{"collection":"myth-cosmogony","full_text_available":true,"graph_url":"https://unchartedknowledge.5gfusion.net/v2/api/page/gutenberg_41923/graph","html_url":"https://unchartedknowledge.5gfusion.net/v2/page/gutenberg_41923","id":"gutenberg_41923","license":"Public Domain (US)","rights_basis":"gutenberg_metadata_copyright_false","source":"gutenberg","source_url":"https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/41923","summary":null,"tags":["Category: Archaeology & Anthropology","Category: Mythology, Legends & Folklore","Category: Religion/Spirituality","Magic","Mythology","Religion","Superstition"],"text":"The Golden Bough\n\n                      A Study in Magic and Religion\n\n                                    By\n\n               James George Frazer, D.C.L., LL.D., Litt.D.\n\n                   Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge\n\n     Professor of Social Anthropology in the University of Liverpool\n\n                             Vol. VI. of XII.\n\n                      Part IV: Adonis Attis Osiris.\n\n                               Vol. 2 of 2.\n\n                           New York and London\n\n                            MacMillan and Co.\n\n                                   1911\n\n\n\n\n\nCONTENTS\n\n\nChapter I. The Myth Of Osiris.\nChapter II. The Official Egyptian Calendar.\nChapter III. The Calendar of the Egyptian Farmer.\n   \u00a7 1. The Rise and Fall of the Nile.\n   \u00a7 2. Rites of Irrigation.\n   \u00a7 3. Rites of Sowing.\n   \u00a7 4. Rites of Harvest.\nChapter IV. The Official Festivals of Osiris.\n   \u00a7 1. The Festival at Sais.\n   \u00a7 2. Feasts of All Souls.\n   \u00a7 3. The Festival in the Month of Athyr.\n   \u00a7 4. The Festival in the Month of Khoiak.\n   \u00a7 5. The Resurrection of Osiris.\n   \u00a7 6. Readjustment of Egyptian Festivals.\nChapter V. The Nature of Osiris.\n   \u00a7 1. Osiris a Corn-God.\n   \u00a7 2. Osiris a Tree-Spirit.\n   \u00a7 3. Osiris a God of Fertility.\n   \u00a7 4. Osiris a God of the Dead.\nChapter VI. Isis.\nChapter VII. Osiris and the Sun.\nChapter VIII. Osiris and the Moon.\nChapter IX. The Doctrine of Lunar Sympathy.\nChapter X. The King As Osiris.\nChapter XI. The Origin of Osiris.\nChapter XII. Mother-Kin And Mother Goddesses.\n   \u00a7 1. Dying Gods and Mourning Goddesses.\n   \u00a7 2. Influence of Mother-Kin on Religion.\n   \u00a7 3. Mother-Kin and Mother Goddesses in the Ancient East.\nNotes.\n   I. Moloch The King.\n   II. The Widowed Flamen.\n      \u00a7 1. The Pollution of Death.\n      \u00a7 2. The Marriage of the Roman Gods.\n      \u00a7 3. Children of Living Parents in Ritual.\n   III. A Charm To Protect a Town.\n   IV. Some Customs Of The Pelew Islanders.\n      \u00a7 1. Priests dressed as Women.\n      \u00a7 2. Prostitution of Unmarried Girls.\n      \u00a7 3. Custom of slaying Chiefs.\nIndex.\nFootnotes\n\n\n\n\n\n\n                               [Cover Art]\n\n[Transcriber\u2019s Note: The above cover image was produced by the submitter\nat Distributed Proofreaders, and is being placed into the public domain.]\n\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER I. THE MYTH OF OSIRIS.\n\n\n(M1) In ancient Egypt the god whose death and resurrection were annually\ncelebrated with alternate sorrow and joy was Osiris, the most popular of\nall Egyptian deities; and there are good grounds for classing him in one\nof his aspects with Adonis and Attis as a personification of the great\nyearly vicissitudes of nature, especially of the corn. But the immense\nvogue which he enjoyed for many ages induced his devoted worshippers to\nheap upon him the attributes and powers of many other gods; so that it is\nnot always easy to strip him, so to say, of his borrowed plumes and to\nrestore them to their proper owners. In the following pages I do not\npretend to enumerate and analyse all the alien elements which thus\ngathered round the popular deity. All that I shall attempt to do is to\npeel off these accretions and to exhibit the god, as far as possible, in\nhis primitive simplicity. The discoveries of recent years in Egypt enable\nus to do so with more confidence now than when I first addressed myself to\nthe problem many years ago.\n\n(M2) The story of Osiris is told in a connected form only by Plutarch,\nwhose narrative has been confirmed and to some extent amplified in modern\ntimes by the evidence of the monuments.(1) Of the monuments which\nillustrate the myth or legend of Osiris the oldest are a long series of\nhymns, prayers, incantations, and liturgies, which have been found\nengraved in hieroglyphics on the walls, passages, and galleries of five\npyramids at Sakkara. From the place where they were discovered these\nancient religious records are known as the Pyramid Texts. They date from\nthe fifth and sixth dynasties, and the period of time during which they\nwere carved on the pyramids is believed to have been roughly a hundred and\nfifty years from about the year 2625 B.C. onward. But from their contents\nit appears that many of these documents were drawn up much earlier; for in\nsome of them there are references to works which have perished, and in\nothers there are political allusions which seem to show that the passages\ncontaining them must have been composed at a time when the Northern and\nSouthern Kingdoms were still independent and hostile states and had not\nyet coalesced into a single realm under the sway of one powerful monarch.\nAs the union of the kingdoms appears to have taken place about three\nthousand four hundred years before our era, the whole period covered by\nthe composition of the Pyramid Texts probably did not fall short of a\nthousand years. Thus the documents form the oldest body of religious\nliterature surviving to us from the ancient world, and occupy a place in\nthe history of Egyptian language and civilization like that which the\nVedic hymns and incantations occupy in the history of Aryan speech and\nculture.(2)\n\n(M3) The special purpose for which these texts were engraved on the\npyramids was to ensure the eternal life and felicity of the dead kings who\nslept beneath these colossal monuments. Hence the dominant note that\nsounds through them all is an insistent, a passionate protest against the\nreality of death: indeed the word death never occurs in the Pyramid Texts\nexcept to be scornfully denied or to be applied to an enemy. Again and\nagain the indomitable assurance is repeated that the dead man did not die\nbut lives. \u201cKing Teti has not died the death, he has become a glorious one\nin the horizon.\u201d \u201cHo! King Unis! Thou didst not depart dead, thou didst\ndepart living.\u201d \u201cThou hast departed that thou mightest live, thou hast not\ndeparted that thou mightest die.\u201d \u201cThou diest not.\u201d \u201cThis King Pepi dies\nnot.\u201d \u201cHave ye said that he would die? He dies not; this King Pepi lives\nfor ever.\u201d \u201cLive! Thou shalt not die.\u201d \u201cThou livest, thou livest, raise\nthee up.\u201d \u201cThou diest not, stand up, raise thee up.\u201d \u201cO lofty one among\nthe Imperishable Stars, thou perishest not eternally.\u201d(3) Thus for\nEgyptian kings death was swallowed up in victory; and through their tears\nEgyptian mourners might ask, like Christian mourners thousands of years\nafterwards, \u201cO death, where is thy sting? O grave, where is thy victory?\u201d\n\n(M4) Now it is significant that in these ancient documents, though the\nmyth or legend of Osiris is not set forth at length, it is often alluded\nto as if it were a matter of common knowledge. Hence we may legitimately\ninfer the great antiquity of the Osirian tradition in Egypt. Indeed so\nnumerous are the allusions to it in the Pyramid Texts that by their help\nwe could reconstruct the story in its main outlines even without the\nnarrative of Plutarch.(4) Thus the discovery of these texts has confirmed\nour belief in the accuracy and fidelity of the Greek writer, and we may\naccept his account with confidence even when it records incidents or\ndetails which have not yet been verified by a comparison with original\nEgyptian sources. The tragic tale runs thus:\n\n(M5) Osiris was the offspring of an intrigue between the earth-god Seb\n(Keb or Geb, as the name is sometimes transliterated) and the sky-goddess\nNut. The Greeks identified his parents with their own deities Cronus and\nRhea. When the sun-god Ra perceived that his wife Nut had been unfaithful\nto him, he declared with a curse that she should be delivered of the child\nin no month and no year. But the goddess had another lover, the god Thoth\nor Hermes, as the Greeks called him, and he playing at draughts with the\nmoon won from her a seventy-second part(5) of every day, and having\ncompounded five whole days out of these parts he added them to the\nEgyptian year of three hundred and sixty days. This was the mythical\norigin of the five supplementary days which the Egyptians annually\ninserted at the end of every year in order to establish a harmony between\nlunar and solar time.(6) On these five days, regarded as outside the year\nof twelve months, the curse of the sun-god did not rest, and accordingly\nOsiris was born on the first of them. At his nativity a voice rang out\nproclaiming that the Lord of All had come into the world. Some say that a\ncertain Pamyles heard a voice from the temple at Thebes bidding him\nannounce with a shout that a great king, the beneficent Osiris, was born.\nBut Osiris was not the only child of his mother. On the second of the\nsupplementary days she gave birth to the elder Horus, on the third to the\ngod Set, whom the Greeks called Typhon, on the fourth to the goddess Isis,\nand on the fifth to the goddess Nephthys.(7) Afterwards Set married his\nsister Nephthys, and Osiris married his sister Isis.\n\n(M6) Reigning as a king on earth, Osiris reclaimed the Egyptians from\nsavagery, gave them laws, and taught them to worship the gods. Before his\ntime the Egyptians had been cannibals. But Isis, the sister and wife of\nOsiris, discovered wheat and barley growing wild, and Osiris introduced\nthe cultivation of these grains amongst his people, who forthwith\nabandoned cannibalism and took kindly to a corn diet. Moreover, Osiris is\nsaid to have been the first to gather fruit from trees, to train the vine\nto poles, and to tread the grapes. Eager to communicate these beneficent\ndiscoveries to all mankind, he committed the whole government of Egypt to\nhis wife Isis, and travelled over the world, diffusing the blessings of\ncivilization and agriculture wherever he went. In countries where a harsh\nclimate or niggardly soil forbade the cultivation of the vine, he taught\nthe inhabitants to console themselves for the want of wine by brewing beer\nfrom barley. Loaded with the wealth that had been showered upon him by\ngrateful nations, he returned to Egypt, and on account of the benefits he\nhad conferred on mankind he was unanimously hailed and worshipped as a\ndeity.(8) But his brother Set (whom the Greeks called Typhon) with\nseventy-two others plotted against him. Having taken the measure of his\ngood brother\u2019s body by stealth, the bad brother Typhon fashioned and\nhighly decorated a coffer of the same size, and once when they were all\ndrinking and making merry he brought in the coffer and jestingly promised\nto give it to the one whom it should fit exactly. Well, they all tried one\nafter the other, but it fitted none of them. Last of all Osiris stepped\ninto it and lay down. On that the conspirators ran and slammed the lid\ndown on him, nailed it fast, soldered it with molten lead, and flung the\ncoffer into the Nile. This happened on the seventeenth day of the month\nAthyr, when the sun is in the sign of the Scorpion, and in the\neight-and-twentieth year of the reign or the life of Osiris. When Isis\nheard of it she sheared off a lock of her hair, put on mourning attire,\nand wandered disconsolately up and down, seeking the body.(9)\n\n(M7) By the advice of the god of wisdom she took refuge in the papyrus\nswamps of the Delta. Seven scorpions accompanied her in her flight. One\nevening when she was weary she came to the house of a woman, who, alarmed\nat the sight of the scorpions, shut the door in her face. Then one of the\nscorpions crept under the door and stung the child of the woman that he\ndied. But when Isis heard the mother\u2019s lamentation, her heart was touched,\nand she laid her hands on the child and uttered her powerful spells; so\nthe poison was driven out of the child and he lived. Afterwards Isis\nherself gave birth to a son in the swamps. She had conceived him while she\nfluttered in the form of a hawk over the corpse of her dead husband. The\ninfant was the younger Horus, who in his youth bore the name of\nHarpocrates, that is, the child Horus. Him Buto, the goddess of the north,\nhid from the wrath of his wicked uncle Set. Yet she could not guard him\nfrom all mishap; for one day when Isis came to her little son\u2019s\nhiding-place she found him stretched lifeless and rigid on the ground: a\nscorpion had stung him. Then Isis prayed to the sun-god Ra for help. The\ngod hearkened to her and staid his bark in the sky, and sent down Thoth to\nteach her the spell by which she might restore her son to life. She\nuttered the words of power, and straightway the poison flowed from the\nbody of Horus, air passed into him, and he lived. Then Thoth ascended up\ninto the sky and took his place once more in the bark of the sun, and the\nbright pomp passed onward jubilant.(10)\n\n(M8) Meantime the coffer containing the body of Osiris had floated down\nthe river and away out to sea, till at last it drifted ashore at Byblus,\non the coast of Syria. Here a fine _erica_-tree shot up suddenly and\nenclosed the chest in its trunk. The king of the country, admiring the\ngrowth of the tree, had it cut down and made into a pillar of his house;\nbut he did not know that the coffer with the dead Osiris was in it. Word\nof this came to Isis and she journeyed to Byblus, and sat down by the\nwell, in humble guise, her face wet with tears. To none would she speak\ntill the king\u2019s handmaidens came, and them she greeted kindly, and braided\ntheir hair, and breathed on them from her own divine body a wondrous\nperfume. But when the queen beheld the braids of her handmaidens\u2019 hair and\nsmelt the sweet smell that emanated from them, she sent for the stranger\nwoman and took her into her house and made her the nurse of her child. But\nIsis gave the babe her finger instead of her breast to suck, and at night\nshe began to burn all that was mortal of him away, while she herself in\nthe likeness of a swallow fluttered round the pillar that contained her\ndead brother, twittering mournfully. But the queen spied what she was\ndoing and shrieked out when she saw her child in flames, and thereby she\nhindered him from becoming immortal. Then the goddess revealed herself and\nbegged for the pillar of the roof, and they gave it her, and she cut the\ncoffer out of it, and fell upon it and embraced it and lamented so loud\nthat the younger of the king\u2019s children died of fright on the spot. But\nthe trunk of the tree she wrapped in fine linen, and poured ointment on\nit, and gave it to the king and queen, and the wood stands in a temple of\nIsis and is worshipped by the people of Byblus to this day. And Isis put\nthe coffer in a boat and took the eldest of the king\u2019s children with her\nand sailed away. As soon as they were alone, she opened the chest, and\nlaying her face on the face of her brother she kissed him and wept. But\nthe child came behind her softly and saw what she was about, and she\nturned and looked at him in anger, and the child could not bear her look\nand died; but some say that it was not so, but that he fell into the sea\nand was drowned. It is he whom the Egyptians sing of at their banquets\nunder the name of Maneros. But Isis put the coffer by and went to see her\nson Horus at the city of Buto, and Typhon found the coffer as he was\nhunting a boar one night by the light of a full moon.(11) And he knew the\nbody, and rent it into fourteen pieces, and scattered them abroad. But\nIsis sailed up and down the marshes in a shallop made of papyrus, looking\nfor the pieces; and that is why when people sail in shallops made of\npapyrus, the crocodiles do not hurt them, for they fear or respect the\ngoddess. And that is the reason, too, why there are many graves of Osiris\nin Egypt, for she buried each limb as she found it. But others will have\nit that she buried an image of him in every city, pretending it was his\nbody, in order that Osiris might be worshipped in many places, and that if\nTyphon searched for the real grave he might not be able to find it.(12)\nHowever, the genital member of Osiris had been eaten by the fishes, so\nIsis made an image of it instead, and the image is used by the Egyptians\nat their festivals to this day.(13) \u201cIsis,\u201d writes the historian Diodorus\nSiculus, \u201crecovered all the parts of the body except the genitals; and\nbecause she wished that her husband\u2019s grave should be unknown and honoured\nby all who dwell in the land of Egypt, she resorted to the following\ndevice. She moulded human images out of wax and spices, corresponding to\nthe stature of Osiris, round each one of the parts of his body. Then she\ncalled in the priests according to their families and took an oath of them\nall that they would reveal to no man the trust she was about to repose in\nthem. So to each of them privately she said that to them alone she\nentrusted the burial of the body, and reminding them of the benefits they\nhad received she exhorted them to bury the body in their own land and to\nhonour Osiris as a god. She also besought them to dedicate one of the\nanimals of their country, whichever they chose, and to honour it in life\nas they had formerly honoured Osiris, and when it died to grant it\nobsequies like his. And because she would encourage the priests in their\nown interest to bestow the aforesaid honours, she gave them a third part\nof the land to be used by them in the service and worship of the gods.\nAccordingly it is said that the priests, mindful of the benefits of\nOsiris, desirous of gratifying the queen, and moved by the prospect of\ngain, carried out all the injunctions of Isis. Wherefore to this day each\nof the priests imagines that Osiris is buried in his country, and they\nhonour the beasts that were consecrated in the beginning, and when the\nanimals die the priests renew at their burial the mourning for Osiris. But\nthe sacred bulls, the one called Apis and the other Mnevis, were dedicated\nto Osiris, and it was ordained that they should be worshipped as gods in\ncommon by all the Egyptians; since these animals above all others had\nhelped the discoverers of corn in sowing the seed and procuring the\nuniversal benefits of agriculture.\u201d(14)\n\n(M9) Such is the myth or legend of Osiris, as told by Greek writers and\neked out by more or less fragmentary notices or allusions in native\nEgyptian literature. A long inscription in the temple at Denderah has\npreserved a list of the god\u2019s graves, and other texts mention the parts of\nhis body which were treasured as holy relics in each of the sanctuaries.\nThus his heart was at Athribis, his backbone at Busiris, his neck at\nLetopolis, and his head at Memphis. As often happens in such cases, some\nof his divine limbs were miraculously multiplied. His head, for example,\nwas at Abydos as well as at Memphis, and his legs, which were remarkably\nnumerous, would have sufficed for several ordinary mortals.(15) In this\nrespect, however, Osiris was nothing to St. Denys, of whom no less than\nseven heads, all equally genuine, are extant.(16)\n\n(M10) According to native Egyptian accounts, which supplement that of\nPlutarch, when Isis had found the corpse of her husband Osiris, she and\nher sister Nephthys sat down beside it and uttered a lament which in after\nages became the type of all Egyptian lamentations for the dead. \u201cCome to\nthy house,\u201d they wailed, \u201cCome to thy house. O god On! come to thy house,\nthou who hast no foes. O fair youth, come to thy house, that thou mayest\nsee me. I am thy sister, whom thou lovest; thou shalt not part from me. O\nfair boy, come to thy house.... I see thee not, yet doth my heart yearn\nafter thee and mine eyes desire thee. Come to her who loves thee, who\nloves thee, Unnefer, thou blessed one! Come to thy sister, come to thy\nwife, to thy wife, thou whose heart stands still. Come to thy housewife. I\nam thy sister by the same mother, thou shalt not be far from me. Gods and\nmen have turned their faces towards thee and weep for thee together.... I\ncall after thee and weep, so that my cry is heard to heaven, but thou\nhearest not my voice; yet am I thy sister, whom thou didst love on earth;\nthou didst love none but me, my brother! my brother!\u201d(17) This lament for\nthe fair youth cut off in his prime reminds us of the laments for Adonis.\nThe title of Unnefer or \u201cthe Good Being\u201d bestowed on him marks the\nbeneficence which tradition universally ascribed to Osiris; it was at once\nhis commonest title and one of his names as king.(18)\n\n(M11) The lamentations of the two sad sisters were not in vain. In pity\nfor her sorrow the sun-god Ra sent down from heaven the jackal-headed god\nAnubis, who, with the aid of Isis and Nephthys, of Thoth and Horus, pieced\ntogether the broken body of the murdered god, swathed it in linen\nbandages, and observed all the other rites which the Egyptians were wont\nto perform over the bodies of the departed. Then Isis fanned the cold clay\nwith her wings: Osiris revived, and thenceforth reigned as king over the\ndead in the other world.(19) There he bore the titles of Lord of the\nUnderworld, Lord of Eternity, Ruler of the Dead.(20) There, too, in the\ngreat Hall of the Two Truths, assisted by forty-two assessors, one from\neach of the principal districts of Egypt, he presided as judge at the\ntrial of the souls of the departed, who made their solemn confession\nbefore him, and, their heart having been weighed in the balance of\njustice, received the reward of virtue in a life eternal or the\nappropriate punishment of their sins.(21) The confession or rather\nprofession which the _Book of the Dead_ puts in the mouth of the deceased\nat the judgment-bar of Osiris(22) sets the morality of the ancient\nEgyptians in a very favourable light. In rendering an account of his life\nthe deceased solemnly protested that he had not oppressed his fellow-men,\nthat he had made none to weep, that he had done no murder, neither\ncommitted fornication nor borne false witness, that he had not falsified\nthe balance, that he had not taken the milk from the mouths of babes, that\nhe had given bread to the hungry and water to the thirsty, and had clothed\nthe naked. In harmony with these professions are the epitaphs on Egyptian\ngraves, which reveal, if not the moral practice, at least the moral ideals\nof those who slept beneath them. Thus, for example, a man says in his\nepitaph: \u201cI gave bread to the hungry and clothes to the naked, and ferried\nacross in my own boat him who could not pass the water. I was a father to\nthe orphan, a husband to the widow, a shelter from the wind to them that\nwere cold. I am one that spake good and told good. I earned my substance\nin righteousness.\u201d(23) Those who had done thus in their mortal life and\nhad been acquitted at the Great Assize, were believed to dwell thenceforth\nat ease in a land where the corn grew higher than on earth, where harvests\nnever failed, where trees were always green, and wives for ever young and\nfair.(24)\n\n(M12) We are not clearly informed as to the fate which the Egyptians\nsupposed to befall the wicked after death. In the scenes which represent\nthe Last Judgment there is seen crouching beside the scales, in which the\nheart of the dead is being weighed, a monstrous animal known as the \u201cEater\nof the Dead.\u201d It has the head of a crocodile, the trunk of a lion, and the\nhinder parts of a hippopotamus. Some think that the souls of those whose\nhearts had been weighed in the balance and found wanting were delivered\nover to this grim monster to be devoured; but this view appears to be\nconjectural. \u201cGenerally the animal seems to have been placed there simply\nas guardian of the entrance to the Fields of the Blessed, but sometimes it\nis likened to Set. Elsewhere it is said that the judges of the dead slay\nthe wicked and drink their blood. In brief, here also we have conflicting\nstatements, and can only gather that there seems to have been no general\nagreement among the dwellers in the Valley of the Nile as to the ultimate\nlot of the wicked.\u201d(25)\n\n(M13) In the resurrection of Osiris the Egyptians saw the pledge of a life\neverlasting for themselves beyond the grave. They believed that every man\nwould live eternally in the other world if only his surviving friends did\nfor his body what the gods had done for the body of Osiris. Hence the\nceremonies observed by the Egyptians over the human dead were an exact\ncopy of those which Anubis, Horus, and the rest had performed over the\ndead god. \u201cAt every burial there was enacted a representation of the\ndivine mystery which had been performed of old over Osiris, when his son,\nhis sisters, his friends were gathered round his mangled remains and\nsucceeded by their spells and manipulations in converting his broken body\ninto the first mummy, which they afterwards reanimated and furnished with\nthe means of entering on a new individual life beyond the grave. The mummy\nof the deceased was Osiris; the professional female mourners were his two\nsisters Isis and Nephthys; Anubis, Horus, all the gods of the Osirian\nlegend gathered about the corpse.\u201d In this solemn drama of death and\nresurrection the principal part was played by the celebrant, who\nrepresented Horus the son of the dead and resuscitated Osiris.(26) He\nformally opened the eyes and mouth of the dead man by rubbing or\npretending to rub them four times with the bleeding heart and thigh of a\nsacrificed bull; after which a pretence was made of actually opening the\nmouth of the mummy or of the statue with certain instruments specially\nreserved for the purpose. Geese and gazelles were also sacrificed by being\ndecapitated; they were supposed to represent the enemies of Osiris, who\nafter the murder of the divine man had sought to evade the righteous\npunishment of their crime but had been detected and beheaded.(27)\n\n(M14) Thus every dead Egyptian was identified with Osiris and bore his\nname. From the Middle Kingdom onwards it was the regular practice to\naddress the deceased as \u201cOsiris So-and-So,\u201d as if he were the god himself,\nand to add the standing epithet \u201ctrue of speech,\u201d because true speech was\ncharacteristic of Osiris.(28) The thousands of inscribed and pictured\ntombs that have been opened in the valley of the Nile prove that the\nmystery of the resurrection was performed for the benefit of every dead\nEgyptian;(29) as Osiris died and rose again from the dead, so all men\nhoped to arise like him from death to life eternal. In an Egyptian text it\nis said of the departed that \u201cas surely as Osiris lives, so shall he live\nalso; as surely as Osiris did not die, so shall he not die; as surely as\nOsiris is not annihilated, so shall he too not be annihilated.\u201d The dead\nman, conceived to be lying, like Osiris, with mangled body, was comforted\nby being told that the heavenly goddess Nut, the mother of Osiris, was\ncoming to gather up his poor scattered limbs and mould them with her own\nhands into a form immortal and divine. \u201cShe gives thee thy head, she\nbrings thee thy bones, she sets thy limbs together and puts thy heart in\nthy body.\u201d Thus the resurrection of the dead was conceived, like that of\nOsiris, not merely as spiritual but also as bodily. \u201cThey possess their\nheart, they possess their senses, they possess their mouth, they possess\ntheir feet, they possess their arms, they possess all their limbs.\u201d(30)\n\n(M15) If we may trust Egyptian legend, the trials and contests of the\nroyal house did not cease with the restoration of Osiris to life and his\nelevation to the rank of presiding deity in the world of the dead. When\nHorus the younger, the son of Osiris and Isis, was grown to man\u2019s estate,\nthe ghost of his royal and murdered father appeared to him and urged him,\nlike another Hamlet, to avenge the foul unnatural murder upon his wicked\nuncle. Thus encouraged, the youth attacked the miscreant. The combat was\nterrific and lasted many days. Horus lost an eye in the conflict and Set\nsuffered a still more serious mutilation. At last Thoth parted the\ncombatants and healed their wounds; the eye of Horus he restored by\nspitting on it. According to one account the great battle was fought on\nthe twenty-sixth day of the month of Thoth. Foiled in open war, the artful\nuncle now took the law of his virtuous nephew. He brought a suit of\nbastardy against Horus, hoping thus to rob him of his inheritance and to\nget possession of it himself; nay, not content with having murdered his\ngood brother, the unnatural Set carried his rancour even beyond the grave\nby accusing the dead Osiris of certain high crimes and misdemeanours. The\ncase was tried before the supreme court of the gods in the great hall at\nHeliopolis. Thoth, the god of wisdom, pleaded the cause of Osiris, and the\naugust judges decided that \u201cthe word of Osiris was true.\u201d Moreover, they\npronounced Horus to be the true-begotten son of his father. So that prince\nassumed the crown and mounted the throne of the lamented Osiris. However,\naccording to another and perhaps later version of the story, the victory\nof Horus over his uncle was by no means so decisive, and their struggles\nended in a compromise, by which Horus reigned over the Delta, while Set\nbecame king of the upper valley of the Nile from near Memphis to the first\ncataract. Be that as it may, with the accession of Horus began for the\nEgyptians the modern period of the world, for on his throne all the kings\nof Egypt sat as his successors.(31)\n\n(M16) These legends of a contest for the throne of Egypt may perhaps\ncontain a reminiscence of real dynastical struggles which attended an\nattempt to change the right of succession from the female to the male\nline. For under a rule of female kinship the heir to the throne is either\nthe late king\u2019s brother, or the son of the late king\u2019s sister, while under\na rule of male kinship the heir to the throne is the late king\u2019s son. In\nthe legend of Osiris the rival heirs are Set and Horus, Set being the late\nking\u2019s brother, and Horus the late king\u2019s son; though Horus indeed united\nboth claims to the crown, being the son of the king\u2019s sister as well as of\nthe king. A similar attempt to shift the line of succession seems to have\ngiven rise to similar contests at Rome.(32)\n\n(M17) Thus according to what seems to have been the general native\ntradition Osiris was a good and beloved king of Egypt, who suffered a\nviolent death but rose from the dead and was henceforth worshipped as a\ndeity. In harmony with this tradition he was regularly represented by\nsculptors and painters in human and regal form as a dead king, swathed in\nthe wrappings of a mummy, but wearing on his head a kingly crown and\ngrasping in one of his hands, which were left free from the bandages, a\nkingly sceptre.(33) Two cities above all others were associated with his\nmyth or memory. One of them was Busiris in Lower Egypt, which claimed to\npossess his backbone; the other was Abydos in Upper Egypt, which gloried\nin the possession of his head.(34) Encircled by the nimbus of the dead yet\nliving god, Abydos, originally an obscure place, became from the end of\nthe Old Kingdom the holiest spot in Egypt; his tomb there would seem to\nhave been to the Egyptians what the Church of the Holy Sepulchre at\nJerusalem is to Christians. It was the wish of every pious man that his\ndead body should rest in hallowed earth near the grave of the glorified\nOsiris. Few indeed were rich enough to enjoy this inestimable privilege;\nfor, apart from the cost of a tomb in the sacred city, the mere transport\nof mummies from great distances was both difficult and expensive. Yet so\neager were many to absorb in death the blessed influence which radiated\nfrom the holy sepulchre that they caused their surviving friends to convey\ntheir mortal remains to Abydos, there to tarry for a short time, and then\nto be brought back by river and interred in the tombs which had been made\nready for them in their native land. Others had cenotaphs built or\nmemorial tablets erected for themselves near the tomb of their dead and\nrisen Lord, that they might share with him the bliss of a joyful\nresurrection.(35)\n\n(M18) Hence from the earliest ages of Egyptian history Abydos would seem\nto have been a city of the dead rather than of the living; certainly there\nis no evidence that the place was ever of any political importance.(36) No\nless than nine of the most ancient kings of Egypt known to us were buried\nhere, for their tombs have been discovered and explored within recent\nyears.(37) The royal necropolis lies on the edge of the desert about a\nmile and a half from the temple of Osiris.(38) Of the graves the oldest is\nthat of King Khent, the second or third king of the first dynasty. His\nreign, which fell somewhere between three thousand four hundred and three\nthousand two hundred years before our era, seems to have marked an epoch\nin the history of Egypt, for under him the costume, the figure drawing,\nand the hieroglyphics all assumed the character which they thenceforth\npreserved to the very end of Egyptian nationality.(39) Later ages\nidentified him with Osiris in a more intimate sense than that in which the\ndivine title was lavished on every dead king and indeed on every dead man;\nfor his tomb was actually converted into the tomb of Osiris and as such\nreceived in great profusion the offerings of the faithful. Somewhere\nbetween the twenty-second and the twenty-sixth dynasty a massive bier of\ngrey granite was placed in the sepulchral chamber. On it, cut in high\nrelief, reposes a shrouded figure of the dead Osiris. He lies at full\nlength, with bare and upturned face. On his head is the White Crown of\nUpper Egypt; in his hands, which issue from the shroud, he holds the\ncharacteristic emblems of the god, the sceptre and the scourge. At the\nfour corners of the bier are perched four hawks, representing the four\nchildren of Horus, each with their father\u2019s banner, keeping watch over the\ndead god, as they kept watch over the four quarters of the world. A fifth\nhawk seems to have been perched on the middle of the body of Osiris, but\nit had been broken off before the tomb was discovered in recent years, for\nonly the bird\u2019s claws remain in position. Finely carved heads of lions,\none at each corner of the bier, with the claws to match below, complete\nthe impressive monument. The scene represented is unquestionably the\nimpregnation of Isis in the form of a hawk by the dead Osiris; the Copts\nwho dismantled the shrine appear to have vented their pious rage on the\nfigure of the hawk Isis by carrying it off or smashing it. If any doubt\ncould exist as to the meaning of these sculptured figures, it would be set\nat rest by the ancient inscriptions attached to them. Over against the\nright shoulder of the shrouded figure, who lies stretched on the bier, are\ncarved in hieroglyphics the words, \u201cOsiris, the Good Being, true of\nspeech\u201d; and over against the place where the missing hawk perched on the\nbody of the dead god is carved the symbol of Isis. Two relics of the\nancient human occupants of the tomb escaped alike the fury of the fanatics\nand the avarice of the plunderers who pillaged and destroyed it. One of\nthe relics is a human skull, from which the lower jawbone is missing; the\nother is an arm encircled by gorgeous jewelled bracelets of gold,\nturquoises, amethysts, and dark purple lapis lazuli. The former may be the\nhead of King Khent himself; the latter is almost certainly the arm of his\nqueen. One of the bracelets is composed of alternate plaques of gold and\nturquoise, each ornamented with the figure of a hawk perched on the top of\nit.(40) The hawk was the sacred bird or crest of the earliest dynasties of\nEgyptian kings. The figure of a hawk was borne before the king as a\nstandard on solemn occasions: the oldest capital of the country known to\nus was called Hawk-town: there the kings of the first dynasty built a\ntemple to the hawk: there in modern times has been found a splendid golden\nhead of a hawk dating from the Ancient Empire; and on the life-like statue\nof King Chephren of the third dynasty we see a hawk with out-spread wings\nprotecting the back of the monarch\u2019s head. From the earliest to the latest\ntimes of Egyptian civilization \u201cthe Hawk\u201d was the epithet of the king of\nEgypt and of the king alone; it took the first place in the list of his\ntitles.(41) The sanctity of the bird may help us to understand why Isis\ntook the form of a hawk in order to mate with her dead husband; why the\nqueen of Egypt wore on her arm a bracelet adorned with golden hawks; and\nwhy in the holy sepulchre the four sons of Horus were represented in the\nlikeness of hawks keeping watch over the effigy of their divine\ngrandfather.(42)\n\n(M19) The legend recorded by Plutarch which associated the dead Osiris\nwith Byblus in Phoenicia(43) is doubtless late and probably untrustworthy.\nIt may have been suggested by the resemblance which the worship of the\nEgyptian Osiris bore to the worship of the Phoenician Adonis in that city.\nBut it is possible that the story has no deeper foundation than a verbal\nmisunderstanding. For Byblus is not only the name of a city, it is the\nGreek word for papyrus; and as Isis is said after the death of Osiris to\nhave taken refuge in the papyrus swamps of the Delta, where she gave birth\nto and reared her son Horus, a Greek writer may perhaps have confused the\nplant with the city of the same name.(44) However that may have been, the\nassociation of Osiris with Adonis at Byblus gave rise to a curious tale.\nIt is said that every year the people beyond the rivers of Ethiopia used\nto write a letter to the women of Byblus informing them that the lost and\nlamented Adonis was found. This letter they enclosed in an earthen pot,\nwhich they sealed and sent floating down the river to the sea. The waves\ncarried the pot to Byblus, where every year it arrived at the time when\nthe Syrian women were weeping for their dead Lord. The pot was taken up\nfrom the water and opened: the letter was read; and the weeping women\ndried their tears, because the lost Adonis was found.(45)\n\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER II. THE OFFICIAL EGYPTIAN CALENDAR.\n\n\n(M20) A useful clue to the original nature of a god or goddess is often\nfurnished by the season at which his or her festival is celebrated. Thus,\nif the festival falls at the new or the full moon, there is a certain\npresumption that the deity thus honoured either is the moon or at least\nhas lunar affinities. If the festival is held at the winter or summer\nsolstice, we naturally surmise that the god is the sun, or at all events\nthat he stands in some close relation to that luminary. Again, if the\nfestival coincides with the time of sowing or harvest, we are inclined to\ninfer that the divinity is an embodiment of the earth or of the corn.\nThese presumptions or inferences, taken by themselves, are by no means\nconclusive; but if they happen to be confirmed by other indications, the\nevidence may be regarded as fairly strong.\n\n(M21) Unfortunately, in dealing with the Egyptian gods we are in a great\nmeasure precluded from making use of this clue. The reason is not that the\ndates of the festivals are always unknown, but that they shifted from year\nto year, until after a long interval they had revolved through the whole\ncourse of the seasons. This gradual revolution of the festal Egyptian\ncycle resulted from the employment of a calendar year which neither\ncorresponded exactly to the solar year nor was periodically corrected by\nintercalation.(46) The solar year is equivalent to about three hundred and\nsixty-five and a quarter days; but the ancient Egyptians, ignoring the\nquarter of a day, reckoned the year at three hundred and sixty-five days\nonly.(47) Thus each of their calendar years was shorter than the true\nsolar year by about a quarter of a day. In four years the deficiency\namounted to one whole day; in forty years it amounted to ten days; in four\nhundred years it amounted to a hundred days; and so it went on increasing\nuntil after a lapse of four times three hundred and sixty-five, or one\nthousand four hundred and sixty solar years, the deficiency amounted to\nthree hundred and sixty-five days, or a whole Egyptian year. Hence one\nthousand four hundred and sixty solar years, or their equivalent, one\nthousand four hundred and sixty-one Egyptian years, formed a period or\ncycle at the end of which the Egyptian festivals returned to those points\nof the solar year at which they had been celebrated in the beginning.(48)\nIn the meantime they had been held successively on every day of the solar\nyear, though always on the same day of the calendar.\n\n(M22) Thus the official calendar was completely divorced, except at rare\nand long intervals, from what may be called the natural calendar of the\nshepherd, the husbandman, and the sailor\u2014that is, from the course of the\nseasons in which the times for the various labours of cattle-breeding,\ntillage, and navigation are marked by the position of the sun in the sky,\nthe rising or setting of the stars, the fall of rain, the growth of\npasture, the ripening of the corn, the blowing of certain winds, and so\nforth. Nowhere, perhaps, are the events of this natural calendar better\nmarked or more regular in their recurrence than in Egypt; nowhere\naccordingly could their divergence from the corresponding dates of the\nofficial calendar be more readily observed. The divergence certainly did\nnot escape the notice of the Egyptians themselves, and some of them\napparently attempted successfully to correct it. Thus we are told that the\nTheban priests, who particularly excelled in astronomy, were acquainted\nwith the true length of the solar year, and harmonized the calendar with\nit by intercalating a day every few, probably every four, years.(49) But\nthis scientific improvement was too deeply opposed to the religious\nconservatism of the Egyptian nature to win general acceptance. \u201cThe\nEgyptians,\u201d said Geminus, a Greek astronomer writing about 77 B.C., \u201care\nof an opposite opinion and purpose from the Greeks. For they neither\nreckon the years by the sun nor the months and days by the moon, but they\nobserve a peculiar system of their own. They wish, in fact, that the\nsacrifices should not always be offered to the gods at the same time of\nthe year, but that they should pass through all the seasons of the year,\nso that the summer festival should in time be celebrated in winter, in\nautumn, and in spring. For that purpose they employ a year of three\nhundred and sixty-five days, composed of twelve months of thirty days\neach, with five supplementary days added. But they do not add the quarter\nof a day for the reason I have given\u2014namely, in order that their festivals\nmay revolve.\u201d(50) So attached, indeed, were the Egyptians to their old\ncalendar, that the kings at their consecration were led by the priest of\nIsis at Memphis into the holy of holies, and there made to swear that they\nwould maintain the year of three hundred and sixty-five days without\nintercalation.(51)\n\n(M23) The practical inconvenience of a calendar which marked true time\nonly once in about fifteen hundred years might be calmly borne by a\nsubmissive Oriental race like the ancient Egyptians, but it naturally\nproved a stumbling-block to the less patient temperament of their European\nconquerors. Accordingly in the reign of King Ptolemy III. Euergetes a\ndecree was passed that henceforth the movable Egyptian year should be\nconverted into a fixed solar year by the intercalation of one day at the\nend of every four years, \u201cin order that the seasons may do their duty\nperpetually according to the present constitution of the world, and that\nit may not happen, through the shifting of the star by one day in four\nyears, that some of the public festivals which are now held in the winter\nshould ever be celebrated in the summer, and that other festivals now held\nin the summer should hereafter be celebrated in the winter, as has\nhappened before, and must happen again if the year of three hundred and\nsixty-five days be retained.\u201d The decree was passed in the year 239 or 238\nB.C. by the high priests, scribes, and other dignitaries of the Egyptian\nchurch assembled in convocation at Canopus; but we cannot doubt that the\nmeasure, though it embodied native Egyptian science, was prompted by the\nking or his Macedonian advisers.(52) This sage attempt to reform the\nerratic calendar was not permanently successful. The change may indeed\nhave been carried out during the reign of the king who instituted it, but\nit was abandoned by the year 196 B.C. at latest, as we learn from the\ncelebrated inscription known as the Rosetta stone, in which a month of the\nMacedonian calendar is equated to the corresponding month of the movable\nEgyptian year.(53) And the testimony of Geminus, which I have cited,\nproves that in the following century the festivals were still revolving in\nthe old style.\n\n(M24) The reform which the Macedonian king had vainly attempted to impose\nupon his people was accomplished by the practical Romans when they took\nover the administration of the country. The expedient by which they\neffected the change was a simple one; indeed it was no other than that to\nwhich Ptolemy Euergetes had resorted for the same purpose. They merely\nintercalated one day at the end of every four years, thus equalizing\nwithin a small fraction four calendar years to four solar years.\nHenceforth the official and the natural calendars were in practical\nagreement. The movable Egyptian year had been converted into the fixed\nAlexandrian year, as it was called, which agreed with the Julian year in\nlength and in its system of intercalation, though it differed from that\nyear in retaining the twelve equal Egyptian months and five supplementary\ndays.(54) But while the new calendar received the sanction of law and\nregulated the business of government, the ancient calendar was too firmly\nestablished in popular usage to be at once displaced. Accordingly it\nsurvived for ages side by side with its modern rival.(55) The spread of\nChristianity, which required a fixed year for the due observance of its\nfestivals, did much to promote the adoption of the new Alexandrian style,\nand by the beginning of the fifth century the ancient movable year of\nEgypt appears to have been not only dead but forgotten.(56)\n\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER III. THE CALENDAR OF THE EGYPTIAN FARMER.\n\n\n\n\n\u00a7 1. The Rise and Fall of the Nile.\n\n\n(M25) If the Egyptian farmer of the olden time could thus get no help,\nexcept at the rarest intervals, from the official or sacerdotal calendar,\nhe must have been compelled to observe for himself those natural signals\nwhich marked the times for the various operations of husbandry. In all\nages of which we possess any records the Egyptians have been an\nagricultural people, dependent for their subsistence on the growth of the\ncorn. The cereals which they cultivated were wheat, barley, and apparently\nsorghum (_Holcus sorghum_, Linnaeus), the _doora_ of the modern\nfellaheen.(57) Then as now the whole country, with the exception of a\nfringe on the coast of the Mediterranean, was almost rainless, and owed\nits immense fertility entirely to the annual inundation of the Nile,\nwhich, regulated by an elaborate system of dams and canals, was\ndistributed over the fields, renewing the soil year by year with a fresh\ndeposit of mud washed down from the great equatorial lakes and the\nmountains of Abyssinia. Hence the rise of the river has always been\nwatched by the inhabitants with the utmost anxiety; for if it either falls\nshort of or exceeds a certain height, dearth and famine are the inevitable\nconsequences.(58) The water begins to rise early in June, but it is not\nuntil the latter half of July that it swells to a mighty tide. By the end\nof September the inundation is at its greatest height. The country is now\nsubmerged, and presents the appearance of a sea of turbid water, from\nwhich the towns and villages, built on higher ground, rise like islands.\nFor about a month the flood remains nearly stationary, then sinks more and\nmore rapidly, till by December or January the river has returned to its\nordinary bed. With the approach of summer the level of the water continues\nto fall. In the early days of June the Nile is reduced to half its\nordinary breadth; and Egypt, scorched by the sun, blasted by the wind that\nhas blown from the Sahara for many days, seems a mere continuation of the\ndesert. The trees are choked with a thick layer of grey dust. A few meagre\npatches of vegetables, watered with difficulty, struggle painfully for\nexistence in the immediate neighbourhood of the villages. Some appearance\nof verdure lingers beside the canals and in the hollows from which the\nmoisture has not wholly evaporated. The plain appears to pant in the\npitiless sunshine, bare, dusty, ash-coloured, cracked and seamed as far as\nthe eye can see with a network of fissures. From the middle of April till\nthe middle of June the land of Egypt is but half alive, waiting for the\nnew Nile.(59)\n\n(M26) For countless ages this cycle of natural events has determined the\nannual labours of the Egyptian husbandman. The first work of the\nagricultural year is the cutting of the dams which have hitherto prevented\nthe swollen river from flooding the canals and the fields. This is done,\nand the pent-up waters released on their beneficent mission, in the first\nhalf of August.(60) In November, when the inundation has subsided, wheat,\nbarley, and sorghum are sown. The time of harvest varies with the\ndistrict, falling about a month later in the north than in the south. In\nUpper or Southern Egypt barley is reaped at the beginning of March, wheat\nat the beginning of April, and sorghum about the end of that month.(61)\n\n(M27) It is natural to suppose that these various events of the\nagricultural year were celebrated by the Egyptian farmer with some simple\nreligious rites designed to secure the blessing of the gods upon his\nlabours. These rustic ceremonies he would continue to perform year after\nyear at the same season, while the solemn festivals of the priests\ncontinued to shift, with the shifting calendar, from summer through spring\nto winter, and so backward through autumn to summer. The rites of the\nhusbandman were stable because they rested on direct observation of\nnature: the rites of the priest were unstable because they were based on a\nfalse calculation. Yet many of the priestly festivals may have been\nnothing but the old rural festivals disguised in the course of ages by the\npomp of sacerdotalism and severed, by the error of the calendar, from\ntheir roots in the natural cycle of the seasons.\n\n\n\n\n\u00a7 2. Rites of Irrigation.\n\n\n(M28) These conjectures are confirmed by the little we know both of the\npopular and of the official Egyptian religion. Thus we are told that the\nEgyptians held a festival of Isis at the time when the Nile began to rise.\nThey believed that the goddess was then mourning for the lost Osiris, and\nthat the tears which dropped from her eyes swelled the impetuous tide of\nthe river.(62) Hence in Egyptian inscriptions Isis is spoken of as she\n\u201cwho maketh the Nile to swell and overflow, who maketh the Nile to swell\nin his season.\u201d(63) Similarly the Toradjas of Central Celebes imagine that\nshowers of rain are the tears shed by the compassionate gods in weeping\nfor somebody who is about to die; a shower in the morning is to them an\ninfallible omen of death.(64) However, an uneasy suspicion would seem to\nhave occurred to the Egyptians that perhaps after all the tears of the\ngoddess might not suffice of themselves to raise the water to the proper\nlevel; so in the time of Rameses II. the king used on the first day of the\nflood to throw into the Nile a written order commanding the river to do\nits duty, and the submissive stream never failed to obey the royal\nmandate.(65) Yet the ancient belief survives in a modified form to this\nday. For the Nile, as we saw, begins to rise in June about the time of the\nsummer solstice, and the people still attribute its increased volume to a\nmiraculous drop which falls into the river on the night of the seventeenth\nof the month. The charms and divinations which they practise on that\nmystic night in order to ascertain the length of their own life and to rid\nthe houses of bugs may well date from a remote antiquity.(66) Now if\nOsiris was in one of his aspects a god of the corn, nothing could be more\nnatural than that he should be mourned at midsummer. For by that time the\nharvest was past, the fields were bare, the river ran low, life seemed to\nbe suspended, the corn-god was dead. At such a moment people who saw the\nhandiwork of divine beings in all the operations of nature might well\ntrace the swelling of the sacred stream to the tears shed by the goddess\nat the death of the beneficent corn-god her husband.\n\n(M29) And the sign of the rising waters on earth was accompanied by a sign\nin heaven. For in the early days of Egyptian history, some three or four\nthousand years before the beginning of our era, the splendid star of\nSirius, the brightest of all the fixed stars, appeared at dawn in the east\njust before sunrise about the time of the summer solstice, when the Nile\nbegins to rise.(67) The Egyptians called it Sothis, and regarded it as the\nstar of Isis,(68) just as the Babylonians deemed the planet Venus the star\nof Astarte. To both peoples apparently the brilliant luminary in the\nmorning sky seemed the goddess of life and love come to mourn her departed\nlover or spouse and to wake him from the dead. Hence the rising of Sirius\nmarked the beginning of the sacred Egyptian year,(69) and was regularly\ncelebrated by a festival which did not shift with the shifting official\nyear.(70) The first day of the first month Thoth was theoretically\nsupposed to date from the heliacal rising of the bright star, and in all\nprobability it really did so when the official or civil year of three\nhundred and sixty-five days was first instituted. But the miscalculation\nwhich has been already explained(71) had the effect of making the star to\nshift its place in the calendar by one day in four years. Thus if Sirius\nrose on the first of Thoth in one year, it would rise on the second of\nThoth four years afterwards, on the third of Thoth eight years afterwards,\nand so on until after the lapse of a Siriac or Sothic period of fourteen\nhundred and sixty solar years the first of Thoth again coincided with the\nheliacal rising of Sirius.(72) This observation of the gradual\ndisplacement of the star in the calendar has been of the utmost importance\nfor the progress of astronomy, since it led the Egyptians directly to the\ndetermination of the approximately true length of the solar year and thus\nlaid the basis of our modern calendar; for the Julian calendar, which we\nowe to Caesar, was founded on the Egyptian theory, though not on the\nEgyptian practice.(73) It was therefore a fortunate moment for the world\nwhen some pious Egyptian, thousands of years ago, identified for the first\ntime the bright star of Sirius with his goddess; for the identification\ninduced his countrymen to regard the heavenly body with an attention which\nthey would never have paid to it if they had known it to be nothing but a\nworld vastly greater than our own and separated from it by an\ninconceivable, if not immeasurable, abyss of space.\n\n(M30) The cutting of the dams and the admission of the water into the\ncanals and fields is a great event in the Egyptian year. At Cairo the\noperation generally takes place between the sixth and the sixteenth of\nAugust, and till lately was attended by ceremonies which deserve to be\nnoticed, because they were probably handed down from antiquity. An ancient\ncanal, known by the name of the Khal\u00edj, formerly passed through the native\ntown of Cairo. Near its entrance the canal was crossed by a dam of earth,\nvery broad at the bottom and diminishing in breadth upwards, which used to\nbe constructed before or soon after the Nile began to rise. In front of\nthe dam, on the side of the river, was reared a truncated cone of earth\ncalled the _\u2019arooseh_ or \u201cbride,\u201d on the top of which a little maize or\nmillet was generally sown. This \u201cbride\u201d was commonly washed down by the\nrising tide a week or a fortnight before the cutting of the dam. Tradition\nruns that the old custom was to deck a young virgin in gay apparel and\nthrow her into the river as a sacrifice to obtain a plentiful\ninundation.(74) Certainly human sacrifices were offered for a similar\npurpose by the Wajagga of German East Africa down to recent years. These\npeople irrigate their fields by means of skilfully constructed channels,\nthrough which they conduct the water of the mountain brooks and rivers to\nthe thirsty land. They imagine that the spirits of their forefathers dwell\nin the rocky basins of these rushing streams, and that they would resent\nthe withdrawal of the water to irrigate the fields if compensation were\nnot offered to them. The water-rate paid to them consisted of a child,\nuncircumcised and of unblemished body, who was decked with ornaments and\nbells and thrown into the river to drown, before they ventured to draw off\nthe water into the irrigation channel. Having thrown him in, his\nexecutioners shewed a clean pair of heels, because they expected the river\nto rise in flood at once on receipt of the water-rate.(75) In similar\ncircumstances the Njamus of British East Africa sacrifice a sheep before\nthey let the water of the stream flow into the ditch or artificial\nchannel. The fat, dung, and blood of the animal are sprinkled at the mouth\nof the ditch and in the water; thereupon the dam is broken down and the\nstream pours into the ditch. The sacrifice may only be offered by a man of\nthe Il Mayek clan, and for two days afterwards he wears the skin of the\nbeast tied round his head. No one may quarrel with this man while the\nwater is irrigating the crops, else the people believe that the water\nwould cease to flow in the ditch; more than that, if the men of the Il\nMayek clan were angry and sulked for ten days, the water would dry up\npermanently for that season. Hence the Il Mayek clan enjoys great\nconsideration in the tribe, since the crops are thought to depend on their\ngood will and good offices. Ten elders assist at the sacrifice of the\nsheep, though they may take no part in it. They must all be of a\nparticular age; and after the ceremony they may not cohabit with their\nwives until harvest, and they are obliged to sleep at night in their\ngranaries. Curiously enough, too, while the water is irrigating the\nfields, nobody may kill waterbuck, eland, oryx, zebra, rhinoceros, or\nhippopotamus. Anybody caught red-handed in the act of breaking this\ngame-law would at once be cast out of the village.(76)\n\n(M31) Whether the \u201cbride\u201d who used to figure at the ceremony of cutting\nthe dam in Cairo was ever a live woman or not, the intention of the\npractice appears to have been to marry the river, conceived as a male\npower, to his bride the corn-land, which was soon to be fertilized by his\nwater. The ceremony was therefore a charm to ensure the growth of the\ncrops. As such it probably dated, in one form or another, from ancient\ntimes. Dense crowds assembled to witness the cutting of the dam. The\noperation was performed before sunrise, and many people spent the\npreceding night on the banks of the canal or in boats lit with lamps on\nthe river, while fireworks were displayed and guns discharged at frequent\nintervals. Before sunrise a great number of workmen began to cut the dam,\nand the task was accomplished about an hour before the sun appeared on the\nhorizon. When only a thin ridge of earth remained, a boat with an officer\non board was propelled against it, and breaking through the slight barrier\ndescended with the rush of water into the canal. The Governor of Cairo\nflung a purse of gold into the boat as it passed. Formerly the custom was\nto throw money into the canal. The populace used to dive after it, and\nseveral lives were generally lost in the scramble.(77) This practice also\nwould seem to have been ancient, for Seneca tells us that at a place\ncalled the Veins of the Nile, not far from Philae, the priests used to\ncast money and offerings of gold into the river at a festival which\napparently took place at the rising of the water.(78) At Cairo the\ntime-honoured ceremony came to an end in 1897, when the old canal was\nfilled up. An electric tramway now runs over the spot where for countless\nages crowds of worshippers or holiday-makers had annually assembled to\nwitness the marriage of the Nile.(79)\n\n\n\n\n\u00a7 3. Rites of Sowing.\n\n\n(M32) The next great operation of the agricultural year in Egypt is the\nsowing of the seed in November, when the water of the inundation has\nretreated from the fields. With the Egyptians, as with many peoples of\nantiquity, the committing of the seed to the earth assumed the character\nof a solemn and mournful rite. On this subject I will let Plutarch speak\nfor himself. \u201cWhat,\u201d he asks, \u201care we to make of the gloomy, joyless, and\nmournful sacrifices, if it is wrong either to omit the established rites\nor to confuse and disturb our conceptions of the gods by absurd\nsuspicions? For the Greeks also perform many rites which resemble those of\nthe Egyptians and are observed about the same time. Thus at the festival\nof the Thesmophoria in Athens women sit on the ground and fast. And the\nBoeotians open the vaults of the Sorrowful One,(80) naming that festival\nsorrowful because Demeter is sorrowing for the descent of the Maiden. The\nmonth is the month of sowing about the setting of the Pleiades.(81) The\nEgyptians call it Athyr, the Athenians Pyanepsion, the Boeotians the month\nof Demeter. Theopompus informs us that the western peoples consider and\ncall the winter Cronus, the summer Aphrodite, and the spring Persephone,\nand they believe that all things are brought into being by Cronus and\nAphrodite. The Phrygians imagine that the god sleeps in winter and wakes\nin summer, and accordingly they celebrate with Bacchic rites the putting\nhim to bed in winter and his awakening in summer. The Paphlagonians allege\nthat he is bound fast and shut up in winter, but that he stirs and is set\nfree in spring. And the season furnishes a hint that the sadness is for\nthe hiding of those fruits of the earth which the ancients esteemed, not\nindeed gods, but great and necessary gifts bestowed by the gods in order\nthat men might not lead the life of savages and of wild beasts. For it was\nthat time of year when they saw some of the fruits vanishing and falling\nfrom the trees, while they sowed others grudgingly and with difficulty,\nscraping the earth with their hands and huddling it up again, on the\nuncertain chance that what they deposited in the ground would ever ripen\nand come to maturity. Thus they did in many respects like those who bury\nand mourn their dead. And just as we say that a purchaser of Plato\u2019s books\npurchases Plato, or that an actor who plays the comedies of Menander plays\nMenander, so the men of old did not hesitate to call the gifts and\nproducts of the gods by the names of the gods themselves, thereby\nhonouring and glorifying the things on account of their utility. But in\nafter ages simple folk in their ignorance applied to the gods statements\nwhich only held true of the fruits of the earth, and so they came not\nmerely to say but actually to believe that the growth and decay of plants,\non which they subsisted,(82) were the birth and the death of gods. Thus\nthey fell into absurd, immoral, and confused ways of thinking, though all\nthe while the absurdity of the fallacy was manifest. Hence Xenophanes of\nColophon declared that if the Egyptians deemed their gods divine they\nshould not weep for them, and that if they wept for them they should not\ndeem them divine. \u2018For it is ridiculous,\u2019 said he, \u2018to lament and pray\nthat the fruits would be good enough to grow and ripen again in order that\nthey may again be eaten and lamented.\u2019 But he was wrong, for though the\nlamentations are for the fruits, the prayers are addressed to the gods, as\nthe causes and givers of them, that they would be pleased to make fresh\nfruits to spring up instead of those that perish.\u201d(83)\n\n(M33) In this interesting passage Plutarch expresses his belief that the\nworship of the fruits of the earth was the result of a verbal\nmisapprehension or disease of language, as it has been called by a modern\nschool of mythologists, who explain the origin of myths in general on the\nsame easy principle of metaphors misunderstood. Primitive man, on\nPlutarch\u2019s theory, firmly believed that the fruits of the earth on which\nhe subsisted were not themselves gods but merely the gifts of the gods,\nwho were the real givers of all good things. Yet at the same time men were\nin the habit of bestowing on these divine products the names of their\ndivine creators, either out of gratitude or merely for the sake of\nbrevity, as when we say that a man has bought a Shakespeare or acted\nMoli\u00e8re, when we mean that he has bought the works of Shakespeare or acted\nthe plays of Moli\u00e8re. This abbreviated mode of expression was\nmisunderstood in later times, and so people came to look upon the fruits\nof the earth as themselves divine instead of as being the work of\ndivinities: in short, they mistook the creature for the creator. In like\nmanner Plutarch would explain the Egyptian worship of animals as reverence\ndone not so much to the beasts themselves as to the great god who displays\nthe divine handiwork in sentient organisms even more than in the most\nbeautiful and wonderful works of inanimate nature.(84)\n\n(M34) The comparative study of religion has proved that these theories of\nPlutarch are an inversion of the truth. Fetishism, or the view that the\nfruits of the earth and things in general are divine or animated by\npowerful spirits, is not, as Plutarch imagined, a late corruption of a\npure and primitive theism, which regarded the gods as the creators and\ngivers of all good things. On the contrary, fetishism is early and theism\nis late in the history of mankind. In this respect Xenophanes, whom\nPlutarch attempts to correct, displayed a much truer insight into the mind\nof the savage. To weep crocodile tears over the animals and plants which\nhe kills and eats, and to pray them to come again in order that they may\nbe again eaten and again lamented\u2014this may seem absurd to us, but it is\nprecisely what the savage does. And from his point of view the proceeding\nis not at all absurd but perfectly rational and well calculated to answer\nhis ends. For he sincerely believes that animals and fruits are tenanted\nby spirits who can harm him if they please, and who cannot but be put to\nconsiderable inconvenience by that destruction of their bodies which is\nunfortunately inseparable from the processes of mastication and digestion.\nWhat more natural, therefore, than that the savage should offer excuses to\nthe beasts and the fruits for the painful necessity he is under of\nconsuming them, and that he should endeavour to alleviate their pangs by\nsoft words and an air of respectful sympathy, in order that they may bear\nhim no grudge, and may in due time come again to be again eaten and again\nlamented? Judged by the standard of primitive manners the attitude of the\nwalrus to the oysters was strictly correct:\u2014\n\n\n    \u201c_\u2018__I weep for you,__\u2019__ the Walrus said:_\n      _\u2018__I deeply sympathize.__\u2019_\n    _With sobs and tears he sorted out_\n      _Those of the largest size,_\n    _Holding his pocket-handkerchief_\n      _Before his streaming eyes._\u201d\n\n\n(M35) Many examples of such hypocritical lamentations for animals, drawn\nnot from the fancy of a playful writer but from the facts of savage life,\ncould be cited.(85) Here I shall quote the general statement of a writer\non the Indians of British Columbia, because it covers the case of\nvegetable as well as of animal food. After describing the respectful\nwelcome accorded by the Stlatlum Indians to the first \u201csock-eye\u201d salmon\nwhich they have caught in the season, he goes on: \u201cThe significance of\nthese ceremonies is easy to perceive when we remember the attitude of the\nIndians towards nature generally, and recall their myths relating to the\nsalmon, and their coming to their rivers and streams. Nothing that the\nIndian of this region eats is regarded by him as mere food and nothing\nmore. Not a single plant, animal, or fish, or other object upon which he\nfeeds, is looked upon in this light, or as something he has secured for\nhimself by his own wit and skill. He regards it rather as something which\nhas been voluntarily and compassionately placed in his hands by the\ngoodwill and consent of the \u2019spirit\u2019 of the object itself, or by the\nintercession and magic of his culture-heroes; to be retained and used by\nhim only upon the fulfilment of certain conditions. These conditions\ninclude respect and reverent care in the killing or plucking of the animal\nor plant and proper treatment of the parts he has no use for, such as the\nbones, blood, and offal; and the depositing of the same in some stream or\nlake, so that the object may by that means renew its life and physical\nform. The practices in connection with the killing of animals and the\ngathering of plants and fruits all make this quite clear, and it is only\nwhen we bear this attitude of the savage towards nature in mind that we\ncan hope to rightly understand the motives and purposes of many of his\nstrange customs and beliefs.\u201d(86)\n\n(M36) We can now understand why among many peoples of antiquity, as\nPlutarch tells us, the time of sowing was a time of sorrow. The laying of\nthe seed in the earth was a burial of the divine element, and it was\nfitting that like a human burial it should be performed with gravity and\nthe semblance, if not the reality, of sorrow. Yet they sorrowed not\nwithout hope, perhaps a sure and certain hope, that the seed which they\nthus committed with sighs and tears to the ground would yet rise from the\ndust and yield fruit a hundredfold to the reaper. \u201cThey that sow in tears\nshall reap in joy. He that goeth forth and weepeth, bearing precious seed,\nshall doubtless come again with rejoicing, bringing his sheaves with\nhim.\u201d(87)\n\n\n\n\n\u00a7 4. Rites of Harvest.\n\n\n(M37) The Egyptian harvest, as we have seen, falls not in autumn but in\nspring, in the months of March, April, and May. To the husbandman the time\nof harvest, at least in a good year, must necessarily be a season of joy:\nin bringing home his sheaves he is requited for his long and anxious\nlabours. Yet if the old Egyptian farmer felt a secret joy at reaping and\ngarnering the grain, it was essential that he should conceal the natural\nemotion under an air of profound dejection. For was he not severing the\nbody of the corn-god with his sickle and trampling it to pieces under the\nhoofs of his cattle on the threshing-floor?(88) Accordingly we are told\nthat it was an ancient custom of the Egyptian corn-reapers to beat their\nbreasts and lament over the first sheaf cut, while at the same time they\ncalled upon Isis.(89) The invocation seems to have taken the form of a\nmelancholy chant, to which the Greeks gave the name of Maneros. Similar\nplaintive strains were chanted by corn-reapers in Phoenicia and other\nparts of Western Asia.(90) Probably all these doleful ditties were\nlamentations for the corn-god killed by the sickles of the reapers. In\nEgypt the slain deity was Osiris, and the name _Maneros_ applied to the\ndirge appears to be derived from certain words meaning \u201cCome to thy\nhouse,\u201d which often occur in the lamentations for the dead god.(91)\n\n(M38) Ceremonies of the same sort have been observed by other peoples,\nprobably for the same purpose. Thus we are told that among all vegetables\ncorn (_selu_), by which is apparently meant maize, holds the first place\nin the household economy and the ceremonial observance of the Cherokee\nIndians, who invoke it under the name of \u201cthe Old Woman\u201d in allusion to a\nmyth that it sprang from the blood of an old woman killed by her\ndisobedient sons. \u201cMuch ceremony accompanied the planting and tending of\nthe crop. Seven grains, the sacred number, were put into each hill, and\nthese were not afterwards thinned out. After the last working of the crop,\nthe priest and an assistant\u2014generally the owner of the field\u2014went into the\nfield and built a small enclosure in the centre. Then entering it, they\nseated themselves upon the ground, with heads bent down, and while the\nassistant kept perfect silence the priest, with rattle in hand, sang songs\nof invocation to the spirit of the corn. Soon, according to the orthodox\nbelief, a loud rustling would be heard outside, which they would know was\ncaused by the \u2018Old Woman\u2019 bringing the corn into the field, but neither\nmust look up until the song was finished. This ceremony was repeated on\nfour successive nights, after which no one entered the field for seven\nother nights, when the priest himself went in, and, if all the sacred\nregulations had been properly observed, was rewarded by finding young ears\nupon the stalks. The corn ceremonies could be performed by the owner of\nthe field himself, provided he was willing to pay a sufficient fee to the\npriest in order to learn the songs and ritual. Care was always taken to\nkeep a clean trail from the field to the house, so that the corn might be\nencouraged to stay at home and not go wandering elsewhere. Most of these\ncustoms have now fallen into disuse excepting among the old people, by\nmany of whom they are still religiously observed. Another curious\nceremony, of which even the memory is now almost forgotten, was enacted\nafter the first working of the corn, when the owner or priest stood in\nsuccession at each of the four corners of the field and wept and wailed\nloudly. Even the priests are now unable to give a reason for this\nperformance, which may have been a lament for the bloody death of Selu,\u201d\nthe Old Woman of the Corn.(92) In these Cherokee practices the\nlamentations and the invocations of the Old Woman of the Corn resemble the\nancient Egyptian customs of lamenting over the first corn cut and calling\nupon Isis, herself probably in one of her aspects an Old Woman of the\nCorn. Further, the Cherokee precaution of leaving a clear path from the\nfield to the house resembles the Egyptian invitation to Osiris, \u201cCome to\nthy house.\u201d So in the East Indies to this day people observe elaborate\nceremonies for the purpose of bringing back the Soul of the Rice from the\nfields to the barn.(93) The Nandi of British East Africa perform a\nceremony in September when the eleusine grain is ripening. Every woman who\nowns a plantation goes out with her daughters into the cornfields and\nmakes a bonfire of the branches and leaves of certain trees (the _Solanum\ncampylanthum_ and _Lantana salvifolia_). After that they pluck some of the\neleusine, and each of them puts one grain in her necklace, chews another\nand rubs it on her forehead, throat, and breast. \u201cNo joy is shown by the\nwomenfolk on this occasion, and they sorrowfully cut a basketful of the\ncorn which they take home with them and place in the loft to dry.\u201d(94)\n\n(M39) Just as the Egyptians lamented at cutting the corn, so the Karok\nIndians of California lament at hewing the sacred wood for the fire in the\nassembly-room. The wood must be cut from a tree on the top of the highest\nhill. In lopping off the boughs the Indian weeps and sobs piteously,\nshedding real tears, and at the top of the tree he leaves two branches and\na top-knot, resembling a man\u2019s head and outstretched arms. Having\ndescended from the tree, he binds the wood in a faggot and carries it back\nto the assembly-room, blubbering all the way. If he is asked why he thus\nweeps at cutting and fetching the sacred fuel, he will either give no\nanswer or say simply that he does it for luck.(95) We may suspect that his\nreal motive is to appease the wrath of the tree-spirit, many of whose\nlimbs he has amputated, though he took care to leave him two arms and a\nhead.\n\n(M40) The conception of the corn-spirit as old and dead at harvest is very\nclearly embodied in a custom observed by the Arabs of Moab. When the\nharvesters have nearly finished their task and only a small corner of the\nfield remains to be reaped, the owner takes a handful of wheat tied up in\na sheaf. A hole is dug in the form of a grave, and two stones are set\nupright, one at the head and the other at the foot, just as in an ordinary\nburial. Then the sheaf of wheat is laid at the bottom of the grave, and\nthe sheikh pronounces these words, \u201cThe old man is dead.\u201d Earth is\nafterwards thrown in to cover the sheaf, with a prayer, \u201cMay Allah bring\nus back the wheat of the dead.\u201d(96)\n\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER IV. THE OFFICIAL FESTIVALS OF OSIRIS.\n\n\n\n\n\u00a7 1. The Festival at Sais.\n\n\n(M41) Such, then, were the principal events of the farmer\u2019s calendar in\nancient Egypt, and such the simple religious rites by which he celebrated\nthem. But we have still to consider the Osirian festivals of the official\ncalendar, so far as these are described by Greek writers or recorded on\nthe monuments. In examining them it is necessary to bear in mind that on\naccount of the movable year of the old Egyptian calendar the true or\nastronomical dates of the official festivals must have varied from year to\nyear, at least until the adoption of the fixed Alexandrian year in 30 B.C.\nFrom that time onward, apparently, the dates of the festivals were\ndetermined by the new calendar, and so ceased to rotate throughout the\nlength of the solar year. At all events Plutarch, writing about the end of\nthe first century, implies that they were then fixed, not movable; for\nthough he does not mention the Alexandrian calendar, he clearly dates the\nfestivals by it.(97) Moreover, the long festal calendar of Esne, an\nimportant document of the Imperial age, is obviously based on the fixed\nAlexandrian year; for it assigns the mark for New Year\u2019s Day to the day\nwhich corresponds to the twenty-ninth of August, which was the first day\nof the Alexandrian year, and its references to the rising of the Nile, the\nposition of the sun, and the operations of agriculture are all in harmony\nwith this supposition.(98) Thus we may take it as fairly certain that from\n30 B.C. onwards the Egyptian festivals were stationary in the solar year.\n\n(M42) Herodotus tells us that the grave of Osiris was at Sais in Lower\nEgypt, and that there was a lake there upon which the sufferings of the\ngod were displayed as a mystery by night.(99) This commemoration of the\ndivine passion was held once a year: the people mourned and beat their\nbreasts at it to testify their sorrow for the death of the god; and an\nimage of a cow, made of gilt wood with a golden sun between its horns, was\ncarried out of the chamber in which it stood the rest of the year.(100)\nThe cow no doubt represented Isis herself, for cows were sacred to her,\nand she was regularly depicted with the horns of a cow on her head,(101)\nor even as a woman with the head of a cow.(102) It is probable that the\ncarrying out of her cow-shaped image symbolized the goddess searching for\nthe dead body of Osiris; for this was the native Egyptian interpretation\nof a similar ceremony observed in Plutarch\u2019s time about the winter\nsolstice, when the gilt cow was carried seven times round the temple.(103)\nA great feature of the festival was the nocturnal illumination. People\nfastened rows of oil-lamps to the outside of their houses, and the lamps\nburned all night long. The custom was not confined to Sais, but was\nobserved throughout the whole of Egypt.(104)\n\nThis universal illumination of the houses on one night of the year\nsuggests that the festival may have been a commemoration not merely of the\ndead Osiris but of the dead in general, in other words, that it may have\nbeen a night of All Souls.(105) For it is a widespread belief that the\nsouls of the dead revisit their old homes on one night of the year; and on\nthat solemn occasion people prepare for the reception of the ghosts by\nlaying out food for them to eat, and lighting lamps to guide them on their\ndark road from and to the grave. The following instances will illustrate\nthe custom.\n\n\n\n\n\u00a7 2. Feasts of All Souls.\n\n\n(M43) The Esquimaux of St. Michael and the lower Yukon River in Alaska\nhold a festival of the dead every year at the end of November or the\nbeginning of December, as well as a greater festival at intervals of\nseveral years. At these seasons, food, drink, and clothes are provided for\nthe returning ghosts in the _kashim_ or clubhouse of the village, which is\nilluminated with oil lamps. Every man or woman who wishes to honour a dead\nfriend sets up a lamp on a stand in front of the place which the deceased\nused to occupy in the clubhouse. These lamps, filled with seal oil, are\nkept burning day and night till the festival is over. They are believed to\nlight the shades on their return to their old home and back again to the\nland of the dead. If any one fails to put up a lamp in the clubhouse and\nto keep it burning, the shade whom he or she desires to honour could not\nfind its way to the place and so would miss the feast. On the eve of the\nfestival the nearest male relation goes to the grave and summons the ghost\nby planting there a small model of a seal spear or of a wooden dish,\naccording as the deceased was a man or a woman. The badges of the dead are\nmarked on these implements. When all is ready, the ghosts gather in the\nfire-pit under the clubhouse, and ascending through the floor at the\nproper moment take possession of the bodies of their namesakes, to whom\nthe offerings of food, drink, and clothing are made for the benefit of the\ndead. Thus each shade obtains the supplies he needs in the other world.\nThe dead who have none to make offerings to them are believed to suffer\ngreat destitution. Hence the Esquimaux fear to die without leaving behind\nthem some one who will sacrifice to their spirits, and childless people\ngenerally adopt children lest their shades should be forgotten at the\nfestivals. When a person has been much disliked, his ghost is sometimes\npurposely ignored, and that is deemed the severest punishment that could\nbe inflicted upon him. After the songs of invitation to the dead have been\nsung, the givers of the feast take a small portion of food from every dish\nand cast it down as an offering to the shades; then each pours a little\nwater on the floor so that it runs through the cracks. In this way they\nbelieve that the spiritual essence of all the food and water is conveyed\nto the souls. The remainder of the food is afterwards distributed among\nthe people present, who eat of it heartily. Then with songs and dances the\nfeast comes to an end, and the ghosts are dismissed to their own place.\nDances form a conspicuous feature of the great festival of the dead, which\nis held every few years. The dancers dance not only in the clubhouse but\nalso at the graves and on the ice, if the deceased met their death by\ndrowning.(106)\n\nThe Indians of California used to observe annual ceremonies of mourning\nfor the dead,(107) at some of which the souls of the departed were\nrepresented by living persons. Ten or more men would prepare themselves to\nplay the part of the ghosts by fasting for several days, especially by\nabstaining from flesh. Disguised with paint and soot, adorned with\nfeathers and grasses, they danced and sang in the village or rushed about\nin the forest by night with burning torches in their hands. After a time\nthey presented themselves to the relations of the deceased, who looked\nupon these maskers as in very truth their departed friends and received\nthem accordingly with an outburst of lamentation, the old women scratching\ntheir own faces and smiting their breasts with stones in token of\nmourning. These masquerades were generally held in February. During their\ncontinuance a strict fast was observed in the village.(108) Among the\nKonkaus of California the dance of the dead is always held about the end\nof August and marks their New Year\u2019s Day. They collect a large quantity of\nfood, clothing, baskets, ornaments, and whatever else the spirits are\nsupposed to need in the other world. These they hang on a semicircle of\nboughs or small trees, cut and set in the ground leafless. In the centre\nburns a great fire, and hard by are the graves. The ceremony begins at\nevening and lasts till daybreak. As darkness falls, men and women sit on\nthe graves and wail for the dead of the year. Then they dance round the\nfire with frenzied yells and whoops, casting from time to time the\nofferings into the flames. All must be consumed before the first faint\nstreaks of dawn glimmer in the East.(109) The Choctaws used to have a\ngreat respect for their dead. They did not bury their bodies but laid them\non biers made of bark and supported by forked sticks about fifteen feet\nhigh. When the worms had consumed the flesh, the skeleton was dismembered,\nany remains of muscles and sinews were buried, and the bones were\ndeposited in a box, the skull being reddened with ochre. The box\ncontaining the bones was then carried to the common burial ground. In the\nearly days of November the tribe celebrated a great festival which they\ncalled the Festival of the Dead or of the Souls; every family then\ngathered in the common burial ground, and there with weeping and\nlamentation visited the boxes which contained the mouldering relics of\ntheir dead. On returning from the graveyard they held a great banquet,\nwhich ended the festival.(110) Some of the Pueblo Indians of New Mexico\n\u201cbelieve that on a certain day (in August, I think) the dead rise from\ntheir graves and flit about the neighbouring hills, and on that day all\nwho have lost friends carry out quantities of corn, bread, meat, and such\nother good things of this life as they can obtain, and place them in the\nhaunts frequented by the dead, in order that the departed spirits may once\nmore enjoy the comforts of this nether world. They have been encouraged in\nthis belief by the priests, who were in the habit of sending out and\nappropriating to themselves all these things, and then making the poor\nsimple Indians believe that the dead had eaten them.\u201d(111)\n\n(M44) The Miztecs of Mexico believed that the souls of the dead came back\nin the twelfth month of every year, which corresponded to our November. On\nthis day of All Souls the houses were decked out to welcome the spirits.\nJars of food and drink were set on a table in the principal room, and the\nfamily went forth with torches to meet the ghosts and invite them to\nenter. Then returning themselves to the house they knelt around the table,\nand with eyes bent on the ground prayed the souls to accept of the\nofferings and to procure the blessings of the gods upon the family. Thus\nthey remained on bended knees and with downcast eyes till the morning, not\ndaring to look at the table lest they should offend the spirits by spying\non them at their meal. With the first beams of the sun they rose, glad at\nheart. The jars of food which had been presented to the dead were given to\nthe poor or deposited in a secret place.(112) The Indians of Santiago\nTepehuacan believe that the souls of their dead return to them on the\nnight of the eighteenth of October, the festival of St. Luke, and they\nsweep the roads in order that the ghosts may find them clean on their\npassage.(113)\n\n(M45) Again, the natives of Sumba, an East Indian island, celebrate a New\nYear\u2019s festival, which is at the same time a festival of the dead. The\ngraves are in the middle of the village, and at a given moment all the\npeople repair to them and raise a loud weeping and wailing. Then after\nindulging for a short time in the national pastimes they disperse to their\nhouses, and every family calls upon its dead to come back. The ghosts are\nbelieved to hear and accept the invitation. Accordingly betel and areca\nnuts are set out for them. Victims, too, are sacrificed in front of every\nhouse, and their hearts and livers are offered with rice to the dead.\nAfter a decent interval these portions are distributed amongst the living,\nwho consume them and banquet gaily on flesh and rice, a rare event in\ntheir frugal lives. Then they play, dance, and sing to their heart\u2019s\ncontent, and the festival which began so lugubriously ends by being the\nmerriest of the year. A little before daybreak the invisible guests take\ntheir departure. All the people turn out of their houses to escort them a\nlittle way. Holding in one hand the half of a coco-nut, which contains a\nsmall packet of provisions for the dead, and in the other hand a piece of\nsmouldering wood, they march in procession, singing a drawling song to the\naccompaniment of a gong and waving the lighted brands in time to the\nmusic. So they move through the darkness till with the last words of the\nsong they throw away the coco-nuts and the brands in the direction of the\nspirit-land, leaving the ghosts to wend their way thither, while they\nthemselves return to the village.(114)\n\n(M46) In Kiriwina, one of the Trobriand Islands, to the east of New\nGuinea, the spirits of the ancestors are believed to revisit their native\nvillage in a body once a year after the harvest has been got in. At this\ntime the men perform special dances, the people openly display their\nvaluables, spread out on platforms, and great feasts are made for the\nspirits. On a certain night, when the moon is at the full, all the people\nraise a great shout and so drive away the spirits to the spirit land.(115)\nThe Sea Dyaks of Borneo celebrate a great festival in honour of the dead\nat irregular intervals, it may be one or more years after the death of a\nparticular person. All who have died since the last feast was held, and\nhave not yet been honoured by such a celebration, are remembered at this\ntime; hence the number of persons commemorated may be great, especially if\nmany years have elapsed since the last commemoration service. The\npreparations last many weeks: food and drink and all other necessaries are\nstored in plenty, and the whole neighbourhood for miles round is invited\nto attend. On the eve of the feast the women take bamboo splints and\nfashion out of them little models of various useful articles, and these\nmodels are hung over the graves for the use of the dead in the other\nworld. If the feast is held in honour of a man, the things manufactured in\nhis behoof will take the form of a bamboo gun, a shield, a war-cap, and so\non; if it is a woman who is commemorated, little models of a loom, a\nfish-basket, a winnowing-fan and such like things will be provided for her\nspirit; and if it is a child for whom the rite is performed, toys of\nvarious kinds will be made ready for the childish ghost. Finally, to stay\nthe appetite of ghosts who may be too sharp-set to wait for the formal\nbanquet in the house, a supply of victuals is very considerately placed\noutside the house on which the hungry spirits may fall to without delay.\nThe dead arrive in a boat from the other world; for living Dyaks generally\ntravel by river, from which it necessarily follows that Dyak ghosts do so\nlikewise. The ship in which the ghostly visitors voyage to the land of the\nliving is not much to look at, being in appearance nothing but a tiny boat\nmade out of a bamboo which has been used to cook rice. Even this is not\nset floating on the river but is simply thrown away under the house. Yet\nthrough the incantations uttered by the professional wailing-woman the\nbark is wafted away to the spirit world and is there converted into a\nlarge war-canoe. Gladly the ghosts embark and sail away as soon as the\nfinal summons comes. It always comes in the evening, for it is then that\nthe wailer begins to croon her mournful ditties; but the way is so long\nthat the spirits do not arrive in the house till the day is breaking. To\nrefresh them after their weary journey a bamboo full of rice-spirit awaits\nthem; and this they partake of by deputy, for a brave old man, who does\nnot fear the face of ghosts, quaffs the beverage in their stead amid the\njoyful shouts of the spectators. On the morning after the feast the living\npay the last offices of respect to the dead. Monuments made of ironwood,\nthe little bamboo articles, and food of all kinds are set upon the graves.\nIn consideration of these gifts the ghosts now relinquish all claims on\ntheir surviving relatives, and henceforth earn their own living by the\nsweat of their brow. Before they take their final departure they come to\neat and drink in the house for the last time.(116)\n\n(M47) Thus the Dyak festival of the dead is not an annual welcome accorded\nto all the souls of ancestors; it is a propitiatory ceremony designed to\nsecure once for all the eternal welfare of the recently departed, or at\nleast to prevent their ghosts from returning to infest and importune the\nliving. The same is perhaps the intention of the \u201csoul departure\u201d (_Kathi\nKasham_) festival which the Tangkul Nagas of Manipur, in Assam, celebrate\nevery year about the end of January. At this great feast the dead are\nrepresented by living men, chosen on the ground of their likeness to the\ndeparted, who are decked with ornaments and treated as if they were in\ntruth the deceased persons come to life again. In that character they\ndance together in the large open space of the village, they are fed by the\nfemale relations, and they go from house to house, receiving presents of\ncloth. The festival lasts ten days, but the great day is the ninth. Huge\ntorches of pinewood are made ready to be used that evening when darkness\nhas fallen. The time of departure of the dead is at hand. Their living\nrepresentatives are treated to a last meal in the houses, and they\ndistribute farewell presents to the sorrowing kinsfolk, who have come to\nbid them good-bye. When the sun has set, a procession is formed. At the\nhead of it march men holding aloft the flaring, sputtering torches. Then\nfollow the elders armed and in martial array, and behind them stalk the\nrepresentatives of the dead, with the relations of the departed crowding\nand trooping about them. Slowly and mournfully the sad procession moves,\nwith loud lamentations, through the darkness to a spot at the north end of\nthe village which is overshadowed by a great tree. The light of the\ntorches is to guide the souls of the dead to their place of rest; the\nwarlike array of the elders is to guard them from the perils and dangers\nof the way. At the village boundary the procession stops and the\ntorch-bearers throw down their torches. At the same moment the spirits of\nthe dead are believed to pass into the dying flambeaux and in that guise\nto depart to the far country. There is therefore no further need for their\nliving representatives, who are accordingly stripped of all their finery\non the spot. When the people return home, each family is careful to light\na pine torch and set it burning on a stone in the house just inside the\nfront door; this they do as a precaution to prevent their own souls from\nfollowing the spirits of the dead to the other world. The expense of thus\ndespatching the dead to their long home is very great; when the head of a\nfamily dies, debts may be incurred and rice-fields and houses sold to\ndefray the cost of carriage. Thus the living impoverish themselves in\norder to enrich the dead.(117)\n\n(M48) The Oraons or Uraons of Bengal feast their dead every year on a day\nin January. This ceremony is called the Great Marriage, because by it the\nbones of the deceased are believed to be mysteriously reunited to each\nother. The Oraons treat the bones of the dead differently according to the\ndates of their death in the agricultural year. The bones of those who died\nbefore the seeds have sprouted in the fields are burnt, and the few\ncharred bones which have not been reduced to ashes are gathered in an\nearthen pot. With the bones in the pot are placed offerings of rice,\nnative gin, and money, and then they carry the urn to the river, where the\nbones of their forefathers repose. But the bones of all who die after the\nseeds have sprung up and before the end of harvest may not be taken to the\nriver, because the people believe that were that to be done the crops\nwould suffer. These bones are therefore put away in a pot under a stone\nnear the house till the harvest is over. Then on the appointed day in\nJanuary they are all collected. A banquet is given in honour of the dead,\nand then both men and women form a procession to accompany the bones to\ntheir last resting-place in the sands of the river. But first the relics\nof mortality are carried from house to house in the village, and each\nfamily pours rice and gin into the urn which contains the bones of its\ndead. Then the procession sets out for the river, men and women dancing,\nsinging, beating drums, and weeping, while the earthen pots containing the\nbones are passed from hand to hand and dance with the jigging steps of the\ndancers. When they are yet some way from the spot, the bearers of the urns\nrun forward and bury them in the sand of the river. When the rest come up,\nthey all bathe and the Great Marriage is over.(118)\n\n(M49) In the Bilaspore district of the Central Provinces, India, \u201cthe\nfestival known as the Fortnight of the Manes\u2014_Pitr P\u0101k_\u2014occurs about\nSeptember. It is believed that during this fortnight it is the practice of\nall the departed to come and visit their relatives. The homes are\ntherefore cleaned, and the spaces in front of the house are plastered and\npainted in order to be pleasing to those who are expected. It is believed\nthat the departed will return on the very date on which they went away. A\nfather who left on the fourth, be it the fourth of the dark half or the\nlight half of the moon, will return to visit his family on the fourth of\nthe Fortnight of the Manes. On that day cakes are prepared, and with\ncertain ceremony these are offered to the unseen hovering spirit. Their\nimplicit belief is that the spirit will partake of the essence of the\nfood, and that which remains\u2014the material portion\u2014may be eaten by members\nof the family. The souls of women, it is said, will all come on the ninth\nof the fortnight. On the thirteenth come those who have met with a violent\ndeath and who lost their lives by a fall, by snake-bite, or any other\nunusual cause. During the Fortnight of the Manes a woman is not supposed\nto put on new bangles and a man is not permitted to shave. In short, this\nis a season of sad remembrances, an annual festival for the\ndeparted.\u201d(119)\n\n(M50) The Bghais, a Karen tribe of Burma, hold an annual feast for the\ndead at the new moon which falls near the end of August or the beginning\nof September. All the villagers who have lost relatives within the last\nthree years take part in it. Food and drink are set out on tables for the\nghosts, and new clothes for them are hung up in the room. All being ready,\nthe people beat gongs and begin to weep. Each one calls upon the relation\nwhom he has lost to come and eat. When the dead are thought to have\narrived, the living address them, saying, \u201cYou have come to me, you have\nreturned to me. It has been raining hard, and you must be wet. Dress\nyourselves, clothe yourselves with these new garments, and all the\ncompanions that are with you. Eat betel together with all that accompany\nyou, all your friends and associates, and the long dead. Call them all to\neat and drink.\u201d The ghosts having finished their repast, the people dry\ntheir tears and sit down to eat what is left. More food is then prepared\nand put into a basket, and at cock-crow next morning the contents of the\nbasket are thrown out of the house, while the living weep and call upon\ntheir dead as before.(120) The Hkamies, a hill tribe of North Aracan, hold\nan important festival every year in honour of departed spirits. It falls\nafter harvest and is called \u201cthe opening of the house of the dead.\u201d When a\nperson dies and has been burnt, the ashes are collected and placed in a\nsmall house in the forest together with his spear or gun, which has first\nbeen broken. These little huts are generally arranged in groups near a\nvillage, and are sometimes large enough to be mistaken for one. After\nharvest all the relations of the deceased cook various kinds of food and\ntake them with pots of liquor distilled from rice to the village of the\ndead. There they open the doors of the houses, and having placed the food\nand drink inside they shut them again. After that they weep, eat, drink,\nand return home.(121)\n\n(M51) The great festival of the dead in Cambodia takes place on the last\nday of the month Phatrabot (September-October), but ever since the moon\nbegan to wane everybody has been busy preparing for it. In every house\ncakes and sweetmeats are set out, candles burn, incense sticks smoke, and\nthe whole is offered to the ancestral shades with an invocation which is\nthrice repeated: \u201cO all you our ancestors who are departed, deign to come\nand eat what we have prepared for you, and to bless your posterity and\nmake it happy.\u201d Fifteen days afterwards many little boats are made of bark\nand filled with rice, cakes, small coins, smoking incense sticks, and\nlighted candles. At evening these are set floating on the river, and the\nsouls of the dead embark in them to return to their own place. The living\nnow bid them farewell. \u201cGo to the lands,\u201d they say, \u201cgo to the fields you\ninhabit, to the mountains, under the stones which are your abodes. Go\naway! return! In due time your sons and your grandsons will think of you.\nThen you will return, you will return, you will return.\u201d The river is now\ncovered with twinkling points of fire. But the current soon bears them\naway, and as they vanish one by one in the darkness the souls depart with\nthem to the far country.(122) In Tonquin, as in Sumba, the dead revisit\ntheir kinsfolk and their old homes at the New Year. From the hour of\nmidnight, when the New Year begins, no one dares to shut the door of his\nhouse for fear of excluding the ghosts, who begin to arrive at that time.\nPreparations have been made to welcome and refresh them after their long\njourney. Beds and mats are ready for their weary bodies to repose upon,\nwater to wash their dusty feet, slippers to comfort them, and canes to\nsupport their feeble steps. Candles burn on the domestic altar, and\npastilles diffuse a fragrant odour. The people bow before the unseen\nvisitors and beseech them to remember and bless their descendants in the\ncoming year. Having discharged this pious duty they abstain from sweeping\nthe houses for three days lest the dust should incommode the ghosts.(123)\n\n(M52) In Annam one of the most important festivals of the year is the\nfestival of T\u00eat, which falls on the first three days of the New Year. It\nis devoted to the worship of ancestors. Everybody, even the poorest, must\nprovide a good meal for the souls of his dead at this time and must\nhimself eat and drink heartily. Some families, in order to discharge this\npious duty, run into debt for the whole year. In the houses everything is\nput in order, washed, and scoured for the reception of the dear and\ndistinguished guests. A tall bamboo pole is set up in the front of every\nhouse and allowed to stand there for seven days. A small basket containing\nareca, betel, and leaves of gilt paper is fastened to the pole. The\nerection of the pole is a sacred rite which no family omits to perform,\nthough why they do so few people can say. Some, however, allege that the\nposts are intended to guide the ancestral spirits to their old homes. The\nceremony of the reception of the shades takes place at nightfall on the\nlast day of the year. The house of the head of the family is then decked\nwith flowers, and in the room which serves as a domestic chapel the altar\nof the ancestors is surrounded with flowers, among which the lotus, the\nemblem of immortality, is most conspicuous. On a table are set red\ncandles, perfumes, incense, sandal-wood, and plates full of bananas,\noranges, and other fruits. The relations crouch before the altar, and\nkneeling at the foot of it the head of the house invokes the name of the\nfamily which he represents. Then in solemn tones he recites an\nincantation, mentioning the names of his most illustrious ancestors and\nmarking time with the strokes of a hammer upon a gong, while crackers are\nexploded outside the room. After that, he implores the ancestral shades to\nprotect their descendants and invites them to a repast, which is spread\nfor them on a table. Round this table he walks, serving the invisible\nguests with his own hands. He distributes to them smoking balls of rice in\nlittle china saucers, and pours tea or spirits into each little cup, while\nhe murmurs words of invitation and compliment. When the ghosts have eaten\nand drunk their fill, the head of the family returns to the altar and\nsalutes them for the last time. Finally, he takes leaves of yellow paper,\ncovered with gold and silver spangles, and throws them into a brazier\nplaced at the foot of the ancestral tablets. These papers represent\nimaginary bars of gold and silver which the living send to the dead.\nCardboard models of houses, furniture, jewels, clothes, of everything in\nshort that the ghosts can need in the other world, are despatched to them\nin like manner in the flames. Then the family sits down to table and\nfeasts on the remains of the ghostly banquet.(124)\n\n(M53) But in Annam it is not merely the spirits of ancestors who are thus\nfeasted and supplied with all the necessaries of life. The poor ghosts of\nthose who died without leaving descendants or whose bodies were left\nunburied are not forgotten by the pious Annamites. But these spirits come\nround at a different time of year from the others. The seventh month of\nthe year is set apart for expiatory sacrifices destined to benefit these\nunhappy beings, and that is why in Annam nobody should marry or be\nbetrothed in that month. The great day of the month is the fifteenth,\nwhich is called the Festival of the Souls. On that day the ghosts in\nquestion are set free by the lord of the underworld, and they come\nprowling about among the living. They are exceedingly dangerous,\nespecially to children. Hence in order to appease their wrath and prevent\nthem from entering the houses every family takes care to put out offerings\nfor them in the street. Before every house on that night you may see\ncandles lighted, paper garments of many colours, paper hats, paper boots,\npaper furniture, ingots of gold and silver paper, all hanging in tempting\narray from a string, while plates of food and cups of tea and rice-spirit\nstand ready for the use of hungry and thirsty souls. The theory is that\nthe ghosts will be so busy consuming the victuals, appropriating the\ndeceitful riches, and trying on the paper coats, hats, and boots that they\nwill have neither the leisure nor the inclination to intrude upon the\ndomestic circle indoors. At seven o\u2019clock in the evening fire is put to\nthe offerings, and the paper wardrobe, furniture, and money soon vanish\ncrackling in the flames. At the same moment, peeping in at a door or\nwindow, you may see the domestic ancestral altar brilliantly illuminated.\nAs for the food, it is supposed to be thrown on the fire or on the ground\nfor the use of the ghosts, but practically it is eaten by vagabonds and\nbeggars, who scuffle for the booty.(125)\n\n(M54) In Cochinchina the ancestral spirits are similarly propitiated and\nfed on the first day of the New Year. The tablets which represent them are\nplaced on the domestic altar, and the family prostrate themselves before\nthese emblems of the departed. The head of the family lights sticks of\nincense on the altar and prays the shades of his forefathers to accept the\nofferings and be favourable to their descendants. With great gravity he\nwaits upon the ghosts, passing dishes of food before the ancestral tablets\nand pouring out wine and tea to slake the thirst of the spirits. When the\ndead are supposed to be satisfied with the shadowy essence of the food,\nthe living partake of its gross material substance.(126) In Siam and Japan\nalso the souls of the dead revisit their families for three days in every\nyear, and the lamps which the Japanese kindle in multitudes on that\noccasion to light the spirits on their way have procured for the festival\nthe name of the Feast of Lanterns. It is to be observed that in Siam, as\nin Tonquin and Sumba, the return of the ghosts takes place at the New\nYear.(127)\n\n(M55) The Chewsurs of the Caucasus believe that the souls of the departed\nrevisit their old homes on the Saturday night of the second week in Lent.\nThis gathering of the dead is called the \u201cAssembly of Souls.\u201d The people\nspare no expense to treat the unseen guests handsomely. Beer is brewed and\nloaves of various shapes baked specially for the occasion.(128) The\nArmenians celebrate the memory of the dead on many days of the year,\nburning incense and lighting tapers in their honour. One of their customs\nis to keep a \u201clight of the dead\u201d burning all night in the house in order\nthat the ghosts may be able to enter. For if the spirits find the house\ndark, they spit down the chimney and depart, cursing the churlish\ninmates.(129)\n\n(M56) Early in April every year the Dahomans of West Africa \u201cset a table,\nas they term it, and invite friends to eat with the deceased relatives,\nwhose spirits are supposed to move round and partake of the good things of\nthis life. Even my interpreter, Madi-Ki Lemon, who pretends to despise the\nbelief in fetish, sets a table to his ancestors, and will tell you that\nhis grand- or great-grandfather, Corporal Lemon, makes a meal on this\noccasion which will last him till the next annual feast.\u201d(130) The Barea\nand apparently the Kunama, two heathen tribes who lead a settled\nagricultural life to the north of Abyssinia, celebrate every year a\nfestival in the month of November. It is a festival of thanksgiving for\nthe completion of the harvest, and at the same time a commemoration and\npropitiation of the dead. Every house prepares much beer for the occasion,\nand a small pot of beer is set out for each deceased member of the\nhousehold. After standing for two days in the house the beer which was\ndevoted to the dead is drunk by the living. At these festivals all the\npeople of a district meet in a special place, and there pass the time in\ngames and dances. Among the Barea the festive gatherings are held in a\nsacred grove. We are told that \u201che who owes another a drubbing on this day\ncan pay his debt with impunity; for it is a day of peace when all feuds\nare in abeyance.\u201d Wild honey may not be gathered till the festival has\nbeen held.(131) Apparently the festival is a sort of Saturnalia, such as\nis celebrated elsewhere at the end of harvest.(132) At that season there\nis food and to spare for the dead as well as the living.\n\n(M57) Among peoples of the Aryan stock, so far back as we can trace their\nhistory, the worship and propitiation of the dead seem to have formed a\nprincipal element of the popular religion;(133) and like so many other\nraces they appear to have believed that once a year the souls of their\ndeparted kinsfolk revisited their old homes and expected to be refreshed\nwith abundance of good cheer by their surviving relations. This belief\ngave rise to the custom of celebrating an annual Feast of All Souls, which\nhas come down to us from a dateless antiquity and is still observed year\nby year, with rites of primitive simplicity, in some parts of Europe. Such\na festival was held every year in spring by the old Iranians. The\ncelebration fell at the end of the year and lasted ten days, namely the\nlast five days of the last month and the five following supplementary\ndays, which were regularly inserted to make up a year of three hundred and\nsixty-five days; for the old Iranian, like the old Egyptian, year was a\nvague year of twelve months of thirty days each, with five supplementary\ndays added at the end for the sake of bringing it into apparent, though\nnot real, harmony with the sun\u2019s annual course in the sky. According to\none calculation the ten days of the festival corresponded to the last days\nof February, but according to another they fell in March; in later ages\nthe Parsees assigned them to the time of the spring equinox. The name of\nthe festival was Hamaspathmaedaya.(134) From a passage in the\n_Zend-Avesta_, the ancient sacred book of the Iranians, we learn that on\nthe ten nights of the festival the souls of the dead (the Fravashis) were\nbelieved to go about the village asking the people to do them reverence,\nto pray to them, to meditate on them, and to furnish them with meat and\nclothes, while at the same time they promised that blessings should rest\non the pious householder who complied with their request.(135) The Arab\ngeographer Albiruni, who flourished about the year one thousand of our\nera, tells us that among the Persians of his time the last five days of\nthe month Aban were called Farwardajan. \u201cDuring this time,\u201d he says,\n\u201cpeople put food in the halls of the dead and drink on the roofs of the\nhouses, believing that the spirits of their dead during these days come\nout from the places of their reward or their punishment, that they go to\nthe dishes laid out for them, imbibe their strength and suck their taste.\nThey fumigate their houses with juniper, that the dead may enjoy its\nsmell. The spirits of the pious men dwell among their families, children,\nand relations, and occupy themselves with their affairs, although\ninvisible to them.\u201d He adds that there was a controversy among the\nPersians as to the date of this festival of the dead, some maintaining\nthat the five days during which it lasted were the last five days of the\nmonth Aban, whereas others held that they were the five supplementary days\nwhich were inserted between the months Aban and Adhar. The dispute, he\ncontinues, was settled by the adoption of all ten days for the celebration\nof the feast.(136)\n\n(M58) Similar beliefs as to the annual return of the dead survive to this\nday in many parts of Europe and find expression in similar customs. The\nday of the dead or of All Souls, as we call it, is commonly the second of\nNovember. Thus in Lower Brittany the souls of the departed come to visit\nthe living on the eve of that day. After vespers are over, the priests and\nchoir walk in procession, \u201cthe procession of the charnel-house,\u201d chanting\na weird dirge in the Breton tongue. Then the people go home, gather round\nthe fire, and talk of the departed. The housewife covers the kitchen table\nwith a white cloth, sets out cider, curds, and hot pancakes on it, and\nretires with the family to rest. The fire on the hearth is kept up by a\nhuge log known as \u201cthe log of the dead\u201d (_kef ann Anaon_). Soon doleful\nvoices outside in the darkness break the stillness of night. It is the\n\u201csingers of death\u201d who go about the streets waking the sleepers by a wild\nand melancholy song, in which they remind the living in their comfortable\nbeds to pray for the poor souls in pain. All that night the dead warm\nthemselves at the hearth and feast on the viands prepared for them.\nSometimes the awe-struck listeners hear the stools creaking in the\nkitchen, or the dead leaves outside rustling under the ghostly\nfootsteps.(137) In the Vosges Mountains on All Souls\u2019 Eve the solemn sound\nof the church bells invites good Christians to pray for the repose of the\ndead. While the bells are ringing, it is customary in some families to\nuncover the beds and open the windows, doubtless in order to let the poor\nsouls enter and rest. No one that evening would dare to remain deaf to the\nappeal of the bells. The prayers are prolonged to a late hour of the\nnight. When the last _De profundis_ has been uttered, the head of the\nfamily gently covers up the beds, sprinkles them with holy water, and\nshuts the windows. In some villages fire is kept up on the hearth and a\nbasket of nuts is placed beside it for the use of the ghosts.(138) Again,\nin some parts of Saintonge and Aunis a Candlemas candle used to be lit\nbefore the domestic crucifix on All Souls\u2019 Day at the very hour when the\nlast member of the family departed this life; and some people, just as in\nTonquin, refrained from sweeping the house that day lest they should\nthereby disturb the ghostly visitors.(139)\n\n(M59) In Bruges, Dinant, and other towns of Belgium holy candles burn all\nnight in the houses on the Eve of All Souls, and the bells toll till\nmidnight, or even till morning. People, too, often set lighted candles on\nthe graves. At Scherpenheuvel the houses are illuminated, and the people\nwalk in procession carrying lighted candles in their hands. A very common\ncustom in Belgium is to eat \u201csoul-cakes\u201d or \u201csoul-bread\u201d on the eve or the\nday of All Souls. The eating of them is believed to benefit the dead in\nsome way. Perhaps originally, as among the Esquimaux of Alaska to this\nday,(140) the ghosts were thought to enter into the bodies of their\nrelatives and so to share the victuals which the survivors consumed.\nSimilarly at festivals in honour of the dead in Northern India it is\ncustomary to feed Brahmans, and the food which these holy men partake of\nis believed to pass to the deceased and to refresh their languid\nspirits.(141) The same idea of eating and drinking by proxy may perhaps\npartly explain many other funeral feasts. Be that as it may, at Dixmude\nand elsewhere in Belgium they say that you deliver a soul from Purgatory\nfor every cake you eat. At Antwerp they give a local colour to the\nsoul-cakes by baking them with plenty of saffron, the deep yellow tinge\nbeing suggestive of the flames of Purgatory. People in Antwerp at the same\nseason are careful not to slam doors or windows for fear of hurting the\nghosts.(142)\n\n(M60) In Lechrain, a district of Southern Bavaria which extends along the\nvalley of the Lech from its source to near the point where the river flows\ninto the Danube, the two festivals of All Saints and All Souls, on the\nfirst and second of November, have significantly fused in popular usage\ninto a single festival of the dead. In fact, the people pay little or no\nheed to the saints and give all their thoughts to the souls of their\ndeparted kinsfolk. The Feast of All Souls begins immediately after vespers\non All Saints\u2019 Day. Even on the eve of All Saints\u2019 Day, that is, on the\nthirty-first of October, which we call Hallowe\u2019en, the graveyard is\ncleaned and every grave adorned. The decoration consists in weeding the\nmounds, sprinkling a layer of charcoal on the bare earth, and marking out\npatterns on it in red service-berries. The marigold, too, is still in\nbloom at that season in cottage gardens, and garlands of its orange\nblooms, mingled with other late flowers left by the departing summer, are\ntwined about the grey mossgrown tombstones. The basin of holy water is\nfilled with fresh water and a branch of box-wood put into it; for box-wood\nin the popular mind is associated with death and the dead. On the eve of\nAll Souls\u2019 Day the people begin to visit the graves and to offer the\nsoul-cakes to the hungry souls. Next morning, before eight o\u2019clock,\ncommence the vigil, the requiem, and the solemn visitation of the graves.\nOn that day every household offers a plate of meal, oats, and spelt on a\nside-altar in the church; while in the middle of the sacred edifice a bier\nis set, covered with a pall, and surrounded by lighted tapers and vessels\nof holy water. The tapers burnt on that day and indeed generally in\nservices for the departed are red. In the evening people go, whenever they\ncan do so, to their native village, where their dear ones lie in the\nchurchyard; and there at the graves they pray for the poor souls, and\nleave an offering of soul-cakes also on a side-altar in the church. The\nsoul-cakes are baked of dough in the shape of a coil of hair and are made\nof all sizes up to three feet long. They form a perquisite of the\nsexton.(143)\n\n(M61) The custom of baking soul-cakes, sometimes called simply \u201csouls,\u201d on\nAll Souls\u2019 Day is widespread in Southern Germany and Austria;(144)\neverywhere, we may assume, the cakes were originally intended for the\nbenefit of the hungry dead, though they are often eaten by the living. In\nthe Upper Palatinate people throw food into the fire on All Souls\u2019 Day for\nthe poor souls, set lights on the table for them, and pray on bended knees\nfor their repose. On the graves, too, lights are kindled, vessels of holy\nwater placed, and food deposited for the refreshment of the souls. All\nover the Upper Palatinate on All Souls\u2019 Day it is also customary to bake\nspecial cakes of fine bread and distribute them to the poor,(145) who eat\nthem perhaps as the deputies of the dead.\n\n(M62) The Germans of Bohemia observe All Souls\u2019 Day with much solemnity.