\ncontrolling influence over the general course of nature. Such men are\naccordingly adored and treated as gods. Whether these human divinities\nalso hold temporal sway over the lives and fortunes of their adorers, or\nwhether their functions are purely spiritual and supernatural, in other\nwords, whether they are kings as well as gods or only the latter, is a\ndistinction which hardly concerns us here. Their supposed divinity is the\nessential fact with which we have to deal. In virtue of it they are a\npledge and guarantee to their worshippers of the continuance and orderly\nsuccession of those physical phenomena upon which mankind depends for\nsubsistence. Naturally, therefore, the life and health of such a god-man\nare matters of anxious concern to the people whose welfare and even\nexistence are bound up with his; naturally he is constrained by them to\nconform to such rules as the wit of early man has devised for averting the\nills to which flesh is heir, including the last ill, death. These rules,\nas an examination of them has shewn, are nothing but the maxims with\nwhich, on the primitive view, every man of common prudence must comply if\nhe would live long in the land. But while in the case of ordinary men the\nobservance of the rules is left to the choice of the individual, in the\ncase of the god-man it is enforced under penalty of dismissal from his\nhigh station, or even of death. For his worshippers have far too great a\nstake in his life to allow him to play fast and loose with it. Therefore\nall the quaint superstitions, the old-world maxims, the venerable saws\nwhich the ingenuity of savage philosophers elaborated long ago, and which\nold women at chimney corners still impart as treasures of great price to\ntheir descendants gathered round the cottage fire on winter evenings\u2014all\nthese antique fancies clustered, all these cobwebs of the brain were spun\nabout the path of the old king, the human god, who, immeshed in them like\na fly in the toils of a spider, could hardly stir a limb for the threads\nof custom, \u201clight as air but strong as links of iron,\u201d that crossing and\nrecrossing each other in an endless maze bound him fast within a network\nof observances from which death or deposition alone could release him.\n\n(M255) Thus to students of the past the life of the old kings and priests\nteems with instruction. In it was summed up all that passed for wisdom\nwhen the world was young. It was the perfect pattern after which every man\nstrove to shape his life; a faultless model constructed with rigorous\naccuracy upon the lines laid down by a barbarous philosophy. Crude and\nfalse as that philosophy may seem to us, it would be unjust to deny it the\nmerit of logical consistency. Starting from a conception of the vital\nprinciple as a tiny being or soul existing in, but distinct and separable\nfrom, the living being, it deduces for the practical guidance of life a\nsystem of rules which in general hangs well together and forms a fairly\ncomplete and harmonious whole.(1551) The flaw\u2014and it is a fatal one\u2014of the\nsystem lies not in its reasoning, but in its premises; in its conception\nof the nature of life, not in any irrelevancy of the conclusions which it\ndraws from that conception. But to stigmatise these premises as ridiculous\nbecause we can easily detect their falseness, would be ungrateful as well\nas unphilosophical. We stand upon the foundation reared by the generations\nthat have gone before, and we can but dimly realise the painful and\nprolonged efforts which it has cost humanity to struggle up to the point,\nno very exalted one after all, which we have reached. Our gratitude is due\nto the nameless and forgotten toilers, whose patient thought and active\nexertions have largely made us what we are. The amount of new knowledge\nwhich one age, certainly which one man, can add to the common store is\nsmall, and it argues stupidity or dishonesty, besides ingratitude, to\nignore the heap while vaunting the few grains which it may have been our\nprivilege to add to it. There is indeed little danger at present of\nundervaluing the contributions which modern times and even classical\nantiquity have made to the general advancement of our race. But when we\npass these limits, the case is different. Contempt and ridicule or\nabhorrence and denunciation are too often the only recognition vouchsafed\nto the savage and his ways. Yet of the benefactors whom we are bound\nthankfully to commemorate, many, perhaps most, were savages. For when all\nis said and done our resemblances to the savage are still far more\nnumerous than our differences from him; and what we have in common with\nhim, and deliberately retain as true and useful, we owe to our savage\nforefathers who slowly acquired by experience and transmitted to us by\ninheritance those seemingly fundamental ideas which we are apt to regard\nas original and intuitive. We are like heirs to a fortune which has been\nhanded down for so many ages that the memory of those who built it up is\nlost, and its possessors for the time being regard it as having been an\noriginal and unalterable possession of their race since the beginning of\nthe world. But reflection and enquiry should satisfy us that to our\npredecessors we are indebted for much of what we thought most our own, and\nthat their errors were not wilful extravagances or the ravings of\ninsanity, but simply hypotheses, justifiable as such at the time when they\nwere propounded, but which a fuller experience has proved to be\ninadequate. It is only by the successive testing of hypotheses and\nrejection of the false that truth is at last elicited. After all, what we\ncall truth is only the hypothesis which is found to work best. Therefore\nin reviewing the opinions and practices of ruder ages and races we shall\ndo well to look with leniency upon their errors as inevitable slips made\nin the search for truth, and to give them the benefit of that indulgence\nwhich we ourselves may one day stand in need of; _cum excusatione itaque\nveteres audiendi sunt_.\n\n\n\n\nNote. Not To Step Over Persons And Things.(1552)\n\n\nThe superstition that harm is done to a person or thing by stepping over\nhim or it is very widely spread. Thus the Galelareese think that if a man\nsteps over your fishing-rod or your arrow, the fish will not bite when you\nfish with that rod, and the game will not be hit by that arrow when you\nshoot it. They say it is as if the implements merely skimmed past the fish\nor the game.(1553) Similarly, if a Highland sportsman saw a person\nstepping over his gun or fishing-rod, he presumed but little on that day\u2019s\ndiversion.(1554) When a Dacota had bad luck in hunting, he would say that\na woman had been stepping over some part of the animal which he\nrevered.(1555) Amongst many South African tribes it is considered highly\nimproper to step over a sleeper; if a wife steps over her husband he\ncannot hit his enemy in war; if she steps over his assegais, they are from\nthat time useless, and are given to boys to play with.(1556) The Baganda\nthink that if a woman steps over a man\u2019s weapons, they will not aim\nstraight and will not kill, unless they have been first purified.(1557)\nThe Nandi of British East Africa hold that to step over a snare or trap is\nto court death and must be avoided at all risks; further, they are of\nopinion that if a man were to step over a pot, he would fall to pieces\nwhenever the pot were broken.(1558) The people of the Lower Congo deem\nthat to step over a person\u2019s body or legs will cause ill-luck to that\nperson and they are careful not to do so, especially in passing men who\nare holding a palaver. At such times a passer-by will shuffle his feet\nalong the ground without lifting them in order that he may not be charged\nwith bringing bad luck on any one.(1559) On the other hand among the\nWajagga of East Africa grandchildren leap over the corpse of their\ngrandfather, when it is laid out, expressing a wish that they may live to\nbe as old as he.(1560) In Laos hunters are careful never to step over\ntheir weapons.(1561) The Tepehuanes of Mexico believe that if anybody\nsteps over them, they will not be able to kill another deer in their\nlives.(1562) Some of the Australian aborigines are seriously alarmed if a\nwoman steps over them as they lie asleep on the ground.(1563) In the\ntribes about Maryborough in Queensland, if a woman steps over anything\nthat belongs to a man he will throw it away.(1564) In New Caledonia it is\nthought to endanger a canoe if a woman steps over the cable.(1565)\nEverything that a Samoyed woman steps over becomes unclean and must be\nfumigated.(1566) Malagasy porters believe that if a woman strides over\ntheir poles, the skin will certainly peel off the shoulders of the bearers\nwhen next they take up the burden.(1567) The Cherokees fancy that to step\nover a vine causes it to wither and bear no fruit.(1568) The Ba-Pendi and\nBa-thonga of South Africa think that if a woman steps over a man\u2019s legs,\nthey will swell and he will not be able to run.(1569) According to the\nSouth Slavonians, the most serious maladies may be communicated to a\nperson by stepping over him, but they can afterwards be cured by stepping\nover him in the reverse direction.(1570) The belief that to step over a\nchild hinders it from growing is found in France, Belgium, Germany,\nAustria, and Syria; in Syria, Germany, and Bohemia the mischief can be\nremedied by stepping over the child in the opposite direction.(1571)\n\n\n\n\n\nINDEX.\n\n\nAbdication of kings in favour of their infant children, 19, 20\n\nAbduction of souls by demons, 58 _sqq._\n\nAbipones, the, 328, 350;\n  changes in their language, 360\n\nAbnormal mental states accounted inspiration, 248\n\nAbortion, superstition as to woman who has procured, 153\n\nAbsence and recall of the soul, 30 _sqq._\n\nAchilles, 261\n\nActs, tabooed, 101 _sqq._\n\nAdivi or forest Gollas, the, 149\n\nAetolians, the, 311\n\nAfrica, fetish kings in West, 22 _sqq._;\n  names of animals and things tabooed in, 400 _sq._\n\nAgutainos, the, 144\n\nAir, prohibition to be uncovered in the open, 3, 14\n\nAkamba, the, 204\n\nAkikuyu, the, 175, 204, 286;\n  auricular confession among the, 214\n\nAlbanians of the Caucasus, 349\n\nAlberti, L., 220\n\nAlcmena and Hercules, 298 _sq._\n\nAlfoors of Celebes, 33;\n  of Minahassa, 63 _sq._\n\nAmboyna, 87, 105\n\nAmenophis III., his birth represented on the monuments, 28\n\nAmerican Indians, their fear of naming the dead, 351 _sqq._\n\nAmmon, Hanun, King of, 273\n\nAmoy, 59\n\nAmulets, knots used as, 306 _sqq._;\n  rings as, 314 _sqq._\n\nAncestors, names of, bestowed on their reincarnations, 368 _sq._;\n  reborn in their descendants, 368 _sq._\n\nAncestral spirits, cause sickness, 53;\n  sacrifices to, 104\n\nAndaman Islanders, 183 _n._\n\nAndania, mysteries of, 227 _n._\n\n_Angakok_, Esquimaux wizard or sorcerer, 211, 212\n\nAngoni, the, 174\n\nAnimals injured through their shadows, 81 _sq._;\n  propitiation of spirits of slain, 190, 204 _sq._;\n  atonement for slain, 207;\n  dangerous, not called by their proper names, 396 _sqq._;\n  thought to understand human speech, 398 _sq._, 400\n\nAnimism passing into religion, 213\n\nAnklets as amulets, 315\n\nAnnamites, the, 235\n\nAnointment of priests at installation, 14\n\nAntambahoaka, the, 216\n\nAnts, bites of, used in purificatory ceremony, 105\n\nApaches, the, 182, 184, 325, 328\n\nApollo, purification of, 223 _n._1\n\nApuleius, 270\n\nArab mode of cursing an enemy, 312\n\nArabs of Moab, 273, 280\n\nAraucanians, the, 97, 324\n\nAres, men sacred to, 111\n\nArikaras, the, 161\n\nAristeas of Proconnesus, 34\n\nArmy under arms, prohibition to see, 13\n\nArrows to keep off death, 31\n\nAru Islands, 37, 276\n\nArunta, their belief as to the ghosts of the slain, 177 _sq._;\n  ceremonies at the end of mourning among the, 373 _sq._\n\nArval Brothers, 226\n\nAryans, the primitive, their theory of personal names, 319\n\nAshes strewn on the head, 112\n\nAsh-tree, parings of nails buried under an, 276\n\nAssam, taboos observed by headmen in, 11;\n  hill tribes of, 323\n\nAstarte at Hierapolis, 286\n\nAston, W. G., 2 _n._2\n\nAstrolabe Bay, 289\n\nAthens, kings at, 21 _sq._;\n  ritual of cursing at, 75\n\nAtonement for slain animals, 207\n\nAttiuoindarons, the, 366\n\n_Atua_, ancestral spirit, 134, 265\n\nAugur\u2019s staff at Rome, 313\n\nAuricular confession, 214\n\nAurohuaca Indians, 215\n\nAustralian aborigines;\n  their conception of the soul, 27;\n  personal names kept secret among the, 320 _sqq._;\n  their fear of naming the dead, 349 _sqq._\n\nAversion of spirits and fairies to iron, 229, 232 _sq._\n\nAvoidance of common words to deceive spirits or other beings, 416 _sqq._\n\nAymara Indians, the, 97\n\nAztecs, the, 249;\n  their priests, 259\n\nBabylonian witches and wizards, 302\n\nBad Country, the, 109\n\nBadham, Dr., 156 _n._\n\nBaduwis, the, of Java, 115 _sq._, 232\n\nBag, souls collected in a, 63 _sq._\n\nBaganda, the, 78, 87\n\n\u2014\u2014 fishermen, taboos observed by, 194 _sq._ _See also_ Uganda\n\nBagba, a fetish, 5\n\nBageshu, the, 174\n\nBagobos, the, 31, 315, 323\n\nBahima, the, 183 _n._;\n  names of their dead kings not mentioned, 375\n\nBahnars of Cochin-China, 52, 58\n\nBaking, continence observed at, 201\n\nBalder, Norse god, 305 _n._1\n\nBa-Lua, the, 330\n\nBanana-trees, fruit-bearing, hair deposited under, 286\n\nBandages to prevent the escape of the soul, 32, 71\n\nBangala, the, 195 _sq._, 330\n\nBangkok, 90\n\nBaoules, the, 70\n\nBa-Pedi, the, 141, 153, 163, 202\n\nBaron, R., 380\n\nBaronga, the, 272\n\nBasagala, the, 361\n\nBasket, souls gathered into a, 72\n\nBastian, A., 252, 253\n\nBasutos, burial custom of the, 107;\n  purification of warriors among the, 172\n\nBathing (washing) as a ceremonial purification, 141, 142, 150, 153, 168,\n            169, 172, 173, 175, 179, 183, 192, 198, 219, 220, 222, 285,\n            286\n\nBa-Thonga, the, 141, 154, 163, 202\n\nBattas or Bataks of Sumatra, 34, 45, 46, 65, 116, 296\n\nBavili, the, 78\n\nBawenda, the, 243\n\nBayazid, the Sultan, and his soul, 50\n\nBeans, prohibition to touch or name, 13 _sq._\n\nBear, the polar, taboos concerning, 209;\n  customs observed by Lapps after killing a, 221\n\nBears not to be called by their proper names, 397 _sq._, 399, 402\n\nBechuanas, purification of manslayers among the, 172 _sq._, 174\n\nBed, feet of, smeared with mud, 14;\n  prohibition to sleep in a, 194\n\nBeef and milk not to be eaten at the same meal, 292\n\nBeer, continence observed at brewing, 200\n\nBells as talismans, 235\n\nBenin, kings of, 123, 243\n\nBentley, R., 33 _n._3\n\nBesisis, the, 87\n\nBeveridge, P., 363 _sq._\n\nBird, soul conceived as a, 33 _sqq._\n\nBirds, ghosts of slain as, 177 _sq._;\n  cause headache through clipped hair, 270 _sq._, 282\n\nBirth from a golden image, pretence of, 113;\n  premature, 213. _See_ Miscarriage\n\nBismarck Archipelago, 128\n\nBites of ants used as purificatory ceremony, 105\n\nBlackening faces of warriors, 163;\n  of manslayers, 169, 178, 181\n\nBlackfoot Indians, 159 _n._\n\nBlack Mountain of southern France, 42\n\n\u2014\u2014 ox or black ram in magic, 154\n\nBladders, annual festival of, among the Esquimaux, 206 _sq._, 228\n\n\u201cBlessers\u201d or sacred kings, 125 _n._\n\nBlood put on doorposts, 15;\n  of slain, supposed effect of it on the slayer, 169;\n  smeared on person as a purification, 104, 115, 219;\n  drawn from bodies of manslayers, 176, 180;\n  tabooed, 239 _sqq._;\n  not eaten, 240 _sq._;\n  soul in the, 240, 241, 247, 250;\n  of game poured out, 241;\n  royal, not to be shed on the ground, 241 _sqq._;\n  unwillingness to shed, 243, 246 _sq._;\n  received on bodies of kinsfolk, 244 _sq._;\n  drops of, effaced, 245 _sq._;\n  horror of, 245;\n  of chief sacred, 248;\n  of women, dread of, 250 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 of childbirth, supposed dangerous infection of, 152 _sqq._;\n  received on heads of friends or slaves, 245\n\n\u2014\u2014 -lickers, 246\n\nBlowing upon knots, as a charm, 302, 304\n\nBoa-constrictor, purification of man who has killed a, 221 _sq._\n\nBoars, wild, not to be called by their proper names, 411, 415\n\nBoas, Dr. Franz, 210 _sqq._, 214\n\nBodia or Bodio, a West African pontiff or fetish king, 14 _sq._, 23\n\nBodies, souls transferred to other, 49\n\nBodos, the, of Assam, 285\n\nBoiled flesh tabooed, 185\n\nBolang Mongondo, a district in Celebes, 53, 279, 341\n\nBonds, no man in bonds allowed in priest\u2019s house, 14\n\nBones of human bodies which have been eaten, special treatment of, 189\n            _sq._;\n  of the dead, their treatment after the decay of the flesh, 372 _n._5;\n  of dead disinterred and scraped, 373 _n._\n\nBoobies, the, 8 _sq._\n\nBorn again, pretence of being, 113\n\nBornu, Sultan of, 120\n\nBororos, the, 34, 36\n\nBourke, Captain J. G., 184\n\nBox, strayed soul caught in, 45, 70, 76\n\nBracelets as amulets, 315\n\nBrahman student, his cut hair and nails, 277\n\nBrahmans, their common and secret names, 322\n\nBranches used in exorcism, 109\n\nBreath of chief sacred, 136, 256\n\nBreathing on a person as a mode of purification, 149\n\nBrewing, continence observed at, 200, 201 _sq._\n\nBribri Indians, their ideas as to the uncleanness of women, 147, 149\n\nBride and bridegrooms, all knots on their garments unloosed, 299 _sq._\n\nBronze employed in expiatory rites, 226 _n._6;\n  priests to be shaved with, 226\n\n\u2014\u2014 knife to cut priest\u2019s hair, 14\n\nBrother and sister not allowed to mention each other\u2019s names, 344\n\nBrothers-in-law, their names not to be pronounced, 338, 342, 343, 344, 345\n\nBuddha, Footprint of, 275\n\nBuilding shadows into foundations, 89 _sq._\n\n_Bukuru_, unclean, 147\n\nBulgarian building custom, 89\n\nBurghead, 230\n\nBurial under a running stream, 15\n\n\u2014\u2014 customs to prevent the escape of the soul, 51, 52\n\nBurials, customs as to shadows at, 80 _sq._\n\nBurma, kings of, 375\n\nBurmese conception of the soul as a butterfly, 51 _sq._\n\nBurning cut hair and nails to prevent them being used in sorcery, 281\n            _sqq._\n\nBuryat shaman, his mode of recovering lost souls, 56 _sq._\n\nButterfly, the soul as a, 29 _n._1, 51 _sq._\n\nCacongo, King of, 115, 118\n\nCaffre customs at circumcision, 156 _sq._\n\nCaffres, \u201cwomen\u2019s speech\u201d among the, 335 _sq._\n\nCalabar, fetish king at, 22 _sq._\n\nCalabashes, souls shut up in, 72\n\nCalchaquis Indians, 31\n\nCalifornian Indians, 352\n\nCambodia, kings of, 376\n\nCamden, W., 68\n\nCampbell, J., 384\n\nCamphor, special language employed by searchers for, 405 _sqq._\n\nCanelos Indians, 97\n\nCannibalism at hair-cutting, 264\n\nCannibals, taboos imposed on, among the Kwakiutl, 188 _sqq._\n\nCanoe, fish offered to, 195\n\nCanoes, continence observed at building, 202\n\nCaptives killed and eaten, 179 _sq._\n\nCarayahis, the, 348\n\nCaribou, taboos concerning, 208\n\nCaribs, difference of language between men and women among the, 348\n\nCaroline Islands, 25, 193, 290, 293\n\nCaron\u2019s _Account of Japan_, 4 _n._2\n\nCarrier Indians, 215, 367\n\nCatat, Dr., 98\n\nCatlin, G., 182\n\nCats with stumpy tails, reason of, 128 _sq._\n\nCattle, continence observed for sake of, 204;\n  protected against wolves by charms, 307\n\nCaul-fat extracted by Australian enemies, 303\n\n\u201cCauld airn,\u201d 233\n\nCazembes, the, 132\n\nCelebes, 32, 33, 35;\n  hooking souls in, 30\n\nCelibacy of holy milkmen, 15, 16\n\nCeremonial purity observed in war, 157\n\nCeremonies at the reception of strangers, 102 _sqq._;\n  at entering a strange land, 109 _sqq._;\n  purificatory, on return from a journey, 111 _sqq._;\n  observed after slaughter of panthers, lions, bears, serpents, etc., 219\n              _sqq._;\n  at hair-cutting, 264 _sqq._\n\nCetchwayo, King, 377\n\nChams, the, 202, 297\n\nChange of language caused by taboo on the names of the dead, 358 _sqq._,\n            375;\n  caused by taboo on names of chiefs and kings, 375, 376 _sqq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 of names to deceive ghosts, 354 _sqq._\n\nCharms to facilitate childbirth, 295 _sq._\n\nChastity. _See_ Continence\n\n_Chegilla_, taboo, 137\n\nCheremiss, the, 391\n\nCherokee sorcery with spittle, 287 _sq._\n\nChiefs, foods tabooed to, 291, 292;\n  names of, tabooed, 376 _sq._, 378 _sq._, 381, 382\n\n\u2014\u2014 and kings tabooed, 131 _sqq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 sacred, not allowed to leave their enclosures, 124;\n  regarded as dangerous, 138\n\nChild and father, supposed danger of resemblance between, 88 _sq._\n\nChild\u2019s nails bitten off, 262\n\nChildbed, taboos imposed on women in, 147 _sqq._\n\nChildbirth, precautions taken with mother at, 32, 33;\n  women tabooed at, 147 _sqq._;\n  confession of sins as a means of expediting, 216 _sq._;\n  women after, their hair shaved and burnt, 284;\n  homoeopathic magic to facilitate, 295 _sqq._;\n  knots untied at, 294, 296 _sq._, 297 _sq._\n\nChildren, young, tabooed, 262, 283;\n  parents named after their, 331 _sqq._\n\nChiloe, Indians of, 287, 324\n\nChina, custom at funerals in, 80;\n  Emperor of, 125, 375 _sq._\n\nChitom\u00e9 or Chitomb\u00e9, a pontiff of Congo, 5 _sq._, 7\n\nChittagong, 297\n\nChoctaws, the, 181\n\nChuckchees, the, 358\n\nCircumcision customs among the Caffres, 156 _sq._;\n  performed with flints, not iron, 227;\n  in Australia, 244\n\nCircumlocutions adopted to avoid naming the dead, 350, 351, 354, 355;\n  employed by reapers, 412\n\nCities, guardian deities of, evoked by enemies, 391\n\nClasping of hands forbidden, 298\n\n_Clavie_, the, at Burghead, 229 _sq._\n\nCleanliness fostered by superstition, 130;\n  personal, observed in war, 157, 158 _n._1\n\nClippings of hair, magic wrought through, 268 _sqq._, 275, 277, 278 _sq._\n\nClotaire, 259\n\nClothes of sacred persons tabooed, 131\n\nCloths used to catch souls, 46, 47, 48, 52, 53, 64, 67, 75 _sq._\n\nClotilde, Queen, 259\n\nCobra, ceremonies after killing a, 222 _sq._\n\nCoco-nut oil made by chaste women, 201\n\n_Codjour_, a priestly king, 132 _n._1\n\nCoins, portraits of kings not stamped on, 98 _sq._\n\nComanches, the, 360\n\nCombing the hair forbidden, 187, 203, 208, 264;\n  thought to cause storms, 271\n\nCombs of sacred persons, 256\n\nCommon objects, names of, changed when they are the names of the dead, 358\n            _sqq._, 375, or the names of chiefs and kings, 375, 376 _sqq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 words tabooed, 392 _sqq._\n\nConcealment of miscarriage in childbed, supposed effects of, 152 _sqq._\n\nConcealment of personal names from fear of magic, 320 _sqq._\n\nConciliating the spirits of the land, 110 _sq._\n\nConduct, standard of, shifted from natural to supernatural basis, 213\n            _sq._\n\nConfession of sins, 114, 191, 195, 211 _sq._, 214 _sqq._;\n  originally a magical ceremony, 217\n\nConnaught, kings of, 11 _sq._\n\nConsummation of marriage prevented by knots and locks, 299 _sqq._\n\nContagious magic, 246, 268, 272\n\nContinence enjoined on people during the rounds of sacred pontiff, 5;\n  of Zapotec priests, 6;\n  of priests, 159 _n._\n\n\u2014\u2014 observed on eve of period of taboo, 11;\n  by those who have handled the dead, 142;\n  during war, 157, 158 _n._1, 161, 163, 164, 165;\n  after victory, 166 _sqq._, 175, 178, 179, 181;\n  by cannibals, 188;\n  by fishers and hunters, 191, 192, 193, 194, 195, 196, 197, 198, 207;\n  by workers in salt-pans, 200;\n  at brewing beer, wine, and poison, 200 _sq._, 201 _sq._;\n  at baking, 201;\n  at making coco-nut oil, 201;\n  at building canoes, 202;\n  at house-building, 202;\n  at making or repairing dams, 202;\n  on trading voyages, 203;\n  after festivals, 204;\n  on journeys, 204;\n  while cattle are at pasture, 204;\n  by lion-killers and bear-killers, 220, 221;\n  before handling holy relics, 272;\n  by tabooed men, 293\n\nCooking, taboos as to, 147 _sq._, 156, 165, 169, 178, 185, 193, 194, 198,\n            209, 221, 256\n\nCoptic church, 235, 310 _n._5\n\nCords, knotted, in magic, 302, 303 _sq._\n\nCorea, clipped hair burned in, 283\n\n\u2014\u2014 kings of, 125;\n  not to be touched with iron, 226\n\nCorpses, knots not allowed about, 310\n\nCousins, male and female, not allowed to mention each other\u2019s names, 344\n\nCovenant, spittle used in making a, 290\n\nCovering up mirrors at a death, 94 _sq._\n\nCow bewitched, 93\n\nCowboy of the king of Unyoro, 159 _n._\n\nCreek Indians, the, 156;\n  their war customs, 161\n\nCrevaux, J., 105\n\nCriminals shaved as a mode of purification, 287\n\nCrocodiles not called by their proper names, 403, 410, 411, 415 _sq._\n\nCrossing of legs forbidden, 295, 298 _sq._\n\nCrown, imperial, as palladium, 4\n\nCrystals used in divination, 56\n\nCurr, E. M., 320 _sq._\n\nCursing at Athens, ritual of, 75\n\n\u2014\u2014 an enemy, Arab mode of, 312\n\nCurtains to conceal kings, 120 _sq._\n\nCut hair and nails, disposal of, 267 _sqq._\n\nCuts made in the body as a mode of expelling demons or ghosts, 106 _sq._;\n  in bodies of manslayers, 174, 176, 180;\n  in bodies of slain, 176. _See also_ Incisions\n\nCutting the hair a purificatory ceremony, 283 _sqq._\n\nCynaetha, people of, 188\n\nCyzicus, council chamber at, 230\n\nDacotas, the, 181\n\nDahomey, the King of, 9;\n  royal family of, 243;\n  kings of, their \u201cstrong names,\u201d 374\n\nDairi, the, or Mikado of Japan, 2, 4\n\nDairies, sacred, of the Todas, 15 _sqq._\n\nDairymen, sacred, of the Todas, 15 _sqq._\n\nDamaras, the, 247\n\nDams, continence at making or repairing, 202\n\nDance of king, 123;\n  of successful head-hunters, 166\n\nDances of victory, 169, 170, 178, 182\n\nDanger of being overshadowed by certain birds or people, 82 _sq._;\n  supposed, of portraits and photographs, 96 _sqq._;\n  supposed to attend contact with divine or sacred persons, such as chiefs\n              and kings, 132, 138\n\nDarfur, 81;\n  Sultan of, 120\n\nDassera, festival of the, 316\n\nDaughter-in-law, her name not to be pronounced, 338\n\nDavid and the King of Moab, 273\n\nDawson, J., 347 _sq._\n\nDead, sacrifices to the, 15, 88;\n  taboos on persons who have handled the, 138 _sqq._;\n  souls of the dead all malignant, 145;\n  names of the dead tabooed, 349 _sqq._;\n  to name the dead a serious crime, 352;\n  names of the dead not borne by the living, 354;\n  reincarnation or resurrection of the dead in their namesakes, 365\n              _sqq._;\n  festivals of the, 367, 371\n\n\u2014\u2014 body, prohibition to touch, 14\n\nDeath, natural, of sacred king or priest, supposed fatal consequences of,\n            6, 7;\n  kept off by arrows, 31;\n  mourners forbidden to sleep in house after a death, 37;\n  custom of covering up mirrors at a, 94 _sq._;\n  from imagination, 135 _sqq._\n\nDebt of civilisation to savagery, 421 _sq._\n\nDefiled hands, 174. _See_ Hands\n\nDe Groot, J. J. M., 390\n\nDemons, abduction of souls by, 58 _sqq._;\n  of disease expelled by pungent spices, pricks, and cuts, 105 _sq._;\n  and ghosts averse to iron, 232 _sqq._\n\nDevils, abduction of souls by, 58 _sqq._\n\nDido, her magical rites, 312\n\nDiet of kings and priests regulated, 291 _sqq._\n\nDieterich, A., 369 _n._3\n\nDifference of language between husbands and wives, 347 _sq._;\n  between men and women, 348 _sq._\n\nDiminution of shadow regarded with apprehension, 86 _sq._\n\nDio Chrysostom, on fame as a shadow, 86 _sq._\n\nDiodorus Siculus, 12 _sq._\n\nDionysus in the city, festival of, 316\n\nDisease, demons of, expelled by pungent spices, pricks, and cuts, 105\n            _sq._\n\nDisenchanting strangers, various modes of, 102 _sqq._\n\nDishes, effect of eating out of sacred, 4;\n  of sacred persons tabooed, 131. _See_ Vessels\n\nDisposal of cut hair and nails, 267 _sqq._\n\nDivination by shoulder-blades of sheep, 229\n\nDivinities, human, bound by many rules, 419 _sq._\n\nDivorce of spiritual from temporal power, 17 _sqq._\n\nDobrizhoffer, Father M., 328, 360\n\nDog, prohibition to touch or name, 13\n\nDogs, bones of game kept from, 206;\n  unclean, 206;\n  tigers called, 402\n\nDolls or puppets employed for the restoration of souls to their bodies, 53\n            _sqq._, 62 _sq._\n\nDoorposts, blood put on, 15\n\nDoors opened to facilitate childbirth, 296, 297;\n  to facilitate death, 309\n\nDoubles, spiritual, of men and animals, 28 _sq._\n\nDoutt\u00e9, E., 390\n\nDreams, absence of soul in, 36 _sqq._;\n  belief of savages in the reality of, 36 _sq._;\n  omens drawn from, 161\n\nDrinking and eating, taboos on, 116 _sqq._;\n  modes of drinking for tabooed persons, 117 _sqq._, 120, 143, 146, 147,\n              148, 160, 182, 183, 185, 189, 197, 198, 256\n\nDrought supposed to be caused by a concealed miscarriage, 153 _sq._\n\nDugong fishing, taboos in connexion with, 192\n\nDyaks, the Sea, 30;\n  their modes of recalling the soul, 47 _sq._, 52 _sq._, 55 _sq._, 60, 67;\n  taboos observed by head-hunters among the, 166 _sq._\n\nEagle, soul in form of, 34\n\n\u2014\u2014 -hunters, taboos observed by, 198 _sq._\n\nEagle-wood, special language employed by searchers for, 404\n\nEating out of sacred vessels, supposed effect of, 4\n\n\u2014\u2014 and drinking, taboos on, 116 _sqq._;\n  fear of being seen in the act of, 117 _sqq._\n\nEggs offered to demons, 110;\n  reason for breaking shells of, 129 _sq._\n\nEgypt, rules of life observed by ancient kings of, 12 _sq._\n\nEgyptian magicians, their power of compelling the deities, 389 _sq._\n\nEgyptians, the ancient, their conception of the soul, 28;\n  their practice as to souls of the dead, 68 _sq._;\n  personal names among, 322\n\nElder brother, his name not to be pronounced, 341\n\nElder-tree, cut hair and nails inserted in an, 275 _sq._\n\nElephant-hunters, special language employed by, 404\n\nEleusinian priests, their names sacred, 382 _sq._\n\nElfin race averse to iron, 232 _sq._\n\nEmetic as mode of purification, 175, 245;\n  pretended, in auricular confession, 214\n\nEmin Pasha, 108\n\nEpidemics attributed to evil spirits, 30\n\nEpimenides, the Cretan seer, 50 _n._2\n\nEsquimaux, their conception of the soul, 27;\n  their dread of being photographed, 96;\n  or Inuit, taboos observed by hunters among the, 205 _sq._;\n  namesakes of the dead among the, 371\n\nEsthonians, the, 41 _sq._, 240\n\nEthical evolution, 218 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 precepts developed out of savage taboos, 214\n\nEthiopia, kings of, 124\n\nEuphemisms employed for certain animals, 397 _sqq._;\n  for smallpox, 400, 410, 411, 416\n\nEurope, south-eastern, superstitions as to shadows in, 89 _sq._\n\nEvil eye, the, 116 _sq._\n\nEwe-speaking peoples of the Slave Coast, 9;\n  rebirth of ancestors among the, 369\n\nExecution, peculiar modes of, for members of royal families, 241 _sqq._\n\nExecutioners, customs observed by, 171 _sq._, 180 _sq._\n\nExorcising harmful influence of strangers, 102 _sqq._\n\nEye, the evil, 116 _sq._\n\nEyeos, the, 9\n\nFaces veiled to avert evil influences, 120 _sqq._;\n  of warriors blackened, 163;\n  of manslayers blackened, 169\n\n_F\u00e0dy_, taboo, 327\n\nFafnir and Sigurd, 324\n\nFairies averse to iron, 229, 232 _sq._\n\nFasting, custom of, 157 _n._2, 159 _n._, 161, 162, 163, 182, 183, 189,\n            198, 199\n\nFather and child, supposed danger of resemblance between, 88 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 and mother, their names not to be mentioned, 337, 341\n\n\u2014\u2014 in-law, his name not to be pronounced by his daughter-in-law, 335\n            _sqq._, 343, 345, 346;\n  by his son-in-law, 338, 339, 340, 341, 342, 343, 344\n\nFathers named after their children, 331 _sqq._\n\nFaunus, consultation of, 314\n\nFeast of Yams, 123\n\nFeathers worn by manslayers, 180, 186 _n._1\n\nFeet, not to wet the, 159. _See also_ Foot\n\nFernando Po, taboos observed by the kings of, 8 _sq._, 115, 123, 291\n\nFestival of the Dead among the Hurons, 367\n\nFetish or taboo rajah, 24\n\n\u2014\u2014 kings in West Africa, 22 _sqq._\n\nFever, euphemism for, 400\n\n\u201cField speech,\u201d a special jargon employed by reapers, 410 _sq._, 411 _sq._\n\nFiji, catching away souls in, 69;\n  War King and Sacred King in, 21;\n  custom as to remains of food in, 117\n\nFijian chief, supposed effect of using his dishes or clothes, 131\n\n\u2014\u2014 conception of the soul, 29 _sq._, 92\n\n\u2014\u2014 custom of frightening away ghosts, 170\n\n\u2014\u2014 notion of absence of the soul in dreams, 39 _sq._\n\nFingers cut off as a sacrifice, 161\n\nFinnish hunters, 398\n\nFire, rule as to removing fire from priest\u2019s house, 13;\n  prohibition to blow the fire with the breath, 136, 256;\n  in purificatory rites, 108, 109, 111, 114, 197;\n  tabooed, 178, 182, 256 _sq._;\n  new, made by friction, 286\n\n\u2014\u2014 and Water, kingships of, 17\n\nFirefly, soul in form of, 67\n\nFirst-fruits, offering of, 5\n\nFish-traps, continence observed at making, 202\n\nFishermen, words tabooed by, 394 _sq._, 396, 408 _sq._, 415\n\nFishers and hunters tabooed, 190 _sqq._\n\nFison, Rev. Lorimer, 30 _n._1, 40 _n._1, 92 _n._3, 131 _n._2\n\nFits and convulsions set down to demons, 59\n\nFlamen Dialis, taboos observed by the, 13 _sq._, 239, 248, 257, 275, 291,\n            293, 315 _sq._\n\nFlaminica, rules observed by the, 14\n\nFlannan Islands, 392\n\nFlesh, boiled, not to be eaten by tabooed persons, 185;\n  diet restricted or forbidden, 291 _sqq._\n\nFlints, not iron, cuts to be made with, 176;\n  use of, prescribed in ritual, 176;\n  sharp, circumcision performed with, 227\n\nFly, soul in form of, 39\n\nFood, remnants of, buried as a precaution against sorcery, 118, 119, 127\n            _sq._, 129;\n  magic wrought by means of refuse of, 126 _sqq._;\n  taboos on leaving food over, 127 _sqq._;\n  not to be touched with hands, 138 _sqq._, 146 _sqq._, 166, 167, 168,\n              169, 174, 203, 265;\n  objection to have food over head, 256, 257\n\nFoods tabooed, 291 _sqq._\n\nFoot, custom of going with only one foot shod, 311 _sqq._ _See also_ Feet\n\nFootprint in magic, 74;\n  of Buddha, 275\n\nForgetfulness, pretence of, 189\n\nForks used in eating by tabooed persons, 148, 168, 169, 203\n\nFors, the, of Central Africa, 281\n\nFoundation sacrifices, 89 _sqq._\n\nFowl used in exorcism, 106\n\nFowlers, words tabooed by, 393, 407 _sq._\n\nFoxes not to be mentioned by their proper names, 396, 397\n\nFrankish kings, their unshorn hair, 258 _sq._\n\nFresh meat tabooed, 143\n\nFumigation as a mode of ceremonial purification, 155, 177\n\nFunerals in China, custom as to shadows at, 80. _See also_ Burial, Burials\n\nFurfo, 230\n\nGabriel, the archangel, 302, 303\n\n_Gangas_, fetish priests, 291\n\nGarments, effect of wearing sacred, 4\n\nGates, sacrifice of human beings at foundations of, 90 _sq._\n\nGatschet, A. S., 363\n\nGauntlet, running the, 222\n\nGenitals of murdered people eaten, 190 _n._2\n\nGetae, priestly kings of the, 21\n\nGhost of husband kept from his widow, 143;\n  fear of evoking the ghost by mentioning his name, 349 _sqq._;\n  chased into the grave at the end of mourning, 373 _sq._\n\nGhosts, sacrifices to, 56, 247;\n  draw away the souls of their kinsfolk, 51 _sqq._;\n  draw out men\u2019s shadows, 80;\n  as guardians of gates, 90 _sq._;\n  kept off by thorns, 142;\n  and demons averse to iron, 232 _sqq._;\n  fear of wounding, 237 _sq._;\n  swept out of house, 238;\n  names changed in order to deceive ghosts or to avoid attracting their\n              attention, 354 _sqq._\n\nGhosts of animals, dread of, 223\n\n\u2014\u2014 of the slain haunt their slayers, 165 _sqq._;\n  fear of the, 165 _sqq._;\n  sacrifices to, 166;\n  scaring away the, 168, 170, 171, 172, 174 _sq._;\n  as birds, 177 _sq._\n\nGilyaks, the, 370\n\nGinger in purificatory rites, 105, 151\n\nGingiro, kingdom of, 18\n\nGirls at puberty obliged to touch everything in house, 225 _n._;\n  their hair torn out, 284\n\nGoajiro Indians, 30, 350\n\nGoat, prohibition to touch or name, 13;\n  transference of guilt to, 214 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 -sucker, shadow of the, 82\n\nGod, \u201cthe most great name\u201d of, 390\n\n\u2014\u2014 -man a source of danger, 132;\n  bound by many rules, 419 _sq._\n\nGods, their names tabooed, 387 _sqq._;\n  Xenophanes on the, 387;\n  human, bound by many rules, 419 _sq._ _See also_ Myths\n\nGold excluded from some temples, 226 _n._8\n\n\u2014\u2014 and silver as totems, 227 _n._\n\n\u2014\u2014 mines, spirits of the, treated with deference, 409 _sq._\n\nGoldie, H., 22\n\nGollas, the, 149\n\nGood Friday, 229\n\nGoorkhas, the, 316\n\nGordian knot, 316 _sq._\n\nGran Chaco, Indians of the, 37, 38, 357\n\nGrandfathers, grandsons named after their deceased, 370\n\nGrandidier, A., 380 _sq._\n\nGrandmothers, granddaughters named after their deceased, 370\n\nGrass knotted as a charm, 305, 310\n\nGrave, soul fetched from, 54\n\n\u2014\u2014 -clothes, no knots in, 310\n\n\u2014\u2014 -diggers, taboos observed by, 141, 142\n\nGraves, food offered on, 53;\n  water poured on, as a rain-charm, 154 _sq._\n\nGreat Spirit, sacrifice of fingers to the, 161\n\nGrebo people of Sierra Leone, 14\n\nGreek conception of the soul, 29 _n._1\n\n\u2014\u2014 customs as to manslayers, 188\n\nGrey, Sir George, 364 _sq._\n\n_Grihya-S\u00fbtras_, 277\n\nGrimm, J., 305 _n._1\n\nGround, prohibition to touch the, 3, 4, 6;\n  not to sit on the, 159, 162, 163;\n  not to set foot on, 180;\n  royal blood not to be shed on the, 241 _sqq._\n\nGuardian deities of cities, 391\n\nGuaycurus, the, 357\n\nGuiana, Indians of, 324\n\nGypsy superstition about portraits, 100\n\nHaida medicine-men, 31\n\nHair, mode of cutting the Mikado\u2019s, 3;\n  cut with bronze knife, 14;\n  of manslayers shaved, 175, 176;\n  of slain enemy, fetish made from, 183;\n  not to be combed, 187, 203, 208, 264;\n  tabooed, 258 _sqq._;\n  of kings, priests, and wizards unshorn, 258 _sqq._;\n  regarded as the seat of a god or spirit, 258, 259, 263;\n  kept unshorn at certain times, 260 _sqq._;\n  offered to rivers, 261;\n  of children unshorn, 263;\n  magic wrought through clippings of, 268 _sqq._, 275, 277, 278 _sq._;\n  cut or combed out may cause rain and thunderstorms, 271, 272, 282;\n  clippings of, used as hostages, 272 _sq._;\n  infected by virus of taboo, 283 _sq._;\n  cut as a purificatory ceremony, 283 _sqq._;\n  of women after childbirth shaved and burnt, 284;\n  loosened at childbirth, 297 _sq._;\n  loosened in magical and religious ceremonies, 310 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 and nails of sacred persons not cut, 3, 4, 16\n\n\u2014\u2014 and nails, cut, disposal of, 267 _sqq._;\n  deposited on or under trees, 14, 275 _sq._, 286;\n  deposited in sacred places, 274 _sqq._;\n  stowed away in any secret place, 276 _sqq._;\n  kept for use at the resurrection, 279 _sqq._;\n  burnt to prevent them from falling into the hands of sorcerers, 281\n              _sqq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 -cutting, ceremonies at, 264 _sqq._\n\nHands tabooed, 138, 140 _sqq._, 146 _sqq._, 158, 159 _n._, 265;\n  food not to be touched with, 138 _sqq._, 146 _sqq._, 166, 167, 168, 169,\n              174, 265;\n  defiled, 174;\n  not to be clasped, 298\n\nHanun, King of Moab, 273\n\nHawaii, 72, 106;\n  customs as to chiefs and shadows in, 255\n\nHead, stray souls restored to, 47, 48, 52, 53 _sq._, 64, 67;\n  prohibition to touch the, 142, 183, 189, 252 _sq._, 254, 255 _sq._;\n  plastered with mud, 182;\n  the human, regarded as sacred, 252 _sqq._;\n  tabooed, 252 _sqq._;\n  supposed to be the residence of spirits, 252;\n  objection to have any one overhead, 253 _sqq._;\n  washing the, 253\n\n\u2014\u2014 -hunters, customs of, 30, 36, 71 _sq._, 111, 166 _sq._, 169 _sq._\n\nHeadache caused by clipped hair, 270 _sq._, 282\n\nHeads of manslayers shaved, 177\n\nHearne, S., quoted, 184 _sqq._\n\nHebesio, god of thunder, 257\n\nHercules and Alcmena, 298 _sq._\n\nHerero, the, 151, 177, 225 _n._\n\nHermotimus of Clazomenae, 50\n\nHidatsa Indians, taboos observed by eagle-hunters among the, 198 _sq._\n\nHierapolis, temple of Astarte at, 286\n\nHiro, thief-god, 69\n\nHistorical tradition hampered by the taboo on the names of the dead, 363\n            _sqq._\n\nHoliness and pollution not differentiated by savages, 224\n\nHollis, A. C., 200 _n._3\n\nHoly water, sprinkling with, 285 _sq._\n\nHomicides. See Manslayers\n\nHomoeopathic magic, 151, 152, 207, 295, 298\n\nHoney-wine, continence observed at brewing, 200\n\nHooks to catch souls, 30 _sq._, 51\n\nHorse, prohibition to see a, 9;\n  prohibition to ride, 13\n\nHos of Togoland, the, 295, 301\n\nHostages, clipped hair used as, 272 _sq._\n\nHottentots, the, 220\n\nHouse, ceremony at entering a new, 63 _sq._;\n  taboos on quitting the, 122 _sqq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 building, custom as to shadows at, 81, 89 _sq._;\n  continence observed at, 202\n\nHowitt, A. W., 269\n\nHuichol Indians, 197\n\nHuman gods bound by many rules, 419 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 sacrifices at foundation of buildings, 90 _sq._\n\nHumbe, a kingdom of Angola, 6\n\nHunters use knots as charms, 306;\n  words tabooed by, 396, 398, 399, 400, 402, 404, 410\n\n\u2014\u2014 and fishers tabooed, 190 _sqq._\n\nHurons, the, 366;\n  their conception of the soul, 27;\n  their Festival of the Dead, 367\n\nHusband\u2019s ghost kept from his widow, 143\n\n\u2014\u2014 name not to be pronounced by his wife, 335, 336, 337, 338, 339\n\nHusbands and wives, difference of language between, 347 _sq._\n\nHuzuls, the, 270, 314\n\nIlocanes of Luzon, 44\n\nImagination, death from, 135 _sqq._\n\nImitative or homoeopathic magic, 295\n\nImpurity of manslayers, 167\n\nIncas of Peru, 279\n\nIncisions made in bodies of warriors as a preparation for war, 161;\n  in bodies of slain, 176;\n  in bodies of manslayers, 174, 176, 180.\n  _See also_ Cuts\n\nIncontinence of young people supposed to be fatal to the king, 6\n\nIndia, names of animals tabooed in, 401 _sqq._\n\nIndians of North America, their customs on the war-path, 158 _sqq._;\n  their fear of naming the dead, 351 _sqq._\n\nInfants tabooed, 255\n\nInfection, supposed, of lying-in women, 150 _sqq._\n\nInfidelity of wife supposed to be fatal to hunter, 197\n\nInitiation, custom of covering the mouth after, 122;\n  taboos observed by novices at, 141 _sq._, 156 _sq._;\n  new names given at, 320\n\nInjury to a man\u2019s shadow conceived as an injury to the man, 78 _sqq._\n\nInspiration, primitive theory of, 248\n\nIntercourse with wives enjoined before war, 164 _n._1;\n  enjoined on manslayers, 176. _See also_ Continence\n\nIntoxication accounted inspiration, 248, 249, 250\n\nInuit. _See_ Esquimaux\n\nIreland, taboos observed by the ancient kings of, 11 _sq._\n\nIrish custom as to a fall, 68;\n  as to friends\u2019 blood, 244 _sq._\n\nIron not to be touched, 167;\n  tabooed, 176, 225 _sqq._;\n  used as a charm against spirits, 232 _sqq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 instruments, use of, tabooed, 205, 206\n\n\u2014\u2014 rings as talismans, 235\n\nIroquois, the, 352, 385\n\nIsis and Ra, 387 _sqq._\n\nIsraelites, rules of ceremonial purity observed by the Israelites in war,\n            157 _sq._, 177\n\nIssini, the, 171\n\nItonamas, the, 31\n\nIvy, prohibition to touch or name, 13 _sq._\n\nJa-Luo, the, 79\n\nJackals, tigers called, 402, 403\n\nJackson, Professor Henry, 21 _n._3\n\nJapan, the Mikado of, 2 _sqq._;\n  Kaempfer\u2019s history of, 3 _n._2;\n  Caron\u2019s account of, 4 _n._2\n\nJars, souls conjured into, 70\n\nJason and Pelias, 311 _sq._\n\nJava, 34, 35\n\nJebu, the king of, 121\n\nJewish hunters, their customs as to blood of game, 241\n\nJinn, the servants of their magical names, 390\n\nJourney, purificatory ceremonies on return from a, 111 _sqq._;\n  continence observed on a, 204;\n  hair kept unshorn on a, 261\n\nJumping over wife or children as a ceremony, 112, 164 _n._1\n\nJuno Lucina, 294\n\nJunod, H. A., 152 _sqq._, 420 _n._1\n\nJupiter Liber, temple of, at Furfo, 230\n\n_Ka_, the ancient Egyptian, 28\n\nKachins of Burma, 200\n\nKaempfer\u2019s _History of Japan_, 3 _sq._\n\nKafirs of the Hindoo Koosh, 13 _n._6, 14 _n._2\n\nKaitish, the, 82, 295\n\nKalamba, the, a chief in the Congo region, 114\n\n_Kami_, the Japanese word for god, 2 _n._2\n\nKamtchatkans, their attempts to deceive mice, 399\n\nKaraits, the, 95\n\nKaren-nis of Burma, the, 13\n\nKarens, the Red, of Burma, 292;\n  their recall of the soul, 43;\n  their customs at funerals, 51\n\nKaro-Bataks, 52. _See also_ Battas\n\n_Katikiro_, the, of Uganda, 145 _n._4\n\nKavirondo, 176\n\nKayans of Borneo, 32, 47, 110, 164, 239\n\nKei Islanders, 53\n\nKenyahs of Borneo, 43, 415\n\nKey as symbol of delivery in childbed, 296\n\nKeys as charms against devils and ghosts, 234, 235, 236;\n  as amulets, 308. _See also_ Locks\n\nKhonds, rebirth of ancestors among the, 368 _sq._\n\nKickapoos, the, 171\n\nKidd, Dudley, 88 _n._\n\nKing not to be overshadowed, 83\n\n\u2014\u2014 of the Night, 23\n\nKing\u2019s Evil, the, 134\n\nKings, supernatural powers attributed to, 1;\n  beaten before their coronation, 18;\n  forbidden to see their mothers, 86;\n  portraits of, not stamped on coins, 98 _sq._;\n  guarded against the magic of strangers, 114 _sq._;\n  forbidden to use foreign goods, 115;\n  not to be seen eating and drinking, 117 _sqq._;\n  concealed by curtains, 120 _sq._;\n  forbidden to leave their palaces, 122 _sqq._;\n  compelled to dance, 123;\n  punished or put to death, 124;\n  not to be touched, 132, 225 _sq._;\n  their hair unshorn, 258 _sq._;\n  foods tabooed to, 291 _sq._;\n  names of, tabooed, 374 _sqq._;\n  taboos observed by, identical with those observed by commoners, 419\n              _sq._\n\nKings and chiefs tabooed, 131 _sqq._;\n  their spittle guarded against sorcerers, 289 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 fetish or religious, in West Africa, 22 _sqq._\n\nKingsley, Miss Mary H., 22 _n._3, 71, 123 _n._2, 251\n\nKiowa Indians, 357, 360\n\nKlallam Indians, the, 354\n\nKnife as charm against spirits, 232, 233, 234, 235\n\nKnives not to be left edge upwards, 238;\n  not used at funeral banquets, 238\n\nKnot, the Gordian, 316 _sq._\n\nKnots, prohibition to wear, 13;\n  untied at childbirth, 294, 296 _sq._, 297 _sq._;\n  thought to prevent the consummation of marriage, 299 _sqq._;\n  thought to cause sickness, disease, and all kinds of misfortune, 301\n              _sqq._;\n  used to cure disease, 303 _sqq._;\n  used to win a lover or capture a runaway slave, 305 _sq_.;\n  used as protective amulets, 306 _sqq._;\n  used as charms by hunters and travellers, 306;\n  as a charm to protect corn from devils, 308 _sq._;\n  on corpses untied, 310\n\n\u2014\u2014 and locks, magical virtue of, 310, 313\n\n\u2014\u2014 and rings tabooed, 293 _sqq._\n\nKoita, the, 168\n\nKoryak, the, 32\n\nKruijt, A. C., 319\n\nKublai Khan, 242\n\nKukulu, a priestly king, 5\n\nKwakiutl, the, 53;\n  customs observed by cannibals among the, 188 _sqq._;\n  change of names in summer and winter among the, 386\n\n_Kwun_, the spirit of the head, 252;\n  supposed to reside in the hair, 266 _sq._\n\nLafitau, J. F., 365 _sq._\n\nLampong in Sumatra, 10\n\nLamps to light the ghosts to their old homes, 371\n\nLanguage of husbands and wives, difference between, 347 sq.;\n  of men and women, difference between, 348 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 change of, caused by taboo on the names of the dead, 358 _sqq._, 375;\n  caused by taboo on the names of chiefs and kings, 375, 376 _sqq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 special, employed by hunters, 396, 398, 399, 400, 402, 404, 410;\n  employed by searchers for eagle-wood and _lignum aloes_, 404;\n  employed by searchers for camphor, 405 _sqq._;\n  employed by miners, 407, 409;\n  employed by reapers at harvest, 410 _sq._, 411 _sq._;\n  employed by sailors at sea, 413 _sqq._\n\nLaos, 306\n\nLapps, the, 294;\n  their customs after killing a bear, 221;\n  rebirth of ancestors among the, 368\n\nLatuka, the, 245\n\nLeaning against a tree prohibited to warriors, 162, 163\n\nLeavened bread, prohibition to touch, 13\n\nLeaving food over, taboos on, 126 _sqq._\n\nLeavings of food, magic wrought by means of, 118, 119, 126 _sqq._\n\nLegs not to be crossed, 295, 298 _sq._\n\nLeinster, kings of, 11\n\n_Leleen_, the, 129\n\nLengua Indians of the Gran Chaco, 38, 357\n\nLeonard, A. G., Major, 136 _sq._\n\nLesbos, building custom in, 89\n\nLewis, Rev. Thomas, 420 _n._1\n\nLife in the blood, 241, 250\n\nLimbs, amputated, kept by the owners against the resurrection, 281\n\nLion-killer, purification of, 176, 220\n\nLions not called by their proper names, 400\n\nLithuanians, the old, their funeral banquets, 238\n\nLiver, induration of the, attributed to touching sacred chief, 133\n\nLizard, soul in form of, 38\n\nLoango, taboos observed by kings of, 8, 9;\n  taboos observed by heir to throne of, 291\n\n\u2014\u2014 king of, forbidden to see a white man\u2019s house, 115;\n  not to be seen eating or drinking, 117 _sq._;\n  confined to his palace, 123;\n  refuse of his food buried, 129\n\nLocks unlocked at childbirth, 294, 296;\n  thought to prevent the consummation of marriage, 299;\n  as amulets, 308, 309;\n  unlocked to facilitate death, 309\n\n\u2014\u2014 and knots, magical virtue of, 309 _sq._ _See also_ Keys\n\nLolos, the, 43\n\nLook back, not to, 157\n\nLoom, men not allowed to touch a, 164\n\nLoss of the shadow regarded as ominous, 88\n\nLovers won by knots, 305\n\nLucan, 390\n\nLucian, 270, 382\n\nLucina, 294, 398 _sq._\n\nLucky names, 391 _n._1\n\nLycaeus, sanctuary of Zeus on Mount, 88\n\nLycosura, sanctuary of the Mistress at, 227 _n._, 314\n\nLying-in women, dread of, 150 _sqq._;\n  sacred, 151\n\nMack, an adventurer, 19\n\nMacusi Indians, 36, 159 _n._\n\nMadagascar, names of chiefs and kings tabooed in, 378 _sqq._\n\nMagic wrought by means of refuse of food, 126 _sqq._;\n  sympathetic, 126, 130, 164, 201, 204, 258, 268, 287;\n  homoeopathic, 151, 152, 207, 295, 298;\n  contagious, 246, 268, 272;\n  wrought through clippings of hair, 268 _sqq._, 275, 277, 278 _sq._;\n  wrought on a man through his name, 318, 320 _sqq._\n\nMagicians, Egyptian, their power of compelling the deities, 389 _sq._\n\nMahafalys of Madagascar, the, 10\n\nMakalaka, the, 369\n\nMakololo, the, 281\n\nMalagasy language, dialectical variations of, 378 _sq._, 380\n\nMalanau tribes of Borneo, 406\n\nMalay conception of the soul as a bird, 34 _sqq._\n  \u2014\u2014 miners, fowlers, and fishermen, special forms of speech employed by,\n              407 _sqq._\n  \u2014\u2014 Peninsula, art of abducting human souls in the, 73 _sqq._\n\nMaldives, the, 274\n\nMandalay, 90, 125\n\nMandan Indians, 97\n\nMandelings of Sumatra, 296\n\nMangaia, separation of religious and civil authority in, 20\n\nMangaians, the, 87\n\nManipur, hill tribes of, 292\n\nMannikin, the soul conceived as a, 26 _sqq._\n\nManslayers, purification of, 165 _sqq._;\n  secluded, 165 _sqq._;\n  tabooed, 165 _sqq._;\n  haunted by ghosts of slain, 165 _sqq._;\n  their faces blackened, 169;\n  their bodies painted, 175, 178, 179, 180, 186 _n._1;\n  their hair shaved, 175, 177\n\nMaori chiefs, their sanctity or taboo, 134 _sqq._;\n  their heads sacred, 256\n  \u2014\u2014 language, synonyms in the, 381\n\nMaoris, persons who have handled the dead tabooed among the, 138 _sq._;\n  tabooed on the war-path, 157\n\nMarco Polo, 242, 243\n\nMarianne Islands, 288\n\nMariner, W., quoted, 140\n\nMariners at sea, special language employed by, 413 _sqq._\n\nMarquesans, the, 31;\n  their regard for the sanctity of the head, 254 _sq._;\n  their customs as to the hair, 261 _sq._;\n  their dread of sorcery, 268\n\nMarquesas Islands, 178\n\nMarriage, the consummation of, prevented by knots and locks, 299 _sqq._\n\nMasai, the, 200, 309, 329, 354 _sq._, 356, 361\n\nMatthews, Dr. Washington, 385\n\nMeal sprinkled to keep off evil spirits, 112\n\nMeasuring shadows, 89 _sq._\n  \u2014\u2014 -tape deified, 91 _sq._\n\nMecca, pilgrims to, not allowed to wear knots and rings, 293 _sq._\n\nMedes, law of the, 121\n\nMekeo district of New Guinea, 24\n\nMen injured through their shadows, 78 _sqq._\n  \u2014\u2014 and women, difference of language between, 348 _sq._\n\nMenedemus, 227\n\nMenstruation, women tabooed at, 145 _sqq._\n\nMenstruous women, dread of, 145 _sqq._, 206;\n  avoidance of, by hunters, 211\n\nMentras, the, 404\n\nMerolla da Sorrento, 137\n\nMice thought to understand human speech, 399;\n  not to be called by their proper names, 399, 415\n\nMidas and his ass\u2019s ears, 258 _n._1;\n  king of Gordium, 316\n\nMikado, rules of life of the, 2 _sqq._;\n  supposed effect of using his dishes or clothes, 131;\n  the cutting of his hair and nails, 265\n\nMikados, their relations to the Tycoons, 19\n\nMiklucho-Maclay, Baron N. von, 109\n\nMilk, custom as to drinking, 119;\n  prohibition to drink, 141;\n  not to be drunk by wounded men, 174 _sq._;\n  wine called, 249 _n._2;\n  and beef not to be eaten at the same meal, 292\n\nMilkmen of the Todas, taboos observed by the holy, 15 _sqq._\n\nMiller, Hugh, 40\n\nMinahassa, a district of Celebes, 99;\n  the Alfoors of, 63\n\nMinangkabauers of Sumatra, 32, 36, 41\n\nMiners, special language employed by, 407, 409\n\nMirrors, superstitions as to, 93;\n  covered after a death, 94 _sq._\n\nMiscarriage in childbed, dread of, 149, 152 _sqq._;\n  supposed danger of concealing a, 211, 213\n\nMoab, Arabs of, 280;\n  their custom of shaving prisoners, 273\n\nMoabites, King David\u2019s treatment of the, 273 _sq._\n\nMohammed bewitched by a Jew, 302 _sq._\n\nMongols, their recall of the soul, 44;\n  sacred books of the, 384\n\nMontezuma, 121\n\nMonumbos, the, 169, 238\n\nMooney, J., 318 _sqq._\n\nMoquis, the, 228\n\nMoral guilt regarded as a corporeal pollution, 217 _sq._\n\nMorality developed out of taboo, 213 _sq._;\n  shifted from a natural to a supernatural basis, 213;\n  survival of savage taboos in civilised, 218 _sq._\n\nMorice, A. G., 146 _sq._\n\nMosyni or Mosynoeci, the, 124\n\nMother-in-law, the savage\u2019s dread of his, 83 _sqq._;\n  her name not to be mentioned by her son-in-law, 338, 339, 340, 341, 342,\n              343, 344, 345, 346\n\nMothers, African kings forbidden to see their, 86;\n  named after their children, 332, 333\n\nMourners, customs observed by, 31 _sq._, 159 n.;\n  tabooed, 138 _sqq._;\n  bodies of, smeared with mud or clay, 182 _n._2;\n  hair and nails of, cut at end of mourning, 285 _sq._\n\nMourning of slayers for the slain, 181\n\nMouse, soul in form of, 37, 39 _n._2\n\nMouth closed to prevent escape of soul, 31, 33;\n  soul in the, 33;\n  covered to prevent entrance of demons, etc., 122\n\nMuata Jamwo, the, 118, 290\n\nMud smeared on feet of bed, 14;\n  plastered on head, 182\n\nMunster, kings of, 11\n\nMurderers, taboos imposed on, 187 _sq._\n\nMurrams, the, of Manipur, 292\n\nMuysca Indians, 121\n\nMyths of gods and spirits to be told only in spring and summer, 384;\n  to be told only in winter, 385 _sq._;\n  not to be told by day, 384 _sq._\n\nNails, prohibition to cut finger-nails, 194;\n  of children not pared, 262 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 and hair, cut, disposal of, 267 _sqq._;\n  deposited in sacred places, 274 _sqq._;\n  stowed away in any secret place, 276 _sqq._;\n  kept for use at the resurrection, 279 _sqq._;\n  burnt to prevent them from falling into the hands of sorcerers, 281\n              _sqq._\n\nNails, iron, used as charms against fairies, demons, and ghosts, 233, 234,\n            236\n\n\u2014\u2014 parings of, used in rain-charms, 271, 272;\n  swallowed by treaty-makers, 246, 274\n\nName, the personal, regarded as a vital part of the man, 318 _sqq._;\n  identified with the soul, 319;\n  the same, not to be borne by two living persons, 370\n\nNames of relations tabooed, 335 _sqq._;\n  changed to deceive ghosts, 354 _sqq._;\n  of common objects changed when they are the names of the dead, 358\n              _sqq._, 375, or the names of chiefs and kings, 375, 376\n              _sqq._;\n  of ancestors bestowed on their reincarnations, 368 _sq._;\n  of kings and chiefs tabooed, 374 _sqq._;\n  of supernatural beings tabooed, 384 _sqq._;\n  of gods tabooed, 387 _sqq._;\n  of spirits and gods, magical virtue of, 389 _sqq._;\n  of Roman gods not to be mentioned, 391 _n._1;\n  lucky, 391 _n._1;\n  of dangerous animals not to be mentioned, 396 _sqq._\n\nNames, new, given to the sick and old, 319;\n  new, at