{"collection":"myth-cosmogony","full_text_available":true,"graph_url":"https://unchartedknowledge.5gfusion.net/v2/api/page/gutenberg_42175/graph","html_url":"https://unchartedknowledge.5gfusion.net/v2/page/gutenberg_42175","id":"gutenberg_42175","license":"Public Domain (US)","rights_basis":"gutenberg_metadata_copyright_false","source":"gutenberg","source_url":"https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/42175","summary":null,"tags":["Category: Archaeology & Anthropology","Category: History - Other","Category: Religion/Spirituality","Hopi Indians -- Religion","Indian mythology -- North America","Indians of North America -- Arizona"],"text":"THE WINTER SOLSTICE ALTARS AT\n                             HANO PUEBLO\n\n                                  BY\n                           J. WALTER FEWKES\n\n    (From the American Anthropologist (N.S.), Vol. 1, April, 1899)\n\n                               NEW YORK\n                         G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS\n\n                                 1899\n\n\n\n\n              THE WINTER SOLSTICE ALTARS AT HANO PUEBLO\n\n                         BY J. WALTER FEWKES\n\n\n\n\n                             INTRODUCTION\n\n\nThe fetishes displayed in their kivas by different phratries during\nthe Winter Solstice ceremony at the Hopi pueblo of Walpi, in\nnortheastern Arizona, have been described in a previous article,[1] in\nwhich the altar made in the _Mo\u00f1kiva_, or \"chief\" ceremonial chamber,\nby the _Patki_ and related people has been given special attention.\nThe author had hoped in 1898[2] to supplement this description by an\nexhaustive study of the Winter Solstice ceremonies of all the families\nof the East Mesa, but was prevented from so doing by the breaking out\nof an epidemic. This study was begun with fair results, and before\nwithdrawing from the kivas he was able to make a few observations on\ncertain altars at Hano which had escaped him in the preceding year.\n\nWalpi, commonly called by the natives _Hopiki_, \"Hopi pueblo,\" began\nits history as a settlement of Snake clans which had united with the\nBear phratry. From time to time this settlement grew in size by the\naddition of the _Ala_, _Pakab_, _Patki_, and other phratries of lesser\nimportance. Among important increments in modern times may be\nmentioned several clans of Tanoan ancestry, as the _Asa_, _Honani_,\nand the like. These have all been assimilated, having lost their\nidentity as distinct peoples and become an integral part of the\npopulation of Walpi, or of its colony, Sitcomovi.[3] Among the most\nrecent arrivals in Tusayan was another group of Tanoan clans which\nwill be considered in this article. The last mentioned are now\ndomiciled in a pueblo of their own called Hano; they have not yet, as\nthe others, lost their language nor been merged into the Hopi people,\nbut still preserve intact many of their ancient customs.\n\nThe present relations of Hano to Walpi are in some respects not unlike\nthose which have existed in the past between incoming clans and Walpi\nas each new colony entered the Tusayan territory. Thus, after the\n_Patki_ people settled at the pueblo called Pakatcomo,[4] within sight\nof Old Walpi, they lived there for some time, observing their own\nrites and possibly speaking a different language much as the people of\nHano do today. In the course of time, however, the population of the\n_Patki_ pueblo was united with the pre\u00ebpre Walpi families, Pakatcomo\nwas abandoned, and its speech and ritual merged into those of Walpi.\nCould we have studied the _Patki_ people when they lived at their\nformer homes, Pakatcomo or Homolobi, we would be able to arrive at\nmore exact ideas of their peculiar rites and altars than is now\npossible. Hano has never been absorbed by Walpi as the _Patki_ pueblos\nwere, and the altars herein described still preserve their true Tanoan\ncharacteristics. These altars are interesting because made in a Tanoan\npueblo by Tewa clans which are intrusive in the Hopi country, and are\nespecially instructive because it is held by their priests that like\naltars are or were made in midwinter rites by their kindred now\ndwelling along the Rio Grande in New Mexico.\n\nThe midwinter rite in which the altars are employed is called _T\u00fb\u00f1tai_\nby the Tewa, who likewise designate it by the Hopi name _Soyalu\u00f1a_.\nThis latter term may be regarded as a general one applied to the\nassemblages of different families in all the kivas of the East Mesa at\nthat time. The name of the Tewa rite is a special one, and possibly\nthe other families who assemble at this time once had or still retain\ntheir own names for their celebrations. The _T\u00fb\u00f1tai_ altars were\nbrought by the ancestors of the present people of Hano from their old\neastern home, and the rites about them are distinctly Tewan, although\ncelebrated at the same time as the Winter Solstice ceremonies of the\nHopi families.\n\n\n                       CLAN COMPOSITION OF HANO\n\nThe pueblo called Hano is one of three villages on the East Mesa of\nTusayan and contained, according to the writer's census of 1893, a\npopulation of 163 persons. It was settled between the years 1700 and\n1710 by people from Tcewadi, a pueblo situated near Pe\u00f1a Blanca on the\nRio Grande in New Mexico. Although only six persons of pure Tanoan\nancestry are now living at Hano, the inhabitants still speak the Tewa\ndialect and claim as kindred the peoples of San Juan, Santa Clara, San\nIldefonso, Pojoaque, Nambe, and Tesuque.[5] The best traditionists\ndeclare that their ancestors were invited to leave their old home,\nTcewadi, by the Snake chief of Walpi, who was then pueblo chief of\nthat village. They claim that they made their long journey to give aid\nagainst the Ute Indians who were raiding the Hopi, and that they\nresponded after four consecutive invitations. The Walpi Snake chief\nsent them an embassy bearing prayer-sticks as offerings, and although\nthey had refused three invitations they accepted the fourth.\n\nAccording to traditions the following clans have lived in Hano, but it\nis not stated that all went to the East Mesa together from Tcewadi:\n_Okuwu\u00f1_, Rain-cloud; _Sa_, Tobacco; _Kolon_, Corn; _Teny\u00fck_, Pine;\n_Katcina_, Katcina; _Na\u00f1_, Sand; _Kopeeli_, Pink Shell; _Koyanwi_,\nTurquoise; _Kapolo_, Crane; _Tu\u00f1_, Sun; _Ke_, Bear; _Te_, Cottonwood;\n_Tayek_ (?); _Pe_, Firewood; and _Tceta_, Bivalve shell.\n\nThe early chiefs whose names have been obtained are Mapibi of the\n_Na\u00f1-towa_, Pota\u00f1 of the _Ke-towa_, and Talekwe\u00f1 and Kepo of the\n_Kolon-towa_. The present village chief is Anote of the _Sa-towa_ or\nTobacco clan.[6]\n\nOf the original clans which at some time have been with the Hano\npeople, the following have now become extinct: _Kopeeli_, _Koyanwi_,\n_Kapolo_, _Tu\u00f1_, _Tayek_, _Pe_,[7] and _Tceta_. The last member of the\n_Tu\u00f1_ or Sun people was old chief Kalacai who died about four years\nago. It is quite probable that several of these extinct clans did not\nstart from Tcewadi with the others. There were several waves of Tanoan\nemigrants from the Rio Grande region which went to Tusayan about the\nsame time, among which may be mentioned the _Asa_, which took a more\nsoutherly route, via Zu\u00f1i. The route of the _Asa_ people will be\nconsidered in another article, and the evidences that some of the\n_Asa_ clans joined their kindred on their advent into Tusayan will be\ndeveloped later. Probably certain members of the _Katcina_ clan\naccompanied the _Asa_ people as far as the Awatobi mesa and then\naffiliated with the early Hano clans.