\nEach family celebrates the memory of its dead. On the eve of the day it is\ncustomary to eat cakes and to drink cold milk for the purpose of cooling\nthe poor souls who are roasting in purgatory; from which it appears that\nspirits feel the soothing effect of victuals consumed vicariously by their\nfriends on earth. The ringing of the church bells to prayer on that\nevening is believed to be the signal at which the ghosts, released from\nthe infernal gaol, come trooping to the old familiar fire-side, there to\nrest from their pangs for a single night. So in many places people fill a\nlamp with butter, light it, and set it on the hearth, that with the butter\nthe poor ghosts may anoint the burns they have received from the\nsulphureous and tormenting flames of purgatory. Next morning the chime of\nthe church bells, ringing to early mass, is the knell that bids the souls\nreturn to their place of pain; but such as have completed their penance\ntake flight to heaven. So on the eve of All Saints\u2019 Day each family\ngathers in the parlour or the kitchen, speaks softly of those they have\nlost, recalls what they said and did in life, and prays for the repose of\ntheir souls. While the prayer is being said, the children kindle little\nwax lights which have been specially bought for the purpose that day. Next\nmorning the families go to church, where mass is celebrated for the dead;\nthen they wend their way to the churchyard, where they deck the graves of\ntheir kinsfolk with flowers and wreaths and set little lights upon them.\nThis custom of illumining the graves and decking them with flowers on the\nEve or Day of All Souls is common all over Bohemia; it is observed in\nPrague as well as in the country, by Czechs as well as by Germans. In some\nCzech villages four-cornered cakes of a special sort, baked of white\nwheaten meal with milk, are eaten on All Souls\u2019 Day or given to beggars\nthat they may pray for the dead.(146) Among the Germans of Western Bohemia\npoor children go from house to house on All Souls\u2019 Day, begging for\nsoul-cakes, and when they receive them they pray God to bless all poor\nsouls. In the southern districts every farmer used to grind a great\nquantity of corn against the day and to bake it into five or six hundred\nlittle black soul-cakes which he gave away to the poor who came begging\nfor them.(147)\n\n(M63) All Souls\u2019 Day is celebrated with similar rites by the Germans of\nMoravia. \u201cThe festival of the farewell to summer,\u201d says a German writer on\nthis subject, \u201cwas held by our heathen forefathers in the beginning of\nNovember, and with the memory of the departed summer they united the\nmemory of the departed souls, and this last has survived in the Feast of\nAll Souls, which is everywhere observed with great piety. On the evening\nof All Souls the relations of the departed assemble in the churchyards and\nadorn the graves of their dear ones with flowers and lights, while the\nchildren kindle little wax tapers, which have been bought for them, to\nlight the \u2018poor souls.\u2019 According to the popular belief, the dead go in\nprocession to the church about midnight, and any stout-hearted young man\ncan there see all the living men who will die within the year.\u201d(148)\n\n(M64) In the Tyrol the beliefs and customs are similar. There, too,\n\u201csoul-lights,\u201d that is, lamps filled with lard or butter are lighted and\nplaced on the hearth on All Souls\u2019 Eve in order that poor souls, escaped\nfrom the fires of purgatory, may smear the melted grease on their burns\nand so alleviate their pangs. Some people also leave milk and dough-nuts\nfor them on the table all night. The graves also are illuminated with wax\ncandles and decked with such a profusion of flowers that you might think\nit was springtime.(149) In the Italian Tyrol it is customary to give bread\nor money to the poor on All Souls\u2019 Day; in the Val di Ledro children\nthreaten to dirty the doors of houses if they do not get the usual dole.\nSome rich people treat the poor to bean-soup on that day. Others put\npitchers full of water in the kitchen on All Souls\u2019 night that the poor\nsouls may slake their thirst.(150) In Baden it is still customary to deck\nthe graves with flowers and lights on All Saints\u2019 Day and All Souls\u2019 Day.\nThe lights are sometimes kindled in hollow turnips, on the sides of which\ninscriptions are carved and shine out in the darkness. If any child steals\na turnip-lantern or anything else from a grave, the indignant ghost who\nhas been robbed appears to the thief the same night and reclaims his\nstolen property. A relic of the old custom of feeding the dead survives in\nthe practice of giving soul-cakes to godchildren.(151)\n\n(M65) The Letts used to entertain and feed the souls of the dead for four\nweeks from Michaelmas (September 29) to the day of St. Simon and St. Jude\n(October 28). They called the season _Wellalaick_ or _Semlicka_, and\nregarded it as so holy that while it lasted they would not willingly\nthresh the corn, alleging that grain threshed at that time would be\nuseless for sowing, since the souls of the dead would not allow it to\nsprout. But we may suspect that the original motive of the abstinence was\na fear lest the blows of the flails should fall upon the poor ghosts\nswarming in the air. At this season the people were wont to prepare food\nof all sorts for the spirits and set it on the floor of a room, which had\nbeen well heated and swept for the purpose. Late in the evening the master\nof the house went into the room, tended the fire, and called upon his dead\nkinsfolk by their names to come and eat and drink. If he saw the ghosts,\nhe would die within the year; but if he did not see them he would outlive\nit. When he thought the souls had eaten and drunk enough, he took the\nstaff which served as a poker and laying it on the threshold cut it in two\nwith an axe. At the same time he bade the spirits go their way, charging\nthem to keep to the roads and paths and not to tread upon the rye. If the\ncrops turned out ill next year, the people laid the failure at the door of\nthe ghosts, who fancied themselves scurvily treated and had taken their\nrevenge by trampling down the corn.(152) The Samagitians annually invited\nthe dead to come from their graves and enjoy a bath and a feast. For their\nentertainment they prepared a special hut, in which they set out food and\ndrink, together with a seat and a napkin for every soul who had been\ninvited. They left the souls to revel by themselves for three days in the\nhut; then they deposited the remains of the banquet on the graves and bade\nthe ghosts farewell. The good things, however, were usually consumed by\ncharcoal burners in the forest. This feast of the dead fell early in\nNovember.(153) The Esthonians prepare a meal for their dead on All Souls\u2019\nDay, the second of November, and invite them by their names to come and\npartake of it. The ghosts arrive in the early morning at the first\ncock-crow, and depart at the second, being ceremoniously lighted out of\nthe house by the head of the family, who waves a white cloth after them\nand bids them come again next year.(154)\n\n(M66) In some parts of the Russian Government of Olonets the inhabitants\nof a village sometimes celebrate a joint festival in honour of all their\ndead. Having chosen a house for the purpose, they spread three tables, one\noutside the front door, one in the passage, and one in the room which is\nheated by a stove. Then they go out to meet their unseen guests and usher\nthem into the house with these words, \u201cYe are tired, our own ones; take\nsomething to eat.\u201d The ghosts accordingly refresh themselves at each table\nin succession. Then the master of the house bids them warm themselves at\nthe stove, remarking that they must have grown cold in the damp earth.\nAfter that the living guests sit down to eat at the tables. Towards the\nend of the meal the host opens the window and lets the ghosts gently out\nof it by means of the shroud in which they were lowered into the grave. As\nthey slide down it from the warm room into the outer air, the people tell\nthem, \u201cNow it is time for you to go home, and your feet must be tired; the\nway is not a little one for you to travel. Here it is softer for you. Now,\nin God\u2019s name, farewell!\u201d(155)\n\n(M67) Among the Votiaks of Russia every family sacrifices to its dead once\na year in the week before Palm Sunday. The sacrifice is offered in the\nhouse about midnight. Flesh, bread, or cakes and beer are set on the\ntable, and on the floor beside the table stands a trough of bark with a\nlighted wax candle stuck on the rim. The master of the house, having\ncovered his head with his hat, takes a piece of meat in his hand and says,\n\u201cYe spirits of the long departed, guard and preserve us well. Make none of\nus cripples. Send no plagues upon us. Cause the corn, the wine, and the\nfood to prosper with us.\u201d(156) The Votiaks of the Governments of Wjatka\nand Kasan celebrate two memorial festivals of the dead every year, one in\nautumn and the other in spring. On a certain day koumiss is distilled,\nbeer brewed, and potato scones baked in every house. All the members of a\nclan, who trace their descent through women from one mythical ancestress,\nassemble in a single house, generally in one which lies at the boundary of\nthe clan land. Here an old man moulds wax candles; and when the requisite\nnumber is made he sticks them on the shelf of the stove, and begins to\nmention the dead relations of the master of the house by name. For each of\nthem he crumbles a piece of bread, gives each of them a piece of pancake,\npours koumiss and beer, and puts a spoonful of soup into a trough made for\nthe purpose. All persons present whose parents are dead follow his\nexample. The dogs are then allowed to eat out of the trough. If they eat\nquietly, it is a sign that the dead live at peace; if they do not eat\nquietly, it argues the contrary. Then the company sit down to table and\npartake of the meal. Next morning both the dead and the living refresh\nthemselves with a drink, and a fowl is boiled. The proceedings are the\nsame as on the evening before. But now they treat the souls for the last\ntime as a preparation for their journey, saying: \u201cEat, drink, and go home\nto your companions. Live at peace, be gracious to us, keep our children,\nguard our corn, our beasts and birds.\u201d Then the people banquet and indulge\nin all sorts of improprieties. The women refrain from feasting until the\ndead have taken their departure; but when the souls are gone, there is no\nlonger any motive for abstinence, the koumiss circulates freely among the\nwomen, and they grow wanton. Yet at this, as at every other festival, the\nmen and women eat in different parts of the room.(157)\n\n(M68) On All Saints\u2019 Day, the first of November, shops and streets in the\nAbruzzi are filled with candles, which people buy in order to kindle them\nin the evening on the graves of their relations. For all the dead come to\nvisit their homes that night, the Eve of All Souls, and they need lights\nto show them the way. For their use, too, lights are kept burning in the\nhouses all night. Before people go to sleep they place on the table a\nlighted lamp or candle and a frugal meal of bread and water. The dead\nissue from their graves and stalk in procession through every street of\nthe village. You can see them if you stand at a cross-road with your chin\nresting on a forked stick. First pass the souls of the good, and then the\nsouls of the murdered and the damned. Once, they say, a man was thus\npeeping at the ghastly procession. The good souls told him he had better\ngo home. He did not, and when he saw the tail of the procession he died of\nfright.(158)\n\n(M69) In our own country the old belief in the annual return of the dead\nlong lingered in the custom of baking \u201csoul-cakes\u201d and eating them or\ndistributing them to the poor on All Souls\u2019 Day. Peasant girls used to go\nfrom farmhouse to farmhouse on that day, singing,\n\n\n    \u201c_Soul, soul, for a soul cake,_\n    _Pray you, good mistress, a soul cake._\u201d(159)\n\n\nIn Shropshire down to the seventeenth century it was customary on All\nSouls\u2019 Day to set on the table a high heap of soul-cakes, and most\nvisitors to the house took one of them. The antiquary John Aubrey, who\nrecords the custom, mentions also the appropriate verses:\n\n\n    \u201c_A soul-cake, a soul-cake,_\n    _Have mercy on all Christen soules for a soule-cake._\u201d(160)\n\n\nIndeed the custom of soul-cakes survived in Shropshire down to the latter\npart of the nineteenth century and may not be extinct even now. \u201cWith us,\nAll Saints\u2019 Day is known as \u2018Souling Day,\u2019 and up to the present time in\nmany places, poor children, and sometimes men, go out \u2018souling\u2019: which\nmeans that they go round to the houses of all the more well-to-do people\nwithin reach, reciting a ditty peculiar to the day, and looking for a dole\nof cakes, broken victuals, ale, apples, or money. The two latter are now\nthe usual rewards, but there are few old North Salopians who cannot\nremember when \u2018soul-cakes\u2019 were made at all the farms and \u2018bettermost\u2019\nhouses in readiness for the day, and were given to all who came for them.\nWe are told of liberal housewives who would provide as many as a\nclothes-basket full.\u201d(161) The same custom of going out \u201ca-souling\u201d on All\nSaints\u2019 Day or All Souls\u2019 Day used to be observed in the neighbouring\ncounties of Staffordshire, Cheshire, Lancashire, Herefordshire, and\nMonmouthshire. In Herefordshire the soul-cakes were made of oatmeal, and\nhe or she who received one of them was bound to say to the giver:\n\n\n    \u201c_God have your saul,_\n      _Beens and all._\u201d(162)\n\n\nThus the practice of \u201csouling\u201d appears to have prevailed especially in the\nEnglish counties which border on Wales. In many parts of Wales itself down\nto the first half of the nineteenth century poor peasants used to go about\nbegging for bread on All Souls\u2019 Day. The bread bestowed on them was called\n_bara ran_ or dole-bread. \u201cThis custom was a survival of the Middle Ages,\nwhen the poor begged bread for the souls of their departed relatives and\nfriends.\u201d(163) However, the custom was not confined to the west of\nEngland, for at Whitby in Yorkshire down to the early part of the\nnineteenth century it was usual to make \u201csoul mass loaves\u201d on or about All\nSouls\u2019 Day. They were small round loaves, sold by bakers at a farthing\napiece, chiefly for presents to children. In former times people used to\nkeep one or two of them for good luck.(164) In Aberdeenshire, also, \u201con\nAll Souls\u2019 Day, baked cakes of a particular sort are given away to those\nwho may chance to visit the house, where they are made. The cakes are\ncalled \u2018dirge-loaf.\u2019 \u201d(165) Even in the remote island of St. Kilda it was\ncustomary on All Saints\u2019 Day to bake a large cake in the form of a\ntriangle, furrowed round; the cake must be all eaten that night.(166)\n\n(M70) The same mode of celebrating All Souls\u2019 Day has been transported by\nCatholicism to the New World and imparted to the aborigines of that\ncontinent. Thus in Carchi, a province of Ecuador, the Indians prepare\nfoods of various sorts against All Souls\u2019 Day, and when the day has come\nthey take some of the provisions to the church and there deposit them on\ntables set out for the purpose. These good things are the perquisite of\nthe priest, who celebrates mass for the dead. After the service the\nIndians repair to the cemetery, where with burning candles and pots of\nholy water they prostrate themselves before the tombs of their relations,\nwhile the priest or the sacristan recites prayers for the souls of the\ndeparted. In the evening the Indians return to their houses. A table with\nfour lights on it is spread with food and drink, especially with such\nthings as the dead loved in their life. The door is left open all night,\nno doubt to let the spirits of the dead enter, and the family sits up,\nkeeping the invisible guests company through the long hours of darkness.\nFrom seven o\u2019clock and onwards troops of children traverse the village and\nits neighbourhood. They go from house to house ringing a bell and crying,\n\u201cWe are angels, we descend from the sky, we ask for bread.\u201d The people go\nto their doors and beg the children to recite a _Pater Noster_ or an _Ave\nMaria_ for the dead whom they name. When the prayer has been duly said,\nthey give the children a little of the food from the table. All night long\nthis goes on, band succeeding band of children. At five o\u2019clock in the\nmorning the family consumes the remainder of the food of the souls.(167)\nHere the children going from door to door during the night of All Souls\nappear to personate the souls of the dead who are also abroad at that\ntime; hence to give bread to the children is the same thing as to give\nbread to the poor hungry souls. Probably the same explanation applies to\nthe giving of soul-cakes to children and the poor on All Souls\u2019 Day in\nEurope.\n\n(M71) A comparison of these European customs with the similar heathen\nrites can leave no room for doubt that the nominally Christian feast of\nAll Souls is nothing but an old pagan festival of the dead which the\nChurch, unable or unwilling to suppress, resolved from motives of policy\nto connive at. But whence did it borrow the practice of solemnizing the\nfestival on that particular day, the second of November? In order to\nanswer this question we should observe, first, that celebrations of this\nsort are often held at the beginning of a New Year,(168) and, second, that\nthe peoples of North-Western Europe, the Celts and the Teutons, appear to\nhave dated the beginning of their year from the beginning of winter, the\nCelts reckoning it from the first of November(169) and the Teutons from\nthe first of October.(170) The difference of reckoning may be due to a\ndifference of climate, the home of the Teutons in Central and Northern\nEurope being a region where winter sets in earlier than on the more\ntemperate and humid coasts of the Atlantic, the home of the Celts. These\nconsiderations suggest that the festival of All Souls on the second of\nNovember originated with the Celts, and spread from them to the rest of\nthe European peoples, who, while they preserved their old feasts of the\ndead practically unchanged, may have transferred them to the second of\nNovember. This conjecture is supported by what we know of the\necclesiastical institution, or rather recognition, of the festival. For\nthat recognition was first accorded at the end of the tenth century in\nFrance, a Celtic country, from which the Church festival gradually spread\nover Europe. It was Odilo, abbot of the great Benedictine monastery of\nClugny, who initiated the change in 998 A.D. by ordering that in all the\nmonasteries over which he ruled, a solemn mass should be celebrated on the\nsecond of November for all the dead who sleep in Christ. The example thus\nset was followed by other religious houses, and the bishops, one after\nanother, introduced the new celebration into their dioceses. Thus the\nfestival of All Souls gradually established itself throughout Christendom,\nthough in fact the Church has never formally sanctioned it by a general\nedict nor attached much weight to its observance. Indeed, when objections\nwere raised to the festival at the Reformation, the ecclesiastical\nauthorities seemed ready to abandon it.(171) These facts are explained\nvery simply by the theory that an old Celtic commemoration of the dead\nlingered in France down to the end of the tenth century, and was then, as\na measure of policy and a concession to ineradicable paganism, at last\nincorporated in the Catholic ritual. The consciousness of the heathen\norigin of the practice would naturally prevent the supreme authorities\nfrom insisting strongly on its observance. They appear rightly to have\nregarded it as an outpost which they could surrender to the forces of\nrationalism without endangering the citadel of the faith.\n\n(M72) Perhaps we may go a step further and explain in like manner the\norigin of the feast of All Saints on the first of November. For the\nanalogy of similar customs elsewhere would lead us to suppose that the old\nCeltic festival of the dead was held on the Celtic New Year\u2019s Day, that\nis, on the first, not the second, of November. May not then the\ninstitution of the feast of All Saints on that day have been the first\nattempt of the Church to give a colour of Christianity to the ancient\nheathen rite by substituting the saints for the souls of the dead as the\ntrue object of worship? The facts of history seem to countenance this\nhypothesis. For the feast of All Saints was instituted in France and\nGermany by order of the Emperor Lewis the Pious in 835 A.D., that is,\nabout a hundred and sixty years before the introduction of the feast of\nAll Souls. The innovation was made by the advice of the pope, Gregory IV.,\nwhose motive may well have been that of suppressing an old pagan custom\nwhich was still notoriously practised in France and Germany. The idea,\nhowever, was not a novel one, for the testimony of Bede proves that in\nBritain, another Celtic country, the feast of All Saints on the first of\nNovember was already celebrated in the eighth century.(172) We may\nconjecture that this attempt to divert the devotion of the faithful from\nthe souls of the dead to the saints proved a failure, and that finally the\nChurch reluctantly decided to sanction the popular superstition by frankly\nadmitting a feast of All Souls into the calendar. But it could not assign\nthe new, or rather the old, festival to the old day, the first of\nNovember, since that was already occupied by the feast of All Saints.\nAccordingly it placed the mass for the dead on the next day, the second of\nNovember. On this theory the feasts of All Saints and of All Souls mark\ntwo successive efforts of the Catholic Church to eradicate an old heathen\nfestival of the dead. Both efforts failed. \u201cIn all Catholic countries the\nday of All Souls has preserved the serious character of a festival of the\ndead which no worldly gaieties are allowed to disturb. It is then the\nsacred duty of the survivors to visit the graves of their loved ones in\nthe churchyard, to deck them with flowers and lights, and to utter a\ndevout prayer\u2014a pious custom with which in cities like Paris and Vienna\neven the gay and frivolous comply for the sake of appearance, if not to\nsatisfy an impulse of the heart.\u201d(173)\n\n\n\n\n\u00a7 3. The Festival in the Month of Athyr.\n\n\n(M73) The foregoing evidence lends some support to the conjecture\u2014for it\nis only a conjecture\u2014that the great festival of Osiris at Sais, with its\naccompanying illumination of the houses, was a night of All Souls, when\nthe ghosts of the dead swarmed in the streets and revisited their old\nhomes, which were lit up to welcome them back again. Herodotus, who\nbriefly describes the festival, omits to mention its date, but we can\ndetermine it with some probability from other sources. Thus Plutarch tells\nus that Osiris was murdered on the seventeenth of the month Athyr, and\nthat the Egyptians accordingly observed mournful rites for four days from\nthe seventeenth of Athyr.(174) Now in the Alexandrian calendar, which\nPlutarch used, these four days corresponded to the thirteenth, fourteenth,\nfifteenth, and sixteenth of November, and this date answers exactly to the\nother indications given by Plutarch, who says that at the time of the\nfestival the Nile was sinking, the north winds dying away, the nights\nlengthening, and the leaves falling from the trees. During these four days\na gilt cow swathed in a black pall was exhibited as an image of Isis.\nThis, no doubt, was the image mentioned by Herodotus in his account of the\nfestival.(175) On the nineteenth day of the month the people went down to\nthe sea, the priests carrying a shrine which contained a golden casket.\nInto this casket they poured fresh water, and thereupon the spectators\nraised a shout that Osiris was found. After that they took some vegetable\nmould, moistened it with water, mixed it with precious spices and incense,\nand moulded the paste into a small moon-shaped image, which was then robed\nand ornamented.(176) Thus it appears that the purpose of the ceremonies\ndescribed by Plutarch was to represent dramatically, first, the search for\nthe dead body of Osiris, and, second, its joyful discovery, followed by\nthe resurrection of the dead god who came to life again in the new image\nof vegetable mould and spices. Lactantius tells us how on these occasions\nthe priests, with their shaven bodies, beat their breasts and lamented,\nimitating the sorrowful search of Isis for her lost son Osiris, and how\nafterwards their sorrow was turned to joy when the jackal-headed god\nAnubis, or rather a mummer in his stead, produced a small boy, the living\nrepresentative of the god who was lost and was found.(177) Thus Lactantius\nregarded Osiris as the son instead of the husband of Isis, and he makes no\nmention of the image of vegetable mould. It is probable that the boy who\nfigured in the sacred drama played the part, not of Osiris, but of his son\nHorus;(178) but as the death and resurrection of the god were celebrated\nin many cities of Egypt, it is also possible that in some places the part\nof the god come to life was played by a living actor instead of by an\nimage. Another Christian writer describes how the Egyptians, with shorn\nheads, annually lamented over a buried idol of Osiris, smiting their\nbreasts, slashing their shoulders, ripping open their old wounds, until,\nafter several days of mourning, they professed to find the mangled remains\nof the god, at which they rejoiced.(179) However the details of the\nceremony may have varied in different places, the pretence of finding the\ngod\u2019s body, and probably of restoring it to life, was a great event in the\nfestal year of the Egyptians. The shouts of joy which greeted it are\ndescribed or alluded to by many ancient writers.(180)\n\n\n\n\n\u00a7 4. The Festival in the Month of Khoiak.\n\n\n(M74) The funeral rites of Osiris, as they were observed at his great\nfestival in the sixteen provinces of Egypt, are described in a long\ninscription of the Ptolemaic period, which is engraved on the walls of the\ngod\u2019s temple at Denderah, the Tentyra of the Greeks, a town of Upper Egypt\nsituated on the western bank of the Nile about forty miles north of\nThebes.(181) Unfortunately, while the information thus furnished is\nremarkably full and minute on many points, the arrangement adopted in the\ninscription is so confused and the expression often so obscure that a\nclear and consistent account of the ceremonies as a whole can hardly be\nextracted from it. Moreover, we learn from the document that the\nceremonies varied somewhat in the several cities, the ritual of Abydos,\nfor example, differing from that of Busiris. Without attempting to trace\nall the particularities of local usage I shall briefly indicate what seem\nto have been the leading features of the festival, so far as these can be\nascertained with tolerable certainty.(182)\n\n(M75) The rites lasted eighteen days, from the twelfth to the thirtieth of\nthe month Khoiak, and set forth the nature of Osiris in his triple aspect\nas dead, dismembered, and finally reconstituted by the union of his\nscattered limbs. In the first of these aspects he was called Chent-Ament\n(Khenti-Amenti), in the second Osiris-Sep, and in the third Sokari\n(Seker).(183) Small images of the god were moulded of sand or vegetable\nearth and corn, to which incense was sometimes added;(184) his face was\npainted yellow and his cheek-bones green.(185) These images were cast in a\nmould of pure gold, which represented the god in the form of a mummy, with\nthe white crown of Egypt on his head.(186) The festival opened on the\ntwelfth day of Khoiak with a ceremony of ploughing and sowing. Two black\ncows were yoked to the plough, which was made of tamarisk wood, while the\nshare was of black copper. A boy scattered the seed. One end of the field\nwas sown with barley, the other with spelt, and the middle with flax.\nDuring the operation the chief celebrant recited the ritual chapter of\n\u201cthe sowing of the fields.\u201d(187) At Busiris on the twentieth of Khoiak\nsand and barley were put in the god\u2019s \u201cgarden,\u201d which appears to have been\na sort of large flower-pot. This was done in the presence of the\ncow-goddess Shenty, represented seemingly by the image of a cow made of\ngilt sycamore wood with a headless human image in its inside. \u201cThen fresh\ninundation water was poured out of a golden vase over both the goddess and\nthe \u2018garden\u2019 and the barley was allowed to grow as the emblem of the\nresurrection of the god after his burial in the earth, \u2018for the growth of\nthe garden is the growth of the divine substance.\u2019 \u201d(188) On the\ntwenty-second of Khoiak, at the eighth hour, the images of Osiris,\nattended by thirty-four images of deities, performed a mysterious voyage\nin thirty-four tiny boats made of papyrus, which were illuminated by three\nhundred and sixty-five lights.(189) On the twenty-fourth of Khoiak, after\nsunset, the effigy of Osiris in a coffin of mulberry wood was laid in the\ngrave, and at the ninth hour of the night the effigy which had been made\nand deposited the year before was removed and placed upon boughs of\nsycamore.(190) Lastly, on the thirtieth day of Khoiak they repaired to the\nholy sepulchre, a subterranean chamber over which appears to have grown a\nclump of Persea-trees. Entering the vault by the western door, they laid\nthe coffined effigy of the dead god reverently on a bed of sand in the\nchamber. So they left him to his rest, and departed from the sepulchre by\nthe eastern door. Thus ended the ceremonies in the month of Khoiak.(191)\n\n\n\n\n\u00a7 5. The Resurrection of Osiris.\n\n\n(M76) In the foregoing account of the festival, drawn from the great\ninscription of Denderah, the burial of Osiris figures prominently, while\nhis resurrection is implied rather than expressed. This defect of the\ndocument, however, is amply compensated by a remarkable series of\nbas-reliefs which accompany and illustrate the inscription. These exhibit\nin a series of scenes the dead god lying swathed as a mummy on his bier,\nthen gradually raising himself up higher and higher, until at last he has\nentirely quitted the bier and is seen erect between the guardian wings of\nthe faithful Isis, who stands behind him, while a male figure holds up\nbefore his eyes the _crux ansata_, the Egyptian symbol of life.(192) The\nresurrection of the god could hardly be portrayed more graphically. Even\nmore instructive, however, is another representation of the same event in\na chamber dedicated to Osiris in the great temple of Isis at Philae. Here\nwe see the dead body of Osiris with stalks of corn springing from it,\nwhile a priest waters the stalks from a pitcher which he holds in his\nhand. The accompanying inscription sets forth that \u201cthis is the form of\nhim whom one may not name, Osiris of the mysteries, who springs from the\nreturning waters.\u201d(193) Taken together, the picture and the words seem to\nleave no doubt that Osiris was here conceived and represented as a\npersonification of the corn which springs from the fields after they have\nbeen fertilized by the inundation. This, according to the inscription, was\nthe kernel of the mysteries, the innermost secret revealed to the\ninitiated. So in the rites of Demeter at Eleusis a reaped ear of corn was\nexhibited to the worshippers as the central mystery of their\nreligion.(194) We can now fully understand why at the great festival of\nsowing in the month of Khoiak the priests used to bury effigies of Osiris\nmade of earth and corn. When these effigies were taken up again at the end\nof a year or of a shorter interval, the corn would be found to have\nsprouted from the body of Osiris, and this sprouting of the grain would be\nhailed as an omen, or rather as the cause, of the growth of the\ncrops.(195) The corn-god produced the corn from himself: he gave his own\nbody to feed the people: he died that they might live.\n\n(M77) And from the death and resurrection of their great god the Egyptians\ndrew not only their support and sustenance in this life, but also their\nhope of a life eternal beyond the grave. This hope is indicated in the\nclearest manner by the very remarkable effigies of Osiris which have come\nto light in Egyptian cemeteries. Thus in the Valley of the Kings at Thebes\nthere was found the tomb of a royal fan-bearer who lived about 1500 B.C.\nAmong the rich contents of the tomb there was a bier on which rested a\nmattress of reeds covered with three layers of linen. On the upper side of\nthe linen was painted a life-size figure of Osiris; and the interior of\nthe figure, which was waterproof, contained a mixture of vegetable mould,\nbarley, and a sticky fluid. The barley had sprouted and sent out shoots\ntwo or three inches long.(196) Again, in the cemetery at Cynopolis \u201cwere\nnumerous burials of Osiris figures. These were made of grain wrapped up in\ncloth and roughly shaped like an Osiris, and placed inside a bricked-up\nrecess at the side of the tomb, sometimes in small pottery coffins,\nsometimes in wooden coffins in the form of a hawk-mummy, sometimes without\nany coffins at all.\u201d(197) These corn-stuffed figures were bandaged like\nmummies with patches of gilding here and there, as if in imitation of the\ngolden mould in which the similar figures of Osiris were cast at the\nfestival of sowing.(198) Again, effigies of Osiris, with faces of green\nwax and their interior full of grain, were found buried near the\nnecropolis of Thebes.(199) Finally, we are told by Professor Erman that\nbetween the legs of mummies \u201cthere sometimes lies a figure of Osiris made\nof slime; it is filled with grains of corn, the sprouting of which is\nintended to signify the resurrection of the god.\u201d(200) We cannot doubt\nthat, just as the burial of corn-stuffed images of Osiris in the earth at\nthe festival of sowing was designed to quicken the seed, so the burial of\nsimilar images in the grave was meant to quicken the dead, in other words,\nto ensure their spiritual immortality.\n\n\n\n\n\u00a7 6. Readjustment of Egyptian Festivals.\n\n\n(M78) The festival of Osiris which Plutarch assigns to the month of Athyr\nwould seem to be identical in substance with the one which the inscription\nof Denderah assigns to the following month, namely, to Khoiak. Apparently\nthe essence of both festivals was a dramatic representation of the death\nand resurrection of the god; in both of them Isis was figured by a gilt\ncow, and Osiris by an image moulded of moist vegetable earth. But if the\nfestivals were the same, why were they held in different months? It is\neasy to suggest that different towns in Egypt celebrated the festival at\ndifferent dates. But when we remember that according to the great\ninscription of Denderah, the authority of which is indisputable, the\nfestival fell in the month of Khoiak in every province of Egypt, we shall\nbe reluctant to suppose that at some one place, or even at a few places,\nit was exceptionally held in the preceding month of Athyr, and that the\nusually well-informed Plutarch described the exception as if it had been\nthe rule, of which on this supposition he must have been wholly ignorant.\nMore probably the discrepancy is to be explained by the great change which\ncame over the Egyptian calendar between the date of the inscription and\nthe lifetime of Plutarch. For when the inscription was drawn up in the\nPtolemaic age the festivals were dated by the old vague or movable year,\nand therefore rotated gradually through the whole circle of the seasons;\nwhereas at the time when Plutarch wrote, about the end of the first\ncentury, they were seemingly dated by the fixed Alexandrian year, and\naccordingly had ceased to rotate.(201)\n\n(M79) But even if we grant that in Plutarch\u2019s day the festivals had become\nstationary, still this would not explain why the old festival of Khoiak\nhad been transferred to Athyr. In order to understand that transference it\nseems necessary to suppose that when the Egyptians gave to their months\nfixed places in the solar year by accepting the Alexandrian system of\nintercalation, they at the same time transferred the festivals from what\nmay be called their artificial to their natural dates. Under the old\nsystem a summer festival was sometimes held in winter and a winter\nfestival in summer; a harvest celebration sometimes fell at the season of\nsowing, and a sowing celebration at the season of harvest. People might\nreconcile themselves to such anomalies so long as they knew that they were\nonly temporary, and that in the course of time the festivals would\nnecessarily return to their proper seasons. But it must have been\notherwise when they adopted a fixed instead of a movable year, and so\narrested the rotation of the festivals for ever. For they could not but be\naware that every festival would thenceforth continue to occupy for all\ntime that particular place in the solar year which it chanced to occupy in\nthe year 30 B.C., when the calendar became fixed. If in that particular\nyear it happened, as it might have happened, that the summer festivals\nwere held in winter and the winter festivals in summer, they would always\nbe so held in future; the absurdity and anomaly would never again be\nrectified as it had been before. This consideration, which could not have\nescaped intelligent men, must have suggested the advisability of\ntransferring the festivals from the dates at which they chanced to be\ncelebrated in 30 B.C. to the dates at which they ought properly to be\ncelebrated in the course of nature.\n\n(M80) Now what in the year 30 B.C. was the actual amount of discrepancy\nbetween the accidental and the natural dates of the festivals? It was a\nlittle more than a month. In that year Thoth, the first month of the\nEgyptian calendar, happened to begin on the twenty-ninth of August,(202)\nwhereas according to theory it should have begun with the heliacal rising\nof Sirius on the twentieth of July, that is, forty days or, roughly\nspeaking, a month earlier. From this it follows that in the year 30 B.C.\nall the Egyptian festivals fell about a month later than their natural\ndates, and they must have continued to fall a month late for ever if they\nwere allowed to retain those places in the calendar which they chanced to\noccupy in that particular year. In these circumstances it would be a\nnatural and sensible thing to restore the festivals to their proper places\nin the solar year by celebrating them one calendar month earlier than\nbefore.(203) If this measure were adopted the festivals which had hitherto\nbeen held, for example, in the third month Athyr would henceforth be held\nin the second month Phaophi; the festivals which had hitherto fallen in\nthe fourth month Khoiak would thenceforth fall in the third month Athyr;\nand so on. Thus the festal calendar would be reduced to harmony with the\nseasons instead of being in more or less flagrant discord with them, as it\nhad generally been before, and must always have been afterwards if the\nchange which I have indicated had not been introduced. It is only to\ncredit the native astronomers and the Roman rulers of Egypt with common\nsense to suppose that they actually adopted the measure. On that\nsupposition we can perfectly understand why the festival of sowing, which\nhad formerly belonged to the month of Khoiak, was transferred to Athyr.\nFor in the Alexandrian calendar Khoiak corresponds very nearly to\nDecember, and Athyr to November. But in Egypt the month of November, not\nthe month of December, is the season of sowing. There was therefore every\nreason why the great sowing festival of the corn-god Osiris should be held\nin Athyr and not Khoiak, in November and not in December. In like manner\nwe may suppose that all the Egyptian festivals were restored to their true\nplaces in the solar year, and that when Plutarch dates a festival both by\nits calendar month and by its relation to the cycle of the seasons, he is\nperfectly right in doing so, and we may accept his evidence with\nconfidence instead of having to accuse him of ignorantly confounding the\nmovable Egyptian with the fixed Alexandrian year. Accusations of ignorance\nlevelled at the best writers of antiquity are apt to recoil on those who\nmake them.(204)\n\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER V. THE NATURE OF OSIRIS.\n\n\n\n\n\u00a7 1. Osiris a Corn-God.\n\n\n(M81) The foregoing survey of the myth and ritual of Osiris may suffice to\nprove that in one of his aspects the god was a personification of the\ncorn, which may be said to die and come to life again every year. Through\nall the pomp and glamour with which in later times the priests had\ninvested his worship, the conception of him as the corn-god comes clearly\nout in the festival of his death and resurrection, which was celebrated in\nthe month of Khoiak and at a later period in the month of Athyr. That\nfestival appears to have been essentially a festival of sowing, which\nproperly fell at the time when the husbandman actually committed the seed\nto the earth. On that occasion an effigy of the corn-god, moulded of earth\nand corn, was buried with funeral rites in the ground in order that, dying\nthere, he might come to life again with the new crops. The ceremony was,\nin fact, a charm to ensure the growth of the corn by sympathetic magic,\nand we may conjecture that as such it was practised in a simple form by\nevery Egyptian farmer on his fields long before it was adopted and\ntransfigured by the priests in the stately ritual of the temple. In the\nmodern, but doubtless ancient, Arab custom of burying \u201cthe Old Man,\u201d\nnamely, a sheaf of wheat, in the harvest-field and praying that he may\nreturn from the dead,(205) we see the germ out of which the worship of the\ncorn-god Osiris was probably developed. Earth.(206) What more appropriate\nparentage could be invented for the corn which springs from the ground\nthat has been fertilized by the water of heaven? It is true that the land\nof Egypt owed its fertility directly to the Nile and not to showers; but\nthe inhabitants must have known or guessed that the great river in its\nturn was fed by the rains which fell in the far interior. Again, the\nlegend that Osiris was the first to teach men the use of corn(207) would\nbe most naturally told of the corn-god himself. Further, the story that\nhis mangled remains were scattered up and down the land and buried in\ndifferent places may be a mythical way of expressing either the sowing or\nthe winnowing of the grain. The latter interpretation is supported by the\ntale that Isis placed the severed limbs of Osiris on a corn-sieve.(208) Or\nmore probably the legend may be a reminiscence of a custom of slaying a\nhuman victim, perhaps a representative of the corn-spirit, and\ndistributing his flesh or scattering his ashes over the fields to\nfertilize them. In modern Europe the figure of Death is sometimes torn in\npieces, and the fragments are then buried in the ground to make the crops\ngrow well,(209) and in other parts of the world human victims are treated\nin the same way.(210) With regard to the ancient Egyptians we have it on\nthe authority of Manetho that they used to burn red-haired men and scatter\ntheir ashes with winnowing fans,(211) and it is highly significant that\nthis barbarous sacrifice was offered by the kings at the grave of\nOsiris.(212) We may conjecture that the victims represented Osiris\nhimself, who was annually slain, dismembered, and buried in their persons\nthat he might quicken the seed in the earth.\n\n(M82) Possibly in prehistoric times the kings themselves played the part\nof the god and were slain and dismembered in that character. Set as well\nas Osiris is said to have been torn in pieces after a reign of eighteen\ndays, which was commemorated by an annual festival of the same\nlength.(213) According to one story Romulus, the first king of Rome, was\ncut in pieces by the senators, who buried the fragments of him in the\nground;(214) and the traditional day of his death, the seventh of July,\nwas celebrated with certain curious rites, which were apparently connected\nwith the artificial fertilization of the fig.(215) Again, Greek legend\ntold how Pentheus, king of Thebes, and Lycurgus, king of the Thracian\nEdonians, opposed the vine-god Dionysus, and how the impious monarchs were\nrent in pieces, the one by the frenzied Bacchanals, the other by\nhorses.(216) These Greek traditions may well be distorted reminiscences of\na custom of sacrificing human beings, and especially divine kings, in the\ncharacter of Dionysus, a god who resembled Osiris in many points and was\nsaid like him to have been torn limb from limb.(217) We are told that in\nChios men were rent in pieces as a sacrifice to Dionysus;(218) and since\nthey died the same death as their god, it is reasonable to suppose that\nthey personated him. The story that the Thracian Orpheus was similarly\ntorn limb from limb by the Bacchanals seems to indicate that he too\nperished in the character of the god whose death he died.(219) It is\nsignificant that the Thracian Lycurgus, king of the Edonians, is said to\nhave been put to death in order that the ground, which had ceased to be\nfruitful, might regain its fertility.(220) In some Thracian villages at\nCarnival time a custom is still annually observed, which may well be a\nmitigation of an ancient practice of putting a man, perhaps a king, to\ndeath in the character of Dionysus for the sake of the crops. A man\ndisguised in goatskins and fawnskins, the livery of Dionysus, is shot at\nand falls down as dead. A pretence is made of flaying his body and of\nmourning over him, but afterwards he comes to life again. Further, a\nplough is dragged about the village and seed is scattered, while prayers\nare said that the wheat, rye, and barley may be plentiful. One town\n(Viza), where these customs are observed, was the capital of the old\nThracian kings. In another town (Kosti, near the Black Sea) the principal\nmasker is called the king. He wears goatskins or sheepskins, and is\nattended by a boy who dispenses wine to the people. The king himself\ncarries seed, which he casts on the ground before the church, after being\ninvited to throw it on two bands of married and unmarried men\nrespectively. Finally, he is stripped of the skins and thrown into the\nriver.(221)\n\n(M83) Further, we read of a Norwegian king, Halfdan the Black, whose body\nwas cut up and buried in different parts of his kingdom for the sake of\nensuring the fruitfulness of the earth. He is said to have been drowned at\nthe age of forty through the breaking of the ice in spring. What followed\nhis death is thus related by the old Norse historian Snorri Sturluson: \u201cHe\nhad been the most prosperous (literally, blessed with abundance) of all\nkings. So greatly did men value him that when the news came that he was\ndead and his body removed to Hringariki and intended for burial there, the\nchief men from Raumariki and Westfold and Heithm\u00f6rk came and all requested\nthat they might take his body with them and bury it in their various\nprovinces; they thought that it would bring abundance to those who\nobtained it. Eventually it was settled that the body was distributed in\nfour places. The head was laid in a barrow at Steinn in Hringariki, and\neach party took away their own share and buried it. All these barrows are\ncalled Halfdan\u2019s barrows.\u201d(222) It should be remembered that this Halfdan\nbelonged to the family of the Ynglings, who traced their descent from\nFrey, the great Scandinavian god of fertility.(223) Frey himself is said\nto have reigned as king of Sweden at Upsala. The years of his reign were\nplenteous, and the people laid the plenty to his account. So when he died,\nthey would not burn him, as it had been customary to do with the dead\nbefore his time; but they resolved to preserve his body, believing that,\nso long as it remained in Sweden, the land would have abundance and peace.\nTherefore they reared a great mound, and put him in it, and sacrificed to\nhim for plenty and peace ever afterwards. And for three years after his\ndeath they poured the tribute to him into the mound, as if he were alive;\nthe gold they poured in by one window, the silver by a second, and the\ncopper by a third.(224)\n\n(M84) The natives of Kiwai, an island lying off the mouth of the Fly River\nin British New Guinea, tell of a certain magician named Segera, who had\nsago for his totem. When his son died, the death was set down to the magic\nof an enemy, and the bereaved father was so angry that by his spells he\ncaused the whole crop of sago in the country to fail; only in his own\ngarden the sago grew as luxuriantly as ever. When many had died of famine,\nthe people went to him and begged him to remove the spells which he had\ncast on the sago palms, so that they might eat food and live. The\nmagician, touched with remorse and pity, went round planting a sago shoot\nin every garden, and the shoots flourished, sago was plentiful once more,\nand the famine came to an end. When Segera was old and ill, he told the\npeople that he would soon die, but that, nevertheless, he would cause\ntheir gardens to thrive. Accordingly, he instructed them that when he was\ndead they should cut him up and place pieces of his flesh in their\ngardens, but his head was to be buried in his own garden. Of him it is\nsaid that he outlived the ordinary age, and that no man knew his father,\nbut that he made the sago good and no one was hungry any more. Old men who\nwere alive a few years ago affirmed that they had known Segera in their\nyouth, and the general opinion of the Kiwai people seems to be that Segera\ndied not more than two generations ago.(225)\n\n(M85) Taken all together, these legends point to a widespread practice of\ndismembering the body of a king or magician and burying the pieces in\ndifferent parts of the country in order to ensure the fertility of the\nground and probably also the fecundity of man and beast. Whether regarded\nas the descendant of a god, as himself divine, or simply as a mighty\nenchanter, the king was believed to radiate magical virtue for the good of\nhis subjects, quickening the seed in the earth and in the womb. This\nradiation of reproductive energy did not cease with his life; hence the\npeople deemed it essential to preserve his body as a pledge of the\ncontinued prosperity of the country. It would be natural to imagine that\nthe spot where the dead king was buried would enjoy a more than ordinary\nshare of his blessed influence, and accordingly disputes would almost\ninevitably arise between different districts for the exclusive possession\nof so powerful a talisman. These disputes could be settled and local\njealousies appeased by dividing the precious body between the rival\nclaimants, in order that all should benefit in equal measure by its\nlife-giving properties. This was certainly done in Norway with the body of\nHalfdan the Black, the descendant of the harvest-god Frey; it appears to\nhave been done with the body of Segera, the sago-magician of Kiwai; and we\nmay conjecture that in prehistoric times it was done with the bodies of\nEgyptian kings, who personated Osiris, the god of fertility in general and\nof the corn in particular. At least such a practice would account for the\nlegend of the mangling of the god\u2019s body and the distribution of the\npieces throughout Egypt.\n\n(M86) In this connexion the story that the genital member of Osiris was\nmissing when Isis pieced together his mutilated body,(226) may not be\nwithout significance. When a Zulu medicine-man wishes to make the crops\ngrow well, he will take the body of a man who has died in full vigour and\ncut minute portions of tissue from the foot, the leg, the arm, the face,\nand the nail of a single finger in order to compound a fertilizing\nmedicine out of them. But the most important part of the medicine consists\nof the dead man\u2019s generative organs, which are removed entire. All these\npieces of the corpse are fried with herbs on a slow fire, then ground to\npowder, and sown over the fields.(227) We have seen that similarly the\nEgyptians scattered the ashes of human victims by means of\nwinnowing-fans;(228) and if my explanation of the practice is correct, it\nmay well have been that they, like the Zulus, attributed a special power\nof reproduction to the genital organs, and therefore carefully excised\nthem from the body of the victim in order to impart their virtue to the\nfields. I have conjectured that a similar use was made of the severed\nportions of the priests of Attis.(229)\n\n(M87) To an ancient Egyptian, with his firm belief in a personal\nimmortality dependent on the integrity of the body, the prospect of\nmutilation after death must have been very repugnant; and we may suppose\nthat the kings offered a strenuous resistance to the custom and finally\nsucceeded in abolishing it. They may have represented to the people that\nthey would attain their object better by keeping the royal corpse intact\nthan by frittering it away in small pieces. Their subjects apparently\nacquiesced in the argument, or at all events in the conclusion; yet the\nmountains of masonry beneath which the old Egyptian kings lay buried may\nhave been intended to guard them from the superstitious devotion of their\nfriends quite as much as from the hostile designs of their enemies, since\nboth alike must have been under a strong temptation to violate the\nsanctity of the grave in order to possess themselves of bodies which were\nbelieved to be endowed with magical virtue of the most tremendous potency.\nIn antiquity the safety of the state was often believed to depend on the\npossession of a talisman, which sometimes consisted of the bones of a king\nor hero. Hence the graves of such persons were sometimes kept secret.(230)\nThe violation of royal tombs by a conqueror was not a mere insult: it was\na deadly blow struck at the prosperity of the kingdom. Hence Ashurbanipal\ncarried off to Assyria the bones of the kings of Elam, believing that thus\nhe gave their shades no repose and deprived them of food and drink.(231)\nThe Moabites burned the bones of the king of Edom into lime.(232)\nLysimachus is said to have opened the graves of the kings of Epirus and\nscattered the bones of the dead.(233)\n\n(M88) With savage and barbarous tribes in like manner it is not unusual to\nviolate the sanctity of the tomb either for the purpose of wreaking\nvengeance on the dead or more commonly perhaps for the sake of gaining\npossession of the bones and converting them to magical uses. Hence the\nMpongwe kings of the Gaboon region in West Africa are buried secretly lest\ntheir heads should fall into the hands of men of another tribe, who would\nmake a powerful fetish out of the brains.(234) Again, in Togoland, West\nAfrica, the kings of the Ho tribe are buried with great secrecy in the\nforest, and a false grave is made ostentatiously in the king\u2019s house. None\nbut his personal retainers and a single daughter know where the king\u2019s\nreal grave is. The intention of this secret burial is to prevent enemies\nfrom digging up the corpse and cutting off the head.(235) \u201cThe heads of\nimportant chiefs in the Calabar districts are usually cut off from the\nbody on burial and kept secretly for fear the head, and thereby the\nspirit, of the dead chief, should be stolen from the town. If it were\nstolen it would be not only a great advantage to its new possessor, but a\ngreat danger to the chief\u2019s old town, because he would know all the\npeculiar ju-ju relating to it. For each town has a peculiar one, kept\nexceedingly secret, in addition to the general ju-jus, and this secret one\nwould then be in the hands of the new owners of the spirit.\u201d(236) The\ngraves of Basuto chiefs are kept secret lest certain more or less\nimaginary witches and wizards called _Baloi_, who haunt tombs, should get\npossession of the bones and work evil magic with them.(237) In the Thonga\ntribe of South Africa, when a chief dies, he is buried secretly by night\nin a sacred wood, and few people know the place of the grave. With some\nclans of the tribe it is customary to level the mound over the grave so\nthat no sign whatever remains to show where the body has been buried. This\nis said to be done lest enemies should exhume the corpse and cut off the\nears, the diaphragm, and other parts in order to make powerful war-charms\nout of them.(238) By many tribes in Fiji \u201cthe burial-place of their chief\nis kept a profound secret, lest those whom he injured during his lifetime\nshould revenge themselves by digging up and insulting or even eating his\nbody. In some places the dead chief is buried in his own house, and armed\nwarriors of his mother\u2019s kin keep watch night and day over his grave.\nAfter a time his bones are taken up and carried by night to some far-away\ninaccessible cave in the mountains, whose position is known only to a few\ntrustworthy men. Ladders are constructed to enable them to reach the cave,\nand are taken down when the bones have been deposited there. Many\nfrightful stories are told in connection with this custom, and it is\ncertain that not even decomposition itself avails to baulk the last\nrevenge of cannibals if they can find the grave. The very bones of the\ndead chief are not secure from the revenge of those whose friends he\nkilled during his lifetime, or whom he otherwise so exasperated by the\ntyrannous exercise of his power as to fill their hearts with a deadly\nhate. In one instance within my own knowledge, when the hiding-place was\ndiscovered, the bones were taken away, scraped, and stewed down into a\nhorrible hell-broth.\u201d(239) When a Melanesian dies who enjoyed a reputation\nfor magical powers in his lifetime, his friends will sometimes hold a sham\nburial and keep the real grave secret for fear that men might come and dig\nup the skull and bones to make charms with them.(240)\n\n(M89) Beliefs and practices of this sort are by no means confined to\nagricultural peoples. Among the Koniags of Alaska \u201cin ancient times the\npursuit of the whale was accompanied by numerous superstitious observances\nkept a secret by the hunters. Lieutenant Davidof states that the whalers\npreserved the bodies of brave or distinguished men in secluded caves, and\nbefore proceeding upon a whale-hunt would carry these dead bodies into a\nstream and then drink of the water thus tainted. One famous whaler of\nKadiak who desired to flatter Baranof, the first chief manager of the\nRussian colonies, said to him, \u2018When you die I shall try to steal your\nbody,\u2019 intending thus to express his great respect for Baranof. On the\noccasion of the death of a whaler his fellows would cut the body into\npieces, each man taking one of them for the purpose of rubbing his\nspear-heads therewith. These pieces were dried or otherwise preserved, and\nwere frequently taken into the canoes as talismans.\u201d(241)\n\n(M90) To return to the human victims whose ashes the Egyptians scattered\nwith winnowing-fans,(242) the red hair of these unfortunates was probably\nsignificant. If I am right, the custom of sacrificing such persons was not\na mere way of wreaking a national spite on fair-haired foreigners, whom\nthe black-haired Egyptians of old, like the black-haired Chinese of modern\ntimes, may have regarded as red-haired devils. For in Egypt the oxen which\nwere sacrificed had also to be red; a single black or white hair found on\nthe beast would have disqualified it for the sacrifice.(243) If, as I\nconjecture, these human sacrifices were intended to promote the growth of\nthe crops\u2014and the winnowing of their ashes seems to support this\nview\u2014red-haired victims were perhaps selected as best fitted to personate\nthe spirit of the ruddy grain. For when a god is represented by a living\nperson, it is natural that the human representative should be chosen on\nthe ground of his supposed resemblance to the divine original. Hence the\nancient Mexicans, conceiving the maize as a personal being who went\nthrough the whole course of life between seed-time and harvest, sacrificed\nnew-born babes when the maize was sown, older children when it had\nsprouted, and so on till it was fully ripe, when they sacrificed old\nmen.(244) A name for Osiris was the \u201ccrop\u201d or \u201charvest\u201d;(245) and the\nancients sometimes explained him as a personification of the corn.(246)\n\n\n\n\n\u00a7 2. Osiris a Tree-Spirit.\n\n\n(M91) But Osiris was more than a spirit of the corn; he was also a\ntree-spirit, and this may perhaps have been his primitive character, since\nthe worship of trees is naturally older in the history of religion than\nthe worship of the cereals. However that may have been, to an agricultural\npeople like the Egyptians, who depended almost wholly on their crops, the\ncorn-god was naturally a far more important personage than the tree-god,\nand attracted a larger share of their devotion. The character of Osiris as\na tree-spirit was represented very graphically in a ceremony described by\nFirmicus Maternus.(247) A pine-tree having been cut down, the centre was\nhollowed out, and with the wood thus excavated an image of Osiris was\nmade, which was then buried like a corpse in the hollow of the tree. It is\nhard to imagine how the conception of a tree as tenanted by a personal\nbeing could be more plainly expressed. The image of Osiris thus made was\nkept for a year and then burned, exactly as was done with the image of\nAttis which was attached to the pine-tree.(248) The ceremony of cutting\nthe tree, as described by Firmicus Maternus, appears to be alluded to by\nPlutarch.(249) It was probably the ritual counterpart of the mythical\ndiscovery of the body of Osiris enclosed in the _erica_-tree.(250)\n\n(M92) Now we know from the monuments that at Busiris, Memphis, and\nelsewhere the great festival of Osiris closed on the thirtieth of Khoiak\nwith the setting up of a remarkable pillar known as the _tatu_, _tat_,\n_tet_, _dad_, or _ded_. This was a column with four or five cross-bars,\nlike superposed capitals, at the top. The whole roughly resembled a\ntelegraph-post with the cross-pieces which support the wires. Sometimes on\nthe monuments a human form is given to the pillar by carving a grotesque\nface on it, robing the lower part, crowning the top with the symbols of\nOsiris, and adding two arms which hold two other characteristic emblems of\nthe god, the crook and the scourge or flail. On a Theban tomb the king\nhimself, assisted by his relations and a priest, is represented hauling at\nthe ropes by which the pillar is being raised, while the queen looks on\nand her sixteen daughters accompany the ceremony with the music of rattles\nand sistrums. Again, in the hall of the Osirian mysteries at Abydos the\nKing Sety I. and the goddess Isis are depicted raising the column between\nthem. In Egyptian theology the pillar was interpreted as the backbone of\nOsiris, and whatever its meaning may have been, it was one of the holiest\nsymbols of the national religion. It might very well be a conventional way\nof representing a tree stripped of its leaves; and if Osiris was a\ntree-spirit, the bare trunk and branches might naturally be described as\nhis backbone. The setting up of the column would thus, as several modern\nscholars believe, shadow forth the resurrection of the god, and the\nimportance of the occasion would explain and justify the prominent part\nwhich the king appears to have taken in the ceremony.(251) It is to be\nnoted that in the myth of Osiris the _erica_-tree which shot up and\nenclosed his dead body, was cut down by a king and turned by him into a\npillar of his house.(252) We can hardly doubt, therefore, that this\nincident of the legend was supposed to be dramatically set forth in the\nerection of the _ded_ column by the king. Like the similar custom of\ncutting a pine-tree and fastening an image to it in the rites of Attis,\nthe ceremony may have belonged to that class of customs of which the\nbringing in of the May-pole is among the most familiar. The association of\nthe king and queen of Egypt with the _ded_ pillar reminds us of the\nassociation of a King and Queen of May with the May-pole.(253) The\nresemblance may be more than superficial.\n\n(M93) In the hall of Osiris at Denderah the coffin containing the\nhawk-headed mummy of the god is clearly depicted as enclosed within a\ntree, apparently a conifer, the trunk and branches of which are seen above\nand below the coffin.(254) The scene thus corresponds closely both to the\nmyth and to the ceremony described by Firmicus Maternus. In another scene\nat Denderah a tree of the same sort is represented growing between the\ndead and the reviving Osiris, as if on purpose to indicate that the tree\nwas the symbol of the divine resurrection.(255) A pine-cone often appears\non the monuments as an offering presented to Osiris, and a manuscript of\nthe Louvre speaks of the cedar as sprung from him.(256) The sycamore and\nthe tamarisk were also his trees. In inscriptions he is spoken of as\nresiding in them;(257) and in tombs his mother Nut is often portrayed\nstanding in the midst of a sycamore-tree and pouring a libation for the\nbenefit of the dead.(258) In one of the Pyramid Texts we read, \u201cHail to\nthee, Sycamore, which enclosest the god\u201d;(259) and in certain temples the\nstatue of Osiris used to be placed for seven days upon branches of\nsycamores. The explanation appended in the sacred texts declares that the\nplacing of the image on the tree was intended to recall the seven months\npassed by Osiris in the womb of his mother Nut, the goddess of the\nsycamore.(260) The rite recalls the story that Adonis was born after ten\nmonths\u2019 gestation from a myrrh-tree.(261) Further, in a sepulchre at How\n(Diospolis Parva) a tamarisk is depicted overshadowing the tomb of Osiris,\nwhile a bird is perched among the branches with the significant legend\n\u201cthe soul of Osiris,\u201d(262) showing that the spirit of the dead god was\nbelieved to haunt his sacred tree.(263) Again, in the series of sculptures\nwhich illustrate the mystic history of Osiris in the great temple of Isis\nat Philae, a tamarisk is figured with two men pouring water on it. The\naccompanying inscription leaves no doubt, says Brugsch, that the verdure\nof the earth was believed to be connected with the verdure of the tree,\nand that the sculpture refers to the grave of Osiris at Philae, of which\nPlutarch tells us that it was overshadowed by a _methide_ plant, taller\nthan any olive-tree. This sculpture, it may be observed, occurs in the\nsame chamber in which the god is represented as a corpse with ears of corn\nspringing from him.(264) In inscriptions he is referred to as \u201cthe one in\nthe tree,\u201d \u201cthe solitary one in the acacia,\u201d and so forth.(265) On the\nmonuments he sometimes appears as a mummy covered with a tree or with\nplants;(266) and trees are represented growing from his grave.(267)\n\n(M94) It accords with the character of Osiris as a tree-spirit that his\nworshippers were forbidden to injure fruit-trees, and with his character\nas a god of vegetation in general that they were not allowed to stop up\nwells of water, which are so important for the irrigation of hot southern\nlands.(268) According to one legend, he taught men to train the vine to\npoles, to prune its superfluous foliage, and to extract the juice of the\ngrape.(269) In the papyrus of Nebseni, written about 1550 B.C., Osiris is\ndepicted sitting in a shrine, from the roof of which hang clusters of\ngrapes;(270) and in the papyrus of the royal scribe Nekht we see the god\nenthroned in front of a pool, from the banks of which a luxuriant vine,\nwith many bunches of grapes, grows towards the green face of the seated\ndeity.(271) The ivy was sacred to him, and was called his plant because it\nis always green.(272)\n\n\n\n\n\u00a7 3. Osiris a God of Fertility.\n\n\n(M95) As a god of vegetation Osiris was naturally conceived as a god of\ncreative energy in general, since men at a certain stage of evolution fail\nto distinguish between the reproductive powers of animals and of plants.\nHence a striking feature in his worship was the coarse but expressive\nsymbolism by which this aspect of his nature was presented to the eye not\nmerely of the initiated but of the multitude. At his festival women used\nto go about the villages singing songs in his praise and carrying obscene\nimages of him which they set in motion by means of strings.(273) The\ncustom was probably a charm to ensure the growth of the crops. A similar\nimage of him, decked with all the fruits of the earth, is said to have\nstood in a temple before a figure of Isis,(274) and in the chambers\ndedicated to him at Philae the dead god is portrayed lying on his bier in\nan attitude which indicates in the plainest way that even in death his\ngenerative virtue was not extinct but only suspended, ready to prove a\nsource of life and fertility to the world when the opportunity should\noffer.(275) Hymns addressed to Osiris contain allusions to this important\nside of his nature. In one of them it is said that the world waxes green\nin triumph through him; and another declares, \u201cThou art the father and\nmother of mankind, they live on thy breath, they subsist on the flesh of\nthy body.\u201d(276) We may conjecture that in this paternal aspect he was\nsupposed, like other gods of fertility, to bless men and women with\noffspring, and that the processions at his festival were intended to\npromote this object as well as to quicken the seed in the ground. It would\nbe to misjudge ancient religion to denounce as lewd and profligate the\nemblems and the ceremonies which the Egyptians employed for the purpose of\ngiving effect to this conception of the divine power. The ends which they\nproposed to themselves in these rites were natural and laudable; only the\nmeans they adopted to compass them were mistaken. A similar fallacy\ninduced the Greeks to adopt a like symbolism in their Dionysiac festivals,\nand the superficial but striking resemblance thus produced between the two\nreligions has perhaps more than anything else misled inquirers, both\nancient and modern, into identifying worships which, though certainly akin\nin nature, are perfectly distinct and independent in origin.(277)\n\n\n\n\n\u00a7 4. Osiris a God of the Dead.\n\n\n(M96) We have seen that in one of his aspects Osiris was the ruler and\njudge of the dead.(278) To a people like the Egyptians, who not only\nbelieved in a life beyond the grave but actually spent much of their time,\nlabour, and money in preparing for it, this office of the god must have\nappeared hardly, if at all, less important than his function of making the\nearth to bring forth its fruits in due season. We may assume that in the\nfaith of his worshippers the two provinces of the god were intimately\nconnected. In laying their dead in the grave they committed them to his\nkeeping who could raise them from the dust to life eternal, even as he\ncaused the seed to spring from the ground. Of that faith the corn-stuffed\neffigies of Osiris found in Egyptian tombs furnish an eloquent and\nunequivocal testimony.(279) They were at once an emblem and an instrument\nof resurrection. Thus from the sprouting of the grain the ancient\nEgyptians drew an augury of human immortality. They are not the only\npeople who have built the same far-reaching hopes on the same slender\nfoundation. \u201cThou fool, that which thou sowest, thou sowest not that body\nthat shall be, but bare grain, it may chance of wheat, or of some other\ngrain: but God giveth it a body as it hath pleased him, and to every seed\nhis own body. So also is the resurrection of the dead. It is sown in\ncorruption; it is raised in incorruption: it is sown in weakness; it is\nraised in power: it is sown a natural body; it is raised a spiritual\nbody.\u201d(280)\n\n(M97) A god who thus fed his people with his own broken body in this life,\nand who held out to them a promise of a blissful eternity in a better\nworld hereafter, naturally reigned supreme in their affections. We need\nnot wonder, therefore, that in Egypt the worship of the other gods was\novershadowed by that of Osiris, and that while they were revered each in\nhis own district, he and his divine partner Isis were adored in all.(281)\n\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER VI. ISIS.\n\n\n(M98) The original meaning of the goddess Isis is still more difficult to\ndetermine than that of her brother and husband Osiris. Her attributes and\nepithets were so numerous that in the hieroglyphics she is called \u201cthe\nmany-named,\u201d \u201cthe thousand-named,\u201d and in Greek inscriptions \u201cthe\nmyriad-named.\u201d(282) The late eminent Dutch scholar C. P. Tiele confessed\ncandidly that \u201cit is now impossible to tell precisely to what natural\nphenomena the character of Isis at first referred.\u201d Yet he adds,\n\u201cOriginally she was a goddess of fecundity.\u201d(283) Similarly Dr. Budge\nwrites that \u201cIsis was the great and beneficent goddess and mother, whose\ninfluence and love pervaded all heaven and earth and the abode of the\ndead, and she was the personification of the great feminine, creative\npower which conceived, and brought forth every living creature and thing,\nfrom the gods in heaven to man on the earth, and to the insect on the\nground; what she brought forth she protected, and cared for, and fed, and\nnourished, and she employed her life in using her power graciously and\nsuccessfully, not only in creating new beings but in restoring those that\nwere dead. She was, besides these things, the highest type of a faithful\nand loving wife and mother, and it was in this capacity that the Egyptians\nhonoured and worshipped her most.\u201d(284)\n\n(M99) Thus in her character of a goddess of fecundity Isis answered to the\ngreat mother goddesses of Asia, though she differed from them in the\nchastity and fidelity of her conjugal life; for while they were unmarried\nand dissolute, she had a husband and was a true wife to him as well as an\naffectionate mother to their son. Hence her beautiful Madonna-like figure\nreflects a more refined state of society and of morals than the coarse,\nsensual, cruel figures of Astarte, Anaitis, Cybele, and the rest of that\ncrew. A clear trace, indeed, of an ethical standard very different from\nour own lingers in her double relation of sister and wife to Osiris; but\nin most other respects she is rather late than primitive, the full-blown\nflower rather than the seed of a long religious development. The\nattributes ascribed to her were too various to be all her own. They were\ngraces borrowed from many lesser deities, sweets rifled from a thousand\nhumbler plants to feed the honey of her superb efflorescence. Yet in her\ncomplex nature it is perhaps still possible to detect the original nucleus\nround which by a slow process of accretion the other elements gathered.\nFor if her brother and husband Osiris was in one of his aspects the\ncorn-god, as we have seen reason to believe, she must surely have been the\ncorn-goddess. There are at least some grounds for thinking so. For if we\nmay trust Diodorus Siculus, whose authority appears to have been the\nEgyptian historian Manetho, the discovery of wheat and barley was\nattributed to Isis, and at her festivals stalks of these grains were\ncarried in procession to commemorate the boon she had conferred on\nmen.(285) A further detail is added by Augustine. He says that Isis made\nthe discovery of barley at the moment when she was sacrificing to the\ncommon ancestors of her husband and herself, all of whom had been kings,\nand that she showed the newly discovered ears of barley to Osiris and his\ncouncillor Thoth or Mercury, as Roman writers called him. That is why,\nadds Augustine, they identify Isis with Ceres.(286) Further, at\nharvest-time, when the Egyptian reapers had cut the first stalks, they\nlaid them down and beat their breasts, wailing and calling upon Isis.(287)\nThe custom has been already explained as a lament for the corn-spirit\nslain under the sickle.(288) Amongst the epithets by which Isis is\ndesignated in the inscriptions are \u201cCreatress of green things,\u201d \u201cGreen\ngoddess, whose green colour is like unto the greenness of the earth,\u201d\n\u201cLady of Bread,\u201d \u201cLady of Beer,\u201d \u201cLady of Abundance.\u201d(289) According to\nBrugsch she is \u201cnot only the creatress of the fresh verdure of vegetation\nwhich covers the earth, but is actually the green corn-field itself, which\nis personified as a goddess.\u201d(290) This is confirmed by her epithet\n_Sochit_ or _Sochet_, meaning \u201ca corn-field,\u201d a sense which the word still\nretains in Coptic.(291) The Greeks conceived of Isis as a corn-goddess,\nfor they identified her with Demeter.(292) In a Greek epigram she is\ndescribed as \u201cshe who has given birth to the fruits of the earth,\u201d and\n\u201cthe mother of the ears of corn\u201d;(293) and in a hymn composed in her\nhonour she speaks of herself as \u201cqueen of the wheat-field,\u201d and is\ndescribed as \u201ccharged with the care of the fruitful furrow\u2019s wheat-rich\npath.\u201d(294) Accordingly, Greek or Roman artists often represented her with\nears of corn on her head or in her hand.(295)\n\n(M100) Such, we may suppose, was Isis in the olden time, a rustic\nCorn-Mother adored with uncouth rites by Egyptian swains. But the homely\nfeatures of the clownish goddess could hardly be traced in the refined,\nthe saintly form which, spiritualized by ages of religious evolution, she\npresented to her worshippers of after days as the true wife, the tender\nmother, the beneficent queen of nature, encircled with the nimbus of moral\npurity, of immemorial and mysterious sanctity. Thus chastened and\ntransfigured she won many hearts far beyond the boundaries of her native\nland. In that welter of religions which accompanied the decline of\nnational life in antiquity her worship was one of the most popular at Rome\nand throughout the empire. Some of the Roman emperors themselves were\nopenly addicted to it.(296) And however the religion of Isis may, like any\nother, have been often worn as a cloak by men and women of loose life, her\nrites appear on the whole to have been honourably distinguished by a\ndignity and composure, a solemnity and decorum well fitted to soothe the\ntroubled mind, to ease the burdened heart. They appealed therefore to\ngentle spirits, and above all to women, whom the bloody and licentious\nrites of other Oriental goddesses only shocked and repelled. We need not\nwonder, then, that in a period of decadence, when traditional faiths were\nshaken, when systems clashed, when men\u2019s minds were disquieted, when the\nfabric of empire itself, once deemed eternal, began to show ominous rents\nand fissures, the serene figure of Isis with her spiritual calm, her\ngracious promise of immortality, should have appeared to many like a star\nin a stormy sky, and should have roused in their breasts a rapture of\ndevotion not unlike that which was paid in the Middle Ages to the Virgin\nMary. Indeed her stately ritual, with its shaven and tonsured priests, its\nmatins and vespers, its tinkling music, its baptism and aspersions of holy\nwater, its solemn processions, its jewelled images of the Mother of God,\npresented many points of similarity to the pomps and ceremonies of\nCatholicism.(297) The resemblance need not be purely accidental. Ancient\nEgypt may have contributed its share to the gorgeous symbolism of the\nCatholic Church as well as to the pale abstractions of her theology.(298)\nCertainly in art the figure of Isis suckling the infant Horus is so like\nthat of the Madonna and child that it has sometimes received the adoration\nof ignorant Christians.(299) And to Isis in her later character of\npatroness of mariners the Virgin Mary perhaps owes her beautiful epithet\nof _Stella Maris_, \u201cStar of the Sea,\u201d under which she is adored by\ntempest-tossed sailors.(300) The attributes of a marine deity may have\nbeen bestowed on Isis by the sea-faring Greeks of Alexandria. They are\nquite foreign to her original character and to the habits of the\nEgyptians, who had no love of the sea.(301) On this hypothesis Sirius, the\nbright star of Isis, which on July mornings rises from the glassy waves of\nthe eastern Mediterranean, a harbinger of halcyon weather to mariners, was\nthe true _Stella Maris_, \u201cthe Star of the Sea.\u201d\n\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER VII. OSIRIS AND THE SUN.\n\n\n(M101) Osiris has been sometimes interpreted as the sun-god; and in modern\ntimes this view has been held by so many distinguished writers that it\ndeserves a brief examination. If we inquire on what evidence Osiris has\nbeen identified with the sun or the sun-god, it will be found on analysis\nto be minute in quantity and dubious, where it is not absolutely\nworthless, in quality. The diligent Jablonski, the first modern scholar to\ncollect and sift the testimony of classical writers on Egyptian religion,\nsays that it can be shown in many ways that Osiris is the sun, and that he\ncould produce a cloud of witnesses to prove it, but that it is needless to\ndo so, since no learned man is ignorant of the fact.(302) Of the writers\nwhom he condescends to quote, the only two who expressly identify Osiris\nwith the sun are Diodorus and Macrobius. The passage in Diodorus runs\nthus:(303) \u201cIt is said that the aboriginal inhabitants of Egypt, looking\nup to the sky, and smitten with awe and wonder at the nature of the\nuniverse, supposed that there were two gods, eternal and primaeval, the\nsun and the moon, of whom they named the sun Osiris and the moon Isis.\u201d\nEven if Diodorus\u2019s authority for this statement is Manetho, as there is\nsome ground for believing,(304) little or no weight can be attached to it.\nFor it is plainly a philosophical, and therefore a late, explanation of\nthe first beginnings of Egyptian religion, reminding us of Kant\u2019s familiar\nsaying about the starry heavens and the moral law rather than of the rude\ntraditions of a primitive people. Jablonski\u2019s second authority, Macrobius,\nis no better, but rather worse. For Macrobius was the father of that large\nfamily of mythologists who resolve all or most gods into the sun.\nAccording to him Mercury was the sun, Mars was the sun, Janus was the sun,\nSaturn was the sun, so was Jupiter, also Nemesis, likewise Pan, and so on\nthrough a great part of the pantheon.(305) It was natural, therefore, that\nhe should identify Osiris with the sun,(306) but his reasons for doing so\nare exceedingly slight. He refers to the ceremonies of alternate\nlamentation and joy as if they reflected the vicissitudes of the great\nluminary in his course through the sky. Further, he argues that Osiris\nmust be the sun because an eye was one of his symbols. It is true that an\neye was a symbol of Osiris,(307) and it is also true that the sun was\noften called \u201cthe eye of Horus\u201d;(308) yet the coincidence hardly suffices\nto establish the identity of the two deities. The opinion that Osiris was\nthe sun is also mentioned, but not accepted, by Plutarch,(309) and it is\nreferred to by Firmicus Maternus.(310)\n\n(M102) Amongst modern scholars, Lepsius, in identifying Osiris with the\nsun, appears to rely mainly on the passage of Diodorus already quoted. But\nthe monuments, he adds, also show \u201cthat down to a late time Osiris was\nsometimes conceived as _Ra_. In this quality he is named _Osiris-Ra_ even\nin the \u2018Book of the Dead,\u2019 and Isis is often called \u2018the royal consort of\nRa.\u2019 \u201d(311) That Ra was both the physical sun and the sun-god is\nundisputed; but with every deference for the authority of so great a\nscholar as Lepsius, we may doubt whether the identification of Osiris with\nRa can be accepted as proof that Osiris was originally the sun. For the\nreligion of ancient Egypt(312) may be described as a confederacy of local\ncults which, while maintaining against each other a certain measure of\njealous and even hostile independence, were yet constantly subjected to\nthe fusing and amalgamating influence of political centralization and\nphilosophic thought. The history of the religion appears to have largely\nconsisted of a struggle between these opposite forces or tendencies. On\nthe one side there was the conservative tendency to preserve the local\ncults with all their distinctive features, fresh, sharp, and crisp as they\nhad been handed down from an immemorial past. On the other side there was\nthe progressive tendency, favoured by the gradual fusion of the people\nunder a powerful central government, first to dull the edge of these\nprovincial distinctions, and finally to break them down completely and\nmerge them in a single national religion. The conservative party probably\nmustered in its ranks the great bulk of the people, their prejudices and\naffections being warmly enlisted in favour of the local deity, with whose\ntemple and rites they had been familiar from childhood; and the popular\ndislike of change, based on the endearing effect of old association, must\nhave been strongly reinforced by the less disinterested opposition of the\nlocal clergy, whose material interests would necessarily suffer with any\ndecay of their shrines. On the other hand the kings, whose power and glory\nrose with the political and ecclesiastical consolidation of the realm,\nwere the natural champions of religious unity; and their efforts would be\nseconded by the refined and thoughtful minority, who could hardly fail to\nbe shocked by the many barbarous and revolting elements in the local\nrites. As usually happens in such cases, the process of religious\nunification appears to have been largely effected by discovering points of\nsimilarity, real or imaginary, between the provincial deities, which were\nthereupon declared to be only different names or manifestations of the\nsame god.\n\n(M103) Of the deities who thus acted as centres of attraction, absorbing\nin themselves a multitude of minor divinities, by far the most important\nwas the sun-god Ra. There appear to have been few gods in Egypt who were\nnot at one time or other identified with him. Ammon of Thebes, Horus of\nthe East, Horus of Edfu, Chnum of Elephantine, Tum of Heliopolis, all were\nregarded as one god, the sun. Even the water-god Sobk, in spite of his\ncrocodile shape, did not escape the same fate. Indeed one king, Amenophis\nIV., undertook to sweep away all the old gods at a stroke and replace them\nby a single god, the \u201cgreat living disc of the sun.\u201d(313) In the hymns\ncomposed in his honour, this deity is referred to as \u201cthe living disc of\nthe sun, besides whom there is none other.\u201d He is said to have made \u201cthe\nfar heaven\u201d and \u201cmen, beasts, and birds; he strengtheneth the eyes with\nhis beams, and when he showeth himself, all flowers live and grow, the\nmeadows flourish at his upgoing and are drunken at his sight, all cattle\nskip on their feet, and the birds that are in the marsh flutter for joy.\u201d\nIt is he \u201cwho bringeth the years, createth the months, maketh the days,\ncalculateth the hours, the lord of time, by whom men reckon.\u201d In his zeal\nfor the unity of god, the king commanded to erase the names of all other\ngods from the monuments, and to destroy their images. His rage was\nparticularly directed against the god Ammon, whose name and likeness were\neffaced wherever they were found; even the sanctity of the tomb was\nviolated in order to destroy the memorials of the hated deity. In some of\nthe halls of the great temples at Carnac, Luxor, and other places, all the\nnames of the gods, with a few chance exceptions, were scratched out. The\nmonarch even changed his own name, Amenophis, because it was compounded of\nAmmon, and took instead the name of Chu-en-aten, \u201cgleam of the sun\u2019s\ndisc.\u201d Thebes itself, the ancient capital of his glorious ancestors, full\nof the monuments of their piety and idolatry, was no longer a fit home for\nthe puritan king. He deserted it, and built for himself a new capital in\nMiddle Egypt at the place now known as Tell-el-Amarna. Here in a few years\na city of palaces and gardens rose like an exhalation at his command, and\nhere the king, his dearly loved wife and children, and his complaisant\ncourtiers led a merry life. The grave and sombre ritual of Thebes was\ndiscarded. The sun-god was worshipped with songs and hymns, with the music\nof harps and flutes, with offerings of cakes and fruits and flowers. Blood\nseldom stained his kindly altars. The king himself celebrated the offices\nof religion. He preached with unction, and we may be sure that his\ncourtiers listened with at least an outward semblance of devotion. From\nthe too-faithful portraits of himself which he has bequeathed to us we can\nstill picture to ourselves the heretic king in the pulpit, with his tall,\nlanky figure, his bandy legs, his pot-belly, his long, lean, haggard face\naglow with the fever of religious fanaticism. Yet \u201cthe doctrine,\u201d as he\nloved to call it, which he proclaimed to his hearers was apparently no\nstern message of renunciation in this world, of terrors in the world to\ncome. The thoughts of death, of judgment, and of a life beyond the grave,\nwhich weighed like a nightmare on the minds of the Egyptians, seem to have\nbeen banished for a time. Even the name of Osiris, the awful judge of the\ndead, is not once mentioned in the graves at Tell-el-Amarna. All this\nlasted only during the life of the reformer. His death was followed by a\nviolent reaction. The old gods were reinstated in their rank and\nprivileges: their names and images were restored, and new temples were\nbuilt. But all the shrines and palaces reared by the late king were thrown\ndown: even the sculptures that referred to him and to his god in\nrock-tombs and on the sides of hills were erased or filled up with stucco:\nhis name appears on no later monument, and was carefully omitted from all\nofficial lists. The new capital was abandoned, never to be inhabited\nagain. Its plan can still be traced in the sands of the desert.\n\n(M104) This attempt of King Amenophis IV. is only an extreme example of a\ntendency which appears to have affected the religion of Egypt as far back\nas we can trace it. Therefore, to come back to our point, in attempting to\ndiscover the original character of any Egyptian god, no weight can be\ngiven to the identification of him with other gods, least of all with the\nsun-god Ra. Far from helping to follow up the trail, these identifications\nonly cross and confuse it. The best evidence for the original character of\nthe Egyptian gods is to be found in their ritual and myths, so far as\nthese are known, and in the manner in which they are portrayed on the\nmonuments. It is mainly on evidence drawn from these sources that I rest\nmy interpretation of Osiris.\n\n(M105) The ground upon which some modern writers seem chiefly to rely for\nthe identification of Osiris with the sun is that the story of his death\nfits better with the solar phenomena than with any other in nature. It may\nreadily be admitted that the daily appearance and disappearance of the sun\nmight very naturally be expressed by a myth of his death and resurrection;\nand writers who regard Osiris as the sun are careful to indicate that it\nis the diurnal, and not the annual, course of the sun to which they\nunderstand the myth to apply. Thus Renouf, who identified Osiris with the\nsun, admitted that the Egyptian sun could not with any show of reason be\ndescribed as dead in winter.(314) But if his daily death was the theme of\nthe legend, why was it celebrated by an annual ceremony? This fact alone\nseems fatal to the interpretation of the myth as descriptive of sunset and\nsunrise. Again, though the sun may be said to die daily, in what sense can\nhe be said to be torn in pieces?(315)\n\n(M106) In the course of our inquiry it has, I trust, been made clear that\nthere is another natural phenomenon to which the conception of death and\nresurrection is as applicable as to sunset and sunrise, and which, as a\nmatter of fact, has been so conceived and represented in folk-custom. That\nphenomenon is the annual growth and decay of vegetation. A strong reason\nfor interpreting the death of Osiris as the decay of vegetation rather\nthan as the sunset is to be found in the general, though not unanimous,\nvoice of antiquity, which classed together the worship and myths of\nOsiris, Adonis, Attis, Dionysus, and Demeter, as religions of essentially\nthe same type.(316) The consensus of ancient opinion on this subject seems\ntoo great to be rejected as a mere fancy. So closely did the rites of\nOsiris resemble those of Adonis at Byblus that some of the people of\nByblus themselves maintained that it was Osiris and not Adonis whose death\nwas mourned by them.(317) Such a view could certainly not have been held\nif the rituals of the two gods had not been so alike as to be almost\nindistinguishable. Herodotus found the similarity between the rites of\nOsiris and Dionysus so great, that he thought it impossible the latter\ncould have arisen independently; they must, he supposed, have been\nrecently borrowed, with slight alterations, by the Greeks from the\nEgyptians.(318) Again, Plutarch, a very keen student of comparative\nreligion, insists upon the detailed resemblance of the rites of Osiris to\nthose of Dionysus.(319) We cannot reject the evidence of such intelligent\nand trustworthy witnesses on plain matters of fact which fell under their\nown cognizance. Their explanations of the worships it is indeed possible\nto reject, for the meaning of religious cults is often open to question;\nbut resemblances of ritual are matters of observation. Therefore, those\nwho explain Osiris as the sun are driven to the alternative of either\ndismissing as mistaken the testimony of antiquity to the similarity of the\nrites of Osiris, Adonis, Attis, Dionysus, and Demeter, or of interpreting\nall these rites as sun-worship. No modern scholar has fairly faced and\naccepted either side of this alternative. To accept the former would be to\naffirm that we know the rites of these deities better than the men who\npractised, or at least who witnessed them. To accept the latter would\ninvolve a wrenching, clipping, mangling, and distorting of myth and ritual\nfrom which even Macrobius shrank.(320) On the other hand, the view that\nthe essence of all these rites was the mimic death and revival of\nvegetation, explains them separately and collectively in an easy and\nnatural way, and harmonizes with the general testimony borne by the\nancients to their substantial similarity.\n\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER VIII. OSIRIS AND THE MOON.\n\n\n(M107) Before we conclude this study of Osiris it will be worth while to\nconsider an ancient view of his nature, which deserves more attention than\nit has received in modern times. We are told by Plutarch that among the\nphilosophers who saw in the gods of Egypt personifications of natural\nobjects and forces, there were some who interpreted Osiris as the moon and\nhis enemy Typhon as the sun, \u201cbecause the moon, with her humid and\ngenerative light, is favourable to the propagation of animals and the\ngrowth of plants; while the sun with his fierce fire scorches and burns up\nall growing things, renders the greater part of the earth uninhabitable by\nreason of his blaze, and often overpowers the moon herself.\u201d(321) Whatever\nmay be thought of the physical qualities here attributed to the moon, the\narguments adduced by the ancients to prove the identity of Osiris with\nthat luminary carry with them a weight which has at least not been\nlightened by the results of modern research. An examination of them and of\nother evidence pointing in the same direction will, perhaps, help to set\nthe original character of the Egyptian deity in a clearer light.(322)\n\n1. Osiris was said to have lived or reigned twenty-eight years. This might\nfairly be taken as a mythical expression for a lunar month.(323)\n\n2. His body was reported to have been rent into fourteen pieces.(324) This\nmight be interpreted of the waning moon, which appears to lose a portion\nof itself on each of the fourteen days that make up the second half of a\nlunar month. It is expressly said that his enemy Typhon found the body of\nOsiris at the full moon;(325) thus the dismemberment of the god would\nbegin with the waning of the moon. To primitive man it seems manifest that\nthe waning moon is actually dwindling, and he naturally enough explains\nits diminution by supposing that the planet is being rent or broken in\npieces or eaten away. The Klamath Indians of Oregon speak of the moon as\n\u201cthe one broken to pieces\u201d with reference to its changing aspect; they\nnever apply such a term to the sun,(326) whose apparent change of bulk at\ndifferent seasons of the year is far too insignificant to attract the\nattention of the savage, or at least to be described by him in such\nforcible language. The Dacotas believe that when the moon is full, a great\nmany little mice begin to nibble at one side of it and do not cease till\nthey have eaten it all up, after which a new moon is born and grows to\nmaturity, only to share the fate of its countless predecessors.(327) A\nsimilar belief is held by the Huzuls of the Carpathians, except that they\nascribe the destruction of the old moon to wolves instead of to mice.(328)\n\n3. At the new moon of the month Phamenoth, which was the beginning of\nspring, the Egyptians celebrated what they called \u201cthe entry of Osiris\ninto the moon.\u201d(329)\n\n4. At the ceremony called \u201cthe burial of Osiris\u201d the Egyptians made a\ncrescent-shaped chest \u201cbecause the moon, when it approaches the sun,\nassumes the form of a crescent and vanishes.\u201d(330)\n\n5. The bull Apis, held to be an image of the soul of Osiris,(331) was born\nof a cow which was believed to have been impregnated, not in the vulgar\nway by a bull, but by a divine influence emanating from the moon.(332)\n\n6. Once a year, at the full moon, pigs were sacrificed simultaneously to\nthe moon and Osiris.(333)\n\n7. In a hymn supposed to be addressed by Isis to Osiris, it is said that\nThoth\u2014\n\n\n            \u201c_Placeth thy soul in the bark Ma-at,_\n    _In that name which is thine, of __GOD MOON__._\u201d\n\n\nAnd again:\u2014\n\n\n    \u201c_Thou who comest to us as a child each month,_\n    _We do not cease to contemplate thee._\n    _Thine emanation heightens the brilliancy_\n    _Of the stars of Orion in the firmament._\u201d(334)\n\n\nHere then Osiris is identified with the moon in set terms. If in the same\nhymn he is said to \u201cilluminate us like Ra\u201d (the sun), that is obviously no\nreason for identifying him with the sun, but quite the contrary. For\nthough the moon may reasonably be compared to the sun, neither the sun nor\nanything else can reasonably be compared to itself.\n\n8. In art Osiris is sometimes represented as a human-headed mummy grasping\nin his hands his characteristic emblems and wearing on his head, instead\nof the usual crown, a full moon within a crescent.(335)\n\n(M108) Now if in one of his aspects Osiris was originally a deity of\nvegetation, we can easily enough understand why in a later and more\nphilosophic age he should come to be thus identified or confounded with\nthe moon.(336) For as soon as he begins to meditate upon the causes of\nthings, the early philosopher is led by certain obvious, though\nfallacious, appearances to regard the moon as the ultimate cause of the\ngrowth of plants. In the first place he associates its apparent growth and\ndecay with the growth and decay of sublunary things, and imagines that in\nvirtue of a secret sympathy the celestial phenomena really produce those\nterrestrial changes which in point of fact they merely resemble. Thus\nPliny says that the moon may fairly be considered the planet of breath,\n\u201cbecause it saturates the earth and by its approach fills bodies, while by\nits departure it empties them. Hence it is,\u201d he goes on, \u201cthat shell-fish\nincrease with the increase of the moon and that bloodless creatures\nespecially feel breath at that time; even the blood of men grows and\ndiminishes with the light of the moon, and leaves and herbage also feel\nthe same influence, since the lunar energy penetrates all things.\u201d(337)\n\u201cThere is no doubt,\u201d writes Macrobius, \u201cthat the moon is the author and\nframer of mortal bodies, so much so that some things expand or shrink as\nit waxes or wanes.\u201d(338) Again, Aulus Gellius puts in the mouth of a\nfriend the remark that \u201cthe same things which grow with the waxing, do\ndwindle with the waning moon,\u201d and he quotes from a commentary of\nPlutarch\u2019s on Hesiod a statement that the onion is the only vegetable\nwhich violates this great law of nature by sprouting in the wane and\nwithering in the increase of the moon.(339) Scottish Highlanders allege\nthat in the increase of the moon everything has a tendency to grow or\nstick together;(340) and they call the second moon of autumn \u201cthe ripening\nmoon\u201d (_Gealach an abachaidh_), because they imagine that crops ripen as\nmuch by its light as by day.(341)\n\n(M109) From this supposed influence of the moon on the life of plants and\nanimals, men in ancient and modern times have deduced a whole code of\nrules for the guidance of the husbandman, the shepherd, and others in the\nconduct of their affairs. Thus an ancient writer on agriculture lays it\ndown as a maxim, that whatever is to be sown should be sown while the moon\nis waxing, and that whatever is to be cut or gathered should be cut or\ngathered while it is waning.(342) A modern treatise on superstition\ndescribes how the superstitious man regulates all his conduct by the moon:\n\u201cWhatever he would have to grow, he sets about it when she is in her\nincrease; but for what he would have made less he chooses her wane.\u201d(343)\nIn Germany the phases of the moon are observed by superstitious people at\nall the more or even less important actions of life, such as tilling the\nfields, building or changing houses, marriages, hair-cutting, bleeding,\ncupping, and so forth. The particular rules vary in different places, but\nthe principle generally followed is that whatever is done to increase\nanything should be done while the moon is waxing; whatever is done to\ndiminish anything should be done while the moon is waning. For example,\nsowing, planting, and grafting should be done in the first half of the\nmoon, but the felling of timber and mowing should be done in the second\nhalf.(344) In various parts of Europe it is believed that plants, nails,\nhair, and corns, cut while the moon is on the increase, will grow again\nfast, but that if cut while it is on the decrease they will grow slowly or\nwaste away.(345) Hence persons who wish their hair to grow thick and long\nshould cut it in the first half of the moon.(346) On the same principle\nsheep are shorn when the moon is waxing, because it is supposed that the\nwool will then be longest and most enduring.(347) Some negroes of the\nGaboon think that taro and other vegetables never thrive if they are\nplanted after full moon, but that they grow fast and strong if they are\nplanted in the first quarter.(348) The Highlanders of Scotland used to\nexpect better crops of grain by sowing their seed in the moon\u2019s\nincrease.(349) On the other hand they thought that garden vegetables, such\nas onions and kail, run to seed if they are sown in the increase, but that\nthey grow to pot-herbs if they are sown in the wane.(350) So Thomas Tusser\nadvised the peasant to sow peas and beans in the wane of the moon \u201cthat\nthey with the planet may rest and arise.\u201d(351) The Zulus welcome the first\nappearance of the new moon with beating of drums and other demonstrations\nof joy; but next day they abstain from all labour, \u201cthinking that if\nanything is sown on those days they can never reap the benefit\nthereof.\u201d(352) But in this matter of sowing and planting a refined\ndistinction is sometimes drawn by French, German, and Esthonian peasants;\nplants which bear fruit above ground are sown by them when the moon is\nwaxing, but plants which are cultivated for the sake of their roots, such\nas potatoes and turnips, are sown when the moon is waning.(353) The reason\nfor this distinction seems to be a vague idea that the waxing moon is\ncoming up and the waning moon going down, and that accordingly fruits\nwhich grow upwards should be sown in the former period, and fruits which\ngrow downwards in the latter. Before beginning to plant their cacao the\nPipiles of Central America exposed the finest seeds for four nights to the\nmoonlight,(354) but whether they did so at the waxing or waning of the\nmoon is not said. Even pots, it would seem, are not exempt from this great\nlaw of nature. In Uganda \u201cpotters waited for the new moon to appear before\nbaking their pots; when it was some days old, they prepared their fires\nand baked the vessels. No potter would bake pots when the moon was past\nthe full, for he believed that they would be a failure, and would be sure\nto crack or break in the burning, if he did so, and that his labour\naccordingly would go for nothing.\u201d(355)\n\n(M110) Again, the waning of the moon has been commonly recommended both in\nancient and modern times as the proper time for felling trees,(356)\napparently because it was thought fit and natural that the operation of\ncutting down should be performed on earth at the time when the lunar orb\nwas, so to say, being cut down in the sky. In France before the Revolution\nthe forestry laws enjoined that trees should only be felled after the moon\nhad passed the full; and in French bills announcing the sale of timber you\nmay still read a notice that the wood was cut in the waning of the\nmoon.(357) So among the Shans of Burma, when a house is to be built, it is\na rule that \u201ca lucky day should be chosen to commence the cutting of the\nbamboos. The day must not only be a fortunate one for the builder, but it\nmust also be in the second half of the month, when the moon is waning.\nShans believe that if bamboos are cut during the first half of the month,\nwhen the moon is waxing, they do not last well, as boring insects attack\nthem and they will soon become rotten. This belief is prevalent all over\nthe East.\u201d(358) A like belief obtains in various parts of Mexico. No\nMexican will cut timber while the moon is increasing; they say it must be\ncut while the moon is waning or the wood will certainly rot.(359) In\nColombia, South America, people think that corn should only be sown and\ntimber felled when the moon is on the wane. They say that the waxing moon\ndraws the sap up through the trunk and branches, whereas the sap flows\ndown and leaves the wood dry during the wane of the moon.(360) But\nsometimes the opposite rule is adopted, and equally forcible arguments are\nurged in its defence. Thus, when the Wabondei of Eastern Africa are about\nto build a house, they take care to cut the posts for it when the moon is\non the increase; for they say that posts cut when the moon is wasting away\nwould soon rot, whereas posts cut while the moon is waxing are very\ndurable.(361) The same rule is observed for the same reason in some parts\nof Germany.(362)\n\n(M111) But the partisans of the ordinarily received opinion have sometimes\nsupported it by another reason, which introduces us to the second of those\nfallacious appearances by which men have been led to regard the moon as\nthe cause of growth in plants. From observing rightly that dew falls most\nthickly on cloudless nights, they inferred wrongly that it was caused by\nthe moon, a theory which the poet Alcman expressed in mythical form by\nsaying that dew was a daughter of Zeus and the moon.(363) Hence the\nancients concluded that the moon is the great source of moisture, as the\nsun is the great source of heat.(364) And as the humid power of the moon\nwas assumed to be greater when the planet was waxing than when it was\nwaning, they thought that timber cut during the increase of the luminary\nwould be saturated with moisture, whereas timber cut in the wane would be\ncomparatively dry. Hence we are told that in antiquity carpenters would\nreject timber felled when the moon was growing or full, because they\nbelieved that such timber teemed with sap;(365) and in the Vosges at the\npresent day people allege that wood cut at the new moon does not dry.(366)\nWe have seen that the same reason is assigned for the same practice in\nColombia.(367) In the Hebrides peasants give the same reason for cutting\ntheir peats when the moon is on the wane; \u201cfor they observe that if they\nare cut in the increase, they continue still moist and never burn clear,\nnor are they without smoke, but the contrary is daily observed of peats\ncut in the decrease.\u201d(368)\n\n(M112) Thus misled by a double fallacy primitive philosophy comes to view\nthe moon as the great cause of vegetable growth, first, because the planet\nseems itself to grow, and second, because it is supposed to be the source\nof dew and moisture. It is no wonder, therefore, that agricultural peoples\nshould adore the planet which they believe to influence so profoundly the\ncrops on which they depend for subsistence. Accordingly we find that in\nthe hotter regions of America, where maize is cultivated and manioc is the\nstaple food, the moon was recognized as the principal object of worship,\nand plantations of manioc were assigned to it as a return for the service\nit rendered in the production of the crops. The worship of the moon in\npreference to the sun was general among the Caribs, and, perhaps, also\namong most of the other Indian tribes who cultivated maize in the tropical\nforests to the east of the Andes; and the same thing has been observed,\nunder the same physical conditions, among the aborigines of the hottest\nregion of Peru, the northern valleys of Yuncapata. Here the Indians of\nPacasmayu and the neighbouring valleys revered the moon as their principal\ndivinity. The \u201chouse of the moon\u201d at Pacasmayu was the chief temple of the\ndistrict; and the same sacrifices of maize-flour, of wine, and of children\nwhich were offered by the mountaineers of the Andes to the Sun-god, were\noffered by the lowlanders to the Moon-god in order that he might cause\ntheir crops to thrive.(369) In ancient Babylonia, where the population was\nessentially agricultural, the moon-god took precedence of the sun-god and\nwas indeed reckoned his father.(370)\n\n(M113) Hence it would be no matter for surprise if, after worshipping the\ncrops which furnished them with the means of subsistence, the ancient\nEgyptians should in later times have identified the spirit of the corn\nwith the moon, which a false philosophy had taught them to regard as the\nultimate cause of the growth of vegetation. In this way we can understand\nwhy in their most recent forms the myth and ritual of Osiris, the old god\nof trees and corn, should bear many traces of efforts made to bring them\ninto a superficial conformity with the new doctrine of his lunar affinity.\n\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER IX. THE DOCTRINE OF LUNAR SYMPATHY.\n\n\n(M114) In the preceding chapter some evidence was adduced of the\nsympathetic influence which the waxing or waning moon is popularly\nsupposed to exert on growth, especially on the growth of vegetation. But\nthe doctrine of lunar sympathy does not stop there; it is applied also to\nthe affairs of man, and various customs and rules have been deduced from\nit which aim at the amelioration and even the indefinite extension of\nhuman life. To illustrate this application of the popular theory at length\nwould be out of place here, but a few cases may be mentioned by way of\nspecimen.\n\n(M115) The natural fact on which all the customs in question seem to rest\nis the apparent monthly increase and decrease of the moon. From this\nobservation men have inferred that all things simultaneously wax or wane\nin sympathy with it.(371) Thus the Mentras or Mantras of the Malay\nPeninsula have a tradition that in the beginning men did not die but grew\nthin with the waning of the moon, and waxed fat as she neared the\nfull.(372) Of the Scottish Highlanders we are told that \u201cthe moon in her\nincrease, full growth, and in her wane are with them the emblems of a\nrising, flourishing, and declining fortune. At the last period of her\nrevolution they carefully avoid to engage in any business of importance;\nbut the first and middle they seize with avidity, presaging the most\nauspicious issue to their undertakings.\u201d(373) Similarly in some parts of\nGermany it is commonly believed that whatever is undertaken when the moon\nis on the increase succeeds well, and that the full moon brings everything\nto perfection; whereas business undertaken in the wane of the moon is\ndoomed to failure.(374) This German belief has come down, as we might have\nanticipated, from barbaric times; for Tacitus tells us that the Germans\nconsidered the new or the full moon the most auspicious time for\nbusiness;(375) and Caesar informs us that the Germans despaired of victory\nif they joined battle before the new moon.(376) The Spartans seem to have\nbeen of the same opinion, for it was a rule with them never to march out\nto war except when the moon was full. The rule prevented them from sending\ntroops in time to fight the Persians at Marathon,(377) and but for\nAthenian valour this paltry superstition might have turned the scale of\nbattle and decided the destiny of Greece, if not of Europe, for centuries.\nThe Athenians themselves paid dear for a similar scruple: an eclipse of\nthe moon cost them the loss of a gallant fleet and army before Syracuse,\nand practically sealed the fate of Athens, for she never recovered from\nthe blow.(378) So heavy is the sacrifice which superstition demands of its\nvotaries. In this respect the Greeks were on a level with the negroes of\nthe Sudan, among whom, if a march has been decided upon during the last\nquarter of the moon, the departure is always deferred until the first day\nof the new moon. No chief would dare to undertake an expedition and lead\nout his warriors before the appearance of the crescent. Merchants and\nprivate persons observe the same rule on their journeys.(379) In like\nmanner the Mandingoes of Senegambia pay great attention to the changes of\nthe moon, and think it very unlucky to begin a journey or any other work\nof consequence in the last quarter.(380)\n\nIt is especially the appearance of the new moon, with its promise of\ngrowth and increase, which is greeted with ceremonies intended to renew\nand invigorate, by means of sympathetic magic, the life of man. Observers,\nignorant of savage superstition, have commonly misinterpreted such customs\nas worship or adoration paid to the moon. In point of fact the ceremonies\nof new moon are probably in many cases rather magical than religious. The\nIndians of the Ucayali River in Peru hail the appearance of the new moon\nwith great joy. They make long speeches to her, accompanied with vehement\ngesticulations, imploring her protection and begging that she will be so\ngood as to invigorate their bodies.(381) On the day when the new moon\nfirst appeared, it was a custom with the Indians of San Juan Capistrano,\nin California, to call together all the young men for the purpose of its\ncelebration. \u201c_Correr la luna!_\u201d shouted one of the old men, \u201cCome, my\nboys, the moon! the moon!\u201d Immediately the young men began to run about in\na disorderly fashion as if they were distracted, while the old men danced\nin a circle, saying, \u201cAs the moon dieth, and cometh to life again, so we\nalso having to die will again live.\u201d(382) An old traveller tells us that\nat the appearance of every new moon the negroes of the Congo clapped their\nhands and cried out, sometimes falling on their knees, \u201cSo may I renew my\nlife as thou art renewed.\u201d But if the sky happened to be clouded, they did\nnothing, alleging that the planet had lost its virtue.(383) A somewhat\nsimilar custom prevails among the Ovambo of South-Western Africa. On the\nfirst moonlight night of the new moon, young and old, their bodies smeared\nwith white earth, perhaps in imitation of the planet\u2019s silvery light,\ndance to the moon and address to it wishes which they feel sure will be\ngranted.(384) We may conjecture that among these wishes is a prayer for a\nrenewal of life. When a Masai sees the new moon he throws a twig or stone\nat it with his left hand, and says, \u201cGive me long life,\u201d or \u201cGive me\nstrength\u201d; and when a pregnant woman sees the new moon she milks some milk\ninto a small gourd, which she covers with green grass. Then she pours the\nmilk away in the direction of the moon and says, \u201cMoon, give me my child\nsafely.\u201d(385) Among the Wagogo of German East Africa, at sight of the new\nmoon some people break a stick in pieces, spit on the pieces, and throw\nthem towards the moon, saying, \u201cLet all illness go to the west, where the\nsun sets.\u201d(386) Among the Boloki of the Upper Congo there is much shouting\nand gesticulation on the appearance of a new moon. Those who have enjoyed\ngood health pray that it may be continued, and those who have been sick\nascribe their illness to the coming of the luminary and beg her to take\naway bad health and give them good health instead.(387) The Esthonians\nthink that all the misfortunes which might befall a man in the course of a\nmonth may be forestalled and shifted to the moon, if a man will only say\nto the new moon, \u201cGood morrow, new moon. I must grow young, you must grow\nold. My eyes must grow bright, yours must grow dark. I must grow light as\na bird, you must grow heavy as iron.\u201d(388) On the fifteenth day of the\nmoon, that is, at the time when the luminary has begun to wane, the\nCoreans take round pieces of paper, either red or white, which represent\nthe moon, and having fixed them perpendicularly on split sticks they place\nthem on the tops of the houses. Then persons who have been forewarned by\nfortune-tellers of impending evil pray to the moon to remove it from\nthem.(389)\n\n(M116) In India people attempt to absorb the vital influence of the moon\nby drinking water in which the luminary is reflected. Thus the Mohammedans\nof Oude fill a silver basin with water and hold it so that the orb of the\nfull moon is mirrored in it. The person to be benefited must look\nsteadfastly at the moon in the basin, then shut his eyes and drink the\nwater at one gulp. Doctors recommend the draught as a remedy for nervous\ndisorders and palpitation of the heart. Somewhat similar customs prevail\namong the Hindoos of Northern India. At the full moon of the month of Kuar\n(September-October) people lay out food on the house-tops, and when it has\nabsorbed the rays of the moon they distribute it among their relations,\nwho are supposed to lengthen their life by eating of the food which has\nthus been saturated with moonshine. Patients are often made to look at the\nmoon reflected in melted butter, oil, or milk as a cure for leprosy and\nthe like diseases.(390)\n\n(M117) Naturally enough the genial influence of moonshine is often\nsupposed to be particularly beneficial to children; for will not the\nwaxing moon help them to wax in strength and stature? Hence in the island\nof Kiriwina, one of the Trobriands Group to the east of New Guinea, a\nmother always lifts up or presents her child to the first full moon after\nits birth in order that it may grow fast and talk soon.(391) So among the\nBaganda of Central Africa it was customary for each mother to take her\nchild out at the first new moon after its birth, and to point out the moon\nto the infant; this was thought to make the child grow healthy and\nstrong.(392) Among the Thonga of South Africa the presentation of the baby\nto the moon does not take place until the mother has resumed her monthly\nperiods, which usually happens in the third month after the birth. When\nthe new moon appears, the mother takes a torch or a burning brand from the\nfire and goes to the ash-heap behind the hut. She is followed by the\ngrandmother carrying the child. At the ash-heap the mother throws the\nburning stick towards the moon, while the grandmother tosses the baby into\nthe air, saying, \u201cThis is your moon!\u201d The child squalls and rolls over on\nthe ash-heap. Then the mother snatches up the infant and nurses it; so\nthey go home.(393)\n\n(M118) The Guarayos Indians, who inhabit the gloomy tropical forests of\nEastern Bolivia, lift up their children in the air at new moon in order\nthat they may grow.(394) Among the Apinagos Indians, on the Tocantins\nRiver in Brazil, the French traveller Castelnau witnessed a remarkable\ndance by moonlight. The Indians danced in two long ranks which faced each\nother, the women on one side, the men on the other. Between the two ranks\nof dancers blazed a great fire. The men were painted in brilliant colours,\nand for the most part wore white or red skull-caps made of maize-flour and\nresin. Their dancing was very monotonous and consisted of a jerky movement\nof the body, while the dancer advanced first one leg and then the other.\nThis dance they accompanied with a melancholy song, striking the ground\nwith their weapons. Opposite them the women, naked and unpainted, stood in\na single rank, their bodies bent slightly forward, their knees pressed\ntogether, their arms swinging in measured time, now forward, now backward,\nso as to join hands. A remarkable figure in the dance was a personage\npainted scarlet all over, who held in his hand a rattle composed of a\ngourd full of pebbles. From time to time he leaped across the great fire\nwhich burned between the men and the women. Then he would run rapidly in\nfront of the women, stopping now and then before one or other and\nperforming a series of strange gambols, while he shook his rattle\nviolently. Sometimes he would sink with one knee to the ground, and then\nsuddenly throw himself backward. Altogether the agility and endurance\nwhich he displayed were remarkable. This dance lasted for hours. When a\nwoman was tired out she withdrew, and her place was taken by another; but\nthe same men danced the monotonous dance all night. Towards midnight the\nmoon attained the zenith and flooded the scene with her bright rays. A\nchange now took place in the dance. A long line of men and women advanced\nto the fire between the ranks of the dancers. Each of them held one end of\na hammock in which lay a new-born infant, whose squalls could be heard.