{"collection":"myth-cosmogony","full_text_available":true,"graph_url":"https://unchartedknowledge.5gfusion.net/v2/api/page/gutenberg_42336/graph","html_url":"https://unchartedknowledge.5gfusion.net/v2/page/gutenberg_42336","id":"gutenberg_42336","license":"Public Domain (US)","rights_basis":"gutenberg_metadata_copyright_false","source":"gutenberg","source_url":"https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/42336","summary":null,"tags":["Category: Archaeology & Anthropology","Category: Mythology, Legends & Folklore","Category: Religion/Spirituality","Magic","Mythology","Religion","Superstition"],"text":"The Golden Bough\n\n                      A Study in Magic and Religion\n\n                                    By\n\n               James George Frazer, D.C.L., LL.D., Litt.D.\n\n                   Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge\n\n     Professor of Social Anthropology in the University of Liverpool\n\n                            Vol. VIII. of XII.\n\n               Part V: Spirits of the Corn and of the Wild.\n\n                               Vol. 2 of 2.\n\n                           New York and London\n\n                            MacMillan and Co.\n\n                                   1912\n\n\n\n\n\nCONTENTS\n\n\nChapter IX. Ancient Deities of Vegetation as Animals.\n   \u00a7 1. Dionysus, the Goat and the Bull.\n   \u00a7 2. Demeter, the Pig and the Horse.\n   \u00a7 3. Attis, Adonis, and the Pig.\n   \u00a7 4. Osiris, the Pig and the Bull.\n   \u00a7 5. Virbius and the Horse.\nChapter X. Eating The God.\n   \u00a7 1. The Sacrament of First-Fruits.\n   \u00a7 2. Eating the God among the Aztecs.\n   \u00a7 3. Many Manii at Aricia.\nChapter XI. The Sacrifice of First-Fruits.\nChapter XII. Homoeopathic Magic of a Flesh Diet.\nChapter XIII. Killing The Divine Animal.\n   \u00a7 1. Killing the Sacred Buzzard.\n   \u00a7 2. Killing the Sacred Ram.\n   \u00a7 3. Killing the Sacred Serpent.\n   \u00a7 4. Killing the Sacred Turtles.\n   \u00a7 5. Killing the Sacred Bear.\nChapter XIV. The Propitiation of Wild Animals by Hunters.\nChapter XV. The Propitiation of Vermin by Farmers.\n   \u00a7 1. The Enemies of the Crops.\n   \u00a7 2. Mouse Apollo and Wolf Apollo.\nChapter XVI. The Transmigration of Human Souls Into Animals.\nChapter XVII. Types of Animal Sacrament.\n   \u00a7 1. The Egyptian and the Aino Types of Sacrament.\n   \u00a7 2. Processions with Sacred Animals.\n   \u00a7 3. The Rites of Plough Monday.\nNote: The Ceremony of the Horse at Rice-Harvest Among The Garos.\nIndex.\nFootnotes\n\n\n\n\n\n\n                               [Cover Art]\n\n[Transcriber\u2019s Note: The above cover image was produced by the submitter\nat Distributed Proofreaders, and is being placed into the public domain.]\n\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER IX. ANCIENT DEITIES OF VEGETATION AS ANIMALS.\n\n\n\n\n\u00a7 1. Dionysus, the Goat and the Bull.\n\n\n(M1) However we may explain it, the fact remains that in peasant folk-lore\nthe corn-spirit is very commonly conceived and represented in animal form.\nMay not this fact explain the relation in which certain animals stood to\nthe ancient deities of vegetation, Dionysus, Demeter, Adonis, Attis, and\nOsiris?\n\n(M2) To begin with Dionysus. We have seen that he was represented\nsometimes as a goat and sometimes as a bull.(1) As a goat he can hardly be\nseparated from the minor divinities, the Pans, Satyrs, and Silenuses, all\nof whom are closely associated with him and are represented more or less\ncompletely in the form of goats. Thus, Pan was regularly portrayed in\nsculpture and painting with the face and legs of a goat.(2) The Satyrs\nwere depicted with pointed goat-ears, and sometimes with sprouting horns\nand short tails.(3) They were sometimes spoken of simply as goats;(4) and\nin the drama their parts were played by men dressed in goatskins.(5)\nSilenus is represented in art clad in a goatskin.(6) Further, the Fauns,\nthe Italian counterpart of the Greek Pans and Satyrs, are described as\nbeing half goats, with goat-feet and goat-horns.(7) Again, all these minor\ngoat-formed divinities partake more or less clearly of the character of\nwoodland deities. Thus, Pan was called by the Arcadians the Lord of the\nWood.(8) The Silenuses associated with the tree-nymphs.(9) The Fauns are\nexpressly designated as woodland deities;(10) and their character as such\nis still further brought out by their association, or even identification,\nwith Silvanus and the Silvanuses, who, as their name of itself indicates,\nare spirits of the woods.(11) Lastly, the association of the Satyrs with\nthe Silenuses, Fauns, and Silvanuses,(12) proves that the Satyrs also were\nwoodland deities. These goat-formed spirits of the woods have their\ncounterparts in the folk-lore of Northern Europe. Thus, the Russian\nwood-spirits, called _Ljeschie_ (from _ljes_, \u201cwood\u201d) are believed to\nappear partly in human shape, but with the horns, ears, and legs of goats.\nThe _Ljeschi_ can alter his stature at pleasure; when he walks in the wood\nhe is as tall as the trees; when he walks in the meadows he is no higher\nthan the grass. Some of the _Ljeschie_ are spirits of the corn as well as\nof the wood; before harvest they are as tall as the corn-stalks, but after\nit they shrink to the height of the stubble.(13) This brings out\u2014what we\nhave remarked before\u2014the close connexion between tree-spirits and\ncorn-spirits, and shews how easily the former may melt into the latter.\nSimilarly the Fauns, though wood-spirits, were believed to foster the\ngrowth of the crops.(14) We have already seen how often the corn-spirit is\nrepresented in folk-custom as a goat.(15) On the whole, then, as Mannhardt\nargues,(16) the Pans, Satyrs, and Fauns perhaps belong to a widely\ndiffused class of wood-spirits conceived in goat-form. The fondness of\ngoats for straying in woods and nibbling the bark of trees, to which\nindeed they are most destructive, is an obvious and perhaps sufficient\nreason why wood-spirits should so often be supposed to take the form of\ngoats. The inconsistency of a god of vegetation subsisting upon the\nvegetation which he personifies is not one to strike the primitive mind.\nSuch inconsistencies arise when the deity, ceasing to be immanent in the\nvegetation, comes to be regarded as its owner or lord; for the idea of\nowning the vegetation naturally leads to that of subsisting on it. We have\nalready seen that the corn-spirit, originally conceived as immanent in the\ncorn, afterwards comes to be regarded as its owner, who lives on it and is\nreduced to poverty and want by being deprived of it.(17)\n\n(M3) Thus the representation of wood-spirits in the form of goats appears\nto be both widespread and, to the primitive mind, natural. Therefore when\nwe find, as we have done, that Dionysus\u2014a tree-god\u2014is sometimes\nrepresented in goat-form,(18) we can hardly avoid concluding that this\nrepresentation is simply a part of his proper character as a tree-god and\nis not to be explained by the fusion of two distinct and independent\nworships, in one of which he originally appeared as a tree-god and in the\nother as a goat. If such a fusion took place in the case of Dionysus, it\nmust equally have taken place in the case of the Pans and Satyrs of\nGreece, the Fauns of Italy, and the _Ljeschie_ of Russia. That such a\nfusion of two wholly disconnected worships should have occurred once is\npossible; that it should have occurred twice independently is improbable;\nthat it should have occurred thrice independently is so unlikely as to be\npractically incredible.\n\n(M4) Dionysus was also figured, as we have seen,(19) in the shape of a\nbull. After what has gone before we are naturally led to expect that his\nbull form must have been only another expression for his character as a\ndeity of vegetation, especially as the bull is a common embodiment of the\ncorn-spirit in Northern Europe;(20) and the close association of Dionysus\nwith Demeter and Persephone in the mysteries of Eleusis shews that he had\nat least strong agricultural affinities. The other possible explanation of\nthe bull-shaped Dionysus would be that the conception of him as a bull was\noriginally entirely distinct from the conception of him as a deity of\nvegetation, and that the fusion of the two conceptions was due to some\nsuch circumstance as the union of two tribes, one of which had previously\nworshipped a bull-god and the other a tree-god. This appears to be the\nview taken by Mr. Andrew Lang, who suggests that the bull-formed Dionysus\n\u201chad either been developed out of, or had succeeded to, the worship of a\nbull-totem.\u201d(21) Of course this is possible. But it is not yet certain\nthat the Aryans ever had totemism.(22) On the other hand, it is quite\ncertain that many Aryan peoples have conceived deities of vegetation as\nembodied in animal forms. Therefore when we find amongst an Aryan people\nlike the Greeks a deity of vegetation represented as an animal, the\npresumption must be in favour of explaining this by a principle which is\ncertainly known to have influenced the Aryan race rather than by one which\nis not certainly known to have done so. In the present state of our\nknowledge, therefore, it is safer to regard the bull form of Dionysus as\nbeing, like his goat form, an expression of his proper character as a\ndeity of vegetation.\n\n(M5) The probability of this view will be somewhat increased if it can be\nshewn that in other rites than those of Dionysus the ancients slew an ox\nas a representative of the spirit of vegetation. This they appear to have\ndone in the Athenian sacrifice known as \u201cthe murder of the ox\u201d\n(_bouphonia_). It took place about the end of June or beginning of July,\nthat is, about the time when the threshing is nearly over in Attica.\nAccording to tradition the sacrifice was instituted to procure a cessation\nof drought and dearth which had afflicted the land. The ritual was as\nfollows. Barley mixed with wheat, or cakes made of them, were laid upon\nthe bronze altar of Zeus Polieus on the Acropolis. Oxen were driven round\nthe altar, and the ox which went up to the altar and ate the offering on\nit was sacrificed. The axe and knife with which the beast was slain had\nbeen previously wetted with water brought by maidens called\n\u201cwater-carriers.\u201d The weapons were then sharpened and handed to the\nbutchers, one of whom felled the ox with the axe and another cut its\nthroat with the knife. As soon as he had felled the ox, the former threw\nthe axe from him and fled; and the man who cut the beast\u2019s throat\napparently imitated his example. Meantime the ox was skinned and all\npresent partook of its flesh. Then the hide was stuffed with straw and\nsewed up; next the stuffed animal was set on its feet and yoked to a\nplough as if it were ploughing. A trial then took place in an ancient\nlaw-court presided over by the King (as he was called) to determine who\nhad murdered the ox. The maidens who had brought the water accused the men\nwho had sharpened the axe and knife; the men who had sharpened the axe and\nknife blamed the men who had handed these implements to the butchers; the\nmen who had handed the implements to the butchers blamed the butchers; and\nthe butchers laid the blame on the axe and knife, which were accordingly\nfound guilty, condemned and cast into the sea.(23)\n\n(M6) The name of this sacrifice,\u2014\u201cthe _murder_ of the ox,\u201d(24)\u2014the pains\ntaken by each person who had a hand in the slaughter to lay the blame on\nsome one else, together with the formal trial and punishment of the axe or\nknife or both, prove that the ox was here regarded not merely as a victim\noffered to a god, but as itself a sacred creature, the slaughter of which\nwas sacrilege or murder. This is borne out by a statement of Varro that to\nkill an ox was formerly a capital crime in Attica.(25) The mode of\nselecting the victim suggests that the ox which tasted the corn was viewed\nas the corn-deity taking possession of his own. This interpretation is\nsupported by the following custom. In Beauce, in the district of Orleans,\non the twenty-fourth or twenty-fifth of April they make a straw-man called\n\u201cthe great _mondard_.\u201d For they say that the old _mondard_ is now dead and\nit is necessary to make a new one. The straw-man is carried in solemn\nprocession up and down the village and at last is placed upon the oldest\napple-tree. There he remains till the apples are gathered, when he is\ntaken down and thrown into the water, or he is burned and his ashes cast\ninto water. But the person who plucks the first fruit from the tree\nsucceeds to the title of \u201cthe great _mondard_,\u201d(26) Here the straw figure,\ncalled \u201cthe great _mondard_\u201d and placed on the oldest apple-tree in\nspring, represents the spirit of the tree, who, dead in winter, revives\nwhen the apple-blossoms appear on the boughs. Thus the person who plucks\nthe first fruit from the tree and thereby receives the name of \u201cthe great\n_mondard_\u201d must be regarded as a representative of the tree-spirit.\nPrimitive peoples are usually reluctant to taste the annual first-fruits\nof any crop, until some ceremony has been performed which makes it safe\nand pious for them to do so. The reason of this reluctance appears to be a\nbelief that the first-fruits either belong to or actually contain a\ndivinity. Therefore when a man or animal is seen boldly to appropriate the\nsacred first-fruits, he or it is naturally regarded as the divinity\nhimself in human or animal form taking possession of his own. The time of\nthe Athenian sacrifice, which fell about the close of the threshing,\nsuggests that the wheat and barley laid upon the altar were a harvest\noffering; and the sacramental character of the subsequent repast\u2014all\npartaking of the flesh of the divine animal\u2014would make it parallel to the\nharvest-suppers of modern Europe, in which, as we have seen, the flesh of\nthe animal who stands for the corn-spirit is eaten by the harvesters.\nAgain, the tradition that the sacrifice was instituted in order to put an\nend to drought and famine is in favour of taking it as a harvest festival.\nThe resurrection of the corn-spirit, enacted by setting up the stuffed ox\nand yoking it to the plough, may be compared with the resurrection of the\ntree-spirit in the person of his representative, the Wild Man.(27)\n\n(M7) Still more clearly, perhaps, does the identification of the\ncorn-spirit with an ox come out in the sacrificial ritual which the Greeks\nof Magnesia on the Maeander observed in honour of Zeus Sosipolis, a god\nwhose title of Sosipolis (\u201cSaviour of the City\u201d) marks him as the\nequivalent of Zeus Polieus (\u201cZeus of the City\u201d). The details of the ritual\nare happily preserved in an inscription, which records a decree of the\ncouncil and of the people for the regulation of the whole proceedings.\nEvery year at a festival in the month of Heraeon the magistrates bought\nthe finest bull that could be had for money, and at the new moon of the\nmonth of Cronion, at the time when the sowing was about to begin, they and\nthe priests dedicated the animal to Zeus Sosipolis, while solemn prayers\nwere offered by the voice of a sacred herald for the welfare of the city,\nof the land, and of the people, for peace and wealth, for the corn-crops\nand all other fruits, and for the cattle. Thereafter the sacred animal was\nkept throughout the winter, its keep being undertaken by a contractor, who\nwas bound by law to drive the bull to the market and there collect\ncontributions for its maintenance from all the hucksters and in particular\nfrom the corn-chandlers; and a prospect was held out to such as\ncontributed that it would go well with them. Finally, after having been\nthus maintained at the public cost for some months, the bull was led forth\nwith great pomp and sacrificed in the market-place on the twelfth day of\nthe month Artemision, which is believed to have been equivalent to the\nAttic month of Thargelion and to the English month of May, the season when\nthe corn is reaped in the Greek lowlands. In the procession which attended\nthe animal to the place of sacrifice the senators, the priests, the\nmagistrates, the young people, and the victors in the games all bore a\npart, and at the head of the procession were borne the images of the\nTwelve Gods attired in festal array, while a fluteplayer, a piper, and a\nharper discoursed solemn music.(28) Now in the bull, which was thus\ndedicated at the time of sowing and kept at the cost of the pious, and\nespecially of corn-chandlers, to be finally sacrificed at harvest, it is\nreasonable to see an embodiment of the corn-spirit. Regarded as such the\nanimal was consecrated when the seed was committed to the earth; it was\nfed and kept all the time the corn was growing in order that by its\nbeneficent energies it might foster that growth; and at last, to complete\nthe parallel, when the corn was reaped the animal was slain, the cutting\nof the stalks being regarded as the death of the corn-spirit.(29)\nSimilarly we have seen that in the harvest-fields and on the\nthreshing-floors of modern Europe the corn-spirit is often conceived in\nthe form of a bull, an ox, or a calf, which is supposed to be killed at\nreaping or threshing; and, further, we saw that the conception is\nsometimes carried out in practice by slaughtering a real ox or a real calf\non the harvest-field. Thus the parallelism between the ancient Greek and\nthe modern European idea of the corn-spirit embodied in the form of a bull\nappears to be very close.\n\n(M8) On the interpretation which I have adopted of the sacrifices offered\nto Zeus Polieus and Zeus Sosipolis the corn-spirit is conceived as a male,\nnot as a female, as Zeus, not as Demeter or Persephone. In this there is\nno inconsistency. At the stage of thought which the Greeks had reached\nlong before the dawn of history they supposed the processes of\nreproduction in nature to be carried on by a male and a female principle\nin conjunction; they did not believe, like some backward savages, that the\nfemale principle alone suffices for that purpose, and that the aid of the\nmale principle is superfluous. Hence, as we have seen, they imagined that\nthe goddesses of the corn, the mother Demeter and the daughter Persephone,\nhad each her male partner with whom she united for the production of the\ncrops. The partner of Demeter was Zeus, the partner of Persephone was his\nbrother Pluto, the Subterranean Zeus, as he was called; and reasons have\nbeen shewn for thinking that the marriage of one or other of these divine\npairs was solemnised at Eleusis as part of the Great Mysteries in order to\npromote the growth of the corn.(30)\n\n(M9) The ox appears as a representative of the corn-spirit in other parts\nof the world. At Great Bassam, in Guinea, two oxen are slain annually to\nprocure a good harvest. If the sacrifice is to be effectual, it is\nnecessary that the oxen should weep. So all the women of the village sit\nin front of the beasts, chanting, \u201cThe ox will weep; yes, he will weep!\u201d\nFrom time to time one of the women walks round the beasts, throwing manioc\nmeal or palm wine upon them, especially into their eyes. When tears roll\ndown from the eyes of the oxen, the people dance, singing, \u201cThe ox weeps!\nthe ox weeps!\u201d Then two men seize the tails of the beasts and cut them off\nat one blow. It is believed that a great misfortune will happen in the\ncourse of the year if the tails are not severed at one blow. The oxen are\nafterwards killed, and their flesh is eaten by the chiefs.(31) Here the\ntears of the oxen, like those of the human victims amongst the Khonds and\nthe Aztecs,(32) are probably a rain-charm. We have already seen that the\nvirtue of the corn-spirit, embodied in animal form, is sometimes supposed\nto reside in the tail, and that the last handful of corn is sometimes\nconceived as the tail of the corn spirit.(33) In the Mithraic religion\nthis conception is graphically set forth in some of the numerous\nsculptures which represent Mithras kneeling on the back of a bull and\nplunging a knife into its flank; for on certain of these monuments the\ntail of the bull ends in three stalks of corn, and in one of them\ncorn-stalks instead of blood are seen issuing from the wound inflicted by\nthe knife.(34) Such representations certainly suggest that the bull, whose\nsacrifice appears to have formed a leading feature in the Mithraic ritual,\nwas conceived, in one at least of its aspects, as an incarnation of the\ncorn-spirit.\n\n(M10) Still more clearly does the ox appear as a personification of the\ncorn-spirit in a ceremony which is observed in all the provinces and\ndistricts of China to welcome the approach of spring. On the first day of\nspring, usually on the third or fourth of February, which is also the\nbeginning of the Chinese New Year, the governor or prefect of the city\ngoes in procession to the east gate of the city, and sacrifices to the\nDivine Husbandman, who is represented with a bull\u2019s head on the body of a\nman. A large effigy of an ox, cow, or buffalo has been prepared for the\noccasion, and stands outside of the east gate, with agricultural\nimplements beside it. The figure is made of differently-coloured pieces of\npaper pasted on a framework either by a blind man or according to the\ndirections of a necromancer. The colours of the paper prognosticate the\ncharacter of the coming year; if red prevails, there will be many fires;\nif white, there will be floods and rain; and so with the other colours.\nThe mandarins walk slowly round the ox, beating it severely at each step\nwith rods of various hues. It is filled with five kinds of grain, which\npour forth when the effigy is broken by the blows of the rods. The paper\nfragments are then set on fire, and a scramble takes place for the burning\nfragments, because the people believe that whoever gets one of them is\nsure to be fortunate throughout the year. A live buffalo is next killed,\nand its flesh is divided among the mandarins. According to one account,\nthe effigy of the ox is made of clay, and, after being beaten by the\ngovernor, is stoned by the people till they break it in pieces, \u201cfrom\nwhich they expect an abundant year.\u201d(35) But the ceremony varies somewhat\nin the different provinces. According to another account the effigy of the\ncow, made of earthenware, with gilded horns, is borne in procession, and\nis of such colossal dimensions that forty or fifty men can hardly carry\nit. Behind this monstrous cow walks a boy with one foot shod and the other\nbare, personifying the Genius of Industry. He beats the effigy with a rod,\nas if to drive it forward. A great many little clay cows are afterwards\ntaken out of the large one and distributed among the people. Both the big\ncow and the little ones are then broken in pieces, and the people take the\nsherds home with them in order to grind them to powder and strew the\npowder on their fields, for they think thus to secure a plentiful\nharvest.(36) In the cities nearest to Weihaiwei, in northern China, the\nceremony of \u201cthe Beginning of Spring\u201d is a moveable feast, which falls\nusually in the first moon. The local magistrate and his attendants go in\nprocession to the eastern suburbs of the city to \u201cmeet the Spring.\u201d A\ngreat pasteboard effigy of an ox is carried in the procession, together\nwith another pasteboard image of a man called Mang-Shen, \u201cwho represents\neither the typical ox-driver or ploughman or the god of Agriculture.\u201d On\nthe return of the procession to the magistrate\u2019s court, that dignitary\nhimself and his principal colleagues beat and prod the pasteboard ox with\nwands, after which the effigy is burned along with the image of its\nattendant. The colours and apparel of the two effigies correspond with the\nforecasts of the Chinese almanack. Thus if the head of the ox is yellow,\nthe summer will be very hot; if it is green, the spring will be sickly; if\nit is red, there will be a drought; if it is black, there will be much\nrain; if it is white, there will be high winds. If Mang-Shen wears a hat,\nthe year will be dry; if he is bareheaded, it will be rainy; and so on\nwith the other articles of his apparel. Besides the pasteboard ox a\nminiature ox made of clay is also supposed to be provided.(37) In Chinese\nthe ceremony is called indifferently \u201cbeating the ox\u201d and \u201cbeating the\nspring,\u201d which seems to prove that the ox is identified with the vernal\nenergies of nature. We may suppose that originally the ox which figures in\nthe rite was a living animal, but ever since the beginning of our era,\nwhen the custom first appears in history, it has been an effigy of\nterra-cotta or pasteboard. To this day the Chinese calendar devotes a page\nto a picture of \u201cthe ox of spring\u201d with Mang, the tutelary genius of\nspring, standing beside it and grasping a willow-bough, with which he is\nabout to beat the animal for the purpose of stimulating its reproductive\nvirtue.(38) In one form of this Chinese custom the corn-spirit appears to\nbe plainly represented by the corn-filled ox, whose fragments may\ntherefore be supposed to bring fertility with them. We may compare the\nSilesian custom of burning the effigy of Death, scrambling for the burning\nfragments, and burying them in the fields to secure a good crop, and the\nFlorentine custom of sawing the Old Woman and scrambling for the dried\nfruits with which she was filled.(39) Both these customs, like their\nChinese counterpart, are observed in spring.\n\n(M11)The practice of beating an earthenware or pasteboard image of an ox\nin spring is not confined to China proper, but seems to be widely spread\nin the east of Asia; for example, it has been recorded at Kashgar and in\nAnnam. Thus a French traveller has described how at Kashgar, on the third\nof February 1892, a mandarin, clad in his finest robes and borne in a\nmagnificent palanquin, conducted solemnly through the streets the\npasteboard image of an ox, \u201ca sacred animal devoted to the deity of spring\nwho gives life to the fields. It is thus carried to some distance outside\nof the town on the eastern side. The official who acts as pontiff\nceremoniously offers food and libations to it in order to obtain a\nfruitful year, and next day it is demolished by the lashes of a whip.\u201d(40)\nAgain, in Annam, every year at the approach of spring the Department of\nRites publishes instructions to the provincial governors as to the manner\nin which the festival of the inauguration of spring is to be celebrated.\nAmong the indispensable features of the festival are the figures of an ox\nand its warder made of terra-cotta. The attitudes of the two and the\ncolours to be applied to them are carefully prescribed every year in the\nChinese calendar. Popular opinion attributes to the colour of the ox and\nthe accoutrement of its warder, who is called Mang Than, a certain\ninfluence on the crops of the year: a green, yellow, and black buffalo\nprognosticates an abundant harvest: a red or white buffalo foretells\nwretched crops and great droughts or hurricanes. If Mang Than is\nrepresented wearing a large hat, the year will be rainy; if on the other\nhand he is bareheaded, long barren droughts are to be feared. Nay, the\npublic credulity goes so far as to draw good or evil omens from the\ncheerfulness or ill humour which may be detected on the features of the\nWarder of the Ox. Having been duly prepared in accordance with the\ndirections of the almanack, the ox and its warder are carried in\nprocession, followed by the mandarins and the people, to the altar of\nSpring, which is usually to be found in every provincial capital. There\nthe provincial governor offers fruits, flowers, and incense to the Genius\nof Spring (_Xuan Quan_), and gold and silver paper money are burnt on the\naltar in profusion. Lastly the ox and his warder are buried in a spot\nwhich has been indicated by a geomancer.(41) It is interesting to observe\nthat the three colours of the ox which are taken to prognosticate good\ncrops, to wit, green, yellow, and black, are precisely the colours which\nthe ancients attributed to Demeter, the goddess of the corn.(42)\n\n(M12) The great importance which the Chinese attach to the performance of\nrites for the fertility of the ground is proved by an ancient custom which\nis, or was till lately, observed every year in spring. On an appointed day\nthe emperor himself, attended by the highest dignitaries of the state,\nguides with his own hand the ox-drawn plough down several furrows and\nscatters the seed in a sacred field, or \u201cfield of God,\u201d as it is called,\nthe produce of which is afterwards examined from time to time with anxious\ncare by the Governor of Peking, who draws omens from the appearance of the\nears; it is a very happy omen if he should chance to find thirteen ears\ngrowing on one stalk. To prepare himself for the celebration of this\nsolemn rite the emperor is expected to fast and remain continent for three\ndays previously, and the princes and mandarins who accompany him to the\nfield are bound to observe similar restrictions. The corn grown on the\nholy field which has thus been ploughed by the imperial hands is collected\nin yellow sacks and stored in a special granary to be used by the emperor\nin certain solemn sacrifices which he offers to the god Chan Ti and to his\nown ancestors. In the provinces of China the season of ploughing is\nsimilarly inaugurated by the provincial governors as representatives of\nthe emperor.(43)\n\n(M13) The sacred field, or \u201cfield of God,\u201d in which the emperor of China\nthus ceremonially opens the ploughing for the year, and of which the\nproduce is employed in sacrifice, reminds us of the Rarian plain at\nEleusis, in which a sacred ploughing similarly took place every year, and\nof which the produce was in like manner devoted to sacrifice.(44) Further,\nit recalls the little sacred rice-fields on which the Kayans of central\nBorneo inaugurate the various operations of the agricultural year by\nperforming them in miniature.(45) As I have already pointed out, all such\nconsecrated enclosures were probably in origin what we may call spiritual\npreserves, that is, patches of ground which men set apart for the\nexclusive use of the corn-spirit to console him for the depredations they\ncommitted on all the rest of his domains. Again, the rule of fasting and\ncontinence observed by the Emperor of China and his august colleagues\nbefore they put their hands to the plough resembles the similar customs of\nabstinence practised by many savages as a preparation for engaging in the\nvarious labours of the field.(46)\n\n(M14) On the whole we may perhaps conclude that both as a goat and as a\nbull Dionysus was essentially a god of vegetation. The Chinese and\nEuropean customs which I have cited(47) may perhaps shed light on the\ncustom of rending a live bull or goat at the rites of Dionysus. The animal\nwas torn in fragments, as the Khond victim was cut in pieces, in order\nthat the worshippers might each secure a portion of the life-giving and\nfertilising influence of the god. The flesh was eaten raw as a sacrament,\nand we may conjecture that some of it was taken home to be buried in the\nfields, or otherwise employed so as to convey to the fruits of the earth\nthe quickening influence of the god of vegetation. The resurrection of\nDionysus, related in his myth, may have been enacted in his rites by\nstuffing and setting up the slain ox, as was done at the Athenian\n_bouphonia_.\n\n\n\n\n\u00a7 2. Demeter, the Pig and the Horse.\n\n\n(M15) Passing next to the corn-goddess Demeter, and remembering that in\nEuropean folk-lore the pig is a common embodiment of the corn-spirit,(48)\nwe may now ask whether the pig, which was so closely associated with\nDemeter, may not have been originally the goddess herself in animal form?\nThe pig was sacred to her;(49) in art she was portrayed carrying or\naccompanied by a pig;(50) and the pig was regularly sacrificed in her\nmysteries, the reason assigned being that the pig injures the corn and is\ntherefore an enemy of the goddess.(51) But after an animal has been\nconceived as a god, or a god as an animal, it sometimes happens, as we\nhave seen, that the god sloughs off his animal form and becomes purely\nanthropomorphic; and that then the animal, which at first had been slain\nin the character of the god, comes to be viewed as a victim offered to the\ngod on the ground of its hostility to the deity; in short, the god is\nsacrificed to himself on the ground that he is his own enemy. This\nhappened to Dionysus,(52) and it may have happened to Demeter also. And in\nfact the rites of one of her festivals, the Thesmophoria, bear out the\nview that originally the pig was an embodiment of the corn-goddess\nherself, either Demeter or her daughter and double Persephone. The Attic\nThesmophoria was an autumn festival, celebrated by women alone in\nOctober,(53) and appears to have represented with mourning rites the\ndescent of Persephone (or Demeter)(54) into the lower world, and with joy\nher return from the dead.(55) Hence the name Descent or Ascent variously\napplied to the first, and the name _Kalligeneia_ (fair-born) applied to\nthe third day of the festival. Now from an old scholium on Lucian(56) we\nlearn some details about the mode of celebrating the Thesmophoria, which\nshed important light on the part of the festival called the Descent or the\nAscent. The scholiast tells us that it was customary at the Thesmophoria\nto throw pigs, cakes of dough, and branches of pine-trees into \u201cthe chasms\nof Demeter and Persephone,\u201d which appear to have been sacred caverns or\nvaults.(57) In these caverns or vaults there were said to be serpents,\nwhich guarded the caverns and consumed most of the flesh of the pigs and\ndough-cakes which were thrown in. Afterwards\u2014apparently at the next annual\nfestival(58)\u2014the decayed remains of the pigs, the cakes, and the\npine-branches were fetched by women called \u201cdrawers,\u201d who, after observing\nrules of ceremonial purity for three days, descended into the caverns,\nand, frightening away the serpents by clapping their hands, brought up the\nremains and placed them on the altar. Whoever got a piece of the decayed\nflesh and cakes, and sowed it with the seed-corn in his field, was\nbelieved to be sure of a good crop. With the feeding of the serpents in\nthe vaults by the women we may compare an ancient Italian ritual. At\nLanuvium a serpent lived in a sacred cave within a grove of Juno. On\ncertain appointed days a number of holy maidens, with their eyes bandaged,\nentered the grove carrying cakes of barley in their hands. Led, as it was\nbelieved, by the divine spirit, they walked straight to the serpent\u2019s den\nand offered him the cakes. If they were chaste, the serpent ate the cakes,\nthe parents of the girls rejoiced, and farmers prognosticated an abundant\nharvest. But if the girls were unchaste, the serpent left the cakes\nuntasted, and ants came and crumbled the rejected viands and so removed\nthem bit by bit from the sacred grove, thereby purifying the hallowed spot\nfrom the stain it had contracted by the presence of a defiled maiden.(59)\n\n(M16) To explain the rude and ancient ritual of the Thesmophoria the\nfollowing legend was told. At the moment when Pluto carried off\nPersephone, a swineherd called Eubuleus chanced to be herding his swine on\nthe spot, and his herd was engulfed in the chasm down which Pluto vanished\nwith Persephone. Accordingly at the Thesmophoria pigs were annually thrown\ninto caverns to commemorate the disappearance of the swine of\nEubuleus.(60) It follows from this that the casting of the pigs into the\nvaults at the Thesmophoria formed part of the dramatic representation of\nPersephone\u2019s descent into the lower world; and as no image of Persephone\nappears to have been thrown in, we may infer that the descent of the pigs\nwas not so much an accompaniment of her descent as the descent itself, in\nshort, that the pigs were Persephone. Afterwards when Persephone or\nDemeter (for the two are equivalent) took on human form, a reason had to\nbe found for the custom of throwing pigs into caverns at her festival; and\nthis was done by saying that when Pluto carried off Persephone, there\nhappened to be some swine browsing near, which were swallowed up along\nwith her. The story is obviously a forced and awkward attempt to bridge\nover the gulf between the old conception of the corn-spirit as a pig and\nthe new conception of her as an anthropomorphic goddess. A trace of the\nolder conception survived in the legend that when the sad mother was\nsearching for traces of the vanished Persephone, the footprints of the\nlost one were obliterated by the footprints of a pig;(61) originally, we\nmay conjecture, the footprints of the pig were the footprints of\nPersephone and of Demeter herself. A consciousness of the intimate\nconnexion of the pig with the corn lurks in the legend that the swineherd\nEubuleus was a brother of Triptolemus, to whom Demeter first imparted the\nsecret of the corn. Indeed, according to one version of the story,\nEubuleus himself received, jointly with his brother Triptolemus, the gift\nof the corn from Demeter as a reward for revealing to her the fate of\nPersephone.(62) Further, it is to be noted that at the Thesmophoria the\nwomen appear to have eaten swine\u2019s flesh.(63) The meal, if I am right,\nmust have been a solemn sacrament or communion, the worshippers partaking\nof the body of the god.\n\n(M17) As thus explained, the Thesmophoria has its analogies in the\nfolk-customs of Northern Europe which have been already described. Just as\nat the Thesmophoria\u2014an autumn festival in honour of the\ncorn-goddess\u2014swine\u2019s flesh was partly eaten, partly kept in caverns till\nthe following year, when it was taken up to be sown with the seed-corn in\nthe fields for the purpose of securing a good crop; so in the\nneighbourhood of Grenoble the goat killed on the harvest-field is partly\neaten at the harvest-supper, partly pickled and kept till the next\nharvest;(64) so at Pouilly the ox killed on the harvest-field is partly\neaten by the harvesters, partly pickled and kept till the first day of\nsowing in spring,(65) probably to be then mixed with the seed, or eaten by\nthe ploughmen, or both; so at Udvarhely the feathers of the cock which is\nkilled in the last sheaf at harvest are kept till spring, and then sown\nwith the seed on the field;(66) so in Hesse and Meiningen the flesh of\npigs is eaten on Ash Wednesday or Candlemas, and the bones are kept till\nsowing-time, when they are put into the field sown or mixed with the seed\nin the bag;(67) so, lastly, the corn from the last sheaf is kept till\nChristmas, made into the Yule Boar, and afterwards broken and mixed with\nthe seed-corn at sowing in spring.(68) Thus, to put it generally, the\ncorn-spirit is killed in animal form in autumn; part of his flesh is eaten\nas a sacrament by his worshippers; and part of it is kept till next\nsowing-time or harvest as a pledge and security for the continuance or\nrenewal of the corn-spirit\u2019s energies. Whether in the interval between\nautumn and spring he is conceived as dead, or whether, like the ox in the\n_bouphonia_, he is supposed to come to life again immediately after being\nkilled, is not clear. At the Thesmophoria, according to Clement and\nPausanias, as emended by Lobeck,(69) the pigs were thrown in alive, and\nwere supposed to reappear at the festival of the following year. Here,\ntherefore, if we accept Lobeck\u2019s emendations, the corn-spirit is conceived\nas alive throughout the year; he lives and works under ground, but is\nbrought up each autumn to be renewed and then replaced in his subterranean\nabode.(70)\n\n(M18) If persons of fastidious taste should object that the Greeks never\ncould have conceived Demeter and Persephone to be embodied in the form of\npigs, it may be answered that in the cave of Phigalia in Arcadia the Black\nDemeter was portrayed with the head and mane of a horse on the body of a\nwoman.