[8]\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\nThe census of Hano in December, 1898, was as follows:\n\n  _Clans_       _Males_       _Females_      _Total_\n  Okuwu\u00f1          12              8            20\n  Sa               8              5            13\n  Kolon           11             12            23\n  Teny\u00fck          12             16            28\n  Ke               5             10            15\n  Katcina          8              9            17\n  Te               5              4             9\n  Na\u00f1              4              7            11\n                                             ----\n    Total native to Hano domiciled at home    136\n\nThe above enumeration of Hano population does not include Walpi and\nSitcomovi men married to Hano women (23), nor Tewa men living in the\nneighboring pueblos (15).[9] Adding these, the population is increased\nto 174, which may be called the actual enumeration at the close of\n1898. Subsequent mortality due to smallpox and whooping-cough will\nreduce the number below 160.\n\nIn the following lists there are arranged, under their respective\nclans, the names of all the known inhabitants of Hano. There have been\nseveral deaths since the lists were made (December 1, 1898), and\nseveral births which also are not included. It will be noted that the\nmajority have Tanoan names, but there are several with names of Hopi\norigin, for in these latter instances I was unable to obtain any\nother.[10]\n\n\n                      _Census of Hano by Clans_\n\n_Okuwu\u00f1-towa_, or Rain-cloud clan.--Men and boys: Kalakwai, Kala,\nTc\u00fca, Wiwela, Kahe, Yane, Solo, Yunci, Pade, Klee, Kochayna, K\u00ebe (12).\nWomen and girls: Sikyumka, Kwentce, Talitsche, Yoyowaiolo,\nPobitcanw\u00fb, Yoanuche, Asou, Tawamana (8). Total, 20.\n\n_Sa-towa_, or Tobacco clan.--Men and boys: Anote, Asena, Tem[)e],\nIpwantiwa, Howila, Nuci, Yauma, Satee (8). Women and girls: Oka\u00f1,\nHeli, Kotu, Kwa\u00f1, Mota (5). Total, 13.\n\n_Kolon-towa_, or Corn clan.--Men and boys: Polakka, Patu\u00f1tupi,\nAko\u00f1tcowu, Komaletiwa, Agaiyo, Tcid[)e], Oba, Toto, Peke, Kelo, Tasce\n(11). Women and girls: Kotcaka, Talikwia, Nampio, Kwe\u00f1tcow\u00fb, Heele,\nPel\u00e9, Kontce, Koompipi, Chaiw\u00fb, Kweckatca\u00f1w\u00fb, Awatcomw\u00fb, Antce (12).\nTotal, 23.\n\n_Teny\u00fck-towa_, or Pine clan.--Men and boys: Tawa, Nato, Wako, Paoba,\nTopi, Yota, Pobinelli, Yeva, Ta\u00f1e, Lelo, Sennele, Poctce (12). Women\nand girls: To\u00f1lo, Hokona, Kode(?), Sakpede, Nebenne, Tabow\u00fcqti,\nPoh[ve], Saliko, Eye, Porku\u00f1, Pehta, Hekpobi, Setale, Naici, Katcine,\nTcenlapobi (16). Total, 28.\n\n_Ke-towa_, or Bear clan.--Men and boys: Mepi, Tae, Tcakwaina,\nPoliella, Tegi (5). Women and girls: Kau\u00f1, Kalaie, Pene, Tcetcu\u00f1,\nKala, Katcinmana, Selapi, Tolo, Pokona, Kode (10). Total 15. Tcaper\n(\"Tom Sawyer\") may be enrolled in this or the preceding family. He is\na Paiute, without kin in Hano, and was sold when a boy as a slave by\nhis father. His sisters were sold to the Navaho at the same time.\nTcaper became the property of an Oraibi, later of a Tewa man, now\ndead, and so far as can be learned is the only Paiute now living at\nHano.\n\n_Katcina-towa._--Men and boys: Kwevehoya, Taci, Avaiyo, Poya, Oyi,\nWehe, Sibentima, Tawahonima (8). Women and girls: Okotce, Kwenka, Awe,\nPe\u00f1aiyo, Pe\u00f1, Po\u00f1, Tcao, Poschauw\u00fb, Sawiy\u00fb (9). Total, 17.\n\n_Te-towa_, or Cottonwood clan. Men and boys: Sania, Kuyapi, Okuapin,\nPonyin, Pebihoya (5). Women and girls: Yunne, Pobitche, Poitzu\u00f1,\nKalaza\u00f1 (4). Total, 9.\n\n_Na\u00f1-towa_, or Sand clan.--Men and boys: Pu\u00f1sauwi, Pocine, Talumtiwa,\nCia (4). Women and girls: Pocilipobi, Talabensi, Humhebuima, Kae,\nAvatca, \"Nancy,\" Simana (7). Total, 11.\n\nThe present families in Hano are so distributed that the oldest part\nof the pueblo is situated at the head of the trail east of the\n_Mo\u00f1kiva_. This is still owned and inhabited by the _Sa_, _Kolon_, and\n_Ke_ clans, all of which probably came from Tcewadi. The _Katcina_ and\nrelated _Teny\u00fck_, as well as the _Okuwu\u00f1_ and related _Na\u00f1_ clans, are\nsaid, by some traditions, to have joined the Tewa colonists after they\nreached the Hopi mesas, and the position of their houses in respect to\nthe main house-cluster favors that theory. Other traditions say that\nthe first pueblo chief of the Tewa was chief of the _Na\u00f1-towa_. Too\nmuch faith should not be put in this statement, notwithstanding the\nchief of the _Tewakiva_ belongs to the _Na\u00f1-towa_. It seems more\nprobable that the _Ke_ or Bear clan was the leading one in early\ntimes, and that its chief was also _kimo\u00f1wi_ or governor of the first\nsettlement at the foot of the mesa.\n\n\n                             TEWA LEGENDS\n\nAccording to one authority (Kalakwai) the route of migration of the\nHano clans from their ancient home, Tcewadi, led them first to Jemesi\n(Jemez), where they rested a year. From Jemesi they went to Orpinpo or\nPawikpa (\"Duck water\"). Thence they proceeded to Kepo, or Bear spring,\nthe present Fort Wingate, and from this place they continued to the\nsite of Fort Defiance, thence to Wukopakabi or Pueblo Ganado.\nContinuing their migration they entered Pu\u00f1ci, or Keam's canyon, and\ntraversing its entire length, arrived at Isba, or Coyote spring, near\nthe present trail of the East Mesa, where they built their pueblo.\nThis settlement (Kohti) was along the foot-hills to the left of the\nspring, near a large yellow rock or cliff called Sikyaowatcomo\n(\"Yellow-rock mound\"). There they lived for some time, as the debris\nand ground-plan of their building attest. Their pueblo was a large\none, and it was conveniently near a spring called U\u00f1ba, now filled up,\nand Isba, still used by the Hano people.\n\nShortly after their arrival Ute warriors made a new foray on the Hopi\npueblos, and swarmed into the valley north of Wala,[11] capturing many\nsheep which they drove to the hills north of the mesa.[12] The Tewa\nattacked them at that place, and the Ute warriors killed all the sheep\nwhich they had captured, making a protecting rampart of their\ncarcasses. On this account the place is now called Sikwitukwi (\"Meat\npinnacle\"). The Tewa killed all but two of their opponents who were\ntaken captives and sent home with the message that the Bears had come,\nand if any of their tribe ever returned as hostiles they would all be\nkilled. From that time Ute invasions ceased.