\nThese babes were now to be presented by their parents to the moon. On\nreaching the end of the line each couple swung the hammock, accompanying\nthe movement by a chant, which all the Indians sang in chorus. The song\nseemed to consist of three words, repeated over and over again. Soon a\nshrill voice was heard, and a hideous old hag, like a skeleton, appeared\nwith her arms raised above her head. She went round and round the assembly\nseveral times, then disappeared in silence. While she was present, the\nscarlet dancer with the rattle bounded about more furiously than ever,\nstopping only for a moment while he passed in front of the line of women.\nHis body was contracted and bent towards them, and described an undulatory\nmovement like that of a worm writhing. He shook his rattle violently, as\nif he would fain kindle in the women the fire which burned in himself.\nThen rising abruptly he would resume his wild career. During this time the\nloud voice of an orator was heard from the village repeating a curious\nname without cessation. Then the speaker approached slowly, carrying on\nhis back some gorgeous bunches of brilliant feathers and under his arm a\nstone axe. Behind him walked a young woman bearing an infant in a loose\ngirdle at her waist; the child was wrapped in a mat, which protected it\nagainst the chill night air. The couple paced slowly for a minute or two,\nand then vanished without speaking a word. At the same moment the curious\nname which the orator had shouted was taken up by the whole assembly and\nrepeated by them again and again. This scene in its turn lasted a long\ntime, but ceased suddenly with the setting of the moon. The French\ntraveller who witnessed it fell asleep, and when he awoke all was calm\nonce more: there was nothing to recall the infernal dances of the\nnight.(395)\n\n(M119) In explanation of these dances Castelnau merely observes that the\nApinagos, like many other South American Indians, pay a superstitious\nrespect to the moon. We may suppose that the ceremonious presentation of\nthe infants to the moon was intended to ensure their life and growth. The\nnames solemnly chanted by the whole assembly were probably those which the\nparents publicly bestowed on their children. As to the scarlet dancer who\nleaped across the fire, we may conjecture that he personated the moon, and\nthat his strange antics in front of the women were designed to impart to\nthem the fertilizing virtue of the luminary, and perhaps to facilitate\ntheir delivery.\n\n(M120) Among the Baganda of Central Africa there is general rejoicing when\nthe new moon appears, and no work is done for seven days. When the\ncrescent is first visible at evening, mothers take out their babies and\nhold them at arms\u2019 length, saying, \u201cI want my child to keep in health till\nthe moon wanes.\u201d At the same time a ceremony is performed which may be\nintended to ensure the king\u2019s life and health throughout the ensuing\nmonth. It is a custom with the Baganda to preserve the king\u2019s navel-string\nwith great care during his life. The precious object is called the \u201cTwin\u201d\nof the king, as if it were his double; and the ghost of the royal\nafterbirth is believed to be attached to it. Enclosed in a pot, which is\nwrapt in bark cloths, the navel-string is kept in a temple specially built\nfor it near the king\u2019s enclosure, and a great minister of state acts as\nits guardian and priest. Every new moon, at evening, he carries it in\nstate, wrapped in bark cloths, to the king, who takes it into his hands,\nexamines it, and returns it to the minister. The keeper of the\nnavel-string then goes back with it to the house and sets it in the\ndoorway, where it remains all night. Next morning it is taken from its\nwrappings and again placed in the doorway until the evening, when it is\nonce more swathed in bark cloths and restored to its usual place.(396)\nApparently the navel-string is conceived as a vital portion, a sort of\nexternal soul, of the king; and the attentions bestowed on it at the new\nmoon may be supposed to refresh and invigorate it, thereby refreshing and\ninvigorating the king\u2019s life.\n\n(M121) The Armenians appear to think that the moon exercises a baleful\ninfluence on little children. To avert that influence a mother will show\nthe moon to her child and say, \u201cThine uncle, thine uncle.\u201d For the same\npurpose the father and mother will mount to the roof of the house at new\nmoon on a Wednesday or Friday. The father then puts the child on a shovel\nand gives it to the mother, saying, \u201cIf it is thine, take it to thee. But\nif it is mine, rear it and give it to me back.\u201d The mother then takes the\nchild and the shovel, and returns them to the father in like manner.(397)\nA similar opinion as to the noxious influence of moonshine on children was\napparently held by the ancient Greeks; for Greek nurses took great care\nnever to show their infants to the moon.(398) Some Brazilian Indians in\nlike manner guard babies against the moon, believing that it would make\nthem ill. Immediately after delivery mothers will hide themselves and\ntheir infants in the thickest parts of the forest in order that the\nmoonlight may not fall on them.(399) It would be easy to understand why\nthe waning moon should be deemed injurious to children; they might be\nsupposed to peak and pine with its dwindling light. Thus in Angus it is\nthought that if a child be weaned during the waning of the moon, it will\ndecay all the time that the moon continues to wane.(400) But it is less\neasy to see why the same deleterious influence on children should be\nascribed to moonlight in general.\n\n(M122) There are many other ways in which people have sought to turn lunar\nsympathy to practical account. Clearly the increase of the moon is the\ntime to increase your goods, and the decrease of the moon is the time to\ndiminish your ills. Acting on this imaginary law of nature many persons in\nEurope show their money to the new moon or turn it in their pockets at\nthat season, in the belief that the money will grow with the growth of the\nplanet; sometimes, by way of additional precaution, they spit on the coin\nat the same time.(401) \u201cBoth Christians and Moslems in Syria turn their\nsilver money in their pockets at the new moon for luck; and two persons\nmeeting under the new moon will each take out a silver coin and embrace,\nsaying, \u2018May you begin and end; and may it be a good month to us.\u2019 \u201d(402)\nConversely the waning of the moon is the most natural time to get rid of\nbodily ailments. In Brittany they think that warts vary with the phases of\nthe moon, growing as it waxes and vanishing away as it wanes.(403)\nAccordingly, they say in Germany that if you would rid yourself of warts\nyou should treat them when the moon is on the decrease.(404) And a German\ncure for toothache, earache, headache, and so forth, is to look towards\nthe waning moon and say, \u201cAs the moon decreases, so may my pains decrease\nalso.\u201d(405) However, some Germans reverse the rule. They say, for example,\nthat if you are afflicted with a wen, you should face the waxing moon, lay\nyour finger on the wen, and say thrice, \u201cWhat I see waxes; what I touch,\nlet it vanish away.\u201d After each of these two sentences you should cross\nyourself thrice. Then go home without speaking to any one, and repeat\nthree paternosters behind the kitchen door.(406) The Huzuls of the\nCarpathians recommend a somewhat similar, and no doubt equally\nefficacious, cure for waterbrash. They say that at new moon the patient\nshould run thrice round the house and then say to the moon, \u201cMoon, moon,\nwhere wast thou?\u201d \u201cBehind the mountain.\u201d \u201cWhat hast thou eaten there?\u201d\n\u201cHorse flesh.\u201d \u201cWhy hast thou brought me nothing?\u201d \u201cBecause I forgot.\u201d\n\u201cMay the waterbrash forget to burn me!\u201d(407) Thus a curative virtue\nappears to be attributed by some people to the waning and by others to the\nwaxing moon. There is perhaps just as much, or as little, to be said for\nthe one attribution as for the other.\n\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER X. THE KING AS OSIRIS.\n\n\n(M123) In the foregoing discussion we found reason to believe that the\nSemitic Adonis and the Phrygian Attis were at one time personated in the\nflesh by kings, princes, or priests who played the part of the god for a\ntime and then either died a violent death in the divine character or had\nto redeem their life in one way or another, whether by performing a\nmake-believe sacrifice at some expense of pain and danger to themselves,\nor by delegating the duty to a substitute.(408) Further, we conjectured\nthat in Egypt the part of Osiris may have been played by the king\nhimself.(409) It remains to adduce some positive evidence of this\npersonation.\n\n(M124) A great festival called the Sed was celebrated by the Egyptians\nwith much solemnity at intervals of thirty years. Various portions of the\nritual are represented on the ancient monuments of Hieraconpolis and\nAbydos and in the oldest decorated temple of Egypt known to us, that of\nUsirniri at Busiris, which dates from the fifth dynasty. It appears that\nthe ceremonies were as old as the Egyptian civilization, and that they\ncontinued to be observed till the end of the Roman period.(410) The reason\nfor holding them at intervals of thirty years is uncertain, but we can\nhardly doubt that the period was determined by astronomical\nconsiderations. According to one view, it was based on the observation of\nSaturn\u2019s period of revolution round the sun, which is, roughly speaking,\nthirty years, or, more exactly, twenty-nine years and one hundred and\nseventy-four days.(411) According to another view, the thirty years\u2019\nperiod had reference to Sirius, the star of Isis. We have seen that on\naccount of the vague character of the old Egyptian year the heliacal\nrising of Sirius shifted its place gradually through every month of the\ncalendar.(412) In one hundred and twenty years the star thus passed\nthrough one whole month of thirty days. To speak more precisely, it rose\non the first of the month during the first four years of the period: it\nrose on the second of the month in the second four years, on the third of\nthe month in the third four years; and so on successively, till in the\nlast four years of the hundred and twenty years it rose on the last day of\nthe month. As the Egyptians watched the annual summer rising of the star\nwith attention and associated it with the most popular of their goddesses,\nit would be natural that its passage from one month to another, at\nintervals of one hundred and twenty years, should be the occasion of a\ngreat festival, and that the long period of one hundred and twenty years\nshould be divided into four minor periods of thirty years respectively,\neach celebrated by a minor festival.(413) If this theory of the Sed\nfestivals is correct, we should expect to find that every fourth\ncelebration was distinguished from the rest by a higher degree of\nsolemnity, since it marked the completion of a twelfth part of the star\u2019s\njourney through the twelve months. Now it appears that in point of fact\nevery fourth Sed festival was marked off from its fellows by the adjective\n_tep_ or \u201cchief,\u201d and that these \u201cchief\u201d celebrations fell as a rule in\nthe years when Sirius rose on the first of the month.(414) These facts\nconfirm the view that the Sed festival was closely connected with the star\nSirius, and through it with Isis.\n\n(M125) However, we are here concerned rather with the meaning and the\nrites of the festival than with the reasons for holding it once every\nthirty years. The intention of the festival seems to have been to procure\nfor the king a new lease of life, a renovation of his divine energies, a\nrejuvenescence. In the inscriptions of Abydos we read, after an account of\nthe rites, the following address to the king: \u201cThou dost recommence thy\nrenewal, thou art granted to flourish again like the infant god Moon, thou\ndost grow young again, and that from season to season, like Nun at the\nbeginning of time, thou art born again in renewing the Sed festivals. All\nlife comes to thy nostril, and thou art king of the whole earth for\never.\u201d(415) In short, on these occasions it appears to have been supposed\nthat the king was in a manner born again.\n\n(M126) But how was the new birth effected? Apparently the essence of the\nrites consisted in identifying the king with Osiris; for just as Osiris\nhad died and risen again from the dead, so the king might be thought to\ndie and to live again with the god whom he personated. The ceremony would\nthus be for the king a death as well as a rebirth. Accordingly in pictures\nof the Sed festival on the monuments we see the king posing as the dead\nOsiris. He sits in a shrine like a god, holding in his hands the crook and\nflail of Osiris: he is wrapped in tight bandages like the mummified\nOsiris; indeed, there is nothing but his name to prove that he is not\nOsiris himself. This enthronement of the king in the attitude of the dead\ngod seems to have been the principal event of the festival.(416) Further,\nthe queen and the king\u2019s daughters figured prominently in the\nceremonies.(417) A discharge of arrows formed part of the rites;(418) and\nin some sculptures at Carnac the queen is portrayed shooting arrows\ntowards the four quarters of the world, while the king does the same with\nrings.(419) The oldest illustration of the festival is on the mace of\nNarmer, which is believed to date from 5500 B.C. Here we see the king\nseated as Osiris in a shrine at the top of nine steps. Beside the shrine\nstand fan-bearers, and in front of it is a figure in a palanquin, which,\naccording to an inscription in another representation of the scene,\nappears to be the royal child. An enclosure of curtains hung on poles\nsurrounds the dancing-ground, where three men are performing a sacred\ndance. A procession of standards is depicted beside the enclosure; it is\nheaded by the standard of the jackal-god Up-uat, the \u201copener of ways\u201d for\nthe dead.(420) Similarly on a seal of King Zer, or rather Khent, one of\nthe early kings of the first dynasty, the monarch appears as Osiris with\nthe standard of the jackal-god before him. In front of him, too, is the\nostrich feather on which \u201cthe dead king was supposed to ascend into\nheaven. Here, then, the king, identified with Osiris, king of the dead,\nhas before him the jackal-god, who leads the dead, and the ostrich\nfeather, which symbolizes his reception into the sky.\u201d(421) There are even\ngrounds for thinking that in order to complete the mimic death of the king\nat the Sed festival an effigy of him, clad in the costume of Osiris, was\nsolemnly buried in a cenotaph.(422)\n\n(M127) According to Professor Flinders Petrie, \u201cthe conclusion may be\ndrawn thus. In the savage age of prehistoric times, the Egyptians, like\nmany other African and Indian peoples, killed their priest-king at stated\nintervals, in order that the ruler should, with unimpaired life and\nhealth, be enabled to maintain the kingdom in its highest condition. The\nroyal daughters were present in order that they might be married to his\nsuccessor. The jackal-god went before him, to open the way to the unseen\nworld; and the ostrich feather received and bore away the king\u2019s soul in\nthe breeze that blew it out of sight. This was the celebration of the\n\u2018end,\u2019 the _sed_ feast. The king thus became the dead king, patron of all\nthose who had died in his reign, who were his subjects here and hereafter.\nHe was thus one with Osiris, the king of the dead. This fierce custom\nbecame changed, as in other lands, by appointing a deputy king to die in\nhis stead; which idea survived in the Coptic Abu Ner\u016bs, with his tall\ncrown of Upper Egypt, false beard, and sceptre. After the death of the\ndeputy, the real king renewed his life and reign. Henceforward this became\nthe greatest of the royal festivals, the apotheosis of the king during his\nlife, after which he became Osiris upon earth and the patron of the dead\nin the underworld.\u201d(423)\n\n(M128) A similar theory of the Sed festival is maintained by another\neminent Egyptologist, M. Alexandre Moret. He says: \u201cIn most of the temples\nof Egypt, of all periods, pictures set forth for us the principal scenes\nof a solemn festival called \u2018festival of the tail,\u2019 the Sed festival. It\nconsisted essentially in a representation of the ritual death of the king\nfollowed by his rebirth. In this case the king is identified with Osiris,\nthe god who in historical times is the hero of the sacred drama of\nhumanity, he who guides us through the three stages of life, death, and\nrebirth in the other world. Hence, clad in the funeral costume of Osiris,\nwith the tight-fitting garment clinging to him like a shroud, Pharaoh is\nconducted to the tomb; and from it he returns rejuvenated and reborn like\nOsiris emerging from the dead. How was this fiction carried out? how was\nthis miracle performed? By the sacrifice of human or animal victims. On\nbehalf of the king a priest lay down in the skin of the animal victim: he\nassumed the posture characteristic of an embryo in its mother\u2019s womb: when\nhe came forth from the skin he was deemed to be reborn; and Pharaoh, for\nwhom this rite was celebrated, was himself reborn, or to adopt the\nEgyptian expression, \u2018he renewed his births.\u2019 And in testimony of the due\nperformance of the rites the king girt his loins with the tail, a\ncompendious representative of the skin of the sacrificed beast, whence the\nname of \u2018the festival of the tail.\u2019\n\n\u201cHow are we to explain the rule that at a certain point of his reign every\nPharaoh must undergo this ritual death followed by fictitious rebirth? Is\nit simply a renewal of the initiation into the Osirian mysteries? or does\nthe festival present some more special features? The ill-defined part\nplayed by the royal children in these rites seems to me to indicate that\nthe Sed festival represents other episodes which refer to the transmission\nof the regal office. At the dawn of civilization in Egypt the people were\nperhaps familiar with the alternative either of putting their king to\ndeath in his full vigour in order that his power should be transmitted\nintact to his successor, or of attempting to rejuvenate him and to \u2018renew\nhis life.\u2019 The latter measure was an invention of the Pharaohs. How could\nit be carried out more effectively than by identifying themselves with\nOsiris, by applying to themselves the process of resurrection, the funeral\nrites by which Isis, according to the priests, had magically saved her\nhusband from death? Perhaps the fictitious death of the king may be\nregarded as a mitigation of the primitive murder of the divine king, a\ntransition from a barbarous reality to symbolism.\u201d(424)\n\n(M129) Whether this interpretation of the Sed festival be accepted in all\nits details or not, one thing seems quite certain: on these solemn\noccasions the god Osiris was personated by the king of Egypt himself. That\nis the point with which we are here chiefly concerned.\n\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER XI. THE ORIGIN OF OSIRIS.\n\n\n(M130) Thus far we have discussed the character of Osiris as he is\npresented to us in the art and literature of Egypt and in the testimonies\nof Greek writers; and we have found that judged by these indications he\nwas in the main a god of vegetation and of the dead. But we have still to\nask, how did the conception of such a composite deity originate? Did it\narise simply through observation of the great annual fluctuations of the\nseasons and a desire to explain them? Was it a result of brooding over the\nmystery of external nature? Was it the attempt of a rude philosophy to\nlift the veil and explore the hidden springs that set the vast machine in\nmotion? That man at a very early stage of his long history meditated on\nthese things and evolved certain crude theories which partially satisfied\nhis craving after knowledge is certain; from such meditations of\nBabylonian and Phrygian sages appear to have sprung the pathetic figures\nof Adonis and Attis; and from such meditations of Egyptian sages may have\nsprung the tragic figure of Osiris.\n\n(M131) Yet a broad distinction seems to sever the myth and worship of\nOsiris from the kindred myths and worships of Adonis and Attis. For while\nAdonis and Attis were minor divinities in the religion of Western Asia,\ncompletely overshadowed by the greater deities of their respective\npantheons, the solemn figure of Osiris towered in solitary grandeur over\nall the welter of Egyptian gods, like a pyramid of his native land lit up\nby the last rays of the setting sun when all below it is in shadow. And\nwhereas legend generally represented Adonis and Attis as simple swains,\nmere herdsmen or hunters whom the fatal love of a goddess had elevated\nabove their homely sphere into a brief and melancholy pre-eminence, Osiris\nuniformly appears in tradition as a great and beneficent king. In life, he\nruled over his people, beloved and revered for the benefits he conferred\non them and on the world; in death he reigned in their hearts and memories\nas lord of the dead, the awful judge at whose bar every man must one day\nstand to give an account of the deeds done in the body and to receive the\nfinal award. In the faith of the Egyptians the cruel death and blessed\nresurrection of Osiris occupied the same place as the death and\nresurrection of Christ hold in the faith of Christians. As Osiris died and\nrose again from the dead, so they hoped through him and in his dear name\nto wake triumphant from the sleep of death to a blissful eternity. That\nwas their sheet-anchor in life\u2019s stormy sea; that was the hope which\nsupported and consoled millions of Egyptian men and women for a period of\ntime far longer than that during which Christianity has now existed on\nearth. In the long history of religion no two divine figures resemble each\nother more closely in the fervour of personal devotion which they have\nkindled and in the high hopes which they have inspired than Osiris and\nChrist. The sad figure of Buddha indeed has been as deeply loved and\nrevered by countless millions; but he had no glad tidings of immortality\nfor men, nothing but the promise of a final release from the burden of\nmortality.\n\n(M132) And if Osiris and Christ have been the centres of the like\nenthusiastic devotion, may not the secret of their influence have been\nsimilar? If Christ lived the life and died the death of a man on earth,\nmay not Osiris have done so likewise? The immense and enduring popularity\nof his worship speaks in favour of the supposition; for all the other\ngreat religious or semi-religious systems which have won for themselves a\npermanent place in the affections of mankind, have been founded by\nindividual great men, who by their personal life and example exerted a\npower of attraction such as no cold abstractions, no pale products of the\ncollective wisdom or folly could ever exert on the minds and hearts of\nhumanity. Thus it was with Buddhism, with Confucianism, with Christianity,\nand with Mohammedanism; and thus it may well have been with the religion\nof Osiris. Certainly we shall do less violence to the evidence if we\naccept the unanimous tradition of ancient Egypt on this point than if we\nresolve the figure of Osiris into a myth pure and simple. And when we\nconsider that from the earliest to the latest times Egyptian kings were\nworshipped as gods both in life and in death, there appears to be nothing\nextravagant or improbable in the view that one of them by his personal\nqualities excited a larger measure of devotion than usual during his life\nand was remembered with fonder affection and deeper reverence after his\ndeath; till in time his beloved memory, dimmed, transfigured, and\nencircled with a halo of glory by the mists of time, grew into the\ndominant religion of his people. At least this theory is reasonable enough\nto deserve a serious consideration. If we accept it, we may suppose that\nthe mythical elements, which legend undoubtedly ascribed to Osiris, were\nlater accretions which gathered about his memory like ivy about a ruin.\nThere is no improbability in such a supposition; on the contrary, all\nanalogy is in its favour, for nothing is more certain than that myths grow\nlike weeds round the great historical figures of the past.\n\n(M133) In recent years the historical reality of Osiris as a king who once\nlived and reigned in Egypt has been maintained by more than one learned\nscholar;(425) and without venturing to pronounce a decided opinion on so\nobscure and difficult a question, I think it worth while, following the\nexample of Dr. Wallis Budge, to indicate certain modern African analogies\nwhich tend to confirm the view that beneath the mythical wrappings of\nOsiris there lay the mummy of a dead man. At all events the analogies\nwhich I shall cite suffice to prove that the custom of worshipping dead\nkings has not been confined to Egypt, but has been apparently widespread\nthroughout Africa, though the evidence now at our disposal only enables us\nto detect the observance of the custom at a few points of the great\ncontinent. But even if the resemblance in this respect between ancient\nEgypt and modern Africa should be regarded as established, it would not\njustify us in inferring an ethnical affinity between the fair or ruddy\nEgyptians and the black aboriginal races who occupy almost the whole of\nAfrica except a comparatively narrow fringe on the northern sea-board.\nScholars are still divided on the question of the original home and racial\nrelationship of the ancient Egyptians. It has been held on the one hand\nthat they belong to an indigenous white race which has been always in\npossession of the Mediterranean coasts of Africa; and on the other hand it\nhas been supposed that they are akin to the Semites in blood as well as in\nlanguage, and that they entered Africa from the East, whether by gradual\ninfiltration or on a sudden wave of conquest like the Arabs in the decline\nof the Roman empire.(426) On either view a great gulf divided them from\nthe swarthy natives of the Sudan, with whom they were always in contact on\ntheir southern border; and though a certain admixture may have taken place\nthrough marriage between the two races, it seems unsafe to assume that the\nreligious and political resemblances which can be traced between them are\nbased on any closer relationship than the general similarity in structure\nand functions of the human mind.\n\n(M134) In a former part of this work we saw that the Shilluks, a pastoral\nand partially agricultural people of the White Nile, worship the spirits\nof their dead kings.(427) The graves of the deceased monarchs form indeed\nthe national or tribal temples; and as each king is interred at the\nvillage where he was born and where his afterbirth is buried, these\ngrave-shrines are scattered over the country. Each of them usually\ncomprises a small group of round huts, resembling the common houses of the\npeople, the whole being enclosed by a fence; one of the huts is built over\nthe grave, the others are occupied by the guardians of the shrine, who at\nfirst are generally the widows or old men-servants of the deceased king.\nWhen these women or retainers die, they are succeeded in office by their\ndescendants, for the tombs are maintained in perpetuity, so that the\nnumber of temples and of gods is always on the increase. Cattle are\ndedicated to these royal shrines and animals sacrificed at them. For\nexample, when the millet crop threatens to fail or a murrain breaks out\namong the beasts, one of the dead kings will appear to somebody in a dream\nand demand a sacrifice. The dream is reported to the king, and he\nimmediately orders a bullock and a cow to be sent to the grave of the dead\nking who appeared in a vision of the night to the sleeper. This is done;\nthe bullock is killed and the cow added to the sacred herd of the shrine.\nIt is customary, also, though not necessary, at harvest to offer some of\nthe new millet at the temple-tombs of the kings; and sick people send\nanimals to be sacrificed there on their behalf. Special regard is paid to\ntrees that grow near the graves of the kings; and the spirits of the\ndeparted monarchs are believed to appear from time to time in the form of\ncertain animals. One of them, for example, always takes the shape of a\ncertain insect, which seems to be the larva of the _Mantidae_. When a\nShilluk finds one of these insects, he will take it up in his hands and\ndeposit it reverentially at the shrine. Other kings manifest themselves as\na certain species of white birds; others assume the form of giraffes. When\none of these long-legged and long-necked creatures comes stalking up\nfearlessly to a village where there is a king\u2019s grave, the people know\nthat the king\u2019s soul is in the animal, and the attendants at the royal\ntomb testify their joy at the appearance of their master by sacrificing a\nsheep or even a bullock.\n\n(M135) But of all the dead kings none is revered so deeply or occupies so\nlarge a place in the minds of the people as Nyakang, the traditional\nfounder of the dynasty and the ancestor of all the kings who have reigned\nafter him to the present day. Of these kings the Shilluks have preserved\nthe memory and the genealogy; twenty-six seem to have sat on the throne\nsince Nyakang, but the period of time covered by their reigns is much\nshorter than it would have been under conditions such as now prevail in\nEurope; for down to the time when their country came under British rule it\nwas the regular custom of the Shilluks to put their kings to death as soon\nas they showed serious symptoms of bodily or mental decay. The custom was\nbased on \u201cthe conviction that the king must not be allowed to become ill\nor senile, lest with his diminishing vigour the cattle should sicken and\nfail to bear their increase, the crops should rot in the fields, and man,\nstricken with disease, should die in ever-increasing numbers.\u201d(428) It is\nsaid that Nyakang, like Romulus, disappeared in a great storm, which\nscattered all the people about him; in their absence the king took a\ncloth, tied it tightly round his neck, and strangled himself. According to\none account, that is the death which all his successors on the throne have\ndied;(429) but while tradition appears to be unanimous as to the custom of\nregicide, it varies as to the precise mode in which the kings were\nrelieved of their office and of life. But still the people are convinced\nthat Nyakang did not really die but only vanished mysteriously away like\nthe wind. When a missionary asked the Shilluks as to the manner of\nNyakang\u2019s death, they were filled with amazement at his ignorance and\nstoutly maintained that he never died, for were he to die all the Shilluks\nwould die also.(430) The graves of this deified king are shown in various\nparts of the country.\n\n(M136) From time to time the spirit of Nyakang manifests itself to his\npeople in the form of an animal. Any creature of regal port or surpassing\nbeauty may serve as his temporary incarnation. Such among wild animals are\nlions, crocodiles, little yellow snakes that crawl about men\u2019s houses, the\nfinest sorts of antelopes, flamingoes with their rose-pink and scarlet\nplumage, and butterflies of all sorts with their brilliant and varied\nhues. An unusually fine head of cattle is also recognized as the abode of\nthe great king\u2019s soul; for example he once appeared in the shape of a\nwhite bull, whereupon the living king commanded special sacrifices to be\noffered in honour of his deified predecessor. When a bird in which the\nroyal spirit is known to be lodged lights on a tree, that tree becomes\nsacred to Nyakang; beads and cloths are hung on its boughs, sacrifices and\nprayers are offered below it. Once when the Turks unknowingly felled such\na tree, fear and horror fell on the Shilluks who beheld the sacrilege.\nThey filled the air with lamentations and killed an ox to appease their\ninsulted ancestor.(431) Particular regard is also paid to trees that grow\nnear the graves of Nyakang, though they are not regularly worshipped.(432)\nIn one place two gigantic baobab trees are pointed out as marking the spot\nwhere Nyakang once stood, and sacrifices are now offered under their\nspreading shade.(433)\n\n(M137) There seems to be no doubt that in spite of the mythical elements\nwhich have gathered round his memory, Nyakang was a real man, who led the\nShilluks to their present home on the Nile either from the west or from\nthe south; for on this point tradition varies. \u201cThe first and most\nimportant ancestor, who is everywhere revered, is Nyakang, the first\nShilluk king. He always receives the honourable titles of Father (_u\u00f2_),\nAncestor (_qua_), King (_red_) or Kings (_ror_), Ancestors, and Great Man\nAbove (_\u010dal duong mal_) to distinguish him from the other great men on\nearth. Nyakang, as we know, was an historical personage; he led the\nShilluks to the land which they now occupy; he helped them to victory,\nmade them great and warlike, regulated marriage and law, distributed the\ncountry among them, divided it into districts, and in order to increase\nthe dependence of the people on him and to show them his power, became\ntheir greatest benefactor by giving himself out as the bestower of\nrain.\u201d(434) Yet Nyakang is now universally revered by the people as a\ndemi-god; indeed for all practical purposes his worship quite eclipses\nthat of the supreme god Juok, the creator, who, having ordered the world,\ncommitted it to the care of ancestral spirits and demons, and now,\ndwelling aloft, concerns himself no further with human affairs. Hence men\npay little heed to their creator and seldom take his name into their lips\nexcept in a few conventional forms of salutation at meeting and parting\nlike our \u201cGood-bye.\u201d Far otherwise is it with Nyakang. He \u201cis the ancestor\nof the Shilluk nation and the founder of the Shilluk dynasty. He is\nworshipped, sacrifices and prayers are offered to him; he may be said to\nbe lifted to the rank of a demi-god, though they never forget that he has\nbeen a real man. He is expressly designated as \u2018little\u2019 in comparison with\nGod.\u201d Yet \u201cin the political, religious and personal life Nyakang takes a\nfar more important place than Juok. Nyakang is the national hero, of whom\neach Shilluk feels proud, who is praised in innumerable popular songs and\nsayings; he is not only a superior being, but also a man. He is the\nsublime model for every true Shilluk; everything they value most in their\nnational and private life has its origin in him: their kingdom and their\nfighting as well as cattle-breeding and farming. While Nyakang is their\ngood father, who only does them good, Juok is the great, uncontrollable\npower, which is to be propitiated, in order to avoid his inflictions of\nevil.\u201d(435) Indeed \u201cthe whole working religion of the Shilluk is a cult of\nNyakang, the semi-divine ancestor of their kings, in each of whom his\nspirit is immanent.\u201d(436) The transmission of the divine or semi-divine\nspirit of Nyakang to the reigning monarch appears to take place at the\nking\u2019s installation and to be effected by means of a rude wooden effigy of\nNyakang, in which the spirit of that deified man is perhaps supposed to be\nimmanent. But however the spiritual transmission may be carried out, \u201cthe\nfundamental idea of the cult of the Shilluk divine kings is the immanence\nin each of the spirit of Nyakang.\u201d(437) Thus the Shilluk kings are\nencircled with a certain halo of divinity because they are thought to be\nanimated by the divine spirit of their ancestor, the founder of the\ndynasty.\n\n(M138) The universal belief of the Shilluks in the former humanity of\nNyakang is strongly confirmed by the exact parallelism which prevails\nbetween his worship and that of the dead kings his successors. Like them\nhe is worshipped at his tomb; but unlike them he has not one tomb only,\nbut ten scattered over the country. Each of these tombs is called \u201cthe\ngrave of Nyakang,\u201d though the people well know that nobody is buried\nthere. Like the grave-shrines of the other kings, those of Nyakang consist\nof a small group of circular huts of the ordinary pattern enclosed by a\nfence. Only children under puberty and the few old people whose duty it is\nto take care of the shrines may enter these sacred enclosures. The rites\nperformed at them resemble those observed at the shrines of the kings. Two\ngreat ceremonies are annually performed at the shrines of Nyakang: one is\nobserved before the beginning of the rainy season in order to ensure a due\nsupply of rain; the other is a thanksgiving at harvest, when porridge made\nfrom the new grain is poured out on the threshold of Nyakang\u2019s hut and\nsmeared on the outer walls of the building. Even before the millet is\nreaped the people cut some of the ripening ears and thrust them into the\nthatch of the sacred hut. Thus it would seem that the Shilluks believe\nthemselves to be dependent on the favour of Nyakang for the rain and the\ncrops. \u201cAs the giver of rain, Nyakang is the first and greatest benefactor\nof the people. In that country rain is everything, without rain there is\nnothing. The Shilluk does not trouble his head about artificial\nirrigation, he waits for the rain. If the rain falls, then the millet\ngrows, the cows thrive, man has food and can dance and marry; for that is\nthe ideal of the Shilluks.\u201d(438) Sick people also bring or send sheep as\nan offering to the nearest shrine of Nyakang in order that they may be\nhealed of their sickness. The attendants of the sanctuary slaughter the\nanimal, consume its flesh, and give the sufferer the benefit of their\nprayers.(439)\n\n(M139) The example of Nyakang seems to show that under favourable\ncircumstances the worship of a dead king may develop into the dominant\nreligion of a people. There is, therefore, no intrinsic improbability in\nthe view that in ancient Egypt the religion of Osiris originated in that\nway. Certainly some curious resemblances can be traced between the dead\nNyakang and the dead Osiris. Both died violent and mysterious deaths: the\ngraves of both were pointed out in many parts of the country: both were\ndeemed the great sources of fertility for the whole land: and both were\nassociated with certain sacred trees and animals, particularly with bulls.\nAnd just as Egyptian kings identified themselves both in life and in death\nwith their deified predecessor Osiris, so Shilluk kings are still believed\nto be animated by the spirit of their deified predecessor Nyakang and to\nshare his divinity.\n\n(M140) Another African people who regularly worship, or rather used to\nworship, the spirits of their dead kings are the Baganda. Their country\nUganda lies at the very source of the Nile, where the great river issues\nfrom Lake Victoria Nyanza. Among them the ghosts of dead kings were placed\non an equality with the gods and received the same honour and worship;\nthey foretold events which concerned the State, and they advised the\nliving king, warning him when war was likely to break out. The king\nconsulted them periodically, visiting first one and then another of the\ntemples in which the mortal remains of his predecessors were preserved\nwith religious care. But the temple (_malolo_) of a king contained only\nhis lower jawbone and his navel-string (_mulongo_); his body was buried\nelsewhere.(440) For curiously enough the Baganda believed that the part of\nthe body to which the ghost of a dead man adheres above all others is the\nlower jawbone; wherever that portion of his person may be carried, the\nghost, in the opinion of these people, will follow it, even to the ends of\nthe earth, and will be perfectly content to remain with it so long as the\njawbone is honoured.(441) Hence the jawbones of all the kings of Uganda\nfrom the earliest times to the present day have been preserved with the\nutmost care, each of them being deposited, along with the stump of the\nmonarch\u2019s navel-string, in a temple specially dedicated to the worship of\nthe king\u2019s ghost; for it is believed that the ghosts of the deceased\nmonarchs would quarrel if they shared the same temple, the question of\nprecedence being one which it would be very difficult for them to adjust\nto their mutual satisfaction.(442) All the temples of the dead kings stand\nin the district called Busiro, which means the place of the graves,\nbecause the tombs as well as the temples of the departed potentates are\nsituated within its boundaries. The supervision of the temples and of the\nestates attached to them was a duty incumbent on the _Mugema_ or earl of\nBusiro, one of the few hereditary chiefs in the country. His principal\noffice was that of Prime Minister (_Katikiro_) to the dead kings.(443)\n\n(M141) When a king dies, his body is sent to Busiro and there embalmed.\nThen it is laid to rest in a large round house, which has been built for\nits reception on the top of a hill. This is the king\u2019s tomb. It is a\nconical structure supported by a central post, with a thatched roof\nreaching down to the ground. Round the hut a high strong fence of reeds is\nerected, and an outer fence encircles the whole at some distance lower\ndown the hill. Here the body is placed on a bedstead; the sepulchral\nchamber is filled with bark cloths till it can hold no more, the mainpost\nis cut down, and the door of the tomb closed, so that no one can enter it\nagain. When that was done, the wives of the late king used to be brought,\nwith their arms pinioned, and placed at intervals round the outer wall of\nthe tomb, where they were clubbed to death. Hundreds of men were also\nkilled in the space between the two fences, that their ghosts might wait\non the ghost of the dead king in the other world. None of their bodies\nwere buried; they were left to rot where they fell. Then the gates in the\nfences were closed; and three chiefs with their men guarded the dead\nbodies from the wild beasts and the vultures. But the hut in which the\nking\u2019s body reposed was never repaired; it was allowed to moulder and fall\ninto decay.(444)\n\n(M142) Five months later the jawbone of the royal corpse was removed in\norder to be fashioned into an effigy or representative of the dead king.\nFor this purpose three chiefs entered the tomb, not through the door, but\nby cutting a hole through the wall, and having severed the head from the\nbody they brought it out, carefully filling up the hole in the wall behind\nthem, replacing the thatch, and securing the gates in the fence. When the\njawbone had been removed by a chief of the Civet clan, the skull was sent\nback to Busiro and buried with honour near the mouldering tomb. In\ncontrast to the neglect of the tomb where the royal body lay, the place\nwhere the skull was buried was kept in good repair and guarded by some of\nthe old princesses and widows. As for the jawbone, it was put in an\nant-hill and left there till the ants had eaten away all the flesh. Then,\nafter it had been washed in beer and milk, it was decorated with\ncowry-shells and placed in a wooden vessel; this vessel was next wrapt in\nbark cloths till it assumed a conical shape, about two and a half feet\nhigh by a foot and a half broad at the base. This conical packet,\ndecorated on the outside with beads, was treated as an image of the\ndeceased king or rather as if it were the king himself in life, for it was\ncalled simply \u201cThe King.\u201d Beside it was placed the stump of the king\u2019s\nnavel-string, similarly wrapt in bark cloths and decorated, though not\nmade up into a conical shape.(445) The reason for preserving both the\njawbone and the navel-string was that the ghost of the king was supposed\nto attach itself to his jawbone, and the ghost of his double to his\nnavel-string. For in the belief of the Baganda every person has a double,\nnamely, the afterbirth or placenta, which is born immediately after him\nand is regarded by the people as a second child. Now that double has a\nghost of its own, which adheres to the navel-string; and if the person is\nto remain healthy, it is essential that the ghost of his double should be\ncarefully preserved. Hence every Baganda man and woman keeps his or her\nnavel-string wrapt up in bark cloth as a treasure of great price on which\nhis health and prosperity are dependent; the precious little bundle is\ncalled his Twin (_mulongo_), because it contains the ghost of his double,\nthe afterbirth. If that is deemed necessary for everybody, much more is it\ndeemed essential for the welfare of the king; hence during his life the\nstump of his navel-string is kept, as we saw,(446) by one of the principal\nministers of state and is inspected by the king himself every month. And\nwhen his majesty has departed this life, the unity of his spirit\nimperatively demands that his own ghost and the ghost of his double should\nbe kept together in the same place; that is why the jawbone and the\nnavel-string of every dead king are carefully preserved in the same\ntemple, because the two ghosts adhere respectively to these two parts of\nhis person, and it would be unreasonable and indeed cruel to divide\nthem.(447)\n\n(M143) The two ghosts having been thus safely lodged in the two precious\nparcels, the next thing was to install them in the temple, where they were\nto enter on their career of beneficent activity. A site having been\nchosen, the whole country supplied the labour necessary for building the\ntemple; and ministers were appointed to wait upon the dead king. The\nofficers of state who had held important posts during his life retained\ntheir titles and continued to discharge their duties towards their old\nmaster in death. Accordingly houses were built for them near the temple.\nThe dowager queen also took up her residence at the entrance to the temple\nenclosure, and became its principal guardian. Many also of the king\u2019s\nwidows of lower rank were drafted off to live inside the enclosure and\nkeep watch over it. When the queen or any of these widows died, her place\nwas supplied by another princess or a woman of the same clan; for the\ntemple was maintained in perpetuity. However, when the reigning king died,\nthe temple of his predecessor lost much of its importance, though it was\nstill kept up in a less magnificent style; indeed no temple of a dead king\nwas allowed to disappear altogether.(448) Of all the attendants at the\ntemple the most important probably was the prophet or medium (_mandwa_),\nwhose business it was from time to time to be inspired by the ghost of the\ndeceased monarch and to give oracles in his name. To this holy office he\ndedicated himself by drinking a draught of beer and a draught of milk out\nof the dead king\u2019s skull.(449)\n\n(M144) The temple consecrated to the worship of a king regularly stood on\na hill. The site was generally chosen by the king in his life, but\nsometimes his choice was set aside by his successor, who gave orders to\nbuild the temple in another place.(450) The structure was a large conical\nor bee-hive-shaped hut of the ordinary pattern, divided internally into\ntwo chambers, an outer and an inner. Any person might enter the outer\nchamber, but the inner was sacred and no profane person might set foot in\nit; for there the holy relics of the dead king, his jawbone and his\nnavel-string, were kept for safety in a cell dug in the floor, and there,\nin close attendance on them, the king\u2019s ghost was believed to dwell. In\nfront of the partition which screened this Holy of Holies from the gaze of\nthe multitude there stood a throne, covered with lion and leopard skins\nand fenced off from the rest of the sacred edifice by a glittering rail of\nbrass spears, shields, and knives. A forest of poles, supporting the roof,\nformed a series of aisles in perfect line, and at the end of the central\nnave appeared, like the altar of a Christian church, the throne in all its\nglory. When the king\u2019s ghost held a reception, the holy relics, the\njawbone and the navel-string, each in its decorated wrappings, were\nbrought forth and set on the throne; and every person who entered the\ntemple bowed to the ground and greeted the jawbone in an awestruck voice,\nfor he regarded it as the king in person. Solemn music played during the\nreception, the drums rolling and the women chanting, while they clapped\ntheir hands to the rhythm of the songs. Sometimes the dead king spoke to\nthe congregation by the voice of his prophet. That was a great event. When\nthe oracle was about to be given to the expectant throng, the prophet\nstepped up to the throne, and addressing the spirit informed him of the\nbusiness in hand. Then he smoked one or two pipes, and the fumes bringing\non the prophetic fit, he began to rave and to speak in the very voice and\nwith the characteristic turns of speech of the departed monarch, for the\nking\u2019s spirit was now in him. This message from the world beyond the grave\nwas naturally received with rapt attention. Gradually the fit of\ninspiration passed: the voice of the prophet resumed its natural tones:\nthe spirit had departed from him and returned to its abode in the inner\nroom. Such a solemn audience used to be announced beforehand by the\nbeating of the drums in the early morning, and the worshippers brought\nwith them to the temple offerings of food for the dead king, as if he were\nstill alive.(451)\n\n(M145) But the greatest day of all was when the reigning king visited the\ntemple of his father. This he did as a rule only once during his reign.\nNor did the people approve of the visits being repeated, for each visit\nwas the signal for the death of many. Yet, attracted by a painful\ncuriosity, crowds assembled, followed the monarch to the temple, and\nthronged to see the great ceremony of the meeting between the king and the\nghost of his royal father. The sacred relics were displayed: an old man\nexplained them to the monarch and placed them in his hands: the prophet,\ninspired by the dead king\u2019s spirit, revealed to the living king his\ndestiny. The interview over, the king was carried back to his house. It\nwas on the return journey that he always gave, suddenly and without\nwarning, the signal of death. Obedient to his orders the guards rushed\nupon the crowd, captured hundreds of spectators, pinioned them, marched\nthem back to the temple, and slaughtered them within the precincts, that\ntheir ghosts might wait on the ghost of the dead king.(452) But though the\nking rarely visited his father\u2019s ghost at the temple, he had a private\nchapel for the ghost within the vast enclosure of the royal residence; and\nhere he often paid his devotions to the august spirit, of whom he stood\ngreatly in awe. He took his wives with him to sing the departed monarch\u2019s\npraise, and he constantly made offerings at the shrine. Thither, too,\nwould come the prophet to suck words of wisdom from the venerable ghost\nand to impart them to the king, who thus walked in the counsel of his\nglorified father.(453)\n\n(M146) In Kiziba, a district of Central Africa on the western side of Lake\nVictoria Nyanza, the souls of dead kings become ruling spirits; temples\nare built in their honour and priests appointed to serve them. The people\nare composed of two different races, the Bairu, who are aboriginals, and\nthe Bahima, who are immigrants from the north. The royal family belongs to\nthe Bahima stock. In his lifetime the king\u2019s person is sacred; and all his\nactions, property, and so forth are described by special terms\nappropriated to that purpose. The people are divided into totemic clans:\nthe totems (_muziro_) are mostly animals or parts of animals: no man may\nkill or eat his totem animal, nor marry a woman who has the same totem as\nhimself. The royal family seems to have serpents for their totem; after\ndeath the king\u2019s soul lives in a serpent, while his body is buried in the\nhut where he died. The people revere a supreme god named Rugaba, who is\nbelieved to have created man and cattle; but they know little about him,\nand though they occasionally pray to him, particularly in the case of a\ndifficult birth, he has no priests and receives no sacrifices. The\nbusiness of the priests is to act as intermediaries, not between God and\nman, but between men and the spirits. The spirits are believed to have\nbeen formerly kings of the world. The highest of them is a certain Wamara,\nwho rules over the souls of the dead, and who would seem to have been a\ngreat king in his life. Temples are built for him; they are like the\nhouses of men, but only half as large. A perpetual holy fire is kept up in\neach temple, and the priest passes the night in it. He receives white\nsheep or goats as victims, and generally acts also as a diviner or\nphysician. When a man is very ill, he thinks that Wamara, the lord of the\nspirits of the dead, is summoning him to the far country; so he sends a\nsacrifice to Wamara\u2019s priest, who prays to the spirit to let the sick man\nlive yet a while.(454) This great spirit of an ancient king, who now rules\nover the dead, resembles the Egyptian Osiris.\n\n(M147) The Bantu tribes who inhabit the great tableland of Northern\nRhodesia revere a supreme being whom they call Leza, but their ideas about\nhim are hazy. Thunder, lightning, earthquakes, rain, and other natural\nphenomena are grouped together under his name as manifestations of his\npower. Among the more progressive tribes, such as the Awemba and the\nWabisa, the great god is thought to take some interest in human affairs;\nand though they do not pray to him, they nevertheless invoke him by his\nnames of praise, which set forth his attributes as the protector and judge\nof mankind. It is he, too, who receives the souls of the departed. \u201cYet,\nas far as the dominant Wemba tribe is concerned, the cult of Leza is\noutside their ordinary religion. There is no direct access to him by\nprayer or by sacrifices, which are made to Mulenga and the other great\ntribal and ancestral spirits instead. For upon such animism is founded the\nwhole fabric of Wemba religion.\u201d(455) The ancestral spirits whom the\nAwemba and all other tribes of this region worship may be divided into two\nmain classes. First come the spirits of departed chiefs, who are publicly\nworshipped by the whole tribe; and second come the spirits of near\nrelations who are worshipped privately by each head of a family.(456)\n\u201cAmong the Awemba there is no special shrine for these purely family\nspirits, who are worshipped inside the hut, and to whom family sacrifice\nof a sheep, a goat, or a fowl is made, the spirit receiving the blood\nspilt on the ground, while all the members of the family partake of the\nflesh together. For a religious Wemba man the cult of the spirit of his\nnearest relations (of his grandparents, or of his deceased father, mother,\nelder brother, or maternal uncle) is considered quite sufficient. Out of\nthese spirit relatives a man will worship one whom he considers as his\nspecial familiar, for various reasons. For instance, the diviner may have\ntold him that his last illness was caused because he had not respected the\nspirit of his uncle; accordingly he will be careful in future to adopt his\nuncle as his tutelary spirit. As a mark of such respect he may devote a\ncow or a goat to one of the spirits of his ancestors. Holding the fowl,\nfor instance, in his hands, he will dedicate it, asking the spirit to come\nand abide in it, upon which the fowl is let go, and is afterwards called\nby the name of the spirit. If the necessities, however, of the larder\ndemand that it should be killed, another animal is taken, and the spirit\nis asked to accept it as a substitute! Before beginning any special task,\nsuch as hoeing a new garden, or going on a journey, Wemba men invoke their\ntutelary spirits to be with them and to assist their efforts, in short\nejaculatory prayers usually couched in a set formula. Among many of the\ntribes in the North Luangwa district longer formal prayers are still made\nto all the deceased ancestors of the clan at the time of harvest, asking\nthem to protect the crops and to drive away illnesses and evil spirits\nfrom the family, which honours them with libations of beer and offerings\nof the first-fruits.\u201d(457)\n\n(M148) Thus among these tribes, who all belong to the great Bantu family,\nthe public worship which a whole tribe pays to the souls of its dead\nchiefs is probably nothing but an extension of the private worship which\nevery family pays privately to the souls of its dead members. And just as\nthe members of his family whom a man worships privately are not mythical\nbeings conjured up by imagination out of a distant past, but were once\nreal men like himself whom he knew in life, it may be his father, or\nuncle, or elder brother, so we may be sure that in like manner the dead\nchiefs revered by the whole tribe are not creations of the mythical fancy,\nbut were once real men of flesh and blood, who ruled over the tribe, and\nwhose memory has been more or less faithfully preserved by tradition. In\nthis respect the tribes of Northern Rhodesia are typical of all the tribes\nof that great Bantu family which occupies nearly the whole southern half\nof Africa, from the great equatorial lakes to the Cape of Good Hope. The\nmain practical religion of all these numerous and widespread peoples\nappears to be the worship of their ancestors.\n\n(M149) To adduce in full the evidence which points to this conclusion\nwould lead us too far from our present subject; it must suffice to cite a\nfew typical statements of competent authorities which refer to different\ntribes of the Bantu stock. Speaking with special reference to the tribes\nof South-Eastern Africa, the Rev. James Macdonald tells us that \u201cthe\nreligion of the Bantu, which they not only profess but really regulate\ntheir conduct by, is based on the belief that the spirits of their\nancestors interfere constantly in their affairs. Every man worships his\nown ancestors and offers sacrifices to avert their wrath. The clan\nworships the spirits of the ancestors of its chiefs, and the tribe\nworships the spirits of the ancestors of the paramount chief.\u201d(458) \u201cThe\nreligion of the Bantu was based upon the supposition of the existence of\nspirits that could interfere with the affairs of this world. These spirits\nwere those of their ancestors and their deceased chiefs, the greatest of\nwhom had control over lightning. When the spirits became offended or\nhungry they sent a plague or disaster until sacrifices were offered and\ntheir wrath or hunger was appeased. The head of a family of commoners on\nsuch an occasion killed an animal, and all ate of the meat, as the hungry\nghost was supposed to be satisfied with the smell.\u201d(459) For example, in\nthe year 1891 the son of a chief of the Pondomisi tribe was arrested for\nan assault and sent for trial before a colonial court. It chanced to be a\nseason of intense heat and severe drought, and the Pondomisi tribe\nattributed these calamities to the wrath of a dead chief named Gwanya,\nvery famous in his lifetime, whose body, fastened to a log, had been\nburied under a heap of stones in a deep pool of the Lina river. This\nredoubtable chieftain was the seventh ancestor in the direct line of the\nman who had committed the assault; and he warmly resented the indignity\nwhich the whites had done to a noble scion of his house by consigning him\nto durance vile. To appease the natural indignation of the ghost, the\ntribesmen killed cattle on the banks of the pool which contained his\ngrave, and threw the flesh into the water along with new dishes full of\nbeer. The prisoner, however, was convicted of the assault and sentenced by\nthe ruthless magistrate, who was no respecter of ghosts, to pay a fine.\nBut the tribe clubbed together and paid the fine for him; and a few days\nlater rain fell in plenty. The mollified ghost had opened the celestial\nsluices.(460)\n\n(M150) Another writer, describing the religion of the South African\nBantus, tells us that \u201cthe ancestral spirits love the very things they\nloved before they passed through the flesh; they cherish the same desires\nand have the same antipathies. The living cannot add to the number of the\nwives of ancestral spirits; but they can kill cattle in their honour and\nkeep their praise and memory alive on earth. Above all things, they can\ngive them beef and beer. And if the living do not give them sufficient of\nthese things the spirits are supposed to give the people a bad time: they\nsend drought, and sickness, and famine, until people kill cattle in their\nhonour. When men are alive they love to be praised and flattered, fed and\nattended to; after death they want the very same things, for death does\nnot change personality.... In time of drought, or sickness, or great\ntrouble, there would be great searchings of heart as to which ancestor had\nbeen neglected, for the trouble would be supposed to be caused by the\nneglected ancestor. Most of the people would get the subject on their\nnerves (at least, as far as a Kafir could get anything on the leather\nstrings which do duty for nerves), and some one would be sure to have a\nvivid dream in which an ancestor would complain that the people had not\npraised him half enough of late. So an ox would be killed, either by the\nhead-man of the kraal or by a diviner. Then the man would say over the ox\nas it was being killed, \u2018Cry out, ox of So-and-So; listen to us,\nSo-and-So; this is your ox; we praise you by all your laud-giving names,\nand tell of all your deeds; do not be angry with us any more; do you not\nsee that this is your ox? Do not accuse us of neglecting you; when,\nforsooth, have we ceased to praise you and offer you meat and beer? Take\nnote, then, that here is another ox we are offering to you.\u2019 When the ox\nis dead some of the meat is mixed with herbs and medicines and placed in a\nhut with a bowlful of blood. This meat is placed in the part of the hut\nwhere the man loved to sit while he was alive, and some one is told off to\nguard the sacrifice. The meat is left for a night, or longer, and the\nspirits are supposed to come and enjoy the smell, or drink the serum which\noozes from the meat, and to inhale the smell of the beer. The priest or\ndiviner will then sprinkle the people and the huts with medicine made from\nthe contents of the stomach of the ox. He places a little on a sherd; when\nthis is dry he burns it and calls on the spirits to smell the incense.\nAfter the meat has been left for a certain time it is taken out and\ncooked, and eaten by the men near the cattle kraal in public.... If the\ntrouble does not vanish after this ceremony the people get angry and say\nto the spirits, \u2018When have we ceased to kill cattle for you, and when have\nwe ever refused to praise you by your praise-names? Why, then, do you\ntreat us so shabbily? If you do not behave better we shall utterly forget\nyour names, and then what will you do when there is no one to praise you?\nYou will have to go and live on grasshoppers. If you do not mend your ways\nwe shall forget you. What use is it that we kill oxen for you and praise\nyou? You do not give us rain or crops, or cause our cattle to bear well;\nyou show no gratitude in return for all we do for you. We shall utterly\ndisown you. We shall tell the people that, as for us, we have no ancestral\nspirits, and this will be to your shame. We are disgusted with\nyou.\u2019 \u201d(461) Thus the sweet savour of beef and beer does not suffice to\ncontent Caffre ghosts; they share the love of praise and flattery with\nmany gods of higher rank.\n\n(M151) Among the Basutos, an important Bantu people of South Africa, \u201ceach\nfamily is supposed to be under the direct influence and protection of its\nancestors; but the tribe, taken as a whole, acknowledges for its national\ngods the ancestors of the reigning sovereign. Thus, the Basutos address\ntheir prayers to Monaheng and Motlumi, from whom their chiefs are\ndescended. The Baharutsis and the Barolongs invoke Tobege and his wife\nMampa. Mampa makes known the will of her husband, announcing each of her\nrevelations by these words, \u2018_O re! O re!_\u2019 \u2018He has said! he has said!\u2019\nThey make a distinction between the ancient and modern divinities. The\nlatter are considered inferior in power, but more accessible; hence this\nformula, which is often used: \u2018New gods! entreat the ancient gods for us!\u2019\nIn all countries spirits are more the objects of fear than of love. A deep\nfeeling of terror generally accompanies the idea that the dead dispose of\nthe lot of the living. The ancients spoke much of incensed shades. If they\nsacrificed to the manes, it was generally in order to appease them. These\nideas perfectly correspond to those of the Basutos. They conjure rather\nthan pray; although they seek to gain favours, they think more of averting\nchastisement. Their predominating idea as to their ancestors is, that they\nare continually endeavouring to draw them to themselves. Every disease is\nattributed to them; thus medicine among these people is almost entirely a\nreligious affair. The first thing is to discover, by means of the\n_litaola_ (divining bones), under the influence of what _molimo_ the\npatient is supposed to be. Is it an ancestor on the father\u2019s side or the\nmother\u2019s? According as fate decides, the paternal or maternal uncle will\noffer the purifying sacrifice, but rarely the father or brother. This\nsacrifice alone can render efficacious the medicines prescribed by the\n_ngaka_ (doctor).... As soon as a person is dead he takes his place among\nthe family gods. His remains are deposited in the cattle-pen. An ox is\nimmolated over his grave: this is the first oblation made to the new\ndivinity, and at the same time an act of intercession in his favour,\nserving to ensure his happy reception in the subterranean regions. All\nthose present aid in sprinkling the grave, and repeat the following\nprayer: \u2018Repose in peace with the gods; give us tranquil nights.\u2019 \u201d(462)\n\n(M152) Similarly among the Thonga, another Bantu tribe of South Africa,\n\u201cany man, who has departed this earthly life, becomes a _shikwembu_, a\ngod\u201d;(463) \u201cwhen an old decrepit man or woman dies, he at once becomes a\ngod: he has entered the domain of infinity.\u201d(464) In this tribe \u201cthe\nspirits of the ancestors are the main objects of religious worship. They\nform the principal category of spirits.\u201d(465) \u201cOn the one hand, the\nancestor-gods are truly gods, endowed with the attributes of divinity;\nwhilst, on the other, they seem to be nothing but mere human beings,\nexactly on the same level as their worshippers.\u201d(466) There are two great\nclasses of these ancestor-gods, to wit, \u201cthose of the family, and those of\nthe country, the latter being those of the reigning family. They do not\ndiffer as regards their nature. In national calamities those of the\ncountry are invoked, whilst, for purely family matters, those of the\nfamily are called upon. Moreover, each family has two sets of gods, those\non the father\u2019s side and those on the mother\u2019s, those of _kweru_ and those\nof _bakokwana_. They are equal in dignity. Both can be invoked, and the\ndivinatory bones are always asked to which the offering must be made. It\nseems, however, as if the gods on the mother\u2019s side were more\ntender-hearted and more popular than those on the father\u2019s. The reason for\nthis is, perhaps, that relations are easier with the family of the mother\nthan with that of the father. It is also just possible that it is a relic\nof the matriarchal period, when the ancestors of the mother only were\nknown, and consequently invoked. At any rate, the part played by\n_batukulu_ [uterine] nephews in the offerings shows that they are the true\nrepresentatives of the gods, not of those of their father, but of their\nmother.\u201d(467) Among the Thonga \u201cthe belief in the continuation of life\nafter death is universal, being at the base of the ancestrolatry, which is\nthe religion of the tribe.\u201d(468) \u201cHow real is the ancestrolatry, the\nreligion of the Thonga, of, in fact, all the South African Bantus! How\nfrequent and manifold are its manifestations! This is the first, and the\nmost perceptible set of their religious intuitions, and any European, who\nhas stayed in their villages, learnt their language, and tried to\nunderstand their customs, has had the opportunity of familiarizing himself\nwith this religion.\u201d(469)\n\n(M153) Among the Basutos and Bechuanas, who also belong to the great Bantu\nfamily, the sacrificial ritual is not highly developed. \u201cOnly in great\nmisfortunes which affect the whole people or the royal family, a black ox\nis slaughtered; for in such cases they always think that the angry spirits\nof the departed are the cause of all the suffering. \u2018_Re amogioa ki\nbadimo_,\u2019 say the people, \u2018the spirits are robbing us.\u2019 The ox is led to\nthe chiefs grave; there they pray, \u2018Lord, we are come to call upon thee,\nwe who are thy children; make not our hearts troubled; take not, Lord,\nthat which is ours.\u2019 The old chief is honoured and praised in songs, he is\ninvoked by all his praise-names, the ox is killed and its flesh eaten, but\nthe blood and the contents of the stomach are poured on the grave, and\nthere the bones of the sacrificed animal are also deposited.\u201d(470)\n\n(M154) The Zulus, another great Bantu tribe of South Africa, believe in\nthe existence of a being whom they call Unkulunkulu, which means \u201cthe\nOld-Old-one, the most ancient man.\u201d They say that \u201cit is he who was the\nfirst man; he broke off in the beginning. We do not know his wife; and the\nancients do not tell us that he had a wife.\u201d(471) This Old-Old-one or\nGreat-Great-one \u201cis represented as having made all things\u2014men, cattle,\nwater, fire, the mountains, and whatever else is seen. He is also said to\nhave appointed their names. Creation was effected by splitting a reed,\nwhen the first man and other things issued from the cleft.\u201d(472) Further,\nthe Zulus and other Caffre tribes of Natal \u201cbelieve that, when a person\ndies, his _i-hloze_ or _isi-tute_ survives. These words are translated\n\u2018spirit,\u2019 and there seems no objection to the rendering. They refer to\nsomething manifestly distinguished from the body, and the nature of which\nthe prophets endeavour to explain by saying that it is identical with the\nshadow. The residence of the _ama-hloze_, or spirits, seems to be beneath;\nthe practice of breaking a man\u2019s assagais, before they are buried with\nhim, shows that he is believed to return to earth through the grave; while\nit appears to be generally thought that, if the earth were removed from\nthe grave, the ghost would return and frighten his descendants. When\nspirits have entered the future state, they are believed to possess great\npower; prosperity is ascribed to their favour, and misfortune to their\nanger; they are elevated in fact to the rank of deities, and (except where\nthe Great-Great is worshipped concurrently with them) they are the only\nobjects of a Kafir\u2019s adoration. Their attention (or providence) is limited\nto their own relatives\u2014a father caring for the family, and a chief for the\ntribe, which they respectively left behind them. They are believed to\noccupy the same relative position as they did in the body, the departed\nspirit of a chief being sometimes invoked to compel a man\u2019s ancestors to\nbless him.\u201d(473)\n\n(M155) \u201cTo these shades of the dead, especially to the ghosts of their\ngreat men, as Jama, Senzangakona, and Chaka, their former kings, they look\nfor help, and offer sacrifices; that is, slaughter cattle to them, and\noffer a sort of prayer, in time of danger and distress.... When they are\nsick, they slaughter cattle to the shades, and say, \u2018Father, look on me,\nthat this disease may cease from me. Let me have health on the earth, and\nlive a long time.\u2019 They carry the meat into the house, and shut it up\nthere, saying, \u2018Let the paternal shades eat, so shall they know that the\noffering was made for them, and grant us great wealth, so that both we and\nour children may prosper.\u2019 In the cattle-fold they talk a long time,\npraising the ghosts; they take the contents of the stomach, and strew it\nupon all the fold. Again they take it, and strew it within the houses,\nsaying, \u2018Hail, friend! Thou of such a place, grant us a blessing,\nbeholding what we have done. You see this distress; may you remove it,\nsince we have given you our animal. We know not what more you want,\nwhether you still require anything more or not.\u2019 They say, \u2018May you grant\nus grain, that it may be abundant, that we may eat, of course, and not be\nin need of anything, since now we have given you what you want.\u2019 They say,\n\u2018Yes, for a long time have you preserved me in all my going. Behold, you\nsee, I have just come to have a kraal. This kraal was built by yourself,\nfather; and now why do you consent to diminish your own kraal? Build on us\nas you have begun, let it be large, that your offspring, still here above,\nmay increase, increasing in knowledge of you, whence cometh great power.\u2019\nSometimes they make beer for the ghosts, and leave a little in the pot,\nsaying, \u2018It will be eaten by the ghosts that they may grant an abundant\nharvest again, that we may not have a famine.\u2019 If one is on the point of\nbeing injured by anything, he says, \u2018I was preserved by our divinity,\nwhich was still watching over me.\u2019 Perhaps he slaughters a goat in honour\nof the same, and puts the gall on his head; and when the goat cries out\nfor pain of being killed, he says, \u2018Yes, then, there is your animal, let\nit cry, that ye may hear, ye our gods who have preserved me; I myself am\ndesirous of living on thus a long time here on the earth; why then do you\ncall me to account, since I think I am all right in respect to you? And\nwhile I live, I put my trust in you, our paternal and maternal\ngods.\u2019 \u201d(474)\n\n(M156) \u201cBlack people,\u201d say the Zulus, \u201cdo not worship all Amatongo\nindifferently, that is, all the dead of their tribe. Speaking generally,\nthe head of each house is worshipped by the children of that house; for\nthey do not know the ancients who are dead, nor their laud-giving names,\nnor their names. But their father whom they knew is the head by whom they\nbegin and end in their prayer, for they know him best, and his love for\nhis children; they remember his kindness to them whilst he was living;\nthey compare his treatment of them whilst he was living, support\nthemselves by it, and say, \u2018He will still treat us in the same way now he\nis dead. We do not know why he should regard others besides us; he will\nregard us only.\u2019 So it is then although they worship the many Amatongo of\ntheir tribe, making a great fence around them for their protection; yet\ntheir father is far before all others when they worship the Amatongo.\nTheir father is a great treasure to them even when he is dead. And those\nof his children who are already grown up know him thoroughly, his\ngentleness, and his bravery. And if there is illness in the village, the\neldest son lauds him with the laud-giving names which he gained when\nfighting with the enemy, and at the same time lauds all the other\nAmatongo; the son reproves the father, saying, \u2018We for our parts may just\ndie. Who are you looking after? Let us die all of us, that we may see into\nwhose house you will enter.(475) You will eat grasshoppers; you will no\nlonger be invited to go anywhere, if you destroy your own village.\u2019 After\nthat, because they have worshipped him, they take courage saying, \u2018He has\nheard; he will come and treat our diseases, and they will cease.\u2019 Such\nthen is the faith which children have in the Itongo [ancestral spirit]\nwhich is their father. And if there is a chief wife of a village, who has\ngiven birth to children, and if her husband is not dead, her Itongo is\nmuch reverenced by her husband and all the children. And that chief wife\nbecomes an Itongo which takes great care of the village. But it is the\nfather especially that is the head of the village.\u201d(476) Thus among the\nZulus it is the spirits of those who have just died, especially the\nspirits of fathers and mothers, who are most revered and worshipped. The\nspirits of the more remote dead are forgotten.\n\n(M157) When the missionaries inquired into the religious ideas of the\nHerero, a Bantu tribe of German South-West Africa, they heard much of a\ncertain Mukuru, whom at first they took to be the great god of heaven and\nearth. Accordingly they adopted Mukuru as the native name for the\nChristian God, and set out on their mission to preach the glad tidings of\nMukuru and his divine Son to the poor benighted heathen. But their first\nexperiences were disconcerting. Again and again when they arrived in a\nvillage and announced their intention to the chief, they were brought up\nvery short by that great man, who told them with an air of astonishment\nthat he himself was Mukuru. For example, Messrs. B\u00fcttner and Irle paid a\nvisit to an old chief named Tjenda and remonstrated with him on the\nimpropriety of which he had been guilty in giving a baptized girl in\nmarriage to a native gentleman whose domestic arrangements were framed on\nthe polygamous patriarchal pattern. \u201cMukuru will punish you for that,\u201d\nsaid Mr. B\u00fcttner. \u201cWhat?\u201d roared the chief. \u201cWho\u2019s Mukuru? Why, I am\nMukuru in my own tribe,\u201d and he bundled the two missionaries out of the\nvillage. A repetition of these painful incidents at last impressed on the\nminds of the missionaries the conviction that Mukuru was not God at all\nbut merely the head of a family, an ancestor, whether alive or dead.(477)\nThey ascertained at the same time that the Herero recognize a good god who\ndwells in heaven and bears the name of Ndjambi Karunga. But they do not\nworship him nor bring him offerings, because he is so kind that he hurts\nnobody, and therefore they need not fear him. \u201cRather they share the\nopinion of the other Bantu tribes that Ndjambi, the good Creator, has\nwithdrawn to heaven and left the government on earth to the demons.\u201d(478)\n\u201cIt is true that the Herero are acquainted with punishment for what is\nbad. But that punishment they ascribe to Mukuru or their ancestors. It is\ntheir ancestors (_Ovakuru_(479)) whom they must fear; it is they who are\nangry and can bring danger and misfortune on a man. So it is intelligible\nthat the whole of their worship turns, not on Ndjambi Karunga, but on\ntheir ancestors. It is in order to win and keep their favour, to avert\ntheir displeasure and wrath, in short to propitiate them, that the Herero\nbring their many offerings; they do so not out of gratitude, but out of\nfear, not out of love, but out of terror. Their religion is a worship of\nancestors with here and there touches of fetishism.\u201d(480) \u201cThus among the\nHerero, as among all Bantu tribes, there exists a religious dualism: they\nknow the highest, the true God, but they worship their ancestors.\u201d(481)\nAnd among the worshipful ancestors \u201cthe old dead chiefs of every tribe\ntake the first place. The son of a great dead chief and the whole tribe\nworship that old father as their god. But the remote ancestors of that\nchief they do not worship, indeed they hardly know them by name and can no\nlonger point to their graves.\u201d(482) Thus with the Herero, as with the\nZulus, it is the recent and well-remembered dead who are chiefly or\nexclusively worshipped; as the souls of the departed recede further and\nfurther into the past their memory perishes, and the nimbus of\nsupernatural glory which encircled it for a time fades gradually away.\n\n(M158) The religion of the Ovambo, another Bantu tribe of German\nSouth-West Africa, is similar. They also recognize a great being named\nKalunga, who created the world and man, but they neither fear nor worship\nhim. A far greater part is played in the religion of the Ovambo by their\nbelief in spirits, and amongst the worshipful spirits a conspicuous place\nis assigned to the souls of the dead. Every man leaves behind him at death\na spirit, which continues to exist on earth and can influence the living;\nfor example, it may enter into their bodies and thereby cause all sorts of\nsickness. However, the souls of ordinary dead men can exert their\ninfluence only on members of their own families; the souls of dead chiefs,\non the other hand, have power over the rain, which they can either give or\nwithhold. To these powerful spirits a portion of the new corn is offered\nat harvest as a thank-offering for their forbearance in not visiting the\npeople with sickness, and above all for their bounty in sending down the\nfertilizing showers on the crops. The souls of dead magicians are\nparticularly dreaded; and to prevent the multiplication of these dangerous\nspirits it is customary to dismember their bodies, severing the arms and\nlegs from the trunk and cutting the tongue out of the mouth. If these\nprecautions are taken immediately after death, the soul of the dead man\ncannot become a dangerous ghost; the mutilation of his body has\npractically disarmed his spirit.(483)\n\n(M159) The Wahehe, a Bantu tribe of German East Africa, believe in a great\ninvisible spirit named Nguruhi, who created the world and rules both human\ndestiny and the elements. He it is who makes the rain to fall, the sun to\nshine, the wind to blow, the thunder to roll, and the crops to grow. \u201cThis\ngod is accordingly conceived as all-powerful, yet with the limitation that\nhe only exercises a general power of direction over the world, especially\nhuman fate, while the _masoka_, the spirits of the dead, wield a permanent\nand very considerable influence on the course of particular events.\nNguruhi is lord also of all the spirits of the dead (_masoka_), but his\nrelation to them has not been further thought out. With this Supreme Being\nthe people hold no intercourse by means of prayer, sacrifice, or in any\nother way. He stands remote from the religious life of the Wahehe and\nreally serves only as an explanation of all those things and events which\nare otherwise inexplicable. All religious intercourse, all worship centres\nalone on the spirits of the dead. Hence if we speak of a religion of the\nWahehe, it must be described as a pure worship of ancestors.\u201d(484) The\nhuman soul quits the body at death and at once becomes an ancestral spirit\n(_m\u2019soka_), invisible and endowed with complete liberty of motion. Even\nthe youngest children have souls which rank among the ancestral spirits at\ndeath. Hence the great multitude of the dead comprises spirits of all\nages, from the infant one day old to the grey-haired patriarch. They are\ngood or bad according as they were good or bad in life, and their social\nposition also is unchanged. He who was powerful in life is powerful also\nin death; he who was a nobody among men is a nobody also among the\nspirits. Hence the ghost of a great man can do more for the living than\nthe ghost of a common man; and the ghost of a man can do more than the\nghost of a woman. Yet even the meanest ghost has power over the greatest\nliving man, who can only defend himself by appealing for help to stronger\nancestral spirits. Thus while the Supreme Being exercises a general\nsuperintendence over affairs, the real administration is in the hands of\nthe ancestral spirits. While he, for example, regulates the weather as a\nwhole, it is the ghosts who cause each particular shower to fall or the\nsun to break out in glory from the clouds. If he sends plagues on the\nwhole people or stays the ravages of disease, it is the ghosts who make\neach individual sick or sound. These powerful spirits exert themselves\nespecially to help their descendants, though they do not hesitate to\nplague their own kith and kin if they think themselves neglected. They\nflit freely through the air and perch on trees, mountains, and so forth,\nbut they lodge by preference at their graves, and you are always sure of\nfinding them there, if you wish to consult them.(485) That is why in the\ncountry of the Wahehe the only places of sacrifice are the graves; temples\nand altars are unknown.(486) However, it is only the bodies of\nconsiderable persons that are buried; the corpses of common folk are\nsimply thrown away in the bush;(487) so that the number of graves and\nconsequently of sacrificial places is strictly limited. The spirits of the\ndead appear to the living most commonly in dreams to give them information\nor warning, but oftener to chide and torment them. So the sleeper wakes in\na fright and consults a diviner, who directs him what he must do in order\nto appease the angry ghost. Following the directions of his spiritual\nadviser the man sacrifices an ox, or it may be only a sheep or a fowl, at\nthe tomb of one of his ancestors, prays to the ghost, and having scattered\na few morsels of the victim\u2019s flesh on the grave, and spat a mouthful of\nbeer upon it, retires with his family to feast on the remainder of the\ncarcase. Such sacrifices to the dead are offered on occasion of sickness,\nthe lack of male heirs, a threatened war, an intended journey, in short,\nbefore any important undertaking of which the issue is doubtful; and, they\nare accompanied by prayers for health, victory, good harvests, and so\nforth.(488)\n\n(M160) Once more, the Bahima, a Bantu people of Ankole, in Central Africa,\nbelieve in a supreme god Lugaba, who dwells in the sky and created man and\nbeast; but \u201cthis supreme being is not worshipped nor are offerings made to\nhim; he has no sacred place. Although they talk freely about him, and\nacknowledge him to be their great benefactor, they accept all his gifts as\na matter of course, and make him no offering in return.... One must not,\ntherefore, conclude that the Bahima are an irreligious people; like most\nof the Bantu tribes their religion consists chiefly in dealing with ghosts\nof departed relatives, and in standing well with them; from the king to\nthe humblest peasant the ghosts call for daily consideration and constant\nofferings, whilst the deities are only sought in case of great trials or\nnational calamities.\u201d(489)\n\n(M161) To return, now, to the worship of dead chiefs or kings among the\nBantu tribes of Northern Rhodesia. The spirits of dead chiefs had\npriestesses to wait upon them, who were called the \u201cwives of the\ndeparted.\u201d These were elderly women who led a celibate life and swept the\nhuts dedicated to the ghosts of the chiefs. The aid of these dead\npotentates was invoked in time of war and in seasons of drought, and\nspecial offerings were brought to their shrines at harvest.(490) Among the\nAwemba, who form the aristocracy of the country,(491) when a diviner\nannounced that a drought was caused by the spirits of dead chiefs or kings\nburied at Mwaruli, a bull would be sent to be sacrificed to the souls of\nthe deceased rulers; or if the drought was severe, a human victim would be\ndespatched, and the high priest would keep him caged in a stoutly woven\nfish-basket, until the preparations for the sacrifice were complete.(492)\nAmong the Yombe no one might eat of the first-fruits of the crops until\nthe living chief had sacrificed a bull before the tomb of his grandfather,\nand had deposited pots of fresh beer and porridge, made from the\nfirst-fruits, in front of the shrine. The ground about the tomb was then\ncarefully weeded, and the blood of the sacrificial victim sprinkled on the\nfreshly turned up soil and on the rafters of the little hut. After\nthanking the ghost of his grandfather for the harvest, and begging him to\npartake of the first-fruits, the chief and his train withdrew to feast on\nthe carcase and the fresh porridge and beer at the village.(493) When the\nhead chief or king of the Awemba had resolved to make war on a distant\nenemy, he and the older men of the tribe would pray daily for victory to\nthe spirits of the dead kings, his predecessors. The day before the army\nwas to set forth, the great war-drum boomed out and the warriors flocked\ntogether from the outlying districts under their respective captains. In\nthe dusk of the evening the king and the elderly women, who passed for the\nwives of the dead kings and tended their shrines at the capital, went and\nprayed at these shrines that the souls of the departed monarchs would keep\nthe war-path free from foes and lead the king in a straight course to the\nenemy\u2019s stockade. These solemn prayers the king led in person, and the\nwomen beat their bare breasts as they joined in the earnest appeal. Next\nmorning the whole army was marshalled in front of the ghost-huts of the\ndead kings: the living king danced a war-dance before his ancestors, while\nhis chief wife sprinkled him with holy flour; and all prostrated\nthemselves in supplication before the shrines.(494)\n\n(M162) Among these tribes of Northern Rhodesia the spirits of dead chiefs\nor kings sometimes take possession of the bodies of live men or women and\nprophesy through their mouths. When the spirit of a dead chief comes over\na man, he begins to roar like a lion, whereupon the women gather together\nand beat the drums, shouting that the chief has come to visit the village.\nThe man thus temporarily inspired will prophesy of future wars or\nimpending attacks by lions. While the inspiration lasts, he may eat\nnothing cooked by fire, but only unfermented dough. However, the spirit of\na departed chief takes possession of women oftener than of men. \u201cThese\nwomen assert that they are possessed by the soul of some dead chief, and\nwhen they feel the divine afflatus, whiten their faces to attract\nattention, and anoint themselves with flour, which has a religious and\nsanctifying potency. One of their number beats a drum, and the others\ndance, singing at the same time a weird song, with curious intervals.\nFinally, when they have arrived at the requisite pitch of religious\nexaltation, the possessed woman falls to the ground, and bursts forth into\na low and almost inarticulate chant, which has a most uncanny effect. All\nare silent at once, and the _bashing\u2019anga_ (medicine-men) gather round to\ninterpret the voice of the spirit.\u201d(495) Sometimes the spirits of departed\nchiefs are reincarnated in animals, which are then revered as the abodes\nof the dead rulers. Thus the paramount chief of the Amambwe is incarnated\nafter death in the form of a young lion, while Bisa and Wiwa chiefs come\nback in the shape of pythons. In one of the rest-houses near Fife a tame\npython waxed fat on the offerings of fowls and sour beer which the\nWinamwanga presented to it in the fond belief that it housed the spirit of\none of their dead chiefs. One day unfortunately for himself the reptile\ndeity ventured to dispute the possession of the rest-house with a German\ncattle-dealer who was passing by; a discharge of shot settled the dispute\nin favour of the cattle-dealer, and the worshippers of the deity beheld\nhim no more.(496)\n\n(M163) Another Bantu people who worship the spirits of their dead kings\nare the Barotse or Marotse of the Upper Zambesi. The Barotse believe in a\nsupreme god, the creator of all things, whom they call Niambe. He lives in\nthe sun, and by his marriage with the moon begat the world, the animals,\nand last of all men. But the cunning and ferocity of his creature man\nterrified the beneficent creator, so that he fled from earth and escaped\nup the thread of a spider\u2019s web to heaven. There he still retains a\ncertain power to interfere in human affairs, and that is why men sometimes\npray and sacrifice to him. For example, the worshipper salutes the rising\nsun and offers him a vessel of water, no doubt to quench the thirst of the\ndeity on his hot journey across the sky. Again, when a long drought has\nprevailed, a black ox is sacrificed to Niambe \u201cas a symbol of the clouds\nbig with the longed-for rain.\u201d And before they sow the fields, the women\npile the seeds and their digging hoes in a heap, and pray to the god that\nhe would render their labour fruitful.(497)\n\n(M164) Yet while they acknowledge the divine supremacy of Niambe, the\nBarotse address their prayers most frequently to the inferior deities, the\n_ditino_, who are the deified kings of the country. The tombs of the\ndeparted monarchs may be seen near the villages which they inhabited in\nlife. Each tomb stands in a grove of beautiful trees and is encircled by a\ntall palisade of pointed stakes, covered with fine mats, like the palisade\nwhich surrounds the royal residence of a living king. Such an enclosure is\nsacred; the people are forbidden to enter it lest they should disturb the\nghost of him who sleeps below. But the inhabitants of the nearest village\nare charged with the duty of keeping the tomb and the enclosure in good\norder, repairing the palisade, and replacing the mats when they are worn\nout. Once a month, at the new moon, the women sweep not only the grave and\nthe enclosure but the whole village. The guardian of the tomb is at the\nsame time a priest; he acts as intermediary between the god and the people\nwho come to pray to the deity. He bears the title of Ngomboti; he alone\nhas the right to enter the sacred enclosure; the profane multitude must\nstand at a respectful distance. Even the king himself, when he comes to\nconsult one of his ancestors, is forbidden to set foot on the holy ground.\nIn presence of the god, or, as they call him, the Master of the Tomb, the\nmonarch must bear himself like a slave in the presence of his lord. He\nkneels down near the entrance, claps his hands, and gives the royal\nsalute; and from within the enclosure the priest solemnly returns the\nsalute, just as the king himself, when he holds his court, returns the\nsalute of his subjects. Then the suppliant, whether king or commoner,\nmakes his petition to the deity and deposits his offering; for no man may\npray to the god with empty hands. Inside the enclosure, close to the\nentrance, is a hole which is supposed to serve as a channel of\ncommunication with the spirit of the deified king. In it the offerings are\nplaced. Often they consist of milk which is poured into the hole; and the\nfaster it drains away, the more favourably inclined is the god thought to\nbe to the petitioner. More solid offerings, such as flesh, clothes, and\nglass beads, become the property of the priest after they have been\nallowed to lie for a decent time beside the sacred aperture of the tomb.\nThe spirits of dead kings are thus consulted on matters of public concern\nas well as by private individuals touching their own affairs. If a war is\nto be waged, if a plague is raging among the people or a murrain among the\ncattle, if the land is parched with drought, in short, if any danger\nthreatens or any calamity has afflicted the country, recourse is had to\nthese local gods, dwelling each in his shady grove, not far from the\nabodes of the living. They are near, but the great god in heaven is far\naway. What wonder, therefore, that their help is often sought while he is\nneglected? They are national heroes as well as gods; their history is\nremembered; men tell of the doughty deeds they did in their lifetime; why\nshould they not be able to succour their votaries now that they have put\non immortality? All over the country these temple-tombs may be seen. They\nserve as historical monuments to recall to the people the names of their\nformer kings and the annals of their country. One of the most popular of\nthe royal shrines is near Senanga at the southern end of the great plain\nof the Barotse. Voyagers who go down the Zambesi do not fail to pay their\ndevotions at the shrine, that the god of the place may make their voyage\nto prosper and may guard the frail canoe from shipwreck in the rush and\nroar of the rapids; and when they return in safety they repair again to\nthe sacred spot to deposit a thank-offering for the protection of the\ndeity.(498)\n\n(M165) The foregoing examples suffice to prove that the worship of dead\nchiefs and kings has been an important, perhaps we may even say, the most\nimportant element in the religion of many African tribes. Regarded from\nthe native point of view nothing could be more natural. The king rules\nover his people in life; and since all these tribes entertain a firm and\nunquestioning belief not only in the existence but in the power of the\nspirits of the dead, they necessarily conclude that of all the departed\nspirits none can be so potent for good or evil, none therefore need to be\npropitiated so earnestly by prayer and sacrifice, as the souls of dead\nkings. Thus while every family worships privately the spirits of its own\nancestors, the whole tribe worships publicly the spirits of its departed\nmonarchs, paying to each of these invisible potentates, whose reality they\nnever dream of doubting, a homage of precisely the same sort as that which\nthey render to his living successor on the throne. Such a religion of the\ndead is by no means incompatible with the recognition of higher spiritual\npowers who may have an origin quite independent of the worship of\nancestors. We have seen in point of fact that many tribes, whose practical\nreligion is concentrated chiefly on their dead, nevertheless acknowledge\nthe existence of a supreme god, the creator of man and of all things, whom\nthey do not regard as a glorified ghost. The Baganda, the most progressive\nand advanced of all the Bantu tribes, had a whole pantheon of gods whom\nthey sharply distinguished from the worshipful spirits of their\nforefathers.\n\n(M166) Yet in spite of this distinction we may suspect that in many cases\nthe seeming line of division between gods and worshipful ghosts is\ndeceptive; and that the magic touch of time, which distorts and magnifies\nthe past, especially among peoples who see it only through the haze of\noral tradition, has glorified and transfigured many a dead man into a\ndeity. This at all events seems to have been the history of some of the\nBaganda gods. On this subject our best authority says that \u201cthe principal\ngods appear to have been at one time human beings, noted for their skill\nand bravery, who were afterwards deified by the people and invested with\nsupernatural powers.\u201d(499) \u201cMukasa held the highest rank among the gods of\nUganda. He was a benign god; he never asked for the life of any human\nbeing, but animals were sacrificed to him at the yearly festivals, and\nalso at other times when the king, or a leading chief, wished to consult\nhim. He had nothing to do with war, but sought to heal the bodies and\nminds of men. He was the god of plenty; he gave the people an increase of\nfood, cattle, and children. From the legends still current it seems to be\nalmost certain that he was a human being who, because of his benevolence,\ncame to be regarded as a god.... The legends about Mukasa are of great\ninterest; they show how the human element has been lost in the divine, how\nthe natural has been effaced by the supernatural, until, in the minds of\nthe common people, only the supernatural remains.\u201d(500)\n\n(M167) If we cannot prove that the great god Mukasa himself was once a\nman, we have very tangible evidence that his brother the war-god Kibuka\nwas so. For like the dead kings of Uganda, Kibuka was worshipped in a\ngreat conical hut resembling the huts which living people inhabit: like\nthem, his spirit was supposed to enter from time to time into the body of\nhis priest and to give oracles through him; and like them he was\nrepresented in his temple by his personal relics, his jawbone and his\nnavel-string, which were rescued from the ruins of his temple and now rest\nin the Ethnological Museum at Cambridge. In face of this complete\nparallelism between the god and the kings whose personal existence is not\nopen to question, it seems difficult to doubt that Kibuka was once like\nthem a real man, and that he spoke with the jawbone and made bodily use of\nthe other corporeal organs which were preserved in his temple.(501)\n\n(M168) These analogies lend some support to the theory that in ancient\nEgypt, where the kings were worshipped by their people both in life and\ndeath, Osiris may have been originally nothing but one of these deified\nmonarchs whose worship gradually eclipsed that of all the rest and ended\nby rivalling or even surpassing that of the great sun-god himself. We have\nseen that at Abydos, one of the principal centres of his worship, the tomb\nof Osiris was identified with the tomb of King Khent, one of the earliest\nmonarchs of the first Egyptian dynasty, and that in this tomb were found a\nwoman\u2019s richly jewelled arm and a human skull lacking the lower jawbone,\nwhich may well be the head of the king himself and the arm of his queen.\nThe carved monument of Osiris which was found in the sepulchral chamber\nappears indeed to be a work of late Egyptian art, but it may have replaced\nan earlier sarcophagus. Certainly we may reasonably suppose that the\nidentification of the tomb of Osiris with the tomb of King Khent was very\nancient; for though the priests may have renewed the sculptured effigy of\nthe dead god, they would hardly dare to shift the site of the Holy\nSepulchre.(502) Now the sepulchre is distant about a mile and a half from\nthe temple in which Osiris was worshipped as a god. There is thus a\ncurious coincidence, if there is nothing more, between the worship of\nOsiris and the worship of the dead kings of Uganda. As a dead king of\nUganda was worshipped in a temple, while his headless body reposed at some\ndistance in a royal tomb, and his head, without the lower jawbone, was\nburied by itself near the grave, so Osiris was worshipped in a temple not\nfar from the royal tomb which tradition identified with his grave. Perhaps\nafter all tradition was right. It is possible, though it would be very\nrash to affirm, that Osiris was no other than the historical King Khent of\nthe first dynasty;(503) that the skull found in the tomb is the skull of\nOsiris himself; and that while it reposed in the grave the missing jawbone\nwas preserved, like the jawbone of a dead king of Uganda, as a holy and\nperhaps oracular relic in the neighbouring temple. If that were so, we\nshould be almost driven to conclude that the bejewelled woman\u2019s arm found\nin the tomb of Osiris is the arm of Isis.\n\n(M169) In support of the conclusion that the myth and religion of Osiris\ngrew up round the revered memory of a dead man we may quote the words in\nwhich the historian of European morals describes the necessity under which\nthe popular imagination labours of embodying its cherished ideals in\nliving persons. He is referring to the dawn of the age of chivalry, when\nin the morning twilight the heroic figure of Charlemagne rose like a\nbright star above the political horizon, to be thenceforth encircled by a\nhalo of romance like the nimbus that shone round the head of Osiris. \u201cIn\norder that the tendencies I have described should acquire their full\nforce, it was necessary that they should be represented or illustrated in\nsome great personage, who, by the splendour and the beauty of his career,\ncould fascinate the imaginations of men. It is much easier to govern great\nmasses of men through their imagination than through their reason. Moral\nprinciples rarely act powerfully upon the world, except by way of example\nor ideals. When the course of events has been to glorify the ascetic or\nmonarchical or military spirit, a great saint, or sovereign, or soldier\nwill arise, who will concentrate in one dazzling focus the blind\ntendencies of his time, kindle the enthusiasm and fascinate the\nimagination of the people. But for the prevailing tendency, the great man\nwould not have arisen, or would not have exercised his great influence.\nBut for the great man, whose career appealed vividly to the imagination,\nthe prevailing tendency would never have acquired its full\nintensity.\u201d(504)\n\n(M170) Whether the parallel thus suggested between Charlemagne, the\nmediaeval ideal of a Christian knight, and Osiris, the ancient Egyptian\nideal of a just and beneficent monarch, holds good or not, it is now\nimpossible to determine. For while Charlemagne stands near enough to allow\nus clearly to discern his historical reality, Osiris is so remote that we\ncan no longer discriminate with any certitude between the elements of\nhistory and fable which appear to have blended in his traditional\ncharacter. I am content to indicate bare possibilities: dogmatism on such\npoints would be in the highest degree rash and unbecoming. Whether Osiris\nand Isis were from first to last purely imaginary beings, the ideal\ncreations of a primitive philosophy, or whether they were originally a\nreal man and woman about whom after death the myth-making fancy wove its\ngossamer rainbow-tinted web, is a question to which I am not bold enough\nto give a decided answer.\n\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER XII. MOTHER-KIN AND MOTHER GODDESSES.\n\n\n\n\n\u00a7 1. Dying Gods and Mourning Goddesses.\n\n\n(M171) We have now concluded our inquiry into the nature and worship of\nthe three Oriental deities Adonis, Attis, and Osiris. The substantial\nsimilarity of their mythical character justifies us in treating of them\ntogether. All three apparently embodied the powers of fertility in general\nand of vegetation in particular. All three were believed to have died and\nrisen again from the dead; and the divine death and resurrection of all\nthree were dramatically represented at annual festivals, which their\nworshippers celebrated with alternate transports of sorrow and joy, of\nweeping and exultation. The natural phenomena thus mythically conceived\nand mythically represented were the great changes of the seasons,\nespecially the most striking and impressive of all, the decay and revival\nof vegetation; and the intention of the sacred dramas was to refresh and\nstrengthen, by sympathetic magic, the failing energies of nature, in order\nthat the trees should bear fruit, that the corn should ripen, that men and\nanimals should reproduce their kinds.\n\n(M172) But the three gods did not stand by themselves. The mythical\npersonification of nature, of which all three were in at least one aspect\nthe products, required that each of them should be coupled with a goddess,\nand in each case it appears that originally the goddess was a more\npowerful and important personage than the god. At all events it is always\nthe god rather than the goddess who comes to a sad end, and whose death is\nannually mourned. Thus, whereas Osiris was slain by Typhon, his divine\nspouse Isis survived and brought him to life again. This feature of the\nmyth seems to indicate that in the beginning Isis was, what Astarte and\nCybele always continued to be, the stronger divinity of the pair. Now the\nsuperiority thus assigned to the goddess over the god is most naturally\nexplained as the result of a social system in which maternity counted for\nmore than paternity, descent being traced and property handed down through\nwomen rather than through men. At all events this explanation cannot be\ndeemed intrinsically improbable if we can show that the supposed cause has\nproduced the very same effect among existing peoples, about whose\ninstitutions we possess accurate information. This I will now endeavour to\ndo.\n\n\n\n\n\u00a7 2. Influence of Mother-Kin on Religion.\n\n\n(M173) The social system which traces descent and transmits property\nthrough the mother alone may be called mother-kin, while the converse\nsystem which traces descent and transmits property through the father\nalone may be called father-kin.(505) A good example of the influence which\nmother-kin may exert on religion is furnished by the Khasis of Assam,\nwhose customs and beliefs have lately been carefully recorded by a British\nofficer specially charged with the study of the native races of the\nprovince.(506) Like the ancient Egyptians and the Semites of Syria and\nMesopotamia, the Khasis live in settled villages and maintain themselves\nchiefly by the cultivation of the ground; yet \u201ctheir social organization\npresents one of the most perfect examples still surviving of matriarchal\ninstitutions, carried out with a logic and thoroughness which, to those\naccustomed to regard the status and authority of the father as the\nfoundation of society, are exceedingly remarkable. Not only is the mother\nthe head and source, and only bond of union, of the family: in the most\nprimitive part of the hills, the Synteng country, she is the only owner of\nreal property, and through her alone is inheritance transmitted.(507) The\nfather has no kinship with his children, who belong to their mother\u2019s\nclan; what he earns goes to his own matriarchal stock, and at his death\nhis bones are deposited in the cromlech of his mother\u2019s kin. In Jowai he\nneither lives nor eats in his wife\u2019s house, but visits it only after dark.\nIn the veneration of ancestors, which is the foundation of the tribal\npiety, the primal ancestress (_Ka I\u0101wbei_) and her brother are the only\npersons regarded. The flat memorial stones set up to perpetuate the memory\nof the dead are called after the woman who represents the clan (_m\u0101w\nkynthei_), and the standing stones ranged behind them are dedicated to the\nmale kinsmen on the mother\u2019s side. In harmony with this scheme of ancestor\nworship, the other spirits to whom propitiation is offered are mainly\nfemale, though here male personages also figure. The powers of sickness\nand death are all female, and these are those most frequently worshipped.\nThe two protectors of the household are goddesses, though with them is\nalso revered the first father of the clan, _U Th\u0101wlang_. Priestesses\nassist at all sacrifices, and the male officiants are only their deputies;\nin one important state, Khyrim, the High Priestess and actual head of the\nState is a woman, who combines in her person sacerdotal and regal\nfunctions.\u201d(508) Thus amongst the Khasis of the present day the\nsuperiority of the goddess to the god, and especially of the revered\nancestress to the revered ancestor, is based directly on the social system\nwhich traces descent and transmits property through women only. It is not\nunreasonable therefore to suppose that in Western Asia the superiority of\nthe Mother Goddess to the Father God originated in the same archaic system\nof mother-kin.\n\n(M174) Another instance of the same cause producing the same effect may be\ndrawn from the institutions of the Pelew Islanders, which have been\ndescribed by an accurate observer long resident in the islands. These\npeople, who form a branch of the Micronesian stock, are divided into a\nseries of exogamous families or clans with descent in the female\nline,(509) so that, as usually happens under such a system, a man\u2019s heirs\nare not his own children but the children of his sister or of his maternal\naunt.(510) Every family or clan traces its descent from a woman, the\ncommon mother of the whole kin,(511) and accordingly the members of the\nclan worship a goddess, not a god.(512) These families or clans, with\nfemale descent and a worship of goddesses rather than of gods, are grouped\ntogether in villages, each village comprising about a score of clans and\nforming with its lands a petty independent state.(513) Every such\nvillage-state has its special deity or deities, generally a god and a\ngoddess. But these political deities of the villages are said to be\ndirectly derived from the domestic deities of the families or clans,(514)\nfrom which it seems to follow that among these people gods are\nhistorically later than goddesses and have been developed out of\nthem.(515) The late origin of the gods as compared with the goddesses is\nfurther indicated by the nature of their names.(516)\n\n(M175) This preference for goddesses over gods in the clans of the Pelew\nIslanders has been explained, no doubt rightly, by the high importance of\nwomen in the social system of the people.(517) For the existence of the\nclan depends entirely on the life of the women, not at all upon the life\nof the men. If the women survive, it is no matter though every man of the\nclan should perish; for the women will, as usual, marry men of another\nclan, and their offspring will inherit their mother\u2019s clan, thereby\nprolonging its existence. Whereas if the women of the clan all die out,\nthe clan necessarily becomes extinct, even though every man of it should\nsurvive; for the men must, as usual, marry women of another clan, and\ntheir offspring will inherit their mothers\u2019 clan, not the clan of their\nfathers, which accordingly, with the death of the fathers, is wiped out\nfrom the community. Hence in these islands women bear the titles of\n_Adhal\u00e1l a pel\u00fa_, \u201cMothers of the Land,\u201d and _Adhal\u00e1l a blay_, \u201cMothers of\nthe Clan,\u201d and they are said to enjoy complete equality with the men in\nevery respect.(518) Indeed, in one passage our principal authority speaks\nof \u201cthe predominance of feminine influence in the social condition of the\npeople,\u201d and asserts without qualification that the women are politically\nand socially superior to the men.(519) The eldest women of the clan\nexercise, he tells us, the most decisive influence on the conduct of its\naffairs, and the headman does nothing without full consultation with them,\na consultation which in the great houses extends to affairs of state and\nforeign politics.(520) Nay, these elder women are even esteemed and\ntreated as equal to the deities in their lifetime.(521)\n\n(M176) But the high position which women thus take in Pelew society is not\na result of mother-kin only. It has an industrial as well as a kinship\nbasis. For the Pelew Islanders subsist mainly on the produce of their taro\nfields, and the cultivation of this, their staple food, is the business of\nthe women alone. \u201cThis cardinal branch of Pelew agriculture, which is of\nparamount importance for the subsistence of the people, is left entirely\nin the hands of the women. This fact may have contributed materially to\nthe predominance of female influence in the social condition of the\npeople. The women do not merely bestow life on the people, they also do\nthat which is most essential for the preservation of life, and therefore\nthey are called _Adhal\u00e1l a pel\u00fa_, the \u2018Mothers of the Land,\u2019 and are\npolitically and socially superior to men. Only their offspring enjoy the\nprivilege of membership of the state (the children of the men are,\nstrictly speaking, strangers destitute of rights), and the oldest women of\nthe families are esteemed and treated as equal to deities even in their\nlifetime, and they exercise a decisive influence on the conduct of affairs\nof state. No chief would venture to come to a decision without first\nconsulting with the _Adhal\u00e1l a blay_, the \u2018Mothers of the Family.\u2019 From\nthis point of view it is impossible to regard the assignment of the taro\ncultivation to women as a consequence of their subordinate position in\nsociety: the women themselves do not so regard it. The richest woman of\nthe village looks with pride on her taro patch, and although she has\nfemale followers enough to allow her merely to superintend the work\nwithout taking part in it, she nevertheless prefers to lay aside her fine\napron and to betake herself to the deep mire, clad in a small apron that\nhardly hides her nakedness, with a little mat on her back to protect her\nfrom the burning heat of the sun, and with a shade of banana leaves for\nher eyes. There, dripping with sweat in the burning sun and coated with\nmud to the hips and over the elbows, she toils to set the younger women a\ngood example. Moreover, as in every other occupation, the _kaliths_, the\ngods, must also be invoked, and who could be better fitted for the\ndischarge of so important a duty than the Mother of the House?\u201d(522) It\nseems clear that in any agricultural people who, like the Pelew Islanders,\nretain mother-kin and depute the labours of husbandry to women, the\nconception of a great Mother Goddess, the divine source of all fertility,\nmight easily originate. Perhaps the same social and industrial conditions\nmay have combined to develop the great Mother Goddesses of Western Asia\nand Egypt.\n\n(M177) But in the Pelew Islands women have yet another road to power. For\nsome of them are reputed to be the wives of gods, and act as their\noracular mouthpieces. Such prophetesses are called _Amlaheys_, and no\nsurprise is felt when one of them is brought to bed. Her child passes for\nthe offspring of the god, her divine husband, and goes about with his hair\nhanging loose in token of his superhuman parentage. It is thought that no\nmortal man would dare to intrigue with one of these human wives of a god,\nsince the jealous deity would surely visit the rash culprit with deadly\nsickness and a lingering decline.(523) But in these islands men as well as\nwomen are often possessed by a deity and speak in his name. Under his\ninspiration they mimic, often with great histrionic skill, the particular\nappearance and manner which are believed to be characteristic of the\nindwelling divinity. These inspired men (_Korongs_) usually enjoy great\nconsideration and exert a powerful influence over the whole community.\nThey always acquire wealth in the exercise of their profession. When they\nare not themselves chiefs, they are treated as chiefs or even preferred to\nthem. In not a few places the deity whom they personate is also the\npolitical head of the land; and in that case his inspired priest, however\nhumble his origin, ranks as a spiritual king and rules over all the\nchiefs. Indeed we are told that, with the physical and intellectual decay\nof the race, the power of the priests is more and more in the ascendant\nand threatens, if unchecked, to develop before long into an absolute\ntheocracy which will swallow up every other form of government.(524)\n\n(M178) Thus the present, or at least the recent, state of society and\nreligion in the Pelew Islands presents some interesting parallels to the\nsocial and religious condition of Western Asia and Egypt in early days, if\nthe conclusions reached in this work are correct. In both regions we see a\nsociety based on mother-kin developing a religion in which goddesses of\nthe clan originally occupied the foremost place, though in later times, as\nthe clans coalesced into states, the old goddesses have been rivalled and\nto some extent supplanted by the new male gods of the enlarged pantheon.\nBut in the religion of the Pelew Islanders, as in that of the Khasis and\nthe ancient Egyptians, the balance of power has never wholly shifted from\nthe female to the male line, because society has never passed from\nmother-kin to father-kin. And in the Pelew Islands as in the ancient East\nwe see the tide of political power running strongly in the direction of\ntheocracy, the people resigning the conduct of affairs into the hands of\nmen who claimed to rule them in the name of the gods. In the Pelew Islands\nsuch men might have developed into divine kings like those of Babylon and\nEgypt, if the natural course of evolution had not been cut short by the\nintervention of Europe.(525)\n\n(M179) The evidence of the Khasis and the Pelew Islanders, two peoples\nvery remote and very different from each other, suffices to prove that the\ninfluence which mother-kin may exert on religion is real and deep. But in\norder to dissipate misapprehensions, which appear to be rife on this\nsubject, it may be well to remind or inform the reader that the ancient\nand widespread custom of tracing descent and inheriting property through\nthe mother alone does not by any means imply that the government of the\ntribes which observe the custom is in the hands of women; in short, it\nshould always be borne in mind that mother-kin does not mean mother-rule.\nOn the contrary, the practice of mother-kin prevails most extensively\namongst the lowest savages, with whom woman, instead of being the ruler of\nman, is always his drudge and often little better than his slave. Indeed,\nso far is the system from implying any social superiority of women that it\nprobably took its rise from what we should regard as their deepest\ndegradation, to wit, from a state of society in which the relations of the\nsexes were so loose and vague that children could not be fathered on any\nparticular man.(526)\n\n(M180) When we pass from the purely savage state to that higher plane of\nculture in which the accumulation of property, and especially of landed\nproperty, has become a powerful instrument of social and political\ninfluence, we naturally find that wherever the ancient preference for the\nfemale line of descent has been retained, it tends to increase the\nimportance and enhance the dignity of woman; and her aggrandizement is\nmost marked in princely families, where she either herself holds royal\nauthority as well as private property, or at least transmits them both to\nher consort or her children. But this social advance of women has never\nbeen carried so far as to place men as a whole in a position of political\nsubordination to them. Even where the system of mother-kin in regard to\ndescent and property has prevailed most fully, the actual government has\ngenerally, if not invariably, remained in the hands of men. Exceptions\nhave no doubt occurred; women have occasionally arisen who by sheer force\nof character have swayed for a time the destinies of their people. But\nsuch exceptions are rare and their effects transitory; they do not affect\nthe truth of the general rule that human society has been governed in the\npast and, human nature remaining the same, is likely to be governed in the\nfuture, mainly by masculine force and masculine intelligence.