(71) Between the portrait of a goddess as a pig, and the portrait of\nher as a woman with a horse\u2019s head, there is little to choose in respect\nof barbarism. The legend told of the Phigalian Demeter indicates that the\nhorse was one of the animal forms assumed in ancient Greece, as in modern\nEurope,(72) by the corn-spirit. It was said that in her search for her\ndaughter, Demeter assumed the form of a mare to escape the addresses of\nPoseidon, and that, offended at his importunity, she withdrew in dudgeon\nto a cave not far from Phigalia in the highlands of Western Arcadia. The\nvery cavern, now turned into a little Christian chapel with its holy\npictures, is still shewn to the curious traveller far down the side of\nthat profound ravine through which the brawling Neda winds under\noverhanging woods to the sea. There, robed in black, she tarried so long\nthat the fruits of the earth were perishing, and mankind would have died\nof famine if Pan had not soothed the angry goddess and persuaded her to\nquit the cave. In memory of this event, the Phigalians set up an image of\nthe Black Demeter in the cave; it represented a woman dressed in a long\nrobe, with the head and mane of a horse.(73) The Black Demeter, in whose\nabsence the fruits of the earth perish, is plainly a mythical expression\nfor the bare wintry earth stripped of its summer mantle of green.\n\n\n\n\n\u00a7 3. Attis, Adonis, and the Pig.\n\n\n(M19) Passing now to Attis and Adonis, we may note a few facts which seem\nto shew that these deities of vegetation had also, like other deities of\nthe same class, their animal embodiments. The worshippers of Attis\nabstained from eating the flesh of swine.(74) This appears to indicate\nthat the pig was regarded as an embodiment of Attis. And the legend that\nAttis was killed by a boar(75) points in the same direction. For after the\nexamples of the goat Dionysus and the pig Demeter it may almost be laid\ndown as a rule that an animal which is said to have injured a god was\noriginally the god himself. Perhaps the cry of \u201cHyes Attes! Hyes\nAttes!\u201d(76) which was raised by the worshippers of Attis, may be neither\nmore nor less than \u201cPig Attis! Pig Attis!\u201d\u2014_hyes_ being possibly a\nPhrygian form of the Greek _h\u0233s_, \u201ca pig.\u201d(77)\n\n(M20) In regard to Adonis, his connexion with the boar was not always\nexplained by the story that he had been killed by the animal.(78)\nAccording to another story, a boar rent with his tusk the bark of the tree\nin which the infant Adonis was born.(79) According to yet another story,\nhe perished at the hands of Hephaestus on Mount Lebanon while he was\nhunting wild boars.(80) These variations in the legend serve to shew that,\nwhile the connexion of the boar with Adonis was certain, the reason of the\nconnexion was not understood, and that consequently different stories were\ndevised to explain it. Certainly the pig ranked as a sacred animal among\nthe Syrians. At the great religious metropolis of Hierapolis on the\nEuphrates pigs were neither sacrificed nor eaten, and if a man touched a\npig he was unclean for the rest of the day. Some people said this was\nbecause the pigs were unclean; others said it was because the pigs were\nsacred.(81) This difference of opinion points to a hazy state of religious\nthought in which the ideas of sanctity and uncleanness are not yet sharply\ndistinguished, both being blent in a sort of vaporous solution to which we\ngive the name of taboo. It is quite consistent with this that the pig\nshould have been held to be an embodiment of the divine Adonis, and the\nanalogies of Dionysus and Demeter make it probable that the story of the\nhostility of the animal to the god was only a late misapprehension of the\nold view of the god as embodied in a pig. The rule that pigs were not\nsacrificed or eaten by worshippers of Attis and presumably of Adonis, does\nnot exclude the possibility that in these rituals the pig was slain on\nsolemn occasions as a representative of the god and consumed sacramentally\nby the worshippers. Indeed, the sacramental killing and eating of an\nanimal implies that the animal is sacred, and that, as a general rule, it\nis spared.(82)\n\n(M21) The attitude of the Jews to the pig was as ambiguous as that of the\nheathen Syrians towards the same animal. The Greeks could not decide\nwhether the Jews worshipped swine or abominated them.(83) On the one hand\nthey might not eat swine; but on the other hand they might not kill them.\nAnd if the former rule speaks for the uncleanness, the latter speaks still\nmore strongly for the sanctity of the animal. For whereas both rules may,\nand one rule must, be explained on the supposition that the pig was\nsacred; neither rule must, and one rule cannot, be explained on the\nsupposition that the pig was unclean. If, therefore, we prefer the former\nsupposition, we must conclude that, originally at least, the pig was\nrevered rather than abhorred by the Israelites. We are confirmed in this\nopinion by observing that down to the time of Isaiah some of the Jews used\nto meet secretly in gardens to eat the flesh of swine and mice as a\nreligious rite.(84) Doubtless this was a very ancient ceremony, dating\nfrom a time when both the pig and the mouse were venerated as divine, and\nwhen their flesh was partaken of sacramentally on rare and solemn\noccasions as the body and blood of gods. And in general it may be said\nthat all so-called unclean animals were originally sacred; the reason for\nnot eating them was that they were divine.\n\n\n\n\n\u00a7 4. Osiris, the Pig and the Bull.\n\n\n(M22) In ancient Egypt, within historical times, the pig occupied the same\ndubious position as in Syria and Palestine, though at first sight its\nuncleanness is more prominent than its sanctity. The Egyptians are\ngenerally said by Greek writers to have abhorred the pig as a foul and\nloathsome animal.(85) If a man so much as touched a pig in passing, he\nstepped into the river with all his clothes on, to wash off the taint.(86)\nTo drink pig\u2019s milk was believed to cause leprosy to the drinker.(87)\nSwineherds, though natives of Egypt, were forbidden to enter any temple,\nand they were the only men who were thus excluded. No one would give his\ndaughter in marriage to a swineherd, or marry a swineherd\u2019s daughter; the\nswineherds married among themselves.(88) Yet once a year the Egyptians\nsacrificed pigs to the moon and to Osiris, and not only sacrificed them,\nbut ate of their flesh, though on any other day of the year they would\nneither sacrifice them nor taste of their flesh. Those who were too poor\nto offer a pig on this day baked cakes of dough, and offered them\ninstead.(89) This can hardly be explained except by the supposition that\nthe pig was a sacred animal which was eaten sacramentally by his\nworshippers once a year.\n\n(M23) The view that in Egypt the pig was sacred is borne out by the very\nfacts which, to moderns, might seem to prove the contrary. Thus the\nEgyptians thought, as we have seen, that to drink pig\u2019s milk produced\nleprosy. But exactly analogous views are held by savages about the animals\nand plants which they deem most sacred. Thus in the island of Wetar\n(between New Guinea and Celebes) people believe themselves to be variously\ndescended from wild pigs, serpents, crocodiles, turtles, dogs, and eels; a\nman may not eat an animal of the kind from which he is descended; if he\ndoes so, he will become a leper, and go mad.(90) Amongst the Omaha Indians\nof North America men whose totem is the elk, believe that if they ate the\nflesh of the male elk they would break out in boils and white spots in\ndifferent parts of their bodies.(91) In the same tribe men whose totem is\nthe red maize, think that if they ate red maize they would have running\nsores all round their mouths.(92) The Bush negroes of Surinam, who\npractise totemism, believe that if they ate the _capia\u00ef_ (an animal like a\npig) it would give them leprosy;(93) perhaps the _capia\u00ef_ is one of their\ntotems. The Syrians, in antiquity, who esteemed fish sacred, thought that\nif they ate fish their bodies would break out in ulcers, and their feet\nand stomach would swell up.(94) The Nyanja-speaking tribes of Central\nAngoniland, in British Central Africa, believe that if a person eats his\ntotemic animal, his body will break out in spots. The cure for this\neruption of the skin is to bathe the body in a decoction made from the\nbone of the animal, the eating of which caused the malady.(95) The Wagogo\nof German East Africa imagine that the sin of eating the totemic animal is\nvisited not on the sinner himself but on his innocent kinsfolk. Thus when\nthey see a child with a scald head, they say at once that its father has\nbeen eating his totem and that is why the poor child has scabs on its\npate.(96) Among the Wahehe, another tribe of German East Africa, a man who\nsuffers from scab or other skin disease will often set the trouble down to\nhis having unwittingly partaken of his totemic animal.(97) Similarly among\nthe Waheia, another tribe of the same region, if a man kills or eats the\ntotemic animal of his clan, he is supposed to suffer from an eruption of\nthe skin.(98) In like manner the Bantu tribes of Kavirondo, in Central\nAfrica, hold that the eating of the totem produces a severe cutaneous\neruption, which can however be cured by mixing an extract of certain herbs\nwith the fat of a black ox and rubbing the body of the sufferer all over\nwith the mixture.(99) The Chasas of Orissa believe that if they were to\ninjure their totemic animal, they would be attacked by leprosy and their\nline would die out.(100) These examples prove that the eating of a sacred\nanimal is often believed to produce leprosy or other skin-diseases; so\nfar, therefore, they support the view that the pig must have been sacred\nin Egypt, since the effect of drinking its milk was believed to be\nleprosy. Such fancies may perhaps have been sometimes suggested by the\nobservation that the eating of semi-putrid flesh, to which some savages\nare addicted, is apt to be followed by eruptions on the skin. Indeed, many\nmodern authorities attribute leprosy to this cause, particularly to the\neating of half rotten fish.(101) It seems not impossible that the\nabhorrence which the Hebrews entertained of leprosy, and the pains which\nthey took to seclude lepers from the community, may have been based on\nreligious as well as on purely sanitary grounds; they may have imagined\nthat the disfigurement of the sufferers was a penalty which they had\nincurred by some infraction of taboo. Certainly we read in the Old\nTestament of cases of leprosy which the historian regarded as the direct\nconsequence of sin.(102)\n\n(M24) Again, the rule that, after touching a pig, a man had to wash\nhimself and his clothes, also favours the view of the sanctity of the pig.\nFor it is a common belief that the effect of contact with a sacred object\nmust be removed, by washing or otherwise, before a man is free to mingle\nwith his fellows. Thus the Jews wash their hands after reading the sacred\nscriptures. Before coming forth from the tabernacle after the\nsin-offering, the high priest had to wash himself, and put off the\ngarments which he had worn in the holy place.(103) It was a rule of Greek\nritual that, in offering an expiatory sacrifice, the sacrificer should not\ntouch the sacrifice, and that, after the offering was made, he must wash\nhis body and his clothes in a river or spring before he could enter a city\nor his own house.(104) The Parjas, a small tribe of the Central Provinces\nin India, are divided into clans which have for their respective totems\nthe tiger, the tortoise, the goat, a big lizard, a dove, and so on. If a\nman accidentally kills his totemic animal, \u201cthe earthen cooking-pots of\nhis household are thrown away, the clothes are washed, and the house is\npurified with water in which the bark of the mango or _jamun_ tree\n(_Eugenia jambolana_) has been steeped. This is in sign of mourning, as it\nis thought that such an act will bring misfortune.\u201d(105) If a Chadwar of\nthe Central Provinces who has the pig for his totem should even see a pig\nkilled by somebody else, he will throw away the household crockery and\nclean the house as if on the death of a member of his family.(106) The\nPolynesians felt strongly the need of ridding themselves of the sacred\ncontagion, if it may be so called, which they caught by touching sacred\nobjects. Various ceremonies were performed for the purpose of removing\nthis contagion. We have seen, for example, how in Tonga a man who happened\nto touch a sacred chief, or anything personally belonging to him, had to\nperform a certain ceremony before he could feed himself with his hands;\notherwise it was believed that he would swell up and die, or at least be\nafflicted with scrofula or some other disease.(107) We have seen, too,\nwhat fatal effects are supposed to follow, and do actually follow, from\ncontact with a sacred object in New Zealand.(108) In short, primitive man\nbelieves that what is sacred is dangerous; it is pervaded by a sort of\nelectrical sanctity which communicates a shock to, even if it does not\nkill, whatever comes in contact with it. Hence the savage is unwilling to\ntouch or even to see that which he deems peculiarly holy. Thus Bechuanas,\nof the Crocodile clan, think it \u201chateful and unlucky\u201d to meet or see a\ncrocodile; the sight is thought to cause inflammation of the eyes. Yet the\ncrocodile is their most sacred object; they call it their father, swear by\nit, and celebrate it in their festivals.(109) The goat is the sacred\nanimal of the Madenassana Bushmen; yet \u201cto look upon it would be to render\nthe man for the time impure, as well as to cause him undefined\nuneasiness.\u201d(110) The Elk clan, among the Omaha Indians, believe that even\nto touch the male elk would be followed by an eruption of boils and white\nspots on the body.(111) Members of the Reptile clan in the same tribe\nthink that if one of them touches or smells a snake, it will make his hair\nwhite.(112) In Samoa people whose god was a butterfly believed that if\nthey caught a butterfly it would strike them dead.(113) Again, in Samoa\nthe reddish-seared leaves of the banana-tree were commonly used as plates\nfor handing food; but if any member of the Wild Pigeon family had used\nbanana leaves for this purpose, it was supposed that he would suffer from\nrheumatic swellings or an eruption all over the body like\nchicken-pox.(114) The Mori clan of the Bhils in Central India worship the\npeacock as their totem and make offerings of grain to it; yet members of\nthe clan believe that were they even to set foot on the tracks of a\npeacock they would afterwards suffer from some disease, and if a woman\nsees a peacock she must veil her face and look away.(115) Thus the\nprimitive mind seems to conceive of holiness as a sort of dangerous virus,\nwhich a prudent man will shun as far as possible, and of which, if he\nshould chance to be infected by it, he will carefully disinfect himself by\nsome form of ceremonial purification.\n\n(M25) In the light of these parallels the beliefs and customs of the\nEgyptians touching the pig are probably to be explained as based upon an\nopinion of the extreme sanctity rather than of the extreme uncleanness of\nthe animal; or rather, to put it more correctly, they imply that the\nanimal was looked on, not simply as a filthy and disgusting creature, but\nas a being endowed with high supernatural powers, and that as such it was\nregarded with that primitive sentiment of religious awe and fear in which\nthe feelings of reverence and abhorrence are almost equally blended. The\nancients themselves seem to have been aware that there was another side to\nthe horror with which swine seemed to inspire the Egyptians. For the Greek\nastronomer and mathematician Eudoxus, who resided fourteen months in Egypt\nand conversed with the priests,(116) was of opinion that the Egyptians\nspared the pig, not out of abhorrence, but from a regard to its utility in\nagriculture; for, according to him, when the Nile had subsided, herds of\nswine were turned loose over the fields to tread the seed down into the\nmoist earth.(117) But when a being is thus the object of mixed and\nimplicitly contradictory feelings, he may be said to occupy a position of\nunstable equilibrium. In course of time one of the contradictory feelings\nis likely to prevail over the other, and according as the feeling which\nfinally predominates is that of reverence or abhorrence, the being who is\nthe object of it will rise into a god or sink into a devil. The latter, on\nthe whole, was the fate of the pig in Egypt. For in historical times the\nfear and horror of the pig seem certainly to have outweighed the reverence\nand worship of which he may once have been the object, and of which, even\nin his fallen state, he never quite lost trace. He came to be looked on as\nan embodiment of Set or Typhon, the Egyptian devil and enemy of Osiris.\nFor it was in the shape of a black pig that Typhon injured the eye of the\ngod Horus, who burned him and instituted the sacrifice of the pig, the\nsun-god Ra having declared the beast abominable.(118) Again, the story\nthat Typhon was hunting a boar when he discovered and mangled the body of\nOsiris, and that this was the reason why pigs were sacrificed once a\nyear,(119) is clearly a modernised version of an older story that Osiris,\nlike Adonis and Attis, was slain or mangled by a boar, or by Typhon in the\nform of a boar. Thus, the annual sacrifice of a pig to Osiris might\nnaturally be interpreted as vengeance inflicted on the hostile animal that\nhad slain or mangled the god. But, in the first place, when an animal is\nthus killed as a solemn sacrifice once and once only in the year, it\ngenerally or always means that the animal is divine, that he is spared and\nrespected the rest of the year as a god and slain, when he is slain, also\nin the character of a god.(120) In the second place, the examples of\nDionysus and Demeter, if not of Attis and Adonis, have taught us that the\nanimal which is sacrificed to a god on the ground that he is the god\u2019s\nenemy may have been, and probably was, originally the god himself.\nTherefore, the annual sacrifice of a pig to Osiris, coupled with the\nalleged hostility of the animal to the god, tends to shew, first, that\noriginally the pig was a god, and, second, that he was Osiris. At a later\nage, when Osiris became anthropomorphic and his original relation to the\npig had been forgotten, the animal was first distinguished from him, and\nafterwards opposed as an enemy to him by mythologists who could think of\nno reason for killing a beast in connexion with the worship of a god\nexcept that the beast was the god\u2019s enemy; or, as Plutarch puts it, not\nthat which is dear to the gods, but that which is the contrary, is fit to\nbe sacrificed.(121) At this later stage the havoc which a wild boar\nnotoriously makes amongst the corn would supply a plausible reason for\nregarding him as the foe of the corn-spirit, though originally, if I am\nright, the very freedom with which the boar ranged at will through the\ncorn led people to identify him with the corn-spirit, to whom he was\nafterwards opposed as an enemy.\n\n(M26) As the depredations committed by wild swine on the growing crops in\ncountries where these creatures abound are necessarily unfamiliar to most\nEnglish readers, it may be well to illustrate them by examples. Thus, for\ninstance, in Palestine the wild boar \u201cis eagerly chased and destroyed on\naccount of the frightful ravages it makes among the crops. Not only does\nit devour any fruits within reach, but in a single night a party of wild\nboars will uproot a whole field, and destroy the husbandman\u2019s hopes for\nthe year. The places they love to frequent are the reedy marshes and\nthickets by rivers and lakes, and they swarm in the thickets all along the\nbanks of the Jordan from Jericho to the Lake of Gennesaret. From these\nfastnesses, whence neither dog nor man can dislodge them, they make\nnightly forays upon the corn-fields and root-crops of the villagers,\nreturning at daybreak to their coverts. About Jericho they are especially\ndestructive, and when the barley crop is ripening, the husbandmen have to\nkeep nightly watch to drive them away. Their presence can always be\ndetected by the crashing noise they make in forcing their way through the\nthickets, when the men fire, guided by the sound.\u201d(122) Wild pigs are the\nspecial enemies of the crops in South Africa; the fences constructed by\nthe Zulus round their gardens are mainly designed to guard against the\ndevastating depredations of these brutes, though porcupines, baboons,\nhippopotamuses, and elephants also make havoc of the ripe grain. Sometimes\nsmall huts are erected on platforms in the gardens, and in these huts\nwatchers are set to scare away the nocturnal invaders.(123) So in British\nCentral Africa sentinels are posted day and night in huts raised on\nplatforms to protect the maize fields from the inroads of baboons and of\nwild pigs, which are still more destructive than the baboons, for they\ngrub up the plants as well as devour the grain; and the watchers drum\ncontinually on any metal they have at hand to keep the marauders at\nbay.(124) In the island of Nias whole fields are sometimes trampled down\nby these pests between sunset and sunrise. Often the stillness of the\nserene equatorial night is broken by the strident cries of the watchers of\nthe fields; the sound goes echoing through the wooded valleys for a long\ntime, and here and there a dull grunting tells that the efforts of the\nsentinels have not been in vain.(125) In Northern Luzon, of the Philippine\nArchipelago, the rice-fields are similarly exposed to the depredations of\nwild hogs, and watchers remain on guard day and night in outlooks,\nsometimes in commodious structures of stone erected for the purpose, who\nburn fires at night to frighten the animals away.(126) At the beginning of\ntheir annual agricultural labours the Banars of Cambodia pray to Yang-Seri\nthat he would be pleased to give them plenty of rice and to prevent the\nwild boars from eating it up.(127) In Gayo-land, a district of Sumatra,\nthe worst enemies of the rice crops are wild swine and field mice; the\nwhole of the harvest is sometimes destroyed by their inroads.(128) Among\nthe Kai of German New Guinea people who are engaged in the labour of the\nfields will on no account eat pork. The reason is that pigs, both wild and\ntame, are the most dangerous foes of the crops; therefore it seems clear\nto the mind of the Kai that if a field labourer were to eat pork, the\nflesh of the dead pig in his stomach would attract the living pigs into\nthe field.(129) Perhaps this superstition, based on the principle of\nsympathetic magic, may explain the aversion to pork which was entertained\nby some of the agricultural peoples of the Eastern Mediterranean in\nantiquity.\n\n(M27) To people thus familiarised with the ravages of wild boars among the\nripe crops the idea might naturally present itself that the animal is\neither the enemy of the corn-god or perhaps the corn-god himself come in\nperson to enjoy his own despite all the efforts of mankind to keep him out\nof his rights. Hence we can understand how an agricultural people like the\nancient Egyptians may have identified the wild boar either with their\ncorn-god Osiris or with his enemy Typhon. The view which identifies the\npig with Osiris derives not a little support from the sacrifice of pigs to\nhim on the very day on which, according to tradition, Osiris himself was\nkilled;(130) for thus the killing of the pig was the annual representation\nof the killing of Osiris, just as the throwing of the pigs into the\ncaverns at the Thesmophoria was an annual representation of the descent of\nPersephone into the lower world; and both customs are parallel to the\nEuropean practice of killing a goat, cock, and so forth, at harvest as a\nrepresentative of the corn-spirit.\n\n(M28) Again, the theory that the pig, originally Osiris himself,\nafterwards came to be regarded as an embodiment of his enemy Typhon, is\nsupported by the similar relation of red-haired men and red oxen to\nTyphon. For in regard to the red-haired men who were burned and whose\nashes were scattered with winnowing-fans, we have seen fair grounds for\nbelieving that originally, like the red-haired puppies killed at Rome in\nspring, they were representatives of the corn-spirit himself, that is, of\nOsiris, and were slain for the express purpose of making the corn turn red\nor golden.(131) Yet at a later time these men were explained to be\nrepresentatives, not of Osiris, but of his enemy Typhon,(132) and the\nkilling of them was regarded as an act of vengeance inflicted on the enemy\nof the god. Similarly, the red oxen sacrificed by the Egyptians were said\nto be offered on the ground of their resemblance to Typhon;(133) though it\nis more likely that originally they were slain on the ground of their\nresemblance to the corn-spirit Osiris. We have seen that the ox is a\ncommon representative of the corn-spirit and is slain as such on the\nharvest-field.\n\n(M29) Osiris was regularly identified with the bull Apis of Memphis and\nthe bull Mnevis of Heliopolis.(134) But it is hard to say whether these\nbulls were embodiments of him as the corn-spirit, as the red oxen appear\nto have been, or whether they were not in origin entirely distinct deities\nwho came to be fused with Osiris at a later time. The universality of the\nworship of these two bulls(135) seems to put them on a different footing\nfrom the ordinary sacred animals whose worships were purely local. Hence\nif the latter were evolved from totems, as they may have been, some other\norigin would have to be found for the worship of Apis and Mnevis. If these\nbulls were not originally embodiments of the corn-god Osiris, they may\npossibly be descendants of the sacred cattle worshipped by a pastoral\npeople.(136) If this were so, ancient Egypt would exhibit a stratification\nof three great types of religion or superstition corresponding to three\ngreat stages of society. Totemism, which may be roughly described as a\nspecies of superstitious respect paid to wild animals and plants by many\ntribes in the hunting stage of society, would be represented by the\nworship of the local sacred animals; the worship of cattle, which belongs\nto society in the pastoral stage, would be represented by the cults of\nApis and Mnevis; and the worship of cultivated plants, which is peculiar\nto society in the agricultural stage, would be represented by the religion\nof Osiris and Isis. The Egyptian reverence for cows, which were never\nkilled,(137) might belong either to the second or the third of these\nstages. The consecration of cows to Isis, who was portrayed with cow\u2019s\nhorns(138) and may have been supposed to be incarnate in the animals,\nwould indicate that they, like the red oxen, were embodiments of the\ncorn-spirit. However, this identification of Isis with the cow, like that\nof Osiris with the bulls Apis and Mnevis, may be only an effect of\nsyncretism. But whatever the original relation of Apis to Osiris may have\nbeen, there is one fact about the former which ought not to be passed over\nin a disquisition on the custom of killing a god. Although the bull Apis\nwas worshipped as a god with much pomp and profound reverence, he was not\nsuffered to live beyond a certain length of time which was prescribed by\nthe sacred books, and on the expiry of which he was drowned in a holy\nspring.(139) The limit, according to Plutarch, was twenty-five years;(140)\nbut it cannot always have been enforced, for the tombs of the Apis bulls\nhave been discovered in modern times, and from the inscriptions on them it\nappears that in the twenty-second dynasty two of the holy steers lived\nmore than twenty-six years.(141)\n\n(M30) To prevent misunderstandings it may be well to add that what I have\njust said as to the stratification of three great types of religion or\nsuperstition corresponding to three great types of society is not meant to\nsketch, even in outline, the evolution of religion as a whole. I by no\nmeans wish to suggest that the reverence for wild animals and plants, the\nreverence for domestic cattle, and the reverence for cultivated plants are\nthe only forms of religion or superstition which prevail at the\ncorresponding stages of social development; all that I desire to convey is\nthat they are characteristic of these stages respectively. The elements\nwhich make up any religious system are far too numerous and their\ninteraction far too complex to be adequately summed up in a few simple\nformulas. To mention only a single factor of which I have taken no account\nin indicating roughly a certain correspondence between the strata of\nreligion and of society, the fear of the spirits of the dead appears to\nhave been one of the most powerful factors, perhaps, indeed, the most\npowerful of all, in shaping the course of religious evolution at every\nstage of social development from the lowest to the highest; and for that\nvery reason it is not specially characteristic of any one form of society.\nAnd the three types of religion or superstition which I have selected as\ncharacteristic of three stages of society are far from being strictly\nlimited each to its corresponding step in the social ladder. For example,\nalthough totemism, or a particular species of reverence paid by groups of\nmen to wild animals and plants, probably always originated in the hunting\nstage of society, it has by no means been confined to that primitive phase\nof human development but has often survived not only into the pastoral but\ninto the agricultural stage, as we may see for example by the case of many\ntribes in Africa, India, and America; and it seems likely that a similar\noverlapping of the various strata takes place in every instance. In short,\nwe cannot really dissect the history of mankind as it were with a knife\ninto a series of neat sections each sharply marked off from all the rest\nby a texture and colour of its own; we may indeed do so theoretically for\nthe convenience of exposition, but practically the textures interlace, the\ncolours melt and run into each other by insensible gradations that defy\nthe edge of the finest instrument of analysis which we can apply to them.\nIt is a mere truism to say that the abstract generalisations of science\ncan never adequately comprehend all the particulars of concrete reality.\nThe facts of nature will always burst the narrow bonds of human theories.\n\n(M31) Before quitting this part of our subject it may be well to\nillustrate by one or two examples the reverence which primitive pastoral\ntribes pay to their cattle, since, as I have just indicated, the worship\nof sacred bulls by the ancient Egyptians, like the modern Hindoo worship\nof cows, may very well have been directly derived from a similar respect\npaid by their remote ancestors to their cattle. A good instance is\nsupplied by the Dinka, a large cattle-breeding tribe, or rather nation, of\nthe White Nile. \u201cEvery idea and thought of the Dinka,\u201d says Schweinfurth,\n\u201cis how to acquire and maintain cattle: a kind of reverence would seem to\nbe paid to them; even their offal is considered of high importance; the\ndung, which is burnt to ashes for sleeping in and for smearing their\npersons, and the urine, which is used for washing and as a substitute for\nsalt, are their daily requisites. It must be owned that it is hard to\nreconcile this latter usage with our ideas of cleanliness. A cow is never\nslaughtered, but when sick it is segregated from the rest, and carefully\ntended in the large huts built for the purpose. Only those that die\nnaturally or by an accident are used as food. All this, which exists among\nmost of the pastoral tribes of Africa, may perchance appear to be a\nlingering remnant of an exploded cattle-worship; but I may draw attention\nto the fact that the Dinka are by no means disinclined to partake of any\nfeast of their flesh, provided that the slaughtered animal was not their\nown property. It is thus more the delight of actual possession, than any\nsuperstitious estimate, that makes the cow to them an object of reverence.\nIndescribable is the grief when either death or rapine has robbed a Dinka\nof his cattle. He is prepared to redeem their loss by the heaviest\nsacrifices, for they are dearer to him than wife or child. A dead cow is\nnot, however, wantonly buried; the negro is not sentimental enough for\nthat; such an occurrence is soon bruited abroad, and the neighbours\ninstitute a carousal, which is quite an epoch in their monotonous life.\nThe bereaved owner himself is, however, too much afflicted at the loss to\nbe able to touch a morsel of the carcass of his departed beast. Not\nunfrequently in their sorrow the Dinka remain for days silent and\nabstracted, as though their trouble were too heavy for them to bear.\u201d(142)\nA rich Dinka will sometimes keep a favourite ox and treat it with such\nmarks of respect that an observer has compared the animal to the Apis of\nthe ancient Egyptians. \u201cHere and there,\u201d we are told, \u201cbeside the hut of a\nwealthy negro is set up a great withered tree. From its boughs hang\nvessels containing food and perhaps trophies of war; to its trunk is\nfastened the great drum (_Noqara_), which summons to war or to the dance.\nTo this tree, separated from the rest of the cattle, is tethered a great\nfat ox. It is of a white colour passing into a slaty grey on the shoulders\nand legs: its long horns are artificially bent to opposite sides and\nadorned with bunches of hair: the tuft of the tail is cut off. This is the\n_makwi_, the Apis of the negro. His master, who has singled him out from\nhis youth for his colour and certain marks, has cherished and reared him\nin order that he may one day be his pride in the eyes of the village. He\nhas gelded him, adorned him, trained him to walk at the head of the herd,\nto dance, and to fight. His _makwi_ is always an object of his tenderest\nattention; he never fails to bring him a bundle of the finest herbs; if he\ncan procure a bell, he hangs it round the animal\u2019s neck; and at evening,\nif he has milk or _meri\u1e63a_ enough for guests, the drum is beaten to summon\nthe youth to come and dance round the deified ox.\u201d(143)\n\n(M32) Again, speaking of the Nuehr, another pastoral tribe of the Upper\nNile, a traveller tells us that \u201cas among the Dinka, so among the\nNuehr-negroes the cattle enjoy a respect, indeed we may say a veneration,\nwhich reminds us of the animal worship of the ancient Egyptians,\nespecially of that of the holy steer Apis, though the respect may be\ngrounded on the simple fact that cattle are the only possession of these\nnegroes. The largest and handsomest bull is the leader of the herd; he is\ndecked with bunches of hair and small bells, marked out from the rest in\nevery way, and regarded as the guardian genius of the herd as well as of\nthe family. His loss is the greatest misfortune that can befall his owner.\nAt night his master drives the animal round the herd, couched about the\nsmoky fire, and sings of his beauty and courage, while the bull signifies\nhis contentment by a complacent lowing. To him his master every morning\ncommits the herd, in order that he may guide them to the best pastures and\nguard them from danger; in him he reveres his ideal of all that is\nbeautiful and strong; nay he designates him by the same name which he\napplies to his own dim conception of a Supreme Being, _Nyeledit_, and to\nthe thunder.\u201d(144)\n\n\n\n\n\u00a7 5. Virbius and the Horse.\n\n\n(M33) We are now in a position to hazard a conjecture as to the meaning of\nthe tradition that Virbius, the first of the divine Kings of the Wood at\nAricia, had been killed in the character of Hippolytus by horses.(145)\nHaving found, first, that spirits of the corn are not infrequently\nrepresented in the form of horses;(146) and, second, that the animal which\nin later legends is said to have injured the god was sometimes originally\nthe god himself, we may conjecture that the horses by which Virbius or\nHippolytus was said to have been slain were really embodiments of him as a\ndeity of vegetation. The myth that he had been killed by horses was\nprobably invented to explain certain features in his worship, amongst\nothers the custom of excluding horses from his sacred grove. For myth\nchanges while custom remains constant; men continue to do what their\nfathers did before them, though the reasons on which their fathers acted\nhave been long forgotten. The history of religion is a long attempt to\nreconcile old custom with new reason, to find a sound theory for an absurd\npractice. In the case before us we may be sure that the myth is more\nmodern than the custom and by no means represents the original reason for\nexcluding horses from the grove. From their exclusion it might be inferred\nthat horses could not be the sacred animals or embodiments of the god of\nthe grove. But the inference would be rash. The goat was at one time a\nsacred animal or embodiment of Athena, as may be inferred from the\npractice of representing the goddess clad in a goat-skin (_aegis_). Yet\nthe goat was neither sacrificed to her as a rule, nor allowed to enter her\ngreat sanctuary, the Acropolis at Athens. The reason alleged for this was\nthat the goat injured the olive, the sacred tree of Athena.(147) So far,\ntherefore, the relation of the goat of Athena is parallel to the relation\nof the horse to Virbius, both animals being excluded from the sanctuary on\nthe ground of injury done by them to the god. But from Varro we learn that\nthere was an exception to the rule which excluded the goat from the\nAcropolis. Once a year, he says, the goat was driven on to the Acropolis\nfor a necessary sacrifice.(148) Now, as has been remarked before, when an\nanimal is sacrificed once and once only in the year, it is probably slain,\nnot as a victim offered to the god, but as a representative of the god\nhimself. Therefore we may infer that if a goat was sacrificed on the\nAcropolis once a year, it was sacrificed in the character of Athena\nherself;(149) and it may be conjectured that the skin of the sacrificed\nanimal was placed on the statue of the goddess and formed the _aegis_,\nwhich would thus be renewed annually. Similarly at Thebes in Egypt rams\nwere sacred and were not sacrificed. But on one day in the year a ram was\nkilled, and its skin was placed on the statue of the god Ammon.(150) Now,\nif we knew the ritual of the Arician grove better, we might find that the\nrule of excluding horses from it, like the rule of excluding goats from\nthe Acropolis at Athens, was subject to an annual exception, a horse being\nonce a year taken into the grove and sacrificed as an embodiment of the\ngod Virbius.(151) By the usual misunderstanding the horse thus killed\nwould come in time to be regarded as an enemy offered up in sacrifice to\nthe god whom he had injured, like the pig which was sacrificed to Demeter\nand Osiris or the goat which was sacrificed to Dionysus, and possibly to\nAthena. It is so easy for a writer to record a rule without noticing an\nexception that we need not wonder at finding the rule of the Arician grove\nrecorded without any mention of an exception such as I suppose. If we had\nhad only the statements of Athenaeus and Pliny, we should have known only\nthe rule which forbade the sacrifice of goats to Athena and excluded them\nfrom the Acropolis, without being aware of the important exception which\nthe fortunate preservation of Varro\u2019s work has revealed to us.\n\n(M34) The conjecture that once a year a horse may have been sacrificed in\nthe Arician grove as a representative of the deity of the grove derives\nsome support from the similar sacrifice of a horse which took place once a\nyear at Rome. On the fifteenth of October in each year a chariot-race was\nrun on the Field of Mars. Stabbed with a spear, the right-hand horse of\nthe victorious team was then sacrificed to Mars for the purpose of\nensuring good crops, and its head was cut off and adorned with a string of\nloaves. Thereupon the inhabitants of two wards\u2014the Sacred Way and the\nSubura\u2014contended with each other who should get the head. If the people of\nthe Sacred Way got it, they fastened it to a wall of the king\u2019s house; if\nthe people of the Subura got it, they fastened it to the Mamilian tower.\nThe horse\u2019s tail was cut off and carried to the king\u2019s house with such\nspeed that the blood dripped on the hearth of the house.(152) Further, it\nappears that the blood of the horse was caught and preserved till the\ntwenty-first of April, when the Vestal virgins mixed it with the blood of\nthe unborn calves which had been sacrificed six days before. The mixture\nwas then distributed to shepherds, and used by them for fumigating their\nflocks.