\n\nAccording to another good authority in Tewa lore, the _Asa_ people\nleft \"Ka\u00ebkibi,\" near Abiquiu, in northern New Mexico, about the time\nthe other Tewa left Tcewadi They traveled together rapidly for some\ntime, but separated at Laguna, the _Asa_ taking the southern route,\nvia Zu\u00f1i. The Tewa clans arrived first (?) at Tusayan and waited for\nthe _Asa_ in the sand-hills near Isba. Both groups, according to this\nauthority, took part in the Ute fight at Sikwitukwi, and when they\nreturned the village chief of Walpi gave the _Asa_ people for their\nhabitation that portion of the mesa top northeast of the _Tewakiva_,\nwhile the present site of Hano was assigned to the Tewa clans. During\na famine the _Asa_ moved to T\u00fcbka (Canyon Tsegi, or \"Chelly\"), where\nthey planted the peach trees that are still to be seen. The ruined\nwalls east of Hano are a remnant of the pueblo abandoned by them. The\n_Asa_ intermarried with the Navaho and lost their language. When they\nreturned to the East Mesa the Hopi assigned to them for their houses\nthat part of Walpi at the head of the stairway trail on condition that\nthey would defend it.[13]\n\nIn view of the tenacity with which the women of Hano have clung to\ntheir language, even when married to Hopi men, it seems strange that\nthe _Asa_ lost their native dialect during the short time they lived\nin Tsegi canyon; but the _Asa_ men may have married Navaho women, and\nthe Tanoan tongues become lost in that way, the _Asa_ women being in\nthe minority. There is such uniformity in all the legends that the\n_Asa_ were Tanoan people, that we can hardly doubt their truth,\nwhatever explanation may be given of how the _Asa_ lost their former\nidiom.\n\nIn 1782 Morfi described Hano,[14] under the name \"Tanos,\" as a pueblo\nof one hundred and ten families, with a central plaza and streets. He\nnoted the difference of idiom between it and Walpi. If Morfi's census\nbe correct, the pueblo has diminished in population since his time.\nSince 1782 Hano has probably never been deserted, although its\npopulation has several times been considerably reduced by epidemics.\n\nIn return for their aid in driving the Ute warriors from the country,\nthe Hopi chief gave the Tewa all the land in the two valleys on each\nside of the mesa, north and east of a line drawn at right angles to\n_Wala_, the Gap. This line of demarcation is recognized by the Tewa,\nalthough some of them claim that the Hopi have land-holdings in their\nterritory. The line of division is carefully observed in the building\nof new houses in the foot-hills, for the Hopi families build west of\nthe line, the Tewa people east of it.\n\n\n                    DIFFERENCES IN SOCIAL CUSTOMS\n\nA casual visitor to the East Mesa would not notice any difference\nbetween the people of Hano and those of Walpi, and in fact many Walpi\nmen have married Tanoan women and live in their village. The\ndifference of idiom, however, is immediately noticeable, and seems\ndestined to persist. Almost every inhabitant of Hano speaks Hopi, but\nno Hopi speaks or understands Tewa. While there are Tewa men from\nHano in several of the Hopi villages, where they have families, no\nTewa woman lives in Walpi. This is of course due to the fact that the\nmatriarchal system exists, and that a girl on marrying lives with her\nmother or with her clan, while a newly married man goes to the home of\nhis wife's clan to live.\n\nThere are differences in marriage and mortuary customs, in the way the\nwomen wear their hair,[15] and in other minor matters, but at present\nthe great difference between the Hopi and the Tewa is in their\nreligious ceremonials, which, next to language, are the most\npersistent features of their tribal life. Hano has a very limited\nritual; it celebrates in August a peculiar rite known as _Sumykoli_,\nor the sun prayer-stick making, as well as the _T\u00fb\u00f1tai_ midwinter\nceremony, the altars of which are described herein. There are also\nmany _Katcina_ dances which are not different from those performed at\nWalpi. One group of clown priests, called _Paiakyam\u00fb_, is\ncharacteristic of Hano. Compared with the elaborate ritual of the Hopi\npueblo, that of Hano is poor; but Tewa men are members of most of the\nreligious societies of Walpi, and some of the women take part in the\nbasket dance (_Lalako\u00f1ti_) and _Mamzrauti_, in that village.\n\nThe following Tewa names for months are current at Hano:\n\n     January, _Elo-p'o_, \"Wooden-cup moon\"; refers to the cups, made\n     of wood, used by the _Tcukuwympkiyas_ in a ceremonial game.\n\n     February, _K\u00e1uton-p'o_, \"Singing moon.\"\n\n     March, _Yopobi-p'o_, \"Cactus-flower moon.\" The element\n     _pobi_[16] which is so often used in proper names among the\n     Tewa, means flower.\n\n     April, _P\u00fa\u00f1ka-p'o_, \"Windbreak moon.\"\n\n     May, _Se\u00f1ko-p'o_, \"To-plant-secretly moon.\" This refers to the\n     planting of sweet corn in nooks and crevices, where children\n     may not see it, for the _Nim\u00e1n-katcina_.\n\n     June-October, nameless moons, or the same names as the five\n     winter moons.\n\n     November, _C\u00e9\u00f1i-p'o_,[17] \"Horn moon,\" possibly referring to\n     the _Aalt\u00fb_ of the New-Fire ceremony.\n\n     December, _T\u00fb\u00f1tai-p'o_, \"Winter-solstice moon.\"\n\n\n                       CONTEMPORARY CEREMONIES\n\nThe Winter Solstice ceremony is celebrated in Walpi, Sitcomovi, and\nHano, by clans, all the men gathering in the kivas of their respective\npueblos. The _Soyalu\u00f1a_ is thus a synchronous gathering of all the\nfamilies who bring their fetishes to the places where they assemble.\nThe kivas or rooms in which they meet, and the clans which assemble\ntherein, are as follows:\n\n\n                               _Walpi_\n\nMO\u00d1KIVA: _Patki_, Water-house; _Tabo_, rabbit; _K\u00fck\u00fctce_, Lizard;\n_Tuwa_, Sand; _Lenya_, Flute; _Piba_, Tobacco; and _Katcina_.\n\nWIKWALIOBIKIVA: _Asa_.\n\nNACABKIVA: _Kokop_, Firewood; _Tc\u00fca_, Snake.\n\nALKIVA: _Ala_, Horn.\n\nTCIVATOKIVA: _Pakab_, Reed; _Honau_, Bear.\n\n\n                             _Sitcomovi_\n\nFIRST KIVA: _Patki_, Water-house; Honani, Badger.\n\nSECOND KIVA: _Asa_.\n\n\n                                _Hano_\n\n     MO\u00d1KIVA: _Sa_, Tobacco; _Ke_, Bear; _Kolon_, Corn, etc.\n\n     TEWAKIVA: _Na\u00f1_, Sand; _Okuwu\u00f1_, Rain-cloud, etc.\n\nThe altars or fetishes in the five Walpi kivas are as follows:\n\nThe altar described in a former publication[18] is the most elaborate\nof all the Winter Solstice fetishes at Walpi, and belongs to the\n_Patki_ and related clans.\n\nThe _Asa_ family in the _Wikwaliobikiva_ had no altar, but the\nfollowing fetishes: (1) An ancient mask resembling that of _Natacka_\nand called _tcakwaina_,[19] attached to which is a wooden crook and a\nrattle; (2) an ancient bandoleer (_tozriki_); and (3) several stone\nimages of animals. The shield which the _Asa_ carried before the\n_Mo\u00f1kiva_ altar had a star painted upon it.\n\nThe _Kokop_ and _Tc\u00fca_ families, in the _Nacabkiva_, had no altar, but\non the floor of the kiva there was a stone image which was said to\nhave come from the ancient pueblo of Sikyatki, a former village of the\n_Kokop_ people.\n\nThere was no altar in the _Alkiva_, but the _Ala_ (Horn) clan which\nmet there had a stone image of P\u00fc\u00fcko\u00f1hoya, and on the shield which\nthey used in the _Mo\u00f1kiva_ there was a picture of Alosaka.\n\nThe _Pakab_[20] (Reed or Arrow) people had an altar in the\n_Tcivatokiva_ where Pautiwa presided with the _t\u00edponi_ or palladium of\nthat family.