initiation, 320\n\n\u2014\u2014 of the dead tabooed, 349 _sqq._;\n  not borne by the living, 354;\n  revived after a time, 365 _sqq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 personal, tabooed, 318 sqq.;\n  kept secret from fear of magic, 320 _sqq._;\n  different in summer and winter, 386\n\nNamesakes of the dead change their names to avoid attracting the attention\n            of the ghost, 355 _sqq._;\n  of deceased persons regarded as their reincarnations, 365 _sqq._\n\nNaming the dead a serious crime, 352, 354;\n  of children, solemnities at the, connected with belief in the\n              reincarnation of ancestors in their namesakes, 372\n\nNamosi, in Fiji, 264\n\nNandi, the, 175, 273, 310, 330\n\nNanumea, island of, 102\n\nNarbrooi, a spirit or god, 60\n\nNarcissus and his reflection, 94\n\nNarrinyeri, the, 126 _sq._\n\nNatchez, customs of manslayers among the, 181\n\n_Nats_, demons, 90\n\nNatural death of sacred king or priest, supposed fatal consequences of, 6,\n            7\n\nNavajo Indians, 112 _sq._, 325, 385\n\nNavel-string used to recall the soul, 48\n\nNazarite, vow of the, 262\n\nNelson, E. W., 228, 237\n\nNets to catch souls, 69 _sq._;\n  as amulets, 300, 307\n\nNew Britain, 85\n\n\u2014\u2014 Caledonia, 92, 141\n\n\u2014\u2014 everything, excites awe of savages, 230 _sqq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 fire made by friction, 286\n\n\u2014\u2014 Hebrides, the, 56, 127\n\n\u2014\u2014 names given to the sick and old, 319;\n  at initiation, 320\n\n\u2014\u2014 Zealand, sanctity of chiefs in, 134 _sqq._\n\nNias, island of, conception of the soul in, 29;\n  custom of the people of, 107;\n  special language of hunters in, 410;\n  special language employed by reapers in, 410 _sq._\n\nNicknames used in order to avoid the use of the real names, 321, 331\n\nNicobar Islands, customs as to shadows at burials in the, 80 _sq._\n\nNicobarese, the, 357;\n  changes in their language, 362 _sq._\n\nNieuwenhuis, Dr. A. W., 99\n\nNight, King of the, 23\n\nNine knots in magic, 302, 303, 304\n\nNoon, sacrifices to the dead at, 88;\n  superstitious dread of, 88\n\nNootka Indians, their idea of the soul, 27;\n  customs of girls at puberty among the, 146 _n._1;\n  their preparation for war, 160 _sq._\n\nNorth American Indians, their dread of menstruous women, 145;\n  their theory of names, 318 _sq._\n\nNorway, superstition as to parings of nails in, 283\n\nNose stopped to prevent the escape of the soul, 31, 71\n\nNostrils, soul supposed to escape by the, 30, 32, 33, 122\n\nNovelties excite the awe of savages, 230 _sqq._\n\nNovices at initiation, taboos observed by, 141 _sq._, 156 _sq._\n\nNubas, the, 132\n\nNufoors of New Guinea, 332, 341, 415\n\nObscene language in ritual, 154, 155\n\nO\u2019Donovan, E., 304\n\nOesel, island of, 42\n\nOjebways, the, 160\n\nOldfield, A., 350\n\nOmahas, customs as to murderers among the, 187\n\nOmens, reliance on, 110\n\nOne shoe on and one shoe off, 311 _sqq._\n\nOngtong Java Islands, 107\n\nOnitsha, the king of, 123\n\nOpening everything in house to facilitate childbirth, 296 _sq._\n\nOrestes, the matricide, 188, 287\n\nOro, war god, 69\n\nOrotchis, the, 232\n\nOt Danoms, the, 103\n\nOttawa Indians, the, 78\n\nOvambo, the, 227\n\nOvershadowed, danger of being, 82 _sq._\n\nOvid, on loosening the hair, 311\n\nOx, purification by passing through the body of an, 173\n\nPadlocks as amulets, 307\n\nPainting bodies of manslayers, 175, 178, 179, 180, 186 _n._1\n\nPalaces, kings not allowed to leave their, 122 _sqq._\n\n_Pantang_, taboo, 405\n\nPanther, ceremonies at the slaughter of a, 219\n\nParents named after their children, 331 _sqq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 -in-law, their names not to be pronounced, 338, 339, 340, 341, 342\n\nPartition of spiritual and temporal power between religious and civil\n            kings, 17 _sqq._\n\nPatagonians, the, 281\n\nPaton, W. R., 382 _n._4, 383 _n._1\n\nPawnees, the, 228\n\nPeace, ceremony at making, 274\n\nPelias and Jason, 311\n\nPentateuch, the, 219\n\nPepper in purificatory rites, 106, 114\n\nPerils of the soul, 26 _sqq._\n\nPerseus and the Gorgon, 312\n\nPersian kings, their custom at meals, 119\n\nPersons, tabooed, 131 _sqq._\n\nPhilosophy, primitive, 420 _sq._\n\n_Phong long_, ill luck caused by women in childbed, 155\n\nPhotographed or painted, supposed danger of being, 96 _sqq._\n\nPictures, supposed danger of, 96 _sq._\n\nPig, the word unlucky, 233\n\nPigeons, special language employed by Malays in snaring, 407 _sq._\n\nPilgrims to Mecca not allowed to wear knots and rings, 293 _sq._\n\nPimas, the purification of manslayers among the, 182 _sqq._\n\nPlataea, Archon of, forbidden to touch iron, 227;\n  escape of besieged from, 311\n\nPliny on crossed legs and clasped hands, 298;\n  on knotted threads, 303\n\nPlutarch, 249\n\nPoison, continence observed at brewing, 200\n\n\u2014\u2014 ordeal, 15\n\nPolar bear, taboos concerning the, 209\n\nPolemarch, the, at Athens, 22\n\nPollution or sanctity, their equivalence in primitive religion, 145, 158,\n            224\n\n\u2014\u2014 and holiness not differentiated by savages, 224\n\nPolynesia, names of chiefs tabooed in, 381\n\nPolynesian chiefs sacred, 136\n\n_Pons Sublicius_, 230\n\nPort Moresby, 203\n\nPorto Novo, 23\n\nPortraits, souls in, 96 _sqq._;\n  supposed dangers of, 96 _sqq._\n\nPowers, S., 326\n\nPregnancy, husband\u2019s hair kept unshorn during wife\u2019s, 261;\n  conduct of husband during wife\u2019s, 294, 295;\n  superstitions as to knots during wife\u2019s, 294 _sq._\n\nPregnant women, their superstitions about shadows, 82 _sq._\n\nPremature birth, 213. _See_ Miscarriage\n\nPricking patient with needles to expel demons of disease, 106\n\nPriests to be shaved with bronze, 226;\n  their hair unshorn, 259, 260;\n  foods tabooed to, 291\n\nPrisoners shaved, 273;\n  released at festivals, 316\n\nPropitiation of the souls of the slain, 166;\n  of spirits of slain animals, 190, 204 _sq._;\n  of ancestors, 197\n\nPrussians, the old, their funeral feasts, 238\n\n_Pulque_, 201, 249\n\nPuppets or dolls employed for the restoration of souls to their bodies, 53\n            _sqq._\n\nPurge as mode of ceremonial purification, 175\n\nPurification of city, 188;\n  of Pimas after slaying Apaches, 182 _sqq._;\n  of hunters and fishers, 190 _sq._;\n  of moral guilt by physical agencies, 217 _sq._;\n  by cutting the hair, 283 _sqq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 of manslayers, 165 _sqq._;\n  intended to rid them of the ghosts of the slain, 186 _sq._\n\nPurificatory ceremonies at reception of strangers, 102 _sqq._;\n  on return from a journey, 111 _sqq._\n\nPurity, ceremonial, observed in war, 157\n\nPygmies, the African, 282\n\nPythagoras, maxims of, 314 _n._2\n\nPython, punishment for killing a, 222\n\nQuartz used at circumcision instead of iron, 227\n\nQueensland, aborigines of, 159 _n._\n\nRa and Isis, 387 _sqq._\n\nRabbah, siege of, 273\n\nRain caused by cut or combed out hair, 271, 272;\n  word for, not to be mentioned, 413\n\n\u2014\u2014 -charm by pouring water, 154 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 -makers, their hair unshorn, 259 _sq._\n\nRainbow, the, a net for souls, 79\n\n_Ramanga_, 246\n\nRaven, soul as a, 34\n\nRaw flesh not to be looked on, 239\n\n\u2014\u2014 meat, prohibition to touch or name, 13\n\nReapers, special language employed by, 410 _sq._, 411 _sq._\n\nReasoning, definite, at the base of savage custom, 420 _n._1\n\nRebirth of ancestors in their descendants, 368 _sq._\n\nRecall of the soul, 30 _sqq._\n\nRed, bodies of manslayers painted, 175, 179;\n  faces of manslayers painted, 185, 186 _n._1\n\nReflection, the soul identified with the, 92 _sqq._\n\nReflections in water or mirrors, supposed dangers of, 93 _sq._\n\nRefuse of food, magic wrought by means of, 126 _sqq._\n\nRegeneration, pretence of, 113\n\nReincarnation of the dead in their namesakes, 365 _sqq._;\n  of ancestors in their descendants, 368 _sqq._\n\nReindeer, taboos concerning, 208\n\nRelations, names of, tabooed, 335 _sqq._\n\nRelationship, terms of, used as terms of address, 324 _sq._\n\nRelease of prisoners at festivals, 316\n\nReligion, passage of animism into, 213\n\nReluctance to accept sovereignty on account of taboos attached to it, 17\n            _sqq._\n\nRemnants of food buried as a precaution against sorcery, 118, 119, 127\n            _sq._, 129\n\nResemblance of child to father, supposed danger of, 88 _sq._\n\nResurrection, cut hair and nails kept for use at the, 279 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 of the dead effected by giving their names to living persons, 365\n            _sqq._\n\nRhys, Professor Sir John, 12 _n._2;\n  on personal names, 319\n\nRice used to attract the soul conceived as a bird, 34 _sqq._, 45 _sqq._;\n  soul of, not to be frightened, 412\n\n\u2014\u2014 -harvest, special language employed by reapers at, 410 _sq._, 411 _sq._\n\nRing, broken, 13;\n  on ankle as badge of office, 15\n\nRings used to prevent the escape of the soul, 31;\n  as spiritual fetters, 313 _sqq._;\n  as amulets, 314 _sqq._;\n  not to be worn, 314\n\n\u2014\u2014 and knots tabooed, 293 _sqq._\n\nRivers, Dr. W. H. R., 17\n\nRivers, prohibition to cross, 9 _sq._\n\nRobertson, Sir George Scott, 14 _notes_\n\nRoepstorff, F. A. de, 362 _sq._\n\nRoman gods, their names not to be mentioned, 391 _n._1\n\n\u2014\u2014 superstition about crossed legs, 298\n\nRomans, their evocation of gods of besieged cities, 391\n\nRome, name of guardian deity of Rome kept secret, 391\n\nRoscoe, Rev. J., 85 _n._1, 145 _n._4, 195 _n._1, 254 _n._5, 277 _n._10\n\nRoth, W. E., 356\n\nRotti, custom as to cutting child\u2019s hair in the island of, 276, 283;\n  custom as to knots at marriage in the island of, 301\n\nRoumanian building superstition, 89\n\nRoyal blood not to be shed on the ground, 241 _sqq._\n\nRoyalty, the burden of, 1 _sqq._\n\nRules of life observed by sacred kings and priests, 1 _sqq._\n\nRunaways, knots as charm to stop, 305 _sq._\n\nRussell, F., 183 _sq._\n\nSabaea or Sheba, kings of, 124\n\nSacred chiefs and kings regarded as dangerous, 131 _sqq._, 138;\n  their analogy to mourners, homicides, and women at menstruation and\n              childbirth, 138\n\nSacred and unclean, correspondence of rules regarding the, 145\n\nSacrifices to ghosts, 56, 166;\n  to the dead, 88;\n  at foundation of buildings, 89 _sqq._;\n  to ancestral spirits, 104\n\nSagard, Gabriel, 366 _sq._\n\nSahagun, B. de, 249\n\nSailors at sea, special language employed by, 413 _sqq._\n\nSakais, the, 348\n\nSakalavas of Madagascar, the, 10, 327;\n  customs as to names of dead kings among the, 379 _sq._\n\nSalish Indians, 66\n\nSalmon, taboos concerning, 209\n\nSalt not to be eaten, 167, 182, 184, 194, 195, 196;\n  name of, tabooed, 401\n\n\u2014\u2014 -pans, continence observed by workers in, 200\n\nSamoyeds, 353\n\nSanctity of the head, 252 _sqq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 or pollution, their equivalence in primitive religion, 145, 158, 224\n\nSankara and the Grand Lama, 78\n\nSaragacos Indians, 152\n\n_Satapatha Brahmana_, 217\n\nSaturday, persons born on a, 89\n\nSaturn, the planet, 315\n\nSavage, our debt to the, 419 _sqq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 custom the product of definite reasoning, 420 _n._1\n\n\u2014\u2014 philosophy, 420 _sq._\n\nSaxons of Transylvania, 294\n\nScapegoat, 214 _sq._\n\nScarification of warriors, 160 _sq._;\n  of bodies of whalers, 191\n\nScaring away the ghosts of the slain, 168, 170, 171, 172, 174 _sq._\n\nSchoolcraft, H. R., 325\n\nScotch fowlers and fishermen, words tabooed by, 393 _sqq._\n\nScotland, common words tabooed in, 392 _sqq._\n\nScratching the person or head, rules as to, 146, 156, 158, 159 _n._, 160,\n            181, 183, 189, 196\n\nScrofula thought to be caused and cured by touching a sacred chief or\n            king, 133 _sq._\n\nSea, horror of the, 10;\n  offerings made to the, 10;\n  prohibition to look on the, 10;\n  special language employed by sailors at, 413 _sqq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 -mammals, atonement for killing, 207;\n  myth of their origin, 207\n\nSeals, supposed influence of lying-in women on, 152;\n  taboos observed after the killing of, 207 _sq._, 209, 213\n\nSeclusion of those who have handled the dead, 138 _sqq._;\n  of women at menstruation and childbirth, 145 _sqq._, 147 _sqq._;\n  of tabooed persons, 165;\n  of manslayers, 166 _sqq._;\n  of cannibals, 188 _sqq._;\n  of men who have killed large game, 220 _sq._\n\nSecret names among the Central Australian aborigines, 321 _sq._\n\nSedna, an Esquimau goddess, 152, 207, 208, 209, 210, 211, 213\n\nSemangat, Malay word for the soul, 28, 35\n\nSemites, moral evolution of the, 219\n\nSeoul, capital of Corea, 283\n\nSerpents, purificatory ceremonies observed after killing, 221 _sqq._\n\nServius, on Dido\u2019s costume, 313\n\nSeven knots in magic, 303, 304, 308\n\nSewing as a charm, 307\n\nShades of dead animals, fear of offending, 205, 206, 207\n\nShadow, the soul identified with the, 77 _sqq._;\n  injury done to a man through his, 78 _sqq._;\n  diminution of shadow regarded with apprehension, 86 _sq._;\n  loss of the, regarded as ominous, 88;\n  not to fall on a chief, 255\n\nShadows drawn out by ghosts, 80;\n  animals injured through their, 81 _sq._;\n  of trees sensitive, 82;\n  of certain birds and people viewed as dangerous, 82 _sq._;\n  built into the foundations of edifices, 89 _sq._;\n  of mourners dangerous, 142;\n  of certain persons dangerous, 173\n\nShamans among the Thompson Indians, 57 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 Buryat, their mode of recovering lost souls, 56 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 Yakut, 63\n\nShark Point, priestly king at, 5\n\nSharp instruments, use of, tabooed, 205\n\n\u2014\u2014 weapons tabooed, 237 _sqq._\n\nShaving prisoners, reason of, 273\n\nSheep used in purificatory ceremony, 174, 175;\n  shoulder-blades of, used in divination, 229\n\nShetland fishermen, their tabooed words, 394\n\nShoe untied at marriage, 300;\n  custom of going with one shoe on and one shoe off, 311 _sqq._\n\nShoulder-blades, divination by, 229\n\nShuswap Indians, the, 83, 142\n\nSiam, kings of, 226, 241;\n  names of kings of, concealed from fear of sorcery, 375\n\nSiamese children, ceremony at cutting their hair, 265 _sqq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 view of the sanctity of the head, 252 _sq._\n\nSick man, attempts to prevent the escape of the soul of, 30 _sqq._\n\nSick people not allowed to sleep, 95;\n  sprinkled with pungent spices, 105 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 -room, mirrors covered up in, 95\n\nSickness explained by the absence of the soul, 42 _sqq._;\n  caused by ancestral spirits, 53\n\nSierra Leone, priests and kings of, 14 _sq._, 18\n\n\u2014\u2014 Nevada of Colombia, 215, 216\n\nSigurd and Fafnir, 324\n\nSikhim, kings of, 20\n\nSilkworms, taboos observed by breeders of, 194\n\nSimpson, W., 125 _n._3\n\nSin regarded as something material, 214, 216, 217 _sq._\n\nSinghalese, 297; their fear of demons, 233 _sq._\n\nSins, confession of, 114, 191, 195, 211 _sq._, 214 _sqq._;\n  originally a magical ceremony, 217\n\nSisters-in-law, their names not to be pronounced, 338, 342, 343\n\nSit, Egyptian god, 68\n\nSitting on the ground prohibited to warriors, 159, 162, 163\n\nSkull-cap worn by girls at their first menstruation, 146;\n  worn by Australian widows, 182 _n._2\n\nSkulls of ancestors rubbed as a propitiation, 197;\n  of dead used as drinking-cups, 372\n\nSlain, ghosts of the, fear of the, 165 _sqq._\n\nSlave Coast, the, 9\n\nSlaves, runaway, charm for recovering, 305 _sq._\n\nSleep, absence of soul in, 36 _sqq._;\n  sick people not allowed to, 95;\n  forbidden in house after a death, 37 _sq._;\n  forbidden to unsuccessful eagle-hunter, 199\n\nSleeper not to be wakened suddenly, 39 _sqq._;\n  not to be moved nor his appearance altered, 41 _sq._\n\nSmallpox not mentioned by its proper name, 400, 410, 411, 416\n\nSmearing blood on the person as a purification, 104, 115;\n  on persons, dogs, and weapons as a mode of pacifying their souls, 219\n\n\u2014\u2014 bodies of manslayers with porridge, 176\n\n\u2014\u2014 porridge or fat on the person as a purification, 112\n\n\u2014\u2014 sheep\u2019s entrails on body as mode of purification, 174\n\nSmith, W, Robertson, 77 _n._1, 96 _n._1, 243 _n._7, 247 _n._5\n\nSmith\u2019s craft regarded us uncanny, 236 _n._5\n\nSnakes not called by their proper names, 399, 400, 401 _sq._, 411\n\nSnapping the thumbs to prevent the departure of the soul, 31\n\nSnares set for souls, 69\n\nSon-in-law, his name not to be pronounced, 338 _sq._, 344, 345\n\nSorcerers, souls extracted or detained by, 69 _sqq._;\n  make use of cut hair and other bodily refuse, 268 _sq._, 274 _sq._;\n  278, 281 sq. _See also_ Magic\n\nSoul conceived as a mannikin, 26 _sqq._;\n  the perils of the, 26 _sqq._;\n  ancient Egyptian conception of the, 28 _sq._;\n  representations of the soul in Greek art, 29 _n._1;\n  as a butterfly, 29 _n._1, 41, 51 _sq._;\n  absence and recall of the, 30 _sqq._;\n  attempts to prevent the soul from escaping from the body, 30 _sqq._;\n  sickness attributed to the absence of the, 32, 42 _sqq._;\n  tied by thread or string to the body, 32 _sq._, 43, 51;\n  conceived as a bird, 33 _sqq._;\n  absent in sleep, 36 _sqq._;\n  in form of mouse, 37, 39 _n._2;\n  in form of lizard, 38;\n  in form of fly, 39;\n  caught in a cloth, 46, 47, 48, 52, 53, 64, 67, 75 _sq._;\n  identified with the shadow, 77 _sqq._;\n  identified with the reflection in water or a mirror, 92 _sqq._;\n  supposed to escape at eating and drinking, 116;\n  in the blood, 240, 241, 247, 250;\n  identified with the personal name, 319;\n  of rice not to be frightened, 412\n\nSouls, every man thought to have four, 27, 80;\n  light and heavy, thin and fat, 29;\n  transferred to other bodies, 49;\n  impounded in magic fence, 56;\n  abducted by demons, 58 _sqq_.;\n  transmigrate into animals, 65;\n  brought back in a visible form, 65 _sqq._;\n  caught in snares or nets, 69 _sqq._;\n  extracted or detained by sorcerers, 69 _sqq._;\n  in tusks of ivory, 70;\n  conjured into jars, 70;\n  in boxes, 70, 76;\n  shut up in calabashes, 72;\n  transferred from the living to the dead, 73;\n  gathered into a basket, 72;\n  wounded and bleeding, 73;\n  supposed to be in portraits, 96 _sqq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 of beasts respected, 223\n\n\u2014\u2014 of the dead all malignant, 145;\n  cannot go to the spirit-land till the flesh has decayed from their\n              bones, 372 _n._5\n\n\u2014\u2014 of the slain, propitiation of, 166\n\nSovereignty, reluctance to accept the, on account of its burdens, 17\n            _sqq._\n\nSpells cast by strangers, 112;\n  at hair-cutting, 264 _sq._\n\nSpenser, Edmund, 244 _sq._\n\nSpices used in exorcism of demons, 105 _sq._\n\nSpirit of dead apparently supposed to decay with the body, 372\n\nSpirits averse to iron, 232 _sqq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 of land, conciliation of the, 110 _sq._\n\nSpiritual power, its divorce from temporal power, 17 _sqq._\n\nSpitting forbidden, 196;\n  as a protective charm, 279, 286;\n  upon knots as a charm, 302\n\nSpittle effaced or concealed, 288 _sqq._;\n  tabooed, 287 _sqq._;\n  used in magic, 268, 269, 287 _sqq._;\n  used in making a covenant, 290\n\nSpoil taken from enemy purified, 177\n\nSpoons used in eating by tabooed persons, 141, 148, 189\n\nSprained leg, cure for, 304 _sq._\n\nSpring and summer, myths of divinities and spirits to be told only in, 384\n\nSprinkling with holy water, 285 _sq._\n\nSt. Sylvester\u2019s Day, 88\n\nStabbing reflections in water to injure the persons reflected, 93\n\nStade, Hans, captive among Brazilian Indians, 231\n\nStandard of conduct shifted from natural to supernatural basis, 213\n\nStepping over persons or things forbidden, 159 _sq._, 194, 423 _sqq._;\n  over dead panther, 219.\n  _See also_ Jumping\n\nStone knives and arrow-heads used in religious ritual, 228\n\nStones on which a man\u2019s shadow should not fall, 80\n\nStorms caused by cutting or combing the hair, 271, 282\n\nStrange land, ceremonies at entering a, 109 _sqq._\n\nStrangers, taboos on intercourse with, 101 _sqq._;\n  suspected of practising magical arts, 102;\n  ceremonies at the reception of, 102 _sqq._;\n  dread of, 102 _sqq._;\n  spells cast by, 112;\n  killed, 113\n\nString or thread used to tie soul to body, 32 _sq._, 43, 51\n\nStrings, knotted, as amulets, 309.\n  _See also_ Cords, Threads\n\n\u201cStrong names\u201d of kings of Dahomey, 374\n\nSulka, the, 151, 331\n\nSultan Bayazid and his soul, 50\n\nSultans veiled, 120\n\nSumba, custom as to the names of princes in the island of, 376\n\nSummer, myths of gods and spirits not to be told in, 385 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 and winter, personal names different in, 386\n\nSun not allowed to shine on sacred persons, 3, 4, 6\n\n\u2014\u2014 -god draws away souls, 64 _sq._\n\nSunda, tabooed words in, 341, 415\n\nSupernatural basis of morality, 213 _sq._\n\nSupernatural beings, their names tabooed, 384 _sqq._\n\nSuperstition a crutch to morality, 219\n\nSwaheli charm, 305 _sq._\n\nSweating as a purification, 142, 184\n\nSwelling and inflammation thought to be caused by eating out of sacred\n            vessels or by wearing sacred garments, 4\n\nSympathetic connexion between a person and the severed parts of his body,\n            267 _sq._, 283\n\n\u2014\u2014 magic, 164, 201, 204, 258, 268, 287\n\nSynonyms adopted in order to avoid naming the dead, 359 _sqq._;\n  in the Zulu language, 377;\n  in the Maori language, 381\n\nTaboo of chiefs and kings in Tonga, 133 _sq._;\n  of chiefs in New Zealand, 134 _sqq._;\n  Esquimaux theory of, 210 _sqq._;\n  the meaning of, 224\n\n\u2014\u2014 rajah and chief, 24 _sq._\n\nTabooed acts, 101 _sqq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 hands, 138, 140 _sqq._, 146 _sqq._, 158, 159 _n._\n\n\u2014\u2014 persons, 131 _sqq._;\n  secluded, 165\n\n\u2014\u2014 things, 224 _sqq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 words, 318 _sqq._\n\nTaboos, royal and priestly, 1 _sqq._;\n  on intercourse with strangers, 101 _sqq._;\n  on eating and drinking, 116 _sqq._;\n  on shewing the face, 120 _sqq._;\n  on quitting the house, 122 _sqq._;\n  on leaving food over, 126 _sqq._;\n  on persons who have handled the dead, 138 _sqq._;\n  on warriors, 157 _sqq._;\n  on manslayers, 165 _sqq._;\n  imposed on murderers, 187 _sq._;\n  imposed on hunters and fishers, 190 _sqq._;\n  transformed into ethical precepts, 214;\n  survivals of, in morality, 218 _sq._;\n  as spiritual insulators, 224;\n  on sharp weapons, 237 _sqq._;\n  on blood, 239 _sqq._;\n  relating to the head, 252 _sqq._;\n  on hair, 258 _sqq._;\n  on spittle, 287 _sqq._;\n  on foods, 291 _sqq._;\n  on knots and rings, 293 _sqq._;\n  on words, 318 _sqq._, 392 _sqq._;\n  on personal names, 318 _sqq._;\n  on names of relations, 335 _sqq._;\n  on the names of the dead, 349 _sqq._;\n  on names of kings and chiefs, 374 _sqq._;\n  on names of supernatural beings, 384 _sqq._;\n  on names of gods, 387 _sqq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 observed by the Mikado, 3 _sq._;\n  by headmen in Assam, 11;\n  by ancient kings of Ireland, 11 _sq._;\n  by the Flamen Dialis, 13 _sq._;\n  by the Bodia or Bodio, 15;\n  by sacred milkmen among the Todas, 16 _sqq._\n\nTahiti, 255\n\nTahiti, kings of, 226;\n  abdicate on birth of a son, 20;\n  their names not to be pronounced, 381 _sq._\n\nTails of cats docked as a magical precaution, 128 _sq._\n\nTales, wandering souls in popular, 49 _sq._\n\nTara, the old capital of Ireland, 11\n\nTartar Khan, ceremony at visiting a, 114\n\nTeeth, loss of, supposed effect of breaking a taboo, 140;\n  loosened by angry ghosts, 186 _n._1;\n  as a rain-charm, 271;\n  extracted, kept against the resurrection, 280.\n  _See also_ Tooth\n\nTemple at Jerusalem, the, 230\n\nTemporary reincarnation of the dead in their living namesakes, 371\n\n_Tendi_, Batta word for soul, 45.\n  _See also_ Tondi\n\nTepehuanes, the, 97\n\nTerms of relationship used as terms of address, 324 _sq._\n\nThakambau, 131\n\nThebes in Egypt, priestly kings of, 13\n\nTheocracies in America, 6\n\nThesmophoria, release of prisoners at, 316\n\nThessalian witch, 390\n\nThings tabooed, 224 _sqq._\n\nThompson Indians of British Columbia, 37 _sq._;\n  customs of mourners among the, 142 _sq._\n\nThomson, Joseph, 98\n\nThorn bushes to keep off ghosts, 142\n\nThread or string used to tie soul to body, 32 _sq._, 43, 51\n\nThreads, knotted, in magic, 303, 304 _sq._, 307\n\nThree knots in magic, 304, 305\n\nThumbs snapped to prevent the departure of the soul, 31\n\nThunderstorms caused by cut hair, 271, 282\n\nThurn, E. F. im, 324 _sq._\n\nTigers not called by their proper names, 401, 402, 403 _sq._, 410, 415;\n  called dogs, 402;\n  called jackals, 402, 403\n\nTimines of Sierra Leone, 18\n\nTimor, fetish or taboo rajah in, 24;\n  customs as to war in, 165 _sq._\n\nTin ore, Malay superstitions as to, 407\n\nTinneh or D\u00e9n\u00e9 Indians, 145 _sq._\n\nToboongkoos of Celebes, 48, 78\n\nTodas, holy milkmen of the, 15 _sqq._\n\nTogoland, 247\n\nTolampoos, the, 319\n\nTolindoos, the, 78\n\n_Tondi_, Batta word for soul, 35.\n  _See also_ Tendi\n\nTonga, divine chiefs in, 21;\n  the taboo of chiefs and kings in, 133 _sq._;\n  taboos connected with the dead in, 140\n\nTonquin, division of monarchy in, 19 _sq._;\n  kings of, 125\n\n_Tooitonga_, divine chief of Tonga, 21\n\nTooth knocked out as initiatory rite, 244.\n  _See also_ Teeth\n\nToradjas, tabooed names among the, 340;\n  their field-speech, 411 _sqq._\n\nTouching sacred king or chief, supposed effects of, 132 _sqq._\n\nTrading voyages, continence observed on, 203\n\nTradition, historical, hampered by the taboo on the names of the dead, 363\n            _sqq._\n\nTransference of souls from the living to the dead, 73;\n  of souls to other bodies, 49;\n  of sins, 214 _sqq._\n\nTransgressions, need of confessing, 211 _sq._\n  _See also_ Sins\n\nTransmigration of souls into animals, 65\n\nTransylvania, the Germans of, 296, 310\n\nTraps set for souls, 70 _sq._\n\nTravail, women in, knots on their garments untied, 294.\n  _See also_ Childbirth\n\nTravellers, knots used as charms by, 306\n\nTree-spirits, fear of, 412 _sq._\n\nTrees, the shadows of trees sensitive, 82;\n  cut hair deposited on or under, 14, 275 _sq._, 286\n\nTuaregs, the, 117, 122; their fear of ghosts, 353\n\nTumleo, island of, 150\n\nTupi Indians, their customs as to eating captives, 179 _sq._\n\nTurtle catching, taboos in connexion with, 192\n\nTusks of ivory, souls in, 70\n\nTwelfth Night, 396\n\nTwins, water poured on graves of, 154 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 father of, taboos observed by the, 239 _sq._;\n  his hair shaved and nails cut, 284\n\nTycoons, the, 19\n\nTying the soul to the body, 32 _sq._, 43\n\nTylor, E. B., on reincarnation of ancestors, 372 _n._1\n\nUganda, 84, 86, 112, 145, 164 _n._1, 239, 243, 254, 263, 277, 330, 369.\n  _See also_ Baganda\n\nUlster, kings of, 12\n\nUnclean and sacred, correspondence of the rules regarding the, 145\n\nUncleanness regarded as a vapour, 152, 206;\n  of manslayers, of menstruous and lying-in women, and of persons who have\n              handled the dead, 169;\n  of whalers, 191, 207;\n  of lion-killer, 220;\n  of bear-killers, 221\n\nUncovered in the open air, prohibition to be, 3, 14\n\nUnyoro, king of, his custom of drinking milk, 119;\n  cowboy of the king of, 159 _n._;\n  diet of the king of, 291 _sq._\n\nVapour thought to be exhaled by lying-in women and hunters, 152, 206;\n  supposed, of blood and corpses, 210 _sq._;\n  supposed to be produced by the violation of a taboo, 212\n\nVaruna, festival of, 217\n\nVeiling faces to avert evil influences, 120 _sqq._\n\nVenison, taboos concerning, 208 _sq._\n\nVermin from hair returned to their owner, 278\n\nVessels used by tabooed persons destroyed, 4, 131, 139, 145, 156, 284\n\n\u2014\u2014 special, employed by tabooed persons, 138, 139, 142, 143, 144, 145,\n            146, 147, 148, 160, 167, 185, 189, 197, 198\n\nVictims, sacrificial, carried round city, 188\n\nVine, prohibition to walk under a, 14, 248\n\nVirgil, the enchantress in, 305;\n  on rustic militia of Latium, 311\n\nVow, hair kept unshorn during a, 261 _sq._, 285\n\nWabondei, the, 272\n\nWadai, Sultan of, 120\n\n_Wakan_, mysterious, sacred, taboo, 225 _n._\n\nWakelbura, the, 31\n\nWallis Island, 140\n\nWalrus, taboos concerning, 208 _sq._\n\nWanigela River, 192\n\nWanika, the, 247\n\nWanyamwesi, the, 112, 330\n\nWanyoro (Banyoro), the, 278\n\nWar, continence in, 157, 158 _n._1, 161, 163, 164, 165;\n  rules of ceremonial purity observed in, 157 _sqq._;\n  hair kept unshorn in, 261\n\n\u2014\u2014 chief, or war king, 20, 21, 24\n\n\u2014\u2014 -dances, 169, 170, 178, 182\n\nWarm food tabooed, 189\n\nWarramunga, the, 384\n\nWarriors tabooed, 157 _sqq._\n\nWashing the head, 253. _See_ Bathing\n\nWater poured as a rain-charm, 154 _sq._;\n  holy, sprinkling with, 285 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 -spirits, danger of, 94\n\nWax figure in magic, 74\n\nWeapons of manslayers, purification of, 172, 182, 219\n\nWedding ring, an amulet against witchcraft, 314\n\nWere-wolf, 42\n\nWhale, solemn burial of dead, 223\n\nWhalers, taboos observed by, 191 _sq._, 205 _sqq._\n\nWheaten flour, prohibition to touch, 13\n\nWhite, faces and bodies of manslayers painted, 175, 186 _n._1;\n  lion-killer painted, 220\n\n\u2014\u2014 clay, Caffre boys at circumcision smeared with, 156\n\nWhydah, king of, 129\n\nWidows and widowers, customs observed by, 142 _sq._, 144 _sq._, 182 _n._2\n\nWied, Prince of, 96\n\nWife\u2019s mother, the savage\u2019s dread of his, 83 _sqq._;\n  her name not to be pronounced by her son-in-law, 337, 338, 343\n\n\u2014\u2014 name not to be pronounced by her husband, 337, 338, 339\n\nWild beasts not called by their proper names, 396 _sqq._\n\nWilkinson, R. J., 416 _n._4\n\nWillow wands as disinfectants, 143\n\nWindessi, in New Guinea, 169\n\nWinds kept in jars, 5\n\nWine, the blood of the vine, 248;\n  called milk, 249 _n._2\n\nWing-bone of eagle used to drink through, 189\n\nWinter, myths of gods and spirits to be told only in, 385 _sq._\n\nWirajuri, the, 269\n\nWitch\u2019s soul departs from her in sleep, 39, 41, 42\n\nWitches make use of cut hair, 270, 271, 279, 282\n\nWollunqua, a mythical serpent, 384\n\nWolofs of Senegambia, 323\n\nWolves, charms to protect cattle from, 307;\n  not to be called by their proper names, 396, 397, 398, 402\n\nWomen tabooed at menstruation and childbirth, 145 _sqq._;\n  abstinence from, during war, 157, 158 _n._1, 161, 163, 164;\n  in childbed holy, 225 _n._;\n  blood of, dreaded, 250 _sq._\n\nWomen\u2019s clothes, supposed effects of touching, 164 _sq._\n\n\u201cWomen\u2019s speech\u201d among the Caffres, 335 _sq._\n\nWords tabooed, 318 _sqq._;\n  savages take a materialistic view of words, 331\n\n\u2014\u2014 common, changed because they are the names of the dead, 358 _sqq._,\n            375,\n  or the names of chiefs and kings, 375, 376 _sqq._;\n  tabooed, 392 _sqq._\n\nWounded men not allowed to drink milk, 174 _sq._\n\nWrist tied to prevent escape of soul, 32, 43, 51\n  \u2014\u2014 bands as amulets, 315\n\nWurunjeri tribe, 42\n\nXenophanes, on the gods, 387\n\nYabim, the, 151, 306, 354, 386\n\nYakut shaman, 63\n\nYams, Feast of, 123\n\nYaos, the, 97 _sq._\n\nYawning, soul supposed to depart in, 31\n\nYewe order, secret society in Togo, 383\n\nYorubas, rebirth of ancestors among the, 369\n\nZapotecs of Mexico, the pontiff of the, 6 _sq._\n\nZend-Avesta, the, on cut hair and nails, 277\n\nZeus on Mount Lycaeus, sanctuary of, 88\n\nZulu language, its diversity, 377\n\nZulus, names of chiefs and kings tabooed among the, 376 _sq._;\n  their superstition as to reflections in water, 91\n\n\n\n\n\n\nFOOTNOTES\n\n\n   M1 Life of divine kings and priests regulated by minute rules. The\n      Mikado or Dairi of Japan.\n\n    1 See _The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, vol. i. pp. 332\n      _sqq._, 373 _sqq._\n\n_    2 The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, vol. i. pp. 352 _sqq._\n\n_    3 Manners and Customs of the Japanese in the Nineteenth Century: from\n      recent Dutch Visitors to Japan, and the German of Dr. Ph. Fr. von\n      Siebold_ (London, 1841), pp. 141 _sqq._\n\n    4 W. G. Aston, _Shinto_ (_the Way of the Gods_) (London, 1905), p. 41;\n      Michel Revon, _Le Shinto\u00efsme_, i. (Paris, 1907), pp. 189 _sqq._ The\n      Japanese word for god or deity is _kami_. It is thus explained by\n      the native scholar Moto\u00f6ri, one of the chief authorities on Japanese\n      religion: \u201cThe term _Kami_ is applied in the first place to the\n      various deities of Heaven and Earth who are mentioned in the ancient\n      records as well as their spirits (_mi-tama_) which reside in the\n      shrines where they are worshipped. Moreover, not only human beings,\n      but birds, beasts, plants and trees, seas and mountains, and all\n      other things whatsoever which deserve to be dreaded and revered for\n      the extraordinary and pre-eminent powers which they possess, are\n      called _Kami_. They need not be eminent for surpassing nobleness,\n      goodness, or serviceableness alone. Malignant and uncanny beings are\n      also called _Kami_ if only they are the objects of general dread.\n      Among _Kami_ who are human beings I need hardly mention first of all\n      the successive Mikados\u2014with reverence be it spoken.... Then there\n      have been numerous examples of divine human beings both in ancient\n      and modern times, who, although not accepted by the nation\n      generally, are treated as gods, each of his several dignity, in a\n      single province, village, or family.\u201d Hirata, another native\n      authority on Japanese religion, defines _kami_ as a term which\n      comprises all things strange, wondrous, and possessing _isao_ or\n      virtue. And a recent dictionary gives the following definitions:\n      \u201c_Kami_. 1. Something which has no form but is only spirit, has\n      unlimited supernatural power, dispenses calamity and good fortune,\n      punishes crime and rewards virtue. 2. Sovereigns of all times, wise\n      and virtuous men, valorous and heroic persons whose spirits are\n      prayed to after their death. 3. Divine things which transcend human\n      intellect. 4. The Christian God, Creator, Supreme Lord.\u201d See W. G.\n      Aston, _Shinto_ (_the Way of the Gods_), pp. 8-10, from which the\n      foregoing quotations are made. Mr. Aston himself considers that \u201cthe\n      deification of living Mikados was titular rather than real,\u201d and he\n      adds: \u201cI am not aware that any specific so-called miraculous powers\n      were authoritatively claimed for them\u201d (_op. cit._ p. 41). No doubt\n      it is very difficult for the Western mind to put itself at the point\n      of view of the Oriental and to seize the precise point (if it can be\n      said to exist) where the divine fades into the human or the human\n      brightens into the divine. In translating, as we must do, the vague\n      thought of a crude theology into the comparatively exact language of\n      civilised Europe we must allow for a considerable want of\n      correspondence between the two: we must leave between them, as it\n      were, a margin of cloudland to which in the last resort the deity\n      may retreat from the too searching light of philosophy and science.\n\n    5 M. Revon, _op. cit._ i. 190 n.2\n\n   M2 Rules of life formerly observed by the Mikado.\n\n    6 Kaempfer, \u201cHistory of Japan,\u201d in Pinkerton\u2019s _Voyages and Travels_,\n      vii. 716 _sq._ However, Mr. W. G. Aston tells us that Kaempfer\u2019s\n      statements regarding the sacred character of the Mikado\u2019s person\n      cannot be depended on (_Shinto, the Way of the Gods_, p. 41, note\n      \u2020). M. Revon quotes Kaempfer\u2019s account with the observation that,\n      \u201c_les na\u00efvet\u00e9s rec\u00e8lent plus d\u2019une id\u00e9e juste_\u201d (_Le Shinto\u00efsme_,\n      vol. i. p. 191, note 2). To me it seems that Kaempfer\u2019s description\n      is very strongly confirmed by its close correspondence in detail\n      with the similar customs and superstitions which have prevailed in\n      regard to sacred personages in many other parts of the world and\n      with which it is most unlikely that Kaempfer was acquainted. This\n      correspondence will be brought out in the following pages.\n\n    7 In Pinkerton\u2019s reprint this word appears as \u201cmobility.\u201d I have made\n      the correction from a comparison with the original (Kaempfer,\n      _History of Japan_, translated from the original Dutch manuscript by\n      J. G. Scheuchzer, London, 1728, vol. i. p. 150).\n\n    8 Caron, \u201cAccount of Japan,\u201d in Pinkerton\u2019s _Voyages and Travels_,\n      vii. 613. Compare B. Varenius, _Descriptio regni Japoniae et Siam_\n      (Cambridge, 1673), p. 11: \u201c_Nunquam attingebant (quemadmodum et\n      hodie id observat) pedes ipsius terram: radiis Solis caput nunquam\n      illustrabatur: in apertum a\u00ebrem non procedebat_,\u201d etc. The first\n      edition of this book was published by Elzevir at Amsterdam in 1649.\n      The _Geographia Generalis_ of the same writer had the honour of\n      appearing in an edition revised and corrected by Isaac Newton\n      (Cambridge, at the University Press, 1672).\n\n   M3 Rules of life observed by kings and priests in Africa and America.\n\n    9 A. Bastian, _Die deutsche Expedition an der Loango-K\u00fcste_ (Jena,\n      1874-75), i. 287 _sq._, compare pp. 353 _sq._\n\n   10 H. Klose, _Togo unter deutscher Flagge_ (Berlin, 1899), pp. 189,\n      268.\n\n   11 J. B. Labat, _Relation historique de l\u2019\u00c9thiopie occidentale_ (Paris,\n      1732), i. 254 _sqq._\n\n   12 Ch. Wunenberger, \u201cLa Mission et le royaume de Humb\u00e9, sur les bords\n      du Cun\u00e8ne,\u201d _Missions Catholiques_, xx. (1888) p. 262.\n\n   13 See _The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, vol. i. pp. 415\n      _sq._\n\n   14 Brasseur de Bourbourg, _Histoire des nations civilis\u00e9es du Mexique\n      et de l\u2019Am\u00e9rique-centrale_, iii. 29 _sq._; H. H. Bancroft, _Native\n      Races of the Pacific States_, ii. 142 _sq._\n\n   M4 The rules of life imposed on kings in early society are intended to\n      preserve their lives for the good of their people.\n   M5 Taboos observed by African kings.\n\n   15 A. Bastian, _Die deutsche Expedition an der Loango-K\u00fcste_, i. 355.\n\n   16 O. Dapper, _Description de l\u2019Afrique_ (Amsterdam, 1686), p. 336.\n\n   17 O. Baumann, _Eine afrikanische Tropen-Insel, Fernando P\u00f3o und die\n      Bube_ (Wien und Olm\u00fctz, 1888), pp. 103 _sq._\n\n   M6 Taboos observed by African kings. Prohibition to see the sea.\n\n   18 G. Z\u00fcndel, \u201cLand und Volk der Eweer auf der Sclavenk\u00fcste in\n      Westafrika,\u201d _Zeitschrift der Gesellschaft f\u00fcr Erdkunde zu Berlin_,\n      xii. (1877) p. 402.\n\n   19 B\u00e9raud, \u201cNote sur le Dahom\u00e9,\u201d _Bulletin de la Soci\u00e9t\u00e9 de G\u00e9ographie_\n      (Paris), Vme S\u00e9rie, xii. (1866) p. 377.\n\n   20 A. Bastian, _Die deutsche Expedition an der Loango-K\u00fcste_, i. 263.\n\n   21 Bosman\u2019s \u201cGuinea,\u201d in Pinkerton\u2019s _Voyages and Travels_, xvi. 500.\n\n   22 A. Dalzell, _History of Dahomey_ (London, 1793), p. 15; Th.\n      Winterbottom, _An Account of the Native Africans in the\n      Neighbourhood of Sierra Leone_ (London, 1803), pp. 229 _sq._\n\n   23 J. B. L. Durand, _Voyage au S\u00e9n\u00e9gal_ (Paris, 1802), p. 55.\n\n   24 W. S. Taberer (Chief Native Commissioner for Mashonaland),\n      \u201cMashonaland Natives,\u201d _Journal of the African Society_, No. 15\n      (April 1905). p. 320.\n\n   25 A. van Gennep, _Tabou et tot\u00e9misme \u00e0 Madagascar_ (Paris, 1904), p.\n      113.\n\n   26 Father Porte, \u201cLes Reminiscences d\u2019un missionnaire du Basutoland,\u201d\n      _Missions Catholiques_, xxviii. (1896) p. 235.\n\n   27 Plutarch, _Isis et Osiris_, 32.\n\n   28 P. J. de Arriaga, _Extirpacion de la idolatria del Piru_ (Lima,\n      1621), pp. 11, 132.\n\n   29 W. Marsden, _History of Sumatra_ (London, 1811), p. 301.\n\n   M7 Taboos observed by chiefs among the Sakalavas and the hill tribes of\n      Assam.\n\n   30 A. van Gennep, _Tabou et tot\u00e9misme \u00e0 Madagascar_, p. 113, quoting De\n      Thuy, _\u00c9tude historique, g\u00e9ographique et ethnographique sur la\n      province de Tul\u00e9ar_, Notes, Rec., Expl., 1899, p. 104.\n\n   31 T. C. Hodson, \u201cThe _genna_ amongst the Tribes of Assam,\u201d _Journal of\n      the Anthropological Institute_, xxxvi. (1906) p. 98. The word for\n      taboo among these tribes is _genna_.\n\n   M8 Taboos observed by Irish kings.\n\n   32 The Duibhlinn is the part of the Liffey on which Dublin now stands.\n\n   33 The site, marked by the remains of some earthen forts, is now known\n      as Rathcroghan, near Belanagare in the county of Roscommon.\n\n_   34 The Book of Rights_, edited with translation and notes by John\n      O\u2019Donovan (Dublin, 1847), pp. 3-8. This work, comprising a list both\n      of the prohibitions (_urgharta_ or _geasa_) and the prerogatives\n      (_buadha_) of the Irish kings, is preserved in a number of\n      manuscripts, of which the two oldest date from 1390 and about 1418\n      respectively. The list is repeated twice, first in prose and then in\n      verse. I have to thank my friend Professor Sir J. Rhys for kindly\n      calling my attention to this interesting record of a long-vanished\n      past in Ireland. As to these taboos, see P. W. Joyce, _Social\n      History of Ancient Ireland_, i. 310 _sqq._\n\n   M9 Taboos observed by Egyptian kings.\n\n   35 See _The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, vol. i. pp. 418\n      _sqq._\n\n   36 Diodorus Siculus, i. 70.\n\n   37 G. Maspero, _Histoire ancienne des peuples de l\u2019Orient classique_,\n      ii. 759, note 3; A. Moret, _Du caract\u00e8re religieux de la royaut\u00e9\n      Pharaonique_ (Paris, 1902), pp. 314-318.\n\n   38 (Sir) J. G. Scott, _Gazetteer of Upper Burma and the Shan States_,\n      part ii. vol. i. (Rangoon, 1901) p. 308.\n\n  M10 Taboos observed by the Flamen Dialis at Rome.\n\n   39 See _The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, vol. ii. pp. 191 sq.\n\n   40 Among the Gallas the king, who also acts as priest by performing\n      sacrifices, is the only man who is not allowed to fight with\n      weapons; he may not even ward off a blow. See Ph. Paulitschke,\n      _Ethnographie Nordost-Afrikas: die geistige Cultur der Dan\u00e2kil,\n      Galla und Som\u00e2l_, p. 136.\n\n   41 Among the Kafirs of the Hindoo Koosh men who are preparing to be\n      headmen are considered ceremonially pure, and wear a semi-sacred\n      uniform which must not be defiled by coming into contact with dogs.\n      \u201cThe Kaneash [persons in this state of ceremonial purity] were\n      nervously afraid of my dogs, which had to be fastened up whenever\n      one of these august personages was seen to approach. The dressing\n      has to be performed with the greatest care, in a place which cannot\n      be defiled with dogs. Utah and another had convenient dressing-rooms\n      on the top of their houses which happened to be high and isolated,\n      but another of the four Kaneash had been compelled to erect a\n      curious-looking square pen made of poles in front of his house, his\n      own roof being a common thoroughfare\u201d (Sir George Scott Robertson,\n      _The Kafirs of the Hindu Kush_ (London, 1898), p. 466).\n\n   42 Similarly the Egyptian priests abstained from beans and would not\n      even look at them. See Herodotus, ii. 37, with A. Wiedemann\u2019s note;\n      Plutarch, _Isis et Osiris_, 5.\n\n   43 Similarly among the Kafirs of the Hindoo Koosh the high priest \u201cmay\n      not traverse certain paths which go near the receptacles for the\n      dead, nor may he visit the cemeteries. He may not go into the actual\n      room where a death has occurred until after an effigy has been\n      erected for the deceased. Slaves may cross his threshold, but must\n      not approach the hearth\u201d (Sir George Scott Robertson, _op. cit._ p.\n      416).\n\n   44 Aulus Gellius, x. 15; Plutarch, _Quaest, Rom._ 109-112; Pliny, _Nat.\n      Hist._ xxviii. 146; Servius on Virgil, _Aen._ i. 179, 448, iv. 518;\n      Macrobius, _Saturn._ i. 16. 8 _sq._; Festus, p. 161 A, ed. C. O.\n      M\u00fcller. For more details see J. Marquardt, _R\u00f6mische\n      Staatsverwaltung_, iii.2 326 _sqq._\n\n  M11 Taboos observed by the Bodia of Sierra Leone.\n\n   45 Sir Harry Johnston, _Liberia_ (London, 1906), ii. 1076 _sq._,\n      quoting from Bishop Payne, who wrote \u201csome fifty years ago.\u201d The\n      Bodia described by Bishop Payne is clearly identical with the Bodio\n      of the Grain Coast who is described by the Rev. J. L. Wilson\n      (_Western Africa_, pp. 129 _sqq._). See below, p. 23; and _The Magic\n      Art and the Evolution of Kings_, vol. i. p. 353. As to the iron ring\n      which the pontiff wears on his ankle as the badge of his office we\n      are told that it \u201cis regarded with as much veneration as the most\n      ancient crown in Europe, and the incumbent suffers as deep disgrace\n      by its removal as any monarch in Europe would by being deprived of\n      his crown\u201d (J. L. Wilson, _op. cit._ pp. 129 _sq._).\n\n  M12 Taboos observed by sacred milkmen among the Todas of South India.\n\n   46 W. H. R. Rivers, _The Todas_ (London, 1906), pp. 98-103.\n\n   47 For restrictions imposed on these lesser milkmen see W. H. R.\n      Rivers, _op. cit._ pp. 62, 66, 67 _sq._, 72, 73, 79-81.\n\n   48 W. H. R. Rivers, _The Todas_, pp. 79-81.\n\n  M13 The effect of these burdensome rules was to divorce the temporal\n      from the spiritual authority.\n  M14 Reluctance to accept sovereignty with its vexatious restrictions.\n\n_   49 The Magic Art_, vol. ii. p. 4.\n\n_   50 Id._ vol. i. pp. 354 _sq._\n\n   51 A. Bastian, _Die deutsche Expedition an der Loango-K\u00fcste_, i. 354\n      _sq._, ii. 9, 11.\n\n   52 Zweifel et Moustier, \u201cVoyage aux sources du Niger,\u201d _Bulletin de la\n      Soci\u00e9t\u00e9 de G\u00e9ographie_ (Paris), VIme S\u00e9rie, xx. (1880) p. 111.\n\n   53 O. Dapper, _Description de l\u2019Afrique_ (Amsterdam, 1686), p. 250.\n\n   54 J. Matthews, _Voyage to Sierra-Leone_ (London, 1791), p. 75.\n\n   55 T. Winterbottom, _Account of the Native Africans in the\n      Neighbourhood of Sierra Leone_ (London, 1803), p. 124.\n\n_   56 The Travels of the Jesuits in Ethiopia_, collected and historically\n      digested by F. Balthazar Tellez (London, 1710), pp. 197 _sq._\n\n  M15 Sovereign powers divided between a temporal and a spiritual head.\n\n_   57 Manners and Customs of the Japanese_, pp. 199 _sqq._, 355 _sqq._\n\n   58 Richard, \u201cHistory of Tonquin,\u201d in Pinkerton\u2019s _Voyages and Travels_,\n      ix. 744 _sqq._\n\n   59 L. A. Waddell, _Among the Himalayas_ (Westminster, 1899), pp. 146\n      _sq._\n\n   60 W. Ellis, _Polynesian Researches_, Second Edition (London,\n      1832-1836), iii. 99 _sqq._\n\n   61 W. W. Gill, _Myths and Songs of the South Pacific_, pp. 293 _sqq._\n\n   62 The late Rev. Lorimer Fison, in a letter to the author, dated August\n      26, 1898.\n\n   63 W. Mariner, _An Account of the Natives of the Tonga Islands_, Second\n      Edition (London, 1818), ii. 75-79, 132-136.\n\n   64 Strabo, vii. 3. 5, pp. 297 _sq._ Compare _id._ vii. 3. 11, p. 304.\n\n   65 Aristotle, _Constitution of Athens_, iii. 2. My friend Professor\n      Henry Jackson kindly called my attention to this passage.\n\n   66 See _The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, vol. i. p. 416, and\n      above, p. 6.\n\n  M16 Fetish kings and civil kings in West Africa.\n\n   67 Miss Mary H. Kingsley in _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_,\n      xxix. (1899) pp. 61 _sqq._ I had some conversation on this subject\n      with Miss Kingsley (1st June 1897) and have embodied the results in\n      the text. Miss Kingsley did not know the rule of succession among\n      the fetish kings.\n\n   68 T. J. Hutchinson, _Impressions of Western Africa_ (London, 1858),\n      pp. 101 _sq._; Le Comte C. N. de Cardi, \u201cJu-ju Laws and Customs in\n      the Niger Delta,\u201d _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xxix.\n      (1899) p. 51.\n\n   69 H. Goldie, _Calabar and its Mission_, New Edition (London, 1901), P.\n      43.\n\n   70 J. L. Wilson, _Western Africa_ (London, 1856), p. 129. As to the\n      taboos observed by the Bodio or Bodia see above, p. 15.\n\n   71 Miss Mary H. Kingsley, in _Journal of the Anthropological\n      Institute_, xxix. (1899) p. 62.\n\n  M17 The King of the Night.\n\n   72 Marchoux, \u201cEthnographie, Porto-Novo,\u201d _Revue Scientifique_,\n      Quatri\u00e8me S\u00e9rie, iii. (1895) pp. 595 _sq._ This passage was pointed\n      out to me by Mr. N. W. Thomas.\n\n   73 O. von Kotzebue, _Entdeckungs-Reise in die S\u00fcd-See und nach der\n      Berings-Strasse_ (Weimar, 1821), iii. 149.\n\n  M18 Civil rajahs and taboo rajahs in the East Indies.\n\n   74 J. J. de Hollander, _Handleiding bij de Beofening der Land- en\n      Volkenkunde van Nederlandsch Oost-Indi\u00eb_, ii. 606 _sq._ In other\n      parts of Timor the spiritual ruler is called _Anaha paha_ or\n      \u201cconjuror of the land.\u201d Compare H. Zondervan, \u201cTimor en de\n      Timoreezen,\u201d _Tijdschrift van het Nederlandsch Aardrijkskundig\n      Genootschap_, Tweede Serie, v. (1888) Afdeeling, mehr uitgebreide\n      artikelen, pp. 400-402.\n\n   75 A. C. Haddon, _Head-hunters, Black, White, and Brown_ (London,\n      1901), pp. 270-272.\n\n   76 Dr. Hahl, \u201cMittheilungen \u00fcber Sitten und rechtliche Verh\u00e4ltnisse auf\n      Ponape,\u201d _Ethnologisches Notizblatt_, ii. Heft 2 (Berlin, 1901), pp.\n      5 _sq._, 7. The title of the prime-minister is _Nanekin_.\n\n  M19 What is the primitive conception of death?\n  M20 Savages conceive the human soul as a mannikin, the prolonged absence\n      of which from the body causes death.\n  M21 The soul as a mannikin in Australia, America, and among the Malays.\n\n   77 R. Salvado, _M\u00e9moires historiques sur l\u2019Australie_ (Paris, 1854), p.\n      162; _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, vii. (1878) p. 282.\n      In this edifying catechism there is little to choose between the\n      savagery of the white man and the savagery of the black.\n\n_   78 Relations des J\u00e9suites_, 1634, p. 17; _id._, 1636, p. 104; _id._,\n      1639, p. 43 (Canadian reprint, Quebec, 1858).\n\n   79 H. Rink, _Tales and Traditions of the Eskimo_, p. 36. The Esquimaux\n      of Bering Strait believe that every man has several souls, and that\n      two of these souls are shaped exactly like the body. See E. W.\n      Nelson, \u201cThe Eskimo about Bering Strait,\u201d _Eighteenth Annual Report\n      of the Bureau of American Ethnology_, part i. (Washington, 1899) p.\n      422.\n\n   80 Fr. Boas, in _Sixth Report on the North-Western Tribes of Canada_,\n      p. 44 (separate reprint from the _Report of the British Association\n      for 1890_).\n\n   81 Fr. Boas, in _Ninth Report on the North-Western Tribes of Canada_,\n      p. 461 (_Report of the British Association for 1894_).\n\n   82 W. W. Skeat, _Malay Magic_ (London, 1900), p. 47.\n\n  M22 The soul as a mannikin in ancient Egypt.\n\n   83 G. Maspero, _\u00c9tudes de mythologie et d\u2019arch\u00e9ologie \u00e9gyptiennes_\n      (Paris, 1893), i. 388 _sq._; A. Wiedemann, _The ancient Egyptian\n      Doctrine of the Immortality of the Soul_ (London, 1895), pp. 10\n      _sqq._ In Greek works of art, especially vase-paintings, the human\n      soul is sometimes represented as a tiny being in human form,\n      generally winged, sometimes clothed and armed, sometimes naked. See\n      O. Jahn, _Arch\u00e4ologische Beitr\u00e4ge_ (Berlin, 1847), pp. 128 _sqq._;\n      E. Pottier, _\u00c9tude sur les l\u00e9cythes blancs attiques_ (Paris, 1883),\n      pp. 75-79; _American Journal of Archaeology_, ii. (1886) pll. xii.,\n      xiii.; O. Kern, in _Aus der Anomia, Arch\u00e4ologische Beitr\u00e4ge Carl\n      Robert zur Erinnerung an Berlin dargebracht_ (Berlin, 1890), pp.\n      89-95. Greek artists of a later period sometimes portrayed the human\n      soul in the form of a butterfly (O. Jahn, _op. cit._ pp. 138\n      _sqq._). There was a particular sort of butterfly to which the\n      Greeks gave the name of soul (\u03c8\u03c5\u03c7\u03ae). See Aristotle, _Hist. anim._ v.\n      19, p. 550 b 26, p. 551 b 13 _sq._; Plutarch, _Quaest. conviv._ ii.\n      3. 2.\n\n  M23 The soul as a mannikin in Nias, Fiji, and India.\n\n   84 W. W. Gill, _Myths and Songs of the South Pacific_ (London, 1876),\n      p. 171.\n\n   85 H. Sundermann, \u201cDie Insel Nias und die Mission daselbst,\u201d\n      _Allgemeine Missions-Zeitschrift_, Bd. xi. October 1884, p. 453.\n\n   86 The late Rev. Lorimer Fison, in a letter to the author, dated\n      November 3, 1898.\n\n   87 H. A. Rose, \u201cNote on Female Tattooing in the Panj\u00e2b,\u201d _Indian\n      Antiquary_, xxxi. (1902) p. 298.\n\n  M24 Attempts to prevent the soul from escaping from the body.\n\n   88 B. F. Matthes, _Over de Bissoes of heidensche priesters en\n      priesteressen der Boeginezen_ (Amsterdam, 1872), p. 24 (reprinted\n      from the _Verhandelingen der Koninklijke Akademie van\n      Wetenschappen_, Afdeeling Letterkunde, Deel vii.).\n\n   89 A. C. Haddon, _Head-hunters_, p. 439.\n\n   90 H. Ling Roth, \u201cLow\u2019s Natives of Borneo,\u201d _Journal of the\n      Anthropological Institute_, xxi. (1892) p. 115.\n\n   91 A. C. Haddon, _Head hunters_, pp. 371, 396.\n\n   92 H. Candelier, _Rio-Hacha et les Indiens Goajires_ (Paris, 1893), pp.\n      258 _sq._\n\n   93 R. Southey, _History of Brazil_, iii. 396.\n\n   94 G. M. Dawson, \u201cOn the Haida Indians of the Queen Charlotte Islands,\u201d\n      _Geological Survey of Canada, Report of Progress for 1878-1879_\n      (Montreal, 1880), pp. 123 B, 139 B.\n\n_   95 Panjab Notes and Queries_, ii. p. 114, \u00a7 665.\n\n   96 M. Radiguet, _Les Derniers Sauvages_ (Paris, 1882), p. 245; Matthias\n      G\u2014\u2014, _Lettres sur Iles les Marquises_ (Paris, 1843), p. 115; Clavel,\n      _Les Marquisiens_, p. 42 note.\n\n   97 Gagni\u00e8re, in _Annales de la Propagation de la Foi_, xxxii. (1860) p.\n      439.\n\n   98 F. Blumentritt, \u201cDas Stromgebiet des Rio Grande de Mindano,\u201d\n      _Petermanns Mitteilungen_, xxxvii. (1891) p. 111.\n\n   99 A. d\u2019Orbigny, _L\u2019Homme am\u00e9ricain_, ii. 241; T. J. Hutchinson, \u201cThe\n      Chaco Indians,\u201d _Transactions of the Ethnological Society of\n      London_, N.S., iii. (1865) pp. 322 _sq._; A. Bastian, _Culturl\u00e4nder\n      des alten Amerika_, i. 476. A similar custom is observed by the\n      Cayuvava Indians (A. d\u2019Orbigny, _op. cit._ ii. 257).\n\n  100 E. Modigliani, _Un Viaggio a N\u00edas_ (Milan, 1890), p. 283.\n\n  101 A. W. Howitt, _Native Tribes of South-East Australia_ (London,\n      1904), p. 473.\n\n  102 Fr. Boas, \u201cThe Central Eskimo,\u201d _Sixth Annual Report of the Bureau\n      of Ethnology_ (Washington, 1888), pp. 613 _sq._ Among the Esquimaux\n      of Smith Sound male mourners plug up the right nostril and female\n      mourners the left (E. Bessels in _American Naturalist_, xviii.\n      (1884) p. 877; cp. J. Murdoch, \u201cEthnological Results of the Point\n      Barrow Expedition,\u201d _Ninth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology_\n      (Washington, 1892), p. 425). This seems to point to a belief that\n      the soul enters by one nostril and goes out by the other, and that\n      the functions assigned to the right and left nostrils in this\n      respect are reversed in men and women. Among the Esquimaux of Baffin\n      land \u201cthe person who prepares a body for burial puts rabbit\u2019s fur\n      into his nostrils to prevent the exhalations from entering his own\n      lungs\u201d (Fr. Boas, \u201cThe Eskimo of Baffin Land and Hudson Bay,\u201d\n      _Bulletin of the American Museum of Natural History_, xv. part i.