(153)\n\n(M35) In this ceremony the decoration of the horse\u2019s head(154) with a\nstring of loaves, and the alleged object of the sacrifice, namely, to\nprocure a good harvest, seem to indicate that the horse was killed as one\nof those animal representatives of the corn-spirit of which we have found\nso many examples. The custom of cutting off the horse\u2019s tail is like the\nAfrican custom of cutting off the tails of the oxen and sacrificing them\nto obtain a good crop.(155) In both the Roman and the African custom the\nanimal apparently stands for the corn-spirit, and its fructifying power is\nsupposed to reside especially in its tail. The latter idea occurs, as we\nhave seen, in European folk-lore.(156) Again, the practice of fumigating\nthe cattle in spring with the blood of the horse may be compared with the\npractice of giving the Old Wife, the Maiden, or the _clyack_ sheaf as\nfodder to the horses in spring or the cattle at Christmas, and giving the\nYule Boar to the ploughing oxen or horses to eat in spring.(157) All these\nusages aim at ensuring the blessing of the corn-spirit on the homestead\nand its inmates and storing it up for another year.\n\n(M36) The Roman sacrifice of the October horse, as it was called, carries\nus back to the early days when the Subura, afterwards a low and squalid\nquarter of the great metropolis, was still a separate village, whose\ninhabitants engaged in a friendly contest on the harvest-field with their\nneighbours of Rome, then a little rural town. The Field of Mars on which\nthe ceremony took place lay beside the Tiber, and formed part of the\nking\u2019s domain down to the abolition of the monarchy. For tradition ran\nthat at the time when the last of the kings was driven from Rome, the corn\nstood ripe for the sickle on the crown lands beside the river; but no one\nwould eat the accursed grain and it was flung into the river in such heaps\nthat, the water being low with the summer heat, it formed the nucleus of\nan island.(158) The horse sacrifice was thus an old autumn custom observed\nupon the king\u2019s corn-fields at the end of the harvest. The tail and blood\nof the horse, as the chief parts of the corn-spirit\u2019s representative, were\ntaken to the king\u2019s house and kept there; just as in Germany the\nharvest-cock is nailed on the gable or over the door of the farmhouse; and\nas the last sheaf, in the form of the Maiden, is carried home and kept\nover the fireplace in the Highlands of Scotland. Thus the blessing of the\ncorn-spirit was brought to the king\u2019s house and hearth and, through them,\nto the community of which he was the head. Similarly in the spring and\nautumn customs of Northern Europe the Maypole is sometimes set up in front\nof the house of the mayor or burgomaster, and the last sheaf at harvest is\nbrought to him as the head of the village. But while the tail and blood\nfell to the king, the neighbouring village of the Subura, which no doubt\nonce had a similar ceremony of its own, was gratified by being allowed to\ncompete for the prize of the horse\u2019s head. The Mamilian tower, to which\nthe Suburans nailed the horse\u2019s head when they succeeded in carrying it\noff, appears to have been a peel-tower or keep of the old Mamilian family,\nthe magnates of the village.(159) The ceremony thus performed on the\nking\u2019s fields and at his house on behalf of the whole town and of the\nneighbouring village presupposes a time when each township performed a\nsimilar ceremony on its own fields. In the rural districts of Latium the\nvillages may have continued to observe the custom, each on its own land,\nlong after the Roman hamlets had merged their separate harvest-homes in\nthe common celebration on the king\u2019s lands. There is no intrinsic\nimprobability in the supposition that the sacred grove of Aricia, like the\nField of Mars at Rome, may have been the scene of a common harvest\ncelebration, at which a horse was sacrificed with the same rude rites on\nbehalf of the neighbouring villages. The horse would represent the\nfructifying spirit both of the tree and of the corn, for the two ideas\nmelt into each other, as we see in customs like the Harvest-May.\n\n(M37) However, it should be borne in mind that the evidence for thus\ninterpreting the relation of horses to Virbius is exceedingly slender, and\nthat the custom of excluding horses from the sacred Arician grove may have\nbeen based on some other superstitious motive which entirely escapes us.\nAt the city of Ialysus in Rhodes there was a sanctuary of Alectrona, one\nof the daughters of the Sun, into which no horse, ass, mule, or beast of\nburden of any kind might enter. Any person who broke the law by\nintroducing one of these animals into the holy precinct, had to purify the\nplace by a sacrifice; and the same atonement had to be made by any man who\nbrought shoes or any portion of a pig within the sacred boundaries. And\nwhoever drove or suffered his sheep to stray into the precinct was obliged\nto pay a fine of one obol for every sheep that set foot in it.(160) The\nreasons for these prohibitions are quite unknown; and the taboo on horses\nis particularly remarkable, since the Rhodians were in the habit of\noffering a chariot and horses every year to the Sun, the father of\nAlectrona,(161) doubtless in order that he might ride on them through the\nsky. Did they think that it was not for the daughter of the Sun to meddle\nwith horses, which were the peculiar property of her father? The\nconjecture may perhaps be supported by an analogy drawn from West Africa.\nThe Ewe negroes of the Slave Coast conceive the Rain-god Nyikpl\u00e3 as a man\nwho rides a horse, and who may be seen galloping on it through the sky in\nthe form of a shooting star. Hence in the town of Angla, where he\ngenerally resides when he is at home, no person may appear on horseback in\nthe streets, that being apparently regarded as an impious usurpation of\nthe style of the deity. In former days even Europeans were forbidden to\nride on horseback in Angla; and missionaries who attempted to set the\nlocal prejudice at defiance have been pelted with sticks and dirt by the\noutraged natives.(162) Another deity who suffered not horses to enter his\nsacred place was Rakelimalaza, a Malagasy god whose name signifies\n\u201crenowned, although diminutive.\u201d His residence was a village situated on\nthe top of a hill about seven miles east of Tananarivo. But horses were\nnot the only animal or thing to which this fastidious being entertained a\nrooted aversion. \u201cWithin the limits of the ground which is considered\nsacred, and which embraces a wide circumference in the immediate vicinity\nof the idol\u2019s residence, it is strictly forbidden to bring, or to suffer\nto come, certain animals and certain objects, which are carefully\nspecified by the keepers of the idol. Things thus forbidden are called\n_fady_; a term of similar import with the well-known tabu of the South Sea\nIslands. Every idol has its own particular _fady_. The things prohibited\nby Rakelimalaza are, guns, gunpowder, pigs, onions, sifotra (a shell-fish\nresembling a snail), sitry (a small animal resembling the young\ncrocodile), striped or spotted robes, anything of a black colour, goats,\nhorses, meat distributed at funerals or at the _tangena_, and cats and\nowls. Its keepers are forbidden to enter any house where there is a\ncorpse; and in crossing a river they are not permitted to say, \u2018Carry me,\u2019\notherwise they place themselves in danger of being seized by the\ncrocodiles; and in war they must not talk, or they are in danger of being\nshot.\u201d(163) To attempt to discover the particular reasons for all these\nnumerous and varied taboos would obviously be futile; many of them may be\nbased on accidental circumstances which for us are lost past recovery. But\nit may be worth while to observe that a variety of taboos was enforced at\nother ancient Greek shrines besides the sanctuary of Alectrona at Ialysus.\nFor example, no person was allowed to enter the sanctuary of the Mistress\nat Lycosura in Arcadia clad in black, purple, or flowered vestments, or\nwearing shoes or a ring, or with his or her hair plaited or covered, or\ncarrying flowers in his hand;(164) and no pomegranates might be brought\ninto the sanctuary, though all other fruits of the orchard were free to\nenter.(165) These instances may warn us against the danger of arguing too\nconfidently in favour of any one of the many possible reasons which may\nhave moved the old Latins to exclude horses from the sacred Arician grove.\nThe domain of primitive superstition, in spite of the encroachments of\nscience, is indeed still to a great extent a trackless wilderness, a\ntangled maze, in the gloomy recesses of which the forlorn explorer may\nwander for ever without a light and without a clue.\n\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER X. EATING THE GOD.\n\n\n\n\n\u00a7 1. The Sacrament of First-Fruits.\n\n\n(M38) We have now seen that the corn-spirit is represented sometimes in\nhuman, sometimes in animal form, and that in both cases he is killed in\nthe person of his representative and eaten sacramentally. To find examples\nof actually killing the human representative of the corn-spirit we had\nnaturally to go to savage races; but the harvest-suppers of our European\npeasants have furnished unmistakable examples of the sacramental eating of\nanimals as representatives of the corn-spirit. But further, as might have\nbeen anticipated, the new corn is itself eaten sacramentally, that is, as\nthe body of the corn-spirit. In Wermland, Sweden, the farmer\u2019s wife uses\nthe grain of the last sheaf to bake a loaf in the shape of a little girl;\nthis loaf is divided amongst the whole household and eaten by them.(166)\nHere the loaf represents the corn-spirit conceived as a maiden; just as in\nScotland the corn-spirit is similarly conceived and represented by the\nlast sheaf made up in the form of a woman and bearing the name of the\nMaiden. As usual, the corn-spirit is believed to reside in the last sheaf;\nand to eat a loaf made from the last sheaf is, therefore, to eat the\ncorn-spirit itself. Similarly at La Palisse, in France, a man made of\ndough is hung upon the fir-tree which is carried on the last\nharvest-waggon. The tree and the dough-man are taken to the mayor\u2019s house\nand kept there till the vintage is over. Then the close of the harvest is\ncelebrated by a feast at which the mayor breaks the dough-man in pieces\nand gives the pieces to the people to eat.(167)\n\n(M39) In these examples the corn-spirit is represented and eaten in human\nshape. In other cases, though the new corn is not baked in loaves of human\nshape, still the solemn ceremonies with which it is eaten suffice to\nindicate that it is partaken of sacramentally, that is, as the body of the\ncorn-spirit. For example, the following ceremonies used to be observed by\nLithuanian peasants at eating the new corn. About the time of the autumn\nsowing, when all the corn had been got in and the threshing had begun,\neach farmer held a festival called Sabarios, that is, \u201cthe mixing or\nthrowing together.\u201d He took nine good handfuls of each kind of crop\u2014wheat,\nbarley, oats, flax, beans, lentils, and the rest; and each handful he\ndivided into three parts. The twenty-seven portions of each grain were\nthen thrown on a heap and all mixed up together. The grain used had to be\nthat which was first threshed and winnowed and which had been set aside\nand kept for this purpose. A part of the grain thus mixed was employed to\nbake little loaves, one for each of the household; the rest was mixed with\nmore barley or oats and made into beer. The first beer brewed from this\nmixture was for the drinking of the farmer, his wife, and children; the\nsecond brew was for the servants. The beer being ready, the farmer chose\nan evening when no stranger was expected. Then he knelt down before the\nbarrel of beer, drew a jugful of the liquor and poured it on the bung of\nthe barrel, saying, \u201cO fruitful earth, make rye and barley and all kinds\nof corn to flourish.\u201d Next he took the jug to the parlour, where his wife\nand children awaited him. On the floor of the parlour lay bound a black or\nwhite or speckled (not a red) cock and a hen of the same colour and of the\nsame brood, which must have been hatched within the year. Then the farmer\nknelt down, with the jug in his hand, and thanked God for the harvest and\nprayed for a good crop next year. Next all lifted up their hands and said,\n\u201cO God, and thou, O earth, we give you this cock and hen as a free-will\noffering.\u201d With that the farmer killed the fowls with the blows of a\nwooden spoon, for he might not cut their heads off. After the first prayer\nand after killing each of the birds he poured out a third of the beer.\nThen his wife boiled the fowls in a new pot which had never been used\nbefore. After that, a bushel was set, bottom upwards, on the floor, and on\nit were placed the little loaves mentioned above and the boiled fowls.\nNext the new beer was fetched, together with a ladle and three mugs, none\nof which was used except on this occasion. When the farmer had ladled the\nbeer into the mugs, the family knelt down round the bushel. The father\nthen uttered a prayer and drank off the three mugs of beer. The rest\nfollowed his example. Then the loaves and the flesh of the fowls were\neaten, after which the beer went round again, till every one had emptied\neach of the three mugs nine times. None of the food should remain over;\nbut if anything did happen to be left, it was consumed next morning with\nthe same ceremonies. The bones were given to the dog to eat; if he did not\neat them all up, the remains were buried under the dung in the\ncattle-stall. This ceremony was observed at the beginning of December. On\nthe day on which it took place no bad word might be spoken.(168)\n\n(M40) Such was the custom about two hundred years or more ago. At the\npresent day in Lithuania, when new potatoes or loaves made from the new\ncorn are being eaten, all the people at table pull each other\u2019s hair.(169)\nThe meaning of this last custom is obscure, but a similar custom was\ncertainly observed by the heathen Lithuanians at their solemn\nsacrifices.(170) Many of the Esthonians of the island of Oesel will not\neat bread baked of the new corn till they have first taken a bite at a\npiece of iron.(171) The iron is here plainly a charm, intended to render\nharmless the spirit that is in the corn.(172) In Sutherlandshire at the\npresent day, when the new potatoes are dug all the family must taste them,\notherwise \u201cthe spirits in them [the potatoes] take offence, and the\npotatoes would not keep.\u201d(173) In one part of Yorkshire it is still\ncustomary for the clergyman to cut the first corn; and my informant\nbelieves that the corn so cut is used to make the communion bread.(174) If\nthe latter part of the custom is correctly reported (and analogy is all in\nits favour), it shews how the Christian communion has absorbed within\nitself a sacrament which is doubtless far older than Christianity.\n\n(M41) Among the heathen Cheremiss on the left bank of the Volga, when the\nfirst bread baked from the new corn is to be eaten, the villagers assemble\nin the house of the oldest inhabitant, the eastern door is opened, and all\npray with their faces towards it. Then the sorcerer or priest gives to\neach of them a mug of beer, which they drain; next he cuts and hands to\nevery person a morsel of the loaf, which they partake of. Finally, the\nyoung people go to the elders and bowing down to the earth before them\nsay, \u201cWe pray God that you may live, and that God may let us pray next\nyear for new corn.\u201d The rest of the day is passed in mirth and dancing.\nThe whole ceremony, observes the writer who has described it, looks almost\nlike a caricature of the Eucharist.(175) According to another account,\neach Cheremiss householder on this occasion, after bathing, places some of\neach kind of grain, together with malt, cakes, and drink, in a vessel,\nwhich he holds up to the sun, at the same time thanking the gods for the\ngood things which they have bestowed upon him.(176) But this part of the\nceremony is a sacrifice rather than a sacrament of the new corn.\n\n(M42) The Aino or Ainu of Japan are said to distinguish various kinds of\nmillet as male and female respectively, and these kinds, taken together,\nare called \u201cthe divine husband and wife cereal\u201d (_Umurek haru kamui_).\n\u201cTherefore before millet is pounded and made into cakes for general\neating, the old men have a few made for themselves first to worship. When\nthey are ready they pray to them very earnestly and say:\u2014\u2018O thou cereal\ndeity, we worship thee. Thou hast grown very well this year, and thy\nflavour will be sweet. Thou art good. The goddess of fire will be glad,\nand we also shall rejoice greatly. O thou god, O thou divine cereal, do\nthou nourish the people. I now partake of thee. I worship thee and give\nthee thanks.\u2019 After having thus prayed, they, the worshippers, take a cake\nand eat it, and from this time the people may all partake of the new\nmillet. And so with many gestures of homage and words of prayer this kind\nof food is dedicated to the well-being of the Ainu. No doubt the cereal\noffering is regarded as a tribute paid to god, but that god is no other\nthan the seed itself; and it is only a god in so far as it is beneficial\nto the human body.\u201d(177)\n\n(M43) The natives of the Reef Islands in Melanesia describe as follows the\nceremonies which they observe at eating new fruits: \u201cWhen the fruit of\ntrees that are eatable, such as bread-fruit, or _ninas_ (nuts) is nearly\nripe, about a month before the time that people eat it, they all go\ntogether into the bush. They must all go together for this \u2018holy eating,\u2019\nand when they return they all assemble in one place, and no one will be\nabsent; they sit down and cook bread-fruit. While it is being cooked no\none will eat beforehand, but they set it in order and cook it with\nreverence, and with the belief that the spirit has granted that food to\nthem and they return thanks to him for it. When it is cooked a certain man\ntakes a bread-fruit and climbs up a tree, and all the people stand on the\nground and they all look up, and when he has reached the top they shout\nout, and when they have shouted they call out, \u2018This is the bread-fruit of\nthe whole land\u2019; then he throws down the bread-fruit and they pick it up\nand shout out again and give thanks, for they think that the spirit who\nprotects the fruit will hear. Their thoughts are thus also with regard to\nthe yam, there is no difference, it is all the same; they think that a\nspirit gives them food, and the people assemble together and thank the\nspirit. In every island they think that there is a spirit presiding over\nfood.\u201d(178)\n\n(M44) At Bourail, in New Caledonia, the eating of the first yams of the\nseason is a solemn ceremony. The women may take no part in it; indeed for\nfive days previously they may not even shew themselves on any pretext, and\nmust hide in the forest. But the men of other tribes are invited to share\nin the festivity. On the day of the ceremony seven or eight yams are dug\nup with the greatest precaution, wrapt in leaves, and carried before the\ngreat wooden images, ten or twelve feet high, rudely carved in human form\nand painted black, red, and white, which represent the ancestors of the\ntribe. Special pots, only used on these occasions, are then disinterred by\nboys, who cook the new yams in them, eat them, and afterwards bury the\npots in the places where they found them. Thereupon the chief or the\noldest man mounts a ladder and addresses the crowd in a long and voluble\nharangue, telling them how their forefathers always respected the feast of\nthe first yams, and exhorting the young men of the tribe to do the same in\nthe time to come. After that, turning towards the ancestral images, he\nprays them to give a good crop of yams every year to the people and their\ndescendants, adjuring them to remember how, while they were still on\nearth, they always ate to their heart\u2019s content, and beseeching them to\nreflect that their sons and grandsons naturally desire to do the same.\nWhen the orator has finished his discourse, and his hearers have signified\ntheir approval of his eloquence by a loud grunt, the new yams are dressed\nand eaten, each family cooking them in a pot of its own.(179)\n\n(M45) At the close of the rice harvest in the East Indian island of Buru,\neach clan (_fenna_) meets at a common sacramental meal, to which every\nmember of the clan is bound to contribute a little of the new rice. This\nmeal is called \u201ceating the soul of the rice,\u201d a name which clearly\nindicates the sacramental character of the repast. Some of the rice is\nalso set apart and offered to the spirits.(180) Amongst the Alfoors of\nMinahassa, in the north of Celebes, the priest sows the first rice-seed\nand plucks the first ripe rice in each field. This rice he roasts and\ngrinds into meal, and gives some of it to each of the household.(181)\nShortly before the rice-harvest in Bolang Mongondo, another district of\nCelebes, an offering is made of a small pig or a fowl. Then the priest\nplucks a little rice, first on his own field and next on those of his\nneighbours. All the rice thus plucked by him he dries along with his own,\nand then gives it back to the respective owners, who have it ground and\nboiled. When it is boiled the women take it back, with an egg, to the\npriest, who offers the egg in sacrifice and returns the rice to the women.\nOf this rice every member of the family, down to the youngest child, must\npartake. After this ceremony every one is free to get in his rice.(182)\n\n(M46) On the north coast of Ceram every owner of a rice-field begins\nplanting by making six holes in the middle of the field and depositing\nrice-seed in them. When the crop is ripe, the rice which has sprouted from\nthese six holes must be the first to be reaped and the first to be eaten\nby the owner at the common harvest-feast of the village. When all the\nowners of the fields have thus partaken of the rice that was first planted\nand first reaped in their fields, the other villagers may help themselves\nto rice out of the pot. Not till this feast has been held may the owners\nof rice-fields sell their rice.(183) Among the Kayans of Central Borneo,\nwho, as we have seen, believe rice to be animated by a soul,(184) before a\nfamily partakes of the new rice at harvest, a priestess must touch the\nface and breast of every person with a magical instrument (_kahe parei_)\nconsisting of the husk of a certain fruit adorned with strings of beads.\nAfter this ceremony has been performed on every member of the family, he\nor she eats a few grains of the new rice and drinks a little water. When\nall have complied with this ritual, the feast begins.(185)\n\n(M47) Amongst the Burghers or Badagas, a tribe of the Neilgherry Hills in\nSouthern India, the first handful of seed is sown and the first sheaf\nreaped by a Curumbar\u2014a man of a different tribe, the members of which the\nBurghers regard as sorcerers. The grain contained in the first sheaf \u201cis\nthat day reduced to meal, made into cakes, and, being offered as a\nfirst-fruit oblation, is, together with the remainder of the sacrificed\nanimal, partaken of by the Burgher and the whole of his family, as the\nmeat of a federal offering and sacrifice.\u201d(186) Amongst the Coorgs of\nSouthern India the man who is to cut the first sheaf of rice at harvest is\nchosen by an astrologer. At sunset the whole household takes a hot bath\nand then goes to the rice-field, where the chosen reaper cuts an armful of\nrice with a new sickle, and distributes two or more stalks to all present.\nThen all return to the threshing-floor. A bundle of leaves is adorned with\na stalk of rice and fastened to the post in the centre of the\nthreshing-floor. Enough of the new rice is now threshed, cleaned, and\nground to provide flour for the dough-cakes which each member of the\nhousehold is to eat. Then they go to the door of the house, where the\nmistress washes the feet of the sheaf-cutter, and presents to him, and\nafter him to all the rest, a brass vessel full of milk, honey, and sugar,\nfrom which each person takes a draught. Next the man who cut the sheaf\nkneads a cake of rice-meal, plantains, milk, honey, seven new rice corns,\nseven pieces of coco-nut, and so on. Every one receives a little of his\ncake on an Ashvatha leaf, and eats it. The ceremony is then over and the\nsheaf-cutter mixes with the company. When he was engaged in cutting the\nrice no one might touch him.(187) Among the Hindoos of Southern India the\neating of the new rice is the occasion of a family festival called Pongol.\nThe new rice is boiled in a new pot on a fire which is kindled at noon on\nthe day when, according to Hindoo astrologers, the sun enters the tropic\nof Capricorn. The boiling of the pot is watched with great anxiety by the\nwhole family, for as the milk boils, so will the coming year be. If the\nmilk boils rapidly, the year will be prosperous; but it will be the\nreverse if the milk boils slowly. Some of the new boiled rice is offered\nto the image of Ga\u1e47e\u1e63a; then every one partakes of it.(188) In some parts\nof Northern India the festival of the new crop is known as _Navan_, that\nis, \u201cnew grain.\u201d When the crop is ripe, the owner takes the omens, goes to\nthe field, plucks five or six ears of barley in the spring crop and one of\nthe millets in the autumn harvest. This is brought home, parched, and\nmixed with coarse sugar, butter, and curds. Some of it is thrown on the\nfire in the name of the village gods and deceased ancestors; the rest is\neaten by the family.(189) At Gilgit, in the Hindoo Koosh, before\nwheat-harvest begins, a member of every household gathers a handful of\nears of corn secretly at dusk. A few of the ears are hung up over the door\nof the house, and the rest are roasted next morning, and eaten steeped in\nmilk. The day is spent in rejoicings, and next morning the harvest\nbegins.(190)\n\n(M48) The Chams of Binh-Thuan, in Indo-China, may not reap the\nrice-harvest until they have offered the first-fruits to Po-Nagar, the\ngoddess of agriculture, and have consumed them sacramentally. These\nfirst-fruits are gathered from certain sacred fields called\n_Hamou-Kl\u00eak-Laoa_ or \u201cfields of secret tillage,\u201d which are both sown and\nreaped with peculiar ceremonies. Apparently the tilling of the earth is\nconsidered a crime which must be perpetrated secretly and afterwards\natoned for. On a lucky day in June, at the first cock-crow, two men lead\nthe buffaloes and the plough to the sacred field, round which they draw\nthree furrows in profound silence and then retire. Afterwards at dawn the\nowner of the land comes lounging by, as if by the merest chance. At sight\nof the furrows he stops, pretends to be much surprised, and cries out,\n\u201cWho has been secretly ploughing my field this night?\u201d Hastening home, he\nkills a kid or some fowls, cooks the victuals, and prepares five quids of\nbetel, some candles, a flask of oil, and lustral water of three different\nsorts. With these offerings and the plough drawn by the buffaloes, he\nreturns to the field, where he lights the candles and spreading out the\nvictuals worships Po-Nagar and the other deities, saying: \u201cI know not who\nhas secretly ploughed my field this night. Pardon, ye gods, those who have\ndone this wrong. Accept these offerings. Bless us. Suffer us to proceed\nwith this work.\u201d Then, speaking in the name of the deities, he gives the\nreassuring answer, \u201cAll right. Plough away!\u201d With the lustral water he\nwashes or sprinkles the buffaloes, the yoke, and the plough. The oil\nserves to anoint the plough and to pour libations on the ground. The five\nquids of betel are buried in the field. Thereupon the owner sows a handful\nof rice on the three furrows that have been traced, and eats the victuals\nwith his people. After all these rites have been duly performed, he may\nplough and sow his land as he likes. When the rice has grown high enough\nin this \u201cfield of secret tillage\u201d to hide pigeons, offerings of ducks,\neggs, and fowls are made to the deities; and fresh offerings, which\ngenerally consist of five plates of rice, two boiled fowls, a bottle of\nspirits, and five quids of betel, are made to Po-Nagar and the rest at the\ntime when the rice is in bloom. Finally, when the rice in \u201cthe field of\nsecret tillage\u201d is ripe, it has to be reaped before any of the rest.\nOfferings of food, such as boiled fowls, plates of rice, cakes, and so\nforth, are spread out on the field; a candle is lit, and a priest or, in\nhis absence, the owner prays to the guardian deities to come and partake\nof the food set before them. After that the owner of the land cuts three\nstalks of rice with a sickle in the middle of the field, then he cuts\nthree handfuls at the side, and places the whole in a napkin. These are\nthe first-fruits offered to Po-Nagar, the goddess of agriculture. On being\ntaken home the rice from the three handfuls is husked, pounded in a\nmortar, and presented to the goddess with these words: \u201cTaste, O goddess,\nthese first-fruits which have just been reaped.\u201d This rice is afterwards\neaten, while the straw and husks are burned. Having eaten the first-fruits\nof the rice, the owner takes the three stalks cut in the middle of the\nfield, passes them through the smoke of the precious eagle-wood, and hangs\nthem up in his house, where they remain till the next sowing-time comes\nround. The grain from these three stalks will form the seed of the three\nfurrows in \u201cthe field of secret tillage.\u201d Not till these ceremonies have\nbeen performed is the proprietor at liberty to reap the rest of that field\nand all the others.(191)\n\n(M49) The ceremony of eating the new yams at Onitsha, on the Niger, is\nthus described: \u201cEach headman brought out six yams, and cut down young\nbranches of palm-leaves and placed them before his gate, roasted three of\nthe yams, and got some kola-nuts and fish. After the yam is roasted, the\n_Libia_, or country doctor, takes the yam, scrapes it into a sort of meal,\nand divides it into halves; he then takes one piece, and places it on the\nlips of the person who is going to eat the new yam. The eater then blows\nup the steam from the hot yam, and afterwards pokes the whole into his\nmouth, and says, \u2018I thank God for being permitted to eat the new yam\u2019; he\nthen begins to chew it heartily, with fish likewise.\u201d(192)\n\n(M50) Among the Ewe negroes of West Africa the eating of the new yams is\nthe greatest festival of the year; it usually falls at the beginning of\nSeptember, and its character is predominantly religious. We possess a\nnative account of the festival as it is celebrated by the tribe of the Hos\nin Togoland. When the yams are ripe and ready to be dug up and brought\nhome, two days are devoted to cleansing the town of all ills, whether\nspiritual or material, as a solemn preparation for the ensuing\ncelebration. When these rites of purification, which will be described in\na later part of this work, have been accomplished, then, in the words of\nthe native account, \u201cthe people make ready to eat the new yams. And the\nmanner of making ready consists in going to the fields and digging the\nyams. However, they do not bring them home but lay them down somewhere on\nthe way. The reason why they do not bring them home is that the people\nhave not yet been on the place where they sacrifice to the deity. When\nthey wish to go thither, the way to the sacrificial place of Agbasia must\nfirst be cleared of grass. Afterwards the people come with their drums,\nwhich they beat loudly. When they are come to the place of sacrifice, they\nfirst raise two great mounds of earth, and they bring to the place of\nsacrifice palm wine, uncooked and cooked yams, and meal mixed with oil.\nFirst of all the uncooked yams are cut in two through the middle, and then\nthis prayer is offered: \u2018Agbasia, thou art he who has given the yams;\ntherefore here is thine own! We thank thee sincerely. May the eating of\nthe yams be a great joy, and may no quarrel intervene!\u2019 Thereupon they lay\ndown on the ground yams mixed with oil and not mixed with oil. In doing so\nthey say to Agbasia, \u2018He who eats not the white yams, to him belong the\nyams mixed with oil; and he who eats not the yams mixed with oil, to him\nbelong the white yams.\u2019 They do the same with the meal that is mixed with\noil and with the meal that is not mixed with oil. Thereby they say: \u2018Here\nwe bring thee all that thou hast given us. Eat thereof what thou\npleasest!\u2019 After that they pour palm wine into one pot and water into\nanother, and say, \u2018When one has eaten, one drinks water.\u2019 Thereby the\ndrums sound, songs are sung, and the priest says: \u2018Our father Agbasia, we\npray thee, let us hear no more evil but good only! When women are with\nchild, let them bear twins and triplets, that we may increase and\nmultiply! When the time for sowing the yams comes again, make it to rain\nupon them even more than hitherto, in order that we may come again and\nthank thee more sincerely than hitherto!\u2019 Thereupon the priest pours water\non one of the mounds, makes a paste with it, and calls the people thither.\nThen he dips his finger in the slime and smears it on their brows,\ntemples, and breasts, saying, \u2018This is the slime of Agbasia, wherewith I\nsmear you, that ye may remain in life.\u2019 After that they disperse and go\nhome. Further, the prayers and offerings of the individual peasants on the\noccasion of the yam festival are described as follows. \u201cIn the evening,\nwhen the town is swept clean, the people go to the fields to fetch yams,\nwhich, however, they may not yet bring into the town and therefore they\nhide them in the forest. As soon as the high priest quits the town next\nmorning to go to the sacrificial place of his god, the women set out to\nfetch the yams which they had deposited. Now they begin to cook. Many\npeople kill fowls or goats, and others buy fish for the festival. When the\nyams are sodden, a little is broken off, mixed with oil, and laid,\ntogether with uncooked yams, on the ground at the entrance to the\nhomestead. Thereby the house-father says: \u2018That belongs to all those\n(gods) who abide at the fence.\u2019 He does the same under the door of the\nhouse and says: \u2018That belongs to all those (gods) who dwell with me.\u2019 Then\nhe goes to the loom, and brings it its offering, and says: \u2018That belongs\nto all the \u201cArtificers\u201d who have helped me in weaving.\u2019 After that he lays\nall his charms on a mat spread in the house, and brings them also their\noffering, and speaks with them.\u201d\n\n\u201cAnother account describes the priestly functions of the house-father\nstill more fully. Every house-father takes a raw piece of yam and goes\nwith it to his loom (_agbati_) and prays: \u2018May the Artificers take this\nyam and eat! When they practise their art, may it prosper!\u2019 Again he takes\na raw yam and goes with it under the house-door and prays: \u2018O my\nguardian-spirit (_aklama_) and all ye gods who pay heed to this house,\ncome and eat yams! When I also eat of them, may I remain healthy and\nnowhere feel pain! May my housemates all remain healthy!\u2019 After he has\ninvoked their protection on his family, he takes a cooked yam, crumbles it\non a stone, and mixes it with red oil. With this mixture he goes again to\nthe loom and prays as before. But even that is not the end of the worship\nof the Artificers. He again crumbles a cooked yam, but this time he does\nnot mix it with red oil; he goes to the entrance of the homestead and\nprays again to the loom: \u2018He among the Artificers who does not relish yams\nmixed with oil, let him come and take the white yam and eat it!\u2019 From\nthere he goes again under the house-door and prays: \u2018He of my guardian\ngods and he of the watchers of the house who likes not yams mixed with\noil, let him come and take the white yam from my hand and eat!\u2019 From the\nhouse-door he steps into the midst of the chamber and says: \u2018He who\nrelishes not the yams mixed with oil, may eat the white; he who relishes\nnot the white may eat the red; and he who relishes not the red may eat the\nuncooked!\u2019 With this prayer he has completed his duties as house-priest.\nJust as the weaver prays to his loom, so the hunter prays to his musket,\nthe smith to his hammer and anvil, and the carpenter to his plane and saw.\n\n\u201cNow, while the free people begin to cook the yams so soon as the priest\nhas left the town, the slaves of the Earth Gods, the _Tr\u00f5kluwo_, must\nfirst as children perform their duties to the priest of their gods. Each\nof these children receives from his parents on the morning of the Yam\nFestival two pieces of yam, which he brings to the priest of his god. The\npriest cuts off a small piece of the yam and divides the piece again into\nfour pieces. The child kneels before him and lolls out his tongue. Holding\ntwo of these pieces of yam in his hands, the priest utters a prayer over\nthe child and touches his tongue five times with the pieces of yam. Then\nthe child stretches his hands out, each of which the priest touches five\ntimes with the same pieces of yam and prays as before. Then he touches\nboth feet of the child five times and prays for the third time. He takes\nhalf of the cowry-shells which the child has brought, fastens them on a\nstring, and hangs it round the child\u2019s neck. Thereby the child gets leave\nto eat new yams.\n\n\u201cAfter all these preparations the yams are pounded into a mash, and every\none calls his brother, that he may eat with him. When the meal is over,\nthe people are called together to amuse themselves and to drink palm wine.\nIn the afternoon every one bathes, puts on a new garment, and girds\nhimself with a new loin-cloth.\u201d(193)\n\n(M51) The Ashantees celebrate the festival of the new yams early in\nSeptember; until it is over none of the people may taste of the new yams.\n\u201cThe Yam Custom,\u201d we are told, \u201cis like the Saturnalia; neither theft,\nintrigue, nor assault are punishable during the continuance, but the\ngrossest liberty prevails, and each sex abandons itself to its passions.\u201d\nAn eye-witness has described the scene at Coomassie, the capital: \u201cThe\nnext morning the King ordered a large quantity of rum to be poured into\nbrass pans, in various parts of the town; the crowd pressing around, and\ndrinking like hogs; freemen and slaves, women and children, striking,\nkicking, and trampling each other under foot, pushed head foremost into\nthe pans, and spilling much more than they drank. In less than an hour,\nexcepting the principal men, not a sober person was to be seen, parties of\nfour, reeling and rolling under the weight of another, whom they affected\nto be carrying home; strings of women covered with red paint, hand in\nhand, falling down like rows of cards; the commonest mechanics and slaves\nfuriously declaiming on state palavers; the most discordant music, the\nmost obscene songs, children of both sexes prostrate in insensibility. All\nwore their handsomest cloths, which they trailed after them to a great\nlength, in a drunken emulation of extravagance and dirtiness.\u201d About a\nhundred persons, mostly culprits reserved for the purpose, used to be\nsacrificed at this festival in Coomassie. All the chiefs killed several\nslaves that their blood might flow into the hole from which the new yam\nwas taken. Such as could not afford to kill slaves took the head of a\nslave who had already been sacrificed and placed it in the hole. About ten\ndays after these ceremonies the whole of the royal household ate new yams\nfor the first time in the market-place, the King himself being in\nattendance. Next day he and his captains set off before sunrise to perform\ntheir annual ablutions in the river Dah; almost all the inhabitants of the\ncapital followed him, so that the streets appeared to be deserted. The\nfollowing day the King, attended by his suite, washed in the marsh at the\nsouth-east end of the town and laved the water not only over himself but\nalso over the chairs, stools, gold and silver plate, and the articles of\nfurniture which were set aside for his special use.(194) From another\naccount it appears that the King of Ashantee must eat the new yams before\nany of his subjects was at liberty to do so.