\n\nThe writer was unable to examine the fetishes of the _Honani_ and\n_Asa_ clans, who met in the two Sitcomovi kivas. It was reported that\nthey have no altars in the _Soyalu\u00f1a_, but a study of their fetishes\nwill shed important light on the nature of the rites introduced into\nTusayan by these clans. Tcoshoniwa is chief in one of these kivas.[21]\n\nPocine, chief of the _Tewakiva_, belongs to the _Na\u00f1-towa_, or Sand\nclan, and is the elder son of Pocilipobi. Pu\u00f1sauwi, his uncle, is\nPocilipobi's brother. As the _kimo\u00f1wi_ or village chief of the Tewa\ncolonists, when they came into Tusayan, belonged to the Sand clan, we\nmay suppose this altar to be hereditary in this family.\n\nAnote, the chief of the _Mo\u00f1kiva_ of Hano, is the oldest man of the\n_Sa-towa_ or Tobacco clan. Satele, who assisted him in making the\naltar, is a member of the _Ke_ or Bear clan. Patu\u00f1tupi, who was\npresent when the altar was made at Hano, belongs to the _Kolon_ or\nCorn clan.\n\n\n                     THE WINTER SOLSTICE CEREMONY\n\nThe _T\u00fb\u00f1tai_ or _Soyalu\u00f1a_ ceremony of the East Mesa in 1898 extended\nfrom December 9th to the 19th inclusive, and the days were designated\nas follows:\n\n     9th, _Tcotco\u00f1yu\u00f1ya_ (_Tcotco\u00f1ya_), Smoke assembly.\n\n     10th, _Tceele tcalau\u00fbh_, Announcement.\n\n     11th, _C\u00fcs-tala_, First day.\n\n     12th, _L\u00fcc-tala_, Second day.\n\n     13th, _Paic-tala_, Third day.\n\n     14th, _Yu\u00f1ya_, Assemblage.\n\n     15th, _Sockahim\u00fb_.\n\n     16th, _Komoktotokya_.\n\n     17th, _Totokya_, _Totokpee_.\n\n     18th, _Pegumnove_.\n\n     19th, _Navotcine_.\n\nThe active secret ceremonies began on the 14th and extended to the\n19th. _Yu\u00f1ya_ was the day on which the Walpi chiefs entered their\nkivas, and _Totokya_ that on which the most important secret rites\nwere performed.\n\n_Tcotco\u00f1yu\u00f1ya_, Smoke assembly. The time of the Soyalu\u00f1a is fixed by\nKwatcakwa, Sun-priest of the _Patki_ clan, who determines the winter\nsolstice by means of observations of sunset on the horizon, as\nelsewhere described. The Smoke assemblage at Walpi occurred after\nsunset on December 9th, in the house of Anwuci's wife, adjoining the\n_Mo\u00f1kiva_, and was attended by Supela, Kwatcakwa, Sakwistiwa, Kwaa,\nand Anawita, all chiefs belonging to the _Patki_ clan. The Smoke\nassemblage at Hano, preliminary to the _T\u00fb\u00f1tai_, was also held after\nsunset on December 9th, and was attended by the following chiefs:\nAnote (Tem[)e]), _Sa-towa_; Satele, _Ke-towa_; Pocine (Koye),\n_Na\u00f1-towa_; Patu\u00f1tupi, _Kolon-towa_.\n\nThere was no formal notification of _T\u00fb\u00f1tai_ from the housetops of\nHano on the following morning, the _Soyalu\u00f1a_ announcement from Walpi\nserving all three pueblos on the East Mesa.\n\nThe formal announcement was made by Kopeli at daybreak of December\n10th. Ho\u00f1yi, the regular _tcakmo\u00f1wi_, or town-crier, was snowbound at\nKeam's Canyon, and consequently was unable to perform this function.\n\nThe Smoke assemblage and its formal announcement at daybreak on the\nfollowing morning have been observed in the Snake dance, and in the\nFlute, New-fire, and _Soyalu\u00f1a_ ceremonies; it probably occurs also in\nthe _Lalako\u00f1ti_ and _Mamzrauti_. It takes place several days before\nthe Assembly day, when the chief enters the kiva and sets his _natci_\nor standard on the kiva hatch to announce that he has begun the\nceremonies.\n\n[Illustration: AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST No. 8., VOL. 1, PL. XVII\nDrawn by MARY M. LEIGHTER\n                ALTAR IN THE MO\u00d1KIVA AT HANO]\n\n\n                            KIVAS AT HANO\n\nThere are two kivas in Hano, one of which, called _Tewakiva_, is\nsituated at the head of the trail to the pueblo. The other, called the\n_Mo\u00f1kiva_, is built in the eastern part of the plaza, and, as its name\nimplies, is the \"chief\" Hano kiva. Both these semi-subterranean rooms\nare rectangular[22] in shape, and in structural details resemble the\nkivas of Walpi. Each has a hatchway entrance in the middle of the\nroof, and is entered by means of a ladder which rests on the floor\nnear a central fireplace. Neither of the Hano kivas has a window, but\neach has a raised platform for spectators east of the fireplace.[23]\n\n\n                     ALTAR IN THE MO\u00d1KIVA AT HANO\n\nAnote,[24] the chief of the _Mo\u00f1kiva_, constructed his altar (plate\nXVIII) on the day above mentioned as _Paic-tala_. He anticipated the\nothers in making it, and began operations, about 10 A.M., by carefully\nsweeping the floor. His fetishes and other altar paraphernalia were in\na bag on the floor at the western end of his kiva, but there was no\n_t\u00edponi_, or chieftain's badge, even on the completed altar.\n\nShortly after Anote had finished sweeping the floor of the kiva,\nSatele entered, followed a few minutes later by Patu\u00f1tupi.[25] These\nthree men, with Kalakwai, who was weaving a blanket, were the only\npersons in the kiva while the altar was being made. Immediately after\nthe other chiefs came in, Anote began the making of prayer-sticks.\nFour of these were made, each of characteristic Tewa form.\n\nEach of these prayer-sticks was double the length of the middle\nfinger, and was painted black with green pigment at the blunt end. On\none of the two sticks which compose this prayer offering, there was\ncut a facet which was painted green with black dots representing eyes\nand mouth. The stick without the facet was called the male, and upon\nit a ferrule was incised.\n\nThe two sticks were bound together with two cotton strings in two\nplaces, but no packet of prayer-meal was appended as in Hopi\nprayer-sticks (_pahos_).[26] A string with a terminal feather was\nattached to that which bound the two sticks together. Anote likewise\nmade many feathered strings called _nakwakwocis_, and Satele fashioned\ntwo prayer-sticks; all of these were laid in a basket-tray on the\nfloor.\n\nAfter these prayer offerings had been completed, Anote placed on the\nfloor a blanketful of moist clay which he further moistened and\nkneaded, fashioning a part of it into a cylinder about a foot and a\nhalf long, and two inches in diameter. This object was made blunt at\none end and pointed at the other. The image represents _Avaiyo_, the\nTewa name of _Pal\u00fcl\u00fcko\u00f1_, the Great Serpent. He added to the blunt\nend, or head, a small clay horn,[27] and inserted a minute feather in\nthe tip of the tail. He fashioned into a ball the clay that remained\nafter making the effigy of the serpent, patting it into a spherical\ncompact mass about the size of a baseball. This, called the _natci_,\nlater served as the pedestal to hold two eagle-wing feathers, and was\nplaced at the kiva hatch each day to inform the uninitiated that\nceremonies were in progress.\n\nHaving finished the effigy of the Great Serpent and formed the clay\ncylinder to his liking, Anote made on the western side of the floor of\nthe kiva a ridge of sand, a few inches high and about two feet long,\nparallel with the western wall. While making this ridge he sat between\nit and the kiva wall. Having patted this sand ridge to the proper\nheight, he removed from their wrapping of coarse cloth, four sticks,\neach about two feet long. These sticks, dingy with age, were tied in\npairs, and were called _po\u00f1ya-saka_, \"altar ladders.