\n      (1901) p. 144). But this would hardly explain the custom of stopping\n      one nostril only.\n\n  103 G. F. Lyon, _Private Journal_ (London, 1824), p. 370.\n\n  104 B. F. Matthes, _Bijdragen tot de Ethnologie van Zuid-Celebes_ (The\n      Hague, 1875), p. 54.\n\n  105 J. L. van der Toorn, \u201cHet animisme bij den Minangkabauer der\n      Padangsche Bovenlanden,\u201d _Bijdragen tot de Taal- Land- en\n      Volkenkunde van Nederlandsch-Indi\u00eb_, xxxix. (1890) p. 56.\n\n  106 C. Hose and R. Shelford, \u201cMaterials for a Study of Tatu in Borneo,\u201d\n      _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xxxvi. (1906) p. 65.\n\n  107 W. Jochelson, \u201cThe Koryak, Religion and Myths\u201d (Leyden and New York,\n      1905), p. 103 (_Memoir of the American Museum of Natural History,\n      The Jesup North Pacific Expedition_, vol. vi. part i.).\n\n  108 W. F. A. Zimmermann, _Die Inseln des Indischen und Stillen Meeres_\n      (Berlin, 1864-65), ii. 386 _sq._\n\n  109 Compare \u03c4\u03bf\u1fe6\u03c4\u03bf\u03bd \u03ba\u03b1\u03c4\u1fbd \u1f64\u03bc\u03bf\u03c5 \u03b4\u03b5\u1fd6\u03c1\u03bf\u03bd \u1f04\u03c7\u03c1\u03b9\u03c2 \u1f21 \u03c8\u03c5\u03c7\u1f74 | \u03b1\u1f50\u03c4\u03bf\u1fe6 \u1f10\u03c0\u1f76 \u03c7\u03b5\u03b9\u03bb\u03ad\u03c9\u03bd\n      \u03bc\u03bf\u1fe6\u03bd\u03bf\u03bd \u1f21 \u03ba\u03b1\u03ba\u1f74 \u03bb\u03b5\u03b9\u03c6\u03b8\u1fc7, Herodas, _Mimiambi_, iii. 3 _sq._; \u03bc\u03cc\u03bd\u03bf\u03bd \u03bf\u1f50\u03ba\n      \u1f10\u03c0\u1f76 \u03c4\u03bf\u1fd6\u03c2 \u03c7\u03b5\u03af\u03bb\u03b5\u03c3\u03b9 \u03c4\u1f70\u03c2 \u03c8\u03c5\u03c7\u1f70\u03c2 \u1f15\u03c7\u03bf\u03bd\u03c4\u03b1\u03c2, Dio Chrysostom, _Orat._ xxxii.\n      vol. i. p. 417, ed. Dindorf; modern Greek \u03bc\u1f72 \u03c4\u1f74 \u03c8\u03c5\u03c7\u1f74 \u1fbd\u03c2 \u03c4\u1f70 \u03b4\u03cc\u03bd\u03c4\u03b9\u03b1,\n      G. F. Abbott, _Macedonian Folklore_, p. 193 note; \u201c_mihi anima in\n      naso esse, stabam tanquam mortuus_,\u201d Petronius, _Sat._ 62; \u201c_in\n      primis labris animam habere_,\u201d Seneca, _Natur. quaest._ iii. praef.\n      16; \u201c_Voil\u00e0 un pauvre malade qui a le feu dans le corps, et l\u2019\u00e2me\n      sur le bout des l\u00e8vres_,\u201d J. de Brebeuf, in _Relations des\n      J\u00e9suites_, 1636, p. 113 (Canadian reprint); \u201cThis posture keeps the\n      weary soul hanging upon the lip; ready to leave the carcass, and yet\n      not suffered to take its wing,\u201d R. Bentley, \u201cSermon on Popery,\u201d\n      quoted in Monk\u2019s _Life of Bentley_,2 i. 382. In Czech they say of a\n      dying person that his soul is on his tongue (Br. Jel\u00ednek, in\n      _Mittheilungen der anthropolog. Gesellschaft in Wien_, xxi. (1891)\n      p. 22).\n\n  M25 The soul conceived as a bird ready to fly away.\n\n  110 Compare the Greek \u03c0\u03bf\u03c4\u03ac\u03bf\u03bc\u03b1\u03b9, \u1f00\u03bd\u03b1\u03c0\u03c4\u03b5\u03c1\u03cc\u03c9, etc.\n\n  111 K. von den Steinen, _Unter den Naturv\u00f6lkern Zentral-Brasiliens_\n      (Berlin, 1894), pp. 511, 512.\n\n  112 Fr. Boas, in _Seventh Report on the North-Western Tribes of Canada_,\n      pp. 14 _sq._ (separate reprint of the _Report of the British\n      Association for 1891_).\n\n  113 R. H. Codrington, _The Melanesians_, pp. 207 _sq._\n\n  114 Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ vii. 174. Compare Herodotus, iv. 14 _sq._;\n      Maximus Tyr\u00edus, _Dissert._ xvi. 2.\n\n  115 Br. Jel\u00ednek, \u201cMaterialien zur Vorgeschichte und Volkskunde B\u00f6hmens,\u201d\n      _Mittheilungen der anthropologischen Gesellschaft in Wien_, xxi.\n      (1891) p. 22.\n\n  116 G. A. Wilken, \u201cHet animisme bij de volken van den Indischen\n      Archipel,\u201d _De Indische Gids_, June 1884, p. 944.\n\n  117 G. A. Wilken, _l.c._\n\n  118 E. L. M. K\u00fchr, \u201cSchetsen uit Borneo\u2019s Westerafdeeling,\u201d _Bijdragen\n      tot de Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde van Nederlandsch-Indie_, xlvii.\n      (1897) p. 57.\n\n  119 B. F. Matthes, _Bijdragen tot de Ethnologie van Zuid-Celebes_, p.\n      33; _id._, _Over de Bissoes of heidensche priesters en priesteressen\n      der Boeginezen_, pp. 9 _sq._; _id._, _Makassaarsch-Hollandsch\n      Woordenboek_, _s.vv._ _K\u00f4err\u00f3e_ and _soem\u0101\u00f1g\u00e1_, pp. 41, 569. Of\n      these two words, the former means the sound made in calling fowls,\n      and the latter means the soul. The expression for the ceremonies\n      described in the text is _\u00e1pak\u00f4err\u00f3e soem\u0101\u00f1g\u00e1_. So common is the\n      recall of the bird-soul among the Malays that the words _koer (kur)\n      semangat_ (\u201ccluck! cluck! soul!\u201d) often amount to little more than\n      an expression of astonishment, like our \u201cGood gracious me!\u201d See W.\n      W. Skeat, _Malay Magic_, p. 47, note 2.\n\n  120 B. F. Matthes, \u201cOver de _\u00e2d\u00e1\u2019s_ of gewoonten der Makassaren en\n      Boegineezen,\u201d _Verslagen en Mededeelingen der koninklijke Akademie\n      van Wetenschappen_ (Amsterdam), Afdeeling Letterkunde, Reeks iii.\n      Deel ii. (1885) pp. 174 _sq._; J. K. Niemann, \u201cDe Boegineezen en\n      Makassaren,\u201d _Bijdragen tot de Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde van\n      Nederlandsch-Indi\u00eb_, xxxviii.(1889) p. 281.\n\n  121 A. C. Kruyt, \u201cHet koppensnellen der Toradja\u2019s,\u201d _Verslagen en\n      Mededeelingen der koninklijke Akademie van Wetenschappen_\n      (Amsterdam), Afdeeling Letterkunde, Reeks iv. Deel iii. (1899) p.\n      162.\n\n  122 J. L. van der Toorn, \u201cHet animisme bij den Minangkabauer der\n      Padangsche Bovenlanden,\u201d _Bijdragen tot de Taal- Land- en\n      Volkenkunde van Nederlandsch-Indi\u00eb_, xxxix. (1890) pp. 56-58. On\n      traces of the bird-soul in Mohammedan popular belief, see I.\n      Goldziher, \u201cDer Seelenvogel im islamischen Volksglauben,\u201d _Globus_,\n      lxxxiii. (1903) pp. 301-304; and on the soul in bird-form generally,\n      see J. von Negelein, \u201cSeele als Vogel,\u201d _Globus_, lxxix. (1901) pp.\n      357-361, 381-384.\n\n  M26 The soul is supposed to be absent in sleep.\n\n  123 K. von den Steinen, _Unter den Naturv\u00f6lkern Zentral-Brasiliens_, p.\n      340; E. F. im Thurn, _Among the Indians of Guiana_, pp. 344 _sqq._\n\n  124 V. Fric, \u201cEine Pilcomayo-Reise in den Chaco Central,\u201d _Globus_,\n      lxxxix. (1906) p. 233.\n\n  M27 The soul absent in sleep may be prevented from returning to the\n      body.\n\n  125 Shway Yoe, _The Burman, his Life and Notions_ (London, 1882), ii.\n      100.\n\n  126 R. Andree, _Braunschweiger Volkskunde_ (Brunswick, 1896), p. 266.\n\n  127 H. von Wlislocki, _Volksglaube und Volksbrauch der Siebenb\u00fcrger\n      Sachsen_ (Berlin, 1893), p. 167.\n\n  128 J. L. Wilson, _Western Africa_ (London, 1856), p. 220; A. B. Ellis,\n      _The Ewe-speaking Peoples of the Slave Coast_, p. 20.\n\n  129 J. G. F. Riedel, _De sluik- en kroesharige rassen tusschen Selebes\n      en Papua_, p. 267. For detention of a sleeper\u2019s soul by spirits and\n      consequent illness, see also Mason, quoted in A. Bastian\u2019s _Die\n      V\u00f6lker des \u00f6stlichen Asien_, ii. 387 note.\n\n  130 J. Teit, \u201cThe Thompson Indians of British Columbia,\u201d _Memoir of the\n      American Museum of Natural History, The Jesup North Pacific\n      Expedition_, vol. i. part iv. (April 1900) p. 327. The Koryak of\n      North-Eastern Asia also keep awake so long as there is a corpse in\n      the house. See W. Jochelson, \u201cThe Koryak, Religion and Myths,\u201d\n      _Memoir of the American Museum for Natural History, The Jesup North\n      Pacific Expedition_, vol. vi. part i. (Leyden and New York, 1905) p.\n      110.\n\n  131 G. Kurze, \u201cSitten und Gebr\u00e4uche der Lengua-Indianer,\u201d _Mitteilungen\n      der Geographischen Gesellschaft zu Jena_, xxiii. (1905) p. 18.\n\n  132 H. Ling Roth, \u201cLow\u2019s Natives of Borneo,\u201d _Journal of the\n      Anthropological Institute_, xxi. (1892) p. 112.\n\n_  133 Indian Antiquary_, vii. (1878) p. 273; A. Bastian, _V\u00f6lkerst\u00e4mme am\n      Brahmaputra_, p. 127. A similar story is told by the Hindoos and\n      Malays, though the lizard form of the soul is not mentioned. See\n      _Panjab Notes and Queries_, iii. p. 166, \u00a7 679; N. Annandale,\n      \u201cPrimitive Beliefs and Customs of the Patani Fishermen,\u201d _Fasciculi\n      Malayenses, Anthropology_, part i. (April 1903) pp. 94 _sq._\n\n  134 E. Gerard, _The Land beyond the Forest_, ii. 27 _sq._ A similar\n      story is told in Holland (J. W. Wolf, _Nederlandsche Sagen_, No.\n      250, pp. 343 _sq._). The story of King Gunthram belongs to the same\n      class; the king\u2019s soul comes out of his mouth as a small reptile\n      (Paulus Diaconus, _Hist. Langobardorum_, iii. 34). In an East Indian\n      story of the same type the sleeper\u2019s soul issues from his nose in\n      the form of a cricket (G. A. Wilken, in _De Indische Gids_, June\n      1884, p. 940). In a Swabian story a girl\u2019s soul creeps out of her\n      mouth in the form of a white mouse (A. Birlinger, _Volksth\u00fcmliches\n      aus Schwaben_, i. 303). In a Saxon story the soul comes out of the\n      sleeper\u2019s mouth in the shape of a red mouse. See E. Mogk, in R.\n      Wuttke\u2019s _S\u00e4chsische Volkskunde_2 (Dresden, 1901), p. 318.\n\n  M28 Danger of awaking a sleeper suddenly before his soul has time to\n      return.\n\n  135 Shway Yoe, _The Burman_, ii. 103; M. and B. Ferrars, _Burma_\n      (London, 1900), p. 77; R. G. Woodthorpe, in _Journal of the\n      Anthropological Institute_, xxvi. (1897) p. 23; A. Bastian, _Die\n      V\u00f6lker des \u00f6stlichen Asien_, ii. 389; F. Blumentritt, \u201cDer\n      Ahnencultus und die religi\u00f6sen Anschauungen der Malaien des\n      Philippinen-Archipels,\u201d _Mittheilungen der Wiener Geogr.\n      Gesellschaft_, 1882, p. 209; J. G. F. Riedel, _De sluik-en\n      kroesharige rassen tusschen Selebes en Papua_, p. 440; _id._, \u201cDie\n      Landschaft Dawan oder West-Timor,\u201d _Deutsche geographische Bl\u00e4tter_,\n      x. 280; A. C. Kruijt, \u201cEen en ander aangaande het geestelijk en\n      maatschapelijk leven van den Poso-Alfoer,\u201d _Mededeelingen van wege\n      het Nederlandsche Zendelinggenootschap_, xxxix. (1895) p. 4; K. von\n      den Steinen, _Unter den Naturv\u00f6lkern Zentral-Brasiliens_, pp. 340,\n      510; L. F. Gowing, _Five Thousand Miles in a Sledge_ (London, 1889),\n      p. 226; A. C. Hollis, _The Masai_ (Oxford, 1905), p. 308. The rule\n      is mentioned and a mystic reason assigned for it in the _Satapatha\n      Br\u00e2hmana_ (part v. p. 371, J. Eggeling\u2019s translation).\n\n  136 Rev. Lorimer Fison, in a letter to the author dated August 26, 1898.\n\n  137 K. von den Steinen, _Unter den Naturv\u00f6lkern Zentral-Brasiliens_, p.\n      340.\n\n  138 Hugh Miller, _My Schools and Schoolmasters_ (Edinburgh, 1854), ch.\n      vi. pp. 106 _sq._\n\n  M29 Danger of moving a sleeper or altering his appearance.\n\n  139 J. L. van der Toorn, \u201cHet animisme bij den Minangkabauer der\n      Padangsche Bovenlanden,\u201d _Bijdragen tot de Taal- Land- en\n      Volkenkunde van Nederlandsch-Indi\u00eb_, xxxix. (1890) p. 50.\n\n  140 N. Annandale, in _Fasciculi Malayenses, Anthropology_, part i.\n      (April 1903) p. 94.\n\n_  141 Panjab Notes and Queries_, iii. p. 116, \u00a7 530.\n\n  142 W. W. Rockhill, \u201cNotes on some of the Laws, Customs, and\n      Superstitions of Korea,\u201d _American Anthropologist_, iv. (1891) p.\n      183.\n\n  143 W. R. S. Ralston, _Songs of the Russian People_, pp. 117 _sq._; F.\n      S. Krauss, _Volksglaube und religi\u00f6ser Brauch der S\u00fcdslaven_\n      (M\u00fcnster i. W., 1890), p. 112. The latter writer tells us that the\n      witch\u2019s spirit is also supposed to assume the form of a fly, a hen,\n      a turkey, a crow, and especially a toad.\n\n  144 Holzmayer, \u201cOsiliana,\u201d _Verhandlungen der gelehrten Estnischen\n      Gesellschaft zu Dorpat_, vii. (1872) No. 2, p. 53.\n\n  145 P. Einhorn, \u201cWiederlegunge der Abg\u00f6tterey,\u201d etc., reprinted in\n      _Scriptores rerum Livonicarun_, ii. 645 (Riga and Leipsic, 1848).\n\n  146 A. de Nore, _Coutumes, mythes et traditions des provinces de France_\n      (Paris and Lyons, 1846), p. 88.\n\n  M30 The soul may quit the body in waking hours, thereby causing\n      sickness, insanity or death. Recalling truant souls in Australia,\n      Burma, China, Sarawak, Luzon and Mongolia.\n\n  147 A. W. Howitt, _Native Tribes of South-East Australia_, p. 387.\n\n  148 Bringaud, \u201cLes Karens de la Birmanie,\u201d _Missions Catholiques_, xx.\n      (1888) pp. 297 _sq._\n\n  149 A. Henry, \u201cThe Lolos and other tribes of Western China,\u201d _Journal of\n      the Anthropological Institute_, xxxiii. (1903) p. 102.\n\n  150 C. Hose and W. M\u2019Dougall, \u201cThe Relations between Men and Animals in\n      Sarawak,\u201d _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xxxi. (1901)\n      pp. 183 _sq._\n\n  151 De los Reyes y Florentino, \u201cDie religi\u00f6se Anschauungen der Ilocanen\n      (Luzon),\u201d _Mittheilungen der k. k. Geograph. Gesellschaft in Wien_,\n      xxxi (1888) pp. 569 _sq._\n\n  152 A. Bastian, _Die Seele und ihre Erscheinungswesen in der\n      Ethnographie_, p. 36.\n\n  M31 Recalling truant souls in Africa and America.\n\n  153 H. Ward, _Five Years with the Congo Cannibals_ (London, 1890), pp.\n      53 _sq._\n\n  154 A. G. Morice, \u201cThe Western D\u00e9n\u00e9s, their Manners and Customs,\u201d\n      _Proceedings of the Canadian Institute, Toronto_, Third Series, vii.\n      (1888-1889) pp. 158 _sq._; _id._, _Au pays de l\u2019ours noir, chez les\n      sauvages de la Colombie Britannique_ (Paris and Lyons, 1897), p. 75.\n\n  155 Clicteur, in _Annales de l\u2019Association de la Propagation de la Foi_,\n      iv (1830) p. 479.\n\n  M32 Recalling truant souls in Sumatra, Borneo, Celebes.\n\n  156 M. Joustra, \u201cHet leven, de zeden en gewoonten der Bataks,\u201d\n      _Mededeelingen van wege het Nederlandsche Zendelinggenootschap_,\n      xlvi. (1902) p. 408.\n\n  157 J. H. Meerwaldt, \u201cGebruiken der Bataks in het maatschappelijk\n      leven,\u201d _Mededeelingen van wege het Nederlandsche\n      Zendelinggenootschap_, li. (1907) pp. 98 _sq._ The writer gives\n      _tondi_ as the form of the Batak word for \u201csoul.\u201d\n\n  158 Dr. R. R\u00f6mer, \u201cBijdrage tot de Geneeskunst der Karo-Batak\u2019s,\u201d\n      _Tijdschrift voor Indische Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde_, i. (1908)\n      pp. 212 _sq._\n\n  159 A. W. Nieuwenhuis, _In Centraal Borneo_ (Leyden, 1900), i. 148, 152\n      _sq._, 164 _sq._; _id._, _Quer durch Borneo_ (Leyden, 1904-1907), i.\n      112 _sq._, 125.\n\n  160 A. W. Nieuwenhuis, _Quer durch Borneo_, ii. 481.\n\n  161 J. Perham, \u201cManangism in Borneo,\u201d _Journal of the Straits Branch of\n      the Royal Asiatic Society_, No. 19 (Singapore, 1887), p. 91, compare\n      pp. 89, 90; H. Ling Roth, _The Natives of Sarawak and British North\n      Borneo_, i. 274, compare pp. 272 _sq._\n\n  162 E. L. M. K\u00fchr, \u201cSchetsen uit Borneo\u2019s Westerafdeeling,\u201d _Bijdragen\n      tot de Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde van Nederlandsch-Indi\u00eb_, xlvii.\n      (1897) pp. 60 _sq._\n\n  163 A. C. Kruijt, \u201cEenige ethnografische aanteekeningen omtrent de\n      Toboengkoe en de Tomori,\u201d _Mededeelingen van wege het Nederlandsche\n      Zendelinggenootschap_, xliv. (1900) p. 225.\n\n  M33 Wandering souls in popular tales.\n\n_  164 Pantschatantra_, \u00fcbersetzt von Th. Benfey (Leipsic, 1859), ii. 124\n      _sqq._\n\n  165 J. Brandes, \u201cIets over het Pape-gaai-boek, zooals het bij de\n      Maleiers voorkomt,\u201d _Tijdschrift voor Indische Taal- Land- en\n      Volkenkunde_, xli. (1899) pp. 480-483. A story of this sort is\n      quoted from the _Persian Tales_ in the _Spectator_ (No. 578, Aug. 9,\n      1714).\n\n_  166 Katha Sarit S\u00e1gara_, translated by C. H. Tawney (Calcutta, 1880),\n      i. 21 _sq._ For other Indian tales of the same general type, with\n      variations in detail, see _Lettres \u00e9difiantes et curieuses_,\n      Nouvelle \u00c9dition, xii. 183 _sq._; _North Indian Notes and Queries_,\n      iv. p. 28, \u00a7 54.\n\n  167 J. J. M. de Groot, _The Religious System of China_, iv. 104.\n\n  168 Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ vii. 174; Plutarch, _De genio Socratis_, 22;\n      Lucian, _Muscae encomium_, 7. Plutarch calls the man Hermodorus.\n      Epimenides, the Cretan seer, had also the power of sending his soul\n      out of his body and keeping it out as long as he pleased. See\n      Hesychius Milesius, in _Fragmenta historicorum Graecorum_, ed. C.\n      M\u00fcller, v. 162; Suidas, _s.v._ \u1f18\u03c0\u03b9\u03bc\u03b5\u03bd\u03af\u03b4\u03b7\u03c2. On such reported cases in\n      antiquity see further E. Rohde, _Psyche_,3 ii. 91 _sqq._\n\n_  169 Narrative of Travels in Europe, Asia, and Africa in the Seventeenth\n      Century by Evliy\u0101 Efend\u012b_, translated from the Turkish by the Ritter\n      Joseph von Hammer (Oriental Translation Fund), vol. i. pt. ii. p. 3.\n      I have not seen this work. An extract from it, containing the above\n      narrative, was kindly sent me by Colonel F. Tyrrel, and the exact\n      title and reference were supplied to me by Mr. R. A. Nicholson, who\n      was so good as to consult the book for me in the British Museum.\n\n  M34 The wandering soul may be detained by ghosts.\n\n  170 E. B. Cross, \u201cOn the Karens,\u201d _Journal of the American Oriental\n      Society_, iv. (1854) p. 311.\n\n  171 A. R. McMahon, _The Karens of the Golden Chersonese_ (London, 1876),\n      p. 318.\n\n  172 F. Mason, \u201cPhysical Character of the Karens,\u201d _Journal of the\n      Asiatic Society of Bengal_, 1866, pt. ii. pp. 28 _sq._\n\n  173 R. G. Woodthorpe, in _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_,\n      xxvi. (1897) p. 23.\n\n  174 C. J. S. F. Forbes, _British Burma_ (London, 1878), pp. 99 _sq._;\n      Shway Yoe, _The Burman_ (London, 1882), ii. 102; A. Bastian, _Die\n      V\u00f6lker des \u00f6stlichen Asien_, ii. 389.\n\n  175 Guerlach, \u201cM\u0153urs et superstitions des sauvages Ba-hnars,\u201d _Missions\n      Catholiques_, xix. (1887) pp. 525 _sq._\n\n  176 J. H. Neumann, \u201cDe _begoe_ in de godsdienstige begrippen der\n      Karo-Bataks in de Doesoen,\u201d _Mededeelingen van wege het\n      Nederlandsche Zendelinggenootschap_, xlvi. (1902) p. 27.\n\n  177 F. Grabowsky, in _Internationales Archiv f\u00fcr Ethnographie_, ii.\n      (1889) p. 182.\n\n  178 Fr. Boas, in _Eleventh Report on the North-Western Tribes of\n      Canada_, p. 6 (separate reprint from the _Report of the British\n      Association for 1896_).\n\n  179 J. G. F. Riedel, _De sluik- en kroesharige rassen tusschen Selebes\n      en Papua_, p. 414.\n\n  180 J. G. F. Riedel, _op. cit._ pp. 221 _sq._\n\n  M35 Attempts to rescue the lost soul from the spirits of the dead who\n      are detaining it.\n\n  181 N. Ph. Wilken en J. A. Schwarz, \u201cHet heidendom en de Islam in\n      Bolaang Mongondou,\u201d _Mededeelingen van wege het Nederlandsche\n      Zendelinggenootschap_, xi. (1867) pp. 263 _sq._\n\n  182 James Dawson, _Australian Aborigines_ (Melbourne, Sydney, and\n      Adelaide, 1881), pp. 57 _sq._\n\n  183 W. W. Gill, _Myths and Songs of the South Pacific_ (London, 1876),\n      pp. 171 _sq._\n\n  184 De Flacourt, _Histoire de la grande Isle Madagascar_ (Paris, 1658),\n      pp. 101 _sq._\n\n  M36 Rescuing the soul from the dead in Borneo and Melanesia.\n\n  185 E. L. M. K\u00fchr, \u201cSchetsen uit Borneo\u2019s Westerafdeeling,\u201d _Bijdragen\n      tot de Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde van Nederlandsch-Indi\u00eb_, xlvii.\n      (1897) pp. 61 _sq._\n\n  186 R. H. Codrington, _The Melanesians_, pp. 138 _sq._\n\n  187 Bishop Hose, \u201cThe Contents of a Dyak Medicine Chest,\u201d _Journal of\n      the Straits Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society_, No. 39, June 1903,\n      p. 69.\n\n  188 R. H. Codrington, _op. cit._ p. 208.\n\n  189 R. H. Codrington, _op. cit._ pp. 146 _sq._\n\n  M37 Buryat mode of recovering a lost soul from the nether world.\n\n  190 V. M. Mikhailovskii, \u201cShamanism in Siberia and European Russia,\u201d\n      _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xxiv. (1895) pp. 69\n      _sq._\n\n  M38 American Indian modes of recovering a lost soul from the land of the\n      dead.\n\n  191 J. Teit, \u201cThe Thompson Indians of British Columbia,\u201d _Memoir of the\n      American Museum of Natural History, The Jesup North Pacific\n      Expedition_, vol. i. part iv. (April 1900) pp. 363 _sq._\n\n  192 Rev. Myron Eels, \u201cThe Twana, Chemakum, and Klallam Indians of\n      Washington Territory,\u201d _Annual Report of the Smithsonian Institution\n      for 1887_, pt. i. pp. 677 _sq._\n\n  M39 Abduction of souls by demons in Annam, Cochin-China, and China.\n\n  193 A. Landes, \u201cContes et l\u00e9gendes annamites,\u201d No. 76 in _Cochinchine\n      Fran\u00e7aise: excursions et reconnaissances_, No. 23 (Saigon, 1885), p.\n      80.\n\n  194 Guerlach, \u201cChez les sauvages Ba-hnars,\u201d _Missions Catholiques_, xvi.\n      (1884) p. 436, xix. (1887) p. 453, xxvi. (1894) pp. 142 _sq._\n\n  195 J. J. M. de Groot, _The Religious System of China_, i. 243 _sq._\n\n  196 See above, p. 45.\n\n  M40 Abduction of souls by demons in the East Indies.\n\n  197 M. J. van Baarda, \u201cFabelen, Verhalen en Overleveringen der\n      Galelareezen,\u201d _Bijdragen tot de Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde van\n      Nederlandsch-Indi\u00eb_, xlv. (1895) p. 509.\n\n  198 M. T. H. Perelaer, _Ethnographische Beschrijving der Dajaks_\n      (Zalt-Bommel, 1870), pp. 26 _sq._\n\n  199 \u201cEenige bijzonderheden betreffende de Papoeas van de Geelvinksbaai\n      van Nieuw-Guinea,\u201d _Bijdragen tot de Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde van\n      Ne\u00earlandsch-Indi\u00eb_, ii. (1854) pp. 375 _sq._ It is especially the\n      souls of children that the spirit loves to take to himself. See J.\n      L. van Hasselt, \u201cDie Papuast\u00e4mme an der Geelvinkbai,\u201d _Mitteilungen\n      der Geographischen Gesellschaft zu Jena_, ix. (1891) p. 103; compare\n      _ib._ iv. (1886) pp. 118 _sq._ The mists seen to hang about\n      tree-tops are due to the power of trees to condense vapour, as to\n      which see Gilbert White, _Natural History of Selborne_, part ii.\n      letter 29.\n\n  M41 Abduction of souls by demons in the Moluccas.\n\n  200 Fr. Valentyn, _Oud- en nieuw Oost-Indi\u00ebn_, iii. 13 _sq._\n\n  201 Van Schmidt, \u201cAanteekeningen nopens de zeden, gewoonten en\n      gebruiken, benevens de vooroordeelen en bijgelovigheden der\n      bevolking van de eilanden Saparoea, Haroekoe, Noessa Laut, en van\n      een gedeelte van de zuidkust van Ceram,\u201d in _Tijdschrift voor\n      Ne\u00earlands Indi\u00eb_, 1843, dl. ii. 511 _sqq._\n\n  M42 Abduction of souls by demons in Celebes and Siberia.\n\n  202 A. C. Kruijt, \u201cEen en ander aangaande het geestelijk en\n      maatschappelijk leven van den Poso-Alfoer,\u201d _Mededeelingen van wege\n      het Nederlandsche Zendelinggenootschap_, xxxix. (1895) pp. 5-8.\n\n  203 A. Bastian, _Die Seele und ihre Erscheinungswesen in der\n      Ethnographie_ (Berlin, 1868), pp. 36 _sq._; J. G. Gmelin, _Reise\n      durch Sibirien_, ii. 359 _sq._ This mode of curing sickness, by\n      inducing the demon to swap the soul of the patient for an effigy, is\n      practised also by the Dyaks and by some tribes on the northern coast\n      of New Guinea. See H. Ling Roth, \u201cLow\u2019s Natives of Borneo,\u201d _Journal\n      of the Anthropological Institute_, xxi. (1892) p. 117; E. L. M.\n      K\u00fchr, \u201cSchetsen uit Borneo\u2019s Westerafdeeling,\u201d _Bijdragen tot de\n      Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde van Nederlandsch-Indi\u00eb_, xlvii. (1897)\n      pp. 62 _sq._; F. S. A. de Clercq, \u201cDe West- en Noordkust van\n      Nederlandsch Nieuw-Guinea,\u201d _Tijdschrift van het kon. Nederlandsch\n      Aardrijkskundig Genootschap_, Tweede Serie, x. (1893) pp. 633 _sq._\n\n  204 V. Priklonski, \u201cTodtengebr\u00e4uche der Jakuten,\u201d _Globus_, lix. (1891)\n      pp. 81 _sq._ Compare _id._, \u201c\u00dcber das Schamenthum bei den Jakuten,\u201d\n      in A. Bastian\u2019s _Allerlei aus Volks- und Menschenkunde_, i. 218\n      _sq._\n\n  M43 Souls rescued from demons at a house-warming in Minahassa.\n\n  205 P. N. Wilken, \u201cBijdragen tot de kennis van de zeden en gewoonten der\n      Alfoeren in de Minahassa,\u201d _Mededeelingen van wege het Nederlandsche\n      Zendelinggenootschap_, vii. (1863) pp. 146 _sq._ Why the priest,\n      after restoring the soul, tells it to go away again, is not clear.\n\n  206 J. G. F. Riedel \u201cDe Minahasa in 1825,\u201d _Tijdschrift voor Indische\n      Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde_, xviii. 523.\n\n  207 N. Graafland, _De Minahassa_ (Rotterdam, 1869), i. 327 _sq._\n\n  M44 Souls carried off by the sun and other gods.\n\n  208 Fr. Kramer, \u201cDer G\u00f6tzendienst der Niasser,\u201d _Tijdschrift voor\n      Indische Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde_, xxxiii. (1890) pp. 490 _sq._\n\n  209 J. Teit, \u201cThe Thompson Indians of British Columbia,\u201d _Memoir of the\n      American Museum of Natural History, The Jesup North Pacific\n      Expedition_, vol. i. part iv. (April 1900) p. 357.\n\n  210 G. Turner, _Samoa_, pp. 142 _sq._\n\n  M45 Lost souls extracted from a fowl.\n\n  211 J. B. Neumann, \u201cHet Pane- en Bila-stroomgebied op het eiland\n      Sumatra,\u201d _Tijdschrift van het Nederlandsch Aardrijkskundig\n      Genootschap_, Tweede Serie, dl. iii., Afdeeling, meer uitgebreide\n      artikelen, No. 2 (1886), p. 302.\n\n  M46 Lost souls brought back in a visible form. Soul lost by a fall and\n      recovered from the earth.\n\n  212 R. H. Codrington, \u201cReligious Beliefs and Practices in Melanesia,\u201d\n      _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, x. (1881) p. 281; _id._,\n      _The Melanesians_, p. 267.\n\n  213 R. H. Codrington, _The Melanesians_, p. 229\n\n  214 Horatio Hale, _United States Exploring Expedition, Ethnography and\n      Philology_ (Philadelphia, 1846), pp. 208 _sq._ Compare Ch. Wilkes,\n      _Narrative of the United States Exploring Expedition_ (London,\n      1845), iv. 448 _sq._ Similar methods of recovering lost souls are\n      practised by the Haidas, Nootkas, Shuswap, and other Indian tribes\n      of British Columbia. See Fr. Boas, in _Fifth Report on the\n      North-Western Tribes of Canada_, pp. 58 _sq._ (separate reprint from\n      the _Report of the British Association for 1889_); _id._ in _Sixth\n      Report_, etc., pp. 30, 44, 59 _sq._, 94 (separate reprint of the\n      _Report of the Brit. Assoc. for 1890_); _id._ in _Ninth Report_,\n      etc., p. 462 (in _Report of the Brit. Assoc. for 1894_). Kwakiutl\n      medicine-men exhibit captured souls in the shape of little balls of\n      eagle down. See Fr. Boas, in _Report of the U.S. National Museum for\n      1895_, pp. 561, 575.\n\n  215 J. G. F. Riedel, _De sluik- en kroesharige rassen tusschen Selebes\n      en Papua_, pp. 77 _sq._\n\n  216 J. G. F. Riedel, _op. cit._ pp. 356 _sq._\n\n  217 J. G. F. Riedel, _op. cit._ p. 376.\n\n  218 Spenser St. John, _Life in the Forests of the Far East_,2 i. 189; H.\n      Ling Roth, _The Natives of Sarawak and British North Borneo_, i.\n      261. Sometimes the souls resemble cotton seeds (Spenser St. John,\n      _l.c._). Compare _id._ i. 183.\n\n  219 Nieuwenhuisen en Rosenberg, \u201cVerslag omtrent het Eiland Nias,\u201d\n      _Verhandel. van het Batav. Genootsch. van Kunsten en Wetenschappen_,\n      xxx. (Batavia, 1863) p. 116; H. von Rosenberg, _Der Malayische\n      Archipel_, p. 174; E. Modigliani, _Viaggio a N\u00edas_ (Milan, 1890), p.\n      192.\n\n  220 \u201cLettre du cur\u00e9 de Santiago Tepehuacan \u00e0 son \u00e9v\u00eaque sur les m\u0153urs et\n      coutumes des Indiens soumis \u00e0 ses soins,\u201d _Bulletin de la Soci\u00e9t\u00e9 de\n      G\u00e9ographie_ (Paris), IIme S\u00e9rie, ii. (1834) p. 178.\n\n  221 W. Camden, _Britannia_ (London, 1607), p. 792. The passage has not\n      always been understood by Camden\u2019s translators.\n\n  M47 Recovery of the soul in ancient Egypt.\n\n  222 A. Moret, _Le Rituel du culte divin journalier en \u00c9gypte_ (Paris,\n      1902), pp. 32-35, 83 _sq._\n\n  M48 Souls stolen or detained by sorcerers in Fiji and Polynesia.\n\n  223 Th. Williams, _Fiji and the Fijians_2 (London, 1860), i. 250.\n\n  224 W. W. Gill, _Myths and Songs of the South Pacific_, p. 171; _id._,\n      _Life in the Southern Isles_, pp. 181 _sqq._ Cinet, sinnet, or\n      sennit is cordage made from the dried fibre of the coco-nut husk.\n      Large quantities of it are used in Fiji. See Th. Williams, _Fiji and\n      the Fijians_,2 i. 69.\n\n  225 J. Williams, _Narrative of Missionary Enterprises in the South Sea\n      Islands_ (London, 1838), pp. 93, 466 _sq._ A traveller in Zombo-land\n      found traps commonly set at the entrances of villages and huts for\n      the purpose of catching the devil. See Rev. Th. Lewis, \u201cThe Ancient\n      Kingdom of Kongo,\u201d _The Geographical Journal_, xix. (1902) p. 554.\n\n_  226 Relations des J\u00e9suites_, 1639, p. 44 (Canadian reprint, Quebec,\n      1858).\n\n  M49 Detention of souls by sorcerers in Africa.\n\n  227 L. J. B. B\u00e9renger-F\u00e9raud, _Les Peuplades de la S\u00e9n\u00e9gambie_ (Paris,\n      1879), p. 277.\n\n  228 Delafosse, in _L\u2019Anthropologie_, xi. (1895) p. 558.\n\n  229 W. H. Bentley, _Life on the Congo_ (London, 1887), p. 71.\n\n  230 Mary H. Kingsley, _Travels in West Africa_ (London, 1897), pp. 461\n      _sq._\n\n  M50 Taking the souls of enemies first and their heads afterwards.\n\n  231 E. L. M. K\u00fchr, in _Internationales Archiv f\u00fcr Ethnographie_, ii.\n      (1889) p. 163; _id._, \u201cSchetsen uit Borneo\u2019s Westerafdeeling,\u201d\n      _Bijdragen tot de Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde van\n      Nederlandsch-Indi\u00eb_, xlvii. (1897) pp. 59 _sq._ Among the Haida\n      Indians of Queen Charlotte Islands \u201cevery war-party must be\n      accompanied by a shaman, whose duty it was to find a propitious time\n      for making an attack, etc., but especially to war with and kill the\n      souls of the enemy. Then the death of their natural bodies was\n      certain.\u201d See J. R. Swanton, \u201cContributions to the Ethnology of the\n      Haida\u201d (Leyden and New York, 1905), p. 40 (_Memoir of the American\n      Museum of Natural History, The Jesup North Pacific Expedition_, vol.\n      v. part i.). Some of the Dyaks of south-eastern Borneo perform a\n      ceremony for the purpose of extracting the souls from the bodies of\n      prisoners whom they are about to torture to death. See F. Grabowsky,\n      \u201cDer Tod, das Begr\u00e4bnis, etc., bei den Dajaken,\u201d _Internationales\n      Archiv f\u00fcr Ethnographie_, ii. (1889) p. 199.\n\n  M51 Injuries of various sorts done to captured souls by wizards.\n\n  232 A. Bastian, _Allerlei aus Volks- und Menschenkunde_ (Berlin, 1888),\n      i. 119.\n\n_  233 Relations des J\u00e9suites_, 1637, p. 50 (Canadian reprint, Quebec,\n      1858).\n\n  234 J. G. F. Riedel, _De sluik- en kroesharige rassen tusschen Selebes\n      en Papua_ (the Hague, 1886), pp. 78 _sq._\n\n  235 E. B. Cross, \u201cOn the Karens,\u201d _Journal of the American Oriental\n      Society_, iv. (1854) p. 307.\n\n  M52 Abduction of human souls by Malay wizards.\n\n  236 W. W. Skeat, _Malay Magic_ (London, 1900), pp. 568 _sq._\n\n  237 W. W. Skeat, _op. cit._ pp. 569 _sq._\n\n  238 W. W. Skeat, _op. cit._ pp. 574 _sq._\n\n  239 W. W. Skeat, _op. cit._ pp. 576 _sq._\n\n  M53 Athenian curse accompanied by the shaking of red cloths.\n\n  240 Lysias, _Or._ vi. 51, p. 51 ed. C. Scheibe. The passage was pointed\n      out to me by my friend Mr. W. Wyse. As to the mutilation of the\n      Hermae, see Thucydides, vi. 27-29, 60 _sq._; Andocides, _Or._ i. 37\n      _sqq._; Plutarch, _Alcibiades_, 18.\n\n  241 Above, p. 69.\n\n  M54 Extracting a patient\u2019s soul from the stomach of his doctor.\n\n  242 J. B. McCullagh, in _The Church Missionary Gleaner_, xiv. No. 164\n      (August 1887), p. 91. The same account is copied from the \u201cNorth\n      Star\u201d (Sitka, Alaska, December 1888) in _Journal of American\n      Folk-lore_, ii. (1889) pp. 74 _sq._ Mr. McCullagh\u2019s account (which\n      is closely followed in the text) of the latter part of the custom is\n      not quite clear. It would seem that failing to find the soul in the\n      head-doctor\u2019s box it occurs to them that he may have swallowed it,\n      as the other doctors were at first supposed to have done. With a\n      view of testing this hypothesis they hold him up by the heels to\n      empty out the soul; and as the water with which his head is washed\n      may possibly contain the missing soul, it is poured on the patient\u2019s\n      head to restore the soul to him. We have already seen that the\n      recovered soul is often conveyed into the sick person\u2019s head.\n\n  243 Fr. Boas in _Eleventh Report on the North-Western Tribes of Canada_,\n      p. 571 (_Report of the British Association for 1896_). For other\n      examples of the recapture or recovery of lost, stolen, and strayed\n      souls, in addition to those which have been cited in the preceding\n      pages, see J. N. Vosmaer, _Korte Beschrijving van het Zuid-oostelijk\n      Schiereiland van Celebes_, pp. 119-123 (this work, of which I\n      possess a copy, forms part of a Dutch journal which I have not\n      identified; it is dated Batavia, 1835); J. G. F. Riedel, \u201cDe\n      Topantunuasu of oorspronkelijke volksstammen van Central Selebes,\u201d\n      _Bijdragen tot de Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde van\n      Nederlandsch-Indi\u00eb_, xxxv. (1886) p. 93; J. B. Neumann, \u201cHet Pane-\n      en Bilastroom-gebeid,\u201d _Tijdschrift van het Nederlandsch\n      Aardrijkskundig Genootschap_, Tweede Serie, dl. iii., Afdeeling,\n      meer uitgebreide artikelen, No. 2 (1886), pp. 300 _sq._; J. L. van\n      der Toorn, \u201cHet animisme bei den Minangkabauer,\u201d _Bijdragen tot de\n      Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde van Nederlandsch-Indi\u00eb_, xxxix. (1890)\n      pp. 51 _sq._; H. Ris, \u201cDe onderafdeeling Klein Mandailing Oeloe en\n      Pahantan,\u201d _Bijdragen tot de Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde van\n      Nederlandsch-Indi\u00eb_, xlvi. (1896) p. 529; C. Snouck Hurgronje, _De\n      Atj\u00e9hers_ (Batavia and Leyden, 1893-4), i. 426 _sq._; W. W. Skeat,\n      _Malay Magic_, pp. 49-51, 452-455, 570 _sqq._; _Journal of the\n      Anthropological Institute_, xxiv. (1895) pp. 128, 287; Chimkievitch,\n      \u201cChez les Bouriates de l\u2019Amoor,\u201d _Tour du monde_, N.S. iii. (1897)\n      pp. 622 _sq._; Father Ambrosoli, \u201cNotice sur l\u2019\u00eele de Rook,\u201d\n      _Annales de la Propagation de la Foi_, xxvii. (1855) p. 364; A.\n      Bastian, _Die V\u00f6lker des \u00f6stlichen Asien_, ii. 388, iii. 236; _id._,\n      _V\u00f6lkerst\u00e4mme am Brahmaputra_, p. 23; _id._, \u201cH\u00fcgelst\u00e4mme Assam\u2019s,\u201d\n      _Verhandlungen der Berlin. Gesell. f\u00fcr Anthropol., Ethnol. und\n      Urgeschichte_, 1881, p. 156; Shway Yoe, _The Burman_, i. 283 _sq._,\n      ii. 101 _sq._; G. M. Sproat, _Scenes and Studies of Savage Life_, p.\n      214; J. Doolittle, _Social Life of the Chinese_, pp. 110 _sq._ (ed.\n      Paxton Hood); T. Williams, _Fiji and the Fijians_,2 i. 242; E. B.\n      Cross, \u201cOn the Karens,\u201d _Journal of the American Oriental Society_,\n      iv. (1854) pp. 309 sq.; A. W. Howitt, \u201cOn some Australian Beliefs,\u201d\n      _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xiii. (1884) pp. 187\n      _sq._; _id._, \u201cOn Australian Medicine Men,\u201d _Journ. Anthrop. Inst._\n      xvi. (1887) p. 41; E. P. Houghton, \u201cOn the Land Dayaks of Upper\n      Sarawak,\u201d _Memoirs of the Anthropological Society of London_, iii.\n      (1870) pp. 196 _sq._; L. Dahle, \u201cSikidy and Vintana,\u201d _Antananarivo\n      Annual and Madagascar Annual_, xi. (1887) pp. 320 _sq._; C. Leemius,\n      _De Lapponibus Finmarchiae eorumque lingua, vita et religione\n      pristina commentatio_ (Copenhagen, 1767), pp. 416 _sq._; A. E.\n      Jenks, _The Bontoc Igorot_ (Manilla, 1905), pp. 199 _sq._; C. G.\n      Seligmann, _The Melanesians of British New Guinea_ (Cambridge,\n      1910), pp. 185 _sq._ My friend W. Robertson Smith suggested to me\n      that the practice of hunting souls, which is denounced in Ezekiel\n      xiii. 17 _sqq._, may have been akin to those described in the text.\n\n  M55 A man\u2019s soul conceived as his shadow, so that to injure the shadow\n      is to injure the man.\n\n  244 J. G. F. Riedel, _De sluik- en kroesharige rassen tusschen Selebes\n      en Papua_, p. 440.\n\n  245 A. Bastian, _Die V\u00f6lker des \u00f6stlichen Asien_, v. 455.\n\n  246 J. G. F. Riedel, _op. cit._ p. 340.\n\n  247 N. Adriani en A. C. Kruijt, \u201cVan Posso naar Parigi, Sigi en Lindoe,\u201d\n      _Mededeelingen van wege het Nederlandsche Zendelinggenootschap_,\n      xlii. (1898) p. 511; compare A. C. Kruijt, _ib._ xliv. (1900) p.\n      247.\n\n  248 A. C. Kruijt, \u201cEenige ethnografische aanteekeningen omtrent de\n      Toboengkoe en de Tomori,\u201d _op. cit._ xliv. (1900) p. 226.\n\n_  249 Annales de l\u2019Association de la Propagation de la Foi_, iv. (1830)\n      p. 481.\n\n  250 Rev. J. Roscoe, in a letter to me dated Mengo, Uganda, May 26, 1904.\n\n  251 R. E. Dennett, \u201cBavili Notes,\u201d _Folk-lore_, xvi. (1905) p. 372;\n      _id._, _At the Back of the Black Man\u2019s Mind_ (London, 1906), p. 79.\n\n  252 Dudley Kidd, _The Essential Kafir_, p. 84.\n\n  253 Dudley Kidd, _Savage Childhood_, p. 68.\n\n  254 C. W. Hobley, \u201cBritish East Africa,\u201d _Journal of the Anthropological\n      Institute_, xxxiii. (1903) pp. 327 _sq._\n\n  255 J. J. M. de Groot, _The Religious System of China_, iv. 84 _sq._\n\n  256 E. Modigliani, _Viaggio a N\u00edas_, p. 620, compare p. 624.\n\n  M56 Danger to a person of letting his shadow fall on certain things.\n      Animals and trees also may be injured through their shadows.\n\n  257 R. H. Codrington, _The Melanesians_, p. 184.\n\n  258 R. H. Codrington, _op. cit._ p. 176.\n\n  259 Fr. Boas, in _Ninth Report on the North-Western Tribes of Canada_,\n      pp. 461 _sq._ (_Report of the British Association for 1894_).\n\n  260 J. J. M. de Groot, _The Religious System of China_, i. 94, 210 _sq._\n\n  261 E. H. Man, \u201cNotes on the Nicobarese,\u201d _Indian Antiquary_, xxviii.\n      (1899) pp. 257-259. Compare Sir R. C. Temple, in _Census of India,\n      1901_, iii. 209.\n\n  262 W. W. Skeat, _Malay Magic_, p. 143.\n\n  263 J. Dawson, _Australian Aborigines_, p. 54.\n\n  264 Mohammed Ebn-Omar El-Tounsy, _Voyage au Darfour_, traduit de l\u2019Arabe\n      par le Dr. Perron (Paris, 1845), p. 347.\n\n  265 W. W. Skeat, _Malay Magic_, p. 306.\n\n  266 [Aristotle] _Mirab. Auscult._ 145 (157); _Geoponica_, xv. 1. In the\n      latter passage, for \u03ba\u03b1\u03c4\u03ac\u03b3\u03b5\u03b9 \u1f11\u03b1\u03c5\u03c4\u03ae\u03bd we must read \u03ba\u03b1\u03c4\u03ac\u03b3\u03b5\u03b9 \u03b1\u1f50\u03c4\u03cc\u03bd, an\n      emendation necessitated by the context, and confirmed by the passage\n      of Dam\u00efr\u00ef quoted and translated by Bochart, _Hierozoicon_, i. col.\n      833, \u201c_cum ad lunam calcat umbram canis, qui supra tectum est, canis\n      ad eam_ [scil. hyaenam] _decidit, et ea illum devorat_.\u201d Compare W.\n      Robertson Smith, _The Religion of the Semites_,2 p. 129.\n\n  267 Dudley Kidd, _Savage Childhood_, p. 71.\n\n  M57 Danger of being overshadowed by certain birds or people.\n\n  268 W. Crooke, in _Indian Antiquary_, xix. (1890) p. 254.\n\n  269 Spencer and Gillen, _Northern Tribes of Central Australia_, p. 612.\n\n  270 M. R. Pedlow, in _Indian Antiquary_, xxix. (1900) p. 60.\n\n  271 W. Cornwallis Harris, _The Highlands of Aethiopia_ (London, 1844),\n      i. 158.\n\n  272 Dudley Kidd, _The Essential Kafir_, p. 313.\n\n  273 D. Kidd, _op. cit._ p. 356.\n\n  274 Dudley Kidd, _Savage Childhood_, p. 70.\n\n_  275 Panjab Notes and Queries_, i. p. 15, \u00a7 122.\n\n  M58 The shadows of certain persons are regarded as peculiarly dangerous.\n      The savage\u2019s dread of his mother in-law.\n\n  276 Fr. Boas, in _Sixth Report on the North-Western Tribes of Canada_,\n      pp. 92, 94 (separate reprint from the _Report of the British\n      Association for 1890_); compare _id._ in _Seventh Report_, etc., p.\n      13 (separate reprint from the _Rep. Brit. Assoc. for 1891_).\n\n  277 A. W. Howitt, \u201cThe Jeraeil, or Initiation Ceremonies of the Kurnai\n      Tribe,\u201d _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xiv. (1885) p.\n      316.\n\n  278 Miss Mary E. B. Howitt, _Folk-lore and Legends of some Victorian\n      Tribes_ (in manuscript).\n\n  279 A. W. Howitt, _Native Tribes of South-East Australia_, p. 266.\n\n  280 A. W. Howitt, _op. cit._ p. 267.\n\n  281 A. W. Howitt, _op. cit._ pp. 256 _sq._\n\n  282 A. W. Howitt, _op. cit._ pp. 280 _sq._ Compare J. Dawson,\n      _Australian Aborigines_, pp. 32 _sq._\n\n  283 Partly from notes sent me by my friend the Rev. J. Roscoe, partly\n      from Sir H. Johnston\u2019s account (_The Uganda Protectorate_, ii. 688).\n      In his printed notes (_Journal of the Anthropological Institute_,\n      xxxii. (1902) p. 39) Mr. Roscoe says that the mother-in-law \u201cmay be\n      in another room out of sight and speak to him through the wall or\n      open door.\u201d\n\n  284 Father Picarda, \u201cAutour du Mandera, Notes sur l\u2019Ouzigoua, l\u2019Oukw\u00e9r\u00e9\n      et l\u2019Oudo\u00e9 (Zanguebar),\u201d _Missions Catholiques_, xviii. (1886) p.\n      286.\n\n  285 Father Porte, \u201cLes R\u00e9miniscences d\u2019un missionnaire du Basutoland,\u201d\n      _Missions Catholiques_, xxviii. (1896) p. 318.\n\n  286 H. H. Romily and Rev. George Brown, in _Proceedings of the Royal\n      Geographical Society_, N.S. ix. (1887) pp. 9, 17.\n\n  287 R. H. Codrington, _The Melanesians_, p. 43.\n\n  288 J. G. Bourke, _On the Border with Crook_, p. 132. More evidence of\n      the mutual avoidance of mother-in-law and son-in-law among savages\n      is collected in my _Totemism and Exogamy_; see the Index, _s.v._\n      \u201cMother-in-law.\u201d The custom is probably based on a fear of incest\n      between them. To the almost universal rule of savage life that a man\n      must avoid his mother-in-law there is a most remarkable exception\n      among the Wahehe of German East Africa. In that tribe a bridegroom\n      must sleep with his mother-in-law before he may cohabit with her\n      daughter. See Rev. H. Cole, \u201cNotes on the Wagogo of German East\n      Africa,\u201d _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xxxii. (1902)\n      p. 312.\n\n  289 O. Dapper, _Description de l\u2019Afrique_, p. 312; H. Ling Roth, _Great\n      Benin_, p. 119; _Missions Catholiques_, xv. (1883) p. 110; J.\n      Roscoe, \u201cFurther Notes on the Manners and Customs of the Baganda,\u201d\n      _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xxxii. (1902) p. 67.\n\n  M59 A man\u2019s health and strength supposed to vary with the length of his\n      shadow. Fear of the loss of the shadow. Fear of the resemblance of a\n      child to its parents.\n\n  290 Dio Chrysostom, _Or._ lxvii. vol. ii. p. 230, ed. L. Dindorf.\n\n  291 J. G. F. Riedel, _De sluik- en kroesharige rassen tusschen Selebes\n      en Papua_, p. 61.\n\n  292 W. W. Gill, _Myths and Songs of the South Pacific_, pp. 284 _sqq._\n\n  293 W. W. Skeat and C. O. Blagden. _Pagan Races of the Malay Peninsula_\n      (London, 1906), ii. 110.\n\n  294 The Rev. J. Roscoe, in a letter to me dated Mengo, Uganda, May 26,\n      1904.\n\n  295 T. Arbousset et F. Daumas, _Voyage d\u2019exploration_ (Paris, 1842), p.\n      291; Dudley Kidd, _The Essential Kafir_, pp. 83, 303; _id._, _Savage\n      Childhood_, p. 69. In the last passage Mr. Kidd tells us that \u201cthe\n      mat was _not_ held up in the sun, but was placed in the hut at the\n      marked-off portion where the _itongo_ or ancestral spirit was\n      supposed to live; and the fate of the man was divined, not by the\n      _length_ of the shadow, but by its _strength_.\u201d\n\n  296 Theocritus, i. 15 _sqq._; Philostratus, _Heroic._ i. 3; Porphyry,\n      _De antro nympharum_, 26; Lucan, iii. 423 _sqq._; Drexler, _s.v._\n      \u201cMeridianus daemon,\u201d in Roscher\u2019s _Lexikon der griech. und r\u00f6m.\n      Mythologie_, ii. 2832 _sqq._; Bernard Schmidt, _Das Volksleben der\n      Neugriechen_, pp. 94 _sqq._, 119 _sq._; Georgeakis et Pineau,\n      _Folk-lore de Lesbos_, p. 342; A. de Nore, _Coutumes, mythes, et\n      traditions des provinces de France_, pp. 214 _sq._; J. Grimm,\n      _Deutsche Mythologie_,4 ii. 972; C. L. Rochholz, _Deutscher Glaube\n      und Brauch_, i. 62 _sqq._; E. Gerard, _The Land beyond the Forest_,\n      i. 331; \u201cLettre du cur\u00e9 de Santiago Tepehuacan,\u201d _Bulletin de la\n      Soci\u00e9t\u00e9 de G\u00e9ographie_ (Paris), IIme S\u00e9rie, ii. (1834) p. 180; N.\n      von Stenin, \u201cDie Permier,\u201d _Globus_, lxxi. (1897) p. 374; D.\n      Louwerier, \u201cBijgeloovige gebruiken, die door die Javanen worden in\n      acht genomen,\u201d _Mededeelingen van wege het Nederlandsche\n      Zendelinggenootschap_, xlix. (1905) p. 257.\n\n  297 Schol. on Aristophanes, _Frogs_, 293.\n\n  298 Pausanias, viii. 38. 6; Polybius, xvi. 12. 7; Plutarch, _Quaestiones\n      Graecae_, 39.\n\n  299 Th. Vernaleken, _Mythen und Br\u00e4uche des Volkes in \u00d6sterreich_, p.\n      341; Reinsberg-D\u00fcringsfeld, _Das festliche Jahr_, p. 401; A. Wuttke,\n      _Der deutsche Volksaberglaube_,2 p. 207, \u00a7 314.\n\n  300 M. J. van Baarda, \u201cFabelen, Verhalen en Overleveringen der\n      Galelareezen,\u201d _Bijdragen tot de Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde van\n      Nederlandsch-Indi\u00eb_, xlv. (1895) p. 459.\n\n  301 J. H. Weeks, \u201cNotes on some Customs of the Lower Congo People,\u201d\n      _Folk-lore_, xix. (1908) p. 422.\n\n  M60 The shadows of people built into foundations to strengthen the\n      edifices.\n\n  302 B. Schmidt, _Das Volksleben der Neugriechen_ (Leipsic, 1871), pp.\n      196 _sq._\n\n  303 Georgeakis et Pineau, _Folk-lore de Lesbos_, pp. 346 _sq._\n\n  304 A. Strausz, _Die Bulgaren_ (Leipsic, 1898), p. 199; W. R. S.\n      Ralston, _Songs of the Russian People_, p. 127.\n\n  305 W. Schmidt, _Das Jahr und seine Tage in Meinung und Brauch der\n      Rom\u00e4nen Siebenb\u00fcrgens_ (Hermannstadt, 1866), p. 27; E. Gerard, _The\n      Land beyond the Forest_, ii. 17 _sq._ Compare F. S. Krauss,\n      _Volksglaube und religi\u00f6ser Brauch der S\u00fcdslaven_, p. 161.\n\n  306 Mgr. Brugui\u00e8re, in _Annales de l\u2019Association de la Propagation de la\n      Foi_, v. (1831) pp. 164 _sq._; Pallegoix, _Description du royaume\n      Thai ou Siam_, ii. 50-52.\n\n  307 A. Fytche, _Burma, Past and Present_ (London, 1878), i. 251 note.\n\n  308 On such practices in general, see E. B. Tylor, _Primitive Culture_,2\n      i. 104 _sqq._; F. Liebrecht, _Zur Volkskunde_, pp. 284-296; F. S.\n      Krauss, \u201cDer Bauopfer bei den S\u00fcdslaven,\u201d _Mittheilungen der\n      Anthropologischen Gesellschaft in Wien_, xvii. (1887) pp. 16-24; P.\n      Sartori, \u201c\u00dcber das Bauopfer,\u201d _Zeitschrift f\u00fcr Ethnologie_, xxx.\n      (1898) pp. 1-54; E. Westermarck, _Origin and Development of the\n      Moral Ideas_ (London, 1906-1908), i. 461 _sqq._ For some special\n      evidence, see H. Oldenberg, _Die Religion des Veda_, pp. 363 _sqq._\n      (as to ancient India); Sonnerat, _Voyage aux Indes Orientales et \u00e0\n      la Chine_, ii. 47 (as to Pegu); Guerlach, \u201cChez les sauvages\n      Bahnars,\u201d _Missions Catholiques_, xvi. (1884) p. 82 (as to the\n      Sedans of Cochin-China); W. H. Furness, _Home-life of Borneo\n      Head-hunters_, p. 3 (as to the Kayans and Kenyahs of Burma); A. C.\n      Kruijt, \u201cVan Paloppo naar Posso,\u201d _Mededeelingen van wege het\n      Nederlandsche Zendelinggenootschap_, xlii. (1898) p. 56 note (as to\n      central Celebes); L. Hearn, _Glimpses of Unfamiliar Japan_ (London,\n      1894), i. 148 _sq._; H. Ternaux-Compans, _Essai sur l\u2019ancien\n      Cundinamarca_, p. 70 (as to the Indians of Colombia). These customs\n      are commonly called foundation-sacrifices. But the name is\n      inappropriate, as Prof. H. Oldenberg has rightly observed, since\n      they are not sacrifices but charms.\n\n  309 D. F. van Braam Morris, in _Tijdschrift voor Indische Taal- Land- en\n      Volkenkunde_, xxxiv. (1891) p. 224.\n\n  M61 Deification of a measuring tape.\n\n  310 J. H. de Vries, \u201cReis door eenige eilandgroepen der Residentie\n      Amboina,\u201d _Tijdschrift van het koninklijk Nederlandsch\n      Aardrijkskundig Genootschap_, Tweedie Serie, xvii. (1900) pp. 612\n      _sq._\n\n  M62 The soul sometimes supposed to be in the reflection. Dangers to\n      which the reflection-soul is exposed.\n\n  311 E. H. Mann, _Aboriginal Inhabitants of the Andaman Islands_, p. 94.\n\n  312 T. Williams, _Fiji and the Fijians_,2 i. 241. However, the late Mr.\n      Lorimer Fison wrote to me that this reported belief in a bright soul\n      and a dark soul \u201cis one of Williams\u2019 absurdities. I inquired into it\n      on the island where he was, and found that there was no such belief.\n      He took the word for \u2018shadow,\u2019 which is a reduplication of _yalo_,\n      the word for soul, as meaning the dark soul. But _yaloyalo_ does not\n      mean the soul at all. It is not part of a man as his soul is. This\n      is made certain by the fact that it does not take the possessive\n      suffix _yalo-na_ = his soul; but _nona yaloyalo_ = his shadow. This\n      settles the question beyond dispute. If _yaloyalo_ were any kind of\n      soul, the possessive form would be _yaloyalona_\u201d (letter dated\n      August 26, 1898).\n\n  313 James Chalmers, _Pioneering in New Guinea_ (London, 1887), p. 170.\n\n  314 Father Lambert, _M\u0153urs et superstitions des N\u00e9o-Cal\u00e9doniens_\n      (Noum\u00e9a, 1900), pp. 45 _sq._\n\n  315 M. J. van Baarda, \u201cFabelen, Verhalen en Overleveringen der\n      Galelareezen,\u201d _Bijdragen tot de Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde van\n      Nederlandsch-Indi\u00eb_, xlv. (1895) p. 462.\n\n  316 B. de Sahagun, _Histoire g\u00e9n\u00e9rale des choses de la Nouvelle-Espagne_\n      (Paris, 1880), p. 314. The Chinese hang brass mirrors over the idols\n      in their houses, because it is thought that evil spirits entering\n      the house and seeing themselves in the mirrors will be scared away\n      (_China Review_, ii. 164).\n\n  317 G. Vuillier, \u201cChez les magiciens et les sorciers de la Corr\u00e8ze,\u201d\n      _Tour du monde_, N.S. v. (1899) pp. 522, 524.\n\n  318 H. Callaway, _Nursery Tales, Traditions, and Histories of the Zulus_\n      (Natal and London, 1868), p. 342.\n\n  319 T. Arbousset et F. Daumas, _Voyage d\u2019exploration au nord-est de la\n      colonie du Cap de Bonne-Esp\u00e9rance_, p. 12; T. Lindsay Fairclough,\n      \u201cNotes on the Basuto,\u201d _Journal of the African Society_, No. 14\n      (January 1905), p. 201.\n\n  320 R. H. Codrington, \u201cReligious Beliefs and Practices in Melanesia,\u201d\n      _Journ. Anthrop. Inst._ x. (1881) p. 313; _id._, _The Melanesians_,\n      p. 186.\n\n  M63 Dread of looking at one\u2019s reflection in water.\n\n_  321 Fragmenta philosophorum Graecorum_, ed. F. G. A. Mullach, i. 510;\n      Artemidorus, _Onirocr._ ii. 7; _Laws of Manu_, iv. 38 (p. 135, G.\n      B\u00fchler\u2019s translation, _Sacred Books of the East_, vol. xxv.).\n\n  M64 Reason for covering up mirrors or turning them to the wall after a\n      death.\n\n  322 See above, p. 37.\n\n  323 A. Wuttke, _Der deutsche Volksaberglaube_,2 pp. 429 _sq._, \u00a7 726.\n\n  324 A. Wuttke, _l.c._; E. Monseur, _Le Folklore Wallon_, p. 40.\n\n_  325 Folk-lore Journal_, iii. (1885) p. 281; T. F. Thiselton Dyer,\n      _English Folk-lore_, p. 109; J. Napier, _Folk-lore, or Superstitious\n      Beliefs in the West of Scotland_, p. 60; W. Ellis, _History of\n      Madagascar_, i. 238. Compare A. Grandidier, \u201cDes rites fun\u00e9raires\n      chez les Malgaches,\u201d _Revue d\u2019Ethnographie_, v. (1886) p. 215.\n\n  326 S. Weissenberg, \u201cDie Kar\u00e4er der Krim,\u201d _Globus_, lxxxiv. (1903) p.\n      143; _id._ \u201cKrankheit und Tod bei den s\u00fcdrussischen Juden,\u201d\n      _Globus_, xci. (1907) p. 360.\n\n_  327 Panjab Notes and Queries_, ii. p. 169, \u00a7 906.\n\n  328 J. V. Grohmann, _Aberglauben und Gebr\u00e4uche aus B\u00f6hmen und M\u00e4hren_,\n      p. 151, \u00a7 1097; _Folk-lore Journal_, vi. (1888) pp. 145 _sq._:\n      _Panjab Notes and Queries_, ii. p. 61, \u00a7 378.\n\n  329 J. G. Frazer, \u201cOn certain Burial Customs as illustrative of the\n      Primitive Theory of the Soul,\u201d _Journal of the Anthropological\n      Institute_, xv. (1886) pp. 82 _sqq._ Among the heathen Arabs, when a\n      man had been stung by a scorpion, he was kept from sleeping for\n      seven days, during which he had to wear a woman\u2019s bracelets and\n      earrings (Rasmussen, _Additamenta ad historiam Arabum ante\n      Islamismum_, p. 65, compare p. 69). The old Mexican custom of\n      masking and the images of the gods so long as the king was sick\n      (Brasseur de Bourbourg, _Histoire des nations civilis\u00e9es du Mexique\n      et de l\u2019Am\u00e9rique-Centrale_, iii. 571 _sq._) may perhaps have been\n      intended to prevent the images from drawing away the king\u2019s soul.\n\n  330 W. R. S. Ralston, _Songs of the Russian People_, p. 117. The\n      objection, however, may be merely Puritanical. W. Robertson Smith\n      informed me that the peculiarities of the Raskolniks are largely due\n      to exaggerated Puritanism.\n\n  M65 The soul sometimes supposed to be in the portrait. This belief among\n      the Esquimaux and American Indians.\n\n  331 E. W. Nelson, \u201cThe Eskimo about Bering Strait,\u201d _Eighteenth Annual\n      Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology_, Part I. (Washington,\n      1899) p. 422.\n\n  332 J. Owen Dorsey, \u201cA Study of Siouan Cults,\u201d _Eleventh Annual Report\n      of the Bureau of Ethnology_ (Washington, 1894), p. 484; _id._ \u201cTeton\n      Folk-lore,\u201d _American Anthropologist_, ii. (1889) p. 143.\n\n  333 Maximilian Prinz zu Wied, _Reise in das innere Nord-America_, i.\n      417.\n\n_  334 Ibid._ ii. 166.\n\n  335 C. Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_ (London, 1903), i. 459 _sq._\n\n  336 A. Simson, \u201cNotes on the Jivaros and Canelos Indians,\u201d _Journal of\n      the Anthropological Institute_, ix. (1880) p. 392.\n\n  337 D. Forbes, in _Journal of the Ethnological Society of London_, ii.\n      (1870) p. 236.\n\n  338 E. R. Smith, _The Araucanians_ (London, 1855), p. 222.\n\n  M66 The same belief in Africa.\n\n  339 Rev. A. Hetherwick, \u201cSome Animistic Beliefs among the Yaos of\n      British Central Africa,\u201d _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_,\n      xxxii. (1902) pp. 89 _sq._\n\n  340 W. A. Elmslie, _Among the Wild Ngoni_ (Edinburgh and London, 1899),\n      pp. 70 _sq._\n\n  341 J. Thomson, _Through Masai Land_ (London, 1885), p. 86.