(195) Similarly in the West\nAfrican kingdom of Assinie, which forms part of the French possessions of\nSenegal, the king must eat the new yams eight full days before the people\nmay taste them.(196)\n\n(M52) A second festival of yams used to be celebrated at Coomassie in\nDecember, when the king or a fetish priest consecrated the new yams before\nthey could be eaten by common folk. On one of the days of this December\ncelebration all the laws were suspended, and every man might do what\nseemed good in his own eyes: he might even, contrary to custom, look at\nthe king\u2019s wives, to the number of several hundreds, when they returned\nwith the king and his suite from washing in the fetish water of Tana. All\nthat day drinking went on, and the noise and uproar were prolonged far\ninto the night. Early in the morning a human victim was sacrificed: the\nfirst man found near the gates of the palace was seized, butchered, and\ncut in pieces, and the executioners danced with the bleeding fragments of\nthe victim in their hands or fastened round their necks. Before he ate of\nthe new yams the king washed himself in fetish water brought from distant\nsprings, and the chiefs performed similar ablutions.(197) In Benin the new\nyams might not be eaten until the king had performed certain ceremonies,\namong which one is said to have been a pretence of making a yam to grow in\na pot. Dancing, merrymaking, and farces or plays formed part of the\nfestival; the city was crowded with people, and they indulged in a regular\norgie.(198)\n\n(M53) Among the Nandi of British East Africa, when the eleusine grain is\nripening in autumn, every woman who owns a cornfield goes out into it with\nher daughters, and they all pluck some of the ripe grain. Each of the\nwomen then fixes one grain in her necklace and chews another, which she\nrubs on her forehead, throat, and breast. No mark of joy escapes them;\nsorrowfully they cut a basketful of the new corn, and carrying it home\nplace it in the loft to dry. As the ceiling is of wickerwork, a good deal\nof the grain drops through the crevices and falls into the fire, where it\nexplodes with a crackling noise. The people make no attempt to prevent\nthis waste; for they regard the crackling of the grain in the fire as a\nsign that the souls of the dead are partaking of it. A few days later\nporridge is made from the new grain and served up with milk at the evening\nmeal. All the members of the family take some of the porridge and dab it\non the walls and roofs of the huts; also they put a little in their mouths\nand spit it out towards the east and on the outside of the huts. Then,\nholding up some of the grain in his hand, the head of the family prays to\nGod for health and strength, and likewise for milk, and everybody present\nrepeats the words of the prayer after him.(199) Amongst the Baganda, when\nthe beans were ripe, a woman would call her eldest son to eat some of the\nfirst which she cooked; if she neglected to do so, it was believed that\nshe would incur the displeasure of the gods and fall ill. After the meal\nher husband jumped over her, and the beans might thereafter be eaten by\nall.(200)\n\n(M54) Amongst the Caffres of Natal and Zululand, no one may eat of the new\nfruits till after a festival which marks the beginning of the Caffre year\nand falls at the end of December or the beginning of January. All the\npeople assemble at the king\u2019s kraal, where they feast and dance. Before\nthey separate the \u201cdedication of the people\u201d takes place. Various fruits\nof the earth, as corn, mealies, and pumpkins, mixed with the flesh of a\nsacrificed animal and with \u201cmedicine,\u201d are boiled in great pots, and a\nlittle of this food is placed in each man\u2019s mouth by the king himself.\nAfter thus partaking of the sanctified fruits, a man is himself sanctified\nfor the whole year, and may immediately get in his crops.(201) It is\nbelieved that if any man were to partake of the new fruits before the\nfestival, he would die;(202) if he were detected, he would be put to\ndeath, or at least all his cattle would be taken from him.(203) The\nholiness of the new fruits is well marked by the rule that they must be\ncooked in a special pot which is used only for this purpose, and on a new\nfire kindled by a magician through the friction of two sticks which are\ncalled \u201chusband and wife.\u201d These sticks are prepared by the sorcerers from\nthe wood of the _Uzwati_ tree and belong exclusively to the chief. The\n\u201cwife\u201d is the shorter of the two. When the magician has kindled the new\nfire on which the new fruits are to be cooked, he hands the fire-sticks\nback to the chief, for no other hand may touch them; and they are then put\naway till they are required next season. The sticks are regarded as in a\nmeasure sacred, and no one, except the chief\u2019s personal servant, may go to\nthe side of the hut where they are kept. No pot but the one used for the\npreparation of this feast may be set on a fire made by the friction of the\n\u201chusband and wife.\u201d When the feast is over, the fire is carefully\nextinguished, and the pot is put away with the fire-sticks, where it\nremains untouched for another year.(204)\n\n(M55) A remarkable feature of the festival, as it is observed at the court\nof the Zulu king, is a dance performed by the king himself in a mantle of\ngrass or, according to another account, of herbs and corn-leaves. This\nmantle is afterwards burnt and its ashes are scattered and trodden into\nthe ground by cattle.(205) Further, it is worthy of notice that the\nfestival is described as a saturnalia, and we are told that \u201ca great deal\nof noise and dancing goes on, and people are not supposed to be\nresponsible for what they say or do.\u201d(206) Thus, for example, among the\nPondos the festival includes a period of license, during the continuance\nof which the chief abdicates his functions and any crime may be committed\nwith impunity. The description of the Pondo festival comprises so many\ninteresting features that I will reproduce it entire. \u201cWhen a Pondo chief\nis to hold the feast of first-fruits, some of his people procure a ripe\nplant of the gourd family, pumpkin or calabash, from another tribe. This\nis cooked; the inside cleaned out, and the rind made ready for use as a\nvessel. It is then presented to the chief with much ceremony. The\nfirst-fruits are now brought forward, and a sacrifice, generally a young\nbull, is offered, after which the feast commences. The chief issues\ncertain orders for the conduct of the proceedings, tastes the fruits which\nare served in the gourd-dish with which he has been presented, and then\nabdicates all his functions while the festival lasts. The cattle from all\nthe neighbouring villages are collected in the vicinity, and now they are\nbrought together, and the bulls incited to fight to determine which is to\nbe king among them for the next year. The young people engage in games and\ndances, feats of strength and running. After these are over the whole\ncommunity give themselves over to disorder, debauchery, and riot. In their\nbull-fights and games they but did honour to the powers of nature, and\nnow, as they eat and drink, the same powers are honoured in another form\nand by other rites. There is no one in authority to keep order, and every\nman does what seems good in his own eyes. Should a man stab his neighbour\nhe escapes all punishment, and so too with all other crimes against the\nperson, property, and morality. People are even permitted to abuse the\nchief to his face, an offence which at any other time would meet with\nsummary vengeance and an unceremonious dispatch to join the ancestors.\nWhile the feast continues, a deafening noise is kept up by drumming,\nshouting, hand-clapping, and every kind of instrument that can be made to\nemit sound. Men advance to the chief and explain their origin, and also\nthe object they hold sacred, by imitating the sounds and movements of\ntheir most sacred animal. This is the person\u2019s totem. Others imitate the\ngurgling made by an enemy when stabbed in the throat. Those who adopt this\nlatter emblem are known as \u2018children of the spear.\u2019 When the ceremonies,\nrevels, and mummeries are ended, the chief repairs to his accustomed\nplace, and sitting down there, by that act resumes his kingly functions.\nHe calls the bravest of his braves before him, who is immediately clothed\nand decorated with skins of animals suggestive of courage and strategy. He\nperforms a dance amid the frenzied shouting of the multitude, after which\nthe chief declares the festival at an end and harvest commenced.\u201d(207)\nAnother writer, speaking of the Zulu festival of first-fruits as it was\ncelebrated in the time of the ferocious despot Chaka, says that \u201cat this\nperiod the chiefs are allowed to converse unreservedly with the king,\nspeaking with great freedom, and in some measure to be dictatorial.\u201d(208)\nAgain, another traveller, who visited the Zulus in the reign of King\nPanda, tells us that \u201cin spite of the practice of the most absolute\ndespotism there are three days in the year when the nation in its turn has\nthe right to call the king to a severe account for his acts. It is at the\ngeneral assembly of the warriors, when the maize is ripe, that the lively\ndiscussions take place and the questions are put to which the king must\nanswer at once in a manner satisfactory to the people. I have then seen\nsimple warriors come leaping from the ranks, assume the style of fluent\nand excessively energetic orators, and not only confront the fiery glare\nof Panda, but even attack him before everybody, blame his acts, call them\ninfamous and base, compel him to vindicate his conduct, and then refute\nhis vindication by dissecting it and exposing its falsehood, finally\nproceeding to haughty threats and winding up the harangue with a gesture\nof contempt.\u201d(209) Such liberties taken with the despotic Zulu kings seem\nto point to a time when they too, like the Pondo chiefs, abdicated or were\ndeposed during the festival. Perhaps we may even go a step further. We\nhave seen that on this occasion the Zulu king dances in a mantle of grass\nor of herbs and corn-leaves, which is afterwards burnt and the ashes\nscattered and trodden into the ground. This custom seems clearly intended\nto promote the fertility of the earth, and in earlier times the same end\nmay have been compassed by burning the king himself and dispersing his\nashes; for we have seen that a Bechuana tribe, of the same Bantu stock as\nthe Zulus, were wont to sacrifice a human victim for the good of the crops\nand to scatter his ashes over the ground.(210) In this connexion it should\nbe borne in mind that we have found independent evidence of a custom of\nputting the Zulu king to death whenever his bodily strength began to\nfail.(211)\n\n(M56) Among the Bechuanas it is a rule that before they partake of the new\ncrops they must purify themselves. The purification takes place at the\ncommencement of the new year on a day in January which is fixed by the\nchief. It begins in the great kraal of the tribe, where all the adult\nmales assemble. Each of them takes in his hand leaves of a gourd called by\nthe natives _lerotse_ (described as something between a pumpkin and a\nvegetable marrow); and having crushed the leaves he anoints with the\nexpressed juice his big toes and his navel; many people indeed apply the\njuice to all the joints of their body, but the better-informed say that\nthis is a vulgar departure from ancient custom. After this ceremony in the\ngreat kraal every man goes home to his own kraal, assembles all the\nmembers of his family, men, women, and children, and smears them all with\nthe juice of the _lerotse_ leaves. Some of the leaves are also pounded,\nmixed with milk in a large wooden dish, and given to the dogs to lap up.\nThen the porridge plate of each member of the family is rubbed with the\n_lerotse_ leaves. When this purification has been completed, but not\nbefore, the people are free to eat of the new crops. On the night after\nthe purification every man was bound, as a matter of ritual, to sleep with\nhis chief wife. If she had been unfaithful to him during the past year, it\nwas incumbent on her to confess her sin before she fulfilled her part of\nthe ceremony. Having confessed she was purified by a medicine-man, who\nfumigated her with the smoke produced by burning a bean plant. Thereupon\nhusband and wife cut each other slightly under the navel, and each of them\nrubbed his or her blood, mixed with \u201cmedicine,\u201d into the other\u2019s wound.\nThat completed the purification of the woman, and the pair might now\nproceed with the rest of the rite. Should a married man be from home at\nthe time when the annual purification ceremony is performed, he is thought\nto be in a very sad plight; indeed his chances of surviving for another\nyear are supposed to be small. On his return home, he dare not enter his\nown house, for he would pollute it, and if even his shadow were to fall on\none of his children, the child would die. He must wait till his wife comes\nto him and brings him a calabash of water to drink, which is a sign that\nshe has waited for his return to perform the rite of purification\ntogether. But if she does not bring the water, he knows that in his\nabsence she has performed the rite with some other man, and it becomes\nnecessary to purge her by means of fumigation and blood-letting, as\ndescribed before. But even when that purgation is completed, husband and\nwife may not indulge in connubial intercourse for the rest of the year,\nthat is, until the next annual purification has taken place. The Bechuanas\nthink that \u201cany breach of this rule will be punished with supernatural\npenalties\u2014the husband, wife, or child will die.\u201d(212)\n\n(M57) Among the Matabele, another Bantu tribe of South Africa, no one\nmight partake of the new fruits till the king had first tasted of them;\nany one who was known to have broken the law was instantly put to death.\nOn this occasion the regiments assembled at Bulawayo, the capital, and\ndanced in a great semicircle before the king, who occasionally joined in\nthe dance. When he did so, the medicine-men and their satellites, armed\nwith thorn-bushes, rushed about among the dancers and incited them to\nfresh efforts by a vigorous application of the thorns to the bodies of\nsuch as seemed to flag. The king\u2019s wives also sang and danced before him\nin long lines, holding the marriage ring in their right hands and green\nboughs in their left. On the third day of the festival hundreds of oxen\nwere sacrificed: the flesh and blood of the black or sacred cattle were\nconverted into charms; while the carcases of the rest were cut up and\ndistributed among the people, who feasted upon them. The fourth day was\nspecially set apart for the ceremony of the first-fruits. In the morning\nall the people went down to the river to wash, and on their return a\nwitch-doctor or medicine-man took a dish of the new vegetables and corn,\nmixed with charms, and scattered the contents by handfuls among the crowd,\nwho seized and ate them. After that the people were free to eat the new\ncrops. According to one account, this festival of first-fruits was held at\nthe first full moon which followed the summer solstice (the twenty-first\nof December in the southern hemisphere); according to another account, it\ntook place a few days after the full moon of February, which marked the\nbeginning of the Matabele year.(213)\n\n(M58) The Ovambo or, as they call themselves, the Ovakuanjama, of\nSouth-West Africa, may not partake of the new fruits of the _omuongo_\ntree, which ripen in February and from which an intoxicating beverage is\nextracted, until certain ceremonies have been performed. Among other\nthings husband and wife mutually offer each other one of the fruits, make\nwhite strokes with chalk each on the brow, cheeks, and nose of the other,\nand accompany the action with the formal expression of good wishes. If\nthis ceremony, which seems to mark the beginning of the New Year, were\nomitted, they believe that they would be attacked by a painful disease of\nthe knee-joints which would cripple them.(214)\n\n(M59) The Bororo Indians of Brazil think that it would be certain death to\neat the new maize before it has been blessed by the medicine-man. The\nceremony of blessing it is as follows. The half-ripe husk is washed and\nplaced before the medicine-man, who by dancing and singing for several\nhours, and by incessant smoking, works himself up into a state of ecstasy,\nwhereupon he bites into the husk, trembling in every limb and uttering\nshrieks from time to time. A similar ceremony is performed whenever a\nlarge animal or a large fish is killed. The Bororo are firmly persuaded\nthat were any man to touch unconsecrated maize or meat, before the\nceremony had been completed, he and his whole tribe would perish.(215)\n\n(M60) Amongst the Creek Indians of North America, the _busk_ or festival\nof first-fruits was the chief ceremony of the year.(216) It was held in\nJuly or August, when the corn was ripe, and marked the end of the old year\nand the beginning of the new one. Before it took place, none of the\nIndians would eat or even handle any part of the new harvest. Sometimes\neach town had its own busk; sometimes several towns united to hold one in\ncommon. Before celebrating the busk, the people provided themselves with\nnew clothes and new household utensils and furniture; they collected their\nold clothes and rubbish, together with all the remaining grain and other\nold provisions, cast them together in one common heap, and consumed them\nwith fire.(217) As a preparation for the ceremony, all the fires in the\nvillage were extinguished, and the ashes swept clean away. In particular,\nthe hearth or altar of the temple was dug up and the ashes carried out.\nThen the chief priest put some roots of the button-snake plant, with some\ngreen tobacco leaves and a little of the new fruits, at the bottom of the\nfireplace, which he afterwards commanded to be covered up with white clay,\nand wetted over with clean water. A thick arbour of green branches of\nyoung trees was then made over the altar.(218) Meanwhile the women at home\nwere cleaning out their houses, renewing the old hearths, and scouring all\nthe cooking vessels that they might be ready to receive the new fire and\nthe new fruits.(219) The public or sacred square was carefully swept of\neven the smallest crumbs of previous feasts, \u201cfor fear of polluting the\nfirst-fruit offerings.\u201d Also every vessel that had contained or had been\nused about any food during the expiring year was removed from the temple\nbefore sunset. Then all the men who were not known to have violated the\nlaw of the first-fruit offering and that of marriage during the year were\nsummoned by a crier to enter the holy square and observe a solemn fast.\nBut the women (except six old ones), the children, and all who had not\nattained the rank of warriors were forbidden to enter the square.\nSentinels were also posted at the corners of the square to keep out all\npersons deemed impure and all animals. A strict fast was then observed for\ntwo nights and a day, the devotees drinking a bitter decoction of\nbutton-snake root \u201cin order to vomit and purge their sinful bodies.\u201d That\nthe people outside the square might also be purified, one of the old men\nlaid down a quantity of green tobacco at a corner of the square; this was\ncarried off by an old woman and distributed to the people without, who\nchewed and swallowed it \u201cin order to afflict their souls.\u201d During this\ngeneral fast, the women, children, and men of weak constitution were\nallowed to eat after mid-day, but not before. On the morning when the fast\nended, the women brought a quantity of the old year\u2019s food to the outside\nof the sacred square. These provisions were then fetched in and set before\nthe famished multitude, but all traces of them had to be removed before\nnoon. When the sun was declining from the meridian, all the people were\ncommanded by the voice of a crier to stay within doors, to do no bad act,\nand to be sure to extinguish and throw away every spark of the old fire.\nUniversal silence now reigned. Then the high priest made the new fire by\nthe friction of two pieces of wood, and placed it on the altar under the\ngreen arbour. This new fire was believed to atone for all past crimes\nexcept murder. Next a basket of new fruits was brought; the high priest\ntook out a little of each sort of fruit, rubbed it with bear\u2019s oil, and\noffered it, together with some flesh, \u201cto the bountiful holy spirit of\nfire, as a first-fruit offering, and an annual oblation for sin.\u201d He also\nconsecrated the sacred emetics (the button-snake root and the cassina or\nblack-drink) by pouring a little of them into the fire. The persons who\nhad remained outside now approached, without entering, the sacred square;\nand the chief priest thereupon made a speech, exhorting the people to\nobserve their old rites and customs, announcing that the new divine fire\nhad purged away the sins of the past year, and earnestly warning the women\nthat, if any of them had not extinguished the old fire, or had contracted\nany impurity, they must forthwith depart, \u201clest the divine fire should\nspoil both them and the people.\u201d Some of the new fire was then set down\noutside the holy square; the women carried it home joyfully, and laid it\non their unpolluted hearths. When several towns had united to celebrate\nthe festival, the new fire might thus be carried for several miles. The\nnew fruits were then dressed on the new fires and eaten with bear\u2019s oil,\nwhich was deemed indispensable. At one point of the festival the men\nrubbed the new corn between their hands, then on their faces and\nbreasts.(220) During the festival which followed, the warriors, dressed in\ntheir wild martial array, their heads covered with white down and carrying\nwhite feathers in their hands, danced round the sacred arbour, under which\nburned the new fire. The ceremonies lasted eight days, during which the\nstrictest continence was practised. Towards the conclusion of the festival\nthe warriors fought a mock battle; then the men and women together, in\nthree circles, danced round the sacred fire. Lastly, all the people\nsmeared themselves with white clay and bathed in running water. They came\nout of the water believing that no evil could now befall them for what\nthey had done amiss in the past. So they departed in joy and peace.\n\n(M61) Ceremonies of the same general type are still annually observed by\nthe Yuchi Indians of Oklahoma, who belong to the Creek nation but speak a\ndifferent language. The rites are said to have been instituted by the Sun.\nThey are solemnised in the public square, and are timed so as to coincide\nwith the ripening of the corn, which usually takes place about the middle\nor early part of July. Continence and abstinence from salt are prescribed\nduring their celebration, and all the men must fast for twelve hours\nbefore they take the emetic. A sacred new fire is kindled by striking two\nstones against each other, after which all the males are scarified or\nscratched by an official on the arm or breast, so as to let blood flow and\ndrip on the ground of the public square. This bleeding of the men is said\nto be symbolical of the origin of the Yuchi people; for the first Yuchi\nsprang from some drops of blood which the mother of the Sun let fall on\nearth at one of her monthly periods. Hence the Yuchi call themselves the\nChildren of the Sun. The solemn rite of scratching is followed by the no\nless solemn rite of vomiting. This also was instituted by the Sun. He\ntaught the Indians to steep the button-snake root and the red root in\nwater and to drink the decoction, in order that they might vomit and so\npurify their bodies against sickness during the ensuing year. They think\nthat if they did not thus purge themselves before eating the new corn,\nthey would fall sick. The chief of the town is charged with the solemn\nduty of preparing the nauseous concoction, and he is assisted by four boys\nwho have been initiated into the mysteries. The pots containing the stuff\nare decorated on the rim with a pattern representing the sun, and they\nstand east of the fire near the middle of the public square. The order of\ndrinking is regulated by the rank of the drinkers. When the sun is about\nthe zenith, the four noblest come forward, face eastward, and gulp down\nthe vile but salutary potion; then they retire to their places and await\nthe usual results. When they feel the inward workings of the draught, they\nstep out of the square and discharge the contents of their stomachs in a\nplace set apart for the purpose. They are followed by another party of\nfour, and that by another, and so on, till all the men have thus purged\nthemselves. The rite is repeated several times. When it is over, they all\ngo to water and wash off the paint with which they were adorned; then\nreturning to their places in the square they feast on the new corn. After\na rest of some hours the men engage in ball play, not as a mere recreation\nbut as a matter of ritual. Sides are chosen; every player is equipped with\ntwo rackets, and the aim of each side is to drive the ball through their\nopponents\u2019 goal, which consists of two uprights and a cross-piece. The two\ngoals stand east and west of each other. During the following night\ndancing is kept up, and a general laxity, degenerating into debauchery,\nprevails; but parents and elders wink at the excesses of the young folk.\nAmong the dances are some in which the dancers mimick the motions and\ncries of their totemic animals, such as ducks, buzzards, rabbits, fish,\nbuffaloes, chickens, and owls.(221)\n\n(M62) To this day, also, the remnant of the Seminole Indians of Florida, a\npeople of the same stock as the Creeks,(222) hold an annual purification\nand festival called the Green Corn Dance, at which the new corn is eaten.\nOn the evening of the first day of the festival they quaff a nauseous\n\u201cBlack Drink,\u201d as it is called, which acts both as an emetic and a\npurgative; they believe that he who does not drink of this liquor cannot\nsafely eat the new green corn, and besides that he will be sick at some\ntime in the year. While the liquor is being drunk, the dancing begins, and\nthe medicine-men join in it. Next day they eat of the green corn; the\nfollowing day they fast, probably from fear of polluting the sacred food\nin their stomachs by contact with common food; but the third day they hold\na great feast.(223) Further, the Natchez Indians, another tribe of the\nsame stock, who used to inhabit a district on the lower course and eastern\nbank of the Mississippi, ate the new corn sacramentally at a great\nfestival which has been fully described by Du Pratz, the French historian\nof Louisiana. As his work is probably not easily accessible to many of my\nreaders, I shall perhaps consult their convenience by extracting his\ndescription entire. The Natchez, he tells us, began their year in March\nand divided it into thirteen moons. Their sixth moon, which answered to\nour August, was the Mulberry Moon, and the seventh was the moon of Maize\nor Great Corn. \u201cThis feast is beyond dispute the most solemn of all. It\nprincipally consists in eating in common, and in a religious manner, of\nnew corn, which had been sown expressly with that design, with suitable\nceremonies. This corn is sown upon a spot of ground never before\ncultivated; which ground is dressed and prepared by the warriors alone,\nwho also are the only persons that sow the corn, weed it, reap it, and\ngather it. When this corn is near ripe, the warriors fix on a place proper\nfor the general feast, and close adjoining to that they form a round\ngranary, the bottom and sides of which are of cane; this they fill with\nthe corn, and when they have finished the harvest, and covered the\ngranary, they acquaint the Great Sun,(224) who appoints the day for the\ngeneral feast. Some days before the feast, they build huts for the Great\nSun, and for all the other families, round the granary, that of the Great\nSun being raised upon a mound of earth about two feet high. On the\nfeast-day the whole nation set out from their village at sun-rising,\nleaving behind only the aged and infirm that are not able to travel, and a\nfew warriors, who are to carry the Great Sun on a litter upon their\nshoulders. The seat of this litter is covered with several deer-skins, and\nto its four sides are fastened four bars which cross each other, and are\nsupported by eight men, who at every hundred paces transfer their burden\nto eight other men, and thus successively transport it to the place where\nthe feast is celebrated, which may be near two miles from the village.\nAbout nine o\u2019clock the Great Sun comes out of his hut dressed in the\nornaments of his dignity, and being placed in his litter, which has a\ncanopy at the head formed of flowers, he is carried in a few minutes to\nthe sacred granary, shouts of joy re-echoing on all sides. Before he\nalights he makes the tour of the whole place deliberately, and when he\ncomes before the corn, he salutes it thrice with the words _hoo, hoo,\nhoo_, lengthened and pronounced respectfully. The salutation is repeated\nby the whole nation, who pronounce the word _hoo_ nine times distinctly,\nand at the ninth time he alights and places himself on his throne.\n\n(M63) \u201cImmediately after they light a fire by rubbing two pieces of wood\nviolently against each other, and when everything is prepared for dressing\nthe corn, the chief of war, accompanied by the warriors belonging to each\nfamily, presents himself before the throne, and addresses the Sun in these\nwords, \u2018Speak, for I hear thee.\u2019 The sovereign then rises up, bows towards\nthe four quarters of the world, and advancing to the granary, lifts his\neyes and hands to heaven, and says, \u2019Give us corn\u2019: upon which the great\nchief of war, the princes and princesses, and all the men, thank him\nseparately by pronouncing the word _hoo_. The corn is then distributed,\nfirst to the female Suns, and then to all the women, who run with it to\ntheir huts, and dress it with the utmost dispatch. When the corn is\ndressed in all the huts, a plate of it is put into the hands of the Great\nSun, who presents it to the four quarters of the world, and then says to\nthe chief of war, \u2018Eat\u2019; upon this signal the warriors begin to eat in all\nthe huts; after them the boys of whatever age, excepting those who are on\nthe breast; and last of all the women. When the warriors have finished\ntheir repast, they form themselves into two choirs before the huts, and\nsing war songs for half an hour; after which the chief of war, and all the\nwarriors in succession, recount their brave exploits, and mention, in a\nboasting manner, the number of enemies they have slain. The youths are\nnext allowed to harangue, and each tells in the best manner he can, not\nwhat he has done, but what he intends to do; and if his discourse merits\napprobation, he is answered by a general _hoo_; if not, the warriors hang\ndown their heads and are silent.\n\n(M64) \u201cThis great solemnity is concluded with a general dance by\ntorch-light. Upwards of two hundred torches of dried canes, each of the\nthickness of a child, are lighted round the place, where the men and women\noften continue dancing till daylight; and the following is the disposition\nof their dance. A man places himself on the ground with a pot covered with\na deer-skin, in the manner of a drum, to beat time to the dancers; round\nhim the women form themselves into a circle, not joining hands, but at\nsome distance from each other; and they are inclosed by the men in another\ncircle, who have in each hand a chichicois, or calabash, with a stick\nthrust through it to serve for a handle. When the dance begins, the women\nmove round the men in the centre, from left to right, and the men\ncontrariwise from right to left, and they sometimes narrow and sometimes\nwiden their circles. In this manner the dance continues without\nintermission the whole night, new performers successively taking the place\nof those who are wearied and fatigued.\n\n(M65) \u201cNext morning no person is seen abroad before the Great Sun comes\nout of his hut, which is generally about nine o\u2019clock, and then upon a\nsignal made by the drum, the warriors make their appearance distinguished\ninto two troops, by the feathers which they wear on their heads. One of\nthese troops is headed by the Great Sun, and the other by the chief of\nwar, who begin a new diversion by tossing a ball of deer-skin stuffed with\nSpanish beard from the one to the other. The warriors quickly take part in\nthe sport, and a violent contest ensues which of the two parties shall\ndrive the ball to the hut of the opposite chief. The diversion generally\nlasts two hours, and the victors are allowed to wear the feathers of\nsuperiority till the following year, or till the next time they play at\nthe ball. After this the warriors perform the war dance; and last of all\nthey go and bathe; an exercise which they are very fond of when they are\nheated or fatigued.\n\n\u201cThe rest of that day is employed as the preceding; for the feast holds as\nlong as any of the corn remains. When it is all eat up, the Great Sun is\ncarried back in his litter, and they all return to the village, after\nwhich he sends the warriors to hunt both for themselves and him.\u201d(225)\n\n(M66) Even tribes which do not till the ground sometimes observe analogous\nceremonies when they gather the first wild fruits or dig the first roots\nof the season. Thus among the Salish and Tinneh Indians of North-West\nAmerica, \u201cbefore the young people eat the first berries or roots of the\nseason, they always addressed the fruit or plant, and begged for its\nfavour and aid. In some tribes regular First-fruit ceremonies were\nannually held at the time of picking the wild fruit or gathering the\nroots, and also among the salmon-eating tribes when the run of the\n\u2018sockeye\u2019 salmon began. These ceremonies were not so much thanksgivings,\nas performances to ensure a plentiful crop or supply of the particular\nobject desired, for if they were not properly and reverently carried out\nthere was danger of giving offence to the \u2018spirits\u2019 of the objects, and\nbeing deprived of them.\u201d For example, these Indians are fond of the young\nshoots or suckers of the wild raspberry, and they observe the following\nceremony at gathering the first of them in season. \u201cWhen the shoots are\nready to pick, that is, when they are about six or eight inches above the\nground, the chief, or directing elder of the community, instructs his wife\nor his daughters to pluck a small bundle of these and prepare them for\neating. This they do, using a new pot or kettle for cooking them in. In\nthe meantime all the settlement comes together to take part in the\nceremony. They stand in a great circle, the presiding chief, elder, or\nmedicine-man as the case may be, and his assistants being in their midst.\nWhoever is conducting the ceremony now silently invokes the spirit of the\nplants, the tenor of his prayer being that it will be propitious to them\nand grant them a good supply of the suckers. While the invocation is being\nmade all in the circle must keep their eyes reverently closed, this being\nan essential part in all such ceremonies, the non-observance of which\nwould anger the spirits and cause them to withhold the favours sought. To\nensure this being strictly done, the assisting elders are armed with long\nwands with which they strike any person found opening his eyes during the\nprayer. After this part of the ceremony is over the cooked suckers are\nhanded to the presiding officer in a newly carved dish, and a small\nportion is given to each person present, who reverently and decorously\neats it. This brings the ceremony to a close. Later, when the berries of\nthis plant are ripe, a second and similar ceremony takes place.\u201d(226)\n\n(M67) The Thompson Indians of British Columbia cook and eat the sunflower\nroot (_Balsamorrhiza sagittata_, Nutt.), but they used to regard it as a\nmysterious being, and observed a number of taboos in connexion with it;\nfor example, women who were engaged in digging or cooking the root must\npractise continence, and no man might come near the oven where the women\nwere baking the root. When young people ate the first berries, roots, or\nother products of the season, they addressed a prayer to the\nSunflower-Root as follows: \u201cI inform thee that I intend to eat thee.\nMayest thou always help me to ascend, so that I may always be able to\nreach the tops of mountains, and may I never be clumsy! I ask this from\nthee, Sunflower-Root. Thou art the greatest of all in mystery.\u201d To omit\nthis prayer would make the eater lazy and cause him to sleep long in the\nmorning. Again, when the first tobacco of the season was gathered and\nsmoked for the first time, the inhabitants of each lodge among the\nThompson Indians observed the following ceremony. An elderly man assembled\nall the inmates, often outside the lodge and generally after sunset, and\ncaused all the adult men and women, who were in the habit of smoking, to\nsit down in a circle, while he stood in the middle. Sometimes he made a\nlong speech to the people, but as a rule he simply said, \u201cBe it known to\nyou that we will cut up the chief,\u201d meaning by the chief the tobacco. So\nsaying he cut up some of the tobacco, and after mixing it with bear-berry\nleaves he filled a large pipe, lighted it, and handed it to each person,\nfollowing the sun\u2019s course. Everybody took one whiff, and holding up his\nor her hands, the palms close together, blew the smoke downwards between\nthe fingers and over the breast; and as the smoke descended, he crossed\nhis hands on his breast, and rubbing his chest and shoulders with both\nhands, as if he were rubbing the smoke in, he prayed: \u201cLengthen my breath,\nchief, so that I may never be sick, and so that I may not die for a long\ntime to come.\u201d By the chief he meant the tobacco. When every one had had\nhis whiff, the tobacco was cut up small and a piece given to each\nperson.(227)\n\n(M68) These customs of the Thompson and other Indian tribes of North-West\nAmerica are instructive, because they clearly indicate the motive, or at\nleast one of the motives, which underlies the ceremonies observed at\neating the first fruits of the season. That motive in the case of these\nIndians is simply a belief that the plant itself is animated by a\nconscious and more or less powerful spirit, who must be propitiated before\nthe people can safely partake of the fruits or roots which are supposed to\nbe part of his body. Now if this is true of wild fruits and roots, we may\ninfer with some probability that it is also true of cultivated fruits and\nroots, such as yams, and in particular that it holds good of the cereals,\nsuch as wheat, barley, oats, rice, and maize. In all cases it seems\nreasonable to infer that the scruples which savages manifest at eating the\nfirst fruits of any crop, and the ceremonies which they observe before\nthey overcome their scruples, are due at least in large measure to a\nnotion that the plant or tree is animated by a spirit or even a deity,\nwhose leave must be obtained, or whose favour must be sought before it is\npossible to partake with safety of the new crop. This indeed is plainly\naffirmed of the Aino: they call the millet \u201cthe divine cereal,\u201d \u201cthe\ncereal deity,\u201d and they pray to and worship him before they will eat of\nthe cakes made from the new millet.(228) And even where the indwelling\ndivinity of the first fruits is not expressly affirmed, it appears to be\nimplied both by the solemn preparations made for eating them and by the\ndanger supposed to be incurred by persons who venture to partake of them\nwithout observing the prescribed ritual. In all such cases, accordingly,\nwe may not improperly describe the eating of the new fruits as a sacrament\nor communion with a deity, or at all events with a powerful spirit.\n\n(M69) Among the usages which point to this conclusion are the custom of\nemploying either new or specially reserved vessels to hold the new\nfruits,(229) and the practice of purifying the persons of the communicants\nand even the houses and streets of the whole town, before it is lawful to\nengage in the solemn act of communion with the divinity.