\" They were\ninserted in the ridge in pairs, one on each side, and between them was\nplaced in the sand a row of eagle feathers. As these were being put in\nposition by Satele, Anote sang in a low tone, the song continuing as\nthe other parts of the altar were arranged.[28] Anote was frequently\nobliged to prompt his associate regarding the proper arrangement of\nthe objects on the altar.\n\nSatele next drew a line of prayer-meal before the ridge of sand, and\nfrom it, as a base line, made three deep semicircles representing\nrain-clouds. These were drawn as simple, elongated outlines, but\nimmediately the chief sprinkled meal on the floor over the space\nenclosed by them. The curved edges of the three rain-cloud symbols\nwere then rimmed with black sand or powdered coal. About twenty short,\nparallel lines, representing falling rain, were next drawn on the\nfloor with cornmeal, and alternating with them the same number of\nblack lines. Satele then placed upon the rain-cloud symbols, skeleton\npuma paws, two for each rain-cloud. At the apex of each symbolic cloud\na stone fetish of a bear was deposited, and by the side of each an\narrow-point or other stone object was laid.\n\nThe clay effigy of the Great Snake was next placed back of the\nrain-cloud symbols, with the head pointing southward. As this effigy\nlay on the floor, Anote made on it, with meal, representations of eyes\nand teeth, then drew two lines of meal about the neck for a necklace,\nand two other parallel lines about the tail. Black powder was then\nevenly sprinkled along the back of the effigy.\n\nBoth Anote and Satele procured a few ears of differently colored corn\nand shelled them upon the rain-cloud picture, sprinkling the grains\nevenly over the meal design, and adding a few to the back of the Great\nSnake. Squash and melon seeds were likewise distributed in the same\nway. The vase from which the stone effigies and other images were\ntaken was then placed near the base of the middle rain-cloud picture,\nand a large quartz crystal was added on the left. A conch, which the\nauthor presented to the chief, was placed on the right of this vase.\nAnote then swept the floor north of the fireplace, and as he sang in a\nlow tone Satele drew a straight line of meal from near the right pole\nof the ladder across the floor to the middle of the altar. He placed\nalong this line, at intervals, four feathers, and near where it joined\nthe altar he stretched a string, with an attached feather, called the\n_p\u00fctabi_.[29] He then sprinkled a line of pollen along this trail of\nmeal.\n\nAnote's medicine-bowl was set just in front of the middle rain-cloud\nfigure; the clay pedestal with inserted upright feathers stood before\nthe left, and a basket-tray with prayer-meal before the right\nrain-cloud figure.\n\n\n                    ALTAR IN THE TEWAKIVA AT HANO\n\nThe altar (plate XIX) in the _Tewakiva_ was begun about 10 A.M. on the\nAssembly day, and was made by Pocine,[30] assisted by his uncle,\nPu\u00f1sauwi, both members of the _Na\u00f1-towa_, or Sand clan.\n\nThe preparations began with the manufacture of a clay effigy of the\nGreat Snake similar to but larger than that made by Anote in the\n_Mo\u00f1kiva_. The clay was moistened and kneaded on the floor, and then\nrolled into a cylinder about three feet long, blunt at one end and\npointed at the other.\n\n[Illustration: AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST No. 8., Vol. 1, PL. XIX\nDrawn by MARY M. LEIGHTER\n                ALTAR IN THE TEWAKIVA AT HANO]\n\nFour clay balls were made at the same time. One of these later served\nas the base of a standard (_natci_) which was subsequently placed each\nmorning on the kiva hatch to warn the uninitiated not to enter. The\nother three were placed back of the altar and supported the sticks\ncalled the altar-ladders, which will be considered later.\n\nPocine outlined with meal on the floor a square figure which he\ndivided into two rectangular parts by a line parallel with the\nnorthern side. He used meal of two colors--white for one rectangle,\nand light brown or pinkish for the other. Having made the outlines of\nthe rectangle with great care, he carelessly sprinkled the enclosed\nspaces with the meal, hardly covering the sand base upon which the\nfigures were drawn. He then added four triangular figures in meal on\nthe south or front side of the rectangular symbols. These images\nrepresented rain-clouds, and were alternately white and brown.[31] To\nthe tips of these triangular rain-cloud figures he appended zigzag\ncontinuations with lozenge-shaped tips representing the lightning of\nthe four cardinal points. A stone spearpoint or arrowhead was laid on\neach lozenge-like tip of the zigzag lightning.[32]\n\nThe two men, Pocine and Pu\u00f1sauwi, next raised the snake effigy and\nbore it to a position back of the rectangular meal figures on the\nfloor. They deposited it in such a way that its head pointed\nsouthward. Having set the snake effigy in the position which it was to\nretain throughout the ceremony, Pocine sprinkled a black powder along\nthe back of the image, while his uncle inserted several kernels of\ncorn in the blunt end to represent sent the teeth of an upper jaw.\nTwo kernels of corn were then stuck into the head to indicate eyes,\nand an imitation necklace, also of grains of corn, was made around the\nneck of the idol. A double encircling row of corn grains was inserted\nin the tail or pointed end of the effigy, and Pocine added a small\nfeather at the tip.\n\nAfter the effigy had been put in position and adorned in the manner\ndescribed, both Pocine and his uncle again shelled ears of corn on the\nrectangles of meal,[33] to which were added squash, melon, and other\nseeds. These were regularly distributed, some being dropped along the\nback of the image.\n\nA row of eagle feathers was now inserted along the back of the effigy,\ninstead of in a ridge of sand as in the _Mo\u00f1kiva_ altar. There were\ntwelve of these feathers, and they were placed at equal intervals from\nthe neck to the tail of the effigy. Pu\u00f1sauwi then placed the three\nballs of clay, previously mentioned, back of the image, and in each of\nthese balls he inserted two sticks, called _pahos_, similar to those\nused on the altar of the _Mo\u00f1kiva_. These are ancient objects, being\nreputed to have descended from a remote past. One stick in each pair\nwas called the male, the other the female, as is true of all double\nprayer-sticks used by the Hopi Indians. They are called _po\u00f1ya-saka_,\n\"altar-ladders,\" and imitations[34] of them in miniature are made and\nplaced in shrines on the final day of the ceremony.\n\nThe insertion of the row of eagle-feathers along the back of the clay\neffigy of the serpent recalls an instructive reptilian figure on one\nof the bowls from Sikyatki.[35] In this ancient pictograph we find a\nrow of triangles drawn along the medial line from the head to the tail\nof a lizard-like figure. The use of the triangle in ancient Pueblo\npictography as a symbol of a wing-feather, has been pointed out in an\narticle on the feather as a decorative design in ancient Hopi\npottery.[36] The medial line of triangles, representing feathers, on\nthe Sikyatki food-bowl, is paralleled in the Hano kiva by eagle-wing\nfeathers inserted along the middle of the image of a snake.