\n\n(M181) To this rule the Khasis, with their elaborate system of mother-kin,\nform no exception. For among them, while landed property is both\ntransmitted through women and held by women alone, political power is\ntransmitted indeed through women, but is held by men; in other words, the\nKhasi tribes are, with a single exception, governed by kings, not by\nqueens. And even in the one tribe, which is nominally ruled by women, the\nreal power is delegated by the reigning queen or High Priestess to her\nson, her nephew, or a more distant male relation. In all the other tribes\nthe kingship may be held by a woman only on the failure of all male heirs\nin the female line.(527) So far is mother-kin from implying mother-rule. A\nKhasi king inherits power in right of his mother, but he exercises it in\nhis own. Similarly the Pelew Islanders, in spite of their system of\nmother-kin, are governed by chiefs, not by chieftainesses. It is true that\nthere are chieftainesses, and that they indirectly exercise much\ninfluence; but their direct authority is limited to the affairs of women,\nespecially to the administration of the women\u2019s clubs or associations,\nwhich answer to the clubs or associations of the men.(528) And to take\nanother example, the Melanesians, like the Khasis and the Pelew Islanders,\nhave the system of mother-kin, being similarly divided into exogamous\nclans with descent in the female line; \u201cbut it must be understood that the\nmother is in no way the head of the family. The house of the family is the\nfather\u2019s, the garden is his, the rule and government are his.\u201d(529)\n\n(M182) We may safely assume that the practice has been the same among all\nthe many peoples who have retained the ancient system of mother-kin under\na monarchical constitution. In Africa, for example, the chieftainship or\nkingship often descends in the female line, but it is men, not women, who\ninherit it.(530) The theory of a gynaecocracy is in truth a dream of\nvisionaries and pedants. And equally chimerical is the idea that the\npredominance of goddesses under a system of mother-kin like that of the\nKhasis is a creation of the female mind. If women ever created gods, they\nwould be more likely to give them masculine than feminine features. In\npoint of fact the great religious ideals which have permanently impressed\nthemselves on the world seem always to have been a product of the male\nimagination. Men make gods and women worship them. The combination of\nancestor-worship with mother-kin furnishes a simple and sufficient\nexplanation of the superiority of goddesses over gods in a state of\nsociety where these conditions prevail. Men naturally assign the first\nplace in their devotions to the ancestress from whom they trace their\ndescent. We need not resort to a fantastic hypothesis of the preponderance\nof the feminine fancy in order to account for the facts.\n\n(M183) The theory that under a system of mother-kin the women rule the men\nand set up goddesses for them to worship is indeed so improbable in\nitself, and so contrary to experience, that it scarcely deserves the\nserious attention which it appears to have received.(531) But when we have\nbrushed aside these cobwebs, as we must do, we are still left face to face\nwith the solid fact of the wide prevalence of mother-kin, that is, of a\nsocial system which traces descent and transmits property through women\nand not through men. That a social system so widely spread and so deeply\nrooted should have affected the religion of the peoples who practise it,\nmay reasonably be inferred, especially when we remember that in primitive\ncommunities the social relations of the gods commonly reflect the social\nrelations of their worshippers. How the system of mother-kin may mould\nreligious ideas and customs, creating goddesses and assigning at least a\nnominal superiority to priestesses over priests, is shown with perfect\nlucidity by the example of the Khasis, and hardly less clearly by the\nexample of the Pelew Islanders. It cannot therefore be rash to hold that\nwhat the system has certainly done for these peoples, it may well have\ndone for many more. But unfortunately through lack of documentary evidence\nwe are seldom able to trace its influence so clearly.\n\n\n\n\n\u00a7 3. Mother-Kin and Mother Goddesses in the Ancient East.\n\n\n(M184) While the combination of mother-kin in society with a preference\nfor goddesses in religion is to be found as a matter of fact among the\nKhasis and Pelew Islanders of to-day, the former prevalence of mother-kin\nin the lands where the great goddesses Astarte and Cybele were worshipped\nis a matter of inference only. In later times father-kin had certainly\ndisplaced mother-kin among the Semitic worshippers of Astarte, and\nprobably the same change had taken place among the Phrygian worshippers of\nCybele. Yet the older custom lingered in Lycia down to the historical\nperiod;(532) and we may conjecture that in former times it was widely\nspread through Asia Minor. The secluded situation and rugged mountains of\nLycia favoured the survival of a native language and of native\ninstitutions long after these had disappeared from the wide plains and\nfertile valleys which lay on the highroads of war and commerce. Lycia was\nto Asia Minor what the highlands of Wales and of Scotland have been to\nBritain, the last entrenchments where the old race stood at bay. And even\namong the Semites of antiquity, though father-kin finally prevailed in\nmatters of descent and property, traces of an older system of mother-kin,\nwith its looser sexual relations, appear to have long survived in the\nsphere of religion. At all events one of the most learned and acute of\nSemitic scholars adduced what he regarded as evidence sufficient to prove\n\u201cthat in old Arabian religion gods and goddesses often occurred in pairs,\nthe goddess being the greater, so that the god cannot be her Baal, that\nthe goddess is often a mother without being a wife, and the god her son,\nand that the progress of things was towards changing goddesses into gods\nor lowering them beneath the male deity.\u201d(533)\n\n(M185) In Egypt the archaic system of mother-kin, with its preference for\nwomen over men in matters of property and inheritance, lasted down to\nRoman times, and it was traditionally based on the example of Isis, who\nhad avenged her husband\u2019s murder and had continued to reign after his\ndecease, conferring benefits on mankind. \u201cFor these reasons,\u201d says\nDiodorus Siculus, \u201cit was appointed that the queen should enjoy greater\npower and honour than the king, and that among private people the wife\nshould rule over her husband, in the marriage contract the husband\nagreeing to obey his wife in all things.\u201d(534) A corollary of the superior\nposition thus conceded to women in Egypt was that the obligation of\nmaintaining parents in their old age rested on the daughters, not on the\nsons, of the family.(535)\n\n(M186) The same legal superiority of women over men accounts for the most\nremarkable feature in the social system of the ancient Egyptians, to wit,\nthe marriage of full brothers with full sisters. That marriage, which to\nus seems strange and unnatural, was by no means a whim of the reigning\nPtolemies; on the contrary, these Macedonian conquerors appear, with\ncharacteristic prudence, to have borrowed the custom from their Egyptian\npredecessors for the express purpose of conciliating native prejudice. In\nthe eyes of the Egyptians \u201cmarriage between brother and sister was the\nbest of marriages, and it acquired an ineffable degree of sanctity when\nthe brother and sister who contracted it were themselves born of a brother\nand sister, who had in their turn also sprung from a union of the same\nsort.\u201d(536) Nor did the principle apply only to gods and kings. The common\npeople acted on it in their daily life. They regarded marriages between\nbrothers and sisters as the most natural and reasonable of all.(537) The\nevidence of legal documents, including marriage contracts, tends to prove\nthat such unions were the rule, not the exception, in ancient Egypt, and\nthat they continued to form the majority of marriages long after the\nRomans had obtained a firm footing in the country. As we cannot suppose\nthat Roman influence was used to promote a custom which must have been\nabhorrent to Roman instincts, we may safely assume that the proportion of\nbrother and sister marriages in Egypt had been still greater in the days\nwhen the country was free.(538)\n\n(M187) It would doubtless be a mistake to treat these marriages as a relic\nof savagery, as a survival of a tribal communism which knew no bar to the\nintercourse of the sexes. For such a theory would not explain why union\nwith a sister was not only allowed, but preferred to all others. The true\nmotive of that preference was most probably the wish of brothers to obtain\nfor their own use the family property, which belonged of right to their\nsisters, and which otherwise they would have seen in the enjoyment of\nstrangers, the husbands of their sisters. This is the system which in\nCeylon is known as _beena_ marriage. Under it the daughter, not the son,\nis the heir. She stays at home, and her husband comes and lives with her\nin the house; but her brother goes away and dwells in his wife\u2019s home,\ninheriting nothing from his parents.(539) Such a system could not fail in\ntime to prove irksome. Men would be loth to quit the old home, resign the\nancestral property to a stranger, and go out to seek their fortune\nempty-handed in the world. The remedy was obvious. A man had nothing to do\nbut to marry his sister himself instead of handing her over to another.\nHaving done so he stayed at home and enjoyed the family estate in virtue\nof his marriage with the heiress. This simple and perfectly effective\nexpedient for keeping the property in the family most probably explains\nthe custom of brother and sister marriage in Egypt.(540)\n\n(M188) Thus the union of Osiris with his sister Isis was not a freak of\nthe story-teller\u2019s fancy: it reflected a social custom which was itself\nbased on practical considerations of the most solid kind. When we reflect\nthat this practice of mother-kin as opposed to father-kin survived down to\nthe latest times of antiquity, not in an obscure and barbarous tribe, but\nin a nation whose immemorial civilization was its glory and the wonder of\nthe world, we may without being extravagant suppose that a similar\npractice formerly prevailed in Syria and Phrygia, and that it accounts for\nthe superiority of the goddess over the god in the divine partnerships of\nAdonis and Astarte, of Attis and Cybele. But the ancient system both of\nsociety and of religion had undergone far more change in these countries\nthan in Egypt, where to the last the main outlines of the old structure\ncould be traced in the national institutions to which the Egyptians clung\nwith a passionate, a fanatical devotion. Mother-kin, the divinity of kings\nand queens, a sense of the original connexion of the gods with\nnature\u2014these things outlived the Persian, the Macedonian, the Roman\nconquest, and only perished under the more powerful solvent of\nChristianity. But the old order did not vanish at once with the official\nestablishment of the new religion. In the age of Constantine the Greeks of\nEgypt still attributed the rise of the Nile to Serapis, the later form of\nOsiris, alleging that the inundation could not take place if the standard\ncubit, which was used to measure it, were not deposited according to\ncustom in the temple of the god. The emperor ordered the cubit to be\ntransferred to a church; and next year, to the general surprise, the river\nrose just as usual.(541) Even at a later time Athanasius himself had to\nconfess with sorrow and indignation that under his own eyes the Egyptians\nstill annually mourned the death of Osiris.(542) The end came with the\ndestruction of the great Serapeum at Alexandria, the last stronghold of\nthe heathen in Egypt. It perished in a furious and bloody sedition, in\nwhich Christians and pagans seem to have vied with each other in mutual\natrocities. After its fall the temples were levelled with the ground or\nconverted into churches, and the images of the old gods went to the\nmelting-pot to be converted into base uses for the rabble of\nAlexandria.(543)\n\n(M189) The singular tenacity with which the Egyptian people maintained\ntheir traditional beliefs and customs for thousands of years sprang no\ndoubt from the stubborn conservatism of the national character. Yet that\nconservatism was itself in great measure an effect of geographical and\nclimatic conditions and of the ways of life which they favoured.\nSurrounded on every side by deserts or almost harbourless seas, the\nEgyptians occupied a position of great natural strength which for long\nages together protected them from invasion and allowed their native habits\nto set and harden, undisturbed by the subversive influence of foreign\nconquest. The wonderful regularity of nature in Egypt also conduced to a\ncorresponding stability in the minds of the people. Year in, year out, the\nimmutable succession of the seasons brought with it the same unvarying\nround of agricultural toil. What the fathers had done, the sons did in the\nsame manner at the same season, and so it went on from generation to\ngeneration. This monotonous routine is common indeed to all purely\nagricultural communities, and everywhere tends to beget in the husbandman\na settled phlegmatic habit of mind very different from the mobility, the\nalertness, the pliability of character which the hazards and uncertainties\nof commerce and the sea foster in the merchant and the sailor. The\nsaturnine temperament of the farmer is as naturally averse to change as\nthe more mercurial spirit of the trader and the seaman is predisposed to\nit. But the stereotyping of ideas and of customs was carried further in\nEgypt than in most lands devoted to husbandry by reason of the greater\nuniformity of the Egyptian seasons and the more complete isolation of the\ncountry.\n\n(M190) The general effect of these causes was to create a type of national\ncharacter which presented many points of resemblance to that of the\nChinese. In both we see the same inflexible strength of will, the same\nastonishing industry, the same strange blend of humanity and savagery, the\nsame obstinate adherence to tradition, the same pride of race and of\nancient civilization, the same contempt for foreigners as for upstarts and\nbarbarians, the same patient outward submission to an alien rule combined\nwith an unshakeable inward devotion to native ideals. It was this\nconservative temper of the people, bred in great measure of the physical\nnature of their land, which, so to say, embalmed the memory of Osiris long\nafter the corresponding figures of Adonis and Attis had suffered decay.\nFor while Egypt enjoyed profound repose, the tides of war and conquest, of\ntraffic and commerce, had for centuries rolled over Western Asia, the\nnative home of Adonis and Attis; and if the shock of nationalities in this\ngreat meeting-ground of East and West was favourable to the rise of new\nfaiths and new moralities, it was in the same measure unfavourable to the\npreservation of the old.\n\n\n\n\n\nNOTES.\n\n\n\n\nI. Moloch The King.\n\n\n(M191) I cannot leave the evidence for the sacred character of Jewish\nkings(544) without mentioning a suggestion which was made to me by my\nfriend and teacher the Rev. Professor R. H. Kennett. He thinks that\nMoloch, to whom first-born children were burnt by their parents in the\nvalley of Hinnom, outside the walls of Jerusalem,(545) may have been\noriginally the human king regarded as an incarnate deity. Certainly the\nname of Moloch, or rather Molech (for so it is always written in the\nMassoretic text(546)), is merely a slightly disguised form of _melech_,\nthe ordinary Hebrew word for \u201cking,\u201d the scribes having apparently given\nthe dreadful word the vowels of bosheth, \u201cshameful thing.\u201d(547) But it\nseems clear that in historical times the Jews who offered these sacrifices\nidentified Molech, not with the human king, but with Jehovah, though the\nprophets protested against the custom as an outrage on the divine\nmajesty.(548)\n\n(M192) If, however, these sacrifices were originally offered to or in\nbehalf of the human king, it is possible that they were intended to\nprolong his life and strengthen his hands for the performance of those\nmagical functions which he was expected to discharge for the good of his\npeople. The old kings of Sweden answered with their heads for the\nfertility of the ground,(549) and we read that one of them, Aun or On by\nname, sacrificed nine of his sons to Odin at Upsala in order that his own\nlife might be spared. After the sacrifice of his second son he received\nfrom the god an oracle that he should live as long as he gave him one of\nhis sons every tenth year. When he had thus sacrificed seven sons, the\nruthless father still lived, but was so feeble that he could no longer\nwalk and had to be carried in a chair. Then he offered up his eighth son\nand lived ten years more, bedridden. After that he sacrificed his ninth\nson, and lived ten years more, drinking out of a horn like a weaned child.\nHe now wished to sacrifice his last remaining son to Odin, but the Swedes\nwould not let him, so he died and was buried in a mound at Upsala.(550) In\nthis Swedish tradition the king\u2019s children seem to have been looked upon\nas substitutes offered to the god in place of their father, and apparently\nthis was also the current explanation of the slaughter of the first-born\nin the later times of Israel.(551) On that view the sacrifices were\nvicarious, and therefore purely religious, being intended to propitiate a\nstern and exacting deity. Similarly we read that when Amestris, wife of\nXerxes, was grown old, she sacrificed on her behalf twice seven noble\nchildren to the earth god by burying them alive.(552) If the story is\ntrue\u2014and it rests on the authority of Herodotus, a nearly contemporary\nwitness\u2014we may surmise that the aged queen acted thus with an eye to the\nfuture rather than to the past; she hoped that the grim god of the\nnether-world would accept the young victims in her stead, and let her live\nfor many years. The same idea of vicarious suffering comes out in a\ntradition told of a certain Hova king of Madagascar, who bore the sonorous\nname of Andriamasinavalona. When he had grown sickly and feeble, the\noracle was consulted as to the best way of restoring him to health. \u201cThe\nfollowing result was the consequence of the directions of the oracle. A\nspeech was first delivered to the people, offering great honours and\nrewards to the family of any individual who would freely offer himself to\nbe sacrificed, in order to the king\u2019s recovery. The people shuddered at\nthe idea, and ran away in different directions. One man, however,\npresented himself for the purpose, and his offer was accepted. The\nsacrificer girded up his loins, sharpened his knife, and bound the victim.\nAfter which, he was laid down with his head towards the east, upon a mat\nspread for the purpose, according to the custom with animals on such\noccasions, when the priest appeared, to proceed with all solemnity in\nslaughtering the victim by cutting his throat. A quantity of red liquid,\nhowever, which had been prepared from a native dye, was spilled in the\nceremony; and, to the amazement of those who looked on, blood seemed to be\nflowing all around. The man, as might be supposed, was unhurt; but the\nking rewarded him and his descendants with the perpetual privilege of\nexemption from capital punishment for any violation of the laws. The\ndescendants of the man to this day form a particular class, called _Tay\nmaty manota_, which may be translated, \u2018Not dead, though transgressing.\u2019\nInstances frequently occur, of individuals of this class appropriating\nbullocks, rice, and other things belonging to the sovereign, as if they\nwere their own, and escaping merely with a reprimand, while a common\nperson would have to suffer death, or be reduced to slavery.\u201d(553)\n\n(M193) Sometimes, however, the practices intended to prolong the king\u2019s\nlife seem to rest on a theory of nutrition rather than of substitution; in\nother words, the life of the victims, instead of being offered vicariously\nto a god, is apparently supposed to pass directly into the body of the\nsacrificer, thus refreshing his failing strength and prolonging his\nexistence. So regarded, the custom is magical rather than religious in\ncharacter, since the desired effect is thought to follow directly without\nthe intervention of a deity. At all events, it can be shown that\nsacrifices of this sort have been offered to prolong the life of kings in\nother parts of the world. Thus in regard to some of the negroes who\ninhabit the delta of the Niger we read that: \u201cA custom which formerly was\npractised by the Ibani, and is still prevalent among all the interior\ntribes, consists in prolonging the life of a king or ancestral\nrepresentative by the daily, or possibly weekly, sacrifice of a chicken\nand egg. Every morning, as soon as the patriarch has risen from his bed,\nthe sacrificial articles are procured either by his mother, head wife, or\neldest daughter, and given to the priest, who receives them on the open\nspace in front of the house. When this has been reported to the patriarch,\nhe comes outside and, sitting down, joins in the ceremony. Taking the\nchicken in his hand, the priest first of all touches the patriarch\u2019s face\nwith it, and afterwards passes it over the whole of his body. He then cuts\nits throat and allows the blood to drop on the ground. Mixing the blood\nand the earth into a paste, he rubs it on the old man\u2019s forehead and\nbreast, and this is not to be washed off under any circumstances until the\nevening. The chicken and the egg, also a piece of white cloth, are now\ntied on to a stick, which, if a stream is in the near vicinity, is planted\nin the ground at the water-side. During the carriage of these articles to\nthe place in question, all the wives and many members of the household\naccompany the priest, invoking the deity as they go to prolong their\nfather\u2019s life. This is done in the firm conviction that through the\nsacrifice of each chicken his life will be accordingly prolonged.\u201d(554)\n\n(M194) The ceremony thus described is, like so many other rites, a\ncombination of magic and religion; for whereas the prayers to the god are\nreligious, the passing of the victim over the king\u2019s body and the smearing\nof him with its blood are magical, being plainly intended to convey to him\ndirectly, without the mediation of any deity, the life of the fowl. In the\nfollowing instances the practices for prolonging the king\u2019s life seem to\nbe purely magical. Among the Zulus, at one of the annual feasts of\nfirst-fruits, a bull is killed by a particular regiment. In slaughtering\nthe beast they may not use spears or sticks, but must break its neck or\nchoke it with their bare hands. \u201cIt is then burned, and the strength of\nthe bull is supposed to enter into the king, thereby prolonging his\nlife.\u201d(555) Again, in an early Portuguese historian we read of a Caffre\nking of East Africa that \u201cit is related of this Monomotapa that he has a\nhouse where he commands bodies of men who have died at the hands of the\nlaw to be hung up, and where thus hanging all the humidity of their bodies\nfalls into vases placed underneath, and when all has dropped from them and\nthey shrink and dry up he commands them to be taken down and buried, and\nwith the fat and moisture in the vases they say he makes ointments with\nwhich he anoints himself in order to enjoy long life\u2014which is his\nbelief\u2014and also to be proof against receiving harm from sorcerers.\u201d(556)\n\n(M195) The Baganda of Central Africa used to kill men on various occasions\nfor the purpose of prolonging the king\u2019s life; in all cases it would seem\nto be thought that the life of the murdered man was in some mysterious\nfashion transferred to the king, so that the monarch received thereby a\nfresh accession of vital energy. For example, whenever a particular royal\ndrum had a new skin put on it, not only was a cow killed to furnish the\nskin and its blood run into the drum, but a man was beheaded and the\nspouting blood from the severed neck was allowed to gush into the drum,\n\u201cso that, when the drum was beaten, it was supposed to add fresh life and\nvigour to the king from the life of the slain man.\u201d(557) Again, at the\ncoronation of a new king, a royal chamberlain was chosen to take charge of\nthe king\u2019s inner court and to guard his wives. From the royal presence the\nchamberlain was conducted, along with eight captives, to one of the human\nshambles; there he was blindfolded while seven of the men were clubbed to\ndeath, only the dull thud and crashing sound telling him of what was\ntaking place. But when the seven had been thus despatched, the bandages\nwere removed from the chamberlain\u2019s eyes and he witnessed the death of the\neighth. As each man was killed, his belly was ripped open and his bowels\npulled out and hung round the chamberlain\u2019s neck. These deaths were said\nto add to the King\u2019s vigour and to make the chamberlain strong and\nfaithful.(558) Nor were these the only human sacrifices offered at a\nking\u2019s coronation for the purpose of strengthening the new monarch. When\nthe king had reigned two or three months, he was expected to hunt first a\nleopard and then a bushbuck. On the night after the hunt of the bushbuck,\none of the ministers of State caught a man and brought him before the king\nin the dark; the king speared him slightly, then the man was strangled and\nthe body thrown into a papyrus swamp, that it might never be found again.\nAnother ceremony performed about this time to confirm the king in his\nkingdom was to catch a man, bind him, and bring him before the king, who\nwounded him slightly with a spear. Then the man was put to death. These\nmen were killed to invigorate the king.(559)\n\n(M196) When a king of Uganda had reigned some time, apparently several\nyears, a ceremony was performed for the sake of prolonging his life. For\nthis purpose the king paid a visit\u2014a fatal visit\u2014to a chief of the\nLung-fish clan, who bore the title of Nankere and resided in the district\nof Busiro, where the tombs and temples of the kings were situated. When\nthe time for the ceremony had been appointed, the chief chose one of his\nown sons, who was to die that the king might live. If the chief had no\nson, a near relation was compelled to serve as a substitute. The hapless\nyouth was fed and clothed and treated in all respects like a prince, and\ntaken to live in a particular house near the place where the king was to\nlodge for the ceremony. When the destined victim had been feasted and\nguarded for a month, the king set out on his progress from the capital. On\nthe way he stopped at the temple of the great god Mukasa; there he changed\nhis garments, leaving behind him in the temple those which he had been\nwearing. Also he left behind him all his anklets, and did not put on any\nfresh ones, for he was shortly to receive new anklets of a remarkable\nkind. When the king arrived at his destination, the chief met him, and the\ntwo exchanged a gourd of beer. At this interview the king\u2019s mother was\npresent to see her son for the last time; for from that moment the two\nwere never allowed to look upon each other again. The chief addressed the\nking\u2019s mother informing her of this final separation; then turning to the\nking he said, \u201cYou are now of age; go and live longer than your\nforefathers.\u201d Then the chief\u2019s son was introduced. The chief took him by\nthe hand and presented him to the king, who passed him on to the\nbody-guard; they led him outside and killed him by beating him with their\nclenched fists. The muscles from the back of the body of the murdered\nyouth were removed and made into two anklets for the king, and a strip of\nskin cut from the corpse was made into a whip, which was kept in the royal\nenclosure for special feasts. The dead body was thrown on waste land and\nguarded against wild beasts, but not buried.(560)\n\n(M197) When that ceremony was over, the king departed to go to another\nchief in Busiro; but on the way thither he stopped at a place called Baka\nand sat down under a great tree to play a game of spinning fruit-stones.\nIt is a children\u2019s game, but it was no child\u2019s play to the man who ran to\nfetch the fruit-stones for the king to play with; for he was caught and\nspeared to death on the spot for the purpose of prolonging the king\u2019s\nlife. After the game had been played the king with his train passed on and\nlodged with a certain princess till the anklets made from the muscles of\nthe chief\u2019s murdered son were ready for him to wear; it was the princess\nwho had to superintend the making of these royal ornaments.(561)\n\n(M198) When all these ceremonies were over, the king made a great feast.\nAt this feast a priest went about carrying under his mantle the whip that\nhad been made from the skin of the murdered young man. As he passed\nthrough the crowd of merrymakers, he would flick a man here and there with\nthe whip, and it was believed that the man on whom the lash lighted would\nbe childless and might die, unless he made an offering of either nine or\nninety cowrie shells to the priest who had struck him. Naturally he\nhastened to procure the shells and take them to the striker, who, on\nreceiving them, struck the man on the shoulder with his hand, thus\nrestoring to him the generative powers of which the blow of the whip had\ndeprived him. At the end of the feast the drummers removed all the drums\nbut one, which they left as if they had forgotten it. Somebody in the\ncrowd would notice the apparent oversight and run after the drummers with\nthe drum, saying, \u201cYou have left one behind.\u201d The thanks he received was\nthat he was caught and killed and the bones of his upper arm made into\ndrumsticks for that particular drum. The drum was never afterwards brought\nout during the whole of the king\u2019s reign, but was kept covered up till the\ntime came to bring it out on the corresponding feast of his successor. Yet\nfrom time to time the priest, who had flicked the revellers with the whip\nof human skin, would dress himself up in a mantle of cow-hide from neck to\nfoot, and concealing the drumstick of human bones under his robe would go\ninto the king\u2019s presence, and suddenly whipping out the bones from his\nbosom would brandish them in the king\u2019s face. Then he would as suddenly\nhide them again, but only to repeat the manoeuvre. After that he retired\nand restored the bones to their usual place. They were decorated with\ncowrie shells and little bells, which jingled as he shook them at the\nking.(562)\n\n(M199) The precise meaning of these latter ceremonies is obscure; but we\nmay suppose that just as the human blood poured into a drum was thought to\npass into the king\u2019s veins in the booming notes of the drum, so the\nclicking of the human bones and the jingling of their bells were supposed\nto infuse into the royal person the vigour of the murdered man. The\npurpose of flicking commoners with the whip made of human skin is even\nmore obscure; but we may conjecture that the life or virility of every man\nstruck with the whip was supposed to be transmitted in some way to the\nking, who thus recruited his vital, and especially his reproductive,\nenergies at this solemn feast. If I am right in my interpretation, all\nthese Baganda modes of strengthening the king and prolonging his life\nbelonged to the nutritive rather than to the vicarious type of sacrifice,\nfrom which it will follow that they were magical rather than religious in\ncharacter.\n\n(M200) The same thing may perhaps be said of the wholesale massacres which\nused to be perpetrated when a king of Uganda was ill. At these times the\npriests informed the royal patient that persons marked by a certain\nphysical peculiarity, such as a cast of the eye, a particular gait, or a\ndistinctive colouring, must be put to death. Accordingly the king sent out\nhis catchpoles, who waylaid such persons in the roads and dragged them to\nthe royal enclosure, where they were kept until the tale of victims\nprescribed by the priest was complete. Before they were led away to one of\nthe eight places of execution, which were regularly appointed for this\npurpose in different parts of the kingdom, the victims had to drink\nmedicated beer with the king out of a special pot, in order that he might\nhave power over their ghosts, lest they should afterwards come back to\ntorment him. They were killed, sometimes by being speared to death,\nsometimes by being hacked to pieces, sometimes by being burned alive.\nContrary to the usual custom of the Baganda, the bodies, or what remained\nof the bodies, of these unfortunates were always left unburied on the\nplace of execution.(563) In what way precisely the sick king was supposed\nto benefit by these massacres of his subjects does not appear, but we may\nsurmise that somehow the victims were believed to give their lives for him\nor to him.\n\n(M201) Thus it is possible that in Israel also the sacrifices of children\nto Moloch were in like manner intended to prolong the life of the human\nking (_melech_) either by serving as substitutes for him or by recruiting\nhis failing energies with their vigorous young life. But it is equally\npossible, and perhaps more probable, that the sacrifice of the first-born\nchildren was only a particular application of the ancient law which\ndevoted to the deity the first-born of every womb, whether of cattle or of\nhuman beings.(564)\n\n\n\n\nII. The Widowed Flamen.\n\n\n\n\u00a7 1. The Pollution of Death.\n\n\n(M202) A different explanation of the rule which obliged the Flamen Dialis\nto resign the priesthood on the death of his wife(565) has been suggested\nby my friend Dr. L. R. Farnell. He supposes that such a bereavement would\nrender the Flamen ceremonially impure, and therefore unfit to hold\noffice.(566) It is true that the ceremonial pollution caused by death\ncommonly disqualifies a man for the discharge of sacred functions, but as\na rule the disqualification is only temporary and can be removed by\nseclusion and the observance of purificatory rites, the length of the\nseclusion and the nature of the purification varying with the degree of\nrelationship in which the living stand to the dead. Thus, for example, if\none of the sacred eunuchs at Hierapolis-Bambyce saw the dead body of a\nstranger, he was unclean for that day and might not enter the sanctuary of\nthe goddess; but next day after purifying himself he was free to enter.\nBut if the corpse happened to be that of a relation he was unclean for\nthirty days and had to shave his head before he might set foot within the\nholy precinct.(567) Again, in the Greek island of Ceos persons who had\noffered the annual sacrifices to their departed friends were unclean for\ntwo days afterwards and might not enter a sanctuary; they had to purify\nthemselves with water.(568) Similarly no one might go into the shrine of\nMen Tyrannus for ten days after being in contact with the dead.(569) Once\nmore, at Stratonicea in Caria a chorus of thirty noble boys, clad in white\nand holding branches in their hands, used to sing a hymn daily in honour\nof Zeus and Hecate; but if one of them were sick or had suffered a\ndomestic bereavement, he was for the time being excused, not permanently\nexcluded, from the performance of his sacred duties.(570) On the analogy\nof these and similar cases we should expect to find the widowed Flamen\ntemporarily debarred from the exercise of his office, not permanently\nrelieved of it.\n\n(M203) However, in support of Dr. Farnell\u2019s view I would cite an Indian\nparallel which was pointed out to me by Dr. W. H. R. Rivers. Among the\nTodas of the Neilgherry Hills in Southern India the priestly dairyman\n(_palol_) is a sacred personage, and his life, like that of the Flamen\nDialis, is hedged in by many taboos. Now when a death occurs in his clan,\nthe dairyman may not attend any of the funeral ceremonies unless he gives\nup office, but he may be re-elected after the second funeral ceremonies\nhave been completed. In the interval his place must be taken by a man of\nanother clan. Some eighteen or nineteen years ago a man named Karkievan\nresigned the office of dairyman when his wife died, but two years later he\nwas re-elected and has held office ever since. There have meantime been\nmany deaths in his clan, but he has not attended a funeral, and has not\ntherefore had to resign his post again. Apparently in old times a more\nstringent rule prevailed, and the dairyman was obliged to vacate office\nwhenever a death occurred in his clan. For, according to tradition, the\nclan of Keadrol was divided into its two existing divisions for the\nexpress purpose of ensuring that there might still be men to undertake the\noffice of dairyman when a death occurred in the clan, the men of the one\ndivision taking office whenever there was a death in the other.(571)\n\nAt first sight this case may seem exactly parallel to the case of the\nFlamen Dialis and the Flaminica on Dr. Farnell\u2019s theory; for here there\ncan be no doubt whatever that it is the pollution of death which\ndisqualifies the sacred dairyman from holding office, since, if he only\navoids that pollution by not attending the funeral, he is allowed at the\npresent day to retain his post. On this analogy we might suppose that it\nwas not so much the death of his wife as the attendance at her funeral\nwhich compelled the Flamen Dialis to resign, especially as we know that he\nwas expressly forbidden to touch a dead body or to enter the place where\ncorpses were burned.(572)\n\n(M204) But a closer inspection of the facts proves that the analogy breaks\ndown at some important points. For though the Flamen Dialis was forbidden\nto touch a dead body or to enter a place where corpses were burned, he was\npermitted to attend a funeral;(573) so that there could hardly be any\nobjection to his attending the funeral of his wife. This permission\nclearly tells against the view that it was the mere pollution of death\nwhich obliged him to resign office when his wife died. Further, and this\nis a point of fundamental difference between the two cases, whereas the\nFlamen Dialis was bound to be married, and married too by a rite of\nspecial solemnity,(574) there is no such obligation on the sacred dairyman\nof the Todas; indeed, if he is married, he is bound to live apart from his\nwife during his term of office.(575) Surely the obligation laid on the\nFlamen Dialis to be married of itself implies that with the death of his\nwife he necessarily ceased to hold office: there is no need to search for\nanother reason in the pollution of death which, as I have just shown, does\nnot seem to square with the permission granted to the Flamen to attend a\nfuneral. That this is indeed the true explanation of the rule in question\nis strongly suggested by the further and apparently parallel rule which\nforbade the Flamen to divorce his wife; nothing but death might part\nthem.(576) Now the rule which enjoined that a Flamen must be married, and\nthe rule which forbade him to divorce his wife, have obviously nothing to\ndo with the pollution of death, yet they can hardly be separated from the\nother rule that with the death of his wife he vacated office. All three\nrules are explained in the most natural way on the hypothesis which I have\nadopted, namely, that this married priest and priestess had to perform in\ncommon certain rites which the husband could not perform without his wife.\nThe same obvious solution of the problem was suggested long ago by\nPlutarch, who, after asking why the Flamen Dialis had to lay down office\non the death of his wife, says, amongst other things, that \u201cperhaps it is\nbecause she performs sacred rites along with him (for many of the rites\nmay not be performed without the presence of a married woman), and to\nmarry another wife immediately on the death of the first would hardly be\npossible or decent.\u201d(577) This simple explanation of the rule seems quite\nsufficient, and it would clearly hold good whether I am right or wrong in\nfurther supposing that the human husband and wife in this case represented\na divine husband and wife, a god and goddess, to wit Jupiter and Juno, or\nrather Dianus (Janus) and Diana;(578) and that supposition in its turn\nmight still hold good even if I were wrong in further conjecturing that of\nthis divine pair the goddess (Juno or rather Diana) was originally the\nmore important partner.\n\n(M205) However it is to be explained, the Roman rule which forbade the\nFlamen Dialis to be a widower has its parallel among the Kotas, a tribe\nwho, like the Todas, inhabit the Neilgherry Hills of Southern India. For\nthe higher Kota priests are not allowed to be widowers; if a priest\u2019s wife\ndies while he is in office, his appointment lapses. At the same time\npriests \u201cshould avoid pollution, and may not attend a Toda or Badaga\nfuneral, or approach the seclusion hut set apart for Kota women.\u201d(579)\nJewish priests were specially permitted to contract the pollution of death\nfor near relations, among whom father, mother, son, daughter, and\nunmarried sister are particularly enumerated; but they were forbidden to\ncontract the pollution for strangers. However, among the relations for\nwhom a priest might thus defile himself a wife is not mentioned.(580)\n\n\n\n\u00a7 2. The Marriage of the Roman Gods.\n\n\n(M206) The theory that the Flamen Dialis and his wife personated a divine\ncouple, whether Jupiter and Juno or Dianus (Janus) and Diana, supposes a\nmarried relation between the god and goddess, and so far it would\ncertainly be untenable if Dr. Farnell were right in assuming, on the\nauthority of Mr. W. Warde Fowler, that the Roman gods were celibate.(581)\nOn that subject, however, Varro, the most learned of Roman antiquaries,\nwas of a contrary opinion. He not only spoke particularly of Juno as the\nwife of Jupiter,(582) but he also affirmed generally, in the most\nunambiguous language, that the old Roman gods were married, and in saying\nso he referred not to the religion of his own day, which had been modified\nby Greek influence, but to the religion of the ancient Romans, his\nancestors.(583) Seneca ridiculed the marriage of the Roman gods, citing as\nexamples the marriages of Mars and Bellona, of Vulcan and Venus, of\nNeptune and Salacia, and adding sarcastically that some of the goddesses\nwere spinsters or widows, such as Populonia, Fulgora, and Rumina, whose\nfaded charms or unamiable character had failed to attract a suitor.(584)\n\n(M207) Again, the learned Servius, whose commentary on Virgil is a gold\nmine of Roman religious lore, informs us that the pontiffs celebrated the\nmarriage of the infernal deity Orcus with very great solemnity;(585) and\nfor this statement he would seem to have had the authority of the\npontifical books themselves, for he refers to them in the same connexion\nonly a few lines before. As it is in the highest degree unlikely that the\npontiffs would solemnize any foreign rites, we may safely assume that the\nmarriage of Orcus was not borrowed from Greek mythology, but was a genuine\nold Roman ceremony, and this is all the more probable because Servius, our\nauthority for the custom, has recorded some curious and obviously ancient\ntaboos which were observed at the marriage and in the ritual of Ceres, the\ngoddess who seems to have been joined in wedlock to Orcus. One of these\ntaboos forbade the use of wine, the other forbade persons to name their\nfather or daughter.(586)\n\n(M208) Further, the learned Roman antiquary Aulus Gellius quotes from \u201cthe\nbooks of the priests of the Roman people\u201d (the highest possible authority\non the subject) and from \u201cmany ancient speeches\u201d a list of old Roman\ndeities, in which there seem to be at least five pairs of males and\nfemales.(587) More than that he proves conclusively by quotations from\nPlautus, the annalist Cn. Gellius, and Licinius Imbrex that these old\nwriters certainly regarded one at least of the pairs (Mars and Nerio) as\nhusband and wife;(588) and we have good ancient evidence for viewing in\nthe same light three others of the pairs. Thus the old annalist and\nantiquarian L. Cincius Alimentus, who fought against Hannibal and was\ncaptured by him, affirmed in his work on the Roman calendar that Maia was\nthe wife of Vulcan;(589) and as there was a Flamen of Vulcan, who\nsacrificed to Maia on May Day,(590) it is reasonable to suppose that he\nwas assisted in the ceremony by a Flaminica, his wife, just as on my\nhypothesis the Flamen Dialis was assisted by his wife the Flaminica.\nAnother old Roman historian, L. Calpurnius Piso, who wrote in the second\ncentury B.C., said that the name of Vulcan\u2019s wife was not Maia but\nMajestas.(591) In saying so he may have intended to correct what he\nbelieved to be a mistake of his predecessor L. Cincius. Again, that\nSalacia was the wife of Neptune is perhaps implied by Varro,(592) and is\npositively affirmed by Seneca, Augustine, and Servius.(593) Again, Ennius\nappears to have regarded Hora as the wife of Quirinus, for in the first\nbook of his Annals he declared his devotion to that divine pair.(594) In\nfact, of the five pairs of male and female deities cited by Aulus Gellius\nfrom the priestly books and ancient speeches the only one as to which we\nhave not independent evidence that it consisted of a husband and wife is\nSaturn and Lua; and in regard to Lua we know that she was spoken of as a\nmother,(595) which renders it not improbable that she was also a wife.\nHowever, according to some very respectable authorities the wife of Saturn\nwas not Lua, but Ops,(596) so that we have two independent lines of proof\nthat Saturn was supposed to be married.\n\nLastly, the epithets \u201cfather\u201d and \u201cmother\u201d which the Romans bestowed on\nmany of their deities(597) are most naturally understood to imply\npaternity and maternity; and if the implication is admitted, the inference\nappears to be inevitable that these divine beings were supposed to\nexercise sexual functions, whether in lawful marriage or in unlawful\nconcubinage. As to Jupiter in particular his paternity is positively\nattested by Latin inscriptions, one of them very old, which describe\nFortuna Primigenia, the great goddess of Praeneste, as his daughter.(598)\nAgain, the rustic deity Faunus, one of the oldest and most popular gods of\nItaly,(599) was represented by tradition in the character of a husband and\na father; one of the epithets applied to him expressed in a coarse way his\ngenerative powers.(600) Fauna or the Good Goddess (_Bona Dea_), another of\nthe oldest native Italian deities, was variously called his wife or his\ndaughter, and he is said to have assumed the form of a snake in order to\ncohabit with her.(601) Again, the most famous of all Roman myths\nrepresented the founder of Rome himself, Romulus and his twin brother\nRemus, as begotten by the god Mars on a Vestal Virgin;(602) and every\nRoman who accepted the tradition thereby acknowledged the fatherhood of\nthe god in the physical, not in a figurative, sense of the word. If the\nstory of the birth of Romulus and Remus should be dismissed as a late\nproduct of the mythical fancy working under Greek influence, the same\nobjection can hardly be urged against the story of the birth of another\nRoman king, Servius Tullius, who is said to have been a son of the\nfire-god and a slave woman; his mother conceived him beside the royal\nhearth, where she was impregnated by a flame that shot out from the fire\nin the shape of the male organ of generation.(603) It would scarcely be\npossible to express the physical fatherhood of the fire-god in more\nunambiguous terms. Now a precisely similar story was told of the birth of\nRomulus himself;(604) and we may suspect that this was an older form of\nthe story than the legend which fathered the twins on Mars. Similarly,\nCaeculus, the founder of Praeneste, passed for a son of the fire-god\nVulcan. It was said that his mother was impregnated by a spark which\nleaped from the fire and struck her as she sat by the hearth. In later\nlife, when Caeculus boasted of his divine parentage to a crowd, and they\nrefused to believe him, he prayed to his father to give the unbelievers a\nsign, and straightway a lambent flame surrounded the whole multitude. The\nproof was conclusive, and henceforth Caeculus passed for a true son of the\nfire-god.(605) Such tales of kings or heroes begotten by the fire-god on\nmortal women appear to be genuine old Italian myths, which may well go\nback far beyond the foundation of Rome to the common fountain of Aryan\nmythology; for the marriage customs observed by various branches of the\nAryan family point clearly to a belief in the power of fire to impregnate\nwomen.(606)\n\n(M209) On the whole, if we follow the authority of the ancients\nthemselves, we seem bound to conclude that the Roman gods, like those of\nmany other early peoples, were believed to be married and to beget\nchildren. It is true that, compared with the full-blooded gods of Greece,\nthe deities of Rome appear to us shadowy creatures, pale abstractions\ngarbed in little that can vie with the gorgeous pall of myth and story\nwhich Grecian fancy threw around its divine creations. Yet the few\nspecimens of Roman mythology which have survived the wreck of\nantiquity(607) justify us in believing that they are but fragments of far\nmore copious traditions which have perished. At all events the comparative\naridity and barrenness of the Roman religious imagination is no reason for\nsetting aside the positive testimony of learned Roman writers as to a\npoint of fundamental importance in their own religion about which they\ncould hardly be mistaken. It should never be forgotten that on this\nsubject the ancients had access to many sources of information which are\nno longer open to us, and for a modern scholar to reject their evidence in\nfavour of a personal impression derived from a necessarily imperfect\nknowledge of the facts seems scarcely consistent with sound principles of\nhistory and criticism.(608)\n\n\n\n\u00a7 3. Children of Living Parents in Ritual.\n\n\n(M210) But Dr. Farnell adduces another argument in support of his view\nthat it was the pollution of death which obliged the widowed Flamen Dialis\nto resign the priesthood. He points to what he considers the analogy of\nthe rule of Greek ritual which required that certain sacred offices should\nbe discharged only by a boy whose parents were both alive.(609) This rule\nhe would explain in like manner by supposing that the death of one or both\nof his parents would render a boy ceremonially impure and therefore unfit\nto perform religious functions. Dr. Farnell might have apparently\nstrengthened his case by observing that the Flamen Dialis and the\nFlaminica Dialis were themselves assisted in their office, the one by a\nboy, the other by a girl, both of whose parents must be alive.(610) At\nfirst sight this fits in perfectly with his theory: the Flamen, the\nFlaminica, and their youthful ministers were all rendered incapable of\nperforming their sacred duties by the taint or corruption of death.\n\n(M211) But a closer scrutiny of the argument reveals a flaw. It proves too\nmuch. For observe that in these Greek and Roman offices held by boys and\ngirls the disqualification caused by the death of a parent is necessarily\nlifelong, since the bereavement is irreparable. Accordingly, if Dr.\nFarnell\u2019s theory is right, the ceremonial pollution which is the cause of\nthe disqualification must also be lifelong; in other words, every orphan\nis ceremoniously unclean for life and thereby excluded for ever from the\ndischarge of sacred duties. So sweeping a rule would at a stroke exclude a\nlarge, if not the larger, part of the population of any country from the\noffices of religion, and lay them permanently under all those burdensome\nrestrictions which the pollution of death entails among many nations; for\nobviously a large, if not the larger, part of the population of any\ncountry at any time has lost one or both of its parents by death. No\npeople, so far as I know, has ever carried the theory of the ceremonial\npollution of death to this extremity in practice. And even if it were\nsupposed that the taint wore off or evaporated with time from common folk\nso as to let them go about their common duties in everyday life, would it\nnot still cleave to priests? If it incapacitated the Flamen\u2019s minister,\nwould it not incapacitate the Flamen himself? In other words, would not\nthe Flamen Dialis be obliged to vacate office on the death of his father\nor mother? There is no hint in ancient writers that he had to do so. And\nwhile it is generally unsafe to argue from the silence of our authorities,\nI think that we may do so in this case without being rash; for Plutarch\nnot only mentions but discusses the rule which obliged the Flamen Dialis\nto resign office on the death of his wife,(611) and if he had known of a\nparallel rule which compelled him to retire on the death of a parent, he\nwould surely have mentioned it. But if the ceremonial pollution which\nwould certainly be caused by the death of a parent did not compel the\nFlamen Dialis to vacate office, we may safely conclude that neither did\nthe similar pollution caused by the death of his wife. Thus the argument\nadduced by Dr. Farnell in favour of his view proves on analysis to tell\nstrongly against it.\n\n(M212) But if the rule which excluded orphans from certain sacred offices\ncannot with any probability be explained on the theory of their ceremonial\npollution, it may be worth while to inquire whether another and better\nexplanation of the rule cannot be found. For that purpose I shall collect\nall the cases of it known to me. The collection is doubtless far from\ncomplete: I only offer it as a starting-point for research.\n\n(M213) At the time of the vintage, which in Greece falls in October,\nAthenian boys chosen from every tribe assembled at the sanctuary of\nDionysus, the god of the vine. There, branches of vines laden with ripe\ngrapes were given to them, and holding them in their hands they raced to\nthe sanctuary of Athena Sciras. The winner received and drained a cup\ncontaining a mixture of olive-oil, wine, honey, cheese, and barley-groats.\nIt was necessary that both the parents of each of these boy-runners should\nbe alive.(612) At the same festival, and perhaps on the same day, an\nAthenian boy, whose parents must both be alive, carried in procession a\nbranch of olive wreathed with white and purple wool and decked with fruits\nof many kinds, while a chorus sang that the branch bore figs, fat loaves,\nhoney, oil, and wine. Thus they went in procession to a temple of Apollo,\nat the door of which the boy deposited the holy bough. The ceremony is\nsaid to have been instituted by the Athenians in obedience to an oracle\nfor the purpose of supplicating the help of the god in a season of\ndearth.(613) Similar boughs similarly laden with fruits and loaves were\nhung up on the doors of every Athenian house and allowed to remain there a\nyear, at the end of which they were replaced by fresh ones. While the\nbranch was being fastened to the door, a boy whose parents were both alive\nrecited the same verses about the branch bearing figs, fat loaves, honey,\noil, and wine. This custom also is said to have been instituted for the\nsake of putting an end to a dearth.(614) The people of Magnesia on the\nMaeander vowed a bull every year to Zeus, the Saviour of the City, in the\nmonth of Cronion, at the beginning of sowing, and after maintaining the\nanimal at the public expense throughout the winter they sacrificed it,\napparently at harvest-time, in the following summer. Nine boys and nine\ngirls, whose fathers and mothers were all living, took part in the\nreligious services of the consecration and the sacrifice of the bull. At\nthe consecration public prayers were offered for the safety of the city\nand the land, for the safety of the citizens and their wives and children,\nfor the safety of all that dwelt in the city and the land, for peace and\nwealth and abundance of corn and all other fruits, and for the cattle. A\nherald led the prayers, and the priest and priestess, the boys and girls,\nthe high officers and magistrates, all joined in these solemn petitions\nfor the welfare of their country.(615) Among the Karo-Bataks of Central\nSumatra the threshing of the rice is the occasion of various ceremonies,\nand in these a prominent part is played by a girl, whose father and mother\nmust be both alive. Her special duty is to take care of the sheaf of rice\nin which the soul of the rice is believed to reside. This sheaf usually\nconsists of the first rice cut and bound in the field; it is treated\nexactly like a person.(616)\n\n(M214) The rites thus far described, in which boys and girls of living\nparents took part, were clearly ceremonies intended specially to ensure\nthe fertility of the soil. This is indicated not merely by the nature of\nthe rites and of the prayers or verses which accompanied them, but also by\nthe seasons at which they were observed; for these were the vintage, the\nharvest-home, and the beginning of sowing. We may therefore compare a\ncustom practised by the Roman Brethren of the Ploughed Fields (_Fratres\nArvales_), a college of priests whose business it was to perform the rites\ndeemed necessary for the growth of the corn. As a badge of office they\nwore wreaths of corn-ears, and paid their devotions to an antique goddess\nof fertility, the Dea Dia. Her home was in a grove of ancient evergreen\noaks and laurels out in the Campagna, five miles from Rome. Hither every\nyear in the month of May, when the fields were ripe or ripening to the\nsickle, reaped ears of the new corn were brought and hallowed by the\nBrethren with quaint rites, that a blessing might rest on the coming\nharvest. The first or preliminary consecration of the ears, however, took\nplace, not in the grove, but in the house of the Master of the Brethren at\nRome. Here the Brethren were waited upon by four free-born boys, the\nchildren of living fathers and mothers. While the Brethren reclined on\ncouches, the boys were allowed to sit on chairs and partake of the feast,\nand when it was over they carried the rest of the now hallowed corn and\nlaid it on the altar.(617)\n\n(M215) In these and all other rites intended to ensure the fertility of\nthe ground, of cattle, or of human beings, the employment of children of\nliving parents seems to be intelligible on the principle of sympathetic\nmagic; for such children might be deemed fuller of life than orphans,\neither because they \u201cflourished on both sides,\u201d as the Greeks put it, or\nbecause the very survival of their parents might be taken as a proof that\nthe stock of which the children came was vigorous and therefore able to\nimpart of its superabundant energy to others.\n\n(M216) But the rites in which the children of living parents are required\nto officiate do not always aim at promoting the growth of the crops. At\nOlympia the olive-branches which formed the victors\u2019 crowns had to be cut\nfrom a sacred tree with a golden sickle by a lad whose father and mother\nmust be both alive.(618) The tree was a wild olive growing within the holy\nprecinct, at the west end of the temple of Zeus. It bore the name of the\nOlive of the Fair Crown, and near it was an altar to the Nymphs of the\nFair Crowns.(619) At Delphi every eighth year a sacred drama or\nmiracle-play was acted which drew crowds of spectators from all parts of\nGreece. It set forth the slaying of the Dragon by Apollo. The principal\npart was sustained by a lad, the son of living parents, who seems to have\npersonated the god himself. In an open space the likeness of a lordly\npalace, erected for the occasion, represented the Dragon\u2019s den. It was\nattacked and burned by the lad, aided by women who carried blazing\ntorches. When the Dragon had received his deadly wound, the lad, still\nacting the part of the god, fled far away to be purged of the guilt of\nblood in the beautiful Vale of Tempe, where the Peneus flows in a deep\nwooded gorge between the snowy peaks of Olympus and Ossa, its smooth and\nsilent tide shadowed by overhanging trees and tall white cliffs. In places\nthese great crags rise abruptly from the stream and approach each other so\nnear that only a narrow strip of sky is visible overhead; but where they\nrecede a little, the meadows at their foot are verdant with evergreen\nshrubs, among which Apollo\u2019s own laurel may still be seen. In antiquity\nthe god himself, stained with the Dragon\u2019s blood, is said to have come, a\nhaggard footsore wayfarer, to this wild secluded glen and there plucked\nbranches from one of the laurels that grew in its green thickets beside\nthe rippling river. Some of them he used to twine a wreath for his brows,\none of them he carried in his hand, doubtless in order that, guarded by\nthe sacred plant, he might escape the hobgoblins which dogged his steps.\nSo the boy, his human representative, did the same, and brought back to\nDelphi wreaths of laurel from the same tree to be awarded to the victors\nin the Pythian games. Hence the whole festival of the Slaying of the\nDragon at Delphi went by the name of the Festival of Crowning.(620) From\nthis it appears that at Delphi as well as at Olympia the boughs which were\nused to crown the victors had to be cut from a sacred tree by a boy whose\nparents must be both alive.\n\n(M217) At Thebes a festival called the Laurel-bearing was held once in\nevery eight years, when branches of laurel were carried in procession to\nthe temple of Apollo. The principal part in the procession was taken by a\nboy who held a laurel bough and bore the title of the Laurel-bearer: he\nseems to have personated the god himself. His hair hung down on his\nshoulders, and he wore a golden crown, a bright-coloured robe, and shoes\nof a special shape: both his parents must be alive.(621) We may suppose\nthat the golden crown which he wore was fashioned in the shape of laurel\nleaves and replaced a wreath of real laurel. Thus the boy with the laurel\nwreath on his head and the laurel bough in his hand would resemble the\ntraditional equipment of Apollo when he purified himself for the slaughter\nof the dragon. We may conjecture that at Thebes the Laurel-bearer\noriginally personated not Apollo but the local hero Cadmus, who slew the\ndragon and had like Apollo to purify himself for the slaughter. The\nconjecture is confirmed by vase-paintings which represent Cadmus crowned\nwith laurel preparing to attack the dragon or actually in combat with the\nmonster, while goddesses bend over him holding out wreaths of laurel as\nthe meed of victory.(622) On this hypothesis the octennial Delphic\nFestival of Crowning and the octennial Theban Festival of Laurel-bearing\nwere closely akin: in both the prominent part played by the laurel was\npurificatory or expiatory.(623) Thus at Olympia, Delphi, and Thebes a boy\nwhose parents were both alive was entrusted with the duty of cutting or\nwearing a sacred wreath at a great festival which recurred at intervals of\nseveral years.(624)\n\n(M218) Why a boy of living parents should be chosen for such an office is\nnot at first sight clear; the reason might be more obvious if we\nunderstood the ideas in which the custom of wearing wreaths and crowns had\nits origin. Probably in many cases wreaths and crowns were amulets before\nthey were ornaments; in other words, their first intention may have been\nnot so much to adorn the head as to protect it from harm by surrounding it\nwith a plant, a metal, or any other thing which was supposed to possess\nthe magical virtue of banning baleful influences. Thus the Arabs of Moab\nwill put a circlet of copper on the head of a man who is suffering from\nheadache, for they believe that this will banish the pain; and if the pain\nis in an arm or a leg, they will treat the ailing limb in like manner.\nThey think that red beads hung before the eyes of children who are\nafflicted with ophthalmia will rid them of the malady, and that a red\nribbon tied to the foot will prevent it from stumbling on a stony\npath.(625) Again, the Melanesians of the Gazelle Peninsula in New Britain\noften deck their dusky bodies with flowers, leaves, and scented herbs not\nonly at festivals but on other occasions which to the European might seem\ninappropriate for such gay ornaments. But in truth the bright blossoms and\nverdant foliage are not intended to decorate the wearer but to endow him\nwith certain magical virtues, which are supposed to inhere in the flowers\nand leaves. Thus one man may be seen strutting about with a wreath of\ngreenery which passes round his neck and droops over his shoulders, back,\nand breast. He is not a mere dandy, but a lover who hopes that the wreath\nwill work as a charm on a woman\u2019s heart. Again, another may be observed\nwith a bunch of the red dracaena leaves knotted round his neck and the\nlong stalk hanging down his back. He is a soldier, and these leaves are\nsupposed to make him invulnerable. But if the lover should fail to win the\naffections of his swarthy mistress, if the warrior should be wounded in\nbattle, it never occurs to either of them to question the magical virtue\nof the charm; they ascribe the failure either to the more potent charm of\nanother magician or to some oversight on their own part.(626) On the\ntheory that wreaths and garlands serve as amulets to protect the wearer\nagainst the powers of evil we can understand not only why in antiquity\nsacred persons such as priests and kings wore crowns, but also why dead\nbodies, sacrificial victims, and in certain circumstances even inanimate\nobjects such as the implements of sacrifice, the doors of houses, and so\nforth, were decorated or rather guarded by wreaths.(627) Further, on this\nhypothesis we may perhaps perceive why children of living parents were\nspecially chosen to cut or wear sacred wreaths. Since such children were\napparently supposed to be endowed with a more than common share of vital\nenergy, they might be deemed peculiarly fitted to make or wear amulets\nwhich were designed to protect the wearer from injury and death: the\ncurrent of life which circulated in their own veins overflowed, as it\nwere, and reinforced the magic virtue of the wreath. For the same reason\nsuch children would naturally be chosen to personate gods, as they\nseemingly were at Delphi and Thebes.\n\n(M219) At Ephesus, if we may trust the evidence of the Greek\nromance-writer, Heliodorus, a boy and girl of living parents used to hold\nfor a year the priesthood of Apollo and Artemis respectively. When their\nperiod of office was nearly expired, they led a sacred embassy to Delos,\nthe birthplace of the divine brother and sister, where they superintended\nthe musical and athletic contests and laid down the priesthood.(628) At\nRome no girl might be chosen a Vestal Virgin unless both her father and\nmother were living;(629) yet there is no evidence or probability that a\nVestal vacated office on the death of a parent; indeed she generally held\noffice for life.(630) This alone may suffice to prove that the custom of\nentrusting certain sacred duties to children of living parents was not\nbased on any notion that orphans as such were ceremonially unclean. Again,\nthe dancing priests of Mars, the Salii, must be sons of living\nparents;(631) but as in the case of the Vestals this condition probably\nonly applied at the date of their election, for they seem like the Vestals\nto have held office for life. At all events we read of a lively old\ngentleman who still skipped and capered about as a dancing priest with an\nagility which threw the efforts of his younger colleagues into the\nshade.(632) Again, at the public games in Rome boys of living parents had\nto escort the images of the gods in their sacred cars, and it was a dire\nomen if one of them relaxed his hold on the holy cart or let a strap slip\nfrom his fingers.(633) And when the stout Roman heart was shaken by the\nappalling news that somebody had been struck by lightning, that the sky\nhad somewhere been suddenly overcast, or that a she-mule had been safely\ndelivered of a colt, boys and girls whose fathers and mothers were still\nalive used to be sought out and employed to help in expiating the terrific\nprodigy.(634) Again, when the Capitol had been sacked and burned by the\ndisorderly troops of Vitellius, solemn preparations were made to rebuild\nit. The whole area was enclosed by a cordon of fillets and wreaths. Then\nsoldiers chosen for their auspicious names entered within the barriers\nholding branches of lucky trees in their hands; and afterwards the Vestal\nVirgins, aided by boys and girls of living parents, washed the foundations\nwith water drawn from springs and rivers.(635) In this ceremony the choice\nof such children seems to be based on the same idea as the choice of such\nwater; for as running water is deemed to be especially alive,(636) so the\nvital current might be thought to flow without interruption in the\nchildren of living parents but to stagnate in orphans. Hence the children\nof living parents rather than orphans would naturally be chosen to pour\nthe living water over the foundations, and so to lend something of their\nown vitality or endurance to a building that was designed to last for\never.\n\n(M220) On the same principle we can easily understand why the children of\nliving parents should be especially chosen to perform certain offices at\nmarriage. The motive of such a choice may be a wish to ensure by\nsympathetic magic the life of the newly wedded pair and of their\noffspring. Thus at Roman marriages the bride was escorted to her new home\nby three boys whose parents were all living. Two of the boys held her, and\nthe third carried a torch of buckthorn or hawthorn in front of her,(637)\nprobably for the purpose of averting the powers of evil; for buckthorn or\nhawthorn was credited with this magical virtue.(638) At marriages in\nancient Athens a boy whose parents were both living used to wear a wreath\nof thorns and acorns and to carry about a winnowing-fan full of loaves,\ncrying, \u201cI have escaped the bad, I have found the better.\u201d(639) In modern\nGreece on the Sunday before a marriage the bridegroom sends to the bride\nthe wedding cake by the hands of a boy, both of whose parents must be\nliving. The messenger takes great care not to stumble or to injure the\ncake, for to do either would be a very bad omen. He may not enter the\nbride\u2019s house till she has taken the cake from him. For this purpose he\nlays it down on the threshold of the door, and then both of them, the boy\nand the bride, rush at it and try to seize the greater part of the cake.\nAnd when cattle are being slaughtered for the marriage festivities, the\nfirst beast killed for the bride\u2019s house must be killed by a youth whose\nparents are both alive. Further, a son of living parents must solemnly\nfetch the water with which the bridegroom\u2019s head is ceremonially washed by\nwomen before marriage. And on the day after the marriage bride and\nbridegroom go in procession to the well or spring from which they are\nhenceforth to fetch their water. The bride greets the spring, drinks of\nthe water from the hollow of her hand, and throws money and food into it.\nThen follows a dance, accompanied by a song, round about the spring.\nLastly, a lad whose parents are both living draws water from the spring in\na special vessel and carries it to the house of the bridal pair without\nspeaking a word: this \u201cunspoken water,\u201d as it is called, is regarded as\npeculiarly holy and wholesome. When the young couple return from the\nspring, they fill their mouths with the \u201cunspoken water\u201d and try to spirt\nit on each other inside the door of the house.(640) In Albania, when women\nare baking cakes for a wedding, the first to put hand to the dough must be\na maiden whose parents are both alive and who has brothers, the more the\nbetter; for only such a girl is deemed lucky. And when the bride has\ndismounted from her horse at the bridegroom\u2019s door, a small boy whose\nparents are both alive (for only such a boy is thought to bring luck) is\npassed thrice backwards and forwards under the horse\u2019s belly, as if he\nwould girdle the beast.(641) Among the South Slavs of Bulgaria a little\nchild whose father and mother are both alive helps to bake the two bridal\ncakes, pouring water and salt on the meal and stirring the mixture with a\nspurtle of a special shape; then a girl lifts the child in her arms, and\nthe little one touches the roof-beam thrice with the spurtle, saying,\n\u201cBoys and girls.\u201d And when the bride\u2019s hair is to be dressed for the\nwedding day, the work of combing and plaiting it must be begun by a child\nof living parents.(642) Among the Eesa and Gadabursi, two Somali tribes,\non the morning after a marriage \u201cthe bride\u2019s female relations bring\npresents of milk, and are accompanied by a young male child whose parents\nare living. The child drinks some of the milk before any one else tastes\nit; and after him the bridegroom, if his parents are living; but if one or\nboth of his parents are dead, and those of the bride living, she drinks\nafter the child. By doing this they believe that if the newly-married\nwoman bears a child the father will be alive at the time.\u201d(643) A slightly\ndifferent application of the same principle appears in the old Hindoo rule\nthat when a bride reached the house of her husband, she should be made to\ndescend from the chariot by women of good character whose husbands and\nsons were living, and that afterwards these women should seat the bride on\na bull\u2019s hide, while her husband recited the verse, \u201cHere ye cows, bring\nforth calves.\u201d(644) Here the ceremony of seating the young wife on a\nbull\u2019s hide seems plainly intended to make her fruitful through the\ngenerative virtue of the bull; while the attendance of women, whose\nhusbands and sons are living, is no doubt a device for ensuring, by\nsympathetic magic, the life both of the bride\u2019s husband and of her future\noffspring.\n\n(M221) In the Somali custom just described the part played by the child of\nliving parents is unambiguous and helps to throw light on the obscurer\ncases which precede. Such a child is clearly supposed to impart the virtue\nof longevity to the milk of which it partakes, and so to transmit it to\nthe newly married pair who afterwards drink of the milk. Similarly, we may\nsuppose that in all marriage rites at least, if not in religious rites\ngenerally, the employment of children of living parents is intended to\ndiffuse by sympathy the blessings of life and longevity among all who\nparticipate in the ceremonies. This intention seems to underlie the use\nwhich the Malagasy make of the children of living parents in ritual. Thus,\nwhen a child is a week old, it is dressed up in the finest clothes that\ncan be got, and is then carried out of the house by some person whose\nparents are both still living; afterwards it is brought back to the\nmother. In the act of being carried out and in, the infant must be twice\ncarefully lifted over the fire, which is placed near the door. If the\nchild is a boy, the axe, knife, and spear of the family, together with any\nbuilding tools that may be in the house, are taken out of it at the same\ntime. \u201cThe implements are perhaps used chiefly as emblems of the\noccupations in which it is expected the infant will engage when it arrives\nat maturer years; and the whole may be regarded as expressing the hopes\ncherished of his activity, wealth, and enjoyments.\u201d(645) On such an\noccasion the service of a person whose parents are both alive seems\nnaturally calculated to promote the longevity of the infant. For a like\nreason, probably, the holy water used at the Malagasy ceremony of\ncircumcision is drawn from a pool by a person whose parents are both still\nliving.(646) The same idea may explain a funeral custom observed by the\nSihanaka of Madagascar. After a burial the family of the deceased, with\ntheir near relatives and dependents, meet in the house from which the\ncorpse was lately removed \u201cto drink rum and to undergo a purifying and\npreserving baptism called _f\u00e0fy r\u00e0nom-b\u00f3ah\u00e0ngy_. Leaves of the lemon or\nlime tree, and the stalks of two kinds of grass, are gathered and placed\nin a vessel with water. A person, both of whose parents are living, is\nchosen to perform the rite, and this \u2018holy water\u2019 is then sprinkled upon\nthe walls of the house and upon all assembled within them, and finally\naround the house outside.\u201d(647) Here a person whose parents are both\nliving appears to be credited with a more than common share of life and\nlongevity; from which it naturally follows that he is better fitted than\nany one else to perform a ceremony intended to avert the danger of death\nfrom the household.\n\n(M222) The notion that a child of living parents is endowed with a higher\ndegree of vitality than an orphan probably explains all the cases of the\nemployment of such a child in ritual, whether the particular rite is\ndesigned to ensure the fertility of the ground or the fruitfulness of\nwomen, or to avert the danger of death and other calamities. Yet it might\nbe a mistake to suppose that this notion is always clearly apprehended by\nthe persons who practise the customs. In their minds the definite\nconception of superabundant and overflowing vitality may easily dissolve\ninto a vague idea that the child of living parents is luckier than other\nfolk. No more than this seems to be at the bottom of the Masai rule that\nwhen the warriors wish to select a chief, they must choose \u201ca man whose\nparents are still living, who owns cattle and has never killed anybody,\nwhose parents are not blind, and who himself has not a discoloured\neye.\u201d(648) And nothing more is needed to explain the ancient Greek custom\nwhich assigned the duty of drawing lots from an urn to a boy under puberty\nwhose father and mother were both in life.(649) At Athens it would appear\nthat registers of these boys were kept, perhaps in order that the lads\nmight discharge, as occasion arose, those offices of religion which\nrequired the service of such auspicious youths.(650) The atrocious tyrant\nHeliogabalus, one of the worst monsters who ever disgraced the human form,\ncaused search to be made throughout Italy for noble and handsome boys\nwhose parents were both alive, and he sacrificed them to his barbarous\ngods, torturing them first and grabbling among their entrails afterwards\nfor omens. He seems to have thought that such victims would be peculiarly\nacceptable to the Syrian deities whom he worshipped; so he encouraged the\ntorturers and butchers at their work, and thanked the gods for enabling\nhim to ferret out \u201ctheir friends.\u201d(651)\n\n\n\n\nIII. A Charm To Protect a Town.\n\n\n(M223) The tradition that a Lydian king tried to make the citadel of\nSardes impregnable by carrying round it a lion(652) may perhaps be\nillustrated by a South African custom. When the Bechuanas are about to\nfound a new town, they observe an elaborate ritual. They choose a bull\nfrom the herd, sew up its eyelids with sinew, and then allow the blinded\nanimal to wander at will for four days. On the fifth day they track it\ndown and sacrifice it at sunset on the spot where it happens to be\nstanding. The carcase is then roasted whole and divided among the people.\nRitual requires that every particle of the flesh should be consumed on the\nspot. When the sacrificial meal is over, the medicine-men take the hide\nand mark it with appropriate medicines, the composition of which is a\nprofessional secret. Then with one long spiral cut they convert the whole\nhide into a single thong. Having done so they cut up the thong into\nlengths of about two feet and despatch messengers in all directions to peg\ndown one of those strips in each of the paths leading to the new town.\n\u201cAfter this,\u201d it is said, \u201cif a foreigner approaches the new town to\ndestroy it with his charms, he will find that the town has prepared itself\nfor his coming.\u201d(653) Thus it would seem that the pastoral Bechuanas\nattempt to place a new town under the protection of one of their sacred\ncattle(654) by distributing pieces of its hide at all points where an\nenemy could approach it, just as the Lydian king thought to place the\ncitadel of his capital under the protection of the lion-god by carrying\nthe animal round the boundaries.\n\n(M224) Further, the Bechuana custom may throw light on a widespread legend\nwhich relates how a wily settler in a new country bought from the natives\nas much land as could be covered with a hide, and how he then proceeded to\ncut the hide into thongs and to claim as much land as could be enclosed by\nthe thongs. It was thus, according to the Hottentots, that the first\nEuropean settlers obtained a footing in South Africa.(655) But the most\nfamiliar example of such stories is the tradition that Dido procured the\nsite of Carthage in this fashion, and that the place hence received the\nname of Byrsa or \u201chide.\u201d(656) Similar tales occur in the legendary history\nof Saxons and Danes,(657) and they meet us in India, Siberia, Burma,\nCambodia, Java, and Bali.(658) The wide diffusion of such stories confirms\nthe conjecture of Jacob Grimm that in them we have a reminiscence of a\nmode of land measurement which was once actually in use, and of which the\ndesignation is still retained in the English _hide_.(659) The Bechuana\ncustom suggests that the mode of measuring by a hide may have originated\nin a practice of encompassing a piece of land with thongs cut from the\nhide of a sacrificial victim in order to place the ground under the\nguardianship of the sacred animal.\n\n(M225) But why do the Bechuanas sew up the eyelids of the bull which is to\nbe used for this purpose? The answer appears to be given by the ceremonies\nwhich the same people observe when they are going out to war. On that\noccasion a woman rushes up to the army with her eyes shut and shakes a\nwinnowing-fan, while she cries out, \u201cThe army is not seen! The army is not\nseen!\u201d And a medicine-man at the same time sprinkles medicine over the\nspears, crying out in like manner, \u201cThe army is not seen! The army is not\nseen!\u201d After that they seize a bull, sew up its eyelids with a hair of its\ntail, and drive it for some distance along the road which the army is to\ntake. When it has preceded the army a little way, the bull is sacrificed,\nroasted whole, and eaten by the warriors. All the flesh must be consumed\non the spot. Such parts as cannot be eaten are burnt with fire. Only the\ncontents of the stomach are carefully preserved as a charm which is to\nlead the warriors to victory. Chosen men carry the precious guts in front\nof the army, and it is deemed most important that no one should precede\nthem. When they stop, the army stops, and it will not resume the march\ntill it sees that the men with the bull\u2019s guts have gone forward.(660) The\nmeaning of these ceremonies is explained by the cries of the woman and the\npriest, \u201cThe army is not seen! The army is not seen!\u201d Clearly it is\ndesirable that the army should not be perceived by the enemies until it is\nupon them. Accordingly on the principles of homoeopathic magic the\nBechuanas apparently imagine that they can make themselves invisible by\neating of the flesh of a blind bull, blindness and invisibility being to\ntheir simple minds the same thing. For the same reason the bowels of the\nblind ox are carried in front of the army to hide its advance from hostile\neyes. In like manner the custom of sacrificing and eating a blind ox on\nthe place where a new town is to be built may be intended to render the\ntown invisible to enemies. At all events the Bawenda, a South African\npeople who belong to the same Bantu stock as the Bechuanas, take great\npains to conceal their kraals from passers-by. The kraals are built in the\nforest or bush, and the long winding footpaths which lead to them are\noften kept open only by the support of a single pole here and there.\nIndeed the paths are so low and narrow that it is very difficult to bring\na horse into such a village. In time of war the poles are removed and the\nthorny creepers fall down, forming a natural screen or bulwark which the\nenemy can neither penetrate nor destroy by fire. The kraals are also\nsurrounded by walls of undressed stones with a filling of soil; and to\nhide them still better from the view of the enemy the tops of the walls\nare sown with Indian corn or planted with tobacco. Hence travellers\npassing through the country seldom come across a Bawenda kraal. To see\nwhere the Bawenda dwell you must climb to the tops of mountains and look\ndown on the roofs of their round huts peeping out of the surrounding green\nlike clusters of mushrooms in the woods.(661) The object which the Bawenda\nattain by these perfectly rational means, the Bechuanas seek to compass by\nthe sacrifice and consumption of a blind bull.\n\n(M226) This explanation of the use of a blinded ox in sacrifice is\nconfirmed by the reasons alleged by a Caffre for the observance of a\nsomewhat similar custom in purificatory ceremonies after a battle. On\nthese occasions the Bechuanas and other Caffre tribes of South Africa kill\na black ox and cut out the tip of its tongue, an eye, a piece of the\nham-string, and a piece of the principal sinew of the shoulder. These\nparts are fried with certain herbs and rubbed into the joints of the\nwarriors. By cutting out the tongue of the ox they think to prevent the\nenemy from wagging his tongue against them; by severing the sinews of the\nox they hope to cause the enemy\u2019s sinews to fail him in the battle; and by\nremoving the eye of the ox they imagine that they prevent the enemy from\ncasting a covetous eye on their cattle.(662)\n\n\n\n\nIV. Some Customs Of The Pelew Islanders.\n\n\nWe have seen that the state of society and religion among the Pelew\nIslanders in modern times presents several points of similarity to the\ncondition of the peoples about the Eastern Mediterranean in\nantiquity.(663) Here I propose briefly to call attention to certain other\ncustoms of the Pelew Islanders which may serve to illustrate some of the\ninstitutions discussed in this volume.\n\n\n\n\u00a7 1. Priests dressed as Women.\n\n\n(M227) In the Pelew Islands it often happens that a goddess chooses a man,\nnot a woman, for her minister and inspired mouthpiece. When that is so,\nthe favoured man is thenceforth regarded and treated as a woman. He wears\nfemale attire, he carries a piece of gold on his neck, he labours like a\nwoman in the taro fields, and he plays his new part so well that he earns\nthe hearty contempt of his fellows.(664) The pretended change of sex under\nthe inspiration of a female spirit perhaps explains a custom widely spread\namong savages, in accordance with which some men dress as women and act as\nwomen through life. These unsexed creatures often, perhaps generally,\nprofess the arts of sorcery and healing, they communicate with spirits,\nand are regarded sometimes with awe and sometimes with contempt, as beings\nof a higher or lower order than common folk. Often they are dedicated and\ntrained to their vocation from childhood. Effeminate sorcerers or priests\nof this sort are found among the Sea Dyaks of Borneo,(665) the Bugis of\nSouth Celebes,(666) the Patagonians of South America,(667) and the\nAleutians and many Indian tribes of North America.(668) In the island of\nRambree, off the coast of Aracan, a set of vagabond \u201cconjurors,\u201d who\ndressed and lived as women, used to dance round a tall pole, invoking the\naid of their favourite idol on the occasion of any calamity.(669) Male\nmembers of the Vallabha sect in India often seek to win the favour of the\ngod Krishna, whom they specially revere, by wearing their hair long and\nassimilating themselves to women; even their spiritual chiefs, the\nso-called Maharajas, sometimes simulate the appearance of women when they\nlead the worship of their followers.(670) In Madagascar we hear of\neffeminate men who wore female attire and acted as women, thinking thereby\nto do God service.(671) In the kingdom of Congo there was a sacrificial\npriest who commonly dressed as a woman and gloried in the title of the\nGrandmother. The post of Grandmother must have been much coveted, for the\nincumbent might not be put to death, whatever crimes or rascalities he\ncommitted; and to do him justice he appears commonly to have taken full\nadvantage of this benefit of clergy. When he died, his fortunate successor\ndissected the body of the deceased Grandmother, extracting his heart and\nother vital organs, and amputating his fingers and toes, which he kept as\npriceless relics, and sold as sovereign remedies for all the ills that\nflesh is heir to.(672)\n\n(M228) We may conjecture that in many of these cases the call to this\nstrange form of the religious life came in the shape of a dream or vision,\nin which the dreamer or visionary imagined himself to be a woman or to be\npossessed by a female spirit; for with many savage races the disordered\nfancies of sleep or ecstasy are accepted as oracular admonitions which it\nwould be perilous to disregard. At all events we are told that a dream or\na revelation of some sort was the reason which in North America these\nmen-women commonly alleged for the life they led; it had been thus brought\nhome to them, they said, that their medicine or their salvation lay in\nliving as women, and when once they had got this notion into their head\nnothing could drive it out again. Many an Indian father attempted by\npersuasion, by bribes, by violence, to deter his son from obeying the\nmysterious call, but all to no purpose.(673) Among the Sauks, an Indian\ntribe of North America, these effeminate beings were always despised, but\nsometimes they were pitied \u201cas labouring under an unfortunate destiny\nwhich they cannot avoid, being supposed to be impelled to this course by a\nvision from the female spirit that resides in the moon.\u201d(674) Similarly\nthe Omahas, another Indian tribe of North America, \u201cbelieve that the\nunfortunate beings, called _Min-qu-ga_, are mysterious or sacred because\nthey have been affected by the Moon Being. When a young Omaha fasted for\nthe first time on reaching puberty, it was thought that the Moon Being\nappeared to him, holding in one hand a bow and arrows and in the other a\npack strap, such as the Indian women use. When the youth tried to grasp\nthe bow and arrows the Moon Being crossed his hands very quickly, and if\nthe youth was not very careful he seized the pack strap instead of the bow\nand arrows, thereby fixing his lot in after life. In such a case he could\nnot help acting the woman, speaking, dressing, and working just as Indian\nwomen used to do.\u201d(675) Among the Ibans or Sea Dyaks of Borneo the highest\nclass of sorcerers or medicine-men (_manangs_) are those who are believed\nto have been transformed into women. Such a man is therefore called a\n\u201cchanged medicine-man\u201d (_manang bali_) on account of his supposed change\nof sex. The call to transform himself into a woman is said to come as a\nsupernatural command thrice repeated in dreams; to disregard the command\nwould mean death. Accordingly he makes a feast, sacrifices a pig or two to\navert evil consequences from the tribe, and then assumes the garb of a\nwoman. Thenceforth he is treated as a woman and occupies himself in\nfeminine pursuits. His chief aim is to copy female manners and habits as\naccurately as possible. He is employed for the same purposes as an\nordinary medicine-man and his methods are similar, but he is paid much\nhigher fees and is often called in when others have been unable to effect\na cure.(676) Similarly among the Chukchees of North-Eastern Asia there are\nshamans or medicine-men who assimilate themselves as far as possible to\nwomen, and who are believed to be called to this vocation by spirits in a\ndream. The call usually comes at the critical age of early youth when the\nshamanistic inspiration, as it is called, first manifests itself. But the\ncall is much dreaded by the youthful adepts, and some of them prefer death\nto obedience. There are, however, various stages or degrees of\ntransformation. In the first stage the man apes a woman only in the manner\nof braiding and arranging the hair of his head. In the second he dons\nfemale attire; in the third stage he adopts as far as possible the life\nand characteristics of the female sex. A young man who is undergoing this\nfinal transformation abandons all masculine occupations and manners. He\nthrows away the rifle and the lance, the lasso of the reindeer herdsman,\nand the harpoon of the seal-hunter, and betakes himself to the needle and\nthe skin-scraper instead. He learns the use of them quickly, because the\nspirits are helping him all the time. Even his pronunciation changes from\nthe male to the female mode. At the same time his body alters, if not in\noutward appearance, at least in its faculties and forces. He loses\nmasculine strength, fleetness of foot, endurance in wrestling, and falls\ninto the debility and helplessness of a woman. Even his mental character\nundergoes a change. His old brute courage and fighting spirit are gone; he\ngrows shy and bashful before strangers, fond of small talk and of dandling\nlittle children. In short he becomes a woman with the appearance of a man,\nand as a woman he is often taken to wife by another man, with whom he\nleads a regular married life. Extraordinary powers are attributed to such\ntransformed shamans. They are supposed to enjoy the special protection of\nspirits who play the part of supernatural husbands to them. Hence they are\nmuch dreaded even by their colleagues in the profession who remain mere\nmen; hence, too, they excel in all branches of magic, including\nventriloquism.(677) Among the Teso of Central Africa medicine-men often\ndress as women and wear feminine ornaments, such as heavy chains of beads\nand shells round their heads and necks.(678)\n\n(M229) And just as a man inspired by a goddess may adopt female attire, so\nconversely a woman inspired by a god may adopt male costume. In Uganda the\ngreat god Mukasa, the deity of the Victoria Nyanza Lake and of abundance,\nimparted his oracles through a woman, who in ordinary life dressed like\nthe rest of her sex in a bark cloth wrapped round the body and fastened\nwith a girdle, so as to leave the arms and shoulders bare; but when she\nprophesied under the inspiration of the god, she wore two bark cloths\nknotted in masculine style over her shoulders and crossing each other on\nher breast and back.(679) When once the god had chosen her, she retained\noffice for life; she might not marry or converse with any man except one\nparticular priest, who was always present when she was possessed by the\ndeity.(680)\n\n(M230) Perhaps this assumed change of sex under the inspiration of a\ngoddess may give the key to the legends of the effeminate Sardanapalus and\nthe effeminate Hercules,(681) as well as to the practice of the effeminate\npriests of Cybele and the Syrian goddess. In all such cases the pretended\ntransformation of a man into a woman would be intelligible if we supposed\nthat the womanish priest or king thought himself animated by a female\nspirit, whose sex, accordingly, he felt bound to imitate. Certainly the\neunuch priests of Cybele seem to have bereft themselves of their manhood\nunder the supposed inspiration of the Great Goddess.(682) The priest of\nHercules at Antimachia, in Cos, who dressed as a woman when he offered\nsacrifice, is said to have done so in imitation of Hercules who disguised\nhimself as a woman to escape the pursuit of his enemies.(683) So the\nLydian Hercules wore female attire when he served for three years as the\npurchased slave of the imperious Omphale, Queen of Lydia.(684) If we\nsuppose that Queen Omphale, like Queen Semiramis, was nothing but the\ngreat Asiatic goddess,(685) or one of her Avatars, it becomes probable\nthat the story of the womanish Hercules of Lydia preserves a reminiscence\nof a line or college of effeminate priests who, like the eunuch priests of\nthe Syrian goddess, dressed as women in imitation of their goddess and\nwere supposed to be inspired by her. The probability is increased by the\npractice of the priests of Hercules at Antimachia, in Cos, who, as we have\njust seen, actually wore female attire when they were engaged in their\nsacred duties. Similarly at the vernal mysteries of Hercules in Rome the\nmen were draped in the garments of women;(686) and in some of the rites\nand processions of Dionysus also men wore female attire.(687) In legend\nand art there are clear traces of an effeminate Dionysus, who perhaps\nfigured in a strange ceremony for the artificial fertilization of the\nfig.(688) Among the Nahanarvals, an ancient German tribe, a priest garbed\nas a woman presided over a sacred grove.(689) These and similar\npractices(690) need not necessarily have any connexion with the social\nsystem of mother-kin. Wherever a goddess is revered and the theory of\ninspiration is held, a man may be thought to be possessed by a female\nspirit, whether society be organized on mother-kin or on father-kin. Still\nthe chances of such a transformation of sex will be greater under\nmother-kin than under father-kin if, as we have found reason to believe, a\nsystem of mother-kin is more favourable to the development and\nmultiplication of goddesses than of gods. It is therefore, perhaps, no\nmere accident that we meet with these effeminate priests in regions like\nthe Pelew Islands and Western Asia, where the system of mother-kin either\nactually prevails or has at least left traces of it behind in tradition\nand custom. Such traces, for example, are to be found in Lydia and\nCos,(691) in both of which the effeminate Hercules had his home.\n\n(M231) But the religious or superstitious interchange of dress between men\nand women is an obscure and complex problem, and it is unlikely that any\nsingle solution would apply to all the cases. Probably the custom has been\npractised from many different motives. For example, the practice of\ndressing boys as girls has certainly been sometimes adopted to avert the\nEvil Eye;(692) and it is possible that the custom of changing garments at\nmarriage, the bridegroom disguising himself as a woman, or the bride\ndisguising herself as a man, may have been resorted to for the same\npurpose. Thus in Cos, where the priest of Hercules wore female attire, the\nbridegroom was in like manner dressed as a woman when he received his\nbride.(693) Spartan brides had their hair shaved, and were clad in men\u2019s\nclothes and booted on their wedding night.(694) Argive brides wore false\nbeards when they slept with their husbands for the first time.(695) In\nSouthern Celebes a bridegroom at a certain point of the long and elaborate\nmarriage ceremonies puts on the garments which his bride has just put\noff.(696) Among the Jews of Egypt in the Middle Ages the bride led the\nwedding dance with a helmet on her head and a sword in her hand, while the\nbridegroom adorned himself as a woman and put on female attire.(697) At a\nBrahman marriage in Southern India \u201cthe bride is dressed up as a boy, and\nanother girl is dressed up to represent the bride. They are taken in\nprocession through the street, and, on returning, the pseudo-bridegroom is\nmade to speak to the real bridegroom in somewhat insolent tones, and some\nmock play is indulged in. The real bridegroom is addressed as if he was\nthe syce (groom) or gumasta (clerk) of the pseudo-bridegroom, and is\nsometimes treated as a thief, and judgment passed on him by the\nlatter.\u201d(698) Among the Bharias of the Central Provinces of India \u201cthe\nbridegroom puts on women\u2019s ornaments and carries with him an iron\nnut-cutter or dagger to keep off evil spirits.\u201d(699) Similarly among the\nKhangars, a low Hindustani caste of the same region, \u201cthe bridegroom is\ndressed in a yellow gown and overcloth, with trousers of red chintz, red\nshoes, and a marriage crown of date-palm leaves. He has the silver\nornaments usually worn by women on his neck, as the _khang-w\u0101ri_ or silver\nring and the _hamel_ or necklace of rupees. In order to avert the evil eye\nhe carries a dagger or nut-cracker, and a smudge of lampblack is made on\nhis forehead to disfigure him and thus avert the evil eye, which, it is\nthought, would otherwise be too probably attracted by his exquisitely\nbeautiful appearance in his wedding garments.\u201d(700) These examples render\nit highly probable that, like the dagger or nut-cracker which he holds in\nhis hand, the woman\u2019s ornaments which he wears are intended to protect the\nbridegroom against demons or the evil eye at this critical moment of his\nlife, the protection apparently consisting in a disguise which enables him\nto elude the unwelcome attentions of malignant beings.(701)\n\n(M232) A similar explanation probably accounts for the similar exchange of\ncostume between other persons than the bride and bridegroom at marriage.\nFor example, after a Bharia wedding, \u201cthe girl\u2019s mother gets the dress of\nthe boy\u2019s father and puts it on, together with a false beard and\nmoustaches, and dances holding a wooden ladle in one hand and a packet of\nashes in the other. Every time she approaches the bridegroom\u2019s father on\nher rounds she spills some of the ashes over him and occasionally gives\nhim a crack on the head with her ladle, these actions being accompanied by\nbursts of laughter from the party and frenzied playing by the musicians.\nWhen the party reach the bridegroom\u2019s house on their return, his mother\nand the other women come out, and burn a little mustard and human hair in\na lamp, the unpleasant smell emitted by these articles being considered\npotent to drive away evil spirits.\u201d(702) Again, after a Khangar wedding\nthe father of the bridegroom, dressed in women\u2019s clothes, dances with the\nmother of the bride, while the two throw turmeric mixed with water on each\nother.(703) Similarly after a wedding of the Bharbhunjas, another\nHindustani caste of the Central Provinces, the bridegroom\u2019s father dances\nbefore the family in women\u2019s clothes which have been supplied by the\nbride\u2019s father.(704) Such disguises and dances may be intended either to\nprotect the disguised dancer himself against the evil eye or perhaps\nrather to guard the principal personages of the ceremony, the bride and\nbridegroom, by diverting the attention of demons from them to the\nguiser.(705) However, when at marriage the bride alone assumes the costume\nand appearance of the other sex, the motive for the disguise may perhaps\nbe a notion that on the principle of homoeopathic magic she thereby\nensures the birth of a male heir. Similarly in Sweden there is a popular\nsuperstition that \u201con the night preceding her nuptials the bride should\nhave a baby-boy to sleep with her, in which case her first-born will be a\nson\u201d;(706) and among the Kabyles, when a bride dismounts from her mule at\nher husband\u2019s house, a young lad leaps into the saddle before she touches\nthe ground, in order that her first child may be a boy.(707)\n\n(M233) Be that as it may, there is no doubt that the assumption of woman\u2019s\ndress is sometimes intended to disguise a man for the purpose of deceiving\na demon. Thus among the Boloki or Bangala on the Upper Congo a man was\nlong afflicted with an internal malady. When all other remedies had\nfailed, a witch-doctor informed the sufferer that the cause of his trouble\nwas an evil spirit, and that the best thing he could do was to go far away\nwhere the devil could not get at him, and to remain there till he had\nrecovered his health. The patient followed the prescription. At dead of\nnight he left his house, taking only two of his wives with him and telling\nno one of his destination, lest the demon should hear it and follow him.\nSo he went far away from his town, donned a woman\u2019s dress, and speaking in\na woman\u2019s voice he pretended to be other than he was, in order that the\ndevil should not be able to find him at his new address. Strange to say,\nthese sage measures failed to effect a cure, and wearying of exile he at\nlast returned home, where he continued to dress and speak as a woman.(708)\nAgain, the Kuki-Lushai of Assam believe that if a man kills an enemy or a\nwild beast, the ghost of the dead man or animal will haunt him and drive\nhim mad. The only way of averting this catastrophe is to dress up as a\nwoman and pretend to be one. For example, a man who had shot a tiger and\nwas in fear of being haunted by the animal\u2019s ghost, dressed himself up in\na woman\u2019s petticoat and cloth, wore ivory earrings, and wound a mottled\ncloth round his head like a turban. Then smoking a woman\u2019s pipe, carrying\na little basket, and spinning a cotton spindle, he paraded the village\nfollowed by a crowd roaring and shrieking with laughter, while he\npreserved the gravity of a judge, for a single smile would have been\nfatal. To guard against the possibility of unseasonable mirth, he carried\na porcupine in his arms, and if ever, tickled beyond the pitch of\nendurance, he burst into a guffaw, the crowd said, \u201cIt was the porcupine\nthat laughed.\u201d All this was done to mortify the pride of the tiger\u2019s ghost\nby leading him to believe that he had been shot by a woman.(709)\n\n(M234) The same dread of attracting the attention of dangerous spirits at\ncritical times perhaps explains the custom observed by some East African\ntribes of wearing the costume of the opposite sex at circumcision. Thus,\nwhen Masai boys have been circumcised they dress as women, wearing\nearrings in their ears and long garments that reach to the ground. They\nalso whiten their swarthy faces with chalk. This costume they retain till\ntheir wounds are healed, whereupon they are shaved and assume the skins\nand ornaments of warriors.(710) Among the Nandi, a tribe of British East\nAfrica, before boys are circumcised they receive a visit from young girls,\nwho give them some of their own garments and ornaments. These the boys put\non and wear till the operation of circumcision is over, when they exchange\nthe girls\u2019 clothes for the garments of women, which, together with\nnecklaces, are provided for them by their mothers; and these women\u2019s\ngarments the newly circumcised lads must continue to wear for months\nafterwards. Girls are also circumcised among the Nandi, and before they\nsubmit to the operation they attire themselves in men\u2019s garments and carry\nclubs in their hands.(711)\n\n(M235) If such interchange of costume between men and women is intended to\ndisguise the wearers against demons, we may compare the practice of the\nLycian men, who regularly wore women\u2019s dress in mourning;(712) for this\nmight be intended to conceal them from the ghost, just as perhaps for a\nsimilar reason some peoples of antiquity used to descend into pits and\nremain there for several days, shunning the light of the sun, whenever a\ndeath had taken place in the family.(713) A similar desire to deceive\nspirits may perhaps explain a device to which the Loeboes, a primitive\ntribe of Sumatra, resort when they wish to obtain male or female\noffspring. If parents have several sons and desire that the next child\nshall be a girl, they dress the boys as girls, cut their hair after the\ngirlish fashion, and hang necklaces round their necks. On the contrary,\nwhen they have many daughters and wish to have a son, they dress the girls\nup as boys.(714)\n\n(M236) On the whole we conclude that the custom of men dressing as women\nand of women dressing as men has been practised from a variety of\nsuperstitious motives, among which the principal would seem to be the wish\nto please certain powerful spirits or to deceive others.\n\n\n\n\u00a7 2. Prostitution of Unmarried Girls.\n\n\n(M237) Like many peoples of Western Asia in antiquity, the Pelew Islanders\nsystematically prostitute their unmarried girls for hire. Hence, just as\nin Lydia and Cyprus of old, the damsels are a source of income to their\nfamily, and women wait impatiently for the time when their young daughters\nwill be able to help the household by their earnings. Indeed the mother\nregularly anticipates the time by depriving the girl of her virginity with\nher own hands.(715) Hence the theory that the prostitution of unmarried\ngirls is a device to destroy their virginity without risk to their\nhusbands is just as inapplicable to the Pelew Islanders as we have seen it\nto be to the peoples of Western Asia in antiquity. When a Pelew girl has\nthus been prepared for her vocation by her mother, she sells her favours\nto all the men of her village who can pay for them and who do not belong\nto her own exogamous clan; but she never grants her favours to the same\nman twice. Accordingly in every village of the Pelew Islands it may be\ntaken as certain that the men and women know each other carnally, except\nthat members of the same clan are debarred from each other by the rule of\nexogamy.(716) Thus a well-marked form of sexual communism, limited only by\nthe exogamous prohibitions which attach to the clans, prevails among these\npeople. Nor is this communism restricted to the inhabitants of the same\nvillage, for the girls of each village are regularly sent away to serve as\nprostitutes (_armengols_) in another village. There they live with the men\nof one of the many clubs or associations (_kaldebekels_) in the clubhouse\n(_blay_), attending to the house, consorting freely with the men, and\nreceiving pay for their services. A girl leading this life in the\nclubhouse of another village is well treated by the men: a wrong done to\nher is a wrong done to the whole club; and in her own village her value is\nincreased, not diminished, by the time she thus spends as a prostitute in\na neighbouring community. After her period of service is over she may\nmarry either in the village where she has served or in her own. Sometimes\nmany or all of the young women of a village go together to act as\nprostitutes (_armengols_) in a neighbouring village, and for this they are\nwell paid by the community which receives them. The money so earned is\ndivided among the chiefs of the village to which the damsels belong. Such\na joint expedition of the unmarried girls of a village is called a\n_blolobol_. But the young women never act as _armengols_ in any clubhouse\nof their own village.(717)\n\n(M238) Thus, while the Pelew custom of prostituting the unmarried girls to\nall the men of their own village, but not of their own clan, is a form of\nsexual communism practised within a local group, the custom of\nprostituting them to men of other villages is a form of sexual communism\npractised between members of different local groups; it is a kind of\ngroup-marriage. These customs of the Pelew Islanders therefore support by\nanalogy the hypothesis that among the ancient peoples of Western Asia also\nthe systematic prostitution of unmarried women may have been derived from\nan earlier period of sexual communism.(718)\n\n(M239) A somewhat similar custom prevails in Yap, one of the western group\nof the Caroline Islands, situated to the north of the Pelew group. In each\nof the men\u2019s clubhouses \u201care kept three or four unmarried girls or\n_Mespil_, whose business it is to minister to the pleasures of the men of\nthe particular clan or brotherhood to which the building belongs. As with\nthe Kroomen on the Gold Coast, each man, married or single, takes his turn\nby rotation in the rites through which each girl must pass before she is\ndeemed ripe for marriage. The natives say it is an ordeal or preliminary\ntrial to fit them for the cares and burden of maternity. She is rarely a\ngirl of the same village, and, of course, must be sprung from a different\nsept. Whenever she wishes to become a _Langin_ or respectable married\nwoman, she may, and is thought none the less of for her frailties as a\n_Mespil_.... But I believe this self-immolation before marriage is\nconfined to the daughters of the inferior chiefs and commons. The supply\nof _Mespil_ is generally kept up by the purchase of slave girls from the\nneighbouring districts.\u201d(719) According to another account a _mespil_\n\u201cmust always be stolen, by force or cunning, from a district at some\ndistance from that wherein her captors reside. After she has been fairly,\nor unfairly, captured and installed in her new home, she loses no shade of\nrespect among her own people; on the contrary, have not her beauty and her\nworth received the highest proof of her exalted perfection, in the\ndevotion, not of one, but of a whole community of lovers?\u201d(720) However,\nthough the girl is nominally stolen from another district, the matter is\nalmost always arranged privately with the local chief, who consents to\nwink hard at the theft in consideration of a good round sum of shell money\nand stone money, which serves \u201cto salve the wounds of a disrupted family\nand dispel all thoughts of a bloody retaliation. Nevertheless, the whole\nproceeding is still carried out with the greatest possible secrecy and\nstealth.\u201d(721)\n\n\n\n\u00a7 3. Custom of slaying Chiefs.\n\n\n(M240) In the Pelew Islands when the chief of a clan has reigned too long\nor has made himself unpopular, the heir has a formal right to put him to\ndeath, though for reasons which will appear this right is only exercised\nin some of the principal clans. The practice of regicide, if that word may\nbe extended to the assassination of chiefs, is in these islands a national\ninstitution regulated by exact rules, and every high chief must lay his\naccount with it. Indeed so well recognized is the custom that when the\nheir-apparent, who under the system of mother-kin must be a brother, a\nnephew, or a cousin on the mother\u2019s side, proves himself precocious and\nenergetic, the people say, \u201cThe cousin is a grown man. The chief\u2019s\n_tobolbel_ is nigh at hand.\u201d(722)\n\n(M241) In such cases the plot of death is commonly so well hushed up that\nit seldom miscarries. The first care of the conspirators is to discover\nwhere the doomed man keeps his money. For this purpose an old woman will\nsleep for some nights in the house and make inquiries quietly, till like a\nsleuth-hound she has nosed the hoard. Then the conspirators come, and the\ncandidate for the chieftainship despatches his predecessor either with his\nown hand or by the hand of a young cousin. Having done the deed he takes\npossession of the official residence, and applies to the widow of the\ndeceased the form of persuasion technically known as _meleket_. This\nconsists of putting a noose round her neck, and drawing it tighter and\ntighter till she consents to give up her late husband\u2019s money. After that\nthe murderer and his friends have nothing further to do for the present,\nbut to remain quietly in the house and allow events to take their usual\ncourse.\n\n(M242) Meantime the chiefs assemble in the council-house, and the loud\ndroning notes of the triton-shell, which answers the purpose of a tocsin,\nsummon the whole population to arms. The warriors muster, and surrounding\nthe house where the conspirators are ensconced they shower spears and\nstones at it, as if to inflict condign punishment on the assassins. But\nthis is a mere blind, a sham, a legal fiction, intended perhaps to throw\ndust in the eyes of the ghost and make him think that his death is being\navenged. In point of fact the warriors take good care to direct their\nmissiles at the roof or walls of the house, for if they threw them at the\nwindows they might perhaps hurt the murderer. After this formality has\nbeen satisfactorily performed, the regicide steps out of the house and\nengages in the genial task of paying the death duties to the various\nchiefs assembled. When he has observed this indispensable ceremony, the\nlaw is satisfied: all constitutional forms have been carried out: the\nassassin is now the legitimate successor of his victim and reigns in his\nstead without any further trouble.\n\n(M243) But if he has omitted to massacre his predecessor and has allowed\nhim to die a natural death, he suffers for his negligence by being\ncompelled to observe a long series of complicated and irksome formalities\nbefore he can make good his succession in the eyes of the law. For in that\ncase the title of chief has to be formally withdrawn from the dead man and\nconferred on his successor by a curious ceremony, which includes the\npresentation of a coco-nut and a taro plant to the new chief. Moreover, at\nfirst he may not enter the chief\u2019s house, but has to be shut up in a tiny\nhut for thirty or forty days during all the time of mourning, and even\nwhen that is over he may not come out till he has received and paid for a\nhuman head brought him by the people of a friendly state. After that he\nstill may not go to the sea-shore until more formalities have been fully\nobserved. These comprise a very costly fishing expedition, which is\nconducted by the inhabitants of another district and lasts for weeks. At\nthe end of it a net full of fish is brought to the chief\u2019s house, and the\npeople of the neighbouring communities are summoned by the blast of\ntrumpets. As soon as the stranger fishermen have been publicly paid for\ntheir services, a relative of the new chief steps across the net and\nsolemnly splits a coco-nut in two with an old-fashioned knife made of a\nTridacna shell, while at the same time he bans all the evils that might\nbefall his kinsman. Then, without looking at the nut, he throws the pieces\non the ground, and if they fall so that the two halves lie with the\nopening upwards, it is an omen that the chief will live long. The pieces\nof the nut are then tied together and taken to the house of another chief,\nthe friend of the new ruler, and there they are kept in token that the\nceremony has been duly performed. Thereupon the fish are divided among the\npeople, the strangers receiving half. This completes the legal ceremonies\nof accession, and the new chief may now go about freely. But these tedious\nformalities and others which I pass over are dispensed with when the new\nchief has proved his title by slaying his predecessor. In that case the\nprocedure is much simplified, but on the other hand the death duties are\nso very heavy that only rich men can afford to indulge in the luxury of\nregicide. Hence in the Pelew Islands of to-day, or at least of yesterday,\nthe old-fashioned mode of succession by slaughter is now restricted to a\nfew families of the bluest blood and the longest purses.(723)\n\n(M244) If this account of the existing or recent usage of the Pelew\nIslanders sheds little light on the motives for putting chiefs to death,\nit well illustrates the business-like precision with which such a custom\nmay be carried out, and the public indifference, if not approval, with\nwhich it may be regarded as an ordinary incident of constitutional\ngovernment. So far, therefore, the Pelew custom bears out the view that a\nsystematic practice of regicide, however strange and revolting it may seem\nto us, is perfectly compatible with a state of society in which human\nconduct and human life are estimated by a standard very different from\nours. If we would understand the early history of institutions, we must\nlearn to detach ourselves from the prepossessions of our own time and\ncountry, and to place ourselves as far as possible at the standpoint of\nmen in distant lands and distant ages.\n\n\n\n\n\nINDEX.