(230) Of all the\nmodes of purification adopted on these occasions none perhaps brings out\nthe sacramental virtue of the rite so clearly as the Creek and Seminole\npractice of taking a purgative before swallowing the new corn. The\nintention is thereby to prevent the sacred food from being polluted by\ncontact with common food in the stomach of the eater. For the same reason\nCatholics partake of the Eucharist fasting; and among the pastoral Masai\nof Eastern Africa the young warriors, who live on meat and milk\nexclusively, are obliged to eat nothing but milk for so many days and then\nnothing but meat for so many more, and before they pass from the one food\nto the other they must make sure that none of the old food remains in\ntheir stomachs; this they do by swallowing a very powerful purgative and\nemetic.(231) Similarly, among the Suk, a tribe of British East Africa, no\none may partake of meat and milk on the same day, and if he has chewed raw\nmillet he is forbidden to drink milk for seven days.(232) Among the\nWataturu, another people of Eastern Africa akin to the Masai, a warrior\nwho had eaten antelope\u2019s flesh might not drink of milk on the same\nday.(233) Similarly among the Central Esquimaux the rules prohibiting\ncontact between venison and the flesh of marine animals are very strict.\nThe Esquimaux themselves say that the goddess Sedna dislikes the deer, and\ntherefore they may not bring that animal into contact with her favourites,\nthe sea beasts. Hence the meat of the whale, the seal, or the walrus may\nnot be eaten on the same day with venison. Both sorts of meat may not even\nlie on the floor of the hut or behind the lamps at the same time. If a man\nwho has eaten venison in the morning happens to enter a hut in which the\nflesh of seal is being cooked, he is allowed to eat venison on the bed,\nbut it must be wrapt up before being carried into the hut, and he must\ntake care to keep clear of the floor. Before changing from one food to the\nother the Esquimaux must wash themselves.(234) Again, just as the\nEsquimaux think that their goddess would be offended if venison met seal\nor whale or walrus meat in the eater\u2019s stomach, so the Melanesians of\nFlorida, one of the Solomon Islands, believe that if a man who has eaten\npork or fish or shell-fish or the flesh of a certain sort of cuscus were\nto enter a garden immediately afterwards, the ghosts who preside over the\ngarden and cause the fruits to grow would be angry and the crop would\nconsequently suffer; but three or four days after partaking of such\nvictuals, when the food has quite left his stomach, he may enter the\ngarden without offence to the ghosts or injury to the crop.(235) In like\nmanner the ancient Greeks, of whose intellectual kinship with savages like\nthe Esquimaux and the Melanesians we have already met with many proofs,\nlaid it down as a rule that a man who had partaken of the black ram\noffered to Pelops at Olympia might not enter into the temple of Zeus, and\nthat persons who had sacrificed to Telephus at Pergamus might not go up to\nthe temple of Aesculapius until they had washed themselves,(236) just as\nthe Esquimaux who have eaten venison must wash before they may partake of\nseal or whale or walrus meat. Again, at Lindus in Rhodes there was a\nsanctuary of some god or hero unknown into which no one who had partaken\nof goat\u2019s flesh or peas-pudding might enter for three days, and no one who\nhad eaten cheese might enter for one day.(237) The prescribed interval was\nprobably calculated to allow the obnoxious food to pass out of the body of\nthe eater before he entered into the presence of the deity, who for some\nreason or other cherished an antipathy to these particular viands. At\nCastabus in the Carian Chersonese there was a sanctuary of Hemithea, which\nno one might approach who had either eaten pork or touched a pig.(238)\n\n(M70) In some of the festivals which we have examined, as in the\nCheremiss, Buru, Cham, Ewe, and Creek ceremonies, the sacrament of\nfirst-fruits is combined with a sacrifice or presentation of them to gods\nor spirits,(239) and in course of time the sacrifice of first-fruits tends\nto throw the sacrament into the shade, if not to supersede it. The mere\nfact of offering the first-fruits to the gods or spirits comes now to be\nthought a sufficient preparation for eating the new corn; the higher\npowers having received their share, man is free to enjoy the rest. This\nmode of viewing the new fruits implies that they are regarded no longer as\nthemselves instinct with divine life, but merely as a gift bestowed by the\ngods upon man, who is bound to express his gratitude and homage to his\ndivine benefactors by returning to them a portion of their bounty. More\nexamples of the sacrifice, as distinct from sacrament, of first-fruits\nwill be given presently.(240)\n\n\n\n\n\u00a7 2. Eating the God among the Aztecs.\n\n\n(M71) The custom of eating bread sacramentally as the body of a god was\npractised by the Aztecs before the discovery and conquest of Mexico by the\nSpaniards. Twice a year, in May and December, an image of the great\nMexican god Huitzilopochtli or Vitzilipuztli was made of dough, then\nbroken in pieces, and solemnly eaten by his worshippers. The May ceremony\nis thus described by the historian Acosta: \u201cThe Mexicans in the month of\nMay made their principal feast to their god Vitzilipuztli, and two days\nbefore this feast, the virgins whereof I have spoken (the which were shut\nup and secluded in the same temple and were as it were religious women)\ndid mingle a quantity of the seed of beets with roasted maize, and then\nthey did mould it with honey, making an idol of that paste in bigness like\nto that of wood, putting instead of eyes grains of green glass, of blue or\nwhite; and for teeth grains of maize set forth with all the ornament and\nfurniture that I have said. This being finished, all the noblemen came and\nbrought it an exquisite and rich garment, like unto that of the idol,\nwherewith they did attire it. Being thus clad and deckt, they did set it\nin an azured chair and in a litter to carry it on their shoulders. The\nmorning of this feast being come, an hour before day all the maidens came\nforth attired in white, with new ornaments, the which that day were called\nthe Sisters of their god Vitzilipuztli, they came crowned with garlands of\nmaize roasted and parched, being like unto azahar or the flower of orange;\nand about their necks they had great chains of the same, which went\nbauldrickwise under their left arm. Their cheeks were dyed with vermilion,\ntheir arms from the elbow to the wrist were covered with red parrots\u2019\nfeathers.\u201d Young men, dressed in red robes and crowned like the virgins\nwith maize, then carried the idol in its litter to the foot of the great\npyramid-shaped temple, up the steep and narrow steps of which it was drawn\nto the music of flutes, trumpets, cornets, and drums. \u201cWhile they mounted\nup the idol all the people stood in the court with much reverence and\nfear. Being mounted to the top, and that they had placed it in a little\nlodge of roses which they held ready, presently came the young men, which\nstrewed many flowers of sundry kinds, wherewith they filled the temple\nboth within and without. This done, all the virgins came out of their\nconvent, bringing pieces of paste compounded of beets and roasted maize,\nwhich was of the same paste whereof their idol was made and compounded,\nand they were of the fashion of great bones. They delivered them to the\nyoung men, who carried them up and laid them at the idol\u2019s feet, wherewith\nthey filled the whole place that it could receive no more. They called\nthese morsels of paste the flesh and bones of Vitzilipuztli. Having laid\nabroad these bones, presently came all the ancients of the temple,\npriests, Levites, and all the rest of the ministers, according to their\ndignities and antiquities (for herein there was a strict order amongst\nthem) one after another, with their veils of diverse colours and works,\nevery one according to his dignity and office, having garlands upon their\nheads and chains of flowers about their necks; after them came their gods\nand goddesses whom they worshipped, of diverse figures, attired in the\nsame livery; then putting themselves in order about those morsels and\npieces of paste, they used certain ceremonies with singing and dancing. By\nmeans whereof they were blessed and consecrated for the flesh and bones of\nthis idol. This ceremony and blessing (whereby they were taken for the\nflesh and bones of the idol) being ended, they honoured those pieces in\nthe same sort as their god.\n\n(M72) \u201cThen come forth the sacrificers, who began the sacrifice of men in\nthe manner as hath been spoken, and that day they did sacrifice a greater\nnumber than at any other time, for that it was the most solemn feast they\nobserved. The sacrifices being ended, all the young men and maids came out\nof the temple attired as before, and being placed in order and rank, one\ndirectly against another, they danced by drums, the which sounded in\npraise of the feast, and of the idol which they did celebrate. To which\nsong all the most ancient and greatest noblemen did answer dancing about\nthem, making a great circle, as their use is, the young men and maids\nremaining always in the midst. All the city came to this goodly spectacle,\nand there was a commandment very strictly observed throughout all the\nland, that the day of the feast of the idol of Vitzilipuztli they should\neat no other meat but this paste, with honey, whereof the idol was made.\nAnd this should be eaten at the point of day, and they should drink no\nwater nor any other thing till after noon: they held it for an ill sign,\nyea, for sacrilege to do the contrary: but after the ceremonies ended, it\nwas lawful for them to eat anything. During the time of this ceremony they\nhid the water from their little children, admonishing all such as had the\nuse of reason not to drink any water; which, if they did, the anger of God\nwould come upon them, and they should die, which they did observe very\ncarefully and strictly. The ceremonies, dancing, and sacrifice ended, they\nwent to unclothe themselves, and the priests and superiors of the temple\ntook the idol of paste, which they spoiled of all the ornaments it had,\nand made many pieces, as well of the idol itself as of the truncheons\nwhich they consecrated, and then they gave them to the people in manner of\na communion, beginning with the greater, and continuing unto the rest,\nboth men, women, and little children, who received it with such tears,\nfear, and reverence as it was an admirable thing, saying that they did eat\nthe flesh and bones of God, wherewith they were grieved. Such as had any\nsick folks demanded thereof for them, and carried it with great reverence\nand veneration.\u201d(241)\n\n(M73) From this interesting passage we learn that the ancient Mexicans,\neven before the arrival of Christian missionaries, were fully acquainted\nwith the theological doctrine of transubstantiation and acted upon it in\nthe solemn rites of their religion. They believed that by consecrating\nbread their priests could turn it into the very body of their god, so that\nall who thereupon partook of the consecrated bread entered into a mystic\ncommunion with the deity by receiving a portion of his divine substance\ninto themselves. The doctrine of transubstantiation, or the magical\nconversion of bread into flesh, was also familiar to the Aryans of ancient\nIndia long before the spread and even the rise of Christianity. The\nBrahmans taught that the rice-cakes offered in sacrifice were substitutes\nfor human beings, and that they were actually converted into the real\nbodies of men by the manipulation of the priest. We read that \u201cwhen it\n(the rice-cake) still consists of rice-meal, it is the hair. When he pours\nwater on it, it becomes skin. When he mixes it, it becomes flesh: for then\nit becomes consistent; and consistent also is the flesh. When it is baked,\nit becomes bone: for then it becomes somewhat hard; and hard is the bone.\nAnd when he is about to take it off (the fire) and sprinkles it with\nbutter, he changes it into marrow. This is the completeness which they\ncall the fivefold animal sacrifice.\u201d(242) These remarkable\ntransformations, daily wrought by the priest, on the rice-wafer, were,\nhowever, nothing at all to those which the gods themselves accomplished\nwhen they first instituted the rite. For the horse and the ox which they\nsacrificed became a _bos gaurus_ and a gayal respectively; the sheep was\nturned into a camel; and the goat was converted into a remarkable species\nof deer, enriched with eight legs, which slew lions and elephants.(243) On\nthe whole it would seem that neither the ancient Hindoos nor the ancient\nMexicans had much to learn from the most refined mysteries of Catholic\ntheology.\n\n(M74) Now, too, we can perfectly understand why on the day of their solemn\ncommunion with the deity the Mexicans refused to eat any other food than\nthe consecrated bread which they revered as the very flesh and bones of\ntheir God, and why up till noon they might drink nothing at all, not even\nwater. They feared no doubt to defile the portion of God in their stomachs\nby contact with common things. A similar pious fear led the Creek and\nSeminole Indians, as we saw, to adopt the more thoroughgoing expedient of\nrinsing out their insides by a strong purgative before they dared to\npartake of the sacrament of first-fruits.(244) We can now also conjecture\nthe reason why Zulu boys, after eating the flesh of the black bull at the\nfeast of first-fruits, are forbidden to drink anything till the next\nday.(245)\n\n(M75) At the festival of the winter solstice in December the Aztecs killed\ntheir god Huitzilopochtli in effigy first and ate him afterwards. As a\npreparation for this solemn ceremony an image of the deity in the likeness\nof a man was fashioned out of seeds of various sorts, which were kneaded\ninto a dough with the blood of children. The bones of the god were\nrepresented by pieces of acacia wood. This image was placed on the chief\naltar of the temple, and on the day of the festival the king offered\nincense to it. Early next day it was taken down and set on its feet in a\ngreat hall. Then a priest, who bore the name and acted the part of the god\nQuetzalcoatl, took a flint-tipped dart and hurled it into the breast of\nthe dough-image, piercing it through and through. This was called \u201ckilling\nthe god Huitzilopochtli so that his body might be eaten.\u201d One of the\npriests cut out the heart of the image and gave it to the king to eat. The\nrest of the image was divided into minute pieces, of which every man great\nand small, down to the male children in the cradle, received one to eat.\nBut no woman might taste a morsel. The ceremony was called _teoqualo_,\nthat is, \u201cgod is eaten.\u201d(246)\n\n(M76) At another festival the Mexicans made little images like men, which\nstood for the cloud-capped mountains. These images were moulded of a paste\nof various seeds and were dressed in paper ornaments. Some people\nfashioned five, others ten, others as many as fifteen of them. Having been\nmade, they were placed in the oratory of each house and worshipped. Four\ntimes in the course of the night offerings of food were brought to them in\ntiny vessels; and people sang and played the flute before them through all\nthe hours of darkness. At break of day the priests stabbed the images with\na weaver\u2019s instrument, cut off their heads, and tore out their hearts,\nwhich they presented to the master of the house on a green saucer. The\nbodies of the images were then eaten by all the family, especially by the\nservants, \u201cin order that by eating them they might be preserved from\ncertain distempers, to which those persons who were negligent of worship\nto those deities conceived themselves to be subject.\u201d(247) In some cities\nof Mexico, as in Tlacopan and Coyohuacan, an idol was fashioned out of\ngrains of various kinds, and the warriors ate it in the belief that the\nsacred food would increase their forces fourfold when they marched to the\nfight.(248) At certain festivals held thrice a year in Nicaragua all the\nmen, beginning with the priests and chiefs, drew blood from their tongues\nand genital organs with sharp knives of flint, allowed it to drip on some\nsheaves of maize, and then ate the bloody grain as a blessed food.(249)\n\n(M77) But the Mexicans did not always content themselves with eating their\ngods in the outward and visible shape of bread or grain; it was not even\nenough that this material vehicle of the divine life should be kneaded and\nfortified with human blood. They craved, as it seems, after a closer union\nwith the living god, and attained it by devouring the flesh of a real man,\nwho, after he had paraded for a time in the trappings and received the\nhonours of a god, was slaughtered and eaten by his cannibal worshippers.\nThe deity thus consumed in effigy was Tetzcatlipoca, and the man chosen to\nrepresent him and die in his stead was a young captive of handsome person\nand illustrious birth. During his captivity the youth thus doomed to play\nthe fatal part of divinity was allowed to range the streets of Mexico\nfreely, escorted by a distinguished train, who paid him as much respect as\nif he had been indeed the god himself instead of only his living image.\nTwenty days before the festival at which the tragic mockery was to end,\nthat he might taste all the joys of this transient world to which he must\nsoon bid farewell, he received in marriage four women, from whom he parted\nonly when he took his place in the last solemn procession. Arrived at the\nfoot of the sacred pyramid on the top of which he was to die, the\nsacrificers saluted him and led him up the long staircase. On the summit\nfive of them seized him and held him down on his back upon the sacrificial\nstone, while the high priest, after bowing to the god he was about to\nkill, cut open his breast and tore out the throbbing heart with the\naccustomed rites. But instead of being kicked down the staircase and sent\nrolling from step to step like the corpses of common victims, the body of\nthe dead god was carried respectfully down, and his flesh, chopped up\nsmall, was distributed among the priests and nobles as a blessed food. The\nhead, being severed from the trunk, was preserved in a sacred place along\nwith the white and grinning skulls of all the other victims who had lived\nand died in the character of the god Tetzcatlipoca.(250)\n\n(M78) The custom of entering into communion with a god by eating of his\neffigy survived till lately among the Huichol Indians of Mexico. In a\nnarrow valley, at the foot of a beetling crag of red rock, they have a\nsmall thatched temple of the God of fire, and here down to recent years\nstood a small image of the deity in human form roughly carved out of\nsolidified volcanic ash. The idol was very dirty and smeared with blood,\nand in his right side was a hole, which owed its existence to the piety\nand devotion of his worshippers. For they believed that the power of\nhealing and a knowledge of mysteries could be acquired by eating a little\nof the god\u2019s holy body, and accordingly shamans, or medicine-men, who\ndesired to lay in a stock of these accomplishments, so useful in the\nexercise of their profession, were wont to repair to the temple, where,\nhaving deposited an offering of food or a votive bowl, they scraped off\nwith their finger-nails some particles of the god\u2019s body and swallowed\nthem. After engaging in this form of communion with the deity they had to\nabstain from salt and from all carnal converse with their wives for five\nmonths.(251) Again, the Malas, a caste of pariahs in Southern India,\ncommunicate with the goddess Sunkalamma by eating her effigy. The\ncommunion takes place at marriage. An image of the goddess in the form of\na truncated cone is made out of rice and green grain cooked together, and\nit is decorated with a nose jewel, garlands, and other religious symbols.\nOfferings of rice, frankincense, camphor, and a coco-nut are then made to\nthe image, and a ram or he-goat is sacrificed. After the sacrifice has\nbeen presented, all the persons assembled prostrate themselves in silence\nbefore the image, then they break it in pieces, and distributing the\npieces among themselves they swallow them. In this way they are, no doubt,\nbelieved to absorb the divine essence of the goddess whose broken body has\njust passed into their stomachs.(252) In Europe the Catholic Church has\nresorted to similar means for enabling the pious to enjoy the ineffable\nprivilege of eating the persons of the Infant God and his Mother. For this\npurpose images of the Madonna are printed on some soluble and harmless\nsubstance and sold in sheets like postage stamps. The worshipper buys as\nmany of these sacred emblems as he has occasion for, and affixing one or\nmore of them to his food swallows the bolus. The practice is not confined\nto the poor and ignorant. In his youth Count von Hoensbroech and his\ndevout mother used thus to consume portions of God and his Mother with\ntheir meals.(253)\n\n\n\n\n\u00a7 3. Many Manii at Aricia.\n\n\n(M79) We are now able to suggest an explanation of the proverb \u201cThere are\nmany Manii at Aricia.\u201d(254) Certain loaves made in the shape of men were\ncalled by the Romans _maniae_, and it appears that this kind of loaf was\nespecially made at Aricia.(255) Now, Mania, the name of one of these\nloaves, was also the name of the Mother or Grandmother of Ghosts,(256) to\nwhom woollen effigies of men and women were dedicated at the festival of\nthe Compitalia. These effigies were hung at the doors of all the houses in\nRome; one effigy was hung up for every free person in the house, and one\neffigy, of a different kind, for every slave. The reason was that on this\nday the ghosts of the dead were believed to be going about, and it was\nhoped that, either out of good nature or through simple inadvertence, they\nwould carry off the effigies at the door instead of the living people in\nthe house. According to tradition, these woollen figures were substitutes\nfor a former custom of sacrificing human beings.(257) Upon data so\nfragmentary and uncertain, it is impossible to build with confidence; but\nit seems worth suggesting that the loaves in human form, which appear to\nhave been baked at Aricia, were sacramental bread, and that in the old\ndays, when the divine King of the Wood was annually slain, loaves were\nmade in his image, like the paste figures of the gods in Mexico, India,\nand Europe, and were eaten sacramentally by his worshippers.(258) The\nMexican sacraments in honour of Huitzilopochtli were also accompanied by\nthe sacrifice of human victims. The tradition that the founder of the\nsacred grove at Aricia was a man named Manius, from whom many Manii were\ndescended, would thus be an etymological myth invented to explain the name\n_maniae_ as applied to these sacramental loaves. A dim recollection of the\noriginal connexion of the loaves with human sacrifices may perhaps be\ntraced in the story that the effigies dedicated to Mania at the Compitalia\nwere substitutes for human victims. The story itself, however, is probably\ndevoid of foundation, since the practice of putting up dummies to divert\nthe attention of ghosts or demons from living people is not uncommon. As\nthe practice is both widely spread and very characteristic of the manner\nof thought of primitive man, who tries in a thousand ways to outwit the\nmalice of spiritual beings, I may be pardoned for devoting a few pages to\nits illustration, even though in doing so I diverge somewhat from the\nstrict line of argument. I would ask the reader to observe that the\nvicarious use of images, with which we are here concerned, differs wholly\nin principle from the sympathetic use of them which we examined\nbefore;(259) and that while the sympathetic use belongs purely to magic,\nthe vicarious use falls within the domain of religion.\n\n(M80) The Tibetans stand in fear of innumerable earth-demons, all of whom\nare under the authority of Old Mother Kh\u00f6n-ma. This goddess, who may be\ncompared to the Roman Mania, the Mother or Grandmother of Ghosts, is\ndressed in golden-yellow robes, holds a golden noose in her hand, and\nrides on a ram. In order to bar the dwelling-house against the foul\nfiends, of whom Old Mother Kh\u00f6n-ma is mistress, an elaborate structure\nsomewhat resembling a chandelier is fixed above the door on the outside of\nthe house. It contains a ram\u2019s skull, a variety of precious objects such\nas gold-leaf, silver, and turquoise, also some dry food, such as rice,\nwheat, and pulse, and finally images or pictures of a man, a woman, and a\nhouse. \u201cThe object of these figures of a man, wife, and house is to\ndeceive the demons should they still come in spite of this offering, and\nto mislead them into the belief that the foregoing pictures are the\ninmates of the house, so that they may wreak their wrath on these bits of\nwood and so save the real human occupants.\u201d When all is ready, a priest\nprays to Old Mother Kh\u00f6n-ma that she would be pleased to accept these\ndainty offerings and to close the open doors of the earth, in order that\nthe demons may not come forth to infest and injure the household.(260)\n\n(M81) Further, it is often supposed that the spirits of persons who have\nrecently departed this life are apt to carry off with them to the world of\nthe dead the souls of their surviving relations. Hence the savage resorts\nto the device of making up of dummies or effigies which he puts in the way\nof the ghost, hoping that the dull-witted spirit will mistake them for\nreal people and so leave the survivors in peace. Hence in Tahiti the\npriest who performed the funeral rites used to lay some slips of plantain\nleaf-stalk on the breast and under the arms of the corpse, saying, \u201cThere\nare your family, there is your child, there is your wife, there is your\nfather, and there is your mother. Be satisfied yonder (that is, in the\nworld of spirits). Look not towards those who are left in the world.\u201d This\nceremony, we are told, was designed \u201cto impart contentment to the\ndeparted, and to prevent the spirit from repairing to the places of his\nformer resort, and so distressing the survivors.\u201d(261) When the\nGalelareese bury a corpse, they bury with it the stem of a banana-tree for\ncompany, in order that the dead person may not seek a companion among the\nliving. Just as the coffin is being lowered into the earth, one of the\nbystanders steps up and throws a young banana-tree into the grave, saying,\n\u201cFriend, you must miss your companions of this earth; here, take this as a\ncomrade.\u201d(262) In the Banks Islands, Melanesia, the ghost of a woman who\nhas died in childbed cannot go away to Panoi or ghost-land if her child\nlives, for she cannot leave the baby behind. Hence to bilk her ghost they\ntie up a piece of banana-trunk loosely in leaves and lay it on her bosom\nin the grave. So away she goes, thinking she has her baby with her, and as\nshe goes the banana-stalk keeps slipping about in the leaves, and she\nfancies it is the child stirring at her breast. Thus she is happy, till\nshe comes to ghost-land and finds she has been deceived; for a baby of\nbanana-stalk cannot pass muster among the ghosts. So back she comes\ntearing in grief and rage to look for the child; but meantime the infant\nhas been artfully removed to another house, where the dead mother cannot\nfind it, though she looks for it everywhere.(263) In the Pelew Islands,\nwhen a woman has died in childbed, her spirit comes and cries, \u201cGive me\nthe child!\u201d So to beguile her they bury the stem of a young banana-tree\nwith her body, cutting it short and laying it between her right arm and\nher breast.(264) The same device is adopted for the same purpose in the\nisland of Timor.(265) In like circumstances negroes of the Niger Delta\nforce a piece of the stem of a plantain into the womb of the dead mother,\nin order to make her think that she has her babe with her and so to\nprevent her spirit from coming back to claim the living child.(266) Among\nthe Yorubas of West Africa, when one of twins dies, the mother carries\nabout, along with the surviving child, a small wooden figure roughly\nfashioned in human shape and of the sex of the dead twin. This figure is\nintended not merely to keep the live child from pining for its lost\ncomrade, but also to give the spirit of the dead child something into\nwhich it can enter without disturbing its little brother or sister.(267)\nAmong the Tschwi of West Africa a lady observed a sickly child with an\nimage beside it which she took for a doll. But it was no doll, it was an\neffigy of the child\u2019s dead twin which was being kept near the survivor as\na habitation for the little ghost, lest it should wander homeless and,\nfeeling lonely, call its companion away after it along the dark road of\ndeath.(268)\n\n(M82) At Onitsha, a town on the left bank of the Niger, a missionary once\nmet a funeral procession which he describes as very singular. The real\nbody had already been buried in the house, but a piece of wood in the form\nof a sofa and covered up was being borne by two persons on their heads,\nattended by a procession of six men and six women. The men carried\ncutlasses and the women clapped their hands as they passed along each\nstreet, crying, \u201cThis is the dead body of him that is dead, and is gone\ninto the world of spirits.\u201d Meantime the rest of the villagers had to keep\nindoors.(269) The sham corpse was probably intended as a lure to draw away\nprowling demons from the real body. So among the Angoni, who inhabit the\nwestern bank of Lake Nyassa, there is a common belief that demons hover\nabout the dying and dead before burial in order to snatch away their souls\nto join their own evil order. Guns are fired and drums are beaten to repel\nthese spiritual foes, but a surer way of baulking their machinations is to\nhave a mock funeral and so mislead and confound them. A sham corpse is\nmade up out of anything that comes to hand, and it is treated exactly as\nif it were what it pretends to be. This lay figure is then carried some\ndistance to a grave, followed by a great crowd weeping and wailing as if\ntheir hearts would break, while the rub-a-dub of drums and the discharge\nof guns add to the uproar. Meantime the real corpse is being interred as\nquietly and stealthily as possible near the house. Thus the demons are\nbaffled; for when the dummy corpse has been laid in the earth with every\nmark of respect, and the noisy crowd has dispersed, the fiends swoop down\non the mock grave only to find a bundle of rushes or some such trash in\nit; but the true grave they do not know and cannot find.(270) Similarly\namong the Bakundu of the Cameroons two graves are always made, one in the\nhut of the deceased and another somewhere else, and no one knows where the\ncorpse is really buried. The custom is apparently intended to guard the\nknowledge of the real grave from demons, who might make an ill use of the\nbody, if not of the soul, of the departed.(271) In like manner the\nKamilaroi tribe of Australia are reported to make two graves, a real one\nand an empty one, for the purpose of cheating a malevolent spirit called\nKrooben.(272) So, too, some of the Nagas of Assam dig two graves, a sham\ngrave made conspicuous on purpose to attract the notice of the evil\nspirits, and the real grave made inconspicuous to escape their attention:\na figure is set up over the false grave.(273) Isis is said to have made\nmany false graves of the dead Osiris in Egypt in order that his foe Typhon\nmight not be able to find the true one.(274) In Bombay, if a person dies\non an unlucky day, a dough figure of a man is carried on the bier with him\nand burnt with his corpse. This is supposed to hinder a second death from\noccurring in the family,(275) probably because the demons are thought to\ntake the dough figure instead of a real person.\n\n(M83) Again, effigies are often employed as a means of preventing or\ncuring sickness; the demons of disease either mistake the effigies for\nliving people or are persuaded or compelled to enter them, leaving the\nreal men and women well and whole.(276) Thus the Alfoors of Minahassa, in\nCelebes, will sometimes transport a sick man to another house, while they\nleave on his bed a dummy made up of a pillow and clothes. This dummy the\ndemon is supposed to mistake for the sick man, who consequently\nrecovers.(277) Cure or prevention of this sort seems to find especial\nfavour with the Dyaks of Borneo. Thus, when an epidemic is raging among\nthem, the Dyaks of the Katoengouw river set up wooden images at their\ndoors in the hope that the demons of the plague may be deluded into\ncarrying off the effigies instead of the people.(278) Among the Oloh\nNgadju of Borneo, when a sick man is supposed to be suffering from the\nassaults of a ghost, puppets of dough or rice-meal are made and thrown\nunder the house as substitutes for the patient, who thus rids himself of\nthe ghost. So if a man has been attacked by a crocodile and has contrived\nto escape, he makes a puppet of dough or meal and casts it into the water\nas a vicarious offering; otherwise the water-god, who is conceived in the\nshape of a crocodile, might be angry.(279) In certain of the western\ndistricts of Borneo if a man is taken suddenly and violently sick, the\nphysician, who in this part of the world is generally an old woman,\nfashions a wooden image and brings it seven times into contact with the\nsufferer\u2019s head, while she says: \u201cThis image serves to take the place of\nthe sick man; sickness, pass over into the image.\u201d Then, with some rice,\nsalt, and tobacco in a little basket, the substitute is carried to the\nspot where the evil spirit is supposed to have entered into the man. There\nit is set upright on the ground, after the physician has invoked the\nspirit as follows: \u201cO devil, here is an image which stands instead of the\nsick man. Release the soul of the sick man and plague the image, for it is\nindeed prettier and better than he.\u201d Similar substitutes are used almost\ndaily by these Dyaks for the purpose of drawing off evil influences from\nanybody\u2019s person. Thus, when an Ot Danom baby will not stop squalling, its\nmaternal grandmother takes a large leaf, fashions it into a puppet to\nrepresent the child, and presses it against the infant\u2019s body. Having thus\ndecanted the spirit, so to speak, from the baby into the puppet, she\npierces the effigy with little arrows from a blow-gun, thereby killing the\nspirit that had vexed her child.(280) Similarly in the island of Dama,\nbetween New Guinea and Celebes, where sickness is ascribed to the agency\nof demons, the doctor makes a doll of palm-leaf and lays it, together with\nsome betel, rice, and half of an empty eggshell, on the patient\u2019s head.\nLured by this bait the demon quits the sufferer\u2019s body and enters the\npalm-leaf doll, which the wily doctor thereupon promptly decapitates. This\nmay reasonably be supposed to make an end of the demon and of the sickness\ntogether.(281) A Dyak sorcerer, being called in to prescribe for a little\nboy who suffered from a disorder of the stomach, constructed two effigies\nof the boy and his mother out of bundles of clothes and offered them,\ntogether with some of the parents\u2019 finery, to the devil who was plaguing\nthe child; it was hoped that the demon would take the effigies and leave\nthe boy.(282) Batta magicians can conjure the demon of disease out of the\npatient\u2019s body into an image made out of a banana-tree with a human face\nand wrapt up in magic herbs; the image is then hurriedly removed and\nthrown away or buried beyond the boundaries of the village.(283) Sometimes\nthe image, dressed as a man or a woman according to the sex of the\npatient, is deposited at a cross-road or other thoroughfare, in the hope\nthat some passer-by, seeing it, may start and cry out, \u201cAh! So-and-So is\ndead\u201d; for such an exclamation is supposed to delude the demon of disease\ninto a belief that he has accomplished his fell purpose, so he takes\nhimself off and leaves the sufferer to get well.(284) The Mai Darat, a\nSakai tribe of the Malay Peninsula, attribute all kinds of diseases to the\nagency of spirits which they call _nyani_; fortunately, however, the\nmagician can induce these maleficent beings to come out of the sick person\nand take up their abode in rude figures of grass, which are hung up\noutside the houses in little bell-shaped shrines decorated with peeled\nsticks.(285)\n\n(M84) In the island of Nias people fear that the spirits of murdered\ninfants may come and cause women with child to miscarry. To divert the\nunwelcome attention of these sprites from a pregnant woman an elaborate\nmechanism has been contrived. A potent idol called Fangola is set up\nbeside her bed to guard her slumbers during the hours of darkness from the\nevil things that might harm her; another idol, connected with the first by\na chain of palm-leaves, is erected in the large room of the house; and\nlastly a small banana-tree is planted in front of the second idol. The\nnotion is that the sprites, scared away by the watchful Fangola from the\nsleeping woman, will scramble along the chain of palm-leaves to the other\nidol, and then, beholding the banana-tree, will mistake it for the woman\nthey were looking for, and so pounce upon it instead of her.(286) In\nBhutan, when the Lamas make noisy music to drive away the demon who is\ncausing disease, little models of animals are fashioned of flour and\nbutter and the evil spirit is implored to enter these models, which are\nthen burnt.(287) So in Tibet, when a man is very ill and all other\nremedies have failed, his friends will sometimes, as a last resort, offer\nan image of him with some of his clothes to the Lord of Death, beseeching\nthat august personage to accept the image and spare the man.(288) A\nBurmese mode of curing a sick man is to bury a small effigy of him in a\ntiny coffin, after which he ought certainly to recover.(289) In Siam, when\na person is dangerously ill, the magician models a small image of him in\nclay and carrying it away to a solitary place recites charms over it which\ncompel the malady to pass from the sick man into the image. The sorcerer\nthen buries the image, and the sufferer is made whole.(290) So, too, in\nCambodia the doctor fashions a rude effigy of his patient in clay and\ndeposits it in some lonely spot, where the ghost or demon takes it instead\nof the man.(291) The same ideas and the same practices prevail much\nfurther to the north among the tribes on the lower course of the River\nAmoor. When a Goldi or a Gilyak shaman has cast out the devil that caused\ndisease, an abode has to be provided for the homeless devil, and this is\ndone by making a wooden idol in human form of which the ejected demon\ntakes possession.(292)\n\n(M85) The Chinese of Amoy make great use of cheap effigies as means of\ndiverting ghostly and other evil influence from people. These effigies are\nkept in stock and sold in the shops which purvey counterfeit paper money\nand other spurious wares for the use of simple-minded ghosts and gods, who\naccept them in all good faith instead of the genuine articles. Nothing\ncould well be cruder than the puppets that are employed to relieve\nsufferers from the many ills which flesh is heir to. They are composed of\ntwo bamboo splinters fastened together crosswise with a piece of paper\npasted on one side to represent a human body. Two other shreds of paper,\nsupposed to stand for boots, distinguish the effigy of a man from the\neffigy of a woman. Armed with one of these \u201csubstitutes for a person,\u201d as\nthey are called, you may set fortune at defiance. If a member of your\nfamily, for example, is ailing, or has suffered any evil whatever, or even\nis merely threatened by misfortune, all that you have to do is to send for\none of these puppets, pass it all over his body while you recite an\nappropriate spell, and then burn the puppet. The maleficent influence is\nthus elicited from the person of the sufferer and destroyed once for all.