\n\n  342 E. Clodd, in _Folk-lore_, vi. (1895) pp. 73 _sq._, referring to _The\n      Times_ of March 24, 1891.\n\n  M67 The same belief in Asia and the East Indies.\n\n  343 L. A. Waddell, _Among the Himalayas_ (Westminster, 1899), pp. 85\n      _sq._\n\n  344 E. Young, _The Kingdom of the Yellow Robe_ (Westminster, 1898), p.\n      140.\n\n  345 Ch. Dallet, _Histoire de l\u2019\u00c9glise de Cor\u00e9e_ (Paris, 1874), i. p.\n      xxv. This account of Corea was written at a time when the country\n      was still almost secluded from European influence. The events of\n      recent years have naturally wrought great changes in the habits and\n      ideas of the people.\n\n  346 \u201cIets over het bijgeloof in de Minahasa,\u201d _Tijdschrift voor\n      Nederlandsch Indi\u00eb_, III. S\u00e9rie, iv. (1870) pp. 8 _sq._\n\n  347 J. Freiherr von Brenner, _Besuch bei den Kannibalen Sumatras_\n      (W\u00fcrzburg, 1894), p. 195.\n\n  348 A. W. Nieuwenhuis, _Quer durch Borneo_, i. 314.\n\n  M68 The same belief in Europe.\n\n  349 \u201cA Far-off Greek Island,\u201d _Blackwood\u2019s Magazine_, February 1886, p.\n      235.\n\n  350 J. A. E. K\u00f6hler, _Volksbrauch, Aberglauben, Sagen und andre alte\n      \u00dcberlieferungen im Voigtlande_ (Leipsic, 1867), p. 423.\n\n  351 W. R. S. Ralston, _Songs of the Russian People_, p. 117.\n\n  352 Miss M. E. Durham, _High Albania_ (London, 1909), p. 107.\n\n  353 F. H. Groome, _In Gipsy Tents_ (Edinburgh, 1880), pp. 337 _sq._\n\n  354 James Napier, _Folk-lore, or Superstitious Beliefs in the West of\n      Scotland_, p. 142. For more examples of the same sort, see R.\n      Andree, _Ethnographische Parallelen und Vergleiche_, Neue Folge\n      (Leipsic, 1889), pp. 18 _sqq._\n\n  M69 Primitive conceptions of the soul helped to mould early kingships by\n      dictating rules to be observed by the king for his soul\u2019s salvation.\n  M70 The general effect of these rules is to isolate the king, especially\n      from strangers. The savage fears the magic arts of strangers and\n      hence guards himself against them. Various modes of disenchanting\n      strangers.\n\n  355 Menander Protector, in _Fragmenta historicorum Graecorum_, ed. C.\n      M\u00fcller, iv. 227. Compare Gibbon, _Decline and Fall of the Roman\n      Empire_, ch. xlii. vol. vii. pp. 294 _sq._ (Edinburgh, 1811).\n\n  356 G. Turner, _Samoa_, pp. 291 _sq._\n\n  357 Charles New, _Life, Wanderings, and Labours in Eastern Africa_\n      (London, 1873), p. 432. Compare _ibid._ pp. 400, 402. For the demons\n      on Mt. Kilimanjaro, see also J. L. Krapf, _Travels, Researches, and\n      Missionary Labours in Eastern Africa_ (London, 1860), p. 192.\n\n  358 Pierre Bouche, _La C\u00f4te des Esclaves et le Dahomey_ (Paris, 1885),\n      p. 133.\n\n  359 A. van Gennep, _Tabou et tot\u00e9misme \u00e0 Madagascar_ (Paris, 1904), p.\n      42.\n\n  360 C. A. L. M. Schwaner, _Borneo_ (Amsterdam, 1853-54), ii. 77.\n\n_  361 Ibid._ ii. 167.\n\n  362 A. W. Nieuwenhuis, _Quer durch Borneo_, ii. 102.\n\n  363 E. Aymonier, _Notes sur le Laos_ (Saigon, 1885), p. 196.\n\n_  364 Bulletin de la Soci\u00e9t\u00e9 de G\u00e9ographie_ (Paris), IVme S\u00e9rie, vi.\n      (1853) pp. 134 _sq._\n\n  365 H. von Rosenberg, _Der malayische Archipel_ (Leipsic, 1878), p. 198.\n\n  366 D. W. Horst, \u201cRapport van eene reis naar de Noordkust van Nieuw\n      Guinea,\u201d _Tijdschrift voor Indische Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde_,\n      xxxii. (1889) p. 229.\n\n  367 Capt. John Moresby, _Discoveries and Surveys in New Guinea_ (London,\n      1876), pp. 102 _sq._\n\n  368 R. I. Dodge, _Our Wild Indians_ (Hartford, Conn., 1886), p. 119.\n\n  M71 Disenchantment effected by means of stinging ants and pungent\n      spices. Disenchantment effected by cuts with knives.\n\n  369 J. Crevaux, _Voyages dans l\u2019Am\u00e9rique du Sud_ (Paris, 1883), p. 300.\n\n  370 J. G. F. Riedel, _De sluik- en kroesharige rassen tusschen Selebes\n      en Papua_, p. 78.\n\n  371 J. Kreemer, \u201cHoe de Javaan zijne zieken verzorgt,\u201d _Mededeelingen\n      van wege het Nederlandsche Zendelinggenootschap_, xxxvi. (1892) p.\n      13. Mr. E. W. Lewis, of Woodthorpe, Atkins Rood, Clapham Park,\n      London, S.W., writes to me (July 2, 1902) that his grandmother, a\n      native of Cheshire, used to make bees sting her as a cure for local\n      rheumatism; she said the remedy was infallible and had been handed\n      down to her from her mother.\n\n  372 Father Baudin, \u201cLe F\u00e9tichisme,\u201d _Missions Catholiques_, xvi. (1884)\n      p. 249; A. B. Ellis, _The Yoruba-speaking Peoples of the Slave\n      Coast_ (London, 1894), pp. 113 _sq._\n\n  373 A. Bastian, _Allerlei aus Volks- und Menschenkunde_ (Berlin, 1888),\n      i. 116.\n\n  374 J. B. de Callone, \u201cIets over de geneeswijze en ziekten der Daijakers\n      ter Zuid Oostkust van Borneo,\u201d _Tijdschrift voor Ne\u00earlands Indie_,\n      1840, dl. i. p. 418.\n\n  375 M. T. H. Perelaer, _Ethnographische Beschrijving der Dajaks_, pp.\n      44, 54, 252; B. F. Matthes, _Bijdragen tot de Ethnologie van\n      Zuid-Celebes_ (The Hague, 1875), p. 49.\n\n  376 H. Gr\u00fctzner, \u201c\u00dcber die Gebr\u00e4uche der Basutho,\u201d in _Verhandlungen der\n      Berliner Gesellschaft f\u00fcr Anthropologie, Ethnologie, und\n      Urgeschichte_, 1877, pp. 84 _sq._\n\n  377 L. Decle, _Three Years in Savage Africa_ (London, 1898), p. 81.\n\n  378 P. Reichard, _Deutsch-Ostafrika_ (Leipsic, 1892), p. 431.\n\n  379 Nieuwenhuisen en Rosenberg, \u201cVerslag omtrent het eiland Nias,\u201d in\n      _Verhandelingen van het Bataviaasch Genootschap van Kunsten en\n      Wetenschappen_, xxx. (Batavia, 1863) p. 26.\n\n  M72 Ceremonies observed at the reception of strangers may sometimes be\n      intended to counteract their enchantments.\n\n  380 R. Parkinson, \u201cZur Ethnographie der Ontong Java- und Tasman-Inseln,\u201d\n      _Internationales Archiv f\u00fcr Ethnographie_, x. (1897) p. 112.\n\n  381 T. S. Weir, \u201cNote on Sacrifices in India as a Means of averting\n      Epidemics,\u201d _Journal of the Anthropological Society of Bombay_, i.\n      35.\n\n  382 E. O\u2019Donovan, _The Merv Oasis_ (London, 1882), ii. 58.\n\n_  383 Emin Pasha in Central Africa, being a Collection of his Letters and\n      Journals_ (London, 1888), p. 107.\n\n  384 H. Ling Roth, _Great Benin_ (Halifax, England, 1903), p. 123.\n\n_  385 Narrative of the Second Arctic Expedition made by Charles F. Hall_,\n      edited by Prof. J. G. Nourse, U.S.N. (Washington, 1879), p. 269,\n      note. Compare Fr. Boas, \u201cThe Central Eskimo,\u201d _Sixth Annual Report\n      of the Bureau of Ethnology_ (Washington, 1888), p. 609.\n\n  386 J. A. Grant, _A Walk across Africa_, pp. 104 _sq._\n\n  M73 Ceremonies observed at entering a strange land to disenchant it.\n      Ceremonies at entering a strange land to disenchant it or to\n      propitiate the local spirits.\n\n  387 E. Shortland, _Traditions and Superstitions of the New Zealanders_2\n      (London, 1856), p. 103.\n\n  388 N. von Miklucho-Maclay, \u201cEthnologische Bemerkungen \u00fcber die Papuas\n      der Maclay-Kuste in Neu-Guinea,\u201d _Natuurkundig Tijdschrift voor\n      Nederlandsch Indie_, xxxvi. 317 _sq._\n\n  389 Fr. Stuhlmann, _Mit Emin Pascha ins Herz von Afrika_ (Berlin, 1894),\n      p. 94.\n\n  390 R. Brough Smyth, _Aborigines of Victoria_, i. 134.\n\n  391 A. W. Howitt, _Native Tribes of South-East Australia_, p. 403.\n\n  392 Ch. Hose, _Notes on the Natives of British Borneo_ (in manuscript).\n\n  393 A. C. Kruijt, \u201cHet koppensnellen der Toradja\u2019s van Midden-Celebes,\n      en zijne beteekenis,\u201d _Verslagen en Mededeelingen der Konikl.\n      Akademie van Wetenschappen_, Afdeeling Letterkunde, iv. Reeks, iii.\n      (1899) p. 204.\n\n  394 Scholiast on Euripides, _Phoenissae_, 1377, ed. E. Schwartz.\n\n  395 Conon, _Narrationes_, 18; Pausanias, iii. 19. 12; Francis Fleming,\n      _Southern Africa_ (London, 1856), p. 259; Dudley Kidd, _The\n      Essential Kafir_, p. 307.\n\n  396 See _The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, vol. ii. pp. 263\n      _sq._\n\n  M74 Purificatory ceremonies observed on the return from a journey.\n\n  397 John Campbell, _Travels in South Africa, being a Narrative of a\n      Second Journey in the Interior of that Country_ (London, 1822), ii.\n      205.\n\n  398 Ladislaus Magyar, _Reisen in S\u00fcd-Afrika_ (Buda-Pesth and Leipsic,\n      1859), p. 203.\n\n  399 Fr. Stuhlmann, _Mit Emin Pascha ins Herz von Afrika_ (Berlin, 1894),\n      p. 89.\n\n  400 J. Roscoe, \u201cFurther Notes on the Manners and Customs of the\n      Baganda,\u201d _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xxxii. (1902)\n      p. 62.\n\n  401 C. J. Andersson, _Lake Ngami_2 (London, 1856), p. 223.\n\n  402 Washington Matthews, \u201cThe Mountain Chant: a Navajo Ceremony,\u201d _Fifth\n      Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology_ (Washington, 1887), p.\n      410.\n\n_  403 Asiatick Researches_, vi. 535 _sq._ ed. 4to (p. 537 _sq._ ed. 8vo).\n\n  404 Fran\u00e7ois Valentyn, _Oud en nieuw Oost-Indi\u00ebn_, iii. 16.\n\n  405 A. W. Nieuwenhuis, _In Centraal Borneo_, i. 165.\n\n  406 G. Turner, _Samoa_, pp. 305 _sq._\n\n  M75 Special precautions taken to guard the king against the magic of\n      strangers.\n\n  407 De Plano Carpini, _Historia Mongolorum quos nos Tartaros\n      appellamus_, ed. D\u2019Avezac (Paris, 1838), cap. iii. \u00a7 iii. p. 627,\n      cap. ult. \u00a7 i. x. p. 744, and Appendix, p. 775; \u201cTravels of William\n      de Rubriquis into Tartary and China,\u201d in Pinkerton\u2019s _Voyages and\n      Travels_, vii. 82 _sq._\n\n  408 Paul Pogge, \u201cBericht \u00fcber die Station Mukenge,\u201d _Mittheilungen der\n      Afrikanischen Gesellschaft in Deutschland_, iv. (1883-1885) pp. 182\n      _sq._\n\n  409 Coillard, \u201cVoyage au pays des Banyais et au Zamb\u00e8se,\u201d _Bulletin de\n      la Soci\u00e9t\u00e9 de G\u00e9ographie_ (Paris), VIme S\u00e9rie, xx. (1880) p. 393.\n\n  410 J. L. Krapf, _Travels, Researches, and Missionary Labours during an\n      Eighteen Years\u2019 Residence in Eastern Africa_ (London, 1860), pp. 252\n      _sq._\n\n  411 O. Dapper, _Description de l\u2019Afrique_ (Amsterdam, 1686), p. 391.\n\n  412 Proyart, \u201cHistory of Loango, Kakongo,\u201d etc., in Pinkerton\u2019s _Voyages\n      and Travels_, xvi. 583; Dapper, _op. cit._ p. 340; J. Ogilby,\n      _Africa_ (London, 1670), p. 521. Compare A. Bastian, _Die deutsche\n      Expedition an der Loango-K\u00fcste_, i. 288.\n\n  413 A. Bastian, _op. cit._ i. 268 _sq._\n\n  414 See above, pp. 8 _sq._\n\n  415 L. von Ende, \u201cDie Baduwis auf Java,\u201d _Mittheilungen der\n      anthropologischen Gesellschaft in Wien_, xix. (1889) pp. 7-10. As to\n      the Baduwis (Badoejs) see also G. A. Wilken, _Handleiding voor de\n      vergelijkende Volkenkunde van Nederlandsch-Indi\u00eb_ (Leyden, 1893),\n      pp. 640-643.\n\n  M76 Spiritual dangers of eating and drinking and precautions taken\n      against them.\n\n  416 A. B. Ellis, _The Ewe-speaking Peoples of the Slave Coast_, p. 107.\n\n  417 J. B. Neumann, \u201cHet Pane- en Bila- Stroomgebied op het eiland\n      Sumatra,\u201d _Tijdschrift van het Nederlandsch Aardrijkskundig\n      Genootschap_, Tweede Serie, dl. iii. (1886) Afdeeling, meer\n      uitgebreide artikelen, No. 2, p. 300.\n\n  418 J. Richardson, \u201cTanala Customs, Superstitions and Beliefs,\u201d _The\n      Antananarivo Annual and Madagascar Magazine, Reprint of the First\n      Four Numbers_ (Antananarivo, 1885), p. 219.\n\n  419 W. Cornwallis Harris, _The Highlands of Aethiopia_, iii. 171 _sq._\n\n  420 Th. Lefebvre, _Voyage en Abyssinie_, i. p. lxxii.\n\n  421 Lieut. V. L. Cameron, _Across Africa_ (London, 1877), ii. 71; _id._,\n      in _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, vi. (1877) p. 173.\n\n  422 Ebn-el-Dyn el-Eghou\u00e2thy, \u201cRelation d\u2019un voyage dans l\u2019int\u00e9rieur de\n      l\u2019Afrique septentrionale,\u201d _Bulletin de la Soci\u00e9t\u00e9 de G\u00e9ographie_\n      (Paris), IIme S\u00e9rie, i. (1834) p. 290.\n\n  423 J. Teit, \u201cThe Thompson Indians of British Columbia,\u201d _Memoir of the\n      American Museum of Natural History, The Jesup North Pacific\n      Expedition_, vol. i. part iv. (April 1900) p. 360.\n\n  424 Th. Williams, _Fiji and the Fijians_.2 i. 249.\n\n  M77 Seclusion of kings at their meals.\n\n  425 \u201cAdventures of Andrew Battel,\u201d in Pinkerton\u2019s _Voyages and Travels_,\n      xvi. 330; O. Dapper, _Description de l\u2019Afrique_, p. 330; A. Bastian,\n      _Die deutsche Expedition an der Loango-K\u00fcste_, i. 262 _sq._; R. F.\n      Burton, _Abeokuta and the Cameroons Mountains_, i. 147.\n\n  426 Proyart\u2019s \u201cHistory of Loango, Kakongo,\u201d etc., in Pinkerton\u2019s\n      _Voyages and Travels_, xvi. 584.\n\n  427 J. L. Wilson, _Western Africa_, p. 202; John Duncan, _Travels in\n      Western Africa_, i. 222. Compare W. W. Reade, _Savage Africa_, p.\n      543.\n\n  428 Paul Pogge, _Im Reiche des Muata Jamwo_ (Berlin, 1880), p. 231.\n\n  429 F. T. Valdez, _Six Years of a Traveller\u2019s Life in Western Africa_\n      (London, 1861), ii. 256.\n\n  430 A. F. Mockler-Ferryman, _Up the Niger_ (London, 1892), p. 38.\n\n  431 Baron Roger, \u201cNotice sur le gouvernement, les m\u0153urs et les\n      superstitions des N\u00e8gres du pays de Walo,\u201d _Bulletin de la Soci\u00e9t\u00e9\n      de G\u00e9ographie_ (Paris), viii. (1827) p. 351.\n\n  432 G. Schweinfurth, _The Heart of Africa_, ii. 45 (third edition,\n      London, 1878); G. Casati, _Ten Years in Equatoria_ (London and New\n      York, 1891), i. 177. As to the various customs observed by Monbutto\n      chiefs in drinking see G. Burrows, _The Land of the Pigmies_\n      (London, 1898), pp. 88, 91.\n\n  433 J. G. Frazer, _Totemism and Exogamy_, ii. 526, from information\n      furnished by the Rev. John Roscoe.\n\n  434 W. Cornwallis Harris, _The Highlands of Aethiopia_, iii. 78.\n\n  435 A. B. Ellis, _The Ewe-speaking Peoples of the Slave Coast_, pp. 162\n      _sq._\n\n  436 Capt. James Cook, _Voyages_, v. 374 (ed. 1809).\n\n  437 Heraclides Cumanus, in Athenaeus, iv. 26, p. 145 B-D. On the other\n      hand, in Kafa no one, not even the king, may eat except in the\n      presence of a legal witness. A slave is appointed to witness the\n      king\u2019s meals, and his office is esteemed honourable. See F. G.\n      Massaja, in _Bulletin de la Soci\u00e9t\u00e9 de G\u00e9ographie_ (Paris), Vme\n      S\u00e9rie, i. (1861) pp. 330 _sq._; Ph. Paulitschke, _Ethnographie\n      Nordost-Afrikas: die geistige Cultur der Dan\u00e2kil, Galla und Som\u00e2l_\n      (Berlin, 1896), pp. 248 _sq._\n\n  M78 Faces veiled to avert evil influences. Kings not to be seen by their\n      subjects.\n\n_  438 Notes analytiques sur les collections ethnographiques du Mus\u00e9e du\n      Congo_, I. _Les Arts, Religion_ (Brussels, 1902-1906), p. 164.\n\n  439 Mohammed Ibn-Omar el Tounsy, _Voyage au Darfour_ (Paris, 1845), p.\n      203; _Travels of an Arab Merchant_ [Mohammed Ibn-Omar el Tounsy] _in\n      Soudan_, abridged from the French (of Perron) by Bayle St. John\n      (London, 1854), pp. 91 _sq._\n\n  440 Mohammed Ibn-Omar el Tounsy, _Voyage au Ouad\u00e2y_ (Paris, 1851), p.\n      375.\n\n  441 Ibn Batoutah, _Voyages_, ed. C. Defr\u00e9mery et B. R. Sanguinetti\n      (Paris, 1853-1858), iv. 441.\n\n  442 Le Commandant Mattei, _Bas-Niger, B\u00e9nou\u00e9, Dahomey_ (Paris, 1895),\n      pp. 90 _sq._\n\n  443 H. Ternaux-Compans, _Essai sur l\u2019ancien Cundinamarca_, p. 60.\n\n_  444 Manuscrit Ramirez, histoire de l\u2019origine des Indiens qui habitent\n      la Nouvelle Espagne selon leurs traditions_, publi\u00e9 par D. Charnay\n      (Paris, 1903), pp. 107 _sq._\n\n  445 Herodotus, i. 99.\n\n  446 A. B. Ellis, _The Yoruba-speaking Peoples of the Slave Coast_, p.\n      170.\n\n  447 Ebn-el-Dyn el-Eghouathy, \u201cRelation d\u2019un voyage,\u201d _Bulletin de la\n      Soci\u00e9t\u00e9 de G\u00e9ographie_ (Paris), IIme S\u00e9rie, i. (1834) p. 290; H.\n      Duveyrier, _Exploration du Sahara: les Touareg du Nord_, pp. 391\n      _sq._; Reclus, _Nouvelle G\u00e9ographie Universelle_, xi. 838 _sq._;\n      James Richardson, _Travels in the Great Desert of Sahara_, ii. 208.\n\n  448 J. Wellhausen, _Reste arabischen Heidentums_2 (Berlin, 1897), p.\n      196.\n\n  449 Tertullian, _De virginibus velandis_, 17 (Migne\u2019s _Patrologia\n      Latina_, ii. col. 912).\n\n  450 Pseudo-Dicaearchus, _Descriptio Graeciae_, 18, in _Geographi Graeci\n      Minores_, ed. C. M\u00fcller, i. 103; _id._, in _Fragmenta Historicorum\n      Graecorum_, ed. C. M\u00fcller, ii. 259.\n\n  451 G. Turner, _Samoa_, pp. 67 _sq._\n\n  452 J. G. F. Riedel, \u201cDie Landschaft Dawan oder West-Timor,\u201d _Deutsche\n      geographische Bl\u00e4tter_, x. 230.\n\n  453 A. W. Howitt, \u201cOn some Australian Ceremonies of Initiation,\u201d\n      _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xiii. (1884) p. 456.\n\n  454 Above, pp. 30 _sqq._\n\n  M79 Kings forbidden to leave their palaces or to be seen abroad by their\n      subjects.\n\n  455 See above, pp. 5, 8 _sq._\n\n  456 This rule was mentioned to me in conversation by Miss Mary H.\n      Kingsley. However, he is said to have shewn himself outside his\n      palace on solemn occasions once or twice a year. See O. Dapper,\n      _Description de l\u2019Afrique_, pp. 311 _sq._; H. Ling Roth, _Great\n      Benin_, p. 74. As to the worship of the king of Benin, see _The\n      Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, vol. i. p. 396.\n\n  457 A. Bastian, _Die deutsche Expedition an der Loango-K\u00fcste_, i. 263.\n      However, a case is recorded in which he marched out to war (_ibid._\n      i. 268 _sq._).\n\n  458 S. Crowther and J. C. Taylor, _The Gospel on the Banks of the Niger_\n      (London, 1859), p. 433.\n\n  459 Le Commandant Mattei, _Bas-Niger, B\u00e9nou\u00e9, Dahomey_ (Paris, 1895),\n      pp. 67-72. The annual dance of the king of Onitsha outside of his\n      palace is mentioned also by S. Crowther and J. C. Taylor (_op. cit._\n      p. 379), and A. F. Mockler-Ferryman (_Up the Niger_, p. 22).\n\n  460 \u201cMission Voulet-Chanoine,\u201d _Bulletin de la Soci\u00e9t\u00e9 de G\u00e9ographie_\n      (Paris), VIIIme S\u00e9rie, xx. (1899) p. 223.\n\n  461 C. Partridge, _Cross River Natives_ (London, 1905), p. 7; compare\n      _id._ pp. 8, 200, 202, 203 _sq._ See also Major A. G. Leonard, _The\n      Lower Niger and its Tribes_ (London, 1906), pp. 371 _sq._\n\n  462 Strabo, xvii. 2. 2 \u03c3\u03ad\u03b2\u03bf\u03bd\u03c4\u03b1\u03b9 \u03b4\u1fbd \u1f61\u03c2 \u03b8\u03b5\u03bf\u1f7a\u03c2 \u03c4\u03bf\u03c5\u03c3 \u03b2\u03b1\u03c3\u03b9\u03bb\u03b5\u03b1\u03c3, \u03ba\u03b1\u03c4\u03b1\u03ba\u03bb\u03b5\u03b9\u03c3\u03c4\u03bf\u03c5\u03c3\n      \u03bf\u03bd\u03c4\u03b1\u03c3 \u03ba\u03b1\u03b9 \u03bf\u1f30\u03ba\u03bf\u03c5\u03c1\u03bf\u1f7a\u03c2 \u03c4\u1f78 \u03c0\u03bb\u03ad\u03bf\u03bd.\n\n  463 Xenophon, _Anabasis_, v. 4. 26; Scymnus Chius, _Orbis descriptio_,\n      900 _sqq._ (_Geographi Graeci Minores_, ed. C. M\u00fcller, i. 234);\n      Diodorus Siculus, xiv. 30. 6 _sq._; Nicolaus Damascenus, quoted by\n      Stobeaus, _Florilegium_, xliv. 41 (vol. ii. p. 185, ed. Meineke);\n      Apollonius Rhodius, _Argon._ ii. 1026, _sqq._, with the note of the\n      scholiast; Pomponius Mela, i. 106, p. 29, ed. Parthey. Die\n      Chrysostom refers to the custom without mentioning the name of the\n      people (_Or._ xiv. vol. i. p. 257, ed. L. Dindorf).\n\n  464 Strabo, xvi. 4. 19, p. 778; Diodorus Siculus, iii. 47. Inscriptions\n      found in Sheba (the country about two hundred miles north of Aden)\n      seem to shew that the land was at first ruled by a succession of\n      priestly kings, who were afterwards followed by kings in the\n      ordinary sense. The names of many of these priestly kings\n      (_makarribs_, literally \u201cblessers\u201d) are preserved in inscriptions.\n      See Prof. S. R. Driver, in _Authority and Archaeology Sacred and\n      Profane_, edited by D. G. Hogarth (London, 1899), p. 82. Probably\n      these \u201cblessers\u201d are the kings referred to by the Greek writers. We\n      may suppose that the blessings they dispensed consisted in a proper\n      regulation of the weather, abundance of the fruits of the earth, and\n      so on.\n\n  465 Heraclides Cumanus, in Athenaeus, xii. 13, p. 517 B.C.\n\n  466 Ch. Dallet, _Histoire de l\u2019\u00c9glise de Core\u00e9_ (Paris, 1874), i. pp.\n      xxiv-xxvi. The king sometimes, though rarely, left his palace. When\n      he did so, notice was given beforehand to his people. All doors must\n      be shut and each householder must kneel before his threshold with a\n      broom and a dust-pan in his hand. All windows, especially the upper\n      ones, must be sealed with slips of paper, lest some one should look\n      down upon the king. See W. E. Griffis, _Corea, the Hermit Nation_,\n      p. 222. These customs are now obsolete (G. N. Curzon, _Problems of\n      the Far East_, Westminster, 1896, pp. 154 _sq._ note).\n\n  467 This I learned from the late Mr. W. Simpson, formerly artist of the\n      _Illustrated London News_.\n\n  468 Richard, \u201cHistory of Tonquin,\u201d in Pinkerton\u2019s _Voyages and Travels_,\n      ix. 746.\n\n  469 Shway Yoe, _The Burman_ (London, 1882), i. 30 _sq._; compare _Indian\n      Antiquary_, xx. (1891) p. 49.\n\n  M80 Magical harm done a man through the remains of his food or the\n      dishes he has eaten out of. Ideas and customs of the Narrinyeri of\n      South Australia.\n\n  470 G. Taplin, \u201cThe Narrinyeri,\u201d in _Native Tribes of South Australia_\n      (Adelaide, 1879), pp. 24-26; _id._, in E. M. Curr, _The Australian\n      Race_, ii. p. 247.\n\n  471 G. Taplin, \u201cThe Narrinyeri,\u201d in _Native Tribes of South Australia_,\n      p. 63; _id._, \u201cNotes on the Mixed Races of Australia,\u201d _Journal of\n      the Anthropological Institute_, iv. (1875) p. 53; _id._, in E. M.\n      Curr, _The Australian Race_, ii. 245.\n\n  472 H. E. A. Meyer, \u201cManners and Customs of the Aborigines of the\n      Encounter Bay Tribe,\u201d in _Native Tribes of South Australia_, p. 196.\n\n  M81 Ideas and customs as to the leavings of food in Melanesia and New\n      Guinea.\n\n  473 R. H. Codrington, _The Melanesians_, pp. 203 _sq._, compare pp. 178,\n      188, 214.\n\n  474 G. Turner, _Samoa_, pp. 302 _sq._ See _The Magic Art and the\n      Evolution of Kings_, i. 341 _sq._\n\n  475 K. Vetter, _Komm her\u00fcber und hilf uns!_ iii. (Barmen, 1898) p. 9; M.\n      Krieger, _Neu-Guinea_, pp. 185 _sq._; R. Parkinson, \u201cDie Berlinhafen\n      Section, ein Beitrag zur Ethnographie der Neu-Guinea K\u00fcste,\u201d\n      _Internationales Archiv f\u00fcr Ethnographie_, xiii. (1900) p. 44; M. J.\n      Erdweg, \u201cDie Bewohner der Insel Tumleo, Berlinhafen,\n      Deutsch-Neu-Guinea,\u201d _Mittheilungen der Anthropologischen\n      Gesellschaft in Wien_, xxxii. (1902) p. 287.\n\n  476 Mgr. Coupp\u00e9, \u201cEn Nouvelle-Pom\u00e9ranie,\u201d _Missions Catholiques_, xxiii.\n      (1891) p. 364; J. Graf Pfeil, _Studien und Beobachtungen aus der\n      S\u00fcdsee_ (Brunswick, 1899), pp. 141 _sq._; P. A. Kleintitschen, _Die\n      K\u00fcstenbewohner der Gazellehalbinsel_ (Hiltrup bei M\u00fcnster, N.D.),\n      pp. 343 _sq._\n\n  M82 Ideas and customs as to the leavings of food in Africa, Celebes,\n      India, and ancient Rome.\n\n  477 O. Dapper, _Description de l\u2019Afrique_, p. 330. We have seen that the\n      food left by the king of the Monbutto, is carefully buried (above,\n      p. 119).\n\n  478 Bosman\u2019s \u201cGuinea,\u201d in Pinkerton\u2019s _Voyages and Travels_, xvi. 487.\n\n  479 P. N. Wilken, \u201cBijdragen tot de kennis van de zeden en gewoonten der\n      Alfoeren in de Minahassa,\u201d _Mededeelingen van wege het Nederlandsche\n      Zendelinggenootschap_, vii. (1863) p. 126.\n\n  480 W. Caland, _Altindisches Zauberritual_, pp. 163 _sq._\n\n  481 Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ xxviii. 19. For other examples of witchcraft\n      wrought by means of the refuse of food, see E. S. Hartland, _The\n      Legend of Perseus_, ii. 83 _sqq._\n\n  M83 The fear of the magical evil which may be done a man through his\n      food has had beneficial effects in fostering habits of cleanliness\n      and in strengthening the ties of hospitality.\n\n  482 On the covenant entered into by eating together see the classical\n      exposition of W. Robertson Smith, _The Religion of the Semites_2\n      (London, 1894), pp. 269 _sqq._ For examples of the blood-covenant,\n      see H. C. Trumbull, _The Blood Covenant_ (London, 1887). The\n      examples might easily be multiplied.\n\n  M84 Disastrous results supposed to follow from using the dishes of the\n      Mikado or of a Fijian chief. Sacred persons are a source of danger\n      to others: their divinity burns like a fire what it touches. African\n      examples.\n\n  483 Kaempfer\u2019s \u201cHistory of Japan,\u201d in Pinkerton\u2019s _Voyages and Travels_,\n      vii. 717.\n\n  484 Rev. Lorimer Fison, in a letter to me dated August 26, 1898. In\n      Fijian, _kana_ is to eat; the meaning of _lama_ is unknown.\n\n  M85 The taboo of chiefs and kings in Tonga. The King\u2019s Evil cured by the\n      king\u2019s touch.\n\n  485 \u201cCoutumes \u00e9tranges des indig\u00e8nes du Djebel-Nouba,\u201d _Missions\n      Catholiques_, xiv. (1882) p. 460; Father S. Carceri, \u201cDjebel-Nouba,\u201d\n      _ibid._ xv. (1883) p. 450. The title of the priestly king is\n      _cogiour_ or _codjour_. \u201cThe _codjour_ is the pontifical king of\n      each group of villages; it is he who regulates and administers the\n      affairs of the Nubas. He is an absolute monarch, on whom all depend.\n      But he has no princely privileges or immunities; no royal insignia,\n      no badge mark him off from his subjects. He lives like them by the\n      produce of his fields and his industry; he works like them, earns\n      his daily bread, and has no guard of honour, no tribunal, no code of\n      laws, no civil list\u201d (Father S. Carceri, _loc. cit._).\n\n  486 \u201cDer Muata Cazembe und die V\u00f6lkerst\u00e4mme der Maravis, Chevas,\n      Muembas, Lundas und andere von S\u00fcd-Afrika,\u201d _Zeitschrift f\u00fcr\n      allgemeine Erdkunde_ (Berlin), vi. (1856) pp. 398 _sq._; F. T.\n      Valdez, _Six Years of a Traveller\u2019s Life in Western Africa_ (London,\n      1861), ii. 251 _sq._\n\n  487 W. Mariner, _The Natives of the Tonga Islands_,2 i. 141 _sq._ note,\n      434 note, ii. 82 _sq._, 221-224; Captain J. Cook, _Voyages_ (London,\n      1809), v. 427 _sq._ Similarly in Fiji any person who had touched the\n      head of a living chief or the body of a dead one was forbidden to\n      handle his food, and must be fed by another (J. E. Erskine, _The\n      Western Pacific_, p. 254).\n\n  488 On the custom of touching for the King\u2019s Evil, see _The Magic Art\n      and the Evolution of Kings_, vol. i. pp. 368 _sqq._\n\n  M86 Fatal effects of contact with sacred chiefs in New Zealand.\n\n  489 \u201cThe idea in which this law [the law of taboo or _tapu_, as it was\n      called in New Zealand] originated appears to have been, that a\n      portion of the spiritual essence of an _atua_ or of a sacred person\n      was communicated directly to objects which they touched, and also\n      that the spiritual essence so communicated to any object was\n      afterwards more or less retransmitted to anything else brought into\n      contact with it\u201d (E. Shortland, _Traditions and Superstitions of the\n      New Zealanders_, Second Edition, London, 1856, p. 102). Compare\n      _id._, _Maori Religion and Mythology_, p. 25.\n\n_  490 Old New Zealand_, by a Pakeha Maori (London, 1884), pp. 96 _sq._\n\n  491 W. Brown, _New Zealand and its Aborigines_ (London, 1845), p. 76.\n      For more examples of the same kind see _ibid._ pp. 177 _sq._\n\n  492 E. Tregear, \u201cThe Maoris of New Zealand,\u201d _Journal of the\n      Anthropological Institute_, xix. (1890) p. 100.\n\n  493 R. Taylor, _Te Ika a Maui, or, New Zealand and its Inhabitants_,2 p.\n      164.\n\n  494 R. Taylor, _op. cit._ p. 165.\n\n  M87 Examples of the fatal effects of imagination in other parts of the\n      world.\n\n  495 Spencer and Gillen, _Native Tribes of Central Australia_, pp. 537\n      _sq._\n\n  496 R. Southey, _History of Brazil_, i.2 (London, 1822), p. 238.\n\n  497 Major A. G. Leonard, _The Lower Niger and its Tribes_ (London,\n      1906), pp. 257 _sq._\n\n  498 Merolla\u2019s \u201cVoyage to Congo,\u201d in Pinkerton\u2019s _Voyages and Travels_,\n      xvi. 237 _sq._ As to these _chegilla_ or taboos on food, which are\n      commonly observed by the natives of this part of Africa, see further\n      my _Totemism and Exogamy_, ii. 614 _sqq._\n\n  M88 The taboos observed by sacred kings resemble those imposed on\n      persons who are commonly regarded as unclean, such as menstruous\n      women, homicides, and so forth. Taboos laid on persons who have been\n      in contact with the dead in New Zealand.\n\n  499 W. Ellis, _Polynesian Researches_ (Second Edition, London,\n      1832-1836), iv. 388. Ellis appears to imply that the rule was\n      universal in Polynesia, but perhaps he refers only to Hawaii, of\n      which in this part of his work he is specially treating. We are told\n      that in Hawaii the priest who carried the principal idol about the\n      country was tabooed during the performance of this sacred office; he\n      might not touch anything with his hands, and the morsels of food\n      which he ate had to be put into his mouth by the chiefs of the\n      villages through which he passed or even by the king himself, who\n      accompanied the priest on his rounds (L. de Freycinet, _Voyage\n      autour du monde_, Historique, ii. Premi\u00e8re Partie, Paris, 1829, p.\n      596). In Tonga the rule applied to chiefs only when their hands had\n      become tabooed by touching a superior chief (W. Mariner, _Tonga\n      Islands_, i. 82 _sq._). In New Zealand chiefs were fed by slaves (A.\n      S. Thomson, _The Story of New Zealand_, i. 102); or they may, like\n      tabooed people in general, have taken up their food from little\n      stages with their mouths or by means of fern-stalks (R. Taylor, _Te\n      Ika a Maui, or New Zealand and its Inhabitants_,2 p. 162).\n\n_  500 Old New Zealand_, by a Pakeha Maori (London, 1884), pp. 104-114.\n      For more evidence see W. Yate, _New Zealand_, p. 85; G. F. Angas,\n      _Savage Life and Scenes in Australia and New Zealand_, ii. 90; E.\n      Dieffenbach, _Travels in New Zealand_, ii. 104 _sq._; J. Dumont\n      D\u2019Urville, _Voyage autour du monde et \u00e0 la recherche de La P\u00e9rouse_,\n      ii. 530; Father Servant, \u201cNotice sur la Nouvelle Z\u00e9lande,\u201d _Annales\n      de la Propagation de la Foi_, xv. (1843) p. 22.\n\n  M89 The rule which forbids persons who have been in contact with a\n      corpse to touch food with their hands seems to have been universal\n      in Polynesia. A rule of the same sort is observed in Melanesia and\n      Africa.\n\n  501 G. Turner, _Samoa_, p. 145. Compare G. Brown, D.D., _Melanesians and\n      Polynesians_ (London, 1910), p. 402: \u201cThe men who took hold of the\n      body were _paia_ (sacred) for the time, were forbidden to touch\n      their own food, and were fed by others. No food wad eaten in the\n      same house with the dead body.\u201d\n\n  502 W. Mariner, _The Natives of the Tonga Islands_2 (London, 1818), i.\n      141 _sq._, note.\n\n  503 Father Bataillon, in _Annales de la Propagation de la Foi_, xiii.\n      (1841) p. 19. For more evidence of the practice of this custom in\n      Polynesia, see Captain J. Cook, _Voyages_ (London, 1809), vii. 147;\n      James Wilson, _Missionary Voyage to the Southern Pacific Ocean_\n      (London, 1799), p. 363.\n\n  504 Ch. Wilkes, _Narrative of the United States Exploring Expedition_,\n      New Edition (New York, 1851), iii. 99 _sq._\n\n  505 W. G. Lawes, \u201cEthnological Notes on the Motu, Koitapu, and Koiari\n      Tribes of New Guinea,\u201d _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_,\n      viii. (1879) p. 370.\n\n  506 Father Lambert, in _Missions Catholiques_, xii. (1880) p. 365;\n      _id._, _M\u0153urs et superstitions des N\u00e9o-Cal\u00e9doniens_ (Noum\u00e9a, 1900),\n      pp. 238 _sq._\n\n  507 A. C. Hollis, _The Nandi_ (Oxford, 1909), p. 70.\n\n  508 H. A. Junod, \u201cLes Conceptions physiologiques des Bantou\n      sud-africains et leurs tabous,\u201d _Revue d\u2019Ethnographie et de\n      Sociologie_, i. (1910) p. 153.\n\n  509 A. W. Howitt, _Native Tribes of South-East Australia_, p. 563.\n\n  M90 Taboos laid on mourners among the Indian tribes of North America.\n\n  510 Fr. Boas, in _Sixth Report on the North-Western Tribes of Canada_,\n      pp. 91 _sq._ (separate Reprint from the _Report of the British\n      Association for 1890_).\n\n  511 J. Teit, \u201cThe Thompson Indians of British Columbia,\u201d _Memoir of the\n      American Museum of Natural History, The Jesup North Pacific\n      Expedition_, vol. i. part iv. (April 1900) pp. 331, 332 _sq._\n\n  512 C. Hill-Tout, _The Far West, the Home of the Salish and D\u00e9n\u00e9_\n      (London, 1907), pp. 193 _sq._\n\n  513 G. M. Dawson, \u201cNotes and Observations on the Kwakiool People of the\n      Northern part of Vancouver Island and adjacent Coasts,\u201d _Proceedings\n      and Transactions of the Royal Society of Canada for the Year 1887_,\n      vol. v. (Montreal, 1888) Trans. Section ii. pp. 78 _sq._\n\n  M91 Seclusion of widows and widowers in the Philippines and New Guinea.\n\n  514 F. Blumentritt, \u201c\u00dcber die Eingeborenen der Insel Palawan und der\n      Inselgruppe der Talamlanen,\u201d _Globus_, lix. (1891) p. 182.\n\n  515 Father Guis, \u201cLes Canaques, Mort-Deuil,\u201d _Missions Catholiques_,\n      xxxiv. (1902) pp. 208 _sq._\n\n  M92 Taboos imposed on women at menstruation.\n\n  516 Capt. W. E. Armit, \u201cCustoms of the Australian Aborigines,\u201d _Journal\n      of the Anthropological Institute_, ix. (1880) p. 459.\n\n  517 W. Ridley, \u201cReport on Australian Languages and Traditions,\u201d _Journal\n      of the Anthropological Institute_, ii. (1873) p. 268.\n\n  518 From information given me by Messrs. Roscoe and Miller, missionaries\n      to Uganda (June 24, 1897), and afterwards corrected by the\n      _Katikiro_ (Prime Minister) of Uganda in conversation with Mr.\n      Roscoe (June 20, 1902).\n\n_  519 Report of the International Polar Expedition to Point Barrow,\n      Alaska_ (Washington, 1885), p. 46.\n\n  520 Alexander Mackenzie, _Voyages from Montreal through the Continent of\n      North America_ (London, 1801), p. cxxiii.\n\n  521 Gavin Hamilton, \u201cCustoms of the New Caledonian Women,\u201d _Journal of\n      the Anthropological Institute_, vii. (1878) p. 206. Among the\n      Nootkas of British Columbia a girl at puberty is hidden from the\n      sight of men for several days behind a partition of mats; during her\n      seclusion she may not scratch her head or her body with her hands,\n      but she may do so with a comb or a piece of bone, which is provided\n      for the purpose. See Fr. Boas, in _Sixth Report on the North-Western\n      Tribes of Canada_, p. 41 (separate reprint from the _Report of the\n      British Association for 1890_). Again, among the Shuswap of British\n      Columbia a girl at puberty lives alone in a little hut on the\n      mountains and is forbidden to touch her head or scratch her body;\n      but she may scratch her head with a three-toothed comb and her body\n      with the painted bone of a deer. See Fr. Boas, _op. cit._ pp. 89\n      _sq._ In the East Indian island of Ceram a girl may not scratch\n      herself with her fingers the night before her teeth are filed, but\n      she may do it with a piece of bamboo. See J. G. F. Riedel, _De\n      sluik- en kroesharige rassen tusschen Selebes en Papua_, p. 137.\n\n  522 A. G. Morice, \u201cThe Canadian D\u00e9n\u00e9s,\u201d _Annual Archaeological Report\n      (Toronto), 1905_, p. 218.\n\n  523 H. Pittier de Fabrega, \u201cDie Sprache der Bribri-Indianer in Costa\n      Rica,\u201d _Sitzungsberichte der philosophischen-historischen Classe der\n      Kaiserlichen Akademie der Wissenschaften_ (Vienna), cxxxviii. (1898)\n      p. 20.\n\n  524 C. G. Seligmann, in _Reports of the Cambridge Anthropological\n      Expedition to Torres Straits_, v. (Cambridge, 1904) pp. 201, 203.\n\n  M93 Taboos imposed on women in childbed.\n\n  525 James Wilson, _Missionary Voyage to the Southern Pacific Ocean_, p.\n      354.\n\n  526 G. Turner, _Samoa_, p. 276.\n\n  527 C. G. Seligmann, \u201cThe Medicine, Surgery, and Midwifery of the\n      Sinaugolo,\u201d _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xxxii.\n      (1902) p. 302. In Uganda a bride is secluded for a month, during\n      which she only receives near relatives; she wears her veil all this\n      time. She may not handle food, but is fed by one of her attendants.\n      A peasant\u2019s wife is secluded for two or three days only. See J.\n      Roscoe, \u201cFurther Notes on the Manners and Customs of the Baganda,\u201d\n      _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xxxii. (1902) p. 37.\n\n  528 Father Guis, \u201cLes Canaques, ce qu\u2019ils font, ce qu\u2019ils disent,\u201d\n      _Missions Catholiques_, xxx. (1898) p. 119.\n\n  529 V. Lisiansky, _A Voyage Round the World_ (London, 1814), p. 201.\n\n  530 H. A. Junod, \u201cLes Conceptions physiologiques des Bantou\n      sud-africains et leurs tabous,\u201d _Revue d\u2019 Ethnographie et de\n      Sociologie_, i. (1910) p. 153.\n\n  531 H. Pittier de F\u00e1brega, _op. cit._ pp. 20 _sq._\n\n  532 F. Fawcett, \u201cNote on a Custom of the Mysore \u2018Gollav\u00e1lu\u2019 or Shepherd\n      Caste People,\u201d _Journal of the Anthropological Society of Bombay_,\n      i. 536 _sq._; E. Thurston, _Castes and Tribes of Southern India_\n      (Madras, 1909), ii. 287 _sq._\n\n  M94 Dangers apprehended from women in childbed.\n\n  533 M. J. Erdweg, \u201cDie Bewohner der Insel Tumleo, Berlinhafen, Deutsch\n      Neu-Guinea,\u201d _Mittheilungen der Anthropologischen Gesellschaft in\n      Wien_, xxxii. (1902) p. 280.\n\n  534 P. Rascher, \u201cDie Sulka,\u201d _Archiv f\u00fcr Anthropologie_, xxix. (1904) p.\n      212; R. Parkinson, _Dreissig Jahre in der S\u00fcdsee_ (Stuttgart, 1907),\n      p. 180.\n\n  535 K. Vetter, in _Nachrichten \u00fcber Kaiser Wilhelms-Land und den\n      Bismarck-Archipel_, 1897, p. 87.\n\n  536 Rev. E. Dannert, \u201cCustoms of the Ovaherero at the Birth of a Child,\u201d\n      (_South African_) _Folk-lore Journal_, ii. (1880) p. 63.\n\n  M95 Dangers apprehended from women in childbed by Indians and Esquimaux.\n\n  537 Levrault, \u201cRapport sur les provinces de Can\u00e9los et du Napo,\u201d\n      _Bulletin de la Soci\u00e9t\u00e9 de G\u00e9ographie_ (Paris), Deuxi\u00e8me S\u00e9rie, xi.\n      (1839) p. 74.\n\n  538 Franz Boas, \u201cThe Eskimo of Baffin Land and Hudson Bay,\u201d _Bulletin of\n      the American Museum of Natural History_, xv. part i. (New York,\n      1901) pp. 125 _sq._ As to Sedna, see _id._ pp. 119 _sqq._\n\n  M96 Dangers apprehended from women in childbed by Bantu tribes of South\n      Africa. Dangers apprehended from a concealed miscarriage.\n\n  539 H. A. Junod, \u201cLes Conceptions physiologiques des Bantou\n      sud-africains et leurs tabous,\u201d _Revue d\u2019Ethnographie et de\n      Sociologie_, i. (1910) p. 139.\n\n  540 H. A. Junod, _op. cit._ pp. 139 _sq._\n\n  M97 Belief of the Ba-Thonga that severe droughts result from the\n      concealment of miscarriages by women.\n\n  541 H. A. Junod, _op. cit._ pp. 140 _sq._\n\n  542 See _The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, vol. i. pp. 262\n      _sqq._, 278.\n\n  M98 Dangers apprehended from women in childbed by some tribes of Annam.\n\n  543 Le R. P. Cadi\u00e8re, \u201cCoutumes populaires de la vall\u00e9e du Ngu\u00f4n-So\u2019n,\u201d\n      _Bulletin de l\u2019\u00c9cole Fran\u00e7aise d\u2019Extr\u00eame-Orient_, ii. (Hanoi, 1902)\n      pp. 353 _sq._\n\n  544 Dittenberger, _Sylloge inscriptionum Graecarum_,2 No. 566; Ch.\n      Michel, _Recueil d\u2019inscriptions grecques_, No. 730 \u1f01\u03b3\u03bd\u03b5\u03c5\u03ad\u03c4\u03c9\u03c3\u03b1\u03bd \u03b4\u1f72\n      \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u03b5\u1f30\u03c3\u03af\u03c4\u03c9\u03c3\u03b1\u03bd \u03b5\u1f30\u03c2 \u03c4\u1f78\u03bd \u03c4\u1fc6\u03c2 \u03b8\u03b5\u03bf[\u1fe6 \u03bd\u03b1\u1f78\u03bd] ... \u1f61\u03c3\u03b1\u03cd\u03c4\u03c9\u03c2 \u03b4\u1f72 \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u1f00\u03c0\u1f78 \u03ba\u03ae\u03b4\u03bf\u03c5\u03c2\n      \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u03c4\u03b5\u03ba\u03bf\u03cd\u03c3\u03b7\u03c2 \u03b3\u03c5\u03bd\u03b1\u03b9\u03ba\u1f78\u03c2 \u03b4\u03b5\u03c5\u03c4\u03b5\u03c1\u03b1\u1fd6\u03bf\u03c2: Euripides, _Iphigenia in Tauris_,\n      380 _sqq._:\n\n      \u03c4\u1f70 \u03c4\u1fc6\u03c2 \u03b8\u03b5\u03bf\u1fe6 \u03b4\u1f72 \u03bc\u03ad\u03bc\u03c6\u03bf\u03bc\u03b1\u03b9 \u03c3\u03bf\u03c6\u03af\u03c3\u03bc\u03b1\u03c4\u03b1, \u1f24\u03c4\u03b9\u03c2. \u03b2\u03c1\u03bf\u03c4\u1ff6\u03bd \u03bc\u1f72\u03bd \u1f24\u03bd \u03c4\u03b9\u03c2 \u1f04\u03c8\u03b7\u03c4\u03b1\u03b9\n      \u03c6\u03cc\u03bd\u03bf\u03c5 \u1f25 \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u03bb\u03bf\u03c7\u03b5\u03af\u03b1\u03c2 \u1f22 \u03bd\u03b5\u03ba\u03c1\u03bf\u1fe6 \u03b8\u03b9\u03b3\u1fc7 \u03c7\u03b5\u03c1\u03bf\u1fd6\u03bd, \u03b2\u03c9\u03bc\u1ff6\u03bd \u1f00\u03c0\u03b5\u03af\u03c1\u03b3\u03b5\u03b9, \u03bc\u03c5\u03c3\u03b1\u03c1\u1f78\u03bd \u1f61\u03c2\n      \u1f21\u03b3\u03bf\u03c5\u03bc\u03ad\u03bd\u03b7.\n\n      Compare also a mutilated Greek inscription found in Egypt (_Revue\n      arch\u00e9ologique_, IIIme S\u00e9rie, ii. 182 _sqq._). In the passage of\n      Euripides which I have just quoted an acute verbal scholar, the late\n      Dr. Badham, proposed to omit the line \u1f22 \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u03bb\u03bf\u03c7\u03b5\u03af\u03b1\u03c2 \u1f22 \u03bd\u03b5\u03ba\u03c1\u03bf\u1fe6 \u03b8\u03b9\u03b3\u1fc7\n      \u03c7\u03b5\u03c1\u03bf\u1fd6\u03bd with the comment: \u201c_Nihil facit ad argumentum puerperae\n      mentio; patet versum a sciolo additum_.\u201d To do Dr. Badham justice,\n      the inscription which furnishes so close a parallel to the line of\n      Euripides had not yet been discovered among the ruins of Pergamum,\n      when he proposed to mutilate the text of the poet.\n\n  M99 Taboos imposed on lads at initiation.\n\n  545 B. Hawkins, \u201cThe Creek Confederacy,\u201d _Collections of the Georgia\n      Historical Society_, iii. pt. i. (Savannah, 1848) pp. 78 _sq._\n      Hawkins\u2019s account is reproduced by A. S. Gatschett, in his\n      _Migration Legend of the Creek Indians_, i. 185 _sq._ (Philadelphia,\n      1884). In the Turrbal tribe of southern Queensland boys at\n      initiation were not allowed to scratch themselves with their\n      fingers, but they might do it with a stick. See A. W. Howitt,\n      _Native Tribes of South-East Australia_, p. 596.\n\n  546 L. Alberti, _De Kaffers_ (Amsterdam, 1810), pp. 76 _sq._; H.\n      Lichtenstein, _Reisen im s\u00fcdlichen Afrika_ (Berlin, 1811-12), i.\n      427; S. Kay, _Travels and Researches in Caffraria_ (London, 1833),\n      pp. 273 _sq._; Dudley Kidd, _The Essential Kafir_, p. 208; J.\n      Stewart, D.D., _Lovedale, South Africa_ (Edinburgh, 1894), pp. 105\n      _sq._, with illustrations.\n\n M100 Taboos laid on warriors when they go forth to fight.\n\n_  547 Old New Zealand_, by a Pakeha Maori (London, 1884), pp. 96, 114\n      _sq._ One of the customs mentioned by the writer was that all the\n      people left in the camp had to fast strictly while the warriors were\n      out in the field. This rule is obviously based on the sympathetic\n      connexion supposed to exist between friends at a distance,\n      especially at critical times. See _The Magic Art and the Evolution\n      of Kings_, vol. i. pp. 126 _sqq._\n\n  548 Deuteronomy xxiii. 9-14; 1 Samuel xxi. 5. The rule laid down in\n      Deuteronomy xxiii. 10, 11, suffices to prove that the custom of\n      continence observed in time of war by the Israelites, as by a\n      multitude of savage and barbarous peoples, was based on a\n      superstitious, not a rational motive. To convince us of this it is\n      enough to remark that the rule is often observed by warriors for\n      some time after their victorious return, and also by the persons\n      left at home during the absence of the fighting men. In these cases\n      the observance of the rule evidently does not admit of a rational\n      explanation, which could hardly, indeed, be entertained by any one\n      conversant with savage modes of thought. For examples, see _The\n      Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, vol. i. pp. 125, 128, 131,\n      133, and below, pp. 161, 163, 165, 166, 167, 168, 169, 175 _sq._,\n      178, 179, 181.\n\n      The other rule of personal cleanliness referred to in the text is\n      exactly observed, for the reason I have indicated, by the aborigines\n      in various parts of Australia. See (Sir) George Grey, _Journals_,\n      ii. 344; R. Brough Smyth, _Aborigines of Victoria_, i. 165; J.\n      Dawson, _Australian Aborigines_, p. 12; P. Beveridge, in _Journal\n      and Proceedings of the Royal Society of New South Wales_, xvii.\n      (1883) pp. 69 _sq._ Compare W. Stanbridge, \u201cOn the Aborigines of\n      Victoria,\u201d _Transactions of the Ethnological Society of London_,\n      N.S. i. (1861) p. 299; Fison and Howitt, _Kamilaroi and Kurnai_, p.\n      251; E. M. Curr, _The Australian Race_, iii. 178 _sq._, 547; W. E.\n      Roth, _North Queensland Ethnography, Bulletin No. 5_ (Brisbane,\n      1903), p. 22, \u00a7 80. The same dread has resulted in a similar custom\n      of cleanliness in Melanesia and Africa. See R. Parkinson, _Im\n      Bismarck-Archipel_, pp. 143 _sq._; R. H. Codrington, _The\n      Melanesians_, p. 203 note; F. von Luschan, \u201cEiniges \u00fcber Sitten und\n      Gebr\u00e4uche der Eingeborenen Neu-Guineas,\u201d _Verhandlungen der Berliner\n      Gesellschaft f\u00fcr Anthropologie, Ethnologie, und Urgeschichte_\n      (1900), p. 416; J. Macdonald, \u201cManners, Customs, Superstitions, and\n      Religions of South African Tribes,\u201d _Journal of the Anthropological\n      Institute_, xx. (1891) p. 131. Mr. Lorimer Fison sent me some notes\n      on the Fijian practice, which agrees with the one described by Dr.\n      Codrington. The same rule is observed, probably from the same\n      motives, by the Miranha Indians of Brazil. See Spix und Martius,\n      _Reise in Brasilien_, iii. 1251 note. On this subject compare F.\n      Schwally, _Semitische Kriegsaltert\u00fcmer_, i. (Leipsic, 1901) pp. 67\n      _sq._\n\n_  549 Narrative of the Captivity and Adventures of John Tanner_ (London,\n      1830), p. 122.\n\n  550 We have seen (pp. 146, 156) that the same rule is observed by girls\n      at puberty among some Indian tribes of British Columbia and by Creek\n      lads at initiation. It is also observed by Kwakiutl Indians who have\n      eaten human flesh (see below, p. 189). Among the Blackfoot Indians\n      the man who was appointed every four years to take charge of the\n      sacred pipe and other emblems of their religion might not scratch\n      his body with his finger-nails, but carried a sharp stick in his\n      hair which he used for this purpose. During the term of his\n      priesthood he had to fast and practise strict continence. None but\n      he dare handle the sacred pipe and emblems (W. W. Warren, \u201cHistory\n      of the Ojibways,\u201d _Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society_,\n      v. (1885) pp. 68 _sq._). In Vedic India the man who was about to\n      offer the solemn sacrifice of soma prepared himself for his duties\n      by a ceremony of consecration, during which he carried the horn of a\n      black deer or antelope wherewith to scratch himself if necessary\n      (_Satapatha-Br\u00e2hmana_, bk. iii. 31, vol. ii. pp. 33 _sq._ trans. by\n      J. Eggeling; H. Oldenberg, _Die Religion des Veda_, p. 399). Some of\n      the Peruvian Indians used to prepare themselves for an important\n      office by fasting, continence, and refusing to wash themselves, to\n      comb their hair, and to put their hands to their heads; if they\n      wished to scratch themselves, they must do it with a stick. See P.\n      J. de Arriaga, _Extirpacion de la idolatria del Piru_ (Lima, 1621),\n      p. 20. Among the Isistines Indians of Paraguay mourners refrained\n      from scratching their heads with their fingers, believing that to\n      break the rule would make them bald, no hair growing on the part of\n      the head which their fingers had touched. See Guevara, \u201cHistoria del\n      Paraguay,\u201d in P. de Angelis\u2019s _Coleccion de obras y documentos\n      relativos a la historia antigua y moderna de las provincias del Rio\n      de la Plata_, ii. (Buenos-Aires, 1836) p. 30. Amongst the Macusis of\n      British Guiana, when a woman has given birth to a child, the father\n      hangs up his hammock beside that of his wife and stays there till\n      the navel-string drops off the child. During this time the parents\n      have to observe certain rules, of which one is that they may not\n      scratch their heads or bodies with their nails, but must use for\n      this purpose a piece of palm-leaf. If they broke this rule, they\n      think the child would die or be an invalid all its life. See R.\n      Schomburgk, _Reisen in Britisch-Guiana_, ii. 314. Some aborigines of\n      Queensland believe that if they scratched themselves with their\n      fingers during a rain-making ceremony, no rain would fall. See _The\n      Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, vol. i. p. 254. In all these\n      cases, plainly, the hands are conceived to be so strongly infected\n      with the venom of taboo that it is dangerous even for the owner of\n      the hands to touch himself with them. The cowboy who herded the cows\n      of the king of Unyoro had to live strictly chaste, no one might\n      touch him, and he might not scratch or wound himself so as to draw\n      blood. But it is not said that he was forbidden to touch himself\n      with his own hands. See my _Totemism and Exogamy_, ii. 527.\n\n_  551 Narrative of the Captivity and Adventures of John Tanner_ (London,\n      1830), p. 123. As to the custom of not stepping over a person or his\n      weapons, see the note at the end of the volume.\n\n  552 J. G. Bourke, _On the Border with Crook_ (New York, 1891), p. 133;\n      _id._, in _Folk-lore_, ii. (1891) p. 453; _id._, in _Ninth Annual\n      Report of the Bureau of Ethnology_ (Washington, 1892), p. 490.\n\n  553 J. G. Kohl, _Kitschi-Gami_, ii. 168.\n\n M101 Ceremonies observed by American Indians before they went out on the\n      war-path. Rules observed by Indians on a war-expedition.\n\n_  554 Narrative of the Adventures and Sufferings of John R. Jewitt_\n      (Middletown, 1820), pp. 148 _sq._\n\n  555 J. de Smet, in _Annales de la Propagation de la Foi_, xiv. (1842)\n      pp. 67 _sq._ These customs have doubtless long passed away, and the\n      Indians who practised them may well have suffered the extinction\n      which they did their best to incur.\n\n  556 J. Adair, _History of the American Indians_ (London, 1775), p. 163.\n\n  557 J. Adair, _History of the American Indians_, pp. 380-382.\n\n  558 Maj. M. Marston, in Rev. Jedidiah Morse\u2019s _Report to the Secretary\n      of War of the United States on Indian Affairs_ (New-haven, 1822),\n      Appendix, p. 130. The account in the text refers especially to the\n      Sauk, Fox, and Kickapoo Indians, at the junction of the Rock and\n      Mississippi rivers.\n\n  559 H. A. Junod, \u201cLes Conceptions physiologiques des Bantou\n      sud-africains et leurs tabous,\u201d _Revue d\u2019Ethnographie et de\n      Sociologie_, i. (1910) p. 149.\n\n M102 The rule of continence observed by savage warriors is perhaps based\n      on a fear of infecting themselves sympathetically with feminine\n      weakness and cowardice.\n\n  560 For more evidence of the practice of continence by warriors, see R.\n      Taylor, _Te Ika A Maui, or New Zealand and its Inhabitants_,2 p.\n      189; E. Dieffenbach, _Travels in New Zealand_, ii. 85 _sq._; Ch.\n      Wilkes, _Narrative of the United States Exploring Expedition_, iii.\n      78; J. Chalmers, \u201cToaripi,\u201d _Journal of the Anthropological\n      Institute_, xxvii. (1898) p. 332; _id._, _Pioneering in New Guinea_,\n      p. 65; Van Schmidt, \u201cAanteekeningen nopens de zeden, etc., der\n      bevolking van de eilanden Saparoea, Haroekoe, Noessa Laut, etc.,\u201d\n      _Tijdschrift voor Ne\u00earlands Indie_, 1843, deel ii. p. 507; J. G. F.\n      Riedel, _De sluikharige en kroesharige rassen tusschen Selebes en\n      Papua_, p. 223; _id._, \u201cGalela und Tobeloresen,\u201d _Zeitschrift f\u00fcr\n      Ethnologie_, xvii. (1885) p. 68; W. W. Skeat, _Malay Magic_, p. 524;\n      E. Reclus, _Nouvelle G\u00e9ographie universelle_, viii. 126 (compare J.\n      Biddulph, _Tribes of the Hindoo Koosh_, p. 18); N. Isaacs, _Travels\n      and Adventures in Eastern Africa_, i. 120; H. Callaway, _Religious\n      System of the Amazulu_, iv. 437 _sq._; Dudley Kidd, _The Essential\n      Kafir_, p. 306; A. Bastian, _Die deutsche Expedition an der\n      Loango-K\u00fcste_, i. 203; H. Cole, \u201cNotes on the Wagogo of German East\n      Africa,\u201d _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xxxii. (1902)\n      p. 317; R. H. Nassau, _Fetichism in West Africa_, p. 177; H. R.\n      Schoolcraft, _Indian Tribes_, iv. 63; J. Morse, _Report to the\n      Secretary of War of the U.S. on Indian Affairs_ (New-haven, 1822),\n      pp. 130, 131; H. H. Bancroft, _Native Races of the Pacific States_,\n      i. 189. On the other hand in Uganda, before an army set out, the\n      general and all the chiefs had either to lie with their wives or to\n      jump over them. This was supposed to ensure victory and plenty of\n      booty. See J. Roscoe, in _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_,\n      xxxii. (1902) p. 59. And in Kiwai Island, off British New Guinea,\n      men had intercourse with their wives before they went to war, and\n      they drew omens from it. See J. Chalmers, \u201cNotes on the Natives of\n      Kiwai,\u201d _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xxxiii. (1903)\n      p. 123.\n\n  561 See above, pp. 151 _sq._\n\n  562 A. W. Nieuwenhuis, _Quer durch Borneo_, i. 350.\n\n  563 T. C. Hodson, \u201cThe _genna_ amongst the Tribes of Assam,\u201d _Journal of\n      the Anthropological Institute_, xxxvi. (1906) p. 100.\n\n M103 Taboos laid on warriors after slaying their foes. The effect of the\n      taboos is to seclude the tabooed person from ordinary society.\n      Seclusion of manslayers in the East Indies.\n\n  564 S. M\u00fcller, _Reizen en Onderzoekingen in den Indischen Archipel_\n      (Amsterdam, 1857), ii. 252.\n\n  565 J. S. G. Gramberg, \u201cEene maand in de binnenlanden van Timor,\u201d\n      _Verhandelingen van het Bataviaasch Genootschap van Kunsten en\n      Wetenschappen_, xxxvi. (1872) pp. 208, 216 _sq._ Compare H.\n      Zondervan, \u201cTimor en de Timoreezen,\u201d _Tijdschrift van het\n      Nederlandsch Aardrijkskundig Genootschap_, Tweede Serie, v. (1888)\n      Afdeeling, meer uitgebreide artikelen, pp. 399, 413. Similarly\n      Gallas returning from war sacrifice to the jinn or guardian spirits\n      of their slain foes before they will re-enter their own houses (Ph.