\n\n\nAban, a Persian month, ii. 68\n\nAbd-Hadad, priestly king of Hierapolis, i. 163 _n._ 3\n\nAberdeenshire, All Souls\u2019 Day in, ii. 79 _sq._\n\nAbi-baal, i. 51 _n._ 4\n\nAbi-el, i. 51 _n._ 4\n\nAbi-jah, King, his family, i. 51 _n._ 2;\n  \u201cfather of Jehovah,\u201d 51 _n._ 4\n\nAbi-melech, \u201cfather of a king,\u201d i. 51 _n._ 4\n\nAbi-milk (Abi-melech), king of Tyre, i. 16 _n._ 5\n\nAbimelech massacres his seventy brothers, i. 51 _n._ 2\n\nAbipones, of South America, their worship of the Pleiades, i. 258 _n._ 2\n\nAbraham, his attempted sacrifice of Isaac, ii. 219 _n._ 1\n\nAbruzzi, gossips of St. John in the, i. 245 _n._ 2;\n  marvellous properties attributed to water on St. John\u2019s Night in the,\n              246;\n  Easter ceremonies in the, 256;\n  the feast of All Souls in the, ii. 77 _sq._;\n  rules as to sowing seed and cutting timber in the, 133 _n._ 3\n\nAbu Rabah, resort of childless wives in Palestine, i. 78, 79\n\nAbydos, head of Osiris at, ii. 11;\n  the favourite burial-place of the Egyptians, 18 _sq._;\n  specially associated with Osiris, 18, 197;\n  tombs of the ancient Egyptian kings at, 19;\n  the ritual of, 86;\n  hall of the Osirian mysteries at, 108;\n  representations of the Sed festival at, 151;\n  inscriptions at, 153;\n  temple of Osiris at, 198\n\nAcacia, Osiris in the, ii. 111\n\nAchaia, subject to earthquakes, i. 202\n\nAcharaca, cave of Pluto at, i. 205 _sq._\n\nAcilisena, temple of Anaitis at, i. 38\n\nAdad, Syrian king, i. 15;\n  Babylonian and Assyrian god of thunder and lightning, 163\n\nAdana in Cilicia, i. 169 _n._ 3\n\nAddison, Joseph, on the grotto _dei cani_ at Naples, i. 205 _n._ 1\n\nAdhar, a Persian month, ii. 68\n\nAdom-melech or Uri-melech, king of Byblus, i. 14, 17\n\n_Adon_, a Semitic title, i. 6 _sq._, 16 _sq._, 20, 49 _n._ 7\n\nAdonai, title of Jehovah, i. 6 _sq._\n\nAdoni, \u201cmy lord,\u201d Semitic title, i. 7;\n  names compounded with, 17\n\nAdoni-bezek, king of Jerusalem, i. 17\n\nAdoni-jah, elder brother of King Solomon, i. 51 _n._ 2\n\nAdoni-zedek, king of Jerusalem, i. 17\n\nAdonis, myth of, i. 3 _sqq._;\n  Greek worship of, 6;\n  in Greek mythology, 10 _sqq._;\n  in Syria, 13 _sqq._;\n  monuments of, 29;\n  in Cyprus, 31 _sqq._, 49;\n  identified with Osiris, 32;\n  mourning for, at Byblus, 38;\n  said to be the fruit of incest, 43;\n  his mother Myrrha, 43;\n  son of Theias, 43 _n._ 4, 55 _n._ 4;\n  the son of Cinyras, 49;\n  the title of the sons of Phoenician kings in Cyprus, 49;\n  his violent death, 55;\n  music in the worship of, 55;\n  sacred prostitution in the worship of, 57;\n  inspired prophets in worship of, 76;\n  human representatives of, perhaps burnt, 110;\n  doves burned in honour of, 147;\n  personated by priestly kings, 223;\n  the ritual of, 223 _sqq._;\n  his death and resurrection represented in his rites, 224 _sq._;\n  festivals of, 224 _sqq._;\n  flutes played in the laments for, 225 _n._ 3;\n  the ascension of, 225;\n  images of, thrown into the sea or springs, 225, 227 _n._ 3, 236;\n  born from a myrrh-tree, 227, ii. 110;\n  bewailed by Argive women, i. 227 _n._;\n  analogy of his rites to Indian and European ceremonies, 227;\n  his death and resurrection interpreted as representations of the decay\n              and revival of vegetation, 227 _sqq._;\n  interpreted as the sun, 228;\n  interpreted by the ancients as the god of the reaped and sprouting corn,\n              229;\n  as a corn-spirit, 230 _sqq._;\n  hunger the root of the worship of, 231;\n  perhaps originally a personification of wild vegetation, especially\n              grass and trees, 233;\n  the gardens of, 236 _sqq._;\n  rain-charm in the rites of, 237;\n  resemblance of his rites to the festival of Easter, 254 _sqq._, 306;\n  worshipped at Bethlehem, 257 _sqq._;\n  and the planet Venus as the Morning Star, 258 _sq._;\n  sometimes identified with Attis, 263;\n  swine not eaten by worshippers of, 265;\n  rites of, among the Greeks, 298;\n  lamented by women at Byblus, ii. 23\n\nAdonis and Aphrodite, i. 11 _sq._, 29, 280;\n  their marriage celebrated at Alexandria, 224\n\n\u2014\u2014 and Attis identified with Dionysus, ii. 127 _n._\n\n\u2014\u2014 and Osiris, similarity between their rites, ii. 127\n\n\u2014\u2014, Attis, Osiris, their mythical similarity, i. 6, ii. 201\n\n\u2014\u2014, the river, its valley, i. 28 _sqq._;\n  annual discoloration of the, 30, 225\n\nAedepsus, hot springs of Hercules at, i. 211 _sq._\n\nAedesius, Sextilius Agesilaus, dedicates altar to Attis, i. 275 _n._ 1\n\nAegipan and Hermes, i. 157\n\nAelian, on impregnation of Judean maid by serpent, i. 81\n\nAeneas and Dido, i. 114 _n._ 1\n\nAeschylus, on Typhon, i. 156\n\nAesculapius, in relation to serpents, i. 80 _sq._;\n  reputed father of Aratus, 80 _sq._;\n  his shrines at Sicyon and Titane, 81;\n  his dispute with Hercules, 209 _sq._\n\nAeson and Medea, i. 181 _n._ 1\n\n_Aetna_, Latin poem, i. 221 _n._ 4\n\nAfrica, serpents as reincarnations of the dead in, i. 82 _sqq._;\n  infant burial in, 91 _sq._;\n  reincarnation of the dead in, 91 _sq._;\n  annual festivals of the dead in, ii. 66;\n  worship of dead kings and chiefs in, 160 _sqq._;\n  supreme gods in, 165, 173 _sq._, 174, 186, with _n._ 5, 187 _n._ 1, 188\n              _sq._, 190;\n  worship of ancestral spirits among the Bantu tribes of, 174 _sqq._;\n  inheritance of the kingship under mother-kin in, 211\n\n\u2014\u2014, North, custom of bathing at Midsummer among the Mohammedan peoples of,\n            i. 249\n\n\u2014\u2014, West, sacred men and women in, i. 65 _sqq._;\n  human sacrifices in, ii. 99 _n._ 2\n\nAfterbirth or placenta regarded as a person\u2019s double or twin, ii. 169\n            _sq._\n  See _also_ Placenta\n\nAfterbirths buried in banana groves, i. 93;\n  regarded as twins of the children, 93;\n  Shilluk kings interred where their afterbirths are buried, ii. 162\n\nAgbasia, West African god, i. 79\n\nAgdestis, a man-monster in the myth of Attis, i. 269\n\nAgesipolis, King of Sparta, his conduct in an earthquake, i. 196\n\nAgraulus, daughter of Cecrops, worshipped at Salamis in Cyprus, i. 145,\n            146\n\nAgricultural peoples worship the moon, ii. 138 _sq._\n\nAgriculture, religious objections to, i. 88 _sqq._;\n  in the hands of women in the Pelew Islands, ii. 206 _sq._;\n  its tendency to produce a conservative character, 217 _sq._\n\nAhts of Vancouver Island regard the moon as the husband of the sun, ii.\n            139 _n._ 1\n\nAiri, a deity of North-West India, i. 170\n\nAiyar, N. Subramhanya, on Indian dancing-girls, i. 63 _sqq._\n\nAjax and Teucer, names of priestly kings of Olba, i. 144 _sq._, 161\n\nAkhetaton (Tell-el-Amarna), the capital of Amenophis IV., ii. 123 _n._ 1\n\nAkikuyu of British East Africa, their worship of snakes, i. 67 _sq._;\n  their belief in serpents as reincarnations of the dead, 82, 85\n\nAlaska, the Esquimaux of, ii. 51;\n  the Koniags of, 106\n\nAlbania, marriage custom in, ii. 246\n\nAlbanians of the Caucasus, their worship of the moon, i. 73\n\nAlbinoes the offspring of the moon, i. 91\n\nAlbiruni, Arab geographer, on the Persian festival of the dead, ii. 68\n\nAlcman on dew, ii. 137\n\nAleutians, effeminate sorcerers among the, ii. 254\n\nAlexander Severus, at festival of Attis, i. 273\n\nAlexander the Great expels a king of Paphos, i. 42;\n  his fabulous birth, 81;\n  assumes costumes of deities, 165;\n  sacrifices to Megarsian Athena, 169 _n._ 3\n\nAlexandria, festival of Adonis at, i. 224;\n  the Serapeum at, ii. 119 _n._, 217\n\nAlexandrian calendar, used by Plutarch, ii. 84\n\n\u2014\u2014 year, the fixed, ii. 28, 92;\n  Plutarch\u2019s use of the, 49\n\nAll Saints, feast of, perhaps substituted for an old pagan festival of the\n            dead, ii. 82 _sq._\n\nAll Souls, feast of, ii. 51 _sqq._;\n  originally a pagan festival of the dead, 81;\n  instituted by Odilo, abbot of Clugny, 82\n\nAllatu, Babylonian goddess, i. 9\n\nAllifae in Samnium, baths of Hercules at, i. 213 _n._ 2\n\nAlmo, procession to the river, in the rites of Attis, i. 273.\n\nAlmond causes virgin to conceive, i. 263;\n  the father of all things, 263 _sq._\n\nAlyattes, king of Lydia, i. 133 _n._ 1\n\nAlynomus, king of Paphos, i. 43\n\nAmambwe, a Bantu tribe of Northern Rhodesia, its head chief reincarnated\n            in a lion, ii. 193\n\nAmasis, king of Egypt, his body burnt by Cambyses, i. 176 _n._ 2\n\nAmathus, in Cyprus, Adonis and Melcarth at, i. 32, 117;\n  statue of lion-slaying god found at, 117\n\nAmatongo, ancestral spirits (Zulu term), i. 74 _n._ 4, ii. 184\n\nAmbabai, an Indian goddess, i. 243\n\nAmbala District, Punjaub, i. 94\n\nAm\u00e9lineau, E., discovers the tomb of King Khent, ii. 21 _n._ 1\n\nAmenophis IV., king of Egypt, his attempt to abolish all gods but the\n            sun-god, ii. 123 _sqq._\n\nAmerica, reincarnation of the dead in, i. 91;\n  the moon worshipped by the agricultural Indians of tropical, ii. 138\n\nAmestris, wife of Xerxes, her sacrifice of children, ii. 220 _sq._\n\nAmmon, Milcom, the god of, i. 19\n\nAmmon (the Egyptian) at Thebes, his human wives, i. 72;\n  of Thebes identified with the sun, ii. 123;\n  rage of King Amenophis IV. against the god, 124\n\nAmoor, Gilyaks of the, i. 278 _n._ 2\n\nAmorites, their law as to fornication, i. 37 _sq._\n\nAmsanctus, the valley of, i. 204 _sq._\n\nAmulets, crowns and wreaths as, ii. 242 _sq._\n\nAmyclae, in the vale of Sparta, i. 313, 314, 315\n\nAmyclas, father of Hyacinth, i. 313\n\nAnacreon, on Cinyras, i. 55\n\nAnacyndaraxes, father of Sardanapalus, i. 172\n\nAnaitis, sacred prostitution in the worship of, i. 38\n\n_Anassa_, \u201cQueen,\u201d title of goddess, i. 35 _n._ 2\n\nAnazarba or Anazarbus, in Cilicia, i. 167 _n._ 1\n\nAncestor-worship among the Khasis of Assam, ii. 203;\n  combined with mother-kin tends to a predominance of goddesses over gods\n              in religion, 211 _sq._\n\nAncestors, propitiation of deceased, i. 46;\n  the worship of, the main practical religion of the Bantu tribes, ii. 176\n              _sqq._\n\nAncestral spirits on shoulders of medicine-men, i. 74 _n._ 4;\n  incarnate in serpents, 82 _sqq._;\n  in the form of animals, 83;\n  worshipped by the Bantu tribes of Africa, ii. 174 _sqq._;\n  prayers to, 175 _sq._, 178 _sq._, 183 _sq._;\n  sacrifices to, 175, 178 _s.q._, 180, 181 _sq._, 183 _sq._, 190;\n  on the father\u2019s and on the mother\u2019s side, the two distinguished, 180,\n              181.\n  _See also_ Dead\n\nAnchiale in Cilicia, i. 144; monument of Sardanapalus at, 172\n\nAndania in Messenia, sacred men and women at, i. 76 _n._ 3\n\nAndriamasinavalona, a Hova king, vicarious sacrifice for, ii. 221\n\nAnemone, the scarlet, sprung from the blood of Adonis, i. 226\n\nAngel, the Destroying, over Jerusalem, i. 24\n\nAngus, belief as to the weaning of children in, ii. 148\n\nAnhalt, custom at sowing in, i. 239\n\nAnimals sacrificed by being hanged, i. 289 _sq._, 292;\n  and plants, edible, savage lamentations for, ii. 43 _sq._;\n  dead kings and chiefs incarnate in, 162, 163 _sq._, 173, 193;\n  sacrificed to prolong the life of kings, 222\n\nAnje-a, a mythical being who brings children to women, i. 103\n\nAnklets made of human sinews worn by king of Uganda, ii. 224 _sq._\n\nAnkole, in Central Africa, the Bahima of, ii. 190\n\nAnna, sister of Dido, i. 114 _n._ 1\n\nAnnam, offerings to the dead in spring in, i. 235 _n._ 1;\n  annual festivals of the dead in, ii. 62 _sqq._\n\nAnnual death and resurrection of gods, i. 6\n\nAnointing as a ceremony of consecration, i. 21 _n._ 2 and  3, 68, 74\n\n\u2014\u2014 sacred stones, custom of, i. 36\n\nAntelopes, soul of a dead king incarnate in, ii. 163\n\n_Anthesteria_, festival of the dead at Athens, i. 234 _sq._\n\nAntigonus, King, i. 212\n\nAntimachia in Cos, priest of Hercules at, ii. 258\n\nAntioch, destroyed by an earthquake, i. 222 _n._ 1;\n  festival of Adonis at, 227, 257 _sq._\n\nAntiochus, Greek calendar of, i. 303 _n._ 3\n\nAntwerp, feast of All Souls in, ii. 70\n\nAnubis, Egyptian jackal-headed god, ii. 15, 18 _n._ 3, 22 _n._ 2;\n  finds the body of Osiris, 85\n\nApameia, worship of Poseidon at, i. 195\n\nAphaca in Syria, sanctuary of Astarte at, i. 28, 259;\n  meteor as signal for festival at, 259\n\nAphrodite, her sacred doves, i. 33, 147;\n  sanctuary of, at Paphos, 33 _sqq._;\n  the month of, 145;\n  her blood dyes white roses red, 226;\n  name applied to summer, ii. 41\n\n\u2014\u2014 and Adonis, i. 11 _sq._, 29, 280;\n  their marriage celebrated at Alexandria, 224\n\n\u2014\u2014 and Cinyras, i. 48 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 and Pygmalion, i. 49 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 of the Lebanon, the mourning, i. 29 _sq._\n\nApinagos Indians of Brazil, their dances and presentation of children to\n            the moon, ii. 145 _sqq._\n\nApis, sacred Egyptian bull, ii. 11, 119 _n._;\n  mourning for the death of, i. 225;\n  held to be an image of the soul of Osiris, ii. 130\n\nApollo, the friend of Cinyras, i. 54;\n  music in the worship of, 54 _sq._;\n  reputed father of Augustus, 81;\n  the Catalonian, 147 _n._ 3;\n  his musical contest with Marsyas, 288;\n  purified at Tempe, ii. 240\n\n\u2014\u2014 and Artemis, their priesthood at Ephesus, ii. 243 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 and Marsyas, i. 55\n\n\u2014\u2014 at Delphi, sacrifices of Croesus to, i. 180 _n._ 1;\n  and the Dragon at Delphi, ii. 240\n\n\u2014\u2014 of the Golden Sword, i. 176\n\n\u2014\u2014 the Four-handed, ii. 250 _n._ 2\n\nApotheosis by being burnt alive, i. 179 _sq._\n\nAppian, on the costume of a priest of Isis, ii. 85 _n._ 3\n\nApples forbidden to worshippers of Cybele and Attis, i. 280 _n._ 7\n\nApuleius, on the worship of Isis, ii. 119 _n._\n\nArab name for the scarlet anemone, i. 226\n\nArabic writer on the mourning for T\u00e1-uz (Tammuz) in Harran, i. 230\n\nArabs resort to the springs of Callirrhoe in Moab, i. 215 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 of Moab, their custom at harvest, ii. 48, 96;\n  their remedies for ailments, 242\n\nAratus of Sicyon, deemed a son of Aesculapius, i. 81\n\nAraucanian Indians of South America eat fruit of Araucanian pine, i. 278\n            _n._ 2\n\nAraunah, the threshing-floor of, i. 24\n\nArcadians sacrifice to thunder and lightning, i. 157\n\nArchigallus, high-priest of Attis, i. 268, 279;\n  prophesies, 271 _n._\n\nArctic origin, alleged, of the Aryans, i. 229 _n._ 1\n\nArenna or Arinna, i. 136 _n._ 1;\n  the sun-goddess of, 136\n\nArensdorf, custom at sowing in, i. 239\n\nArgaeus, Mount, in Cappadocia, i. 190 _sq._\n\nArgive brides wore false beards, ii. 260\n\n\u2014\u2014 women bewail Adonis, i. 227 _n._\n\nAristomenes, Messenian hero, his fabulous birth, i. 81\n\nAristophanes, on the Spartan envoy, i. 196 _n._ 4;\n  on Hercules as patron of hot springs, 209\n\nAristotelian philosophy, revival of the, i. 301\n\nAristotle on the political institutions of Cyprus, i. 49 _n._ 7;\n  on earthquakes, 211 _n._ 3\n\n_Armengols_, in the Pelew Islands, ii. 265\n\nArmenia, sacred prostitution of girls before marriage in, i. 38, 58\n\nArmenians, their festivals of the dead, ii. 65 _sq._;\n  their opinion of the baleful influence of the moon on children, 148\n\nArrian on Attis, i. 282\n\nArtemis at Perga, i. 35;\n  name given by Greeks to Asiatic Mother Goddesses, 169\n\n\u2014\u2014 and Apollo, their priesthood at Ephesus, ii. 243\n\n\u2014\u2014 of Ephesus served by eunuch priests, i. 269\n\n\u2014\u2014 the Hanged, i. 291\n\n\u2014\u2014, Laphrian, at Patrae, i. 126 _n._ 2\n\n\u2014\u2014, Perasian, at Castabala, i. 115, 167 _sqq._\n\n\u2014\u2014, Sarpedonian, in Cilicia, i. 167, 171\n\n\u2014\u2014 Tauropolis, i. 275 _n._ 1\n\n\u2014\u2014, the Tauric, human sacrifices to the, i. 115\n\nArtemision, a Greek month, ii. 239 _n._ 1\n\nArunta of Central Australia, their belief in the reincarnation of the\n            dead, i. 99, 100\n\nArval Brethren, their wreaths of corn, i. 44 _n._;\n  a Roman college of priests, ii. 239\n\nAryan family, marriage customs of the, ii. 235\n\nAryans, their alleged Arctic origin, i. 229 _n._ 1;\n  annual festivals of the dead among the, ii. 67 _sqq._\n\nAryenis, daughter of Alyattes, i. 133 _n._ 1\n\nAscalon, the goddess Derceto at, i. 34 _n._ 3\n\nAscension of Adonis, i. 225\n\nAshantee, human sacrifices at earthquakes in, i. 201;\n  kings of, their human sacrifices, ii. 97 _n._ 7\n\n_Asherim_, sacred poles, i. 18, 18 _n._ 2, 107, 108\n\nAshes of human victims scattered by winnowing-fans, ii. 97, 106\n\nAshtoreth (Astarte), i. 18 _n._ 2 _See_ Astarte\n\nAshurbanipal, king of Assyria, i. 144;\n  confused with the legendary Sardanapalus, 173 _sq._;\n  carries off the bones of the kings of Elam, ii. 103\n\nAshvin, an Indian month, i. 243\n\nAsia Minor, priestly dynasties of, i. 140 _sq._;\n  subject to volcanic forces, 190;\n  subject to earthquakes, 202\n\nAsiatic goddesses of fertility served by eunuch priests, i. 269 _sq._\n\nAsopus, the river, i. 81\n\n\u201cA-souling,\u201d custom of, in England, ii. 79\n\nAspalis, a form of Artemis, i. 292\n\nAssam, the Khasis of, i. 46, ii. 202 _sqq._;\n  the Tangkul Nagas of, ii. 57 _sqq._\n\nAssumption of the Virgin and the festival of Diana, i. 308, 309\n\nAssyrian cavalry, i. 25 _n._ 3\n\nAssyrians in Cilicia, i. 173\n\nAstarte at Byblus, i. 13 _sq._;\n  and the _asherim_, 18;\n  kings as priests of, 26;\n  at Paphos, 33 _sqq._;\n  doves sacred to, 147;\n  identified with the planet Venus, 258;\n  of the Syrian Hierapolis served by eunuch priests, 269 _sq._;\n  called by Lucian the Assyrian Hera, 280 _n._ 5;\n  the Heavenly Goddess, 303;\n  the planet Venus her star, ii. 35\n\n\u2014\u2014 Aphrodite, i. 304 _n._\n\nAsteria, mother of the Tyrian Hercules (Melcarth), i. 112\n\nAstyages, king of the Medes, i. 133 _n._ 1\n\n_Asvattha_ tree, i. 82\n\nAtargatis, Syrian goddess, i. 34 _n._ 3, 137;\n  worshipped at Hierapolis-Bambyce, 162 _sq._;\n  derivation of the name, 162;\n  her husband-god, 162 _sq._\n\nAtes, a Phrygian, i. 286\n\nAthamas, the dynasty of, i. 287\n\nAthanasius, on the mourning for Osiris, ii. 217\n\n\u2019Atheh, Cilician goddess, i. 162\n\nAthena, temple of, at Salamis in Cyprus, i. 145;\n  and hot springs, 209, 210\n\n\u2014\u2014, Magarsian, a Cilician goddess, i. 169 _n._ 3\n\n\u2014\u2014 Sciras, sanctuary of, ii. 238\n\nAthenian boys, race of, at the vintage, ii. 238;\n  boy carrying an olive-branch in procession, 238\n\nAthenians, their superstition as to an eclipse of the moon, ii. 141\n\nAthens, sacred serpent at, i. 87;\n  the Commemoration of the Dead at, 234;\n  sacrifice of an ox at, 296 _sq._;\n  marriage custom at, ii. 245\n\nAthribis, heart of Osiris at, ii. 11\n\nAthyr, Egyptian month, ii. 8, 41, 49 _n._ 1;\n  Osiris murdered on the seventeenth day of, 8, 84;\n  festival of Osiris in the month of, 84 _sqq._, 91\n\nAtonga, tribe of Lake Nyassa, their theory of earthquakes, i. 199\n\nAttica, summer festival of Adonis in, i. 226\n\nAttis, priests of Cybele called, i. 140;\n  sometimes identified with Adonis, 263;\n  myth and ritual of, 263 _sqq._;\n  beloved by Cybele, 263, 282;\n  legends of his death, 264;\n  his legend at Pessinus, 264;\n  his self-mutilation, 264 _sq._;\n  and the pine-tree, 264, 265, 267, 271, 277 _sq._, 285, ii. 98 _n._ 5;\n  his eunuch priests, i. 265, 266;\n  festival of his death and resurrection in March, 267 _sqq._, 272 _sq._,\n              307 _sq._;\n  violets sprung from the blood of, 267;\n  the mourning for, 272;\n  bath of bull\u2019s blood in the rites of, 274 _sqq._;\n  mysteries of, 274 _sq._;\n  as a god of vegetation, 277 _sqq._, 279;\n  as the Father God, 281 _sqq._;\n  identified with Zeus, 282;\n  as a sky-god, 282 _sqq._;\n  emasculation of, suggested explanation of myth, 283;\n  his star-spangled cap, 284;\n  identified with Phrygian moon-god Men Tyrannus, 284;\n  human representatives of, 285 _sqq._;\n  title borne by priests of Cybele, 285, 287\n\n\u2014\u2014, Adonis, Osiris, their mythical similarity, i. 6, ii. 201\n\nAtys, son of Croesus, his death, i. 286;\n  early king of Lydia, 286\n\nAubrey, John, on soul-cakes, ii. 78\n\nAugustine on the effeminate priests of the Great Mother, i. 298;\n  on the heathen origin of Christmas, 305;\n  on the discovery of corn by Isis, ii. 116;\n  on Salacia as the wife of Neptune, 233\n\nAugustodunum (Autun), worship of Cybele at, i. 279\n\nAugustus reputed a son of Apollo, i. 81\n\nAulus Gellius on the influence of the moon, ii. 132\n\nAun, or On, King of Sweden, sacrifices his sons to Odin, ii. 220\n\nAunis, feast of All Souls in, ii. 69 _sq._\n\nAurelia Aemilia, a sacred harlot, i. 38\n\nAurohuacas, Indians of Colombia, i. 23 _n._ 2\n\nAust, E., on the marriage of the Roman gods, ii. 236 _n._ 1\n\nAustralia, belief as to the reincarnation of the dead in, i. 99 _sqq._\n\nAustralian aborigines, their preparation for marriage, i. 60;\n  their belief in conception without sexual intercourse, 99 _sqq._;\n  their cuttings for the dead, 268\n\nAustria, leaping over Midsummer fires in, i. 251\n\n\u201cAwakening of Hercules,\u201d festival at Tyre, i. 111\n\nAwemba, Bantu tribe of Rhodesia, ii. 174;\n  their worship of ancestral spirits, 175;\n  their prayers to dead kings before going to war, 191 _sq._\n\nAxe, emblem of Hittite god of thundering sky, i. 134;\n  as divine emblem, 163;\n  symbol of Asiatic thunder-god, 183\n\n\u2014\u2014, double-headed, symbol of Sandan, i. 127;\n  carried by Lydian kings, 182;\n  a palladium of the Heraclid sovereignty, 182;\n  figured on coins, 183 _n._\n\nBa-bwende, a tribe of the Congo, i. 271 _n._\n\nBa-sundi, a tribe of the Congo, i. 271 _n._\n\nBaal, Semitic god, i. 15, 16;\n  royal names compounded with, 16;\n  as the god of fertility, 26 _sq._;\n  conceived as god who fertilizes land by subterranean water, 159\n\n\u2014\u2014 and Sandan at Tarsus, i. 142 _sq._, 161\n\n\u2014\u2014 of the Lebanon, i. 32\n\n\u2014\u2014 of Tarsus, i. 117 _sqq._, 162 _sq._\n\nBaalath or Astarte, i. 26, 34\n\n\u2014\u2014 and Baal, i. 27\n\n\u2014\u2014 Gebal, i. 14\n\nBaalbec, i. 28;\n  sacred prostitution at, 37;\n  image of Hadad at, 163\n\nBaalim, firstlings and first-fruits offered to the, i. 27;\n  called lovers, 75 _n._\n\nBabylon, early kings of, worshipped as gods, i. 15;\n  worship of Mylitta at, 36;\n  religious prostitution at, 58;\n  human wives of Marduk at, 71;\n  sanctuary of Serapis at, ii. 119 _n._\n\nBabylonia, worship of Tammuz in, i. 6 _sqq._;\n  the moon-god took precedence of the sun-god in ancient, ii. 138 _sq._\n\nBabylonian hymns to Tammuz, i. 9\n\nBacchanals tear Pentheus in pieces, ii. 98\n\nBacchic orgies suppressed by Roman government, i. 301 _n._ 2\n\nBacchylides as to Croesus on the pyre, i. 175 _sq._\n\nBackbone of Osiris represented by the _ded_ pillar, ii. 108 _sq._\n\nBaden, feast of All Souls in, ii. 74\n\nBaethgen, F., on goddess \u2019Hatheh, i. 162 _n._ 2\n\nBaganda, their worship of the python, i. 86;\n  rebirth of the dead among the, 92 _sq._;\n  their theory of earthquakes, 199;\n  their presentation of infants to the new moon, ii. 144, 145;\n  ceremony observed by the king at new moon, 147;\n  their worship of dead kings, 167 _sqq._;\n  their veneration for the ghosts of dead relations, 191 _n._ 1;\n  their pantheon, 196;\n  human sacrifices offered to prolong the life of their kings, 223 _sqq._\n\nBagishu (Bageshu) of Mount Elgon, reincarnation of the dead among the, i.\n            92\n\nBagobos of the Philippine Islands, their theory of earthquakes, i. 200;\n  of Mindanao, their custom of hanging and spearing human victims, 290\n              _sq._\n\nBaharutsis, a Bantu tribe of South Africa, ii. 179\n\nBahima, their belief as to dead kings and chiefs, i. 83 _n._ 1\n\n\u2014\u2014 of Ankole in Central Africa, their worship of the dead, ii. 190 _sq._;\n  their belief in a supreme god Lugaba, 190\n\n\u2014\u2014 of Kiziba, ii. 173\n\nBaigas, Dravidian tribe of India, their objection to agriculture, i. 89\n\nBailly, French astronomer, on the Arctic origin of the rites of Adonis, i.\n            229\n\nBairu, the, of Kiziba, ii. 173\n\nBaku, on the Caspian, perpetual fires at, i. 192\n\nBalinese, their conduct in an earthquake, i. 198\n\n_Baloi_, witches and wizards, ii. 104\n\nBanana, women impregnated by the flower of the, i. 93\n\nBangalas of the Congo, rebirth of dead among the, i. 92. _See also_ Boloki\n\nBantu tribes, their belief in serpents as reincarnations of the dead, i.\n            82 _sqq._;\n  their worship of ancestral spirits, ii. 174 _sqq._;\n  their main practical religion a worship of ancestors, 176 _sqq._;\n  their worship of the dead, 176 _sqq._, 191 _sqq._\n\nBanyoro, their worship of serpents, i. 86 _n._ 1\n\nBaptism of bull\u2019s blood in the rites of Cybele, i. 274 _sqq._\n\nBar-rekub, king of Samal, i. 15 _sq._\n\nBaralongs, a Bantu tribe of South Africa, ii. 179\n\nBarea and Kunama, their annual festival of the dead, ii. 66\n\nBarley forced for festival, i. 240, 241, 242, 244, 251 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 and wheat discovered by Isis, ii. 116\n\nBarotse, a Bantu tribe of the Zambesi, their belief in a supreme god\n            Niambe, ii. 193;\n  their worship of dead kings, 194 _sq._\n\nBarren women resort to graves in order to get children, i. 90;\n  entice souls of dead children to them, 94\n\nBarrenness of women cured by passing through holed stone, i. 36, with _n._\n            4;\n  removed by serpent, 86;\n  children murdered as a remedy for, 95\n\nBarrows of Halfdan, ii. 100\n\nBarsom, bundle of twigs used by Parsee priests, i. 191 _n._ 2\n\nBarth, H., on sculptures at BoghazKeui, i. 133 _n._ 1\n\nBasil, pots of, on St. John\u2019s Day in Sicily, i. 245\n\nBasuto chiefs buried secretly, ii. 104\n\nBasutos, worship of the dead among the, ii. 179 _sq._\n\nBataks of Sumatra, their theory of earthquakes, i. 199 _sq._\n\nBatara-guru, the Batak creator, i. 199 _sq._\n\nBath in river at the rites of Cybele, i. 273, 274 _n._;\n  of bull\u2019s blood in the rites of Attis, 274 _sqq._;\n  of image of Cybele perhaps a rain-charm, 280\n\n\u2014\u2014 of Aphrodite, i. 280\n\n\u2014\u2014 of Demeter, i. 280\n\n\u2014\u2014 of Hera in the river Burrha, i. 280;\n  in the spring of Canathus, 280\n\nBathing on St. John\u2019s Day or Eve (Midsummer Day or Eve), i. 246 _sqq._;\n  pagan origin of the custom, 249\n\nBaths of Hercules, i. 212\n\n\u2014\u2014 of Solomon in Moab, i. 215\n\nBatoo Bedano, an earthquake god, i. 202\n\nBattle, purificatory ceremonies after a, ii. 251 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 of the gods and giants, i. 157\n\nBaudissin, W. W. Graf von, on Tammuz and Adonis, i. 6 _n._ 1;\n  on Adonis as the personification of the spring vegetation, 228 _n._ 6;\n  on summer festival of Adonis, 232 _n._\n\nBavaria, gardens of Adonis in, i. 244\n\nBawenda, the, of South Africa, the positions of their villages hidden, ii.\n            251\n\nBearded Venus, in Cyprus, i. 165, ii. 259 _n._ 3\n\nBeaufort, F., on perpetual flame in Lycia, i. 222 _n._\n\nBechuana ritual at founding a new town, ii. 249\n\nBechuanas, their sacrifice of a blind bull on various occasions, ii. 249,\n            250 _sq._\n\nBede, on the feast of All Saints, ii. 83\n\nBeech, M. W. H., on serpent-worship, i. 85\n\n_Beena_ marriage in Ceylon, ii. 215\n\nBegbie, General, i. 62 _n._\n\nBel or Marduk at Babylon, i. 71\n\nBelgium, feast of All Souls in, ii. 70\n\nBellerophon and Pegasus, i. 302 _n._ 4\n\nBellona and Mars, ii. 231\n\nBen-hadad, king of Damascus, i. 15\n\nBendall, Professor C., i. 229 _n._ 1\n\nBenefit of clergy, i. 68\n\nBengal, the Oraons and Mundas of, i. 46, 240\n\nBenin, human victims crucified at, i. 294 _n._ 3\n\nBent, J. Theodore, discovers ruins of Olba, i. 151;\n  identifies site of Hieropolis-Castabala, 168 _n._ 1\n\nBerecynthia, title of Cybele, i. 279 _n._ 4\n\nBerenice and Ptolemy, annual festival in their honour, ii. 35 _n._ 1\n\nBes, Egyptian god, i. 118 _n._ 1\n\nBethlehem, worship of Adonis at, i. 257 _sqq._;\n  fertility of the neighbourhood, 257 _n._ 3;\n  the Star of, 259\n\nBetsileo of Madagascar, their belief in serpents as reincarnations of the\n            dead, i. 83\n\nBghais, a Karen tribe of Burma, their annual festival of the dead, ii. 60\n            _sq._\n\nBh\u00e2don, Indian month, i. 243\n\nBharbhunjas, of the Central Provinces, India, marriage custom of the, ii.\n            262\n\nBharias, of the Central Provinces, India, exchange of costume between men\n            and women at marriage among the, ii. 260 _sq._\n\nBhujariya, festival in the Central Provinces of India, i. 242\n\nBilaspore, infant burial in, i. 94 _sq._;\n  annual festival of the dead in, ii. 60\n\nBion on the scarlet anemone, i. 226 _n._ 1\n\nBird, soul of a tree in a, ii. 111 _n._ 1\n\n\u2014\u2014 called \u201cthe soul of Osiris,\u201d ii. 110\n\nBirds burnt in honour of Artemis, i. 126 _n._ 2;\n  white, souls of dead kings incarnate in, ii. 162\n\nBirks, Rev. E. B., on harvest custom at Orwell, i. 237 _n._ 4\n\nBirth, new, through blood in rites of Attis, i. 274 _sq._;\n  of Egyptian kings at the Sed festival, ii. 153, 155 _sq._\n\nBirthday of the Sun, the twenty-fifth of December, i. 303 _sqq._\n\nBisa chiefs reincarnated in pythons, ii. 193\n\nBishnois of the Punjaub, infant burial among the, i. 94\n\nBithynians invoke Attis, i. 282\n\nBlack-snake clan, i. 100\n\n_Blay_, men\u2019s clubhouse in the Pelew Islands, ii. 265\n\nBlekinge, province of Sweden, Midsummer custom in, i. 251\n\nBlind bull sacrificed at the foundation of a town, ii. 249;\n  sacrificed before an army going to war, 250\n\nBlood, bath of bull\u2019s, in the rites of Attis, i. 274 _sqq._;\n  remission of sins through the shedding of, 299;\n  used in expiation for homicide, 299 _n._ 2;\n  of pig used in exorcism and purification, 299 _n._ 2;\n  not to be shed in certain sacrifices, ii. 222 _n._ 2\n\nBlood, the Day of, in the festival of Attis, i. 268, 285\n\nBlowing of Trumpets in the festival of Attis, i. 268\n\nBlue Spring, the, at Syracuse, i. 213 _n._ 1\n\nBoar, Attis killed by a, i. 264\n\nBocage of Normandy, rule as to the clipping of wool in the, ii. 134 _n._ 3\n\nBodies of the dead, magical uses made of the, ii. 100 _sqq._;\n  guarded against mutilation, 103;\n  thought to be endowed with magical powers, 103, 104 _sq._\n\nBodroum in Cilicia, ruins of, i. 167\n\nBoghaz-Keui, Hittite capital, excavations of H. Winckler at, i. 125 _n._;\n  situation and remains, 128 _sqq._;\n  the gods of, 128 _sqq._;\n  rock-hewn sculptures at, 129 _sqq._\n\nBohemia, May-pole or Midsummer-tree in, i. 250;\n  feast of All Souls in, ii. 72 _sq._\n\nBolivia, the Chiriguanos Indians of, ii. 143 _n._ 4, 145\n\nBoloki, or Bangala, of the Upper Congo, their ceremonies at the new moon,\n            ii. 143;\n  attempt to deceive spirit of disease among the, 262\n\nBones of the dead used in rain-making ceremonies, i. 22;\n  of dead kings carried off or destroyed by enemies, ii. 103 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014, fossil, source of myths about giants, i. 157 _sq._\n\nBonfire on St. John\u2019s Eve, dances round it, i. 245\n\n_Book of the Dead_, ii. 13\n\nBor, the ancient Tyana, Hittite monument at, i. 122 _n._ 1\n\nBorneo, custom of head-hunting in, i. 294 _sqq._;\n  effeminate sorcerers in, ii. 253, 256\n\nBosanquet, Professor R. C., on the Four-handed Apollo, ii. 250 _n._ 2\n\nBosman, W., on serpent-worship, i. 67\n\nBouche, Abb\u00e9, on West African priestesses, i. 66 _n._ 3, 69\n\nBoys of living parents in ritual, ii. 236 _sqq._;\n  dressed as girls to avert the Evil Eye, 260;\n  marriage customs to ensure the birth of, 262\n\nBrahman marriage in Southern India, bride dressed as a boy at, ii. 260\n\nBrazil, the Apinagos Indians of, ii. 145 _sqq._\n\nBrazilian Indians, their belief in the noxious influence of the moon on\n            children, ii. 148\n\nBread, fast from, in mourning for Attis, i. 272\n\nBreasted, Professor J. H., on the eye of Horus, ii. 121 _n._ 3;\n  on Amenophis IV., 123 _n._ 1;\n  on the Sed festival, 156 _n._ 1\n\nBreath not to defile sacred flame, i. 191\n\nBrethren of the Ploughed Fields (_Fratres Arvales_), a Roman college of\n            priests, ii. 239.\n  _See also_ Arval Brethren\n\n\u201cBride\u201d of the Nile, ii. 38\n\n\u2014\u2014 and Bridegroom at Midsummer in Sweden, i. 251\n\nBridegroom disfigured in order to avert the evil eye, ii. 261\n\nBritish Columbia, the Indians of, respect the animals and plants which\n            they eat, ii. 44\n\nBrittany, feast of All Souls in, ii. 69;\n  belief as to warts and the moon in, 149\n\nBromo, volcano in Java, worshipped, i. 220 _sq._\n\nBrother of a god, i. 51;\n  dead elder, worshipped, ii. 175\n\nBrothers and sisters, marriages of, in royal families, i. 44;\n  in ancient Egypt, ii. 214 _sqq._;\n  their intention to keep the property in the family, 215 _sq._\n\nBrown, A. R., on the beliefs of the West Australian aborigines as to the\n            causes of childbirth, i. 104 _sqq._\n\nBrown, Dr. George, on snakes as reincarnations of chiefs, i. 84\n\nBruges, feast of All Souls in, ii. 70\n\nBrugsch, H., on Egyptian names for a year, ii. 26 _n._ 1;\n  on the Sothic period, 37 _n._;\n  on the grave of Osiris at Philae, 111;\n  on Isis as a personified corn-field, 117\n\nBuddha and Buddhism, ii. 159\n\nBuddhism, spiritual declension of, i. 310 _sq._\n\nBudge, Dr. E. A. Wallis, on goddess Net, i. 282 _n._;\n  on an Egyptian funeral rite, ii. 15 _n._ 2;\n  on Isis, 115 _sq._;\n  on the nature of Osiris, 126 _n._ 2;\n  on the solar theory of Osiris, 131 _n._ 3;\n  on the historical reality of Osiris, 160 _n._ 1;\n  on Khenti-Amenti, 198 _n._ 2\n\nBuduna tribe of West Australia, their beliefs as to the birth of children,\n            i. 104 _sq._\n\nBugis of South Celebes, effeminate priests or sorcerers among the, ii. 253\n            _sq._\n\nBulgaria, marriage customs in, ii. 246\n\nBull as emblem of generative force, i. 123;\n  worshipped by the Hittites, 123, 132;\n  emblem of Hittite thunder-god, 134 _sqq._;\n  Hittite god standing on a, 135;\n  as emblem of a thunder-god, 136;\n  as symbol of thunder and fertility, 163 _sq._;\n  the emblem of the Father God, 164;\n  worshipped at Euyuk, 164;\n  testicles of, used in rites of Cybele and Attis, 276;\n  sacrificed at Egyptian funeral, ii. 15;\n  white, soul of dead king incarnate in a, 164;\n  sacrificed to prolong the life of a king, 222;\n  sacrificed to Zeus, the Saviour of the City, 238;\n  blinded and sacrificed at the foundation of a town, 249\n\nBull\u2019s blood, bath of, in the rites of Attis, i. 274 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 hide cut in strips and pegged down round the site of a new town, ii.\n            249;\n  bride seated on a, 246\n\n\u2014\u2014 skin, body of the dead placed in a, ii. 15 _n._ 2\n\nBulls, husband-god at Hierapolis seated on, i. 163\n\n\u2014\u2014 sacrificed at caves of Pluto, i. 206;\n  sacrificed to Persephone, 213 _n._ 1;\n  sacrificed to dead chiefs, ii. 191\n\nBurial at cross-roads, i. 93 _n._ 1\n\n\u2014\u2014 of infants to ensure their rebirth, i. 91, 93 _sqq._;\n  at Gezer, 108 _sq._;\n  of Osiris in his rites, ii. 88\n\nBurma, the Bghais of, ii. 60\n\nBurmese, their conduct during an earthquake, i. 201\n\nBurne, Miss C. S., and Miss G. F. Jackson on \u201cSouling Day\u201d in Shropshire,\n            ii. 78 _sq._\n\nBurning of Melcarth, i. 110 _sqq._;\n  of Sandan, 117 _sqq._;\n  of Cilician gods, 170 _sq._;\n  of Sardanapalus, 172 _sqq._;\n  of Croesus, 174 _sqq._;\n  of a god, 188 _sq._\n\nBurnings for dead kings of Judah, i. 177 _sq._;\n  for dead Jewish Rabbis at Meiron, 178\n\nBurns, Robert, on John Barleycorn, i. 230 _sq._\n\nBurnt alive, apotheosis by being, i. 179 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 Land of Lydia, i. 193 _sq._\n\nBurrha, river, Hera\u2019s bath in the, i. 280\n\nBuru, East Indian island, use of oil as a charm in, i. 21 _n._ 2\n\nBusiris, backbone of Osiris at, ii. 11;\n  specially associated with Osiris, 18;\n  the ritual of, 86;\n  rites of Osiris at, 87 _sq._;\n  festival of Osiris in the month of Khoiak at, 108;\n  temple of Usirniri at, 151\n\nBusiro, the district containing the graves and temples of the kings of\n            Uganda, ii. 168, 169, 224\n\nBustard totem, i. 104\n\nButo, city in Egypt, ii. 10\n\nButterflies, soul of a dead king incarnate in, ii. 164\n\nByblus, Adonis at, i. 13 _sqq._;\n  the kings of, 14 _sqq._;\n  mourning for Adonis at, 38;\n  religious prostitution at, 58;\n  inspired prophets at, 75 _sq._;\n  festival of Adonis at, 225;\n  Osiris and Isis at, ii. 9;\n  the queen of, 9;\n  Osiris associated with, 22 _sq._, 127;\n  its relation to Egypt, 127 _n._ 1\n\nByrsa, origin of the name, ii. 250\n\nCadmus turned into a snake, i. 86 _sq._;\n  perhaps personated by the Laurel-bearer at Thebes, ii. 241\n\n\u2014\u2014, Mount, i. 207\n\nCadys, a Lydian, i. 183\n\nCaeculus, son of the fire-god Vulcan, ii. 235\n\nCaesar introduces the Julian calendar, ii. 37;\n  as to German observation of the moon, 141\n\nCaffre purificatory ceremonies after a battle, ii. 251 _sq._\n\nCairo, ceremony of cutting the dams at, ii. 38, 39 _sq._\n\nCalabar district, heads of chiefs buried secretly in the, ii. 104\n\nCalabria, Easter custom in, i. 254\n\nCalauria, Poseidon worshipped in, i. 203 _n._ 2\n\nCalendar, the natural, ii. 25\n\n\u2014\u2014, the Alexandrian, used by Plutarch, ii. 84\n\n\u2014\u2014, the Coptic, ii. 6 _n._ 3\n\n\u2014\u2014, the Egyptian, ii. 24 _sqq._;\n  date of its introduction, 36 _n._ 2\n\n\u2014\u2014 of the Egyptian farmer, ii. 30 _sqq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 of Esne, ii. 49 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 of the Indians of Yucatan, ii. 28 _n._\n\n\u2014\u2014, the Julian, ii. 93 _n._ 1\n\n\u2014\u2014 of the ancient Mexicans, its mode of intercalation, ii. 28 _n._ 3\n\n\u2014\u2014 of Philocalus, i. 303 _n._ 2, 304 _n._ 3, ii. 95 _n._ 1\n\nCalendars, the Roman Rustic, ii. 95 _n._ 1\n\nCalifornia, the Karok Indians of, ii. 47;\n  the Indians of, their annual festivals of the dead, 52 _sq._\n\nCalifornian Indians eat pine nuts, i. 278 _n._ 2;\n  their notion that the owl is the guardian of the \u201cCalifornia big tree,\u201d\n              ii. 111 _n._ 1\n\nCallaway, Rev. Henry, on the worship of the dead among the Zulus, ii. 184\n            _sq._\n\nCallirrhoe, the springs of, in Moab, i. 214 _sqq._\n\nCalpurnius Piso, L., on the wife of Vulcan, ii. 232 _sq._\n\nCalycadnus River, in Cilicia, i. 167 _n._ 2\n\nCamasene and Janus, ii. 235 _n._ 6\n\nCambodia, annual festival of the dead in, ii. 61 _sq._\n\nCambridge, personal relics of Kibuka, the war-god of the Baganda,\n            preserved at, ii. 197\n\nCambyses, king of Persia, his treatment of Amasis, i. 176 _n._ 2\n\nCameroon negroes, expiation for homicide among the, i. 299 _n._ 2\n\nCamul, custom as to hospitality in, i. 39 _n._ 3\n\nCanaanite kings of Jerusalem, i. 17\n\nCanathus, Hera\u2019s annual bath in the spring of, i. 280\n\nCandaules, king of Lydia, i. 182, 183\n\nCanicular year, a Sothic period, ii. 36 _n._ 2\n\nCanopic decree, ii. 34 _n._ 1, 37 _n._, 88 _n._ 2\n\nCanopus, the decree of, ii. 27\n\nCapaneus and Evadne, i. 177 _n._ 3\n\nCape Bedford in Queensland, belief of the natives as to the birth of\n            children, i. 102\n\nCapital punishment among some peoples originally a sacrifice, i. 290 _n._\n            2\n\nCapitol at Rome, ceremonies at the rebuilding of the, ii. 244\n\nCappadocia, volcanic region of, i. 189 _sqq._;\n  fire-worship in, 191 _sq._\n\nCar Nicobar, exorcism in, i. 299 _n._ 2\n\nCarchemish, Hittite capital on Euphrates, i. 123, 137 _n._ 2, 138 _n._\n\nCarchi, a province of Ecuador, All Souls\u2019 Day in, ii. 80\n\nCaria, Zeus Labrandeus in, i. 182;\n  poisonous vapours in, 205 _sq._\n\nCarians, their mourning for Osiris, ii. 86 _n._ 1\n\nCaribs worshipped the moon in preference to the sun, ii. 138\n\nCarlyle, Thomas, on the execution of the astronomer Bailly, i. 229 _n._ 1\n\nCarna and Janus, ii. 235 _n._ 6\n\nCarnae, temples at, ii. 124;\n  the sculptures at, 154\n\nCarnival at Rome in the rites of Attis, i. 273\n\n\u2014\u2014 custom in Thracian villages, ii. 99 _sq._\n\nCarpini, de Plano, on funeral customs of the Mongols, i. 293\n\nCarthage, legend and worship of Dido at, i. 113 _sq._;\n  Hamilcar worshipped at, 116;\n  the _suffetes_ of, 116 _n._ 1;\n  rites of Cybele at, 274 _n._;\n  the effeminate priests of the Great Mother at, 298;\n  legend as to the foundation of, ii. 250\n\nCasalis, E., on serpent-worship, i. 84;\n  on the worship of the dead among the Basutos, ii. 179 _sq._\n\nCastabala in Cappadocia, i. 168\n\n\u2014\u2014 in Cilicia, worship of Perasian Artemis at, i. 115, 167 _sqq._\n\nCastelnau, F. de, on the reverence of the Apinagos for the moon, ii. 146\n            _sq._\n\nCastiglione a Casauria, in the Abruzzi, Midsummer custom at, i. 246\n\nCastor\u2019s tune, i. 196 _n._ 3\n\nCastration of Cronus and Uranus, i. 283;\n  of sky-god, suggested explanation of, 283;\n  of priests, suggested explanation of, 283 _sq._\n\nCatafalque burnt at funeral of king of Siam, i. 179\n\nCatania in Sicily, the vineyards of, i. 194;\n  gardens of Adonis at, 245\n\nCatholic Church, the ritual of the, i. 54;\n  ceremonies on Good Friday in the, 254, 255 _sq._\n\nCato, i. 43\n\nCatullus on self-mutilation of a priest of Attis, i. 270\n\nCaucasus, the Albanians of the, i. 73;\n  the Chewsurs of the, ii. 65\n\nCauldron, the magical, which makes the old young again, i. 181\n\nCaverns of Demeter, i. 88\n\nCaves, limestone, i. 152;\n  in Semitic religion, 169 _n._ 3\n\nCecrops, father of Agraulus, i. 145\n\nCedar forests of Cilicia, i. 149, 150 _n._ 1\n\n\u2014\u2014 sprung from the body of Osiris, ii. 110\n\n\u2014\u2014 -tree god, Osiris interpreted as a, ii. 109 _n._ 1\n\nCelaenae, skin of Marsyas shown at, i. 288\n\nCelebes, conduct of the inhabitants in an earthquake, i. 200\n\n\u2014\u2014, Central, the Toradjas of, ii. 33\n\n\u2014\u2014, Southern, marriage custom in, ii. 260\n\nCelenderis in Cilicia, i. 41\n\nCeltic year reckoned from November 1st, ii. 81\n\nCensorinus, on the date of the rising of Sirius, ii. 34 _n._ 1\n\nCentral Provinces of India, gardens of Adonis in the, i. 242 _sq._\n\nCeos, the rising of Sirius observed in, ii. 35 _n._ 1;\n  rule as to the pollution of death in, 227\n\nCereals cultivated in ancient Egypt, ii. 30\n\nCeremonies, magical, for the regulation of the seasons, i. 3 _sqq._\n\nCeres married to Orcus, ii. 231\n\nCeylon, _beena_ marriage in, ii. 215\n\nChadwick, Professor H. M., ii. 81 _n._ 3;\n  on the dismemberment of Halfdan the Black, 100 _n._ 2;\n  on a priest dressed as a woman, 259 _n._ 2\n\nChange in date of Egyptian festivals with the adoption of the fixed\n            Alexandrian year, ii. 92 _sqq._\n\nChants, plaintive, of corn-reapers in antiquity, ii. 45 _sq._\n\nCharlemagne compared to Osiris, ii. 199\n\nCharm, to protect a town, ii. 249 _sqq._\n\nCharon, places of, i. 204, 205\n\n_Charonia_, places of Charon, i. 204\n\nChastity, ceremonial, i. 43;\n  ordeal of, 115 _n._ 2\n\nChent-Ament (Khenti-Amenti), title of Osiris, ii. 87\n\nChephren, King of Egypt, his statue, ii. 21 _sq._\n\nCherokee Indians, their myth of the Old Woman of the corn, ii. 46 _sq._;\n  their lamentations after \u201cthe first working of the corn,\u201d 47\n\nCheshire, All Souls\u2019 Day in, ii. 79\n\nChewsurs of the Caucasus, their annual festival of the dead, ii. 65\n\nCheyne, T. K., on lament for kings of Judah, i. 20 _n._ 2\n\nChief, ancestral, reincarnate in snakes, i. 84\n\nChiefs in the Pelew Islands, custom of slaying, ii. 266 _sqq._\n\n\u2014\u2014, dead, worshipped, ii. 175, 176, 177, 179, 181 _sq._, 187;\n  thought to control the rain, 188;\n  human sacrifices to, 191;\n  spirits of, prophesy through living men and women, 192 _sq._\n\n\u201cChild-stones,\u201d where souls of dead await rebirth, i. 100\n\nChildbirth, primitive ignorance of the causes of, i. 106 _sq._\n\nChildless women expect offspring from St. George, i. 78;\n  resort to Baths of Solomon, 78;\n  receive offspring from serpent, 86;\n  resort to graves in order to secure offspring, 96;\n  resort to hot springs in Syria, 213 _sqq._\n\nChildren bestowed by saints, i. 78 _sq._;\n  given by serpent, 86;\n  murdered that their souls may be reborn in barren women, 95;\n  sacrificed to volcano in Siao, 219;\n  sacrificed at irrigation channels, ii. 38;\n  sacrificed by the Mexicans for the maize, 107;\n  presented to the moon, 144 _sqq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 of God, i. 68\n\n\u2014\u2014 of living parents in ritual, ii. 236 _sqq._;\n  apparently thought to be endowed with more vitality than others, 247\n              _sq._\n\nChili, earthquakes in, i. 202\n\nChimaera, Mount, in Lycia, perpetual fire on, i. 221\n\nChina, funeral of emperor of, i. 294\n\nChinese author on disturbance of earth-spirits by agriculture, i. 89\n\n\u2014\u2014 character compared to that of the ancient Egyptians, ii. 218\n\nChios, men sacrificed to Dionysus in, ii. 98 _sq._\n\nChiriguanos Indians of Bolivia, their address to the sun, ii. 143 _n._ 4\n\nChiriqui, volcano, i. 181\n\nChittim (Citium) in Cyprus, i. 31\n\nChnum of Elephantine identified with the sun, ii. 123\n\nChoctaws, their annual festival of the dead, ii. 53 _sq._\n\nChrist crucified on March 25th, tradition, i. 306\n\nChristian, F. W., on the prostitution of unmarried girls in Yap, ii. 265\n            _sq._\n\nChristian festivals displace heathen festivals, i. 308\n\nChristianity and paganism, their resemblances explained as diabolical\n            counterfeits, i. 302, 309 _sq._\n\nChristians and pagans, their controversy as to Easter, i. 309 _sq._\n\nChristmas, festival of, borrowed from the Mithraic religion, i. 302\n            _sqq._;\n  the heathen origin of, 305\n\nChu-en-aten, name assumed by King Amenophis IV., ii. 124\n\nChukchees of North-Eastern Asia, effeminate sorcerers among the, ii. 256\n            _sq._\n\nCicero at Cybistra, i. 122 _n._ 3;\n  corresponds with Cilician king, 145 _n._ 2\n\nCilicia, male deity of, assimilated to Zeus, i. 118 _sq._;\n  kings of, their affinity to Sandan, 144;\n  the Assyrians in, 173\n\n\u2014\u2014, Western or Rugged, described, i. 148 _sqq._;\n  fossils of, 152 _sq._\n\nCilician deity assimilated to Zeus, i. 144 _sqq._, 148, 152\n\n\u2014\u2014 Gates, pass of the, i. 120\n\n\u2014\u2014 goddesses, i. 161 _sqq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 gods, the burning of, i. 170 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 pirates, i. 149 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 priests, names of, i. 144\n\nCincius Alimentus, L., on Maia as the wife of Vulcan, ii. 232\n\nCinyrads, dynasty of the, i. 41 _sqq._\n\nCinyras, the father of Adonis, i. 13, 14, 49;\n  king of Byblus, 27;\n  founds sanctuary of Astarte, 28;\n  said to have instituted religious prostitution, 41, 50;\n  his daughters, 41, 50;\n  his riches, 42;\n  his incest, 43;\n  wooed by Aphrodite, 48 _sq._;\n  meaning of the name, 52;\n  the friend of Apollo, 54;\n  legends of his death, 55\n\nCiotat in Provence, bathing at Midsummer at, i. 248\n\nCircumcision, exchange of dress between men and women at, ii. 263\n\nCitium (Chittim), in Cyprus, i. 31, 50\n\nCivilization, ancient, undermined by Oriental religions and other causes,\n            i. 299 _sqq._\n\nClaudianus, Lucius Minius, i. 164\n\nClaudius, the Emperor, and the rites of Attis, i. 266\n\nClaudius Gothicus, the Emperor, i. 266 _n._ 2\n\nClavigero, on the Mexican calendar, ii. 28 _n._\n\nCleomenes, King of Sparta, and serpents, i. 87\n\nCleon of Magnesia at Gades, i. 113\n\nClimatic and geographical conditions, their effect on national character,\n            ii. 217\n\nClymenus, king of Arcadia, his incest, i. 44 _n._ 1\n\nCnossus in Crete, prehistoric palace at, i. 34\n\nCochinchina, annual festival of the dead in, ii. 65\n\nCock as emblem of a priest of Attis, i. 279\n\nCodrington, Dr. R. H., on mother-kin in Melanesia, ii. 211\n\nCoimbatore, dancing-girls at, i. 62\n\nCoincidence between the Christian and the heathen festivals of the divine\n            death and resurrection, i. 308 _sq._\n\nCologne, Petrarch at, on St. John\u2019s Eve, i. 247 _sq._\n\nColombia, rule as to the felling of timber in, ii. 136\n\nComana, in Cappadocia, i. 136 _n._ 1\n\n\u2014\u2014 in Pontus, worship of goddess Ma at, i. 39;\n  swine not allowed to enter, 265 _n._ 1\n\n\u2014\u2014, the two cities, i. 168 _n._ 6\n\nCommemoration of the Dead at Athens, i. 234\n\nCommodus, conspiracy against, i. 273;\n  addicted to the worship of Isis, ii. 118\n\nCommunal rights over women, i. 40, 61 _n._\n\nCompromise of Christianity with paganism, parallel with Buddhism, i. 310\n            _sqq._\n\nConception, supposed, without sexual intercourse, i. 91, 93 _n._ 2, 264;\n  in women supposed to be caused by food, 96, 102, 103, 104, 105.\n  _See also_ Impregnation\n\nConceptional animals and plants as causes of pregnancy in women, i. 97\n            _sq._, 104 _sq._\n\nConcubines, human, of the god Ammon, i. 72\n\nConder, C. R., on \u201choly men\u201d in Syria, i. 77 _n._ 4;\n  on turning money at the new moon, ii. 149 _n._ 2\n\nCondylea in Arcadia, sacred grove of Artemis at, i. 291\n\nCone, image of Astarte, i. 14\n\nCones as emblems of a goddess, i. 34 _sqq._;\n  votive, found in Babylonia, 35 _n._ 5\n\nConfession of the dead, the Egyptian, ii. 13 _sq._\n\nConfucianism, ii. 160\n\nCongo, burial of infants on the, i. 91;\n  priest dressed as a woman on the, ii. 254 _sq._\n\nConibos Indians of the Ucayali River, their theory of earthquakes, i. 198\n\nConical stone as divine emblem, i. 165, 166\n\nConstantine destroys temple of Astarte, i. 28;\n  suppresses sacred prostitution, 37;\n  removes standard cubit from the Serapeum, ii. 216 _sq._\n\nConsus and Ops, ii. 233 _n._ 6\n\nContest for the throne of Egypt, traditions of a, ii. 17 _sq._\n\nCook, A. B., i. 49 _n._ 6;\n  on name of priest of Corycian Zeus, 155 _n._ 1;\n  on the death of Romulus, ii. 98 _n._ 2;\n  on the festival of Laurel-bearing at Thebes, 241 _n._ 3;\n  on traces of mother-kin in the myth and ritual of Hercules, 259 _n._ 4\n\nCoomassie, in Ashantee, i. 201\n\nCopenhagen, bathing on St. John\u2019s Eve at, i. 248\n\nCoptic calendar, ii. 6 _n._ 3\n\nCorea, dance of eunuchs in, i. 270 _n._ 2\n\nCoreans, their ceremony on the fifteenth day of the moon, ii. 143\n\nCorn sprouting from the dead body of Osiris, ii. 89;\n  water thrown on the last corn cut, a rain-charm, i. 237 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 and grapes, symbols of the god of Tarsus, i. 119, 143;\n  of the god of Ibreez, 121;\n  figured with double-headed axe on Lydian coin, 183\n\n\u2014\u2014 and vine, emblems of the gods of Tarsus and Ibreez, i. 160 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 -god, Adonis as a, i. 230 _sqq._;\n  Attis as a, 279;\n  mourned at midsummer, ii. 34;\n  Osiris as a, 89 _sqq._, 96 _sqq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 -reaping in Egypt, Palestine, and Greece, date of the, i. 231 _n._ 3\n\n\u2014\u2014 -sieve, severed limbs of Osiris placed on a, ii. 97\n\n\u2014\u2014 -spirit, Tammuz or Adonis as a, i. 230 _sqq._;\n  propitiation of the, perhaps fused with a worship of the dead, 233\n              _sqq._;\n  represented as a dead old man, ii. 48, 96;\n  represented by human victims, 97, 106 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 -stuffed effigies of Osiris buried with the dead as a symbol of\n            resurrection, ii. 90 _sq._, 114\n\n\u2014\u2014 -wreaths as first-fruits, i. 43;\n  worn by Arval Brethren, i. 44 _n._\n\nCoronation, human sacrifices to prolong a king\u2019s life at his, ii. 223\n\nCorycian cave, priests of Zeus at the, i. 145;\n  the god of the, 152 _sqq._;\n  described, 153 _sq._;\n  saffron at the, 187;\n  name perhaps derived from crocus, 187\n\nCorycus in Cilicia, ruins of, i. 153\n\nCos, traces of mother-kin in, ii. 259;\n  Sacred Marriage in, 259 _n._ 4;\n  bridegroom dressed as woman in, 260\n\nCosenza in Calabria, Easter custom at, i. 254\n\nCotys, king of Lydia, i. 187\n\nCow, image of, in the rites of Osiris, ii. 50, 84;\n  Isis represented with the head of a, 50;\n  thought to be impregnated by moonshine, 130 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 goddess Shenty, ii. 88\n\nCows sacred to Isis, ii. 50\n\nCreation of the world thought to be annually repeated, i. 284\n\nCrescent-shaped chest in the rites of Osiris, ii. 85, 130\n\nCrests of the Cilician pirates, i. 149\n\nCrete, sacred trees and pillars in, i. 107 _n._ 2\n\nCrimea, the Taurians of the, i. 294\n\nCrocodile-shaped hero, i. 139 _n._ 1\n\nCroesus, king of Lydia, captures Pteria, i. 128;\n  the burning of, 174 sqq., 179;\n  his burnt offerings to Apollo at Delphi, 180 _n._ 1;\n  dedicates golden lion at Delphi, 184;\n  his son Atys, 286\n\nCronion, a Greek month, ii. 238.\n\nCronus, identified with Phoenician El, i. 166;\n  castrates his father Uranus and is castrated by his son Zeus, 283;\n  name applied to winter, ii. 41\n\nCrook and scourge or flail, the emblems of Osiris, ii. 108, 153, compare\n            20\n\nCrooke, W., on sacred dancing-girls, i. 65 _n._ 1;\n  on Mohammedan saints, 78 _n._ 2;\n  on infant burial, 93 _sq._;\n  on the custom of the False Bride, ii. 262 _n._ 2\n\nCrops dependent on serpent-god, i. 67;\n  human victims sacrificed for the, 290 _sq._\n\nCross-roads, burial at, i. 93 _n._ 1\n\nCrown-wearer, priest of Hercules at Tarsus, i. 143\n\nCrowns as amulets, ii. 242 _sq._;\n  laid aside in mourning, etc., 243 _n._ 2\n\n\u2014\u2014 of Egypt, the White and the Red, ii. 21 _n._ 1\n\nCrucifixion of Christ, tradition as to the date of, i. 306\n\n\u2014\u2014 of human victims at Benin, i. 294 _n._ 3;\n  gentile, at the spring equinox, 307 _n._\n\n_Crux ansata_, the Egyptian symbol of life, ii. 89\n\nCubit, the standard, kept in the temple of Serapis, ii. 217\n\nCultivation of staple food in the hands of women (Pelew Islands), ii. 206\n            _sq._\n\nCumont, Professor Franz, on the _taurobolium_, i. 275 _n._ 1;\n  on the Nativity of the Sun, 303 _n._ 3;\n  as to the parallel between Easter and the rites of Attis, 310 _n._ 1\n\nCustoms of the Pelew Islanders, ii. 253 _sqq._, 266 _sqq._\n\nCuthar, father of Adonis, i. 13 _n._ 2\n\nCuttings for the dead, i. 268\n\nCyaxares, king of the Medes, i. 133 _n._, 174\n\nCybele, the image of, i. 35 _n._ 3;\n  her cymbals and tambourines, 54;\n  her lions and turreted crown, 137;\n  priests of, called Attis, 140;\n  the Mother of the Gods, 263;\n  her love for Attis, 263, 282;\n  her worship adopted by the Romans, 265;\n  sacrifice of virility to image of, 268;\n  subterranean chambers of, 268;\n  orgiastic rites of, 278;\n  a goddess of fertility, 279;\n  worshipped in Gaul, 279;\n  fasts observed by the worshippers of, 280;\n  a friend of Marsyas, 288;\n  effeminate priests of, ii. 257, 258\n\nCybistra in Cappadocia, i. 120, 122, 124\n\nCymbal, drinking out of a, i. 274\n\nCymbals in religious music, i. 52, 54\n\n\u2014\u2014 and tambourines in worship of Cybele, i. 54\n\nCynopolis, the cemetery of, ii. 90\n\nCypriote syllabary, i. 49 _n._ 7\n\nCyprus, Phoenicians in, i. 31 _sq._;\n  Adonis in, 31 _sqq._;\n  sacred prostitution in, 36, 50, 59;\n  Melcarth worshipped in, 117;\n  human sacrifices in, 145 _sq._;\n  the bearded Venus in, ii. 259 _n._ 3\n\nCyril of Alexandria on the festival of Adonis at Alexandria, i. 224 _n._ 2\n\nCyrus and Croesus, i. 174 _sqq._\n\nCyzicus, worship of the Placianian Mother at, i. 274 _n._\n\nDacia, hot springs in, i. 213\n\nDacotas, their theory of the waning moon, ii. 130\n\n_Dad_ pillar. _See_ _Ded_ pillar\n\nDahomans, their annual festival of the dead, ii. 66\n\nDahomey, kings of, their human sacrifices, ii. 97 _n._ 7.\n\nDairyman, sacred, of the Todas, his custom as to the pollution of death,\n            ii. 228;\n  bound to live apart from his wife, 229\n\nDalisandos in Isauria, inscriptions at, ii. 213 _n._ 1\n\nDamascus, Aramean kings of, i. 15\n\nDamasen, a giant, i. 186\n\nDamatrius, a Greek month, ii. 49 _n._ 1\n\nDams in Egypt, the cutting of the, ii. 31 _sq._, 37 _sq._, 39 _sq._\n\nDance of eunuchs in Corea, i. 270 _n._ 2;\n  on the Congo, 271 _n._;\n  of hermaphrodites in Pegu, 271 _n._;\n  sacred, at the Sed festival, ii. 154;\n  of king before the ghosts of his ancestor, 192\n\nDances, religious, i. 61, 65, 68;\n  at festivals of the dead, ii. 52, 53, 55, 58, 59;\n  at the new moon, 142\n\nDancing-girls in India, harlots and wives of the gods, i. 61 _sqq._\n\nDa\u00f1h-gbi, python-god, i. 66\n\nDarmesteter, James, on the Fravashis, ii. 67 _n._ 2;\n  his theory as to the date of the _Gathas_, ii. 84 _n._\n\n_D\u00e2s\u00ee_, dancing-girl, i. 63\n\nDastarkon in Cappadocia, i. 147 _n._ 3\n\nDates forbidden to worshippers of Cybele and Attis, i. 280\n\nDaughter of a god, i. 51\n\nDavid, King, in relation to the old kings of Jerusalem, i. 18 _sq._;\n  his conquest of Ammon, 19;\n  his taking of a census, 24;\n  as a harper, 52, 53, 54\n\n\u2014\u2014 and Goliath, i. 19 _n._ 2\n\n\u2014\u2014 and Saul, i. 21\n\nDavis, Mr. R. F., on harvest custom in Nottinghamshire, i. 238 _n._\n\nDay of Blood in rites of Attis, i. 268, 285\n\nDe Plano Carpini, on the funeral customs of the Mongols, i. 293\n\nDea Dia, a Roman goddess of fertility, ii. 239\n\nDead, Festival of the, in Java, i. 220;\n  worship of the, perhaps fused with the propitiation of the corn-spirit,\n              233 _sqq._;\n  cuttings for the, 268;\n  Osiris king and judge of the, ii. 13 _sq._;\n  the Egyptian, identified with Osiris, 16;\n  annual festivals of the, 51 _sqq._;\n  the spirits of the, personated by living men, 52, 53, 58;\n  magical uses made of their bodies, 100 _sqq._;\n  worship of the, among the Bantu tribes of Africa, 176 _sqq._\n  _See also_ Ancestral spirits\n\n\u2014\u2014, reincarnation of the, i. 82 _sqq._;\n  in America, 91;\n  in Africa, 91 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 kings and chiefs worshipped in Africa, ii. 160 _sqq._;\n  sacrifices offered to, 162, 166 _sq._;\n  incarnate in animals, 162, 163 _sq._, 173;\n  consulted as oracles, 167, 171, 172, 195;\n  human sacrifices to, 173;\n  worshipped by the Barotse, 194 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 men believed to beget children, i. 91, 264\n\n\u2014\u2014 Sea, i. 23\n\nDeath in the fire as an apotheosis, i. 179 _sq._;\n  the pollution of, ii. 227 _sqq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 and resurrection, annual, of gods, i. 6;\n  of Adonis represented in his rites, 224 _sq._;\n  coincidence between the pagan and the Christian festival of the divine,\n              308;\n  of Osiris dramatically represented in his rites, ii. 85 _sq._;\n  of Osiris interpreted as the decay and growth of vegetation, 126 _sqq._\n\nDecember, the twenty-fifth of, reckoned the winter solstice, and the\n            birthday of the Sun, i. 303 _sqq._\n\nDecline of the civic virtues under the influence of Oriental religions, i.\n            300 _sq._\n\n_Ded_ or _tet_ pillar, the backbone of Osiris, ii. 108 _sq._\n\nDedicated men and women in Africa, i. 65 _sqq._\n\nDedication of girls to the service of a temple, i. 61 _sqq._;\n  of children to gods, 79\n\nDee, river, holed stone in the, i. 36 _n._ 4\n\nDefoe, Daniel, on the Angel of the Plague, i. 24 _n._ 2\n\nDelos, sacred embassy to, ii. 244\n\nDelphi, Apollo and the Dragon at, ii. 240\n\n_Delphinium Ajacis_, i. 314 _n._ 1\n\nDemeter, her sacred caverns, i. 88;\n  sacred vaults of, 278;\n  sorrowing for the descent of the Maiden, ii. 41;\n  the month of, 41;\n  mysteries of, at Eleusis, 90;\n  at the well, 111 _n._ 6;\n  identified with Isis, 117\n\n\u2014\u2014 and ears of corn, i. 166\n\n\u2014\u2014 and Poseidon, i. 280\n\n\u2014\u2014 and the king\u2019s son at Eleusis, i. 180\n\nDenderah, inscriptions at, ii. 11, 86 _sqq._, 89, 91, 130 _n._;\n  the hall of Osiris at, 110\n\nDerceto, goddess at Ascalon, i. 34 _n._ 3\n\nDervishes revered in Syria, i. 77 _n._ 4;\n  of Asia Minor, 170\n\nDeucalion at Hierapolis, i. 162 _n._ 2\n\nDeuteronomic redactor, i. 26 _n._ 1\n\nDeuteronomy, publication of, i. 18 _n._ 3\n\nDeutsch-Zepling in Transylvania, rule as to sowing in, ii. 133 _n._ 3\n\n_D\u00eavad\u00e2s\u00ee_, dancing-girl, i. 63 _sq._\n\n_D\u00eavarati\u00e2l_, dancing-girl, i. 63\n\nDew, bathing in the, on Midsummer Eve or Day, i. 246 _sq._, 248;\n  a daughter of Zeus and the moon, ii. 137\n\nDiabolical counterfeits, resemblances of paganism to Christianity\n            explained as, i. 302, 309 _sq._\n\nDiana, a Mother Goddess, i. 45;\n  her sanctuary at Nemi, 45\n\nDianus and Diana, i. 27, 45\n\nDido flees from Tyre, i. 50;\n  her traditional death in the fire, 114;\n  worshipped at Carthage, 114;\n  meaning of the name, 114 _n._ 1;\n  an Avatar of Astarte, 177;\n  how she procured the site of Carthage, ii. 250\n\nDinant, feast of All Souls in, ii. 70\n\n_Dinkard_, a Pahlavi work, ii. 68 _n._ 2\n\nDinkas, their belief in serpents as reincarnations of the dead, i. 82\n            _sq._;\n  pour milk on graves, 87\n\nDio Chrysostom, on the people of Tarsus, i. 118;\n  on pyre at Tarsus, 126 _n._ 1\n\nDiodorus Siculus, on worship of Poseidon in Peloponnese, i. 203;\n  on the burial of Osiris, ii. 10 _sq._;\n  on the rise of the Nile, 31 _n._ 1;\n  on the date of harvest in Egypt, 32 _n._ 2;\n  on Osiris as a sun-god, 120;\n  on the predominance of women over men in ancient Egypt, 214\n\nDiomede, human sacrifices to, i. 145\n\nDionysus in form of bull, i. 123;\n  with vine and ploughman on a coin, 166;\n  ancient interpretation of, 194, 213;\n  death, resurrection, and ascension of, 302 _n._ 4;\n  torn in pieces, ii. 98;\n  human sacrifices to, in Chios, 98 _sq._;\n  his coarse symbolism, 113;\n  identified with Osiris, 113;\n  race of boys at vintage from his sanctuary, 238;\n  men dressed as women in the rites of, 258;\n  the effeminate, 259\n\nDiospolis Parva (How), monument of Osiris at, ii. 110\n\nDiphilus, king of Cyprus, i. 146\n\nDisc, winged, as divine emblem, i. 132\n\nDiscoloration, annual, of the river Adonis, i. 30, 225\n\nDiscovery of the body of Osiris, ii. 85 _sq._\n\nDisease of language the supposed source of myths, ii. 42\n\nDisguises to avert the evil eye, ii. 262;\n  to deceive dangerous spirits, 262 _sq._, 263 _sq._\n\nDismemberment of Osiris, suggested explanations of the, ii. 97;\n  of Halfdan the Black, king of Norway, 100, 102;\n  of Segera, a magician of Kiwai, 101;\n  of kings and magicians, and use of their severed limbs to fertilize the\n              country, 101 _sq._;\n  of the bodies of the dead to prevent their souls from becoming dangerous\n              ghosts, 188\n\n_Ditino_, deified dead kings, ii. 194\n\nDivination at Midsummer, i. 252 _sq._\n\nDivining bones, ii. 180, 181\n\nDivinities of the volcano Kirauea, i. 217\n\nDivinity of Semitic kings, i. 15 _sqq._;\n  of Lydian kings, 182 _sqq._\n\nDixmude, in Belgium, feast of All Souls at, ii. 70\n\nDobrizhoffer, M., on the respect of the Abipones for the Pleiades, i. 258\n            _n._ 2\n\nDoctrine of lunar sympathy, ii. 140 _sqq._\n\n_D\u00f4d_, \u201cbeloved,\u201d i. 19 _n._ 2, 20 _n._ 2\n\nDog-star. _See_ Sirius\n\nDoliche in Commagene, i. 136\n\nDomaszewski, Professor A., on the rites of Attis at Rome, i. 266 _n._ 2\n\nDorasques of Panama, their theory of earthquakes, i. 201\n\nDos Santos, J., Portuguese historian, on the method adopted by a Caffre\n            king to prolong his life, ii. 222 _sq._\n\nDouble, the afterbirth or placenta, regarded as a person\u2019s double, ii. 169\n            _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 -headed axe, symbol of Sandan, i. 127;\n  carried by Lydian kings, 182;\n  a palladium of the Heraclid sovereignty, 182;\n  figured on coins, 183 _n._\n\n\u2014\u2014 -headed eagle, Hittite emblem, i. 133 _n._\n\nDoutt\u00e9, Edmond, on sacred prostitution in Morocco, i. 39 _n._ 3\n\nDoves burnt in honour of Adonis, i. 126 _n._ 2, 147\n\n\u2014\u2014, sacred, of Aphrodite, i. 33;\n  or Astarte, 147\n\nDowries earned by prostitution, i. 38, 59\n\nDragon slain by Cadmus at Thebes, ii. 241\n\n\u2014\u2014 and Apollo, at Delphi, ii. 240\n\nDrama, sacred, of the death and resurrection of Osiris, ii. 85 _sq._\n\nDramas, magical, for the regulation of the seasons, i. 4 _sq._\n\nDramatic representation of the resurrection of Osiris in his rites, ii. 85\n\nDreams, revelations given to sick people by Pluto and Persephone in, i.\n            205;\n  spirits of the dead appear to the living in, ii. 162, 190;\n  as causes of attempted transformation of men into women, 255 _sqq._\n\nDrenching last corn cut with water as a rain-charm, i. 237 _sq._\n\nDrinking out of a king\u2019s skull in order to be inspired by his spirit, ii.\n            171\n\nDrought, kings answerable for, i. 21 _sq._\n\nDrum, eating out of a, i. 274\n\nDrums, human sacrifice for royal, ii. 223, 225\n\nDuchesne, Mgr. L., on the origin of Christmas, i. 305 _n._ 4;\n  on the date of the Crucifixion, 307\n\nDyaks of Sarawak, their custom of head-hunting, i. 295 _sq._\n\nEa, Babylonian god, i. 9\n\nEagle to carry soul to heaven, i. 126 _sq._;\n  double-headed, Hittite emblem, 133 _n._\n\nEars of corn, emblem of Demeter, i. 166\n\nEarth as the Great Mother, i. 27\n\n\u2014\u2014 and sky, myth of their violent separation, i. 283\n\n\u2014\u2014, the goddess, mother of Typhon, i. 156\n\nEarth-goddess annually married to Sun-god, i. 47 _sq._;\n  disturbed by the operations of husbandry, 88 _sqq._;\n  married to Sky-god, 282, with _n._ 2\n\n\u2014\u2014 -spirits disturbed by agriculture, i. 89\n\nEarthquake god, i. 194 _sqq._\n\nEarthquakes, attempts to stop, i. 196 _sqq._\n\nEast, mother-kin and Mother Goddesses in the ancient, ii. 212 _sqq._\n\nEaster, gardens of Adonis at, in Sicily, i. 253 _sq._;\n  resemblance of the festival of, to the rites of Adonis, 254 _sqq._, 306;\n  the festival of, assimilated to the spring festival of Attis, 306\n              _sqq._;\n  controversy between Christians and pagans as to the origin of, 309 _sq._\n\n\u201cEater of the Dead,\u201d fabulous Egyptian monster, ii. 14\n\nEclipse of the moon, Athenian superstition as to an, ii. 141\n\nEden, the tree of life in, i. 186 _n._ 4\n\nEdom, the kings of, i. 15;\n  their bones burned by the Moabites, ii. 104\n\nEdonians in Thrace, Lycurgus king of the, ii. 98, 99\n\nEesa, a Somali tribe, ii. 246\n\nEffect of geographical and climatic conditions on national character, ii.\n            217\n\nEffeminate sorcerers or priests, order of, ii. 253 _sqq._\n\nEffigies of Osiris, stuffed with corn, buried with the dead as a symbol of\n            resurrection, ii. 90 _sq._, 114\n\nEgypt, wives of Ammon in, i. 72;\n  date of the corn-reaping in, 231 _n._ 3;\n  the Nativity of the Sun at the winter solstice in, 303;\n  in early June, ii. 31;\n  mother-kin in ancient, 213 _sqq._\n\nEgyptian astronomers acquainted with the true length of the solar year,\n            ii. 26, 27, 37 _n._\n\n\u2014\u2014 calendar, the official, ii. 24 _sqq._;\n  date of its introduction, 36 _n._ 2\n\n\u2014\u2014 ceremony at the winter solstice, ii. 50\n\n\u2014\u2014 dead identified with Osiris, ii. 16\n\n\u2014\u2014 farmer, calendar of the, ii. 30 _sqq._;\n  his festivals, ii. 32 _sqq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 festivals, their dates shifting, ii. 24 _sq._, 92 _sqq._;\n  readjustment of, 91 _sqq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 funeral rites a copy of those performed over Osiris, ii. 15\n\n\u2014\u2014 hope of immortality centred in Osiris, ii. 15 _sq._, 114, 159\n\n\u2014\u2014 kings worshipped as gods, i. 52;\n  the most ancient, buried at Abydos, ii. 19;\n  their oath not to correct the vague Egyptian year by intercalation, 26;\n  perhaps formerly slain in the character of Osiris, 97 _sq._, 102;\n  as Osiris, 151 _sqq._;\n  renew their life by identifying themselves with the dead and risen\n              Osiris, 153 _sq._;\n  born again at the Sed festival, 153, 155 _sq._;\n  perhaps formerly put to death to prevent their bodily and mental decay,\n              154 _sq._, 156\n\nEgyptian language akin to the Semitic, ii. 161\n\n\u2014\u2014 months, table of, ii. 37 _n._\n\n\u2014\u2014 myth of the separation of earth and sky, i. 283 _n._ 3\n\n\u2014\u2014 people, the conservatism of their character, ii. 217 _sq._;\n  compared to the Chinese, 218\n\n\u2014\u2014 reapers, their lamentations and invocations of Isis, i. 232, ii. 45,\n            117\n\n\u2014\u2014 religion, the development of, ii. 122 _sqq._;\n  dominated by Osiris, 158 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 standard resembling a placenta, ii. 156 _n._ 1\n\n\u2014\u2014 year vague, not corrected by intercalation, ii. 24 _sq._;\n  the sacred, began with the rising of Sirius, 35\n\nEgyptians sacrifice red-haired men, ii. 97, 106;\n  the ancient, question of their ethnical affinity, 161\n\nEkoi of Southern Nigeria, their custom of mutilating men and women at\n            festivals, i. 270 _n._ 2\n\nEl, Phoenician god, i. 13, 16 _n._ 1;\n  identified with Cronus, 166\n\nEl-B\u00f9g\u00e2t, festival of mourning for Tammuz in Harran, i. 230\n\nElam, the kings of, their bones carried off by Ashurbanipal, ii. 103 _sq._\n\nEleusis, Demeter and the king\u2019s son at, i. 180;\n  sacrifice of oxen at, 292 _n._ 3;\n  mysteries of Demeter at, ii. 90\n\nEli, the sons of, i. 76\n\nElisha prophesies to music, i. 53, 54;\n  finds water in the desert, 53, 75\n\nEllis, A. B., on sacred prostitution in West Africa, i. 65 _sq._, 69\n            _sq._;\n  on tattoo marks of priests, 74 _n._ 4;\n  on an ordeal of chastity, 115\n\nEmesa, sun-god Heliogabalus at, i. 35\n\nEmpedocles leaps into the crater of Etna, i. 181\n\nEmperor of China, funeral of an, i. 294\n\n\u1f18\u03bd\u03b1\u03b3\u03af\u03b6\u03b5\u03b9\u03bd distinguished from \u03b8\u03cd\u03b5\u03b9\u03bd, i. 316 _n._ 1\n\nEnemy, charms to disable an, ii. 252\n\nEngland, harvest custom in, i. 237;\n  the feast of All Souls in, ii. 78 _sq._\n\nEnnius, on Hora and Quirinus, ii. 233\n\n\u201cEntry of Osiris into the moon,\u201d ii. 130\n\nEnylus, king of Byblus, i. 15 _n._\n\nEphesus, Artemis of, i. 269;\n  Hecate at, 291;\n  the priesthood of Apollo and Artemis at, ii. 243 _sq._\n\nEpidaurus, Aesculapius at, i. 80\n\nEpiphany, the sixth of January, i. 305\n\nEpirus, the kings of, their bones scattered by Lysimachus, ii. 104\n\nEquinox, the vernal, resurrection of Attis at the, i. 273, 307 _sq._;\n  date of the Crucifixion assigned to the spring equinox, 307;\n  tradition that the world was created at the spring equinox, 307\n\nErechtheum, sacred serpent in the, i. 87\n\nErechtheus, king of Athens, his incest with his daughter, i. 44 _n._ 1;\n  his sacred serpent, 87\n\nEregli (the ancient Cybistra) in Cappadocia, i. 120, 122\n\nEresh-Kigal, Babylonian goddess, i. 9\n\n_Erica_-tree, Osiris in the, ii. 9, 108, 109\n\nEriphyle, the necklace of, i. 32 _n._ 2\n\nErman, Professor A., on Anubis at Abydos, ii. 18 _n._ 3;\n  on corn-stuffed effigies of Osiris, 91;\n  on the development of Egyptian religion, 122 _n._ 2\n\n_Erme_ or _Nenneri_, gardens of Adonis in Sardinia, i. 244\n\nEshmun, Phoenician deity, i. 111 _n._ 6\n\nEsne, the festal calendar of, ii. 49 _sq._\n\nEsquimaux of Alaska, their annual festival of the dead, i. 51 _sq._\n\nEsthonian peasants regulate their sowing and planting by the moon, ii. 135\n\nEsthonians, their ceremony at the new moon, ii. 143\n\nEternal life, initiate born again to, in the rites of Cybele and Attis, i.\n            274 _sq._\n\nEtesian winds, i. 35 _n._ 1\n\nEtna, Mount, Typhon buried under, i. 156, 157;\n  the death of Empedocles on, 181;\n  the ashes of, 194;\n  offerings thrown into the craters of, 221\n\nEuboea subject to earthquakes, i. 211;\n  date of threshing in, 232 _n._;\n  harvest custom in, 238\n\nEudoxus, on the Egyptian festivals, ii. 35 _n._ 2\n\nEunuch, priests of the Mother Goddess, i. 206;\n  in the service of Asiatic goddesses of fertility, 269 _sq._;\n  in various lands, 270 _n._ 2;\n  of Attis tattooed with pattern of ivy, 278;\n  of Cybele, ii. 258\n\nEunuchs, dances of, i. 270 _n._ 2, 271 _n._;\n  dedicated to a goddess in India, 271 _n._;\n  sacred, at Hierapolis-Bambyce, their rule as to the pollution of death,\n              ii. 272\n\nEuripides on the death of Pentheus, ii. 98 _n._ 5\n\nEurope, custom of showing money to the new moon in, ii. 148 _sq._\n\nEusebius on sacred prostitution, i. 37 _n._ 2, 73 _n._ 1\n\nEuyuk in Cappadocia, Hittite palace at, i. 123, 132, 133 _n._;\n  bull worshipped at, 164\n\nEvadne and Capaneus, i. 177 _n._ 3\n\nEvil Eye, boys dressed as girls to avert the, ii. 260;\n  bridegroom disfigured in order to avert the, 261;\n  disguises to avert the, 262\n\nEwe farmers fear to wound the Earth goddess, i. 90\n\n\u2014\u2014 people of Togo-land, their belief in the marriage of Sky with Earth, i.\n            282 _n._ 2\n\n\u2014\u2014 speaking peoples of the Slave Coast, sacred prostitution among the, i.\n            65 _sq._;\n  worship pythons, 83 _n._ 1\n\nExchange of dress between men and women in rites, ii. 259 _n._ 3;\n  at marriage, 260 _sqq._;\n  at circumcision, 263\n\nExogamous clans in the Pelew Islands, ii. 204\n\nExorcism by means of music, i. 54 _sq._\n\nExpiation for homicide, i. 299 _n._ 2;\n  Roman, for prodigies, ii. 244\n\nEye as a symbol of Osiris, ii. 121;\n  of sacrificial ox cut out, 251 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 of Horus, ii. 17, 121 with _n._ 3\n\n\u2014\u2014, the Evil, boys dressed as girls to avert the, ii. 260;\n  bridegroom disfigured in order to avert, 261\n\nEyes of the dead, Egyptian ceremony of opening the, ii. 15\n\nEzekiel on the mourning for Tammuz, i. 11, 17, 20;\n  on the Assyrian cavalry, 25 _n._ 3;\n  on the king of Tyre, 114\n\nFalse Bride, custom of the ii. 262 _n._ 2\n\nFarnell, Dr. L. R., on Greek religious music, i. 55 _n._ 1 and  3;\n  on religious prostitution in Western Asia, 57 _n._ 1, 58 _n._ 2;\n  on the position of women in ancient religion, ii. 212 _n._ 1;\n  on the Flamen Dialis, 227;\n  on the children of living parents in ritual, 236 _sq._;\n  on the festival of Laurel-bearing at Thebes, 242 _n._;\n  on eunuch priests of Cybele, 258 _n._ 1\n\nFarwardajan, a Persian festival of the dead, ii. 68\n\nFast from bread in mourning for Attis, i. 272\n\nFasts observed by the worshippers of Cybele and Attis, i. 280;\n  of Isis and Cybele, 302 _n._ 4\n\nFather named after his son, i. 51 _n._ 4;\n  of a god, 51, 52;\n  dead, worshipped, ii. 175, 184 _sq._;\n  the head of the family under a system of mother-kin, 211\n\n\u2014\u2014 -deity of the Hittites, the god of the thundering sky, i. 134 _sqq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 God, his emblem the bull, i. 164;\n  Attis as the, 281 _sqq._;\n  often less important than Mother Goddess, 282\n\n\u2014\u2014 -kin at Rome, i. 41\n\n\u2014\u2014, Mother, and Son divinities represented at Boghaz-Keui, i. 140 _sqq._\n\nFather Sky fertilizes Mother Earth, i. 282\n\n\u2014\u2014 and mother, names for, i. 281;\n  as epithets of Roman gods and goddesses, ii. 233 _sqq._\n\nFatherhood of God, the physical, i. 80 _sq._\n\nFauna, rustic Roman goddess, her relationship to Faunus, ii. 234\n\nFaunus, old Roman god, his relationship to Fauna or the Good Goddess, ii.\n            234\n\nFeast of All Saints on November 1st, perhaps substituted for an old pagan\n            festival of the dead, ii. 82 _sq._;\n  instituted by Lewis the Pious, 83\n\n\u2014\u2014 of All Souls, ii. 51 _sqq._;\n  the Christian, originally a pagan festival of the dead, 81\n\n\u2014\u2014 of the Golden Flower at Sardes, i. 187\n\n\u2014\u2014 of Lanterns in Japan, ii. 65\n\nFeet first, children born, custom observed at their graves, i. 93\n\nFelkin, R. W. and C. T. Wilson, on the worship of the dead kings of\n            Uganda, ii. 173 _n._ 2\n\nFellows, Ch., on flowers in Caria, i. 187 _n._ 6\n\nFemale kinship, rule of descent of the throne under, ii. 18.\n  _See also_ Mother-kin\n\nFertility of ground thought to be promoted by prostitution, i. 39;\n  promoted by marriage of women to serpent, 67;\n  goddesses of, served by eunuch priests, 269 _sq._;\n  Osiris as a god of, ii. 112 _sq._\n\nFertilization of the fig, artificial, ii. 98\n\nFestival of \u201cthe awakening of Hercules\u201d at Tyre, i. 111;\n  of the Dead in Java, 220;\n  of Flowers (_Anthesteria_), 234 _sq._;\n  of Joy (_Hilaria_) in the rites of Attis, 273;\n  of Sais, ii. 49 _sqq._;\n  of Crowning at Delphi, 241\n\nFestivals of the Egyptian farmer, ii. 32 _sqq._;\n  of Osiris, the official, 49 _sqq._;\n  Egyptian readjustment of, 91 _sqq._\n\nFetishism early in human history, ii. 43\n\n\u201cField of the giants,\u201d i. 158\n\nFig, artificial fertilization of the, at Rome in July, ii. 98, 259\n\nFiji, chiefs buried secretly in, ii. 105\n\nFijian god of fruit-trees, i. 90\n\n\u2014\u2014 Lent, i. 90\n\nFijians, their theory of earthquakes, i. 201\n\nFinancial oppression, Roman, i. 301 _n._ 2\n\nFinlay, George, on Roman financial oppression, i. 301 _n._ 2\n\nFire, purification by, i. 115 _n._ 1, 179 _sqq._;\n  Persian reverence for, 174 _sq._;\n  death in the, as an apotheosis, 179 _sq._;\n  supposed able to impregnate women, ii. 235\n\nFire, perpetual, in Zoroastrian religion, i. 191;\n  worshipped, 191 _sqq._;\n  in the temples of dead kings, ii. 174\n\n\u2014\u2014 -god, the father of Romulus, Servius Tullius, and Caeculus, ii. 235\n\n\u2014\u2014 -walk of the king of Tyre, i. 114 _sq._;\n  of priestesses at Castabala, 168\n\n\u2014\u2014 -worship in Cappadocia, i. 191 _sq._\n\nFirmicus Maternus, on the mourning for Osiris, ii. 86;\n  on use of a pine-tree in the rites of Osiris, 108\n\nFirst-born, Semitic sacrifice of the, i. 110;\n  the sacrifice of, at Jerusalem, ii. 219 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 -fruits offered to the Baalim, i. 27;\n  offered to the Mother of the Gods, 280 _n._ 1;\n  offered to dead chiefs, ii. 191\n\nFirstlings offered to the Baalim, i. 27\n\nFish, soul of dead in, i. 95 _sq._\n\nFison, Rev. Lorimer, on Fijian god of earthquakes, i. 202 _n._;\n  on secret burial of chiefs in Fiji, ii. 105\n\nFlail or scourge, an emblem of Osiris, ii. 108, 153;\n  for collecting incense, 109 _n._ 1\n\nFlamen forbidden to divorce his wife, ii. 229;\n  of Vulcan, 232\n\n\u2014\u2014 Dialis, the widowed, ii. 227 _sqq._;\n  forbidden to touch a dead body, but allowed to attend a funeral, 228;\n  bound to be married, 229\n\n\u2014\u2014 Dialis and Flaminica, i. 45 _sq._;\n  assisted by boy and girl of living parents, ii. 236\n\nFlamingoes, soul of a dead king incarnate in, ii. 163\n\nFlaminica and her husband the Flamen Dialis, i. 45 _sq._, ii. 236\n\nFlax, omens from the growth of, i. 244\n\nFlower of the banana, women impregnated by the, i. 93\n\n\u201c\u2014\u2014 of Zeus,\u201d i. 186, 187\n\nFlowers and leaves as talismans, ii. 242 _sq._\n\nFlute, skill of Marsyas on the, i. 288\n\n\u2014\u2014 music, its exciting influence, i. 54\n\n\u2014\u2014 -players dressed as women at Rome, ii. 259 _n._ 3\n\nFlutes played in the laments for Tammuz, i. 9;\n  for Adonis, 225 _n._ 3\n\nFood, virgins supposed to conceive through eating certain, i. 96;\n  as a cause of conception in women, 96, 102, 103, 104, 105\n\nForeigners as kings, i. 16 _n._\n\nFortuna Primigenia, goddess of Praeneste, daughter of Jupiter, ii. 234\n\nFortune of the city on coins of Tarsus, i. 164;\n  the guardian of cities, 164\n\nFossil bones in limestone caves, i. 152 _sq._;\n  a source of myths about giants, 157 _sq._\n\nFoucart, P., identifies Dionysus with Osiris, ii. 113 _n._ 3\n\nFour-handed Apollo, ii. 250 _n._ 2\n\nFowler, W. Warde, on the celibacy of the Roman gods, ii. 230, 232 _n._ 1,\n            234 _n._, 236 _n._ 1\n\nFra Angelico, his influence on Catholicism, i. 54 _n._ 1\n\nFrance, harvest custom in, i. 237;\n  timber felled in the wane of the moon in, ii. 136\n\n_Fratres Arvales_, ii. 239\n\nFravashis, the souls of the dead in the Iranian religion, ii. 67 _n._ 2,\n            68\n\nFrench peasants regulate their sowing and planting by the moon, ii. 133\n            _n._ 3, 135\n\nFrey, the Scandinavian god of fertility, ii. 100 _sq._\n\nFrigento, Valley of Amsanctus near, i. 204\n\nFrodsham, Dr., on belief in conception without sexual intercourse, i. 103\n            _n._ 3\n\nFruit-trees, worshippers of Osiris forbidden to injure, ii. 111\n\nFulgora, a Roman goddess, ii. 231\n\nFuneral custom in Madagascar, ii. 247\n\n\u2014\u2014 pyre of Roman emperor, i. 126 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 rites of the Egyptians a copy of those performed over Osiris, ii. 15;\n  of Osiris, described in the inscription of Denderah, 86 _sqq._\n\nFuries, their snakes, i. 88 _n._ 1\n\nFurness, W. H., on the prostitution of unmarried girls in Yap, ii. 266\n\nGaboon, Mpongwe kings of the, ii. 104;\n  negroes of the, regulate their planting by the moon, ii. 134\n\nGad, Semitic god of fortune, i. 164, 165\n\nGadabursi, a Somali tribe, ii. 246\n\nGades (Cadiz), worship of Hercules (Melcarth), at, i. 112 _sq._;\n  temple of Melcarth at, ii. 258 _n._ 5\n\nGalelareese of Halmahera, as to human sacrifices to volcanoes, i. 220\n\nGallas, their worship of serpents, i. 86 _n._ 1\n\nGalli, the emasculated priests of Attis, i. 266, 283\n\nGalton, Sir Francis, on the vale of the Adonis, i. 29\n\nGame with fruit-stones played by kings of Uganda, ii. 224\n\n\u2014\u2014 law of the Njamus, ii. 39\n\nGarden of Osiris, ii. 87 _sq._\n\nGardens of Adonis, i. 236 _sqq._;\n  charms to promote the growth of vegetation, 236 _sq._, 239;\n  in India, 239 _sqq._;\n  in Bavaria, 244;\n  in Sardinia, 244 _sq._;\n  in Sicily, 245;\n  at Easter, 253 _sq._\n\nGardens of God, i. 123, 159\n\nGardner, Professor E. A. on date of the corn-reaping in Greece, i. 232\n            _n._\n\nGarstang, Professor J., on sculptures at Ibreez, i. 122 _n._ 1, 123 _n._\n            2;\n  on Hittite sculptures at Boghaz-Keui, 133 _n._, 135 _n._;\n  on Arenna, 136 _n._ 1;\n  on Syrian god Hadad, 163 _n._ 3\n\n_Gathas_, a part of the _Zend-Avesta_, ii. 84 _n._\n\nGaul, worship of Cybele in, i. 279\n\nGazelle Peninsula, New Britain, conduct of the natives in an earthquake,\n            i. 201;\n  the Melanesians of the, ii. 242 _sq._\n\nGazelles sacrificed at Egyptian funerals, ii. 15\n\nGebal, Semitic name of Byblus, i. 13 _n._ 3\n\nGeese sacrificed at Egyptian funerals, ii. 15\n\nGellius, Aulus, his list of old Roman deities, ii. 232\n\nGellius, Cnaeus, on Mars and Nerio, ii. 232\n\nGeminus, Greek astronomer, on the vague Egyptian year, ii. 26\n\nGenital organs of Osiris, tradition as to the, ii. 10, 102;\n  of dead man used to fertilize the fields, 102 _sq._\n\n_Genius_, Roman, symbolized by a serpent, i. 86\n\nGeographical and climatic conditions, their effect on national character,\n            ii. 217\n\nGerman peasants regulate their sowing and planting by the moon, ii. 135\n\nGermans, the ancient, their regard for the phases of the moon, ii. 141\n\nGermany, harvest custom in, i. 237;\n  leaping over Midsummer fires in, 251;\n  feast of All Souls in, ii. 70 _sqq._;\n  popular superstition as to the influence of the moon in, 133, 140 _sq._,\n              149\n\nGezer, Canaanitish city, excavations at, i. 108\n\nGezo, King, i. 68\n\nGhineh, monument of Adonis at, i. 29\n\nGhost of afterbirth thought to adhere to navel-string, ii. 169 _sq._\n\nGhosts thought to impregnate women, i. 93;\n  of the dead personated by living men, ii. 52, 53, 58\n\nGiants, myths of, based on discovery of fossil bones, i. 157 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 and gods, their battle, i. 157\n\nGiaour-Kalesi, Hittite sculptures at, i. 138 _n._\n\nGilbert Islands, sacred stones in the, i. 108 _n._ 1\n\nGill, Captain W., on a tribe in China governed by a woman, ii. 211 _n._ 3\n\nGilyaks of the Amoor eat nutlets of stone-pine, i. 278 _n._ 2\n\nGinzel, Professor F. K., on the rise of the Nile, ii. 31 _n._ 1\n\nGiraffes, souls of dead kings incarnate in, ii. 162\n\nGlaucus, son of Minos, restored to life, i. 186 _n._ 4\n\nGoat sacrificed by being hanged, i. 292\n\nGod, children of, i. 68;\n  sons of, 78 _sqq._;\n  the physical fatherhood of, 80 _sq._;\n  gardens of, 123, 159\n\n\u2014\u2014, the burning of a, i. 188 _sq._;\n  the hanged, 288 _sqq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 of earthquakes, i. 194 _sqq._\n\nGodavari District, Southern India, i. 95\n\nGoddess, identified with priestess, i. 219;\n  superiority of the, in the myths of Adonis, Attis, Osiris, ii. 201 _sq._\n\nGoddesses, Cilician, i. 161 _sqq._;\n  place infant sons of kings on fire to render them immortal, 180;\n  of fertility served by eunuch priests, 269 _sq._;\n  their superiority over gods in societies organized on mother-kin, ii.\n              202 _sqq._;\n  the development of, favoured by mother-kin, 259\n\nGods, annual death and resurrection of, i. 6;\n  personated by priests, 45, 46 _sqq._;\n  married to sisters, 316;\n  their human wives, ii. 207;\n  made by men and worshipped by women, 211\n\n\u2014\u2014 and giants, the battle of, i. 157\n\nGold Coast of West Africa, the Tshi-speaking peoples of the, i. 69\n\nGolden Flower, the Feast of the, i. 185\n\n\u2014\u2014 Sea, the, i. 150\n\nGolgi in Cyprus, i. 35\n\nGoliath and David, i. 19 _n._ 2\n\nGonds, ceremony of bringing back souls of the dead among the, i. 95 _sq._\n\nGood Friday, effigies and sepulchres of Christ on, i. 254 _sqq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 Goddess (_Bona Dea_), her relationship to Faunus, ii. 234\n\nGoowoong Awoo, volcano, children sacrificed to, i. 219\n\nGordias and Midas, names of Phrygian kings, i. 286\n\nGordon, E. M., on infant burial, i. 94 _sq._;\n  on the festival of the dead in Bilaspore, ii. 60\n\nGouri, an Indian goddess of fertility, i. 241 _sq._\n\nGournia in Crete, prehistoric shrine at, i. 88 _n._ 1\n\nGrandmother, title of an African priest, ii. 255\n\n\u2014\u2014 Earth thought to cause earthquakes, i. 198\n\nGrandparents, dead, worshipped, ii. 175\n\nGrapes as divine emblem, i. 165\n\nGrave of Osiris, ii. 10 _sq._;\n  human victims sacrificed at the, 97\n\n\u2014\u2014 shrines of Shilluk kings, ii. 161 _sq._;\n  of dead kings, 194 _sq._\n\nGraves, milk offered at, i. 87;\n  childless women resort to, in order to ensure offspring, 96;\n  illuminated on All Souls\u2019 Day, ii. 72 _sq._, 74;\n  the only places of sacrifice in the country of the Wahehe, 190\n\n\u2014\u2014 of kings, chiefs, and magicians kept secret, ii. 103 _sqq._;\n  human sacrifices at, 168\n\n\u201cGreat burnings\u201d for kings of Judah, i. 177 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 Marriage, annual festival of the dead among the Oraons of Bengal, ii.\n            59\n\n\u2014\u2014 men, history not to be explained without the influence of, i. 311 _n._\n            2;\n  great religious systems founded by, ii. 159 _sq._;\n  their influence on the popular imagination, 199\n\n\u2014\u2014 Mother, popularity of her worship in the Roman empire, i. 298 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 religious systems founded by individual great men, ii. 159 _sq._;\n  religious ideals a product of the male imagination, 211\n\nGreece, date of the corn-reaping in, i. 232 _n._;\n  modern, marriage customs in, ii. 245 _sq._\n\nGreek belief in serpents as reincarnations of the dead, i. 86 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 Church, ceremonies on Good Friday in the, i. 254\n\n\u2014\u2014 feast of All Souls in May, ii. 78 _n._ 1\n\n\u2014\u2014 gods, discrimination of their characters, i. 119\n\n\u2014\u2014 mythology, Adonis in, i. 10 _sqq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 notion as to birth from trees and rocks, i. 107 _n._ 1;\n  of the noxious influence of moonshine on children, ii. 148\n\n\u2014\u2014 purification for homicide, i. 299 _n._ 2\n\n\u2014\u2014 use of music in religion, i. 54 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 writers on the worship of Adonis, i. 223 _sq._\n\nGregory IV. and the feast of All Saints, ii. 83\n\nGrenfell, B. P., and A. S. Hunt on corn-stuffed effigies of Osiris, ii. 90\n            _sq._\n\nGrimm, Jacob, on hide-measured lands, ii. 250\n\nGrotto of the Sibyl, at Marsala, i. 247\n\nGrowth and decay of all things associated with the waxing and waning of\n            the moon, ii. 132 _sqq._, 140 _sqq._\n\nGuarayos Indians of Bolivia, their presentation of children to the moon,\n            ii. 145\n\nGuardian spirits in the form of animals, i. 83;\n  in serpents, 83, 86\n\nGuaycurus of Brazil, men dressed as women among the, ii. 254 _n._ 2\n\nGuevo Upas, the Valley of Poison, in Java, i. 203 _sq._\n\nGujrat District, Punjaub, i. 94\n\nGurdon, Major P. R. T., on the Khasis of Assam, ii. 202, 203 _n._ 1, 210\n            _n._ 1\n\nGwanya, a worshipful dead chief, ii. 177\n\nGyges, king of Lydia, dedicates double-headed axe to Zeus, i. 182\n\nGynaecocracy a dream, ii. 211\n\nHadad, chief male deity of the Syrians, i. 15, 16 _n._ 1;\n  Syrian god of thunder and fertility, 163\n\nHadadrimmon, i. 164 _n._ 1;\n  the mourning of or for, 15 _n._ 4\n\nHaddon, A. C., on worship of animal-shaped heroes, i. 139 _n._ 1\n\nHadrian, human sacrifice suppressed in reign of, i. 146\n\nHair, sacrifice of women\u2019s, i. 38;\n  offered to goddess of volcano, 218;\n  of head shaved in mourning for dead gods, 225;\n  to be cut when the moon is waxing, ii. 133 _sq._\n\nHalasarna in Cos, rites of Apollo and\n\nHercules at, ii. 259\n\nHalfdan, the Black, King of Norway, dismembered after death, ii. 100\n\nHalicarnassus, worship of Pergaean Artemis at, i. 35 _n._ 2\n\nHall of the Two Truths, the judgment hall in the other world, ii. 13\n\nHalmahera, the Galelareese of, i. 220\n\nHamaspathmaedaya, old Iranian festival of the dead, ii. 67\n\nHamilcar, his self-sacrifice at the battle of Himera, i. 115 _sq._;\n  worshipped at Carthage, 116;\n  burns himself, 176;\n  worshipped after death, 180\n\nHamilton, Alexander, on dance of hermaphrodites in Pegu, i. 271 _n._\n\nHamilton, Professor G. L., i. 57 _n._ 1\n\nHammurabi, the code of, i. 71 _n._ 3, 72 _n._ 1\n\nHandel, the harmonies of, i. 54\n\nHanged god, the, i. 288 _sqq._\n\nHanging as a mode of sacrifice, i. 289 _sqq._\n\nHannah, the prayer of, i. 79\n\nHannibal, his prayers to Melcarth, i. 113;\n  his retirement from Italy, 265\n\nHanway, J., on worship of perpetual fires at Baku, i. 192\n\nHarmonia, the necklace of, i. 32 _n._ 2;\n  turned into a snake, 86 _sq._\n\nHarold the Fair-haired, ii. 100 _n._ 2\n\nHarp, the music of the, in religion, i. 52 _sqq._\n\nHarpalyce, her incest with her father, i. 44 _n._ 1\n\nHarpocrates, the younger Horus, ii. 8, 9 _n._\n\nHarran, mourning of women for Tammuz in, i. 230\n\nHarrison, Miss J. E., on the hyacinth (_Delphinium Ajacis_), i. 314 _n._ 1\n\nHartland, E. S., on the reincarnation of the dead, i. 91 _n._ 3;\n  on primitive paternity, 106 _n._ 1\n\nHarvest, rites of, ii. 45 _sqq._;\n  annual festival of the dead after, 61;\n  new corn offered to dead kings or chiefs at, 162, 166, 188;\n  prayers to the spirits of ancestors at, 175 _sq._;\n  sacrifices to dead chiefs at, 191\n\n\u2014\u2014 in Egypt, the date of, ii. 32\n\n\u2014\u2014 custom of throwing water on the last corn cut as a rain-charm, i. 237\n            _sq._;\n  of the Arabs of Moab, ii. 48, 96\n\nHathor, Egyptian goddess, ii. 9 _n._\n\nHattusil, king of the Hittites, i. 135\n\n_Havamal_, how Odin learned the magic runes in the, i. 290\n\nHawaii, the volcano of Kirauea in, i. 216 _sqq._\n\nHawes, Mrs., on date of the corn-reaping in Crete, i. 232 _n._\n\nHawk, Isis in the form of a, ii. 8;\n  the sacred bird of the earliest Egyptian dynasties, 21 _sq._;\n  epithet regularly applied to the king of Egypt, 22\n\n\u2014\u2014 -town (Hieraconpolis) in Egypt, ii. 21 _sq._\n\nHawks carved on the bier of Osiris, ii. 20\n\nHazael, king of Damascus, i. 15\n\n\u201cHead-Feast\u201d among the Dyaks of Borneo, i. 295 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 -hunting in Borneo, i. 294 _sqq._\n\nHeads of dead chiefs cut off and buried secretly, ii. 104\n\n\u2014\u2014, human, thought to promote the fertility of the ground and of women, i.\n            294 _sqq._;\n  used as guardians by Taurians and tribes of Borneo, 294 _sqq._\n\nHeathen festivals displaced by Christian, i. 308\n\n\u2014\u2014 origin of Midsummer festival (festival of St. John), i. 249 _sq._\n\nHeavenly Virgin or Goddess, mother of the Sun, i. 303\n\nHebrew kings, traces of their divinity, i. 20 _sqq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 names ending in _-el_ or _-iah_, i. 79 _n._ 3\n\n\u2014\u2014 prophecy, the distinctive character of, i. 75\n\nHebrew prophets, their resemblance to those of Africa, i. 74 _sq._\n\nHebrides, peats cut in the wane of the moon in the, ii. 137 _sq._\n\nHecaerge, an epithet of Artemis, i. 292\n\nHecate at Ephesus, i. 291;\n  sometimes identified with Artemis, 292 _n._\n\n\u2014\u2014 and Zeus worshipped at Stratonicea, ii. 227\n\nHecatombeus, a Greek month, i. 314\n\nHehn, V., on derivation of name Corycian, i. 187 _n._ 6\n\nHelen of the Tree, worshipped in Rhodes, i. 292\n\nHeliacal rising of Sirius, ii. 152\n\nHelice, in Achaia, destroyed by earthquake, i. 203;\n  Poseidon worshipped at, 203 _n._ 2\n\nHeliodorus, on the priesthood of Apollo and Artemis at Ephesus, ii. 243\n            _sq._\n\nHeliogabalus, sun-god at Emesa, i. 35;\n  his sacrifice of children of living parents, ii. 248\n\nHeliopolis (Baalbec), in Syria, i. 163 _n._ 2;\n  sacred prostitution at, 37, 58\n\nHeliopolis (the Egyptian), trial of the dead Osiris before the gods at,\n            ii. 17\n\nHepding, H., on Attis, i. 263 _n._ 1;\n  on Catullus\u2019s poem _Attis_, 270 _n._ 2;\n  on the bath of Cybele\u2019s image, 280\n\nHephaestus and hot springs, i. 209\n\nHeqet, Egyptian frog-goddess, ii. 9 _n._\n\nHera\u2019s marriage with Zeus, i. 280\n\nHeraclids, Lydian dynasty of the, i. 182, 184;\n  perhaps Hittite, 185\n\nHercules identified with Melcarth, i. 16, 111;\n  slain by Typhon and revived by Iolaus, 111;\n  burnt on Mount Oeta, 111, 116, 211;\n  worshipped at Gades, 112 _sq._;\n  women excluded from sacrifices to, 113 _n._ 1;\n  identified with Sandan, 125, 143, 161;\n  burns himself, 176;\n  worshipped after death, 180;\n  the itch of, 209;\n  his dispute with Aesculapius, 209 _sq._;\n  the patron of hot springs, 209 _sqq._;\n  altar of, at Thermopylae, 210;\n  the effeminate, ii. 257, 258, 259;\n  priest of, dressed as a woman, 258;\n  vernal mysteries of, at Rome, 258;\n  sacrifices to, at Rome, 258 _n._ 5\n\n\u2014\u2014 and the lion, i. 184\n\n\u2014\u2014 and Omphale, i. 182, ii. 258\n\n\u2014\u2014 and Sardanapalus, i. 172 _sqq._\n\n\u2014\u2014, the Lydian, identical with the Cilician Hercules, i. 182, 184, 185\n\n\u2014\u2014 with the lion\u2019s scalp, Greek type of, i. 117 _sq._\n\nHereditary deities, i. 51\n\nHerefordshire, soul-cakes in, ii. 79\n\nHerero, a Bantu tribe of German South-West Africa, the worship of the dead\n            among the, ii. 185 _sqq._\n\nHermaphrodite son of Sky and Earth, i. 282 _n._\n\nHermaphrodites, dance of, i. 271 _n._\n\nHermes and Aegipan, i. 157\n\nHermesianax, on the death of Attis, i. 264 _n._ 4\n\nHermus, river, i. 185, 186\n\nHerod resorts to the springs of Callirrhoe, i. 214\n\nHerodes Atticus, his benefaction at Thermopylae, i. 210\n\nHerodotus on sanctuary of Aphrodite at Paphos, i. 34;\n  on religious prostitution, 58;\n  on wife of Bel, 71;\n  on Cyrus and Croesus, 174;\n  on the sacrifices of Croesus to Apollo, 180 _n._ 1;\n  on so-called monument of Sesostris, 185;\n  on the festival of Osiris at Sais, ii. 50;\n  on the mourning for Osiris, 86;\n  identifies Osiris with Dionysus, 113 _n._ 2;\n  on the similarity between the rites of Osiris and Dionysus, 127;\n  on human sacrifices offered by the wife of Xerxes, 221\n\nHeroes worshipped in form of animals, i. 139 _n._ 1\n\nHertz, W., on religious prostitution, i. 57 _n._ 1, 59 _n._ 4\n\nHesse, custom at ploughing in, i. 239\n\n_Hest_, the Egyptian name for Isis, ii. 50 _n._ 4, 115 _n._ 1\n\nHettingen in Baden, custom at sowing at, i. 239\n\nHezekiah, King, his reformation, i. 25, 107;\n  date of his reign, 25 _n._ 4\n\nHibeh papyri, ii. 35 _n._ 1, 51 _n._ 1\n\nHide-measured lands, legends as to, ii. 249 _sq._\n\nHieraconpolis in Egypt, ii. 22 _n._ 1;\n  representations of the Sed festival at, 151\n\nHierapolis, the Syrian, festival of the Pyre or Torch at, i. 146;\n  sacred doves at, 147;\n  great sanctuary of Astarte at, 269;\n  eunuch priests of Astarte at, 269 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014, in the valley of the Maeander, cave of Pluto at, i. 206;\n  hot springs at, 206 _sqq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 and _Hieropolis_, distinction between, i. 168 _n._ 2\n\n\u2014\u2014 -Bambyce, Atargatis the goddess of, i. 137, 162;\n  mysterious golden image at, 162 _n._ 2;\n  rules as to the pollution of death at, ii. 227\n\nHieroglyphics, Hittite, i. 124, 125 _n._\n\nHigh-priest of Syrian goddess, i. 143 _n._ 1\n\n\u2014\u2014 Priestess, head of the State, ii. 203\n\nHighlanders, Scottish, on the influence of the moon, ii. 132, 134, 140\n\n_Hilaria_, Festival of Joy in the rites of Attis, i. 273\n\nHill, G. F., on image of Artemis at Perga, i. 35 _n._ 2;\n  on legend of coins of Tarsus, 126 _n._ 2;\n  on goddess \u2019Atheh, 162;\n  on coins of Mallus, 165 _n._ 6\n\nHill Tout, C., on respect shown by the Indians of British Columbia for the\n            animals and plants which they eat, ii. 44\n\nHimalayan districts of North-Western India, gardens of Adonis in the, i.\n            242\n\nHimera, the battle of, i. 115;\n  hot springs of, 213 _n._ 1\n\nHindoo burial of infants, i. 94;\n  marriage custom, old, ii. 246;\n  worship of perpetual fire, i. 192\n\nHindoos of Northern India, their mode of drinking moonshine, ii. 144\n\nHinnom, the Valley of, i. 178;\n  sacrifice of first-born children in, ii. 219\n\nHippodamia, her incest with her father, i. 44 _n._ 1\n\nHirpini, valley of Amsanctus in the land of the, i. 204\n\nHissar District, Punjaub, i. 94\n\nHistory not to be explained without the influence of great men, i. 311\n            _n._ 2\n\nHittite, correct form of the national name Chatti or Hatti, i. 133 _n._\n\n\u2014\u2014 costume, i. 129 _sq._, 131\n\n\u2014\u2014 deity named Tark or Tarku, i. 147\n\n\u2014\u2014 god of thunder, i. 134, 163\n\n\u2014\u2014 gods at Tarsus and Sardes, 185\n\n\u2014\u2014 hieroglyphics, i. 124, 125 _n._\n\n\u2014\u2014 inscription on Mount Argaeus, i. 190 _n._ 1\n\n\u2014\u2014 priest or king, his costume, i. 131 _sq._, 133 _n._\n\n\u2014\u2014 sculptures at Carchemish, i. 38 _n._, 123;\n  at Ibreez, 121 _sqq._;\n  at Bor (Tyana), 122 _n._ 1;\n  at Euyuk, 123;\n  at Boghaz-Keui, 128 _sqq._;\n  at Babylon, 134;\n  at Zenjirli, 134;\n  at Giaour-Kalesi, 138 _n._;\n  at Kara-Bel, 138 _n._;\n  at Marash, 173;\n  in Lydia, 185\n\n\u2014\u2014 seals of treaty, i. 136, 142 _n._ 1, 145 _n._ 2\n\n\u2014\u2014 Sun-goddess, i. 133 _n._\n\n\u2014\u2014 treaty with Egypt, i. 135 _sq._\n\nHittites worship the bull, i. 123, 132;\n  their empire, language, etc., 124 _sq._;\n  traces of mother-kin among the, 141 _sq._\n\nHkamies of North Aracan, their annual festival of the dead, ii. 61\n\nHo tribe of Togoland, their kings buried secretly, ii. 104\n\nHofmayr, W., on the worship of Nyakang among the Shilluks, ii. 164, 166\n\nHogarth, D. G., on relics of paganism at Paphos, i. 36;\n  on the Corycian cave, 155 _n._;\n  on Roman remains at Tarsus, 172 _n._ 1\n\nHogs sacrificed to goddess of volcano, i. 218 _sq._\n\nHollis, A. C., on serpent-worship of the Akikuyu, i. 67 _sq._;\n  on serpent-worship, 84 _sq._\n\n\u201cHoly men\u201d in Syria, i. 77 _sq._\n\nHommel, Professor F., on the Hittite deity Tarku, i. 147 _n._ 3\n\nHoney and milk offered to snakes, i. 85\n\nHoney-cakes offered to serpent, i. 87\n\nHope of immortality, the Egyptian, centred in Osiris, ii. 15 _sq._, 90\n            _sq._, 114, 159\n\nHopladamus, a giant, i. 157 _n._ 2\n\nHora and Quirinus, ii. 233\n\nHorkos, the Greek god of oaths, ii. 231 _n._ 5\n\nHorned cap worn by priest or god, i. 123;\n  of Hittite god, 134\n\n\u2014\u2014 god, Hittite and Greek, i. 123\n\n\u2014\u2014 lion, i. 127\n\nHorns, as a religious emblem, i. 34;\n  worn by gods, 163 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 of a cow worn by Isis, ii. 50\n\nHorses sacrificed for the use of the dead, i. 293 _sq._;\n  Lycurgus, king of the Edonians, torn in pieces by, ii. 98\n\nHorus, the four sons of, in the likeness of hawks, ii. 22;\n  decapitates his mother Isis, 88;\n  the eye of, 121 with _n._ 3\n\n\u2014\u2014 of Edfu identified with the sun, ii. 123\n\n\u2014\u2014 the elder, ii. 6\n\n\u2014\u2014 the younger, son of Isis and the dead Osiris, ii. 8, 15;\n  accused by Set of being a bastard, 17;\n  his combat with Set, 17;\n  his eye destroyed by Set and restored by Thoth, 17;\n  reigns over the Delta, 17\n\nHose, Ch., and McDougall, W., on head-hunting in Borneo, i. 295 _n._ 1\n\nHosea on religious prostitution, i. 58;\n  on the Baalim, 75 _n._;\n  on the prophet as a madman, 77\n\nHot springs, worship of, i. 206 _sqq._;\n  Hercules the patron of, 209 _sqq._;\n  resorted to by childless women in Syria, 213 _sqq._\n\nHuligamma, Indian goddess, eunuchs dedicated to her, i. 271 _n._\n\nHuman representatives of Attis, i. 285 _sqq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 sacrifice, substitutes for, i. 146 _sq._, 285, 289, ii. 99, 221\n\n\u2014\u2014 sacrifices in worship of the moon, i. 73;\n  to the Tauric Artemis, 115;\n  to Diomede at Salamis, 145;\n  offered at earthquakes, 201;\n  offered at irrigation channels, ii. 38;\n  of the kings of Ashantee and Dahomey, 97 _n._ 7;\n  offered to Dionysus, 98 _sq._;\n  offered by the Mexicans for the maize, 107;\n  at the graves of the kings of Uganda, 168;\n  to dead kings, 173;\n  to dead chiefs, 191;\n  to prolong the life of kings, 220 _sq._, 223 _sqq._\n\nHuman victims thrown into volcanoes, i. 219 _sq._;\n  uses made of their skins, 293;\n  as representatives of the corn-spirit, ii. 97, 106 _sq._;\n  killed with hoes, spades, and rakes, 99 _n._ 2\n\nHunger the root of the worship of Adonis, i. 231\n\nHurons, their burial of infants, i. 91\n\nHuzuls of the Carpathians, their theory of the waning moon, ii. 130;\n  their cure for water-brash, 149 _sq._\n\nHyacinth, son of Amyclas, killed by Apollo, i. 313;\n  his flower, 313 _sq._;\n  his tomb and festival, 314 _sq._;\n  an aboriginal deity, 315 _sq._;\n  his sister Polyboea, 316;\n  perhaps a deified king of Amyclae, i. 316 _sq._\n\nHyacinthia, the festival of Hyacinth, i. 314 _sq._\n\nHyacinthius, a Greek month, i. 315 _n._\n\nHybristica, an Argive festival, ii. 259 _n._ 3\n\nHygieia, the goddess, i. 88 _n._ 1\n\nHymns to Tammuz, i. 9;\n  to the sun-god, ii. 123 _sq._\n\nHyria in Cilicia, i. 41\n\nIbani of the Niger delta, their sacrifices to prolong the lives of kings\n            and others, ii. 222\n\nIbans or Sea Dyaks, their worship of serpents, i. 83.\n  _See_ Sea Dyaks\n\nIbn Batuta, Arab traveller, on funeral of emperor of China, i. 293 _sq._\n\nIbreez in Southern Cappadocia, i. 119 _sqq._;\n  village of, 120 _sq._;\n  Hittite sculptures at, 121 _sqq._\n\n\u2014\u2014, the god of, i. 119 _sqq._;\n  his horned cap, 164\n\nIdalium in Cyprus, i. 50;\n  bilingual inscription of, 49 _n._ 7;\n  Melcarth worshipped at, 117\n\nIdeals of humanity, two different, the heroic and the saintly, i. 300;\n  great religious, a product of the male imagination, ii. 211\n\nIdeler, L., on the date of the introduction of the fixed Alexandrian year,\n            ii. 28 _n._ 1;\n  on the Sothic period, 37 _n._\n\nIgnorance of paternity, primitive, i. 106 _sq._\n\nIl Mayek clan of the Njamus, their supposed power over irrigation water\n            and the crops, ii. 39\n\nIlium, animals sacrificed by hanging at, i. 292\n\nIllumination, nocturnal, at festival of Osiris, ii. 50 _sq._;\n  of graves on All Souls\u2019 Day, 72 _sq._, 74\n\nIlpirra of Central Australia, their belief in the reincarnation of the\n            dead, i. 99\n\nImages of Osiris made of vegetable mould, ii. 85, 87, 90 _sq._, 91\n\nImmortality, Egyptian hope of, centred in Osiris, ii. 15 sq., 90 _sq._,\n            114, 159\n\nImpregnation of women by serpents, i. 80 _sqq._;\n  by the dead, 91;\n  by ghosts, 93;\n  by the flower of the banana, 93;\n  supposed, through eating food, 96, 102, 103, 104, 105;\n  by fire, ii. 235.\n  _See also_ Conception\n\n\u2014\u2014 of Isis by the dead Osiris, ii. 8, 20\n\n\u2014\u2014 without sexual intercourse, belief in, i. 96 _sqq._\n\nIncense burnt at the rites of Adonis, i. 228;\n  burnt in honour of the Queen of Heaven, 228;\n  collected by a flail, ii. 109 _n._ 1\n\nIncest with a daughter in royal families, reported cases of, i. 43 _sq._\n\nInconsistency of common thought, i. 4\n\nIncrease of the moon the time for increasing money, ii. 148 _sq._\n\nIndia, sacred women (dancing-girls) in, i. 61 _sqq._;\n  impregnation of women by stone serpents in, 81 _sq._;\n  burial of infants in, 93 _sq._;\n  gardens of Adonis in, 239 _sqq._;\n  eunuchs dedicated to a goddess in, 271 _n._;\n  drinking moonlight as a medicine in, ii. 142\n\nIndian ceremonies analogous to the rites of Adonis, i. 227\n\n\u2014\u2014 prophet, his objections to agriculture, i. 88 _sq._\n\nIndians of tropical America represent the rain-god weeping, ii. 33 _n._ 3;\n  of California, their annual festivals of the dead, 52 _sq._;\n  of Brazil attend to the moon more than to the sun, 138 _n._;\n  of San Juan Capistrano, their ceremony at the new moon, 142;\n  of the Ucayali River in Peru, their greeting to the new moon, 142;\n  of North America, effeminate sorcerers among the, 254, 255 _sq._\n\nInfant sons of kings placed by goddesses on fire, i. 180\n\nInfants buried so as to ensure their rebirth, i. 91, 93 _sqq._;\n  burial of, at Gezer, 108 _sq._\n\nInfluence of great men on the popular imagination, ii. 199;\n  of mother-kin on religion, 202 _sqq._\n\nIngarda tribe of West Australia, their belief as to the birth of children,\n            i. 104\n\nIngleborough in Yorkshire, i. 152\n\nInheritance of property under mother-kin, rules of, ii. 203 _n._ 1\n\nInjibandi tribe of West Australia, their belief as to the birth of\n            children, i. 105\n\nInsect, soul of dead in, i. 95 _sq._, ii. 162\n\nInsensibility to pain as a sign of inspiration, i. 169 _sq._\n\nInspiration, insensibility to pain as sign of, i. 169 _sq._;\n  savage theory of, i. 299\n\n\u2014\u2014, prophetic, under the influence of music, i. 52 _sq._, 54 _sq._, 74;\n  through the spirits of dead kings and chiefs, ii. 171, 172, 192 _sq._\n\nInspired men and women in the Pelew Islands, ii. 207 _sq._\n\nIntercalation introduced to correct the vague Egyptian year, ii. 26, 27,\n            28;\n  in the ancient Mexican calendar, ii. 28 _n._ 3\n\n_Inuus_, epithet applied to Faunus, ii. 234 _n._ 3\n\nInvisible, charm to make an army, ii. 251\n\nIolaus, friend of Hercules, i. 111\n\nIranian year, the old, ii. 67\n\nIranians, the old, their annual festival of the dead (Fravashis), ii. 67\n            _sq._\n\nIreland, sacred oaks in, i. 37 _n._ 2\n\nIrle, J., on the religion of the Herero, ii. 186 _sq._\n\nIron not allowed to touch Atys, i. 286 _n._ 5\n\nIrrigation in ancient Egypt, ii. 31 _sq._;\n  rites of, in Egypt, 33 _sqq._;\n  sacrifices offered in connexion with, 38 _sq._\n\nIsa or Parvati, an Indian goddess, i. 241\n\nIsaac, Abraham\u2019s attempted sacrifice of, ii. 219 _n._ 1\n\nIsaiah, on the king\u2019s pyre in Tophet, i. 177, 178;\n  possible allusion to gardens of Adonis in, 236 _n._ 1;\n  on dew, 247 _n._ 1\n\nIshtar, great Babylonian goddess, i. 8, 20 _n._ 2;\n  in relation to Tammuz, 8 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 (Astarte) and Mylitta, i. 36, 37 _n._ 1\n\nIsis, sister and wife of Osiris, ii. 6 _sq._;\n  date of the festival of, 26 _n._ 2, 33;\n  as a cow or a woman with the head of a cow, i. 50, ii. 50, 85, 88 _n._\n              1, 91;\n  invoked by Egyptian reapers, i. 232, ii. 45, 117;\n  in the form of a hawk, 8, 20;\n  in the papyrus swamps, 8;\n  in the form of a swallow, 9;\n  at Byblus, 9 _sq._;\n  at the well, 9, 111 _n._ 6;\n  her search for the body of Osiris, 10, 50, 85;\n  recovers and buries the body of Osiris, 10 _sq._;\n  mourns Osiris, 12;\n  restores Osiris to life, 13;\n  her tears supposed to swell the Nile, 33;\n  her priest wears a jackal\u2019s mask, 85 _n._ 3;\n  decapitated by her son Horus, 88 _n._ 1;\n  her temple at Philae, 89, 111;\n  her many names, 115;\n  sister and wife of Osiris, 116;\n  a corn-goddess, 116 _sq._;\n  her discovery of wheat and barley, 116;\n  identified with Ceres, 117;\n  identified with Demeter, 117;\n  as the ideal wife and mother, 117 _sq._;\n  refinement and spiritualization of, 117 _sq._;\n  popularity of her worship in the Roman empire, 118;\n  her resemblance to the Virgin Mary, 118 _sq._;\n  Sirius her star, 34 _sq._, 152\n\nIsis and the king\u2019s son at Byblus, i. 180;\n  and the scorpions, ii. 8\n\nIswara or Mahadeva, an Indian god, i. 241, 242\n\nItalian myths of kings or heroes begotten by the fire-god, ii. 235\n\nItaly, hot springs in, i. 213;\n  divination at Midsummer in, 254\n\nItch of Hercules, i. 209\n\nItongo, an ancestral spirit (Zulu term, singular of Amatongo), ii. 184\n            _n._ 2, 185\n\nIvy, sacred to Attis, i. 278;\n  sacred to Osiris, ii. 112\n\nJablonski, P. E., on Osiris as a sun-god, ii. 120\n\nJackal-god Up-uat, ii. 154\n\nJackal\u2019s mask worn by priest of Isis, 11, 85 _n._ 3\n\nJamblichus on insensibility to pain as sign of inspiration, i. 169;\n  on the purifying virtue of fire, 181\n\nJanuary, the sixth of, reckoned in the East the Nativity of Christ, i. 304\n\nJanus in Roman mythology, ii. 235 _n._ 6\n\n\u2014\u2014 -like deity on coins, i. 165\n\nJapan, annual festival of the dead in, ii. 65\n\nJars, children buried in, i. 109 _n._ 1\n\nJason and Medea, i. 181 _n._ 1\n\nJastrow, Professor M., on the festival of Tammuz, i. 10 _n._ 1;\n  on the character of Tammuz, 230 _n._\n\nJava, conduct of natives in an earthquake, i. 202 _n._ 1;\n  the Valley of Poison in, 203 _sq._;\n  worship of volcanoes in, 220 _sq._\n\nJawbone, the ghost of the dead thought to adhere to the, ii. 167 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 and navel-string of Kibuka, the war-god of the Baganda, ii. 197\n\nJawbones, lower, of dead kings of Uganda preserved and worshipped, ii. 167\n            _sq._, 169 _sq._, 171 _sq._;\n  the ghosts of the kings supposed to attach to their jawbones, 169\n\nJ\u00e2yi or Jaw\u00e2ra, festival in Upper India, i. 242\n\n_Jebel Hissar_, Olba, i. 151\n\nJehovah in relation to thunder, i. 22 _n._ 3;\n  in relation to rain, 23 _n._ 1\n\nJensen, P., on rock-hewn sculptures at Boghaz-Keui, i. 137 _n._ 4;\n  on Hittite inscription, 145 _n._ 2;\n  on the Syrian god Hadad, 163 _n._ 3\n\nJeremiah, on the prophet as a madman, i. 77;\n  on birth from stocks and stones, 107\n\nJericho, death of Herod at, i. 214\n\nJerome, on the date of the month Tammuz, i. 10 _n._ 1;\n  on the worship of Adonis at Bethlehem, 257\n\nJerusalem, mourning for Tammuz at, i. 11, 17, 20;\n  the Canaanite kings of, 17;\n  the returned captives at, 23;\n  the Destroying Angel over, 24;\n  besieged by Sennacherib, 25;\n  the religious orchestra at, 52;\n  \u201cgreat burnings\u201d for the kings at, 177 _sq._;\n  the king\u2019s pyre at, 177 _sq._;\n  Church of the Holy Sepulchre at, Good Friday ceremonies in the, 255\n              _n._;\n  the sacrifice of first-born children at, ii. 219\n\nJewish priests, their rule as to the pollution of death, ii. 230\n\nJews of Egypt, costume of bride and bridegroom among the, ii. 260\n\nJoannes Lydus, on Phrygian rites at Rome, i. 266 _n._ 2\n\nJohn Barleycorn, i. 230 _sq._\n\nJohns, Dr. C. H. W., on Babylonian votaries, i. 71 _n._ 3 and  5\n\nJohnston, Sir H. H., on eunuch priests on the Congo, i. 271 _n._\n\nJosephus, on worship of kings of Damascus, i. 15;\n  on the Tyropoeon, 178\n\nJosiah, reforms of king, i. 17 _n._ 5, 18 _n._ 3, 25, 107\n\nJualamukhi in the Himalayas, perpetual fires, i. 192\n\nJudah, laments for dead kings of, i. 20\n\nJudean maid impregnated by serpent, i. 81\n\nJulian, the emperor, his entrance into Antioch, i. 227, 258;\n  on the Mother of the Gods, 299 _n._ 3;\n  restores the standard cubit to the Serapeum, ii. 217 _n._ 1\n\nJulian calendar introduced by Caesar, ii. 37, 93 _n._ 1\n\n\u2014\u2014 year, ii. 28\n\nJuno, the Flaminica Dialis sacred to, ii. 230 _n._ 2;\n  the wife of Jupiter, 231\n\nJunod, Henri A., on the worship of the dead among the Thonga, ii. 180\n            _sq._\n\nJuok, the supreme god and creator of the Shilluks, ii. 165\n\nJupiter, the husband of Juno, ii. 231;\n  the father of Fortuna Primigenia, 234\n\nJupiter and Juturna, ii. 235 _n._ 6\n\n\u2014\u2014 Dolichenus, i. 136\n\nJustice and Injustice in Aristophanes, i. 209\n\nJustin Martyr on the resemblances of paganism to Christianity, i. 302 _n._\n            4\n\nJuturna in Roman mythology, ii. 235 _n._ 6\n\nKabyles, marriage custom of the, to ensure the birth of a boy, ii. 262\n\nKadesh, a Semitic goddess, i. 137 _n._ 2\n\nKai of German New Guinea, their belief in conception without sexual\n            intercourse, i. 96 _sq._\n\nKaikolans, a Tamil caste, i. 62\n\nKaitish of Central Australia, their belief in the reincarnation of the\n            dead, i. 99\n\nKalat el Hosn, in Syria, i. 78\n\n_Kalids_, _kaliths_, deities in the Pelew Islands, ii. 204 _n._ 4, 207\n\nKalunga, the supreme god of the Ovambo, ii. 188\n\nKangra District, Punjaub, i. 94\n\nKantavu, a Fijian island, i. 201\n\nKanytelideis, in Cilicia, i. 158\n\nKara-Bel, in Lydia, Hittite sculpture at, i. 138 _n._, 185\n\nKariera tribe of West Australia, their beliefs as to the birth of\n            children, i. 105\n\nKarma-tree, ceremony of the Mundas over a, i. 240\n\nKaro-Bataks, of Sumatra, their custom as to the first sheaf of rice at\n            harvest, ii. 239\n\nKarok Indians of California, their lamentations at hewing sacred wood, ii.\n            47 _sq._\n\nKarunga, the supreme god of the Herero, ii. 186, 187 _n._ 1\n\n_Katikiro_, Baganda term for prime minister, ii. 168\n\nKayans, their reasons for taking human heads, i. 294 _sq._\n\nKeadrol, a Toda clan, ii. 228\n\nKeb (Geb or Seb), Egyptian earth-god, father of Osiris, i. 6, 283 _n._ 3\n\n_\u1e32edeshim_, sacred men, i. 38 _n._, 59, 72, 76, 107;\n  at Jerusalem, 17 _sq._;\n  in relation to prophets, 76\n\n_\u1e32edeshoth_, sacred women, i. 59, 72, 107\n\nKemosh, god of Moab, i. 15\n\nKennett, Professor R. H., on David and Goliath, i. 19 _n._ 2;\n  on Elisha in the wilderness, 53 _n._ 1;\n  on _\u1e33edeshim_, 73 _n._ 1;\n  on the sacrifice of first-born children at Jerusalem, ii. 219\n\nKent\u2019s Hole, near Torquay, fossil bones in, i. 153\n\nKeysser, Ch., on belief in conception without sexual intercourse, i. 96\n            _sq._\n\nKhalij, old canal at Cairo, ii. 38\n\nKhangars of the Central Provinces, India, bridegroom and his father\n            dressed as women at a marriage among the, ii. 261\n\nKhasi tribes governed by kings, not queens, ii. 210\n\nKhasis of Assam, their system of mother-kin, i. 46, ii. 202 _sq._;\n  goddesses predominate over gods in their religion, 203 _sq._;\n  rules as to the succession to the kingship among the, 210 _n._ 1\n\nKhent, early king of Egypt, ii. 154;\n  his reign, 19 _sq._;\n  his tomb at Abydos, 19 _sqq._;\n  his tomb identified with that of Osiris, 20, 197\n\nKhenti-Amenti, title of Osiris, ii. 87, 198 _n._ 2\n\nKhoiak, festival of Osiris in the month of, ii. 86 _sqq._, 108 _sq._\n\nKhyrim State, in Assam, i. 46;\n  governed by a High Priestess, ii. 203\n\nKibuka, the war-god of the Baganda, a dead man, ii. 197;\n  his personal relics preserved at Cambridge, 197\n\nKidd, Dudley, on the worship of ancestral spirits among the Bantus of\n            South Africa, ii. 177 _sqq._\n\nKing, J. E., on infant burial, i. 91 _n._ 3\n\nKing, a masker at Carnival called the, ii. 99\n\n\u2014\u2014 of Tyre, his walk on stones of fire, i. 114 _sq._;\n  of Uganda, his navel-string preserved and inspected every new moon, ii.\n              147 _sq._\n\nKings as priests, i. 42;\n  as lovers of a goddess, 49 _sq._;\n  held responsible for the weather and the crops, 183;\n  marry their sisters, 316;\n  slaughter human victims with their own hands, ii. 97 _n._ 7;\n  torn in pieces, traditions of, 97 _sq._;\n  human sacrifices to prolong the life of, 220 _sq._, 223 _sqq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 and magicians dismembered and their bodies buried in different parts of\n            the country to fertilize it, ii. 101 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014, dead, reincarnate in lions, i. 83 _n._ 1;\n  worshipped in Africa, 160 _sqq._;\n  sacrifices offered to, 162, 166 _sq._;\n  incarnate in animals, 162, 163 _sq._, 173;\n  consulted as oracles, 167, 171, 172, 195;\n  human sacrifices to, 173;\n  worshipped by the Barotse, 194 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014, divinity of Semitic, i. 15 _sqq._;\n  divinity of Lydian, 182 _sqq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 of Egypt worshipped as gods, i. 52;\n  buried at Abydos, ii. 19;\n  perhaps formerly slain in the character of Osiris, 97 _sq._, 102;\n  as Osiris, 151 _sqq._;\n  renew their life by identifying themselves with the dead and risen\n              Osiris, 153 _sq._;\n  born again at the Sed festival, 153, 156 _sq._;\n  perhaps formerly put to death to prevent their bodily and mental decay,\n              154 _sq._, 156\n\nKings, Hebrew, traces of divinity ascribed to, i. 20 _sqq._\n\n\u2014\u2014, Shilluk, put to death before their strength fails, ii. 163\n\n\u2014\u2014 of Sweden answerable for the fertility of the ground, ii. 220;\n  their sons sacrificed, 51\n\nKingship at Rome a plebeian institution, i. 45;\n  under mother-kin, rules as to succession to the, ii. 210 _n._ 1;\n  in Africa under mother-kin inherited by men, not women, 211\n\nKingsley, Miss Mary H., on secret burial of chief\u2019s head, ii. 104\n\n_Kinnor_, a lyre, i. 52\n\nKirauea, volcano in Hawaii, i. 216 _sq._;\n  divinities of, 217;\n  offerings to, 217 _sqq._\n\nKiriwina, one of the Trobriand Islands, annual festival of the dead in, i.\n            56;\n  snakes as reincarnations of the dead in, 84;\n  presentation of children to the full moon in, ii. 144\n\nKiwai, an island off New Guinea, magic for the growth of sago in, ii. 101\n\nKiziba, a district of Central Africa, dead kings worshipped in, ii. 173\n            _sq._;\n  totemism in, 173\n\nKlamath Indians of Oregon, their theory of the waning moon, ii. 130\n\nKocchs of North-Eastern India, succession to husband\u2019s property among the,\n            ii. 215 _n._ 2\n\nKois of Southern India, infant burial among the, i. 95\n\nKomatis of Mysore, their worship of serpents, i. 81 _sq._\n\nKoniags of Alaska, their magical uses of the bodies of the dead, ii. 106\n\nKonkaus of California, their dance of the dead, ii. 53\n\n_Kosio_, a dedicated person, i. 65, 66, 68\n\nKosti, in Thrace, carnival custom at, ii. 99 _sq._\n\nKotas, a tribe of Southern India, their priests not allowed to be\n            widowers, ii. 230\n\nKretschmer, Professor P., on native population of Cyprus, i. 145 _n._ 3;\n  on Cybele and Attis, 287 _n._ 2\n\nKrishna, Hindoo god, ii. 254\n\nKuar, an Indian month, ii. 144\n\nKubary, J., on the system of mother-kin among the Pelew Islanders, ii. 204\n            _sqq._\n\nKuinda, Cilician fortress, i. 144 _n._ 1\n\nKuki-Lushai, men dressed as women to deceive dangerous ghosts or spirits\n            among the, ii. 263\n\nKuklia, Old Paphos, i. 33, 36\n\nKundi in Cilicia, i. 144\n\nKupalo, figure of, passed across fire at Midsummer, i. 250 _sq._;\n  a deity of vegetation, 253\n\nKupole\u2019s festival at Midsummer in Prussia, i. 253\n\nLabraunda in Caria, i. 182 _n._ 4\n\n_Labrys_, Lydian word for axe, i. 182\n\nLaconia, subject to earthquakes, i. 203 _n._ 2\n\nLactantius, on the rites of Osiris, ii. 85\n\nLagash in Babylonia, i. 35 _n._ 5\n\nLago di Naftia in Sicily, i. 221 _n._ 4\n\nLagrange, Father M. J., on the mourning for Adonis as a harvest rite, i.\n            231\n\nLaguna, Pueblo village of New Mexico, ii. 54 _n._ 2\n\nLakhubai, an Indian goddess, i. 243\n\nLakor, theory of earthquakes in, i. 198\n\nLamas River in Cilicia, i. 149, 150\n\nLamentations of Egyptian reapers, i. 232, ii. 45;\n  of the savage for the animals and plants which he eats, 43 _sq._;\n  of Cherokee Indians \u201cafter the first working of the crop,\u201d 47;\n  of the Karok Indians at cutting sacred wood, 47 _sq._\n\nLaments for Tammuz, i. 9 _sq._;\n  for dead kings of Judah, 20;\n  for Osiris, ii. 12\n\nLampblack used to avert the evil eye, ii. 261\n\nLamps lighted to show the dead the way, ii. 51 _sq._;\n  for the use of ghosts at the feast of All Souls, 72, 73\n\nLancashire, All Souls\u2019 Day in, ii. 79\n\nLanden, the battle of, i. 234\n\nLane, E. W., on the rise of the Nile, ii. 31 _n._ 1\n\n_Lantana salvifolia_, ii. 47\n\nLanterns, the feast of, in Japan, ii. 65\n\nLanzone, R. V., on the rites of Osiris, ii. 87 _n._ 5\n\nLarnax Lapethus in Cyprus, Melcarth worshipped at, i. 117\n\nLarrekiya, Australian tribe, their belief in conception without\n            cohabitation, i. 103\n\nLateran Museum, statue of Attis in the, i. 279\n\nLatham, R. G., on succession to husband\u2019s property among the Kocchs, ii.\n            215 _n._ 2\n\nLaurel, gold wreath of, worn by priest of Hercules, i. 143;\n  in Greek purificatory rites, ii. 240 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 -bearing, a festival at Thebes, in Boeotia, ii. 241\n\nLeake, W. M., on flowers in Asia Minor, i. 187 _n._ 6\n\nLeaping over Midsummer fires to make hemp or flax grow tall, i. 251\n\nLeaves and flowers as talismans, ii. 242 _sq._\n\nLebanon, the forests of Mount, i. 14;\n  Aphrodite of the, 30;\n  Baal of the, 32;\n  the charm of the, 235\n\nLech, a tributary of the Danube, ii. 70\n\nLechrain, feast of All Souls in, ii. 70 _sq._\n\nLecky, W. E. H., on the influence of great men on the popular imagination,\n            ii. 199\n\nLegend of the foundation of Carthage and similar tales, ii. 249 _sq._\n\nLehmann-Haupt, C. F., on the historical Semiramis, i. 177 _n._ 1\n\nLent, the Indian and Fijian, i. 90\n\nLeo the Great, as to the celebration of Christmas, i. 305\n\nLeonard, Major A. G., on sacrifices to prolong the lives of kings and\n            others, ii. 222\n\nLeprosy, king of Israel expected to heal, i. 23 _sq._\n\nLepsius, R., his identification of Osiris with the sun, ii. 121 _sq._\n\nLeti, theory of earthquakes in, i. 198\n\nLetopolis, neck of Osiris at, ii. 11\n\nLetts, their annual festival of the dead, ii. 74 _sq._\n\nLewis the Pious, institutes the feast of All Saints, ii. 83\n\nLeza, supreme being recognized by the Bantu tribes of Northern Rhodesia,\n            ii. 174\n\nLicinius Imbrex, on Mars and Nerio, ii. 232\n\nLightning thought by Caffres to be caused by the ghost of a powerful\n            chief, ii. 177 with _n._ 1;\n  no lamentations allowed for persons killed by, 177 _n._ 1;\n\n\u201cLights of the dead\u201d to enable the ghosts to enter houses, ii. 65\n\n\u2014\u2014, three hundred and sixty-five, in the rites of Osiris, ii. 88\n\nLion, deity standing on a, i. 123 _n._ 2, 127;\n  the emblem of the Mother Goddess, 164;\n  as emblem of Hercules and the Heraclids, 182, 184;\n  carried round acropolis of Sardes, 184, ii. 249\n\n\u2014\u2014 -god at Boghaz-Keui, the mystery of the, i. 139 _sq._;\n  of Lydia, 184\n\n\u2014\u2014 -slaying god, statue of, i. 117\n\nLions, dead kings reincarnate in, i. 83 _n._ 1, ii. 163;\n  carved, at gate, i. 128;\n  as emblems of the great Asiatic Mother-goddess, 137;\n  deities seated on, 162;\n  spirits of dead chiefs reincarnated in, ii. 193\n\nLiving parents, children of, in ritual, ii. 236 _sqq._\n\nLoeboes, a tribe of Sumatra, exchange of costume between boys and girls\n            among the, ii. 264\n\nLoryma in Caria, Adonis worshipped at, i. 227 _n._\n\nLots, Greek custom as to the drawing of, ii. 248\n\nLovers, term applied to the Baalim, i. 75 _n._\n\nLow, Hugh, on Dyak treatment of heads of slain enemies, i. 295\n\nLua and Saturn, ii. 233\n\nLuangwa, district of Northern Rhodesia, prayers to dead ancestors in, ii.\n            175 _sq._\n\nLucian, on religious prostitution, i. 58;\n  on image of goddess at Hierapolis-Bambyce, 137 _n._ 2;\n  on the death of Peregrinus, 181;\n  on dispute between Hercules and Aesculapius, 209 _sq._;\n  on the ascension of Adonis, 225 _n._ 3\n\nLugaba, the supreme god of the Bahima, ii. 190\n\nLunar sympathy, the doctrine of, ii. 140 _sqq._\n\nLung-fish clan among the Baganda, ii. 224\n\nLuritcha of Central Australia, their belief in the reincarnation of the\n            dead, i. 99\n\nLushais, men dressed as women, women dressed as men, among the, ii. 255\n            _n._ 1\n\nLuxor, temples at, ii. 124\n\nLyall, Sir Charles J., on the system of mother-kin among the Khasis, ii.