\nIf your child has tumbled into one of those open sewers which yawn for the\nunwary in the streets, you need only fish him out, pass the puppet over\nhis filthy little body, and say: \u201cThis contact (of the substitute) with\nthe front of the body brings purity and prosperity, and the contact with\nthe back gives power to eat till an old, old, old age; the contact with\nthe left side establishes well-being for years and years, and the contact\nwith the right side bestows longevity; happy fate, come! ill fate, be\ntransferred to the substitute!\u201d So saying you burn the substitute, by\nchoice near the unsavoury spot where the accident happened; and if you are\na careful man you will fetch a pail of water and wash the ashes away.\nMoreover, the child\u2019s head should be shaven quite clean; but if the\nsufferer was an adult, it is enough to lay bare with the razor a small\npatch on his scalp to let out the evil influence.(293) In Corea effigies\nare employed on much the same principle for the purpose of prolonging\nlife. On the fourteenth and the fifteenth day of the first month all men\nand women born under the Jen or \u201cMan\u201d star make certain straw images\ndressed in clothes and containing a number of the copper cash which form\nthe currency of the country. Strictly speaking, there should be as many\ncash in the image as the person whom it represents has lived years; but\nthe rule is not strictly observed. These images are placed on the path\noutside the house, and the poor people seize them and tear them up in\norder to get the cash which they contain. The destruction of the image is\nsupposed to save the person represented from death for ten years.\nAccordingly the ceremony need only be performed once in ten years, though\nsome people from excess of caution appear to observe it annually.(294)\n\n(M86) The Abchases of the Caucasus believe that sickness is sometimes\ncaused by Mother Earth. So in order to appease her and redeem the life of\nthe sick man, an innocent maiden will make a puppet in human form, richly\nclad, and bury it in the earth, saying, \u201cInstead of the sick man, play and\ndelight yourself with this.\u201d(295) The Ewe negroes of Togoland, in West\nAfrica, think that the spirits of all living people come from heaven,\nwhere they live in the intervals between their incarnations. Life in\nAmedzowe, as they call that heavenly region, which lies a little to the\neast of the town of Ho, is very like life on earth. There are fields there\nand wildernesses and forests. Also there are all kinds of food, such as\nyams and maize and likewise stock-yams, not to speak of cotton; in fact,\nall these things came from heaven just as men themselves did. Moreover,\neverybody has his spiritual mother in heaven and his spiritual aunt, also\nhis spiritual uncle, his spiritual grandfather, and so on, just as on\nearth. Now the spirits in heaven are apt to resent it when one of their\nnumber quits them to go and be born as a child on earth; and sometimes\nthey will pursue the truant and carry him back to the celestial country,\nand that is what we call death. Little children are most commonly fetched\naway by their mother in heaven; for she wearies for them and comes and\nlays an invisible hand on the child, and it sickens and dies. If you hear\na child whimpering of nights, you may be sure that its mother from heaven\nhas laid her hand on it and is drawing it away to herself. If the child\ngrows very sick and its earthly mother fears that it will die, she will\nmould two figures of clay, a man and a woman, and offer them in exchange\nto the heavenly mother, saying, \u201cO thou bearer and mother of children!\ninstead of the child that has gone away from thee we bring thee here in\nexchange these clay men. Take them and withdraw thy hand from the child in\nthis visible world.\u201d Grown-up people also, when they fall sick, will\nsometimes make images of clay and offer them as substitutes to the\nmessengers who have come from heaven to fetch them away. These images are\ndeposited with other offerings, such as cowry-shells and a musket, by the\nroadside; and if the messengers accept them instead of the sick man, he\nrecovers.(296) During an epidemic of small-pox the Ewe negroes will\nsometimes clear a space outside of the town, where they erect a number of\nlow mounds and cover them with as many little clay figures as there are\npeople in the place. Pots of food and water are also set out for the\nrefreshment of the spirit of small-pox who, it is hoped, will take the\nclay figures and spare the living folk; and to make assurance doubly sure\nthe road into the town is barricaded against him.(297)\n\n(M87) Among the Nishga Indians of British Columbia when a medicine-man\ndreams a dream which portends death to somebody, he informs the person\nwhose life is threatened, and together they concert measures to avert the\nevil omen. The man whose life is at stake has a small wooden figure called\na _shigigiadsqu_ made as like himself as the skill of the wood-carver will\nallow, and this he hangs round his neck by a string so that the figure\nlies exactly over his heart. In this position he wears it long enough to\nallow the heat of his body to be imparted to it, generally for about four\ndays. On the fourth day the medicine-man comes to the house, arrayed in\nhis bearskin and other insignia of office and bringing with him a wisp of\nteased bark and a toy canoe made of cedar-bark. Thus equipped, he sings a\ndoleful ditty, the death-song of the tribe. Then he washes the man over\nthe region of the heart with the wisp of bark dipped in water, places the\nwisp, together with the wooden image, in the canoe, and after again\nsinging the death-chant, commits image, wisp, and canoe to the flames,\nwhere they are all consumed. The death-chant is now changed to a song of\njoy, and the man who was lately in fear of his life joins in. He may well\nbe gay, for has he not given death the slip by devoting to destruction,\nnot merely a wisp saturated with the dangerous defilement of his body, but\nalso a substitute made in his own likeness and impregnated with his very\nheart\u2019s warmth?(298)\n\n(M88) With these examples before us we may fairly conclude that the\nwoollen effigies, which at the festival of the Compitalia might be seen\nhanging at the doors of all the houses in ancient Rome, were not\nsubstitutes for human victims who had formerly been sacrificed at this\nseason, but rather vicarious offerings presented to the Mother or\nGrandmother of Ghosts, in the hope that on her rounds through the city she\nwould accept or mistake the effigies for the inmates of the house and so\nspare the living for another year. It is possible that the puppets made of\nrushes, which in the month of May the pontiffs and Vestal Virgins annually\nthrew into the Tiber from the old Sublician bridge at Rome,(299) had\noriginally the same significance; that is, they may have been designed to\npurge the city from demoniac influence by diverting the attention of the\ndemons from human beings to the puppets and then toppling the whole\nuncanny crew, neck and crop, into the river, which would soon sweep them\nfar out to sea. In precisely the same way the natives of Old Calabar used\nperiodically to rid their town of the devils which infested it by luring\nthe unwary demons into a number of lamentable scarecrows, which they\nafterwards flung into the river.(300) This interpretation of the Roman\ncustom is supported to some extent by the evidence of Plutarch, who speaks\nof the ceremony as \u201cthe greatest of purifications.\u201d(301) However, other\nexplanations of the rite have been proposed: indeed these puppets of\nrushes have been a standing puzzle to Roman antiquaries in ancient and\nmodern times.\n\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER XI. THE SACRIFICE OF FIRST-FRUITS.\n\n\n(M89) In the preceding chapter we saw that primitive peoples often partake\nof the new corn and the new fruits sacramentally, because they suppose\nthem to be instinct with a divine spirit or life. At a later age, when the\nfruits of the earth are conceived as created rather than as animated by a\ndivinity, the new fruits are no longer partaken of sacramentally as the\nbody and blood of a god; but a portion of them is offered to the divine\nbeings who are believed to have produced them. Originally, perhaps,\nofferings of first-fruits were supposed to be necessary for the\nsubsistence of the divinities, who without them must have died of\nhunger;(302) but in after times they seem to be looked on rather in the\nlight of a tribute or mark of homage rendered by man to the gods for the\ngood gifts they have bestowed on him. Sometimes the first-fruits are\npresented to the king, perhaps in his character of a god; very often they\nare made over to the spirits of the human dead, who are sometimes thought\nto have it in their power to give or withhold the crops. Till the\nfirst-fruits have been offered to the deity, the dead, or the king, people\nare not at liberty to eat of the new crops. But, as it is not always\npossible to draw a sharp line between the sacrament and the sacrifice of\nfirst-fruits, it may be well to round off this part of the subject by\ngiving some examples of the latter.\n\n(M90) The Ovambo or Ovakuanjama of South-West Africa stand in great fear\nof the spirits of the dead, who are believed to exercise a powerful\ninfluence over the living; in particular the spirits of dead chiefs can\ngive or withhold rain, a matter of vital importance in the parched region\nof Ovamboland. Accordingly the people pay great respect to the spirits of\nthe departed, and they hold a thanksgiving festival in their honour at the\nclose of the harvest. When the new corn has been reaped and ground, a\nportion of it is made into porridge and carried to the quarters of the\nprincipal wife. Here all the inhabitants of the kraal assemble; the head\nof the family takes some of the porridge, dips it in melted fat, and\nthrows it to the east, saying, \u201cTake it, ye spirits of the East!\u201d Then he\ndoes the same towards the west, saying, \u201cTake it, ye spirits of the West!\u201d\nThis is regarded as a thank-offering presented to the spirits of the dead\nfor not visiting the people with sickness while they were cultivating the\nfields, and especially for sending the rain.(303)\n\n(M91) Among the Basutos, when the corn has been threshed and winnowed, it\nis left in a heap on the threshing-floor. Before it can be touched a\nreligious ceremony must be performed. The persons to whom the corn belongs\nbring a new vessel to the spot, in which they boil some of the grain. When\nit is boiled they throw a few handfuls of it on the heap of corn, saying,\n\u201cThank you, gods; give us bread to-morrow also!\u201d When this is done the\nrest is eaten, and the provision for the year is considered pure and fit\nto eat.(304) Here the sacrifice of the first-fruits to the gods is the\nprominent idea, which comes out again in the custom of leaving in the\nthreshing-floor a little hollow filled with grain, as a thank-offering to\nthese powerful beings.(305) Still the Basutos retain a lively sense of the\nsanctity of the corn in itself; for, so long as it is exposed to view, all\ndefiled persons are carefully kept from it. If it is necessary to employ a\ndefiled person in carrying home the harvest, he remains at some distance\nwhile the sacks are being filled, and only approaches to place them upon\nthe draught oxen. As soon as the load is deposited at the dwelling he\nretires, and under no pretext may he help to pour the corn into the\nbaskets in which it is kept.(306) The Makalaka worship a god called\nShumpaoli, whose image is to be found in the enclosure outside of their\nhuts. The image consists of the head of an axe, a stone from the river,\nand a twig or long stalk of grass planted between them in the ground.\nAbout this god they scatter the first-fruits of their harvest, and when\nthey brew beer they pour some of it on him.(307) Of the Bantu tribes of\nSouth Africa in general we are told that they might not eat of the new\ncrops till the chief gave them leave to do so. When the millet was ripe he\nappointed a general assembly of the people at his residence, which was\nknown as the Great Place; he then performed certain rites, and in\nparticular he offered a small quantity of the fresh grain to the spirits\nof his ancestors, either by laying it on their graves or by casting it\ninto a stream. After that he granted the people permission to gather and\neat the new corn.(308)\n\n(M92) Among the Maraves or Zimbas, a tribe of the Upper Zambesi, bordering\non the Portuguese territory, it is the custom that first-fruits of all\nproduce must be offered to the spirits of the dead (_muzimos_), to whom\nthey attribute all the good and ill that befall them. Every year at\nharvest-time the offerings are brought to these mighty beings. Small\nportions of all kinds of fruits, together with cooked fowls and _pombe_\n(the native intoxicant), are carried in procession, with songs, dances,\nand the beating of drums, to the burial-ground, which is always situated\nin a grove or a wilderness and is esteemed a sacred place; no tree may be\nfelled and no animal killed on the holy ground, for the natives believe\nthat a spirit of the dead is present in everything within the\nprecincts.(309) Among the Yaos of British Central Africa \u201cofferings are\nmade to the spirit world or to _mulungu_ as the great agency in the\naffairs of human life. Outside the village, or beside the head-man\u2019s hut,\nmay often be seen a rough shed. In this are placed the first-fruits of the\nnew crop, green maize, beans, pumpkins, peas, etc., as a thank offering\nfrom the villagers for their harvest. This is described as _kulomba __\nmulungu_, to worship _mulungu_.\u201d(310) By _mulungu_ the Yaos mean primarily\nand strictly the soul of a dead person, which is believed to influence the\nlives and fortunes of the survivors, and therefore needs to be honoured\nand propitiated; but they employ the word in an extended sense to signify\nthe aggregate of the spirits of all the dead, and missionaries have\nadopted it as the nearest equivalent for the word God.(311) Among the\nWinamwanga, a tribe of north-eastern Rhodesia, between Lake Nyassa and\nLake Tanganyika, it is customary to offer the first beer and the first\nflour made from the new harvest of millet to the spirits of the dead. The\nhead of the family pours out some beer and a small quantity of the new\nflour in a heap on the floor of his own house, after which he prays to the\nspirits of his forefathers, thanks them for the harvest, and invites them\nto come and partake of it with the family. The priest performs the same\nceremony at the shrine for the whole village. The householder or the\npriest speaks to the spirits as if they were sitting around him. Thus he\nmay say, \u201cO ye great spirits, fathers in the spirit world, mothers in the\nspirit world, and all ye others, bless us now. Here is the food, and here\nis the offering, call ye all of you each other.\u201d Then after summoning the\ndead by their names he may go on: \u201cCome all of you and partake of this\noffering. Ye great spirits, all things of this earth were known to you\nwhile yet ye were here. Take care of this your family, and of all these\nyour children. May we ever go in our ways in prosperity. Oh! ye great\nspirits, give to us food and all the produce of the land. Drive ye away\nall illnesses from your family, ye great spirits; every evil spirit put\nfar away from us, and whatever might seek to hurt us may it fly away on\nthe wind. Cause ye us to abide in peace.\u201d(312) Among the Yombe of Northern\nRhodesia, to the west of Lake Tanganyika, no one is allowed to partake of\nthe new fruits until certain ceremonies have been performed. Escorted by a\nband of drummers, his medicine-men, and the village elders, the chief\nascends the Kalanga Mountain until he reaches the hollow fastness which in\nformer days his forefathers held against the marauding Angoni. Here the\ngrandfather of the present chief lies buried. Before his tomb a bull is\nslain, and pots of freshly-brewed beer and porridge made from the\nfirst-fruits are deposited before the shrine. The ground is then carefully\ncleaned of weeds, and the blood of the bull is sprinkled on the\nfreshly-turned-up soil and on the rafters of the little hut. After\noffering the customary prayers in thanksgiving for the harvest, and\nbeseeching the spirits to partake with them of the first-fruits, the\nprocession retires. On their return to the village, the carcase of the\nbull is divided, all partake of the fresh porridge and beer awaiting them,\nand the day closes with beer-drinking and dancing.(313)\n\n(M93) The A-Kamba of British East Africa offer first-fruits to the spirits\nof their dead before anybody may eat of the new crop. Sometimes these\nofferings are piled on the graves of chiefs and left there along with the\nmeat of a goat which has been sacrificed. Sometimes the offerings are made\nin a cleared place under the sacred wild fig tree (_mumbo_) of the\nvillage; for the A-Kamba think that the spirits of the dead (_aiimu_)\ndwell in wild fig trees, and they build miniature huts at the foot of the\ntrees for the accommodation of the ghosts. The clearing under the wild fig\ntree of the village is called the Place of Prayer (_ithembo_). When any\ncrop is ripe, all the inhabitants of the district assemble, and a very old\nman and woman, chosen for the purpose, leave the crowd and go to the Place\nof Prayer, where they call aloud to the spirits of the dead and ask leave\nto eat the crop. The people then dance, and during the dance one of the\nwomen is sure to be seized with a fit of shaking and to cry aloud, which\nis deemed the answer of the spirits to the people\u2019s prayer.(314) Amongst\nthe Baganda a man used to offer the first-fruits of a new garden to his\ngod, imploring the blessing of the deity on the future crops.(315) Among\nthe Dinka of the White Nile no member of a family may eat the new fruits\nuntil the father or mother has scattered some of them over the courtyard\nof the house in order to ensure the blessing of God.(316) When the millet\nis ripe, the Nubas of Jebel-Nuba, a range of mountains in the eastern\nSudan, observe the following ceremony. Every group of villages is presided\nover by a sacred pontiff called a _cogiour_ or _codjour_, who is believed\nto act under the inspiration of a spirit named Laro. So when it is known\nthat the grain is ready to be cut, a drum is beaten, the pontiff mounts\nhis horse and, attended by all the elderly men and women, repairs to his\nfields, while the rest of the people betake themselves to their own farms.\nThere the people whose eldest child is a boy break five ears of corn, and\nthose whose eldest child is a girl break four. But young unmarried people\nbreak five or four ears according as they desire to have a boy or a girl\nfor their first-born. All then return to the village and place the ears\nthey have gathered on the hedge which serves as an enclosure. When the\nbeat of the drum and multitudinous cries of joy announce the return of the\npontiff, the people take the gathered ears and advance to meet him. He\nrides at the head of a cavalcade composed of all the men who have horses.\nAfter that, attended by the elders, he retires to his house, while the\nrest of the people deposit the ears of corn in the cave of Laro, the being\nwho inspires the holy pontiff. Feasting, drinking, and horse-races\nconclude the ceremony. At the races the young folk amuse themselves by\nflinging stalks of millet before the horses to make them shy and throw\ntheir riders.(317)\n\n(M94) The Igbiras, a pagan tribe at the confluence of the Niger and the\nBenue, bury their dead in their houses and have great faith in the power\nof the ghosts, whose guidance and protection they seek to ensure by\nperiodical offerings of goats and cocks. Also they offer the first-fruits\nof their crops to the dead, hanging bunches of the new grain over the\nburial-places in their huts. The Igbiras also celebrate the festival of\nthe new yams with great pomp. It is their New Year\u2019s Day. Sacrifices of\nfowls and goats are offered, and wine and oil are freely poured out. The\nking takes a prominent part in the feast.(318) Among the Cross River\nnatives, in the lower valley of the Niger, the eating of the new yams is\nan occasion of great rejoicing, but no one may partake of them until a\nportion has been ceremonially offered to the deities. The festival is not\nheld simultaneously but separately for each village according to the state\nof the crops. High and low, old and young, men, women, and children dance\nto music on these joyful occasions.(319) The Matse tribe of Ewe negroes in\nTogoland worship the Earth at the times when they dig the ripe yams in\nSeptember, when they reap the ripe maize in November, and when they burn\nthe grass in February. The place where they offer sacrifices to the Earth\ngoddess is called \u201cthe Wood of our Mother.\u201d In the month of November the\nhunters, led by the Chief Huntsman and the High Priest, repair to the\nmaize-fields, where they gather cobs of the ripe grain. Some of these they\ndeposit, with prayers, in the sacrificial place in the wood, but they keep\nthe finest cobs for themselves. After this sacrifice of the new corn to\nthe Earth goddess everybody is free to get in his maize.(320) Amongst the\nHos, another Ewe tribe of Togoland, when a man is about to dig up his yam\ncrop, he first of all digs up two yams which he had planted for the\ngoddess Mawu Sodza. These he holds up to her and prays, saying, \u201cO Mawu\nSodza, thou ship full of yams, give to me, and I will give to you; pass me\nover, and I will pass you over. Here are thy yams, which I have dug for\nthee. When I dig mine, grant that I may have plenty.\u201d Thereupon he begins\nto dig the crop.(321) Among the Bassari, another tribe of Togoland, no man\nmay eat of the new yams until the people have paid a tribute of the\nfirst-fruits to the king. At such times long files of men, women, and\nchildren may be seen wending their way to the capital to render to the\nking his dues. But the king himself may not partake of the new yams until\nhe has offered a portion of them, along with ten white fowls, to the\nfetish.(322) Before the Adeli of the Slave Coast may eat of the new yams,\nthe owner of each farm must bring the first yams of his field to the\nfetish priest, who offers them to the fetish, after which he declares that\nthe harvest may take place. The festival, accompanied by shooting and\ndancing, lasts several days; it generally falls in August.(323)\n\n(M95) Among the Betsileo of Madagascar the king used to receive\nfirst-fruits of all the crops, such as rice, maize, manioc, beans, and\nsweet potatoes: indeed this tribute of first-fruits formed a large part of\nhis revenue.(324) The Hovas of Madagascar present the first sheaves of the\nnew grain to the sovereign. The sheaves are carried in procession to the\npalace from time to time as the grain ripens.(325) So in Burma, when the\n_pangati_ fruits ripen, some of them used to be taken to the king\u2019s palace\nthat he might eat of them; no one might partake of them before the\nking.(326) It has been suggested that the modern system of taxation may be\ndirectly derived from the ancient obligation of paying first-fruits to a\nsacred pontiff or king.(327)\n\n(M96) Every year, when they gather their first crops, the Kochs of Assam\noffer some of the first-fruits to their ancestors, calling to them by name\nand clapping their hands.(328) Before they harvest any of their crops, the\nGaros, another people of Assam, deem it necessary to sacrifice the\nfirst-fruits of the crops to the gods. Thus, for example, they gather some\nears of rice or millet, pound them between two stones, and offer them up\non a piece of plantain stem.(329) In August, when the rice ripens, the Hos\nof Bengal offer the first-fruits of the harvest to Sing Bonga, who dwells\nin the sun. Along with the new rice a white cock is sacrificed; and till\nthe sacrifice has been offered no one may eat the new rice.(330) Among the\nOraons of Bengal no one will partake of the new rice until some of it has\nbeen offered to the ancestors. A handful of it is cooked and spread on the\nground, and a pot of rice-beer is brewed and some of the beer also spilt\non the ground. Before drinking every one dips his finger in his cup and\nlets fall some drops in honour of the ancestors. Further, a whity grey\nfowl is killed, and the eldest of the family, addressing the ancestral\nspirits, says, \u201cO old mothers and fathers, you have always been so good to\nus on these days. Here we are rejoicing: we cannot forget you: come and\nrejoice with us.\u201d(331) In Ladakh the peasants offer the first two or three\nhandfuls of the wheat-crop to the spirit who presides over agriculture.\nThese offerings they attach to the tops of the pillars which support the\nroofs of their houses; and thus the bands of straw and ears of wheat form\na primitive sort of capital. Rams\u2019 horns are sometimes added to this\ndecoration.(332) In the Himalayan districts of the North-Western provinces\nof India the fields and boundaries are under the protection of a\nbeneficent local deity named Kshetrpal or Bhumiya. Every village possesses\na small temple sacred to him. When a crop is sown, a handful of grain is\nsprinkled over a stone in the corner of the field nearest to the temple,\nin order that the god may protect the growing crop from hail, blight, and\nthe ravages of wild beasts; and at harvest he receives the first-fruits in\norder that he may save the garnered grain from the inroads of rats and\ninsects.(333) Among the hill tribes near Rajamahall, in India, when the\n_kosarane_ grain is being reaped in November or early in December, a\nfestival is held as a thanksgiving before the new grain is eaten. On a day\nappointed by the chief a goat is sacrificed by two men to a god called\nChitariah Gossaih, after which the chief himself sacrifices a fowl. Then\nthe vassals repair to their fields, offer thanksgiving, make an oblation\nto Kull Gossaih (who is described as the Ceres of these mountaineers), and\nthen return to their houses to eat of the new _kosarane_. As soon as the\ninhabitants have assembled at the chief\u2019s house\u2014the men sitting on one\nside and the women on the other\u2014a hog, a measure of _kosarane_, and a pot\nof spirits are presented to the chief, who in return blesses his vassals,\nand exhorts them to industry and good behaviour; \u201cafter which, making a\nlibation in the names of all their gods, and of their dead, he drinks, and\nalso throws a little of the _kosarane_ away, repeating the same pious\nexclamations.\u201d Drinking and festivity then begin, and are kept up for\nseveral days. The same tribes have another festival at reaping the Indian\ncorn in August or September. Every man repairs to his fields with a hog, a\ngoat, or a fowl, which he sacrifices to Kull Gossaih. Then, having\nfeasted, he returns home, where another repast is prepared. On this day it\nis customary for every family in the village to distribute to every house\na little of what they have prepared for their feast. Should any person eat\nof the new _kosarane_ or the new Indian corn before the festival and\npublic thanksgiving at the reaping of these crops, the chief fines him a\nwhite cock, which is sacrificed to Chitariah.(334) In the Central\nProvinces of India the first grain of the season is commonly offered to\nthe god Bh\u00edmsen or Bh\u00edm Deo.(335) When the new rice crop is ripe, the\nGadbas, a primitive tribe of the Central Provinces, cook the first-fruits\nand serve them to the cattle in new bamboo baskets; after that the men\nthemselves partake of the new rice.(336) The Nahals, a forest tribe of the\nsame region, worship the forest god Jharkhandi in the month of Chait, and\nuntil this rite has been performed they may not use the leaves or fruits\nof the _Butea frondosa_, _Phyllanthus emblica_, and mango trees. When the\ngod is worshipped, they collect branches and leaves of these trees and\noffer cooked food to them: after that they begin to use the new leaves,\nfruit, and timber.(337) Again, when the Mannewars, another forest tribe of\nthe Central Provinces, pick the flowers of the _mahua_ tree (_Bassia\nlatifolia_), they worship the tree and offer it some of the liquor\ndistilled from the new flowers, along with a fowl and a goat.(338) The\nprincipal festivals of the Parjas, a small tribe of the Central Provinces,\nare the feast of new vegetation in July, the feast of the new rice in\nAugust or September, and the feast of the new mango crop in April or May.\nAt these feasts the new season\u2019s crop is eaten, and offerings of them are\npresented to the ancestors of the family, who are worshipped on these\noccasions.(339) In the Punjaub, when sugar-cane is planted, a woman puts\non a necklace and walks round the field, winding thread on a spindle;(340)\nand when the sugar-cane is cut the first-fruits are offered on an altar,\nwhich is built close to the press and is sacred to the sugar-cane god.\nAfterwards the first-fruits are given to Brahmans. Also, when the women\nbegin to pick the cotton, they go round the field eating rice-milk, the\nfirst mouthful of which they spit upon the field toward the west; and the\nfirst cotton picked is exchanged at the village shop for its weight in\nsalt, which is prayed over and kept in the house till the picking is\nfinished.(341)\n\n(M97) Among the ancient Hindoos the first-fruits were sacrificed to the\ngods at the beginning of harvest, generally at the new or the full moon.\nThere were two harvests in the year; the barley was reaped in spring and\nthe rice in autumn. From the new grain, whether barley or rice, a\nsacrificial cake was prepared and set forth on twelve potsherds for the\ntwo great gods Indra and Agni; a pap or gruel of boiled grain, sodden\neither in water or milk, was offered to the Visve Devah, that is, to the\ncommon mob of deities; and a cake on one potsherd was presented to Heaven\nand Earth. The origin of these sacrifices of first-fruits was explained by\nthe following myth. They say that the gods and their powerful rivals the\nAsuras once strove with each other for the mastery. In this strife the\nAsuras defiled, both by magic and by poison, the plants on which men and\nbeasts subsist; for thus they hoped to get the better of the gods.\nTherefore neither man nor beast could eat food, and for lack of it they\nwell nigh perished. When the gods heard of it, they said one to the other,\n\u201cCome let us rid the plants of the defilement,\u201d and they did so by means\nof the sacrifice. But they could not agree as to which of them should\nreceive the sacrifices, so to decide this delicate question they ran a\nrace, and Indra and Agni came in first; that is why the cake is offered to\nthem on twelve potsherds, while the common mob of the gods have to put up\nwith a simple pap or gruel. To this day, therefore, he who offers the\nfirst-fruits to the gods does it either because no one will then be able\nto defile the plants, neither by magic nor yet by poison; or perhaps he\ndoes it because the gods did so before him. Be that as it may, certain it\nis that he thereby renders both kinds of plants wholesome and innocuous,\nboth the plants which men eat and the plants on which cattle graze; that\nindeed is the reason why the sacrificer sacrifices the first-fruits. And\nthe priest\u2019s fee for the sacrifice is the first-born calf of the season,\nwhich is, as it were, the first-fruit of the cattle.(342)\n\n(M98) The Kachins of Upper Burma worship the spirit (_nat_) of the earth\nevery year before they sow their crops. The worship is performed by the\nchief on behalf of all the villagers, who contribute their offerings. The\npriest afterwards determines by exorcism which particular household shall\nstart sowing first in order that the crop may be a good one. Then the\nhousehold on which the lot has fallen goes out and sows its fields. When\nthe crop is ripe, it may not be reaped until the household which was the\nfirst to sow its fields has gathered the first-fruits and offered them to\nits own domestic spirits (_nats_). This is usually done before the crop is\nquite ripe, in order that the reaping of the other crops may not be\ndelayed.(343) The Chins, another people of Upper Burma, eat the\nfirst-fruits of their corn as a religious rite, but before doing so they\noffer some of the new corn or vegetables to their dead ancestors. They\nalso offer the first-fruits to the goddess Pok Klai, a single glance of\nwhose eyes is enough to give them a plentiful harvest of rice.(344) Among\nthe Thay of Indo-China the first-fruits of the rice are offered at harvest\nto the guardian spirit of the family before the household may partake of\nthe new crop. The guardian spirit of the family is the last ancestor who\ndied; he mounts guard until he is relieved by his successor; his shrine is\na corner of the house screened off by a low trellis of bamboo. But besides\nthe first-fruits offered him at harvest this guardian spirit receives some\nof the parched grain in spring, at the time when the first thunder of the\nseason is heard to mutter. The grain which is presented to him on this\noccasion was plucked from the crop before the rice was quite ripe, and it\nhas been carefully kept to be offered to him when the first peal of\nthunder in spring announces the reviving energies of nature. When all is\nready, the rice is served up together with fish, which have been caught\nfor the purpose, on a table set in the corner which is sacred to the\nguardian spirit. A priest drones out a long invitation to the spirit to\ncome and feast with his children; then the family sits down to table and\nconsumes the offerings. At the close of the banquet the daughter-in-law of\nthe deceased ancestor hangs up a basket containing rice and fish for his\nuse in the corner, after which she closes the shrine for another\nyear.(345) In Corea the first-fruits of all the crops used to be offered\nto the king with religious pomp, and he received almost divine honours\nfrom his subjects.(346) This suggests that, as I have already conjectured,\nthe common practice, of presenting the first-fruits to kings is founded on\na belief in their divinity.\n\n(M99) In the island of Tjumba, East Indies, a festival is held after\nharvest. Vessels filled with rice are presented as a thankoffering to the\ngods. Then the sacred stone at the foot of a palm-tree is sprinkled with\nthe blood of a sacrificed animal; and rice, with some of the flesh, is\nlaid on the stone for the gods. The palm-tree is hung with lances and\nshields.(347) The Dyaks of Borneo hold a feast of first-fruits when the\npaddy or unhusked rice is ripe. The priestesses, accompanied by a gong and\ndrum, go in procession to the farms and gather several bunches of the ripe\npaddy. These are brought back to the village, washed in coco-nut water,\nand laid round a bamboo altar, which at the harvest festivals is erected\nin the common room of the largest house. The altar is gaily decorated with\nwhite and red streamers, and is hung with the sweet-smelling blossom of\nthe areca palm. The feast lasts two days, during which the village is\ntabooed; no one may leave it. Only fowls are killed, and dancing and\ngong-beating go on day and night. When the festival is over the people are\nfree to get in their crops.(348) The pounding of the new paddy is the\noccasion of a harvest festival which is celebrated all over Celebes. The\nreligious ceremonies which accompany the feast were witnessed by Dr. B. F.\nMatthes in July 1857. Two mats were spread on the ground, each with a\npillow on it. On one of the pillows were placed a man\u2019s clothes and a\nsword, on the other a woman\u2019s clothes. These were seemingly intended to\nrepresent the deceased ancestors. Rice and water were deposited before the\ntwo dummy figures, which were also sprinkled with the new paddy. Moreover,\ndishes of rice were set down for the rest of the family and the slaves of\nthe deceased. This was the end of the ceremony.(349) In Minahassa, a\ndistrict of Celebes, the people have a festival of \u201ceating the new rice.\u201d\nFowls or pigs are killed; some of the flesh, with rice and palm-wine, is\nset apart for the gods, and then the eating and drinking begin.(350) The\npeople of Kobi and Sariputi, two villages on the north-east coast of\nCeram, offer the first-fruits of the paddy, in the form of cooked rice,\nwith tobacco and other things, to their ancestors as a token of gratitude.\nThe ceremony is called \u201cfeeding the dead.\u201d(351) In the Tenimber and\nTimor-laut Islands, East Indies, the first-fruits of the paddy, along with\nlive fowls and pigs, are offered to the _matmate_. The _matmate_ are the\nspirits of their ancestors, which are worshipped as guardian-spirits or\nhousehold gods. They are supposed to enter the house through an opening in\nthe roof, and to take up their abode temporarily in their skulls, or in\nimages of wood or ivory, in order to partake of the offerings and to help\nthe family. They also assume the form of birds, pigs, crocodiles, turtles,\nsharks, and so forth.(352) In Amboyna, after the rice or other harvest has\nbeen gathered in, some of the new fruits are offered to the gods, and till\nthis is done, the priests may by no means eat of them. A portion of the\nnew rice, or whatever it may be, is boiled, and milk of the coco-nut is\npoured on it, mixed with Indian saffron. It is then taken to the place of\nsacrifice and offered to the god. Some people also pour out oil before the\ndeity; and if any of the oil is left over, they take it home as a holy and\npriceless treasure, wherewith they smear the forehead and breast of sick\npeople and whole people, in the firm conviction that the oil confers all\nkinds of blessings.(353) In the Kei Islands, to the south-west of New\nGuinea, the first-fruits are offered to Lir majoran, the god of husbandry,\nwhen the harvest is ripe.(354) After the rice has been reaped, the people\nof Nias deck the images of their ancestors with wreaths, and offer to them\nthe first dishful of boiled rice, while they thank them for the blessings\nthey have bestowed on the family.(355) The Irayas and Catalangans of\nLuzon, tribes of the Malay stock, but of mixed blood, worship chiefly the\nsouls of their ancestors under the name of _anitos_, to whom they offer\nthe first-fruits of the harvest. The _anitos_ are household deities; some\nof them reside in pots in the corners of the houses; and miniature houses,\nstanding near the family dwelling, are especially sacred to them.(356)\nWhen the Bagobos of the Philippines have got in their harvest of rice or\nmaize, they will neither eat of it nor sell so much as a grain till they\nhave made a pretence of feeding all their agricultural implements.(357)\n\n(M100) The Bukaua of German New Guinea think that the spirits of their\ndead have power to make the fruits of the earth to grow. Accordingly when\nthey have cleared a patch in the forest for cultivation and are planting\ntheir crops, they take particular care to plant slips near the tree-stumps\nwhich have been left standing in the field, because the spirits of their\nlong dead ancestors are supposed to perch on them. While they plant, they\ncall out the names of the dead, praying them to guard the field, so that\ntheir children, the living, may have food to eat and not suffer hunger.\nAnd similarly, when they plant stones shaped like taro bulbs in the\nground, which are supposed to produce a fine crop of taro, they pray to\ntheir forefathers to grant them an abundance of the fruits. When the crops\nare ripe, the people fetch bundles of taro, clusters of bananas,\nsugar-canes, and vegetables from the fields and bring them back solemnly\nto the village; a feast is prepared and a portion of the new fruits, along\nwith tobacco, betel, and dog\u2019s flesh, is put in a coco-nut shell and set\non a scaffold in the house of the owner of the field, while he prays to\nthe spirits of his forefathers, saying, \u201cYe who have guarded our field as\nwe asked you to do, there is something for you; now look on us favourably\nalso for the time to come.\u201d Afterwards, while the people are feasting, the\nowner privily stirs the contents of the coco-nut shell with his finger,\nand then calls the attention of the others to it as a proof that the\nspirits have partaken of the offering provided for them. Finally the food\nremaining in the shell is consumed by the banqueters.