\n      Paulitschke, _Ethnographie Nordost-Afrikas, die geistige Cultur der\n      Dan\u00e2kil, Galla und Som\u00e2l_, pp. 50, 136). Sometimes perhaps the\n      sacrifice consists of the slayers\u2019 own blood. See below, pp. 174,\n      176, 180. Orestes is said to have appeased the Furies of his\n      murdered mother by biting off one of his fingers (Pausanias, viii.\n      34. 3).\n\n  566 N. Adriani en A. C. Kruijt, \u201cVan Posso naar Parigi, Sigi en Lindoe,\u201d\n      _Mededeelingen van wege het Nederlandsche Zendelinggenootschap_,\n      xlii. (1898) p. 451.\n\n  567 S. W. Tromp, \u201cUit de Salasila van Koetei,\u201d _Bijdragen tot de Taal-\n      Land- en Volkenkunde van Nederlandsch-Indi\u00eb_, xxxvii. (1888) p. 74.\n\n M104 Seclusion of manslayers in New Guinea.\n\n  568 Dr. L. Loria, \u201cNotes on the Ancient War Customs of the Natives of\n      Logea and Neighbourhood,\u201d _British New Guinea, Annual Report for\n      1894-1895_ (London, 1896), p. 52.\n\n  569 Rev. J. Chalmers, \u201cToaripi,\u201d _Journal of the Anthropological\n      Institute_, xxvii. (1898) p. 333.\n\n  570 R. E. Guise, \u201cOn the Tribes inhabiting the Mouth of the Wanigela\n      River, New Guinea,\u201d _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_,\n      xxviii. (1899) pp. 213 _sq._\n\n  571 C. G. Seligmann, _The Melanesians of British New Guinea_ (Cambridge,\n      1910), p. 298.\n\n  572 C. G. Seligmann, _op. cit._ pp. 129 _sq._\n\n  573 C. G. Seligmann, _op. cit._ pp. 563 _sq._\n\n M105 The manslayer unclean. Driving away the ghosts of the slain.\n\n  574 P. Franz Vormann, \u201cZur Psychologie, Religion, Soziologie und\n      Geschichte der Monumbo-Papua, Deutsch-Neuguinea,\u201d _Anthropos_, v.\n      (1910) pp. 410 _sq._\n\n  575 J. L. D. van der Roest, \u201cUit het leven der Bevolking van Windessi,\u201d\n      _Tijdschrift voor Indische Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde_, xl. (1898)\n      pp. 157 _sq._\n\n  576 H. von Rosenberg, _Der malayische Archipel_, p. 461.\n\n  577 K. Vetter, in _Nachrichten \u00fcber Kaiser Wilhelms-Land und den\n      Bismarck-Archipel_, 1897, p. 94.\n\n  578 J. E. Erskine, _The Western Pacific_ (London, 1853), p. 477.\n\n  579 Charlevoix, _Histoire de la Nouvelle France_, vi. pp. 77, 122 _sq._;\n      J. F. Lafitau, _M\u0153 urs des sauvages ameriquains_, ii. 279. In many\n      places it is customary to drive away the ghosts even of persons who\n      have died a natural death. An account of these customs is reserved\n      for another work.\n\n  580 W. H. Keating, _Narrative of an Expedition to the Source of St.\n      Peter\u2019s River_ (London, 1825), i. 109.\n\n M106 Precautions taken by executioners against the ghosts of their\n      victims.\n\n  581 Father Baudin, \u201cF\u00e9ticheurs, ou ministres religieux des N\u00e8gres de la\n      Guin\u00e9e,\u201d _Missions Catholiques_, xvi. (1884) p. 332.\n\n  582 Juan de la Concepcion, _Historia general de Philipinas_, xi.\n      (Manilla, 1791) p. 387.\n\n  583 G. Loyer, \u201cVoyage to Issini on the Gold Coast,\u201d in T. Astley\u2019s _New\n      General Collection of Voyages and Travels_, ii. (London, 1745) p.\n      444. Among the tribes of the Lower Niger it is customary for the\n      executioner to remain in the house for three days after the\n      execution; during this time he sleeps on the bare floor, eats off\n      broken platters, and drinks out of calabashes or mugs, which are\n      also damaged. See Major A. G. Leonard, _The Lower Niger and its\n      Tribes_ (London, 1906), p. 180.\n\n M107 Purification of manslayers among the Basutos, Bechuanas, and\n      Bageshu. Expulsion of the ghosts of the slain by the Angoni.\n\n  584 E. Casalis, _The Basutos_, p. 258. So Caffres returning from battle\n      are unclean and must wash before they enter their houses (L.\n      Alberti, _De Kaffers_, p. 104). It would seem that after the\n      slaughter of a foe the Greeks or Romans had also to bathe in running\n      water before they might touch holy things (Virgil, _Aen._ ii. 719\n      _sqq._).\n\n  585 Father Porte, \u201cLes R\u00e9miniscences d\u2019un missionnaire du Basutoland,\u201d\n      _Missions Catholiques_, xxviii. (1896) p. 371. For a fuller\n      description of a ceremony of this sort see T. Arbousset et F.\n      Daumas, _Voyage d\u2019exploration au nord-est de la colonie du Cap de\n      Bonne-Esp\u00e9rance_ (Paris, 1842), pp. 561-563.\n\n  586 \u201cExtrait du journal des missions \u00e9vangeliques,\u201d _Bulletin de la\n      Soci\u00e9t\u00e9 de G\u00e9ographie_ (Paris), IIme S\u00e9rie, ii. (1834) pp. 199 _sq._\n\n  587 Rev. W. C. Willoughby, \u201cNotes on the Totemism of the Becwana,\u201d\n      _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xxxv. (1905) pp. 305\n      _sq._\n\n  588 Rev. J. Roscoe, \u201cNotes on the Bageshu,\u201d _Journal of the Royal\n      Anthropological Institute_, xxxix. (1909) p. 190.\n\n  589 Dudley Kidd, _The Essential Kafir_, p. 310.\n\n  590 C. Wiese, \u201cBeitr\u00e4ge zur Geschichte der Zulu im Norden des Zambesi,\u201d\n      _Zeitschrift f\u00fcr Ethnologie_, xxxii. (1900) pp. 197 _sq._\n\n  591 Dudley Kidd, _The Essential Kafir_, pp. 309 _sq._\n\n M108 Seclusion and purification of manslayers in Africa.\n\n  592 Rev. J. Macdonald, \u201cManners, Customs, Superstitions, and Religions\n      of South African Tribes,\u201d _Journal of the Anthropological\n      Institute_, xx. (1891) p. 138; _id._, _Light in Africa_, p. 220.\n\n  593 A. C. Hollis, _The Nandi_ (Oxford, 1909), p. 74. As to the painting\n      of the body red on one side and white on the other see also C. W.\n      Hobley, _Eastern Uganda_, pp. 38, 42; Sir H. Johnston, _The Uganda\n      Protectorate_, ii. 868. As to the custom of painting the bodies of\n      homicides, see below, p. 178 note 1 and p. 186 note 1.\n\n  594 H. R. Tate, \u201cFurther Notes on the Kikuyu Tribe of British East\n      Africa,\u201d _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xxxiv. (1904)\n      p. 264.\n\n  595 C. W. Hobley, \u201cBritish East Africa,\u201d _Journal of the Anthropological\n      Institute_, xxxiii. (1903) p. 353.\n\n  596 Miss Alice Werner, _Natives of British Central Africa_ (London,\n      1906), pp. 67 _sq._\n\n  597 H. Schinz, _Deutsch-S\u00fcdwest-Afrika_, p. 321.\n\n  598 P. H. Brincker, \u201cHeidnisch-religi\u00f6se Sitten der Bantu, speciell der\n      Ovaherero und Ovambo,\u201d _Globus_, lxvii. (1895) p. 289; id.,\n      \u201cCharakter, Sitten und Gebr\u00e4uche speciell der Bantu\n      Deutsch-S\u00fcdwestafrikas,\u201d _Mittheilungen des Seminars f\u00fcr\n      orientalische Sprachen zu Berlin_, iii. (1900) Dritte Abtheilung, p.\n      76.\n\n_  599 Id._, \u201cBeobachtungen \u00fcber die Deisid\u00e4monie der Eingeborenen\n      Deutsch-S\u00fcdwest-Afrikas,\u201d _Globus_, lviii. (1890) p. 324; id., in\n      _Globus_, lxvii. (1895) p. 289; id., in _Mittheilungen des Seminars\n      f\u00fcr orientalische Sprachen zu Berlin_, iii. (1900) Dritte\n      Abtheilung, p. 83.\n\n  600 Sir H. Johnston, _The Uganda Protectorate_ (London, 1902), ii. 743\n      _sq._; C. W. Hobley, _Eastern Uganda_ (London, 1902), p. 20.\n\n  601 M. Weiss, _Die V\u00f6lkerst\u00e4mme im Norden Deutsch-Ostafrikas_ (Berlin,\n      1910), p. 198.\n\n  602 Sir H. Johnston, _op. cit._ ii. 794; C. W. Hobley, _op. cit._ p. 31.\n\n  603 Numbers xxxi. 19-24.\n\n  604 E. Casalis, _The Basutos_, pp. 258 _sq._\n\n M109 Manslayers in Australia guard themselves against the ghosts of the\n      slain.\n\n  605 Spencer and Gillen, _Native Tribes of Central Australia_, pp.\n      493-495; _id._, _Northern Tribes of Central Australia_, pp. 563-568.\n      The writers suggest that the practice of painting the slayers black\n      is meant to render them invisible to the ghost. A widow, on the\n      contrary, must paint her body white, in order that her husband\u2019s\n      spirit may see that she is mourning for him.\n\n M110 Seclusion of manslayers in Polynesia.\n\n  606 G. H. von Langsdorff, _Reise um die Welt_ (Frankfort, 1812), i. 114\n      _sq._\n\n  607 T. Williams, _Fiji and the Fijians_,2 i. 55 _sq._\n\n  608 J. Kubary, _Die socialen Einrichtungen der Pelauer_ (Berlin, 1885),\n      pp. 126 _sq._, 130.\n\n M111 Seclusion and purification of manslayers among the Tupi Indians of\n      Brazil.\n\n  609 F. A. Thevet, _Les Singularit\u00e9s de la France Antarctique, autrement\n      nomm\u00e9e Am\u00e9rique_ (Antwerp, 1558), pp. 74-76; _id._, _Cosmographie\n      universelle_ (Paris, 1575), pp. 944 [978] _sq._; Pero de Magalhanes\n      de Gandavo, _Histoire de la province de Sancta-Cruz_ (Paris, 1837),\n      pp. 134-141 (H. Ternaux-Compans, _Voyages, relations, et m\u00e9moires\n      originaux pour servir \u00e0 l\u2019histoire de la d\u00e9couverte de l\u2019Am\u00e9rique_;\n      the original of Gandavo\u2019s work was published in Portuguese at Lisbon\n      in 1576); J. Lery, _Historia navigationis in Brasiliam, quae et\n      America dicitur_ (1586), pp. 183-194; _The Captivity of Hans Stade\n      of Hesse, in __A.D.__ 1547-1555, among the Wild Tribes of Eastern\n      Brazil_, translated by A. Tootal (London, 1874), pp. 155-159; J. F.\n      Lafitau, _M\u0153urs des sauvages ameriquains_, ii. 292 _sqq._; R.\n      Southey, _History of Brazil_, i.2 227-232.\n\n M112 Seclusion and purification of manslayers among the North American\n      Indians.\n\n  610 \u201cRelation des Natchez,\u201d _Voyages au nord_, ix. 24 (Amsterdam, 1737);\n      _Lettres \u00e9difiantes et curieuses_, vii. 26; Charlevoix, _Histoire de\n      la Nouvelle France_, vi. 186 _sq._\n\n  611 Bossu, _Nouveaux Voyages aux Indes occidentales_ (Paris, 1768), ii.\n      94.\n\n  612 H. R. Schoolcraft, _Indian Tribes_, iv. 63.\n\n  613 J. Teit, \u201cThe Thompson Indians of British Columbia,\u201d _Memoir of the\n      American Museum of Natural History, The Jesup North Pacific\n      Expedition_, vol. i. part iv. (April 1900) p. 357.\n\n  614 J. O. Dorsey, \u201cAn Account of the War Customs of the Osages,\u201d\n      _American Naturalist_, xviii. (1884) p. 126.\n\n  615 G. Catlin, _North American Indians_, i. 246.\n\n  616 H. H. Bancroft, _Native Races of the Pacific States_, i. 553; Capt.\n      Grossman, cited in _Ninth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology_\n      (Washington, 1892), pp. 475 _sq._ The custom of plastering the head\n      with mud was observed by Egyptian women in mourning (Herodotus, ii.\n      85; Diodorus Siculus, i. 91). Among some of the aboriginal tribes of\n      Victoria and New South Wales widows wore a thick skullcap of clay or\n      burned gypsum, forming a cast of the head, for some months after the\n      death; when the period of mourning was over, the cap was removed,\n      baked in the fire, and laid on the husband\u2019s grave. One of these\n      widows\u2019 caps is exhibited in the British Museum. See T. L. Mitchell,\n      _Three Expeditions into the Interior of Eastern Australia_ (London,\n      1838), i. 251 _sq._; E. J. Eyre, _Journals of Expeditions of\n      Discovery into Central Australia_, ii. 354; G. F. Angas, _Savage\n      Life and Scenes in Australia and New Zealand_ (London, 1847), i. 86;\n      G. Krefft, \u201cOn the Manners and Customs of the Aborigines of the\n      Lower Murray and Darling,\u201d _Transactions of the Philosophical\n      Society of New South Wales_, 1862-1865 (Sydney, 1866), pp. 373\n      _sq._; J. Dawson, _Australian Aborigines_, p. 66; R. Brough Smyth,\n      _The Aborigines of Victoria_, i. p. xxx.; W. Stanbridge, \u201cOn the\n      Aborigines of Victoria,\u201d _Transactions of the Ethnological Society\n      of London_, N.S., i. (1861) p. 298; A. Oldfield, \u201cThe Aborigines of\n      Australia,\u201d _ibid._ iii. (1865) p. 248; F. Bonney, \u201cOn some Customs\n      of the Aborigines of the River Darling, New South Wales,\u201d _Journal\n      of the Anthropological Institute_, xiii. (1884) p. 135; E. M. Curr,\n      _The Australian Race_, i. 88, ii. 238 _sq._, iii. 21; A. W. Howitt,\n      _Native Tribes of South-East Australia_, pp. 248, 452; R. Etheridge,\n      jun., \u201cThe \u2018Widow\u2019s Cap\u2019 of the Australian Aborigines,\u201d _Proceedings\n      of the Linnaean Society of New South Wales for the Year 1899_, xxiv.\n      (Sydney, 1900) pp. 333-345 (with illustrations). In the Andaman\n      Islands mourners coat their heads with a thick mass of white clay\n      (Jagor, in _Verhandlungen der Berliner Gesellschaft f\u00fcr\n      Anthropologie_, 1876, p. (57); M. V. Portman, \u201cDisposal of the Dead\n      among the Andamanese,\u201d _Indian Antiquary_, xxv. (1896) p. 57;\n      compare E. H. Man, _Aboriginal Inhabitants of the Andaman Islands_,\n      pp. 73, 75). Among the Bahima of the Uganda Protectorate, when\n      herdsmen water their cattle in the evening, they plaster their faces\n      and bodies with white clay, at the same time stiffening their hair\n      with mud into separate lumps. This mud is left on the head for days\n      till it crumbles into dust (Sir H. Johnston, _The Uganda\n      Protectorate_, ii. 626, compare 620).\n\n  617 F. Russell, \u201cThe Pima Indians,\u201d _Twenty-Sixth Annual Report of the\n      Bureau of American Ethnology_ (Washington, 1908), pp. 204 _sq._\n\n  618 J. G. Bourke, _On the Border with Crook_, p. 203.\n\n  619 F. Russell, \u201cThe Pima Indians,\u201d _Twenty-Sixth Annual Report of the\n      Bureau of American Ethnology_ (Washington, 1908), p. 204.\n\n M113 Taboos observed by Indians who had slain Esquimaux.\n\n  620 S. Hearne, _Journey from Prince of Wales\u2019s Fort in Hudson\u2019s Bay to\n      the Northern Ocean_ (London, 1795), pp. 204-206. The custom of\n      painting the face or the body of the manslayer, which may perhaps be\n      intended to disguise him from the vengeful spirit of the slain, is\n      practised by other peoples, as by the Nandi (see above, p. 175).\n      Among the Ba-Yaka of the Congo Free State a man who has been slain\n      in battle is supposed to send his soul to avenge his death on his\n      slayer; but the slayer can protect himself against the ghost by\n      wearing the red tail-feathers of a parrot in his hair and painting\n      his forehead red (E. Torday and T. A. Joyce, \u201cNotes on the\n      Ethnography of the Ba-Yaka,\u201d _Journal of the Anthropological\n      Institute_, xxxvi. (1906) pp. 50 _sq._). Among the Bor\u00e2na Gallas,\n      when a war-party has returned to the village, the victors who have\n      slain a foe are washed by the women with a mixture of fat and\n      butter, and their faces are painted with red and white (Ph.\n      Paulitschke, _Ethnographie Nord-ost-Afrikas: die materielle Cultur\n      der Dan\u00e2kil, Galla und Som\u00e2l_ (Berlin, 1893), p. 258). When Masai\n      warriors kill enemies in fight they paint the right half of their\n      own bodies red and the left half white (A. C. Hollis, _The Masai_,\n      p. 353). Among the Wagogo of German East Africa, a man who has\n      killed an enemy in battle paints a red circle round his right eye\n      and a black circle round his left eye (Rev. H. Cole, \u201cNotes on the\n      Wagogo of German East Africa,\u201d _Journal of the Anthropological\n      Institute_, xxxii. (1902) p. 314). Among the Angoni of central\n      Africa, after a successful raid, the leader calls together all who\n      have killed an enemy and paints their faces and heads white; also he\n      paints a white band round the body under the arms and across the\n      chest (_British Central Africa Gazette_, No. 86, vol. v. No. 6\n      (April 30, 1898), p. 2). A Koossa Caffre who has slain a man is\n      accounted unclean. He must roast some flesh on a fire kindled with\n      wood of a special sort which imparts a bitter flavour to the meat.\n      This flesh he eats, and afterwards blackens his face with the ashes\n      of the fire. After a time he may wash himself, rinse his mouth with\n      fresh milk, and paint himself brown again. From that moment he is\n      clean (H. Lichtenstein, _Reisen im s\u00fcdlichen Africa_, i. 418). Among\n      the Yabim of German New Guinea, when the relations of a murdered man\n      have accepted a bloodwit instead of avenging his death, they must\n      allow the family of the murderer to mark them with chalk on the\n      brow. If this is not done, the ghost of their murdered kinsman may\n      come and trouble them for not doing their duty by him; for example,\n      he may drive away their swine or loosen their teeth (K. Vetter, in\n      _Nachrichten \u00fcber Kaiser Wilhelms-Land und den Bismarck-Archipel_,\n      1897, p. 99). In this last case the marking the face with chalk\n      seems to be clearly a disguise to outwit the ghost.\n\n M114 The purification of murderers, like that of warriors who have slain\n      enemies, was probably intended to avert or appease the ghosts of the\n      slain. Ancient Greek dread of the ghosts of the slain.\n\n  621 J. Owen Dorsey, \u201cOmaha Sociology,\u201d _Third Annual Report of the\n      Bureau of Ethnology_ (Washington, 1884), p. 369.\n\n  622 Plato, Laws, ix. pp. 865 D-866 A; Demosthenes, _Contra Aristocr._\n      pp. 643 _sq._; Hesychius, _s.v._ \u1f00\u03c0\u03b5\u03bd\u03b9\u03b1\u03c5\u03c4\u03b9\u03b1\u03bc\u1f78\u03c2.\n\n  623 Euripides, _Iphig. in Taur._ 940 _sqq._; Pausanias, ii. 31. 8. We\n      may compare the wanderings of the other matricide Alcmaeon, who\n      could find no rest till he came to a new land on which the sun had\n      not yet shone when he murdered his mother (Thucydides, ii. 102;\n      Apollodorus, iii. 7. 5; Pausanias, viii. 24. 8).\n\n  624 Polybius, iv. 21.\n\n M115 Taboos imposed on men who have partaken of human flesh.\n\n  625 Fr. Boas, \u201cThe Social Organization and the Secret Societies of the\n      Kwakiutl Indians,\u201d _Report of the U.S. National Museum for 1895_,\n      pp. 440, 537 _sq._\n\n  626 Th. H. Ruys, \u201cBezoek an den Kannibalenstam van Noord Nieuw-Guinea,\u201d\n      _Tijdschrift van het koninklijk Nederlandsch Aardrijkskundig\n      Genootschap_, Tweede Serie, xxiii. (1906) p. 328. Among these\n      savages the genitals of a murdered man are eaten by an old woman,\n      and the genitals of a murdered woman are eaten by an old man. What\n      the object of this curious practice may be is not apparent. Perhaps\n      the intention is to unsex and disarm the dangerous ghost. On the\n      dread of ghosts, especially the ghosts of those who have died a\n      violent death, see further _Psyche\u2019s Task_, pp. 52 sqq.\n\n M116 Hunters and fishers have to observe taboos and undergo rites of\n      purification, which are probably dictated by a fear of the spirits\n      of the animals or fish which they have killed or intended to kill.\n\n  627 Meantime I may refer the reader to _The Golden Bough_, Second\n      Edition, vol. ii. pp. 389 _sqq._\n\n M117 Taboos and ceremonies observed before catching whales. Taboos\n      observed as a preparation for catching dugong and turtle. Taboos\n      observed as a preparation for hunting and fishing. Taboos and\n      ceremonies observed at the hatching and pairing of silkworms.\n\n_  628 Narrative of the Adventures and Sufferings of John R. Jewitt_\n      (Middletown, 1820), pp. 133, 136.\n\n  629 See above, pp. 160 _sq._\n\n  630 Baron d\u2019Unienville, _Statistique de l\u2019\u00cele Maurice_ (Paris, 1838),\n      iii. 271. Compare A. van Gennep, _Tabou et Tot\u00e9misme \u00e0 Madagascar_\n      (Paris, 1904), p. 253, who refers to Le Gentil, _Voyage dans les\n      Mers de l\u2019Inde_ (Paris, 1781), ii. 562.\n\n  631 U. Lisiansky, _Voyage Round the World_ (London, 1814), pp. 174, 209.\n\n  632 A. C. Haddon, \u201cThe Ethnography of the Western Tribe of Torres\n      Straits,\u201d _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xix. (1890) p.\n      397; _Reports of the Cambridge Anthropological Expedition to Torres\n      Straits_, v. 271.\n\n  633 A. C. Haddon, in _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xix.\n      (1890) p. 467.\n\n_  634 Reports of the Cambridge Anthropological Expedition to Torres\n      Straits_, v. 271 note.\n\n  635 R. E. Guise, \u201cOn the Tribes inhabiting the Mouth of the Wanigela\n      River,\u201d _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xxviii. (1899)\n      p. 218. The account refers specially to Bulaa, which the author\n      describes (pp. 205, 217) as \u201ca marine village\u201d and \u201cthe greatest\n      fishing village in New Guinea.\u201d Probably it is built out over the\n      water. This would explain the allusion to the sanctified headman\n      going ashore daily at sundown.\n\n  636 Captain F. R. Barton and Dr. Strong, in C. G. Seligmann\u2019s _The\n      Melanesians of British New Guinea_ (Cambridge, 1910), pp. 292, 293\n      _sq._\n\n  637 W. H. Furness, _The Island of Stone Money, Uap of the Carolines_\n      (Philadelphia and London, 1910), pp. 38 _sq._, 44 _sq._ Though the\n      fisherman may have nothing to do with his wife and family, he is not\n      wholly debarred from female society; for each of the men\u2019s\n      clubhouses has one young woman, or sometimes two young women, who\n      have been captured from another district, and who cohabit\n      promiscuously with all the men of the clubhouse. The name for one of\n      these concubines is _mispil_. See W. H. Furness, _op. cit._ pp. 46\n      _sqq._ There is a similar practice of polyandry in the men\u2019s\n      clubhouses of the Pelew Islands. See J. Kubary, _Die socialen\n      Einrichtungen der Pelauer_ (Berlin, 1885), pp. 50 _sqq._ Compare\n      _Adonis, Attis, Osiris_, Second Edition, pp. 435 _sq._\n\n  638 J. S. Kubary, _Ethnographische Beitr\u00e4ge zur Kenntnis des Karolinen\n      Archipels_ (Leyden, 1895), p. 127.\n\n  639 W. Crooke, _Popular Religion and Folk-lore of Northern India_\n      (Westminster, 1896), ii. 257. In Chota Nagpur and the Central\n      Provinces of India the rearers of silk-worms \u201ccarefully watch over\n      and protect the worms, and while the rearing is going on, live with\n      great cleanliness and self-denial, abstaining from alcohol and all\n      intercourse with women, and adhering very strictly to certain\n      ceremonial observances. The business is a very precarious one, much\n      depending on favourable weather\u201d (_Indian Museum Notes, issued by\n      the Trustees_, vol. i. No. 3 (Calcutta, 1890), p. 160).\n\n M118 Taboos observed by fishermen in Uganda. Continence observed by\n      Bangala fishermen and hunters.\n\n  640 The Rev. J. Roscoe in letters to me dated Mengo, Uganda, April 23\n      and June 6, 1903.\n\n  641 Rev. J. Roscoe, \u201cFurther Notes on the Manners and Customs of the\n      Baganda,\u201d _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xxxii. (1902)\n      p. 56.\n\n  642 Rev. J. H. Weeks, \u201cAnthropological Notes on the Bangala of the Upper\n      Congo,\u201d _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xxxix. (1909)\n      pp. 458, 459.\n\n M119 Taboos observed by hunters in Nias.\n\n  643 J. W. Thomas, \u201cDe jacht op het eiland Nias,\u201d _Tijdschrift voor\n      Indische Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde_, xxvi. (1880) pp. 276 _sq._\n\n M120 The practice of continence by fishers and hunters seems to be based\n      on a notion that incontinence offends the fish and the animals.\n\n  644 J. Chalmers, _Pioneering in New Guinea_ (London, 1887), p. 186.\n\n  645 P. Reichard, _Deutsch-Ostafrika_ (Leipsic, 1892), p. 427.\n\n  646 See _The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, vol. i. p. 123.\n\n  647 Mgr. Le Roy, \u201cLes Pygm\u00e9es,\u201d _Missions Catholiques_, xxix. (1897) p.\n      269.\n\n M121 Chastity observed by American Indians before hunting.\n\n  648 C. Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_, ii. 40 sq.\n\n  649 Father A. G. Morice, \u201cNotes, Archaeological, Industrial, and\n      Sociological on the Western Den\u00e9s,\u201d _Transactions of the Canadian\n      Institute_, iv. (1892-93) pp. 107, 108.\n\n  650 M. C. Stevenson, \u201cThe Sia,\u201d _Eleventh Annual Report of the Bureau of\n      Ethnology_ (Washington, 1894), p. 118.\n\n  651 Fr. Boas, in _Tenth Report on the North-Western Tribes of Canada_,\n      p. 47 (separate reprint from the _Report of the British Association\n      for 1895_).\n\n_  652 Id._, in _Sixth Report on the North-Western Tribes of Canada_, p.\n      90 (separate reprint from the _Report of the British Association for\n      1890_).\n\n  653 J. Teit, \u201cThe Thompson Indians of British Columbia,\u201d _Memoir of the\n      American Museum of Natural History, The Jesup North Pacific\n      Expedition_, vol. i. part iv. (April 1900) p. 347.\n\n  654 J. Teit, _op. cit._ p. 348.\n\n M122 Taboos observed by Hidatsa Indians at catching eagles.\n\n  655 Washington Matthews, _Ethnography and Philology of the Hidatsa\n      Indians_ (Washington, 1877), pp. 58-60. Other Indian tribes also\n      observe elaborate superstitious ceremonies in hunting eagles. See\n      _Totemism and Exogamy_, iii. 182, 187 _sq._\n\n M123 Miscellaneous examples of chastity practised from superstitious\n      motives.\n\n  656 E. Aymonier, _Notes sur le Laos_ (Saigon, 1885), p. 141.\n\n  657 P. Ch. Gilhodes, \u201cLa Culture mat\u00e9rielle des Katchins (Birmanie),\u201d\n      _Anthropos_, v. (1910) p. 622. Compare J. Anderson, _From Mandalay\n      to Momien_ (London, 1876), p. 198, who observes that among the\n      Kakhyens (Kachins) the brewing of beer \u201cis regarded as a serious,\n      almost sacred, task, the women, while engaged in it, having to live\n      in almost vestal seclusion.\u201d\n\n  658 J. G. Frazer, _Totemism and Exogamy_, ii. 410 _sq._, on Mr. A. C.\n      Hollis\u2019s authority.\n\n  659 M. Weiss, _Die V\u00f6lker-St\u00e4mme im Norden Deutsch-Ostafrikas_ (Berlin,\n      1910), p. 396.\n\n  660 G. A. Wilken, \u201cBijdrage tot de Kennis der Alfoeren van het eiland\n      Boeroe,\u201d p. 30 (_Verhandelingen van het Bataviaasch Genootschap van\n      Kunsten en Wetenschappen_, xxxvi.).\n\n  661 J. G. F. Riedel, _De sluik- en kroesharige rassen tusschen Selebes\n      en Papua_, p. 179.\n\n  662 G. H. von Langsdorff, _Reise um die Welt_ (Frankfort, 1812), i. 118\n      _sq._\n\n  663 G. H. von Langsdorff, _op. cit._ i. 117.\n\n  664 B. de Sahagun, _Histoire g\u00e9n\u00e9rale des choses de la Nouvelle\n      Espagne_, traduite par D. Jourdanet et R. Simeon, p. 45.\n\n M124 Miscellaneous examples of continence observed from superstitious\n      motives. Continence observed by the Motu of New Guinea before and\n      during a trading voyage. Continence observed by the Akamba and\n      Akikuyu on a journey and other occasions.\n\n  665 H. A. Junod, \u201cLes Conceptions physiologiques des Bantou\n      sud-africains et leurs tabous,\u201d _Revue d\u2019Ethnographie et de\n      Sociologie_, i. (1910) p. 148.\n\n  666 Dameon Grangeon, \u201cLes Chams et leurs superstitions,\u201d _Missions\n      Catholiques_, xxviii. (1896) p. 70.\n\n  667 Father Lambert, \u201cM\u0153urs et superstitions de la tribu B\u00e9lep,\u201d\n      _Missions Catholiques_, xii. (1880) p. 215; _id._, _M\u0153urs et\n      superstitions des N\u00e9o-Cal\u00e9doniens_ (Noum\u00e9a, 1900), pp. 191 _sq._\n\n  668 R. Parkinson, _Dreissig Jahre in der S\u00fcdsee_ (Stuttgart, 1907), p.\n      99.\n\n  669 Captain F. R. Barton, in C. G. Seligmann\u2019s _The Melanesians of\n      British New Guinea_ (Cambridge, 1910), pp. 100-102. The native words\n      which I have translated respectively \u201cskipper\u201d and \u201cmate\u201d are\n      _baditauna_ and _doritauna_. The exact meaning of the words is\n      doubtful.\n\n  670 Quoted by Dr. George Turner, _Samoa_ (London, 1884), pp. 349 _sq._\n\n  671 J. M. Hildebrandt, \u201cEthnographische Notizen \u00fcber Wakamba und ihre\n      Nachbarn,\u201d _Zeitschrift f\u00fcr Ethnologie_, x. (1878) p. 401.\n\n  672 H. R. Tate, \u201cFurther Notes on the Kikuyu Tribe of British East\n      Africa,\u201d _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xxxiv. (1904)\n      pp. 260 _sq._ At the festivals sheep and goats are sacrificed to God\n      (_Ngai_), and the people feast on the roast flesh.\n\n M125 The taboos observed by hunters and fishers are often continued and\n      even increased in stringency after the game has been killed and the\n      fish caught. The motive for this conduct can only be superstitious.\n M126 Taboos observed by the Bering Strait Esquimaux after catching whales\n      or salmon.\n\n  673 E. W. Nelson, \u201cThe Eskimo about Bering Strait,\u201d _Eighteenth Annual\n      Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology_, part i. (Washington,\n      1899) pp. 438, 440.\n\n M127 Taboos observed by the Bering Strait Esquimaux and the Aleuts of\n      Alaska out of regard for the animals they have killed.\n\n  674 E. W. Nelson, _op. cit._ p. 440, compare pp. 380 _sq._ The bladder\n      festival of these Esquimaux will be described in a later part of\n      this work.\n\n  675 I. Petroff, _Report on the Population, Industries, and Resources of\n      Alaska_ (preface dated August 7, 1882), pp. 154 _sq._\n\n  676 W. H. Dall, _Alaska and its Resources_ (London, 1870), p. 404.\n\n M128 Taboos observed by the central Esquimaux after killing sea-beasts.\n      The sea-mammals may not be brought into contact with reindeer.\n M129 Even among the sea-beasts themselves there are rules of mutual\n      avoidance which the central Esquimaux must observe.\n\n  677 Fr. Boas, \u201cThe Central Eskimo,\u201d _Sixth Annual Report of the Bureau\n      of Ethnology_ (Washington, 1888), pp. 584 _sq._, 595; _id._ \u201cThe\n      Eskimo of Baffin Land and Hudson Bay,\u201d _Bulletin of the American\n      Museum of Natural History_, xv. part i. (1901) pp. 121-124. See also\n      _id._ \u201cDie Sagen der Baffin-land Eskimo,\u201d _Verhandlungen der\n      Berliner Gesellschaft f\u00fcr Anthropologie, Ethnologie, und\n      Urgeschichte_ (1885), pp. 162 _sq._; _id._, in _Proceedings and\n      Transactions of the Royal Society of Canada_, v. (Montreal, 1888)\n      section ii. pp. 35 _sq._; C. F. Hall, _Life with the Esquimaux_\n      (London, 1864), ii. 321 _sq._; _id._, _Narrative of the Second\n      Arctic Expedition made by Charles F. Hall_, edited by Professor J.\n      E. Nourse (Washington, 1879), pp. 191 _sq._\n\n M130 Native explanation of these Esquimau taboos.\n M131 The object of the taboos observed after killing sea-beasts is to\n      prevent the souls of the slain animals from contracting certain\n      attachments, which would hurt not only them, but also the great\n      goddess Sedna, in whose house the disembodied souls of the\n      sea-beasts reside.\n M132 The souls of the sea-beasts have a great aversion to the dark colour\n      of death and to the vapour that arises from flowing blood, and they\n      avoid persons who are affected by these things.\n M133 The transgresser of a taboo must announce his transgression, in\n      order that other people may shun him.\n M134 Hence the central Esquimaux have come to think that sin can be\n      atoned for by confession.\n\n  678 That is, the wizard or sorcerer.\n\n M135 The transgression of taboos affects the soul of the transgressor,\n      becoming attached to it and making him sick. If the attachment is\n      not removed by the wizard, the man will die.\n\n  679 That is, the wizard or sorcerer.\n\n M136 The Esquimaux try to keep the sea-beasts free from contaminating\n      influences, especially from contact with corpses and with women who\n      have recently been brought to bed.\n\n  680 Fr. Boas, \u201cThe Eskimo of Baffin Land and Hudson Bay,\u201d _Bulletin of\n      the American Museum of Natural History_, xv. pt. i. (1901) pp.\n      119-121, 124-126. In quoting these passages I have changed the\n      spelling of a few words in accordance with English orthography.\n\n M137 In the system of taboos of the central Esquimaux we see animism\n      passing into religion; morality is coming to rest on a supernatural\n      basis, namely the will of the goddess Sedna. In this evolution of\n      religion the practice of confession has played a part. It seems to\n      have been regarded as a spiritual purge or emetic, by which sin,\n      conceived as a sort of morbid substance, was expelled from the body\n      of the sinner.\n\n  681 Le P. P. Cayzac, \u201cLa Religion des Kikuyu,\u201d _Anthropos_, v. (1905) p.\n      311.\n\n  682 Le P. P. Cayzac, _loc. cit._ The nature of the \u201cignoble ceremony\u201d of\n      transferring sin to a he-goat is not mentioned by the missionary. It\n      can hardly have been the simple Jewish one of laying hands on the\n      animal\u2019s head.\n\n M138 Hence the confession of sins is employed as a sort of medicine for\n      the recovery of the sick. Similarly the confession of sins is\n      sometimes resorted to by women in hard labour as a means of\n      accelerating their delivery. In these cases confession is a magical\n      ceremony designed to relieve the sinner.\n\n  683 D. W. Harmon, in Rev. Jedidiah Morse\u2019s _Report to the Secretary of\n      War of the United States on Indian Affairs_ (New-haven, 1822), p.\n      345. The Carriers are an Indian tribe of North-West America who call\n      themselves _Ta-cul-lies_, \u201ca people who go upon water\u201d (_ibid._ p.\n      343).\n\n  684 Francis C. Nicholas, \u201cThe Aborigines of Santa Maria, Colombia,\u201d\n      _American Anthropologist_, N.S. iii. (1901) pp. 639-641.\n\n  685 A. de Herrera, _The General History of the Vast Continent and\n      Islands of America_, translated by Capt. J. Stevens (London,\n      1725-26), iv. 148. The confession of sins appears to have held an\n      important place in the native religion of the American Indians,\n      particularly the Mexicans and Peruvians. There is no sufficient\n      reason to suppose that they learned the practice from Catholic\n      priests. For more evidence of the custom among the aborigines of\n      America see L. H. Morgan, _League of the Iroquois_ (Rochester, U.S.\n      America, 1851), pp. 170 _sq._, 187 _sq._; B. de Sahagun, _Histoire\n      g\u00e9n\u00e9rale des choses de la Nouvelle Espagne_, bk. i. ch. 12, bk. vi.\n      ch. 7, pp. 22-27, 339-344 (Jourdanet and Simeon\u2019s French\n      translation); A. de Herrera, _op. cit._ iv. 173, 190; Diego de\n      Landa, _Relation des choses de Yucatan_ (Paris, 1864), pp. 154\n      _sqq._; Brasseur de Bourbourg, _Histoire des nations civilis\u00e9es du\n      Mexique et de l\u2019Am\u00e9rique Centrale_, ii. 114 _sq._, 567, iii.\n      567-569; P. J. de Arriaga, _Extirpacion de la idolatria del Piru_\n      (Lima, 1621), pp. 18, 28 _sq._\n\n  686 As to this means of hastening the delivery see _Totemism and\n      Exogamy_, iv. 248 _sqq._ The intention of the exchange of clothes at\n      childbirth between husband and wife seems to be to relieve the woman\n      by transferring the travail pangs to the man.\n\n  687 G. Ferrand, _Les Musulmans \u00e0 Madagascar_, Deuxi\u00e8me Partie (Paris,\n      1893), pp. 20 _sq._\n\n  688 H. Oldenberg, _Die Religion des Veda_ (Berlin, 1894), pp. 319 _sq._\n\n_  689 Satapatha Brahmana_, translated by J. Eggeling, pt. i. p. 397\n      (_Sacred Books of the East_, vol. xii.).\n\n M139 Thus the confession of sins is at first rather a bodily than a moral\n      purgation, resembling the ceremonies of washing, fumigation, and so\n      on, which are observed by many primitive peoples for the removal of\n      sin.\n M140 It is possible that some savage taboos may still lurk, under various\n      disguises, in the morality of civilised peoples.\n\n  690 The similarity of some of the Mosaic laws to savage customs has\n      struck most Europeans who have acquired an intimate knowledge of the\n      savage and his ways. They have often explained the coincidences as\n      due to a primitive revelation or to the dispersion of the Jews into\n      all parts of the earth. Some examples of these coincidences were\n      cited in my article \u201cTaboo,\u201d _Encyclopaedia Britannica_,9 xxiii. 17.\n      The subject has since been handled, with consummate ability and\n      learning, by my lamented friend W. Robertson Smith in his _Religion\n      of the Semites_ (New Edition, London, 1894). In _Psyche\u2019s Task_ I\n      have illustrated by examples the influence of superstition on the\n      growth of morality.\n\n M141 Ceremonies observed by the Kayans after killing a panther.\n      Ceremonies of purification observed by African hunters after killing\n      dangerous beasts. Ceremonies observed by Lapp hunters after killing\n      a bear.\n\n  691 A. W. Nieuwenhuis, _Quer durch Borneo_, i. 106 _sq._\n\n  692 J. Adair, _History of the American Indians_, p. 118.\n\n  693 C. J. Andersson, _Lake Ngami_, p. 224.\n\n  694 L. Alberti, _De Kaffers aan de Zuidkust van Afrika_ (Amsterdam,\n      1810), pp. 158 _sq._ Compare H. Lichtenstein, _Reisen im s\u00fcdlichen\n      Africa_ (Berlin, 1811-12), i. 419. These accounts were written about\n      a century ago. The custom may since have become obsolete. A similar\n      remark applies to other customs described in this and the following\n      paragraph.\n\n  695 P. Kolbe, _Present State of the Cape of Good Hope_, I.2 (London,\n      1738) pp. 251-255. The reason alleged for the custom is to allow the\n      slayer to recruit his strength. But the reason is clearly inadequate\n      as an explanation of this and similar practices.\n\n  696 J. Scheffer, _Lapponia_ (Frankfort, 1673), pp. 234-243; C. Leemius,\n      _De Lapponibus Finmarchiae eorumque lingua, vita et religione\n      pristina commentatio_ (Copenhagen, 1767), pp. 502 _sq._; E. J.\n      Jessen, _De Finnorum Lapponumque Nouvegicorum religione pagana\n      tractatus singularis_, pp. 64 _sq._ (bound up with Leemius\u2019s work).\n\n M142 Expiatory ceremonies performed for the slaughter of serpents.\n\n  697 S. Kay, _Travels and Researches in Caffraria_ (London, 1833), pp.\n      341 _sq._\n\n  698 J. Duncan, _Travels in Western Africa_ (London, 1847), i. 195 _sq._;\n      F. E. Forbes, _Dahomey and the Dahomans_ (London, 1851), i. 107; P.\n      Bouche, _La C\u00f4te des Esclaves_ (Paris, 1885), p. 397; A. B. Ellis,\n      _The Ewe-speaking Peoples of the Slave Coast_, pp. 58 _sq._\n\n_  699 Indian Antiquary_, xxi. (1892) p. 224. Many of the above examples\n      of expiation exacted for the slaughter of animals have already been\n      cited by me in a note on Pausanias, ii. 7. 7, where I suggested that\n      the legendary purification of Apollo for the slaughter of the python\n      at Delphi (Plutarch, _Quaest. Graec._, 12; _id._, _De defectu\n      oraculorum_, 15; Aelian, _Var. Hist._ iii. 1) may be a reminiscence\n      of a custom of this sort.\n\n M143 All such expiatory rites are based on the respect which the savage\n      feels for the souls of animals.\n\n  700 Le R. P. Cadi\u00e8re, \u201cCroyances et dictons populaires de la Vall\u00e9e du\n      Ngu\u00f4n-son, Province de Quang-binh (Annam),\u201d _Bulletin de l\u2019\u00c9cole\n      Fran\u00e7aise d\u2019Extr\u00eame Orient_, i. (1901) pp. 183 _sq._\n\n M144 Taboos of holiness agree with taboos of pollution, because in the\n      savage mind the ideas of holiness and pollution are not yet\n      differentiated.\n\n  701 On the nature of taboo see my article \u201cTaboo\u201d in the _Encyclopaedia\n      Britannica_, 9th edition, vol. xxiii. (1888) pp. 15 _sqq._; W.\n      Robertson Smith, _Religion of the Semites_2 (London, 1894), pp. 148\n      _sqq._, 446 _sqq._ Some languages have retained a word for that\n      general idea which includes under it the notions which we now\n      distinguish as sanctity and pollution. The word in Latin is _sacer_,\n      in Greek, \u1f05\u03b3\u03b9\u03bf\u03c2. In Polynesian it is _tabu_ (Tongan), _tapu_\n      (Samoan, Tahitian, Marquesan, Maori, etc.), or _kapu_ (Hawaiian).\n      See E. Tregear, _Maori-Polynesian Comparative Dictionary_\n      (Wellington, N.Z., 1891), _s.v._ _tapu_. In Dacotan the word is\n      _wakan_, which in Riggs\u2019s _Dakota-English Dictionary_\n      (_Contributions to North American Ethnology_, vol. vii., Washington,\n      1890, pp. 507 _sq._) is defined as \u201c_spiritual_, _sacred_,\n      _consecrated_; _wonderful_, _incomprehensible_; said also of women\n      at the menstrual period.\u201d Another writer in the same dictionary\n      defines _wakan_ more fully as follows: \u201c_Mysterious_;\n      _incomprehensible_; _in a peculiar state, which, from not being\n      understood, it is dangerous to meddle with_; hence the application\n      of this word to women at the _menstrual period_, and from hence,\n      too, arises the feeling among the wilder Indians, that if the Bible,\n      the church, the missionary, etc., are \u2018wakan,\u2019 they are to be\n      _avoided_, or _shunned_, not as being _bad_ or _dangerous_, but as\n      wakan. The word seems to be the only one suitable for _holy_,\n      _sacred_, etc., but the common acceptation of it, given above, makes\n      it quite misleading to the _heathen_.\u201d On the notion designated by\n      _wakan_, see also G. H. Pond, \u201cDakota Superstitions,\u201d _Collections\n      of the Minnesota Historical Society for the year 1867_ (Saint Paul,\n      1867), p. 33; J. Owen Dorsey, in _Eleventh Annual Report of the\n      Bureau of Ethnology_ (Washington, 1894), pp. 366 _sq._ It is\n      characteristic of the equivocal notion denoted by these terms that,\n      whereas the condition of women in childbed is commonly regarded by\n      the savage as what we should call unclean, among the Herero the same\n      condition is described as holy; for some time after the birth of her\n      child, the woman is secluded in a hut made specially for her, and\n      every morning the milk of all the cows is brought to her that she\n      may consecrate it by touching it with her mouth. See H. Schinz,\n      _Deutsch-S\u00fcdwest-Afrika_, p. 167. Again, whereas a girl at puberty\n      is commonly secluded as dangerous, among the Warundi of eastern\n      Africa she is led by her grandmother all over the house and obliged\n      to touch everything (O. Baumann, _Durch Massailand sur Nilquelle_\n      (Berlin, 1894), p. 221), as if her touch imparted a blessing instead\n      of a curse.\n\n M145 Kings may not be touched. The use of iron forbidden to kings and\n      priests. Use of iron forbidden at circumcision, childbirth, and so\n      forth. Use of iron forbidden at certain times and places among the\n      Esquimaux. Use of iron forbidden on certain occasions among the\n      Highlanders of Scotland. Iron not used in building sacred edifices.\n\n  702 Plutarch, _Agis_, 19.\n\n  703 W. Ellis, _Polynesian Researches_,2 iii. 102.\n\n  704 E. Aymonier, _Le Cambodge_, ii. (Paris, 1901) p. 25.\n\n  705 J. Moura, _Le Royaume du Cambodge_ (Paris, 1883), i. 226.\n\n  706 Ch. Dallet, _Histoire de l\u2019\u00c9glise de Cor\u00e9e_ (Paris, 1874), i. pp.\n      xxiv. _sq._; W. E. Griffis, _Corea, the Hermit Nation_ (London,\n      1882), p. 219. These customs are now obsolete (G. N. Curzon,\n      _Problems of the Far East_ (Westminster, 1896), pp. 154 _sq._ note).\n\n  707 Macrobius, _Sat._ v. 19. 13; Servius on Virgil, _Aen._ i. 448;\n      Joannes Lydus, _De mensibus_, i. 31. We have already seen (p. 16)\n      that the hair of the Flamen Dialis might only be cut with a bronze\n      knife. The Greeks attributed a certain cleansing virtue to bronze;\n      hence they employed it in expiatory rites, at eclipses, etc. See the\n      Scholiast on Theocritus, ii. 36.\n\n_  708 Acta Fratrum Arvalium_, ed. G. Henzen (Berlin, 1874), pp. 128-135;\n      J. Marquardt, _R\u00f6mische Staatsverwaltung_, iii.2 (_Das Sacralwesen_)\n      pp. 459 _sq._\n\n  709 Plutarch, _Praecepta gerendae reipublicae_, xxvi. 7. Plutarch here\n      mentions that gold was also excluded from some temples. At first\n      sight this is surprising, for in general neither the gods nor their\n      ministers have displayed any marked aversion to gold. But a little\n      enquiry suffices to clear up the mystery and set the scruple in its\n      proper light. From a Greek inscription discovered some years ago we\n      learn that no person might enter the sanctuary of the Mistress at\n      Lycosura wearing golden trinkets, unless for the purpose of\n      dedicating them to the goddess; and if any one did enter the holy\n      place with such ornaments on his body but no such pious intention in\n      his mind, the trinkets were forfeited to the use of religion. See\n      \u1f18\u03c6\u03b7\u03bc\u03b5\u03c1\u1f76\u03c2 \u1f00\u03c1\u03c7\u03b1\u03b9\u03bf\u03bb\u03bf\u03b3\u03b9\u03ba\u03ae (Athens, 1898), col. 249; Dittenberger,\n      _Sylloge inscriptionum Graecarum_,2 No. 939. The similar rule, that\n      in the procession at the mysteries of Andania no woman might wear\n      golden ornaments (Dittenberger, _op. cit._ No. 653), was probably\n      subject to a similar exception and enforced by a similar penalty.\n      Once more, if the maidens who served Athena on the Acropolis at\n      Athens put on gold ornaments, the ornaments became sacred, in other\n      words, the property of the goddess (Harpocration, _s.v._ \u1f00\u03c1\u03c1\u03b7\u03c6\u03bf\u03c1\u03b5\u1fd6\u03bd,\n      vol. i. p. 59, ed. Dindorf). Thus it appears that the pious scruple\n      about gold was concerned rather with its exit from, than with its\n      entrance into, the sacred edifice. At the sacrifice to the Sun in\n      ancient Egypt worshippers were forbidden to wear golden trinkets and\n      to give hay to an ass (Plutarch, _Isis et Osiris_, 30)\u2014a singular\n      combination of religious precepts. In India gold and silver are\n      common totems, and members of such clans are forbidden to wear gold\n      and silver trinkets respectively. See _Totemism and Exogamy_, iv.\n      24.\n\n  710 Callimachus, referred to by the Old Scholiast on Ovid, _Ibis_. See\n      _Callimachea_, ed. O. Schneider, ii. p. 282, Frag. 100a E.; Chr. A.\n      Lobeck, _Aglaophamus_, p. 686.\n\n  711 Plutarch, _Aristides_, 21. This passage was pointed out to me by my\n      friend Mr. W. Wyse.\n\n  712 Theophilus Hahn, _Tsuni-Goam, the Supreme Being of the Khoi-Khoi_\n      (London, 1881), p. 22.\n\n  713 Dr. P. H. Brincker, \u201cCharakter, Sitten und Gebr\u00e4uche speciell der\n      Bantu Deutsch-S\u00fcdwestafrikas,\u201d _Mittheilungen des Seminars f\u00fcr\n      orientalische Sprachen zu Berlin_, iii. (1900) Dritte Abtheilung, p.\n      80.\n\n  714 A. van Gennep, _Tabou et tot\u00e9misme \u00e0 Madagascar_ (Paris, 1904), p.\n      38.\n\n  715 W. H. Furness, _The Island of Stone Money, Uap of the Carolines_\n      (Philadelphia and London, 1910), p. 151.\n\n  716 J. G. Bourke, _The Snake Dance of the Moquis of Arizona_ (New York,\n      1891), pp. 178 _sq._\n\n  717 G. B. Grinnell, _Pawnee Hero Stories and Folk-tales_ (New York,\n      1889), p. 253.\n\n  718 See above, pp. 205 _sq._\n\n  719 E. W. Nelson, \u201cThe Eskimo about Bering Strait,\u201d _Eighteenth Annual\n      Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology_, Part I. (Washington,\n      1899) p. 392.\n\n  720 E. W. Nelson, _op. cit._ p. 383.\n\n  721 Fr. Boas, \u201cThe Eskimo of Baffin Land and Hudson Bay,\u201d _Bulletin of\n      the American Museum of Natural History_, xv. Part I. (1901) p. 149.\n\n  722 C. F. Gordon Cumming, _In the Hebrides_ (ed. 1883), p. 195.\n\n  723 James Logan, _The Scottish Gael_ (ed. Alex. Stewart), ii. 68 _sq._\n\n  724 J. G. Campbell, _Witchcraft and Second Sight in the Highlands and\n      Islands of Scotland_ (Glasgow, 1902), pp. 262, 298, 299.\n\n  725 R. C. Maclagan, M.D., \u201cNotes on Folklore Objects from Argyleshire,\u201d\n      _Folk-lore_, vi. (1895) p. 157; J. G. Campbell, _Superstitions of\n      the Highlands and Islands of Scotland_ (Glasgow, 1900), pp. 263-266.\n      The shoulder-blades of sheep have been used in divination by many\n      peoples, for example by the Corsicans, South Slavs, Tartars,\n      Kirghiz, Calmucks, Chukchees, and Lolos, as well as by the Scotch.\n      See J. Brand, _Popular Antiquities_, iii. 339 _sq._ (Bohn\u2019s ed.);\n      Sir John Lubbock (Lord Avebury), _Origin of Civilisation_,4 pp. 237\n      _sq._; Ch. Rogers, _Social Life in Scotland_, iii. 224; Camden,\n      _Britannia_, translated by E. Gibson (London, 1695), col. 1046; M.\n      MacPhail, \u201cTraditions, Customs, and Superstitions of the Lewis,\u201d\n      _Folk-lore_, vi. (1895) p. 167; J. G. Dalyell, _Darker Superstitions\n      of Scotland_, pp. 515 _sqq._; F. Gregorovius, _Corsica_, (London,\n      1855), p. 187; F. S. Krauss, _Volksglaube und religi\u00f6ser Brauch der\n      S\u00fcdslaven_, pp. 166-170; M. E. Durham, _High Albania_ (London,\n      1909), pp. 104 _sqq._; E. Doutt\u00e9, _Magie et religion dans l\u2019Afrique\n      du Nord_ (Algiers, 1908), p. 371; W. Radloff, _Proben der\n      Volksliteratur der t\u00fcrkischen St\u00e4mme S\u00fcd-Sibiriens_, iii. 115, note\n      1, compare p. 132; J. Grimm, _Deutsche Mythologie_,4 ii. 932; W. W.\n      Rockhill, _The Land of the Lamas_ (London, 1891), pp. 176, 341-344;\n      P. S. Pallas, _Reise durch verschiedene Provinzen des russischen\n      Reichs_, i. 393; J. G. Georgi, _Beschreibung aller Nationen des\n      russischen Reichs_, p. 223; T. de Pauly, _Description ethnographique\n      des peuples de la Russie, peuples de la Sib\u00e9rie orientale_ (St.\n      Petersburg, 1862), p. 7; Krahmer, \u201cDer Anadyr-Bezirk nach A. W.\n      Olssufjew,\u201d _Petermann\u2019s Mittheilungen_, xlv. (1899) pp. 230 _sq._;\n      W. Bogoras, \u201cThe Chuckchee Religion,\u201d _Memoir of the American Museum\n      of Natural History, The Jesup North Pacific Expedition_, vol. vii.\n      part ii. (Leyden and New York) pp. 487 _sqq._; Crabouillet, \u201cLes\n      Lolos,\u201d _Missions Catholiques_, v. (1873) p. 72; W. G. Aston,\n      _Shinto_, p. 339; R. Andree, \u201cScapulimantia,\u201d in _Boas Anniversary\n      Volume_ (New York, 1906), pp. 143-165.\n\n  726 C. F. Gordon Cumming, _In the Hebrides_, p. 226; E. J. Guthrie, _Old\n      Scottish Customs_ (London and Glasgow, 1885), p. 223.\n\n  727 1 Kings vi. 7; Exodus xx. 25.\n\n  728 Dionysius Halicarnasensis, _Antiquit. Roman._ iii. 45, v. 24;\n      Plutarch, _Numa_, 9; Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ xxxvi. 100.\n\n_  729 Acta Fratrum Arvalium_, ed. G. Henzen, p. 132; _Corpus\n      Inscriptionum Latinarum_, i. No. 603.\n\n  730 Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ xxxvi. 100.\n\n_  731 Indian Antiquary_, x. (1881) p. 364.\n\n M146 Everything new excites the awe and fear of the savage.\n\n  732 Prof. W. Ridgeway ingeniously suggests that the magical virtue of\n      iron may be based on an observation of its magnetic power, which\n      would lead savages to imagine that it was possessed of a spirit. See\n      _Report of the British Association for 1903_, p. 816.\n\n  733 Frank Hatton, _North Borneo_ (1886), p. 233.\n\n  734 A. E. Pratt, \u201cTwo Journeys to Ta-tsien-lu on the eastern Borders of\n      Tibet,\u201d _Proceedings of the R. Geographical Society_, xiii. (1891)\n      p. 341.\n\n  735 W. Svoboda, \u201cDie Bewohner des Nikobaren-Archipels,\u201d _Internationales\n      Archiv f\u00fcr Ethnographie_, vi. (1893) p. 13.\n\n_  736 The Captivity of Hans Stade of Hesse, in __A.D.__ 1547-1555_,\n      translated by A. Tootal (London, 1874), pp. 85 _sq._\n\n  737 E. H. Fraser, \u201cThe Fish-skin Tartars,\u201d _Journal of the China Branch\n      of the R. Asiatic Society for the Year 1891-92_, N.S. xxvi. p. 15.\n\n  738 Fr. Kreutzwald und H. Neus, _Mythische und magische Lieder der\n      Ehsten_ (St. Petersburg, 1854), p. 113.\n\n  739 Alexand. Guagninus, \u201cDe ducatu Samogitiae,\u201d in _Respublica sive\n      status regni Poloniae, Lituaniae, Prussiae, Livoniae_, etc.\n      (Elzevir, 1627) p. 276; Johan. Lasicius, \u201cDe diis Samogitarum\n      caeterorumque Sarmatum,\u201d in _Respublica_, etc. (_ut supra_), p. 294\n      (p. 84, ed. W. Mannhardt, in _Magazin herausgegeben von der\n      Lettisch\u2014Liter\u00e4rischen Gesellschaft_, vol. xiv.).\n\n  740 L. von Ende, \u201cDie Baduwis von Java,\u201d _Mittheilungen der\n      anthropologischen Gesellschaft in Wien_, xix. (1889) p. 10.\n\n M147 The dislike of spirits to iron allows men to use the metal as a\n      weapon against them. Iron used as a charm against fairies in the\n      Highlands of Scotland. Iron used as a protective charm by Scotch\n      fishermen and others. Iron used as a protective charm against devils\n      and ghosts in India, Annam. Africa, and Scotland.\n\n  741 J. G. Campbell, _Superstitions of the Highlands and Islands of\n      Scotland_ (Glasgow, 1900), pp. 46 _sq._\n\n  742 E. J. Guthrie, _Old Scottish Customs_, p. 149; Ch. Rogers, _Social\n      Life in Scotland_ (Edinburgh, 1884-1886), iii. 218.\n\n  743 J. Macdonald, _Religion and Myth_, p. 91.\n\n  744 W. Gregor, _Folk-lore of the North-East of Scotland_ (London, 1881),\n      p. 201. The fishermen think that if the word \u201cpig,\u201d \u201csow,\u201d or\n      \u201cswine\u201d be uttered while the lines are being baited, the line will\n      certainly be lost.\n\n  745 A. Leared, _Morocco and the Moors_ (London, 1876), p. 273.\n\n  746 Wickremasinghe, in _Am Urquell_, v. (1894) p. 7.\n\n  747 G. F. D\u2019Penha, \u201cSuperstitions and Customs in Salsette,\u201d _Indian\n      Antiquary_, xxviii. (1899) p. 114.\n\n  748 W. Crooke, _Tribes and Castes of the North-Western Provinces and\n      Oudh_, iii. 431.\n\n  749 F. Jagor, \u201cBericht \u00fcber verschiedene Volksst\u00e4mme in Vorderindien,\u201d\n      _Zeitschrift f\u00fcr Ethnologie_, xxvi. (1894) p. 70.\n\n  750 E. Thurston, _Ethnographic Notes in Southern India_ (Madras, 1906),\n      p. 341.\n\n  751 E. M. Gordon, _Indian Folk Tales_ (London, 1908), p. 31.\n\n  752 L. R. P. Cadi\u00e8re, \u201cCoutumes populaires de la vall\u00e9e du Ngu\u00f4n-So\u2019n,\u201d\n      _Bulletin de l\u2019\u00c9cole Fran\u00e7aise d\u2019Extr\u00eame-Orient_, ii. (1902) pp. 354\n      _sq._\n\n  753 Baudin, \u201cLe F\u00e9tichisme,\u201d _Missions Catholiques_, xvi. (1884) p. 249;\n      A. B. Ellis, _The Yoruba-speaking Peoples of the Slave Coast_, p.\n      113.\n\n_  754 Il Fetha Nagast o legislazione dei re, codice ecclesiastico e\n      civile di Abissinia_, tradotto e annotato da Ignazio Guidi (Rome,\n      1899), p. 140.\n\n  755 The reader may observe how closely the taboos laid upon mourners\n      resemble those laid upon kings. From what has gone before, the\n      reason of the resemblance is obvious.\n\n_  756 Panjab Notes and Queries_, iii. p. 61, \u00a7 282.\n\n  757 G. F. D\u2019Penha, \u201cSuperstitions and Customs in Salsette,\u201d _Indian\n      Antiquary_, xxviii. (1899) p. 115.\n\n  758 W. Gregor, _Folk-lore of the North-East of Scotland_, p. 206.\n\n  759 This is expressly said in _Panjab Notes and Queries_, iii. p. 202, \u00a7\n      846. On iron as a protective charm see also F. Liebrecht, _Gervasius\n      von Tilbury_, pp. 99 _sqq._; _id._, _Zur Volkskunde_, p. 311; L.\n      Strackerjan, _Aberglaube und Sagen aus dem Herzogthum Oldenburg_, i.\n      pp. 354 _sq._ \u00a7 233; A. Wuttke, _Der deutsche Volksaberglaube_,2 \u00a7\n      414 _sq._; E. B. Tylor, _Primitive Culture_,2 i. 140; W. Mannhardt,\n      _Baumkultus_, p. 132 note. Many peoples, especially in Africa,\n      regard the smith\u2019s craft with awe or fear as something uncanny and\n      savouring of magic. Hence smiths are sometimes held in high honour,\n      sometimes looked down upon with great contempt. These feelings\n      probably spring in large measure from the superstitions which\n      cluster round iron. See R. Andree, _Ethnographische Parallelen und\n      Vergleiche_, pp. 153-159; G. McCall Theal, _Records of South-Eastern\n      Africa_, vii. 447; O. Lenz, _Skizzen aus West-Afrika_ (Berlin,\n      1878), p. 184; A. Bastian, _Die deutsche Expedition an der\n      Loango-K\u00fcste_, ii. 217; M. Merkel, _Die Masai_ (Berlin, 1904), pp.