\n            202 _sq._\n\nLycaonian plain, i. 123\n\nLycia, flowers in, i. 187 _n._ 6;\n  Mount Chimaera in, 221;\n  mother-kin in, ii. 212 _sq._\n\nLycian language, question of its affinity, ii. 213 _n._ 1\n\n\u2014\u2014 men dressed as women in mourning, ii. 264\n\nLycurgus, king of the Edonians, rent in pieces by horses, ii. 98, 99\n\nLycus, valley of the, i. 207\n\nLydia, prostitution of girls before marriage in, i. 38, 58;\n  the lion-god of, 184;\n  the Burnt Land of, 193 _sq._;\n  traces of mother-kin in, ii. 259\n\nLydian kings, their divinity, i. 182 _sqq._;\n  held responsible for the weather and the crops, 183\n\nLyell, Sir Charles, on hot springs, i. 213 _n._ 4;\n  on volcanic phenomena in Syria and Palestine, 222 _n._ 1\n\nLyre as instrument of religious music, i. 52 _sq._, 54 _sq._;\n  the instrument of Apollo, 288\n\nLysimachus scatters the bones of the kings of Epirus, ii. 104\n\nMa, goddess of Comana in Pontus, i. 39, 265 _n._ 1\n\nMacalister, Professor R. A. Stewart, on infant burial at Gezer, i. 109\n            _n._ 1\n\nMacdonald, Rev. James, on the worship of ancestors among the Bantus, ii.\n            176\n\nMace of Narmer, representation of the Sed festival on the, ii. 154\n\nMcLennan, J. F., on brother and sister marriages, i. 44 _n._ 2, ii. 216\n            _n._ 1\n\nMacrobius, on the mourning Aphrodite, i. 30;\n  on the Egyptian year, ii. 28 _n._ 3;\n  on Osiris as a sun-god, 121;\n  his solar theory of the gods, 121, 128;\n  on the influence of the moon, 132\n\nMadagascar, vicarious sacrifice for a king in, ii. 221;\n  men dressed as women in, 254\n\nMadonna and Isis, ii. 119\n\nMaeander, the valley of the, subject to earthquakes, i. 194;\n  sanctuaries of Pluto in the valley of the, 205, 206\n\nMafuie, the Samoan god of earthquakes, i. 200\n\nMagarsus in Cilicia, i. 169 _n._ 3\n\nMagic and religion, combination of, i. 4\n\nMagical ceremonies for the regulation of the seasons, i. 3 _sqq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 dramas for the regulation of the seasons, i. 4 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 uses made of the bodies of the dead, ii. 100 _sqq._\n\nMagnesia, on the Maeander, worship of Zeus at, ii. 238\n\nMahadeo and Parvati, Indian deities, i. 242, 251\n\nMahadeva, Indian god, i. 241\n\nMahdi, an ancient, i. 74\n\nMahratta, dancing-girls in, i. 62\n\nMaia or Majestas, the wife of Vulcan, ii. 232 _sq._\n\nMaiau, hero in form of crocodile, i. 139 _n._ 1\n\nMaiden, the (Persephone), the descent of, ii. 41\n\nMalagasy use of children of living parents in ritual, ii. 247\n\nMalay Peninsula, the Mentras or Mantras of the, ii. 140\n\nMallus in Cilicia, deities on coins of, i. 165 _sq._\n\nMalta, bilingual inscription of, i. 16;\n  Phoenician temples of, 35\n\nMamre, sacred oak or terebinth at, i. 37 _n._ 2\n\nMandingoes of Senegambia, their attention to the phases of the moon, ii.\n            141\n\nManeros, chant of Egyptian reapers, ii. 45, 46\n\nManes, first king of Lydia, i. 186 _n._ 5\n\nManetho, on the Egyptian burnt-sacrifice of red-haired men, ii. 97;\n  on Isis as the discoverer of corn, 116;\n  quoted by Diodorus Siculus, 120\n\nManichaeans, their theory of earthquakes, i. 197\n\nManichaeus, the heretic, his death, i. 294 _n._ 3\n\nManipur, the Tangkul Nagas of, ii. 57 _sq._\n\nMantinea, Poseidon worshipped at, i. 203 _n._ 2\n\nMaori priest catches the soul of a tree, ii. 111 _n._ 1\n\nMarash, Hittite monuments at, i. 173\n\nMarch, festival of Attis in, i. 267\n\n\u2014\u2014, the twenty-fifth of, tradition that Christ was crucified on, i. 306\n\nMarduk, human wives of, at Babylon, i. 71\n\nMariette-Pacha, A., on the burial of Osiris, ii. 89 _n._\n\nMarigolds used to adorn tombstones on All Souls\u2019 Day, ii. 71\n\nMarks, bodily, of prophets, i. 74\n\nMarriage as an infringement of old communal rights, i. 40;\n  of the Sun and Earth, 47 _sq._;\n  of women to serpent-god, 66 _sqq._;\n  of Adonis and Aphrodite celebrated at Alexandria, 224;\n  of Sky and Earth, 282 with _n._ 2;\n  of the Roman gods, ii. 230 _sqq._;\n  exchange of dress between men and women at, 260 _sqq._\n\n\u2014\u2014, sacred, of priest and priestess as representatives of deities, i. 46\n            _sqq._;\n  represented in the rock-hewn sculptures at Boghaz-Keui, 140;\n  in Cos, ii. 259 _n._ 4\n\n\u2014\u2014 customs of the Aryan family, ii. 235;\n  use of children of living parents in, 245 _sqq._;\n  to ensure the birth of boys, 262\n\nMarriages of brothers with sisters in ancient Egypt, ii. 214 _sqq._;\n  their intention to keep the property in the family, 215 _sq._\n\nMars, the father of Romulus and Remus, ii. 235\n\n\u2014\u2014 and Bellona, ii. 231\n\n\u2014\u2014 and Nerio, ii. 232\n\nMarsala in Sicily, Midsummer customs at, i. 247\n\nMarseilles, Midsummer custom at, i. 248 _sq._\n\nMarshall, Mr. A. S. F., on the felling of timber in Mexico, ii. 136 _n._ 3\n\nMarsyas, his musical contest with Apollo and his death, i. 288 _sq._;\n  perhaps a double of Attis, 289\n\n\u2014\u2014 and Apollo, i. 55\n\n\u2014\u2014, the river, i. 289\n\nMartin, M., on the cutting of peat in the Hebrides, ii. 138\n\nMasai, of East Africa, their belief in serpents as reincarnations of the\n            dead, i. 82, 84;\n  their ceremonies at the new moon, ii. 142 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 boys wear female costume at circumcision, ii. 263\n\n\u2014\u2014 rule as to the choice of a chief, ii. 248\n\nMasnes, a giant, i. 186\n\n_Masoka_, the spirits of the dead, ii. 188 _sq._\n\nMaspero, Sir Gaston, edits the Pyramid Texts, ii. 4 _n._ 1;\n  on the nature of Osiris, 126 _n._ 2\n\nMasquerade at the Carnival in Thrace, ii. 99 _sq._\n\nMasquerades at festivals of the dead, ii. 53\n\nMassacres for sick kings of Uganda, ii. 226\n\nMassaya, volcano in Nicaragua, human victims sacrificed to, i. 219\n\n_Massebah_ (plural _masseboth_), sacred stone or pillar, i. 107, 108\n\nMaternal uncle in marriage ceremonies in India, i. 62 _n._ 1\n\nMaternity and paternity of the Roman deities, ii. 233 _sqq._\n\n\u201cMatriarchate,\u201d i. 46\n\nMaui, Fijian god of earthquakes, i. 202 _n._\n\nMaundrell, H., on the discoloration of the river Adonis, i. 225 _n._ 4\n\nMaury, A., on the Easter ceremonies compared with those of Adonis, i. 257\n            _n._ 1\n\nMaximus Tyrius, on conical image at Paphos, i. 35 _n._\n\nMay, modern Greek feast of All Souls in May, ii. 78 _n._ 1\n\n\u2014\u2014 Day, ceremony at Meiron in Galilee on the eve of, i. 178\n\n\u2014\u2014 -pole or Midsummer-tree in Sweden and Bohemia, i. 250\n\nMedea and her magic cauldron, i. 180 _sq._\n\nMedicine-men of Zulus, i. 74 _n._ 4;\n  of Wiimbaio, 75 _n._ 4\n\nMefitis, Italian goddess of mephitic vapours, i. 204, 205\n\nMegalopolis, battle of gods and giants in plain of, i. 157\n\nMegassares, king of Hyria, i. 41\n\nMeiners, C., on purification by blood, i. 299 _n._ 2\n\nMeiron, in Galilee, burnings for dead Jewish Rabbis at, i. 178 _sq._\n\nMela\u2019s description of the Corycian cave, i. 155 _n._, 156\n\nMelanesia, belief in conception without sexual intercourse in, i. 97 _sq._\n\nMelanesian magicians buried secretly, ii. 105\n\nMelanesians, mother-kin among the, ii. 211;\n  of New Britain, their use of flowers and leaves as talismans, 242 _sq._\n\nMelcarth, the god of Tyre, identified with Hercules, i. 16, 111;\n  worshipped at Amathus in Cyprus, 32, 117;\n  the burning of, 110 _sqq._;\n  worshipped at Gades, 112 _sq._, ii. 258 _n._ 5\n\nMelchizedek, king of Salem, i. 17\n\n_Melech_ and Moloch, ii. 219 _sq._\n\nMeles, king of Lydia, banished because of a dearth, i. 183;\n  causes lion to be carried round acropolis, 184\n\nMelicertes, a form of Melcarth, i. 113\n\nMelite in Phthia, i. 291\n\nMelito on the father of Adonis, i. 13 _n._ 2\n\nMemnonium at Thebes, ii. 35 _n._\n\nMemorial stones, ii. 203\n\nMemphis, head of Osiris at, ii. 11;\n  oath of the kings of Egypt at, 24;\n  festival of Osiris in the month of Khoiak at, 108;\n  Apis the sacred bull of, 119 _n._;\n  the sanctuary of Serapis at, 119 _n._\n\nMen, make gods, ii. 211;\n  dressed as women at marriage, 262 _sqq._;\n  dressed as women to deceive dangerous spirits, 262 _sq._;\n  dressed as women at circumcision, 263\n\n\u2014\u2014 and women inspired by the spirits of dead kings and chiefs, ii. 171,\n            172, 192 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 \u201cof God,\u201d prophets, i. 76\n\nMen Tyrannus, Phrygian moon-god, i. 284;\n  custom as to pollution of death at his shrine, ii. 227\n\nMentras or Mantras of the Malay Peninsula, their tradition as to primitive\n            man, ii. 140\n\nMephitic vapours, worship of, i. 203 _sqq._\n\nMercurial temperament of merchants and sailors, ii. 218\n\nMesha, king of Moab, i. 15;\n  sacrifices his first-born, 110\n\nMessiah, \u201cthe Anointed One,\u201d i. 21\n\nMeteor as signal for festival, i. 259\n\nMetharme, daughter of Pygmalion, i. 41\n\n_Methide_ plant growing over grave of Osiris, ii. 111\n\nMexican calendar, its mode of intercalation, ii. 28 _n._ 3\n\nMexicans, their human sacrifices for the maize, ii. 107\n\nMexico, rule as to the felling of timber in, ii. 136\n\nMeyer, Professor Eduard, on prophecy in Canaan, i. 75 _n._ 5;\n  on the Hittite language, 125 _n._;\n  on costume of Hittite priest or king, 133 _n._, 141 _n._ 1;\n  on the rock-hewn sculptures of Boghaz-Keui, 133 _n._;\n  on Anubis at Abydos, ii. 18 _n._ 3;\n  on the hawk as an Egyptian emblem, 22 _n._ 1;\n  on the date of the introduction of the Egyptian calendar, 36 _n._ 2;\n  on the nature of Osiris, 126 _n._ 2;\n  on the relation of Byblus to Egypt, 127 _n._ 1;\n  on the Lycian language, 213 _n._ 1\n\nMichael Angelo, the Piet\u00e0 of, i. 257\n\nMichaelmas, 29th September, ii. 74\n\nMidas, the tomb of, i. 286\n\n\u2014\u2014 and Gordias, names of Phrygian kings, i. 286\n\nMidsummer, old heathen festival of, in Europe and the East, i. 249 _sq._;\n  divination at, 252 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 bathing, pagan origin of the custom, i. 249\n\n\u2014\u2014 Bride and Bridegroom in Sweden, i. 251\n\n\u2014\u2014 Day or Eve, custom of bathing on, i. 246 _sqq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 fires and couples in relation to vegetation, i. 250 _sq._;\n  leaping over the fires to make flax or hemp grow tall, 251\n\nMilcom, the god of Ammon, i. 19\n\nMilk, serpents fed with, i. 84 _sqq._, 87;\n  offered at graves, 87\n\nMill, women mourning for Tammuz eat nothing ground in a mill, i. 230\n\nMilne, Mrs. Leslie, on the Shans, ii. 136\n\nMilton on the laments for Tammuz, i. 226 _n._\n\nMinoan age of Greece, i. 34\n\nMinucius Felix on the rites of Osiris, ii. 85 _n._ 3\n\nMiraculous births of gods and heroes, i. 107\n\n\u201cMistress of Turquoise,\u201d goddess at Sinai, i. 35\n\nMitani, ancient people of Northern Mesopotamia, i. 135 _n._\n\nMithra, Persian deity, popularity of his worship in the Roman Empire, i.\n            301 _sq._;\n  identified with the Unconquered Sun, 304\n\nMithraic religion a rival to Christianity, i. 302;\n  festival of Christmas borrowed from it, 302 _sqq._\n\nMiztecs of Mexico, their annual festival of the dead, ii. 54 _sq._\n\nMnevis, sacred Egyptian bull, ii. 11\n\nMoa, theory of earthquakes in, i. 198\n\nMoab, Mesha, king of, i. 15;\n  the wilderness of, 52 _sq._;\n  the springs of Callirrhoe in, 214 _sqq._\n\n\u2014\u2014, Arabs of, their custom at harvest, ii. 48, 96;\n  their remedies for ailments, 242\n\nMoabite stone, the inscription on the, i. 15 _n._ 3, 20 _n._ 2, 163 _n._ 3\n\nMoabites burn the bones of the kings of Edom, ii. 104\n\nModels in cardboard offered to the dead instead of the things themselves,\n            ii. 63 _sq._\n\nMohammedan peoples of North Africa, their custom of bathing at Midsummer,\n            i. 249\n\n\u2014\u2014 saints as givers of children, i. 78 _n._ 2\n\nMohammedanism, ii. 160\n\nMohammedans of Oude, their mode of drinking moonshine, ii. 144\n\nMoire, sister of Tylon, i. 186\n\nMoloch, meaning of the name, i. 15;\n  sacrifices of first-born children to, 178;\n  the king, ii. 219 _sqq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 and _Melech_, ii. 219 _sq._\n\nMommsen, Th., on the date of the festival of Osiris at Rome, ii. 95 _n._ 1\n\nMongols, funeral customs of the, i. 293\n\nMonmouthshire, All Souls\u2019 Day in, ii. 79\n\nMonomotapa, a Caffre king, his way of prolonging his life, ii. 222 _sq._\n\nMontanists, their view as to the date of Creation, i. 307 _n._ 2\n\nMonths, the Egyptian, table of, ii. 37 _n._\n\nMoon, human victims sacrificed to the, i. 73;\n  albinoes thought to be the offspring of the, 91;\n  popularly regarded as the cause of growth and decay, ii. 132, 138;\n  practical rules based on a theory of the influence of the, 132 _sqq._,\n              140 _sqq._;\n  popularly regarded as the source of moisture, 137 _sq._;\n  worshipped by the agricultural Indians of tropical America, 138 _sq._;\n  viewed as the husband of the sun, 139 _n._;\n  Athenian superstition as to an eclipse of the, 141;\n  children presented to the, 144 _sqq._;\n  thought to have a harmful influence on children, 148\n\n\u2014\u2014, the new, ceremonies at, ii. 141 _sqq._;\n  dances at, 142;\n  custom of showing money to, or turning it in the pocket, 148 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014, the waning, theories to explain, ii. 130;\n  thought to be broken or eaten up, 130\n\n\u2014\u2014 Being of the Omahas, ii. 256\n\n\u2014\u2014, the infant god, ii. 131, 153\n\n\u2014\u2014 -god conceived as masculine, i. 73;\n  inspiration by the, 73;\n  in ancient Babylonia, ii. 138 _sq._\n\nMoonshine drunk as a medicine in India, ii. 144;\n  thought to be beneficial to children, ii. 144\n\nM\u00f3ooi, Tongan god who causes earthquakes, i. 201\n\nMoore, G. F., on the burnt sacrifice of children, ii. 219 _n._ 1\n\nMoravia, the feast of All Souls in, ii. 73\n\nMoret, Alexandre, on Amenophis IV., ii. 123 _n._ 1;\n  on the Sed festival, 155 _sq._\n\nMori, a district of Central Celebes, belief of the natives as to a spirit\n            in the moon, ii. 139 _n._\n\nMoriah, Mount, traditionally identified with Mount Zion, ii. 219 _n._ 1\n\nMorning Star, appearance of, perhaps the signal for the festival of\n            Adonis, i. 258 _sq._\n\nMorocco, custom of prostitution in an Arab tribe in, i. 39 _n._ 3\n\nMorrison, Rev. C. W., on belief of Australian aborigines as to childbirth,\n            i. 103 _n._ 3\n\nMostene in Lydia, double-headed axe at, i. 183 _n._\n\nMota, belief as to conception in women in, i. 97 _sq._\n\n\u201cMother\u201d and \u201cFather\u201d as epithets applied to Roman goddesses and gods, ii.\n            233 _sqq._\n\n\u2014\u2014, dead, worshipped, ii. 175, 185\n\n\u2014\u2014 Earth, festival in her honour in Bengal, i. 90;\n  fertilized by Father Sky, myth of, 282\n\n\u2014\u2014 Goddess of Western Asia, sacred prostitution in the worship of the, i.\n            36;\n  lions as her emblems, 137, 164;\n  her eunuch priests, 206;\n  of Phrygia conceived as a Virgin Mother, 281\n\n\u2014\u2014 -kin, succession in royal houses with, i. 44;\n  trace of, at Rome and Nemi, 45;\n  among the Khasis of Assam, 46, ii. 202 _sqq._;\n  among the Hittites, traces of, i. 141 _sq._;\n  and Mother Goddesses, ii. 201 _sqq._, 212 _sqq._;\n  and father-kin, 202, 261 _n._ 3;\n  favours the superiority of goddesses over gods in religion, 202 _sqq._,\n              211 _sq._;\n  its influence on religion, 202 _sqq._;\n  among the Pelew Islanders, 204 _sqq._;\n  does not imply that government is in the hands of women, 208 _sqq._;\n  among the Melanesians, 211;\n  in Africa, 211;\n  in Lycia, 212 _sq._;\n  in ancient Egypt, 213 _sqq._;\n  traces of, in Lydia and Cos, 259;\n  favours the development of goddesses, 259.\n  _See also_ Female kinship\n\n\u2014\u2014 of a god, i. 51, 52\n\n\u2014\u2014 of the gods, first-fruits offered to the, i. 280 _n._ 1;\n  popularity of her worship in the Roman Empire, 298 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 Plastene on Mount Sipylus, i. 185\n\n\u201cMother\u2019s Air,\u201d a tune on the flute, i. 288\n\n\u201cMothers of the Clan\u201d in the Pelew Islands, ii. 205, 206\n\nMotlav, belief as to conception in women in, i. 98\n\nMournful character of the rites of sowing, ii. 40 _sqq._\n\nMourning for Attis, i. 272;\n  for the corn-god at midsummer, ii. 34\n\n\u2014\u2014 costume of men in Lycia, ii. 264;\n  perhaps a mode of deceiving the ghost, 264\n\nMouth of the dead, Egyptian ceremony of opening the, ii. 15\n\nMoylar, male children of sacred prostitutes, i. 63\n\nMpongwe kings of the Gaboon, buried secretly, ii. 104\n\n_Mugema_, the earl of Busiro, ii. 168\n\nMukasa, the chief god of the Baganda, probably a dead man, ii. 196 _sq._;\n  gives oracles through a woman, 257\n\n_Mukuru_, an ancestor (plural _Ovakuru_, ancestors), ii. 185 _sq._\n\nM\u00fcller, Professor W. Max, on Hittite name for god, i. 148 _n._\n\nMundas of Bengal, gardens of Adonis among the, i. 240\n\nMungarai, Australian tribe, their belief in the reincarnation of the dead,\n            i. 101\n\nMurder of children to secure their rebirth in barren women, i. 95\n\nMurli, female devotee, i. 62\n\nMusic as a means of prophetic inspiration, i. 52 _sq._, 54 _sq._, 74;\n  in exorcism, 54 _sq._;\n  and religion, 53 _sq._\n\nMusquakie Indians, infant burial among the, i. 91 _n._ 3\n\nMutilation of dead bodies of kings, chiefs, and magicians, ii. 103 _sqq._;\n  to prevent their souls from becoming dangerous ghosts, 188\n\nMycenae, royal graves at, i. 33, 34\n\nMycenaean age of Greece, i. 34\n\nMylasa in Caria, i. 182 _n._ 4\n\nMylitta, Babylonian goddess, sacred prostitution in her worship, i. 36, 37\n            _n._ 1\n\nMyrrh or Myrrha, the mother of Adonis, i. 43, 227 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 -tree, Adonis born of a, i. 227, ii. 110\n\nMysore, sacred women in, i. 62 _n._;\n  the Komatis of, 81 _sq._\n\nMysteries of Sabazius, i. 90 _n._ 4;\n  of Attis, 274 _sq._\n\nMyth and ritual of Attis, i. 263 _sqq._\n\nMyths supposed to originate in verbal misapprehensions or a disease of\n            language, ii. 42\n\n\u2014\u2014, Italian, of kings or heroes begotten by the fire-god, ii. 235\n\nNaaburg, in Bavaria, custom at sowing at, i. 239\n\n\u201cNaaman, wounds of the,\u201d Arab name for the scarlet anemone, i. 226\n\nNabopolassar, king of Babylon, i. 174\n\n_Naga_, serpent god, i. 81\n\nNaga-padoha, the agent of earthquakes, i. 200\n\nNahanarvals, a German tribe, priest dressed as a woman among the, ii. 259\n\nNahr Ibrahim, the river Adonis, i. 14, 28\n\nNamal tribe of West Australia, their belief as to the birth of children,\n            i. 105\n\nNames, royal, signifying relation to deity, i. 15 _sqq._;\n  Semitic personal, indicating relationship to a deity, 51;\n  Hebrew, ending in _-el_ or _-iah_, 79 _n._ 3\n\nNana, the mother of Attis, i. 263, 269, 281\n\nNandi, the, of British East Africa, their belief in serpents as\n            reincarnations of the dead, i. 82, 85;\n  their ceremony at the ripening of the eleusine grain, ii. 47;\n  boys dressed as women and girls dressed as men at circumcision among\n              the, 263\n\nNanjundayya, H. V., on serpent worship in Mysore, i. 81 _sq._\n\nNaples, grotto _del cani_ at, i. 205 _n._ 1;\n  custom of bathing on St. John\u2019s Eve at, 246\n\nNarmer, the mace of, ii. 154\n\nNational character partly an effect of geographical and climatic\n            conditions, ii. 217\n\nNativity of the Sun at the winter solstice, i. 303 _sqq._\n\nNatural calendar of the husbandman, shepherd, and sailor, ii. 25\n\nNature of Osiris, ii. 96 _sqq._\n\nNavel-string of the king of Uganda preserved and inspected every new moon,\n            ii. 147 _sq._\n\nNavel-strings of dead kings of Uganda preserved, ii. 167, 168, 171;\n  ghosts of afterbirths thought to adhere to, 169 _sq._;\n  preserved by the Baganda as their twins and as containing the ghosts of\n              their afterbirths, 169 _sq._\n\nNdjambi, Njambi, Njame, Zambi, Nyambe, etc., name of the supreme god among\n            various tribes of Africa, ii. 186, with note 5\n\n\u2014\u2014 Karunga, the supreme god of the Herero, ii. 186\n\nNebseni, the papyrus of, ii. 112\n\nNeith or Net, an Egyptian goddess, i. 282 _n._, ii. 51 _n._ 1\n\nNekht, the papyrus of, ii. 112\n\nNemi, Dianus and Diana at, i. 45\n\nNephthys, Egyptian goddess, sister of Osiris and Isis, ii. 6;\n  mourns Osiris, 12\n\nNeptune and Salacia, ii. 231, 233\n\nNerio and Mars, ii. 232\n\nNew birth through blood in the rites of Attis, i. 274 _sq._;\n  savage theory of, 299;\n  of Egyptian kings at the Sed festival, ii. 153, 155 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 Britain, theory of earthquakes in, i. 201\n\n\u2014\u2014 Guinea, German, the Kai of, i. 96;\n  the Tami of, 198\n\n\u2014\u2014 Mexico, the Pueblo Indians of, ii. 54\n\n\u2014\u2014 moon, ceremonies at the, ii. 141 _sqq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 World, bathing on St. John\u2019s Day in the, i. 249;\n  All Souls\u2019 Day in the, ii. 80\n\n\u2014\u2014 Year\u2019s Day, festival of the dead on, ii. 53, 55, 62, 65\n\n\u2014\u2014 Zealand, Rotomahana in, i. 207, 209 _n._\n\nNewberry, Professor P. E., on Osiris as a cedar-tree god, ii. 109 _n._ 1\n\nNewman, J. H., on music, i. 53 _sq._\n\nNgai, God, i. 68\n\nNgoni, their belief in serpents as reincarnations of the dead, i. 82\n\nNguruhi, the supreme god of the Wahehe, ii. 188 _sq._\n\nNiambe, the supreme god of the Barotse, ii. 193\n\nNias, conduct of the natives of, in an earthquake, i. 201 _sq._;\n  head-hunting in, 296 _n._ 1\n\nNicaragua, Indians of, sacrifice human victims to volcanoes, i. 219\n\nNietzold, J., on the marriage of brothers with sisters in ancient Egypt,\n            ii. 216 _n._ 1\n\nNigmann, E., on the religion of the Wahehe, ii. 188 _sq._\n\nNikunau, one of the Gilbert Islands, sacred stones in, i. 108 _n._ 1\n\nNile, the rise and fall of the, ii. 30 _sqq._;\n  rises at the summer solstice in June, 31 _n._ 1, 33;\n  commanded by the King of Egypt to rise, 33;\n  thought to be swollen by the tears of Isis, 33;\n  gold and silver thrown into the river at its rising, 40;\n  the rise of, attributed to Serapis, 216 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014, the \u201cBride\u201d of the, ii. 38\n\nNilsson, Professor M. P., on custom of sacred prostitution, i. 37 _n._ 2,\n            57 _n._ 1, 58 _n._ 2;\n  on the sacrifice of a bull to Zeus, ii. 239 _n._ 1\n\nNineveh, the end of, i. 174\n\nNjamus, the, of British East Africa, their sacrifices at irrigation\n            channels, ii. 38 _sq._\n\nNormandy, rolling in dew on St. John\u2019s Day in, i. 248\n\nNorthern Territory, Australia, beliefs as to the birth of children in the,\n            i. 103 _sq._\n\nNottinghamshire, harvest custom in, i. 238 _n._\n\nNovember, festivals of the dead in, ii. 51, 54, 69 _sqq._;\n  the month of sowing in Egypt, 94\n\nNovitiate of priests and priestesses, i. 66, 68\n\nNullakun tribe of Australia, their belief as to the birth of children, i.\n            101\n\nNut, Egyptian sky-goddess, mother of Osiris, i. 283 _n._ 3, ii. 6, 16;\n  in a sycamore tree, 110\n\nNutlets of pines used as food, i. 278 _n._ 2\n\nNutritive and vicarious types of sacrifice, ii. 226\n\nNyakang, the first of the Shilluk kings, worshipped as the god of his\n            people, ii. 162 _sqq._;\n  incarnate in various animals, 163 _sq._;\n  his mysterious disappearance, 163;\n  his graves, 163, 166;\n  historical reality of, 164, 166 _sq._;\n  his relation to the creator Juok, 164 _sq._;\n  compared to Osiris, 167\n\nNymphs of the Fair Crowns at Olympia, ii. 240\n\nNysa, in the valley of the Maeander, i. 205, 206 _n._ 1;\n  sacrifice of bull at, 292 _n._ 3\n\nNyuak, L., on guardian spirits of Sea Dyaks, i. 83\n\nOak or terebinth, sacred at Mamre, i. 37 _n._ 2\n\nOath of Egyptian kings not to correct the vague Egyptian year by\n            intercalation, ii. 26\n\nObelisk, image of Astarte, i. 14\n\nObelisks, sacred, at Gezer, i. 108\n\nObscene images of Osiris, ii. 112\n\nOctennial cycle, old, in Greece, ii. 242 _n._\n\nOctober, the first of, a great Saxon festival, ii. 81 _n._ 3\n\nOdilo, abbot of Clugny, institutes feast of All Souls, ii. 82\n\nOdin, hanged on a tree, i. 290;\n  human victims dedicated by hanging to, 290;\n  king\u2019s sons sacrificed to, ii. 220\n\nOenomaus, king of Pisa, his incest with his daughter, i. 44 _n._ 1\n\nOeta, Mount, Hercules burnt on, i. 111, 116, 211\n\nOfferings to dead kings, ii. 194\n\nOil, holy, poured on king\u2019s head, i. 21;\n\npoured on sacred stones, 36;\n  as vehicle of inspiration, 74\n\nOlba, priestly kings of, i. 143 _sqq._, 161;\n  the name of, 148;\n  the ruins of, 151 _sq._\n\nOld Woman of the corn, mythical being of the Cherokee Indians, ii. 46\n            _sq._\n\nOlive of the Fair Crown at Olympia, ii. 240\n\n\u2014\u2014 -branches carried in procession and hung over doors at Athens, ii. 238\n\nOlo Ngadjoe, the, of Borneo, i. 91\n\nOlonets, Russian Government of, festival of the dead in, ii. 75\n\nOlympia, the quack Peregrinus burns himself at, i. 181;\n  the cutting of the olive-branches to form the victors\u2019 crowns at, ii.\n              240\n\nOlympic festival based on an octennial cycle, ii. 242 _n._ 1\n\nOlympus, Mount, in Cyprus, i. 32\n\nOmahas, Indian tribe of North America, effeminate men among the, ii. 255\n            _sq._\n\nOmonga, a rice-spirit who lives in the moon, ii. 139 _n._\n\nOmphale and Hercules, i. 182, ii. 258\n\nOn, King of Sweden. _See_ Aun.\n\nOodeypoor, in Rajputana, gardens of Adonis at, i. 241 _sq._\n\nOpening the eyes and mouth of the dead, Egyptian funeral rite, ii. 15\n\nOperations of husbandry regulated by observation of the moon, ii. 133\n            _sqq._\n\nOps, the wife of Saturn, ii. 233;\n  in relation to Consus, 233 _n._ 6\n\nOracles given by the spirits of dead kings, ii. 167, 171, 172\n\nOraons of Bengal, their annual marriage of the Sun and Earth, i. 46\n            _sqq._;\n  gardens of Adonis among the, 240;\n  their annual festival of the dead, ii. 59\n\nOrcus, Roman god of the lower world, his marriage celebrated by the\n            pontiffs, ii. 231\n\nOrdeal of chastity, i. 115 _n._ 2\n\nOrestes at Castabala, i. 115\n\nOrgiastic rites of Cybele, i. 278\n\nOriental mind untrammelled by logic, i. 4 _n._ 1\n\n\u2014\u2014 religions in the West, i. 298 _sqq._;\n  their influence in undermining ancient civilization, 299 _sqq._;\n  importance attached to the salvation of the individual soul in, 300\n\nOrigen, on the refusal of Christians to fight, i. 301 _n._ 1\n\nOrigin of Osiris, ii. 158 _sqq._\n\nOrion, appearance of the constellation, a signal for sowing, i. 290 _sq._\n\nOrpheus, prophet and musician, i. 55;\n  the legend of his death, ii. 99\n\nOrwell in Cambridgeshire, harvest custom at, i. 237 _n._ 4\n\nOschophoria, vintage festival at Athens, ii. 258 _n._ 6\n\nOsirian mysteries, the hall of the, at Abydos, ii. 108\n\nOsiris identified with Adonis and Attis, i. 32, ii. 127 _n._;\n  myth of, ii. 3 _sqq._;\n  his birth, 6;\n  introduces the cultivation of corn and the vine, 7, 97, 112;\n  his violent death, 7 _sq._;\n  at Byblus, 9 _sq._, 22 _sq._, 127;\n  his body rent in pieces, 10;\n  the graves of, 10 _sq._;\n  his dead body sought and found by Isis, 10, 50, 85;\n  tradition as to his genital organs, 10, 102;\n  mourned by Isis and Nephthys, 12;\n  invited to come to his house, 12, 47;\n  restored to life by Isis, 13;\n  king and judge of the dead, 13 _sq._;\n  his body the first mummy, 15;\n  the funeral rites performed over his body the model of all funeral rites\n              in Egypt, 15;\n  all the Egyptian dead identified with, 16;\n  his trial and acquittal in the court of the gods, 17;\n  represented in art as a royal mummy, 18;\n  specially associated with Busiris and Abydos, 18;\n  his tomb at Abydos, 18 _sq._, 197 _sq._;\n  official festivals of, 49 _sqq._;\n  his sufferings displayed in a mystery at night, 50;\n  his festival in the month of Athyr, 84 _sqq._;\n  dramatic representation of his resurrection in his rites, 85;\n  his images made of vegetable mould, 85, 87, 90 _sq._, 91;\n  the funeral rites of, described in the inscription of Denderah, 86\n              _sqq._;\n  his festival in the month of Khoiak, 86 _sqq._, 108 _sq._;\n  his \u201cgarden,\u201d 87 _sq._;\n  ploughing and sowing in the rites of, 87, 90, 96;\n  the burial of, in his rites, 88;\n  the holy sepulchre of, under Persea-trees, 88;\n  represented with corn sprouting from his dead body, 89;\n  his resurrection depicted on the monuments, 89 _sq._;\n  as a corn-god, 89 _sqq._, 96 _sqq._;\n  corn-stuffed effigies of, buried with the dead as a symbol of\n              resurrection, 90 _sq._, 114;\n  date of the celebration of his resurrection at Rome, 95 _n._ 1;\n  the nature of, 96 _sqq._;\n  his severed limbs placed on a corn-sieve, 97;\n  human victims sacrificed by kings at the grave of, 97;\n  suggested explanations of his dismemberment, 97;\n  sometimes explained by the ancients as a personification of the corn,\n              107;\n  as a tree-spirit, 107 _sqq._;\n  his image made out of a pine-tree, 108;\n  his emblems the crook and scourge or flail, 108, 153, compare 20;\n  his backbone represented by the _ded_ pillar, 108 _sq._;\n  interpreted as a cedar-tree god, 109 _n._ 1;\n  his soul in a bird, 110;\n  represented as a mummy enclosed in a tree, 110, 111;\n  obscene images of, 112;\n  as a god of fertility, 112 _sq._;\n  identified with Dionysus, 113, 126 _n._ 3;\n  a god of the dead, 113 _sq._;\n  universal popularity of his worship, 114;\n  interpreted by some as the sun, 120 _sqq._, reasons for rejecting this\n              interpretation, 122 _sqq._;\n  his death and resurrection interpreted as the decay and growth of\n              vegetation, 126 _sqq._;\n  his body broken into fourteen parts, 129;\n  interpreted as the moon by some of the ancients, 129;\n  reigned twenty-eight years, 129;\n  his soul thought to be imaged in the sacred bull Apis, 130;\n  identified with the moon in hymns, 131;\n  represented wearing on his head a full moon within a crescent, 131;\n  distinction of his myth and worship from those of Adonis and Attis, 158\n              _sq._;\n  his dominant position in Egyptian religion, 158 _sq._;\n  the origin of, 158 _sqq._;\n  his historical reality asserted in recent years, 160 _n._ 1;\n  his temple at Abydos, 198;\n  his title Khenti-Amenti, 198 _n._ 2;\n  compared to Charlemagne, 199;\n  the question of his historical reality left open, 199 _sq._;\n  his death still mourned in the time of Athanasius, 217;\n  his old type better preserved than those of Adonis and Attis, 218\n\nOsiris, Adonis, Attis, their mythical similarity, i. 6, ii. 201\n\n\u2014\u2014 and Adonis, similarity between their rites, ii. 127\n\n\u2014\u2014 and Dionysus, similarity between their rites, ii. 127\n\n\u2014\u2014 and the moon, ii. 129 _sqq._\n\n\u201c\u2014\u2014 of the mysteries,\u201d ii. 89\n\n\u2014\u2014 -Sep, title of Osiris, ii. 87\n\nOstrich-feather, king of Egypt supposed to ascend to heaven on an, ii.\n            154, 155\n\nOtho, the emperor, addicted to the worship of Isis, ii. 118 _n._ 1\n\nOulad Abdi, Arab tribe of Morocco, i. 39 _n._ 3\n\nOura, ancient name of Olba, i. 148, 152\n\nOurwira, theory of earthquakes in, i. 199\n\nOvambo, the, of German South-West Africa, their ceremony at the new moon,\n            ii. 142;\n  the worship of the dead among the, 188\n\nOvid, on the story of Pygmalion, i. 49 _n._ 4\n\nOwl regarded as the guardian spirit of a tree, ii. 111 _n._ 1\n\nOx substituted for human victim in sacrifice, i. 146;\n  embodying corn-spirit sacrificed at Athens, 296 _sq._;\n  black, used in purificatory ceremonies after a battle, ii. 251 _sq._\n\nOzieri, in Sardinia, St. John\u2019s festival at, i. 244\n\nPacasmayu, the temple of the moon at, ii. 138\n\nPadmavati, an Indian goddess, i. 243\n\nPagan origin of the Midsummer festival (festival of St. John), i. 249\n            _sq._\n\nPaganism and Christianity, their resemblances explained as diabolic\n            counterfeits, i. 302, 309 _sq._\n\n\u03a0\u03b1\u1fd6\u03c2 \u1f00\u03bc\u03c6\u03b9\u03b8\u03b1\u03bb\u03ae\u03c2, a boy whose parents are both alive, ii. 236 _n._ 2\n\nPalatinate, the Upper, the feast of All Souls in, ii. 72\n\nPalestine, religious prostitution in, i. 58;\n  date of the corn-reaping in, 232 _n._\n\nPalestinian Aphrodite, i. 304 _n._\n\nPalestrina, the harmonies of, i. 54\n\nPampa del Sacramento, Peru, earthquakes in, i. 198\n\nPampas, bones of extinct animals in the, i. 158\n\nPamyles, an Egyptian, ii. 6\n\nPandharpur, in the Bombay Presidency, i. 243\n\nPanaghia Aphroditessa at Paphos, i. 36\n\nPanku, a being who causes earthquakes, i. 198\n\nPapas, a name for Attis, i. 281, 282\n\nPaphlagonian belief that the god is bound fast in winter, ii. 41\n\nPaphos in Cyprus, i. 32 _sqq._;\n  sanctuary of Aphrodite at, 32 _sqq._;\n  founded by Cinyras, 41\n\nPapyrus of Nebseni, ii. 112;\n  of Nekht, 112\n\n\u2014\u2014 swamps, Isis in the, ii. 8\n\nParilia and the festival of St. George, i. 308\n\nParr, Thomas, i. 56\n\nParvati or Isa, an Indian goddess, i. 241, 242\n\nPasicyprus, king of Citium, i. 50 _n._ 2\n\nPatagonia, funeral customs of Indians of, i. 294\n\nPatagonians, effeminate priests or sorcerers among the, ii. 254\n\nPaternity, primitive ignorance of, i. 106 _sq._;\n  unknown in primitive savagery, 282\n\n\u2014\u2014 and maternity of the Roman deities, ii. 233 _sqq._\n\nPaton, W. R., on modern Greek feast of All Souls in May, ii. 78 _n._ 1\n\nPatrae, Laphrian Artemis at, i. 126 _n._ 2\n\nPausanias on the necklace of Harmonia, i. 32 _n._ 2;\n  on bones of superhuman size, 157 _n._ 2;\n  on offerings to Etna, 221 _n._ 4;\n  on the Hanged Artemis, 291 _n._ 2\n\nPayne, E. J., on the origin of moon-worship, ii. 138 _n._ 2\n\nPegasus and Bellerophon, i. 302 _n._ 4\n\nPegu, dance of hermaphrodites in, i. 271 _n._\n\nPeking, Ibn Batuta at, i. 289\n\nP\u00e9l\u00e9, goddess of the volcano Kilauea in Hawaii, i. 217 _sqq._\n\nPelew Islanders, their system of mother-kin, ii. 204 _sqq._;\n  predominance of goddesses over gods among them, 204 _sqq._;\n  customs of the, 253 _sqq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 Islands and the ancient East, parallel between, ii. 208;\n  prostitution of unmarried girls in, 264 _sq._;\n  custom of slaying chiefs in the, 266 _sqq._\n\nPelion, Mount, sacrifices offered on the top of, at the rising of Sirius,\n            ii. 36 _n._\n\nPeloponnese, worship of Poseidon in, i. 203\n\nPelops restored to life, i. 181\n\nPeneus, the river, at Tempe, ii. 240\n\nPennefather River in Queensland, belief of the natives as to the birth of\n            children, i. 103\n\nPentheus, king of Thebes, rent in pieces by Bacchanals, ii. 98\n\nPeoples of the Aryan stock, annual festivals of the dead among the, ii. 67\n            _sqq._\n\nPepi the First, ii. 5;\n  his pyramid, 4 _n._ 1\n\nPerasia, Artemis, at Castabala, i. 167 _sqq._\n\nPeregrinus, his death in the fire, i. 181\n\nPerga in Pamphylia, Artemis at, i. 35\n\nPeriander, tyrant of Corinth, his burnt sacrifice to his dead wife, i. 179\n\nPerigord, rolling in dew on St. John\u2019s Day in, i. 248\n\nPeritius, month of, i. 111\n\nPerpetual holy fire in temples of dead kings, ii. 174\n\n\u2014\u2014 fires worshipped, i. 191 _sqq._\n\nPerrot, G., on rock-hewn sculptures at Boghaz-Keui, i. 138 _n._\n\nPersea-trees in the rites of Osiris, ii. 87 _n._ 5;\n  growing over the tomb of Osiris, 88\n\nPersephone, name applied to spring, ii. 41\n\n\u2014\u2014 and Aphrodite, their contest for Adonis, i. 11 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 and Pluto, temple of, i. 205\n\nPerseus, the virgin birth of, i. 302 _n._ 4\n\nPersian reverence for fire, i. 174 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 festival of the dead, ii. 68\n\nPersian fire-worship and priests, 191\n\nPersonation of gods by priests, i. 45, 46 _sqq._\n\nPeru, earthquakes in, i. 202;\n  sacrifice of sons in, ii. 220 _n._ 4\n\nPeruvian Indians, their theory of earthquakes, i. 201\n\nPescara River, in the Abruzzi, i. 246\n\nPescina in the Abruzzi, Midsummer custom at, i. 246\n\nPessinus, image of Cybele at, i. 35 _n._ 3;\n  priests called Attis at, 140;\n  local legend of Attis at, 264;\n  image of the Mother of the Gods at, 265;\n  people of, abstain from swine, 265;\n  high-priest of Cybele at, 285\n\nPetrarch at Cologne on St. John\u2019s Eve, i. 247 _sq._\n\nPetrie, Professor W. M. Flinders, on the date of the corn-reaping in Egypt\n            and Palestine, i. 231 _n._ 3;\n  on the Sed festival, ii. 151 _n._ 3, 152 _n._ 3, 154 _sq._;\n  on the marriage of brothers with sisters in Egypt, 216 _n._ 1\n\nPetrified cascades of Hierapolis, i. 207\n\nPetroff, Ivan, on a custom of the Koniags of Alaska, ii. 106\n\nPhamenoth, an Egyptian month, ii. 49 _n._ 1, 130\n\nPhaophi, an Egyptian month, ii. 49 _n._ 1, 94\n\nPharnace, daughter of Megassares, i. 41\n\nPhatrabot, a Cambodian month, ii. 61\n\nPhidias, his influence on Greek religion, i. 54 _n._ 1\n\nPhiladelphia, subject to earthquakes, i. 194 _sq._\n\nPhilae, Egyptian relief at, ii. 50 _n._ 5;\n  mystic representation of Osiris in the temple of Isis at, 89;\n  sculptures in the temple of Isis at, 111;\n  the grave of Osiris at, 111;\n  the dead Osiris in the sculptures at, 112\n\nPhilo of Alexandria on the date of the corn-reaping, i. 231 _n._ 3\n\nPhilocalus, calendar of, i. 303 _n._ 2, 304 _n._ 3, 307 _n._, ii. 95 _n._\n            1\n\nPhilosophy, school of, at Tarsus, i. 118\n\nPhilostephanus, Greek historian, i. 49 _n._ 4\n\nPhoenician temples in Malta, i. 35;\n  sacred prostitution in, 37\n\n\u2014\u2014 kings in Cyprus, i. 49\n\nPhoenicians in Cyprus, i. 31 _sq._\n\nPhrygia, Attis a deity of, i. 263;\n  festival of Cybele in, 274 _n._;\n  indigenous race of, 287\n\nPhrygian belief that the god sleeps in winter, ii. 41\n\n\u2014\u2014 cap of Attis, i. 279\n\n\u2014\u2014 cosmogony, i. 263 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 kings named Midas and Gordias, i. 286\n\nPhrygian moon-god, i. 73\n\n\u2014\u2014 priests named Attis, i. 285, 287\n\nPhrygians, invaders from Europe, i. 287\n\n_Piet\u00e0_ of Michael Angelo, i. 257\n\nPig\u2019s blood used in exorcism and purification, i. 299 _n._ 2\n\nPigs sacrificed annually to the moon and Osiris, ii. 131.\n  _See also_ Swine\n\nPillars as a religious emblem, i. 34;\n  sacred, in Crete, 107 _n._ 2\n\nPindar on the music of the lyre, i. 55;\n  on Typhon, 156\n\nPine-cones symbols of fertility, i. 278;\n  thrown into vaults of Demeter, 278;\n  on the monuments of Osiris, ii. 110\n\n\u2014\u2014 seeds or nutlets used as food, i. 278\n\n\u2014\u2014 -tree in the myth and ritual of Attis, i. 264, 265, 267, 271, 277\n            _sq._, 285, ii. 98 _n._ 5\n  Marsyas hung on a, i. 288;\n  in relation to human sacrifices, ii. 98 _n._ 5;\n  Pentheus on the, 98 _n._ 5;\n  in the rites of Osiris, 108\n\nPipiles of Central America expose their seeds to moonlight, ii. 135\n\nPiraeus, processions in honour of Adonis at, i. 227 _n._\n\nPirates, the Cilician, i. 149 _sq._\n\n_Pitr P\u0101k_, the Fortnight of the Manes, ii. 60\n\nPitr\u00e8, G., on Good Friday ceremonies in Sicily, i. 255 _sq._\n\nPlacenta, Egyptian standard resembling a, ii. 156 _n._ 1\n  _See also_ Afterbirth.\n\nPlacianian Mother, a form of Cybele, worshipped at Cyzicus, i. 274 _n._\n\nPlastene, Mother, on Mount Sipylus, i. 185\n\nPlato, on gardens of Adonis, i. 236 _n._ 1\n\nPlautus on Mars and Nerio, ii. 232\n\nPleiades worshipped by the Abipones, i. 258 _n._ 2;\n  the setting of, the time of sowing, ii. 41\n\nPliny, on the date of harvest in Egypt, ii. 32 _n._ 2;\n  on the influence of the moon, 132;\n  on the grafting of trees, 133 _n._ 3;\n  on the time for felling timber, 136 _n._\n\nPlotinus, the death of, i. 87\n\nPloughing, Prussian custom at, i. 238;\n  and sowing, ceremony of, in the rites of Osiris, ii. 87\n\nPloughmen and sowers drenched with water as a rain-charm, i. 238 _sq._\n\nPlutarch on the double-headed axe of Zeus Labrandeus, i. 182;\n  on the myth of Osiris, ii. 3, 5 _sqq._;\n  on Harpocrates, 9 _n._;\n  on Osiris at Byblus, 22 _sq._;\n  on the rise of the Nile, 31 _n._ 1;\n  on the mournful character of the rites of sowing, 40 _sqq._;\n  his use of the Alexandrian year, 49, 84;\n  on an Egyptian ceremony at the winter solstice, 50 _n._ 4;\n  on the date of the death of Osiris, 84;\n  on the festival of Osiris in the month of Athyr, 91 _sq._;\n  on the dating of Egyptian festivals, 94 _sq._;\n  on the rites of Osiris, 108;\n  on the grave of Osiris, 111;\n  on the similarity between the rites of Osiris and Dionysus, 127;\n  on the Flamen Dialis, 229 _sq._;\n  on the Flaminica Dialis, 230 _n._ 2\n\nPluto, the breath of, i. 204, 205;\n  places or sanctuaries of, 204 _sqq._;\n  cave and temple of, at Acharaca, 205\n\n_Plutonia_, places of Pluto, i. 204\n\nPollution of death, ii. 227 _sqq._\n\nPolo, Marco, on custom of people of Camul, i. 39 _n._ 3\n\nPolyboea, sister of Hyacinth, i. 314, 316;\n  identified with Artemis or Persephone, 315\n\nPolyidus, a seer, i. 186 _n._ 4\n\nPolynesian myth of the separation of earth and sky, i. 283\n\nPomegranate causes virgin to conceive, i. 263, 269\n\nPomegranates forbidden to worshippers of Cybele and Attis, i. 280 _n._ 7\n\nPomona and Vertumnus, ii. 235 _n._ 6\n\nPompey the Great, i. 27\n\nPondomisi, a Bantu tribe of South Africa, ii. 177\n\nPontiffs, the Roman, their mismanagement of the Julian calendar, ii. 93\n            _n._ 1;\n  celebrated the marriage of Orcus, 231\n\nPontus, sacred prostitution in, i. 39, 58\n\nPopulonia, a Roman goddess, ii. 231\n\nPort Darwin, Australia, i. 103\n\nPorta Capena at Rome, i. 273\n\nPoseidon the Establisher or Securer, i. 195 _sq._;\n  the earthquake god, 195, 202 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 and Demeter, i. 280\n\nPossession of priest or priestess by a divine spirit, i. 66, 68 _sq._, 72\n            _sqq._;\n  by the spirits of dead chiefs, ii. 192 _sq._\n\nPotniae in Boeotia, priest of Dionysus killed at, ii. 99 _n._ 1\n\nPots of Basil on St. John\u2019s Day in Sicily, i. 245\n\nPotter in Southern India, custom observed by a, i. 191 _n._ 2\n\nPotters in Uganda bake their pots when the moon is waxing, ii. 135\n\nPraeneste, Fortuna Primigenia, goddess of, ii. 234;\n  founded by Caeculus, 235\n\nPrague, the feast of All Souls in, ii. 73\n\nPrayers to dead ancestors, ii. 175 _sq._, 178 _sq._, 183 _sq._;\n  to dead kings, 192\n\nPregnancy, causes of, unknown, i. 92 _sq._, 106 _sq._;\n  Australian beliefs as to the causes of, 99 _sqq._\n\nPriestess identified with goddess, i. 219;\n  head of the State under a system of mother-kin, ii. 203\n\nPriestesses more important than priests, i. 45, 46\n\nPriesthood vacated on death of priest\u2019s wife, i. 45;\n  of Hercules at Tarsus, 143\n\nPriestly dynasties of Asia Minor, i. 140 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 king and queen personating god and goddess, i. 45\n\n\u2014\u2014 kings, i. 42, 43;\n  of Olba, 143 _sqq._, 161;\n  Adonis personated by, 223 _sqq._\n\nPriests personate gods, i. 45, 46 _sqq._;\n  tattoo-marks of, 74 _n._ 4;\n  not allowed to be widowers, ii. 227 _sqq._;\n  the Jewish, their rule as to the pollution of death, 230;\n  dressed as women, 253 _sqq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 of Astarte, kings as, i. 26\n\n\u2014\u2014 of Attis, the emasculated, i. 265, 266\n\n\u2014\u2014 of Zeus at the Corycian cave, i. 145, 155\n\nProcession to the Almo in the rites of Attis, i. 273\n\nProcessions carved on rocks at Boghaz-Keui, i. 129 _sqq._;\n  in honour of Adonis, 224 _sq._, 227 _n._, 236 _n._ 1\n\nProcreation, savage ignorance of the causes of, i. 106 _sq._\n\nProcris, her incest with her father Erechtheus, i. 44\n\nProfligacy of human sexes supposed to quicken the earth, i. 48\n\nProperty, rules as to the inheritance of, under mother-kin, ii. 203 _n._\n            1;\n  landed, combined with mother-kin tends to increase the social importance\n              of women, 209\n\nProphecy, Hebrew, distinctive character of, i. 75\n\nProphet regarded as madman, i. 77\n\nProphetesses inspired by dead chiefs, ii. 192 _sq._;\n  inspired by gods, 207\n\nProphetic inspiration under the influence of music, i. 52 _sq._, 54 _sq._,\n            74;\n  through the spirits of dead kings and chiefs, ii. 171, 172, 192 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 marks on body, i. 74\n\n\u2014\u2014 water drunk on St. John\u2019s Eve, i. 247\n\nProphets in relation to _\u1e33edeshim_, i. 76;\n  or mediums inspired by the ghosts of dead kings, ii. 171, 172\n\n\u2014\u2014, Hebrew, their resemblance to those of Africa, i. 74 _sq._\n\nProphets of Israel, their religious and moral reform, i. 24 _sq._\n\nPropitiation of deceased ancestors, i. 46\n\nProstitution, sacred, before marriage, in Western Asia, i. 36 _sqq._;\n  suggested origin of, 39 _sqq._;\n  in Western Asia, alternative theory of, 57 _sqq._;\n  in India, 61 _sqq._;\n  in Africa, 65 _sqq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 of unmarried girls in the Pelew Islands, ii. 264 _sq._;\n  in Yap, one of the Caroline Islands, 265 _sq._\n\nProvence, bathing at Midsummer in, i. 248\n\nPrussia, customs at ploughing and harvest in, i. 238;\n  divination at Midsummer in, 252 _sq._\n\nPteria, captured by Croesus, i. 128\n\nPtolemy Auletes, king of Egypt, i. 43\n\nPtolemy and Berenice, annual festival in honour of, ii. 35 _n._ 1\n\nPtolemy I. and Serapis, ii. 119 _n._\n\nPtolemy III. Euergetes, his attempt to correct the vague Egyptian year by\n            intercalation, ii. 27\n\nPtolemy V. on the Rosetta Stone, ii. 152 _n._\n\nPtolemy Soter, i. 264 _n._ 4\n\nPueblo Indians of New Mexico, their annual festival of the dead, ii. 54\n\nPumi-yathon, king of Citium and Idalium, i. 50\n\nPunjaub, belief in the reincarnation of infants in the, i. 94\n\nPuppet substituted for human victim, i. 219 _sq._\n\nPurification by fire, i. 115 _n._ 1, 179 _sqq._;\n  by pig\u2019s blood, 299 _n._ 2;\n  of Apollo at Tempe, ii. 240 _sq._\n\nPurificatory ceremonies after a battle, ii. 251 _sq._\n\nPyanepsion, an Athenian month, ii. 41\n\nPygmalion, king of Citium and Idalium in Cyprus, i. 50\n\n\u2014\u2014, king of Cyprus, i. 41, 49\n\n\u2014\u2014, king of Tyre, i. 50\n\n\u2014\u2014 and Aphrodite, i. 49 _sq._\n\nPymaton of Citium, i. 50 _n._ 2\n\nPyramid Texts, ii. 4 _sqq._, 9 _n._;\n  intended to ensure the life of dead Egyptian kings, 4 _sq._;\n  Osiris and the sycamore in the, 110;\n  the mention of Khenti-Amenti in the, 198 _n._ 2\n\nPyramus, river in Cilicia, i. 165, 167, 173\n\nPyre at festivals of Hercules, i. 116;\n  at Tarsus, 126;\n  of dead kings at Jerusalem, 177 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 or Torch, name of great festival at the Syrian Hierapolis, i. 146\n\nPythian games, their period, ii. 242 _n._ 1\n\nPython worshipped by the Baganda, i. 86\n\n\u2014\u2014 -god, human wives of the, i. 66\n\nPythons worshipped in West Africa, i. 83 _n._ 1;\n  dead chiefs reincarnated in, ii. 193\n\n\u201cQuail-hunt,\u201d legend on coins of Tarsus, i. 126 _n._ 2\n\nQuails sacrificed to Hercules (Melcarth), i. 111 _sq._;\n  migration of, 112\n\nQuatuordecimans of Phrygia celebrate the Crucifixion on March 25th, i. 307\n            _n._\n\nQueen of Egypt the wife of Ammon, i. 72\n\n\u2014\u2014 of Heaven, i. 303 _n._ 5;\n  incense burnt in honour of the, 228\n\nQueensland, aborigines of, their beliefs as to the birth of children, i.\n            102 _sq._\n\nQuirinus and Hora, ii. 233\n\nRa, the Egyptian sun-god, ii. 6, 8, 12;\n  identified with many originally independent local deities, 122 _sqq._\n\nRabbah, captured by David, i. 19\n\nRabbis, burnings for dead Jewish, i. 178 _sq._\n\nRain procured by bones of the dead, i. 22;\n  excessive, ascribed to wrath of God, 22 _sq._;\n  instrumental in rebirth of dead infants, 95;\n  regarded as the tears of gods, ii. 33;\n  thought to be controlled by the souls of dead chiefs, 188\n\n\u2014\u2014 -charm in rites of Adonis, i. 237;\n  by throwing water on the last corn cut, 237 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 -god represented with tears running from his eyes, ii. 33 _n._ 3\n\nRainbow totem, i. 101\n\nRainless summer on the Mediterranean, i. 159 _sq._\n\nRajaraja, king, i. 61\n\nRajputana, gardens of Adonis in, i. 241 _sq._\n\nRambree, sorcerers dressed as women in the island of, ii. 254\n\nRameses II., his treaty with the Hittites, i. 135 _sq._;\n  his order to the Nile, ii. 33\n\nRamman, Babylonian and Assyrian god of thunder, i. 163 _sq._\n\nRams, testicles of, in the rites of Attis, i. 269\n\nRamsay, Sir W. M., on rock-hewn sculptures at Boghaz-Keui, i. 134 _n._ 1,\n            137 _n._ 4;\n  on priest-dynasts of Asia Minor, 140 _n._ 2;\n  on the god Tark, 147 _n._ 3;\n  on the name Olba, 148 _n._ 1;\n  on _Hierapolis_ and _Hieropolis_, 168 _n._ 2;\n  on Attis and Men, 284 _n._ 5;\n  on cruel death of the human representative of a god in Phrygia, 285\n              _sq._\n\nRaoul-Rochette on Asiatic deities with lions, i. 138 _n._;\n  on the burning of doves to Adonis, 147 _n._ 1;\n  on apotheosis by death in the fire, 180 _n._ 1\n\nRatumaimbulu, Fijian god of fruit-trees, i. 90\n\nReadjustment of Egyptian festivals, ii. 91 _sqq._\n\nReapers, Egyptian, their lamentations, i. 232, ii. 45;\n  invoke Isis, 117\n\nRebirth of infants, means taken to ensure the, i. 91, 93 _sqq._;\n  of the dead, precautions taken to prevent, 92 _sq._;\n  of Egyptian kings at the Sed festival, ii. 153, 155 _sq._\n\nRed the colour of Lower Egypt, ii. 21 _n._ 1\n\n\u2014\u2014 -haired men burnt by Egyptians, ii. 97, 106\n\nReform, the prophetic, in Israel, i. 24 _sq._\n\nReformations of Hezekiah and Josiah, i. 25\n\nRehoboam, King, his family, i. 51 _n._ 2\n\nReincarnation of the dead, i. 82 _sqq._;\n  in America, 91;\n  in Australia, 99 _sqq._\n\nRekub-el, Syrian god, i. 16\n\nRelations, spirits of near dead, worshipped, i. 175, 176;\n  at death become gods, ii. 180\n\nReligion, volcanic, i. 188 _sqq._;\n  how influenced by mother-kin, ii. 202 _sqq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 and magic, combination of, i. 4;\n  and music, 53 _sq._\n\nReligious ideals a product of the male imagination, ii. 211\n\n\u2014\u2014 systems, great permanent, founded by great men, ii. 159 _sq._\n\nRemission of sins through the shedding of blood, i. 299\n\nRemus, the birth of, ii. 235\n\nRenan, E., on Tammuz and Adonis, i. 6 _n._ 1;\n  his excavations at Byblus, 14 _n._ 1;\n  on Adom-melech, 17;\n  on the vale of the Adonis, 29 _n._;\n  on the burnings for the kings of Judah, 178 _n._ 1;\n  on the discoloration of the river Adonis, 225 _n._ 4;\n  on the worship of Adonis, 235\n\nRenouf, Sir P. le Page, on Osiris as the sun, ii. 126\n\nResemblance of the rites of Adonis to the festival of Easter, i. 254\n            _sqq._, 306\n\nResemblances of paganism to Christianity explained as diabolic\n            counterfeits, i. 302, 309 _sq._\n\nReshef, Semitic god, i. 16 _n._ 1\n\nResurrection of the dead conceived on the pattern of the resurrection of\n            Osiris, ii. 15 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 of Attis at the vernal equinox, i. 272 _sq._, 307 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 of Hercules (Melcarth), i. 111 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 of Osiris dramatically represented in his rites, ii. 85;\n  depicted on the monuments, 89 _sq._;\n  date of its celebration at Rome, 95 _n._ 1;\n  symbolized by the setting up of the _ded_ pillar, 109\n\nResurrection of Tylon, i. 186 _sq._\n\nRhine, bathing in the, on St. John\u2019s Eve, i. 248\n\nRhodes described by Strabo, i. 195 _n._ 3;\n  worship of Helen in, 292\n\nRhodesia, Northern, the Bantu tribes of, their worship of ancestral\n            spirits, ii. 174 _sqq._;\n  their worship of dead chiefs or kings, 191 _sqq._\n\nRhodians, the Venetians of antiquity, i. 195\n\nRice, the soul of the, in the first sheaf cut, ii. 239\n\nRidgeway, Professor W., on the marriage of brothers with sisters, ii. 216\n            _n._ 1\n\nRites of irrigation in Egypt, ii. 33 _sqq._;\n  of sowing, 40 _sqq._;\n  of harvest, 45 _sqq._\n\nRitual, children of living parents in, ii. 236 _sqq._;\n  of the Bechuanas at founding a new town, 249\n\n\u2014\u2014 of Adonis, i. 223 _sqq._\n\nRivers as the seat of worship of deities, i. 160;\n  bathing in, at Midsummer, 246, 248, 249;\n  gods worshipped beside, 289\n\nRivers, Dr. W. H. R., as to Melanesian theory of conception in women, i.\n            97 _sq._;\n  on the sacred dairyman of the Todas, ii. 228\n\nRizpah and her sons, i. 22\n\nRobinson, Edward, on the vale of the Adonis, i. 29 _n._\n\nRoccacaramanico, in the Abruzzi, Easter ceremonies at, i. 256 _n._ 2\n\nRock-hewn sculptures at Ibreez, i. 121 _sq._;\n  at Boghaz-Keui, 129 _sqq._\n\nRockhill, W. Woodville, on dance of eunuchs in Corea, i. 270 _n._ 2\n\nRohde, E., on purification by blood, i. 299 _n._ 2;\n  on Hyacinth, 315\n\nRoman deities called \u201cFather\u201d and \u201cMother,\u201d ii. 233 _sqq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 emperor, funeral pyre of, i. 126 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 expiation for prodigies, ii. 244\n\n\u2014\u2014 financial oppression, i. 301 _n._ 2\n\n\u2014\u2014 _genius_ symbolized by a serpent, i. 86\n\n\u2014\u2014 gods, the marriage of the, ii. 230 _sqq._;\n  compared to Greek gods, 235\n\n\u2014\u2014 law, revival of, i. 301\n\n\u2014\u2014 marriage custom, ii. 245\n\n\u2014\u2014 mythology, fragments of, ii. 235, with _n._ 6\n\nRomans adopt the worship of the Phrygian Mother of the Gods, i. 265;\n  correct the vague Egyptian year by intercalation, ii. 27 _sq._\n\nRome, high-priest of Cybele at, i. 285;\n  the celebration of the resurrection of Osiris at, ii. 95 _n._ 1\n\nRomulus cut in pieces, ii. 98;\n  the birth of, 235\n\nRoper River, in Australia, i. 101\n\nRoscoe, Rev. John, on serpent-worship, i. 86 _n._ 1;\n  on the rebirth of the dead, 92 _sq._;\n  on potters in Uganda, ii. 135;\n  on the religion of the Bahima, 190 _sq._;\n  on the worship of the dead among the Baganda, 196;\n  on Mukasa, the chief god of the Baganda, 196 _sq._;\n  on massacres for sick kings of Uganda, 226\n\nRose, the white, dyed red by the blood of Aphrodite, i. 226\n\nRosetta stone, the inscription, ii. 27, 152 _n._\n\nRoth, W. E., on belief in conception without sexual intercourse, i. 103\n            _n._ 2\n\nRotomahana in New Zealand, pink terraces at, i. 207, 209 _n._\n\nRugaba, supreme god in Kiziba, ii. 173\n\nRules of life based on a theory of lunar influence, ii. 132 _sqq._, 140\n            _sqq._\n\nRumina, a Roman goddess, ii. 231\n\nRunes, how Odin learned the magic, i. 290\n\nRussia, annual festivals of the dead in, ii. 75 _sqq._\n\nRussian Midsummer custom, i. 250 _sq._\n\nRustic Calendars, the Roman, ii. 95 _n._ 1\n\nSabazius, mysteries of, i. 90 _n._ 4\n\nSacrament in the rites of Attis, i. 274 _sq._\n\nSacred harlots in Asia Minor, i. 141\n\n\u2014\u2014 marriage of priest and priestess as representing god and goddess, i. 46\n            _sqq._;\n  represented in the rock-hewn sculptures at Boghaz-Keui, 140;\n  in Cos, ii. 259 _n._ 4\n\n\u201c\u2014\u2014 men\u201d (_kedeshim_), at Jerusalem, i. 17 _sq._;\n  and women, 57 _sqq._;\n  in West Africa, 65 _sqq._;\n  in Western Asia, 72 _sqq._;\n  at Andania, 76 _n._ 3\n\n\u2014\u2014 prostitution, i. 36 _sqq._;\n  suggested origin of, 39 _sqq._;\n  in Western Asia, alternative theory of, 55 _sqq._;\n  in India, 61 _sqq._;\n  in West Africa, 65 _sqq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 slaves, i. 73, 79\n\n\u2014\u2014 stocks and stones among the Semites, i. 107 _sqq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 women in India, i. 61 _sqq._;\n  in West Africa, 65 _sqq._;\n  in Western Asia, 70 _sqq._;\n  at Andania, 76 _n._ 3\n\nSacrifice of virginity, i. 60;\n  of virility in the rites of Attis and Astarte, 268 _sq._, 270 _sq._;\n  other cases of, 270 _n._ 2;\n  nutritive and vicarious types of, ii. 226\n\nSacrifices to earthquake god, i. 201, 202;\n  to volcanoes, 218 _sqq._;\n  to the dead distinguished from sacrifices to the gods, 316 _n._ 1;\n  offered at the rising of Sirius, ii. 36 _n._;\n  offered in connexion with irrigation, 38 _sq._;\n  to dead kings, 101, 162, 166 _sq._;\n  to ancestral spirits, 175, 178 _sq._, 180, 181 _sq._, 183 _sq._, 190;\n  of animals to prolong the life of kings, 221;\n  without shedding of blood, 222 _n._ 2\n\nSacrifices, human, offered at earthquakes, i. 201;\n  offered to Dionysus, ii. 98 _sq._;\n  at the graves of the kings of Uganda, 168;\n  to dead kings, 173;\n  to dead chiefs, 191;\n  to prolong the life of kings, 220 _sq._, 223 _sqq._\n\nSadyattes, son of Cadys, viceroy of Lydia, i. 183\n\nSaffron at the Corycian cave, i. 154, 187\n\nSago, magic for the growth of, ii. 101\n\nSahagun, B. de, on the ancient Mexican calendar, ii. 28 _n._\n\nSt. Denys, his seven heads, ii. 12\n\nSt. George in Syria, reputed to bestow offspring on women, i. 78, 79, 90;\n  festival of, and the Parilia, 308, 309\n\nSt. John, Sweethearts of, in Sardinia, i. 244 _sq._\n\nSt. John, Spenser, on reasons for head-hunting in Sarawak, i. 296\n\nSt. John\u2019s Day or Eve (Midsummer Day or Eve), custom of bathing on, i. 246\n            _sqq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 Midsummer festival in Sardinia, i. 244 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 wort gathered at Midsummer, i. 252 _sq._\n\nSt. Kilda, All Saints\u2019 Day in, ii. 80\n\nSt. Luke, the festival of, on October 18th, ii. 55\n\nSaint-Maries, Midsummer custom at, i. 248\n\nS. Martinus Dumiensis, on the date of the Crucifixion in Gaul, i. 307 _n._\n\nSt. Michael in Alaska, ii. 51\n\nSt. Simon and St. Jude\u2019s day, October 28th, ii. 74\n\nSt. Vitus, festival of, i. 252\n\nSaintonge, feast of All Souls in, ii. 69\n\nSaints as the givers of children to women, i. 78 _sq._, 91, 109\n\nSais, the festival of, ii. 49 _sqq._\n\nSakkara, pyramids at, ii. 4\n\n_Sal_ tree, festival of the flower of the, i. 47\n\nSalacia and Neptune, ii. 231, 233\n\nSalamis in Cyprus, human sacrifices at, i. 145;\n  dynasty of Teucrids at, 145\n\nSalem, Melchizedek, king of, i. 17\n\nSalii, priests of Mars, rule as to their election, ii. 244\n\nSalono, a Hindoo festival, i. 243 _n._ 1\n\nSalvation of the individual soul, importance attached to, in Oriental\n            religions, i. 300\n\nSamagitians, their annual festival of the dead, ii. 75\n\nSamal, in North-Western Syria, i. 16\n\nSamaria, the fall of, i. 25\n\nSamoa, conduct of the inhabitants in an earthquake, i. 200\n\nSamuel consulted about asses, i. 75;\n  meaning of the name, 79\n\n\u2014\u2014 and Saul, i. 22\n\nSan Juan Capistrano, the Indians of, their ceremony at the new moon, ii.\n            142\n\nSanda-Sarme, a Cilician king, i. 144\n\nSandacus, a Syrian, i. 41\n\nSandan of Tarsus, i. 124 _sqq._;\n  the burning of, 117 _sqq._, 126;\n  identified with Hercules, 125, 143, 161;\n  monument of, at Tarsus, 126 _n._ 2\n\n\u2014\u2014 (Sandon, Sandes), Cappadocian and Cilician god of fertility, i. 125\n\n\u2014\u2014 and Baal at Tarsus, i. 142 _sq._, 161\n\nSandon, or Sandan, name of the Lydian and Cilician Hercules, i. 182, 184,\n            185;\n  a Cilician name, 182\n\nSandu\u2019arri, a Cilician king, i. 144\n\nSanta Felicita, successor of Mefitis, i. 205\n\nSantiago Tepehuacan, Indians of, their custom at sowing, i. 239;\n  their annual festival of the dead, ii. 55\n\nSantorin, island of, its volcanic activity, i. 195\n\nSappho on the mourning for Adonis, i. 6 _n._ 2\n\nSaracus, last king of Assyria, i. 174\n\nSarawak, head-hunting in, i. 295 _sq._\n\nSardanapalus, monument of, at Tarsus, i. 126 _n._ 2;\n  his monument at Anchiale, 172;\n  the burning of, 172 _sqq._;\n  the effeminate, ii. 257\n\n\u2014\u2014 and Hercules, i. 172 _sqq._\n\nSardes, captured by Cyrus, i. 174;\n  lion carried round acropolis of, i. 184, ii. 249\n\nSardinia, gardens of Adonis in, i. 244 _sq._\n\nSargal, in India, gardens of Adonis at, i. 243\n\nSarpedonian Artemis, i. 167, 171\n\nSasabonsun, earthquake god of Ashantee, i. 201\n\nSaturn, the husband of Ops, ii. 233\n\n\u2014\u2014 and Lua, ii. 233\n\nSaturn\u2019s period of revolution round the sun, ii. 151 _sq._\n\nSaturnine temperament of the farmer, ii. 218\n\nSauks, an Indian tribe of North America, effeminate sorcerers among the,\n            ii. 255\n\nSaul, burial of, i. 177 _n._ 4\n\n\u2014\u2014 and David, i. 21\n\nSaul\u2019s madness soothed by music, i. 53, 54\n\nSavages lament for the animals and plants which they eat, ii. 43 _sq._\n\nS\u00e2wan, Indian month, i. 242\n\nSaxons of Transylvania, harvest custom of the, i. 238\n\nSayce, A. H., on kings of Edom, i. 16;\n  on name of David, 19 _n._ 2\n\nSch\u00e4fer, H., on the tomb of Osiris at Abydos, ii. 198 _n._ 1\n\nSchlanow, in Brandenburg, custom at sowing at, i. 238 _sq._\n\nSchloss, Mr. Francis S., on the rule as to the felling of timber in\n            Colombia, ii. 136 _n._ 4\n\nSchwegler, A., on the death of Romulus, ii. 98 _n._ 2\n\nScipio, his fabulous birth, i. 81\n\nScorpions, Isis and the, ii. 8\n\nScotland, harvest custom in, i. 237\n\nScottish Highlanders on the influence of the moon, ii. 132, 134, 140\n\nScythian king, human beings and horses sacrificed at his grave, i. 293\n\nScythians, their belief in immortality, i. 294;\n  their treatment of dead enemies, 294 _n._ 3\n\nSea, custom of bathing in the, on St. John\u2019s Day or Eve, i. 246, 248\n\n\u2014\u2014 Dyaks or Ibans of Borneo, their worship of serpents, i. 83;\n  their festivals of the dead, ii. 56 _sq._;\n  effeminate priests or sorcerers among the, 253, 256\n\n\u2014\u2014 Dyaks of Sarawak, their reasons for taking human heads, i. 295 _sq._\n\nSeason of festival a clue to the nature of a deity, ii. 24\n\nSeasons, magical and religious theories of the, i. 3 _sq._\n\nSeb (Keb or Geb), Egyptian earth-god, i. 283 _n._ 3, ii. 6\n\nSecret graves of kings, chiefs, and magicians, ii. 103 _sqq._\n\nSed festival in Egypt, ii. 151 _sqq._;\n  its date perhaps connected with the heliacal rising of Sirius, 152\n              _sq._;\n  apparently intended to renew the king\u2019s life by identifying him with the\n              dead and risen Osiris, 153 _sq._\n\nSegera, a sago magician of Kiwai, dismembered after death, ii. 101, 102\n\nSeker (Sokari), title of Osiris, ii. 87\n\nSeler, Professor E., on the ancient Mexican calendar, ii. 28 _n._\n\nSeleucus, a grammarian, i. 146 _n._ 1\n\n\u2014\u2014 Nicator, king, i. 151\n\n\u2014\u2014 the Theologian, i. 146 _n._ 1\n\nSelf-mutilation of Attis and his priests, i. 265\n\nSeligmann, Dr. C. G., on the five supplementary Egyptian days, ii. 6 _n._\n            3;\n  on the divinity of Shilluk kings, 161 _n._ 2;\n  on custom of putting Shilluk kings to death, 163\n\nSelwanga, python-god of Baganda, i. 86\n\nSemiramis at Hierapolis, i. 162 _n._ 2;\n  as a form of Ishtar (Astarte), 176 _sq._;\n  said to have burnt herself, 176 _sq._;\n  the mythical, a form of the great Asiatic goddess, ii. 258\n\nSemites, agricultural, worship Baal as the giver of fertility, i. 26\n            _sq._;\n  sacred stocks and stones among the, 107 _sqq._;\n  traces of mother-kin among the, ii. 213\n\nSemitic gods, uniformity of their type, i. 119\n\n\u2014\u2014 kings, the divinity of, i. 15 _sqq._;\n  as hereditary deities, 51\n\n\u2014\u2014 language, Egyptian language akin to the, ii. 161 _n._ 1\n\n\u2014\u2014 personal names indicating relationship to a deity, i. 51\n\n\u2014\u2014 worship of Tammuz and Adonis, i. 6 _sqq._\n\n_Semlicka_, festival of the dead among the Letts, ii. 74\n\nSeneca, on the offerings of Egyptian priests to the Nile, ii. 40;\n  on the marriage of the Roman gods, 231;\n  on Salacia as the wife of Neptune, 233\n\nSenegal and Niger region of West Africa, belief as to conception without\n            sexual intercourse in, i. 93 _n._ 2;\n  myth of marriage of Sky and Earth in the, 282 _n._ 2\n\nSenegambia, the Mandingoes of, ii. 141\n\nSennacherib, his siege of Jerusalem, i. 25;\n  said to have built Tarsus, 173 _n._ 4\n\nSeparation of Earth and Sky, myth of the, i. 283\n\nSerapeum at Alexandria, ii. 119 _n._;\n  its destruction, 217\n\nSerapis, the later form of Osiris, ii. 119 _n._;\n  the rise of the Nile attributed to, 216 _sq._;\n  the standard cubit kept in his temple, 217\n\nSerpent as the giver of children, i. 86;\n  at rites of initiation, 90 _n._ 4\n\n\u2014\u2014 -god married to human wives, i. 66 _sqq._;\n  thought to control the crops, 67\n\nSerpents reputed the fathers of human beings, i. 80 _sqq._;\n  as embodiments of Aesculapius, 80 _sq._;\n  worshipped in Mysore, 81 _sq._;\n  as reincarnations of the dead, 82 _sqq._;\n  fed with milk, 84 _sqq._, 87;\n  thought to have knowledge of life-giving plants, 186;\n  souls of dead kings incarnate in, ii. 163, 173\n\nServius, on the death of Attis, i. 264 _n._ 4;\n  on the marriage of Orcus, ii. 231;\n  on Salacia as the wife of Neptune, 233\n\n\u2014\u2014 Tullius, begotten by the fire-god, ii. 235\n\nSesostris, so-called monument of, i. 185\n\nSet, or Typhon, brother of Osiris, ii. 6;\n  murders Osiris, 7 _sq._;\n  accuses Osiris before the gods, 17;\n  brings a suit of bastardy against Horus, 17;\n  his combat with Horus, 17;\n  reigns over Upper Egypt, 17;\n  torn in pieces, 98.\n  _See also_ Typhon\n\nSety I., King of Egypt, ii. 108\n\nShamash, Babylonian sun-god, his human wives, i. 71\n\n\u2014\u2014 Semitic god, i. 16 _n._ 1\n\nShamashshumukin, King of Babylon, burns himself, i. 173 _sq._, 176\n\nShammuramat, Assyrian queen, i. 177 _n._ 1\n\nShans of Burma, their theory of earthquakes, i. 198;\n  cut bamboos for building in the wane of the moon, ii. 136\n\nShark-shaped hero, i. 139 _n._ 1\n\nSheaf, the first cut, ii. 239\n\nSheep to be shorn when the moon is waxing, ii. 134;\n  to be shorn in the waning of the moon, 134 _n._ 3\n\n_Sheitan dere_, the Devil\u2019s Glen, in Cilicia, i. 150\n\nShenty, Egyptian cow-goddess, ii. 88\n\nShifting dates of Egyptian festivals, ii. 24 _sq._\n\nShilluk kings put to death before their strength fails, ii. 163\n\nShilluks, their worship of dead kings, ii. 161 _sq._;\n  their worship of Nyakang, the first of the Shilluk kings, 162 _sqq._\n\nShoulders of medicine-men especially sensitive, i. 74 _n._ 4\n\nShouting as a means of stopping earthquakes, i. 197 _sqq._\n\nShropshire, feast of All Souls in, ii. 78\n\nShu, Egyptian god of light, i. 283 _n._ 3\n\nShuswap Indians of British Columbia eat nutlets of pines, i. 278 _n._ 2\n\nSiam, catafalque burnt at funeral of king of, i. 179;\n  annual festival of the dead in, ii. 65\n\nSiao, children sacrificed to volcano in, i. 219\n\nSibitti-baal, king of Byblus, i. 14\n\nSibyl, the Grotto of the, at Marsala, i. 247\n\nSibylline Books, i. 265\n\nSicily, Syrian prophet in, i. 74;\n  fossil bones in, 157;\n  hot springs in, 213;\n  gardens of Adonis in, 245, 253 _sq._;\n  divination at Midsummer in, 254;\n  Good Friday ceremonies in, 255 _sq._\n\nSick people resort to cave of Pluto, i. 205 _sq._\n\nSicyon, shrine of Aesculapius at, i. 81\n\nSidon, kings of, as priests of Astarte, i. 26\n\n_Siem_, king, among the Khasis of Assam, ii. 210 _n._ 1\n\nSigai, hero in form of shark, i. 139 _n._ 1\n\nSihanaka, the, of Madagascar, funeral custom of the, ii. 246\n\nSinai, \u201cMistress of Turquoise\u201d at, i. 35\n\nSinews of sacrificial ox cut, ii. 252\n\nSins, the remission of, through the shedding of blood, i. 299\n\nSinsharishkun, last king of Assyria, i. 174\n\nSipylus, Mother Plastene on Mount, i. 185\n\nSiriac or Sothic period, ii. 36\n\nSirius (the Dog-star), observed by Egyptian astronomers, ii. 27;\n  called Sothis by the Egyptians, 34;\n  date of its rising in ancient Egypt, 34;\n  heliacal rising of, on July 20th, 34 _n._ 1, 93;\n  its rising marked the beginning of the sacred Egyptian year, 35;\n  its rising observed in Ceos, 35 _n._ 1;\n  sacrifices offered at its rising on the top of Mount Pelion, 36 _n._\n\n\u2014\u2014 the star of Isis, ii. 34, 119;\n  in connexion with the Sed festival, 152 _sq._\n\nSis in Cilicia, i. 144\n\nSister of a god, i. 51\n\nSisters, kings marry their, i. 316\n\nSizu in Cilicia, i. 144\n\nSkin, bathing in dew at Midsummer as remedy for diseases of the, i. 247,\n            248;\n  of ox stuffed and set up, 296 _sq._;\n  body of Egyptian dead placed in a bull\u2019s, ii. 15 _n._ 2;\n  of sacrificial victim used in the rite of the new birth, 155 _sq._\n\nSkinner, Principal J., on the burnt sacrifice of children, ii. 219\n\nSkins of human victims, uses made of, i. 293;\n  of horses stuffed and set up at graves, 293, 294\n\nSkull, drinking out of a king\u2019s, in order to be inspired by his spirit,\n            ii. 171\n\nSky conceived by the Egyptians as a cow, i. 283 _n._ 3\n\n\u2014\u2014 and earth, myth of their violent separation, i. 283\n\n\u2014\u2014 -god, Attis as a, i. 282 _sqq._;\n  married to Earth-goddess, 282, with _n._ 2;\n  mutilation of the, 283\n\nSlaughter of prisoners often a sacrifice to the gods, i. 290 _n._ 2\n\nSlave Coast of West Africa, sacred men and women on the, i. 65, 68;\n  Ewe-speaking peoples of the, 83 _n._ 1\n\nSlaves, sacred, in Western Asia, i. 39 _n._ 1\n\nSlaying of the Dragon by Apollo at Delphi, ii. 240 _sq._\n\nSleep of the god in winter, ii. 41\n\nSmell, evil, used to avert demons, ii. 261\n\nSmeroe, Mount, volcano in Java, i. 221\n\nSmith, George Adam, on fertility of Bethlehem, i. 257 _n._ 3\n\nSmith, W. Robertson, on the date of the month Tammuz, i. 10 _n._ 1;\n  on anointing as consecration, 21 _n._ 3;\n  on Baal as god of fertility, 26 _sq._;\n  on caves in Semitic religion, 169 _n._ 3;\n  on Tophet, 177 _n._ 4;\n  on the predominance of goddesses over gods in early Semitic religion,\n              ii. 213;\n  on the sacrifice of children to Moloch, 220 _n._ 1\n\nSmoking as a mode of inducing inspiration, ii. 172\n\nSnake-entwined goddess found at Gournia, i. 88\n\nSnakes as fathers of human beings, i. 82;\n  fed with milk, 84 _sqq._\n  _See also_ Serpents\n\nSnorri Sturluson, on the dismemberment of Halfdan the Black, ii. 100\n\nSobk, a crocodile-shaped Egyptian god, identified with the sun, ii. 123\n\n_Sochit_ or _Sochet_, epithet of Isis, ii. 117\n\nSociety, ancient, built on the principle of the subordination of the\n            individual to the community, i. 300\n\nSocrates (church historian) on sacred prostitution, i. 37 _n._ 2\n\nS\u00f6derblom, N., on an attempted reform of the old Iranian religion, ii. 83\n            _n._ 2\n\nSodom and Gomorrah, the destruction of, i. 222 _n._ 1\n\nSoerakarta, district of Java, conduct of natives in an earthquake, i. 202\n            _n._ 1\n\nSokari (Seker), a title of Osiris, ii. 87\n\n_Sol invictus_, i. 304 _n._ 1\n\n_Solanum campylanthum_, ii. 47\n\nSolomon, King, puts Adoni-jah to death, i. 51 _n._ 2\n\n\u2014\u2014, the Baths of, i. 78;\n  in Moab, 215 _sq._\n\nSolstice, the summer, the Nile rises at the, ii. 31 _n._ 1, 33\n\n\u2014\u2014, the winter, reckoned the Nativity of the Sun, i. 303;\n  Egyptian ceremony at, ii. 50\n\nSomali, marriage custom of the, ii. 246, 247\n\nSon of a god, i. 51\n\nSons of God, i. 78 _sqq._\n\nSophocles on the burning of Hercules, i. 111\n\nSorcerers or priests, order of effeminate, ii. 253 _sqq._\n\nSorrowful One, the vaults of the, ii. 41\n\nSothic or Siriac period, ii. 36\n\nSothis, Egyptian name for the star Sirius, ii. 34.\n  _See_ Sirius\n\nSoul of a tree in a bird, ii. 111 _n._ 1;\n  of the rice in the first sheaf cut, 239\n\n\u201c\u2014\u2014 of Osiris,\u201d a bird, ii. 110\n\n\u2014\u2014 -cakes eaten at the feast of All Souls in Europe, ii. 70, 71 _sq._, 73,\n            78 _sqq._\n\n\u201cSouling,\u201d custom of, on All Souls\u2019 Day in England, ii. 79\n\n\u201c\u2014\u2014 Day\u201d in Shropshire, ii. 78\n\nSouls of the dead, reincarnation of the, i. 91 _sqq._;\n  brought back among the Gonds, 95 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014, feasts of All, ii. 51 _sqq._\n\nSouth Slavs, devices of women to obtain offspring, i. 96;\n  marriage customs of, ii. 246\n\nSowers and ploughmen drenched with water as a rain-charm, i. 238 _sq._\n\nSowing, Prussian custom at, i. 238 _sq._;\n  rites of, ii. 40 _sqq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 and ploughing, ceremony of, in the rites of Osiris, ii. 87, 90, 96;\n  and planting, regulated by the phases of the moon, 133 _sqq._\n\nSozomenus, church historian, on sacred prostitution, i. 37\n\nSpain, bathing on St. John\u2019s Eve in, i. 248\n\nSparta destroyed by an earthquake, i. 196 _n._ 4\n\nSpartans, their attempt to stop an earthquake, i. 196\n\n\u2014\u2014 their flute-band, i. 196\n\n\u2014\u2014 their uniform red, i. 196\n\n\u2014\u2014 at Thermopylae, i. 197 _n._ 1\n\n\u2014\u2014 their regard for the full moon, ii. 141\n\n\u2014\u2014 their brides dressed as men on the wedding night, ii. 260\n\nSpencer, Baldwin, on reincarnation of the dead, i. 100 _n._ 3\n\nSpencer, B., and Gillen, F. J., on Australian belief in conception without\n            sexual intercourse, i. 99\n\nSpermus, king of Lydia, i. 183\n\nSpieth, J., on the Ewe peoples, i. 70 _n._ 2\n\nSpirit animals supposed to enter women and be born from them, i. 97 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 -children left by ancestors, i. 100 _sq._\n\nSpirits supposed to consort with women, i. 91;\n  of ancestors in the form of animals, 83;\n  of forefathers thought to dwell in rivers, ii. 38\n\n\u2014\u2014 of dead chiefs worshipped by the whole tribe, ii. 175, 176, 177, 179,\n            181 _sq._, 187;\n  thought to control the rain, 188;\n  prophesy through living men and women, 192 _sq._;\n  reincarnated in animals, 193.\n  _See also_ Ancestral spirits\n\nSpring called Persephone, ii. 41\n\nSprings, worship of hot, i. 206 _sqq._;\n  bathing in, at Midsummer, 246, 247, 248, 249\n\nStaffordshire, All Souls\u2019 Day in, ii. 79\n\nStandard, Egyptian, resembling a placenta, ii. 156 _n._ 1\n\nStanikas, male children of sacred prostitutes, i. 63\n\nStar of Bethlehem, i. 259\n\n\u2014\u2014 of Salvation, i. 258\n\n\u2014\u2014 -spangled cap of Attis, i. 284\n\nSteinn in Hringariki, barrow of Halfdan at, ii. 100\n\n_Stella Maris_, an epithet of the Virgin Mary, ii. 119\n\nStengel, P., on sacrificial ritual of Eleusis, i. 292 _n._ 3\n\nStlatlum Indians of British Columbia respect the animals and plants which\n            they eat, ii. 44\n\nStocks, sacred, among the Semites, i. 107 _sqq._\n\nStones, holed, custom of passing through, i. 36;\n  to commemorate the dead, ii. 203\n\n\u2014\u2014, sacred, anointed, i. 36;\n  among the Semites, 107 _sqq._;\n  among the Khasis, 108 _n._ 1\n\nStrabo, on the concubines of Ammon, i. 72;\n  on Albanian moon-god, 73 _n._ 4;\n  on Castabala, 168 _n._ 6;\n  his description of the Burnt Land of Lydia, 193;\n  on the frequency of earthquakes at Philadelphia, 195;\n  his description of Rhodes, 195 _n._ 3;\n  on Nysa, 206 _n._ 1;\n  on the priests of Pessinus, 286\n\nStratonicea in Caria, eunuch priest at, i. 270 _n._ 2;\n  rule as to the pollution of death at, ii. 227 _sq._\n\nString music in religion, i. 54\n\nSu-Mu, a tribe of Southern China, said to be governed by a woman, ii. 211\n            _n._ 2\n\nSubordination of the individual to the community, the principle of ancient\n            society, i. 300\n\nSubstitutes for human sacrifices, i. 146 _sq._, 219 _sq._, 285, 289, ii.\n            99, 221\n\nSuccession to the crown under mother-kin (female kinship), i. 44, ii. 18,\n            210 _n._ 1\n\nSudan, the negroes of, their regard for the phases of the moon, ii. 141\n\nSudanese, their conduct in an earthquake, i. 198\n\n_Suffetes_ of Carthage, i. 116\n\nSugar-bag totem, i. 101\n\nSuicides, custom observed at graves of, i. 93;\n  ghosts of, feared, 292 _n._ 3\n\nSuk, their belief in serpents as reincarnations of the dead, i. 82, 85\n\nSulla at Aedepsus, i. 212\n\nSumatra, the Bataks of, i. 199, ii. 239;\n  the Loeboes of, 264\n\nSumba, East Indian island, annual festival of the New Year and of the dead\n            in, ii. 55 _sq._\n\nSumerians, their origin and civilization, i. 7 _sq._\n\nSummer on the Mediterranean rainless, i. 159 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 called Aphrodite, ii. 41\n\n\u2014\u2014 festival of Adonis, i. 226, 232 _n._\n\nSun, temple of the, at Baalbec, i. 163;\n  Adonis interpreted as the, 228;\n  the Nativity of the, at the winter solstice, 303 _sqq._;\n  Osiris interpreted as the, ii. 120 _sqq._;\n  called \u201cthe eye of Horus,\u201d 121;\n  worshipped in Egypt, 122, 123 _sqq._;\n  the power of regeneration ascribed to the, 143 _n._ 4;\n  salutations to the rising, 193\n\n\u2014\u2014 and earth, annual marriage of, i. 47 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 -god annually married to Earth-goddess, i. 47 _sq._;\n  the Egyptian, ii. 123 _sqq._;\n  hymns to the, 123 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 -goddess of the Hittites, i. 133 _n._\n\n\u2014\u2014 the Unconquered, Mithra identified with, i. 304\n\nSuperiority of the goddess in the myths of Adonis, Attis, Osiris, ii. 201\n            _sq._;\n  of goddesses over gods in societies organized on mother-kin, 202 _sqq._;\n  legal, of women over men in ancient Egypt, 214\n\nSupplementary days, five, in the Egyptian year, ii. 6;\n  in the ancient Mexican year, 28 _n._ 3;\n  in the old Iranian year, 67, 68\n\nSupreme gods in Africa, ii. 165, 173 _sq._, 174, 186, with note 5, 187\n            _n._ 1, 188 _sq._, 190\n\n_Swastika_, i. 122 _n._ 1\n\nSweden, May-pole or Midsummer-tree in, i. 250;\n  Midsummer bride and bridegroom in, 251;\n  kings of, answerable for the fertility of the ground, ii. 220;\n  marriage custom in, to ensure the birth of a boy, 262\n\n\u201cSweethearts of St. John\u201d in Sardinia, i. 244 _sq._\n\nSwine not eaten by people of Pessinus, i. 265;\n  not eaten by worshippers of Adonis, 265;\n  not allowed to enter Comana in Pontus, 265.\n  _See also_ Pigs\n\nSword, girls married to a, i. 61\n\nSycamore, effigy of Osiris placed on boughs of, ii. 88, 110;\n  sacred to Osiris, 110\n\nSyene (Assuan), inscriptions at, ii. 35 _n._ 1\n\nSymbolism, coarse, of Osiris and Dionysus, ii. 112, 113\n\nSymmachus, on the festival of the Great Mother, i. 298\n\nSyracuse, the Blue Spring at, i. 213 _n._ 1\n\nSyria, Adonis in, i. 13 _sqq._;\n  \u201choly men\u201d in, 77 _sq._;\n  hot springs resorted to by childless women in, 213 _sqq._;\n  subject to earthquakes, 222 _n._ 1;\n  the Nativity of the Sun at the winter solstice in, 303;\n  turning money at the new moon in, ii. 149\n\nSyrian god Hadad, i. 15\n\n\u2014\u2014 peasants believe that women can conceive without sexual intercourse, i.\n            91\n\n\u2014\u2014 women apply to saints for offspring, i. 109\n\n\u2014\u2014 writer on the reasons for assigning Christmas to the twenty-fifth of\n            December, i. 304 _sq._\n\nT\u00e2-uz (Tammuz), mourned by Syrian women in Harran, i. 230\n\nTaanach, burial of children in jars at, i. 109 _n._ 1\n\nTacitus as to German observation of the moon, ii. 141\n\nTaenarum in Laconia, Poseidon worshipped at, i. 203 _n._ 2\n\nTalaga Bodas, volcano in Java, i. 204\n\nTalbot, P. Amaury, on self-mutilation, i. 270 _n._ 1\n\nTalismans, crowns and wreaths as, ii. 242 _sq._\n\nTamarisk, sacred to Osiris, ii. 110 _sq._\n\nTami, the, of German New Guinea, their theory of earthquakes, i. 198\n\nTamil temples, dancing-girls in, i. 61\n\nTamirads, diviners, i. 42\n\nTammuz, i. 6 _sqq._;\n  equivalent to Adonis, 6 _n._ 1;\n  his worship of Sumerian origin, 7 _sq._;\n  meaning of the name, 8;\n  \u201ctrue son of the deep water,\u201d 8, 246;\n  laments for, 9 _sq._;\n  the month of, 10 _n._ 1, 230;\n  mourned for at Jerusalem, 11, 17, 20;\n  as a corn-spirit, 230;\n  his bones ground in a mill and scattered to the wind, 230\n\n\u2014\u2014 and Ishtar, i. 8 _sq._\n\nTangkul Nagas of Assam, their annual festival of the dead, ii. 57 _sqq._\n\nTanjore, dancing-girls at, i. 61\n\nTantalus murders his son Pelops, i. 181\n\nTark, Tarku, Trok, Troku, syllables in names of Cilician priests, i. 144;\n  perhaps the name of a Hittite deity, 147;\n  perhaps the name of the god of Olba, 148, 165\n\nTarkimos, priest of Corycian Zeus, i. 145\n\nTarkondimotos, name of two Cilician kings, i. 145 _n._ 2\n\nTarkuaris, priest of Corycian Zeus, i. 145;\n  priestly king of Olba, 145\n\nTarkudimme or Tarkuwassimi, name on Hittite seal, i. 145 _n._ 2\n\nTarkumbios, priest of Corycian Zeus, i. 145\n\nTarsus, climate and fertility of, i. 118;\n  school of philosophy at, 118;\n  Sandan and Baal at, 142 _sq._, 161;\n  priesthood of Hercules at, 143;\n  Fortune of the City on coins of, 164;\n  divine triad at, 171\n\n\u2014\u2014, the Baal of, i. 117 _sqq._, 162 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014, Sandan of, i. 124 _sqq._\n\n_Tat_ or _tatu_ pillar. _See_ _Ded_ pillar\n\nTate, H. R., on serpent-worship, i. 85\n\nTattoo-marks of priests, i. 74 _n._ 4\n\nTaurians of the Crimea, their use of the heads of prisoners, i. 294\n\n_Taurobolium_ in the rites of Cybele, i. 274 _sqq._;\n  or _Tauropolium_, 275 _n._ 1\n\nTaurus mountains, i. 120\n\nTears of Isis thought to swell the Nile, ii. 33;\n  rain thought to be the tears of gods, 33\n\nTegea, tombstones at, i. 87\n\nTelamon, father of Teucer, i. 145\n\nTell-el-Amarna letters, i. 16 _n._ 5, 21 _n._ 2, 135 _n._;\n  the new capital of King Amenophis IV., ii. 123 _n._ 1, 124, 125\n\nTell Ta\u2019annek (Taanach), burial of children in jars at, i. 109 _n._ 1\n\nTempe, the Vale of, ii. 240\n\nTemple-tombs of kings, ii. 161 _sq._, 167 _sq._, 170 _sqq._, 174, 194\n            _sq._\n\nTemples of dead kings, ii. 161 _sq._, 167 _sq._, 170 _sqq._, 194 _sq._\n\nTenggereese of Java sacrifice to volcano, i. 220\n\nTentyra (Denderah), temple of Osiris at, ii. 86\n\nTernate, the sultan of, his sacrifice of human victims to a volcano, i.\n            220\n\nTertullian on the fasts of Isis and Cybele, i. 302 _n._ 4;\n  on the date of the Crucifixion, 306 _n._ 5\n\nTeshub or Teshup, name of Hittite god, i. 135 _n._, 148 _n._\n\nTeso, the, of Central Africa, medicine-men dressed as women among the, ii.\n            257\n\nTesticles of rams in the rites of Attis, i. 269 _n._;\n  of bull used in rites of Cybele and Attis, 276\n\nT\u00eat, New Year festival in Annam, ii. 62\n\n_Tet_ pillar. _See_ _Ded_ pillar\n\nTeti, king of Egypt, ii. 5\n\nTeucer, said to have instituted human sacrifice, i. 146\n\n\u2014\u2014 and Ajax, names of priestly kings of Olba, i. 144 _sq._, 148, 161\n\nTeucer, son of Tarkuaris, priestly king of Olba, i. 151, 157\n\n\u2014\u2014, son of Telamon, founds Salamis in Cyprus, i. 145\n\n\u2014\u2014, son of Zenophanes, high-priest of Olbian Zeus, i. 151\n\nTeucrids, dynasty at Salamis in Cyprus, i. 145\n\nTeutonic year reckoned from October 1st, ii. 81\n\nThargelion, an Attic month, ii. 239 _n._ 1\n\nTheal, G. McCall, on the worship of ancestors among the Bantus, ii. 176\n            _sq._\n\nTheban priests, their determination of the solar year, ii. 26\n\nThebes in Boeotia, stone lion at, i. 184 _n._ 3;\n  festival of the Laurel-bearing at, ii. 241\n\n\u2014\u2014 in Egypt, temple of Ammon at, i. 72;\n  the Memnonium at, ii. 35 _n._;\n  the Valley of the Kings at, 90\n\nTheias, a Syrian king, i. 43 _n._ 4;\n  father of Adonis, 55 _n._ 4\n\nTheism late in human history, ii. 41\n\nTheocracy in the Pelew Islands, tendency to, ii. 208\n\nTheopompus on the names of the seasons, ii. 41\n\nThera, worship of the Mother of the Gods in, i. 280 _n._ 1\n\nThermopylae, the Spartans at, i. 197 _n._ 1;\n  the hot springs of, 210 _sqq._\n\nThesmophoria, i. 43 _n._ 4;\n  sacrifice to serpents at the, 88;\n  pine-cones at the, 278;\n  fast of the women at the, ii. 40 _sq._\n\nThetis and her infant son, i. 180\n\nThirty years, the Sed festival held nominally at intervals of, ii. 151\n\nThonga, Bantu tribe of South Africa, their belief in serpents as\n            reincarnations of the dead, i. 82;\n  their presentation of infants to the moon, ii. 144 _sq._;\n  worship of the dead among the, 180 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 chiefs buried secretly, ii. 104 _sq._\n\nThongs, legends as to new settlements enclosed by, ii. 249 _sq._\n\nThoth, Egyptian god of wisdom, ii. 7, 17;\n  teaches Isis a spell to restore the dead to life, 8;\n  restores the eye of Horus, 17\n\nThoth, the first month of the Egyptian year, ii. 36, 93 _sqq._\n\nThracian villages, custom at Carnival in, ii. 99 _sq._\n\nThreshing corn by oxen, ii. 45\n\nThreshold, burial of infants under the, i. 93 _sq._\n\nThucydides on military music, i. 196 _n._ 3;\n  on the sailing of the fleet for Syracuse, 226 _n._ 4\n\n\u0398\u03cd\u03b5\u03b9\u03bd distinguished from \u1f10\u03bd\u03b1\u03b3\u03af\u03b6\u03b5\u03b9\u03bd, i. 316 _n._ 1\n\nThunder and lightning, sacrifices to, i. 157;\n  the Syrian, Assyrian, Babylonian, and Hittite god of, 163 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 -god of the Hittites, with a bull and an axe as his emblems, i. 134\n            _sqq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 totem, i. 101\n\nThunderbolt, as emblem of Hittite god, i. 134, 136;\n  as divine emblem, 163\n\n\u2014\u2014 and ears of corn, emblem of god Hadad, i. 163\n\nThurston, Edgar, on dancing-girls in India, i. 62\n\nThyatira, hero Tyrimnus at, i. 183 _n._\n\nThymbria, sanctuary of Charon at, i. 205\n\nTiberius, the Emperor, persecuted the Egyptian religion, ii. 95 _n._ 1\n\nTibullus, on the rising of Sirius, ii. 34 _n._ 1\n\nTiele, C. P., on rock-hewn sculptures at Boghaz-Keui, i. 140 _n._ 1;\n  on the death of Saracus, 174 _n._ 2;\n  on Isis, ii. 115;\n  on the nature of Osiris, 126 _n._ 2\n\nTiger\u2019s ghost, deceiving a, ii. 263\n\nTiglath-Pileser III., king of Assyria, i. 14, 16, 163 _n._ 3\n\nTii, Egyptian queen, mother of Amenophis IV., ii. 123 _n._ 1\n\nTille, A., on beginning of Teutonic winter, ii. 81 _n._ 3\n\nTimber felled in the waning of the moon, ii. 133, 135 _sq._, 137\n\nTimor, theory of earthquakes in, i. 197\n\nTimotheus, on the death of Attis, i. 264 _n._ 4\n\nTiru-kalli-kundram, dancing-girls at, i. 61\n\nTitane, shrine of Aesculapius at, i. 81\n\n_Tobolbel_, in the Pelew Islands, ii. 266\n\nTod, J., on rites of goddess Gouri, i. 241 _sq._\n\nTodas of the Neilgherry Hills, custom as to the pollution of death\n            observed by sacred dairyman among the, ii. 228\n\nTogo-land, West Africa, the Ewe people of, i. 282 _n._ 2;\n  the Ho tribe of, ii. 104\n\nTomb of Midas, i. 286;\n  of Hyacinth, 314\n\nTombs of the kings of Uganda, ii. 168 _sq._;\n  of kings sacred, 194 _sq._\n\nTongans, their theory of an earthquake, i. 200 _sq._\n\nTongue of sacrificial ox cut out, ii. 251 _sq._\n\nTonquin, annual festival of the dead in, ii. 62\n\nTophet, at Jerusalem, i. 177\n\nToradjas of Central Celebes, their theory of rain, ii. 33\n\nTorres Straits Islands, worship of animal-shaped heroes in the, i. 139\n            _n._ 1;\n  death-dances in the, ii. 53 _n._ 2\n\nTotemism in Kiziba, ii. 173, 174 _n._ 1\n\nToulon, Midsummer custom at, i. 248 _sq._\n\nTown, charm to protect a, ii. 249 _sqq._\n\nTozer, H. F., on Mount Argaeus, i. 191\n\nTraditions of kings torn in pieces, ii. 97 _sq._\n\nTralles in Lydia, i. 38\n\nTransference of Egyptian festivals from one month to the preceding month,\n            ii. 92 _sqq._\n\nTransformation of men into women, attempted, in obedience to dreams, ii.\n            255 _sqq._;\n  of women into men, attempted, 255 _n._ 1\n\nTransition from mother-kin to father-kin, ii. 261 _n._ 3\n\nTransylvania, harvest customs among the Roumanians and Saxons of, i. 237\n            _sq._\n\nTravancore, dancing-girls in, i. 63 _sqq._\n\nTreason, old English punishment of, i. 290 _n._ 2\n\nTree decked with bracelets, anklets, etc., i. 240;\n  soul of a, in a bird, ii. 111 _n._ 1\n\n\u2014\u2014 of life in Eden, i. 186 _n._ 4\n\n\u2014\u2014 -bearers (_Dendrophori_) in the worship of Cybele and Attis, i. 266\n            _n._ 2, 267\n\n\u2014\u2014 -spirit, Osiris as a, ii. 107 _sqq._\n\nTrees, spirit-children awaiting birth in, i. 100;\n  sacrificial victims hung on, 146;\n  represented on the monuments of Osiris, ii. 110 _sq._;\n  felled in the waning of the moon, 133, 135 _sq._, 137;\n  growing near the graves of dead kings revered, 162, 164\n\n\u2014\u2014 and rocks, Greek belief as to birth from, i. 107 _n._ 1\n\nTriad, divine, at Tarsus, i. 171\n\nTrident, emblem of Hittite thunder-god, i. 134, 135;\n  emblem of Indian deity, 170\n\nTristram, H. B., on date of the corn-reaping in Palestine, i. 232 _n._\n\nTrobriands, the, i. 84\n\nTrokoarbasis, priest of Corycian Zeus, i. 145\n\nTrokombigremis, priest of Corycian Zeus, i. 145\n\n\u201cTrue of speech,\u201d epithet of Osiris, ii. 21\n\nTrumpets, blowing of, in the rites of Attis, i. 268\n\nTshi-speaking peoples of the Gold Coast, dedicated men and women among\n            the, i. 69 _sq._;\n  ordeal of chastity among the, 115 _n._ 2;\n  their annual festival of the dead, ii. 66 _n._ 2\n\n_Tubilustrium_ at Rome, i. 268 _n._ 1\n\nTulava, sacred prostitution in, i. 63\n\nTully River, in Queensland, belief of the natives as to conception without\n            sexual intercourse, i. 102\n\nTum of Heliopolis, an Egyptian sun-god, ii. 123\n\nTurner, George, on sacred stones, i. 108 _n._ 1\n\n\u201cTurquoise, Mistress of,\u201d at Sinai, i. 53\n\nTusayan Indians, their custom at planting, i. 239\n\nTuscany, volcanic district of, i. 208 _n._ 1\n\nTusser, Thomas, on planting peas and beans, ii. 134\n\nTwin, the navel-string of the King of Uganda called his Twin, ii. 147\n\nTwins, precautions taken by women at the graves of, i. 93 _n._ 1\n\nTwo-headed deity, i. 165 _sq._\n\nTyana, Hittite monument at, i. 122 _n._ 1\n\nTybi, an Egyptian month, ii. 93 _n._ 2\n\nTylon or Tylus, a Lydian hero, i. 183;\n  his death and resurrection, 186 _sq._\n\nTylor, Sir Edward B., on fossil bones as a source of myths, i. 157 _sq._;\n  on names for father and mother, 281\n\nTyphon slays Hercules, i. 111;\n  Corycian cave of, 155 _sq._;\n  his battle with the gods, 193, 194\n\n\u2014\u2014 and Zeus, battle of, i. 156 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014, or Set, the brother of Osiris, ii. 6;\n  murders Osiris, 7 _sq._;\n  and mangles his body, 10;\n  interpreted as the sun, 129.\n  _See also_ Set\n\nTyre, Melcarth at, i. 16;\n  burning of Melcarth at, 110 _sq._;\n  festival of \u201cthe awakening of Hercules\u201d at, 111;\n  king of, his walk on stones of fire, 114 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014, kings of, their divinity, i. 16;\n  as priests of Astarte, 26\n\nTyrimnus, axe-bearing hero at Thyatira, i. 183 _n._\n\nTyrol, feast of All Souls in the, ii. 73 _sq._\n\nTyropoeon, ravine at Jerusalem, i. 178\n\nUcayali River, the Conibos of the, i. 198;\n  their greetings to the new moon, ii. 142\n\nUganda, the country of the Baganda, ii. 167;\n  temples of the dead kings of, 167, 168 _sq._, 170 _sqq._;\n  human sacrifices offered to prolong the lives of the kings of, 223\n              _sqq._\n  _See also_ Baganda\n\nUncle, dead, worshipped, ii. 175\n\n\u2014\u2014, maternal, in marriage ceremonies in India, i. 62 _n._ 1\n\nUncleanness caused by contact with the dead, ii. 227 _sqq._\n\nUnconquered Sun, Mithra identified with the, i. 304\n\nUnis, king of Egypt, ii. 5\n\nUnkulunkulu, \u201cthe Old-Old-one,\u201d the first man in the traditions of the\n            Zulus, ii. 182\n\nUnnefer, \u201cthe Good Being,\u201d a title of Osiris, ii. 12\n\n\u201cUnspoken water\u201d in marriage rites, ii. 245 _sq._\n\nUpsala, human sacrifices in the holy grove at, i. 289 _sq._, ii. 220;\n  the reign of Frey at, 100\n\nUp-uat, Egyptian jackal-god, ii. 154\n\nUranus castrated by Cronus, i. 283\n\nUri-melech or Adom-melech, king of Byblus, i. 14\n\nUsirniri, temple of, at Busiris, ii. 151\n\nValesius, on the standard Egyptian cubit, ii. 217 _n._ 1\n\nVallabha, an Indian sect, men assimilated to women in the, ii. 254\n\nValley of Hinnom, sacrifices to Moloch, in the, i. 178\n\n\u2014\u2014 of the Kings at Thebes, ii. 90\n\n\u2014\u2014 of Poison, in Java, i. 203 _sq._\n\nVancouver Island, the Ahts of, ii. 139 _n._ 1\n\nVapours, worship of mephitic, i. 203 _sqq._\n\nVarro, on the marriage of the Roman gods, ii. 230 _sq._, 236 _n._ 1;\n  his derivation of _Dialis_ from Jove, 230 _n._ 2;\n  on Salacia, 233;\n  on Fauna or the Good Goddess, 234 _n._ 4\n\nVase-painting of Croesus on the pyre, i. 176\n\nVatican, worship of Cybele and Attis on the site of the, i. 275 _sq._\n\nVegetable and animal life associated in primitive mind, i. 5\n\nVegetation, mythical theory of the growth and decay of, i. 3 _sqq._;\n  annual decay and revival of, represented dramatically in the rites of\n              Adonis, 227 _sqq._;\n  gardens of Adonis charms to promote the growth of, 236 _sq._, 239;\n  Midsummer fires and couples in relation to, 250 _sq._;\n  Attis as a god of, 277 _sqq._;\n  Osiris as a god of, ii. 112, 126, 131, 158\n\n\u201cVeins of the Nile,\u201d near Philae, ii. 40\n\nVenus, the planet, identified with Astarte, i. 258, ii. 35\n\n\u2014\u2014 and Vulcan, ii. 231\n\nVenus, the bearded, in Cyprus, ii. 259 _n._ 3\n\nVernal festival of Adonis, i. 226\n\nVerrall, A. W., on the _Anthesteria_, i. 235 _n._ 1\n\nVertumnus and Pomona, ii. 235 _n._ 6\n\nVestal Virgin, mother of Romulus and Remus, ii. 235\n\n\u2014\u2014 Virgins, rule as to their election, ii. 244\n\nVicarious sacrifices for kings, ii. 220 _sq._\n\nVicarious and nutritive types of sacrifice, ii. 226\n\nVictims, sacrificial, hung on trees, i. 146\n\nVictoria Nyanza Lake, Mukasa the god of the, ii. 257\n\nVictory, temple of, on the Palatine Hill at Rome, i. 265\n\nViehe, Rev. G., on the worship of the dead among the Herero, ii. 187 _n._\n            1\n\nVine, the cultivation of, introduced by Osiris, ii. 7, 112\n\nVintage festival, Oschophoria, at Athens, ii. 258 _n._ 6\n\n\u2014\u2014 rites at Athens, ii. 238\n\nViolets sprung from the blood of Attis, i. 267\n\nVirbius or Dianus at Nemi, i. 45\n\nVirgin, the Heavenly, mother of the Sun, i. 303\n\n\u2014\u2014 birth of Perseus, i. 302 _n._ 4\n\n\u2014\u2014 Mary and Isis, ii. 118 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 Mother, the Phrygian Mother Goddess as a, i. 281\n\n\u2014\u2014 mothers, tales of, i. 264;\n  of gods and heroes, 107\n\nVirginity, sacrifice of, i. 60;\n  recovered by bathing in a spring, 280\n\nVirgins supposed to conceive through eating certain food, i. 96\n\nVirility, sacrifice of, in the rites of Attis and Astarte, i. 268 _sq._,\n            270 _sq._;\n  other cases of, 270 _n._ 2\n\nVitrolles, bathing at Midsummer at, i. 248\n\nViza, in Thrace, Carnival custom at, ii. 91\n\nVolcanic region of Cappadocia, i. 189 _sqq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 religion, i. 188 _sqq._\n\nVolcanoes, the worship of, i. 216 _sqq._;\n  human victims thrown into, 219 _sq._\n\nVosges, the Upper, rule as to the shearing of sheep in, ii. 134 _n._ 3\n\n\u2014\u2014 Mountains, feast of All Souls in the, ii. 69\n\nVotiaks of Russia, annual festivals of the dead among the, ii. 76 _sq._\n\nVoyage in boats of papyrus in the rites of Osiris, ii. 88\n\nVulcan, the fire-god, father of Caeculus, ii. 235\n\n\u2014\u2014, the husband of Maia or Majestas, ii. 232 _sq._;\n  his Flamen, 232\n\n\u2014\u2014 and Venus, ii. 231\n\nWabisa, Bantu tribe of Rhodesia, ii. 174\n\nWabondei, of Eastern Africa, their belief in serpents as reincarnations of\n            the dead, i. 82;\n  their rule as to the cutting of posts for building, ii. 137\n\nWachsmuth, C., on Easter ceremonies in the Greek Church, i. 254\n\nWagogo, the, of German East Africa, their ceremony at the new moon, ii.\n            143\n\nWahehe, a Bantu tribe of German East Africa, the worship of the dead among\n            the, ii. 188 _sqq._;\n  their belief in a supreme god Nguruhe, 188 _sq._\n\nWailing of women for Adonis, i. 224\n\nWajagga of German East Africa, their way of appeasing ghosts of suicides,\n            i. 292 _n._ 3;\n  their human sacrifices at irrigation, ii. 38\n\nWales, All Souls\u2019 Day in, ii. 79\n\nWallachia, harvest custom in, i. 237\n\nWamara, a worshipful dead king, ii. 174\n\nWaning of the moon, theories to account for the, ii. 130;\n  time for felling timber, 135 _sqq._\n\nWar, sacrifice of a blind bull before going to, ii. 250 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 -dance of king before the ghosts of his ancestors, ii. 192\n\nWarner, Mr., on Caffre ideas about lightning, ii. 177 _n._ 1\n\nWarramunga of Central Australia, their belief in the reincarnation of the\n            dead, i. 100;\n  their tradition of purification by fire, 180 _n._ 2\n\nWarts supposed to be affected by the moon, ii. 149\n\nWater thrown on the last corn cut, a rain-charm, i. 237 _sq._;\n  marvellous properties attributed to, at Midsummer (the festival of St.\n              John), 246 _sqq._;\n  prophetic, drunk on St. John\u2019s Eve, 247\n\n\u2014\u2014 of Life, i. 9\n\nWaterbrash, a Huzul cure for, ii. 149 _sq._\n\nWave accompanying earthquake, i. 202 _sq._\n\nWeaning of children, belief as to the, in Angus, ii. 148\n\nWeavers, caste of, i. 62\n\nWeeks, Rev. J. H., on inconsistency of savage thought, i. 5 _n._;\n  on the names for the supreme god among many tribes of Africa, ii. 186\n              _n._ 5\n\n_Wellalaick_, festival of the dead among the Letts, ii. 74\n\nWen-Ammon, Egyptian traveller, i. 14, 75 _sq._\n\nWest, Oriental religions in the, i. 298 _sqq._\n\nWestermann, D., on the worship of Nyakang among the Shilluks, ii. 165\n\nWhalers, their bodies cut up and used as charms, ii. 106\n\nWheat forced for festival, i. 243, 244, 251 _sq._, 253\n\n\u2014\u2014 and barley, the cultivation of, introduced by Osiris, ii. 7;\n  discovered by Isis, 116\n\nWhip made of human skin used in ceremonies for the prolongation of the\n            king\u2019s life, ii. 224, 225\n\nWhitby, All Souls\u2019 Day at, ii. 79\n\nWhite, Rev. G. E., on dervishes of Asia Minor, i. 170\n\nWhite, Miss Rachel Evelyn (Mrs. Wedd), on the position of women in ancient\n            Egypt, ii. 214 _n._ 1, 216 _n._ 1\n\nWhite the colour of Upper Egypt, ii. 21 _n._ 1\n\n\u2014\u2014 birds, souls of dead kings incarnate in, ii. 162\n\n\u2014\u2014 bull, soul of a dead king incarnate in a, ii. 164\n\n\u2014\u2014 Crown of Upper Egypt, ii. 20, 21 _n._ 1;\n  worn by Osiris, 87\n\n\u2014\u2014 roses dyed red by the blood of Aphrodite, i. 226\n\nWhydah, King of, his worship of serpents, i. 67;\n  serpents fed at, 86 _n._ 1\n\nWicked after death, fate of the, in Egyptian religion, ii. 14\n\nWidow-burning in Greece, i. 177 _n._ 3\n\nWidowed Flamen, the, ii. 227 _sqq._\n\nWiedemann, Professor A., on Wen-Ammon, i. 76 _n._ 1;\n  on the Egyptian name of Isis, ii. 50 _n._ 4\n\nWigtownshire, harvest custom in, i. 237 _n._ 4\n\nWiimbaio tribe of South-Eastern Australia, their medicine-men, i. 75 _n._\n            4\n\nWilkinson, Sir J. G., on corn-stuffed effigies of Osiris, ii. 91 _n._ 3\n\nWilson, C. T., and R. W. Felkin, on the worship of the dead kings of\n            Uganda, ii. 173 _n._ 2\n\nWinckler, H., his excavations at Boghaz-Keui, i. 125 _n._, 135 _n._\n\nWinged deities, i. 165 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 disc as divine emblem, i. 132\n\nWinnowing-fans, ashes of human victims scattered by, ii. 97, 106\n\nWinter called Cronus, ii. 41\n\n\u2014\u2014 sleep of the god, ii. 41\n\n\u2014\u2014 solstice reckoned the Nativity of the Sun, i. 303;\n  Egyptian ceremony at the, ii. 50\n\nWissowa, Professor G., on introduction of Phrygian rites at Rome, i. 267\n            _n._;\n  on Orcus, ii. 231 _n._ 5;\n  on Ops and Consus, 233 _n._ 6;\n  on the marriage of the Roman gods, 236 _n._ 1\n\nWives of dead kings sacrificed at their tombs, ii. 168\n\nWives, human, of gods, i. 61 _sqq._, ii. 207;\n  in Western Asia and Egypt, 70 _sqq._\n\nWiwa chiefs reincarnated in pythons, ii. 193\n\nWogait, Australian tribe, their belief in conception without cohabitation,\n            i. 103\n\nWoman feeding serpent in Greek art, i. 87 _sq._;\n  as inspired prophetess of a god, ii. 257\n\nWoman\u2019s dress assumed by men to deceive dangerous spirits, ii. 262 _sq._\n\nWomen pass through holed stones as cure for barrenness, i. 36, with _n._\n            4;\n  impregnated by dead saints, 78 _sq._;\n  impregnated by serpents, 80 _sqq._;\n  fear to be impregnated by ghosts, 93;\n  impregnated by the flower of the banana, 93;\n  excluded from sacrifices to Hercules, 113 _n._ 1;\n  their high importance in the social system of the Pelew Islanders, ii.\n              205 _sqq._;\n  the cultivation of the staple food in the hands of women (Pelew\n              Islands), 206 _sq._;\n  their social importance increased by the combined influence of\n              mother-kin and landed property, 209;\n  their legal superiority to men in ancient Egypt, 214;\n  impregnated by fire, 235;\n  priests dressed as, 253 _sqq._;\n  dressed as men, 255 _n._ 1, 257;\n  excluded from sacrifices to Hercules, 258 _n._ 5;\n  dressed as men at marriage, 262 _sqq._;\n  dressed as men at circumcision, 263.\n  _See also_ Barrenness, Childless, _and_ Sacred Women\n\n\u2014\u2014 as prophetesses inspired by dead chiefs, ii. 192 _sq._;\n  inspired by gods, 207\n\n\u2014\u2014, living, regarded as the wives of dead kings, ii. 191, 192;\n  reputed the wives of gods, 207\n\nWomen\u2019s hair, sacrifice of, i. 38\n\n_Wororu_, man supposed to cause conception in women without sexual\n            intercourse, i. 105\n\nWorship of ancestral spirits among the Bantu tribes of Africa, ii. 174\n            _sqq._;\n  among the Khasis of Assam, 203\n\n\u2014\u2014 of the dead perhaps fused with the propitiation of the corn-spirit, i.\n            233 _sqq._;\n  among the Bantu tribes, ii. 174 _sqq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 of dead kings and chiefs in Africa, ii. 160 _sqq._;\n  among the Barotse, 194 _sq._;\n  an important element in African religion, 195 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 of hot springs, i. 206 _sqq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 of mephitic vapours, i. 203 _sqq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 of volcanoes, i. 216 _sqq._\n\nWorshippers of Osiris forbidden to injure fruit-trees and to stop up\n            wells, ii. 111\n\n\u201cWounds between the arms\u201d of Hebrew prophets, i. 74 _n._ 4\n\n\u201c\u2014\u2014 of the Naaman,\u201d Arab name for the scarlet anemone, i. 226\n\nWreaths as amulets, ii. 242 _sq._\n\nW\u00fcnsch, R., on the _Anthesteria_, i. 235 _n._ 1;\n  on modern survivals of festivals of Adonis, 246;\n  on Easter ceremonies in the Greek church, 254 _n._\n\nWyse, W., ii. 35 _n._ 1, 51 _n._ 1\n\nXenophanes of Colophon on the Egyptian rites of mourning for gods, ii. 42,\n            43\n\nYam, island of Torres Straits, heroes worshipped in animal forms in, i.\n            139 _n._ 1\n\nYap, one of the Caroline Islands, prostitution of unmarried girls in, ii.\n            265 _sq._\n\nYarilo, a personification of vegetation, i. 253\n\nYear, length of the solar, determined by the Theban priests, ii. 26\n\n\u2014\u2014, the fixed Alexandrian, ii. 28, 49, 92\n\n\u2014\u2014, the Celtic, reckoned from November 1st, ii. 81\n\n\u2014\u2014, the Egyptian, a vague year, not corrected by intercalation, ii. 24\n            _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 of God, a Sothic period, ii. 36 _n._ 2;\n  began with the rising of Sirius, 35\n\n\u2014\u2014, the old Iranian, ii. 67\n\n\u2014\u2014, the Julian, ii. 28\n\n\u2014\u2014, the Teutonic, reckoned from October 1st, ii. 81\n\nYehar-baal, king of Byblus, i. 14\n\nYehaw-melech, king of Byblus, i. 14\n\nYnglings, a Norse family, descended from Frey, ii. 100\n\nYombe, a Bantu tribe of Northern Rhodesia, their sacrifice of first-fruits\n            to the dead, ii. 191\n\nYouth restored by the witch Medea, i. 180 _sq._\n\nYucatan, calendar of the Indians of, ii. 28 _n._\n\nYukon River in Alaska, ii. 51\n\nYungman tribe of Australia, their belief as to the birth of children, i.\n            101\n\nYuruks, pastoral people of Cilicia, i. 150 _n._ 1\n\nZambesi, the Barotse of the, ii. 193\n\nZas, name of priest of Corycian Zeus, i. 155\n\nZechariah, on the mourning of or for Hadadrimmon, i. 15 _n._ 4;\n  on wounds of prophet, 74 _n._ 4\n\nZekar-baal, king of Byblus, i. 14\n\n_Zend-Avesta_, on the Fravashis, ii. 67 _sq._\n\nZenjirli in Syria, Hittite sculptures at, i. 134;\n  statue of horned god at, 163\n\nZer, old Egyptian king, his true Horus name Khent, ii. 20 _n._ 1, 154.\n  _See_ Khent\n\nZerka, river in Moab, i. 215 _n._ 1\n\nZeus, god of Tarsus assimilated to, i. 119, 143;\n  Cilician deity assimilated to, 144 _sqq._, 148, 152;\n  the flower of, 186, 187;\n  identified with Attis, 282;\n  castrates his father Cronus, 283;\n  the father of dew, ii. 137;\n  the Saviour of the City, at Magnesia on the Maeander, 238\n\n\u2014\u2014, Corycian, priests of, i. 145, 155;\n  temple of, 155\n\n\u2014\u2014 and Hecate at Stratonicea in Caria, i. 270 _n._ 2, 227\n\n\u2014\u2014, Labrandeus, the Carian, i. 182\n\n\u2014\u2014, Olbian, ruins of his temple at Olba, i. 151;\n  his cave or chasm, 158 _sq._;\n  his priest Teucer, 159;\n  a god of fertility, 159 _sqq._\n\n\u2014\u2014, Olybrian, i. 167 _n._ 1\n\n\u2014\u2014 Papas, i. 281 _n._ 2\n\nZeus and Typhon, battle of, i. 156 _sq._, 160\n\nZimmern, H., on Mylitta, i. 37 _n._ 1\n\nZimri, king of Israel, burns himself, i. 174 _n._ 2, 176\n\nZion, Mount, traditionally identified with Mount Moriah, ii. 219 _n._ 1\n\nZoroastrian fire-worship in Cappadocia, i. 191\n\nZulu medicine-men or diviners, i. 74 _n._ 4, 75;\n  their charm to fertilize fields, ii. 102 _sq._\n\nZulus, their belief in serpents as reincarnations of the dead, i. 82, 84;\n  their observation of the moon, ii. 134 _sq._;\n  the worship of the dead among the, 182 _sqq._;\n  their sacrifice of a bull to prolong the life of the king, 222\n\n\n\n\n\n\nFOOTNOTES\n\n\n   M1 Osiris the Egyptian counterpart of Adonis and Attis.\n   M2 The myth of Osiris. The Pyramid Texts.\n\n    1 See Plutarch, _Isis et Osiris_, 12-20; R. V. Lanzone, _Dizionario di\n      Mitologia Egizia_ (Turin, 1881-1884), vol. ii. pp. 692 _sqq._; A.\n      Erman, _Aegypten und aegyptisches Leben im Altertum_ (T\u00fcbingen,\n      N.D.), pp. 365-369; _id._, _Die \u00e4gyptische Religion_2 (Berlin,\n      1909), pp. 38 _sqq._; A. Wiedemann, _Die Religion der alten \u00c4gypter_\n      (M\u00fcnster i. W. 1890), pp. 109 _sqq._; _id._, _Religion of the\n      Ancient Egyptians_ (London, 1897), pp. 207 _sqq._; G. Maspero,\n      _Histoire ancienne des Peuples de l\u2019Orient Classique_, i. 172\n      _sqq._; E. A. Wallis Budge, _The Gods of the Egyptians_ (London,\n      1904), ii. 123 _sqq._; _id._, _Osiris and the Egyptian Resurrection_\n      (London, 1911), i. 1 _sqq._\n\n    2 J. H. Breasted, _Development of Religion and Thought in Ancient\n      Egypt_ (London, 1912), pp. vii. _sq._, 77 _sqq._, 84 _sqq._, 91\n      _sqq._ Compare _id._, _History of the Ancient Egyptians_ (London,\n      1908), p. 68; Ed. Meyer, _Geschichte des Altertums_,2 i. 2. pp. 116\n      _sq._; E. A. Wallis Budge, _Osiris and the Egyptian Resurrection_\n      (London, 1911), i. 100 _sqq._ The first series of the texts was\n      discovered in 1880 when Mariette\u2019s workmen penetrated into the\n      pyramid of King Pepi the First. Till then it had been thought by\n      modern scholars that the pyramids were destitute of inscriptions.\n      The first to edit the Pyramid Texts was Sir Gaston Maspero.\n\n   M3 The Pyramid Texts intended to ensure the blissful immortality of\n      Egyptian kings.\n\n    3 J. H. Breasted, _Development of Religion and Thought in Ancient\n      Egypt_, pp. 91 _sq._ Among the earlier works referred to in the\n      Pyramid Texts are \u201cthe chapter of those who ascend\u201d and \u201cthe chapter\n      of those who raise themselves up\u201d (J. H. Breasted, _op. cit._ p.\n      85). From their titles these works would seem to have recorded a\n      belief in the resurrection and ascension of the dead.\n\n   M4 The story of Osiris in the Pyramid Texts.\n\n    4 This has been done by Professor J. H. Breasted in his _Development\n      of Religion and Thought in Ancient Egypt_, pp. 18 _sqq._\n\n   M5 Osiris a son of the earth-god and the sky-goddess.\n\n    5 In Plutarch, _Isis et Osiris_, 12, we must clearly read \u1f11\u03b2\u03b4\u03bf\u03bc\u03b7\u03ba\u03bf\u03c3\u03c4\u1f78\u03bd\n      \u03b4\u03b5\u03cd\u03c4\u03b5\u03c1\u03bf\u03bd with Scaliger and Wyttenbach for the \u1f11\u03b2\u03b4\u03bf\u03bc\u03b7\u03ba\u03bf\u03c3\u03c4\u03cc\u03bd of the\n      MSS.\n\n    6 Herodotus, ii. 4, with A. Wiedemann\u2019s note; L. Ideler, _Handbuch der\n      mathematischen und technischen Chronologie_ (Berlin, 1825-1826), i.\n      94 _sqq._; A. Erman, _Aegypten und aegyptisches Leben im Altertum_,\n      pp. 468 _sq._; G. Maspero, _Histoire ancienne des Peuples de\n      l\u2019Orient Classique_, i. 208 _sq._\n\n    7 The birth of the five deities on the five supplementary days is\n      mentioned by Diodorus Siculus (i. 13. 4) as well as by Plutarch\n      (_Isis et Osiris_, 12). The memory of the five supplementary days\n      seems to survive in the modern Coptic calendar of Egypt. The days\n      from the first to the sixth of Amshir (February) are called \u201cthe\n      days outside the year\u201d and they are deemed unlucky. \u201cAny child\n      begotten during these days will infallibly be misshapen or\n      abnormally tall or short. This also applies to animals so that\n      cattle and mares are not covered during these days; moreover, some\n      say (though others deny) that neither sowing nor planting should be\n      undertaken.\u201d However, these unlucky days are not the true\n      intercalary days of the Coptic calendar, which occur in the second\n      week of September at the end of the Coptic year. See C. G.\n      Seligmann, \u201cAncient Egyptian Beliefs in Modern Egypt,\u201d _Essays and\n      Studies presented to William Ridgeway_ (Cambridge, 1913), p. 456. As\n      to the unluckiness of intercalary days in general, see _The\n      Scapegoat_, pp. 339 _sqq._\n\n   M6 Osiris introduces the cultivation of corn and of the vine. His\n      violent death. Isis searches for his body.\n\n    8 Plutarch, _Isis et Osiris_, 13; Diodorus Siculus, i. 14, 17, 20;\n      Tibullus, i. 7. 29 _sqq._\n\n    9 Plutarch, _Isis et Osiris_, 13 _sq._\n\n   M7 She takes refuge in the papyrus swamps. Isis and her infant son\n      Horus.\n\n   10 A. Erman, _Aegypten und aegyptisches Leben im Altertum_, p. 366;\n      _id._, _Die \u00e4gyptische Religion_2 (Berlin, 1909), p. 40; A.\n      Wiedemann, _Religion of the Ancient Egyptians_ (London, 1897), pp.\n      213 _sq._; E. A. Wallis Budge, _The Gods of the Egyptians_, i. 487\n      _sq._, ii. 206-211; _id._, _Osiris and the Egyptian Resurrection_\n      (London, 1911), i. 92-96, ii. 84, 274-276. These incidents of the\n      scorpions are not related by Plutarch but are known to us from\n      Egyptian sources. The barbarous legend of the begetting of Horus by\n      the dead Osiris is told in unambiguous language in the Pyramid\n      Texts, and it is illustrated by a monument which represents the two\n      sister goddesses hovering in the likeness of hawks over the god,\n      while Hathor sits at his head and the Frog-goddess Heqet squats in\n      the form of a huge frog at his feet. See J. H. Breasted,\n      _Development of Religion and Thought in Ancient Egypt_, p. 28, with\n      note 2; E. A. Wallis Budge, _Osiris and the Egyptian Resurrection_,\n      i. 280. Harpocrates is in Egyptian _Her-pe-khred_, \u201cHorus the child\u201d\n      (A. Wiedemann, _Religion of the Ancient Egyptians_, p. 223).\n      Plutarch, who appears to distinguish him from Horus, says that\n      Harpocrates was begotten by the dead Osiris on Isis, and that he was\n      born untimely and was weak in his lower limbs (_Isis et Osiris_,\n      19). Elsewhere he tells us that Harpocrates \u201cwas born, incomplete\n      and youthful, about the winter solstice along with the early flowers\n      and blossoms\u201d (_Isis et Osiris_, 65).\n\n   M8 The body of Osiris floats to Byblus, where it is recovered by Isis.\n      The body of Osiris dismembered by Typhon, and the pieces recovered\n      by Isis. Diodorus Siculus on the burial of Osiris.\n\n   11 Plutarch, _Isis et Osiris_, 8, 18.\n\n   12 Plutarch, _Isis et Osiris_, 18.\n\n   13 Plutarch, _Isis et Osiris_, 18. Compare Hippolytus, _Refutatio\n      omnium haeresium_, v. 7, p. 142, ed. L. Duncker and F. G.\n      Schneidewin (G\u00f6ttingen, 1859).\n\n   14 Diodorus Siculus, i. 21. 5-11; compare _id._, iv. 6. 3; Strabo,\n      xvii. 1. 23, p. 803.\n\n   M9 The various members of Osiris treasured as relics in various parts\n      of Egypt.\n\n   15 H. Brugsch, \u201cDas Osiris-Mysterium von Tentyra,\u201d _Zeitschrift f\u00fcr\n      \u00e4gyptische Sprache und Alterthumskunde_, xix. (1881) pp. 77 _sqq._;\n      V. Loret, \u201cLes f\u00eates d\u2019Osiris au mois de Khoiak,\u201d _Recueil de\n      Travaux relatifs \u00e0 la Philologie et \u00e0 l\u2019Arch\u00e9ologie \u00c9gyptiennes et\n      Assyriennes_, iii. (1882) pp. 43 _sqq._; R. V. Lanzone, _Dizionario\n      di Mitologia Egizia_, pp. 697 _sqq._; A. Wiedemann, _Herodots\n      zweites Buch_ (Leipsic, 1890), pp. 584 _sqq._; _id._, _Die Religion\n      der alten \u00c4gypter_, p. 115; _id._, _Religion of the Ancient\n      Egyptians_, pp. 215 _sqq._; A. Erman, _Aegypten und aegyptisches\n      Leben im Altertum_, pp. 367 _sq._\n\n   16 J. Rendel Harris, _The Annotators of the Codex Bezae_ (London,\n      1901), p. 104, note 2, referring to Dulaure.\n\n  M10 Osiris mourned by Isis and Nephthys.\n\n   17 A. Erman, _Die \u00e4gyptische Religion_2 (Berlin, 1909), pp. 39 _sq._;\n      E. A. Wallis Budge, _Osiris and the Egyptian Resurrection_, ii. 59\n      _sqq._\n\n   18 A. Wiedemann, _Religion of the Ancient Egyptians_, p. 211.\n\n  M11 Being brought to life again, Osiris reigns as king and judge of the\n      dead in the other world. The confession of the dead.\n\n   19 A. Erman, _Die \u00e4gyptische Religion_,2 pp. 39 _sq._; G. Maspero,\n      _Histoire ancienne des Peuples de l\u2019Orient Classique_, i. 176; E. A.\n      Wallis Budge, _The Gods of the Egyptians_, ii. 140, 262; _id._,\n      _Osiris and the Egyptian Resurrection_, i. 70-75, 80-82. On Osiris\n      as king of the dead see Plutarch, _Isis et Osiris_, 79.\n\n   20 Miss Margaret A. Murray, _The Osireion at Abydos_ (London, 1904),\n      pp. 8, 17, 18.\n\n   21 On Osiris as judge of the dead see A. Wiedemann, _Die Religion der\n      alten \u00c4gypter_, pp. 131 _sqq._; _id._, _Religion of the Ancient\n      Egyptians_, pp. 248 _sqq._; G. Maspero, _Histoire ancienne des\n      Peuples de l\u2019Orient Classique_, i. 187 _sqq._; E. A. Wallis Budge,\n      _The Book of the Dead_2 (London, 1909), i. pp. liii. _sqq._; _id._,\n      _The Gods of the Egyptians_, ii. 141 _sqq._; _id._, _Osiris and the\n      Egyptian Resurrection_, i. 305 _sqq._; A. Erman, _Die \u00e4gyptische\n      Religion_,2 pp. 116 _sqq._\n\n_   22 The Book of the Dead_, ch. cxxv. (vol. ii. pp. 355 _sqq._ of\n      Budge\u2019s translation; P. Pierret, _Le Livre des Morts_, Paris, 1882,\n      pp. 369 _sqq._); R. V. Lanzone, _Dizionario di Mitologia Egizia_,\n      pp. 788 _sqq._; A. Wiedemann, _Die Religion der alten \u00c4gypter_, pp.\n      132-134; _id._, _Religion of the Ancient Egyptians_, pp. 249 _sqq._;\n      G. Maspero, _Histoire ancienne des Peuples de l\u2019Orient Classique_,\n      i. 188-191; A. Erman, _Die \u00e4gyptische Religion_,2 pp. 117-121; E. A.\n      Wallis Budge, _Osiris and the Egyptian Resurrection_, i. 337 _sqq._;\n      J. H. Breasted, _Development of Religion and Thought in Ancient\n      Egypt_, pp. 297 _sqq._\n\n   23 A. Erman, _Die \u00e4gyptische Religion_,2 p. 121. Compare A. Wiedemann,\n      _Die Religion der alten \u00c4gypter_, pp. 134 _sq._; _id._, _Religion of\n      the Ancient Egyptians_, p. 253.\n\n   24 A. Wiedemann, _Religion of the Ancient Egyptians_, p. 254; E. A.\n      Wallis Budge, _Osiris and the Egyptian Resurrection_, i. 305 _sqq._;\n      G. Maspero, _op. cit._ i. 194 _sq._; A. Erman, _Die \u00e4gyptische\n      Religion_,2 pp. 121 _sqq._; E. A. Wallis Budge, _Osiris and the\n      Egyptian Resurrection_, i. 97 _sq._, 100 _sqq._; E. Lef\u00e9bure, \u201cLe\n      Paradis Egyptien,\u201d _Sphinx_, iii. (Upsala, 1900) pp. 191 _sqq._\n\n  M12 The fate of the wicked.\n\n   25 A. Wiedemann, _Religion of the Ancient Egyptians_, p. 249. Compare\n      A. Erman, _Die \u00e4gyptische Religion_,2 pp. 117, 121; E. A. Wallis\n      Budge, _Osiris and the Egyptian Resurrection_, i. 317, 328.\n\n  M13 In the resurrection of Osiris the Egyptians saw a pledge of their\n      own immortality.\n\n   26 G. Maspero, \u201cLe rituel du sacrifice fun\u00e9raire,\u201d _\u00c9tudes de\n      Mythologie et d\u2019Arch\u00e9ologie \u00c9gyptiennes_ (Paris, 1893-1912), i. 291\n      _sq._\n\n   27 G. Maspero, _op. cit._ pp. 300-316. Compare A. Wiedemann, _Die\n      Religion der alten \u00c4gypter_, pp. 123 _sqq._; _id._, _Religion of the\n      Ancient Egyptians_, pp. 234 _sqq._; E. A. Wallis Budge, _The Book of\n      the Dead_2 (London, 1909), i. pp. iiii. _sqq._; _id._, _The Gods of\n      the Egyptians_, ii. 126, 140 _sq._; _id._, _Osiris and the Egyptian\n      Resurrection_, i. 66 _sqq._, 101 _sq._, 176, 305, 399 _sq._; A.\n      Moret, _Du Caract\u00e8re religieux de la Royaut\u00e9 Pharaonique_ (Paris,\n      1902), p. 312; _id._, _Kings and Gods of Egypt_ (New York and\n      London, 1912), pp. 91 _sqq._; _id._, _Myst\u00e8res \u00c9gyptiens_ (Paris,\n      1913), pp. 37 _sqq._ \u201cIn one of the ceremonies of the \u2018Opening of\n      the Mouth\u2019 the deceased was temporarily placed in a bull\u2019s skin,\n      which was probably that of one of the bulls which were offered up\n      during the celebration of the service. From this skin the deceased\n      obtained further power, and his emergence from it was the visible\n      symbol of his resurrection and of his entrance into everlasting life\n      with all the strength of Osiris and Horus\u201d (E. A. Wallis Budge,\n      _Osiris and the Egyptian Resurrection_, i. 400).\n\n  M14 Every dead Egyptian identified with Osiris.\n\n   28 A. Erman, _Aegypten und aegyptisches Leben im Altertum_, p. 416; J.\n      H. Breasted, _History of the Ancient Egyptians_, pp. 149 _sq._;\n      Margaret A. Murray, _The Osireion at Abydos_ (London, 1904), p. 31.\n      Under the earlier dynasties only kings appear to have been\n      identified with Osiris.\n\n   29 A. Moret, _Myst\u00e8res \u00c9gyptiens_ (Paris, 1913), p. 40.\n\n   30 A. Erman, _Die \u00e4gyptische Religion_,2 pp. 111-113. However, in later\n      times the body with which the dead came to life was believed to be a\n      spiritual, not a material body; it was called _s\u0101hu_. See E. A.\n      Wallis Budge, _The Book of the Dead_,2 i. pp. lvii. _sqq._; _id._,\n      _Osiris and the Egyptian Resurrection_, ii. 123 _sq._\n\n  M15 Combat between Set and Horus, the brother and the son of Osiris, for\n      the crown of Egypt.\n\n   31 Plutarch, _Isis et Osiris_, 19 and 55; A. Erman, _Aegypten und\n      aegyptisches Leben im Altertum_, p. 368; _id._, _Die \u00e4gyptische\n      Religion_,2 pp. 41 _sq._; A. Wiedemann, _Die Religion der alten\n      \u00c4gypter_, p. 114; _id._, _Religion of the Ancient Egyptians_, pp.\n      214 _sq._; G. Maspero, _Histoire ancienne des Peuples de l\u2019Orient\n      Classique_, i. 176-178; E. A. Wallis Budge, _Osiris and the Egyptian\n      Resurrection_, i. 62 _sq._, 64, 89 _sqq._, 309 _sqq._\n\n  M16 The legend of their contest may be a reminiscence of dynastic\n      struggles.\n\n_   32 The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, ii. 290 _sqq._\n\n  M17 Osiris represented as a king in tradition and art. The tomb of\n      Osiris at Abydos.\n\n   33 A. Wiedemann, _Religion of the Ancient Egyptians_, p. 217. For\n      details see E. A. Wallis Budge, _Osiris and the Egyptian\n      Resurrection_, i. 30 _sqq._\n\n   34 J. H. Breasted, _History of the Ancient Egyptians_ (London, 1908),\n      p. 61; _id._, _Development of Religion and Thought in Ancient\n      Egypt_, p. 38; E. A. Wallis Budge, _Osiris and the Egyptian\n      Resurrection_, i. 37, 67, 81, 210, 212, 214, 290, ii. 1, 2, 8-13,\n      82-85; A. Erman, _Die \u00e4gyptische Religion_,2 pp. 21, 23, 110; A.\n      Wiedemann, _Religion of the Ancient Egyptians_, p. 289; Ed. Meyer,\n      _Geschichte des Altertums_,2 i. 2. pp. 70, 96, 97. It appears to be\n      now generally held that the original seat of the worship of Osiris\n      was at Busiris, but that at Abydos the god found a second home,\n      which in time eclipsed the old one in glory. According to Professors\n      Ed. Meyer and A. Erman, the god whom Osiris displaced at Abydos was\n      Anubis.\n\n   35 Plutarch, _Isis et Osiris_, 20; A. Erman, _Aegypten und aegyptisches\n      Leben im Altertum_, p. 417; J. H. Breasted, _History of the Ancient\n      Egyptians_ (London, 1908), pp. 148 _sq._; Ed. Meyer, _Geschichte des\n      Altertums_,2 i. 2. p. 209; E. A. Wallis Budge, _Osiris and the\n      Egyptian Resurrection_, i. 68 _sq._, ii. 3.\n\n  M18 The tombs of the old kings at Abydos. The tomb of King Khent\n      identified with the tomb of Osiris. The sculptured effigy of Osiris.\n      The hawk the crest of the earliest dynasties.\n\n   36 Ed. Meyer, _Geschichte des Altertums_,2 i. 2. p. 125.\n\n   37 J. H. Breasted, _History of the Ancient Egyptians_, pp. 43, 50 _sq._\n      The excavations were begun by E. Am\u00e9lineau and continued by W. M.\n      Flinders Petrie (Ed. Meyer, _Geschichte des Altertums_,2 i. 2. p.\n      119). See E. Am\u00e9lineau, _Le Tombeau d\u2019Osiris_ (Paris, 1899); W. M.\n      Flinders Petrie, _The Royal Tombs of the Earliest Dynasties_, Part\n      ii. (London, 1901). The excavations of the former have been\n      criticized by Sir Gaston Maspero (_\u00c9tudes de Mythologie et\n      d\u2019Arch\u00e9ologie \u00c9gyptiennes_, vi. (Paris, 1912) pp. 153-182).\n\n   38 Ed. Meyer, _Geschichte des Altertums_,2 i. 2. pp. 119, 124; E. A.\n      Wallis Budge, _Osiris and the Egyptian Resurrection_, ii. 8. The\n      place is now known by the Arabic name of Umm al-Ka\u2019\u00e2b or \u201cMother of\n      Pots\u201d on account of the large quantity of pottery that has been\n      found there.\n\n   39 Ed. Meyer, _Geschichte des Altertums_,2 i. 2. pp. 119, 125, 127,\n      128, 129, 209. The king\u2019s Horus name has sometimes been read Zer,\n      but according to Professor Meyer (_op. cit._ p. 128) and Dr. Budge\n      (_Osiris and the Egyptian Resurrection_, ii. 83) the true reading is\n      Khent (Chent). The king\u2019s personal name was perhaps Ka (Ed. Meyer,\n      _op. cit._ p. 128).