\n\nA small vase was next placed just in advance of the effigy of the\nGreat Snake, and into this vase Pocine poured water from an\nearthenware canteen, making a pass as he did so to the four Pueblo\ncardinal points--north, west, south, and east--in sinistral ceremonial\ncircuit.[37] A stone arrow-point was then laid on the lozenge-shaped\nextremity of each lightning figure.\n\nPocine now scraped into the vase some powder from a soft white stone,\nsaying, as he did so, that the process was called _sowiyauma_,\n\"rabbits emerge,\"[38] and that he wished he had stones of other\ncolors, corresponding to the cardinal points, for the same purpose.\nAfter this was finished he emptied on the floor, from a cloth bag, a\nmiscellaneous collection of botryoidal stones (many of which were\nwaterworn), a few fetishes, and other objects, one of the most\nconspicuous among the latter being a large green stone. All were at\nfirst distributed on the meal picture without any special order, but\nlater were given a definite arrangement.\n\nPocine next went up the kiva ladder, and standing on the upper rung in\nthe sunlight, sought, by means of an angular piece of glass, to\nreflect a ray of sunlight on the altar, but more especially into the\nvase of medicine. Four turkey-feathers were then inserted at equal\nintervals along the base of the serpent effigy, as shown in plate\nXIX.\n\nAfter the stone objects had been arranged on the meal picture, a line\nof meal was drawn along the floor, from the right pole of the ladder\nto the altar. This line was drawn with great care, particular pains\nbeing taken to make it as straight as possible. There was no singing\nwhile this occurred, thus differing from the ceremony performed in the\nother Hano kiva. Four small feathers were placed at intervals along\nthe line of meal. These, in sequence, beginning with the one nearest\nthe ladder, were _sikyatci_, yellow-bird; _kwahu_, eagle or hawk;\n_koyo\u00f1a_, turkey; and _pociw\u00fb_. Pocine sprinkled pollen along this\nline or meal trail.\n\nThere was then emptied from a canvas bag upon the rectangular meal\nfigures a heterogeneous collection of objects, among which may be\nmentioned a bundle of gaming reeds, the humerus of a turkey, a whistle\nmade of a turkey bone, and a zigzag wooden framework such as is used\nby the Hopi to represent lightning.[39]\n\nBack of the altar, leaning against the wall of the kiva, was set\nupright a wooden slat, notched on both edges and called _tawa-saka_,\n\"sun-ladder.\" Miniature imitations (plate XX) of this are made in this\nkiva on the last day of the _T\u00fb\u00f1tai_ and deposited in a shrine near\nSikyaowatcomo, the site of the early settlement of the Tewa. The\n_po\u00f1ya-saka_ or _tawa-saka_ mentioned has not before been seen in any\nHopi ceremony, and it may be characteristic of Tewa altars. A notched\nprayer-stick, called the rain-cloud ladder, is placed in the same\nshrine at this time. This is characteristic of the Tewa of Tusayan,\nbut is not found in the Hopi _pahos_, with which I am familiar.[40]\n\n[Illustration: AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST No. 8., Vol. 1, PL. XIX\nDrawn by J. L. RIDGWAY\n     MINIATURE IMITATION OF THE TAWA-SAKA OR SUN-LADDER\n                    (About one-half size)]\n\nThe reason these prayer-sticks are termed \"ladders\" is because they\nhave the form of an ancient type of ladder made by notching a log of\nwood. They are symbols of the ladders by which the Sun is supposed to\nemerge from his house at sunrise. In the Hopi and Tewa conception the\nSun is weary as he withdraws to the south in winter and these ladders\nare made to aid him in rising, and thus in returning to bless them.\nMore light will doubtless be shed on the significance of the\nsun-ladder prayer-offerings when we know more of the ceremonies about\nthe _T\u00fb\u00f1tai_ altars.\n\nNo _t\u00edponi_ or badge of office was placed on this altar on the day it\nwas made, and my abrupt departure from the East Mesa made it\nimpossible for me to see the rites which are later performed about it.\n\nIt is evident, from the preceding description, that the priests of\nHano have a knowledge of the Great Serpent cult corresponding to the\nworship of Pal\u00fcl\u00fcko\u00f1. Among the Hopi the _Patki_ people claim to have\nintroduced this cult[41] in comparatively recent times. There is a\nTewa clan called _Okuwu\u00f1_ (Cloud) which corresponds, so far as meaning\ngoes, with the _Patki_ clan of the Hopi. Whether this clan brought\nwith it a knowledge of the Great Snake is not clear, as traditions are\nsilent on that point.\n\nThere is a tradition in the _Okuwu\u00f1_ clan that their ancestors, like\nthose of the _Patki_, came from the south, and that the _Na\u00f1-towa_\nbears a like relationship to the _Okuwu\u00f1_ that the Hopi _Tuwa_ clan\ndoes to the _Patki_.[42] If this tradition is well founded, a\nknowledge of the Great Snake fetish of the two Hano kivas may have\nbeen brought by the _Okuwu\u00f1_ and _Na\u00f1-towa_ into Tusayan from the same\nplace as that of Pal\u00fcl\u00fcko\u00f1.\n\nThe Kwakwantu society of the _Patki_ clans among the Hopi are\nintimately connected with this Great Plumed or Horned Snake cult. In\nsome parts of the New-fire ceremony, in which this society takes a\nprominent part, each member of the society carries in his hand a small\nwooden image of a horned snake. These images are called _mo\u00f1kohus_,\nsome of the typical forms of which are figured in an article on the\n_Naacnaiya_.[43] The head of the snake and its horn are well\nrepresented in several of these wooden effigies.\n\n\n                             CONCLUSIONS\n\nThe special interest attached to the Winter Solstice altars at Hano is\nin the fact that they are made by Tewa priests whose ancestors came to\nTusayan about the beginning of the eighteenth century. The makers\nclaim that their forefathers brought a knowledge of them from Tcewadi,\nin the upper valley of the Rio Grande in New Mexico, and that their\nrelatives in the Tewa pueblos in the east still use like altars in\ntheir celebration at the _T\u00fb\u00f1tai_.\n\nNothing, so far as known, has yet been published on the _T\u00fb\u00f1tai_\naltars of the eastern Tanoan people, but ethnographers may yet find in\nthe kivas of those villages material which will render the above\ndescriptions of comparative interest. The resemblance of the _T\u00fb\u00f1tai_\naltars to that of the _Patki_ and related families in the Walpi\n_Mo\u00f1kiva_ at the Winter Solstice, is a very distant one. Both have\nsnake effigies, but there is practically little else in common between\nthem, or with the altar erected at the same time by the _Pakab_ people\nin the _Tcivatokiva_. The _T\u00fb\u00f1tai_ altars are characteristically\nTewan, and, while homologous with each other, are different from any\nyet known from the Hopi pueblos.\n\nThe purport of the _T\u00fb\u00f1tai_ rites at Hano seems to be similar to that\nof the Hopi _Soyalu\u00f1a_, namely, to draw back the sun in its southern\ndeclination, and to fertilize the corn and other seeds and increase\nall worldly possessions. As at Walpi, strings with attached feathers\nare made and given to men and women with wishes that the gods may\nbring them blessings. These strings are also attached to beams of\nhouses, placed in springs of water, tied to the tails of horses,\nburros, sheep, dogs, chickens, and indeed every possession which the\nIndian has and wishes to increase. The presence of the idol of the\nsnake means snake worship.