\n      110 _sq._; A. C. Hollis, _The Masai_ (Oxford, 1905), pp. 330 _sq._;\n      _id._, _The Nandi_ (Oxford, 1909), pp. 36 _sq._; J. Spieth, _Die\n      Ewe-St\u00e4mme_ (Berlin, 1906), p. 776; E. Doutt\u00e9, _Magie et religion\n      dans l\u2019Afrique du Nord_, pp. 40 _sqq._; Ph. Paulitschke,\n      _Ethnographie Nordost-Afrikas, die geistige Cultur der Dan\u00e2kil,\n      Galla und Som\u00e2l_ (Berlin, 1896), p. 30; _id._, _Ethnographie\n      Nordost-Afrikas, die materielle Cultur der Dan\u00e2kil, Galla und Som\u00e2l_\n      (Berlin, 1893), p. 202; Th. Levebvre, _Voyage en Abyssinie_, i. p.\n      lxi.; A. Cecchi, _Da Zeila alle frontiere del Caffa_, i. (Rome,\n      1886) p. 45; M. Parkyns, _Life in Abyssinia_2 (London, 1868), pp.\n      300 _sq._; J. T. Bent, _Sacred City of the Ethiopians_ (London,\n      1893), p. 212; G. Rohlf, \u201cReise durch Nord-Afrika,\u201d _Petermann\u2019s\n      Mittheilungen, Erg\u00e4nzungsheft_, No. 25 (Gotha, 1868), pp. 30, 54; G.\n      Nachtigal, \u201cDie Tibbu,\u201d _Zeitschrift f\u00fcr Erdkunde zu Berlin_, v.\n      (1870) pp. 312 _sq._; _id._, _Sahara und Sudan_, i. 443 _sq._, ii.\n      145, 178, 371, iii. 189, 234 _sq._ The Kayans of Borneo think that a\n      smith is inspired by a special spirit, the smith\u2019s spirit, and that\n      without this inspiration he could do no good work. See A. W.\n      Nieuwenhuis, _Quer durch Borneo_, ii. 198.\n\n M148 The use of sharp-edged weapons is sometimes forbidden lest they\n      should wound spirits. Sharp-edged weapons removed from a room where\n      there is a lying-in woman.\n\n  760 A. Bastian, _Die V\u00f6lker des \u00f6stlichen Asien_, i. (Leipsic, 1866) p.\n      136.\n\n  761 E. W. Nelson, \u201cThe Eskimo about Bering Strait,\u201d _Eighteenth Annual\n      Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology_, part i. (Washington,\n      1899) p. 312. Compare _ibid._ pp. 315, 364; W. H. Dall, _Alaska and\n      its Resources_, p. 146; _id._, in _American Naturalist_, xii. 7;\n      _id._, in _The Yukon Territory_ (London, 1898), p. 146.\n\n  762 See above, p. 205.\n\n  763 A. Woldt, _Captain Jacobsen\u2019s Reise an der Nordwestk\u00fcste Americas\n      1881-1883_ (Leipsic, 1884), p. 243.\n\n  764 W. Schmidt, _Das Jahr und seine Tage in Meinung und Brauch der\n      Rom\u00e4nen Siebenb\u00fcrgens_ (Hermannstadt, 1866), p. 40; E. Gerard, _The\n      Land beyond the Forest_, i. 312.\n\n  765 J. H. Gray, _China_ (London, 1878), i. 288.\n\n  766 Jo. Meletius (Maeletius, Menecius), \u201cDe religione et sacrificiis\n      veterum Borussorum,\u201d in _De Russorum Muscovitarum et Tartarorum\n      religione, sacrificiis, nuptiarum, funerum ritu_ (Spires, 1582), p.\n      263; _id._, reprinted in _Scriptores rerum Livonicarum_, vol. ii.\n      (Riga and Leipsic, 1848) pp. 391 _sq._, and in _Mitteilungen der\n      Litterarischen Gesellschaft Masovia_, viii. (L\u00f6tzen, 1902) pp. 194\n      _sq._ Compare Chr. Hartknoch, _Alt und neues Preussen_ (Frankfort\n      and Leipsic, 1684), pp. 187 _sq._\n\n  767 B. F. Matthes, _Bijdragen tot de Ethnologie van Zuid-Celebes_, p.\n      136.\n\n  768 Tettau und Temme, _Die Volkssagen Ostpreussens, Litthauens und\n      Westpreussens_, p. 285; J. Grimm, _Deutsche Mythologie_,4 iii. 454,\n      compare pp. 441, 469; J. V. Grohmann, _Aberglauben und Gebr\u00e4uche aus\n      B\u00f6hmen und M\u00e4hren_, p. 198, \u00a7 1387.\n\n  769 Franz Vormann, \u201cZur Psychologie, Soziologie und Geschichte der\n      Monumbo-Papua, Deutsch-Neuginea,\u201d _Anthropos_, v. (1910) p. 410.\n\n  770 A. W. Nieuwenhuis, _In Centraal Borneo_ (Leyden, 1900), i. 61;\n      _id._, _Quer durch Borneo_, i. 69.\n\n  771 Fr. Stuhlmann, _Mit Emin Pascha ins Herz von Afrika_ (Berlin, 1894),\n      p. 184.\n\n  772 J. J. M. de Groot, _The Religious System of China_, iii. 1045\n      (Leyden, 1897).\n\n M149 Raw meat tabooed because the life or spirit is in the blood.\n\n  773 Plutarch, _Quaest. Rom._ 110; Aulus Gellius, x. 15. 12. See above,\n      p. 13.\n\n_  774 Grihya-Sutras_, translated by H. Oldenberg, part i. pp. 81, 141\n      (_Sacred Books of the East_, vol. xxix.).\n\n  775 J. Roscoe, \u201cFurther Notes on the Manners and Customs of the\n      Baganda,\u201d _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xxxii. (1902)\n      p. 53.\n\n  776 J. Kubary, _Die socialen Einrichtungen der Pelauer_ (Berlin, 1885),\n      pp. 126 _sq._\n\n  777 F. J. Wiedemann, _Aus dem inneren und \u00e4ussern Leben der Ehsten_ (St.\n      Petersburg, 1876), pp. 448, 478.\n\n  778 James Adair, _History of the American Indians_ (London, 1775), pp.\n      134, 117. The Indians described by Adair are the Creek, Cherokee,\n      and other tribes in the south-east of the United States.\n\n  779 A. G. Morice, \u201cThe Western D\u00e9n\u00e9s, their Manners and Customs,\u201d\n      _Proceedings of the Canadian Institute_, Third Series, vii.\n      (1888-89) p. 164.\n\n  780 E. Petitot, _Monographie des D\u00e8n\u00e8-Dindji\u00e9_ (Paris, 1876), p. 76.\n\n  781 Schl\u00f6mann, \u201cDie Malepa in Transvaal,\u201d _Verhandlungen der Berliner\n      Gesellschaft f\u00fcr Anthropologie, Ethnologie und Urgeschichte_, 1894,\n      p. (67).\n\n  782 Leviticus xvii. 10-14. The Hebrew word (\u05e0\u05e4\u05e9) translated \u201clife\u201d in\n      the English version of verse 11 means also \u201csoul\u201d (marginal note in\n      the Revised Version). Compare Deuteronomy xii. 23-25.\n\n  783 Servius on Virgil, _Aen._ v. 79; compare _id._ on _Aen._ iii. 67.\n\n  784 J. Wellhausen, _Reste arabischen Heidentumes_ (Berlin, 1887), p.\n      217.\n\n  785 J. J. M. de Groot, _Religious System of China_, iv. 80-82.\n\n  786 A. Goudswaard, _De Papoewa\u2019s van de Geelvinksbaai_ (Schiedam, 1863),\n      p. 77.\n\n M150 Royal blood may not be spilt on the ground; hence kings and princes\n      are put to death by methods which do not involve bloodshed.\n\n  787 Hamilton\u2019s \u201cAccount of the East Indies,\u201d in Pinkerton\u2019s _Voyages and\n      Travels_, viii. 469. Compare W. Robertson Smith, _Religion of the\n      Semites_,2 i. 369, note 1.\n\n  788 De la Loubere, _Du royaume de Siam_ (Amsterdam, 1691), i. 317.\n\n  789 Pallegoix, _Description du royaume Thai ou Siam_, i. 271, 365 _sq._\n\n  790 Marco Polo, translated by Col. H. Yule (Second Edition, 1875), i.\n      335.\n\n  791 Col. H. Yule on Marco Polo, _l.c._\n\n  792 A. Fytche, _Burma, Past and Present_ (London, 1878), i. 217 note.\n      Compare _Indian Antiquary_, xxix. (1900) p. 199.\n\n_  793 Indian Antiquary_, xx. (1891) p. 49.\n\n  794 Baron\u2019s \u201cDescription of the Kingdom of Tonqueen,\u201d in Pinkerton\u2019s\n      _Voyages and Travels_, ix. 691.\n\n  795 T. E. Bowdich, _Mission from Cape Coast Castle to Ashantee_ (London,\n      1873), p. 207.\n\n  796 A. B. Ellis, _Ewe-speaking Peoples of the Slave Coast_, p. 224,\n      compare p. 89.\n\n  797 O. Dapper, _Description de l\u2019Afrique_ (Amsterdam, 1686), p. 313.\n\n  798 J. Sibree, _Madagascar and its People_, p. 430.\n\n  799 J. Roscoe, \u201cFurther Notes on the Manners and Customs of the\n      Baganda,\u201d _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xxxii. (1902)\n      p. 50.\n\n  800 C. T. Wilson and R. W. Felkin, _Uganda and the Egyptian Soudan_\n      (London, 1882), i. 200.\n\n  801 J. Roscoe, _op. cit._ p. 67. There is an Arab legend of a king who\n      was slain by opening the veins of his arms and letting the blood\n      drain into a bowl; not a drop might fall on the ground, otherwise\n      there would be blood revenge for it. Robertson Smith conjectured\n      that the legend was based on an old form of sacrifice regularly\n      applied to captive chiefs (_Religion of the Semites_,2 p. 369 note,\n      compare p. 418 note).\n\n  802 Rev. E. Gottschling, \u201cThe Bawenda,\u201d _Journal of the Anthropological\n      Institute_, xxxv. (1905) p. 366.\n\n M151 Reluctance to shed any human blood on the ground. Reluctance to\n      allow human blood to fall on the ground.\n\n  803 Marco Polo, i. 399, Yule\u2019s translation, Second Edition.\n\n  804 Sir Walter Scott, note 2 to _Peveril of the Peak_, ch. v.\n\n  805 Charlotte Latham, \u201cSome West Sussex Superstitions,\u201d _Folk-lore\n      Record_, i. (1878) p. 17.\n\n_  806 Native Tribes of South Australia_, p. 230; E. J. Eyre, _Journals of\n      Expeditions of Discovery into Central Australia_, ii. 335; R. Brough\n      Smyth, _Aborigines of Victoria_, i. 75 note.\n\n  807 D. Collins, _Account of the English Colony of New South Wales_\n      (London, 1798), p. 580.\n\n_  808 Native Tribes of South Australia_, pp. 224 _sq._; G. F. Angas,\n      _Savage Life and Scenes in Australia and New Zealand_ (London,\n      1847), i. 110 _sq._\n\n_  809 The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, vol. i. p. 256.\n\n  810 Edmund Spenser, _View of the State of Ireland_, p. 101 (reprinted in\n      H. Morley\u2019s _Ireland under Elizabeth and James the First_, London,\n      1890).\n\n  811 \u201cFutuna, or Horne Island and its People,\u201d _Journal of the Polynesian\n      Society_, vol. i. No. 1 (April 1892), p. 43.\n\n  812 Max Radiguet, _Les Derniers Sauvages_ (Paris, 1882), p. 175.\n\n  813 B. F. Matthes, _Bijdragen tot de Ethnologie van Zuid-Celebes_, p.\n      53.\n\n  814 Fr. Stuhlmann, _Mit Emin Pascha ins Herz von Afrika_, p. 795.\n\n  815 Miss Mary H. Kingsley, _Travels in West Africa_, pp. 440, 447.\n\n  816 A. Kropf, \u201cDie religi\u00f6sen Anschauungen der Kaffern,\u201d _Verhandlungen\n      der Berliner Gesellschaft f\u00fcr Anthropologie, Ethnologie und\n      Urgeschichte_, 1888, p. (46).\n\n  817 R. H. Nassau, _Fetichism in West Africa_ (London, 1904), p. 83.\n\n  818 Le R. P. Guis, \u201cLes _Nepu_ ou Sorciers,\u201d _Missions Catholiques_,\n      xxxvi. (1904) p. 370. See also _The Magic Art and the Evolution of\n      Kings_, vol. i. p. 205.\n\n  819 A. van Gennep, _Tabou et tot\u00e9misme \u00e0 Madagascar_, p. 338, quoting J.\n      Sibree, \u201cRemarkable Ceremonial at the Decease and Burial of a\n      Betsileo Prince,\u201d _Antananarivo Annual_, No. xxii. (1898) pp. 195\n      _sq._\n\n  820 Brun-Rollet, _Le Nil Blanc et le Soudan_ (Paris, 1855), pp. 239\n      _sq._\n\n M152 Unwillingness to shed the blood of animals.\n\n  821 Dudley Kidd, _The Essential Kafir_, p. 169.\n\n  822 Lieut. Emery, in _Journal of the R. Geographical Society_, iii. 282.\n\n  823 Ch. Andersson, _Lake Ngami_ (London, 1856), p. 224.\n\n  824 Ch. New, _Life, Wanderings, and Labours in Eastern Africa_, p. 124;\n      Francis Galton, \u201cDomestication of Animals,\u201d _Transactions of the\n      Ethnological Society of London_, N.S., iii. (1865) p. 135. On the\n      original sanctity of domestic animals see, above all, W. Robertson\n      Smith, _The Religion of the Semites_,2 pp. 280 _sqq._, 295 _sqq._\n\n  825 J. Spieth, _Die Ewe-St\u00e4mme_, p. 796.\n\n  826 L. Linton Palmer, \u201cA Visit to Easter Island,\u201d _Journal of the R.\n      Geographical Society_, xl. (1870) p. 171.\n\n  827 R. H. Codrington, _The Melanesians_, p. 129.\n\n  828 Strabo, xv. 1. 54, p. 710.\n\n M153 Anything on which a Maori chief\u2019s blood falls becomes sacred to him.\n\n  829 R. Taylor, _Te Ika a Maui, or New Zealand and its Inhabitants_,2 pp.\n      194 _sq._\n\n M154 The prohibition to pass under a trellised vine is probably based on\n      the idea that the juice of the grape is the blood or spirit of the\n      vine. This notion is confirmed by the intoxicating or inspiring\n      effect of wine.\n\n  830 Plutarch, _Quaest. Rom._ 112; Aulus Gellius, x. 15. 13. See above,\n      p. 14.\n\n_  831 The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, vol. ii. pp. 18, 20.\n\n  832 Compare W. Robertson Smith, _Religion of the Semites_,2 p. 230.\n\n  833 \u201c_Dialis cotidie feriatus est_,\u201d Aulus Gellius, x. 15. 16.\n\n M155 Wine treated as blood, and intoxication as inspiration.\n\n  834 Plutarch, _Isis et Osiris_, 6. A myth apparently akin to this has\n      been preserved in some native Egyptian writings. See Ad. Erman,\n      _\u00c4gypten und \u00e4gyptisches Leben im Altertum_, p. 364. Wine might not\n      be taken into the temple at Heliopolis (Plutarch, _Isis et Osiris_,\n      6). It was apparently forbidden to enter the temple at Delos after\n      drinking wine (Dittenberger, _Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum_,2 No.\n      564). When wine was offered to the Good Goddess at Rome it was not\n      called wine but milk (Macrobius, _Saturn_, i. 12. 5; Plutarch,\n      _Quaest. Rom._ 20). It was a rule of Roman religion that wine might\n      not be poured out in libations to the gods which had been made\n      either from grapes trodden with bleeding feet or from the clusters\n      of a vine beside which a human body had hung in a noose (Pliny,\n      _Nat. Hist._ xiv. 119). This rule shews that wine was supposed to be\n      defiled by blood or death.\n\n  835 Bernardino de Sahagun, _Histoire g\u00e9n\u00e9rale des choses de la\n      Nouvelle-Espagne_, traduite par Jourdanet et Sim\u00e9on (Paris, 1880),\n      pp. 46 _sq._ The native Mexican wine (_pulque_) is made from the sap\n      of the great American aloe. See the note of the French translators\n      of Sahagun, _op. cit._ pp. 858 _sqq._; E. J. Payne, _History of the\n      New World called America_, i. 374 _sqq._ The Chiquites Indians of\n      Paraguay believed that the spirit of _chica_, or beer made from\n      maize, could punish with sickness the person who was so irreverent\n      or careless as to upset a vessel of the liquor. See Charlevoix,\n      _Histoire du Paraguay_ (Paris, 1756), ii. 234.\n\n  836 See _The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, vol. i. pp. 381\n      _sqq._\n\n_  837 Op. cit._ vol. i. pp. 384 _sq._\n\n M156 Fear of passing under women\u2019s blood.\n\n  838 E. M. Curr, _The Australian Race_ (Melbourne and London, 1887), iii.\n      179.\n\n  839 H. B. Guppy, _The Solomon Islands and their Natives_ (London, 1887),\n      p. 41.\n\n  840 E. B. Cross, \u201cOn the Karens,\u201d _Journal of the American Oriental\n      Society_, iv. (1854) p. 312.\n\n  841 A. Bastian, _Die V\u00f6lker des \u00f6stlichen Asien_, iii. 230.\n\n M157 Disastrous effect of women\u2019s blood on men.\n\n  842 For the reason, see E. Shortland, _Traditions and Superstitions of\n      the New Zealanders_, pp. 112 _sq._, 292; E. Tregear, \u201cThe Maoris of\n      New Zealand,\u201d _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xix.\n      (1890) p. 118.\n\n  843 F. J. Gillen, in _Report of the Horn Scientific Expedition to\n      Central Australia_, pt. iv. p. 182.\n\n_  844 Native Tribes of South Australia_, p. 186.\n\n  845 Mrs. James Smith, _The Booandik Tribe_, p. 5.\n\n  846 J. G. F. Riedel, _De sluik- en kroesharige rassen tusschen Selebes\n      en Papua_, p. 450.\n\n  847 J. G. F. Riedel, _op. cit._ p. 139, compare p. 209.\n\n  848 F. J. Wiedemann, _Aus dem innern und \u00e4ussern Leben der Ehsten_, p.\n      475.\n\n  849 Miss Mary H. Kingsley, _Travels in West Africa_, p. 447. Conversely\n      among the central Australian tribes women are never allowed to\n      witness the drawing of blood from men, which is often done for\n      purposes of decoration; and when a quarrel has taken place and men\u2019s\n      blood has been spilt in the presence of women, it is usual for the\n      man whose blood has been shed to perform a ceremony connected with\n      his own or his father or mother\u2019s totem. See Spencer and Gillen,\n      _Native Tribes of Central Australia_, p. 463.\n\n M158 The head sacred because a spirit resides in it.\n\n  850 A. B. Ellis, _The Yoruba-speaking Peoples of the Slave Coast_, pp.\n      125 _sq._\n\n  851 E. B. Cross, \u201cOn the Karens,\u201d _Journal of the American Oriental\n      Society_, iv. (1854) pp. 311 _sq._\n\n  852 A. Bastian, _Die V\u00f6lker des \u00f6stlichen Asien_, ii. 256, iii. 71, 230,\n      235 _sq._ The spirit is called _kwun_ by E. Young (_The Kingdom of\n      the Yellow Robe_, pp. 75 _sqq._). See below, pp. 266 _sq._\n\n  853 Herodotus, ix. 110. This passage was pointed out to me by the late\n      Mr. E. S. Shuckburgh of Emmanuel College, Cambridge.\n\n  854 Plutarch, _Quaestiones Romanae_, 100. Plutarch\u2019s words (\u03bc\u03ac\u03bb\u03b9\u03c3\u03c4\u03b1\n      \u1fe5\u03cd\u03c0\u03c4\u03b5\u03c3\u03b8\u03b1\u03b9 \u03c4\u1f70\u03c2 \u03ba\u03b5\u03c6\u03b1\u03bb\u1f70\u03c2 \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u03ba\u03b1\u03b8\u03b1\u03af\u03c1\u03b5\u03b9\u03bd \u1f10\u03c0\u03b9\u03c4\u03b7\u03b4\u03b5\u03cd\u03bf\u03c5\u03c3\u03b9) leave room to hope\n      that the ladies did not strictly confine their ablutions to one day\n      in the year.\n\n  855 P. J. de Arriaga, _Extirpaci\u00f3n de la Idolatria del Piru_ (Lima,\n      1621), pp. 28, 29.\n\n M159 Objection to have any one overhead.\n\n  856 A. Bastian, _op. cit._ ii. 150; Sangermano, _Description of the\n      Burmese Empire_ (Rangoon, 1885), p. 131; C. F. S. Forbes, _British\n      Burma_, p. 334; Shway Yoe, _The Burman_ (London, 1882), i. 91.\n\n  857 E. Young, _The Kingdom of the Yellow Robe_ (Westminster, 1898), p.\n      131.\n\n  858 J. Moura, _Le Royaume du Cambodge_, i. 178, 388.\n\n  859 Duarte Barbosa, _Description of the Coasts of East Africa and\n      Malabar in the beginning of the Sixteenth Century_ (Hakluyt Society,\n      1866), p. 197.\n\n  860 This I learned in conversation with Messrs. Roscoe and Miller,\n      missionaries to Uganda. The system of totemism exists in full force\n      in Uganda. No man will eat his totem animal or marry a woman of his\n      own totem clan. Among the totems of the clans are the lion, leopard,\n      elephant, antelope, mushroom, buffalo, sheep, grasshopper,\n      crocodile, otter, beaver, and lizard. See _Totemism and Exogamy_,\n      ii. 472 _sqq._\n\n M160 Sanctity of the head, especially of a chief\u2019s head, in Polynesia and\n      elsewhere.\n\n  861 David Porter, _Journal of a Cruise made to the Pacific Ocean in the\n      U.S. Frigate __\u201c__Essex__\u201d_ (New York, 1822), ii. 65.\n\n  862 Vincendon-Dumoulin et C. Desgraz _\u00celes Marquises_ (Paris, 1843), p.\n      262.\n\n  863 Le P. Matthias G\u2014\u2014, _Lettres sur les \u00celes Marquises_ (Paris, 1843),\n      p. 50.\n\n  864 G. H. von Langsdorff, _Reise um die Welt_ (London, 1812), i. 115\n      _sq._\n\n  865 Max Radiguet, _Les Derniers Sauvages_ (Paris, 1882), p. 156.\n\n  866 Capt. James Cook, _Voyages_, v. 427 (London, 1809).\n\n  867 Jules Remy, _Ka Mooolelo Hawaii, Histoire de l\u2019Archipel Havaiien_\n      (Paris and Leipsic, 1862), p. 159.\n\n  868 W. Ellis, _Polynesian Researches_2 (London, 1832-36), iii. 102.\n\n  869 James Wilson, _A Missionary Voyage to the Southern Pacific Ocean_\n      (London, 1799), pp. 354 _sq._\n\n  870 W. Colenso, \u201cThe Maori Races of New Zealand,\u201d p. 43, in\n      _Transactions and Proceedings of the New Zealand Institute_, 1868,\n      vol. i. (separately paged).\n\n  871 R. Taylor, _To Ika a Maui, or New Zealand and its Inhabitants_,2 p.\n      165. We have seen that under certain special circumstances common\n      persons also are temporarily forbidden to touch their heads with\n      their hands. See above, pp. 146, 156, 158, 160, 183.\n\n  872 R. Taylor, _l.c._\n\n  873 E. Shortland, _The Southern Districts of New Zealand_ (London,\n      1851), p. 293; _id._, _Traditions and Superstitions of the New\n      Zealanders_, pp. 107 _sq._\n\n  874 J. Dumont D\u2019Urville, _Voyage autour du monde et \u00e0 la recherche de La\n      P\u00e9rouse, ex\u00e9cut\u00e9 sous son commandement sur la corvette\n      __\u201c__Austrolabe__\u201d__: histoire du voyage_, ii. 534.\n\n  875 R. A. Cruise, _Journal of a Ten Months\u2019 Residence in New Zealand_\n      (London, 1823), p. 187; J. Dumont D\u2019Urville, _op. cit._ ii. 533; E.\n      Shortland, _The Southern Districts of New Zealand_, p. 30.\n\n  876 Herodotus, i. 187.\n\n  877 H. France, \u201cCustoms of the Awuna Tribes,\u201d _Journal of the African\n      Society_, No. 17 (October, 1905), p. 39.\n\n M161 When the head is sacred, the cutting of the hair becomes a difficult\n      and dangerous operation. The hair of kings, priests, chiefs,\n      sorcerers, and other tabooed persons is sometimes kept unshorn. Hair\n      kept unshorn on various occasions, such as a wife\u2019s pregnancy, a\n      journey, and war.\n\n  878 Agathias, _Hist._ i. 3; J. Grimm, _Deutsche Rechtsalterth\u00fcmer_,3 pp.\n      239 _sqq._ Compare F. Kauffmann, _Balder_ (Strasburg, 1902), pp. 209\n      _sq._ The story of the Phrygian king Midas, who concealed the ears\n      of an ass under his long hair (Aristophanes, _Plutus_, 287; Ovid,\n      _Metam._ xi. 146-193) may perhaps be a distorted reminiscence of a\n      similar custom in Phrygia. Parallels to the story are recorded in\n      modern Greece, Ireland, Brittany, Servia, India, and among the\n      Mongols. See B. Schmidt, _Griechische M\u00e4rchen, Sagen und\n      Volkslieder_, pp. 70 _sq._, 224 _sq._; Grimm\u2019s _Household Tales_,\n      ii. 498, trans. by M. Hunt; Patrick Kennedy, _Legendary Fictions of\n      the Irish Celts_, pp. 248 _sqq._ (ed. 1866); A. de Nore, _Coutumes,\n      mythes, et traditions des provinces de la France_, pp. 219 _sq._; W.\n      S. Karadschitsch, _Volksm\u00e4rchen der Serben_, No. 39, pp. 225 _sqq._;\n      _North Indian Notes and Queries_, iii. p. 104, \u00a7 218; B. J\u00fclg,\n      _Mongolische M\u00e4rchen-Sammlung_, No. 22, pp. 182 _sqq._; _Sagas from\n      the Far East_, No. 21, pp. 206 _sqq._\n\n  879 Gregory of Tours, _Histoire eccl\u00e9siastique des Francs_, iii. 18,\n      compare vi. 24 (Guizot\u2019s translation).\n\n  880 Dr. Hahl, \u201cMitteilungen \u00fcber Sitten und rechtliche Verh\u00e4ltnisse auf\n      Ponape,\u201d _Ethnologisches Notizblatt_, ii. Heft 2 (Berlin, 1901), p.\n      6.\n\n_  881 Manuscrit Ramirez, Histoire de l\u2019origine des Indiens qui habitent\n      la Nouvelle Espagne_ (Paris, 1903), p. 171; J. de Acosta, _Natural\n      and Moral History of the Indies_, ii. 365 (Hakluyt Society); A. de\n      Herrera, _General History of the vast Continent and Islands of\n      America_, iii. 216 (Stevens\u2019s translation). The author of the\n      _Manuscrit Ramirez_ speaks as if the rule applied only to the\n      priests of the god Tezcatlipoca.\n\n  882 G. M. Dawson, \u201cOn the Haida Indians of Queen Charlotte Islands,\u201d in\n      _Geological Survey of Canada, Report of Progress for 1878-79_, p.\n      123 B.\n\n  883 J. Spieth, _Die Ewe-St\u00e4mme_, p. 229.\n\n_  884 Missions Catholiques_, xxv. (1893) p. 266.\n\n  885 M. Merker, _Die Masai_ (Berlin, 1904), pp. 21, 22, 143.\n\n  886 A. W. Nieuwenhuis, _Quer durch Borneo_, i. 68.\n\n_  887 Satapatha Brahmana_, translated by J. Eggeling, part iii. pp. 126,\n      128, with the translator\u2019s note on p. 126 (_Sacred Books of the\n      East_, vol. xli.).\n\n  888 P. N. Wilken, \u201cBijdragen tot de kennis van de zeden en gewoonten der\n      Alfoeren in de Minahassa,\u201d _Mededeelingen van wege het Nederlandsche\n      Zendelinggenootschap_, vii. (1863) p. 126.\n\n  889 R. P. Ashe, _Two Kings of Uganda_ (London, 1889), p. 109.\n\n  890 Fr. Boas, in _Tenth Report on the North-Western Tribes of Canada_,\n      p. 45 (separate reprint from the _Report of the British Association\n      for 1895_).\n\n  891 J. G. F. Riedel, _De sluik- en kroesharige rassen tusschen Selebes\n      en Papua_, p. 137.\n\n  892 J. G. F. Riedel, _op. cit._ pp. 292 _sq._\n\n  893 W. W. Skeat, _Malay Magic_, p. 44.\n\n  894 Diodorus Siculus, i. 18.\n\n  895 W. Robertson Smith, _Kinship and Marriage in Early Arabia_\n      (Cambridge, 1885), pp. 152 _sq._\n\n  896 Homer, _Iliad_, xxiii. 141 _sqq._ This Homeric passage has been\n      imitated by Valerius Flaccus (_Argonaut._ i. 378). The Greeks often\n      dedicated a lock of their hair to rivers. See Aeschylus,\n      _Choephori_, 5 _sq._; Philostratus, _Heroica_, xiii. 4; Pausanias,\n      i. 37. 3, viii. 20. 3, viii. 41. 3. The lock might be at the side or\n      the back of the head or over the brow; it received a special name\n      (Pollux, ii. 30).\n\n  897 S. W. Tromp, \u201cEen Dajaksch Feest,\u201d _Bijdragen tot de Taal- Land- en\n      Volkenkunde van Nederlandsch-Indi\u00eb_, xxxix. (1890) p. 38.\n\n  898 T. Arbousset et F. Daumas, _Relation d\u2019un voyage d\u2019exploration_, p.\n      565.\n\n M162 Hair unshorn during a vow. The nails of infants should not be pared.\n      Child\u2019s hair left unshorn as a refuge for its soul.\n\n  899 D. Porter, _Journal of a Cruise made to the Pacific Ocean_, ii. 120.\n\n  900 Tacitus, _Germania_, 31. Vows of the same sort were occasionally\n      made by the Romans (Suetonius, _Julius_, 67; Tacitus, _Hist._ iv.\n      61).\n\n  901 Paulus Diaconus, _Hist. Langobard._ iii. 7; Gregory of Tours,\n      _Histoire eccl\u00e9siastique des Francs_, v. 15, vol. i. p. 268\n      (Guizot\u2019s translation, Nouvelle Edition, Paris, 1874).\n\n  902 W. Ellis, _Polynesian Researches_,2 iv. 387.\n\n  903 Numbers vi. 5.\n\n  904 J. A. E. K\u00f6hler, _Volksbrauch_, etc., _im Voigtlande_, p. 424; W.\n      Henderson, _Folk-lore of the Northern Counties_, pp. 16 _sq._; F.\n      Panzer, _Beitrag zur deutschen Mythologie_, i. p. 258, \u00a7 23; I. V.\n      Zingerle, _Sitten, Br\u00e4uche und Meinungen des Tiroler Volkes_,2 \u00a7\u00a7\n      46, 72; J. W. Wolf, _Beitr\u00e4ge zur deutschen Mythologie_, i. p. 208,\n      \u00a7 45, p. 209 \u00a7 53; O. Knoop, _Volkssagen, Erz\u00e4hlungen_, etc., _aus\n      dem \u00f6stlichen Hinterpommern_, p. 157, \u00a7 23; E. Veckenstedt,\n      _Wendische Sagen, M\u00e4rchen und abergl\u00e4ubische Gebr\u00e4uche_, p. 445; J.\n      Haltrich, _Zur Volkskunde der Siebenb\u00fcrger Sachsen_, p. 313; E.\n      Krause, \u201cAbergl\u00e4ubische Kuren und sonstiger Aberglaube in Berlin,\u201d\n      _Zeitschrift f\u00fcr Ethnologie_, xv. (1883) p. 84.\n\n_  905 Panjab Notes and Queries_, ii. p. 205, \u00a7 1092.\n\n  906 G. Gibbs, \u201cNotes on the Tinneh or Chepewyan Indians of British and\n      Russian America,\u201d in _Annual Report of the Smithsonian Institution_,\n      1866, p. 305; W. Dall, _Alaska and its Resources_, p. 202. The\n      reason alleged by the Indians is that if the girls\u2019 nails were cut\n      sooner the girls would be lazy and unable to embroider in porcupine\n      quill-work. But this is probably a late invention like the reasons\n      assigned in Europe for the similar custom, of which the commonest is\n      that the child would become a thief if its nails were cut.\n\n  907 J. Roscoe, \u201cFurther Notes on the Manners and Customs of the\n      Baganda,\u201d _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xxxii. (1902)\n      p. 30.\n\n  908 Lieut. Herold, \u201cReligi\u00f6se Anschauungen und Gebr\u00e4uche der deutschen\n      Ewe-Neger,\u201d _Mittheilungen aus den Deutschen Schutzgebieten_, v. 148\n      _sq._\n\n  909 S. J. Curtiss, _Primitive Semitic Religion To-day_ (Chicago, etc.,\n      1902), p.153.\n\n  910 A. C. Kruyt, \u201cHet koppensnellen der Toradja\u2019s,\u201d _Verslagen en\n      Mededeelingen der konink. Akademie van Wetenschapen_, Afdeeling\n      Letterkunde, iv. Reeks, iii. 198 n2 (Amsterdam, 1899).\n\n  911 R. R\u00f6mer, \u201cBijdrage tot de Geneeskunst der Karo-Batak\u2019s,\u201d\n      _Tijdschrift voor Indische Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde_, i. (1908) p.\n      216.\n\n  912 O. Knoop, _Volkssagen, Erz\u00e4hlungen, etc., aus dem \u00f6stlichen\n      Hinterpommern_ (Posen, 1885), p. 157, \u00a7 23.\n\n  913 J. W. Wolf, _Beitr\u00e4ge zur deutschen Mythologie_, i. p. 209, \u00a7 57.\n\n M163 Solemn ceremonies observed at hair-cutting.\n\n  914 Rev. Lorimer Fison, in a letter to the author, dated August 26,\n      1898.\n\n  915 From the report of a lecture delivered in Melbourne, December 9,\n      1898, by the Rev. H. Worrall, of Fiji, missionary. The newspaper\n      cutting from which the above extract is quoted was sent to me by the\n      Rev. Lorimer Fison in a letter, dated Melbourne, January 9, 1899.\n      Mr. Fison omitted to give the name and date of the newspaper.\n\n  916 R. Taylor, _Te Ika a Maui, or New Zealand and its Inhabitants_2\n      (London, 1870), pp. 206 _sqq._\n\n  917 Richard A. Cruise, _Journal of a Ten Months\u2019 Residence in New\n      Zealand_ (London, 1823), pp. 283 _sq._ Compare J. Dumont D\u2019Urville,\n      _Voyage autour du monde et \u00e0 la recherche de La P\u00e9rouse: histoire du\n      voyage_ (Paris, 1832), ii. 533.\n\n  918 E. Shortland, _Traditions and Superstitions of the New Zealanders_,\n      pp. 108 _sqq._; R. Taylor, _l.c._\n\n  919 G. F. Angas, _Savage Life and Scenes in Australia and New Zealand_\n      (London, 1847), ii. 90 _sq._\n\n  920 J. Moura, _Le Royaume du Cambodge_, i. 226 _sq._\n\n  921 See above, p. 3.\n\n M164 Ceremonies at cutting the hair of Siamese children.\n\n  922 See above, p. 252.\n\n  923 E. Young, _The Kingdom of the Yellow Robe_ (Westminster, 1898), pp.\n      64 _sq._, 67-84. I have abridged the account of the ceremonies by\n      omitting some details. For an account of the ceremonies observed at\n      cutting the hair of a young Siamese prince, at the age of thirteen\n      or fourteen, see Mgr. Brugui\u00e8re, in _Annales de l\u2019Association de la\n      Propagation de la Foi_, v. (1831) pp. 197 _sq._\n\n M165 Belief that people may be bewitched through the clippings of their\n      hair, the parings of their nails, and other severed parts of their\n      persons.\n\n  924 The aboriginal tribes of Central Australia form an exception to this\n      rule; for among them no attempt is made to injure a person by\n      performing magical ceremonies over his shorn hair. See Spencer and\n      Gillen, _Northern Tribes of Central Australia_, p. 478.\n\n  925 See _The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, vol. i. pp. 52-54,\n      174 _sqq._\n\n  926 C. Martin, \u201c\u00dcber die Eingeborenen von Chiloe,\u201d _Zeitschrift f\u00fcr\n      Ethnologie_, ix. (1877) p. 177.\n\n  927 Vincendon-Dumoulin et C. Desgraz, _\u00celes Marquises_ (Paris, 1843),\n      pp. 247 _sq._\n\n  928 D. Porter, _Journal of a Cruise made to the Pacific Ocean_2 (New\n      York, 1882), ii. 188.\n\n  929 R. Taylor, _Te Ika a Maui, or New Zealand and its Inhabitants_,2 pp.\n      203 _sq._; A. S. Thomson, _The Story of New Zealand_ (London, 1859),\n      i. 116 _sq._\n\n  930 R. Brough Smyth, _Aborigines of Victoria_, i. 468 _sq._\n\n  931 J. Dawson, _Australian Aborigines_, p. 36.\n\n  932 A. W. Howitt, \u201cOn Australian Medicine-men,\u201d _Journal of the\n      Anthropological Institute_, xvi. (1887) p. 27. Compare _id._,\n      _Native Tribes of South-East Australia_, pp. 360 _sq._\n\n  933 E. Palmer, \u201cNotes on some Australian Tribes,\u201d _Journal of the\n      Anthropological Institute_, xiii. (1884) p. 293.\n\n  934 Lucian, _Dial. meretr._ iv. 4 _sq._\n\n  935 Apuleius, _Metamorph._ iii. 16 _sqq._ For more evidence of the same\n      sort, see Th. Williams, _Fiji and the Fijians_,2 i. 248; James\n      Bonwick, _Daily Life of the Tasmanians_, p. 178; James Chalmers,\n      _Pioneering in New Guinea_, p. 187; J. S. Polack, _Manners and\n      Customs of the New Zealanders_, i. 282; A. Bastian, _Die V\u00f6lker des\n      \u00f6stlichen Asien_, iii. 270; G. H. von Langsdorff, _Reise um die\n      Welt_, i. 134 _sq._; W. Ellis, _Polynesian Researches_,2 i. 364; A.\n      B. Ellis, _Ewe-speaking peoples of the Slave Coast_, p. 99; R. H.\n      Codrington, _The Melanesians_, p. 203; K. von den Steinen, _Unter\n      den Naturv\u00f6lkern Zentral-Brasiliens_, p. 343; Miss Mary H. Kingsley,\n      _Travels in West Africa_, p. 447; I. V. Zingerle, _Sitten, Br\u00e4uche\n      und Meinungen des Tiroler Volkes_,2 \u00a7 178; R. Andree,\n      _Ethnographische Parallelen und Vergleiche_, Neue Folge, pp. 12\n      _sqq._; E. S. Hartland, _Legend of Perseus_, ii. 64-74, 132-139.\n\n M166 Clipped hair may cause headache.\n\n  936 R. F. Kaindl, \u201cNeue Beitr\u00e4ge zur Ethnologie und Volkeskunde der\n      Huzulen,\u201d _Globus_, lxix. (1896) p. 94.\n\n  937 E. Meier, _Deutsche Sagen, Sitten und Gebr\u00e4uche aus Schwaben_, p.\n      509; A. Birlinger, _Volksth\u00fcmliches aus Schwaben_, i. 493; F.\n      Panzer, _Beitrag zur deutschen Mythologie_, i. 258; J. A. E. K\u00f6hler,\n      _Volksbrauch_, etc., _im Voigtlande_, p. 425; A. Witzschel, _Sagen,\n      Sitten und Gebr\u00e4uche aus Th\u00fcringen_, p. 282; I. V. Zingerle, _op.\n      cit._ \u00a7 180; J. W. Wolf, _Beitr\u00e4ge zur deutschen Mythologie_, i. p.\n      224, \u00a7 273. A similar belief prevails among the gypsies of Eastern\n      Europe (H. von Wlislocki, _Volksglaube und religi\u00f6ser Brauch der\n      Zigeuner_, p. 81).\n\n  938 I. V. Zingerle, _op. cit._ \u00a7 181.\n\n  939 Charlotte Latham, \u201cSome West Sussex Superstitions,\u201d _Folk-lore\n      Record_, i. (1878) p. 40.\n\n  940 J. G. Campbell, _Superstitions of the Highlands and Islands of\n      Scotland_ (Glasgow, 1900), p. 237.\n\n  941 W. H. R. Rivers, _The Todas_ (London, 1906), pp. 268 _sq._\n\n M167 Cut hair may cause rain, hail, thunder and lightning. Magical uses\n      of cut hair.\n\n  942 I. V. Zingerle, _op. cit._ \u00a7\u00a7 176, 179.\n\n  943 A. Krause, _Die Tlinkit-Indianer_ (Jena, 1885), p. 300.\n\n  944 Petronius, _Sat._ 104.\n\n  945 J. G. Campbell, _op. cit._ pp. 236 _sq._\n\n  946 A. Bastian, _Die deutsche Expedition an der Loango-K\u00fcste_, i. 231\n      _sq._; _id._, _Ein Besuch in San Salvador_, pp. 117 _sq._\n\n  947 P. B. du Chaillu, _Explorations and Adventures in Equatorial Africa_\n      (London, 1861), pp. 426 _sq._\n\n  948 O. Baumann, _Usambara und seine Nachbargebiete_ (Berlin, 1891), p.\n      141.\n\n  949 A. Junod, _Les Ba-Ronga_ (Neuch\u00e2tel, 1898), pp. 398-400.\n\n  950 W. Stanbridge, \u201cOn the Aborigines of Victoria,\u201d _Transactions of the\n      Ethnological Society of London_, N.S., i. (1861) p. 300.\n\n M168 Cut hair and nails may be used as hostages for good behaviour of the\n      persons from whose bodies they have been taken.\n\n  951 A. C. Hollis, _The Nandi_ (Oxford, 1909), pp. 30, 74 _sq._\n\n  952 Le P. A. Jaussen, _Coutumes des Arabes au pays de Moab_ (Paris,\n      1908), pp. 94 _sq._\n\n  953 2 Samuel, x. 4.\n\n  954 2 Samuel, x., xii. 26-31.\n\n  955 R. Torday and T. A. Joyce, \u201cNotes on the Ethnography of the\n      Ba-Yaka,\u201d _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xxxvi. (1906)\n      p. 49.\n\n M169 Cut hair and nails are deposited in sacred places, such as temples\n      and cemeteries, to preserve them from injury. Cut hair and nails\n      buried under certain trees or deposited among the branches.\n\n  956 Fran\u00e7ois Pyrard, _Voyages to the East Indies, the Maldives, the\n      Moluccas, and Brazil_, translated by Albert Gray (Hakluyt Society,\n      1887), i. 110 _sq._\n\n  957 E. Shortland, _Traditions and Superstitions of the New Zealanders_,\n      p. 110.\n\n  958 J. S. Polack, _Manners and Customs of the New Zealanders_, i. 38\n      _sq._ Compare G. F. Angas, _Savage Life and Scenes in Australia and\n      New Zealand_ (London, 1847), ii. 108 _sq._\n\n  959 James Wilson, _A Missionary Voyage to the Southern Pacific Ocean_\n      (London, 1799), p. 355.\n\n  960 R. A. Freeman, _Travels and Life in Ashanti and Jaman_ (Westminster,\n      1898), pp. 171 _sq._\n\n  961 E. Young, _The Kingdom of the Yellow Robe_, p. 79.\n\n  962 Aulus Gellius, x. 15. 15. The ancients were not agreed as to the\n      distinction between lucky and unlucky trees. According to Cato and\n      Pliny, trees that bore fruit were lucky, and trees which did not\n      were unlucky (Festus, ed. C. O. M\u00fcller, p. 29, _s.v._ _Felices_;\n      Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ xvi. 108); but according to Tarquitius Priscus\n      those trees were unlucky which were sacred to the infernal gods and\n      bore black berries or black fruit (Macrobius, _Saturn_, ii. 16, but\n      iii. 20 in L. Jan\u2019s edition, Quedlinburg and Leipsic, 1852).\n\n  963 Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ xvi. 235; Festu, p. 57 ed. C. O. M\u00fcller, _s.v._\n      _Capillatam vel capillarem arborem_.\n\n  964 M. Quedenfelt, \u201cAberglaube und halbreligi\u00f6se Bruderschaft bei den\n      Marokkanern,\u201d _Verhandlungen der Berliner Gesellschaft f\u00fcr\n      Anthropologie, Ethnologie und Urgeschichte_, 1886, p. (680).\n\n  965 A. Wuttke, _Der deutsche Volksaberglaube_,2 pp. 294 _sq._, \u00a7 464.\n\n  966 W. Mannhardt, _Germanische Mythen_ (Berlin, 1858), p. 630.\n\n  967 W. Henderson, _Folk-lore of the Northern Counties_ (London, 1879),\n      p. 17.\n\n  968 J. G. F. Riedel, _De sluik- en kroesharige rassen tusschen Selebes\n      en Papua_, p. 74.\n\n  969 J. G. F. Riedel, _op. cit._ p. 265.\n\n  970 G. Heijmering, \u201cZeden en gewoonten op het eiland Rottie,\u201d\n      _Tijdschrift voor Ne\u00earlands Indi\u00eb_, 1843, dl. ii. pp. 634-637.\n\n  971 W. Dall, _Alaska and its Resources_ (London, 1870), p. 54; F.\n      Whymper, \u201cThe Natives of the Youkon River,\u201d _Transactions of the\n      Ethnological Society of London_, N.S., vii. (1869) p. 174.\n\n M170 Cut hair and nails may be stowed away for safety in any secret\n      place.\n\n  972 E. Meier, _Deutsche Sagen, Sitten und Gebr\u00e4uche aus Schwaben_, p.\n      509; A. Birlinger, _Volksth\u00fcmliches aus Schwaben_, i. 493.\n\n  973 W. Mannhardt, _Germanische Mythen_, p. 630.\n\n  974 H. B. Guppy, _The Solomon Islands and their Natives_ (London, 1887),\n      p. 54.\n\n  975 R. H. Codrington, _The Melanesians_, p. 203.\n\n  976 Th. Williams, _Fiji and the Fijians_,2 i. 249.\n\n  977 J. G. Scott and J. P. Hardiman, _Gazetteer of Upper Burma and the\n      Shan States_, part i. vol. ii. p. 37.\n\n_  978 The Zend-Avesta, Vend\u00eed\u00e2d_ Fargaard, xvii. (vol. i. pp. 186 _sqq._,\n      translated by J. Darmesteter, _Sacred Books of the East_, vol. iv.).\n\n_  979 Grihya-S\u00fbtras_, translated by H. Oldenberg, part i. p. 57; compare\n      _id._, pp. 303, 399, part ii. p. 62 (_Sacred Books of the East_,\n      vols. xxix., xxx.). Compare H. Oldenberg, _Die Religion des Veda_,\n      p. 487.\n\n_  980 Grihya-S\u00fbtras_, translated by H. Oldenberg, part ii. pp. 165 _sq._,\n      218.\n\n  981 R. W. Felkin, \u201cNotes on the Madi or Moru Tribe of Central Africa,\u201d\n      _Proceedings of the Royal Society of Edinburgh_, xii. (1882-84) p.\n      332.\n\n  982 Fr. Stuhlmann, _Mit Emin Pascha ins Herz von Afrika_, p. 185 note.\n      The same thing was told me in conversation by the Rev. J. Roscoe,\n      missionary to Uganda; but I understood him to mean that the hair was\n      not carelessly disposed of, but thrown away in some place where it\n      would not easily be found.\n\n  983 Fr. Stuhlmann, _op. cit._ pp. 516 _sq._\n\n  984 J. Macdonald, _Light in Africa_, p. 209; _id._, \u201cManners, Customs,\n      Superstitions and Religions of South African Tribes,\u201d _Journal of\n      the Anthropological Institute_, xx. (1891) p. 131.\n\n  985 A. Steedman, _Wanderings and Adventures in the Interior of Southern\n      Africa_ (London, 1835), i. 266.\n\n_  986 Emin Pasha in Central Africa, being a Collection of his Letters and\n      Journals_ (London, 1888), p. 74.\n\n  987 Fr. Stuhlmann, _Mit Emin Pascha ins Herz von Afrika_, p. 625.\n\n  988 M. Merkel, _Die Masai_ (Berlin, 1904), p. 243.\n\n  989 J. L. Wilson, _Western Africa_, p. 215.\n\n  990 Ch. Partridge, _Cross River Natives_ (London, 1905), pp. 8, 203\n      _sq._\n\n  991 James Teit, \u201cThe Thompson River Indians of British Columbia,\u201d\n      _Memoir of the American Museum of Natural History, The Jesup North\n      Pacific Expedition_, vol. i. part iv. (April 1900) p. 360.\n\n  992 N. P. Wilken en J. A. Schwarz, \u201cAllerlei over het land en volk van\n      Bolaang Mongondou,\u201d _Mededeelingen van wege het Nederlandsche\n      Zendelinggenootschap_, xi. (1867) p. 322.\n\n  993 I. V. Zingerle, _Sitten, Br\u00e4uche und Meinungen des Tiroler Volkes_2\n      (Innsbruck, 1871), \u00a7\u00a7 176, 580; _M\u00e9lusine_, 1878, col. 79; E.\n      Monseur, _Le Folklore Wallon_, p. 91.\n\n  994 Pliny, _Nat. Hist._, xxviii. 35; Theophrastus, _Characters_, \u201cThe\n      Superstitious Man\u201d; Theocritus, _id._ vi. 39, vii. 127; Persius,\n      _Sat._ ii. 31 _sqq._ At the siege of Danzig in 1734, when the old\n      wives saw a bomb coming, they used to spit thrice and cry, \u201cFi, ti,\n      fi, there comes the dragon!\u201d in the persuasion that this secured\n      them against being hit (Tettau und Temme, _Die Volkssagen\n      Ostpreussens, Litthauens und Westpreussens_ (Berlin, 1837), p. 284).\n      For more examples, see J. E. B. Mayor on Juvenal, _Sat._ vii. 112;\n      J. E. Crombie, \u201cThe Saliva Superstition,\u201d _International Folk-lore\n      Congress_, 1891, _Papers and Transactions_, pp. 249 sq.; C. de\n      Mensignac, _Recherches ethnographiques sur la salive et le crachat_\n      (Bordeaux, 1892), pp. 50 _sqq._; F. W. Nicolson, \u201cThe Saliva\n      Superstition in Classical Literature,\u201d _Harvard Studies in Classical\n      Philology_, viii. (1897) pp. 35 _sqq._\n\n M171 Cut hair and nails kept against the resurrection.\n\n  995 Garcilasso de la Vega, _First Part of the Royal Commentaries of the\n      Yncas_, bk. ii. ch. 7 (vol. i. p. 127, Markham\u2019s translation).\n\n_  996 M\u00e9lusine_, 1878, coll. 583 _sq._\n\n_  997 The People of Turkey_, by a Consul\u2019s daughter and wife, ii. 250.\n\n  998 M. Abeghian, _Der armenische Volksglaube_, p. 68.\n\n  999 G. F. Abbott, _Macedonian Folklore_ (Cambridge, 1903), p. 214.\n\n 1000 M. Quedenfelt, \u201cAberglaube und halbreligi\u00f6se Bruderschaft bei den\n      Marokkanern,\u201d _Verhandlungen der Berliner Gesellschaft f\u00fcr\n      Anthropologie, Ethnologie und Urgeschichte_, 1886, p. (680).\n\n 1001 Le P. A. Jaussen, _Coutumes des Arabes au pays de Moab_ (Paris,\n      1908), p. 94 note 1.\n\n 1002 Boecler-Kreutzwald, _Der Ehsten abergl\u00e4ubische Gebr\u00e4uche, Weisen und\n      Gewohnheiten_, p. 139; F. J. Wiedemann, _Aus dem innern und \u00e4ussern\n      Leben der Ehsten_, p. 491.\n\n 1003 L. F. Sauv\u00e9, _Le Folk-lore des Hautes-Vosges_ (Paris, 1889), p. 41.\n\n 1004 Miss A. H. Singleton, in a letter to me, dated Rathmoyle House,\n      Abbeyleix, Ireland, 24th February 1904.\n\n 1005 Dr. Antoine Petit, in Th. Lefebvre, _Voyage en Abyssinie_, i. 373.\n\n 1006 J. J. M. de Groot, _The Religious System of China_, i. 342 _sq._\n      (Leyden, 1892).\n\n 1007 R. W. Felkin, \u201cNotes on the For Tribe of Central Africa,\u201d\n      _Proceedings of the Royal Society of Edinburgh_, xiii. (1884-86) p.\n      230.\n\n M172 Cut hair and nails burnt to prevent them from falling into the hands\n      of sorcerers.\n\n 1008 A. D\u2019Orbigny, _Voyage dans l\u2019Am\u00e9rique m\u00e9ridionale_, ii. 93; Lieut.\n      Musters, \u201cOn the Races of Patagonia,\u201d _Journal of the\n      Anthropological Institute_, i. (1872) p. 197; J. Dawson, _Australian\n      Aborigines_, p. 36. The Patagonians sometimes throw their hair into\n      a river instead of burning it.\n\n 1009 L. F. Sauv\u00e9, _Le Folk-lore des Hautes-Vosges_, p. 170.\n\n 1010 Z. Zanetti, _La Medicina delle nostre donne_ (Citt\u00e0 di Castello,\n      1892), pp. 234 _sq._\n\n 1011 A. B. Ellis, _The Ewe-speaking Peoples of the Slave Coast_, p. 99;\n      Miss Mary H. Kingsley, _Travels in West Africa_, p. 447; R. H.\n      Nassau, _Fetichism in West Africa_ (London, 1904), p. 83; A. F.\n      Mockler-Ferryman, _British Nigeria_ (London, 1902), p. 286; David\n      Livingstone, _Narrative of Expedition to the Zambesi_, pp. 46 _sq._;\n      W. Ellis, _Polynesian Researches_,2 i. 365. In some parts of New\n      Guinea cut hair is destroyed for the same reason (H. H. Romilly,\n      _From my Verandah in New Guinea_, London, 1889, p. 83).\n\n 1012 W. H. Furness, _The Island of Stone Money, Uap of the Carolines_\n      (Philadelphia and London, 1910), P. 137.\n\n 1013 Fr. Stuhlmann, _Mit Emin Pascha ins Herz von Afrika_, p. 451.\n\n 1014 W. E. Roth, _North Queensland Ethnography, Bulletin No. 5_\n      (Brisbane, 1903), p. 21.\n\n 1015 Captain R. Fitzroy, _Narrative of the Surveying Voyages of His\n      Majesty\u2019s Ships Adventure and Beagle_, i. (London, 1839). pp. 313\n      _sq._\n\n 1016 J. Teit, \u201cThe Thompson Indians of British Columbia,\u201d _Memoir of the\n      American Museum of Natural History, The Jesup North Pacific\n      Expedition_, vol. i. part iv. (April 1900) p. 360.\n\n 1017 I. V. Zingerle, _Sitten, Br\u00e4uche und Meinungen des Tiroler Volkes_2\n      (Innsbruck, 1871), p. 28, \u00a7\u00a7 177, 179, 180.\n\n 1018 U. Jahn, _Hexenwesen und Zauberei in Pommern_ (Breslau, 1886), p.\n      15; _M\u00e9lusine_, 1878, col. 79; E. Monseur, _Le Folklore Wallon_, p.\n      91.\n\n 1019 E. H. Meyer, _Indogermanische Mythen_, ii. _Achilleis_ (Berlin,\n      1877), p. 523.\n\n 1020 P. Lowell, _Chos\u00f6n, the Land of the Morning Calm, a Sketch of Korea_\n      (London, Preface dated 1885), pp. 199-201; Mrs. Bishop, _Korea and\n      her Neighbours_ (London, 1898), ii. 55 _sq._\n\n M173 Inconsistency in burning cut hair and nails.\n M174 Hair is sometimes cut because it is infected with the virus of\n      taboo. In these cases hair-cutting is a form of purification. Hair\n      of mourners cut to rid them of the pollution of death.\n\n 1021 Above, p. 276.\n\n 1022 Above, pp. 4, 131, 139, 145, 156.\n\n 1023 W. Ridley, \u201cReport on Australian Languages and Traditions,\u201d _Journal\n      of the Anthropological Institute_, ii. (1873) p. 268.\n\n 1024 Fr. Stuhlmann, _Mit Emin Pascha ins Herz von Afrika_, p. 795.\n\n 1025 F. de Castelnau, _Exp\u00e9dition dans les parties centrales de\n      l\u2019Am\u00e9rique du Sud_, v. (Paris, 1851) p. 46.\n\n 1026 J. Roscoe, \u201cFurther Notes on the Manners and Customs of the\n      Baganda,\u201d _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xxxii. (1902)\n      p. 34.\n\n 1027 See G. A. Wilken, _\u00dcber das Haaropfer und einige andere\n      Trauergebr\u00e4uche bei den V\u00f6lkern Indonesiens_, pp. 94 _sqq._\n      (reprinted from the _Revue Coloniale Internationale_, Amsterdam,\n      1886-87); H. Ploss, _Das Kind in Brauch und Sitte der V\u00f6lker_,2 i.\n      289 _sqq._; K. Potkanski, \u201cDie Ceremonie der Haarschur bei den\n      Slaven und Germanen,\u201d _Anzeiger der Akademie der Wissenschaften in\n      Krakau_, May 1896, pp. 232-251.\n\n 1028 Above, p. 261.\n\n 1029 Above, pp. 111 _sqq._\n\n 1030 J. Campbell, _Travels in South Africa, Second Journey_ (London,\n      1822), ii. 205.\n\n 1031 H. Oldenberg, _Die Religion des Veda_, pp. 426 _sq._\n\n 1032 L. F. Alfred Maury, \u201cLes Populations primitives du nord de\n      l\u2019Hindoustan,\u201d _Bulletin de la Soci\u00e9t\u00e9 de G\u00e9ographie_ (Paris), IVme\n      S\u00e9rie, vii. (1854) p. 197.\n\n 1033 Lucian, _De dea Syria_, 53.\n\n 1034 A. B. Ellis, _The Ewe-speaking Peoples of the Slave Coast_, p. 160.\n\n 1035 W. H. Furness, _Folk-lore in Borneo_ (Wallingford, Pennsylvania,\n      1899; privately printed), p. 28.\n\n 1036 B. Gutmann, \u201cTrauer und Begr\u00e4bnissitten der Wadschagga,\u201d _Globus_,\n      lxxxix. (1906) p. 198.\n\n 1037 Miss A. Werner, _The Natives of British Central Africa_ (London,\n      1906), pp. 165, 166, 167.\n\n 1038 J. M. Hildebrandt, \u201cEthnographische Notizen \u00fcber Wakamba und ihre\n      Nachbarn,\u201d _Zeitschrift f\u00fcr Ethnologie_, x. (1878) p. 395. Children\n      who are born in an unusual position, the second born of twins, and\n      children whose upper teeth appear before the lower, are similarly\n      exposed by the Akikuyu. The mother is regarded as unclean, not so\n      much because she has exposed, as because she has given birth to such\n      a child.\n\n 1039 Monier Williams, _Religious Thought and Life in India_, p. 375.\n\n 1040 Strabo, xii. 2. 3, p. 535; Pausanias, viii. 34. 3. In two paintings\n      on Greek vases we see Apollo in his character of the purifier\n      preparing to cut off the hair of Orestes. See _Monumenti inediti_,\n      1847, pl. 48; _Annali dell\u2019 Instituto di Corrispondenza\n      Archeologica_, 1847, pl. x.; _Archaeologische Zeitung_, 1860, pll.\n      cxxxvii. cxxxviii.; L. Stephani, in _Compte rendu de la Commission\n      arch\u00e9ologique_ (St. Petersburg), 1863, pp. 271 _sq._\n\n M175 People may be bewitched by means of their spittle. Hence people take\n      care of their spittle to prevent it from falling into the hands of\n      sorcerers.\n\n 1041 C. Martin, \u201c\u00dcber die Eingeborenen von Chiloe,\u201d _Zeitschrift f\u00fcr\n      Ethnologie_, ix. (1877) pp. 177 _sq._\n\n 1042 J. Mooney, \u201cSacred Formulas of the Cherokees,\u201d _Seventh Annual\n      Report of the Bureau of Ethnology_ (Washington, 1891), pp. 392 _sq._\n\n 1043 B. C. A. J. van Dinter, \u201cEenige geographische en ethnographische\n      aanteekeningen betreffende het eiland Siaoe,\u201d _Tijdschrift voor\n      Indische Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde_, xii. (1899) p. 381.\n\n 1044 A. W. Howitt, \u201cOn Australian Medicine-men,\u201d _Journal of the\n      Anthropological Institute_, xvi. (1887) p. 27; _id._, _Native Tribes\n      of South-east Australia_, p. 365.\n\n 1045 E. Dieffenbach, _Travels in New Zealand_ (London, 1843), ii. 59.\n\n 1046 Rev. J. Macdonald, _Light in Africa_, p. 209; _id._, in _Journal of\n      the Anthropological Institute_, xx. (1891) p. 131.\n\n 1047 C. le Gobin, _Histoire des Isles Marianes_ (Paris, 1700), p. 52. The\n      writer confesses his ignorance of the reason of the custom.\n\n 1048 C. de Mensignac, _Recherches ethnographiques sur la salive et le\n      crachat_ (Bordeaux, 1892), pp. 48 _sq._\n\n 1049 Vahness, reported by F. von Luschan, in _Verhandlungen der Berliner\n      Gesellschaft f\u00fcr Anthropologie, Ethnologie und Urgeschichte_, 1900,\n      p. (416).\n\n 1050 K. Vetter, _Komm her\u00fcber und hilf uns!_ iii. (Barmen, 1898) pp. 9\n      _sq._\n\n_ 1051 Indian Antiquary_, xxviii. (1899) pp. 83 _sq._\n\n M176 Precautions taken by chiefs, kings, and wizards to guard their\n      spittle from being put to evil uses by magicians.\n\n 1052 W. Ellis, _Polynesian Researches_,2 i. 365.\n\n 1053 A. B. Ellis, _The Ewe-speaking Peoples of the Slave Coast_, p. 99.\n\n 1054 C. Partridge, _Cross River Natives_ (London, 1905), p. 8.\n\n 1055 A. Raffenel, _Voyage dans l\u2019Afrique occidentale_ (Paris, 1846), p.\n      338.\n\n 1056 C. de Mensignac, _op. cit._ p. 48.\n\n_ 1057 Mission Evangelica al reyno de Congo por la serafica religion de\n      los Capuchinos_ (Madrid, 1649), p. 70 verso.\n\n 1058 R. Andree, _Ethnographische Parallelen und Vergleiche_, Neue Folge\n      (Leipsic, 1889), p. 13.\n\n 1059 F. W. Christian, _The Caroline Islands_ (London, 1899), pp. 289\n      _sq._\n\n 1060 R. Southey, _History of Brazil_, i.2 (London, 1822) pp. 127, 138.\n\n M177 Use of spittle in making a covenant.\n\n 1061 J. Raum, \u201cBlut und Speichelb\u00fcnde bei den Wadschagga,\u201d _Archiv f\u00fcr\n      Religionswissenschaft_, x. (1907) pp. 290 _sq._\n\n M178 Certain foods are tabooed to sacred persons, such as kings, chiefs,\n      priests, and other sacred persons.\n\n 1062 Above, pp. 13 _sq._\n\n 1063 Porphyry, _De abstinentia_, iii. 18.\n\n 1064 A. Bastian, _Die deutsche Expedition an der Loango-K\u00fcste_, ii. 170.\n      The blood may perhaps be drunk by them as a medium of inspiration.\n      See _The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, vol. i. pp. 381\n      _sqq._\n\n 1065 O. Dapper, _Description de l\u2019Afrique_, p. 336.\n\n 1066 T. J. Hutchinson, _Impressions of Western Africa_ (London, 1858), p.\n      198.\n\n 1067 M. Merker, _Die Masai_ (Berlin, 1904), p. 21.\n\n 1068 J. G. Frazer, _Totemism and Exogamy_, ii. 526 _sqq._, from\n      information furnished by the Rev. J. Roscoe.\n\n 1069 G. Watt (quoting Col. W. J. M\u2019Culloch), \u201cThe Aboriginal Tribes of\n      Manipur,\u201d in _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xvi. (1887)\n      p. 360.\n\n 1070 T. C. Hodson, \u201cThe Native Tribes of Manipur,\u201d _Journal of the\n      Anthropological Institute_, xxxi. (1901) p. 306.\n\n_ 1071 Indian Antiquary_, xxi. (1892) pp. 317 _sq._; (Sir) J. G. Scott and\n      J. P. Hardiman, _Gazetteer of Upper Burma and the Shan States_, part\n      ii. vol. i. p. 308.\n\n 1072 \u201cDie Pschawen und Chewsuren im Kaukasus,\u201d _Zeitschrift f\u00fcr\n      allgemeine Erdkunde_, ii. (1857) p. 76.\n\n 1073 A. Senfft, \u201cEthnographische Beitr\u00e4ge \u00fcber die Karolineninsel Yap,\u201d\n      _Petermanns Mitteilungen_, xlix. (1903) p. 54. In Gall, another\n      village of the same island, the people grow bananas for sale, but\n      will not eat them themselves, fearing that if they did so the women\n      of the village would be barren (_ibid._).\n\n M179 Knots and rings not worn by certain sacred persons. Knots loosed and\n      locks unlocked at childbirth to facilitate delivery.\n\n 1074 Aulus Gellius, x. 15. 6 and 9. See above, p. 13.\n\n 1075 E. Doutt\u00e9, _Magie et religion dans l\u2019Afrique du Nord_, pp. 87 _sq._\n\n 1076 J. Hillner, _Volksth\u00fcmlicher Brauch und Glaube bei Geburt und Taufe\n      im Siebenb\u00fcrger Sachsenlande_, p. 15. This tractate (of which I\n      possess a copy) appears to be a programme of the High School\n      (_Gymnasium_) at Sch\u00e4ssburg in Transylvania for the school year\n      1876-1877.\n\n 1077 C. Leemius, _De Lapponibus Finmarchiac eorumque lingua, vita, et\n      religione pristina commentatio_ (Copenhagen, 1767), p. 494.\n\n 1078 W. Caland, _Altindisches Zauberritual_ (Amsterdam, 1900), p. 108.\n\n 1079 Servius on Virgil, _Aen._ iii. 518.\n\n 1080 J. Kreemer, \u201cHoe de Javaan zijne zieken verzorgt,\u201d _Mededeelingen\n      van wege het Nederlandsche Zendelinggenootschap_, xxxvi. (1892) p.\n      114; C. M. Pleyte, \u201cPlechtigheden en gebruiken uit den cyclus van\n      het familienleven der volken van den Indischen Archipel,\u201d _Bijdragen\n      tot de Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde van Nederlandsch-Indi\u00eb_, xli.\n      (1892) p. 586.\n\n 1081 H. Ling Roth, _The Natives of Sarawak and British North Borneo_, i.\n      98.\n\n 1082 Spenser St. John, _Life in the Forests of the Far East_,2 i. 170.\n\n 1083 J. G. F. Riedel, \u201cAlte Gebr\u00e4uche bei Heirathen, Geburt und\n      Sterbef\u00e4llen bei dem Toumbuluh-Stamm in der Minahasa (Nord\n      Selebes),\u201d _Internationales Archiv f\u00fcr Ethnographie_, viii. (1895)\n      pp. 95 _sq._\n\n 1084 Spencer and Gillen, _Northern Tribes of Central Australia_, pp. 606\n      _sq._\n\n M180 On the principles of homoeopathic magic knots are impediments which\n      tie up the mother and prevent her from bringing the child to the\n      birth. All locks, doors, drawers, windows, etc. opened in order to\n      facilitate childbirth.\n\n 1085 J. Spieth, _Die Ewe-St\u00e4mme_, p. 692.\n\n 1086 J. Spieth, _Die Ewe-St\u00e4mme_, pp. 433 _sq._\n\n 1087 J. A. E. K\u00f6hler, _Volksbrauch, Aberglauben, Sagen und andre alte\n      \u00dcberlieferungen im Voigtlande_, pp. 435 _sq._; A. Wuttke, _Der\n      deutsche Volksaberglaube_,2 p. 355, \u00a7 574.\n\n 1088 J. G. Campbell, _Superstitions of the Highlands and Islands of\n      Scotland_, p. 37. note 1.\n\n 1089 Festus, p. 56, ed. C. O. M\u00fcller.\n\n 1090 G. F. D\u2019Penha, \u201cSuperstitions and Customs in Salsette,\u201d _Indian\n      Antiquary_, xxviii. (1899) p. 115.\n\n 1091 H. Ris, \u201cDe onderafdeeling Klein Mandailing Oeloe en Pahantan en\n      hare Bevolking,\u201d _Bijdragen tot de Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde van\n      Nederlandsch-Indi\u00eb_, xlvi. (1896) p. 503. Compare A. L. van Hasselt,\n      _Volksbeschrijving van Midden Sumatra_, p. 266.\n\n 1092 J. H. Meerwaldt, \u201cGebruiken der Bataks in het maatschappelijk\n      leven,\u201d _Mededeelingen van wege het Nederlandsche\n      Zendelinggenootschap_, xlix. (1905) p. 117.