(358)\n\n(M101) In certain tribes of Fiji \u201cthe first-fruits of the yam harvest are\npresented to the ancestors in the Nanga [sacred enclosure] with great\nceremony before the bulk of the crop is dug for the people\u2019s use, and no\nman may taste of the new yams until the presentation has been made. The\nyams thus offered are piled in the Great Nanga, and are allowed to rot\nthere. If any one were impiously bold enough to appropriate them to his\nown use, he would be smitten with madness. The mission teacher before\nmentioned told me that, when he visited the Nanga he saw among the weeds\nwith which it was overgrown, numerous yam vines which had sprung up out of\nthe piles of decayed offerings. Great feasts are made at the presentations\nof the first-fruits, which are times of public rejoicing, and the Nanga\nitself is frequently spoken of as the _Mbaki_, or Harvest.\u201d(359) In other\nparts of Fiji the practice with regard to the first-fruits seems to have\nbeen different, for we are told by another observer that \u201cthe first-fruits\nof the yams, which are always presented at the principal temple of the\ndistrict, become the property of the priests, and form their revenue,\nalthough the pretence of their being required for the use of the god is\ngenerally kept up.\u201d(360) In Tana, one of the New Hebrides, the general\nname for gods appeared to be _aremha_, which meant \u201ca dead man.\u201d The\nspirits of departed ancestors were among the gods of the people. Chiefs\nwho reached an advanced age were deified after their death, addressed by\nname, and prayed to on various occasions. They were supposed to preside\nespecially over the growth of the yams and fruit-trees. The first-fruits\nwere presented to them. A little of the new fruit was laid on a stone, or\non a shelving branch of the tree, or on a rude temporary altar, made of a\nfew sticks lashed together with strips of bark, in the form of a table,\nwith its four feet stuck in the ground. All being quiet, the chief acted\nas high priest, and prayed aloud as follows: \u201cCompassionate father! here\nis some food for you; eat it; be kind to us on account of it.\u201d Then all\nthe people shouted. This took place about noon, and afterwards the\nassembled people feasted and danced till midnight or morning.(361)\n\n(M102) In Florida, one of the Solomon Islands, the canarium nut is much\nused in the native cookery, but formerly none might be eaten till the\nsacrifice of the first-fruits had been offered to the ghosts of the dead.\nThis was done on behalf of a whole village by a man who inherited a\nknowledge of the way in which the sacrifice should be offered, and who\naccordingly had authority to open the season. When he saw that the time\nhad come, he raised a shout early in the morning, then climbed a tree,\ncracked the nuts, ate some himself, and put some on the stones in his\nsacred place for the particular ghost whom he worshipped. Then all the\npeople might gather the nuts for themselves. The chief offered food, in\nwhich the new nuts were mixed, on the stones of the village sanctuary; and\nevery man who revered a ghost of his own did the same in his private\nsanctuary.(362) This sacrifice of first-fruits was witnessed by Mr.\nWoodford at the village of Aola, in the neighbouring island of\nGuadalcanar. The canarium nuts, or Solomon Island almonds, had been ripe\nfor a week, and Mr. Woodford had expressed a wish to taste them, but he\nwas told that this was quite impossible till the offering to the ghost had\nbeen made. As a native put it, \u201cDevil he eat first; all man he eat\nbehind.\u201d All the inhabitants of the village adjourned to the sea-shore in\ngroups of ten or twelve to perform the sacrifice. The party to which Mr.\nWoodford attached himself swept a space clean beneath the spreading\nbranches of a Barringtonia, and there constructed half-a-dozen tiny\naltars, each about six inches square, out of dry sticks. On these altars\nthey laid offerings of yams, taros, bananas, and a little flesh; and a few\nof the nuts were skinned and set up on sticks round about the altars. Fire\nwas then made by the friction of wood, for matches might not be used for\nthis purpose, though probably every man had a box of them in his bag. With\nthe sacred flame thus produced the altars were kindled and the offerings\nconsumed. When this was done, the women produced large flat cakes baked of\na paste of pounded nuts, and these were eaten by all.(363) In Saa, another\nof the Solomon Islands, when the yams are ripe, the people fetch some from\neach garden to offer to the ghosts. Early in the morning all the male\nmembers of a family assemble at the sanctuary of the particular ancestral\nghosts whom they revere. One of them goes with a yam into the holy place\nand cries with a loud voice to the ghosts, \u201cThis is yours to eat,\u201d and\nwith that he sets the yam beside the skull which is in the sanctuary. The\nothers call quietly upon all the ancestors and present their yams, which\nare many in number, because one from each garden is given to each of the\nghosts. Moreover, if any man has a relic of the dead at home, such as a\nhead, or bones, or hair, he takes back a yam to his house and places it\nbeside the head or whatever it may be. In the same island, as in Florida,\nthe new canarium nuts may not be eaten until the first-fruits have been\noffered to the ghosts. Moreover, the first flying-fish of the season must\nbe sacrificed to these spirits of the dead before the living are allowed\nto partake of the fish. The ghosts to whom the flying-fish are offered\nhave the form of sharks. Some of them have sanctuaries ashore, where\nimages of sharks are set up; and the flying-fish are laid before these\nimages. Other shark-ghosts have no place on shore; so the fish offered to\nthem are taken out to sea and shredded into the water, while the names of\nthe ghosts are called out.(364)\n\n(M103) In some of the Kingsmill Islands the god most commonly worshipped\nwas called Tubu\u00e9riki. He was represented by a flat coral stone, of\nirregular shape, about three feet long by eighteen inches wide, set up on\nend in the open air. Leaves of the coco-nut palm were tied about it,\nconsiderably increasing its size and height. The leaves were changed every\nmonth, that they might be always fresh. The worship paid to the god\nconsisted in repeating prayers before the stone, and laying beside it a\nportion of the food prepared by the people for their own use. This they\ndid at their daily meals, at festivals, and whenever they specially wished\nto propitiate the deity. The first-fruits of the season were always\noffered to him. Every family of distinction had one of these stones which\nwas considered rather in the light of a family altar than as an idol.(365)\n\n(M104) In the Tonga Islands the first-fruits of the year were offered with\nsolemn ceremony to the sacred chief Tooitonga, who was regarded as divine.\nThe ceremony generally took place about October, and the people believed\nthat if the rite were neglected the vengeance of the gods would fall in a\nsignal manner upon them. The following is a description of the festival as\nit was celebrated in the days when a European flag rarely floated among\nthe islands of the Pacific: \u201c_Inachi._ This word means, literally, a share\nor portion of anything that is to be or has been distributed out: but in\nthe sense here mentioned it means that portion of the fruits of the earth,\nand other eatables, which is offered to the gods in the person of the\ndivine chief Tooitonga, which allotment is made once a year, just before\nthe yams in general are arrived at a state of maturity; those which are\nused in this ceremony being of a kind which admit of being planted sooner\nthan others, and, consequently, they are the first fruits of the yam\nseason. The object of this offering is to insure the protection of the\ngods, that their favour may be extended to the welfare of the nation\ngenerally, and in particular to the productions of the earth, of which\nyams are the most important.\n\n\u201cThe time for planting most kinds of yams is about the latter end of July,\nbut the species called _caho-caho_, which is always used in this ceremony,\nis put in the ground about a month before, when, on each plantation, there\nis a small piece of land chosen and fenced in, for the purpose of growing\na couple of yams of the above description. As soon as they have arrived at\na state of maturity, the _How_ [the King] sends a messenger to Tooitonga,\nstating that the yams for the _inachi_ are fit to be taken up, and\nrequesting that he would appoint a day for the ceremony: he generally\nfixes on the tenth day afterwards, reckoning the following day for the\nfirst. There are no particular preparations made till the day before the\nceremony: at night, however, the sound of the conch is heard occasionally\nin different parts of the islands, and as the day of the ceremony\napproaches it becomes more frequent, so that the people of almost every\nplantation sound the conch three or four times, which, breaking in upon\nthe silence of the night, has a pleasing effect, particularly at Vavaoo,\nwhere the number of woods and hills send back repeated echoes, adding\ngreatly to the effect. The day before the ceremony, the yams are dug up,\nand ornamented with a kind of ribbons prepared from the inner membrane of\nthe leaf of a species of pandanus, and dyed red; when thus prepared, it is\ncalled _mellecoola_ and is wrapped round the yam, beginning at one end,\nand running round spirally to the other, when it is brought back in the\nopposite direction, the turns crossing each other in a very neat manner.\nAs the ceremony is always performed at the island where Tooitonga chooses\nto reside, the distant islands must make these preparations two or three\ndays beforehand, that the yams, etc., may be sent in time to Vavaoo, where\nwe will suppose the affair is to take place. The ninth day then is\nemployed in preparing and collecting the yams and other provisions, such\nas fish, cava root, and _mahoa_, and getting ready mats, _gnatoo_, and\nbundles of _mellecoola_: but the yams only are to be carried in the\nprocession about to be described....\n\n(M105) \u201cThe sun has scarcely set when the sound of the conch begins again\nto echo through the island, increasing as the night advances. At the Mooa\n[capital], and all the plantations, the voices of men and women are heard\nsinging _N\u00f3fo \u00f3ooa tegger gnao\u00f3e, \u00f3ooa gnao\u00f3e_, \u2018Rest thou, doing no work;\nthou shalt not work.\u2019 This increases till midnight, men generally singing\nthe first part of the sentence, and the women the last, to produce a more\npleasing effect: it then subsides for three or four hours, and again\nincreases as the sun rises. Nobody, however, is seen stirring out in the\npublic roads till about eight o\u2019clock, when the people from all quarters\nof the island are seen advancing towards the Mooa, and canoes from all the\nother islands are landing their men; so that all the inhabitants of Tonga\nseem approaching by sea and land, singing and sounding the conch. At the\nMooa itself the universal bustle of preparation is seen and heard; and the\ndifferent processions entering from various quarters, of men and women,\nall dressed up in new _gnatoos_, ornamented with red ribbons and wreaths\nof flowers, and the men armed with spears and clubs, betoken the\nimportance of the ceremony about to be performed. Each party brings in its\nyams in a basket, which is carried in the arms with great care, by the\nprincipal vassal of the chief to whom the plantation may belong. The\nbaskets are deposited in the _mal\u00e1i_(366) (in the _Mooa_), and some of\nthem begin to employ themselves in slinging the yams, each upon the centre\nof a pole about eight or nine feet long, and four inches diameter. The\nproceedings are regulated by attending matabooles.(367) The yams being all\nslung, each pole is carried by two men upon their shoulders, one walking\nbefore the other, and the yam hanging between them, ornamented with red\nribbons. The procession begins to move towards the grave of the last\nTooitonga (which is generally in the neighbourhood, or the grave of one of\nhis family will do), the men advancing in a single line, every two bearing\na yam, with a slow and measured pace, sinking at every step, as if their\nburden were of immense weight. In the meantime the chiefs and matabooles\nare seated in a semicircle before the grave, with their heads bowed down,\nand their hands clasped before them.\u201d The procession then marched round\nthe grave twice or thrice in a great circle, the conchs blowing and the\nmen singing. Next the yams, still suspended from the poles, were deposited\nbefore the grave, and their bearers sat down beside them. One of the\n_matabooles_ of Tooitonga, seating himself before the grave, a little in\nadvance of the men, now addressed the gods generally, and afterwards\nparticularly, mentioning the late Tooitonga, and the names of several\nothers. He thanked them for their divine bounty in favouring the land with\nthe prospect of so good a harvest, and prayed that their beneficence might\nbe continued in future. When he had finished, the men rose and resumed\ntheir loads, and after parading two or three times before the grave,\nmarched back to the _mal\u00e1i_ the same way they came, singing and blowing\nthe conchs as before. The chiefs and _matabooles_ soon followed to the\nsame place, where the yams had been again deposited and loosened from the\npoles, though they still retained their ornaments. Here the company sat\ndown in a great circle, presided over by Tooitonga, while the king and\nother great chiefs retired into the background among the mass of the\npeople. Then the other articles that formed part of the _inachi_ were\nbrought forward, consisting of dried fish, mats, etc., which, with the\nyams, were divided into shares by one of the _matabooles_ of Tooitonga.\nAbout a fourth was allotted to the gods, and appropriated by the priests;\nabout a half fell to the king; and the remainder belonged to Tooitonga.\nThe materials of the _inachi_ having been carried away, the company set\nthemselves to drink _cava_. Some _cava_ root was brought and prepared; a\nlarge quantity of provisions, perhaps a hundred and fifty baskets-full,\nwas set forth, and a small part of it was distributed to be eaten with the\n_cava_. While the infusion was preparing, a _mataboole_ made a speech to\nthe people, saying that, as they had performed this important ceremony,\nthe gods would protect them and grant them long lives, if only they\ncontinued to observe the religious rites and to pay due respect to the\nchiefs. When the _cava_ was all drunk, the circle separated, and the\nprovisions were shared out to each chief according to his rank. The day\nconcluded with wrestling, boxing, and so forth, and then the night dances\nbegan. When these were ended, the people went home perfectly assured of\nthe protection of the gods. At this ceremony, we are informed, the\nquantity of provisions distributed was incredible, and the people looked\nupon it as a very heavy tribute.(368)\n\n(M106) In this Tongan festival the solemn presentation of the first-fruits\nto the divine chief at the grave of his predecessor is highly significant:\nit confirms the conclusion which we have already reached, that wherever\nthe first-fruits are paid to the chief, it is rather in his religious than\nin his civil capacity that he receives them. It is true that the king of\nTonga received a large share of the first-fruits, indeed a larger share\nthan was allotted to the divine chief; but it is very noticeable that\nwhile the division of the first-fruits was taking place under the\npresidency of the divine chief, the king and the other great chiefs\nretired from the scene and mingled with the mass of the people, as if to\nindicate that as mere laymen they had no right to participate in a\nreligious rite of such deep solemnity.\n\n(M107) The Samoans used to present the first-fruits to the spirits\n(_aitus_) and chiefs.(369) For example, a family whose god was in the form\nof an eel presented the first-fruits of their taro plantations to the\neel.(370) In Tahiti \u201cthe first fish taken periodically on their shores,\ntogether with a number of kinds regarded as sacred, were conveyed to the\naltar. The first-fruits of their orchards and gardens were also _taumaha_,\nor offered, with a portion of their live stock, which consisted of pigs,\ndogs, and fowls, as it was supposed death would be inflicted on the owner\nor the occupant of the land, from which the god should not receive such\nacknowledgment.\u201d(371) In Huahine, one of the Society Islands, the\nfirst-fruits were presented to the god Tani. A poor person was expected to\nbring two of the earliest fruits gathered, of whatever kind; a _raatira_\nhad to bring ten, and chiefs and princes had to bring more, according to\ntheir rank and riches. They carried the fruits to the temple, where they\nthrew them down on the ground, with the words, \u201cHere, Tani, I have brought\nyou something to eat.\u201d(372) The chief gods of the Easter Islanders were\nMake-Make and Haua. To these they offered the first of all the produce of\nthe ground.(373) Amongst the Maoris the offering of the first-fruits of\nthe sweet potatoes to Pani, son of Rongo, the god of sweet potatoes, was a\nsolemn religious ceremony. The crop of sweet potatoes (_kumara_) was\nsacred, and all persons engaged in its cultivation were also sacred or\ntabooed; they might not quit the place nor undertake any other work.(374)\n\n(M108) It has been affirmed that the old Prussians offered the\nfirst-fruits of their crops and of their fishing to the god Curcho, but\ndoubt rests on the statement.(375) We have seen that the Athenians and\nother Greek peoples offered the first-fruits of the wheat and barley\nharvests to Demeter and Persephone at Eleusis.(376) The Troezenians\nsacrificed the first-fruits to Poseidon, whom they worshipped as the\nguardian deity of their city.(377) In Attica the first-fruits of the\nvintage were presented to Icarius and Erigone.(378) The Romans sacrificed\nthe first ears of corn to Ceres, and the first of the new wine to Liber;\nand until the priests had offered these sacrifices, the people might not\neat the new corn nor drink the new wine.(379) In various parts of ancient\nItaly the vintage was solemnly inaugurated by the priests. At Rome the\nduty devolved on the Flamen Dialis, who sacrificed a lamb to Jupiter and\nthen gathered the first grapes over the entrails of the victim. Till this\nceremony had been performed, the new wine might not be brought into the\ncity.(380)\n\n(M109) The Thompson River Indians of British Columbia used to offer the\nfirst berries of the season to the earth, or more generally to the\nmountains. The offering was made by an old grey-haired person, who danced\nand held out the fruit towards the mountain-tops. The rest of the people\npainted their faces red and danced for some time.(381) The Okanaken\nIndians of British Columbia \u201cobserved first-fruits ceremonies. When the\nfirst berries or roots were ripe, the chief would send out his wife or\neldest daughter to gather a portion. The whole community would then come\ntogether, and prayers would be offered to those spirits of the sky who\nwere supposed to preside over the operations of nature, portions of the\nfruit or roots would be distributed to all present, after which any one\nwas free to gather all he or she desired; but no one would think of\npicking a berry or digging a root until after the feast had been\nheld.\u201d(382) When the ears of maize were formed, the Quiches of Central\nAmerica gathered the first-fruits and carried them to the priests;\nmoreover, they baked loaves or cakes, which they offered to the idol who\nguarded their fields, but afterwards these cakes were given to the poor or\nthe infirm to eat.(383) It was the custom of the Arkansas Indians to offer\nthe first-fruits of the ripe maize and melons to the Master of Life; even\nchildren would die of hunger rather than touch the new fruits before this\noffering had been made. Some of the new maize, melons, and other fruits\nwere minced up with the carcase of a dog in the presence of the old men,\nwho alone were privileged to assist at this solemn rite. Then, after\nperforming certain ceremonies, the old men began to dance, and some young\ngirls, wound up to a pitch of frenzy, threw themselves on the offering and\nbolted it in an instant. Thereupon the old men seized the damsels and\nducked them in the river Arkansas, which had a sobering influence on the\nminds of the devotees.(384) From this account we may perhaps infer that in\neating the new fruits the girls were believed to be inspired by the Master\nof Life, who thus consumed the offering by deputy. The chief solemnity of\nthe Natchez, an Indian tribe on the Lower Mississippi, was the Harvest\nFestival or the Festival of New Fire. An early account of this ceremony\nhas been already submitted to the reader,(385) but it may not be amiss to\nadd here for comparison the later description by Chateaubriand, which\ndiffers from the other in some particulars, and lays stress on the\nsacrifice rather than on the sacrament of first-fruits. According to\nChateaubriand, then, when the time for the festival drew near, a crier\nwent through the villages calling upon the people to prepare new vessels\nand new garments, to wash their houses, and to burn the old grain, the old\ngarments, and the old utensils in a common fire. He also proclaimed an\namnesty to criminals. Next day he appeared again, commanding the people to\nfast for three days, to abstain from all pleasures, and to make use of the\nmedicine of purification. Thereupon all the people took some drops\nextracted from a root which they called the \u201croot of blood.\u201d It was a kind\nof plantain and distilled a red liquor which acted as a violent emetic.\nDuring their three days\u2019 fast the people kept silence. At the end of it\nthe crier proclaimed that the festival would begin on the following day.\nSo next morning, as soon as it began to grow light in the sky, the people\nstreamed from all quarters towards the temple of the Sun. The temple was a\nlarge building with two doors, one opening to the east, the other to the\nwest. On this morning the eastern door of the temple stood open. Facing\nthe eastern door was an altar, placed so as to catch the first beams of\nthe rising sun. An image of a _chouchouacha_ (a small marsupial) stood\nupon the altar; on its right was an image of a rattlesnake, on its left an\nimage of a marmoset. Before these images a fire of oak-bark burned\nperpetually. Once a year only, on the eve of the Harvest Festival, was the\nsacred flame suffered to die out. To the right of the altar, on the\nmorning of this holy day, stood the great chief, who took his title and\ntraced his descent from the Sun. To the left of the altar stood his wife.\nRound them were grouped, according to their ranks, the war chiefs, the\nsachems, the heralds, and the young braves. In front of the altar were\npiled bundles of dry reeds, stacked in concentric rings.\n\nThe high priest, standing on the threshold of the temple, kept his eyes\nfixed on the eastern horizon. Before presiding at the festival he had to\nplunge thrice into the Mississippi. In his hands he held two pieces of dry\nwood which he kept rubbing slowly against each other, muttering magic\nwords. At his side two acolytes held two cups filled with a kind of black\nsherbet. All the women, their backs turned to the east, each leaning with\none hand on her rude mattock and supporting her infant with the other,\nstood in a great semicircle at the gate of the temple. Profound silence\nreigned throughout the multitude while the priest watched attentively the\ngrowing light in the east. As soon as the diffused light of dawn began to\nbe shot with beams of fire, he quickened the motion of the two pieces of\nwood which he held in his hands; and at the moment when the upper edge of\nthe sun\u2019s disc appeared above the horizon, fire flashed from the wood and\nwas caught in tinder. At the same instant the women outside the temple\nfaced round and held up their infants and their mattocks to the rising\nsun.\n\nThe great chief and his wife now drank the black liquor. The priests\nkindled the circle of dried reeds; fire was set to the heap of oak-bark on\nthe altar, and from this sacred flame all the hearths of the village were\nrekindled. No sooner were the circles of reeds consumed than the chief\u2019s\nwife came from the temple and placing herself at the head of the women\nmarched in procession to the harvest-fields, whither the men were not\nallowed to follow them. They went to gather the first sheaves of maize,\nand returned to the temple bearing them on their heads. Some of the\nsheaves they presented to the high priest, who laid them on the altar.\nOthers they used to bake the unleavened bread which was to be eaten in the\nevening. The eastern door of the sanctuary was now closed, and the western\ndoor was opened.\n\nWhen day began to decline, the multitude assembled once more at the\ntemple, this time at its western gate, where they formed a great crescent,\nwith the horns turned towards the west. The unleavened bread was held up\nand presented to the setting sun, and a priest struck up a hymn in praise\nof his descending light. When darkness had fallen the whole plain twinkled\nwith fires, round which the people feasted; and the sounds of music and\nrevelry broke the silence of night.(386)\n\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER XII. HOMOEOPATHIC MAGIC OF A FLESH DIET.\n\n\n(M110) The practice of killing a god has now been traced amongst peoples\nwho have reached the agricultural stage of society. We have seen that the\nspirit of the corn, or of other cultivated plants, is commonly represented\neither in human or in animal form, and that in some places a custom has\nprevailed of killing annually either the human or the animal\nrepresentative of the god. One reason for thus killing the corn-spirit in\nthe person of his representative has been given implicitly in an earlier\npart of this work: we may suppose that the intention was to guard him or\nher (for the corn-spirit is often feminine) from the enfeeblement of old\nage by transferring the spirit, while still hale and hearty, to the person\nof a youthful and vigorous successor. Apart from the desirability of\nrenewing his divine energies, the death of the corn-spirit may have been\ndeemed inevitable under the sickles or the knives of the reapers, and his\nworshippers may accordingly have felt bound to acquiesce in the sad\nnecessity.(387) But, further, we have found a widespread custom of eating\nthe god sacramentally, either in the shape of the man or animal who\nrepresents the god, or in the shape of bread made in human or animal form.\nThe reasons for thus partaking of the body of the god are, from the\nprimitive standpoint, simple enough. The savage commonly believes that by\neating the flesh of an animal or man he acquires not only the physical,\nbut even the moral and intellectual qualities which were characteristic of\nthat animal or man; so when the creature is deemed divine, our simple\nsavage naturally expects to absorb a portion of its divinity along with\nits material substance. It may be well to illustrate by instances this\ncommon faith in the acquisition of virtues or vices of many kinds through\nthe medium of animal food, even when there is no pretence that the viands\nconsist of the body or blood of a god. The doctrine forms part of the\nwidely ramified system of sympathetic or homoeopathic magic.\n\n(M111) Thus, for example, the Creeks, Cherokee, and kindred tribes of\nNorth American Indians \u201cbelieve that nature is possest of such a property,\nas to transfuse into men and animals the qualities, either of the food\nthey use, or of those objects that are presented to their senses; he who\nfeeds on venison is, according to their physical system, swifter and more\nsagacious than the man who lives on the flesh of the clumsy bear, or\nhelpless dunghill fowls, the slow-footed tame cattle, or the heavy\nwallowing swine. This is the reason that several of their old men\nrecommend, and say, that formerly their greatest chieftains observed a\nconstant rule in their diet, and seldom ate of any animal of a gross\nquality, or heavy motion of body, fancying it conveyed a dullness through\nthe whole system, and disabled them from exerting themselves with proper\nvigour in their martial, civil, and religious duties.\u201d(388) The Zaparo\nIndians of Ecuador \u201cwill, unless from necessity, in most cases not eat any\nheavy meats, such as tapir and peccary, but confine themselves to birds,\nmonkeys, deer, fish, etc., principally because they argue that the heavier\nmeats make them unwieldy, like the animals who supply the flesh, impeding\ntheir agility, and unfitting them for the chase.\u201d(389) Similarly some of\nthe Brazilian Indians would eat no beast, bird, or fish that ran, flew, or\nswam slowly, lest by partaking of its flesh they should lose their agility\nand be unable to escape from their enemies.(390) The Caribs abstained from\nthe flesh of pigs lest it should cause them to have small eyes like pigs;\nand they refused to partake of tortoises from a fear that if they did so\nthey would become heavy and stupid like the animal.(391) Among the Fans of\nWest Africa men in the prime of life never eat tortoises for a similar\nreason; they imagine that if they did so, their vigour and fleetness of\nfoot would be gone. But old men may eat tortoises freely, because having\nalready lost the power of running they can take no harm from the flesh of\nthe slow-footed creature.(392) Some of the Chiriguanos of eastern Bolivia\nwould not touch the flesh of the vicu\u00f1a, because they imagined that if\nthey ate it they would become woolly like the vicu\u00f1a.(393) On the other\nhand the Abipones of Paraguay ate the flesh of jaguars in order to acquire\nthe courage of the beast;(394) indeed the number of jaguars which they\nconsumed for this object is said to have been very great, and with a like\nintent they eagerly devoured the flesh of bulls, stags, boars, and\nant-bears, being persuaded that by frequently partaking of such food they\nincreased their strength, activity, and courage. On the other hand they\nall abhorred the thought of eating hens, eggs, sheep, fish, and tortoises,\nbecause they believed that these tender viands begot sloth and\nlistlessness in their bodies and cowardice in their minds.(395) The\nThompson Indians of British Columbia would not eat the heart of the\nfool-hen, nor would they allow their dogs to devour the bird, lest they\nshould grow foolish like the bird.(396)\n\n(M112) While many savages thus fear to eat the flesh of slow-footed\nanimals lest they should themselves become slow-footed, the Bushmen of\nSouth Africa purposely ate the flesh of such creatures, and the reason\nwhich they gave for doing so exhibits a curious refinement of savage\nphilosophy. They imagined that the game which they pursued would be\ninfluenced sympathetically by the food in the body of the hunter, so that\nif he had eaten of swift-footed animals, the quarry would be swift-footed\nalso and would escape him; whereas if he had eaten of slow-footed animals,\nthe quarry would also be slow-footed, and he would be able to overtake and\nkill it. For that reason hunters of gemsbok particularly avoided eating\nthe flesh of the swift and agile springbok; indeed they would not even\ntouch it with their hands, because they believed the springbok to be a\nvery lively creature which did not go to sleep at night, and they thought\nthat if they ate springbok, the gemsbok which they hunted would likewise\nnot be willing to go to sleep, even at night. How, then, could they catch\nit?(397)\n\n(M113) Certain tribes on the Upper Zambesi believe in transmigration, and\nevery man in his lifetime chooses the kind of animal whose body he wishes\nat death to enter. He then performs an initiatory rite, which consists in\nswallowing the maggots bred in the putrid carcase of the animal of his\nchoice; thenceforth he partakes of that animal\u2019s nature. And on the\noccasion of a calamity, while the women are giving themselves up to\nlamentation, you will see one man writhing on the ground like a boa\nconstrictor or a crocodile, another howling and leaping like a panther, a\nthird baying like a jackal, roaring like a lion, or grunting like a\nhippopotamus, all of them imitating the characters of the various animals\nto perfection.(398) Clearly these people imagine that the soul or vital\nessence of the animal is manifested in the maggots bred in its decaying\ncarcase; hence they imagine that by swallowing the maggots they imbue\nthemselves with the very life and spirit of the creature which they desire\nto become. The Namaquas abstain from eating the flesh of hares, because\nthey think it would make them faint-hearted as a hare. But they eat the\nflesh of the lion, or drink the blood of the leopard or lion, to get the\ncourage and strength of these beasts.(399) The Bushmen will not give their\nchildren a jackal\u2019s heart to eat, lest it should make them timid like the\njackal; but they give them a leopard\u2019s heart to eat to make them brave\nlike the leopard.(400) When a Wagogo man of German East Africa kills a\nlion, he eats the heart in order to become brave like a lion; but he\nthinks that to eat the heart of a hen would make him timid.(401) Among the\nJa-luo, a tribe of Nilotic negroes, young men eat the flesh of leopards in\norder to make themselves fierce in war.(402) The flesh of the lion and\nalso that of the spotted leopard are sometimes cooked and eaten by native\nwarriors in South-Eastern Africa, who hope thereby to become as brave as\nlions.(403) When a Zulu army assembles to go forth to battle, the warriors\neat slices of meat which is smeared with a powder made of the dried flesh\nof various animals, such as the leopard, lion, elephant, snakes, and so\non; for thus it is thought that the soldiers will acquire the bravery and\nother warlike qualities of these animals. Sometimes if a Zulu has killed a\nwild beast, for instance a leopard, he will give his children the blood to\ndrink, and will roast the heart for them to eat, expecting that they will\nthus grow up brave and daring men. But others say that this is dangerous,\nbecause it is apt to produce courage without prudence, and to make a man\nrush heedlessly on his death.(404) Among the Wabondei of Eastern Africa\nthe heart of a lion or leopard is eaten with the intention of making the\neater strong and brave.(405) In British Central Africa aspirants after\ncourage consume the flesh and especially the hearts of lions, while\nlecherous persons eat the testicles of goats.(406) Among the Suk of\nBritish East Africa the fat and heart of a lion are sometimes given to\nchildren to eat in order that they may become strong; but they are not\nallowed to know what they are eating.(407) Arab women in North Africa give\ntheir male children a piece of a lion\u2019s heart to eat to make them\nfearless.(408) The flesh of an elephant is thought by the Ewe-speaking\npeoples of West Africa to make the eater strong.(409) Before they go forth\nto fight, Wajagga warriors drink a magical potion, which often consists of\nshavings of the horn and hide of a rhinoceros mixed with beer; this is\nsupposed to impart to them the strength and force of the animal.(410) When\na serious disease has attacked a Zulu kraal, the medicine-man takes the\nbone of a very old dog, or the bone of an old cow, bull, or other very old\nanimal, and administers it to the healthy as well as to the sick people,\nin order that they may live to be as old as the animal of whose bone they\nhave partaken.(411) So to restore the aged Aeson to youth, the witch Medea\ninfused into his veins a decoction of the liver of the long-lived deer and\nthe head of a crow that had outlived nine generations of men.(412) In\nantiquity the flesh of deer and crows was eaten for other purposes than\nthat of prolonging life. As deer were supposed not to suffer from fever,\nsome women used to taste venison every morning, and it is said that in\nconsequence they lived to a great age without ever being attacked by a\nfever; only the venison lost all its virtue if the animal had been killed\nby more blows than one.(413) Again, ancient diviners sought to imbue\nthemselves with the spirit of prophecy by swallowing vital portions of\nbirds and beasts of omen; for example, they thought that by eating the\nhearts of crows or moles or hawks they took into their bodies, along with\nthe flesh, the prophetic soul of the creature.(414)\n\n(M114) Among the Dyaks of North-West Borneo young men and warriors may not\neat venison, because it would make them as timid as deer; but the women\nand very old men are free to eat it.(415) However, among the Kayans of the\nsame region, who share the same view as to the ill effect of eating\nvenison, men will partake of the dangerous viand provided it is cooked in\nthe open air, for then the timid spirit of the animal is supposed to\nescape at once into the jungle and not to enter into the eater.(416) The\nAino of Japan think that the otter is a very forgetful animal, and they\noften call a person with a bad memory an \u201cotter head.\u201d Therefore it is a\nrule with them that \u201cthe otter\u2019s head must not lightly be used as an\narticle of food, for unless people are very careful they will, if they eat\nit, become as forgetful as that creature. And hence it happens that when\nan otter has been killed the people do not usually eat the head. But if\nthey are seized with a very strong desire for a feast of otter\u2019s head,\nthey may partake thereof, providing proper precautions are taken. When\neating it the people must take their swords, knives, axes, bows and\narrows, tobacco-boxes and pipes, trays, cups, garden tools, and everything\nthey possess, tie them up in bundles with carrying slings, and sit with\nthem attached to their heads while in the act of eating. This feast may be\npartaken of in this way, and no other. If this method be carefully adhered\nto, there will be no danger of forgetting where a thing has been placed,\notherwise loss of memory will be the result.\u201d(417) On the other hand the\nAino believe that the heart of the water-ousel is exceedingly wise, and\nthat in speech the bird is most eloquent. Therefore whenever he is killed,\nhe should be at once torn open and his heart wrenched out and swallowed\nbefore it has time to grow cold or suffer damage of any kind. If a man\nswallows it thus, he will become very fluent and wise, and will be able to\nargue down all his adversaries.(418) In Northern India people fancy that\nif you eat the eyeballs of an owl you will be able like an owl to see in\nthe dark.(419)\n\n(M115) When the Kansas Indians were going to war, a feast used to be held\nin the chief\u2019s hut, and the principal dish was dog\u2019s flesh, because, said\nthe Indians, the animal who is so brave that he will let himself be cut in\npieces in defence of his master, must needs inspire valour.(420) On\nextraordinary occasions the bravest warriors of the Dacotas used to\nperform a dance at which they devoured the livers of dogs raw and warm in\norder thereby to acquire the sagacity and bravery of the dog. The animals\nwere thrown to them alive, killed, and cut open; then the livers were\nextracted, cut into strips, and hung on a pole. Each dancer grabbed at a\nstrip of liver with his teeth and chewed and swallowed it as he danced: he\nmight not touch it with his hands, only the medicine-man enjoyed that\nprivilege. Women did not join in the dance.(421) Men of the Buru and Aru\nIslands, East Indies, eat the flesh of dogs in order to be bold and nimble\nin war.(422) Amongst the Papuans of the Port Moresby and Motumotu\ndistricts, New Guinea, young lads eat strong pig, wallaby, and large fish,\nin order to acquire the strength of the animal or fish.(423) Some of the\nnatives of Northern Australia fancy that by eating the flesh of the\nkangaroo or emu they are enabled to jump or run faster than before.(424)\nThe Miris of Assam prize tiger\u2019s flesh as food for men; it gives them\nstrength and courage. But \u201cit is not suited for women; it would make them\ntoo strong-minded.\u201d(425) In Corea the bones of tigers fetch a higher price\nthan those of leopards as a means of inspiring courage. A Chinaman in\nSeoul bought and ate a whole tiger to make himself brave and fierce.(426)\nThe special seat of courage, according to the Chinese, is the\ngall-bladder; so they sometimes procure the gall-bladders of tigers and\nbears, and eat the bile in the belief that it will give them courage.(427)\nAgain, the Similkameen Indians of British Columbia imagine that to eat the\nheart of a bear inspires courage.