\n\nThe survival of the Tanoan _T\u00fb\u00f1tai_ altars at Hano is typical of the\nway in which the Tusayan ritual has grown to its present complicated\nform. They are instances of an intrusive element which has not yet\nbeen amalgamated, as the knowledge of them is still limited to\nunassimilated people and clans.\n\nSimilar conditions have existed from time to time during the history\nof the Hopi, when new clans were added to those already existing. For\nmany years incoming clans maintained a strict taboo, and each family\nheld the secrets of its own religion; but as time went on and\nassimilation resulted by intermarriage, the religious society arose,\ncomposed of men and women of different clans. The family to which a\nmajority of the membership belonged continued to hold the chieftaincy,\nand owned the altar and its paraphernalia, cherishing the legends of\nthe society. But when men of other clans were admitted to membership,\na mutual reaction of one society on another naturally resulted. This\ntended to modifications which have obscured the original character of\ndistinctive family worship.\n\nThe problem of the Hopi ritual, by which is meant the sum of all great\nceremonies in the Hopi calendar, deals largely with a composite\nsystem. It implies, as elsewhere pointed out, an investigation of the\ncharacteristic religious observances of several large families which\nformerly lived apart in different pueblos. It necessitates a\nknowledge of the social composition of Walpi and of the history of the\ndifferent phratries which make up the population of the village.\n\nThere is a corollary to the above conclusions. No pueblo in the\nsouthwest, outside of Tusayan, has the same ceremonial calendar as\nWalpi, because the population of none is made up of the same clans\nunited in the same relative proportions. Hence the old remark that\nwhat is true of one pueblo is true of all, does not apply to their\nritual. Some ceremonies at Jemez, Acoma, Sia, and Zu\u00f1i, for instance,\nare like some ceremonies at Walpi; but the old ceremonial calendar in\nany one of these pueblos was different from that of the other, because\nthe component families were not the same. In the same way the\nceremonies at Hano and Walpi have certain things in common, due no\ndoubt to the assimilation in the latter of certain Tanoan clans, but\ntheir calendars are very different. The _T\u00fb\u00f1tai_ at Hano differs more\nwidely from the Winter Solstice ceremony at Walpi, a gunshot away,\nthan the Walpi observance differs from that at Oraibi, twenty miles\ndistant. So we might also predict that if we knew the character of\nWinter Solstice altars in the Rio Grande Tewa villages, they would be\nfound to resemble those of Hano more closely than the altars of Hano\nresemble those of Walpi.\n\n\n                  The Knickerbocker Press, New York\n\n\n\n\n                              FOOTNOTES:\n\n\n[1] _The Winter Solstice Ceremony at Walpi_ (_American\nAnthropologist_, vol. XI).\n\n[2] These studies were made under the auspices of the Bureau of\nAmerican Ethnology.\n\n[3] Most of the people of Sitcomovi are of the _Asa_ and _Honani_\nclans, of Tanoan ancestry, but they long ago lost the Tewa language\nand their Tanoan identity.\n\n[4] The site of this last settlement of the _Patki_ people, before\nthey joined those of Walpi, is in the plain about four miles south of\nthe East Mesa. The ruins of the pueblo are still visible, and the\nfoundation walls can readily be traced.\n\n[5] The Hano names of these pueblos are--San Juan, ----; Santa Clara,\n_Kap'a_; San Ildefonso, _Pocu\u00f1we_; Pojoaque, _P'okwode_; Nambe,\n_N\u00fbme_; Tesuque, _Tetsogi_. They also claim Taos (_Tawile_) and\nPicuris (_Ohke_), but say that another speech is mixed with theirs in\nthese pueblos.\n\n[6] The Tewa of Hano call the Hopi _Koso_, and the Hopi speak of the\nHano people as the _Towa_ or the _Hanum-ny\u00fbm\u00fb_. The word \"Moki,\" so\nconstantly used by white people to designate the Hopi, is never\napplied by the Hopi to themselves, and they strongly object to it. The\ndead are said to be _moki_, which enters into the formation of verbs,\nas _tconmoki_, to starve; _tcinmoki_, to be very lonesome, etc. The\nname _Hano_ or _Hanoki_ is, I believe, simply a combination of the\nwords _Hano_ and _ki_, \"eastern pueblo.\" The element _hano_ appears\nalso in the designation for American, _Pahano_, \"eastern water\";\n_pahanoki_, \"American house.\" Both the Asa and the Tewa peoples are\ncalled _Hanum_ clans.\n\n[7] Remains of old reservoirs, elaborately walled, from which water\nwas drawn by means of a gourd tied to a long pole, are still pointed\nout near Tukinovi and are said to have belonged to the _Pe-towa_. Old\nTcasra claims that they were in use in his mother's grandmother's\ntime.\n\n[8] The troubles following the great rebellion of 1680 drove many Tewa\nfrom the Rio Grande valley to Tusayan.\n\n[9] It is impossible to make this enumeration accurate, hence these\nnumbers must be regarded as approximations.\n\n[10] It is not unusual to find several names applied to the same\nperson. Thus, Hani, the chief of the _Piba_ clans at Walpi, is called\nLesma in the Snake kiva. The Walpi call the author Nakwipi, but the\nFlute chief at Cipaulovi insists that his name is Yoyowaiam\u00fb, which\nappellation was given when the author was inducted into the Flute\nrites at that pueblo in 1891.\n\n[11] The gap in the East Mesa just at the head of the trail before one\nenters Hano. The pueblo of Walpi derived its name from this gap.\n\n[12] Their nomadic enemies raided so near the pueblo of the East Mesa\nthat the priests were unable to visit their shrines without danger.\nThe idol of _Talatumsi_, used in the New-fire ceremony, was removed\nfrom its shrine north of Wala on that account.\n\n[13] Later, as the outcome of a petty quarrel near the middle of the\neighteenth century, the _Asa_ women moved to Sitcomovi which they\nfounded. At present there is only one woman of this clan in Walpi, and\nno women of the _Honani_, both of which clans are strong in Sitcomovi.\n\n[14] Ten Broeck in 1852 seems to have been the first writer to adopt\nthe true name, Hano, of the Tewa pueblo on the East Mesa.\n\n[15] One of the differences in custom between Hopi and Tewa women is\nthe method of making their coiffures. Unmarried girls of Walpi and\nHano dress their hair in the same manner, with whorls above the ears.\nMarried women have different ways of wearing their hair in the two\npueblos. During the wedding ceremonies at Hano the mother of the\nbride, in the presence of guests, combs her daughter's hair, or that\npart of it on the front of the scalp, over the face, so that it hangs\ndown like a veil. She ties the hair on the back of the head in two\ncoils, one of which hangs on either side, but the hair before the face\nshe cuts on a level with the chin, beginning at the top of the ears.\nThe hair which remains is too short to be done up in coils, and is\nsimply brushed to one side or the other. Among Hopi married women all\nthe hair is included in the two coils, and the \"bang\" is absent.