\n\n 1093 H. K[ern], \u201cBijgeloof onder de inlanders in den Oosthoek van Java,\u201d\n      _Tijdschrift voor Indische Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde_, xxvi. (1880)\n      310; J. Kreemer, \u201cHoe de Javaan zijne zieken verzorgt,\u201d\n      _Mededeelingen van wege het Nederlandsche Zendelinggenootschap_,\n      xxxvi. (1892) pp. 120, 124; D. Louwerier, \u201cBijgeloovige gebruiken,\n      die door de Javanen worden in acht genomen bij de verzorging en\n      opvoeding hunner kinderen,\u201d _Mededeelingen van wege het\n      Nederlandsche Zendelinggenootschap_, xlix. (1905) p. 253.\n\n 1094 A. W. P. V. Pistorius, _Studien over de inlandsche huishouding in de\n      Padangsche Bovenlanden_ (Zalt-Bommel, 1871), pp. 55 _sq._; A. L. van\n      Hasselt, _Volksbeschrijving van Midden-Sumatra_ (Leyden, 1882), p.\n      266; J. G. F. Riedel, _De sluik- en kroesharige rassen tusschen\n      Selebes en Papua_ (the Hague, 1886), pp. 135, 207, 325.\n\n 1095 Th. B\u00e9rengier, \u201cCroyances superstitieuses dans le pays de\n      Chittagong,\u201d _Missions Catholiques_, xiii. (1881) p. 515.\n\n 1096 Damien Grangeon, \u201cLes Chams et leurs superstitions,\u201d _Missions\n      Catholiques_, xxviii. (1896) p. 93.\n\n 1097 A. A. Perera, \u201cGlimpses of Singhalese Social Life,\u201d _Indian\n      Antiquary_, xxxi. (1902) p. 378.\n\n 1098 B. Pilsudski, \u201cSchwangerschaft, Entbindung und Fehlgeburt bei den\n      Bewohnern der Insel Sachalin,\u201d _Anthropos_, v. (1910) p. 759.\n\n 1099 E. M. Gordon, _Indian Folk Tales_ (London, 1908), p. 39.\n\n 1100 R. Campbell Thompson, _Semitic Magic_ (London, 1908), p. 169.\n\n M181 On the principles of homoeopathic magic the crossing of the legs is\n      also thought to impede childbirth and other things.\n\n 1101 Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ xxviii. 59. Compare Hippocrates, _De morbo\n      sacro_, \u03bc\u03b7\u03b4\u1f72 \u03c0\u03cc\u03b4\u03b1 \u1f10\u03c0\u1f76 \u03c0\u03bf\u03b4\u1f76 \u1f14\u03c7\u03b5\u03b9\u03bd, \u03bc\u03b7\u03b4\u1f72 \u03c7\u03b5\u1fd6\u03c1\u03b1 \u1f10\u03c0\u1f76 \u03c7\u03b5\u03b9\u03c1\u03af; \u03c4\u03b1\u1fe6\u03c4\u03b1 \u03b3\u1f70\u03c1\n      \u03c0\u03ac\u03bd\u03c4\u03b1 \u03ba\u03c9\u03bb\u03cd\u03bc\u03b1\u03c4\u03b1 \u03b5\u1f36\u03bd\u03b1\u03b9 (vol. i. p. 589, ed. K\u00fchn, Leipsic, 1825,\n      quoted by E. Rohde, _Psyche_,3 ii. 76 note 1).\n\n 1102 Ovid, _Metam._ ix. 285 _sqq._ Antoninus Liberalis, quoting Nicander,\n      says it was the Fates and Ilithyia who impeded the birth of\n      Hercules, but though he says they clasped their hands, he does not\n      say that they crossed their legs (_Transform._ 29). Compare\n      Pausanias, ix. 11. 3.\n\n 1103 A. Strausz, _Die Bulgaren_ (Leipsic, 1898), p. 293.\n\n 1104 F. Panzer, _Beitrag zur deutschen Mythologie_, ii. 303.\n\n M182 Knots are supposed to prevent the consummation of marriage. Knots\n      loosed in the costume of bride and bridegroom in order to ensure the\n      consummation of the marriage. Knots tied by enchanters to render the\n      bridegroom impotent.\n\n 1105 J. Grimm, _Deutsche Mythologie_,4 ii. 897, 983; J. Brand, _Popular\n      Antiquities_, iii. 299; J. G. Dalyell, _Darker Superstitions of\n      Scotland_, pp. 302, 306 _sq._; B. Souch\u00e9, _Croyances, pr\u00e9sages et\n      traditions diverses_, p. 16; J. G. Bourke, in _Ninth Annual Report\n      of the Bureau of Ethnology_ (Washington, 1892), p. 567.\n\n 1106 J. G. Dalyell, _ll.cc._\n\n 1107 Rev. Dr. Th. Bisset, in Sir John Sinclair\u2019s _Statistical Account of\n      Scotland_, v. (Edinburgh, 1793) p. 83. In his account of the second\n      tour which he made in Scotland in the summer of 1772, Pennant says\n      that \u201cthe precaution of loosening every knot about the new-joined\n      pair is strictly observed\u201d (Pinkerton\u2019s _Voyages and Travels_, iii.\n      382). He is here speaking particularly of the Perthshire Highlands.\n\n 1108 Pennant, \u201cTour in Scotland,\u201d Pinkerton\u2019s _Voyages and Travels_, iii.\n      91. However, at a marriage in the island of Skye, the same traveller\n      observed that \u201cthe bridegroom put all the powers of magic to\n      defiance, for he was married with both shoes tied with their\n      latchet\u201d (Pennant, \u201cSecond Tour in Scotland,\u201d Pinkerton\u2019s _Voyages\n      and Travels_, iii. 325). According to another writer the shoe-tie of\n      the bridegroom\u2019s _right_ foot was unloosed at the church-door (Ch.\n      Rogers, _Social Life in Scotland_, iii. 232).\n\n 1109 Eij\u00fcb Abela, \u201cBeitr\u00e4ge zur Kenntniss abergl\u00e4ubischer Gebr\u00e4uche in\n      Syrien,\u201d _Zeitschrift des deutschen Palaestina-Vereins_, vii. (1884)\n      pp. 91 _sq._\n\n 1110 Georgeakis et Pineau, _Folk-lore de Lesbos_, pp. 344 _sq._\n\n 1111 E. Doutt\u00e9, _Magie et religion dans l\u2019Afrique du Nord_, pp. 288-292.\n\n M183 Use of knots at marriage in the island of Rotti.\n\n 1112 \u201cEenige mededeelingen betreffende Rote door een inlandischen\n      Schoolmeester,\u201d _Tijdschrift voor Indische Taal- Land- en\n      Volkenkunde_, xxvii. (1882) p. 554; N. Graafland, \u201cEenige\n      aanteekeningen op ethnographisch gebied ten aanzien van het eiland\n      Rote,\u201d _Mededeelingen van wege het Nederlandsche\n      Zendelinggenootschap_, xxxiii. (1889) pp. 373 _sq._\n\n M184 Knots may be used to inflict disease.\n\n 1113 J. Spieth, _Die Ewe-St\u00e4mme_, p. 533.\n\n 1114 M. Jastrow, _The Religion of Babylonia and Assyria_, pp. 268, 270.\n\n 1115 J. G. Dalyell, _Darker Superstitions of Scotland_, p. 307.\n\n_ 1116 Al Baidaw\u012b\u2019s Commentary on the Koran_, chap. 113, verse 4. I have\n      to thank my friend Prof. A. A. Bevan for indicating this passage to\n      me, and furnishing me with a translation of it.\n\n 1117 E. Palmer, \u201cNotes on some Australian Tribes,\u201d _Journal of the\n      Anthropological Institute_, xiii. (1884) p. 293. The Tahitians\n      ascribed certain painful illnesses to the twisting and knotting of\n      their insides by demons (W. Ellis, _Polynesian Researches_,2 i.\n      363).\n\n M185 Knots may be used to cure disease.\n\n 1118 Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ xxviii. 48.\n\n 1119 C. Fossey, _La Magie assyrienne_ (Paris, 1902), pp. 83 sq.; R.\n      Campbell Thompson, _Semitic Magic_ (London, 1908), pp. 164 _sqq._\n\n 1120 R. Campbell Thompson, _Semitic Magic_, pp. 168 _sq._\n\n 1121 E. O\u2019Donovan, _The Merv Oasis_ (London, 1882), ii. 319.\n\n 1122 J. Spieth, _Die Ewe-St\u00e4mme_, p. 531.\n\n 1123 R. C. Maclagan, M.D., \u201cNotes on Folklore Objects collected in\n      Argyleshire,\u201d _Folk-lore_, vi. (1895) pp. 154-156. In the north-west\n      of Ireland divination by means of a knotted thread is practised in\n      order to discover whether a sick beast will recover or die. See E.\n      B. Tylor, in _International Folk-lore Congress_, 1891, _Papers and\n      Transactions_, pp. 391 _sq._\n\n 1124 R. Chambers, _Popular Rhymes of Scotland_, New Edition, p. 349.\n      Grimm has shewn that the words of this charm are a very ancient\n      spell for curing a lame horse, a spell based on an incident in the\n      myth of the old Norse god Balder, whose foal put its foot out of\n      joint and was healed by the great master of spells, the god Woden.\n      See J. Grimm, _Deutsche Mythologie_,4 i. 185, ii. 1030 _sq._ Christ\n      has been substituted for Balder in the more modern forms of the\n      charm both in Scotland and Germany.\n\n 1125 W. Crooke, _Popular Religion and Folk-lore of Northern India_\n      (Westminster, 1896), i. 279.\n\n M186 Knots may be used to win a lover or capture a runaway slave.\n\n 1126 Virgil, _Ecl._ viii. 78-80. Highland sorcerers also used three\n      threads of different colours with three knots tied on each thread.\n      See J. G. Dalyell, _Darker Superstitions of Scotland_, p. 306.\n\n 1127 J. Wellhausen, _Reste arabischen Heidentums_2 (Berlin, 1897), p.\n      163.\n\n 1128 Dudley Kidd, _The Essential Kafir_, p. 263.\n\n 1129 C. Velten, _Sitten und Gebr\u00e4uche der Suaheli_ (G\u00f6ttingen, 1903), p.\n      317.\n\n M187 Knots tied by hunters and travellers.\n\n 1130 David Leslie, _Among the Zulus and Amatongas_ (Edinburgh, 1875), p.\n      147.\n\n_ 1131 Gr\u00edhya-S\u00fbtras_, translated by H. Oldenberg, part i. p. 432, part\n      ii. p. 127 (Sacred Books of the East, vols. xxix., xxx.).\n\n 1132 J. Shooter, _The Kafirs of Natal and the Zulu Country_ (London,\n      1857), pp. 217 _sq._\n\n 1133 E. Aymonier, _Notes sur le Laos_ (Saigon, 1885), pp. 23 _sq._\n\n 1134 Vetter, in _Mitteilungen der geographischen Gesellschaft zu Jena_,\n      xii. (1893) p. 95.\n\n M188 Knots and locks used as protective amulets in Russia and elsewhere.\n\n 1135 W. R. S. Ralston, _Songs of the Russian People_, pp. 388-390.\n\n 1136 Ovid, _Fasti_, ii. 577 _sqq._; compare W. Warde Fowler, _Roman\n      Festivals of the Period of the Republic_, pp. 309 _sq._\n\n_ 1137 Geoponica_, i. 14.\n\n 1138 M. Abeghian, _Der armenische Volksglaube_, p. 115.\n\n 1139 M. Abeghian, _op. cit._ p. 91.\n\n 1140 V. Titelbach, \u201cDas heilige Feuer bei den Balkanslaven,\u201d\n      _Internationales Archiv f\u00fcr Ethnographie_, xiii. (1900) p. 3.\n\n 1141 A. Heinrich, _Agrarische Sitten und Gebr\u00e4uche unter den Sachsen\n      Siebenb\u00fcrgens_ (Hermannstadt, 1880), p. 9.\n\n 1142 C. J. R. Le Mesurier, \u201cCustoms and Superstitions connected with the\n      Cultivation of Rice in the Southern Province of Ceylon,\u201d _Journal of\n      the Royal Asiatic Society_, N.S., xvii. (1885) p. 371.\n\n 1143 J. G. Dalyell, _Darker Superstitions of Scotland_, p. 307.\n\n 1144 J. Brand, _Popular Antiquities_, ii. 231 (Bohn\u2019s edition); R. Hunt,\n      _Popular Romances of the West of England_, p. 379; T. F. Thiselton\n      Dyer, _English Folk-lore_, pp. 229 _sq._ On the other hand the\n      Karaits, a Jewish sect in the Crimea, lock all cupboards when a\n      person is in the last agony, lest their contents should be polluted\n      by the contagion of death. See S. Weissenberg, \u201cDie Kar\u00e4er der\n      Krim,\u201d _Globus_, lxxxiv. (1903) p. 143.\n\n 1145 Extract from _The Times_ of 4th September 1863, quoted in\n      _Folk-lore_, xix. (1908) p. 336.\n\n 1146 M. Merker, _Die Masai_ (Berlin, 1904), p. 98.\n\n M189 The magical virtue of a knot is always that of an impediment or\n      hindrance whether for good or evil.\n\n 1147 H. Runge, \u201cVolksglaube in der Schweiz,\u201d _Zeitschrift f\u00fcr deutsche\n      Mythologie und Sittenkunde_, iv. (1859) p. 178, \u00a7 25. The belief is\n      reported from Zurich.\n\n 1148 J. G. Campbell, _Witchcraft and Second Sight in the Highlands and\n      Islands of Scotland_, p. 174; _id._, _Superstitions of the Highlands\n      and Islands of Scotland_, p. 241.\n\n 1149 E. Gerard, _The Land beyond the Forest_, i. 208.\n\n 1150 R. F. Kaindl, \u201cVolks\u00fcberlieferungen der Pidhireane,\u201d _Globus_,\n      lxxiii. (1898) p. 251.\n\n 1151 A. C. Hollis, _The Nandi_ (Oxford, 1909), pp. 89 _sq._ The tying and\n      untying of magic knots was forbidden by the Coptic church, but we\n      are not told the purposes for which the knots were used. See _Il\n      Fetha Nagast o legislazione dei re, codice ecclesiastico e civile di\n      Abissinia_, tradotto e annotato da Ignazio Guidi (Rome, 1899), p.\n      140.\n\n M190 The rule that at certain magical and religious rites the hair should\n      be loose and the feet bare is probably based on a fear of the\n      impediment which is thought to be caused by any knot or\n      constriction. Custom of going on certain solemn occasions with one\n      shoe on and one shoe off.\n\n 1152 For examples see Horace, _Sat._ i. 8, 23 _sq._; Virgil, _Aen._ iii.\n      370, iv. 509; Ovid, _Metam._ vii. 182 _sq._; Tibullus, i. 3. 29-32;\n      Petronius, _Sat._ 44; Aulus Gellius, iv. 3. 3; Columella, _De re\n      rustica_, x. 357-362; Athenaeus, v. 28, p. 198 E; Dittenberger,\n      _Sylloge inscriptionum Graecarum_,2 Nos. 653 (lines 23 _sq._) and\n      939; Ch. Michel, _Recueil d\u2019inscriptions grecques_, No. 694. Compare\n      Servius on Virgil, _Aen._ iv. 518, \u201c_In sacris nihil solet esse\n      religatum._\u201d\n\n 1153 Ovid, _Fasti_, iii. 257 _sq._\n\n 1154 Thucydides, iii. 22.\n\n 1155 Schol. on Pindar, _Pyth._ iv. 133.\n\n 1156 Virgil, _Aen._ vii. 689 _sq._\n\n 1157 Pindar, _Pyth._ iv. 129 _sqq._: Apollonius Rhodius, _Argonaut._ i. 5\n      _sqq._; Apollodorus, i. 9. 16.\n\n 1158 Artemidorus, _Onirocrit._ iv. 63. At Chemmis in Upper Egypt there\n      was a temple of Perseus, and the people said that from time to time\n      Perseus appeared to them and they found his great sandal, two cubits\n      long, which was a sign of prosperity for the whole land of Egypt.\n      See Herodotus, ii. 91.\n\n_ 1159 Gazette arch\u00e9ologique_, 1884, plates 44, 45, 46 with the remarks of\n      De Witte and F. Lenormant, pp. 352 _sq._ The skin on which the man\n      is crouching is probably the so-called \u201cfleece of Zeus\u201d (\u0394\u03b9\u1f78\u03c2\n      \u03ba\u03ce\u03b4\u03b9\u03bf\u03bd), as to which see Hesychius and Suidas, _s.v._; Polemo, ed.\n      Preller, pp. 140-142; C. A. Lobeck, _Aglaophamus_, pp. 183 _sqq._\n      Compare my note on Pausanias, ii. 31. 8.\n\n 1160 Virgil, _Aen._ iv. 517 _sqq._\n\n 1161 I. Goldziher, \u201cDer D\u00eew\u00e2n des Garwal b. Aus Al-Hutej\u2019 a,\u201d\n      _Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenl\u00e4ndischen Gesellschaft_, xlvi.\n      (1892) p. 5.\n\n M191 The intention of going with one shoe on and one shoe off on such\n      occasions seems to be to free the man so attired from magical\n      constraint and to lay it on his enemy.\n\n 1162 See Servius, on Virgil, _Aen._ iii. 370: \u201c_In ratione sacrorum par\n      est et animae et corporis causa: nam plerumque quae non possunt\n      circa animam fieri fiunt circa corpus, ut solvere vel ligare, quo\n      possit anima, quod per se non potest, ex cognatione sentire._\u201d\n\n 1163 Livy, i. 18. 7.\n\n 1164 \u201c_UNUM EXUTA PEDEM quia id agitur, ut et ista solvatur et implicetur\n      Aeneas_,\u201d Servius, on Virgil, _Aen._ iv. 518.\n\n M192 Rings also are regarded as magical fetters which prevent the egress\n      or ingress of spirits.\n\n 1165 \u201cOn a Far-off Island,\u201d _Blackwood\u2019s Magazine_, February 1886, p.\n      238.\n\n 1166 Clement of Alexandria, _Strom._ v. 5. 28, p. 662, ed. Potter;\n      Jamblichus, _Adhortatio ad philosophiam_, 23; Plutarch, _De\n      educatione puerorum_, 17. According to others, all that Pythagoras\n      forbade was the wearing of a ring on which the likeness of a god was\n      engraved (Diogenes Laertius, viii. 1. 17; Porphyry, _Vit. Pythag._\n      42; Suidas, _s.v._ \u03a0\u03c5\u03b8\u03b1\u03b3\u03cc\u03c1\u03b1\u03c2); according to Julian a ring was only\n      forbidden if it bore the names of the gods (Julian, _Or._ vii. p.\n      236 D, p. 306 ed. Dindorf). I have shewn elsewhere that the maxims\n      or symbols of Pythagoras, as they were called, are in great measure\n      merely popular superstitions (_Folk-lore_, i. (1890) pp. 147\n      _sqq._).\n\n 1167 This we learn from an inscription found on the site. See \u1f18\u03c6\u03b7\u03bc\u03b5\u03c1\u1f76\u03c2\n      \u1f00\u03c1\u03c7\u03b1\u03b9\u03bf\u03bb\u03bf\u03b3\u03b9\u03ba\u03ae, Athens, 1898, col. 249; Dittenberger, _Sylloge\n      inscriptionum Graecarum_,2 No. 939.\n\n 1168 Ovid, _Fasti_, iv. 657 _sq._\n\n M193 Rings worn as amulets against demons, witches, and ghosts. Reason\n      why the Flamen Dialis might not wear knots and rings.\n\n 1169 I. V. Zingerle, _Sitten, Br\u00e4uche und Meinungen des Tiroler Volkes_,2\n      p. 3.\n\n 1170 J. Scheffer, _Lapponia_ (Frankfort, 1673), p. 313.\n\n 1171 R. F. Kaindl, _Die Huzulen_ (Vienna, 1894), p. 89; _id._, \u201cViehzucht\n      und Viehzauber in den Ostkarpaten,\u201d _Globus_, lxix. (1896) p. 386.\n\n 1172 W. Crooke, _Popular Religion and Folk-lore of Northern India_\n      (Westminster, 1896), ii. 13, 16.\n\n 1173 M. Merker, _Die Masai_ (Berlin, 1904), p. 143.\n\n 1174 M. Merker, _op. cit._ pp. 200 _sq._, 202; compare, _id._ p. 250.\n\n 1175 Above, p. 267.\n\n 1176 Above, pp. 32, 51.\n\n 1177 Above, p. 31.\n\n 1178 De la Borde, \u201cRelation de l\u2019origine, etc., des Caraibes sauvages,\u201d\n      p. 15, in _Recueil de divers voyages faits en Afrique et en\n      l\u2019Am\u00e9rique_ (Paris, 1684).\n\n 1179 A considerable body of evidence as to rings and the virtues\n      attributed to them has been collected by Mr. W. Jones in his work\n      _Finger-ring Lore_ (London, 1877). See also W. G. Black,\n      _Folk-medicine_, pp. 172-177.\n\n 1180 Aulus Gellius, x. 15. 8. See above, p. 14.\n\n 1181 Marcellinus on Hermogenes, in _Rhetores Graeci_, ed. Walz, iv. 462;\n      Sopater, _ibid._ viii. 67.\n\n 1182 Demosthenes, _Contra Androt._ 68, p. 614; P. Foucart, _Le Culte de\n      Dionysos en Attique_ (Paris, 1904), p. 168.\n\n 1183 H. A. Oldfield, _Sketches from Nipal_ (London, 1880), ii. 342 _sq._\n\n M194 The Gordian knot was perhaps a royal talisman.\n\n 1184 Arrian, _Anabasis_, ii. 3; Quintus Curtius, iii. 1; Justin, xi. 7;\n      Schol. on Euripides, _Hippolytus_, 671.\n\n 1185 Public talismans, on which the safety of the state was supposed to\n      depend, were common in antiquity. See C. A. Lobeck, _Aglaophamus_,\n      pp. 278 _sqq._, and my note on Pausanias, viii. 47. 5.\n\n M195 The savage confuses words and things, and hence regards his name as\n      a vital part of himself, and fancies that he can be magically\n      injured through it.\n\n 1186 On the primitive conception of the relation of names to persons and\n      things, see E. B. Tylor, _Early History of Mankind_,3 pp. 123\n      _sqq._; R. Andree, _Ethnographische Parallelen und Vergleiche_\n      (Stuttgart, 1878), pp. 165 _sqq._; E. Clodd, _Tom-tit-tot_ (London,\n      1898), pp. 53 _sqq._, 79 _sqq._ In what follows I have used with\n      advantage the works of all these writers.\n\n 1187 J. Mooney, \u201cSacred Formulas of the Cherokees,\u201d _Seventh Annual\n      Report of the Bureau of Ethnology_ (Washington, 1891), p. 343.\n\n 1188 E. W. Nelson, \u201cThe Eskimo about Bering Strait,\u201d _Eighteenth Annual\n      Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology_, part i. (Washington,\n      1899) p. 289.\n\n 1189 A. C. Kruijt, \u201cVan Paloppo naar Posso,\u201d _Mededeelingen van wege het\n      Nederlandsche Zendelinggenootschap_, xlii. (1898) pp. 61 _sq._\n\n 1190 Professor (Sir) J. Rhys, \u201cWelsh Fairies,\u201d _The Nineteenth Century_,\n      xxx. (July-December 1891) pp. 566 _sq._\n\n M196 The Australian savages keep their names secret lest sorcerers should\n      injure them by means of their names.\n\n 1191 A. W. Howitt, _Native Tribes of South-East Australia_, p. 377;\n      compare _id._ p. 440.\n\n 1192 R. Brough Smyth, _Aborigines of Victoria_, i. 469, note.\n\n 1193 C. Lumholtz, _Among Cannibals_ (London, 1889), p. 280.\n\n 1194 A. W. Howitt, _op. cit._ p. 736.\n\n 1195 A. W. Howitt, _op. cit._ p. 133.\n\n 1196 E. M. Curr, _The Australian Race_, i. 46.\n\n 1197 J. Bulmer, in Brough Smyth\u2019s _Aborigines of Victoria_, ii. 94. The\n      writer appears to mean that the natives feared they would die if any\n      one, or at any rate, an enemy, learned their real names.\n\n 1198 Spencer and Gillen, _Native Tribes of Central Australia_, p. 139;\n      compare _ibid._ p. 637; _id._, _Northern Tribes of Central\n      Australia_, pp. 584 _sq._\n\n M197 The same fear of sorcery has led people to conceal their names in\n      Egypt, Africa, Asia, and the East Indies.\n\n 1199 E. Lef\u00e9bure, \u201cLa Vertu et la vie du nom en \u00c9gypte,\u201d _M\u00e9lusine_,\n      viii. (1897) coll. 226 _sq._\n\n 1200 Mansfield Parkyns, _Life in Abyssinia_ (London, 1868), pp. 301 _sq._\n\n_ 1201 Grihya S\u00fbtras_, translated by H. Oldenberg, part i. pp. 50, 183,\n      395, part ii. pp. 55, 215, 281; A. Hillebrandt, _Vedische Opfer und\n      Zauber_, pp. 46, 170 _sq._; W. Caland, _Altindisches Zauberritual_,\n      p. 162, note 20; D. C. J. Ibbetson, _Outlines of Punj\u00e1b Ethnography_\n      (Calcutta, 1883), p. 118; W. Crooke, _Popular Religion and Folklore\n      of Northern India_ (Westminster, 1896), i. 24, ii. 5; _id._,\n      _Natives of Northern India_ (London, 1907), p. 199.\n\n 1202 A. B. Ellis, _The Tshi-speaking Peoples of the Gold Coast_, p. 109.\n\n 1203 A. B. Ellis, _The Ewe-speaking Peoples of the Slave Coast_, p. 98.\n\n 1204 L. J. B. B\u00e9renger-F\u00e9raud, _Les Peuples de la S\u00e9n\u00e9gambie_ (Paris,\n      1879), p. 28.\n\n 1205 E. Modigliani, _Un Viaggio a N\u00edas_ (Milan, 1890), p. 465.\n\n 1206 T. C. Hodson, \u201cThe _genna_ amongst the Tribes of Assam,\u201d _Journal of\n      the Anthropological Institute_, xxxvi. (1906) p. 97.\n\n 1207 C. de Sabir, \u201cQuelques notes sur les Man\u00e8gres,\u201d _Bulletin de la\n      Soci\u00e9t\u00e9 de G\u00e9ographie_ (Paris), Vme S\u00e9rie, i. (1861) p. 51.\n\n 1208 A. Schadenburg, \u201cDie Bewohner von S\u00fcd-Mindanao und der Insel Samal,\u201d\n      _Zeitschrift f\u00fcr Ethnologie_, xvii. (1885) p. 30.\n\n 1209 J. H. W. van der Miesen, \u201cEen en ander over Boeroe,\u201d _Mededeelingen\n      van wege het Nederlandsche Zendelinggenootschap_, xlvi. (1902) p.\n      455; J. W. Meerburg, \u201cProeve einer beschrijving van land en volk van\n      Midden-Manggarai (West-Flores), Afdeeling Bima,\u201d _Tijdschrift voor\n      Indische Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde_, xxxiv. (1891) p. 465.\n\n 1210 F. Kauffmann, _Balder_ (Strasburg, 1902), p. 198.\n\n M198 The South and Central American Indians also keep their names secret\n      from fear of sorcery.\n\n 1211 This I learned from my wife, who spent some years in Chili and\n      visited the island of Chiloe.\n\n 1212 E. R. Smith, _The Araucanians_ (London, 1855), p. 222.\n\n 1213 E. F. im Thurn, _Among the Indians of Guiana_ (London, 1883), p.\n      220.\n\n 1214 F. A. Simons, \u201cAn Exploration of the Goajira Peninsula, U.S. of\n      Colombia,\u201d _Proceedings of the Royal Geographical Society_, N.S.,\n      vii. (1885) p. 790.\n\n 1215 Dr. Cullen, \u201cThe Darien Indians,\u201d _Transactions of the Ethnological\n      Society of London_, N.S., iv. (1866) p. 265.\n\n 1216 A. Pinart, \u201cLes Indiens de l\u2019\u00c9tat de Panama,\u201d _Revue\n      d\u2019Ethnographie_, vi. (1887) p. 44.\n\n 1217 C. Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_, i. 462.\n\n M199 Similar superstition as to personal names among the Indians of North\n      America.\n\n 1218 H. R. Schoolcraft, _The American Indians, their History, Condition,\n      and Prospects_ (Buffalo, 1851), p. 213. Compare _id._, _One\u00f3ta, or\n      Characteristics of the Red Race of America_ (New York and London,\n      1845), p. 456.\n\n 1219 H. R. Schoolcraft, _Indian Tribes_, iv. 217.\n\n 1220 J. G. Bourke, \u201cNotes upon the Religion of the Apache Indians,\u201d\n      _Folk-lore_ ii. (1891) p. 423.\n\n 1221 A. S. Galschet, _The Karankawa Indians, the Coast People of Texas_\n      (_Archaeological and Ethnological Papers of the Peabody Museum,\n      Harvard University_, vol. i. No. 2), p. 69.\n\n 1222 S. Powers, _Tribes of California_ (Washington, 1877), p. 315.\n\n 1223 G. B. Grinnell, _Blackfoot Lodge Tales_, p. 194.\n\n_ 1224 Relations des J\u00e9suites_, 1633, p. 3 (Canadian reprint, Quebec,\n      1858).\n\n 1225 Peter Jones, _History of the Ojebway Indians_, p. 162. Compare A. P.\n      Reid, \u201cReligious Beliefs of the Ojibois or Sauteux Indians,\u201d\n      _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, iii. (1874) p. 107.\n\n M200 Sometimes savages, though they will not utter their own names, do\n      not object to other people\u2019s doing so.\n M201 Men who will not mention their own names will yet invite other\n      people to do so for them.\n\n 1226 J. Sibree, _The Great African Island_ (London, 1880), p. 289.\n\n 1227 H. W. Grainge, \u201cJournal of a Visit to Mojanga on the North-West\n      Coast,\u201d _Antananarivo Annual and Madagascar Magazine_, No. i. p. 25\n      (reprint of the first four numbers, Antananarivo and London, 1885).\n\n 1228 J. G. Bourke, \u201cMedicine-men of the Apaches,\u201d _Ninth Annual Report of\n      the Bureau of Ethnology_ (Washington, 1892), p. 461.\n\n 1229 R. C. Mayne, _Four Years in British Columbia and Vancouver Island_\n      (London, 1862), pp. 278 _sq._\n\n 1230 J. G. Bourke, _On the Border with Crook_, pp. 131 _sq._\n\n 1231 M. Dobrizhoffer, _Historia de Abiponibus_ (Vienna, 1784), ii. 498.\n\n 1232 E. W. Nelson, \u201cThe Eskimo about Bering Strait,\u201d _Eighteenth Annual\n      Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology_, part i. (Washington,\n      1899) p. 289.\n\n 1233 G. A. Wilken, _Handleiding voor de vergelijkende Volkenkunde van\n      Nederlandsch-Indi\u00eb_, p. 221. Compare J. H. F. Kohlbrugge,\n      \u201cNaamgeving in Insulinde,\u201d _Bijdragen tot de Taal- Land- en\n      Volkenkunde van Nederlandsch-Indi\u00eb_, lii. (1901) pp. 172 _sq._ The\n      custom is reported for the British settlements in the Straits of\n      Malacca by T. J. Newbold (_Political and Statistical Account of the\n      British Settlements in the Straits of Malacca_, London, 1839, ii.\n      176); for Sumatra in general by W. Marsden (_History of Sumatra_,\n      pp. 286 _sq._), and A. L. van Hasselt (_Volksbeschrijving van\n      Midden-Sumatra_, p. 271); for the Battas by Baron van Ho\u00ebvell (\u201cIets\n      over \u2019t oorlogvoeren der Batta\u2019s,\u201d _Tijdschrift voor Nederlandsch\n      Indi\u00eb_, N.S., vii. (1878) p. 436, note); for the Dyaks by C. Hupe\n      (\u201cKorte Verhandeling over de Godsdienst, Zeden, enz. der Dajakkers,\u201d\n      _Tijdschrift voor Ne\u00earlands Indi\u00eb_, 1846, dl. iii. p. 250), and W.\n      H. Furness (_Home-life of Borneo Head-hunters_, Philadelphia, 1902,\n      p. 16); for the island of Sumba by S. Roos (\u201cBijdrage tot de Kennis\n      van Taal, Land en Volk op het Eiland Soemba,\u201d p. 70, _Verhandelingen\n      van het Bataviaasch Genootschap van Kunsten en Wetenschappen_,\n      xxxvi.); and for Bolang Mongondo, in the west of Celebes, by N. P.\n      Wilken and J. A. Schwarz (\u201cAllerlei over het land en volk van\n      Bolaang Mongondou,\u201d _Mededeelingen van wege het Nederlandsche\n      Zendelinggenootschap_, xi. (1867) p. 356).\n\n 1234 J. Chalmers, _Pioneering in New Guinea_, p. 187. If a Motumotu man\n      is hard pressed for his name and there is nobody near to help him,\n      he will at last in a very stupid way mention it himself.\n\n 1235 O. Schellong, \u201c\u00dcber Familienleben und Gebr\u00e4uche der Papuas der\n      Umgebung von Finschhafen,\u201d _Zeitschrift f\u00fcr Ethnologie_, xxi. (1889)\n      p. 12. Compare M. Krieger, _Neu Guinea_ (Berlin, 1899), p. 172.\n\n 1236 Th. J. F. van Hasselt, \u201cGebruik van vermomde Taal door de Nufooren,\u201d\n      _Tijdschrift voor Indische Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde_, xlv. (1902)\n      p. 279. The Nufoors are a Papuan tribe on Doreh Bay, in Dutch New\n      Guinea. See _id._, in _Tijdschrift voor Indische Taal- Land- en\n      Volkenkunde_, xlvi. (1903) p. 287.\n\n 1237 J. Graf Pfeil, _Studien und Beobachtungen aus der S\u00fcdsee_\n      (Brunswick, 1899), p. 78; P. A. Kleintitschen, _Die K\u00fcstenbewohner\n      der Gazellehalbinsel_ (Hiltrup bei M\u00fcnster, preface dated Christmas,\n      1906), pp. 237 _sq._\n\n 1238 J. Macdonald, \u201cManners, Customs, Superstitions, and Religions of\n      South African Tribes,\u201d _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_,\n      xx. (1891) p. 131.\n\n 1239 V. L. Cameron, _Across Africa_ (London, 1877), ii. 61.\n\n 1240 S. L. Hinde and H. Hinde, _The Last of the Masai_ (London, 1901),\n      pp. 48 _sq._ Compare Sir H. Johnston, _The Uganda Protectorate_\n      (London, 1902), ii. 826 _sq._; M. Merker, _Die Masai_ (Berlin,\n      1904), p. 56.\n\n 1241 P. Reichard, \u201cDie Wanjamuesi,\u201d _Zeitschrift der Gesellschaft f\u00fcr\n      Erdkunde zu Berlin_, xxiv. (1889) p. 258.\n\n 1242 J. Roscoe, \u201cFurther Notes on the Manners and Customs of the\n      Baganda,\u201d _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xxxii. (1902)\n      p. 29.\n\n 1243 E. Torday and T. A. Joyce, \u201cNote on the Southern Ba-Mbala,\u201d _Man_,\n      vii. (1907) p. 81.\n\n M202 Sometimes the prohibition to mention personal names is not permanent\n      but temporary and contingent.\n\n 1244 A. C. Hollis, _The Nandi_, p. 43.\n\n 1245 Rev. J. H. Weeks, \u201cAnthropological Notes on the Bangala of the Upper\n      Congo River,\u201d _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xxxix.\n      (1909) pp. 128, 459.\n\n 1246 R. Parkinson, _Dreissig Jahre in der S\u00fcdsee_, p. 198.\n\n 1247 Dudley Kidd, _Savage Childhood_, p. 73.\n\n M203 In order to avoid the use of people\u2019s own names, parents are\n      sometimes named after their children, uncles and aunts after their\n      nephews and nieces, and so forth. The common custom of naming\n      parents after their children seems to arise from a reluctance to\n      mention the real names of persons addressed or directly referred to.\n\n 1248 E. M. Curr, _The Australian Race_, iii. 545. Similarly among the\n      Dacotas \u201cthere is no secrecy in children\u2019s names, but when they grow\n      up there is a secrecy in men\u2019s names\u201d (H. R. Schoolcraft, _Indian\n      Tribes_, iii. 240).\n\n 1249 Th. J. F. van Hasselt, \u201cGebruik van vermomde Taal door de Nufooren,\u201d\n      _Tijdschrift voor Indische Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde_, xlv. (1902)\n      p. 278.\n\n 1250 A. C. Kruijt, \u201cEen en ander aangaande het geestelijk en\n      maatschappelijk leven van den Poso-Alfoer,\u201d _Mededeelingen van wege\n      het Nederlandsche Zendelinggenootschap_, xl. (1896) pp. 273 _sqq._\n\n 1251 G. Mansveld (Kontroleur van Nias), \u201cIets over de namen en Galars\n      onder de Maleijers in de Padangsche Bovenlanden, bepaaldelijk in\n      noordelijk Agam,\u201d _Tijdschrift voor Indische Taal- Land- en\n      Volkenkunde_, xxiii. (1876) pp. 443, 449.\n\n 1252 Spenser St. John, _Life in the Forests of the Far East_,2 i. 208.\n\n 1253 Dudley Kidd, _The Essential Kafir_, p. 202.\n\n 1254 L. A. Waddell, \u201cThe Tribes of the Brahmapootra Valley,\u201d _Journal of\n      the Asiatic Society of Bengal_, lxix. part iii. (1901) pp. 52, 69,\n      compare 46.\n\n 1255 H. Callaway, _Religious System of the Amazulu_, part iii. p. 316,\n      note.\n\n 1256 W. Crooke, _Popular Religion and Folk-lore of Northern India_\n      (Westminster, 1896), ii. 5 _sq._ Compare _id._, _Tribes and Castes\n      of the North-Western Provinces and Oudh_, ii. 251.\n\n 1257 G. A. Wilken, _Handleiding voor de vergelijkende Volkenkunde van\n      Nederlandsch-Indi\u00eb_, pp. 216-219; E. B. Tylor, \u201cOn a Method of\n      Investigating the Developement of Institutions,\u201d _Journal of the\n      Anthropological Institute_, xviii. (1889) pp. 248-250 (who refers to\n      a series of papers by G. A. Wilken, \u201cOver de primitieve vormen van\n      het huwelijk,\u201d published in _Indische Gids_, 1880, etc., which I\n      have not seen). Wilken\u2019s theory is rejected by Mr. A. C. Kruijt\n      (_l.c._), who explains the custom by the fear of attracting the\n      attention of evil spirits to the person named. Other explanations\n      are suggested by Mr. J. H. F. Kohlbrugge (\u201cNaamgeving in Insulinde,\u201d\n      _Bijdragen tot de Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde van\n      Nederlandsch-Indi\u00eb_, lii. (1901) pp. 160-170), and by Mr. E. Crawley\n      (_The Mystic Rose_, London, 1902, pp. 428-433).\n\n 1258 For evidence of the custom of naming parents after their children in\n      Australia, see E. J. Eyre, _Journals of Expeditions of Discovery\n      into Central Australia_ (London, 1845), ii. 325 _sq._: in Sumatra,\n      see W. Marsden, _History of Sumatra_, p. 286; Baron van Ho\u00ebvell,\n      \u201cIets over \u2019t oorlogvoeren der Batta\u2019s,\u201d _Tijdschrift voor\n      Nederlandsch-Indi\u00eb_, N.S. vii. (1878) p. 436, note; A. L. van\n      Hasselt, _Volksbeschrijving van Midden-Sumatra_, p. 274: in Nias,\n      see J. T. Nieuwenhuisen en H. C. B. von Rosenberg, _Verslag omtrent\n      het eiland Nias_, p. 28 (_Verhandelingen van het Bataviaasch\n      Genootschap van Kunsten en Wetenschappen_, xxx. Batavia, 1863): in\n      Java, see P. J. Veth, _Java_, i. (Haarlem, 1875) p. 642; J. H. F.\n      Kohlbrugge, \u201cDie Tenggeresen, ein alter Javanischen Volksstamm,\u201d\n      _Bijdragen tot de Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde van\n      Nederlandsch-Indi\u00eb_, liii. (1901) p. 121; in Borneo, see C. Hupe,\n      \u201cKorte Verhandeling over de Godsdienst, Zeden, enz. der Dajakkers,\u201d\n      _Tijdschrift voor Ne\u00earlands Indi\u00eb_, 1846, dl. iii. p. 249; H. Low,\n      _Sarawak_, p. 249; Spenser St. John, _Life in the Forests of the Far\n      East_,2 i. 208; M. T. H. Perelaer, _Ethnographische Beschrijving der\n      Dajaks_, p. 42; C. Hose, \u201cThe Natives of Borneo,\u201d _Journal of the\n      Anthropological Institute_, xxiii. (1894) p. 170; W. H. Furness,\n      _Folk-lore in Borneo_ (Wallingford, Pennsylvania, 1899, privately\n      printed), p. 26; _id._, _Home-life of Borneo Head-hunters_, pp. 17\n      _sq._, 55; A. W. Nieuwenhuis, _Quer durch Borneo_, i. 75: among the\n      Mantras of Malacca, see W. W. Skeat and C. O. Blagden, _Pagan Races\n      of the Malay Peninsula_, ii. 16 _sq._: among the Negritos of\n      Zambales in the Philippines, see W. A. Reed, _Negritos of Zambales_\n      (Manilla, 1904), p. 55: in the islands between Celebes and New\n      Guinea, see J. G. F. Riedel, _De sluik- en kroesharige rassen\n      tusschen Selebes en Papua_, pp. 5, 137, 152 _sq._, 238, 260, 353,\n      392, 418, 450; J. H. W. van der Miesen, \u201cEen en ander over Boeroe,\u201d\n      _Mededeelingen van wege het Nederlandsche Zendelinggenootschap_,\n      xlvi. (1902) p. 444; in Celebes and other parts of the Indian\n      Archipelago, see J. H. F. Kohlbrugge, \u201cNaamgeving in Insulinde,\u201d\n      _Bijdragen tot de Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde van\n      Nederlandsch-Indi\u00eb_, lii. (1901) pp. 160-170; G. A. Wilken,\n      _Handleiding voor de vergelijkende Volkenkunde van\n      Nederlandsch-Indi\u00eb_, pp. 216 _sqq._: in New Guinea, see P. W.\n      Schmidt, \u201cEthnographisches von Berlinhafen, Deutsch-Neu-Guinea,\u201d\n      _Mittheilungen der Anthropologischen Gesellschaft in Wien_, xxx.\n      (1899) p. 28: among the Kasias of North-eastern India, see Col. H.\n      Yule, in _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, ix. (1880) p.\n      298; L. A. Waddell, \u201cThe Tribes of the Brahmaputra Valley,\u201d _Journal\n      of the Asiatic Society of Bengal_, lxix. part iii. (Calcutta, 1901)\n      p. 46: among some of the indigenous races of southern China, see P.\n      Vial, \u201cLes Gni ou Gnipa, tribu Lolote du Yun-Nan,\u201d _Missions\n      Catholiques_, xxv. (1893) p. 270; _La Mission lyonnaise\n      d\u2019exploration commerciale en Chine_ (Lyons, 1898), p. 369: in Corea,\n      see Mrs. Bishop, _Korea and her Neighbours_ (London, 1898), i. 136:\n      among the Yukagirs of north-eastern Asia, see W. Jochelson, \u201cDie\n      Jukagiren im \u00e4ussersten Nordosten Asiens,\u201d xvii. _Jahresbericht der\n      Geographischen Gesellschaft von Bern_ (Bern, 1900), pp. 26 _sq._; P.\n      von Stenin, \u201cJochelson\u2019s Forschungen unter den Jukagiren,\u201d _Globus_,\n      lxxvi. (1899) p. 169: among the Masai, see M. Merker, _Die Masai_\n      (Berlin, 1904), pp. 59, 235: among the Bechuanas, Basutos, and other\n      Caffre tribes of South Africa, see D. Livingston, _Missionary\n      Travels and Researches in South Africa_ (London, 1857), p. 126; J.\n      Shooter, _The Kafirs of Natal_ (London, 1857), pp. 220 _sq._; D.\n      Leslie, _Among the Zulus and Amatongas_2 (Edinburgh, 1875), pp. 171\n      _sq._; G. M\u2019Call Theal, _Kaffir Folk-lore_2 (London, 1886), p. 225;\n      Father Porte, \u201cLes reminiscences d\u2019un missionaire du Basutoland,\u201d\n      _Missions Catholiques_, xxviii. (1896) p. 300: among the Hos of\n      Togoland in West Africa, see J. Spieth, _Die Ewe-St\u0101mme_, p. 217:\n      among the Patagonians, see G. C. Musters, _At Home with the\n      Patagonians_ (London, 1871), p. 177: among the Lengua Indians of the\n      Gran Chaco, see G. Kurze, \u201cSitten und Gebr\u00e4uche der\n      Lengua-Indianer,\u201d _Mittheilungen der Geographischen Gesellschaft zu\n      Jena_, xxiii. (1905) p. 28: among the Mayas of Guatemala, see H. H.\n      Bancroft, _Native Races of the Pacific States_, ii. 680: among the\n      Haida Indians of Queen Charlotte Islands, see J. R. Swanton,\n      \u201cContributions to the Ethnology of the Haida,\u201d _Memoir of the\n      American Museum of Natural History, The Jesup North Pacific\n      Expedition_, vol. v. part i. (Leyden and New York, 1905) p. 118: and\n      among the Tinneh and occasionally the Thlinkeet Indians of\n      north-west America, see E. Petitot, _Monographie des D\u00e8n\u00e8-Dindji\u00e9_\n      (Paris, 1876), p. 61; H. J. Holmberg, \u201cEthnographische Skizzen \u00fcber\n      die V\u00f6lker des russischen Amerika,\u201d _Acta Societatis Scientiarum\n      Fennicae_, iv. (1856) p. 319.\n\n M204 The names of persons related to the speaker by blood and especially\n      by marriage may often not be mentioned. Women\u2019s speech among the\n      Caffres.\n\n 1259 J. Shooter, _The Kafirs of Natal_ (London, 1857), p. 221.\n\n 1260 Maclean, _Compendium of Kafir Laws and Customs_ (Cape Town, 1866),\n      pp. 92 _sq._; D. Leslie, _Among the Zulus and Amatongas_,2 pp. 141\n      _sq._, 172; M. Kranz, _Natur- und Kulturleben der Zulus_ (Wiesbaden,\n      1880), pp. 114 _sq._; G. M\u2019Call Theal, _Kaffir Folk-lore_2 (London,\n      1886), p. 214; _id._, _Records of South-Eastern Africa_, vii. 435;\n      Dudley Kidd, _The Essential Kafir_, pp. 236-243; Father Porte, \u201cLes\n      reminiscences d\u2019un missionaire du Basutoland,\u201d _Missions\n      Catholiques_, xxviii. (1896) p. 233.\n\n 1261 Rev. Francis Fleming, _Kaffraria and its Inhabitants_ (London,\n      1853), p. 97; _id._, _Southern Africa_ (London, 1856), pp. 238 _sq._\n      This writer states that the women are forbidden to pronounce \u201cany\n      word which may happen to contain a sound similar to any one in the\n      names of their nearest male relatives.\u201d\n\n 1262 Maclean, _op. cit._ p. 93; D. Leslie, _Among the Zulus and\n      Amatongas_,2 pp. 46, 102, 172. The extensive system of taboos on\n      personal names among the Caffres is known as _Ukuhlonipa_, or simply\n      _hlonipa_. The fullest account of it with which I am acquainted is\n      given by Leslie, _op. cit._ pp. 141 _sq._, 172-180. See further Miss\n      A. Werner, \u201cThe Custom of _Hlonipa_ in its Influence on Language,\u201d\n      _Journal of the African Society_, No. 15 (April, 1905), pp. 346-356.\n\n 1263 Sir H. H. Johnston, _British Central Africa_ (London, 1897), p. 452.\n\n 1264 A. Merensky, \u201cDas Konde-volk im deutschen Gebiet am Nyassa-See,\u201d\n      _Verhandlungen der Berliner Gesellschaft f\u00fcr Anthropologie,\n      Ethnologie, und Urgeschichte_, 1893, p. (296).\n\n 1265 W. Munzinger, _Ostafrikanische Studien_ (Schaffhausen, 1864), p.\n      526; _id._, _Sitten und Recht der Bogos_ (Winterthur, 1859), p. 95.\n\n 1266 G. A. Krause, \u201cMerkw\u00fcrdige Sitten der Haussa,\u201d _Globus_, lxix.\n      (1896) p. 375.\n\n 1267 Herodotus, i. 146.\n\n 1268 Servius, on Virgil, _Aen._ iv. 58.\n\n 1269 K. Rhamm, \u201cDer Verkehr der Geschlecter unter den Slaven in seinen\n      gegens\u00e4tzlichen Erscheinungen,\u201d _Globus_, lxxxii. (1902) p. 192.\n\n 1270 W. Radloff, _Proben der Volkslitteratur der t\u00fcrkischen St\u00e4mme\n      S\u00fcd-Sibiriens_, iii. (St. Petersburg, 1870) p. 13, note 3.\n\n 1271 J. Batchelor, _The Ainu and their Folk-lore_ (London, 1901), pp.\n      226, 249 _sq._, 252.\n\n 1272 Bringaud, \u201cLes Karins de la Birmanie,\u201d _Missions Catholiques_, xx.\n      (1888) p. 308.\n\n 1273 W. H. R. Rivers, _The Todas_, p. 626.\n\n 1274 E. Thurston, _Ethnographic Notes in Southern India_, p. 533.\n\n 1275 Peter Jones, _History of the Ojebway Indians_, p. 162.\n\n 1276 E. James, _Expedition from Pittsburgh to the Rocky Mountains_\n      (London, 1823), i. 232.\n\n 1277 S. R. Riggs, _Dakota Grammar, Texts, and Ethnography_ (Washington,\n      1893), p. 204.\n\n 1278 S. Powers, _Tribes of California_, p. 315.\n\n M205 Names of relations, especially of persons related to the speaker by\n      marriage, may not be mentioned in the East Indies.\n\n 1279 Willer, \u201cVerzameling der Battasche Wetten en Instellingen in\n      Mandheling en Pertibie,\u201d _Tijdschrift voor Nederlandsch-Indi\u00eb_,\n      1846, dl. ii. 337 _sq._\n\n 1280 J. H. Meerwaldt, \u201cGebruiken der Bataks in het maatschappelijk\n      leven,\u201d _Mededeelingen van wege het Nederlandsche\n      Zendelinggenootschap_, xlix. (1905) pp. 123, 125.\n\n 1281 J. E. Neumann, \u201cKemali, Pantang en R\u0115boe bij de Karo-Bataks,\u201d\n      _Tijdschrift voor Indische Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde_, xlviii.\n      (1906) p. 510.\n\n 1282 C. Hupe, \u201cKorte Verhandeling over de Godsdienst, Zeden, enz. der\n      Dajakkers,\u201d _Tijdschrift voor Ne\u00earlands Indie_, 1846, dl. iii. pp.\n      249 _sq._\n\n 1283 \u201cDe Dajaks op Borneo,\u201d _Mededeelingen van wege het Nederlandsche\n      Zendelinggenootschap_, xiii. (1869) p. 78; G. A. Wilken,\n      _Handleiding voor de vergelijkende Volkenkunde van\n      Nederlandsch-Indi\u00eb_, p. 599.\n\n 1284 R. Shelford, \u201cTwo Medicine-baskets from Sarawak,\u201d _Journal of the\n      Anthropological Institute_, xxxiii. (1903) pp. 78 _sq._\n\n 1285 M. C. Schadee, \u201cBijdrage tot de kennis van den godsdienst der Dajaks\n      van Landak en Tajan,\u201d _Bijdragen tot de Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde\n      van Nederlandsche-Indi\u00eb_, lvi. (1904) p. 536.\n\n 1286 A. C. Kruijt, \u201cEen en ander aangaande het geestelijk en\n      maatschappelijk leven van den Poso-Alfoer,\u201d _Mededeelingen van wege\n      het Nederlandsche Zendelinggenootschap_, xl. (1896) pp. 273 _sq._\n      The word for taboo among these people is _kapali_. See further A. C.\n      Kruijt, \u201cEenige ethnographische aanteekeningen omtrent de Toboengkoe\n      en Tomori,\u201d _op. cit._ xliv. (1900) pp. 219, 237.\n\n 1287 G. A. Wilken, _Handleiding voor de vergelijkende Volkenkunde van\n      Nederlandsch-Indi\u00eb_, pp. 599 _sq._\n\n 1288 G. A. Wilken, \u201cBijdrage tot de Kennis der Alfoeren van het Eiland\n      Boeroe,\u201d p. 26 (_Verhandelingen van het Bataviaasch Genootschap van\n      Kunsten en Wetenschappen_, xxxvi.). The words for taboo among these\n      Alfoors are _poto_ and _koin_; _poto_ applies to actions, _koin_ to\n      things and places. The literal meaning of _poto_ is \u201cwarm,\u201d \u201chot\u201d\n      (Wilken, _op. cit._ p. 25).\n\n 1289 J. H. W. van der Miesen, \u201cEen en ander over Boeroe,\u201d _Mededeelingen\n      van wege het Nederlandsche Zendelinggenootschap_, xlvi. (1902) p.\n      455.\n\n 1290 N. P. Wilken and J. A. Schwarz, \u201cAllerlei over het Land en Volk van\n      Bolaang Mongondou,\u201d _Mededeelingen van wege het Nederlandsche\n      Zendelinggenootschap_, xi. (1867) p. 356.\n\n 1291 C. F. H. Campen, \u201cDe godsdienstbegrippen der Halmaherasche\n      Alfoeren,\u201d _Tijdschrift voor Indische Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde_,\n      xxvii. (1882) p. 450.\n\n 1292 K. F. Holle, \u201cSnippers van den Regent van Galoeh,\u201d _Tijdschrift voor\n      Indische Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde_, xxvii. (1882) pp. 101 _sq._\n      The precise consequence supposed to follow is that the _oebi_ (?)\n      plantations would have no bulbs (_geen knollen_). The names of\n      several animals are also tabooed in Sunda. See below, p. 415.\n\n M206 Names of persons related by marriage to the speaker are tabooed in\n      New Guinea.\n\n 1293 Above, p. 332.\n\n 1294 Th. J. F. van Hasselt, \u201cGebruik van vermomde Taal door de Nufooren,\u201d\n      _Tijdschrift voor Indische Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde_, xlv. (1902)\n      pp. 278 _sq._ The writer explains that \u201cto eat well\u201d is a phrase\n      used in the sense of \u201cto be decent, well-behaved,\u201d \u201cto know what is\n      customary.\u201d\n\n 1295 M. Krieger, _Neu-Guinea_, pp. 171 _sq._\n\n 1296 K. Vetter, in _Nachrichten \u00fcber Kaiser Wilhelms-Land und den\n      Bismarck-Archipel_, 1897, p. 92. For more evidence of the observance\n      of this custom in German New Guinea see O. Schellong, \u201c\u00dcber\n      Familienleben und Gebr\u00e4uche der Papuas der Umgebung von\n      Finschhafen,\u201d _Zeitschrift f\u00fcr Ethnologie_, xxi. (1889) p. 12; M. J.\n      Erdweg, \u201cDie Bewohner der Insel Tumleo, Berlinhafen,\n      Deutsch-Neu-Guinea,\u201d _Mittheilungen der Anthropologischen\n      Gesellschaft in Wien_, xxxii. (1902) pp. 379 _sq._\n\n 1297 B. A. Hely, \u201cNotes on Totemism, etc., among the Western Tribes,\u201d\n      _British New Guinea, Annual Report for 1894-95_, pp. 54 _sq._\n      Compare M. Krieger, _Neu-Guinea_, pp. 313 _sq._\n\n M207 Names of persons related by marriage to the speaker are tabooed in\n      Melanesia.\n\n_ 1298 Reports of the Cambridge Anthropological Expedition to Torres\n      Straits_, v. 142 _sq._\n\n 1299 Dr. Hahl, \u201c\u00dcber die Rechtsanschauungen der Eingeborenen eines Teiles\n      der Blanchebucht und des Innern der Gazelle Halbinsel,\u201d _Nachrichten\n      \u00fcber Kaiser Wilhelms-Land und den Bismarck-Archipel_, 1897, p. 80;\n      O. Schellong, in _Zeitschrift f\u00fcr Ethnologie_, xxi. (1889) p. 12.\n\n 1300 P. A. Kleintitschen, _Die K\u00fcstenbewohner der Gazellehalbinsel_, pp.\n      190, 238.\n\n 1301 Rev. W. O\u2019Ferrall, \u201cNative Stories from Santa Cruz and Reef\n      Islands,\u201d _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xxxiv. (1904)\n      pp. 223 _sq._\n\n 1302 Father Lambert, \u201cM\u0153urs et superstitions de la tribu Belep,\u201d\n      _Missions Catholiques_, xii. (1880) pp. 30, 68; _id._, _M\u0153urs et\n      superstitions des N\u00e9o-Cal\u00e9doniens_ (Noum\u00e9a, 1900), pp. 94 _sq._\n\n 1303 R. H. Codrington, _The Melanesians_, pp. 43 _sq._\n\n M208 Names of relations tabooed in Australia.\n\n 1304 E. J. Eyre, _Journals of Expeditions_, ii. 339.\n\n 1305 J. Dawson, _Australian Aborigines_, p. 29. Specimens of this\n      peculiar form of speech are given by Mr. Dawson. For example, \u201cIt\n      will be very warm by and by\u201d was expressed in the ordinary language\n      _Baawan kulluun_; in \u201cturn tongue\u201d it was _Gnullewa gnatn\u00e6n\n      tirambuul_.\n\n 1306 Joseph Parker, in Brough Smyth\u2019s _Aborigines of Victoria_, ii. 156.\n\n 1307 J. Macgillivray, _Narrative of the Voyage of H. M. S. Rattlesnake_\n      (London, 1852), ii. 10 _sq._ It is obvious that the example given by\n      the writer does not illustrate his general statement. Apparently he\n      means to say that Nuki is the son-in-law, not the son, of the woman\n      in question, and that the prohibition to mention the names of\n      persons standing in that relationship is mutual.\n\n 1308 Mrs. James Smith, _The Booandik Tribe_, p. 5.\n\n 1309 D. Stewart, in E. M. Curr\u2019s _Australian Race_, iii. 461.\n\n M209 These taboos can hardly be accounted for by the intermarriage of\n      tribes speaking different languages. Differences of language between\n      husbands and wives. Intermixture of races speaking different\n      languages would hardly account for the taboos on the names of\n      relations.\n\n 1310 C. W. Sch\u00fcrmann, in _Native Tribes of South Australia_ (Adelaide,\n      1879), p. 249.\n\n 1311 J. Dawson, _Australian Aborigines_, pp. 27, 30 _sq._, 40. So among\n      the Gowmditch-mara tribe of western Victoria the child spoke his\n      father\u2019s language, and not his mother\u2019s, when she happened to be of\n      another tribe (Fison and Howitt, _Kamilaroi and Kurnai_, p. 276).\n      Compare A. W. Howitt, _Native Tribes of South-East Australia_, pp.\n      250 _sq._\n\n 1312 A. Hale, \u201cOn the Sakais,\u201d _Journal of the Anthropological\n      Institute_, xv. (1886) p. 291.\n\n 1313 H. A. Coudreau, _La France \u00e9quinoxiale_ (Paris, 1887), ii. 178.\n\n 1314 De Rochefort, _Histoire naturelle et morale des Iles Antilles de\n      l\u2019Amerique_2 (Rotterdam, 1665), pp. 349 _sq._; De la Borde,\n      \u201cRelation de l\u2019origine, etc., des Caraibs sauvages des Isles\n      Antilles de l\u2019Amerique,\u201d pp. 4, 39 (_Recueil de divers voyages faits\n      en Afrique et en Amerique, qui n\u2019ont point est\u00e9 encore publiez_,\n      Paris, 1684); Lafitau, _M\u0153urs des sauvages ameriquains_, i. 55. On\n      the language of the Carib women see also Jean Baptiste du Tertre,\n      _Histoire generale des Isles de S. Christophe, de la Guadeloupe, de\n      la Martinique et autres dans l\u2019Amerique_ (Paris, 1654), p. 462;\n      Labat, _Nouveau Voyage aux isles de l\u2019Amerique_ (Paris, 1713), vi.\n      127 _sq._; J. N. Rat, \u201cThe Carib Language,\u201d _Journal of the\n      Anthropological Institute_, xxvii. (1898) pp. 311 _sq._\n\n 1315 See C. Sapper, \u201cMittelamericanische Caraiben,\u201d _Internationales\n      Archiv f\u00fcr Ethnographie_, x. (1897) pp. 56 _sqq._; and my article,\n      \u201cA Suggestion as to the Origin of Gender in Language,\u201d _Fortnightly\n      Review_, January 1900, pp. 79-90; also _Totemism and Exogamy_, iv.\n      237 _sq._\n\n 1316 P. Ehrenreich, \u201cMaterialien zur Sprachenkunde Brasiliens,\u201d\n      _Zeitschrift f\u00fcr Ethnologie_, xxvi. (1894) pp. 23-35.\n\n M210 The names of the dead are in general not mentioned by the Australian\n      aborigines.\n\n 1317 Strabo, xi. 4. 8, p. 503.\n\n 1318 G. Grey, _Journals of Two Expeditions of Discovery in North-West and\n      Western Australia_ (London, 1841), ii. 232, 257. The writer is here\n      speaking especially of western Australia, but his statement applies,\n      with certain restrictions which will be mentioned presently, to all\n      parts of the continent. For evidence see D. Collins, _Account of the\n      English Colony in New South Wales_ (London, 1804), p. 390; Hueber,\n      \u201c\u00c0 travers l\u2019Australie,\u201d _Bulletin de la Soci\u00e9t\u00e9 de G\u00e9ographie_\n      (Paris), Vme S\u00e9rie, ix. (1865) p. 429; S. Gason, in _Native Tribes\n      of South Australia_, p. 275; K. Brough Smyth, _Aborigines of\n      Victoria_, i. 120, ii. 297; A. L. P. Cameron, in _Journal of the\n      Anthropological Institute_, xiv. (1885) p. 363; E. M. Curr, _The\n      Australian Race_, i. 88, 338, ii. 195, iii. 22, 29, 139, 166, 596;\n      J. D. Lang, _Queensland_ (London, 1861), pp. 367, 387, 388; C.\n      Lumholtz, _Among Cannibals_ (London, 1889), p. 279; _Report on the\n      Work of the Horn Scientific Expedition to Central Australia_ (London\n      and Melbourne, 1896), pp. 137, 168. More evidence is adduced below.\n\n 1319 On this latter motive see especially the remarks of A. W. Howitt, in\n      _Kamilaroi and Kurnai_, p. 249. Compare also C. W. Schurmann, in\n      _Native Tribes of South Australia_, p. 247; F. Bonney, in _Journal\n      of the Anthropological Institute_, xiii. (1884) p. 127.\n\n 1320 A. Oldfield, \u201cThe Aborigines of Australia,\u201d _Transactions of the\n      Ethnological Society of London_, N.S., iii. (1865) p. 238.\n\n 1321 A. Oldfield, _op. cit._ p. 240.\n\n 1322 W. Stanbridge, \u201cOn the Aborigines of Victoria,\u201d _Transactions of the\n      Ethnological Society of London_, N.S., i. (1861) p. 299.\n\n 1323 A. W. Howitt, \u201cOn some Australian Beliefs,\u201d _Journal of the\n      Anthropological Institute_, xiii. (1884) p. 191; _id._, _Native\n      Tribes of South-East Australia_, p. 440.\n\n_ 1324 Id._, _Native Tribes of South-East Australia_, p. 469.\n\n 1325 G. F. Angas, _Savage Life and Scenes in Australia and New Zealand_\n      (London, 1847), i. 94.\n\n 1326 Spencer and Gillen, _Native Tribes of Central Australia_, p. 498.\n\n 1327 Spencer and Gillen, _Northern Tribes of Central Australia_, p. 526.\n\n 1328 E. Clement, \u201cEthnographical Notes on the Western Australian\n      Aborigines,\u201d _Internationales Archiv f\u00fcr Ethnographie_, xvi. (1904)\n      p. 9.\n\n M211 The names of the dead are not uttered by the American Indians.\n\n 1329 L. H. Morgan, _League of the Iroquois_ (Rochester, U.S., 1851), p.\n      175.\n\n 1330 A. S. Gatschett, _The Klamath Indians of South-Western Oregon_\n      (Washington, 1890) (_Contributions to North American Ethnology_,\n      vol. ii. pt. 1), p. xli; Chase, quoted by H. H. Bancroft, _Native\n      Races of the Pacific States_, i. 357, note 76.\n\n 1331 S. Powers, _Tribes of California_, p. 33; compare p. 68.\n\n 1332 S. Powers, _op. cit._ p. 240.\n\n 1333 F. A. Simons, \u201cAn Exploration of the Goajira Peninsula, U.S. of\n      Colombia,\u201d _Proceedings of the Royal Geographical Society_, vii.\n      (1885) p. 791.\n\n 1334 M. Dobrizhoffer, _Historia de Abiponibus_, ii. 301, 498. For more\n      evidence of the observance of this taboo among the American Indians\n      see A. Woldt, _Captain Jacobsen\u2019s Reise an der Nordwestk\u00fcste\n      Americas_ (Leipsic, 1884), p. 57 (as to the Indians of the\n      north-west coast); W. Colquhoun Grant, \u201cDescription of Vancouver\u2019s\n      Island,\u201d _Journal of the Royal Geographical Society_, xxvii. (1857)\n      p. 303 (as to Vancouver Island); Capt. Wilson, \u201cReport on the Indian\n      Tribes,\u201d _Transactions of the Ethnological Society of London_, N.S.,\n      iv. (1866) p. 286 (as to Vancouver Island and neighbourhood); C.\n      Hill Tout, in _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xxxv.\n      (1905) p. 138; _id._, _The Far West, the Land of the Salish and\n      D\u00e9n\u00e9_, p. 201; A. Ross, _Adventures on the Oregon or Columbia\n      River_, p. 322; H. R. Schoolcraft, _Indian Tribes_, iv. 226 (as to\n      the Bonaks of California); Ch. N. Bell, \u201cThe Mosquito Territory,\u201d\n      _Journal of the Royal Geographical Society_, xxxii. (1862) p. 255;\n      A. Pinart, \u201cLes Indiens de l\u2019Etat de Panama,\u201d _Revue\n      d\u2019Ethnographie_, vi. (1887) p. 56; G. C. Musters, in _Journal of the\n      Royal Geographical Society_, xli. (1871) p. 68 (as to Patagonia).\n      More evidence is adduced below.\n\n M212 Many other peoples are reluctant to mention the names of the dead.\n      This reluctance seems to be based on a fear of the ghosts, whose\n      attention might be attracted by the mention of their names.\n\n 1335 See P. S. Pallas, _Reise durch verschiedene Provinzen des russischen\n      Reichs_, iii. 76 (Samoyeds); J. W. Breeks, _Account of the Primitive\n      Tribes and Monuments of the N\u012blagiris_ (London, 1873), p. 19; W. E.\n      Marshall, _Travels amongst the Todas_, p. 177; W. H. R. Rivers, _The\n      Todas_, pp. 462, 496, 626; Plan de Carpin (de Plano Carpini),\n      _Relation des Mongols ou Tartares_, ed. D\u2019Avezac, cap. iii. \u00a7 iii.;\n      H. Duveyrier, _Exploration du Sahara, les Touareg du nord_ (Paris,\n      1864), p. 415; Lieut. S. C. Holland, \u201cThe Ainos,\u201d _Journal of the\n      Anthropological Institute_, iii. (1874) p. 238; J. Batchelor, _The\n      Ainu and their Folk-lore_ (London, 1901), pp. 252, 564; J. M.\n      Hildebrandt, \u201cEthnographische Notizen \u00fcber Wakamba und ihre\n      Nachbarn,\u201d _Zeitschrift f\u00fcr Ethnologie_, x. (1878) p. 405; A. C.