\n\n   40 E. Am\u00e9lineau, _Le Tombeau d\u2019Osiris_ (Paris, 1899), pp. 107-115; W.\n      M. Flinders Petrie, _The Royal Tombs of the Earliest Dynasties_,\n      Part ii. (London, 1901) pp. 8 _sq._, 16-19, with the frontispiece\n      and plates lx. lxi.; G. Maspero, _\u00c9tudes de Mythologie et\n      d\u2019Arch\u00e9ologie \u00c9gyptiennes_ (Paris, 1893-1912), vi. 167-173; J. H.\n      Breasted, _History of the Ancient Egyptians_ (London, 1908), pp. 50\n      _sq._, 148; E. A. Wallis Budge, _Osiris and the Egyptian\n      Resurrection_, ii. 8-10, 13, 83-85. The tomb, with its interesting\n      contents, was discovered and excavated by Monsieur E. Am\u00e9lineau. The\n      masses, almost the mountains, of broken pottery, under which the\n      tomb was found to be buried, are probably remains of the vessels in\n      which pious pilgrims presented their offerings at the shrine. See E.\n      Am\u00e9lineau, _op. cit._ pp. 85 _sq._; J. H. Breasted, _op. cit._ pp.\n      51, 148. The high White Crown, worn by Osiris, was the symbol of the\n      king\u2019s dominion over Upper Egypt; the flat Red Crown, with a high\n      backpiece and a projecting spiral, was the symbol of his dominion\n      over Lower Egypt. On the monuments the king is sometimes represented\n      wearing a combination of the White and the Red Crown to symbolize\n      his sovereignty over both the South and the North. White was the\n      distinctive colour of Upper, as red was of Lower, Egypt. The\n      treasury of Upper Egypt was called \u201cthe White House\u201d; the treasury\n      of Lower Egypt was called \u201cthe Red House.\u201d See Ed. Meyer,\n      _Geschichte des Altertums_,2 i. 2. pp. 103 _sq._; J. H. Breasted,\n      _History of the Ancient Egyptians_ (London, 1908), pp. 34 _sq._, 36,\n      41.\n\n   41 A. Moret, _Myst\u00e8res \u00c9gyptiens_ (Paris, 1913), pp. 159-162, with\n      plate iii. Compare Victor Loret, \u201cL\u2019\u00c9gypte au temps du tot\u00e9misme,\u201d\n      _Conf\u00e9rences faites au Mus\u00e9e Guimet, Biblioth\u00e8que de Vulgarisation_,\n      xix. (Paris, 1906) pp. 179-186. Both these writers regard the hawk\n      as the totem of the royal clan. This view is rejected by Prof. Ed.\n      Meyer, who, however, holds that Horus, whose emblem was the hawk,\n      was the oldest national god of Egypt (_Geschichte des Altertums_,2\n      i. 2. pp. 102-106). He prefers to suppose that the hawk, or rather\n      the falcon, was the emblem of a god of light because the bird flies\n      high in the sky (_op. cit._ p. 73; according to him the bird is not\n      the sparrow-hawk but the falcon, ib. p. 75). A similar view is\n      adopted by Professor A. Wiedemann (_Religion of the Ancient\n      Egyptians_, p. 26). Compare A. Erman, _Die \u00e4gyptische Religion_,2\n      pp. 10, 11. The native Egyptian name of Hawk-town was Nechen, in\n      Greek it was Hieraconpolis (Ed. Meyer, _op. cit._ p. 103). Hawks\n      were worshipped by the inhabitants (Strabo, xvii. 1. 47, p. 817).\n\n   42 According to the legend the four sons of Horus were set by Anubis to\n      protect the burial of Osiris. They washed his dead body, they\n      mourned over him, and they opened his cold lips with their fingers.\n      But they disappeared, for Isis had caused them to grow out of a\n      lotus flower in a pool of water. In that position they are sometimes\n      represented in Egyptian art before the seated effigy of Osiris. See\n      A. Erman, _Die \u00e4gyptische Religion_,2 p. 43; E. A. Wallis Budge,\n      _Osiris and the Egyptian Resurrection_, i. 40, 41, 327.\n\n  M19 The association of Osiris with Byblus.\n\n   43 See above, pp. 9 _sq._\n\n   44 E. A. Wallis Budge, _Osiris and the Egyptian Resurrection_, i. 16\n      _sq._\n\n   45 Cyril of Alexandria, _In Isaiam_, lib. ii. Tomus iii. (Migne\u2019s\n      _Patrologia Graeca_, lxx. 441).\n\n  M20 The date of a festival sometimes furnishes a clue to the nature of\n      the god.\n  M21 The year of the Egyptian calendar a vague or movable one.\n\n   46 As to the Egyptian calendar see L. Ideler, _Handbuch der\n      mathematischen und technischen Chronologie_ (Berlin, 1825-1826), i.\n      93 _sqq._; Sir J. G. Wilkinson, _Manners and Customs of the Ancient\n      Egyptians_ (London, 1878), ii. 368 _sqq._; R. Lepsius, _Die\n      Chronologie der Aegypter_, i. (Berlin, 1849) pp. 125 _sqq._; H.\n      Brugsch, _Die \u00c4gyptologie_ (Leipsic, 1891), pp. 347-366; A. Erman,\n      _Aegypten und aegyptisches Leben im Altertum_, pp. 468 _sq._; G.\n      Maspero, _Histoire ancienne des Peuples de l\u2019Orient Classique_, i.\n      207-210; Ed. Meyer, \u201cAegyptische Chronologie,\u201d _Abhandlungen der\n      k\u00f6nigl. Preuss. Akademie der Wissenschaften_, 1904, pp. 2 _sqq._;\n      _id._, \u201cNachtr\u00e4ge zur \u00e4gyptischen Chronologie,\u201d _Abhandlungen der\n      k\u00f6nigl. Preuss. Akademie der Wissenschaften_, 1907, pp. 3 _sqq._;\n      _id._, _Geschichte des Altertums_,2 i. 2. pp. 28 _sqq._, 98 _sqq._;\n      F. K. Ginzel, _Handbuch der mathematischen und technischen\n      Chronologie_, i. (Leipsic, 1906) pp. 150 _sqq._\n\n   47 Herodotus, ii. 4, with A. Wiedemann\u2019s note; Geminus, _Elementa\n      Astronomiae_, 8, p. 106, ed. C. Manitius (Leipsic, 1898);\n      Censorinus, _De die natali_, xviii. 10.\n\n   48 Geminus, _Elementa Astronomiae_, 8, pp. 106 _sqq._, ed. C. Manitius.\n\n  M22 Thus the official calendar was divorced from the natural calendar,\n      which is marked by the course of the seasons.\n\n   49 Diodorus Siculus, i. 50. 2; Strabo, xvii. i. 46, p. 816. According\n      to H. Brugsch (_Die \u00c4gyptologie_, pp. 349 _sq._), the Egyptians\n      would seem to have denoted the movable year of the calendar and the\n      fixed year of the sun by different written symbols. For more\n      evidence that they were acquainted with a four years\u2019 period,\n      corrected by intercalation, see R. Lepsius, _Chronologie der\n      Aegypter_, i. 149 _sqq._\n\n   50 Geminus, _Elementa Astronomiae_, 8, p. 106, ed. C. Manitius. The\n      same writer further (p. 108) describes as a popular Greek error the\n      opinion that the Egyptian festival of Isis coincided with the winter\n      solstice. In his day, he tells us, the two events were separated by\n      an interval of a full month, though they had coincided a hundred and\n      twenty years before the time he was writing.\n\n_   51 Scholia in Caesaris Germanici Aratea_, p. 409, ed. Fr. Eyssenhardt,\n      in his edition of Martianus Capella (Leipsic, 1866).\n\n  M23 Attempt of Ptolemy III. to reform the Egyptian calendar by\n      intercalation.\n\n   52 Copies of the decree in hieroglyphic, demotic, and Greek have been\n      found inscribed on stones in Egypt. See Ch. Michel, _Recueil\n      d\u2019Inscriptions Grecques_ (Brussels, 1900), pp. 415 _sqq._, No. 551;\n      W. Dittenberger, _Orientis Graeci Inscriptiones Selectae_ (Leipsic,\n      1903-1905), vol. i. pp. 91 _sqq._, No. 56; J. P. Mahaffy, _The\n      Empire of the Ptolemies_ (London, 1895), pp. 205 _sqq._, 226 _sqq._\n      The star mentioned in the decree is the Dog-star (Sirius). See\n      below, pp. 34 _sqq._\n\n   53 W. Dittenberger, _Orientis Graeci Inscriptiones Selectae_, vol. i.\n      pp. 140 _sqq._, No. 90, with note 25 of the editor.\n\n  M24 Institution of the fixed Alexandrian year by the Romans.\n\n   54 On the Alexandrian year see L. Ideler, _Handbuch der mathematischen\n      und technischen Chronologie_, i. 140 _sqq._ That admirable\n      chronologer argued (pp. 153-161) that the innovation was introduced\n      not, as had been commonly supposed, in 25 B.C., but in 30 B.C., the\n      year in which Augustus defeated Mark Antony under the walls of\n      Alexandria and captured the city. However, the question seems to be\n      still unsettled. See F. K. Ginzel, _Handbuch der mathematischen und\n      technischen Chronologie_, i. 226 _sqq._, who thinks it probable that\n      the change was made in 26 B.C. For the purposes of this study the\n      precise date of the introduction of the Alexandrian year is not\n      material.\n\n   55 In demotic the fixed Alexandrian year is called \u201cthe year of the\n      Ionians,\u201d while the old movable year is styled \u201cthe year of the\n      Egyptians.\u201d Documents have been found which are dated by the day and\n      the month of both years. See H. Brugsch, _Die \u00c4gyptologie_, pp. 354\n      _sq._\n\n   56 L. Ideler, _op. cit._ i. 149-152. Macrobius thought that the\n      Egyptians had always employed a solar year of 365-\u00bc days (_Saturn._\n      i. 12. 2, i. 14. 3). The ancient calendar of the Mexicans resembled\n      that of the Egyptians except that it was divided into eighteen\n      months of twenty days each (instead of twelve months of thirty days\n      each), with five supplementary days added at the end of the year.\n      These supplementary days (_nemontemi_) were deemed unlucky: nothing\n      was done on them: they were dedicated to no deity; and persons born\n      on them were considered unfortunate. See B. de Sahagun, _Histoire\n      g\u00e9n\u00e9rale des choses de la Nouvelle-Espagne_, traduite par D.\n      Jourdanet et R. Simeon (Paris, 1880), pp. 50, 164; F. S. Clavigero,\n      _History of Mexico_ (London, 1807), i. 290. Unlike the Egyptian\n      calendar, however, the Mexican appears to have been regularly\n      corrected by intercalation so as to bring it into harmony with the\n      solar year. But as to the mode of intercalation our authorities\n      differ. According to the positive statement of Sahagun, one of the\n      earliest and best authorities, the Mexicans corrected the deficiency\n      of their year by intercalating one day in every fourth year, which\n      is precisely the correction adopted in the Alexandrian and the\n      Julian calendar. See B. de Sahagun, _op. cit._ pp. 286 _sq._, where\n      he expressly asserts the falsehood of the view that the bissextile\n      year was unknown to the Mexicans. This weighty statement is\n      confirmed by the practice of the Indians of Yucatan. Like the\n      Aztecs, they reckoned a year to consist of 360 days divided into 18\n      months of 20 days each, with 5 days added so as to make a total of\n      365 days, but every fourth year they intercalated a day so as to\n      make a total of 366 days. See Diego de Landa, _Relation des choses\n      de Yucatan_ (Paris, 1864), pp. 202 _sqq._ On the other hand the\n      historian Clavigero, who lived in the eighteenth century, but used\n      earlier authorities, tells us that the Mexicans \u201cdid not interpose a\n      day every four years, but thirteen days (making use here even of\n      this favourite number) every fifty-two years; which produces the\n      same regulation of time\u201d (_History of Mexico_, Second Edition,\n      London, 1807, vol. i. p. 293). However, the view that the Mexicans\n      corrected their year by intercalation is rejected by Professor E.\n      Seler. See his \u201cMexican Chronology,\u201d in _Bulletin 28_ of the Bureau\n      of American Ethnology (Washington, 1904), pp. 13 _sqq._; and on the\n      other side Miss Zelia Nuttall, \u201cThe Periodical Adjustments of the\n      Ancient Mexican Calendar,\u201d _American Anthropologist_, N.S. vi.\n      (1904) pp. 486-500.\n\n  M25 In Egypt the operations of husbandry are dependent on the annual\n      rise and fall of the Nile.\n\n   57 Herodotus, ii. 36, with A. Wiedemann\u2019s note; Diodorus Siculus, i.\n      14-1, i. 17. 1; Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ v. 57 _sq._, xviii. 60; Sir J.\n      Gardiner Wilkinson, _Manners and Customs of the Ancient Egyptians_\n      (London, 1878), ii. 398, 399, 418, 426 _sq._; A. Erman, _Aegypten\n      und aegyptisches Leben im Altertum_, pp. 577 _sqq._; A. de Candolle,\n      _Origin of Cultivated Plants_ (London, 1884), pp. 354 _sq._, 369,\n      381; G. Maspero, _Histoire ancienne des Peuples de l\u2019Orient\n      Classique_, i. 66.\n\n   58 Herodotus, ii. 14; Diodorus Siculus, i. 36; Strabo, xvii. 1. 3, pp.\n      786-788; Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ xviii. 167-170; Seneca, _Natur.\n      Quaest._ iv. 2. 1-10; E. W. Lane, _Manners and Customs of the Modern\n      Egyptians_ (Paisley and London, 1895), pp. 17 _sq._, 495 _sqq._; A.\n      Erman, _op. cit._ pp. 21-25; G. Maspero, _op. cit._ i. 22 _sqq._\n      However, since the Suez Canal was cut, rain has been commoner in\n      Lower Egypt (A. H. Sayce on Herodotus, ii. 14).\n\n   59 G. Maspero, _Histoire ancienne des Peuples de l\u2019Orient Classique_,\n      i. 22-26; A. Erman, _Aegypten und aegyptisches Leben im Altertum_,\n      p. 23. According to Lane (_op. cit._ pp. 17 _sq._) the Nile rises in\n      Egypt about the summer solstice (June 21) and reaches its greatest\n      height by the autumnal equinox (September 22). This agrees exactly\n      with the statement of Diodorus Siculus (i. 36. 2). Herodotus says\n      (ii. 19) that the rise of the river lasted for a hundred days from\n      the summer solstice. Compare Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ v. 57, xviii. 167;\n      Seneca, _Nat. Quaest._ iv. 2. 1. According to Prof. Ginzel the Nile\n      does not rise in Egypt till the last week of June (_Handbuch der\n      mathematischen und technischen Chronologie_, i. 154). For ancient\n      descriptions of Egypt in time of flood see Herodotus, ii. 97;\n      Diodorus Siculus, i. 36. 8 _sq._; Strabo, xvii. 1. 4, p. 788;\n      Aelian, _De natura animalium_, x. 43; Achilles Tatius, iv. 12;\n      Seneca, _Natur. Quaest._ iv. 2. 8 and 11.\n\n  M26 Irrigation, sowing, and harvest in Egypt.\n\n   60 Sir J. Gardiner Wilkinson, _Manners and Customs of the Ancient\n      Egyptians_ (London, 1878), ii. 365 _sq._; E. W. Lane, _Manners and\n      Customs of the Modern Egyptians_ (Paisley and London, 1895), pp. 498\n      _sqq._; G. Maspero, _Histoire ancienne des Peuples de l\u2019Orient\n      Classique_, i. 23 _sq._, 69. The last-mentioned writer says (p. 24)\n      that the dams are commonly cut between the first and sixteenth of\n      July, but apparently he means August.\n\n   61 Sir J. D. Wilkinson, _op. cit._ ii. 398 _sq._; Prof. W. M. Flinders\n      Petrie, cited above, vol. i. p. 231, note 3. According to Pliny\n      (_Nat. Hist._ xviii. 60) barley was reaped in Egypt in the sixth\n      month from sowing, and wheat in the seventh month. Diodorus Siculus,\n      on the other hand, says (i. 36. 4) that the corn was reaped after\n      four or five months. Perhaps Pliny refers to Lower, and Diodorus to\n      Upper Egypt. Elsewhere Pliny affirms (_Nat. Hist._ xviii. 169) that\n      the corn was sown at the beginning of November, and that the reaping\n      began at the end of March and was completed in May. This certainly\n      applies better to Lower than to Upper Egypt.\n\n  M27 The events of the agricultural year were probably celebrated with\n      religious rites.\n  M28 Mourning for Osiris at midsummer when the Nile begins to rise.\n\n   62 Pausanias, x. 32. 18.\n\n   63 E. A. Wallis Budge, _Osiris and the Egyptian Resurrection_, ii. 278.\n\n   64 N. Adriani en Alb. C. Kruijt, _De Bare\u2019e-sprekende Toradjas van\n      Midden-Celebes_ (Batavia, 1912), i. 273. The more civilized Indians\n      of tropical America, who practised agriculture and had developed a\n      barbaric art, appear to have commonly represented the rain-god in\n      human form with tears streaming down from his eyes. See T. A. Joyce,\n      \u201cThe Weeping God,\u201d _Essays and Studies presented to William\n      Ridgeway_ (Cambridge, 1913), pp. 365-374.\n\n   65 This we learn from inscriptions at Silsilis. See A. Moret, _Myst\u00e8res\n      \u00c9gyptiens_ (Paris, 1913), p. 180.\n\n   66 E. W. Lane, _Manners and Customs of the Modern Egyptians_ (Paisley\n      and London, 1895), ch. xxvi. pp. 495 _sq._\n\n  M29 Sirius regarded as the star of Isis. The rising of Sirius marked the\n      beginning of the sacred Egyptian year. The observation of the\n      gradual displacement of Sirius in the calendar led to the\n      determination of the true length of the solar year.\n\n   67 L. Ideler, _Handbuch der mathematischen und technischen\n      Chronologie_, i. 124 _sqq._; R. Lepsius, _Die Chronologie der\n      Aegypter_, i. 168 _sq._; F. K. Ginzel, _Handbuch der mathematischen\n      und technischen Chronologie_, i. 190 _sq._; Ed. Meyer, \u201cNachtr\u00e4ge\n      zur \u00e4gyptischen Chronologie,\u201d _Abhandlungen der k\u00f6nigl. Preuss.\n      Akademie der Wissenschaften_, 1907 (Berlin, 1908), pp. 11 _sq._;\n      _id._, _Geschichte des Altertums_,2 i. 28 _sq._, 99 _sqq._ The\n      coincidence of the rising of Sirius with the swelling of the Nile is\n      mentioned by Tibullus (i. 7. 21 _sq._) and Aelian (_De natura\n      animalium_, x. 45). In later times, as a consequence of the\n      precession of the equinoxes, the rising of Sirius gradually diverged\n      from the summer solstice, falling later and later in the solar year.\n      In the sixteenth and fifteenth century B.C. Sirius rose seventeen\n      days after the summer solstice, and at the date of the Canopic\n      decree (238 B.C.) it rose a whole month after the first swelling of\n      the Nile. See L. Ideler, _op. cit._ i. 130; F. K. Ginzel, _op. cit._\n      i. 190; Ed. Meyer, \u201cNachtr\u00e4ge zur \u00e4gyptischen Chronologie,\u201d pp. 11\n      _sq._ According to Censorinus (_De die natali_, xxi. 10), Sirius\n      regularly rose in Egypt on the twentieth of July (Julian calendar);\n      and this was true of latitude 30\u00b0 in Egypt (the latitude nearly of\n      Heliopolis and Memphis) for about three thousand years of Egyptian\n      history. See L. Ideler, _op. cit._ i. 128-130. But the date of the\n      rising of the star is not the same throughout Egypt; it varies with\n      the latitude, and the variation within the limits of Egypt amounts\n      to seven days or more. Roughly speaking, Sirius rises nearly a whole\n      day earlier for each degree of latitude you go south. Thus, whereas\n      near Alexandria in the north Sirius does not rise till the\n      twenty-second of July, at Syene in the south it rises on the\n      sixteenth of July. See R. Lepsius, _op. cit._ i. 168 _sq._; F. K.\n      Ginzel, _op. cit._ i. 182 _sq._ Now it is to be remembered that the\n      rising of the Nile, as well as the rising of Sirius, is observed\n      earlier and earlier the further south you go. The coincident\n      variation of the two phenomena could hardly fail to confirm the\n      Egyptians in their belief of a natural or supernatural connexion\n      between them.\n\n   68 Diodorus Siculus, i. 27. 4; Plutarch, _Isis et Osiris_, 21, 22, 38,\n      61; Porphyry, _De antro nympharum_, 24; Scholiast on Apollonius\n      Rhodius, ii. 517; Canopic decree, lines 36 _sq._, in W.\n      Dittenberger\u2019s _Orientis Graeci Inscriptiones Selectae_, vol. i. p.\n      102, No. 56 (lines 28 _sq._ in Ch. Michel\u2019s _Recueil d\u2019Inscriptions\n      Grecques_, p. 417, No. 551); R. V. Lanzone, _Dizionario di Mitologia\n      Egizia_, pp. 825 _sq._ On the ceiling of the Memnonium at Thebes the\n      heliacal rising of Sirius is represented under the form and name of\n      Isis (Sir J. G. Wilkinson, _Manners and Customs of the Ancient\n      Egyptians_, London, 1878, iii. 102).\n\n   69 Porphyry and the Canopic decree, _ll.cc._; Censorinus, _De die\n      natali_, xviii. 10, xxi. 10. In inscriptions on the temple at Syene,\n      the modern Assuan, Isis is called \u201cthe mistress of the beginning of\n      the year,\u201d the goddess \u201cwho revolves about the world, near to the\n      constellation of Orion, who rises in the eastern sky and passes to\n      the west perpetually\u201d (R. V. Lanzone, _op. cit._ p. 826). According\n      to some, the festival of the rising of Sirius and the beginning of\n      the sacred year was held on the nineteenth, not the twentieth of\n      July. See Ed. Meyer, \u201c\u00c4gyptische Chronologie,\u201d _Abhandlungen der\n      k\u00f6nigl. Preuss. Akademie der Wissenschaften_, 1904, pp. 22 _sqq._;\n      _id._, \u201cNachtr\u00e4ge zur \u00e4gyptischen Chronologie,\u201d _Abhandlungen der\n      k\u00f6nigl. Preuss. Akademie der Wissenschaften_, 1907, pp. 7 _sqq._;\n      _id._, _Geschichte des Altertums_,2 i. 2. pp. 28 _sqq._, 98 _sqq._\n\n_   70 Eudoxi ars astronomica, qualis in charta Aegyptiaca superest_, ed.\n      F. Blass (Kiliae, 1887), p. 14, \u03bf\u1f31 \u03b4\u1f72 \u1f00\u03c3[\u03c4\u03c1\u03bf]\u03bb[\u03cc]\u03b3\u03bf\u03b9 \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u03bf\u1f31\n      \u1f31\u03b5\u03c1\u03bf\u03b3\u03c1\u03b1\u03bc\u03bc[\u03b1\u03c4\u03b5\u1fd6\u03c2] \u03c7[\u03c1\u1ff6\u03bd]\u03c4\u03b1\u03b9 \u03c4\u03b1\u1fd6\u03c2 \u03ba\u03b1\u03c4\u1f70 \u03c3\u03b5\u03bb\u03ae[\u03bd]\u1f20[\u03bd] \u1f21\u03bc[\u03ad]\u03c1\u03b1\u03b9\u03c2 \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76\n      \u1f04\u03b3\u03bf\u03c5\u03c3\u03b9 \u03c0\u03b1\u03bd\u03b4\u03b7\u03bc[\u03b9]\u03ba\u1f70\u03c2 \u1f15[\u03bf\u03c1]\u03c4\u03b1\u03c2 \u03c4\u03b9\u03bd\u1f70\u03c2 \u03bc\u1f72\u03bd \u1f61\u03c2 \u1f10\u03bd\u03bf\u03bc\u03af[\u03c3\u03b8]\u1f20 \u03c4\u1f70 \u03b4\u1f72\n      \u03ba\u03b1\u03c4\u03b1\u03c7\u03c5\u03c4\u03ae\u03c1\u03b9\u03b1 \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u03ba\u03c5\u03bd\u1f78\u03c2 \u1f00\u03bd\u03b1\u03c4\u03bf\u03bb\u1f74\u03bd \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u03c3\u03b5\u03bb\u03b7\u03bd\u03b1\u1fd6\u03b1 \u03ba\u03b1\u03c4\u1f70 \u03b8\u03b5\u03cc[\u03bd],\n      \u1f00\u03bd\u03b1\u03bb\u03b5\u03b3\u03cc\u03bc\u03b5\u03bd\u03bf\u03b9 \u03c4\u1f70\u03c2 \u1f21\u03bc\u03ad\u03c1\u03b1\u03c2 \u1f10\u03ba \u03c4\u1ff6\u03bd \u0391\u1f30\u03b3\u03c5\u03c0\u03c4\u03af\u03c9\u03bd. This statement of Eudoxus\n      or of one of his pupils is important, since it definitely proves\n      that, besides the shifting festivals of the shifting official year,\n      the Egyptians celebrated other festivals, which were dated by direct\n      observation of natural phenomena, namely, the annual inundation, the\n      rise of Sirius, and the phases of the moon. The same distinction of\n      the fixed from the movable festivals is indicated in one of the\n      Hibeh papyri, but the passage is unfortunately mutilated. See _The\n      Hibeh Papyri_, part i., edited by B. P. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt\n      (London, 1906), pp. 145, 151 (pointed out to me by my friend Mr. W.\n      Wyse). The annual festival in honour of Ptolemy and Berenice was\n      fixed on the day of the rising of Sirius. See the Canopic decree, in\n      W. Dittenberger\u2019s _Orientis Graeci Inscriptiones Selectae_, No. 56\n      (vol. i. pp. 102 _sq._).\n\n      The rise of Sirius was carefully observed by the islanders of Ceos,\n      in the Aegean. They watched for it with arms in their hands and\n      sacrificed on the mountains to the star, drawing from its aspect\n      omens of the salubrity or unhealthiness of the coming year. The\n      sacrifice was believed to secure the advent of the cool North winds\n      (the Etesian winds as the Greeks call them), which regularly begin\n      to blow about this time of the year, and mitigate the oppressive\n      heat of summer in the Aegean. See Apollonius Rhodius, _Argon._ ii.\n      516-527, with the notes of the Scholiast on vv. 498, 526;\n      Theophrastus, _De ventis_, ii. 14; Clement of Alexandria, _Strom._\n      vi. 3. 29, p. 753, ed. Potter; Nonnus, _Dionys._ v. 269-279;\n      Hyginus, _Astronomica_, ii. 4; Cicero, _De divinatione_, i. 57. 130;\n      M. P. Nilsson, _Griechische Feste_ (Leipsic, 1906), pp. 6-8; C.\n      Neumann und J. Partsch, _Physikalische Geographie von Griechenland_\n      (Breslau, 1885), pp. 96 _sqq._ On the top of Mount Pelion in\n      Thessaly there was a sanctuary of Zeus, where sacrifices were\n      offered at the rising of Sirius, in the height of the summer, by men\n      of rank, who were chosen by the priest and wore fresh sheep-skins.\n      See [Dicaearchus,] \u201cDescriptio Graeciae,\u201d _Geographi Graeci\n      Minores_, ed. C. M\u00fcller, i. 107; _Historicorum Graecorum Fragmenta_,\n      ed. C. M\u00fcller, ii. 262.\n\n   71 Above, pp. 24 _sq._\n\n   72 We know from Censorinus (_De die natali_, xxi. 10) that the first of\n      Thoth coincided with the heliacal rising of Sirius on July 20\n      (Julian calendar) in the year 139 A.D. Hence reckoning backwards by\n      Sothic periods of 1460 solar years we may infer that Sirius rose on\n      July 20th (Julian calendar) in the years 1321 B.C., 2781 B.C., and\n      4241 B.C.; and accordingly that the civil or vague Egyptian year of\n      365 days was instituted in one of these years. In favour of\n      supposing that it was instituted either in 2781 B.C. or 4241 B.C.,\n      it may be said that in both these years the rising of Sirius nearly\n      coincided with the summer solstice and the rising of the Nile;\n      whereas in the year 1321 B.C. the summer solstice, and with it the\n      rising of the Nile, fell nineteen days before the rising of Sirius\n      and the first of Thoth. Now when we consider the close causal\n      connexion which the Egyptians traced between the rising of Sirius\n      and the rising of the Nile, it seems probable that they started the\n      new calendar on the first of Thoth in a year in which the two\n      natural phenomena coincided rather than in one in which they\n      diverged from each other by nineteen days. Prof. Ed. Meyer decides\n      in favour of the year 4241 B.C. as the date of the introduction of\n      the Egyptian calendar on the ground that the calendar was already\n      well known in the Old Kingdom. See L. Ideler, _op. cit._ i. 125\n      _sqq._; F. K. Ginzel, _op. cit._ i. 192 _sqq._; Ed. Meyer,\n      \u201cNachtr\u00e4ge zur \u00e4gyptischen Chronologie,\u201d _Abhandlungen der k\u00f6nigl.\n      Preuss. Akademie der Wissenschaften_, 1907 (Berlin, 1908), pp. 11\n      _sq._; _id._, _Geschichte des Altertums_,2 i. 2. pp. 28 _sqq._, 98\n      _sqq._ When the fixed Alexandrian year was introduced in 30 B.C.\n      (see above, pp. 27 _sq._) the first of Thoth fell on August 29,\n      which accordingly was thenceforth reckoned the first day of the year\n      in the Alexandrian calendar. See L. Ideler, _op. cit._ i. 153 _sqq._\n      The period of 1460 solar or 1461 movable Egyptian years was\n      variously called a Sothic period (Clement of Alexandria, _Strom._ i.\n      21. 136, p. 401 ed. Potter), a Canicular year (from _Canicula_, \u201cthe\n      Dog-star,\u201d that is, Sirius), a heliacal year, and a year of God\n      (Censorinus, _De die natali_, xviii. 10). But there is no evidence\n      or probability that the period was recognized by the Egyptian\n      astronomers who instituted the movable year of 365 days. Rather, as\n      Ideler pointed out (_op. cit._ i. 132), it must have been a later\n      discovery based on continued observations of the heliacal rising of\n      Sirius and of its gradual displacement through the whole length of\n      the official calendar. Brugsch, indeed, went so far as to suppose\n      that the period was a discovery of astronomers of the second century\n      A.D., to which they were led by the coincidence of the first of\n      Thoth with the heliacal rising of Sirius in 139 A.D. (_Die\n      \u00c4gyptologie_, p. 357). But the discovery, based as it is on a very\n      simple calculation (365 \u00d7 4 = 1460), could hardly fail to be made as\n      soon as astronomers estimated the length of the solar year at 365-\u00bc\n      days, and that they did so at least as early as 238 B.C. is proved\n      conclusively by the Canopic decree. See above, pp. 25 _sq._, 27. As\n      to the Sothic period see further R. Lepsius, _Die Chronologie der\n      Aegypter_, i. 165 _sqq._; F. K. Ginzel, _op. cit._ i. 187 _sqq._\n\n      For the convenience of the reader I subjoin a table of the Egyptian\n      months, with their dates, as these fell, (1) in a year when the\n      first of Thoth coincided with July 20 of the Julian calendar, and\n      (2) in the fixed Alexandrian year.\n\n      Egyptian Months, Sothic Year beginning July 20, Alexandrian Year.\n      1 Thoth, 20 July, 29 August\n      1 Phaophi, 19 August, 28 September\n      1 Atbyr, 18 September, 28 October\n      1 Khoiak, 18 October, 27 November\n      1 Tybi, 17 November, 27 December\n      1 Mechir, 17 December, 26 January\n      1 Phamenoth, 16 January, 25 February\n      1 Pharmuthi, 15 February, 27 March\n      1 Pachon, 17 March, 26 April\n      1 Payni, 16 April, 26 May\n      1 Epiphi, 16 May, 25 June\n      1 Mesori, 15 June, 25 July\n      1 Supplementary, 15 July, 24 August\n\n      See L. Ideler, _op. cit._ i. 143 _sq._; F. K. Ginzel, _op. cit._ i.\n      200.\n\n   73 The Canopic decree (above, p. 27) suffices to prove that the\n      Egyptian astronomers, long before Caesar\u2019s time, were well\n      acquainted with the approximately exact length of the solar year,\n      although they did not use their knowledge to correct the calendar\n      except for a short time in the reign of Ptolemy Euergetes. With\n      regard to Caesar\u2019s debt to the Egyptian astronomers see Dio Cassius,\n      xliii. 26; Macrobius, _Saturn_, i. 14. 3, i. 16. 39; L. Ideler,\n      _Handbuch der mathematischen und technischen Chronologie_, i. 166\n      _sqq._\n\n  M30 Ceremonies observed in Egypt at the cutting of the dams early in\n      August. The Bride of the Nile. Sacrifices offered by savages at the\n      cutting of dams.\n\n   74 E. W. Lane, _Manners and Customs of the Modern Egyptians_ (Paisley\n      and London, 1895), ch. xxvi. pp. 499 _sq._\n\n   75 Bruno Gutmann, \u201cFeldbausitten und Wachstumsbr\u00e4uche der Wadschagga,\u201d\n      _Zeitschrift f\u00fcr Ethnologie_, xlv. (1913) pp. 484 _sq._\n\n   76 Hon. K. R. Dundas, \u201cNotes on the tribes inhabiting the Baringo\n      District, East Africa Protectorate,\u201d _Journal of the Royal\n      Anthropological Institute_, xl. (1910) p. 54.\n\n  M31 Modern Egyptian ceremony at the cutting of the dams.\n\n   77 E. W. Lane, _op. cit._ pp. 500-504; Sir Auckland Colvin, _The Making\n      of Modern Egypt_ (London, 1906), pp. 278 _sq._ According to the\n      latter writer, a dressed dummy was thrown into the river at each\n      cutting of the dam.\n\n   78 Seneca, _Naturales Quaestiones_, iv. 2. 7. The cutting of the dams\n      is mentioned by Diodorus Siculus (i. 36. 3), and the festival on\n      that occasion (\u03c4\u1f70 \u03ba\u03b1\u03c4\u03b1\u03c7\u03c5\u03c4\u03ae\u03c1\u03b9\u03b1) is noticed by Eudoxus (or one of his\n      pupils) in a passage which has already been quoted. See above, p.\n      35, note 2.\n\n   79 Sir Auckland Colvin, _l.c._\n\n  M32 The sowing of the seed in November. Plutarch on the mournful\n      character of the rites of sowing. The sadness of autumn.\n\n   80 \u03a4\u1fc6\u03c2 \u1f08\u03c7\u03b1\u03af\u03b1\u03c2. Plutarch derives the name from \u1f04\u03c7\u03bf\u03c2, \u201cpain,\u201d \u201cgrief.\u201d\n      But the etymology is uncertain. It has lately been proposed to\n      derive the epithet from \u1f40\u03c7\u03ae, \u201cnourishment.\u201d See M. P. Nilsson,\n      _Griechische Feste_ (Leipsic, 1906), p. 326. As to the vaults\n      (\u03bc\u03ad\u03b3\u03b1\u03c1\u03b1) of Demeter see Pausanias, ix. 8. 1; Scholiast on Lucian,\n      _Dial. Meretr._ ii. pp. 275 _sq._, ed. H. Rabe (Leipsic, 1906).\n\n   81 In antiquity the Pleiades set at dawn about the end of October or\n      early in November. See L. Ideler, _Handbuch der mathematischen und\n      technischen Chronologie_, i. 242; Aug. Mommsen, _Chronologie_\n      (Leipsic, 1883), pp. 16, 27; G. F. Unger, \u201cZeitrechnung der Griechen\n      und R\u00f6mer,\u201d in Iwan M\u00fcller\u2019s _Handbuch der klassischen\n      Altertumswissenschaft_, i.1 (N\u00f6rdlingen, 1886) pp. 558, 585.\n\n   82 \u03a4\u1f70\u03c2 \u03c0\u03b1\u03c1\u03bf\u03c5\u03c3\u03af\u03b1\u03c2 \u03c4\u1ff6\u03bd \u1f00\u03bd\u03b1\u03b3\u03ba\u03b1\u03af\u03c9\u03bd \u03ba\u03b1\u03af \u1f00\u03c0\u03bf\u03ba\u03c1\u03cd\u03c8\u03b5\u03b9\u03c2.\n\n   83 Plutarch, _Isis et Osiris_, 69-71. With the sleep of the Phrygian\n      gods we may compare the sleep of Vishnu. The toils and anxieties of\n      the Indian farmer \u201care continuous, and his only period of\n      comparative rest is in the heavy rain time, when, as he says, the\n      god Vishnu goes to sleep, and does not wake till October is well\n      advanced and the time has come to begin cutting and crushing the\n      sugar-cane and boiling down the juice\u201d (W. Crooke, _Natives of\n      Northern India_, London, 1907, p. 159).\n\n  M33 Plutarch\u2019s view that the worship of the fruits of the earth sprang\n      from a verbal misunderstanding.\n\n   84 Plutarch, _Isis et Osiris_, 77.\n\n  M34 His theory is an inversion of the truth: for fetishism is the\n      antecedent, not the corruption, of theism. Lamentations of the\n      savage for the animals and plants which he kills and eats.\n  M35 Respect shown by savages for the fruits and the animals which they\n      eat.\n\n_   85 Spirits of the Corn and of the Wild_, ii. 204 _sqq._\n\n   86 C. Hill Tout, \u201cReport on the Ethnology of the Stlatlum Indians of\n      British Columbia,\u201d _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xxxv.\n      (1905) pp. 140 _sq._\n\n  M36 Thus the lamentations of the sower become intelligible.\n\n   87 Psalm cxxvi. 5 _sq._ Firmicus Maternus asks the Egyptians (_De\n      errore profanarum religionum_, ii. 7), \u201c_Cur plangitis fruges terrae\n      et crescentia lugetis semina?_\u201d\n\n  M37 Lamentations of the Egyptian corn-reapers.\n\n   88 As to the Egyptian modes of reaping and threshing see Sir J.\n      Gardiner Wilkinson, _Manners and Customs of the Ancient Egyptians_\n      (London, 1878), ii. 419 _sqq._; A. Erman, _Aegypten und aegyptisches\n      Leben im Altertum_, pp. 572 _sqq._\n\n   89 Diodorus Siculus, i. 14. 2.\n\n   90 Herodotus, ii. 79; Julius Pollux, iv. 54; Pausanias, ix. 29. 7;\n      Athenaeus, xiv. 11 _sq._, pp. 618-620. As to these songs see\n      _Spirits of the Corn and of the Wild_, i. 214 _sqq._\n\n   91 H. Brugsch, _Adonisklage und Linoslied_ (Berlin, 1852), p. 24,\n      corrected by A. Wiedemann, _Herodots zweites Buch_, p. 336. As to\n      the lamentations for Osiris see above, p. 12.\n\n  M38 Similar ceremonies observed by the Cherokee Indians in the\n      cultivation of the corn. The Old Woman of the corn and the laments\n      for her death.\n\n   92 J. Mooney, \u201cMyths of the Cherokee,\u201d _Nineteenth Annual Report of the\n      Bureau of American Ethnology_ (Washington, 1900), pp. 423 _sq._ I do\n      not know what precisely the writer means by \u201cthe last working of the\n      crop\u201d and \u201cthe first working of the corn.\u201d\n\n_   93 Spirits of the Corn and of the Wild_, i. 180 _sqq._\n\n   94 A. C. Hollis, _The Nandi_ (Oxford, 1909), p. 46.\n\n  M39 Lamentations of Indians at cutting sacred wood.\n\n   95 S. Powers, _Tribes of California_ (Washington, 1877), p. 25.\n\n  M40 Arab ceremony of burying \u201cthe old man\u201d at harvest.\n\n   96 A. Jaussen, \u201cCoutumes Arabes,\u201d _Revue Biblique_, 1er avril 1903, p.\n      258; _id._, _Coutumes des Arabes au pays de Moab_ (Paris 1908), pp.\n      252 _sq._\n\n  M41 With the adoption of the Alexandrian year in 30 B.C. the Egyptian\n      festivals ceased to rotate through the natural year.\n\n   97 Thus with regard to the Egyptian month of Athyr he tells us that the\n      sun was then in the sign of the Scorpion (_Isis et Osiris_, 13),\n      that Athyr corresponded to the Athenian month Pyanepsion and the\n      Boeotian month Damatrius (_op. cit._ 69), that it was the month of\n      sowing (_ib._), that in it the Nile sank, the earth was laid bare by\n      the retreat of the inundation, the leaves fell, and the nights grew\n      longer than the days (_op. cit._ 39). These indications agree on the\n      whole with the date of Athyr in the Alexandrian calendar, namely\n      October 28-November 26. Again, he says (_op. cit._ 43) that the\n      festival of the beginning of spring was held at the new moon of the\n      month Phamenoth, which, in the Alexandrian calendar, corresponded to\n      February 24-March 26. Further, he tells us that a festival was\n      celebrated on the 23rd of Phaophi after the autumn equinox (_op.\n      cit._ 52), and in the Alexandrian calendar Phaophi began on\n      September 28, a few days after the autumn equinox. Once more, he\n      observes that another festival was held after the spring equinox\n      (_op. cit._ 65), which implies the use of a fixed solar year. See G.\n      Parthey in his edition of Plutarch\u2019s _Isis et Osiris_ (Berlin,\n      1850), pp. 165-169.\n\n   98 H. Brugsch, _Die \u00c4gyptologie_, p. 355.\n\n  M42 The sufferings of Osiris displayed as a mystery at Sais. The\n      illumination of houses throughout Egypt on the night of the festival\n      suggests that the rite was a Feast of All Souls.\n\n   99 Herodotus, ii. 170.\n\n  100 Herodotus, ii. 129-132.\n\n  101 Herodotus, ii. 41, with Prof. A. Wiedemann\u2019s note (_Herodots zweites\n      Buch_, pp. 187 _sqq._); Diodorus Siculus, i. 11. 4; Aelian, _De\n      natura animalium_, x. 27; Plutarch, _Isis et Osiris_, 19 and 39.\n      According to Prof. Wiedemann \u201cthe Egyptian name of the cow of Isis\n      was _\u1e25es-t_, and this is one of the rare cases in which the name of\n      the sacred animal agrees with that of the deity.\u201d _Hest_ was the\n      usual Egyptian form of the name which the Greeks and Romans\n      represented as Isis. See R. V. Lanzone, _Dizionario di Mitologia\n      Egizia_, pp. 813 _sqq._\n\n  102 In this form she is represented on a relief at Philae pouring a\n      libation in honour of the soul of Osiris. See E. A. Wallis Budge,\n      _Osiris and the Egyptian Resurrection_, i. 8. She is similarly\n      portrayed in a bronze statuette, which is now in the Louvre. See G.\n      Perrot et Ch. Chipiez, _Histoire de l\u2019Art dans l\u2019Antiquit\u00e9_, i.\n      (Paris, 1882) p. 60, fig. 40.\n\n  103 Plutarch, _Isis et Osiris_, 52. The interpretation is accepted by\n      Prof. A. Wiedemann (_Herodots zweites Buch_, p. 482).\n\n  104 Herodotus, ii. 62. In one of the Hibeh papyri (No. 27, lines\n      165-167) mention is made of the festival and of the lights which\n      were burned throughout the district. See _The Hibeh Papyri_, part\n      i., ed. B. P. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt (London, 1906), p. 149\n      (pointed out to me by Mr. W. Wyse). In the papyrus the festival is\n      said to have been held in honour of Athena (_i.e._ Neith), the great\n      goddess of Sais, who was there identified with Isis. See A.\n      Wiedemann, _Die Religion der alten \u00c4gypter_, pp. 77 _sq._; _id._,\n      _Religion of the Ancient Egyptians_, pp. 140 _sq._\n\n  105 In the period of the Middle Kingdom the Egyptians of Siut used to\n      light lamps for the dead on the last day and the first day of the\n      year. See A. Erman, \u201cZehn Vortr\u00e4ge aus dem mittleren Reich,\u201d\n      _Zeitschrift f\u00fcr \u00e4gyptische Sprache und Alterthumskunde_, xx. (1882)\n      p. 164; _id._, _Aegypten und aegyptisches Leben im Altertum_, pp.\n      434 _sq._\n\n  M43 Annual festival of the dead among the Esquimaux. The lighting of the\n      lamps for the dead. Annual festivals of the dead among the Indians\n      of California. Annual festivals of the dead among the Choctaws and\n      Pueblo Indians.\n\n  106 E. W. Nelson, \u201cThe Eskimo about Bering Strait,\u201d _Eighteenth Annual\n      Report of the Bureau of Ethnology_, Part i. (Washington, 1899) pp.\n      363 _sqq._\n\n  107 S. Powers, _Tribes of California_ (Washington, 1877), pp. 328, 355,\n      356, 384.\n\n  108 Kostromitonow, \u201cBemerkungen \u00fcber die Indianer in Ober-Kalifornien,\u201d\n      in K. F. v. Baer and Gr. v. Helmersen\u2019s _Beitr\u00e4ge zur Kenntniss des\n      russischen Reiches_, i. (St. Petersburg, 1839) pp. 88 _sq._ The\n      natives of the western islands of Torres Straits used to hold a\n      great death-dance at which disguised men personated the ghosts of\n      the lately deceased, mimicking their characteristic gait and\n      gestures. Women and children were supposed to take these mummers for\n      real ghosts. See A. C. Haddon, in _Reports of the Cambridge\n      Anthropological Expedition to Torres Straits_, v. (Cambridge, 1904)\n      pp. 252-256; _The Belief in Immortality and the Worship of the\n      Dead_, i. 176 _sqq._\n\n  109 S. Powers, _Tribes of California_, pp. 437 _sq._\n\n  110 Bossu, _Nouveaux Voyages aux Indes Occidentales_ (Paris, 1768), ii.\n      95 _sq._\n\n  111 T. G. S. Ten Broeck, in H. R. Schoolcraft\u2019s _Indian Tribes of the\n      United States_ (Philadelphia, 1853-1856), iv. 78. The Pueblo village\n      to which the writer particularly refers is Laguna.\n\n  M44 Annual festival of the dead among the Miztecs of Mexico.\n\n  112 Brasseur de Bourbourg, _Histoire des nations civilis\u00e9es du Mexique\n      et de l\u2019Am\u00e9rique-Centrale_ (Paris, 1857-1859), iii. 23 _sq._; H. H.\n      Bancroft, _Native Races of the Pacific States_ (London, 1875-1876),\n      ii. 623. Similar customs are still practised by the Indians of a\n      great part of Mexico and Central America (Brasseur de Bourbourg,\n      _op. cit._ iii. 24, note 1).\n\n  113 \u201cLettre du cur\u00e9 de Santiago Tepehuacan \u00e0son \u00e9v\u00eaque,\u201d _Bulletin de la\n      Soci\u00e9t\u00e9 de G\u00e9ographie_ (Paris), IIme S\u00e9rie, ii. (1834) p. 179.\n\n  M45 Annual festival of the dead in Sumba.\n\n  114 S. Roos, \u201cBijdrage tot de kennis van taal, land en volk op het\n      eiland Soemba,\u201d _Verhandelingen van het Bataviaasch Genootschap van\n      Kunsten en Wetenschappen_, xxxvi. (1872) pp. 63-65.\n\n  M46 Annual festival of the dead in Kiriwina. Festival of the dead among\n      the Sea Dyaks of Borneo.\n\n  115 Rev. S. B. Fellows, quoted by George Brown, D.D., _Melanesians and\n      Polynesians_ (London, 1910), p. 237.\n\n  116 E. H. Gomes, _Seventeen Years among the Sea Dyaks of Borneo_\n      (London, 1911), pp. 216-218. For another and briefer account of this\n      festival see _The Scapegoat_, p. 154.\n\n  M47 Annual festival of the dead among the Nagas of Manipur.\n\n  117 Rev. Wm. Pettigrew, \u201cKathi Kasham, the \u2018Soul Departure\u2019 feast as\n      practised by the Tangkkul Nagas, Manipur, Assam,\u201d _Journal and\n      Proceedings of the Asiatic Society of Bengal_, N.S. vol. v. 1909\n      (Calcutta, 1910), pp. 37-46; T. C. Hodson, _The Naga Tribes of\n      Manipur_ (London, 1911), pp. 153-158.\n\n  M48 Annual festival of the dead among the Oraons of Bengal.\n\n  118 Rev. P. Dehon, S.J., \u201cReligion and Customs of the Uraons,\u201d _Memoirs\n      of the Asiatic Society of Bengal_, vol. i. No. 9 (Calcutta, 1906),\n      p. 136. Compare Rev. F. Hahn, \u201cSome Notes on the Religion and\n      Superstition of the Or\u0101\u014ds,\u201d _Journal of the Asiatic Society of\n      Bengal_, lxxii. Part iii. (Calcutta, 1904) pp. 12 _sq._ According to\n      the latter writer the pots containing the relics of the dead are\n      buried, not in the sand of the river, but in a pit, generally\n      covered with huge stones, which is dug for the purpose in some field\n      or grove.\n\n  M49 Annual festival of the dead in Bilaspore.\n\n  119 E. M. Gordon, _Indian Folk Tales_ (London, 1908), p. 18. According\n      to Mr. W. Crooke, the Hindoo Feast of Lamps (_Diw\u00e1l\u00ee_) seems to have\n      been based on \u201cthe idea that on this night the spirits of the dead\n      revisit their homes, which are cleaned and lighted for their\n      reception.\u201d See W. Crooke, _The Popular Religion and Folk-lore of\n      Northern India_ (Westminster, 1896), ii. 295 _sq._\n\n  M50 Annual festival of the dead among the Bghais and Hkamies.\n\n  120 Rev. F. Mason, D.D., \u201cPhysical Character of the Karens,\u201d _Journal of\n      the Asiatic Society of Bengal_, 1866, Part ii. pp. 29 _sq._ Lights\n      are not mentioned by the writer, but the festival being nocturnal we\n      may assume that they are used for the convenience of the living as\n      well as of the dead. In other respects the ceremonies are typical.\n\n  121 R. F. St. Andrew St. John, \u201cA Short Account of the Hill Tribes of\n      North Aracan,\u201d _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, ii.\n      (1873) p. 238. At this festival the dead are apparently not supposed\n      to return to the houses.\n\n  M51 Annual festival of the dead in Cambodia.\n\n  122 E. Aymonier, _Notice sur le Cambodge_ (Paris, 1875), p. 59; A.\n      Lecl\u00e8re, _Le Buddhisme au Cambodge_ (Paris, 1899), pp. 374-376. The\n      departure of the souls is described only by the latter writer.\n      Compare E. Aymonier, \u201cNotes sur les coutumes et croyances\n      superstitieuses des Cambodgiens,\u201d _Cochinchine Fran\u00e7aise, Excursions\n      et Reconnaissances_, No. 16 (Saigon, 1883), pp. 205 _sq._\n\n  123 Mariny, _Relation nouvelle et curieuse des royaumes de Tunquin et de\n      Lao_ (Paris, 1666), pp. 251-253.\n\n  M52 Annual festival of the dead in Annam.\n\n  124 Le R. P. Cadi\u00e8re, \u201cCoutumes populaires de la vall\u00e9e du Ngu\u00f4n-So\u2019n,\u201d\n      _Bulletin de l\u2019\u00c9cole Fran\u00e7aise d\u2019Extr\u00eame-Orient_, ii. (Hanoi, 1902)\n      pp. 376-379; P. d\u2019Enjoy, \u201cDu droit successoral en Annam,\u201d etc.,\n      _Bulletins de la Soci\u00e9t\u00e9 d\u2019Anthropologie de Paris_, Ve S\u00e9rie, iv.\n      (1903) pp. 500-502; E. Diguet, _Les Annamites_ (Paris, 1906), pp.\n      372-375.\n\n  M53 Annual festival of friendless ghosts in Annam.\n\n  125 E. Diguet, _Les Annamites_ (Paris, 1906), pp. 254 _sq._; Paul Giran,\n      _Magie et Religion Annamites_ (Paris, 1912), pp. 258 _sq._ According\n      to the latter writer the offerings to the vagrant souls are made on\n      the first and last days of the month, while sacrifices of a more\n      domestic character are performed on the fifteenth.\n\n  M54 Annual festivals of the dead in Cochinchina, Siam and Japan.\n\n  126 L. E. Louvet, _La Cochinchine religieuse_ (Paris, 1885), pp.\n      149-151.\n\n_  127 The Scapegoat_, pp. 149 _sqq._\n\n  M55 Annual festivals of the dead among the Chewsurs and Armenians.\n\n  128 C. v. Hahn, \u201cReligi\u00f6se Anschauungen und Totenged\u00e4chtnisfeier der\n      Chewsuren,\u201d _Globus_, lxxvi. (1899) pp. 211 _sq._\n\n  129 M. Abeghian, _Der armenische Volksglaube_ (Leipsic, 1899), pp. 23\n      _sq._\n\n  M56 Annual festivals of the dead in Africa.\n\n  130 Fred. E. Forbes, _Dahomey and the Dahomans_ (London, 1851), ii. 73.\n      Compare John Duncan, _Travels in Western Africa_ (London, 1847), i.\n      125 _sq._; A. B. Ellis, _The Ewe-speaking Peoples of the Slave\n      Coast_ (London, 1890), p. 108. The Tshi-speaking peoples of the Gold\n      Coast and Ashantee celebrate an annual festival of eight days in\n      honour of the dead. It falls towards the end of August. The\n      offerings are presented to the departed at their graves. See A. B.\n      Ellis, _The Tshi-speaking Peoples of the Gold Coast_ (London, 1887),\n      pp. 227 _sq._; E. Perregaux, _Chez les Achanti_ (Neuch\u00e2tel, 1908),\n      pp. 136, 138. According to the latter writer the festival is\n      celebrated at the time of the yam harvest.\n\n  131 W. Munzinger, _Ostafrikanische Studien_ (Schaffhausen, 1864), p.\n      473.\n\n_  132 The Scapegoat_, pp. 136 _sq._\n\n  M57 Annual festivals of the dead among peoples of the Aryan stock.\n      Annual festival of the dead (the Fravashis) among the old Iranians.\n      Annual festival of the dead among the Persians.\n\n  133 On the worship of the dead, and especially of ancestors, among Aryan\n      peoples, see W. Caland, _\u00dcber Totenverehrung bei einigen der\n      indo-germanischen V\u00f6lker_ (Amsterdam, 1888); O. Schrader,\n      _Reallexikon der indogermanischen Altertumskunde_ (Strasburg, 1901),\n      pp. 21 _sqq._; _id._, _s.v._ \u201cAryan Religion,\u201d in Dr. J. Hastings\u2019s\n      _Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics_, ii. (Edinburgh, 1909) pp. 16\n      _sqq._\n\n  134 As to the Iranian calendar see W. Geiger, _Altiranische Kultur im\n      Altertum_ (Erlangen, 1882), pp. 314 _sqq._; as to the Iranian\n      worship of the sainted dead (the Fravashis) see _id._ pp. 286 _sqq._\n      As to the annual festival of the dead (Hamaspathmaedaya) see W.\n      Caland, _\u00dcber Totenverehrung bei einigen der indo-germanischen\n      V\u00f6lker_ (Amsterdam, 1888), pp. 64 _sq._; N. S\u00f6derblom, _Les\n      Fravashis_ (Paris, 1899), pp. 4 _sqq._; J. H. Moulton, _Early\n      Zoroastrianism_ (London, 1913), pp. 256 _sqq._ All these writers\n      agree that the Fravashis of the _Zend-Avesta_ were originally the\n      souls of the dead. See also James Darmesteter, _Zend-Avesta_, Part\n      ii. (Oxford, 1883) p. 179: \u201cThe Fravashi is the inner power in every\n      being that maintains it and makes it grow and subsist. Originally\n      the Fravashis were the same as the _Pitris_ of the Hindus or the\n      _Manes_ of the Latins, that is to say, the everlasting and deified\n      souls of the dead; but in course of time they gained a wider domain,\n      and not only men, but gods and even physical objects, like the sky\n      and the earth, etc., had each a Fravashi.\u201d Compare _id._, _Ormazd et\n      Ahriman_ (Paris, 1877), pp. 130 _sqq._; N. S\u00f6derblom, _La Vie Future\n      d\u2019apr\u00e8s Le Mazd\u00e9isme_ (Paris, 1901), pp. 7 _sqq._ A different view\n      of the original nature of the Fravashis was taken by C. P. Tiele,\n      according to whom they were essentially guardian spirits. See C. P.\n      Tiele, _Geschichte der Religion im Altertum_ (Gotha, 1896-1903), ii.\n      256 _sqq._\n\n_  135 The Zend-Avesta_, translated by James Darmesteter, Part ii.\n      (Oxford, 1883) pp. 192 _sq._ (_Sacred Books of the East_, vol.\n      xxiii.).\n\n  136 Albiruni, _The Chronology of Ancient Nations_, translated and edited\n      by Dr. C. Edward Sachau (London, 1879), p. 210. In the _Dinkard_, a\n      Pahlavi work which seems to have been composed in the first half of\n      the ninth century A.D., the festival is spoken of as \u201cthose ten days\n      which are the end of the winter and termination of the year, because\n      the five Gathic days, among them, are for that purpose.\u201d By \u201cthe\n      five Gathic days\u201d the writer means the five supplementary days added\n      at the end of the twelfth month to complete the year of 365 days.\n      See _Pahlavi Texts_ translated by E. W. West, Part iv. (Oxford,\n      1892) p. 17 (_The Sacred Books of the East_, vol. xxxvii.).\n\n  M58 Feast of All Souls in Brittany and other parts of France.\n\n  137 A. le Braz, _La L\u00e9gende de la Morten Basse-Bretagne_ (Paris, 1893),\n      pp. 280-287. Compare J. Lec\u0153ur, _Esquisses du Bocage Normand_\n      (Cond\u00e9-sur-Noireau, 1883-1887), ii. 283 _sqq._\n\n  138 L. F. Sauv\u00e9, _Le folk-lore des Hautes-Vosges_ (Paris, 1889), pp. 295\n      _sq._\n\n  139 J. L. M. Nogu\u00e8s, _Les m\u0153urs d\u2019autrefois en Saintonge et en Aunis_\n      (Saintes, 1891), p. 76. As to the observance of All Souls\u2019 Day in\n      other parts of France see A. Meyrac, _Traditions, coutumes, l\u00e9gendes\n      et contes des Ardennes_ (Charleville, 1890), pp. 22-24; Ch.\n      Beauquier, _Les mois en Franche-Comt\u00e9_ (Paris, 1900), pp. 123-125.\n\n  M59 Feast of All Souls in Belgium.\n\n  140 Above, p. 52.\n\n  141 W. Crooke, _The Natives of Northern India_ (London, 1907), p. 219.\n\n  142 Reinsberg-D\u00fcringsfeld, _Calendrier Belge_ (Brussels, 1861-1862), ii.\n      236-240; _id._, _Das festliche Jahr_ (Leipsic, 1863), pp. 229 _sq._\n\n  M60 Feast of All Souls in Lechrain.\n\n  143 Karl Freiherr von Leoprechting, _Aus dem Lechrain_ (Munich, 1855),\n      pp. 198-200.\n\n  M61 Soul-cakes and All Souls\u2019 Day in Southern Germany.\n\n  144 O. Freiherr von Reinsberg-D\u00fcringsfeld, _Das festliche Jahr_\n      (Leipsic, 1863), p. 330. As to these cakes (called \u201csouls\u201d) in\n      Swabia see E. Meyer, _Deutsche Sagen, Sitten und Gebr\u00e4uche aus\n      Schwaben_ (Stuttgart, 1852), p. 452, \u00a7 174; Anton Birlinger,\n      _Volksth\u00fcmliches aus Schwaben_ (Freiburg im Breisgau, 1861-1862),\n      ii. 167 _sq._ The cakes are baked of white flour, and are of a\n      longish rounded shape with two small tips at each end.\n\n  145 Adalbert Kuhn, _Mythologische Studien_, ii. (G\u00fctersloh, 1912) pp. 41\n      _sq._, citing F. Sch\u00f6nwerth, _Aus der Oberpfalz_, i. 283.\n\n  M62 Feast of All Souls in Bohemia.\n\n  146 O. Freiherr von Reinsberg-D\u00fcringsfeld, _Fest-Kalender aus B\u00f6hmen_\n      (Prague, N.D.), pp. 493-495.\n\n  147 Alois John, _Sitte, Brauch und Volksglaube im deutschen Westb\u00f6hmen_\n      (Prague, 1905), p. 97.\n\n  M63 Feast of All Souls in Moravia.\n\n  148 Willibald M\u00fcller, _Beitr\u00e4ge zur Volkskunde der Deutschen in M\u00e4hren_\n      (Vienna and Olm\u00fctz, 1893), p. 330.\n\n  M64 Feast of All Souls in the Tyrol and Baden.\n\n  149 Ignaz V. Zingerle, _Sitten, Br\u00e4uche und Meiningen des Tiroler\n      Volkes_2 (Innsbruck, 1871), pp. 176-178.\n\n  150 Christian Schneller, _M\u00e4rchen und Sagen aus W\u00e4lschtirol_ (Innsbruck,\n      1867), p. 238.\n\n  151 Elard Hugo Meyer, _Badisches Volksleben im neunzehnten Jahrhundert_\n      (Strasburg, 1900), p. 601.\n\n  M65 Annual festivals of the dead among the Letts and Samagitians.\n\n  152 P. Einhorn, \u201cHistoria Lettica,\u201d in _Scriptores Rerum Livonicarum_,\n      ii. (Riga and Leipsic, 1848) pp. 587, 598, 630 _sq._, 645 _sq._ See\n      also the description of D. Fabricius in his \u201cLivonicae Historiae\n      compendiosa series,\u201d _ib._ p. 441. Fabricius assigns the custom to\n      All Souls\u2019 Day.\n\n  153 J. Lasicius, \u201cDe diis Samagitarum caeterorumque Sarmatarum,\u201d in\n      _Magazin herausgegeben von der lettisch-liter\u00e4rischen Gesellschaft_,\n      xiv. 1. (Mitau, 1868), p. 92.\n\n  154 F. J. Wiedemann, _Aus dem inneren und \u00e4ussern Leben der Ehsten_ (St.\n      Petersburg, 1876), pp. 366 _sq._; Boecler-Kreutzwald, _Der Ehsten\n      abergl\u00e4ubische Gebr\u00e4uche, Weisen und Gewohnheiten_ (St. Petersburg,\n      1854), p. 89.\n\n  M66 Festival of the dead in Russia.\n\n  155 W. R. S. Ralston, _Songs of the Russian People_2 (London, 1872), pp.\n      321 _sq._ The date of the festival is not mentioned. Apparently it\n      is celebrated at irregular intervals.\n\n  M67 Annual festivals of the dead among the Votiaks of Russia.\n\n  156 M. Buch, _Die Wotj\u00e4ken_ (Stuttgart, 1882), p. 145.\n\n  157 J. Wasiljev, _\u00dcbersicht \u00fcber die heidnischen Gebr\u00e4uche, Aberglauben\n      und Religion der Wotj\u00e4ken_ (Helsingfors, 1902), pp. 34 _sq._\n      (_M\u00e9moires de la Soci\u00e9t\u00e9 Finno-Ougrienne_, xviii.). As to the Votiak\n      clans see the same work, pp. 42-44.\n\n  M68 Feast of All Souls in the Abruzzi.\n\n  158 G. Finamore, _Credenze, Usi e Costumi Abruzzesi_ (Palermo, 1890),\n      pp. 180-182. Mr. W. R. Paton writes to me (12th December 1906): \u201cYou\n      do not mention the practice[s] on the modern Greek feast \u03c4\u1ff6\u03bd \u03c8\u03c5\u03c7\u1ff6\u03bd\n      (in May) which quite correspond. The \u03ba\u03cc\u03bb\u03c5\u03b2\u03b1 is made in every house\n      and put on a table laid with a white tablecloth. A glass of water\n      and a taper are put on the table, and all is left so for the whole\n      night. Our Greek maid-servant says that when she was a child she\n      remembers seeing the souls come and partake. Almost the same rite is\n      practised for the \u03ba\u03cc\u03bb\u03c5\u03b2\u03b1 made on the commemoration of particular\n      dead.\u201d\n\n  M69 Soul-cakes on All-Souls\u2019 Day in England. \u201cSouling Day\u201d in\n      Shropshire.\n\n  159 John Brand, _Popular Antiquities of Great Britain_ (London,\n      1882-1883), i. 393.\n\n  160 John Aubrey, _Remaines of Gentilisme and Judaisme_ (London, 1881),\n      p. 23.\n\n  161 Miss C. S. Burne and Miss G. F. Jackson, _Shropshire Folk-lore_\n      (London, 1883), p. 381. The writers record (pp. 382 _sqq._) some of\n      the ditties which were sung on this occasion by those who begged for\n      soul-cakes.\n\n  162 J. Brand, _Popular Antiquities of Great Britain_, i. 392, 393; W.\n      Hone, _Year Book_ (London, N.D.), col. 1288; T. F. Thiselton Dyer,\n      _British Popular Customs_ (London, 1876), pp. 405, 406, 407, 409; J.\n      Harland and T. T. Wilkinson, _Lancashire Folk-lore_ (London, 1882),\n      p. 251; Elizabeth Mary Wright, _Rustic Speech and Folk-lore_\n      (Oxford, 1913), p. 300.\n\n  163 Marie Trevelyan, _Folk-lore and Folk-stories of Wales_ (London,\n      1909), p. 255. See also T. F. Thiselton Dyer, _British Popular\n      Customs_ (London, 1876), p. 410, who, quoting Pennant as his\n      authority, says that the poor people who received soul-cakes prayed\n      God to bless the next crop of wheat.\n\n_  164 County Folk-lore_, vol. ii. _North Riding of Yorkshire, York, and\n      the Ainsty_ (London, 1901), quoting George Young, _A History of\n      Whitby and Streoneshalth Abbey_ (Whitby, 1817), ii. 882.\n\n  165 T. F. Thiselton Dyer, _British Popular Customs_, p. 410.\n\n  166 M. Martin, \u201cDescription of the Western Islands of Scotland,\u201d in John\n      Pinkerton\u2019s _Voyages and Travels_ (London, 1808-1814), iii. 666.\n\n  M70 Feast of All Souls among the Indians of Ecuador.\n\n  167 Dr. Rivet, \u201cLe Christianisme et les Indiens de la R\u00e9publique de\n      l\u2019\u00c9quateur,\u201d _L\u2019Anthropologie_, xvii. (1906) pp. 93 _sq._\n\n  M71 The nominally Christian feast of All Souls on Nov. 2 appears to be\n      an old Celtic festival of the dead adopted by the Church in 998 A.D.\n      Institution of the Feast of All Souls by the Abbot of Clugny.\n\n  168 See above, pp. 53, 55, 62, 65.\n\n  169 Sir John Rhys, _Celtic Heathendom_ (London and Edinburgh, 1888), pp.\n      460, 514 _sq._; _id._, \u201cCeltae and Galli,\u201d _Proceedings of the\n      British Academy, 1905-1906_ (London, N.D.), p. 78; _Balder the\n      Beautiful_, i. 224 _sq._\n\n  170 K. M\u00fcllenhoff, _Deutsche Altertumskunde_, iv. (Berlin, 1900) pp. 379\n      _sq._ The first of October seems to have been a great festival among\n      the Saxons and also the Samagitians. See Widukind, _Res gestae\n      Saxonicae_, i. 12 (Migne\u2019s _Patrologia Latina_, cxxxvii. 135); M. A.\n      Michov, \u201cDe Sarmatia Asiana atque Europea,\u201d in S. Grynaeus\u2019s _Novus\n      Orbis Regionum ac Insularum veteribus incognitarum_ (B\u00e2le, 1532), p.\n      520. I have to thank Professor H. M. Chadwick for pointing out these\n      two passages to me. Mr. A. Tille prefers to date the Teutonic winter\n      from Martinmas, the eleventh of November. See A. Tille, _Die\n      Geschichte der deutschen Weihnacht_ (Leipsic, N.D.), pp. 23 _sqq._;\n      O. Schrader, _Reallexikon der indogermanischen Altertumskunde_\n      (Strasburg, 1901), p. 395.\n\n  171 A. J. Binterim, _Die vorz\u00fcglichsten Denkw\u00fcrdigkeiten der\n      Christ-Katholischen Kirche_, v. 1 (Mayence, 1829), pp. 493 _sq._; J.\n      J. Herzog und G. F. Plitt, _Real-Encyclop\u00e4die f\u00fcr protestantische\n      Theologie und Kirche_,2 i. (Leipsic, 1877), pp. 303 _sq._; W. Smith\n      and S. Cheetham, _Dictionary of Christian Antiquities_ (London,\n      1875-1880), i. 57 _sq._\n\n  M72 The feast of All Saints on Nov. 1 seems also to have displaced a\n      heathen festival of the dead.\n\n  172 A. J. Binterim, _op. cit._ v. 1, pp. 487 _sqq._; J. J. Herzog und G.\n      F. Plitt, _op. cit._ i. p. 303; W. Smith and S. Cheetham,\n      _Dictionary of Christian Antiquities_, i. 57. In the last of these\n      works a passage from the _Martyrologium Romanum Vetus_ is quoted\n      which states that a feast of Saints (_Festivitas Sanctorum_) on the\n      first of November was celebrated at Rome. But the date of this\n      particular Martyrology is disputed. See A. J. Binterim, _op. cit._\n      v. 1, pp. 52-54.\n\n  173 J. J. Herzog und G. F. Plitt, _op. cit._ i. 304. A similar attempt\n      to reform religion by diverting the devotion of the people from the\n      spirits of their dead appears to have been made in antiquity by the\n      doctors of the Persian faith. For that faith \u201cin its most finished\n      and purest form, in the _Gathas_, does not recognize the dead as\n      objects worthy of worship and sacrifice. But the popular beliefs\n      were too firmly rooted, and the Mazdeans, like the sectaries of many\n      other ideal and lofty forms of religion, were forced to give way. As\n      they could not suppress the worship and get rid of the primitive and\n      crude ideas involved in it, they set about the reform in another\n      way: they interpreted the worship in a new manner, and thus the\n      worship of the dead became a worship of the gods or of a god in\n      favour of the loved and lost ones, a pious commemoration of their\n      names and their virtues.\u201d See N. S\u00f6derblom, _Les Fravashis_ (Paris,\n      1899), pp. 6 _sq._ The _Gathas_ form the oldest part of the\n      _Zend-Avesta_. James Darmesteter, indeed, in his later life startled\n      the learned world by a theory that the _Gathas_ were a comparatively\n      late work based on the teaching of Philo of Alexandria. But this\n      attempt of a Jew to claim for his race the inspiration of the\n      Persian scriptures has been coldly received by Gentile scholars. See\n      J. H. Moulton, _Early Zoroastrianism_ (London, 1913), pp. 8 _sqq._\n\n  M73 Festival of the death and resurrection of Osiris in the month of\n      Athyr. The finding of Osiris.\n\n  174 Plutarch, _Isis et Osiris_, 39. As to the death of Osiris on the\n      seventeenth of Athyr see _ib._ 13 and 42. Plutarch\u2019s statement on\n      this subject is confirmed by the evidence of the papyrus Sallier\n      IV., a document dating from the 19th dynasty, which places the\n      lamentation for Osiris at Sais on the seventeenth day of Athyr. See\n      A. Wiedemann, _Herodots zweites Buch_, p. 262; _id._, _Die Religion\n      der alten \u00c4gypter_, p. 112; _id._, _Religion of the Ancient\n      Egyptians_, pp. 211 _sq._\n\n  175 See above, p. 50.\n\n  176 Plutarch, _Isis et Osiris_, 39. The words which I have translated\n      \u201cvegetable mould\u201d are \u03b3\u1fc6\u03bd \u03ba\u03ac\u03c1\u03c0\u03b9\u03bc\u03bf\u03bd, literally, \u201cfruitful earth.\u201d The\n      composition of the image was very important, as we shall see\n      presently.\n\n  177 Lactantius, _Divin. Institut._, i. 21; _id._, _Epitome Inst. Divin._\n      23 (18, ed. Brandt and Laubmann). The description of the ceremony\n      which Minucius Felix gives (_Octavius_, xxii. 1) agrees closely\n      with, and is probably copied from, that of Lactantius. We know from\n      Appian (_Bell. Civ._ iv. 6. 47) that in the rites of Isis a priest\n      personated Anubis, wearing a dog\u2019s, or perhaps rather a jackal\u2019s,\n      mask on his head; for the historian tells how in the great\n      proscription a certain Volusius, who was on the condemned list,\n      escaped in the disguise of a priest of Isis, wearing a long linen\n      garment and the mask of a dog over his head.\n\n  178 The suggestion is due to Prof. A. Wiedemann (_Herodots zweites\n      Buch_, p. 261).\n\n  179 Firmicus Maternus, _De errore profanarum religionum_, 2. Herodotus\n      tells (ii. 61) how the Carians cut their foreheads with knives at\n      the mourning for Osiris.\n\n  180 In addition to the writers who have been already cited see Juvenal,\n      viii. 29 _sq._; Athenagoras, _Supplicatio pro Christianis_, 22, pp.\n      112, 114, ed. J. C. T. Otto (Jena, 1857); Tertullian, _Adversus\n      Marcionem_, i. 13; Augustine, _De civitate Dei_, vi. 10.\n\n  M74 The great Osirian inscription at Denderah.\n\n  181 W. Smith, _Dictionary of Greek and Roman Geography_, ii. 1127.\n\n  182 For complete translations of the inscription see H. Brugsch, \u201cDas\n      Osiris-Mysterium von Tentyra,\u201d _Zeitschrift f\u00fcr \u00e4gyptische Sprache\n      und Alterthumskunde_, 1881, pp. 77-111; V. Loret, \u201cLes f\u00eates\n      d\u2019Osiris au mois de Khoiak,\u201d _Recueil de Travaux relatifs \u00e0 la\n      Philologie et \u00e0 l\u2019Arch\u00e9ologie \u00c9gyptiennes et Assyriennes_, iii.\n      (1882) pp. 43-57, iv. (1883) pp. 21-33, v. (1884) pp. 85-103. On the\n      document and the festivals described in it see further A.\n      Mariette-Pacha, _Dend\u00e9rah_ (Paris, 1880), pp. 334-347; J. D\u00fcmichen,\n      \u201cDie dem Osiris im Denderatempel geweihten R\u00e4ume,\u201d _Zeitschrift f\u00fcr\n      \u00e4gyptische Sprache und Alterthumskunde_, 1882, pp. 88-101; H.\n      Brugsch, _Religion und Mythologie der alten Aegypter_ (Leipsic,\n      1885-1888), pp. 616-618; R. V. Lanzone, _Dizionario di Mitologia\n      Egizia_, pp. 725-744; A. Wiedemann, _Herodots zweites Buch_, p. 262;\n      _id._, \u201cOsiris v\u00e9g\u00e9tant,\u201d _Le Mus\u00e9on_, N.S. iv. (1903) p. 113; E. A.\n      Wallis Budge, _The Gods of the Egyptians_, ii. 128 _sq._; _id._,\n      _Osiris and the Egyptian Resurrection_, ii. 21 _sqq._; Miss Margaret\n      A. Murray, _The Osireion at Abydos_ (London, 1904), pp. 27 _sq._\n\n  M75 The rites of Osiris in the month of Khoiak represented the god as\n      dead, dismembered, and then reconstituted by the union of his\n      scattered limbs.\n\n  183 R. V. Lanzone, _op. cit._ p. 727.\n\n  184 H. Brugsch, in _Zeitschrift f\u00fcr \u00e4gyptische Sprache und\n      Alterthumskunde_, 1881, pp. 80-82; A. Wiedemann, in _Le Mus\u00e9on_,\n      N.S. iv. (1903) p. 113. The corn used in the making of the images is\n      called barley by Brugsch and Miss M. A. Murray (_l.c._), but wheat\n      (_bl\u00e9_) by Mr. V. Loret.\n\n  185 H. Brugsch, _op. cit._ pp. 99, 101.\n\n  186 H. Brugsch, _op. cit._ pp. 82 _sq._; R. V. Lanzone, _op. cit._ p.\n      728; Miss Margaret A. Murray, _op. cit._ p. 27.\n\n  187 H. Brugsch, _op. cit._ pp. 90 _sq._, 96 _sq._, 98; R. V. Lanzone,\n      _op. cit._ pp. 743 _sq._; E. A. Wallis Budge, _The Gods of the\n      Egyptians_, ii. 128. According to Lanzone, the ploughing took place,\n      not on the first, but on the last day of the festival, namely, on\n      the thirtieth of Khoiak; and that certainly appears to have been the\n      date of the ploughing at Busiris, for the inscription directs that\n      there \u201cthe ploughing of the earth shall take place in the Serapeum\n      of _Aa-n-be\u1e25_ under the fine Persea trees on the last day of the\n      month Khoiak\u201d (H. Brugsch, _op. cit._ p. 84).\n\n  188 Miss Margaret A. Murray, _The Osireion at Abydos_, p. 28; H.\n      Brugsch, _op. cit._ pp. 83, 92. The headless human image in the cow\n      may have stood for Isis, who is said to have been decapitated by her\n      son Horus, and to have received from Thoth a cow\u2019s head as a\n      substitute. See Plutarch, _Isis et Osiris_, 20; G. Maspero,\n      _Histoire ancienne des Peuples de l\u2019Orient Classique_, i. 177; Ed.\n      Meyer, _s.v._ \u201cIsis,\u201d in W. H. Roscher\u2019s _Lexikon der griech. und\n      r\u00f6m. Mythologie_, ii. 366.\n\n  189 H. Brugsch, _op. cit._ pp. 92 _sq._; R. V. Lanzone, _op. cit._ pp.\n      738-740; A. Wiedemann, _Herodots zweites Buch_, p. 262; Miss M. A.\n      Murray, _op. cit._ p. 35. An Egyptian calendar, written at Sais\n      about 300 B.C., has under the date 26 Khoiak the following entry:\n      \u201cOsiris goes about and the golden boat is brought forth.\u201d See _The\n      Hibeh Papyri_, Part i., edited by B. P. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt\n      (London, 1906), pp. 146, 153. In the Canopic decree \u201cthe voyage of\n      the sacred boat of Osiris\u201d is said to take place on the 29th of\n      Khoiak from \u201cthe sanctuary in the Heracleum\u201d to the Canopic\n      sanctuary. See W. Dittenberger, _Orientis Graeci Inscriptiones\n      Selectae_, No. 56 (vol. i. pp. 105, 108). Hence it would seem that\n      the date of this part of the festival varied somewhat in different\n      places or at different times.\n\n  190 H. Brugsch, _op. cit._ p. 99; E. A. Wallis Budge, _The Gods of the\n      Egyptians_, ii. 129; compare Miss Margaret A. Murray, _op. cit._ p.\n      28, who refers the ceremony to the twenty-fifth of Khoiak.\n\n  191 H. Brugsch, _op. cit._ pp. 94, 99; A. Mariette-Pacha, _Dend\u00e9rah_,\n      pp. 336 _sq._; R. V. Lanzone, _op. cit._ p. 744. Mariette supposed\n      that after depositing the new image in the sepulchre they carried\n      out the old one of the preceding year, thus setting forth the\n      resurrection as well as the death of the god. But this view is\n      apparently not shared by Brugsch and Lanzone.\n\n  M76 The resurrection of Osiris represented on the monuments.\n\n  192 A. Mariette-Bey, _Dend\u00e9rah_, iv. (Paris, 1873) plates 65, 66, 68,\n      69, 70, 71, 72, 88, 89, 90; R. V. Lanzone, _Dizionario di Mitologia\n      Egizia_, pp. 757 _sqq._, with plates cclxviii.-ccxcii.; E. A. Wallis\n      Budge, _The Gods of the Egyptians_, ii. 131-138; _id._, _Osiris and\n      the Egyptian Resurrection_, ii. 31 _sqq._\n\n  193 H. Brugsch, _Religion und Mythologie der alten Aegypter_, p. 621; R.\n      V. Lanzone, _Dizionario di Mitologia Egizia_, plate cclxi.; A.\n      Wiedemann, \u201cL\u2019Osiris v\u00e9g\u00e9tant,\u201d _Le Mus\u00e9on_, N.S. iv. (1903) p. 112;\n      E. A. Wallis Budge, _Osiris and the Egyptian Resurrection_, i. 58.\n      According to Prof. Wiedemann, the corn springing from the god\u2019s body\n      is barley. Similarly in a papyrus of the Louvre (No. 3377) Osiris is\n      represented swathed as a mummy and lying on his back, while stalks\n      of corn sprout from his body. See R. V. Lanzone, _op. cit._ pp. 801\n      _sq._, with plate ccciii. 2; A. Wiedemann, \u201cL\u2019Osiris v\u00e9g\u00e9tant,\u201d _Le\n      Mus\u00e9on_, N.S. iv. (1903) p. 112.\n\n  194 Hippolytus, _Refutatio omnium haeresium_, v. 8, p. 162 ed. L.\n      Duncker and F. G. Schneidewin (G\u00f6ttingen, 1859). See _Spirits of the\n      Corn and of the Wild_, i. 38 _sq._\n\n  195 Prof. A. Erman rightly assumes (_Die \u00e4gyptische Religion_,2 p. 234)\n      that the images made in the month of Khoiak were intended to\n      germinate as a symbol of the divine resurrection.\n\n  M77 Corn-stuffed effigies of Osiris buried with the dead to ensure their\n      resurrection.\n\n  196 A. Wiedemann, \u201cL\u2019Osiris v\u00e9g\u00e9tant,\u201d _Le Mus\u00e9on_, N.S. iv. (1903) p.\n      111; _Egyptian Exploration Fund Archaeological Report, 1898-1899_,\n      pp. 24 _sq._; A. Moret, _Kings and Gods of Egypt_ (New York and\n      London, 1912), p. 94, with plate xi.; _id._, _Myst\u00e8res \u00c9gyptiens_\n      (Paris, 1913), p. 41.\n\n  197 B. P. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt, in _Egyptian Exploration Fund\n      Archaeological Report, 1902-1903_, p. 5.\n\n  198 Miss Margaret A. Murray, _The Osireion at Abydos_, pp. 28 _sq._\n\n  199 Sir J. Gardiner Wilkinson, _A Second Series of the Manners and\n      Customs of the Ancient Egyptians_ (London, 1841), ii. 300, note \u00a7.\n      The writer seems to have doubted whether these effigies represented\n      Osiris. But the doubt has been entirely removed by subsequent\n      discoveries. Wilkinson\u2019s important note on the subject is omitted by\n      his editor, S. Birch (vol. iii. p. 375, ed. 1878).\n\n  200 A. Erman, _Die \u00e4gyptische Religion_,2 pp. 209 _sq._\n\n  M78 The festivals of Osiris in the months of Athyr and Khoiak seem to\n      have been substantially the same.\n\n  201 See above, pp. 24 _sq._, 27 _sq._, 49 _sq._\n\n  M79 The old festival of Khoiak may have been transferred to Athyr when\n      the Egyptians adopted the fixed Alexandrian year in 30 B.C.\n  M80 The transference would be intelligible if we suppose that in 30 B.C.\n      the dates of all the Egyptian festivals were shifted backward by\n      about a month in order to restore them to their natural places in\n      the calendar.\n\n  202 So it was reckoned at the time. But, strictly speaking, Thoth in\n      that year began on August 31. The miscalculation originated in a\n      blunder of the ignorant Roman pontiffs who, being charged with the\n      management of the new Julian calendar, at first intercalated a day\n      every third, instead of every fourth, year. See Solinus,\n      _Collectanea_, i. 45-47 (p. 15, ed. Th. Mommsen, Berlin, 1864);\n      Macrobius, _Saturn_, i. 14. 13 _sq._; L. Ideler, _Handbuch der\n      mathematischen und technischen Chronologie_, i. 157-161.\n\n  203 Theoretically the shift should have been 40, or rather 42 days, that\n      being the interval between July 20 and August 29 or 31 (see the\n      preceding note). If that shift was actually made, the calendar date\n      of any festival in the old vague Egyptian year could be found by\n      adding 40 or 42 days to its date in the Alexandrian year. Thus if\n      the death of Osiris fell on the 17th of Athyr in the Alexandrian\n      year, it should have fallen on the 27th or 29th of Khoiak in the old\n      vague year; and if his resurrection fell on the 19th of Athyr in the\n      Alexandrian year, it should have fallen on the 29th of Khoiak or the\n      1st of Tybi in the old vague year. These calculations agree nearly,\n      but not exactly, with the somewhat uncertain indications of the\n      Denderah calendar (above, p. 88), and also with the independent\n      evidence which we possess that the resurrection of Osiris was\n      celebrated on the 30th of Khoiak (below, pp. 108 _sq._). These\n      approximate agreements to some extent confirm my theory that, with\n      the adoption of the fixed Alexandrian year, the dates of the\n      official Egyptian festivals were shifted from their accidental\n      places in the calendar to their proper places in the natural year.\n\n      Since I published in the first edition of this book (1906) my theory\n      that with the adoption of the fixed Alexandrian year in 30 B.C. the\n      Egyptian festivals were shifted about a month backward in the year,\n      Professor Ed. Meyer has shown independent grounds for holding \u201cthat\n      the festivals which gave rise to the later names of the (Egyptian)\n      months were demonstrably held a month later in earlier ages, under\n      the twentieth, eighteenth, indeed partly under the twelfth dynasty;\n      in other words, that after the end of the New Kingdom the festivals\n      and the corresponding names of the months were displaced one month\n      backwards. It is true that this displacement can as yet be proved\n      for only five months; but as the names of these months and the\n      festivals keep their relative position towards each other, the\n      assumption is inevitable that the displacement affected not merely\n      particular festivals but the whole system equally.\u201d See Ed. Meyer,\n      _Nachtr\u00e4ge zur \u00e4gyptischen Chronologie_ (Berlin, 1908), pp. 3 _sqq._\n      (_Abhandlungen der k\u00f6nigl. Preuss. Akademie der Wissenschaften vom\n      Jahre 1907_). Thus it is possible that the displacement of the\n      festivals by a month backward in the calendar took place a good deal\n      earlier than I had supposed. In the uncertainty of the whole\n      question I leave my theory as it stood.\n\n  204 If the results of the foregoing inquiry be accepted, the\n      resurrection of Osiris was regularly celebrated in Egypt on the 15th\n      of November from the year 30 B.C. onward, since the 15th of November\n      corresponded to the 19th of Athyr (the resurrection day) in the\n      fixed Alexandrian year. This agrees with the indications of the\n      Roman Rustic Calendars, which place the resurrection (_heuresis_,\n      that is, the discovery of Osiris) between the 14th and the 30th of\n      November. Yet according to the calendar of Philocalus, the official\n      Roman celebration of the resurrection seems to have been held on the\n      1st of November, not on the 15th. How is the discrepancy to be\n      explained? Th. Mommsen supposed that the festival was officially\n      adopted at Rome at a time when the 19th of Athyr of the vague\n      Egyptian year corresponded to the 31st of October or the 1st of\n      November of the Julian calendar, and that the Romans, overlooking\n      the vague or shifting character of the Egyptian year, fixed the\n      resurrection of Osiris permanently on the 1st of November. Now the\n      19th of Athyr of the vague year corresponded to the 1st of November\n      in the years 32-35 A.D. and to the 31st of October in the years\n      36-39; and it appears that the festival was officially adopted at\n      Rome some time before 65 A.D. (Lucan, _Pharsalia_, viii. 831\n      _sqq._). It is unlikely that the adoption took place in the reign of\n      Tiberius, who died in 37 A.D.; for he is known to have persecuted\n      the Egyptian religion (Tacitus, _Annals_, ii. 85; Suetonius,\n      _Tiberius_, 36; Josephus, _Antiquit. Jud._ xviii. 3. 4); hence\n      Mommsen concluded that the great festival of Osiris was officially\n      adopted at Rome in the early years of the reign of Caligula, that\n      is, in 37, 38, or 39 A.D. See Th. Mommsen, _Corpus Inscriptionum\n      Latinarum_, i.2 Pars prior (Berlin, 1893), pp. 333 _sq._; H. Dessau,\n      _Inscriptiones Latinae Selectae_, vol. ii. p. 995, No. 8745. This\n      theory of Mommsen\u2019s assumes that in Egypt the festivals were still\n      regulated by the old vague year in the first century of our era. It\n      cannot, therefore, be reconciled with the conclusion reached in the\n      text that the Egyptian festivals ceased to be regulated by the old\n      vague year from 30 B.C. onward. How the difference of date between\n      the official Roman and the Egyptian festival of the resurrection is\n      to be explained, I do not pretend to say.\n\n  M81 Osiris in one of his aspects a personification of the corn. Osiris a\n      child of Sky and Earth. The legend of the dismemberment of Osiris\n      points to the dismemberment of human beings, perhaps of the kings,\n      in the character of the corn-spirit.\n\n  205 See above, p. 48.\n\n  206 See above, p. 6.\n\n  207 See above, p. 7.\n\n  208 Servius on Virgil, _Georg._ i. 166.\n\n_  209 The Dying God_, p. 250.\n\n_  210 Spirits of the Corn and of the Wild_, i. 236 _sqq._\n\n  211 Plutarch, _Isis et Osiris_, 73, compare 33.\n\n  212 Diodorus Siculus, i. 88. 5. The slaughter may have been performed by\n      the king with his own hand. On Egyptian monuments the king is often\n      represented in the act of slaying prisoners before a god. See A.\n      Moret, _Du caract\u00e8re religieux de la royaut\u00e9 Pharaonique_ (Paris,\n      1902), pp. 179, 224; E. A. Wallis Budge, _Osiris and the Egyptian\n      Resurrection_, i. 197 _sqq._ Similarly the kings of Ashantee and\n      Dahomey used often themselves to cut the throats of the human\n      victims. See A. B. Ellis, _The Tshi-speaking Peoples of the Gold\n      Coast_ (London, 1887), p. 162; _id._, _The Ewe-speaking Peoples of\n      the Slave Coast_ (London, 1890), pp. 125, 129.\n\n  M82 Roman and Greek traditions of the dismemberment of kings. Modern\n      Thracian pretence of killing a man, who is sometimes called a king,\n      for the good of the crops.\n\n_  213 Scholia in Caesaris Germanici Aratea_, in F. Eyssenhardt\u2019s edition\n      of Martianus Capella, p. 408 (Leipsic, 1866).\n\n  214 Dionysius Halicarnasensis, _Antiquit. Rom._ ii. 56. 4. Compare Livy,\n      i. 16. 4; Florus, i. 1. 16 _sq._; Plutarch, _Romulus_, 27. Mr. A. B.\n      Cook was, I believe, the first to interpret the story as a\n      reminiscence of the sacrifice of a king. See his article \u201cThe\n      European Sky-God,\u201d _Folk-lore_, xvi. (1905) pp. 324 _sq._ However,\n      the acute historian A. Schwegler long ago maintained that the\n      tradition rested on some very ancient religious rite, which was\n      afterwards abolished or misunderstood, and he rightly compared the\n      legendary deaths of Pentheus and Orpheus (_R\u00f6mische Geschichte_,\n      T\u00fcbingen, 1853-1858, vol. i. pp. 534 _sq._). See further W. Otto,\n      \u201cJuno,\u201d _Philologus_, lxiv. (1905) pp. 187 _sqq._\n\n_  215 The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, ii. 313 _sqq._\n\n  216 Euripides, _Bacchae_, 43 _sqq._, 1043 _sqq._; Theocritus, xxvi.;\n      Pausanias, ii. 2. 7; Apollodorus, _Bibliotheca_, iii. 5. 1 _sq._;\n      Hyginus, _Fab._ 132 and 184. The destruction of Lycurgus by horses\n      seems to be mentioned only by Apollodorus. As to Pentheus see\n      especially A. G. Bather, \u201cThe Problem of the Bacchae,\u201d _Journal of\n      Hellenic Studies_, xiv. (1904) pp. 244-263.\n\n  217 Nonnus, _Dionys._ vi. 165-205; Clement of Alexandria, _Protrept._\n      ii. 17 _sq._, p. 15 ed. Potter; Justin Martyr, _Apology_, i. 54;\n      Firmicus Maternus, _De errore profanarum religionum_, 6; Arnobius,\n      _Adversus Nationes_, v. 19. According to the Clementine\n      _Recognitiones_, x. 24 (Migne\u2019s _Patrologia Graeca_, i. 1434)\n      Dionysus was torn in pieces at Thebes, the very place of which\n      Pentheus was king. The description of Euripides (_Bacchae_, 1058\n      _sqq._) suggests that the human victim was tied or hung to a\n      pine-tree before being rent to pieces. We are reminded of the effigy\n      of Attis which hung on the sacred pine (above, vol. i. p. 267), and\n      of the image of Osiris which was made out of a pine-tree and then\n      buried in the hollow of the trunk (below, p. 108). The pine-tree on\n      which Pentheus was pelted by the Bacchanals before they tore him\n      limb from limb is said to have been worshipped as if it were the god\n      himself by the Corinthians, who made two images of Dionysus out of\n      it (Pausanias, ii. 2. 7). The tradition points to an intimate\n      connexion between the tree, the god, and the human victim.\n\n  218 Porphyry, _De abstinentia_, ii. 55. At Potniae in Boeotia a priest\n      of Dionysus is said to have been killed by the drunken worshippers\n      (Pausanias, ix. 8. 2). He may have been sacrificed in the character\n      of the god.\n\n  219 Lucian, _De saltatione_, 51; Plato, _Symposium_, 7, p. 179 D, E;\n      Pausanias, ix. 30. 5; Ovid, _Metam._ xi. 1-43; O. Gruppe, _s.v._\n      \u201cOrpheus,\u201d in W. H. Roscher\u2019s _Lexikon der griech. und r\u00f6m.\n      Mythologie_, iii. 1165 _sq._ That Orpheus died the death of the god\n      has been observed both in ancient and modern times. See E. Rohde,\n      _Psyche_3 (T\u00fcbingen and Leipsic, 1903) ii. 118, note 2, quoting\n      Proclus on Plato; S. Reinach, \u201cLa mort d\u2019Orph\u00e9e,\u201d _Cultes, Mythes et\n      Religions_, ii. (1906) pp. 85 _sqq._ According to Ovid, the\n      Bacchanals killed him with hoes, rakes, and mattocks. Similarly in\n      West Africa human victims used to be killed with spades and hoes and\n      then buried in a field which had just been tilled (J. B. Labat,\n      _Relation historique de l\u2019Ethiopie occidentale_, Paris, 1732, i.\n      380). Such a mode of sacrifice points to the identification of the\n      human victim with the fruits of the earth.\n\n  220 Apollodorus, _Bibliotheca_, iii. 5. 1.\n\n  221 R. M. Dawkins, \u201cThe Modern Carnival in Thrace and the Cult of\n      Dionysus,\u201d _Journal of Hellenic Studies_, xxvi. (1906) pp. 191-206.\n      See further _Spirits of the Corn and of the Wild_, i. 25 _sqq._\n\n  M83 Norwegian tradition of the dismemberment of a king, Halfdan the\n      Black. Frey, the Scandinavian god of fertility, buried at Upsala.\n\n  222 Snorri Sturluson, _Heimskringla, Saga Halfdanar Svarta_, ch. 9. I\n      have to thank Professor H. M. Chadwick for referring me to this\n      passage and translating it for me. See also _The Stories of the\n      Kings of Norway (Heimskringla)_, done into English by W. Morris and\n      E. Magn\u00fasson (London, 1893-1905), i. 86 _sq._ Halfdan the Black was\n      the father of Harold the Fair-haired, king of Norway (860-933 A.D.).\n      Professor Chadwick tells me that, though the tradition as to the\n      death and mutilation of Halfdan was not committed to writing for\n      three hundred years, he sees no reason to doubt its truth. He also\n      informs me that the word translated \u201cabundance\u201d means literally \u201cthe\n      produce of the season.\u201d \u201cPlenteous years\u201d is the rendering of Morris\n      and Magn\u00fasson.\n\n  223 As to the descent of Halfdan and the Ynglings from Frey, see\n      _Heimskringla_, done into English by W. Morris and E. Magn\u00fasson, i.\n      23-71 (_The Saga Library_, vol. iii.). With regard to Frey, the god\n      of fertility, both animal and vegetable, see E. H. Meyer,\n      _Mythologie der Germanen_ (Strasburg, 1903), pp. 366 _sq._; P.\n      Hermann, _Nordische Mythologie_ (Leipsic, 1903), pp. 206 _sqq._\n\n_  224 Heimskringla_, done into English by W. Morris and E. Magn\u00fasson, i.\n      4, 22-24 (_The Saga Library_, vol. iii.).\n\n  M84 Segera, a magician of Kiwai, said to have been cut up after death\n      and the pieces buried in gardens to fertilize them.\n\n_  225 Totemism and Exogamy_, ii. 32 _sq._, from information supplied by\n      Dr. C. G. Seligmann.\n\n  M85 Apparently widespread custom of dismembering a king or magician and\n      burying the pieces in different parts of the kingdom.\n  M86 In this dismemberment a special virtue seems to have been ascribed\n      to the genital organs.\n\n  226 See above, p. 10.\n\n  227 Dudley Kidd, _Savage Childhood_ (London, 1906), p. 291.\n\n  228 Above, p. 97.\n\n  229 Above, pp. 268 _sq._\n\n  M87 The Egyptian kings probably opposed the custom and succeeded in\n      abolishing it. Precautions taken to preserve the bodies of kings\n      from mutilation.\n\n  230 See my notes on Pausanias, i. 28. 7 and viii. 47. 5 (vol. ii. pp.\n      366 _sq._, vol. iv. pp. 433 _sq._).\n\n  231 R. F. Harper, _Assyrian and Babylonian Literature_ (New York, 1901),\n      p. 116; C. Fossey, _La Magie Assyrienne_ (Paris, 1902), pp. 34 _sq._\n\n  232 Amos ii. 1.\n\n  233 Pausanias, i. 9. 7 _sq._\n\n  M88 Graves of kings and chiefs in Africa kept secret. Burial-place of\n      chiefs in Fiji kept secret. Graves of Melanesian magicians kept\n      secret.\n\n  234 P. B. du Chaillu, _Explorations and Adventures in Equatorial Africa_\n      (London, 1861), pp. 18 _sq._\n\n  235 J. Spieth, _Die Ewe-St\u00e4mme_ (Berlin, 1906), p. 107.\n\n  236 Mary H. Kingsley, _Travels in West Africa_ (London, 1897), pp. 449\n      _sq._ In West African jargon the word ju-ju means fetish or magic.\n\n  237 Father Porte, \u201cLes reminiscences d\u2019un missionnaire du Basutoland,\u201d\n      _Missions Catholiques_, xxviii. (1896) pp. 311 _sq._ As to the\n      _Baloi_, see A. Merensky, _Beitr\u00e4ge zur Kenntniss S\u00fcd-Afrikas_\n      (Berlin, 1875), pp. 138 _sq._; E. Gottschling, \u201cThe Bawenda,\u201d\n      _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xxxv. (1905) p. 375. For\n      these two references I have to thank Mr. E. S. Hartland.\n\n  238 Henri A. Junod, _The Life of a South African Tribe_ (Neuch\u00e2tel,\n      1912-1913), i. 387 _sq._\n\n  239 Lorimer Fison, \u201cNotes on Fijian Burial Customs,\u201d _Journal of the\n      Anthropological Institute_, x. (1881) pp. 141 _sq._\n\n  240 R. H. Codrington, _The Melanesians_ (Oxford, 1891), p. 269.\n\n  M89 Among the Koniags of Alaska the bodies of dead whalers were cut up\n      and used as talismans.\n\n  241 Ivan Petroff, _Report on the Population, Industries, and Resources\n      of Alaska_, p. 142. The account seems to be borrowed from H. J.\n      Holmberg, who adds that pains were taken to preserve the flesh from\n      decay, \u201cbecause they believed that their own life depended on it.\u201d\n      See H. J. Holmberg, \u201c\u00dcber die V\u00f6lker des russischen Amerika,\u201d _Acta\n      Societatis Scientiarum Fennicae_, iv. (Helsingfors, 1856) p. 391.\n\n  M90 Assimilation of human victims to the corn.\n\n  242 Above, p. 97.\n\n  243 Plutarch, _Isis et Osiris_, 31; Herodotus, ii. 38.\n\n  244 Herrera, quoted by A. Bastian, _Die Culturl\u00e4nder des alten Amerika_\n      (Berlin, 1878), ii. 639; _id._, _General History of the vast\n      Continent and Islands of America_, translated by Capt. J. Stevens\n      (London, 1725-26), ii. 379 _sq._ (whose version of the passage is\n      inadequate). Compare Brasseur de Bourbourg, _Histoire des nations\n      civilis\u00e9es du Mexique et de l\u2019Am\u00e9rique Centrale_ (Paris, 1857-59),\n      i. 327, iii. 525.\n\n  245 E. Lef\u00e9bure, _Le mythe Osirien_ (Paris, 1874-75), p. 188.\n\n  246 Firmicus Maternus, _De errore profanarum religionum_, 2,\n      \u201c_Defensores eorum volunt addere physicam rationem, frugum semina\n      Osirim dicentes esse, Isim terram, Tyfonem calorem: et quia\n      maturatae fruges calore ad vitam hominum colliguntur et divisae a\n      terrae consortio separantur et rursus adpropinquante hieme\n      seminantur, hanc volunt esse mortem Osiridis, cum fruges recondunt,\n      inventionem vero, cum fruges genitali terrae fomento conceptae annua\n      rursus coeperint procreatione generari._\u201d Tertullian, _Adversus\n      Marcionem_, i. 13, \u201c_Sic et Osiris quod semper sepelitur et in\n      vivido quaeritur et cum gaudio invenitur, reciprocarum frugum et\n      vividorum elementorum et recidivi anni fidem argumentantur_.\u201d\n      Plutarch, _Isis et Osiris_, 65, \u03bf\u1f55\u03c4\u03c9 \u03b4\u1f72 \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u03c4\u03bf\u1fd6\u03c2 \u03c0\u03bf\u03bb\u03bb\u03bf\u1fd6\u03c2 \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76\n      \u03c6\u03bf\u03c1\u03c4\u03b9\u03ba\u03bf\u1fd6\u03c2 \u1f10\u03c0\u03b9\u03c7\u03b5\u03b9\u03c1\u03ae\u03c3\u03bf\u03bc\u03b5\u03bd, \u03b5\u1f34\u03c4\u03b5 \u03c4\u03b1\u1fd6\u03c2 \u03ba\u03b1\u03b8\u1fbd \u1f64\u03c1\u03b1\u03bd \u03bc\u03b5\u03c4\u03b1\u03b2\u03bf\u03bb\u03b1\u1fd6\u03c2 \u03c4\u03bf\u1fe6\n      \u03c0\u03b5\u03c1\u03b9\u03ad\u03c7\u03bf\u03bd\u03c4\u03bf\u03c2 \u03b5\u1f34\u03c4\u03b5 \u03c4\u03b1\u1fd6\u03c2 \u03ba\u03b1\u03c1\u03c0\u1ff6\u03bd \u03b3\u03b5\u03bd\u03ad\u03c3\u03b5\u03c3\u03b9 \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u03c3\u03c0\u03bf\u03c1\u03b1\u1fd6\u03c2 \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u1f00\u03c1\u03cc\u03c4\u03bf\u03b9\u03c2\n      \u03c7\u03b1\u03af\u03c1\u03bf\u03c5\u03c3\u03b9 \u03c4\u1f70 \u03c0\u03b5\u03c1\u1f76 \u03c4\u03bf\u1f7a\u03c2 \u03b8\u03b5\u03bf\u1f7a\u03c2 \u03c4\u03bf\u03cd\u03c4\u03bf\u03c5\u03c2 \u03c3\u03c5\u03bd\u03bf\u03b9\u03ba\u03b5\u03b9\u03bf\u1fe6\u03bd\u03c4\u03b5\u03c2, \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u03bb\u03ad\u03b3\u03bf\u03bd\u03c4\u03b5\u03c2\n      \u03b8\u03ac\u03c0\u03c4\u03b5\u03c3\u03b8\u03b1\u03b9 \u03bc\u1f72\u03bd \u1f4c\u03c3\u03b9\u03c1\u03b9\u03bd \u1f45\u03c4\u03b5 \u03ba\u03c1\u03cd\u03c0\u03c4\u03b5\u03c4\u03b1\u03b9 \u03c4\u1fc7 \u03b3\u1fc7 \u03c3\u03c0\u03b5\u03b9\u03c1\u03cc\u03bc\u03b5\u03bd\u03bf\u03c2 \u1f41 \u03ba\u03b1\u03c1\u03c0\u03cc\u03c2, \u03b1\u1f56\u03b8\u03b9\u03c2\n      \u03b4\u1fbd \u1f00\u03bd\u03b1\u03b2\u03b9\u03bf\u1fe6\u03c3\u03b8\u03b1\u03b9 \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u1f00\u03bd\u03b1\u03c6\u03b1\u03af\u03bd\u03b5\u03c3\u03c6\u03b1\u03b9 \u1f45\u03c4\u03b5 \u03b2\u03bb\u03b1\u03c3\u03c4\u03ae\u03c3\u03b5\u03c9\u03c2 \u1f00\u03c1\u03c7\u03ae. Eusebius,\n      _Praeparatio Evangelii_, iii. 11. 31, \u1f41 \u03b4\u1f72 \u1f4c\u03c3\u03b9\u03c1\u03b9\u03c2 \u03c0\u03b1\u03c1\u1fbd \u0391\u1f30\u03b3\u03c5\u03c0\u03c4\u03af\u03bf\u03b9\u03c2\n      \u03c4\u1f74\u03bd \u03ba\u03ac\u03c1\u03c0\u03b9\u03bc\u03bf\u03bd \u03c0\u03b1\u03c1\u03af\u03c3\u03c4\u03b7\u03c3\u03b9 \u03b4\u03cd\u03bd\u03b1\u03bc\u03b9\u03bd, \u1f22\u03bd \u03b8\u03c1\u03ae\u03bd\u03bf\u03b9\u03c2 \u1f00\u03c0\u03bf\u03bc\u03b5\u03b9\u03bb\u03af\u03c3\u03c3\u03bf\u03bd\u03c4\u03b1\u03b9 \u03b5\u1f30\u03c2 \u03b3\u1f74\u03bd\n      \u1f00\u03c6\u03b1\u03bd\u03b9\u03b6\u03bf\u03bc\u03ad\u03bd\u03b7\u03bd \u1f10\u03bd \u03c4\u1ff7 \u03c3\u03c0\u03cc\u03c1\u1ff3 \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u1f51\u03c6\u1fbd \u1f21\u03bc\u1ff6\u03bd \u03ba\u03b1\u03c4\u03b1\u03bd\u03b1\u03bb\u03b9\u03c3\u03ba\u03bf\u03bc\u03ad\u03bd\u03b7\u03bd \u03b5\u1f30\u03c2 \u03c4\u1f70\u03c2\n      \u03c4\u03c1\u03bf\u03c6\u03ac\u03c2. Athenagoras, _Supplicatio pro Christianis_, 22, pp. 112, 114\n      ed. J. C. T. Otto, \u03c4\u1f70 \u03b4\u1f72 \u03c3\u03c4\u03bf\u03b9\u03c7\u03b5\u1fd6\u03b1 \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u03c4\u1f70 \u03bc\u03cc\u03c1\u03b9\u03b1 \u03b1\u1f50\u03c4\u1ff6\u03bd \u03b8\u03b5\u03bf\u03c0\u03bf\u03b9\u03bf\u1fe6\u03c3\u03b9\u03bd,\n      \u1f04\u03bb\u03bb\u03bf\u03c4\u03b5 \u1f04\u03bb\u03bb\u03b1 \u1f40\u03bd\u03cc\u03bc\u03b1\u03c4\u03b1 \u03b1\u1f50\u03c4\u03bf\u1fd6\u03c2 \u03c4\u03b9\u03b8\u03ad\u03bc\u03b5\u03bd\u03bf\u03b9, \u03c4\u1f74\u03bd \u03bc\u1f72\u03bd \u03c4\u03bf\u1fe6 \u03c3\u03af\u03c4\u03bf\u03c5 \u03c3\u03c0\u03bf\u03c1\u1f70\u03bd\n      \u1f4c\u03c3\u03b9\u03c1\u03b9\u03bd (\u1f44\u03c6\u03b5\u03bd \u03c6\u03b1\u03c3\u1f76 \u03bc\u03c5\u03c3\u03c4\u03b9\u03ba\u1ff6\u03c2 \u1f10\u03c0\u1f76 \u03c4\u1fc7 \u1f00\u03bd\u03b5\u03c5\u03c1\u03ad\u03c3\u03b5\u03b9 \u03c4\u1ff6\u03bd \u03bc\u03b5\u03bb\u1ff6\u03bd \u1f22 \u03c4\u1ff6\u03bd \u03ba\u03b1\u03c1\u03c0\u1ff6\u03bd\n      \u1f10\u03c0\u03b9\u03bb\u03b5\u03c7\u03b8\u1fc6\u03bd\u03b1\u03b9 \u03c4\u1fc7 \u1f3c\u03c3\u03b9\u03b4\u03b9. \u0395\u1f50\u03c1\u03ae\u03ba\u03b1\u03bc\u03b5\u03bd, \u03c3\u03c5\u03b3\u03c7\u03b1\u03af\u03c1\u03bf\u03bc\u03b5\u03bd). See also the passage\n      of Cornutus quoted above, vol. i. p. 229, note 2.\n\n  M91 Osiris as a tree-spirit. His image enclosed in a pine-tree.\n\n_  247 De errore profanarum religionum_, 27.\n\n  248 See above, vol. i. pp. 267, 277.\n\n  249 Plutarch, _Isis et Osiris_, 21, \u03b1\u1f30\u03bd\u1ff6 \u03b4\u1f72 \u03c4\u03bf\u03bc\u1f74\u03bd \u03be\u03cd\u03bb\u03bf\u03c5 \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u03c3\u03c7\u03af\u03c3\u03b9\u03bd \u03bb\u03af\u03bd\u03bf\u03c5\n      \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u03c7\u03bf\u1f70\u03c2 \u03c7\u03b5\u03bf\u03bc\u03ad\u03bd\u03b1\u03c2, \u03b4\u03b9\u1f70 \u03c4\u1f78 \u03c0\u03bf\u03bb\u03bb\u1f70 \u03c4\u1ff6\u03bd \u03bc\u03c5\u03c3\u03c4\u03b9\u03ba\u1ff6\u03bd \u1f00\u03bd\u03b1\u03bc\u03b5\u03bc\u03af\u03c7\u03b8\u03b1\u03b9 \u03c4\u03bf\u03cd\u03c4\u03bf\u03b9\u03c2.\n      Again, _ibid._ 42, \u03c4\u1f78 \u03b4\u1f72 \u03be\u03cd\u03bb\u03bf\u03bd \u1f10\u03bd \u03c4\u03b1\u1fd6\u03c2 \u03bb\u03b5\u03b3\u03bf\u03bc\u03ad\u03bd\u03b1\u03b9\u03c2 \u1f48\u03c3\u03af\u03c1\u03b9\u03b4\u03bf\u03c2 \u03c4\u03b1\u03c6\u03b1\u1fd6\u03c2\n      \u03c4\u03ad\u03bc\u03bd\u03bf\u03bd\u03c4\u03b5\u03c2 \u03ba\u03b1\u03c4\u03b1\u03c3\u03ba\u03b5\u03c5\u03ac\u03b6\u03bf\u03c5\u03c3\u03b9 \u03bb\u03ac\u03c1\u03bd\u03b1\u03ba\u03b1 \u03bc\u03b7\u03bd\u03bf\u03b5\u03b9\u03b4\u1fc6.\n\n  250 See above, p. 9.\n\n  M92 The setting up of the _ded_ pillar at the great festival of Osiris\n      in the month of Khoiak. The setting up of the pillar may have been\n      an emblem of the god\u2019s resurrection.\n\n  251 As to the _tet_ or _ded_ pillar and its erection at the festival see\n      H. Brugsch in _Zeitschrift f\u00fcr \u00e4gyptische Sprache und\n      Alterthumskunde_, 1881, pp. 84, 96; _id._, _Religion und Mythologie\n      der alten Aegypter_, p. 618; A. Erman, _Aegypten und aegyptisches\n      Leben im Altertum_, pp. 377 _sq._; _id._, _Die \u00e4gyptische\n      Religion_,2 pp. 22, 64; C. P. Tiele, _History of the Egyptian\n      Religion_ (London, 1882), pp. 46 _sq._; Sir J. Gardiner Wilkinson,\n      _Manners and Customs of the Ancient Egyptians_ (London, 1878), iii.\n      pp. 67, note 3, and 82; A. Wiedemann, _Religion of the Ancient\n      Egyptians_, pp. 289 _sq._; G. Maspero, _Histoire ancienne des\n      Peuples de l\u2019Orient Classique_, i. 130 _sq._; A. Moret, _Du\n      caract\u00e8re religieux de la royaut\u00e9 Pharaonique_, p. 153, note 1;\n      _id._, _Myst\u00e8res \u00c9gyptiens_, pp. 12-16; E. A. Wallis Budge, _The\n      Gods of the Egyptians_, ii. 122, 124, _sq._; _id._, _Osiris and the\n      Egyptian Resurrection_, i. 6, 37, 48, 51 _sqq._; Miss Margaret A.\n      Murray, _The Osireion at Abydos_, pp. 27, 28; Ed. Meyer, _Geschichte\n      des Altertums_,2 i. 2, p. 70. In a letter to me (dated 8th December,\n      1910) my colleague Professor P. E. Newberry tells me that he\n      believes Osiris to have been originally a cedar-tree god imported\n      into Egypt from the Lebanon, and he regards the _ded_ pillar as a\n      lopped cedar-tree. The flail, as a symbol of Osiris, he believes to\n      be the instrument used to collect incense. A similar flail is used\n      by peasants in Crete to extract the ladanum gum from the shrubs. See\n      P. de Tournefort, _Relation d\u2019un Voyage du Levant_ (Amsterdam,\n      1718), i. 29, with the plate. For this reference I am indebted to\n      Professor Newberry.\n\n  252 Plutarch, _Isis et Osiris_, 15. See above, p. 9.\n\n_  253 The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, ii. 88-90.\n\n  M93 Osiris associated with the pine, the sycamore, the tamarisk, and the\n      acacia.\n\n  254 A. Mariette-Bey, _Dend\u00e9rah_, iv. pl. 66.\n\n  255 A. Mariette-Bey, _Dend\u00e9rah_, iv. pl. 72. Compare E. Lef\u00e9bure, _Le\n      mythe Osirien_, pp. 194, 196, who regards the tree as a conifer. But\n      it is perhaps a tamarisk.\n\n  256 E. Lef\u00e9bure, _op. cit._ pp. 195, 197.\n\n  257 S. Birch, in Sir J. G. Wilkinson\u2019s _Manners and Customs of the\n      Ancient Egyptians_ (London, 1878), iii. 84.\n\n  258 Sir J. G. Wilkinson, _op. cit._ iii. 62-64; E. A. Wallis Budge, _The\n      Gods of the Egyptians_, ii. 106 _sq._; G. Maspero, _Histoire\n      ancienne des Peuples de l\u2019Orient Classique_, i. 185.\n\n  259 J. H. Breasted, _Development of Religion and Thought in Ancient\n      Egypt_ (London, 1912), p. 28.\n\n  260 A. Moret, _Kings and Gods of Egypt_ (New York and London, 1912), p.\n      83.\n\n  261 Above, vol. i. pp. 227 _sq._\n\n  262 Sir J. G. Wilkinson, _op. cit._ iii. 349 _sq._; A. Erman, _Aegypten\n      und aegyptisches Leben im Altertum_, p. 368; H. Brugsch, _Religion\n      und Mythologie der alten Aegypter_, p. 621.\n\n  263 We may compare a belief of some of the Californian Indians that the\n      owl is the guardian spirit and deity of the \u201cCalifornia big tree,\u201d\n      and that it is equally unlucky to fell the tree or to shoot the\n      bird. See S. Powers, _Tribes of California_ (Washington, 1877), p.\n      398. When a Maori priest desires to protect the life or soul (_hau_)\n      of a tree against the insidious arts of magicians, he sets a\n      bird-snare in the tree, and the first bird caught in the snare, or\n      its right wing, embodies the life or soul of the tree. Accordingly\n      the priest recites appropriate spells over the bird or its wing and\n      hides it away in the forest. After that no evil-disposed magician\n      can hurt the tree, since its life or soul is not in it but hidden\n      away in the forest. See Elsdon Best, \u201cSpiritual Concepts of the\n      Maori,\u201d _Journal of the Polynesian Society_, ix. (1900) p. 195. Thus\n      the bird or its wing is the depository of the external soul of the\n      tree. Compare _Balder the Beautiful_, i. 95 _sqq._\n\n  264 Sir J. G. Wilkinson, _op. cit._ iii. 349 _sq._; H. Brugsch,\n      _Religion und Mythologie der alten Aegypter_, p. 621; R. V. Lanzone,\n      _Dizionario di Mitologia Egizia_, tav. cclxiii.; Plutarch, _Isis et\n      Osiris_, 20. In this passage of Plutarch it has been proposed by G.\n      Parthey to read \u03bc\u03c5\u03c1\u03af\u03ba\u03b7\u03c2 (tamarisk) for \u03bc\u03b7\u03b8\u03af\u03b4\u03b7\u03c2 (_methide_), and the\n      conjecture appears to be accepted by Wilkinson, _loc. cit._\n\n  265 E. Lef\u00e9bure, _Le mythe Osirien_, p. 191.\n\n  266 E. Lef\u00e9bure, _op. cit._ p. 188.\n\n  267 R. V. Lanzone, _Dizionario di Mitologia Egizia_, tav. ccciv.; G.\n      Maspero, _Histoire ancienne des Peuples de l\u2019Orient Classique_, ii.\n      570, fig.\n\n  M94 Osiris in relation to fruit-trees, wells, the vine, and ivy.\n\n  268 Plutarch, _Isis et Osiris_, 35. One of the points in which the myths\n      of Isis and Demeter agree is that both goddesses in the search for\n      the loved and lost one are said to have sat down, sad at heart and\n      weary, on the edge of a well. Hence those who had been initiated at\n      Eleusis were forbidden to sit on a well. See Plutarch, _Isis et\n      Osiris_, 15; Homer, _Hymn to Demeter_, 98 _sq._; Pausanias, i. 39.\n      1; Apollodorus, _Bibliotheca_, i. 5. 1; Nicander, _Theriaca_, 486;\n      Clement of Alexandria, _Protrept._ ii. 20, p. 16 ed. Potter.\n\n  269 Tibullus, i. 7. 33-36; Diodorus Siculus, i. 17. 1, i. 20. 4.\n\n  270 E. A. Wallis Budge, _Osiris and the Egyptian Resurrection_, i. 38,\n      39.\n\n  271 E. A. Wallis Budge, _op. cit._ i. 19, 45, with frontispiece.\n\n  272 Diodorus Siculus, i. 17. 4 _sq._\n\n  M95 Osiris perhaps conceived as a god of fertility in general.\n\n  273 Herodotus, ii. 48; Plutarch, _Isis et Osiris_, 12, 18, 36, 51;\n      Diodorus Siculus, i. 21. 5, i. 22. 6 _sq._, iv. 6. 3.\n\n  274 Hippolytus, _Refutatio omnium haeresium_, v. 7, p. 144 ed. Duncker\n      and Schneidewin.\n\n  275 A. Mariette-Bey, _Dend\u00e9rah_, iv. plates 66, 68, 69, 70, 88, 89, 90.\n      Compare R. V. Lanzone, _Dizionario di Mitologia Egizia_, tavv.\n      cclxxi., cclxxii., cclxxvi., cclxxxv., cclxxxvi., cclxxxvii.,\n      cclxxxix., ccxc.; E. A. Wallis Budge, _The Gods of the Egyptians_,\n      ii. 132, 136, 137.\n\n  276 Miss Margaret A. Murray, _The Osireion at Abydos_, p. 27.\n\n  277 That the Greek Dionysus was nothing but a slightly disguised form of\n      the Egyptian Osiris has been held by Herodotus in ancient and by Mr.\n      P. Foucart in modern times. See Herodotus, ii. 49; P. Foucart, _Le\n      culte de Dionysos en Attique_ (Paris, 1904) (_M\u00e9moires de l\u2019Acad\u00e9mie\n      des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres_, xxxvii.).\n\n  M96 As god of the corn Osiris came to be viewed as the god of the\n      resurrection.\n\n  278 Above, pp. 13 _sq._\n\n  279 Above, pp. 90 _sq._\n\n  280 1 Corinthians xv. 36-38, 42-44.\n\n  M97 Great popularity of the worship of Osiris.\n\n  281 Herodotus, ii. 42. Compare E. A. Wallis Budge, _The Gods of the\n      Egyptians_, ii. 115 _sq._, 203 _sq._; _id._, _Osiris and the\n      Egyptian Resurrection_, i. 22 _sq._\n\n  M98 Multifarious attributes of Isis.\n\n  282 H. Brugsch, _Religion und Mythologie der alten Aegypter_, p. 645; W.\n      Dittenberger, _Orientis Graeci Inscriptiones Selectae_, vol. ii. p.\n      433, No. 695; _Corpus Inscriptionum Graecarum_, iii. p. 1232, No.\n      4941. Compare H. Dessau, _Inscriptiones Latinae Selectae_, vol. ii.\n      Pars i. p. 179, No. 4376 A. In Egyptian her name is _Hest_ or _Ast_,\n      but the derivation and meaning of the name are unknown. See A.\n      Wiedemann, _The Religion of the Ancient Egyptians_, pp. 218 _sq._\n\n  283 C. P. Tiele, _History of Egyptian Religion_ (London, 1882), p. 57.\n\n  284 E. A. Wallis Budge, _The Gods of the Egyptians_, ii. 203 _sq._\n\n  M99 How Isis resembled yet differed from the Mother Goddesses of Asia.\n      Isis perhaps originally a goddess of the corn.\n\n  285 Diodorus Siculus, i. 14. 1 _sq._ Eusebius (_Praeparatio Evangelii_,\n      iii. 3) quotes from Diodorus a long passage on the early religion of\n      Egypt, prefacing it with the remark that Diodorus\u2019s account of the\n      subject was more concise than that of Manetho.\n\n  286 Augustine, _De civitate Dei_, viii. 27. Tertullian says that Isis\n      wore a wreath of the corn she had discovered (_De corona_, 7).\n\n  287 Diodorus Siculus, i. 14. 2.\n\n  288 See above, p. 45, and vol. i. p. 232.\n\n  289 H. Brugsch, _Religion und Mythologie der alten Aegypter_, p. 647; E.\n      A. Wallis Budge, _Osiris and the Egyptian Resurrection_, ii. 277.\n\n  290 H. Brugsch, _op. cit._ p. 649. Compare E. A. Wallis Budge, _The Gods\n      of the Egyptians_, ii. 216.\n\n  291 H. Brugsch, _loc. cit._\n\n  292 Herodotus, ii. 59, 156; Diodorus Siculus, i. 13, 25, 95;\n      Apollodorus, _Bibliotheca_, ii. 1. 3; J. Tzetzes, _Schol. on\n      Lycophron_, 212. See further W. Drexler, _s.v._ \u201cIsis,\u201d in W. H.\n      Roscher\u2019s _Lexikon der griech. und r\u00f6m. Mythologie_, ii. 443 _sq._\n\n_  293 Anthologia Planudea_, cclxiv. 1.\n\n_  294 Epigrammata Graeca ex lapidibus conlecta_, ed. G. Kaibel (Berlin,\n      1878), No. 1028, pp. 437 _sq._; _Orphica_, ed. E. Abel (Leipsic and\n      Prague, 1885), pp. 295 _sqq._\n\n  295 W. Drexler, _op. cit._ ii. 448 _sqq._\n\n M100 Refinement and spiritualization of Isis in later times: the\n      popularity of her worship in the Roman empire. Resemblance of Isis\n      to the Madonna.\n\n  296 Otho often celebrated, or at least attended, the rites of Isis, clad\n      in a linen garment (Suetonius, _Otho_, 12). Commodus did the same,\n      with shaven head, carrying the effigy of Anubis. See Lampridius,\n      _Commodus_, 9; Spartianus, _Pescennius Niger_, 6; _id._,\n      _Caracallus_, 9.\n\n  297 L. Preller, _R\u00f6mische Mythologie_3 (Berlin, 1881-1883), ii. 373-385;\n      J. Marquardt, _R\u00f6mische Staatsverwaltung_ (Leipsic, 1885), iii.2\n      77-81; E. Renan, _Marc-Aur\u00e8le et la fin du Monde Antique_ (Paris,\n      1882), pp. 570 _sqq._; J. Reville, _La religion romaine \u00e0 Rome sous\n      les S\u00e9v\u00e8res_ (Paris, 1886), pp. 54-61; G. Lafaye, _Histoire du culte\n      des divinit\u00e9s d\u2019Alexandrie_ (Paris, 1884); E. Meyer and W. Drexler,\n      _s.v._ \u201cIsis,\u201d in W. H. Roscher\u2019s _Lexikon der griech. und r\u00f6m.\n      Mythologie_, ii. 360 _sqq._; S. Dill, _Roman Society in the Last\n      Century of the Western Empire_2 (London, 1899), pp. 79 _sq._, 85\n      _sqq._; _id._, _Roman Society from Nero to Marcus Aurelius_ (London,\n      1904), pp. 560 _sqq._ The chief passage on the worship of Isis in\n      the West is the eleventh book of Apuleius\u2019s _Metamorphoses_. On the\n      reputation which the goddess enjoyed as a healer of the sick see\n      Diodorus Siculus, i. 25; W. Drexler, _op. cit._ ii. 521 _sqq._ The\n      divine partner of Isis in later times, especially outside of Egypt,\n      was Serapis, that is Osiris-Apis (_Asar-\u1e24\u0101pi_), the sacred Apis bull\n      of Memphis, identified after death with Osiris. His oldest sanctuary\n      was at Memphis (Pausanias, i. 18. 4), and there was one at Babylon\n      in the time of Alexander the Great (Plutarch, _Alexander_, 76;\n      Arrian, _Anabasis_, vii. 26). Ptolemy I. or II. built a great and\n      famous temple in his honour at Alexandria, where he set up an image\n      of the god which was commonly said to have been imported from Sinope\n      in Pontus. See Tacitus, _Histor._ iv. 83 _sq._; Plutarch, _Isis et\n      Osiris_, 27-29; Clement of Alexandria, _Protrept._ iv. 48, p. 42 ed.\n      Potter. In after ages the institution of the worship of Serapis was\n      attributed to this Ptolemy, but all that the politic Macedonian\n      monarch appears to have done was to assimilate the Egyptian Osiris\n      to the Greek Pluto, and so to set up a god whom Egyptians and Greeks\n      could unite in worshipping. Serapis gradually assumed the attributes\n      of Aesculapius, the Greek god of healing, in addition to those of\n      Pluto, the Greek god of the dead. See G. Lafaye, _Histoire du culte\n      des divinit\u00e9s d\u2019Alexandrie_, pp. 16 _sqq._; A. Wiedemann, _Herodots\n      zweites Buch_, p. 589; E. A. Wallis Budge, _The Gods of the\n      Egyptians_, ii. 195 _sqq._; A. Erman, _Die \u00e4gyptische Religion_,2\n      pp. 237 _sq._\n\n  298 The resemblance of Isis to the Virgin Mary has often been pointed\n      out. See W. Drexler, _s.v._ \u201cIsis,\u201d in W. H. Roscher\u2019s _Lexikon der\n      griech. und r\u00f6m. Mythologie_, ii. 428 _sqq._\n\n  299 W. Drexler, _op. cit._ ii. 430 _sq._\n\n  300 Th. Trede, _Das Heidentum in der r\u00f6mischen Kirche_ (Gotha,\n      1889-1891), iii. 144 _sq._\n\n  301 On this later aspect of Isis see W. Drexler, _op. cit._ ii. 474\n      _sqq._\n\n M101 Osiris interpreted as the sun by many modern writers.\n\n  302 P. E. Jablonski, _Pantheon Aegyptiorum_ (Frankfort, 1750-1752), i.\n      125 _sq._\n\n  303 Diodorus Siculus, i. 11. 1.\n\n  304 See p. 116, note 2.\n\n  305 See Macrobius, _Saturnalia_, bk. i.\n\n_  306 Saturn._ i. 21. 11.\n\n  307 Plutarch, _Isis et Osiris_, 10 and 51; Sir J. G. Wilkinson, _Manners\n      and Customs of the Ancient Egyptians_ (London, 1878), iii. 353; R.\n      V. Lanzone, _Dizionario di Mitologia Egizia_, pp. 782 _sq._; E. A.\n      Wallis Budge, _The Gods of the Egyptians_, ii. 113 _sq._; J. H.\n      Breasted, _Development of Religion and Thought in Ancient Egypt_,\n      pp. 11 _sq._ Strictly speaking, the eye was the eye of Horus, which\n      the dutiful son sacrificed in behalf of his father Osiris. \u201cThis act\n      of filial devotion, preserved to us in the Pyramid Texts, made the\n      already sacred Horus-eye doubly revered in the tradition and feeling\n      of the Egyptians. It became the symbol of all sacrifice; every gift\n      or offering might be called a \u2018Horus-eye,\u2019 especially if offered to\n      the dead. Excepting the sacred beetle, or scarab, it became the\n      commonest and the most revered symbol known to Egyptian religion,\n      and the myriads of eyes, wrought in blue or green glaze, or even cut\n      from costly stone, which fill our museum collections, and are\n      brought home by thousands by the modern tourist, are survivals of\n      this ancient story of Horus and his devotion to his father\u201d (J. H.\n      Breasted, _op. cit._ p. 31).\n\n  308 E. A. Wallis Budge, _The Gods of the Egyptians_, i. 467; A. Erman,\n      _Die \u00e4gyptische Religion_,2 p. 8.\n\n_  309 Isis et Osiris_, 52.\n\n_  310 De errore profanarum religionum_, 8.\n\n M102 The later identification of Osiris with Ra, the sun-god, does not\n      prove that Osiris was originally the sun. Such identifications\n      sprang from attempts to unify and amalgamate the many local cults of\n      Egypt.\n\n  311 Lepsius, \u201c\u00dcber den ersten \u00e4gyptischen G\u00f6tterkreis und seine\n      geschichtlich-mythologische Entstehung,\u201d in _Abhandlungen der\n      k\u00f6niglichen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin_, 1851, pp. 194\n      _sq._\n\n  312 The view here taken of the history of Egyptian religion is based on\n      the sketch in Ad. Erman\u2019s _Aegypten und aegyptisches Leben im\n      Altertum_, pp. 351 _sqq._ Compare C. P. Tiele, _Geschichte der\n      Religion im Altertum_ (Gotha, 1896-1903), i. 79 _sq._\n\n M103 Most Egyptian gods were at some time identified with the sun.\n      Attempt of Amenophis IV. to abolish all gods except the sun-god.\n      Failure of the attempt.\n\n  313 On this attempted revolution in religion see Lepsius, in\n      _Verhandlungen der k\u00f6nigl. Akad. der Wissenschaften zu Berlin_,\n      1851, pp. 196-201; A. Erman, _Aegypten und aegyptisches Leben im\n      Altertum_, pp. 74 _sq._, 355-357; _id._, _Die \u00e4gyptische Religion_,2\n      pp. 76-84; H. Brugsch, _History of Egypt_ (London, 1879), i. 441\n      _sqq._; A. Wiedemann, _Aegyptische Geschichte_ (Gotha, 1884), pp.\n      396 _sqq._; _id._, _Die Religion der alten Agypter_, pp. 20-22;\n      _id._, _Religion of the Ancient Egyptians_, pp. 35-43; C. P. Tiele,\n      _Geschichte der Religion im Altertum_, i. 84-92; G. Maspero,\n      _Histoire ancienne des Peuples de l\u2019Orient Classique_, i. 316\n      _sqq._; E. A. Wallis Budge, _The Gods of the Egyptians_, ii. 68-84;\n      J. H. Breasted, _History of the Ancient Egyptians_ (London, 1908),\n      pp. 264-279; A. Moret, _Kings and Gods of Egypt_ (New York and\n      London, 1912), pp. 41-68. A very sympathetic account of this\n      remarkable religious reformer is given by Professor J. H. Breasted\n      (_Development of Religion and Thought in Ancient Egypt_, pp.\n      319-343). Amenophis IV. reigned from about 1375 to 1358 B.C. His new\n      capital, Akhetaton, the modern Tell-el-Amarna, was on the right bank\n      of the Nile, between Memphis and Thebes. The king has been described\n      as \u201cof all the Pharaohs the most curious and at the same time the\n      most enigmatic figure.\u201d To explain his bodily and mental\n      peculiarities some scholars conjectured that through his mother,\n      Queen Tii, he might have had Semitic blood in his veins. But this\n      theory appears to have been refuted by the discovery in 1905 of the\n      tomb of Queen Tii\u2019s parents, the contents of which are of pure\n      Egyptian style. See A. Moret, _op. cit._ pp. 46 _sq._\n\n M104 Identification with the sun is no evidence of the original character\n      of an Egyptian god.\n M105 The solar theory of Osiris does not explain his death and\n      resurrection.\n\n  314 P. Le Page Renouf, _Lectures on the Origin and Growth of Religion_2\n      (London, 1884), p. 113.\n\n  315 The late eminent scholar C. P. Tiele, who formerly interpreted\n      Osiris as a sun-god (_History of Egyptian Religion_, pp. 43 _sqq._),\n      afterwards adopted a view of his nature which approaches more nearly\n      to the one advocated in this book. See his _Geschichte der Religion\n      im Altertum_, i. 35 _sq._, 123. Professor Ed. Meyer also formerly\n      regarded Osiris as a sun-god; he now interprets him as a great\n      vegetation god, dwelling in the depths of the earth and causing the\n      plants and trees to spring from it. The god\u2019s symbol, the _ded_\n      pillar (see above, pp. 108 _sq._), he takes to be a tree-trunk with\n      cross-beams. See Ed. Meyer, _Geschichte des Altertums_, i. p. 67, \u00a7\n      57 (first edition, 1884); _id._, i.2 2. pp. 70, 84, 87 (second\n      edition, 1909). Sir Gaston Maspero has also abandoned the theory\n      that Osiris was the sun; he now supposes that the deity originally\n      personified the Nile. See his _Histoire ancienne_4 (Paris, 1886), p.\n      35; and his _Histoire ancienne des Peuples de l\u2019Orient Classique_,\n      i. (Paris, 1895), p. 130. Dr. E. A. Wallis Budge also formerly\n      interpreted Osiris as the Nile (_The Gods of the Egyptians_, i. 122,\n      123), and this view was held by some ancient writers (Plutarch,\n      _Isis et Osiris_, 32, 34, 36, 38, 39). Compare Miss M. A. Murray,\n      _The Osireion at Abydos_ (London, 1904), p. 29. Dr. Budge now\n      explains Osiris as a deified king. See his _Osiris and the Egyptian\n      Resurrection_, vol. i. pp. xviii, 30 _sq._, 37, 66 _sq._, 168, 254,\n      256, 290, 300, 312, 384. As to this view see below, pp. 158 _sqq._\n\n M106 The death and resurrection of Osiris are more naturally explained by\n      the annual decay and growth of vegetation.\n\n  316 For the identification of Osiris with Dionysus, and of Isis with\n      Demeter, see Herodotus, ii. 42, 49, 59, 144, 156; Plutarch, _Isis et\n      Osiris_, 13, 35; Diodorus Siculus, i. 13, 25, 96, iv. 1; _Orphica_,\n      Hymn 42; Eusebius, _Praepar. Evang._ iii. 11. 31; Servius on Virgil,\n      _Aen._ xi. 287; _id._, on Virgil, _Georg._ i. 166; J. Tzetzes,\n      _Schol. on Lycophron_, 212; \u0394\u03b9\u03b7\u03b3\u03ae\u03bc\u03b1\u03c4\u03b1, xxii. 2, in _Mythographi\n      Graeci_, ed. A. Westermann (Brunswick, 1843), p. 368; Nonnus,\n      _Dionys._ iv. 269 _sq._; Cornutus, _Theologiae Graecae Compendium_,\n      28; Ausonius, _Epigrammata_, 29 and 30. For the identification of\n      Osiris with Adonis and Attis see Stephanus Byzantius, _s.v._\n      \u1f08\u03bc\u03b1\u03b8\u03bf\u1fe6\u03c2; Damascius, \u201cVita Isodori,\u201d in Photius, _Bibliotheca_, ed.\n      Im. Bekker (Berlin, 1824), p. 343_a_, lines 21 _sq._; Hippolytus,\n      _Refutatio omnium haeresium_, v. 9. p. 168 ed. Duncker and\n      Schneidewin; _Orphica_, Hymn 42. For the identification of Attis,\n      Adonis, and Dionysus see Socrates, _Historia Ecclesiastica_, iii. 23\n      (Migne\u2019s _Patrologia Graeca_, lxvii. 448); Plutarch, _Quaestiones\n      Conviviales_, iv. 5. 3; Clement of Alexandria, _Protrept._ ii. 19,\n      p. 16 ed. Potter.\n\n  317 Lucian, _De dea Syria_, 7. According to Professor Ed. Meyer, the\n      relations of Egypt to Byblus were very ancient and close; he even\n      suggests that there may have been from early times an Egyptian\n      colony, or at all events an Egyptian military post, in the city. The\n      commercial importance of Byblus arose from its possession of the\n      fine cedar forests on the Lebanon; the timber was exported to Egypt,\n      where it was in great demand. See Ed. Meyer, _Geschichte des\n      Altertums_,2 i. 2. pp. xix, 391 _sqq._\n\n  318 Herodotus, ii. 49.\n\n  319 Plutarch, _Isis et Osiris_, 35.\n\n  320 Osiris, Attis, Adonis, and Dionysus were all resolved by him into\n      the sun; but he spared Demeter (Ceres), whom, however, he\n      interpreted as the moon. See the _Saturnalia_, bk. i.\n\n M107 Osiris was sometimes interpreted by the ancients as the moon.\n\n  321 Plutarch, _Isis et Osiris_, 41.\n\n  322 On Osiris as a moon-god see E. A. Wallis Budge, _Osiris and the\n      Egyptian Resurrection_, i. 19-22, 59, 384 _sqq._\n\n  323 Plutarch, _Isis et Osiris_, 13, 42.\n\n_  324 Ibid._ 18, 42. The hieroglyphic texts sometimes speak of fourteen\n      pieces, and sometimes of sixteen, or even eighteen. But fourteen\n      seems to have been the true number, because the inscriptions of\n      Denderah, which refer to the rites of Osiris, describe the mystic\n      image of the god as composed of fourteen pieces. See E. A. Wallis\n      Budge, _The Gods of the Egyptians_, ii. 126 _sq._; _id._, _Osiris\n      and the Egyptian Resurrection_, i. 386 _sq._\n\n  325 Plutarch, _Isis et Osiris_, 8.\n\n  326 A. S. Gatschet, _The Klamath Indians of South-Western Oregon_\n      (Washington, 1890), p. lxxxix.\n\n  327 S. R. Riggs, _Dakota Grammar, Texts, and Ethnography_ (Washington,\n      1893), p. 16.\n\n  328 R. F. Kaindl, _Die Huzulen_ (Vienna, 1894), p. 97.\n\n  329 Plutarch, _Isis et Osiris_, 43.\n\n_  330 Ibid._ 43.\n\n_  331 Ibid._ 20, 29.\n\n  332 Plutarch, _Isis et Osiris_, 43; _id._, _Quaest. Conviv._ viii. 1. 3.\n      Compare Herodotus, iii. 28; Aelian, _Nat. Anim._ xi. 10; Mela, i. 9.\n      58.\n\n  333 Herodotus, ii. 47; Plutarch, _Isis et Osiris_, 8. As to pigs in\n      relation to Osiris, see _Spirits of the Corn and of the Wild_, ii.\n      24 _sqq._\n\n  334 P. J. de Horrack, \u201cLamentations of Isis and Nephthys,\u201d _Records of\n      the Past_, ii. (London, N.D.) pp. 121 _sq._; H. Brugsch, _Religion\n      und Mythologie der alten Aegypter_, pp. 629 _sq._; E. A. Wallis\n      Budge, _Osiris and the Egyptian Resurrection_, i. 389. \u201cApart from\n      the fact that Osiris is actually called _\u0100s\u0101r A\u0101\u1e25_, _i.e._ \u2018Osiris\n      the Moon,\u2019 there are so many passages which prove beyond all doubt\n      that at one period at least Osiris was the Moon-god, that it is\n      difficult to understand why Diodorus stated that Osiris was the sun\n      and Isis the moon\u201d (E. A. Wallis Budge, _op. cit._ i. 21).\n\n  335 E. A. Wallis Budge, _Osiris and the Egyptian Resurrection_, i. 59.\n\n M108 The identification of Osiris with the moon appears to be based on a\n      comparatively late theory that all things grow and decay with the\n      waxing and waning of the moon.\n\n  336 According to C. P. Tiele (_Geschichte der Religion im Altertum_, i.\n      79) the conception of Osiris as the moon was late and never became\n      popular. This entirely accords with the view adopted in the text.\n\n  337 Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ ii. 221.\n\n  338 Macrobius, _Comment. in somnium Scipionis_, i. 11. 7.\n\n  339 Aulus Gellius, xx. 8. For the opinions of the ancients on this\n      subject see further W. H. Roscher, _\u00dcber Selene und Verwandtes_\n      (Leipsic, 1890), pp. 61 _sqq._\n\n  340 John Ramsay of Ochtertyre, _Scotland and Scotsmen in the Eighteenth\n      Century_, edited by A. Allardyce (Edinburgh and London, 1888), ii.\n      449.\n\n  341 J. G. Campbell, _Witchcraft and Second Sight in the Highlands and\n      Islands of Scotland_ (Glasgow, 1902), pp. 306 _sq._\n\n M109 Practical rules founded on this lunar theory. Supposed influence of\n      the phases of the moon on the operations of husbandry.\n\n  342 Palladius, _De re rustica_, i. 34. 8. Compare _id._ i. 6. 12; Pliny,\n      _Nat. Hist._ xviii. 321, \u201c_omnia quae caeduntur, carpuntur,\n      tondentur innocentius decrescente luna quam crescente fiunt_\u201d;\n      _Geoponica_, i. 6. 8, \u03c4\u03b9\u03bd\u1f72\u03c2 \u03b4\u03bf\u03ba\u03b9\u03bc\u03ac\u03b6\u03bf\u03c5\u03c3\u03b9 \u03bc\u03b7\u03b4\u1f72\u03bd \u03c6\u03b8\u03b9\u03bd\u03bf\u03cd\u03c3\u03b7\u03c2 \u03c4\u1fc6\u03c2 \u03c3\u03b5\u03bb\u03ae\u03bd\u03b7\u03c2\n      \u1f00\u03bb\u03bb\u1f70 \u03b1\u1f50\u03be\u03b1\u03bd\u03bf\u03bc\u03ad\u03bd\u03b7\u03c2 \u03c6\u03c5\u03c4\u03b5\u03cd\u03b5\u03b9\u03bd.\n\n  343 J. Brand, _Popular Antiquities of Great Britain_ (London,\n      1882-1883), iii. 144, quoting Werenfels, _Dissertation upon\n      Superstition_ (London, 1748), p. 6.\n\n  344 A. Wuttke, _Der deutsche Volksaberglaube_3 (Berlin, 1869), \u00a7 65, pp.\n      57 _sq._ Compare J. Grimm, _Deutsche Mythologie_4 (Berlin,\n      1875-1878), ii. 595; Montanus, _Die deutsche Volksfeste,\n      Volksbr\u00e4uche und deutscher Volksglaube_ (Iserlohn, N.D.), p. 128; M.