\n\n[16] The names of many Tewa women end in _pobi_, corresponding with\nthe Hopi _si_, a contracted form of _sih\u00fb_, in women's names, as\nHo\u00f1si, Nasiumsi, etc.\n\n[17] Among the Hopi the moon (Tewa _p'o_) is called _m\u00fciya\u00fbh_; new\nmoon, _m\u00fciyakatci_; first quarter, _m\u00fciyachaunacapti_; full moon,\n_m\u00fciyanacapti_. An eclipse of the moon is spoken of as _m\u00fciya\u00fbh moki_,\n\"dead moon.\" There was a total eclipse of the moon visible at Walpi\nnear the end of December, 1898, when the full moon arose partially\nobscured. This, said Sikyatala, was bad for the Americans who dwell in\nthe far east, but not for the Hopi. A \"dead moon,\" when in the\nmeridian of the Hopi pueblos, is considered _kalolamai_, \"bad.\"\n\n[18] _The Winter Solstice Ceremony at Walpi_, op. cit.\n\n[19] The _Asa_ people are also called the _Tcakwaina_ clans. The ruins\nof their old village, near the western point of Awatobi mesa, are\ncalled Tcakwaina-ki. Its walls do not appear above the surface.\n\n[20] The particular ceremony of the _Pakab_ peoples is the _Momtcita_,\na single day's rite which occurs just after the _Soyalu\u00f1a_, under\ndirection of Pautiwa. Connected with this ceremony are the\nperformances of the \"stick swallowers\" or _Nocoto_ priests who were\nthought to be extinct at Walpi, but Eewa is chief of the _Nocotana_\npriests, and the society includes Wikyatiwa, Talahoya, Sikyaventima,\nand others. They still practice stick-swallowing. Pautiwa is chief of\nthe _Kalektaka_, a warrior priesthood. He belongs to the Eagle clan of\nthe _Pakab_ phratry, which may be related to the _Awata_ or Bow clan\nof the former pueblo of Awatobi.\n\n[21] Tcoshoniwa is generally called by a nickname, Tcino, \"Bald-head,\"\nor \"Curly-hair,\" a sobriquet to which he strongly objects. He is one\nof the oldest men of Sitcomovi, belongs to the _Patki_ clan, and was\nformerly the _kimo\u00f1wi_ or governor of Sitcomovi. Hani, of the _Piba_\n(Tobacco) clan, is political chief of Walpi; and Anote, also of the\n_Piba_ clan, is chief of Hano. All the pueblos have _kimo\u00f1wis_ or\ngovernors, and the office dates from early times; but these pueblo\nchiefs have no authority over pueblos other than their own.\n\n[22] The orientation of the Hano kivas is not far from that of the\nother East Mesa kivas, or about north 44\u00ba west.\n\n[23] The chief kiva had a small stove, an innovation which was greatly\nappreciated by the writer.\n\n[24] So named by the Hopi; the Tewa call him Tem[)e], At Hano almost\neveryone has a Hopi and a Tewa name.\n\n[25] Son of Kutcve and Kotcampa of the _Kolon-towa_, or Corn clan;\ncommonly called \"Esquash\" by Americans.\n\n[26] The corn-husk packet of meal seems to be wanting in Zu\u00f1ian,\nKeresan, and Tanoan prayer-sticks, but it is almost universally\npresent in those of the Hopi. The Tanoan prayer-stick is called\n_o'dope_.\n\n[27] A cephalic horn is an essential organ of the Great Snake, and is\nalways represented in pictography and on graven or other images of\nthis being. Note the similarity of his Tewa name to the Spanish word\n_abajo_, \"below.\"\n\n[28] This is the first time songs have been noted while an altar was\nbeing put in place.\n\n[29] This was a four-stranded string of cotton, as long as the\noutstretched arm, measured from over the heart to the tip of the\nlongest finger. It is supposed to be a roadway of blessings, and the\ntrail of meal is the pathway along which, in their belief, the benign\ninfluences of the altar pass from it to the kiva entrance and to the\npueblo.\n\n[30] Pocine is a youth not far from seventeen years of age. His\nmarriage ceremony was studied by the writer a week before the\n_T\u00fb\u00f1tai_.\n\n[31] The triangle among the Hopi is almost as common a symbol of the\nrain-cloud as the semicircle. It is a very old symbol, and is\nfrequently found with the same meaning in cliff-houses and in ancient\npictography.\n\n[32] It was found in studying the four lightning symbols on this Tewa\naltar that sex is associated with cardinal points as in the Walpi\nAntelope altar. The lightning of the north is male, that of the west\nfemale, the south male, and the east female. The same holds with many\nobjects in Hopi altars; thus the stone objects, _tcamahia_, of the\nAntelope altar follow this rule. In the same way plants and herbs have\nsex (not in the Linnean meaning), and are likewise associated with the\ncardinal points.\n\n[33] This sprinkling of corn seeds upon the meal picture of a Hopi\naltar is mentioned in an account of the Oraibi Flute ceremony. The\nevident purpose of this act is to vitalize the seeds by the\naccompanying rites about the altar.\n\n[34] Called _omow\u00fbh-saka_, \"rain-cloud ladders.\"\n\n[35] _Smithsonian Report_, 1895, pl. lvii.\n\n[36] _The American Anthropologist_, vol. XI, page 1.\n\n[37] The Tewa, like the Hopi, recognize six ceremonial\ndirections--north, west, south, east, above, and below. The sinistral\ncircuit is one in which the center is on the left hand, while the\ndextral circuit has its center to the right. The older term,\n\"sunwise,\" for the latter circuit, etymologically means one ceremonial\ncircuit in the northern hemisphere and an opposite in the southern. On\nthis and other accounts the author has ceased to use it in designating\ncircuits.\n\n[38] For the increase of rabbits.\n\n[39] This zigzag framework had appended to one end a carved imitation\nof a snake's head, and as it represents the lightning this association\nwas not incongruous. Similar frameworks are carried in the dance by a\nman impersonating P\u00fc\u00fcko\u00f1, the War god, and at certain other times when\nlightning is symbolized.\n\n[40] In asking why albino Hopi are found at the Middle Mesa and not on\nthe East Mesa, it was unexpectedly learned that in some ceremonies a\nwhite prayer-stick is made at the former mesa, and that albinism was\ndue to want of care by the father in making these offerings while his\nwife was pregnant. The author has never seen the white _paho_ of the\nMiddle Mesa, and does not know when it is made nor its shape and use.\n\n[41] All Hopi priests are very solicitous that sketches of the _Patki_\naltar in the _Soyalu\u00f1a_ should not be shown to Tewa men or women, and\nthe Tewa men begged me to keep silent regarding their altars while\nconversing with the Walpi chiefs. There is a very strict taboo between\nthe two peoples at the time of the Winter Solstice ceremony, which is\nmore rigid than at other times.\n\n[42] The _Tuwa_ (Sand) or _K\u00fck\u00fctce_ (Lizard) clan lived at Pakatcomo\nwith the _Patki_ people, according to their legends.\n\n[43] _Journal of American Folk-lore_, 1892, pl. II, figs. 1-4. These\n_mo\u00f1kohus_ of the Kwakwantu society, representing horned snakes,\nshould not be confounded with those carried by other societies,\ntypical forms of which are shown in figures 5-8. In the article quoted\nit was not stated that the effigies with heads represent _Pal\u00fcl\u00fcko\u00f1s_.\nThe effigy on the massive club borne by the chief of the Kwakwantu\nalso represents the Great Snake.","title":"The Winter Solstice Altars at Hano Pueblo","tradition":"myth-cosmogony","translated_text":null,"word_count":9279}