\n      Hollis, _The Nandi_, p. 71; F. Blumentritt, _Versuch einer\n      Ethnographie der Philippinen_ (Gotha, 1882), p. 38 (_Petermann\u2019s\n      Mittheilungen, Erg\u00e4nzungsheft_, No. 67); N. Fontana, \u201cOn the Nicobar\n      Isles,\u201d _Asiatick Researches_, iii. (London, 1799) p. 154; W. H.\n      Furness, _Folk-lore in Borneo_ (Wallingford, Pennsylvania, 1899), p.\n      26; A. van Gennep, _Tabou et tot\u00e9misme \u00e0 Madagascar_, pp. 70 _sq._;\n      J. E. Calder, \u201cNative Tribes of Tasmania,\u201d _Journal of the\n      Anthropological Institute_, iii. (1874) p. 23; J. Bonwick, _Daily\n      Life of the Tasmanians_, pp. 97, 145, 183.\n\n 1336 H. Duveyrier, _Exploration du Sahara, les Touareg du nord_, p. 431.\n\n 1337 J. Dawson, _Australian Aborigines_, p. 42.\n\n 1338 K. Vetter, _Komm her\u00fcber und hilf uns!_ iii. (Barmen, 1898) p. 24;\n      _id._, in _Nachrichten \u00fcber Kaiser Wilhelms-Land und den\n      Bismarck-Archipel_, 1897, p. 92.\n\n 1339 Dr. L. Loria, \u201cNotes on the ancient War Customs of the Natives of\n      Logea,\u201d _British New Guinea, Annual Report for 1894-95_, pp. 45, 46\n      _sq._ Compare M. Krieger, _Neu-Guinea_, p. 322.\n\n 1340 Myron Eels, \u201cThe Twana, Chemakum, and Klallam Indians of Washington\n      Territory,\u201d _Annual Report of the Smithsonian Institute for 1887_,\n      part i. p. 656.\n\n 1341 Baron C. C. von der Decken, _Reisen in Ost-Afrika_ (Leipsic,\n      1869-1871), ii. 25; R. Andree, _Ethnographische Parallelen und\n      Vergleiche_, pp. 182 _sq._\n\n 1342 S. L. Hinde and H. Hinde, _The last of the Masai_ (London, 1901), p.\n      50; Sir H. Johnston, _The Uganda Protectorate_, ii. 826.\n\n M213 The like fear leads people who bear the same name as the dead to\n      change it for another.\n\n 1343 W. Wyatt, in _Native Tribes of South Australia_, p. 165.\n\n 1344 D. Collins, _Account of the English Colony in New South Wales_\n      (London, 1804), p. 392.\n\n 1345 P. Beveridge, \u201cNotes on the Dialects, Habits, and Mythology of the\n      Lower Murray Aborigines,\u201d _Transactions of the Royal Society of\n      Victoria_, vi. 20 _sq._\n\n 1346 \u201cDescription of the Natives of King George\u2019s Sound (Swan River) and\n      adjoining Country,\u201d _Journal of the R. Geographical Society_, i.\n      (1832) pp. 46 _sq._\n\n 1347 W. E. Roth, _North Queensland Ethnography, Bulletin No. 5_\n      (Brisbane, 1903), \u00a7 72, p. 20.\n\n 1348 G. F. Angas, _Savage Life and Scenes in Australia and New Zealand_\n      (London, 1847), ii. 228.\n\n 1349 J. F. Lafitau, _M\u0153urs des sauvages ameriquains_, ii. 434; R.\n      Southey, _History of Brazil_, iii. 894 (referring to Roger\n      Williams).\n\n 1350 Charlevoix, _Histoire de la Nouvelle France_, vi. 109.\n\n 1351 S. Powers, _Tribes of California_, p. 349; Myron Eels, \u201cThe Twana,\n      Chemakum, and Klallam Indians of Washington Territory,\u201d _Annual\n      Report of the Smithsonian Institute for 1887_, p. 656.\n\n 1352 S. L. Hinde and H. Hinde, _The Last of the Masai_, p. 50.\n\n M214 Sometimes all the near relations of the deceased change their names.\n\n 1353 J. Dawson, _Australian Aborigines_, p. 42.\n\n 1354 H. H. Bancroft, _Native Races of the Pacific States_, i. 248.\n      Compare K. F. v. Baer und Gr. v. Helmersen, _Beitr\u00e4ge zur Kenntniss\n      des russischen Reiches und der angr\u00e4nzenden L\u00e4nder Asiens_, i. (St.\n      Petersburg, 1839), p. 108 (as to the Kenayens of Cook\u2019s Inlet and\n      the neighbourhood).\n\n 1355 J. Mooney, \u201cCalendar History of the Kiowa Indians,\u201d _Seventeenth\n      Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology_, part i.\n      (Washington, 1898) p. 231.\n\n 1356 F. de Azara, _Voyages dans l\u2019Am\u00e9rique M\u00e9ridionale_ (Paris, 1808),\n      ii. 153 _sq._\n\n 1357 P. Lozano, _Descripcion chorographica_, etc., _del Gran Chaco_\n      (Cordova, 1733), p. 70.\n\n 1358 E. H. Man, \u201cNotes on the Nicobarese,\u201d _Indian Antiquary_, xxviii.\n      (1899) p. 261. Elsewhere I have suggested that mourning costume in\n      general may have been adopted with this intention. See _Journal of\n      the Anthropological Institute_, xv. (1886) pp. 73, 98 _sqq._\n\n 1359 J. Enderli, \u201cZwei Jahre bei den Tchuktschen und Korjaken,\u201d\n      _Petermanns Mitteilungen_, xlix. (1903) p. 257.\n\n M215 When the name of the deceased is that of a common object, the word\n      is often dropped in ordinary speech and another substituted for it.\n\n 1360 R. Brough Smyth, _Aborigines of Victoria_, ii. 266.\n\n 1361 E. J. Eyre, _Journals of Expeditions of Discovery_, ii. 354 _sq._\n\n 1362 J. Macgillivray, _Narrative of the Voyage of H.M.S. Rattlesnake_\n      (London, 1852), ii. 10 _sq._\n\n 1363 J. Bulmer, in Brough Smyth\u2019s _Aborigines of Victoria_, ii. 94.\n\n 1364 H. E. A. Meyer, in _Native Tribes of South Australia_, p. 199,\n      compare p. xxix.\n\n 1365 J. Dawson, _Australian Aborigines_, p. 43. Mr. Howitt mentions the\n      case of a native who arbitrarily substituted the name _nobler_\n      (\u201cspirituous liquor\u201d) for _yan_ (\u201cwater\u201d) because Yan was the name\n      of a man who had recently died (_Kamilaroi and Kurnai_, p. 249).\n\n M216 This custom has transformed some of the languages of the American\n      Indians.\n\n 1366 M. Dobrizhoffer, _Historia de Abiponibus_ (Vienna, 1784), ii. 199,\n      301.\n\n 1367 H. Ten Kate, \u201cNotes ethnographiques sur les Comanches,\u201d _Revue\n      d\u2019Ethnographie_, iv. (1885) p. 131.\n\n 1368 J. Mooney, \u201cCalendar History of the Kiowa Indians,\u201d _Seventeenth\n      Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology_, part i.\n      (Washington, 1898) p. 231.\n\n M217 A similar custom has modified languages in Africa, Buru, New Guinea,\n      the Caroline Islands, and the Nicobarese.\n\n 1369 Rev. J. Roscoe in a letter to me dated Mengo, Uganda, 17th February\n      1904.\n\n 1370 A. C. Hollis, _The Masai_ (Oxford, 1905), pp. 304 _sq._ As to the\n      Masai customs in this respect see also above, pp. 354 _sq._, 356.\n\n 1371 J. H. W. van der Miesen, \u201cEen en ander over Boeroe,\u201d _Mededeelingen\n      van wege het Nederlandsche Zendelinggenootschap_, xlvi. (1902) p.\n      455.\n\n 1372 Sir William Macgregor, _British New Guinea_ (London, 1897), p. 79.\n\n 1373 C. G. Seligmann, _The Melanesians of British New Guinea_ (Cambridge,\n      1910), pp. 629-631.\n\n 1374 F. W. Christian, _The Caroline Islands_ (London, 1899), p. 366.\n\n 1375 F. A. de Roepstorff, \u201cTiomberombi, a Nicobar Tale,\u201d _Journal of the\n      Asiatic Society of Bengal_, liii. (1884) pt. i. pp. 24 _sq._ In some\n      tribes apparently the names of the dead are only tabooed in the\n      presence of their relations. See C. Hill-Tout, in \u201cReport of the\n      Committee on the Ethnological Survey of Canada,\u201d _Report of the\n      British Association for the Advancement of Science_, Bradford, 1900,\n      p. 484; G. Brown, _Melanesians and Polynesians_ (London, 1910), p.\n      399. But in the great majority of the accounts which I have\n      consulted no such limitation of the taboo is mentioned.\n\n M218 The suppression of the names of the dead cuts at the root of\n      historical tradition.\n\n 1376 A. S. Gatschet, _The Klamath Indians of South-Western Oregon_\n      (Washington, 1890), p. xli. (_Contributions to North American\n      Ethnology_, vol. ii. pt. I).\n\n 1377 P. Beveridge, \u201cOf the Aborigines inhabiting the great Lacustrine and\n      Riverine Depression of the Lower Murray,\u201d etc., _Journal and\n      Proceedings of the Royal Society of New South Wales for 1883_, vol.\n      xvii. p. 65. The custom of changing common words on the death of\n      persons who bore them as their names seems also to have been\n      observed by the Tasmanians. See J. Bonwick, _Daily Life of the\n      Tasmanians_, p. 145.\n\n M219 Sometimes the names of the dead are revived after a certain time.\n      The American Indians used to bring the dead to life again by\n      solemnly bestowing their names on living persons, who were\n      thereafter regarded as reincarnations of the dead.\n\n 1378 G. Grey, _Journals of two Expeditions of Discovery in North-West and\n      Western Australia_, ii. 231 _sq._\n\n 1379 J. Dawson, _Australian Aborigines_, p. 42.\n\n 1380 C. W. Sch\u00fcrmann, in _Native Tribes of South Australia_, p. 247.\n\n 1381 H. H. Bancroft, _Native Races of the Pacific States_, iii. 156.\n\n 1382 Myron Eels, \u201cThe Twana, Chemakum, and Klallam Indians of Washington\n      Territory,\u201d _Annual Report of the Smithsonian Institution for 1887_,\n      p. 656.\n\n 1383 S. R. M\u2019Caw, \u201cMortuary Customs of the Puyallups,\u201d _The American\n      Antiquarian and Oriental Journal_, viii. (1886) p. 235.\n\n 1384 J. F. Lafitau, _M\u0153urs des sauvages ameriquains_ (Paris, 1724), ii.\n      434. Charlevoix merely says that the taboo on the names of the dead\n      lasted \u201ca certain time\u201d (_Histoire de la Nouvelle France_, vi. 109).\n      \u201cA good long while\u201d is the phrase used by Captain J. G. Bourke in\n      speaking of the same custom among the Apaches (_On the Border with\n      Crook_, p. 132).\n\n M220 Mode of reviving the dead in the persons of their namesakes among\n      the North American Indians.\n\n 1385 Gabriel Sagard, _Le Grand Voyage du pays des Hurons_, Nouvelle\n      \u00c9dition (Paris, 1865), p. 202. The original edition of Sagard\u2019s book\n      was published at Paris in 1632.\n\n_ 1386 Relations des J\u00e9suites_, 1636, p. 131; _id._, 1642, pp. 53, 85;\n      _id._, 1644, pp. 66 _sq._ (Canadian reprint, Quebec, 1858).\n\n 1387 Daniel W. Harmon, quoted by Rev. Jedidiah Morse, _Report to the\n      Secretary of War of the United States on Indian Affairs_ (New-Haven,\n      1822), Appendix, p. 345. The custom seems now to be extinct. It is\n      not mentioned by Father A. G. Morice in his accounts of the tribe\n      (in _Proceedings of the Canadian Institute_, Third Series, vol. vii.\n      1888-89; _Transactions of the Canadian Institute_, vol. iv. 1892-93;\n      _Annual Archaeological Report_, Toronto, 1905).\n\n 1388 Ch. Wilkes, _Narrative of the United States Exploring Expedition_\n      (New York, 1851), iv. 453.\n\n M221 The dead revived in their namesakes among the Lapps, Khonds,\n      Yorubas, Baganda, and Makalaka.\n\n 1389 E. J. Jessen, _De Finnorum Lapponumque Norwegicorum religione\n      pagana_, pp. 33 _sq._ (bound up with C. Leemius, _De Lapponibus\n      Finmarchiae eorumque lingua, vita, et religione pristina\n      commentatio_, Copenhagen, 1767).\n\n 1390 Major S. C. Macpherson, _Memorials of Service in India_ (London,\n      1865), pp. 72 _sq._\n\n 1391 C. Spiess, \u201cEiniges \u00fcber die Bedeutung der Personennamen der Evheer\n      in Togo-Gebiete,\u201d _Mittheilungen des Seminars f\u00fcr orientalische\n      Sprachen zu Berlin_, vi. (1903) Dritte Abtheilung, pp. 56 _sq._\n\n 1392 A. B. Ellis, _The Yoruba-speaking Peoples of the Slave Coast_, p.\n      152; _id._, _The Ewe-speaking Peoples of the Slave Coast_, pp. 153\n      _sq._ In the former passage the writer says nothing about the\n      child\u2019s name. In the latter he merely says that an ancestor is\n      supposed to have sent the child, who accordingly commonly takes the\n      name of that ancestor. But the analogy of other peoples makes it\n      highly probable that, as Col. Ellis himself states in his later work\n      (_The Yoruba-speaking Peoples_), the ancestor is believed to be\n      incarnate in the child. That the Yoruba child takes the name of the\n      ancestor who has come to life again in him is definitely stated by\n      A. Dieterich in _Archiv f\u00fcr Religionswissenschaft_, viii. (1904) p.\n      20, referring to _Zeitschrift f\u00fcr Missionskunde und\n      Religionswissenschaft_, xv. (1900) p. 17, a work to which I have not\n      access. Dieterich\u2019s account of the subject of rebirth (_op. cit._\n      pp. 18-21) deserves to be consulted.\n\n 1393 J. Roscoe, \u201cFurther Notes on the Manners and Customs of the\n      Baganda,\u201d _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xxxii. (1902)\n      p. 32.\n\n 1394 C. Mauch, _Reisen im Inneren von S\u00fcd-Afrika_ (Gotha, 1874), p. 43\n      (_Petermann\u2019s Mittheilungen, Erg\u00e4nsungsheft_, No. 37).\n\n M222 Revival of the names of the dead among the Nicobarese and Gilyaks.\n\n 1395 Sir R. C. Temple, in _Census of India, 1901_, vol. iii. 207, 212.\n\n 1396 Plan de Carpin (de Plano Carpini), _Relation des Mongols ou\n      Tartares_, ed. D\u2019Avezac, cap. iii. \u00a7 iii. The writer\u2019s statement\n      (\u201c_nec nomen proprium ejus usque ad tertiam generationem audet\n      aliquis nominare_\u201d) is not very clear.\n\n 1397 P. Labb\u00e9, _Un Bagne russe, l\u2019\u00eele de Sakhaline_ (Paris, 1903), p.\n      166.\n\n M223 Namesakes of the dead treated as the dead in person among the\n      Esquimaux of Bering Strait.\n\n 1398 E. W. Nelson, \u201cThe Eskimo about Bering Strait,\u201d _Eighteenth Annual\n      Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology_, part i. (Washington,\n      1899), pp. 363 _sq._, 365, 368, 371, 377, 379, 424 _sq._\n\n M224 Ceremonies at the naming of children are probably often associated\n      with the idea of rebirth.\n\n 1399 On the doctrine of the reincarnation of ancestors in their\n      descendants see E. B. Tylor, _Primitive Culture_,2 ii. 3-5, who\n      observes with great probability that \u201camong the lower races\n      generally the renewal of old family names by giving them to new-born\n      children may always be suspected of involving some such thought.\u201d\n      See further _Totemism and Exogamy_, iii. 297-299.\n\n M225 Sometimes the names of the dead may be pronounced after their bodies\n      have decayed. Arunta practice of chasing the ghost into the grave at\n      the end of the period of mourning.\n\n 1400 H. H. Bancroft, _Native Races of the Pacific States_, i. 248.\n\n 1401 G. Taplin, in _Native Tribes of South Australia_, p. 19.\n\n 1402 H. E. A. Meyer, in _Native Tribes of South Australia_, p. 199.\n\n 1403 Some of the Indians of Guiana bring food and drink to their dead so\n      long as the flesh remains on the bones; when it has mouldered away,\n      they conclude that the man himself has departed. See A. Biet,\n      _Voyage de la France \u00e9quinoxiale en l\u2019Isle de Cayenne_ (Paris,\n      1664), p. 392. The Alfoors or Toradjas of central Celebes believe\n      that the souls of the dead cannot enter the spirit-land until all\n      the flesh has been removed from their bones; till that has been\n      done, the gods (_lamoa_) in the other world could not bear the\n      stench of the corpse. Accordingly at a great festival the bodies of\n      all who have died within a certain time are dug up and the decaying\n      flesh scraped from the bones. See A. C. Kruijt, \u201cEen en ander\n      aangaande het geestelijk en maatschappelijk leven van den\n      Poso-Alfoer,\u201d _Mededeelingen van wege het Nederlandsche\n      Zendelinggenootschap_, xxxix. (1895) pp. 26, 32 _sqq._; _id._, \u201cHet\n      wezen van het Heidendom te Posso,\u201d _ibid._ xlvii. (1903) p. 32. The\n      Matacos Indians of the Gran Chaco believe that the soul of a dead\n      man does not pass down into the nether world until his body is\n      decomposed or burnt. See J. Pelleschi, _Los Indios Matacos_ (Buenos\n      Ayres, 1897), p. 102. These ideas perhaps explain the widespread\n      custom of disinterring the dead after a certain time and disposing\n      of their bones otherwise.\n\n 1404 Spencer and Gillen, _Native Tribes of Central Australia_, pp.\n      498-508.\n\n M226 The birth-names of kings kept secret or not pronounced.\n\n 1405 A. B. Ellis, _The Ewe-speaking Peoples of the Slave Coast_, pp. 98\n      _sq._\n\n 1406 A. Cecchi, _Da Zeila alle frontiere del Caffa_, ii. (Rome, 1885) p.\n      551.\n\n 1407 Rev. J. Roscoe, \u201cThe Bahima,\u201d _Journal of the Royal Anthropological\n      Institute_, xxxvii. (1907) p. 96.\n\n 1408 J. F. Cunningham, _Uganda and its Peoples_ (London, 1905), pp. 14,\n      16.\n\n 1409 De la Loubere, _Du royaume de Siam_ (Amsterdam, 1691), i. 306;\n      Pallegoix, _Royaume Thai ou Siam_, i. 260.\n\n 1410 J. S. Polack, _Manners and Customs of the New Zealanders_ (London,\n      1840), ii. 127, note 43.\n\n 1411 A. Fytche, _Burma Past and Present_ (London, 1878), i. 238.\n\n 1412 J. Edkins, _Religion in China_2 (London, 1878), p. 35.\n\n 1413 Ch. Dallet, _Histoire de l\u2019\u00c9glise de Cor\u00e9e_, i. p. xxiv.; Mrs.\n      Bishop, _Korea and her Neighbours_ (London, 1898), i. 48. The custom\n      is now obsolete (G. N. Curzon, _Problems of the Far East_,\n      Westminster, 1896, p. 155 note).\n\n 1414 E. Aymonier, _Notice sur le Cambodge_ (Paris, 1875), p. 22; _id._,\n      _Le Cambodge_, i. (Paris, 1900) p. 58.\n\n 1415 K. F. Holle, \u201cSnippers van den Regent van Galoeh,\u201d _Tijdschrift voor\n      Indische Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde_, xxvii. (1882) p. 101.\n\n 1416 N. P. Wilken en J. A. Schwarz, \u201cAllerlei over het land en volk van\n      Bolaang Mongondou,\u201d _Mededeelingen van wege het Nederlandsche\n      Zendelinggenootschap_, xi. (1867) p. 356.\n\n 1417 S. Roos, \u201cBijdrage tot de Kennis van Taal, Land, en Volk op het\n      eiland Soemba,\u201d p. 70, _Verhandelingen van het Bataviaasch\n      Genootschap van Kunsten en Wetenschappen_, xxxvi. Compare J. H. F.\n      Kohlbrugge, \u201cNaamgeving in Insulinde,\u201d _Bijdragen tot de Taal- Land-\n      en Volkenkunde van Nederlandsche-Indi\u00eb_, ii. (1900) p. 173.\n\n M227 The names of Zulu kings and chiefs may not be pronounced.\n\n 1418 Above, pp. 335 _sq._\n\n 1419 J. Shooter, _The Kafirs of Natal and the Zulu Country_, pp. 221\n      _sq._; David Leslie, _Among the Zulus and Amatongas_2 (Edinburgh,\n      1875), pp. 172-179; J. Macdonald, \u201cManners, Customs, Superstitions,\n      and Religions of South African Tribes,\u201d _Journal of the\n      Anthropological Institute_, xx. (1891) p. 131. The account in the\n      text is based mainly on Leslie\u2019s description, which is by far the\n      fullest.\n\n M228 The names of living kings and chiefs may not be pronounced in\n      Madagascar.\n\n 1420 D. Tyerman and G. Bennet, _Journal of Voyages and Travels_ (London,\n      1831), ii. 525 _sq._; J. Sibree, _The Great African Island_ (London,\n      1880), pp. 150 _sq._; _id._, \u201cCuriosities of Words connected with\n      Royalty and Chieftainship,\u201d _Antananarivo Annual and Madagascar\n      Magazine_, No. xi. (Christmas, 1887) pp. 308 _sq._; _id._, in\n      _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xxi. (1887) pp. 226\n      _sqq._ On the custom of tabooing royal or chiefly names in\n      Madagascar, see A. van Gennep, _Tabou et tot\u00e9misme \u00e0 Madagascar_\n      (Paris, 1904), pp. 104 _sqq._\n\n M229 The names of dead kings and chiefs are also tabooed in Madagascar.\n\n 1421 V. Noel, \u201c\u00cele de Madagascar, recherches sur les Sakkalava,\u201d\n      _Bulletin de la Soci\u00e9t\u00e9 de G\u00e9ographie_ (Paris), IIme S\u00e9rie, xx.\n      (1843) pp. 303-306. Compare A. Grandidier, \u201cLes Rites fun\u00e9raires\n      chez les Malgaches,\u201d _Revue d\u2019Ethnographie_, v. (1886) p. 224; A.\n      Walen, \u201cThe Sakalava,\u201d _Antananarivo Annual and Madagascar\n      Magazine_, vol. ii., Reprint of the Second Four Numbers\n      (Antananarivo, 1896), p. 242; A. van Gennep, _Tabou et tot\u00e9misme \u00e0\n      Madagascar_, pp. 110 _sq._ Amongst the Sakalavas it is forbidden to\n      mention the name of any dead person. See A. Voeltzkow, \u201cVom\n      Morondava zum Mangoky, Reiseskizzen aus West-Madagascar,\u201d\n      _Zeitschrift der Gesellschaft f\u00fcr Erdkunde zu Berlin_, xxxi. (1896)\n      p. 118.\n\n 1422 R. Baron, \u201cThe Bara,\u201d _Antananarivo Annual and Madagascar Magazine_,\n      vol. ii., Reprint of the Second Four Numbers (Antananarivo, 1896),\n      p. 83.\n\n 1423 A. Grandidier, \u201cMadagascar,\u201d _Bulletin de la Soci\u00e9t\u00e9 de G\u00e9ographie_\n      (Paris), Vme S\u00e9rie, xvii. (1869) pp. 401 _sq._ The writer is here\n      speaking specially of the Sakalavas, though his remarks appear to be\n      of general application.\n\n M230 The names of chiefs may not be pronounced in Polynesia.\n\n 1424 J. S. Polack, _Manners and Customs of the New Zealanders_, i. 37\n      _sq._, ii. 126 _sq._ Compare E. Tregear, \u201cThe Maoris of New\n      Zealand,\u201d _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xix. (1890) p.\n      123.\n\n 1425 Captain J. Cook, _Voyages_ (London, 1809), vi. 155 (Third Voyage).\n      Compare Captain James Wilson, _Missionary Voyage to the Southern\n      Pacific Ocean_ (London, 1799), p. 366; W. Ellis, _Polynesian\n      Researches_,2 iii. 101.\n\n 1426 Vancouver, _Voyage of Discovery to the North Pacific Ocean and round\n      the World_ (London, 1798), i. 135.\n\n_ 1427 United States Exploring Expedition, Ethnography and Philology_, by\n      Horatio Hale (Philadelphia, 1846), pp. 288 _sq._\n\n 1428 G. Brown, D.D., _Melanesians and Polynesians_ (London, 1910), p.\n      280.\n\n M231 The names of the Eleusinian priests might not be uttered.\n\n 1429 Lucian, _Lexiphanes_, 10. The inscriptional and other evidence of\n      this Greek superstition was first brought to the notice of\n      anthropologists by Mr. W. R. Paton in an interesting article, \u201cThe\n      Holy Names of the Eleusinian Priests,\u201d _International Folk-lore\n      Congress, 1891, Papers and Transactions_, pp. 202-214. Compare E.\n      Maass, _Orpheus_ (Munich, 1895), p. 70; Aug. Mommsen, _Feste der\n      Stadt Athen im Altertum_ (Leipsic, 1898), pp. 253-255; P. Foucart,\n      _Les Grands Myst\u00e8res d\u2019Eleusis_ (Paris, 1900), pp. 28-31. The two\n      last writers shew that, contrary to what we might have expected, the\n      custom appears not to have been very ancient.\n\n 1430 G. Kaibel, _Epigrammata Graeca ex lapidibus conlecta_, No. 863;\n      \u1f18\u03c6\u03b7\u03bc\u03b5\u03c1\u1f76\u03c2 \u1f00\u03c1\u03c7\u03b1\u03b9\u03bf\u03bb\u03bf\u03b3\u03b9\u03ba\u03ae, 1883, col. 79 _sq._ From the latter of these\n      inscriptions we learn that the name might be made public after the\n      priest\u2019s death. Further, a reference of Eunapius (_Vitae\n      sophistarum_, p. 475 of the Didot edition) shews that the name was\n      revealed to the initiated. In the essay cited in the preceding note\n      Mr. W. R. Paton assumes that it was the new and sacred name which\n      was kept secret and committed to the sea. The case is not clear, but\n      both the evidence and the probability seem to me in favour of the\n      view that it was rather the old everyday name of the priest or\n      priestess which was put away at his or her consecration. If, as is\n      not improbable, these sacred personages had to act the parts of gods\n      and goddesses at the mysteries, it might well be deemed indecorous\n      and even blasphemous to recall the vulgar names by which they had\n      been known in the familiar intercourse of daily life. If our clergy,\n      to suppose an analogous case, had to personate the most exalted\n      beings of sacred history, it would surely be grossly irreverent to\n      address them by their ordinary names during the performance of their\n      solemn functions.\n\n M232 The old names of members of the Yewe order in Togo may not be\n      uttered.\n\n 1431 H. Seidel, \u201cDer Yew\u2019e Dienst im Togolande,\u201d _Zeitschrift f\u00fcr\n      afrikanische und oceanische Sprachen_, iii. (1897) pp. 161-173; H.\n      Klose, _Togo unter deutscher Flagge_ (Berlin, 1899), pp. 197-205.\n      Compare Lieut. Herold, \u201cBericht betreffend religi\u00f6se Anschauungen\n      und Gebr\u00e4uche der deutschen Ewe-Neger,\u201d _Mittheilungen aus den\n      deutschen Schutzgebieten_, v. (1892) p. 146; J. Spieth, \u201cDer Jehve\n      Dienst der Evhe-Neger,\u201d _Mittheilungen der Geographischen\n      Gesellschaft zu Jena_, xii. (1893) pp. 83-88; C. Spiess,\n      \u201cReligionsbegriffe der Evheer in Westafrika,\u201d _Mittheilungen des\n      Seminars f\u00fcr orientalische Sprachen zu Berlin_, vi. (1903) Dritte\n      Abtheilung, p. 126.\n\n M233 The utterance of the names of gods and spirits is supposed to\n      disturb the course of nature.\n\n 1432 Spencer and Gillen, _Northern Tribes of Central Australia_, p. 227.\n\n 1433 G. Timkowski, _Travels of the Russian Mission through Mongolia to\n      China_ (London, 1827), ii. 348.\n\n 1434 J. Campbell, _Travels in South Africa, Second Journey_ (London,\n      1822), ii. 204 _sq._\n\n 1435 P. Rascher, \u201cDie Sulka, ein Beitrag zur Ethnographie Neu-Pommern,\u201d\n      _Archiv f\u00fcr Anthropologie_, xxix. (1904) p. 216. Compare R.\n      Parkinson, _Dreissig Jahre in der S\u00fcdsee_, p. 198.\n\n 1436 Washington Matthews, \u201cThe Mountain Chant, a Navajo Ceremony,\u201d _Fifth\n      Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology_ (Washington, 1887), pp.\n      386 _sq._\n\n 1437 L. H. Morgan, _League of the Iroquois_ (Rochester, U.S., 1851), pp.\n      167 _sq._ The writer derives the prohibition to tell tales of wonder\n      in summer \u201cfrom a vague and indefinable dread.\u201d\n\n 1438 H. R. Schoolcraft, _Indian Tribes_, iii. 314, 492.\n\n 1439 K. Vetter, in _Mittheilungen der Geographischen Gesellschaft zu\n      Jena_, xii. (1893) p. 95; _id._, _Komm her\u00fcber und hilf uns!_ ii.\n      (Barmen, 1898) p. 26; B. Hagen, _Unter den Papuas_ (Wiesbaden,\n      1898), p. 270. On myths or magical tales told as spells to produce\n      the effects which they describe, compare F. Kauffmann, _Balder_\n      (Strasburg, 1902), pp. 299 _sqq._; C. Fossey, _La Magie assyrienne_\n      (Paris, 1902), pp. 95-97.\n\n M234 Winter and summer names of the Kwakiutl Indians.\n\n 1440 Fr. Boas, \u201cThe Social Organization and the Secret Societies of the\n      Kwakiutl Indians,\u201d _Report of the U.S. National Museum for 1895_,\n      pp. 396, 418 _sq._, 503, 504. Compare _Totemism and Exogamy_, iii.\n      333 _sq._, 517 _sq._\n\n M235 Names of gods kept secret. How Isis discovered the name of Ra, the\n      sun-god.\n\n 1441 Xenophanes, quoted by Eusebius, _Praeparatio Evangelii_, xiii. 13,\n      pp. 269 _sq._, ed. Heinichen, and by Clement of Alexandria, _Strom._\n      vii. 4, pp. 840 _sq._, ed. Potter; H. Diels, _Die Fragmente der\n      Vorsokratiker_2 (Berlin, 1906-1910), i. 49.\n\n 1442 A. Erman, _\u00c4gypten und \u00e4gyptisches Leben im Altertum_, pp. 359-362;\n      A. Wiedemann, _Die Religion der alten \u00c4gypter_, pp. 29-32; G.\n      Maspero, _Histoire ancienne des peuples de l\u2019Orient classique: les\n      origines_, pp. 162-164; R. V. Lanzone, _Dizionario di mitologia\n      egizia_ (Turin, 1881-1884), pp. 818-822; E. A. Wallis Budge, _The\n      Book of the Dead_ (London, 1895), pp. lxxxix.-xci.; _id._, _Egyptian\n      Magic_, pp. 136 _sqq._; _id._, _The Gods of the Egyptians_ (London,\n      1904), i. 360 _sq._ The abridged form of the story given in the text\n      is based on a comparison of these various versions, of which Erman\u2019s\n      is slightly, and Maspero\u2019s much curtailed. Mr. Budge\u2019s version is\n      reproduced by Mr. E. Clodd (_Tom Tit Tot_, pp. 180 _sqq._).\n\n M236 Egyptian wizards have worked enchantments by the names of the gods\n      both in ancient and modern times. Magical constraint exercised over\n      demons by means of their names in North Africa and China.\n\n 1443 G. Maspero, _\u00c9tudes de mythologie et d\u2019arch\u00e9ologie \u00e9gyptienne_\n      (Paris, 1893), ii. 297 _sq._\n\n 1444 E. Lef\u00e9bure, \u201cLa Vertu et la vie du nom en \u00c9gypte,\u201d _M\u00e9lusine_,\n      viii. (1897) coll. 227 _sq._ Compare A. Erman, _\u00c4gypten und\n      \u00e4gyptisches Leben im Altertum_, pp. 472 _sq._; E. A. Wallis Budge,\n      _Egyptian Magic_, pp. 157 _sqq._\n\n 1445 Lucan, _Pharsalia_, vi. 730 _sqq._\n\n 1446 E. W. Lane, _Manners and Customs of the Ancient Egyptians_ (Paisley\n      and London, 1895), ch. xii. p. 273.\n\n 1447 E. Doutt\u00e9, _Magie et religion dans l\u2019Afrique du nord_, p. 130.\n\n 1448 J. J. M. de Groot, _The Religious System of China_, vi. (Leyden,\n      1910) p. 1126.\n\n M237 Divine names used by the Romans to conjure with.\n\n 1449 Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ xxviii. 18; Macrobius, _Saturn._ iii. 9; Servius\n      on Virgil, _Aen._ ii. 351; Plutarch, _Quaest. Rom._ 61. According to\n      Servius (_l.c._) it was forbidden by the pontifical law to mention\n      any Roman god by his proper name, lest it should be profaned.\n      Compare Festus, p. 106, ed. C. O. M\u00fcller: \u201c_Indigetes dii quorum\n      nomina vulgari non licet_.\u201d On the other hand the Romans were\n      careful, for the sake of good omen, to choose men with lucky names,\n      like Valerius, Salvius, Statorius, to open any enterprise of moment,\n      such as to lead the sacrificial victims in a religious procession or\n      to be the first to answer to their names in a levy or a census. See\n      Cicero, _De divinatione_, i. 45. 102 _sq._; Festus, _s.v._ \u201cLacus\n      Lucrinus,\u201d p. 121, ed. C. O. M\u00fcller; Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ xxviii. 22;\n      Tacitus, _Histor._ iv. 53.\n\n 1450 Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ iii. 65; Solinus, i. 4 _sq._; Macrobius, _Sat._\n      iii. 9, 3, and 5; Servius, on Virgil, _Aen._ i. 277; Joannes Lydus,\n      _De mensibus_, iv. 50.\n\n 1451 F. Fossey, _La Magie assyrienne_ (Paris, 1902), pp. 58, 95.\n\n 1452 T. de Pauly, _Description ethnographique des peuples de la Russie_\n      (St. Petersburg, 1862), _Peuples ouralo-alta\u00efques_, p. 24.\n\n M238 The taboos on names of kings and commoners are alike in origin.\n M239 Common words as well as personal names are often tabooed from\n      superstitious motives.\n M240 Common words tabooed by Highland fowlers and fishermen.\n\n 1453 M. Martin, \u201cDescription of the Western Islands of Scotland,\u201d in\n      Pinkerton\u2019s _Voyages and Travels_, iii. 579 _sq._ As to the Flannan\n      Islands see also Sir J. Sinclair\u2019s _Statistical Account of\n      Scotland_, xix. (Edinburgh, 1797), p. 283.\n\n 1454 J. G. Campbell, _Superstitions of the Highlands and Islands of\n      Scotland_ (Glasgow, 1900), p. 239.\n\n 1455 Miss Morag Cameron, \u201cHighland Fisher-folk and their Superstitions,\u201d\n      _Folk-lore_, xiv. (1903) p. 304.\n\n M241 Common words tabooed by Scotch fishermen and others.\n\n 1456 A. Edmonston, _Zetland Islands_ (Edinburgh, 1809), ii. 74.\n\n 1457 Ch. Rogers, _Social Life in Scotland_ (Edinburgh, 1884-1886), iii.\n      218.\n\n 1458 W. Gregor, _Folk-lore of the North-East of Scotland_, pp. 199-201.\n\n 1459 \u201cTraditions, Customs, and Superstitions of the Lewis,\u201d _Folk-lore_,\n      vi. (1895) p. 170; Miss A. Goodrich-Freer, \u201cThe Powers of Evil in\n      the Outer Hebrides,\u201d _Folk-lore_, x. (1899) p. 265.\n\n 1460 J. Mackenzie, _Ten Years north of the Orange River_ (Edinburgh,\n      1871), p. 151, note 1.\n\n 1461 J. G. Campbell, _Witchcraft and Second Sight in the Highlands and\n      Islands of Scotland_ (Glasgow, 1902), pp. 184 _sq._\n\n M242 Common words, especially the names of dangerous animals, tabooed in\n      various parts of Europe.\n\n 1462 J. Rhys, \u201cManx Folk-lore and Superstitions,\u201d _Folk-lore_, iii.\n      (1892) p. 84.\n\n 1463 A. Bosquet, _La Normandie romanesque et merveilleuse_ (Paris and\n      Rouen, 1845), p. 308.\n\n 1464 J. G. Gmelin, _Reise durch Sibirien_, ii. (G\u00f6ttingen, 1752), p. 277\n\n_ 1465 Bavaria, Landes- und Volkskunde des K\u00f6nigreichs Bayern_, ii.\n      (Munich, 1863), p. 304.\n\n 1466 Tettau und Temme, _Die Volkssagen Ostpreussens, Litthauens und\n      Westpreussens_ (Berlin, 1837), p. 281.\n\n 1467 W. Witzschel, _Sagen, Sitten, und Gebr\u00e4uche aus Th\u00fcringen_, p. 175,\n      \u00a7 30.\n\n 1468 K. Bartsch, _Sagen, M\u00e4rchen, und Gebr\u00e4uche aus Meklenburg_, ii. p.\n      246, \u00a7\u00a7 1273, 1274.\n\n 1469 A. Kuhn, _M\u00e4rkische Sagen und M\u00e4rchen_, p. 378, \u00a7 14.\n\n 1470 B. Thorpe, _Northern Mythology_, ii. 83 _sq._; L. Lloyd, _Peasant\n      Life in Sweden_ (London, 1870), p. 251.\n\n 1471 R. F. Kaindl, _Die Huzulen_ (Vienna, 1894), p. 103; _id._,\n      \u201cViehzucht und Viehzauber in den Ostkarpaten,\u201d _Globus_, lxix.\n      (1896) p. 387.\n\n_ 1472 Id._, \u201cNeue Beitr\u00e4ge zur Ethnologie und Volkskunde der Huzulen,\u201d\n      _Globus_, lxix. (1896) p. 73.\n\n 1473 C. Leemius, _De Lapponibus Finmarchiae eorumque lingua, vita, et\n      religione pristina commentatio_ (Copenhagen, 1767), pp. 502 _sq._\n\n 1474 M. A. Castren, _Vorlesungen \u00fcber die finnische Mythologie_ (St.\n      Petersburg, 1853), p. 201.\n\n 1475 Varonen, reported by Hon. J. Abercromby in _Folk-lore_, ii. (1891)\n      pp. 245 _sq._\n\n 1476 Boecler-Kreutzwald, _Der Ehsten abergl\u00e4ubische Gebr\u00e4uche, Weisen und\n      Gewohnheiten_, p. 120.\n\n M243 The names of various animals tabooed in Siberia, Kamtchatka, and\n      America.\n\n 1477 P. Labb\u00e9, _Un Bagne russe, l\u2019\u00eele de Sakhaline_ (Paris, 1903), p.\n      231.\n\n 1478 G. W. Steller, _Beschreibung von dem Lande Kamtschatka_ (Frankfort\n      and Leipsic, 1774), p. 276.\n\n 1479 G. W. Steller, _op. cit._ p. 91; compare _ib._ pp. 129, 130.\n\n 1480 J. Mooney, \u201cSacred Formulas of the Cherokees,\u201d _Seventh Annual\n      Report of the Bureau of Ethnology_ (Washington, 1892), p. 352.\n      Compare _id._, \u201cMyths of the Cherokee,\u201d _Nineteenth Annual Report of\n      the Bureau of American Ethnology_, Part i. (Washington, 1900) p.\n      295.\n\n 1481 E. W. Nelson, \u201cThe Eskimo about Bering Strait,\u201d _Eighteenth Annual\n      Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology_, Part i. (Washington,\n      1899) p. 438.\n\n 1482 F. Boas, \u201cThe Eskimo of Baffin Land and Hudson Bay,\u201d _Bulletin of\n      the American Museum of Natural History_, xv. (1901) p. 148.\n\n 1483 J. Teit, \u201cThe Thompson Indians of British Columbia,\u201d _Memoir of the\n      American Museum of Natural History, The Jesup North Pacific\n      Expedition_, vol. i. part iv. (April 1900) p. 374.\n\n M244 Names of animals and things tabooed by the Arabs, Africans, and\n      Malagasy.\n\n 1484 J. Wellhausen, _Reste arabischen Heidentums_2 (Berlin, 1897), p.\n      199.\n\n 1485 A. Certeux et E. H. Carnoy, _L\u2019Alg\u00e9rie traditionnelle_ (Paris and\n      Algiers, 1884), pp. 172, 175.\n\n 1486 Father Picarda, \u201cAutour de Mand\u00e9ra,\u201d _Missions Catholiques_, xviii.\n      (1886) p. 227.\n\n 1487 J. J. Monteiro, _Angola and the River Congo_ (London, 1875), ii.\n      116.\n\n 1488 J. Mackenzie, _Ten Years north of the Orange River_ (Edinburgh,\n      1871), p. 151; C. R. Conder, in _Journal of the Anthropological\n      Institute_, xvi. (1887) p. 84.\n\n 1489 H. B. Johnstone, \u201cNotes on the Customs of the Tribes occupying\n      Mombasa Sub-district, British East Africa,\u201d _Journal of the\n      Anthropological Institute_, xxxii. (1902) p. 268.\n\n 1490 J. J. M. de Groot, _The Religious System of China_, v. (Leyden,\n      1907) p. 691.\n\n 1491 A. F. Mockler-Ferryman, _British Nigeria_ (London, 1902), p. 285.\n\n 1492 J. Irle, _Die Herero_ (G\u00fctersloh, 1906), p. 133.\n\n 1493 A. C. Hollis, _The Nandi_ (Oxford, 1909), p. 43.\n\n 1494 H. F. Standing, \u201cMalagasy _fady_,\u201d _Antananarivo Annual and\n      Madagascar Magazine_, vol. ii., _Reprint of the Second Four Numbers_\n      (Antananarivo, 1896), p. 258.\n\n 1495 H. F. Standing, _op. cit._ p. 263.\n\n 1496 J. Sibree, _The Great African Island_, pp. 307 _sq._\n\n 1497 R. H. Nassau, _Fetichism in West Africa_ (London, 1904), pp. 381\n      _sqq._\n\n M245 Names of animals, especially the snake and the tiger, tabooed in\n      India.\n\n_ 1498 Panjab Notes and Queries_, i. p. 15, \u00a7 122.\n\n_ 1499 North Indian Notes and Queries_, i. p. 104, \u00a7 690.\n\n_ 1500 Id._ v. p. 133, \u00a7 372.\n\n 1501 W. Crooke, _Popular Religion and Folk-lore of Northern India_\n      (Westminster, 1896), ii. 142 _sq._\n\n 1502 S. Mateer, _Native Life in Travancore_, pp. 320 _sq._\n\n_ 1503 North Indian Notes and Queries_, v. p. 133, \u00a7 372.\n\n 1504 W. Crooke, _op. cit._ ii. 212.\n\n 1505 W. Crooke in _North Indian Notes and Queries_, i. p. 70, \u00a7 579;\n      _id._, _Tribes and Castes of the North-Western Provinces and Oudh_,\n      iii. 249; _id._, _Popular Religion and Folk-lore of Northern India_\n      (Westminster, 1896), ii. 54.\n\n 1506 W. Crooke, _Tribes and Castes of the North-Western Provinces and\n      Oudh_, iii. 314.\n\n 1507 D. Sunder, \u201cExorcism of Wild Animals in the Sundarbans,\u201d _Journal of\n      the Asiatic Society of Bengal_, lxxii. part iii. (Calcutta, 1904)\n      pp. 45 _sqq._, 51.\n\n M246 Names of animals and things tabooed in Indo-China.\n\n 1508 H. Mouhot, _Travels in the Central Parts of Indo-China_ (London,\n      1864), i. 263 _sq._\n\n 1509 Mgr Masson, in _Annales de la Propagation de la Foi_, xxiv. (1852)\n      p. 323. Compare Le R. P. Cadi\u00e8re, \u201cCroyances et dictons populaires\n      de la vall\u00e9e du Ngu\u00f4n-son,\u201d _Bulletin de l\u2019\u00c9cole Fran\u00e7aise\n      d\u2019Extr\u00eame-Orient_, i. (1901) p. 134.\n\n 1510 E. Young, _The Kingdom of the Yellow Robe_ (Westminster, 1898), p.\n      61.\n\n 1511 N. Annandale, \u201cPrimitive Beliefs and Customs of the Patani\n      Fishermen,\u201d _Fasciculi Malayenses, Anthropology_, part i. (April\n      1903) p. 104.\n\n 1512 E. Aymonier, _Notes sur le Laos_, p. 113; _id._, _Voyage dans le\n      Laos_, i. (Paris, 1895) p. 311. In the latter passage the writer\n      observes that the custom of giving conventional names to common\n      objects is very generally observed in Indo-China during the\n      prosecution of long and perilous journeys undertaken periodically.\n\n_ 1513 Id._, \u201cLes Tchames et leurs religions,\u201d _Revue de l\u2019Histoire des\n      Religions_, xxiv. (1891) p. 278. Compare A. Cabaton, _Nouvelles\n      Recherches sur les Chams_ (Paris, 1901), p. 53.\n\n 1514 D. F. A. Hervey, in _Indian Notes and Queries_ (December 1886), p.\n      45, \u00a7 154.\n\n M247 Special language used by East Indian searchers for camphor.\n\n_ 1515 Pantang_ is equivalent to taboo. In this sense it is used also by\n      the Dyaks. See S. W. Tromp, \u201cEen Dajaksch Feest,\u201d _Bijdragen tot de\n      Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde van Nederlandsch-Indi\u00eb_, xxxix. (1890)\n      pp. 31 _sq._\n\n 1516 J. R. Logan, \u201cThe Orang Binua of Johore,\u201d _Journal of the Eastern\n      Archipelago and Eastern Asia_, i. (1847) pp. 249, 263-265; A.\n      Bastian, _Die V\u00f6lker des \u00f6stlichen Asien_, v. 37; H. Lake and H. J.\n      Kelsall, \u201cThe Camphor Tree and Camphor Language of Johore,\u201d _Journal\n      of the Straits Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society_, No. 26 (January\n      1894), pp. 39 _sq._; W. W. Skeat, _Malay Magic_, pp. 212-214; W. W.\n      Skeat and C. O. Blagden, _Pagan Races of the Malay Peninsula_\n      (London, 1906), ii. 414-431.\n\n 1517 C. M. Pleyte, \u201cHerinneringen uit Oost-Indi\u00eb,\u201d _Tijdschrift van het\n      koninklijk Nederlandsch Aardrijkskundig Genootschap_, II Serie,\n      xvii. (1900) pp. 27 _sq._\n\n 1518 W. H. Furness, _Folk-lore in Borneo_ (Wallingford, Pennsylvania,\n      1899; privately printed), p. 27; _id._, _Home-life of Borneo\n      Head-hunters_ (Philadelphia, 1902), p. 17. A special language is\n      also used in the search for camphor by some of the natives of\n      Sumatra. See Th. A. L. Heyting, \u201cBeschrijving der onder-afdeeling\n      Groot-Mandeling en Batang-Natal,\u201d _Tijdschrift van het Nederlandsch\n      Aardrijkskundig Genootschap_, Tweede Serie, xiv. (1897) p. 276.\n\n 1519 W. H. Furness, _Home-life of Borneo Head-hunters_, pp. 168 _sq._\n\n M248 Special languages used by Malay miners, fowlers, and fishermen.\n\n 1520 W. W. Skeat, _Malay Magic_, pp. 250, 253-260. In like manner the\n      people of Sikhim intensely dread all mining operations, believing\n      that the ores and veins of metals are the stored treasures of the\n      earth-spirits, who are enraged by the removal of these treasures and\n      visit the robbers with sickness, failure of crops, and other\n      calamities. Hence the Sikhimese leave the copper mines to be worked\n      by Nepaulese. See L. A. Waddell, _Among the Himalayas_ (Westminster,\n      1899), p. 101.\n\n 1521 W. W. Skeat, _op. cit._ pp. 139 _sq._\n\n 1522 W. W. Skeat, _op. cit._ pp. 192 _sq._\n\n 1523 N. Annandale, \u201cPrimitive Beliefs and Customs of the Patani\n      Fishermen,\u201d _Fasciculi Malayenses, Anthropology_, part i. (April\n      1903) pp. 84-86.\n\n 1524 C. Snouck Hurgronje, _De Atj\u00e8hers_ (Batavia and Leyden, 1893-1894),\n      i. 303.\n\n M249 Names of things and animals tabooed in Sumatra, Nias, and Java.\n\n 1525 J. L. van der Toorn, \u201cHet animisme bij den Minangkabauer der\n      Padangsche Bovenlanden,\u201d _Bijdragen tot de Taal- Land- en\n      Volkenkunde van Nederlandsch-Indi\u00eb_, xxxix. (1890) p. 100. As to the\n      superstitions of gold-washers among the Gayos of Sumatra, see C.\n      Snouck Hurgronje, _Het Gajoland en zijne Bewoners_ (Batavia, 1903),\n      pp. 361 _sq._\n\n 1526 M. T. H. Perelaer, _Ethnographische Beschrijving der Dajaks_\n      (Zalt-Bommel, 1870), p. 215.\n\n 1527 J. T. Nieuwenhuisen en H. C. B. von Rosenberg, \u201cVerslag omtrent het\n      eiland Nias,\u201d _Verhandelingen van het Bataviaasch Genootschap van\n      Kunsten en Wetenschappen_, xxx. (1863) p. 115. Compare W. Marsden,\n      _History of Sumatra_, p. 292; T. J. Newbold, _Account of the British\n      Settlements in the Straits of Malacca_, ii. 192 _sq._\n\n 1528 J. E. Neumann, \u201c_Kemali_, _Pantang_ en _R\u00e8boe_ bij de Karo-Bataks,\u201d\n      _Tijdschrift voor Indische Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde_, xlviii.\n      (1906) pp. 511 _sq._\n\n 1529 C. Snouck Hurgronje, _Het Gajoland en zijne Bewoners_ (Batavia,\n      1903), pp. 311 _sq._\n\n 1530 J. W. Thomas, \u201cDe jacht op het eiland Nias,\u201d _Tijdschrift voor\n      Indische Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde_, xxvi. (1880) p. 275.\n\n 1531 L. N. H. A. Chatelin, \u201cGodsdienst en bijgeloof der Niassers,\u201d\n      _Tijdschrift voor Indische Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde_, xxvi. (1880)\n      p. 165; H. Sundermann, \u201cDie Insel Nias und die Mission daselbst,\u201d\n      _Allgemeine Missions-Zeitschrift_, xi. (1884) p. 349; E. Modigliani,\n      _Un Viaggio a Nias_ (Milan, 1890), p. 593.\n\n 1532 A. L. van Hasselt, \u201cNota, betreffende de rijstcultuur in de\n      Residentie Tapanoeli,\u201d _Tijdschrift voor Indische Taal- Land- en\n      Volkenkunde_, xxxvi. (1893) pp. 525 _sq._ The Singhalese also call\n      things by strange names when they are in the rice-fields. See A. A.\n      Perera, \u201cGlimpses of Singhalese Social Life,\u201d _Indian Antiquary_,\n      xxxii. (1903) p. 437.\n\n 1533 G. A. J. Hazeu, \u201cKleine Bijdragen tot de Ethnografie en de Folk-lore\n      van Java,\u201d _Tijdschrift voor Indische Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde_,\n      xlvii. (1903) pp. 291 _sq._\n\n M250 Names of things and animals tabooed in Celebes.\n\n 1534 A. C. Kruijt, \u201cEen en ander aangaande het geestelijk en\n      maatschappelijk leven van den Poso-Alfoer,\u201d _Mededeelingen van wege\n      het Nederlandsche Zendelinggenootschap_, xxxix. (1895) pp. 146-148;\n      _id._, \u201cEenige ethnografische aanteekeningen omtrent de Toboengkoe\n      en de Tomori,\u201d _ibid._ xliv. (1900) pp. 228 _sq._\n\n 1535 N. Adriani und A. C. Kruijt, \u201cVan Posso naar Mori,\u201d _Mededeelingen\n      van wege het Nederlandsche Zendelinggenootschap_, xliv. (1900) pp.\n      145 _sq._\n\n 1536 A. C. Kruijt, \u201cRegen lokken en regen verdrijven bij de Toradja\u2019s van\n      Midden Celebes,\u201d _Tijdschrift voor Indische Taal- Land- en\n      Volkenkunde_, xliv. (1901) p. 8; _id._, \u201cHet rijk Mori,\u201d\n      _Tijdschrift van het Koniklijk Nederlandsch Aardrijkskundig\n      Genootschap_, II. Serie, xvii. (1900) p. 464, note.\n\n M251 Common words tabooed by East Indian mariners at sea.\n\n 1537 B. F. Matthes, _Bijdragen tot de Ethnologie van Zuid-Celebes_ (The\n      Hague, 1875), p. 107; _id._, \u201cOver de _\u00e2d\u00e1\u2019s_ of gewoonten der\n      Makassaren en Boegineezen,\u201d _Verslagen en Mededeelingen der\n      Koninklijke Akademie van Wetenschappen_, Afdeeling Letterkunde, III.\n      Reeks, ii. (Amsterdam, 1885) pp. 164 _sq._\n\n 1538 H. E. D. Engelhard, \u201cMededeelingen over het eiland Saleijer,\u201d\n      _Bijdragen tot de Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde van Ne\u00earlandsch-Indi\u00eb_,\n      Vierde Volgreeks, viii. (1884) p. 369.\n\n 1539 E. F. Jochim, \u201cBeschrijving van den Sapoedi Archipel,\u201d _Tijdschrift\n      voor Indische Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde_, xxxvi. (1893) p. 361.\n\n 1540 M. J. van Baarda, \u201cFabelen, Verhalen en Overleveringen der\n      Galelareezen,\u201d _Bijdragen tot de Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde van\n      Nederlandsch-Indi\u00eb_, xlv. (1895) p. 508.\n\n 1541 S. D. van de Velde van Cappellan, \u201cVerslag eener Bezoekreis naar de\n      Sangi-eilanden,\u201d _Mededeelingen van wege het Nederlandsche\n      Zendelinggenootschap_, i. (1857) pp. 33, 35.\n\n 1542 A. C. Kruijt, \u201cEen en ander aangaande het geestelijk en\n      maatschappelijk leven van den Poso-Alfoer,\u201d _Mededeelingen van wege\n      het Nederlandsche Zendelinggenootschap_, xxxix. (1895) p. 148.\n\n 1543 Th. J. F. van Hasselt, \u201cGebruik van vermomde Taal door de Nufooren,\u201d\n      _Tijdschrift voor Indische Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde_, xlv. (1902)\n      pp. 279 _sq._\n\n M252 Common words tabooed in Sunda, Borneo, and the Philippines.\n\n 1544 K. F. Holle, \u201cSnippers van den Regent van Galoeh,\u201d _Tijdschrift voor\n      Indische Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde_, xxvii. (1882) pp. 101 _sq._\n\n 1545 Ch. Hose and W. McDougall, \u201cThe Relations between Men and Animals in\n      Sarawak,\u201d _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xxxi. (1902)\n      p. 205; W. H. Furness, _Home-life of Borneo Head-hunters_\n      (Philadelphia, 1902), pp. 17, 186 _sq._\n\n 1546 Ch. Hose and W. McDougall, _op. cit._ p. 186.\n\n 1547 Ch. Brooke, _Ten Years in Sarawak_ (London, 1866), i. 208; Spenser\n      St. John, _Life in the Forests of the Far East_,2 i. 71 _sq._\n\n 1548 Juan de la Concepcion, _Historia general de Philipinas_, i.\n      (Manilla, 1788), p. 20. Compare J. Mallat, _Les Philippines_ (Paris,\n      1846), i. 64.\n\n M253 The avoidance of common words seems to be based on a fear of spirits\n      and a wish to deceive them or elude their notice. Common words\n      avoided by hunters and fowlers in order to deceive the beasts and\n      birds.\n\n 1549 On this subject Mr. R. J. Wilkinson\u2019s account of the Malay\u2019s\n      attitude to nature (_Malay Beliefs_, London and Leyden, 1906, pp. 67\n      _sq._) deserves to be quoted: \u201cThe practice of magic arts enters\n      into every department of Malay life. If (as the people of the\n      Peninsula believe) all nature is teeming with spiritual life, some\n      spiritual weapon is necessary to protect man against possible\n      ghostly foes. Now the chief and most characteristic weapon of the\n      Malay in his fight against the invisible world is courtesy. The\n      peasant will speak no evil of a tiger in the jungle or of an evil\n      spirit within the limits of that spirit\u2019s authority.... The tiger is\n      the symbol of kingly oppression; still, he is royal and must not be\n      insulted; he is the \u2018shaggy-haired father\u2019 or \u2018grandfather\u2019 of the\n      traveller in the woods. Even the birds, the fish and the fruits that\n      serve as human food are entitled to a certain consideration: the\n      deer is addressed as a \u2018prince,\u2019 the coco-nut tree as a \u2018princess,\u2019\n      the chevrotin as \u2018emperor of the jungle\u2019 (_shah alam di-rimba_). In\n      all this respect paid to unseen powers\u2014for it is the soul of the\n      animal or plant that is feared\u2014there is no contemptible adulation or\n      cringeing; the Malay believes that courtesy honours the speaker more\n      than the person addressed.\u201d\n\n 1550 The character of King Solomon appears to be a favourite one with the\n      Malay sorcerer when he desires to ingratiate himself with or lord it\n      over the powers of nature. Thus, for example, in addressing silver\n      ore the sage observes:\u2014\n\n      \u201c_If you do not come hither at this very moment_\n      _ You shall be a rebel unto God,_\n      _ And a rebel unto God\u2019s Prophet Solomon,_\n      _ For I am God\u2019s Prophet Solomon._\u201d\u2014\n\n      See W. W. Skeat, _Malay Magic_, p. 273. No doubt the fame of his\n      wisdom has earned for the Hebrew monarch this distinction among the\n      dusky wizards of the East.\n\n M254 General conclusion. Human gods, on whom the welfare of the community\n      is believed to depend, are obliged to observe many rules to ensure\n      their own safety and that of their people.\n M255 A study of these rules affords us an insight into the philosophy of\n      the savage. Our debt to our savage forefathers.\n\n 1551 \u201cThe mind of the savage is not a blank; and when one becomes\n      familiar with his beliefs and superstitions, and the complicated\n      nature of his laws and customs, preconceived notions of his\n      simplicity of thought go to the winds. I have yet to find that most\n      apocryphal of beings described as the \u2018unsophisticated African.\u2019 We\n      laugh at and ridicule his fetishes and superstitions, but we fail to\n      follow the succession of ideas and effort of mind which have created\n      these things. After most careful observations extending over\n      nineteen years, I have come to the conclusion that there is nothing\n      in the customs and fetishes of the African which does not represent\n      a definite course of reasoning\u201d (Rev. Thomas Lewis, \u201cThe Ancient\n      Kingdom of Kongo,\u201d _The Geographical Journal_, xix. (1902) p. 554).\n      \u201cThe study of primitive peoples is extremely curious and full of\n      surprises. It is twenty years since I undertook it among the Thonga\n      and Pedi tribes of South Africa, and the further I advance, the more\n      I am astonished at the great number, the complexity, and the\n      profundity of the rites of these so-called savages. Only a\n      superficial observer could accuse their individual or tribal life of\n      superficiality. If we take the trouble to seek the reason of these\n      strange customs, we perceive that at their base there are secret,\n      obscure reasons, principles hard to grasp, even though the most\n      fervent adepts of the rite can give no account of it. To discover\n      these principles, and so to give a true explanation of the rites, is\n      the supreme task of the ethnographer,\u2014a task in the highest degree\n      delicate, for it is impossible to perform it if we do not lay aside\n      our personal ideas to saturate ourselves with those of primitive\n      peoples\u201d (Rev. H. A. Junod, \u201cLes Conceptions physiologiques des\n      Bantou sud-africains et leurs tabous,\u201d _Revue d\u2019Ethnographie et de\n      Sociologie_, i. (1910) p. 126). These weighty words, the fruit of\n      ripe experience, deserve to be pondered by those who fancy that the\n      elaborate system of savage custom can have grown up instinctively\n      without a correspondingly elaborate process of reasoning in the\n      minds of its founders. We may not, indeed, always be able to\n      discover the reason for which a particular custom or rite was\n      instituted, for we are only beginning to understand the mind of\n      uncivilised man; but all that we know of him tends to shew that his\n      practice, however absurd it may seem to us, originated in a definite\n      train of thought and for a definite and very practical purpose.\n\n 1552 See above, pp. 159 _sq._\n\n 1553 M. J. van Baarda, \u201cFabelen, Verhalen en Overleveringen der\n      Galelareezen,\u201d _Bijdragen tot de Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde van\n      Nederlandsch-Indi\u00eb_, xlv. (1895) p. 513.\n\n 1554 John Ramsay, _Scotland and Scotsmen in the Eighteenth Century_\n      (Edinburgh, 1888), ii. 456.\n\n 1555 H. R. Schoolcraft, _Indian Tribes_, ii. 175.\n\n 1556 J. Macdonald, _Light in Africa_ (London, 1890), p. 209.\n\n 1557 Rev. J. Roscoe, in _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_,\n      xxxii. (1902) p. 59.\n\n 1558 A. C. Hollis, _The Nandi_, pp. 24 _sq._, 36. In these cases the harm\n      is thought to fall on the person who steps over, not on the thing\n      which is stepped over.\n\n 1559 Rev. J. H. Weeks, \u201cCustoms of the Lower Congo People,\u201d _Folk-lore_,\n      xx. (1909) p. 474.\n\n 1560 B. Gutmann, \u201cTrauer und Begr\u00e4bnissitten der Wadschagga,\u201d _Globus_,\n      lxxxix. (1906) p. 199.\n\n 1561 E. Aymonier, _Voyage dans le Laos_, i. (Paris, 1895) p. 144.\n\n 1562 C. Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_ (London, 1903), i. 435.\n\n 1563 E. M. Curr, _The Australian Race_, i. 50.\n\n 1564 A. W. Howitt, _Native Tribes of South-East Australia_, p. 402.\n\n 1565 Father Lambert, _M\u0153urs et superstitions des N\u00e9o-Cal\u00e9doniens_, pp.\n      192 _sq._\n\n 1566 P. von Stenin, \u201cDas Gewohnheitsrecht der Samojeden,\u201d _Globus_, lx.\n      (1891) p. 173.\n\n 1567 J. Richardson, in _Antananarivo Annual and Madagascar Magazine_,\n      _Reprint of the First Four Numbers_ (Antananarivo, 1885), p. 529;\n      _id._, _Reprint of the Second Four Numbers_ (Antananarivo, 1896), p.\n      296; J. Sibree, _The Great African Island_, p. 288; compare De\n      Flacourt, _Histoire de la grande isle Madagascar_ (Paris, 1658), p.\n      99.\n\n 1568 J. Mooney, \u201cMyths of the Cherokee,\u201d _Nineteenth Annual Report of the\n      Bureau of American Ethnology_, pt. i. (Washington, 1900) p. 424.\n\n 1569 H. A. Junod, \u201cLes Conceptions physiologiques des Bantou\n      sud-africains,\u201d _Revue d\u2019Ethnographie et de Sociologie_, i. (1910)\n      p. 138, note 3.\n\n 1570 F. S. Krauss, _Volksglaube und religi\u00f6ser Brauch der S\u00fcdslaven_, p.\n      52.\n\n 1571 See L. F. Sauv\u00e9, _Folk-lore des Hautes-Vosges_, p. 226, compare pp.\n      219 _sq._; E. Monseur, _Le Folk-lore Wallon_, p. 39; A. Wuttke, _Der\n      deutsche Volksaberglaube_,2 \u00a7 603; J. W. Wolf, _Beitr\u00e4ge zur\n      deutschen Mythologie_, i. p. 208, \u00a7 42; J. A. E. K\u00f6hler,\n      _Volksbrauch_, etc., _im Voigtlande_, p. 423; A. Kuhn und W.\n      Schwartz, _Norddeutsche Sagen, M\u00e4rchen und Gebr\u00e4uche_, p. 462, \u00a7\n      461; E. Krause, \u201cAbergl\u00e4ubische Kuren und sonstiger Aberglaube in\n      Berlin,\u201d _Zeitschrift f\u00fcr Ethnologie_, xv. (1883) p. 85; R. H.\n      Kaindl, _Die Huzulen_, p. 5; J. V. Grohmann, _Aberglauben und\n      Gebr\u00e4uche aus B\u00f6hmen und M\u00e4hren_, p. 109, \u00a7\u00a7 798, 799; Eij\u00fcb Ab\u00eala,\n      \u201cBeitr\u00e4ge zur Kenntniss abergl\u00e4ubischer Gebr\u00e4uche in Syrien,\u201d\n      _Zeitschrift des deutschen Pal\u00e4stina-Vereins_, vii. (1884) p. 81;\n      compare B. Chemali, \u201cNaissance et premier \u00e2ge au Liban,\u201d\n      _Anthropos_, v. (1910) p. 741.","title":"The Golden Bough: A Study in Magic and Religion (Third Edition, Vol. 03 of 12)","tradition":"myth-cosmogony","translated_text":null,"word_count":206083}