\n      Pr\u00e4torius, _Deliciae Prussicae_ (Berlin, 1871), p. 18; O. Schell,\n      \u201cEinige Bemerkungen \u00fcber den Mond im heutigen Glauben des bergischen\n      Volkes,\u201d _Am Ur-quell_, v. (1894) p. 173. The rule that the grafting\n      of trees should be done at the waxing of the moon is laid down by\n      Pliny (_Nat. Hist._ xvii. 108). At Deutsch-Zepling in Transylvania,\n      by an inversion of the usual custom, seed is generally sown at the\n      waning of the moon (A. Heinrich, _Agrarische Sitten und Gebr\u00e4uche\n      unter den Sachsen Siebenb\u00fcrgens_, Hermannstadt, 1880, p. 7). Some\n      French peasants also prefer to sow in the wane (F. Chapiseau,\n      _Folk-lore de la Beauce et du Perche_, Paris, 1902, i. 291). In the\n      Abruzzi also sowing and grafting are commonly done when the moon is\n      on the wane; timber that is to be durable must be cut in January\n      during the moon\u2019s decrease (G. Finamore, _Credenze, Usi e Costumi\n      Abruzzesi_, Palermo, 1890, p. 43).\n\n  345 P. S\u00e9billot, _Traditions et Superstitions de la Haute-Bretagne_\n      (Paris, 1882), ii. 355; L. F. Sauv\u00e9, _Folk-lore des Hautes-Vosges_\n      (Paris, 1889), p. 5; J. Brand, _Popular Antiquities of Great\n      Britain_, iii. 150; Holzmayer, \u201cOsiliana,\u201d _Verhandlungen der\n      gelehrten Estnichen Gesellschaft zu Dorpat_, vii. (1872) p. 47.\n\n  346 The rule is mentioned by Varro, _Rerum Rusticarum_, i. 37 (where we\n      should probably read \u201c_ne decrescente tendens calvos fiam_,\u201d and\n      refer _istaec_ to the former member of the preceding sentence); A.\n      Wuttke, _l.c._; Montanus, _op. cit._ p. 128; P. S\u00e9billot, _l.c._; E.\n      Meier, _Deutsche Sagen, Sitten und Gebr\u00e4uche aus Schwaben_\n      (Stuttgart, 1852), p. 511, \u00a7 421; W. J. A. von Tettau und J. D. H.\n      Temme, _Die Volkssagen Ostpreussens, Litthauens und Westpreussens_\n      (Berlin, 1837), p. 283; A. Kuhn, _M\u00e4rkische Sagen und M\u00e4rchen_\n      (Berlin, 1843), p. 386, \u00a7 92; L. Schandein, in _Bavaria, Landes- und\n      Volkskunde des K\u00f6nigreichs Bayern_ (Munich, 1860-1867), iv. 2, p.\n      402; F. S. Krauss, _Volksglaube und religi\u00f6ser Brauch der S\u00fcdslaven_\n      (M\u00fcnster, i. W. 1890), p. 15; E. Krause, \u201cAbergl\u00e4ubische Kuren und\n      sonstiger Aberglaube in Berlin,\u201d _Zeitschrift f\u00fcr Ethnologie_, xv.\n      (1883) p. 91; R. Wuttke, _S\u00e4chsische Volkskunde_2 (Dresden, 1901),\n      p. 369; C. S. Burne and G. F. Jackson, _Shropshire Folk-lore_\n      (London, 1883), p. 259. The reason assigned in the text was probably\n      the original one in all cases, though it is not always the one\n      alleged now.\n\n  347 F. S. Krauss, _op. cit._ p. 16; Montanus, _l.c._; Varro, _Rerum\n      Rusticarum_, i. 37 (see above, note 2). However, the opposite rule\n      is observed in the Upper Vosges, where it is thought that if the\n      sheep are shorn at the new moon the quantity of wool will be much\n      less than if they were shorn in the waning of the moon (L. F. Sauv\u00e9,\n      _Folk-lore des Hautes-Vosges_, p. 5). In the Bocage of Normandy,\n      also, wool is clipped during the waning of the moon; otherwise moths\n      would get into it (J. Lec\u0153ur, _Esquisses du Bocage Normand_,\n      Cond\u00e9-sur-Noireau, 1883-1887, ii. 12).\n\n  348 Father Lejeune, \u201cDans la for\u00eat,\u201d _Missions Catholiques_, xxvii.\n      (1895) p. 272.\n\n  349 S. Johnson, _Journey to the Western Islands of Scotland_ (Baltimore,\n      1810), p. 183.\n\n  350 J. G. Campbell, _Witchcraft and Second Sight in the Highlands and\n      Islands of Scotland_, p. 306.\n\n  351 Thomas Tusser, _Five Hundred Points of Good Husbandry_, New Edition\n      (London, 1812), p. 107 (under February).\n\n  352 Fairweather, in W. F. Owen\u2019s _Narrative of Voyages to explore the\n      Shores of Africa, Arabia, and Madagascar_ (London, 1833), ii. 396\n      _sq._\n\n  353 A. Wuttke, _Der deutsche Volksaberglaube_,3 \u00a7 65, p. 58; J. Lec\u0153ur,\n      _loc. cit._; E. Meier, _Deutsche Sagen, Sitten und Gebr\u00e4uche aus\n      Schwaben_, p. 511, \u00a7 422; Th. Siebs, \u201cDas Saterland,\u201d _Zeitschrift\n      f\u00fcr Volkskunde_, iii. (1893) p. 278; Holzmayer, _op. cit._ p. 47.\n\n  354 H. H. Bancroft, _Native Races of the Pacific States_ (London,\n      1875-1876), ii. 719 _sq._\n\n  355 Rev. J. Roscoe, _The Baganda_ (London, 1911), p. 402.\n\n M110 The phases of the moon in relation to the felling of timber.\n\n  356 Cato, _De agri cultura_, 37. 4; Varro, _Rerum Rusticarum_, i. 37;\n      Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ xvi. 190; Palladius, _De re rustica_, ii. 22,\n      xii. 15; Plutarch, _Quaest. Conviv._ iii. 10. 3; Macrobius,\n      _Saturn._ vii. 16; A. Wuttke, _l.c._; _Bavaria, Landes- und\n      Volkskunde des K\u00f6nigreichs Bayern_, iv. 2, p. 402; W. Kolbe,\n      _Hessische Volks-Sitten und Gebr\u00e4uche_2 (Marburg, 1888), p. 58; L.\n      F. Sauv\u00e9, _Folk-lore des Hautes-Vosges_, p. 5; F. Chapiseau,\n      _Folk-lore de la Beauce et du Perche_, i. 291 _sq._; M. Martin,\n      \u201cDescription of the Western Islands of Scotland,\u201d in J. Pinkerton\u2019s\n      _Voyages and Travels_, iii. 630; J. G. Campbell, _Witchcraft and\n      Second Sight in the Highlands and Islands of Scotland_, p. 306; G.\n      Amalfi, _Tradizioni ed Usi nella peninsola Sorrentina_ (Palermo,\n      1890), p. 87; K. von den Steinen, _Unter den Naturv\u00f6lkern\n      Zentral-Brasiliens_ (Berlin, 1894), p. 559. Compare F. de Castelnau,\n      _Exp\u00e9dition dans les parties centrales de l\u2019Am\u00e9rique du Sud_ (Paris,\n      1851-1852), iii. 438. Pliny, while he says that the period from the\n      twentieth to the thirtieth day of the lunar month was the season\n      generally recommended, adds that the best time of all, according to\n      universal opinion, was the interlunar day, between the old and the\n      new moon, when the planet is invisible through being in conjunction\n      with the sun.\n\n  357 J. Lec\u0153ur, _Esquisses du Bocage Normand_, ii. 11 _sq._\n\n  358 Mrs. Leslie Milne, _Shans at Home_ (London, 1910), p. 100.\n\n  359 Letter of Mr. A. S. F. Marshall, dated Hacienda \u201cLa Maronna,\u201d Cd.\n      Porfirio Diaz, Coah., Mexico, 2nd October 1908. The writer gives\n      instances confirmatory of this belief. I have to thank Professor A.\n      C. Seward of Cambridge for kindly showing me this letter.\n\n  360 Letter of Mr. Francis S. Schloss to me, dated 58 New Cavendish\n      Street, W., 12th May 1912. Mr. Schloss adds that \u201cas a matter of\n      practical observation, timber, etc., should only be felled when the\n      moon is waning. This has been stated to me not only by natives, but\n      also by English mining engineers of high repute, who have done work\n      in Colombia.\u201d\n\n  361 O. Baumann, _Usambara und seine Nachbargebiete_ (Berlin, 1891), p.\n      125.\n\n  362 Montanus, _Die deutsche Volksfeste, Volksbr\u00e4uche und deutscher\n      Volksglaube_, p. 128.\n\n M111 The moon regarded as the source of moisture.\n\n  363 Plutarch, _Quaest. Conviv._ iii. 10. 3; Macrobius, _Saturn._ vii.\n      16. See further, W. H. Roscher, _\u00dcber Selene und Verwandtes_\n      (Leipsic, 1890), pp. 49 _sqq._\n\n  364 Plutarch and Macrobius, _ll.cc._; Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ ii. 223, xx.\n      1; Aristotle, _Problemata_, xxiv. 14, p. 937 B, 3 _sq._ ed. I.\n      Bekker (Berlin).\n\n  365 Macrobius and Plutarch, _ll.cc._\n\n  366 L. F. Sauv\u00e9, _Folk-lore des Hautes-Vosges_, p. 5.\n\n  367 Above, p. 136.\n\n  368 M. Martin, \u201cDescription of the Western Islands of Scotland,\u201d in J.\n      Pinkerton\u2019s _Voyages and Travels_, iii. 630.\n\n M112 The moon, being viewed as the cause of vegetable growth, is\n      naturally worshipped by agricultural peoples.\n\n  369 E. J. Payne, _History of the New World called America_, i. (Oxford,\n      1892) p. 495. In his remarks on the origin of moon-worship this\n      learned and philosophical historian has indicated (_op. cit._ i. 493\n      _sqq._) the true causes which lead primitive man to trace the growth\n      of plants to the influence of the moon. Compare Sir E. B. Tylor,\n      _Primitive Culture_2 (London, 1873), i. 130. Payne suggests that the\n      custom of naming the months after the principal natural products\n      that ripen in them may have contributed to the same result. The\n      custom is certainly very common among savages, as I hope to show\n      elsewhere, but whether it has contributed to foster the fallacy in\n      question seems doubtful.\n\n      The Indians of Brazil are said to pay more attention to the moon\n      than to the sun, regarding it as a source both of good and ill. See\n      J. B. von Spix und C. F. von Martius, _Reise in Brasilien_ (Munich,\n      1823-1831), i. 379. The natives of Mori, a district of Central\n      Celebes, believe that the rice-spirit Omonga lives in the moon and\n      eats up the rice in the granary if he is not treated with due\n      respect. See A. C. Kruijt, \u201cEenige ethnografische aanteekeningen\n      omtrent de Toboengkoe en de Tomori,\u201d _Mededeelingen van wege het\n      Nederlandsche Zendelinggenootschap_, xliv. (1900) p. 231.\n\n  370 E. A. Budge, _Nebuchadnezzar, King of Babylon, on\n      recently-discovered inscriptions of this King_, pp. 5 _sq._; A. H.\n      Sayce, _Religion of the Ancient Babylonians_, p. 155; M. Jastrow,\n      _Religion of Babylonia and Assyria_, pp. 68 _sq._, 75 _sq._; L. W.\n      King, _Babylonian Religion and Mythology_ (London, 1899), pp. 17\n      _sq._ The Ahts of Vancouver Island, a tribe of fishers and hunters,\n      view the moon as the husband of the sun and as a more powerful deity\n      than her (G. M. Sproat, _Scenes and Studies of Savage Life_, London,\n      1868, p. 206).\n\n M113 Thus Osiris, the old corn-god, was afterwards identified with the\n      moon.\n M114 The doctrine of lunar sympathy.\n M115 Theory that all things wax or wane with the moon. The ceremonies\n      observed at new moon are often magical rather than religious, being\n      intended to renew sympathetically the life of man.\n\n  371 This principle is clearly recognized and well illustrated by J.\n      Grimm (_Deutsche Mythologie_,4 ii. 594-596).\n\n  372 D. F. A. Hervey, \u201cThe Mentra Traditions,\u201d _Journal of the Straits\n      Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society_, No. 10 (Singapore, 1883), p.\n      190; W. W. Skeat and C. O. Blagden, _Pagan Races of the Malay\n      Peninsula_ (London, 1906), ii. 337.\n\n  373 Rev. J. Grant (parish minister of Kirkmichael), in Sir John\n      Sinclair\u2019s _Statistical Account of Scotland_ (Edinburgh, 1791-1799),\n      xii. 457.\n\n  374 A. Kuhn und W. Schwartz, _Nord-deutsche Sagen, M\u00e4rchen und\n      Gebr\u00e4uche_ (Leipsic, 1848), p. 457, \u00a7 419.\n\n  375 Tacitus, _Germania_, 11.\n\n  376 Caesar, _De bello Gallico_, i. 50.\n\n  377 Herodotus, vi. 106; Lucian, _De astrologia_, 25; Pausanias, i. 28.\n      4.\n\n  378 Thucydides, vii. 50.\n\n  379 Le capitaine Binger, _Du Niger au Golfe de Guin\u00e9e_ (Paris, 1892),\n      ii. 116.\n\n  380 Mungo Park, _Travels in the Interior Districts of Africa_5 (London,\n      1807), pp. 406 _sq._\n\n  381 W. Smythe and F. Lowe, _Narrative of a Journey from Lima to Para_\n      (London, 1836), p. 230.\n\n  382 Father G. Boscana, \u201cChinig-chinich,\u201d in _Life in California, by an\n      American_ [A. Robinson] (New York, 1846), pp. 298 _sq._\n\n  383 Merolla, \u201cVoyage to Congo,\u201d in J. Pinkerton\u2019s _Voyages and Travels_,\n      xvi. 273.\n\n  384 H. Schinz, _Deutsch-S\u00fcdwest-Afrika_ (Oldenburg and Leipsic, N.D.),\n      p. 319.\n\n  385 A. C. Hollis, _The Masai_ (Oxford, 1905), p. 274.\n\n  386 H. Cole, \u201cNotes on the Wagogo of German East Africa,\u201d _Journal of\n      the Anthropological Institute_, xxxii. (1902) p. 330.\n\n  387 John H. Weeks, _Among Congo Cannibals_ (London, 1913), p. 142.\n\n  388 J. G. Kohl, _Die deutsch-russischen Ostseeprovinzen_ (Dresden and\n      Leipsic, 1841), ii. 279. Compare Boecler-Kreutzwald, _Der Ehsten\n      abergl\u00e4ubische Gebr\u00e4uche, Weisen und Gewohnheiten_ (St. Petersburg,\n      1854), pp. 142 _sq._; J. Grimm, _Deutsche Mythologie_,4 ii. 595,\n      note 1. The power of regeneration ascribed to the moon in these\n      customs is sometimes attributed to the sun. Thus it is said that the\n      Chiriguanos Indians of South-Eastern Bolivia often address the sun\n      as follows: \u201cThou art born and disappearest every day, only to\n      revive always young. Cause that it may be so with me.\u201d See A.\n      Thouar, _Explorations dans l\u2019Am\u00e9rique du Sud_ (Paris, 1891), p. 50.\n\n  389 W. Woodville Rockhill, \u201cNotes on some of the Laws, Customs, and\n      Superstitions of Korea,\u201d _The American Anthropologist_, iv.\n      (Washington, 1891), p. 185.\n\n M116 Attempts to eat or drink the moonlight.\n\n  390 W. Crooke, _Popular Religion and Folk-lore of Northern India_\n      (Westminster, 1896), i. 14 _sq._\n\n M117 The supposed influence of moonlight on children: presentation of\n      infants to the new moon.\n\n  391 George Brown, D.D., _Melanesians and Polynesians_ (London, 1910), p.\n      37.\n\n  392 Rev. J. Roscoe, _The Baganda_ (London, 1911), p. 58.\n\n  393 Henri A. Junod, _The Life of a South African Tribe_ (Neuchatel,\n      1912-1913), i. 51.\n\n M118 Infants presented to the moon by the Guarayos Indians of Bolivia and\n      the Apinagos Indians of Brazil.\n\n  394 A. d\u2019Orbigny, _Voyage dans l\u2019Am\u00e9rique M\u00e9ridionale_, iii. 1re Partie\n      (Paris and Strasburg, 1844), p. 24.\n\n  395 F. de Castelnau, _Exp\u00e9dition dans les parties centrales de\n      l\u2019Am\u00e9rique du Sud_ (Paris, 1850-1851), ii. 31-34.\n\n M119 The presentation of infants to the moon is probably intended to make\n      them grow.\n M120 Baganda ceremonies at new moon.\n\n  396 J. Roscoe, \u201cFurther Notes on the Manners and Customs of the\n      Baganda.\u201d _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xxxii. (1902)\n      pp. 63, 76; _id._, _The Baganda_ (London, 1911) pp. 235 _sq._ In the\n      former passage the part of the king\u2019s person which is treated with\n      this ceremony is said to be the placenta, not the navel-string.\n\n M121 Baleful influence supposed to be exercised by the moon on children.\n\n  397 M. Abeghian, _Der armenische Volksglaube_ (Leipsic, 1899), p. 49.\n\n  398 Plutarch, _Quaestiones Conviviales_, iv. 10. 3. 7.\n\n  399 J. B. von Spix und C. F. Ph. von Martius, _Reise in Brasilien_\n      (Munich, 1823-1831), i. 381, iii. 1186.\n\n  400 J. Jamieson, _Dictionary of the Scottish Language_, New Edition\n      edited by J. Longmuir and D. Donaldson (Paisley, 1879-1882), iii.\n      300 (_s.v._ \u201cMone\u201d).\n\n M122 Use of the moon to increase money or decrease sickness.\n\n  401 F. Panzer, _Beitrag zur deutschen Mythologie_ (Munich, 1848-1855),\n      ii. 260; P. Drechsler, _Sitte, Brauch und Volksglaube in Schlesien_,\n      ii. (Leipsic, 1906) p. 131; W. Henderson, _Folk-lore of the Northern\n      Counties of England_ (London, 1879), p. 114; C. S. Burne and G. F.\n      Jackson, _Shropshire Folk-lore_ (London, 1883), p. 257; W. Gregor,\n      _Folk-lore of the North-East of Scotland_ (London, 1881), p. 151.\n\n  402 C. R. Conder, _Heth and Moab_ (London, 1883), p. 286.\n\n  403 P. S\u00e9billot, _Traditions et Superstitions de la Haute-Bretagne_\n      (Paris, 1882), ii. 355.\n\n  404 A. Kuhn, _M\u00e4rkische Sagen und M\u00e4rchen_ (Berlin, 1843), p. 387, \u00a7 93.\n\n_  405 Die gestriegelte Rockenphilosophie_ (Chemnitz, 1759), p. 447.\n\n  406 F. Panzer, _Beitrag zur deutschen Mythologie_, ii. 302. Compare J.\n      Grimm, _Deutsche Mythologie_,4 ii. 596.\n\n  407 R. F. Kaindl, \u201cZauberglaube bei den Huzulen,\u201d _Globus_, lxxvi.\n      (1899) p. 256.\n\n M123 Osiris personated by the king of Egypt.\n\n  408 See above, vol. i. pp. 16 _sq._, 48 _sqq._, 110, 114, 170 _sq._, 172\n      _sqq._, 176 _sqq._, 179 _sqq._, 285 _sqq._, 288 _sqq._\n\n  409 See above, pp. 97 _sq._, 101 _sq._\n\n M124 The Sed festival celebrated in Egypt at intervals of thirty years.\n\n  410 A. Moret, _Du caract\u00e8re religieux de la royaut\u00e9 Pharaonique_ (Paris,\n      1902), pp. 235-238. The festival is discussed at length by M. Moret\n      (_op. cit._ pp. 235-273). See further R. Lepsius, _Die Chronologie\n      der Aegypter_, i. 161-165; Miss M. A. Murray, _The Osireion at\n      Abydos_, pp. 32-34; W. M. Flinders Petrie, _Researches in Sinai_\n      (London, 1906), pp. 176-185. In interpreting the festival I follow\n      Professor Flinders Petrie. That the festival occurred, theoretically\n      at least, at intervals of thirty years, appears to be\n      unquestionable; for in the Greek text of the Rosetta Stone Ptolemy\n      V. is called \u201clord of periods of thirty years,\u201d and though the\n      corresponding part of the hieroglyphic text is lost, the demotic\n      version of the words is \u201cmaster of the years of the Sed festival.\u201d\n      See R. Lepsius, _op. cit._ pp. 161 _sq._; W. Dittenberger, _Orientis\n      Graeci Inscriptiones Selectae_, No. 90, line 2 (vol. i. p. 142); A.\n      Moret, _op. cit._ 260. However, the kings appear to have sometimes\n      celebrated the festival at much shorter intervals, so that the dates\n      of its recurrence cannot safely be used for chronological purposes.\n      See Ed. Meyer, _Nachtr\u00e4ge zur \u00e4gyptischen Chronologie_ (Berlin,\n      1908), pp. 43 _sq._ (_Abhandlungen der k\u00f6nigl. Akademie der\n      Wissenschaften vom Jahre 1907_); _id._, _Geschichte des Altertums_,2\n      i. 2. pp. xix. 130.\n\n  411 This was Letronne\u2019s theory (R. Lepsius, _op. cit._ p. 163).\n\n  412 See above, pp. 24 _sqq._, 34 _sqq._\n\n  413 This was in substance the theory of Biot (R. Lepsius, _l.c._), and\n      it is the view of Professor W. M. Flinders Petrie (_Researches in\n      Sinai_, pp. 176 _sqq._).\n\n  414 W. M. Flinders Petrie, _Researches in Sinai_, p. 180.\n\n M125 Intention of the Sed festival to renew the king\u2019s life.\n\n  415 A. Moret, _Du caract\u00e8re religieux de la royaut\u00e9 Pharaonique_, pp.\n      255 _sq._\n\n M126 The king identified with the dead Osiris at the Sed festival.\n\n  416 W. M. Flinders Petrie, _Researches in Sinai_, p. 181.\n\n  417 A. Moret, _op. cit._ p. 240; Miss M. A. Murray, _The Osireion at\n      Abydos_, pp. 33 _sq._, with the slip inserted at p. 33; W. Flinders\n      Petrie, _op. cit._ p. 184.\n\n  418 A. Moret, _op. cit._ p. 242.\n\n  419 Miss M. A. Murray, _op. cit._, slip inserted at p. 33.\n\n  420 W. M. Flinders Petrie, _Researches in Sinai_, p. 183.\n\n  421 W. M. Flinders Petrie, _l.c._ As to the king\u2019s name (Khent instead\n      of Zer) see above, p. 20, note 1.\n\n  422 J. Capart, \u201cBulletin critique des religions de l\u2019\u00c9gypte,\u201d _Revue de\n      l\u2019Histoire des Religions_, liii. (1906) pp. 332-334. I have to thank\n      Professor W. M. Flinders Petrie for calling my attention to this\n      passage.\n\n M127 Professor Flinders Petrie\u2019s explanation of the Sed festival.\n\n  423 W. M. Flinders Petrie, _Researches in Sinai_, p. 185. As to the\n      Coptic mock-king see C. B. Klunzinger, _Bilder aus Ober\u00e4gypten, der\n      W\u00fcste und dem Rothen Meere_ (Stuttgart, 1877), pp. 180 _sq._; _The\n      Dying God_, pp. 151 _sq._ For examples of human sacrifices offered\n      to prolong the lives of kings see below, vol. ii. pp. 219 _sqq._\n\n M128 Alexandre Moret\u2019s theory that at the Sed festivals the king was\n      supposed to die and to be born again.\n\n  424 A. Moret, _Myst\u00e8res \u00c9gyptiens_ (Paris, 1913), pp. 187-190. For a\n      detailed account of the Egyptian evidence, monumental and\n      inscriptional, on which M. Moret bases his view of the king\u2019s\n      rebirth by deputy from the hide of a sacrificed animal, see pp. 16\n      _sqq._, 72 _sqq._ of the same work. Compare his article, \u201cDu\n      sacrifice en \u00c9gypte,\u201d _Revue de l\u2019Histoire des Religions_, lvii.\n      (1908) pp. 93 _sqq._ In support of the view that the king of Egypt\n      was deemed to be born again at the Sed festival it has been pointed\n      out that on these solemn occasions, as we learn from the monuments,\n      there was carried before the king on a pole an object shaped like a\n      placenta, a part of the human body which many savage or barbarous\n      peoples regard as the twin brother or sister of the new-born child.\n      See C. G. Seligmann and Margaret A. Murray, \u201cNote upon an early\n      Egyptian standard,\u201d _Man_, xi. (1911) pp. 165-171. The object which\n      these writers take to represent a human placenta is interpreted by\n      M. Alexandre Moret as the likeness of a human embryo. As to the\n      belief that the afterbirth is a twin brother or sister of the\n      infant, see above, vol. i. p. 93, and below, pp. 169 _sq._; _The\n      Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, i. 82 _sqq._\n\n      Professor J. H. Breasted thinks that the Sed festival is probably\n      \u201cthe oldest religious feast of which any trace has been preserved in\n      Egypt\u201d; he admits that on these occasions \u201cthe king assumed the\n      costume and insignia of Osiris, and undoubtedly impersonated him,\u201d\n      and further that \u201cone of the ceremonies of this feast symbolized the\n      resurrection of Osiris\u201d; but he considers that the significance of\n      the festival is as yet obscure. See J. H. Breasted, _Development of\n      Religion and Thought in Ancient Egypt_ (London, 1912), p. 39.\n\n M129 Osiris personated by the king of Egypt.\n M130 How did the conception of Osiris as a god of vegetation and of the\n      dead originate?\n M131 While Adonis and Attis were subordinate figures in their respective\n      pantheons, Osiris was the greatest and most popular god of Egypt.\n M132 The personal devotion of the Egyptians to Osiris suggests that he\n      may have been a real man; for all the permanent religious or\n      semi-religious systems of the world have been founded by individual\n      great men.\n M133 The historical reality of Osiris as an old king of Egypt can be\n      supported by modern African analogies.\n\n  425 It is maintained by the discoverer of the tomb of Osiris at Abydos,\n      Monsieur E. Am\u00e9lineau, in his work _Le Tombeau d\u2019Osiris_ (Paris,\n      1899) and by Dr. E. A. Wallis Budge in his elaborate treatise\n      _Osiris and the Egyptian Resurrection_, in which the author pays\n      much attention to analogies drawn from the religion and customs of\n      modern African tribes.\n\n  426 G. Maspero, _Histoire ancienne des Peuples de l\u2019Orient Classique_,\n      i. 43 _sqq._; J. H. Breasted, _History of the Ancient Egyptians_,\n      pp. 29 _sq._; Ed. Meyer, _Geschichte des Altertums_,2 i. 2. pp. 41\n      _sqq._ The affinity of the Egyptian language to the Semitic family\n      of speech seems now to be admitted even by historians who maintain\n      the African origin of the Egyptians.\n\n M134 The spirits of dead kings worshipped by the Shilluks of the White\n      Nile. Sacrifices to the dead kings.\n\n_  427 The Dying God_, pp. 17 _sqq._ The information there given was\n      kindly supplied by Dr. C. G. Seligmann, who has since published it\n      with fuller details. See C. G. Seligmann, _The Cult of Nyakang and\n      the Divine Kings of the Shilluk_ (Khartoum, 1911), pp. 216-232\n      (reprint from _Fourth Report of the Wellcome Tropical Research\n      Laboratories, Gordon Memorial College, Khartoum_); W. Hofmayr,\n      \u201cReligion der Schilluk,\u201d _Anthropos_, vi. (1911) pp. 120-131;\n      Diedrich Westermann, _The Shilluk People, their Language and\n      Folk-lore_ (Berlin, preface dated 1912), pp. xxxix. _sqq._ In what\n      follows I have drawn on all these authorities.\n\n M135 Worship of Nyakang, the first of the Shilluk kings.\n\n  428 C. G. Seligmann, _The Cult of Nyakang_, p. 221.\n\n  429 D. Westermann, _The Shilluk People_, p. xlii.\n\n  430 D. Westermann, _l.c._\n\n M136 The spirit of Nyakang supposed to manifest itself in certain\n      animals.\n\n  431 W. Hofmayr, \u201cReligion der Schilluk,\u201d _Anthropos_, vi. (1911) pp. 123\n      _sq._; C. G. Seligmann, _op. cit._ p. 230; D. Westermann, _op. cit._\n      p. xliii.\n\n  432 C. G. Seligmann, _op. cit._ pp. 229 _sq._\n\n  433 W. Hofmayr, _op. cit._ p. 125.\n\n M137 The deified Nyakang seems to have been a real man. Relation of\n      Nyakang to the creator Juok.\n\n  434 W. Hofmayr, _op. cit._ p. 123. This writer spells the name of the\n      deified king as Nykang. I have adopted Dr. Seligmann\u2019s spelling.\n\n  435 Diederich Westermann, _The Shilluk People, their Language and\n      Folklore_ (Berlin, preface dated 1912), pp. xlii, xliii. Mr.\n      Westermann gives the names of the demi-god and the god as Nyikang\n      and Jwok respectively. For the sake of uniformity I have altered\n      them to Nyakang and Juok, the forms adopted by Dr. C. G. Seligmann.\n\n  436 C. G. Seligmann, _The Cult of Nyakang and the Divine Kings of the\n      Shilluk_ (Khartoum, 1911), p. 220.\n\n  437 C. G. Seligmann, _op. cit._ p. 231.\n\n M138 The belief in the former humanity of Nyakang is confirmed by the\n      analogy of his worship to that of the dead Shilluk kings.\n\n  438 W. Hofmayr, _op. cit._ p. 125. \u201cIt must be remembered that the due\n      growth of the crops, _i.e._ of the most important part of the\n      vegetable world, depends on the well-being of the divine king\u201d (C.\n      G. Seligmann, _op. cit._ p. 229).\n\n  439 C. G. Seligmann, _op. cit._ p. 227.\n\n M139 Comparison of Nyakang with Osiris.\n M140 The spirits of dead kings worshipped by the Baganda of Central\n      Africa.\n\n  440 Rev. J. Roscoe, _The Baganda_ (London, 1911), p. 283.\n\n  441 Rev. J. Roscoe, _op. cit._ pp. 113, 282.\n\n  442 Rev. J. Roscoe, _op. cit._ pp. 110, 282, 285.\n\n  443 Rev. J. Roscoe, _op. cit._ pp. 104, 252 _sq._; L. F. Cunningham,\n      _Uganda and its People_ (London, 1905), p. 226.\n\n M141 Tombs of the dead kings of Uganda.\n\n  444 Rev. J. Roscoe, _The Baganda_, pp. 104-107, _id._, \u201cNotes on the\n      Manners and Customs of the Baganda,\u201d _Journal of the Anthropological\n      Institute_, xxxi. (1901) p. 129; _id._, \u201cFurther Notes on the\n      Manners and Customs of the Baganda,\u201d _ibid._, xxxii. (1902) pp. 44\n      _sq._ Compare L. F. Cunningham, _Uganda and its People_ (London,\n      1905), pp. 224, 226.\n\n M142 Ghosts of the dead kings of Uganda supposed to adhere to their lower\n      jawbones and their navel-strings, which are accordingly preserved in\n      temples dedicated to the worship of the kings.\n\n  445 Rev. J. Roscoe, _The Baganda_, pp. 109 _sq._\n\n  446 Above, p. 147.\n\n  447 Rev. J. Roscoe, \u201cKibuka, the War God of the Baganda,\u201d _Man_, vii.\n      (1907) pp. 164 _sq._; _id._, _The Baganda_, pp. 235 _sq._\n\n M143 The temples of the dead kings of Uganda.\n\n  448 Rev. J. Roscoe, _The Baganda_, pp. 110-112, 283 _sq._\n\n  449 Rev. J. Roscoe, \u201cNotes on the Manners and Customs of the Baganda,\u201d\n      _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xxxi. (1901) pp. 129\n      _sq._; _id._, \u201cFurther Notes on the Manners and Customs of the\n      Baganda,\u201d _ibid._, xxxii. (1902) p. 45.\n\n M144 Oracles given by the dead kings of Uganda by the mouth of an\n      inspired prophet.\n\n  450 Rev. J. Roscoe, _The Baganda_, p. 283.\n\n  451 Rev. J. Roscoe, \u201cNotes on the Manners and Customs of the Baganda,\u201d\n      _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xxxi. (1901) p. 130;\n      _id._, \u201cFurther Notes on the Manners and Customs of the Baganda,\u201d\n      _ibid._, xxxii. (1902) p. 46; _id._, _The Baganda_, pp. 283-285.\n\n M145 Visit paid by the living king to the temple of his dead father.\n      Human victims sacrificed in order that their ghosts might serve the\n      ghost of the dead king.\n\n  452 Rev. J. Roscoe, _The Baganda_, pp. 112, 284.\n\n  453 Rev. J. Roscoe, _The Baganda_, p. 112. It may be worth while to\n      quote an early notice of the worship of the Kings of Uganda. See C.\n      T. Wilson and R. W. Felkin, _Uganda and the Egyptian Soudan_\n      (London, 1882), i. 208: \u201cThe former kings of the country appear also\n      to be regarded as demi-gods, and their graves are kept with\n      religious care, and houses are erected over them, which are under\n      the constant supervision of one of the principal chiefs of the\n      country, and where human sacrifices are also occasionally offered.\u201d\n      The graves here spoken of are no doubt the temples in which the\n      jawbones and navel-strings of the dead kings are kept and\n      worshipped.\n\n M146 The souls of dead kings worshipped in Kiziba.\n\n  454 Hermann Rehse, _Kiziba, Land und Leute_ (Stuttgart, 1910), pp. 4-7,\n      106 _sqq._, 121, 125 _sqq._, 130. Among the totems of the people are\n      the long-tailed monkey (_Cercopithecus_), a small species of\n      antelope, the locust, the hippopotamus, the buffalo, the otter,\n      dappled cows, and the hearts of all animals. The members of the clan\n      which is charged with the duty of burying the king\u2019s body have for\n      their totem the remains of a goat that has been killed by a leopard.\n      See H. Rehse, _op. cit._ pp. 5 _sq._\n\n M147 The worship of ancestral spirits among the Bantu tribes of Northern\n      Rhodesia.\n\n  455 C. Gouldsbury and H. Sheane, _The Great Plateau of Northern\n      Rhodesia_ (London, 1911), pp. 80 _sq._\n\n  456 C. Gouldsbury and H. Sheane, _The Great Plateau of Northern\n      Rhodesia_, pp. 82 _sq._\n\n  457 C. Gouldsbury and H. Sheane, _op. cit._ pp. 84 _sq._\n\n M148 The worship of ancestral spirits is apparently the main practical\n      religion of all the Bantu tribes.\n M149 The worship of ancestral spirits among the Bantu tribes of South\n      Africa.\n\n  458 Rev. James Macdonald, \u201cManners, Customs, Superstitions, and\n      Religions of South African Tribes,\u201d _Journal of the Anthropological\n      Institute_, xix. (1890) p. 286. Compare _id._, _Light in Africa_2\n      (London, 1890), p. 191.\n\n  459 G. McCall Theal, _Records of South-Eastern Africa_, vii. (1901) pp.\n      399 _sq._ With regard to the ghost who controls lightning see Mr.\n      Warner\u2019s notes in Col. Maclean\u2019s _Compendium of Kafir Laws and\n      Customs_ (Cape Town, 1866), pp. 82 _sq._: \u201cThe Kafirs have strange\n      notions respecting the lightning. They consider that it is governed\n      by the _umshologu_, or ghost, of the greatest and most renowned of\n      their departed chiefs; and who is emphatically styled the _inkosi_;\n      but they are not at all clear as to which of their ancestors is\n      intended by this designation. Hence they allow of no lamentation\n      being made for a person killed by lightning; as they say that it\n      would be a sign of disloyalty to lament for one whom the _inkosi_\n      had sent for, and whose services he consequently needed; and it\n      would cause him to punish them, by making the lightning again to\n      descend and do them another injury.\u201d\n\n  460 G. McCall Theal, _op. cit._ vii. 400.\n\n M150 Sacrifices to the dead among the Bantu tribes of South Africa.\n\n  461 Dudley Kidd, _The Essential Kafir_ (London, 1904), pp. 88-91.\n\n M151 Worship of the dead among the Basutos.\n\n  462 Rev. E. Casalis, _The Basutos_ (London, 1861), pp. 248-250.\n\n M152 Worship of the dead among the Thonga.\n\n  463 Henri A. Junod, _The Life of a South African Tribe_ (Neuch\u00e2tel,\n      1912-1913), ii. 347.\n\n  464 H. A. Junod, _op. cit._ ii. 385.\n\n  465 H. A. Junod, _op. cit._ ii. 344.\n\n  466 H. A. Junod, _op. cit._ ii. 385.\n\n  467 H. A. Junod, _op. cit._ ii. 348 _sq._\n\n  468 H. A. Junod, _op. cit._ ii. 341.\n\n  469 H. A. Junod, _op. cit._ ii. 346.\n\n M153 Sacrifices to dead chiefs among the Basutos and Bechuanas.\n\n  470 A. Merensky, _Beitr\u00e4ge zur Kenntnis S\u00fcd-Afrikas_ (Berlin, 1875), p.\n      130.\n\n M154 Worship of the dead among the Zulus.\n\n  471 Rev. H. Callaway, _The Religious System of the Amazulu_, i. (Natal,\n      Springvale, etc., 1868) pp. 1 _sq._\n\n  472 Rev. Joseph Shooter, _The Kafirs of Natal and the Zulu Country_\n      (London, 1857), p. 159.\n\n  473 Rev. J. Shooter, _op. cit._ p. 161.\n\n M155 Sacrifices and prayers to the dead among the Zulus.\n\n  474 Rev. Lewis Grout, _Zulu-land, or Life among the Zulu-Kafirs_\n      (Philadelphia, N.D.), pp. 137, 143-145.\n\n M156 A native Zulu account of the worship of the dead.\n\n  475 \u201cThat is, they suggest to the Itongo [ancestral spirit, singular of\n      Amatongo], by whose ill-will or want of care they are afflicted,\n      that if they should all die in consequence, and thus his worshippers\n      come to an end, he would have none to worship him; and therefore for\n      his own sake, as well as for theirs, he had better preserve his\n      people, that there may be a village for him to enter, and meat of\n      the sacrifices for him to eat.\u201d\n\n  476 Rev. Henry Callaway, _The Religious System of the Amazulu_, Part\n      ii., _Amatongo or Ancestor Worship as existing among the Amazulu, in\n      their own words, with a translation into English_ (Natal,\n      Springvale, etc., 1869), pp. 144-146.\n\n M157 The worship of the dead among the Herero of German South-West\n      Africa. Ancestral spirits (_Ovakuru_) worshipped by the Herero.\n\n  477 Missionar J. Irle, _Die Herero, ein Beitrag zur Landes- Volks- und\n      Missionskunde_ (G\u00fctersloh, 1906), pp. 72 _sq._\n\n  478 J. Irle, _op. cit._ p. 73.\n\n_  479 Ovakuru_, the plural form of _Mukuru_.\n\n  480 J. Irle, _op. cit._ p. 74.\n\n  481 J. Irle, _op. cit._ p. 75. The writer tells us (_l.c._) that the\n      Herero name for the good celestial God, whom they acknowledge but do\n      not worship, is common, in different forms, to almost all the Bantu\n      tribes. Among the Ovambo it is Kalunga; among tribes of Loango, the\n      Congo, Angola and Benguela it is Zambi, Njambi, Ambi, Njame, Onjame,\n      Ngambe, Nsambi; in the Cameroons it is Nzambi, etc. Compare John H.\n      Weeks, _Among Congo Cannibals_ (London, 1913), pp. 246 _sq._: \u201cWe\n      have found a vague knowledge of a Supreme Being, and a belief in\n      Him, very general among those tribes on the Congo with which we have\n      come into contact.... On the Lower Congo He is called _Nzambi_, or\n      by His fuller title _Nzambi a mpungu_; no satisfactory root word has\n      yet been found for _Nzambi_, but for _mpungu_ there are sayings and\n      proverbs that clearly indicate its meaning as, most of all, supreme,\n      highest, and _Nzambi a mpungu_ as the Being most High, or Supreme.\n      On the Upper Congo among the Bobangi folk the word used for the\n      Supreme Being is _Nyambe_; among the Lulanga people, _Nzakomba_;\n      among the Boloki, _Njambe_; among the Bopoto people it is\n      _Libanza_.... It is interesting to note that the most common name\n      for the Supreme Being on the Congo is also known, in one form or\n      another, over an extensive area of Africa reaching from 6\u00b0 north of\n      the Equator away to extreme South Africa; as, for example, among the\n      Ashanti it is _Onyame_, at Gaboon it is _Anyambie_, and two thousand\n      miles away among the Barotse folk it is _Niambe_. These are the\n      names that stand for a Being who is endowed with strength, wealth,\n      and wisdom by the natives; and He is also regarded and spoken of by\n      them as the principal Creator of the world, and the Maker of all\n      things.... But the Supreme Being is believed by the natives to have\n      withdrawn Himself to a great distance after performing His creative\n      works; that He has now little or no concern in mundane affairs; and\n      apparently no power over spirits and no control over the lives of\n      men, either to protect them from malignant spirits or to help them\n      by averting danger. They also consider the Supreme Being (_Nzambi_)\n      as being so good and kind that there is no need to appease Him by\n      rites, ceremonies or sacrifices. Hence they never pray to this\n      Supreme One, they never worship Him, or think of Him as being\n      interested in the doings of the world and its peoples.\u201d\n\n  482 J. Irle, _op. cit._ p. 77. Mr. Irle\u2019s account of the religion of the\n      Herero or Ovaherero is fully borne out by the testimony of earlier\n      missionaries among the tribe. See Rev. G. Viehe, \u201cSome Customs of\n      the Ovaherero\u201d _(South African) Folk-lore Journal_, i. (Cape Town,\n      1879) pp. 64 _sq._: \u201cThe religious customs and ceremonies of the\n      Ovaherero are all rooted in the presumption that the deceased\n      continue to live, and that they have a great influence on earth, and\n      exercise power over the life and death of man. This influence and\n      power is ascribed especially to those who have been great men, and\n      who become _Ovakuru_ after death. The numerous religious customs and\n      ceremonies are a worshipping of the ancestors.\u201d Further, Mr. Viehe\n      reports that \u201cthe Ovaherero have a slight idea of another being\n      (Supreme being?) which differs greatly from the _Ovakuru_, is\n      superior to them, and is supposed never to have been a human being.\n      It is called _Karunga_.... _Karunga_ does only good; whilst the\n      influence of the _Ovakuru_ is more feared than wished for; and,\n      therefore, it is not thought necessary to bring sacrifices to\n      _Karunga_ to guard against his influence.\u201d He is situated so high,\n      and is so superior to men \u201cthat he takes little special notice of\n      them; and so the Ovaherero, on their part, also trouble themselves\n      little about this superior being\u201d (_op. cit._ p. 67 note 1). Similar\n      evidence is given by another missionary as to the belief of the\n      Herero in a superior god Karunga and their fear and worship of\n      ancestral spirits. See the Rev. H. Beiderbecke, \u201cSome Religious\n      Ideas and Customs of the Ovaherero\u201d _(South African) Folk-lore\n      Journal_, ii. (Cape Town, 1880) pp. 88 _sqq._\n\n M158 The worship of the dead among the Ovambo.\n\n  483 Hermann T\u00f6njes, _Ovamboland, Land, Leute, Mission_ (Berlin, 1911),\n      pp. 193-197.\n\n M159 The worship of the dead among the Wahehe of German East Africa.\n\n  484 E. Nigmann, _Die Wahehe_ (Berlin, 1908), pp. 22 _sq._ The writer\n      does not describe the Wahehe as a Bantu tribe, but from the\n      characteristic prefixes which they employ to designate the tribe,\n      individual tribesmen, the country, and so forth (_op. cit._ p. 124)\n      we may infer that the people belong to the Bantu stock.\n\n  485 E. Nigmann, _Die Wahehe_, pp. 23 _sq._\n\n  486 E. Nigmann, _op. cit._ p. 35.\n\n  487 E. Nigmann, _op. cit._ p. 39.\n\n  488 E. Nigmann, _op. cit._ pp. 24 _sqq._, 35 _sqq._\n\n M160 The worship of the dead among the Bahima of Ankole, in Central\n      Africa.\n\n  489 Rev. J. Roscoe, \u201cThe Bahima, a Cow Tribe of Enkole,\u201d _Journal of the\n      Royal Anthropological Institute_, xxxvii. (1907) pp. 108 _sq._ The\n      supreme god Lugaba is no doubt the same with the supreme god Rugaba\n      worshipped by the Bahimas in Kiziba. See above, p. 173. With regard\n      to the religion of the Baganda the same authority tells us that \u201cthe\n      last, and possibly the most venerated, class of religious objects\n      were the ghosts of departed relatives. The power of ghosts for good\n      or evil was incalculable\u201d (_The Baganda_, p. 273).\n\n M161 The worship of dead chiefs or kings among the Bantu tribes of\n      Northern Rhodesia.\n\n  490 C. Gouldsbury and H. Sheane, _The Great Plateau of Northern\n      Rhodesia_, p. 83.\n\n  491 C. Gouldsbury and H. Sheane, _op. cit._ p. 11.\n\n  492 C. Gouldsbury and H. Sheane, _op. cit._ p. 292.\n\n  493 C. Gouldsbury and H. Sheane, _op. cit._ pp. 294 _sq._\n\n  494 J. H. West Sheane, \u201cWemba Warpaths,\u201d _Journal of the African\n      Society_, No. xli. (October, 1911) pp. 25 _sq._\n\n M162 Among these tribes the spirits of dead chiefs or kings are thought\n      sometimes to take bodily possession of men and women or to be\n      incarnate in animals.\n\n  495 C. Gouldsbury and H. Sheane, _The Great Plateau of Northern\n      Nigeria_, p. 83.\n\n  496 C. Gouldsbury and H. Sheane, _op. cit._ p. 84.\n\n M163 Belief of the Barotse in a supreme god Niambe.\n\n  497 Eug\u00e8ne B\u00e9guin, _Les Ma-rots\u00e9_ (Lausanne and Fontaines, 1903), pp.\n      118 _sq._\n\n M164 The worship of dead kings among the Barotse.\n\n  498 Eug\u00e8ne B\u00e9guin, _Les Ba-rots\u00e9_, pp. 120-123. Compare _Totemism and\n      Exogamy_, iv. 306 _sq._\n\n M165 Thus the worship of dead kings has been an important element in the\n      religion of many African tribes.\n M166 Perhaps some African gods, who are now distinguished from ghosts,\n      were once dead men.\n\n  499 Rev. J. Roscoe, _The Baganda_ (London, 1911), p. 271.\n\n  500 Rev. J. Roscoe, _op. cit._ pp. 290, 291. In the worship of Mukasa\n      \u201cthe principal ceremony was the annual festival, when the king sent\n      his presents to the god, to secure a blessing on the crops and on\n      the people for the year.\u201d (J. Roscoe, _op. cit._ p. 298).\n\n M167 The human remains of Kibuka, the war-god of the Baganda.\n\n  501 Rev. J. Roscoe, \u201cKibuka, the War God of the Baganda,\u201d _Man_, vii.\n      (1907) pp. 161-166; _id._, _The Baganda_, pp. 301-308. Among the\n      personal relics of Kibuka kept in his temple were his genital\n      organs; these also were rescued when the Mohammedans burned down his\n      temple in the civil wars of 1887-1890. They are now with the rest of\n      the god\u2019s, or rather the man\u2019s, remains at Cambridge.\n\n M168 Thus it is possible that Osiris and Isis may have been a real king\n      and queen of Egypt, perhaps identical with King Khent and his queen.\n\n  502 This consideration is rightly urged by H. Sch\u00e4fer as a strong\n      argument in favour of the antiquity of the tradition which\n      associated the grave of Osiris with the grave of King Khent. See H.\n      Sch\u00e4fer, _Die Mysterien des Osiris in Abydos_ (Leipsic, 1904), pp.\n      28 _sq._\n\n  503 One of the commonest and oldest titles of Osiris was Chent\n      (Khent)-Ament or Chenti (Khenti)-Amenti, as the name is also\n      written. It means \u201cChief of those who are in the West\u201d and refers to\n      the Egyptian belief that the souls of the dead go westward. See R.\n      V. Lanzone, _Dizionario di Mitologia Egizia_, p. 727; H. Brugsch,\n      _Religion und Mythologie der alten Aegypter_, p. 617; A. Erman, _Die\n      \u00e4gyptische Religion_,2 pp. 23, 103 _sq._; J. H. Breasted,\n      _Development of Religion and Thought in Ancient Egypt_, pp. 38, 143\n      (who spells the name Khenti-Amentiu); E. A. Wallis Budge, _Osiris\n      and the Egyptian Resurrection_, i. 31 _sq._, 67. \u201cKhenti-Amenti was\n      one of the oldest gods of Abydos, and was certainly connected with\n      the dead, being probably the ancient local god of the dead of Abydos\n      and its neighbourhood. Now, in the Pyramid Texts, which were written\n      under the VIth dynasty, there are several mentions of Khenti-Amenti,\n      and in a large number of instances the name is preceded by that of\n      Osiris. It is quite clear, therefore, that the chief attributes of\n      the one god must have resembled those of the other, and that Osiris\n      Khenti-Amenti was assumed to have absorbed the powers of\n      Khenti-Amenti. In the representations of the two gods which are\n      found at Abydos there is usually no difference, at least not under\n      the XVIIIth and XIXth dynasties\u201d (E. A. Wallis Budge, _op. cit._ i.\n      31). However, it would be unsafe to infer that the resemblance\n      between the name of the god and the name of the king is more than\n      accidental.\n\n M169 Suggested parallel between Osiris and Charlemagne.\n\n  504 W. E. H. Lecky, _History of European Morals from Augustus to\n      Charlemagne_, Third Edition (London, 1877), ii. 271.\n\n M170 The question of the historical reality of Osiris left open.\n M171 Essential similarity of Adonis, Attis, and Osiris.\n M172 The superiority of the goddesses associated with Adonis, Attis, and\n      Osiris points to a system of mother-kin.\n M173 Mother-kin and father-kin. The Khasis of Assam have mother-kin, and\n      among them goddesses predominate over gods and priestesses over\n      priests.\n\n  505 I have adopted the terms \u201cmother-kin\u201d and \u201cfather-kin\u201d as less\n      ambiguous than the terms \u201cmother-right\u201d and \u201cfather-right,\u201d which I\n      formerly employed in the same sense.\n\n_  506 The Khasis_, by Major P. R. T. Gurdon, I.A., Deputy Commissioner\n      Eastern Bengal and Assam Commission, and Superintendent of\n      Ethnography in Assam (London, 1907).\n\n  507 \u201cThe Khasi saying is, \u2018_long jaid na ka kynthei_\u2019 (from the woman\n      sprang the clan). The Khasis, when reckoning descent, count from the\n      mother only; they speak of a family of brothers and sisters, who are\n      the great grandchildren of one great grandmother, as _shi kpoh_,\n      which, being literally translated, is one womb, _i.e._ the issue of\n      one womb. The man is nobody\u201d (P. R. T. Gurdon, _The Khasis_, p. 82).\n      \u201cAll land acquired by inheritance must follow the Khasi law of\n      entail, by which property descends from the mother to the youngest\n      daughter, and again from the latter to her youngest daughter.\n      Ancestral landed property must therefore be always owned by women.\n      The male members of the family may cultivate such lands, but they\n      must carry all the produce to the house of their mother, who will\n      divide it amongst the members of the family\u201d (_op. cit._ p. 88).\n      \u201cThe rule amongst the Khasis is that the youngest daughter \u2018holds\u2019\n      the religion, \u2018_ka bat ka niam_.\u2019 Her house is called, \u2018_ka iing\n      seng_,\u2019 and it is here that the members of the family assemble to\n      witness her performance of the family ceremonies. Hers is,\n      therefore, the largest share of the family property, because it is\n      she whose duty it is to perform the family ceremonies, and\n      propitiate the family ancestors\u201d (_op. cit._ p. 83).\n\n  508 Sir C. J. Lyall, in his Introduction to _The Khasis_, by Major P. R.\n      T. Gurdon, pp. xxiii. _sq._ Sir C. J. Lyall himself lived for many\n      years among the Khasis and studied their customs. For the details of\n      the evidence on which his summary is based see especially pp. 63\n      _sqq._, 68 _sq._, 76, 82 _sqq._, 88, 106 _sqq._, 109 _sqq._, 112\n      _sq._, 121, 150, of Major Gurdon\u2019s book. As to the Khasi\n      priestesses, see above, vol. i. p. 46.\n\n M174 Again, the Pelew Islanders have mother-kin, and the deities of their\n      clans are all goddesses.\n\n  509 J. Kubary, _Die socialen Einrichtungen der Pelauer_ (Berlin, 1885),\n      pp. 35 _sq._ The writer calls one of these kins indifferently a\n      _Familie_ or a _Stamm_.\n\n  510 J. S. Kubary, \u201cDie Todtenbestattung auf den Pelau-Inseln,\u201d\n      _Original-Mittheilungen aus der ethnologischen Abtheilung der\n      k\u00f6niglichen Museen zu Berlin_, i. (Berlin, 1885) p. 7.\n\n  511 J. Kubary, _Die socialen Einrichtungen der Pelauer_, p. 40.\n\n  512 J. Kubary, \u201cDie Religion der Pelauer,\u201d in A. Bastian\u2019s _Allerlei aus\n      Volks- und Menschenkunde_ (Berlin, 1888), i. 20-22. The writer says\n      that the family or clan gods of the Pelew Islanders are too many to\n      be enumerated, but he gives as a specimen a list of the family\n      deities of one particular district (Ngarupesang). Having done so he\n      observes that they are all goddesses, and he adds that \u201cthis is\n      explained by the importance of the woman for the clan. The deity of\n      the mother is inherited, that of the father is not\u201d (_op. cit._ p.\n      22). As he says nothing to indicate that the family deities of this\n      particular district are exceptional, we may infer, as I have done,\n      that the deities of all the families or clans are goddesses. Yet a\n      few pages previously (pp. 16 _sq._) he tells us that a village which\n      contains twenty families will have at least forty deities, if not\n      more, \u201cfor some houses may have two _kalids_ [deities], and every\n      house has also a goddess.\u201d This seems to imply that the families or\n      clans have gods as well as goddesses. The seeming discrepancy is\n      perhaps to be explained by another statement of the writer that \u201cin\n      the family only the _kalids_ [deities] of the women count\u201d (\u201c_sich\n      geltend machen_,\u201d J. Kubary, _Die socialen Einrichtungen der\n      Pelauer_, p. 38).\n\n  513 J. Kubary, _Die socialen Einrichtungen der Pelauer_, pp. 33 _sq._,\n      63; _id._, \u201cDie Religion der Pelauer,\u201d in A. Bastian\u2019s _Allerlei aus\n      Volks- und Menschenkunde_, i. 16.\n\n  514 J. Kubary, \u201cDie Religion der Pelauer,\u201d in A. Bastian\u2019s _Allerlei aus\n      Volks- und Menschenkunde_, i. 15-17, 22, 25-27.\n\n  515 From the passages cited in the preceding note it appears that this\n      was Kubary\u2019s opinion, though he has not stated it explicitly.\n\n  516 J. Kubary, \u201cDie Religion der Pelauer,\u201d in A. Bastian\u2019s _Allerlei aus\n      Volks- und Menschenkunde_, i. 28 _sq._\n\n M175 This preference for goddesses is to be explained by the importance\n      of women in the social system of the Pelew Islanders.\n\n  517 J. Kubary, _Die socialen Einrichtungen der Pelauer_, p. 38. See also\n      above, p. 204, note 4.\n\n  518 J. Kubary, _l.c._\n\n  519 See the statement of Kubary quoted in the next paragraph.\n\n  520 J. Kubary, _Die socialen Einrichtungen der Pelauer_, p. 39.\n\n  521 See the statement of Kubary quoted in the next paragraph.\n\n M176 The high position of women in the Pelew Islands has also an\n      industrial basis; for they alone cultivate the taro, the staple food\n      of the people.\n\n  522 J. S. Kubary, _Ethnographische Beitr\u00e4ge zur Kenntniss des Karolinen\n      Archipels_ (Leyden, 1895), p. 159. On the importance of the taro or\n      sweet potato as the staple food of the people, see _ib._ pp. 156\n      _sq._\n\n M177 Both men and women in the Pelew Islands attain to power by posing as\n      the inspired mouthpieces of the gods.\n\n  523 J. Kubary, \u201cDie Religion der Pelauer,\u201d in A. Bastian\u2019s _Allerlei aus\n      Volks- und Menschenkunde_, i. 34.\n\n  524 J. Kubary, \u201cDie Religion der Pelauer,\u201d in A. Bastian\u2019s _Allerlei aus\n      Volks- und Menschenkunde_, i. 30-35. The author wrote thus in the\n      year 1883, and his account of the Pelew religion was published in\n      1888. Compare his work _Die socialen Einrichtungen der Pelauer_, p.\n      81. Great changes have probably taken place in the islands since\n      Kubary wrote.\n\n M178 Parallel between the Pelew Islands of to-day and the religious and\n      social state of Western Asia and Egypt in antiquity.\n\n  525 For some other parallels between the state of society and religion\n      in these two regions, see Note IV. at the end of the volume.\n\n M179 Mother-kin does not imply that the government is in the hands of\n      women.\n\n  526 Compare E. Stephan und F. Graebner, _Neu-Mecklenburg_ (Berlin,\n      1907), p. 107 note 1: \u201cIt is necessary always to repeat emphatically\n      that the terms father-right and mother-right indicate simply and\n      solely the group-membership of the individual and the systems of\n      relationship which that membership implies, but that they have\n      nothing at all to do with the higher or lower position of women.\n      Rather the opposite might be affirmed, namely, that woman is\n      generally more highly esteemed in places where father-right prevails\n      than in places where mother-right is the rule.\u201d\n\n M180 The inheritance of property, especially of landed property, through\n      the mother certainly tends to raise the social importance of women,\n      but this tendency is never carried so far as to subordinate men\n      politically to women.\n M181 Thus while the Khasis and Pelew Islanders have mother-kin, they are\n      governed by men, not by women.\n\n  527 Major P. R. T. Gurdon, _The Khasis_, pp. 66-71. The rule of\n      succession is as follows. A _Siem_, or king, \u201cis succeeded by the\n      eldest of his uterine brothers; failing such brothers, by the eldest\n      of his sisters\u2019 sons; failing such nephews, by the eldest of the\n      sons of his sisters\u2019 daughters; failing such grand-nephews, by the\n      eldest of the sons of his mother\u2019s sisters; and, failing such first\n      cousins, by the eldest of his male cousins on the female side, other\n      than first cousins, those nearest in degree of relationship having\n      prior claim. If there were no heirs male, as above, he would be\n      succeeded by the eldest of his uterine sisters; in the absence of\n      such sisters, by the eldest of his sisters\u2019 daughters; failing such\n      nieces, by the eldest of the daughters of his sisters\u2019 daughters;\n      failing such grand-nieces, by the eldest of the daughters of his\n      mother\u2019s sisters; and failing such first cousins, by the eldest of\n      his female cousins on the female side, other than first cousins,\n      those nearest in degree of relationship having prior claim. A female\n      _Siem_ would be succeeded by her eldest son, and so on\u201d (_op. cit._\n      p. 71). The rule illustrates the logical precision with which the\n      system of mother-kin is carried out by these people even when the\n      intention is actually to exclude women from power.\n\n  528 J. Kubary, _Die socialen Einrichtungen der Pelauer_, pp. 35, 39\n      _sq._, 73-83. See also above, pp. 204 _sq._\n\n  529 R. H. Codrington, _The Melanesians_ (Oxford, 1891), p. 34.\n\n M182 The theory of a gynaecocracy and of the predominance of the female\n      imagination in religion is an idle dream.\n\n  530 See A. H. Post, _Afrikanische Jurisprudenz_ (Oldenburg and Leipsic,\n      1887), i. 140 _sq._ Captain W. Gill reports that the Su-Mu, a\n      Man-Tz\u016d tribe in Southern China numbering some three and a half\n      millions, is always ruled by a queen (_The River of Golden Sand_,\n      London, 1880, i. 365). But Capt. Gill was not nearer to the tribe\n      than a six days\u2019 journey; and even if his report is correct we may\n      suppose that the real power is exercised by men, just as it is in\n      the solitary Khasi tribe which is nominally governed by a woman.\n\n M183 But mother-kin is a solid fact, which can hardly have failed to\n      modify the religion of the peoples who practise it.\n\n  531 The theory, or at all events the latter part of it, has been\n      carefully examined by Dr. L. R. Farnell; and if, as I apprehend, he\n      rejects it, I agree with him. See his article \u201cSociological\n      Hypotheses concerning the position of Women in Ancient Religion,\u201d\n      _Archiv f\u00fcr Religionswissenschaft_, vii. (1904) pp. 70-94; his\n      _Cults of the Greek States_ (Oxford, 1896-1909), iii. 109 _sqq._;\n      and _The Hibbert Journal_, April 1907, p. 690. But I differ from\n      him, it seems, in thinking that mother-kin is favourable to the\n      growth of mother goddesses.\n\n M184 Mother-kin and mother-goddesses in Western Asia.\n\n  532 The Lycians traced their descent through women, not through men; and\n      among them it was the daughters, not the sons, who inherited the\n      family property. See Herodotus, i. 174; Nicolaus Damascenus, in\n      Stobaeus, _Florilegium_, xliv. 41 (_Fragmenta Historicorum\n      Graecorum_, ed. C. M\u00fcller, iii. 461); Plutarch, _De mulierum\n      virtutibus_, 9. An ancient historian even asserts that the Lycians\n      were ruled by women (\u1f10\u03ba \u03c0\u03b1\u03bb\u03b1\u03b9\u03bf\u1fe6 \u03b3\u03c5\u03bd\u03b1\u03b9\u03ba\u03bf\u03ba\u03c1\u03b1\u03c4\u03bf\u1fe6\u03bd\u03c4\u03b1\u03b9, Heraclides\n      Ponticus, Frag. 15, in _Fragmenta Historicorum Graecorum_, ed. C.\n      M\u00fcller, ii. 217). Inscriptions found at Dalisandos, in Isauria, seem\n      to prove that it was not unusual there to trace descent through the\n      mother even in the third or the fourth century after Christ. See Sir\n      W. M. Ramsay, \u201cThe Permanence of Religion at Holy Places in the\n      East,\u201d _The Expositor_, November 1906, p. 475. Dr. L. Messerschmidt\n      seems to think that the Lycians were Hittites (_The Hittites_, p.\n      20). Scholars are not agreed as to the family of speech to which the\n      Lycian language belongs. Some think that it was an Indo-European\n      tongue; but this view is now abandoned by Professor Ed. Meyer\n      (_Geschichte des Altertums_,2 i. 2. p. 626).\n\n  533 W. Robertson Smith, _Kinship and Marriage in Early Arabia_2 (London,\n      1903), p. 306. The hypothesis of the former existence of mother-kin\n      among the Semites is rejected by Professor Ed. Meyer (_Geschichte\n      des Altertums_,2 i. 2, p. 360) and W. W. Graf Baudissin (_Adonis und\n      Esmun_, pp. 46 _sq._).\n\n M185 Mother-kin in ancient Egypt.\n\n  534 Diodorus Siculus, i. 27. 1 _sq._ In spite of this express testimony\n      to the existence of a true gynaecocracy in ancient Egypt, I am of\n      opinion that the alleged superiority of the queen to the king and of\n      the wife to her husband must have been to a great extent only\n      nominal. Certainly we know that it was the king and not the queen\n      who really governed the country; and we can hardly doubt that in\n      like manner it was for the most part the husband and not the wife\n      who really ruled the house, though unquestionably in regard to\n      property the law seems to have granted important rights to women\n      which it denied to men. On the position of women in ancient Egypt\n      see especially the able article of Miss Rachel Evelyn White (Mrs.\n      Wedd), \u201cWomen in Ptolemaic Egypt,\u201d _Journal of Hellenic Studies_,\n      xviii. (1898) pp. 238-256.\n\n  535 Herodotus, ii. 35.\n\n M186 Marriages of brothers with sisters in ancient Egypt.\n\n  536 Sir Gaston Maspero, quoted by Miss R. E. White, _op. cit._ p. 244.\n\n  537 J. Nietzold, _Die Ehe in \u00c4gypten zur ptolem\u00e4isch-r\u00f6mischen Zeit_\n      (Leipzic, 1903), p. 12.\n\n  538 A. Erman, _\u00c4gypten und \u00e4gyptisches Leben im Altertum_, pp. 221\n      _sq._; U. Wilcken, \u201cArsinoitische Steuerprofessionen aus dem Jahre\n      189 n. Chr.,\u201d _Sitzungsberichte der k\u00f6nig. Preuss. Akademie der\n      Wissenschaften zu Berlin_, 1883, p. 903; J. Nietzold, _Die Ehe in\n      \u00c4gypten zur ptolem\u00e4isch-r\u00f6mischen Zeit_, pp. 12-14.\n\n M187 Such marriages were based on a wish to keep the property in the\n      family.\n\n  539 J. F. McLennan, _Studies in Ancient History_ (London, 1886), pp. 101\n      _sqq._ Among the Kocchs of North-Eastern India \u201cthe property of the\n      husband is made over to the wife; when she dies it goes to her\n      daughters, and when he marries he lives with his wife\u2019s mother\u201d (R.\n      G. Latham, _Descriptive Ethnology_, London, 1859, i. 96).\n\n  540 This is in substance the explanation which Miss Rachel Evelyn White\n      (Mrs. Wedd) gives of the Egyptian custom. See her paper, \u201cWomen in\n      Ptolemaic Egypt,\u201d _Journal of Hellenic Studies_, xviii. (1898) p.\n      265. Similarly Mr. J. Nietzold observes that \u201ceconomical\n      considerations, especially in the case of great landowners, may\n      often have been the occasion of marriages with sisters, the\n      intention being in this way to avoid a division of the property\u201d\n      (_Die Ehe in \u00c4gypten_, p. 13). The same explanation of the custom\n      has been given by Prof. W. Ridgeway. See his \u201cSupplices of\n      Aeschylus,\u201d in _Praelections delivered before the Senate of the\n      University of Cambridge_ (Cambridge, 1906), pp. 154 _sq._ I\n      understand from Professor W. M. Flinders Petrie that the theory has\n      been a commonplace with Egyptologists for many years. McLennan\n      explained the marriage of brothers and sisters in royal families as\n      an expedient for shifting the succession from the female to the male\n      line; but he did not extend the theory so as to explain similar\n      marriages among common people in Egypt, perhaps because he was not\n      aware of the facts. See J. F. McLennan, _The Patriarchal Theory_,\n      edited and completed by D. McLennan (London, 1885), p. 95.\n\n M188 Thus the traditional marriage of Osiris with his sister Isis\n      reflected a real social custom. The passing of the old world in\n      Egypt.\n\n  541 Socrates, _Historia Ecclesiastica_, i. 18 (Migne\u2019s _Patrologia\n      Graeca_, lxvii. 121). The learned Valesius, in his note on this\n      passage, informs us that the cubit was again transferred by the\n      Emperor Julian to the Serapeum, where it was left in peace till the\n      destruction of that temple.\n\n  542 Athanasius, _Oratio contra Gentes_, 10 (Migne\u2019s _Patrologia Graeca_,\n      xxv. 24).\n\n  543 Socrates, _Historia Ecclesiastica_, v. 16 _sq._ (Migne\u2019s _Patrologia\n      Graeca_, lxvii. 604 _sq._); Sozomenus, _Historia Ecclesiastica_,\n      vii. 15 (Migne\u2019s _Patrologia Graeca_, lxvii. 1152 _sq._). These\n      events took place under the Emperor Theodosius in the year 391 A.D.\n\n M189 Egyptian conservatism partly an effect of natural conditions and\n      habits of life.\n M190 The old type of Osiris better preserved than those of Adonis and\n      Attis.\n M191 Moloch perhaps the human king regarded as an incarnate deity.\n\n  544 See above, vol. i. pp. 17 sqq.\n\n_  545 The Dying God_, pp. 168 _sqq._; G. F. Moore, in _Encyclopaedia\n      Biblica_, _s.v._ \u201cMolech.\u201d The phrase translated \u201cmake pass through\n      the fire to Molech\u201d (2 Kings xxiii. 10) means properly, Professor\n      Kennett tells me, \u201cmake to pass over by means of fire to Molech,\u201d\n      where the verb has the sense of \u201cmake over to,\u201d \u201cdedicate,\u201d\n      \u201cdevote,\u201d as appears from its use in Exodus xiii. 12 (\u201cset apart,\u201d\n      English Version) and Ezekiel xx. 26. That the children were not made\n      simply to pass through the fire, but were burned in it, is shown by\n      a comparison of 2 Kings xvi. 3, xxiii. 10, Jeremiah xxxii. 35, with\n      2 Chronicles xxviii. 3, Jeremiah vii. 31, xix. 5. As to the use of\n      the verb \u05d4\u05e2\u05db\u05d9\u05e8 in the sense of \u201cdedicate,\u201d \u201cdevote,\u201d see G. F.\n      Moore, _s.v._ \u201cMolech,\u201d _Encyclopaedia Biblica_, iii. 3184; F.\n      Brown, S. R. Driver, and C. A. Briggs, _Hebrew and English Lexicon\n      of the Old Testament_ (Oxford, 1906), p. 718. \u201cThe testimony of both\n      the prophets and the laws is abundant and unambiguous that the\n      victims were slain and burnt as a holocaust\u201d (G. F. Moore, in\n      _Encyclopaedia Biblica_, iii. 3184). Similarly Principal J. Skinner\n      translates the phrase in 2 Kings xvi. 3 by \u201cdedicated his son by\n      fire,\u201d and remarks that the expression, \u201cwhatever its primary sense\n      may be, undoubtedly denoted actual burning\u201d (commentary on Kings in\n      _The Century Bible_). The practice would seem to have been very\n      ancient at Jerusalem, for tradition placed the attempted\n      burnt-sacrifice of Isaac by his father Abraham on Mount Moriah,\n      which was no other than Mount Zion, the site of the king\u2019s palace\n      and of the temple of Jehovah. See Genesis xxii. 1-18; 2 Chronicles\n      iii. 1; J. Benzinger, _Hebr\u00e4ische Arch\u00e4ologie_ (Freiburg i. Baden\n      and Leipsic, 1894), pp. 45, 233; T. K. Cheyne, _s.v._ \u201cMoriah,\u201d\n      _Encyclopaedia Biblica_, iii. 3200 _sq._\n\n  546 Leviticus xviii. 21, xx. 2-5; 1 Kings xi. 7; 2 Kings xxiii. 10;\n      Jeremiah xxxii. 35.\n\n  547 W. Robertson Smith, _The Religion of the Semites_,2 p. 372, note 1.\n\n  548 \u201cIt is plain, from various passages of the prophets, that the\n      sacrifices of children among the Jews before the captivity, which\n      are commonly known as sacrifices to Moloch, were regarded by the\n      worshippers as oblations to Jehovah, under the title of king\u201d (W.\n      Robertson Smith, _Religion of the Semites_,2 p. 372, referring to\n      Jeremiah vii. 31, xix. 5, xxxii. 35; Ezekiel xxiii. 39; Micah vi.\n      7). The same view is taken by Prof. G. F. Moore, in _Encyclopaedia\n      Biblica_, _s.v._ \u201cMolech,\u201d vol. iii. 3187 _sq._\n\n M192 The sacrifices to Moloch may have been intended to prolong the\n      king\u2019s life. Vicarious sacrifices for a king or queen in Sweden,\n      Persia, and Madagascar.\n\n_  549 The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, i. 366 _sq._\n\n  550 \u201cYnglinga Saga,\u201d 29, in _The Heimskringla or Chronicle of the Kings\n      of Norway_, translated by S. Laing (London, 1844), i. 239 _sq._; H.\n      M. Chadwick, _The Cult of Othin_ (London, 1899), pp. 4, 27; _The\n      Dying God_, pp. 160 _sq._ Similarly in Peru, when a person of note\n      was sick, he would sometimes sacrifice his son to the idol in order\n      that his own life might be spared. See A. de Herrera, _The General\n      History of the Vast Continent and Islands of America_, translated by\n      Capt. J. Stevens (London, 1725-1726), iv. 347 _sq._\n\n  551 Micah vi. 6-8.\n\n  552 Herodotus, vii. 114; Plutarch, _De superstitione_, 13.\n\n  553 W. Ellis, _History of Madagascar_ (London, N.D.), i. 344 _sq._\n\n M193 Other sacrifices for prolonging the king\u2019s life appear to be magical\n      rather than religious. Custom in the Niger delta.\n\n  554 Major A. G. Leonard, _The Lower Niger and its Tribes_ (London,\n      1906), p. 457.\n\n M194 Customs observed by the Zulus and Caffres to prolong the king\u2019s\n      life.\n\n  555 D. Leslie, _Among the Zulus and Amatongas_2 (Edinburgh, 1875), p.\n      91. This sacrifice may be the one described by J. Shooter, _The\n      Kafirs of Natal_ (London, 1857), p. 26. The reason for not stabbing\n      the animal is perhaps a wish not to lose any of the blood, but to\n      convey its life intact to the king. The same reason would explain\n      the same rule which the Baganda observed in killing a human victim\n      for the same purpose (see below, p. 224).\n\n  556 J. Dos Santos, _Eastern Ethiopia_, bk. ii. chap. 16 (G. M\u2019Call\n      Theal\u2019s _Records of South-Eastern Africa_, vii. 289).\n\n M195 Customs observed by the Baganda to prolong the king\u2019s life. Human\n      victims killed in order to invigorate the king.\n\n  557 Rev. J. Roscoe, _The Baganda_ (London, 1911), pp. 27 _sq._\n\n  558 Rev. J. Roscoe, _The Baganda_, p. 200.\n\n  559 Rev. J. Roscoe, _The Baganda_, pp. 209 _sq._\n\n M196 Chief\u2019s son killed to provide the king with anklets.\n\n  560 Rev. J. Roscoe, _The Baganda_, pp. 210 _sq._\n\n M197 The king\u2019s game.\n\n  561 Rev. J. Roscoe, _The Baganda_, pp. 211 _sq._ I have abridged the\n      account of the ceremonies.\n\n M198 The whip of human skin.\n\n  562 Rev. J. Roscoe, _op. cit._ pp. 213 _sq._\n\n M199 Modes in which the strength of the human victims was thought to pass\n      into the king.\n M200 Massacres perpetrated when a king of Uganda was ill.\n\n  563 From information furnished by my friend the Rev. J. Roscoe. Compare\n      his book, _The Baganda_, pp. 331 _sqq._\n\n M201 Yet the sacrifices of children to Moloch may be otherwise explained.\n\n  564 See _The Dying God_, pp. 166 _sqq._\n\n M202 Theory that the resignation of the widowed Flamen Dialis was caused\n      by the pollution of death.\n\n  565 See above, vol. i. p. 45.\n\n_  566 The Hibbert Journal_, April 1907, p. 689.\n\n  567 Lucian, _De dea Syria_, 53.\n\n  568 G. Dittenberger, _Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum_,2 vol. ii. pp.\n      725 _sqq._, Nos. 877, 878.\n\n  569 G. Dittenberger, _op. cit._ vol. ii. pp. 429 _sq._, No. 633.\n\n_  570 Corpus Inscriptionum Graecarum_, ed. Aug. Boeckh, etc. (Berlin,\n      1828-1877), vol. ii. pp. 481 _sqq._, No. 2715, \u03bf\u1f54\u03c3\u03b7\u03c2 \u1f10\u03be\u03bf\u03c5\u03c3\u03af\u03b1\u03c2 \u03c4\u03bf[\u1fd6\u03c2\n      \u03c0\u03b1\u03b9\u03c3\u03af\u03bd, \u1f10\u03ac]\u03bd \u03c4\u03b9\u03bd\u03b5\u03c2 \u03b1\u1f50\u03c4\u1ff6\u03bd \u03bc\u1f74 \u1f66\u03c3\u03b9\u03bd \u1f51\u03b3\u03b9\u03b5\u1fd6\u03c2 \u1f24 \u03c0\u03ad\u03bd\u03b8\u03b5\u03b9 \u03bf\u1f30\u03ba\u03b5\u03af\u1ff3 \u03ba\u03b1\u03c4\u03ad\u03c7\u03c9\u03bd\u03c4\u03b1\u03b9,\n      where I understand \u1f10\u03be\u03bf\u03c5\u03c3\u03af\u03b1 to mean \u201cleave of absence.\u201d\n\n M203 Apparent parallel among the Todas.\n\n  571 W. H. R. Rivers, _The Todas_ (London, 1906), pp. 99 _sq._\n\n  572 Aulus Gellius, x. 15. 24.\n\n M204 But on inspection the analogy breaks down.\n\n  573 Aulus Gellius, _l.c._: \u201c_funus tamen exequi non est religio._\u201d\n\n  574 Gaius, _Instit._ i. 112, \u201c_quod jus etiam nostris temporibus in usu\n      est: nam flamines majores, id est Diales, Martiales, Quirinales,\n      item reges sacrorum, nisi_ (qui) _ex farreatis nati_ sunt _non\n      leguntur: ac ne ipsi quidem sine confarreatione sacerdotium habere\n      possunt_\u201d; Servius on Virgil, _Aen._ iv. 103, \u201c_quae res ad\n      farreatas nuptias pertinet, quibus flaminem et flaminicam jure\n      pontificio in matrimonium necesse est convenire_.\u201d For a fuller\n      description of the rite see Servius, on Virgil, _Aen._ iv. 374. From\n      the testimony of Gaius it appears that not only the Flamen Dialis\n      but all the other principal Flamens were bound to be married.\n      However, the text of Gaius in this passage is somewhat uncertain. I\n      have quoted it from P. E. Huschke\u2019s third edition (Leipsic, 1878).\n\n  575 W. H. R. Rivers, _The Todas_, p. 99. According to an old account,\n      there was an important exception to the rule, but Dr. Rivers was not\n      able to verify it; he understood that during the tenure of his\n      office the dairyman is really celibate.\n\n  576 Aulus Gellius, x. 15. 23, \u201c_Matrimonium flaminis nisi morte dirimi\n      jus non est_\u201d; Festus, p. 89, ed. C. O. M\u00fcller, _s.v._ \u201cFlammeo\u201d;\n      Plutarch, _Quaestiones Romanae_, 50. Plutarch mentions as an illegal\n      exception that in his own time the Emperor Domitian allowed a Flamen\n      to divorce his wife, but the ceremony of the divorce was attended by\n      \u201cmany awful, strange, and gloomy rites\u201d performed by the priests.\n\n  577 Plutarch, _Quaestiones Romanae_, 50. That the wives of Roman priests\n      aided their husbands in the performance of sacred rites is mentioned\n      by Dionysius of Halicarnassus, who attributes the institution of\n      these joint priesthoods to Romulus (_Antiquit. Rom._ ii. 22).\n\n  578 The epithet Dialis, which was applied to the Flaminica as well as to\n      the Flamen (Aulus Gellius, x. 15. 26; Servius, on Virgil, _Aen._ iv.\n      137), would of itself prove that husband and wife served the same\n      god or pair of gods; and while the word was doubtfully derived by\n      Varro from Jove (_De lingua Latina_, v. 84), we are expressly told\n      that the Flamen was the priest and the Flaminica the priestess of\n      that god (Plutarch, _Quaest. Rom._ 109; Festus, p. 92, ed. C. O.\n      M\u00fcller, _s.v._ \u201cFlammeo\u201d). There is therefore every reason to accept\n      the statement of Plutarch (_Quaest. Rom._ 86) that the Flaminica was\n      reputed to be sacred to Juno, the divine partner of Jupiter, in\n      spite of the objections raised by Mr. W. Warde Fowler (\u201cWas the\n      Flaminica Dialis priestess of Juno?\u201d _Classical Review_, ix. (1895)\n      pp. 474 _sqq._).\n\n M205 Customs of the Kota and Jewish priests.\n\n  579 E. Thurston, _Castes and Tribes of Southern India_ (Madras, 1909),\n      iv. 10.\n\n  580 Leviticus, xxi. 1-3; Ezekiel, xliv. 25.\n\n M206 The theory that the Roman gods were celibate is contradicted by\n      Varro and Seneca.\n\n_  581 The Hibbert Journal_, iv. (1906) p. 932.\n\n  582 Varro, _De lingua Latina_, v. 67, \u201c_Quod Jovis Juno conjux et is\n      caelum._\u201d\n\n  583 Augustine, _De civitate Dei_, iv. 32, \u201c_Dicit etiam [scil. Varro] de\n      generationibus deorum magis ad poetas quam ad physicos fuisse\n      populos inclinatos, et ideo et sexum et generationes deorum majores\n      suos, id est veteres credidisse Romanos et eorum constituisse\n      conjugia._\u201d\n\n  584 Seneca, quoted by Augustine, _De civitate Dei_, vi. 10, \u201c_Quid quod\n      et matrimonia, inquit, deorum jungimus, et ne pie quidem, fratrum ac\n      sororum? Bellonam Marti conlocamus, Vulcano Venerem, Neptuno\n      Salaciam. Quosdam tamen caelibes relinquimus, quasi condicio\n      defecerit, praesertim cum quaedam viduae sint, ut Populonia vel\n      Fulgora et diva Rumina; quibus non miror petitorem defuisse._\u201d In\n      this passage the marriage of Venus to Vulcan is probably Greek; all\n      the rest is pure Roman.\n\n M207 The marriage of Orcus.\n\n  585 Servius, on Virgil, Georg. i. 344, \u201c_Aliud est sacrum, aliud nuptias\n      Cereri celebrare, in quibus re vera vinum adhiberi nefas fuerat,\n      quae Orci nuptiae dicebantur, quas praesentia sua pontifices ingenti\n      solemnitate celebrabant._\u201d\n\n  586 Servius, on Virgil, _Georg._ i. 344, and on _Aen._ iv. 58. As to the\n      prohibition of wine, compare Macrobius, _Saturn._ iii. 11. There\n      seems to be no doubt that Orcus was a genuine old Italian god of\n      death and the dead. See the evidence collected by R. Peter, _s.v._\n      \u201cOrcus,\u201d in W. H. Roscher\u2019s _Lexikon der griech. und r\u00f6m.\n      Mythologie_, iii. 940 _sqq._, who says that \u201cOrcus was obviously one\n      of those old Roman gods who occupied the thoughts of the people in\n      the most lively manner.\u201d On the other hand, Prof. G. Wissowa\n      supposes that Orcus is merely a borrowed form of the Greek Horkos\n      (_Religion und Kultus der R\u00f6mer_,2 p. 310). But Horkos was not a god\n      of death and the dead; he was simply a personified oath (\u1f45\u03c1\u03ba\u03bf\u03c2; see\n      Hesiod, _Works and Days_, 804 \u1f4d\u03c1\u03ba\u03bf\u03bd \u03b3\u03b5\u03b9\u03bd\u03cc\u03bc\u03b5\u03bd\u03bf\u03bd, \u03c4\u1f78\u03bd \u1f1c\u03c1\u03b9\u03c2 \u03c4\u03ad\u03ba\u03b5 \u03c0\u1fc6\u03bc\u1fbd\n      \u1f10\u03c0\u03b9\u03cc\u03c1\u03ba\u03bf\u03b9\u03c2), an abstract idea which makes no figure in Greek\n      mythology and religion. That such a rare and thin Greek abstraction\n      should through a gross misunderstanding be transformed into a highly\n      popular Roman god of death, who not only passed muster with the\n      people but was admitted by the pontiffs themselves to the national\n      pantheon and honoured by them with a solemn ritual, is in the last\n      degree improbable.\n\n M208 Evidence of Aulus Gellius as to the marriage of the Roman gods.\n      Paternity and maternity of Roman deities.\n\n  587 Aulus Gellius, xiii. 23 (22), 1 _sq._, \u201c_Conprecationes deum\n      inmortalium, quae ritu Romano fiunt, expositae sunt in libris\n      sacerdotum populi Romani et in plerisque antiquis orationibus. In\n      his scribtum est: Luam Saturni, Salaciam Neptuni, Horam Quirini,\n      Virites Quirini, Maiam Volcani, Heriem Junonis, Moles Martis\n      Nerienemque Martis._\u201d As to this list see Mr. W. Warde Fowler,\n      _Roman Festivals of the Period of the Republic_ (London, 1899), pp.\n      60-62; _id._, _The Religious Experience of the Roman People_\n      (London, 1911), pp. 150 _sqq._, 481 _sqq._ He holds (p. 485) that\n      the feminine names Salacia, etc., do not designate goddesses, the\n      wives of the gods, but that they \u201cindicate functions or attributes\n      of the male deity to whom they are attached.\u201d\n\n  588 Aulus Gellius, xiii. 23 (22), 11-16.\n\n  589 Macrobius, _Saturn._ i. 12. 18, \u201c_Cingius mensem [Maium] nominatum\n      putat a Maia, quam Vulcani dicit uxorem, argumentoque utitur quod\n      flamen Vulcanalis Kalendis Maiis huic deae rem divinam facit: sed\n      Piso uxorem Vulcani Majestam, non Maiam, dicit vocari._\u201d The work of\n      Cincius (Cingius) is mentioned by Macrobius in the same chapter (\u00a7\n      12, \u201c_Cingius in eo libro quem de fastis reliquit_\u201d). As to the life\n      and writings of this old annalist and antiquary see M. Schanz,\n      _Geschichte der r\u00f6mischen Litteratur_,2 i. (Munich, 1898), p. 128;\n      G. Wissowa, M\u00fcnzer, and Cichorius, _s.v._ \u201cCincius,\u201d in\n      Pauly-Wissowa\u2019s _Realencyclop\u00e4die der classischen\n      Altertumswissenschaft_, iii. 2555 _sqq._ All these writers\n      distinguish the old annalist from the antiquary, whom they take to\n      have been a later writer of the same name. But the distinction\n      appears to be purely arbitrary and destitute of any ancient\n      authority.\n\n  590 Macrobius, _Saturn._ i. 12. 18. See the preceding note.\n\n  591 Macrobius, _Saturn._ i. 12. 18. See the passage cited above, p. 232,\n      note 3.\n\n  592 Varro, _De lingua Latina_, v. 72, \u201c_Salacia Neptuni a salo_.\u201d This\n      was probably one of the cases which Varro had in his mind when he\n      stated that the ancient Roman gods were married.\n\n  593 Augustine, _De civitate Dei_, vii. 22, \u201c_Jam utique habebat Salaciam\n      Neptunus uxorem_\u201d; Servius, on Virgil, _Aen._ x. 76, \u201c_Sane hanc\n      Veniliam quidam Salaciam accipiunt, Neptuni uxorem_.\u201d As for\n      Seneca\u2019s evidence see above, p. 231, note 3.\n\n  594 Nonius Marcellus, _De compendiosa doctrina_, p. 125, ed. L.\n      Quicherat (Paris, 1872), \u201c_Hora juventutis dea. Ennius Annali[um]\n      lib. i. [Teque,] Quirine pater, veneror, Horamque Quirini._\u201d\n\n  595 Livy, viii. 1. 6, xlv. 33. 2.\n\n  596 Festus, p. 186, ed. C. O. M\u00fcller, \u201c_Opima spolia dicuntur originem\n      quidem trahentia ab Ope Saturni uxore_\u201d; _id._, p. 187, \u201c_Opis dicta\n      est conjux Saturni_\u201d; Macrobius, _Saturnal._ i. 10. 19, \u201c_Hanc autem\n      deam Opem Saturni conjugem crediderunt, et ideo hoc mense Saturnalia\n      itemque Opalia celebrari, quod Saturnus ejusque uxor tam frugum quam\n      fructuum repertores esse creduntur._\u201d Varro couples Saturn and Ops\n      together (_De lingua Latina_, v. 57, \u201c_Principes in Latio Saturnus\n      et Ops_\u201d; compare _id._, v. 64), but without expressly affirming\n      them to be husband and wife. Professor G. Wissowa, however, argues\n      that the male partner (he would not say husband) of Ops was not\n      Saturn but Consus. See G. Wissowa, \u201c_De feriis anni Romanorum\n      vetustissimi observationes selectae_,\u201d reprinted in his _Gesammelte\n      Abhandlungen zur r\u00f6mischen Religions- und Stadtgeschichte_ (Munich,\n      1904), pp. 156 _sqq._ His view is accepted by Mr. W. Warde Fowler\n      (_Roman Festivals of the Period of the Republic_, p. 212; _The\n      Religious Experience of the Roman People_, p. 482).\n\n  597 Lactantius, _Divin. Instit._ iv. 3, \u201c_Itaque et Jupiter a\n      precantibus pater vocatur, et Saturnus, et Janus, et Liber, et\n      ceteri deinceps, quod Lucilius in deorum consilio irridet_:\n\n      _Ut nemo sit nostrum, quin aut pater optimus divum_\n      _ Ut Neptunus pater, Liber, Saturnus pater, Mars,_\n      _ Janus, Quirinus pater nomen dicatur ad unum._\u201d\n\n      Compare Aulus Gellius, v. 12. 5; Servius, on Virgil, _Georg._ ii. 4.\n      Roman goddesses who received the title of Mother were Vesta, Earth,\n      Ops, Matuta, and Lua. As to Mother Vesta see _The Magic Art and the\n      Evolution of Kings_, ii. 229; as to Mother Earth see H. Dessau,\n      _Inscriptiones Latinae Selectae_, Nos. 3950-3955, 3960; as to Mother\n      Ops see Varro, _De lingua Latina_, v. 64; as to Mother Matuta see L.\n      Preller, _R\u00f6mische Mythologie_,3 i. 322 _sqq._; G. Wissowa,\n      _Religion und Kultus der R\u00f6mer_,2 pp. 110 _sqq._; _id._, _s.v._\n      \u201cMater Matuta,\u201d in W. H. Roscher\u2019s _Lexikon der griech. und r\u00f6m.\n      Mythologie_, ii. 2462 _sqq._ I cite these passages only to prove\n      that the Romans commonly applied the titles \u201cfather\u201d and \u201cmother\u201d to\n      their deities. The inference that these titles implied paternity or\n      maternity is my own, but in the text I have given some reasons for\n      thinking that the Romans themselves accepted the implication. Mr. W.\n      Warde Fowler, on the other hand, prefers to suppose that the titles\n      were employed in a merely figurative sense to \u201cimply the dependence\n      of the human citizen upon his divine protector\u201d; but he admits that\n      what exactly the Romans understood by _pater_ and _mater_ applied to\n      deities is not easy to determine (_The Religious Experience of the\n      Roman People_, pp. 155-157). He makes at the same time the important\n      observation that the Romans never, so far as he is aware, applied\n      the terms Father and Mother to foreign gods, but \u201calways to _di\n      indigetes_, those on whom the original Roman stock looked as their\n      fellow-citizens and guardians.\u201d The limitation is significant and\n      seems more naturally explicable on my hypothesis than on that of my\n      learned friend.\n\n  598 See _Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum_, xiv. Nos. 2862, 2863; H.\n      Dessau, _Inscriptiones Latinae Selectae_, Nos. 3684, 3685; R. Peter,\n      _s.v._ \u201cFortuna,\u201d in W. H. Roscher\u2019s _Lexikon der griechischen und\n      r\u00f6mischen Mythologie_, i. 1542; G. Wissowa, _Religion und Kultus der\n      R\u00f6mer_,2 p. 259. I have to thank my learned and candid friend Mr. W.\n      Warde Fowler for referring me to this good evidence of Jupiter\u2019s\n      paternal character.\n\n  599 L. Preller, _R\u00f6mische Mythologie_3 (Berlin, 1881-1883), i. 379.\n\n  600 The epithet _Inuus_ applied to Faunus was so understood by the\n      ancients, and this suffices to prove the conception they had of the\n      god\u2019s virility, whether the etymology was right or wrong. See\n      Servius, on Virgil, _Aen._ vi. 775, \u201c_Dicitur autem Inuus ab ineundo\n      passim cum omnibus animalibus._\u201d As to the title see G. Wissowa,\n      _Religion und Kultus der R\u00f6mer_,2 p. 211, who, however, rejects the\n      ancient etymology and the identification of Inuus with Faunus.\n\n  601 Macrobius, _Saturn._ i. 12. 21-24; Lactantius, _Divin. Instit._ i.\n      22; Servius, on Virgil, _Aen._ viii. 314; Plutarch, _Caesar_, 9;\n      _id._, _Quaest. Roman._ 20. According to Varro, the goddess was the\n      daughter of Faunus (Macrobius, _Saturn._ i. 12. 27); according to\n      Sextus Clodius she was his wife (Lactantius, _l.c._; compare\n      Arnobius, _Adversus nationes_, v. 18).\n\n  602 Livy, i. 4. 2; Plutarch, _Romulus_, 4; Dionysius Halicarnasensis,\n      _Antiquit. Roman._ i. 77.\n\n  603 See _The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, ii. 195 _sq._\n\n  604 Plutarch, _Romulus_, 2. Plutarch\u2019s authority was Promathion in his\n      history of Italy. See _The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_,\n      ii. 196.\n\n  605 Servius, on Virgil, _Aen._ vii. 678.\n\n_  606 The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, ii. 230 _sq._\n\n M209 We must conclude that the Roman gods were thought to be married and\n      to beget children.\n\n  607 Such, for example, as the loves of Vertumnus for Pomona (Ovid,\n      _Metam._ xiv. 623 _sqq._), of Jupiter for Juturna (Ovid, _Fasti_,\n      ii. 585 _sqq._), and of Janus for Carna (Ovid, _Fasti_, vi. 101\n      _sqq._) and for Camasene (Servius, on Virgil, _Aen._ viii. 330). The\n      water-nymph Juturna beloved by Jupiter is said to have been the\n      daughter of the river Vulturnus, the wife of Janus, and the mother\n      of Fontus (Arnobius, _Adversus nationes_, iii. 29). Janus in\n      particular would seem to have been the theme of many myths, and his\n      claim to be a genuine Italian god has never been disputed.\n\n  608 The marriage of the Roman gods has been denied by E. Aust (_Die\n      Religion der R\u00f6mer_, M\u00fcnster i. W. 1899, pp. 19 _sq._) and Professor\n      G. Wissowa (_Religion und Kultus der R\u00f6mer_,2 pp. 26 _sq._), as well\n      as by Mr. W. Warde Fowler. On the other hand, the evidence for it\n      has been clearly and concisely stated by L. Preller, _R\u00f6mische\n      Mythologie_,3 i. 55-57. It is with sincere diffidence that I venture\n      to differ on a point of Roman religion from the eminent scholars I\n      have named. But without for a moment pitting my superficial\n      acquaintance with Roman religion against their deep learning, I\n      cannot but think that the single positive testimony of Varro on a\n      matter about which he could scarcely be ignorant ought to outweigh\n      the opinion of any modern scholar, however learned and able.\n\n M210 Rule of Greek and Roman ritual that certain offices could only be\n      held by boys whose parents were both alive.\n\n_  609 The Hibbert Journal_, April 1907, p. 689. Such a boy was called a\n      \u03c0\u03b1\u1fd6\u03c2 \u1f00\u03bc\u03c6\u03b9\u03b8\u03b1\u03bb\u03ae\u03c2, \u201ca boy blooming on both sides,\u201d the metaphor being\n      drawn from a tree which sends out branches on both sides. See Plato,\n      _Laws_, xi. 8, p. 927 D; Julius Pollux, iii. 25; Hesychius and\n      Suidas, _s.v._ \u1f00\u03bc\u03c6\u03b9\u03b8\u03b1\u03bb\u03ae\u03c2.\n\n  610 Festus, p. 93, ed. C. O. M\u00fcller, _s.vv._ \u201cFlaminius\u201d and \u201cFlaminia.\u201d\n      That certain Roman rites had to be performed by the children of\n      living parents is mentioned in general terms by Dionysius of\n      Halicarnassus (_Antiquit. Rom._ ii. 22).\n\n M211 But the rule which excludes orphans from certain sacred offices\n      cannot be based on a theory that they are ceremonially unclean\n      through the death of their parents.\n\n  611 Plutarch, _Quaestiones Romanae_, 50.\n\n M212 Examples of the exclusion of orphans from sacred offices.\n M213 Boys and girls of living parents employed in Greek rites at the\n      vintage, harvest-home, and sowing.\n\n  612 Proclus, in Photius, _Bibliotheca_, p. 322 A, ed. I. Bekker (Berlin,\n      1824); Athenaeus, xi. 92, pp. 495 _sq._; Scholiast on Nicander,\n      _Alexipharmaca_, 109. Only the last of these writers mentions that\n      the boys had to be \u1f00\u03bc\u03c6\u03b9\u03b8\u03b1\u03bb\u03b5\u1fd6\u03c2. As to this and the following custom\n      see A. Mommsen, _Feste der Stadt Athen im Altertum_ (Leipsic, 1898),\n      pp. 278 _sqq._; W. Mannhardt, Antike _Wald- und Feldkulte_, pp. 214\n      _sqq._\n\n  613 Eustathius, on Homer, _Iliad_, xxii. 495, p. 1283; _Etymologicum\n      Magnum_, p. 303. 18 _sqq._, _s.v._ \u0395\u1f30\u03c1\u03b5\u03c3\u03b9\u03ce\u03bd\u03b7; Plutarch, _Theseus_,\n      22. According to a scholiast on Aristophanes (_Plutus_, 1054) the\n      branch might be either of olive or laurel.\n\n  614 Scholiast on Aristophanes, _Plutus_, 1054.\n\n  615 O. Kern, _Die Inschriften von Magnesia am Maeander_ (Berlin, 1900),\n      No. 98; G. Dittenberger, _Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum_,2 vol.\n      ii. pp. 246 _sqq._, No. 553. This inscription has been well\n      expounded by Prof. M. P. Nilsson (_Griechische Feste_, Leipsic,\n      1906, pp. 23-27). I follow him and Dittenberger in regarding the\n      month of Artemision, when the bull was sacrificed, as the harvest\n      month corresponding to the Attic Thargelion.\n\n  616 J. H. Neumann, \u201cIets over den landbouw bij de Karo-Bataks,\u201d\n      _Mededeelingen van wege het Nederlandsche Zendelinggenootschap_,\n      xlvi. (1902) p. 381.\n\n M214 Boys of living parents employed in the rites of the Arval Brothers.\n\n  617 G. Henzen, _Acta Fratrum Arvalium_ (Berlin, 1874), pp. vi. _sq._,\n      cix. cx. cxix. cliii. clix. clxxxvii. 12, 13, 15. As to the\n      evergreen oaks and laurels of the grove, see _ib._, pp. 137, 138; as\n      to the wreaths of corn-ears, see _ib._, pp. 26, 28; Aulus Gellius,\n      vii. 7. 8. That the rites performed by the Arval Brothers were\n      intended to make the fields bear corn is expressly stated by Varro\n      (_De lingua Latina_, v. 85, \u201c_Fratres Arvales dicti sunt, qui sacra\n      publica faciunt propterea ut fruges ferant arva_\u201d). On the Arval\n      Brothers and their rites see also L. Preller, _R\u00f6mische\n      Mythologie_,3 ii. 29 _sqq._; J. Marquardt, _R\u00f6mische\n      Staatsverwaltung_, iii.2 (Leipsic, 1885) pp. 447-462; G. Wissowa,\n      _Religion und Kultus der R\u00f6mer_,2 pp. 561 _sqq._; J. B. Carter,\n      _s.v._ \u201cArval Brothers,\u201d in J. Hastings\u2019s _Encyclopaedia of Religion\n      and Ethics_, ii. (Edinburgh, 1909) pp. 7 _sqq._\n\n M215 In fertility rites the employment of such children is intelligible\n      on the principle of sympathetic magic.\n M216 Sons of living parents employed to cut the olive-wreath at Olympia\n      and the laurel-wreath at Tempe.\n\n  618 Scholiast on Pindar, _Olymp._ iii. 60.\n\n  619 Pausanias, v. 15. 3.\n\n  620 Plutarch, _Quaestiones Graecae_, 12; _id._, _De defectu oraculorum_,\n      15; Aelian, _Varia Historia_, iii. 1; Strabo, ix. 3. 12, p. 422. In\n      a note on Pausanias (ii. 7. 7, vol. iii. pp. 53 _sqq._) I have\n      described the festival more fully and adduced savage parallels. As\n      to the Vale of Tempe see W. M. Leake, _Travels in Northern Greece_\n      (London, 1835), iii. 390 _sqq._ The rhetoric of Livy (xliv. 6. 8)\n      has lashed the smooth and silent current of the Peneus into a\n      roaring torrent.\n\n M217 Sons of living parents acted as Laurel-bearers at Thebes.\n\n  621 Proclus, in Photius, _Bibliotheca_, ed. I. Bekker, p. 321.\n\n  622 O. Crusius, _s.v._ \u201cKadmos,\u201d in W. H. Roscher\u2019s _Lexikon der griech.\n      und r\u00f6m. Mythologie_, ii. 830, 838, 839. On an Etruscan mirror the\n      scene of Cadmus\u2019s combat with the dragon is surrounded with a wreath\n      of laurel (O. Crusius, _op. cit._ ii. 862). My learned friend Mr. A.\n      B. Cook was the first to call attention to these vase-paintings in\n      confirmation of my view that the Festival of the Laurel-bearing\n      celebrated the destruction of the dragon by Cadmus. See A. B. Cook,\n      \u201cThe European Sky-God,\u201d _Folk-lore_, xv. (1904) p. 411, note 224;\n      and my note on Pausanias, ix. 10. 4 (vol. v. pp. 41 _sqq._).\n\n  623 I have examined both festivals more closely in a former part of this\n      work (_The Dying God_, pp. 78 _sqq._), and have shown grounds for\n      holding that the old octennial cycle in Greece, based on an attempt\n      to harmonize solar and lunar time, gave rise to an octennial\n      festival at which the mythical marriage of the sun and moon was\n      celebrated by the dramatic marriage of human actors, who appear\n      sometimes to have been the king and queen. In the Laurel-bearing at\n      Thebes a clear reference to the astronomical character of the\n      festival is contained in the emblems of the sun, moon, stars, and\n      days of the year which were carried in procession (Proclus, _l.c._);\n      and another reference to it may be detected in the legendary\n      marriage of Cadmus and Harmonia. Dr. L. R. Farnell supposes that the\n      festival of the Laurel-bearing \u201cbelongs to the maypole processions,\n      universal in the peasant-religion of Europe, of which the object is\n      to quicken the vitalizing powers of the year in the middle of spring\n      or at the beginning of summer\u201d (_The Cults of the Greek States_, iv.\n      285). But this explanation appears to be inconsistent with the\n      octennial period of the festival.\n\n  624 We may conjecture that the Olympic, like the Delphic and the Theban,\n      festival was at first octennial, though in historical times it was\n      quadrennial. Certainly it seems to have been based on an octennial\n      cycle. See the Scholiast on Pindar, _Olymp._ iii. 35 (20); Aug.\n      Boeckh on Pindar, _Explicationes_ (Leipsic, 1821), p. 138; L.\n      Ideler, _Handbuch der mathematischen und technischen Chronologie_,\n      i. 366 _sq._; G. F. Unger, \u201cZeitrechnung der Griechen und R\u00f6mer,\u201d in\n      Iwan M\u00fcller\u2019s _Handbuch der klassischen Altertumswissenschaft_, i.\n      (N\u00f6rdlingen, 1886) pp. 605 _sq._; K. O. M\u00fcller, _Die Dorier_2\n      (Breslau, 1844), ii. 483. The Pythian games, which appear to have\n      been at first identical with the Delphic Festival of Crowning, were\n      held originally at intervals of eight instead of four years. See the\n      Scholiast on Pindar, _Pyth. Argum._ p. 298, ed. A. Boeckh (Leipsic,\n      1819); Censorinus, _De die natali_, xviii. 6; compare Eustathius on\n      Homer, _Od._ iii. 267, p. 1466. 29. As to the original identity of\n      the Pythian games and the Festival of Crowning see Th. Schreiber,\n      _Apollon Pythoktonos_ (Leipsic, 1879), pp. 37 _sq._; A. B. Cook,\n      \u201cThe European Sky-God,\u201d _Folk-lore_, xv. (1904) pp. 404 _sq._\n\n M218 If wreaths were originally amulets, we could understand why children\n      of living parents were chosen to cut and wear them.\n\n  625 Antonin Jaussen, _Coutumes des Arabes au pays de Moab_ (Paris,\n      1908), p. 382.\n\n  626 R. Parkinson, _Dreissig Jahre in der S\u00fcdsee_ (Stuttgart, 1907), pp.\n      150-152.\n\n  627 On the use of crowns and wreaths in classical antiquity see W.\n      Smith\u2019s _Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities_,3 i. 545 _sqq._,\n      _s.v._ \u201cCorona\u201d; E. Saglio, _s.v._ \u201cCorona,\u201d in Ch. Daremberg et E.\n      Saglio\u2019s _Dictionnaire des Antiquit\u00e9s Grecques et Romaines_, iii.\n      1520 _sqq._ In time of mourning the ancients laid aside crowns\n      (Athenaeus, xv. 16, p. 675 A); and so did the king at Athens when he\n      tried a homicide (Aristotle, _Constitution of Athens_, 57). I\n      mention these cases because they seem to conflict with the theory in\n      the text, in accordance with which crowns might be regarded as\n      amulets to protect the wearer against ghosts and the pollution of\n      blood.\n\n M219 Children of living parents acting as priest and priestess of Apollo\n      and Artemis. At Rome the Vestals and the Salii must be the children\n      of parents who were alive at the date of the election. Children of\n      living parents employed in expiatory rites at Rome.\n\n  628 Heliodorus, _Aethiopica_, i. 22.\n\n  629 Aulus Gellius, i. 12. 2.\n\n  630 Dionysius Halicarnasensis, _Antiquit. Rom._ ii. 67; Plutarch,\n      _Numa_, 10. We read of a Vestal who held office for fifty-seven\n      years (Tacitus, _Annals_, ii. 86). It is unlikely that the parents\n      of this venerable lady were both alive at the date of her decease.\n\n  631 Dionysius Halicarnasensis, _Antiquit. Rom._ ii. 71.\n\n  632 Macrobius, _Sat._ iii. 14. 14. That the rule as to their parents\n      being both alive applied to the Vestals and Salii only at the time\n      of their entrance on office is recognized by Marquardt (_R\u00f6mische\n      Staatsverwaltung_, iii.2 228, note 1).\n\n  633 Cicero, _De haruspicum responso_, 11.\n\n  634 Livy, xxxvii. 3; Macrobius, _Saturn._ i. 6. 13 _sq._; Vopiscus,\n      _Aurelianus_, 19 (where the words \u201c_patrimis matrimisque pueris\n      carmen indicite_\u201d are omitted from the text by H. Peter).\n\n  635 Tacitus, _Histor._ iv. 53. For the sack and conflagration of the\n      Capitol see _id._ iii. 71-75.\n\n  636 Flowing water in Hebrew is called \u201cliving water\u201d (\u05de\u05d9\u05dd \u05d4\u05d9\u05d9\u05dd).\n\n M220 Children of living parents employed at marriage ceremonies in\n      Greece, Italy, Albania, Bulgaria, and Africa.\n\n  637 Festus, _De verborum significatione_, ed. C. O. M\u00fcller (Leipsic,\n      1839), pp. 244, 245, _s.v._ \u201cPatrimi et matrimi pueri.\u201d\n\n  638 Ovid, _Fasti_, vi. 129 _sq._, 165-168.\n\n  639 Zenobius, _Proverb._ iii. 98; Plutarch, _Proverb._ i. 16;\n      Apostolius, _Proverb._ viii. 16 (_Paroemiographi Graeci_, ed.\n      Leutsch et Schneidewin, i. 82, 323 _sq._, ii. 429); Eustathius, on\n      Homer, _Od._ xii. 357, p. 1726; Photius, _Lexicon_, _s.v._ \u1f14\u03c6\u03c5\u03b3\u03bf\u03bd\n      \u03ba\u03b1\u03ba\u03cc\u03bd.\n\n  640 C. Wachsmuth, _Das alte Griechenland im neuen_ (Bonn, 1864), pp.\n      83-85, 86, 87, 100 _sq._\n\n  641 J. G. von Hahn, _Albanesische Studien_ (Jena, 1854), i. 144, 146.\n\n  642 F. S. Krauss, _Sitte und Brauch der S\u00fcd-Slaven_ (Vienna, 1885), pp.\n      438, 441.\n\n  643 Captain J. S. King, \u201cNotes on the Folk-lore and some Social Customs\n      of the Western Somali Tribes,\u201d _The Folk-lore Journal_, vi. (1888)\n      p. 124. Compare Ph. Paulitschke, _Ethnographie Nordost-Afrikas, die\n      materielle Cultur der Dan\u00e2kil, Galla und Som\u00e2l_ (Berlin, 1893), p.\n      200.\n\n  644 The _Grihya-S\u00fbtras_, translated by H. Oldenberg, Part ii. (Oxford,\n      1892) p. 50 (_The Sacred Books of the East_, vol. xxx.).\n\n M221 Children of living parents apparently supposed to impart life and\n      longevity. Child of living parents employed in funeral rites.\n\n  645 Rev. William Ellis, _History of Madagascar_ (London, N.D.), i. 151\n      _sq._\n\n  646 Rev. W. Ellis, _op. cit._ i. 180.\n\n  647 J. Pearse, \u201cCustoms connected with Death and Burial among the\n      Sihanaka,\u201d _The Antananarivo Annual and Madagascar Magazine_, vol.\n      ii. (a reprint of the second four numbers, 1881-1884) (Antananarivo,\n      1896) p. 152.\n\n M222 The use of children of living parents in ritual may be explained by\n      a notion that they are fuller of life and therefore luckier than\n      orphans.\n\n  648 A. C. Hollis, _The Masai_ (Oxford, 1905), p. 299.\n\n  649 Lucian, _Hermotimus_, 57.\n\n  650 A fragmentary list of these youths is preserved in an Athenian\n      inscription of the year 91 or 90 B.C. See Ch. Michel, _Recueil\n      d\u2019Inscriptions Grecques_, Suppl\u00e9ment, i. (Paris, 1912) p. 104, No.\n      1544.\n\n  651 Aelius Lampridius, _Antoninus Heliogabalus_, viii. 1 _sq._ The\n      historian thinks that the monster chose these victims merely for the\n      pleasure of rending the hearts of both the parents.\n\n M223 The Bechuanas use the hide of a sacrificial ox at founding a new\n      town.\n\n  652 See above, vol. i. p. 184.\n\n  653 Rev. W. C. Willoughby, \u201cNotes on the Totemism of the Becwana,\u201d\n      _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xxxv. (1905) pp. 303\n      _sq._\n\n  654 For more evidence of the sanctity of cattle among the Bechuanas see\n      the Rev. W. C. Willoughby, _op. cit._ pp. 301 _sqq._\n\n M224 The custom may explain the legend of the foundation of Carthage and\n      similar tales.\n\n  655 T. Arbousset et F. Daumas, _Voyage d\u2019Exploration au Nord-est de la\n      Colonie du Cap de Bonne-Esp\u00e9rance_ (Paris, 1842), p. 49.\n\n  656 Virgil, _Aen._ i. 367 _sq._, with the commentary of Servius; Justin,\n      xviii. 5. 9. Thongs cut from the hide of the ox sacrificed to the\n      four-handed Apollo were given as prizes. See Hesychius, _s.v._\n      \u03ba\u03c5\u03bd\u03b1\u03ba\u03af\u03b1\u03c2; compare _id._, \u03c0\u03c5\u03c1\u03ce\u03bb\u03bf\u03c6\u03bf\u03b9. Whether the Greek custom was\n      related to those discussed in the text seems doubtful. I have to\n      thank my colleague and friend Professor R. C. Bosanquet for calling\n      my attention to these passages of Hesychius.\n\n  657 Saxo Grammaticus, _Historia Danica_, ix. vol. i. pp. 462 _sq._ ed.\n      P. E. M\u00fcller (Copenhagen, 1839-1858) (where the hide employed is\n      that of a horse); J. Grimm, _Deutsche Rechtsalterth\u00fcmer_3\n      (G\u00f6ttingen, 1881), pp. 90 _sq._ Compare R. K\u00f6hler, \u201cSage von\n      Landerwerbung durch zerschnittene H\u00e4ute,\u201d _Orient und Occident_,\n      iii. 185-187.\n\n  658 Lieutenant-Colonel James Tod, _Annals and Antiquities of\n      Rajast\u2019han_, ii. (London, 1832) p. 235; W. Radloff, _Proben der\n      Volkslitteratur der t\u00fcrkischen St\u00e4mme S\u00fcd-Sibiriens_, iv. (St.\n      Petersburg, 1872) p. 179; A. Bastian, _Die Voelker des oestlichen\n      Asien_ (Berlin, 1884-1889), i. 25, iv. 367 _sq._; T. Stamford\n      Raffles, _History of Java_ (London, 1817), ii. 153 _sq._; R. van\n      Eck, \u201cSchetsen van het eiland Bali,\u201d _Tijdschrift voor\n      Nederlandsch-Indi\u00eb_, Feb. 1880, p. 117. The substance of all these\n      stories, except the first, was given by me in a note on\n      \u201cHide-measured Lands,\u201d _The Classical Review_, ii. (1888) p. 322.\n\n  659 J. Grimm, _Deutsche Rechtsalterth\u00fcmer_, pp. 538 _sq._\n\n M225 The ox whose hide is used is blinded in order that the new town may\n      be invisible to its enemies.\n\n  660 Rev. W. C. Willoughby, \u201cNotes on the Totemism of the Becwana,\u201d\n      _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xxxv. (1905) p. 304.\n\n  661 Rev. E. Gottschling, \u201cThe Bawenda, a Sketch of their History and\n      Customs,\u201d _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xxxv. (1905)\n      pp. 368 _sq._\n\n M226 This explanation of the use of a blinded ox is confirmed by a Caffre\n      custom.\n\n  662 T. Arbousset et F. Daumas, _Relation d\u2019un Voyage d\u2019Exploration_, pp.\n      561-565.\n\n  663 Above, pp. 204 _sqq._\n\n M227 In the Pelew Islands a man who is inspired by a goddess wears female\n      attire and is treated as a woman. This pretended change of sex under\n      the inspiration of a female spirit may explain a widespread custom\n      whereby men dress and live like women.\n\n  664 J. Kubary, \u201cDie Religion der Pelauer,\u201d in A. Bastian\u2019s _Allerlei aus\n      Volks- und Menschenkunde_ (Berlin, 1888), i. 35.\n\n  665 C. A. L. M. Schwaner, _Borneo_ (Amsterdam, 1853), i. 186; M. T. H.\n      Perelaer, _Ethnographische Beschrijving der Dajaks_ (Zalt-Bommel,\n      1870), pp. 32-35; Captain Rodney Mundy, _Narrative of Events in\n      Borneo and Celebes from the Journals of James Brooke, Esq., Rajah of\n      Sarawak_ (London, 1848), ii. 65 _sq._; Charles Brooke, _Ten Years in\n      Sarawak_ (London, 1866), ii. 280; H. Low, _Sarawak_ (London, 1848),\n      pp. 174-177; The Bishop of Labuan, \u201cOn the Wild Tribes of the\n      North-West Coast of Borneo,\u201d _Transactions of the Ethnological\n      Society of London_, N.S. ii. (1863) pp. 31 _sq._; Spenser St. John,\n      _Life in the Forests of the Far East_2 (London, 1863), i. 73. In\n      Sarawak these men are called _manangs_, in Dutch Borneo they are\n      called _bazirs_ or _bassirs_.\n\n  666 Captain R. Mundy, _op. cit._ i. 82 _sq._; B. F. Matthes, _Over de\n      Bissoes of heidensche Priesters en Priesteressen der Boeginezen_\n      (Amsterdam, 1872), pp. 1 _sq._\n\n  667 Th. Falkner, _Description of Patagonia_ (Hereford, 1774), p. 117; J.\n      Hutchinson, \u201cThe Tehuelche Indians of Patagonia,\u201d _Transactions of\n      the Ethnological Society of London_, N.S. vii. (1869) p. 323. Among\n      the Guaycurus of Southern Brazil there is a class of men who dress\n      as women and do only women\u2019s work, such as spinning, weaving, and\n      making pottery. But so far as I know, they are not said to be\n      sorcerers or priests. See C. F. Ph. v. Martius, _Zur Ethnographie\n      Amerikas zumal Brasiliens_ (Leipsic, 1867), pp. 74 _sq._\n\n  668 G. H. von Langsdorff, _Reise um die Welt_ (Frankfort, 1812), ii. 43;\n      H. J. Holmberg, \u201c\u00dcber die V\u00f6lker des Russischen Amerika,\u201d _Acta\n      Societatis Scientiarum Fennicae_, iv. (Helsingfors, 1856) pp. 400\n      _sq._; W. H. Dall, _Alaska_ (London, 1870), pp. 402 _sq._; Ross Cox,\n      _The Columbia River_2 (London, 1832), i. 327 _sqq._; Father G.\n      Boscana, \u201cChinigchinich,\u201d in [A. Robinson\u2019s] _Life in California_\n      (New York, 1846), pp. 283 _sq._; S. Powers, _Tribes of California_\n      (Washington, 1877), pp. 132 _sq._; H. H. Bancroft, _Native Races of\n      the Pacific States_ (London, 1875-1876), i. 82, 92, 415, 585, 774;\n      Hontan, _M\u00e9moires de l\u2019Am\u00e9rique Septentrionale_ (Amsterdam, 1705),\n      p. 144; J. F. Lafitau, _M\u0153urs des Sauvages Am\u00e9riquains_ (Paris,\n      1724), i. 52-54; Charlevoix, _Histoire de la Nouvelle France_\n      (Paris, 1744), vi. 4 _sq._; W. H. Keating, _Expedition to the Source\n      of St. Peter\u2019s River_ (London, 1825), i. 227 _sq._, 436; George\n      Catlin, _North American Indians_4 (London, 1844), ii. 214 _sq._;\n      Maximilian Prinz zu Wied, _Reise in das innere Nord-America_\n      (Coblentz, 1839-1841), ii. 132 _sq._; D. G. Brinton, _The Len\u00e2p\u00e9 and\n      their Legends_ (Philadelphia, 1885), pp. 109 _sq._; J. G. M\u00fcller,\n      _Geschichte der amerikanischen Urreligionen_2 (B\u00e2le, 167), pp. 44\n      _sq._, 418. Among the tribes which permitted the custom were the\n      Illinois, Mandans, Dacotas (Sioux), Sauks, and Foxes, to the east of\n      the Rocky Mountains, the Yukis, Pomos, and Pitt River Indians of\n      California, and the Koniags of Alaska.\n\n  669 Lieut. W. Foley, \u201cJournal of a Tour through the Island of Rambree,\u201d\n      _Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal_, iv. (Calcutta, 1835) p.\n      199.\n\n  670 Monier Williams, _Religious Life and Thought in India_ (London,\n      1883), p. 136. Compare J. A. Dubois, _M\u0153urs, Institutions, et\n      C\u00e9r\u00e9monies des Peuples de l\u2019Inde_ (Paris, 1825), i. 439.\n\n  671 O. Dapper, _Description de l\u2019Afrique_ (Amsterdam, 1686), p. 467.\n\n  672 J. B. Labat, _Relation historique de l\u2019\u00c9thiopie Occidentale_ (Paris,\n      1732), ii. 195-199. Wherever men regularly dress as women, we may\n      suspect that a superstitious motive underlies the custom even though\n      our authorities do not mention it. The custom is thus reported among\n      the Italmenes of Kamtschatka (G. W. Steller, _Beschreibung von dem\n      Lande Kamtschatka_, Frankfort and Leipsic, 1774, pp. 350 _sq._), the\n      Lhoosais of South-Eastern India (Capt. T. H. Lewin, _Wild Races of\n      South-Eastern India_, London, 1870, p. 255), and the Nogay or\n      Mongutay of the Caucasus (J. Reinegg, _Beschreibung des Kaukasus_,\n      St. Petersburg, Gotha, and Hildesheim, 1796-1797, i. 270). Among the\n      Lhoosais or Lushais not only do men sometimes dress like women and\n      consort and work with them (T. H. Lewin, _l.c._), but, on the other\n      hand, women sometimes dress and live like men, adopting masculine\n      habits in all respects. When one of these unsexed women was asked\n      her reasons for adopting a masculine mode of life, she at first\n      denied that she was a woman, but finally confessed \u201cthat her\n      _khuavang_ was not good, and so she became a man.\u201d See the extract\n      from the _Pioneer Mail_ of May 1890, quoted in _The Indian\n      Antiquary_, xxxii. (1903) p. 413. The permanent transformation of\n      women into men seems to be much rarer than the converse change of\n      men into women.\n\n M228 Such transformations seem to have been often carried out in\n      obedience to intimations received in dreams or in ecstasy.\n      Transformed medicine-men among the Sea Dyaks and Chukchees.\n\n  673 Maximilian Prinz zu Wied, _Reise in das innere Nord-America_, ii.\n      133.\n\n  674 W. H. Keating, _Expedition to the Source of St. Peter\u2019s River_, i.\n      227 _sq._\n\n  675 Rev. J. Owen Dorsey, \u201cA Study of Siouan Cults,\u201d _Eleventh Annual\n      Report of the Bureau of Ethnology_ (Washington, 1894), p. 378.\n\n  676 E. H. Gomes, _Seventeen Years among the Sea Dyaks of Borneo_\n      (London, 1911), p. 179; Ch. Hose and W. McDougall, _The Pagan Tribes\n      of Borneo_ (London, 1912), ii. 116.\n\n  677 Waldemar Bogoras, _The Chukchee_ (Leyden and New York, 1904-1909),\n      pp. 448-453 (_The Jesup North Pacific Expedition_, vol. vii.;\n      _Memoir of the American Museum of Natural History_).\n\n  678 Rev. A. L. Kitching, _On the Backwaters of the Nile_ (London, 1912),\n      p. 239, with the plate.\n\n M229 Women inspired by a god dress as men.\n\n  679 For this information I have to thank my friend the Rev. J. Roscoe.\n      He tells me that according to tradition Mukasa used to give his\n      oracles by the mouth of a man, not of a woman. To wear two bark\n      cloths, one on each shoulder, is a privilege of royalty and of\n      priests. The ordinary man wears a single bark cloth knotted on one\n      shoulder only. With the single exception mentioned in the text,\n      women in Uganda never wear bark cloths fastened over the shoulders.\n\n  680 Rev. J. Roscoe, _The Baganda_ (London, 1911), p. 297.\n\n M230 The theory of inspiration by a female spirit perhaps explains the\n      legends of the effeminate Sardanapalus and the effeminate Hercules,\n      both of whom may have been thought to be possessed by the great\n      Asiatic goddess Astarte or her equivalent.\n\n_  681 The Scapegoat_, pp. 387 _sqq._\n\n  682 Catullus, lxiii. This is in substance the explanation of the custom\n      given by Dr. L. R. Farnell, who observes that \u201cthe mad worshipper\n      endeavoured thus against nature to assimilate himself more closely\n      to his goddess\u201d (\u201cSociological hypotheses concerning the position of\n      women in ancient religion,\u201d _Archiv f\u00fcr Religionswissenschaft_, vii.\n      (1904) p. 93). The theory is not necessarily inconsistent with my\n      conjecture as to the magical use made of the severed parts. See\n      above, vol. i. pp. 268 _sq._\n\n  683 Plutarch, _Quaestiones Graecae_, 58.\n\n  684 Apollodorus, _Bibliotheca_, ii. 6. 2 _sq._; Athenaeus, xii. 11, pp.\n      515 F-516 B; Diodorus Siculus, iv. 31; Joannes Lydus, _De\n      magistratibus_, iii. 64; Lucian, _Dialogi deorum_, xiii. 2; Ovid,\n      _Heroides_, ix. 55 _sqq._; Statius, _Theb._ x. 646-649.\n\n  685 On Semiramis in this character see above, vol. i. pp. 176 _sq._;\n      _The Scapegoat_, pp. 369 _sqq._\n\n  686 Joannes Lydus, _De mensibus_, iv. 46, p. 81, ed. I. Bekker (Bonn,\n      1837). Yet at Rome, by an apparent contradiction, women might not be\n      present at a sacrifice offered to Hercules (Propertius, v. 9. 67-70;\n      see further above, vol. i. p. 113, note 1), and at Gades women might\n      not enter the temple of Melcarth, the Tyrian Hercules (Silius\n      Italicus, iii. 22). There was a Greek proverb, \u201cA woman does not go\n      to a temple of Hercules\u201d (Macarius, _Cent._ iii. 11; _Paroemiographi\n      Graeci_, ed. Leutsch et Schneidewin, i. 392, ii. 154). Roman women\n      did not swear by Hercules (Aulus Gellius, xi. 6).\n\n  687 Lucian, _Calumniae non temere credendum_, 16; Hesychius and Suidas,\n      _s.v._ \u1f38\u03b8\u03cd\u03c6\u03b1\u03bb\u03bb\u03bf\u03b9. At the Athenian vintage festival of the\n      Oschophoria a chorus of singers was led in procession by two young\n      men dressed exactly like girls; they carried branches of vines laden\n      with ripe clusters. The procession was said to be in honour of\n      Dionysus and Athena or Ariadne. See Proclus, quoted by Photius,\n      _Bibliotheca_, p. 322_a_, ed. I. Bekker (Berlin, 1824); Plutarch,\n      _Theseus_, 23.\n\n  688 Clement of Alexandria, _Protrept._ ii. 34, pp. 29 _sq._, ed. Potter;\n      Arnobius, _Adversus Nationes_, v. 28; _Mythographi Graeci_, ed. A.\n      Westermann (Brunswick, 1843), p. 368; J. Tzetzes, _Scholia on\n      Lycophron_, 212. As to the special association of the fig with\n      Dionysus, see Athenaeus, iii. 14, p. 78. As to the artificial\n      fertilization of the fig, see _The Magic Art and the Evolution of\n      Kings_, ii. 314 _sq._ On the type of the effeminate Dionysus in art\n      see E. Thraemer, _s.v._ \u201cDionysos,\u201d in W. H. Roscher\u2019s _Lexikon der\n      griech. und r\u00f6m. Mythologie_, i. 1135 _sqq._\n\n  689 Tacitus, _Germania_, 43. Perhaps, as Professor Chadwick thinks, this\n      priest may have succeeded to a priestess when the change from\n      mother-kin to father-kin took place. See H. M. Chadwick, _The Origin\n      of the English Nation_ (Cambridge, 1907), p. 339.\n\n  690 In Cyprus there was a bearded and masculine image of Venus (probably\n      Astarte) in female attire: according to Philochorus, the deity thus\n      represented was the moon, and sacrifices were offered to him or her\n      by men clad as women, and by women clad as men. See Macrobius,\n      _Saturn._ iii. 7. 2 _sq._; Servius on Virgil, _Aen._ ii. 632. A\n      similar exchange of garments took place between Argive men and women\n      at the festival of the Hybristica, which fell in the month of\n      Hermes, either at the new moon or on the fourth of the month. See\n      Plutarch, _De mulierum virtutibus_, 4; Polyaenus, viii. 33. On the\n      thirteenth of January flute-players paraded the streets of Rome in\n      the garb of women (Plutarch, _Quaestiones Romanae_, 55).\n\n  691 For traces of mother-kin in Lydia see _The Magic Art and the\n      Evolution of Kings_, ii. 281 _sq._ With regard to Cos we know from\n      inscriptions that at Halasarna all who shared in the sacred rites of\n      Apollo and Hercules had to register the names of their father, their\n      mother, and of their mother\u2019s father; from which it appears that\n      maternal descent was counted more important than paternal descent.\n      See H. Collitz und F. Bechtel, _Sammlung der griechischen\n      Dialekt-Inschriften_, iii. 1 (G\u00f6ttingen, 1899), pp. 382-393, Nos.\n      3705, 3706; G. Dittenberger, _Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarnum_,2\n      vol. ii. pp. 396 _sqq._, No. 614; Ch. Michel, _Recueil\n      d\u2019Inscriptions Grecques_, pp. 796 _sq._, No. 1003; J. Toepffer,\n      _Attische Genealogie_ (Berlin, 1889), pp. 192 _sq._ On traces of\n      mother-kin in the legend and ritual of Hercules see A. B. Cook, \u201cWho\n      was the wife of Hercules?\u201d _The Classical Review_, xx. (1906) pp.\n      376 _sq._ Mr. Cook conjectures that a Sacred Marriage of Hercules\n      and Hera was celebrated in Cos. We know in fact from a Coan\n      inscription that a bed was made and a marriage celebrated beside the\n      image of Hercules, and it seems probable that the rite was that of a\n      Sacred Marriage, though some scholars interpret it merely of an\n      ordinary human wedding. See G. Dittenberger, _Sylloge Inscriptionum\n      Graecarum_,2 vol. ii. pp. 577 _sqq._, No. 734; R. Dareste, B.\n      Haussoulier, Th. Reinach, _Recueil d\u2019Inscriptions Juridiques\n      Grecques_, Deuxi\u00e8me S\u00e9rie (Paris, 1898), No. xxiv. B, pp. 94 _sqq._;\n      Fr. Back, _De Graecorum caerimoniis in quibus homines deorum vice\n      fungebantur_ (Berlin, 1883), pp. 14-24.\n\n M231 But the exchange of costume between men and women has probably been\n      practised also from other motives, for example, from a wish to avert\n      the Evil Eye. This motive seems to explain the interchange of male\n      and female costume between bride and bridegroom at marriage.\n\n_  692 Panjab Notes and Queries_, i. (1884) \u00a7\u00a7 219, 869, 1007, 1029; _id._\n      ii. (1885) \u00a7\u00a7 344, 561, 570; _Journal of the Anthropological Society\n      of Bombay_, i. (1886) p. 123; _North Indian Notes and Queries_, iii.\n      (1893) \u00a7 99. Compare my notes, \u201cThe Youth of Achilles,\u201d _The\n      Classical Review_, vii. (1893) pp. 292 _sq._; and on Pausanias, i.\n      22. 6 (vol. ii. p. 266).\n\n  693 Plutarch, _Quaestiones Graecae_, 58.\n\n  694 Plutarch, _Lycurgus_, 15.\n\n  695 Plutarch, _De mulierum virtutibus_, 4.\n\n  696 B. F. Matthes, _Bijdragen tot de Ethnologie van Zuid-Celebes_ (The\n      Hague, 1875), p. 35. The marriage ceremonies here described are\n      especially those of princes.\n\n  697 Sepp, _Altbayerischer Sagenschatz_ (Munich, 1876), p. 232, referring\n      to Maimonides.\n\n  698 E. Thurston, _Ethnographic Notes in Southern India_ (Madras, 1906),\n      p. 3. The pseudo-bridegroom is apparently the bride in masculine\n      attire.\n\n_  699 Central Provinces, Ethnographic Survey_, iii. _Draft Articles on\n      Forest Tribes_ (Allahabad, 1907), p. 31.\n\n_  700 Central Provinces, Ethnographic Survey_, i. _Draft Articles on\n      Hindustani Castes_ (Allahabad, 1907), p. 48.\n\n  701 Elsewhere I have conjectured that the wearing of female attire by\n      the bridegroom at marriage may mark a transition from mother-kin to\n      father-kin, the intention of the custom being to transfer to the\n      father those rights over the children which had previously been\n      enjoyed by the mother alone. See _Totemism_ (Edinburgh, 1887), pp.\n      78 _sq._; _Totemism and Exogamy_, i. 73. But I am now disposed to\n      think that the other explanation suggested in the text is the more\n      probable.\n\n M232 The same explanation may account for the interchange of male and\n      female costume between other persons at marriage.\n\n_  702 Central Provinces, Ethnographic Survey_, iii. _Draft Articles on\n      Forest Tribes_ (Allahabad, 1907), p. 31.\n\n_  703 Central Provinces, Ethnographic Survey_, iii. _Draft Articles on\n      Forest Tribes_ (Allahabad, 1907), p. 48.\n\n_  704 Central Provinces, Ethnographic Survey_, vi. _Draft Articles on\n      Hindustani Castes_, Second Series (Allahabad, 1911), p. 50.\n\n  705 Compare W. Crooke, _Popular Religion and Folk-lore of Northern\n      India_ (Westminster, 1896), ii. 8, who proposes, with great\n      probability, to explain on a similar principle, the European\n      marriage custom known as the False Bride. For more instances of the\n      interchange of male and female costume at marriage between persons\n      other than the bridegroom see Capt. J. S. King, \u201cSocial Customs of\n      the Western Somali Tribes,\u201d _The Folk-lore Journal_, vi. (1888) p.\n      122; J. P. Farler, \u201cThe Usambara Country in East Africa,\u201d\n      _Proceedings of the Royal Geographical Society_, N.S. i. (1879) p.\n      92; Major J. Biddulph, _Tribes of the Hindoo Koosh_ (Calcutta,\n      1880), pp. 78, 80; G. A. Grierson, _Bihar Peasant Life_ (Calcutta,\n      1885), p. 365; A. de Gubernatis, _Usi Nuziali in Italia_2 (Milan,\n      1878), p. 190; P. S\u00e9billot, _Coutumes Populaires de la\n      Haute-Bretagne_ (Paris, 1886), p. 438.\n\n  706 L. Lloyd, _Peasant Life in Sweden_ (London, 1870), p. 85.\n\n  707 J. Liorel, _Kabylie du Jurjura_ (Paris, N. D.), p. 406.\n\n M233 Women\u2019s dress assumed by men for the purpose of deceiving demons and\n      ghosts.\n\n  708 Rev. J. H. Weeks, _Among Congo Cannibals_ (London, 1913), p. 267.\n      Compare _id._, \u201cAnthropological Notes on the Bangala of the Upper\n      Congo River,\u201d _Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute_, xl.\n      (1910) pp. 370 _sq._\n\n  709 Lieut.-Colonel J. Shakespear, \u201cThe Kuki-Lushai Clans,\u201d _Journal of\n      the Royal Anthropological Institute_, xxxix. (1909) pp. 380 _sq._\n\n M234 Exchange of costume between the sexes at circumcision.\n\n  710 A. C. Hollis, _The Masai_ (Oxford, 1905), p. 298.\n\n  711 A. C. Hollis, _The Nandi_ (Oxford, 1909), pp. 53-58. Mr. Hollis\n      informs me that among the Akikuyu, another tribe of British East\n      Africa, the custom of boys dressing as girls at or after\n      circumcision is also observed.\n\n M235 Other cases of the interchange of male and female costume.\n\n  712 Plutarch, _Consolatio ad Apollonium_, 22; Valerius Maximus, ii. 6.\n      13.\n\n  713 Plutarch, _l.c._\n\n  714 J. Kreemer, \u201cDe Loeboes in Mandailing,\u201d _Bijdragen tot de Taal-\n      Land- en Volkenkunde van Nederlandsch-Indi\u00eb_, lxvi. (1912) p. 317.\n\n M236 Conclusion.\n M237 The systematic prostitution of unmarried girls for hire in the Pelew\n      Islands seems to be a form of sexual communism and of\n      group-marriage.\n\n  715 J. Kubary, _Die socialen Einrichtungen der Pelauer_, pp. 50 _sq._\n\n  716 J. Kubary, _op. cit._ p. 51.\n\n  717 J. Kubary, _op. cit._ pp. 51-53, 91-98.\n\n M238 The custom supports by analogy the derivation of the similar Asiatic\n      custom from a similar state of society.\n\n  718 See above, vol. i. pp. 39 _sqq._\n\n M239 Somewhat similar custom observed in Yap, one of the Caroline\n      Islands.\n\n  719 F. W. Christian, _The Caroline Islands_ (London, 1899), pp. 290\n      _sq._ Compare W. H. Furness, _The Island of Stone Money, Uap of the\n      Carolines_ (Philadelphia and London, 1910), pp. 46 _sqq._\n\n  720 W. H. Furness, _op. cit._ pp. 46 _sq._\n\n  721 W. H. Furness, _op. cit._ pp. 49 _sq._\n\n M240 In the Pelew Islands the heir to the chieftainship of a clan has a\n      formal right to slay his predecessor.\n\n  722 J. Kubary, _Die socialen Einrichtungen der Pelauer_, p. 43. The\n      writer does not translate the word _tobolbel_, but the context\n      sufficiently explains its meaning.\n\n M241 The plot of death and its execution.\n M242 Ceremonies observed before the assassin is recognized as chief in\n      room of his victim.\n M243 But the formalities which a chief has to observe at his accession\n      are much more complicated and tedious if he has not murdered his\n      predecessor.\n\n  723 J. Kubary, _Die socialen Einrichtungen der Pelauer_, pp. 43-45,\n      75-78.\n\n M244 The Pelew custom shows how regicide may be regarded as an ordinary\n      incident of constitutional government.","title":"The Golden Bough: A Study in Magic and Religion (Third Edition, Vol. 06 of 12)","tradition":"myth-cosmogony","translated_text":null,"word_count":159907}