(428)\n\n(M116) In Norse legend, Ingiald, son of King Aunund, was timid in his\nyouth, but after eating the heart of a wolf he became very bold; Hialto\ngained strength and courage by eating the heart of a bear and drinking its\nblood;(429) and when Sigurd killed the dragon Fafnir and tasted his\nheart\u2019s blood, he acquired thereby a knowledge of the language of\nbirds.(430) The belief that the language of birds or of animals in general\ncan be learned by eating some part of a serpent appears to be ancient and\nwide-spread. Democritus is reported to have said that serpents were\ngenerated from the mixed blood of certain birds, and that therefore\nwhoever ate a serpent would understand the bird language.(431) The Arabs\nin antiquity were supposed to be able to draw omens from birds because\nthey had gained a knowledge of the bird language by eating either the\nheart or liver of a serpent; and the people of Paraka in India are said to\nhave learned the language of animals in general by the same means.(432)\nSaxo Grammaticus relates how Rollo acquired all knowledge, including an\nunderstanding of the speech of animals, both wild and tame, by eating of a\nblack serpent.(433) In Norway, Sweden, and Jutland down to the nineteenth\ncentury the flesh of a white snake was thought to confer supernatural\nwisdom on the eater;(434) it is a German and Bohemian superstition that\nwhoever eats serpent\u2019s flesh understands the language of animals.(435)\nNotions of the same sort, based no doubt on a belief in the extraordinary\nwisdom or subtlety of the serpent, often meet us in popular tales and\ntraditions.(436)\n\n(M117) In Morocco lethargic patients are given ants to swallow, and to eat\nlion\u2019s flesh will make a coward brave;(437) but people abstain from eating\nthe hearts of fowls, lest thereby they should be rendered timid.(438) When\na child is late in learning to speak, the Turks of Central Asia will give\nit the tongues of certain birds to eat.(439) A North American Indian\nthought that brandy must be a decoction of hearts and tongues, \u201cbecause,\u201d\nsaid he, \u201cafter drinking it I fear nothing, and I talk wonderfully.\u201d(440)\nIn Java there is a tiny earthworm which now and then utters a shrill sound\nlike that of the alarum of a small clock. Hence when a public dancing girl\nhas screamed herself hoarse in the exercise of her calling, the leader of\nthe troop makes her eat some of these worms, in the belief that thus she\nwill regain her voice and will, after swallowing them, be able to scream\nas shrilly as ever.(441) The people of Darfur, in Central Africa, think\nthat the liver is the seat of the soul, and that a man may enlarge his\nsoul by eating the liver of an animal. \u201cWhenever an animal is killed its\nliver is taken out and eaten, but the people are most careful not to touch\nit with their hands, as it is considered sacred; it is cut up in small\npieces and eaten raw, the bits being conveyed to the mouth on the point of\na knife, or the sharp point of a stick. Any one who may accidentally touch\nthe liver is strictly forbidden to partake of it, which prohibition is\nregarded as a great misfortune for him.\u201d Women are not allowed to eat\nliver, because they have no soul.(442)\n\n(M118) Again, the flesh and blood of dead men are commonly eaten and drunk\nto inspire bravery, wisdom, or other qualities for which the men\nthemselves were remarkable, or which are supposed to have their special\nseat in the particular part eaten. Thus among the mountain tribes of\nSouth-Eastern Africa there are ceremonies by which the youths are formed\ninto guilds or lodges, and among the rites of initiation there is one\nwhich is intended to infuse courage, intelligence, and other qualities\ninto the novices. Whenever an enemy who has behaved with conspicuous\nbravery is killed, his liver, which is considered the seat of valour; his\nears, which are supposed to be the seat of intelligence; the skin of his\nforehead, which is regarded as the seat of perseverance; his testicles,\nwhich are held to be the seat of strength; and other members, which are\nviewed as the seat of other virtues, are cut from his body and baked to\ncinders. The ashes are carefully kept in the horn of a bull, and, during\nthe ceremonies observed at circumcision, are mixed with other ingredients\ninto a kind of paste, which is administered by the tribal priest to the\nyouths. By this means the strength, valour, intelligence, and other\nvirtues of the slain are believed to be imparted to the eaters.(443) When\nBasutos of the mountains have killed a very brave foe, they immediately\ncut out his heart and eat it, because this is supposed to give them his\ncourage and strength in battle. At the close of the war the man who has\nslain such a foe is called before the chief and gets from the doctor a\nmedicine which he chews with his food. The third day after this he must\nwash his body in running water, and at the expiry of ten days he may\nreturn to his wives and children.(444) So an Ovambo warrior in battle will\ntear out the heart of his slain foe in the belief that by eating it he can\nacquire the bravery of the dead man.(445) A similar belief and practice\nprevail among some of the tribes of British Central Africa, notably among\nthe Angoni. These tribes also mutilate the dead and reduce the severed\nparts to ashes. Afterwards the ashes are stirred into a broth or gruel,\n\u201cwhich must be \u2018lapped\u2019 up with the hand and thrown into the mouth, but\nnot eaten as ordinary food is taken, to give the soldiers courage,\nperseverance, fortitude, strategy, patience and wisdom.\u201d(446) In former\ntimes whenever a Nandi warrior killed an enemy he used to eat a morsel of\nthe dead man\u2019s heart to make himself brave.(447) The Wagogo of German East\nAfrica do the same thing for the same purpose.(448) When Sir Charles\nM\u2019Carthy was killed by the Ashantees in 1824, it is said that his heart\nwas devoured by the chiefs of the Ashantee army, who hoped by this means\nto imbibe his courage. His flesh was dried and parcelled out among the\nlower officers for the same purpose, and his bones were long kept at\nCoomassie as national fetishes.(449) The Amazons of Dahomey used to eat\nthe hearts of foes remarkable for their bravery, in order that some of the\nintrepidity which animated them might be transfused into the eaters. In\nformer days, if report may be trusted, the hearts of enemies who enjoyed a\nreputation for sagacity were also eaten, for the Ewe-speaking negro of\nthese regions holds that the heart is the seat of the intellect as well as\nof courage.(450) Among the Yoruba-speaking negroes of the Slave Coast the\npriests of Ogun, the war-god, usually take out the hearts of human\nvictims, which are then dried, crumbled to powder, mixed with rum, and\nsold to aspirants after courage, who swallow the mixture in the belief\nthat they thereby absorb the manly virtue of which the heart is supposed\nto be the seat.(451) Similarly, Indians of the Orinoco region used to\ntoast the hearts of their enemies, grind them to powder, and then drink\nthe powder in a liquid in order to be brave and valiant the next time they\nwent forth to fight.(452) The Nauras Indians of New Granada ate the hearts\nof Spaniards when they had the opportunity, hoping thereby to make\nthemselves as dauntless as the dreaded Castilian chivalry.(453) The Sioux\nIndians of North America used to reduce to powder the heart of a valiant\nenemy and swallow the powder, hoping thus to appropriate the dead man\u2019s\nvalour.(454) The Muskoghees also thought that to eat the heart of a foe\nwould \u201ccommunicate and give greater heart against the enemy. They also\nthink that the vigorous faculties of the mind are derived from the brain,\non which account, I have seen some of their heroes drink out of a human\nskull; they imagine, they only imbibe the good qualities it formerly\ncontained.\u201d(455) For a similar reason in Uganda a priest used to drink\nbeer out of the skull of a dead king in order that he might be possessed\nby the king\u2019s spirit.(456) Among the Esquimaux of Bering Strait, when\nyoung men had slain an enemy for the first time in war, they were wont to\ndrink some of the blood and to eat a small piece of the heart of their\nvictim in order to increase their bravery.(457) In some tribes of\nNorth-Western Australia, when a man dies who had been a great warrior or\nhunter, his friends cut out the fat about his heart and eat it, because\nthey believe that it imparts to them the courage and cunning of the\ndeceased.(458)\n\n(M119) But while the human heart is thus commonly eaten for the sake of\nimbuing the eater with the qualities of its original owner, it is not, as\nwe have already seen, the only part of the body which is consumed for this\npurpose. Thus in New Caledonia the victors in a fight used to eat the\nbodies of the slain, \u201cnot, as might be supposed, from a taste for human\nflesh, but in order to assimilate part of the bravery which the deceased\nwas supposed to possess.\u201d(459) Among the tribes about Maryborough in\nQueensland, when a man was killed in a ceremonial fight, it was customary\nfor his friends to skin and eat him, in order that his warlike virtues\nmight pass into the eaters.(460) Warriors of the Theddora and Ngarigo\ntribes in South-Eastern Australia used to eat the hands and feet of their\nslain enemies, believing that in this way they acquired some of the\nqualities and courage of the dead.(461) In the Dieri tribe of Central\nAustralia, when a man had been condemned and killed by a properly\nconstituted party of executioners, the weapons with which the deed was\ndone were washed in a small wooden vessel, and the bloody mixture was\nadministered to all the slayers in a prescribed manner, while they lay\ndown on their backs and the elders poured it into their mouths. This was\nbelieved to give them double strength, courage, and great nerve for any\nfuture enterprise.(462) The Kamilaroi of New South Wales ate the liver as\nwell as the heart of a brave man to get his courage.(463) In Tonquin also\nthere is a popular superstition that the liver of a brave man makes brave\nany who partake of it. Hence when a Catholic missionary was beheaded in\nTonquin in 1837, the executioner cut out the liver of his victim and ate\npart of it, while a soldier attempted to devour another part of it\nraw.(464) With a like intent the Chinese swallow the bile of notorious\nbandits who have been executed.(465) The Dyaks of Sarawak used to eat the\npalms of the hands and the flesh of the knees of the slain in order to\nsteady their own hands and strengthen their own knees.(466) The Tolalaki,\nnotorious head-hunters of Central Celebes, drink the blood and eat the\nbrains of their victims that they may become brave.(467) The Italones of\nthe Philippine Islands drink the blood of their slain enemies, and eat\npart of the back of their heads and of their entrails raw to acquire their\ncourage. For the same reason the Efugaos, another tribe of the\nPhilippines, suck the brains of their foes.(468) In like manner the Kai of\nGerman New Guinea eat the brains of the enemies they kill in order to\nacquire their strength.(469) Among the Kimbunda of Western Africa, when a\nnew king succeeds to the throne, a brave prisoner of war is killed in\norder that the king and nobles may eat his flesh, and so acquire his\nstrength and courage.(470) The notorious Zulu chief Matuana drank the gall\nof thirty chiefs, whose people he had destroyed, in the belief that it\nwould make him strong.(471) It is a Zulu fancy that by eating the centre\nof the forehead and the eyebrow of an enemy they acquire the power of\nlooking steadfastly at a foe.(472) In Tud or Warrior Island, Torres\nStraits, men would drink the sweat of renowned warriors, and eat the\nscrapings from their finger-nails which had become coated and sodden with\nhuman blood. This was done \u201cto make strong and like stone; no\nafraid.\u201d(473) In Nagir, another island of Torres Straits, in order to\ninfuse courage into boys a warrior used to take the eye and tongue of a\nman whom he had killed, and after mincing them and mixing them with his\nurine he administered the compound to the boy, who received it with shut\neyes and open mouth seated between the warrior\u2019s legs.(474) Before every\nwarlike expedition the people of Minahassa in Celebes used to take the\nlocks of hair of a slain foe and dabble them in boiling water to extract\nthe courage; this infusion of bravery was then drunk by the warriors.(475)\nIn New Zealand \u201cthe chief was an _atua_ [god], but there were powerful and\npowerless gods; each naturally sought to make himself one of the former;\nthe plan therefore adopted was to incorporate the spirits of others with\ntheir own; thus, when a warrior slew a chief, he immediately gouged out\nhis eyes and swallowed them, the _atua tonga_, or divinity, being supposed\nto reside in that organ; thus he not only killed the body, but also\npossessed himself of the soul of his enemy, and consequently the more\nchiefs he slew the greater did his divinity become.\u201d(476)\n\n(M120) Even without absorbing any part of a man\u2019s bodily substance it is\nsometimes thought possible to acquire his moral virtues through simple\ncontact with his bones. Thus among the Toradjas of Central Celebes, when a\nyouth is being circumcised he is made to sit on the skull of a slain foe\nin order to make him brave in war;(477) and when Scanderbeg, Prince of\nEpirus, was dead, the Turks, who had often felt the force of his arm in\nbattle, are said to have imagined that by wearing a piece of his bones\nnear their heart they should be animated with a strength and valour like\nhis.(478) A peculiar form of communion with the dead is practised by the\nGallas of Eastern Africa. They think that food from the house of a dead\nman, especially food that he liked, or that he cooked for himself,\ncontains a portion of his life or soul. If at the funeral feast a man eats\nsome of that food, he fancies that he has thereby absorbed some of the\nlife or soul of the departed, a portion of his spirit, intelligence, or\ncourage.(479)\n\n(M121) Strange as it may seem to us, one motive which induces a savage\nwarrior to eat the flesh or drink the blood of the foe whom he has slain\nappears to be a wish to form an indissoluble covenant of friendship and\nbrotherhood with his victim. For it is a widespread belief among savages\nthat by transfusing a little of their blood into each other\u2019s bodies two\nmen become kinsmen and allies; the same blood now circulating in the veins\nof both, neither can injure the other without at the same time injuring\nhimself; the two have therefore given each other the strongest bond, the\nbest possible hostages, for their good behaviour.(480) Acting on this\ntheory, the primitive warrior seeks to convert his slain foe into the\nfirmest of friends by imbibing the dead man\u2019s blood or swallowing his\nflesh. That at all events appears to be the idea at the root of the\nfollowing customs. When an Arawak Indian of British Guiana has murdered\nanother, he repairs on the third night to the grave of his victim, and\npressing a pointed stick through the corpse he licks off and swallows any\nblood that he finds adhering to the stick. For he believes that if he did\nnot taste his victim\u2019s blood, he would go mad and die; whereas by\nswallowing the blood he averts any ill consequences that might flow to him\nfrom the murder.(481) The belief and practice of the Nandi are similar:\n\u201cTo the present day, when a person of another tribe has been slain by a\nNandi, the blood must be carefully washed off the spear or sword into a\ncup made of grass, and drunk by the slayer. If this is not done it is\nthought that the man will become frenzied.\u201d(482) So among the tribes of\nthe Lower Niger \u201cit is customary and necessary for the executioner to lick\nthe blood that is on the blade\u201d; moreover, \u201cthe custom of licking the\nblood off the blade of a sword by which a man has been killed in war is\ncommon to all these tribes, and the explanation given me by the Ibo, which\nis generally accepted, is, that if this was not done, the act of killing\nwould so affect the strikers as to cause them to run amok among their own\npeople; because the sight and smell of blood render them absolutely\nsenseless as well as regardless of all consequences. And this licking the\nblood is the only sure remedy, and the only way in which they can recover\nthemselves.\u201d(483) Among the Shans executioners believe that they would\nsoon fall ill and die if they did not taste the blood of their\nvictims.(484)\n\n(M122) The most probable explanation of these practices seems to be that a\nmanslayer is thought to be driven mad by the ghost of his victim, who\ntakes possession of his murderer\u2019s body and causes him to demean himself\nin a frantic manner; whereas, as soon as the slayer has tasted the blood\nof the slain, he becomes a blood-brother of his victim, whose ghost\naccordingly will do him no harm.(485) This hypothesis is strongly\nconfirmed by the reason alleged for a similar custom formerly observed by\nthe Maoris. When a warrior had slain his foe in combat, he tasted his\nblood, believing that this preserved him from the avenging spirit of his\nvictim; for they imagined that \u201cthe moment a slayer had tasted the blood\nof the slain, the dead man became a part of his being and placed him under\nthe protection of the _atua_ or guardian-spirit of the deceased.\u201d(486) In\nthe light of these facts we can now explain the opinion, still widely held\nin Calabria, that if a murderer is to escape, he must suck his victim\u2019s\nblood from the reeking blade of the dagger with which he did the\ndeed;(487) and, further, we can see at least a glimmering of reason,\nhowever misapplied, in the confidence cherished by the Botocudos of\nBrazil, that if only they ate a morsel of the flesh of their enemies, the\narrows of the fellow tribesmen of the slain would not be able to hit\nthem.(488) Indeed the evidence which I have just adduced suggests that the\nintention of forming a blood-covenant with the dead may have been a common\nmotive for the cannibalism which has been so often practised by savage\nvictors on the bodies of their victims.(489) If that was so, it would to\nsome extent mitigate the horror with which such a practice is naturally\nviewed by civilised observers; since it would reveal the cannibal feast,\nno longer in the lurid light of a brutal outburst of blind rage and hatred\nagainst the vanquished, but in the milder aspect of a solemn rite designed\nto wipe out the memory of past hostilities and to establish a permanent\nrelation of friendship and good fellowship with the dead.\n\n(M123) Another mode of entering into communion with the dead by means of\ntheir bodily relics is to grind their bones to powder or to burn them to\nashes, and then to swallow the powder or the ashes mixed with food or\ndrink. This method of absorbing the virtues or appropriating the souls of\ndeceased kinsfolk has been practised by a number of Indian tribes of South\nAmerica. Thus the Tarianas, Tucanos, and other tribes in the valley of the\nAmazon, about a month after the funeral, disinter the corpse, which is\nthen much decomposed, and put it in a great pan or oven over the fire till\nall the volatile parts are driven off with a most horrible stench, leaving\nonly a black carbonaceous paste. This paste is then pounded into a fine\npowder, and being mixed in several large vats of the native beer, the\nliquor is drunk by the assembled company until all is consumed. They\nbelieve that thus the virtues of the deceased are transmitted to the\ndrinkers.(490) Similarly among the Xomanas and Passes of the Rio Negro and\nJapura River in Brazil, it was customary to burn the bones of the dead and\nmingle the ashes in their drink; \u201cfor they fancied, that by this means\nthey received into their own bodies the spirits of their deceased\nfriends.\u201d(491) We may suppose that a similar motive underlies the custom\nwherever it has been observed by the Indians of South America, even when\nthis particular motive is not expressly alleged by our authorities. For\nexample, the Retoro\u00f1os, Pechuyos, and Guarayos of eastern Bolivia\n\u201cmanifested their feeling for the dead by a remarkable custom: when the\nbody had mouldered they dug up the bones, reduced them to powder, and\nmingling it with maize, composed a sort of cake, which they considered it\nthe strongest mark of friendship to offer and partake. Some of the first\nmissionaries were regaled with this family bread, before they knew what\nthey were eating.\u201d(492) Again, in the province of Coro, in north-western\nVenezuela, when a chief died, they lamented him in the night, celebrating\nhis actions; then they parched his body at the fire, and reducing it to\npowder drank it up in their liquor, deeming this act the highest honour\nthey could pay him.(493) The Tauar\u00e9 Indians of the Rio Enivra burn their\ndead, keep their ashes in hollow reeds, and eat a portion of the ashes\nwith every meal.(494) So in antiquity Artemisia expressed her love and\ngrief for her dead husband Mausolus by powdering his ashes and drinking\nthem in water.(495) It is said that Mwamba, a recent king or chief of the\nWemba in Northern Rhodesia, having detected one of his wives in an\nintrigue with another man, caused the guilty pair to be burned alive,\nwhile he watched their tortures from a raised seat. \u201cShortly after this,\nhowever, he would seem to have been stricken with remorse and the dread of\nNemesis. The presiding witch-doctor was therefore ordered to collect the\nashes of the twain, and decoct therefrom a potion, which was administered\nto the king to avert the avenging furies of evil spirits of the murdered\npair, which might otherwise have hounded him into a fit of madness.\u201d(496)\nBy drinking the ashes of his victims the king sought to identify himself\nwith them and so to protect himself against their angry ghosts, just as we\nhave seen that manslayers seek to protect themselves against the ghosts of\ntheir victims by drinking their blood.(497)\n\n(M124) Just as the savage thinks that he can swallow the moral and other\nvirtues in the shape of food, so he fondly imagines that he can inoculate\nhimself with them. Here in Europe we as yet inoculate only against\ndisease; in Basutoland they have learned the art of inoculating not merely\nagainst disease but against moral evil and public calamity, against wild\nbeasts and winter cold. For example, if an epidemic is raging, if public\naffairs go ill, or war threatens to break out, the chief, with paternal\nsolicitude, seeks to guard his people against the evils that menace them\nby inoculating them with his own hand. Armed with a lancet, he makes a\nslight incision in the temples of each one, and rubs into the wound a\npinch of magic powder which has been carefully compounded of the ashes of\ncertain plants and animals. The plants and animals whose ashes compose\nthis sovereign medicine are always symbolical; in other words, they are\nsupposed to be imbued with the virtues which the chief desires to impart\nto his people. They consist, for example, of plants whose foliage\nwithstands the rigours of winter; mimosas, whose thorns present an\nimpenetrable barrier to all animals of the deer kind; the claws or a few\nhairs from the mane of a lion, the bravest of beasts; the tuft of hair\nround the root of the horns of a bull, which is the emblem of strength and\nfecundity; the skin of a serpent; the feathers of a kite or a hawk.(498)\nSo when the Barots\u00e9 wish to be swift of foot, to cripple the fleeing game,\nand to ensure an abundant catch, they scarify their arms and legs and rub\ninto the wounds a powder made of the burnt bones of various beasts and\nbirds.(499) Among some tribes of South-Eastern Africa the same magic\npowder which is made from various parts of slain foes, and is eaten by\nboys at circumcision,(500) is used to inoculate the fighting-men in time\nof war. The medicine-man makes an incision in the forehead of each\nwarrior, and puts the powder into the cut, thus infusing strength and\ncourage for the battle.(501) Among some Caffre tribes the powdered\ncharcoal with which the warriors are thus inoculated in various parts of\ntheir bodies is procured by burning the flesh of a live ox with a certain\nkind of wood or roots, to which magic virtue is attributed.(502) The\nBasutos think that they can render themselves invulnerable by\ninoculation,(503) and the Zulus imagine that they can protect themselves\nagainst snake-bite by similar means. But the saving virtue of the\ninoculation is not permanent; like vaccination, it has to be periodically\nrenewed. Hence every year, about October, Zulu men, women, and children\nhave a small piece of skin cut from the back of the left hand, and the\npoison of a snake, mixed with spittle, is rubbed into the wound. No snake\nwill ever approach a man who has thus been inoculated; and what is even\nmore curious, if the shadow of an inoculated man should touch the shadow\nof a man who has not been inoculated, the latter will fall down as if he\nhad been shot, overcome by the poison transmitted through the shadow: so\nexceedingly virulent is the virus.(504) Among the Jukos, a tribe of the\nBenue River in Northern Nigeria, before a hunter goes forth to hunt\nelephants, he makes four cuts in his left arm and rubs in \u201cmedicine\u201d; this\nhelps him to see the beast next day.(505)\n\n(M125) Again, the Zulus know how to inoculate themselves not merely with\nmoral virtue, but even with celestial power. For you must know that the\nZulus have heaven-herds or sky-herds, who drive away clouds big with hail\nand lightning, just as herdsmen drive cattle before them. These\nheaven-herds are in sympathy with the heaven. For when the heaven is about\nto be darkened, and before the clouds appear or the thunder mutters, the\nheart of the heaven-herd feels it coming, for it is hot within him and he\nis excited by anger. When the sky begins to be overcast, he too grows dark\nlike it; when it thunders, he frowns, that his face may be black as the\nscowl of the angry heaven. Now the way in which he thus becomes\nsympathetic with all the changing moods of the inconstant heaven is this:\nhe eats the heaven and scarifies himself with it. And the way in which he\neats the heaven and scarifies himself with it is as follows. When a\nbullock is struck by lightning, the wizard takes its flesh and puts it in\na sherd and eats it while it is hot, mixed with medicine; and thus he eats\nthe heaven by eating the flesh, which came from the beast, which was\nstruck by the lightning, which came down from the heaven. And in like\nmanner he scarifies himself with the heaven, for he makes cuts in his body\nand rubs in medicine mixed with the flesh of a bullock that was struck by\nlightning.(506) In some Caffre tribes, when an animal or a man has been\nstruck by lightning, the priest comes straightway and vaccinates every\nperson in the kraal, apparently as a sort of insurance against lightning.\nHe sets to work by tying a number of charms round the neck of every man\nand woman in the village, in order that they may have power to dig the\ndead man\u2019s grave; for in these tribes beasts and men alike that have been\nstruck by lightning are always buried, and the flesh is never eaten. Next\na sacrificial beast is killed and a fire kindled, in which certain magic\nwoods or roots are burned to charcoal, and then ground to powder. The\npriest thereupon makes incisions in various parts of the bodies of each\ninmate of the kraal, and rubs a portion of the powdered charcoal into the\ncuts; the rest of the powder he mixes with sour milk, and gives to them\nall to drink. From the time the lightning strikes the kraal until this\nceremony has been performed, the people are obliged to abstain entirely\nfrom the use of milk. Their heads are then shaved. Should a house have\nbeen struck by lightning it must be abandoned, with everything in it.\nUntil all these rites have been performed, none of the people may leave\nthe kraal or have any intercourse whatever with others; but when the\nceremonies have been duly performed, the people are pronounced clean, and\nmay again associate with their neighbours. However, for some months\nafterwards none of the livestock of the kraal and few other things\nbelonging to it are allowed to pass into other hands, whether by way of\nsale or of gift.(507) Hence it would appear that all persons in a village\nwhich has been struck by lightning are supposed to be infected with a\ndangerous virus, which they might communicate to their neighbours; and the\nvaccination is intended to disinfect them as well as to protect them\nagainst the recurrence of a like calamity. Young Carib warriors used to be\ninoculated for the purpose of making them brave and hardy. Some time\nbefore the ceremony the lad who was to be operated on caught a bird of\nprey of a particular sort and kept it in captivity till the day appointed.\nWhen the time was come and friends had assembled to witness the ceremony,\nthe father of the boy seized the bird by its legs and crushed its head by\nbeating it on the head of his son, who dared not wince under the rain of\nblows that nearly stunned him. Next the father bruised and pounded the\nbird\u2019s flesh, and steeped it in water together with a certain spice; after\nwhich he scored and slashed his son\u2019s body in all directions, washed his\nwounds with the decoction, and gave him the bird\u2019s heart to eat, in order,\nas it was said, that he might be the braver for it.(508)\n\n(M126) It is not always deemed necessary either that the mystical\nsubstance should be swallowed by the communicant, or that he should\nreceive it by the more painful process of scarification and inoculation.\nSometimes it is thought enough merely to smear or anoint him with it.\nAmong some of the Australian blacks it used to be a common practice to\nkill a man, cut out his caul-fat, and rub themselves with it, in the\nbelief that all the qualities, both physical and mental, which had\ndistinguished the original owner of the fat, were thus communicated by its\nmeans to the person who greased himself with it.(509) The Kamilaroi tribe\nof New South Wales sometimes deposited their dead on the forks of trees,\nand lighting fires underneath caught the fat as it dropped; for they hoped\nwith the droppings to acquire the strength and courage of the\ndeceased.(510) The Wollaroi, another tribe of New South Wales, used to\nplace the dead on a stage, and the mourners sat under it and rubbed their\nbodies with the juices of putrefaction which exuded from the rotten body,\nbelieving that this made them strong. Others collected these juices in\nvessels, and the young men rubbed the stinking liquid into their persons\nin order to acquire the good qualities of the departed.(511) Wherever a\nlike custom has been practised, as it has been, for example, by some of\nthe natives of New Guinea, Timor Laut, and Madagascar,(512) we may\nconjecture that the motive has been similar. Again, the negroes of\nSouthern Guinea regard the brain as the seat of wisdom, and think it a\npity that, when a wise man dies, his brain and his wisdom should go to\nwaste together. So they sever his head from his body and hang it up over a\nmass of chalk, which, as the head decays, receives the drippings of brain\nand wisdom. Any one who applies the precious dripping to his forehead is\nsupposed to absorb thereby the intelligence of the dead.(513) Among the\nBeku, a tribe of dwarfs attached to the Fans in West Africa, the great\ncharm for success in hunting is procured by killing a man and afterwards,\nwhen the corpse has begun to moulder in the grave, detaching the head from\nthe body. The brain, heart, eyes and hairs of the body are then removed\nand mixed, according to a secret formula, with special incantations. When\nthe compound is dry, the hunter rubs himself with it \u201cin order to acquire\na dash of the higher power with which people are endowed in the other\nlife, and in particular their invisibility.\u201d(514) Among the Digger Indians\nof California, when a man died, it was customary to burn the body to\nashes, mix the ashes with a thick resinous gum extracted from a pine-tree,\nand then smear the gum on the head of the mourner, where it was allowed to\nremain till it gradually wore away.(515) The motive for the custom is not\nmentioned, but it was probably, like the motive for the parallel custom of\nswallowing the ashes of the dead, a desire to participate in the powers\nand virtues of the departed. At a certain stage of the ceremonies by\nwhich, in the Andaman Islands, a boy is initiated into manhood, the chief\ntakes the carcase of a boar and presses it heavily down on the shoulders,\nback, and limbs of the young man as he sits, silent and motionless, on the\nground. This is done to make him brave and strong. Afterwards the animal\nis cut up, and its melted fat is poured over the novice, and rubbed into\nhis body.(516) The Arabs of Eastern Africa believe that an unguent of\nlion\u2019s fat inspires a man with boldness, and makes the wild beasts flee in\nterror before him.(517) In the forests of North-western Brazil there lives\na small falcon with a red beak which is so sharp-sighted that it can\ndetect even a worm on the ground from a considerable height. When a Kobeua\nIndian has killed one of these birds, he pokes out its eyes and allows the\nfluid to drip into his own, believing that in this way they will be\nsharp-sighted like those of the falcon.(518) Most of the Baperis, or\nMalekootoos, a Bechuana tribe of South Africa, revere or, as they say,\nsing the porcupine, which seems to be their totem, as the sun is the totem\nof some members of the tribe, and a species of ape the totem of others.\nThose of them who have the porcupine for their totem swear by the animal,\nand lament if any one injures it. When a porcupine has been killed, they\nreligiously gather up its bristles, spit on them, and rub their eyebrows\nwith them, saying, \u201cThey have slain our brother, our master, one of\nourselves, him whom we sing.\u201d They would fear to die if they ate of its\nflesh. Nevertheless they esteem it wholesome for an infant of the clan to\nrub into his joints certain portions of the paunch of the animal mixed\nwith the sap of some plants to which they ascribe an occult virtue.(519)\nSo at the solemn ceremony which is observed by the Central Australian\ntribes for the purpose of multiplying kangaroos, men of the kangaroo totem\nnot only eat a little kangaroo flesh as a sacrament, but also have their\nbodies anointed with kangaroo fat. Doubtless the intention alike of the\neating and of the anointing is to impart to the man the qualities of his\ntotem animal, and thus to enable him to perform the ceremonies for the\nmultiplication of the breed.(520)\n\n(M127) In ancient Mexico the priests of the god Tezcatlipoca, before they\nengaged in religious rites which tried the nerve, used to smear their\nbodies with a magic ointment, which had the effect of banishing all fear,\nso that they would confront wild beasts in their dens or slaughter people\nin sacrifice with the utmost indifference. The ointment which had this\nmarvellous property was compounded of the ashes of venomous reptiles and\ninsects, such as spiders, scorpions, centipedes, and vipers, which were\nbrayed up in a mortar along with living specimens of the same creatures,\ntobacco, soot, and the ashes of black caterpillars. This precious\nsubstance was then set before the god in little pots, because they said it\nwas his victuals; therefore they called it a divine food. And when the\npriests had besmeared themselves with it, they were ready to discharge the\nduties of their holy office by butchering their fellow men in the human\nshambles without one qualm of fear or one visiting of compassion.\nMoreover, an unction of this ointment was deemed a sovereign remedy for\nsickness and disease; hence they named it \u201cthe divine physic\u201d; and sick\npeople came from all quarters to the priests, as to their saviours, to\nhave their ailing parts anointed with the divine physic and to be made\nwhole.(521)\n\n(M128) Sometimes the valuable qualities of an animal or of a person may be\nimparted to another by the more delicate and ethereal process of\nfumigation. This refined mode of cultivating the moral virtues is or used\nto be practised by the Caffres of South Africa. Thus in former times as\nsoon as a baby was born, some dirt was scraped from the forearm and other\nparts of the father\u2019s body and mixed with special medicines. The mixture\nwas then made to smoulder and the baby was fumigated or \u201cwashed\u201d in the\nsmoke. This ceremony was deemed of great importance, being the established\nway of communicating to the child a portion of the ancestral spirit\n(_itongo_) through the physical medium of the father\u2019s dirt, to which the\nspirit naturally adheres. But while the dirt was endowed with this\nspiritual potency, the moral character of the infant depended in a large\nmeasure on the nature of the medicines with which the dirt was compounded,\nand accordingly much thought and skill were devoted to their selection and\npreparation. Foremost among the ingredients was a meteorite, burnt to a\ncinder and ground to powder. The effect of this powder, well mixed with\nthe dirt, and introduced into the orifices of the child\u2019s body by means of\nsmoke, is to close the anterior fontanelle of the baby\u2019s skull, to\nstrengthen the bones of that important part of his person, to communicate\nvigour to his mind and courage to his disposition, and in general to brace\nand harden his whole system with the strength and hardness of the\nmeteorite. Other ingredients which have a most beneficial effect are the\npowdered whiskers of a leopard, the claws of a lion, and the skin of a\nsalamander. The mode of administering the medicine is as follows. You set\nfire to the compound, and while it smoulders, you hold the infant, wrapt\nup in a blanket, over the burning mass so as to compel it to inhale the\nsmoke. To make sure of producing the desired effect, some of the powdered\nmedicine is mixed with the baby\u2019s food.(522) In like manner by holding the\nsmouldering feather of a vulture under a baby\u2019s nose you render the child\nvaliant and brave like a vulture, and if you do the same with a peacock\u2019s\nfeather, your offspring will be, like a peacock, impavid and never\ndismayed by thunder or other terrible noises.(523)\n\n(M129) It is now easy to understand why a savage should desire to partake\nof the flesh of an animal or man whom he regards as divine. By eating the\nbody of the god he shares in the god\u2019s attributes and powers. And when the\ngod is a corn-god, the corn is his proper body; when he is a vine-god, the\njuice of the grape is his blood; and so by eating the bread and drinking\nthe wine the worshipper partakes of the real body and blood of his god.\nThus the drinking of wine in the rites of a vine-god like Dionysus is not\nan act of revelry, it is a solemn sacrament.(524) Yet a time comes when\nreasonable men find it hard to understand how any one in his senses can\nsuppose that by eating bread or drinking wine he consumes the body or\nblood of a deity. \u201cWhen we call corn Ceres and wine Bacchus,\u201d says Cicero,\n\u201cwe use a common figure of speech; but do you imagine that anybody is so\ninsane as to believe that the thing he feeds upon is a god?\u201d(525) In\nwriting thus the Roman philosopher little foresaw that in Rome itself, and\nin the countries which have derived their creed from her, the belief which\nhe here stigmatises as insane was destined to persist for thousands of\nyears, as a cardinal doctrine of religion, among peoples who pride\nthemselves on their religious enlightenment by comparison with the blind\nsuperstitions of pagan antiquity. So little can even the greatest minds of\none generation foresee the devious track which the religious faith of\nmankind will pursue in after ages.\n\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER XIII. KILLING THE DIVINE ANIMAL.\n\n\n\n\n\u00a7 1. Killing the Sacred Buzzard.\n\n\n(M130) In the preceding chapters we saw that many communities which have\nprogressed so far as to subsist mainly by agriculture have been in the\nhabit of killing and eating their farinaceous deities either in their\nproper form of corn, rice, and so forth, or in the borrowed shapes of\nanimals and men. It remains to shew that hunting and pastoral tribes, as\nwell as agricultural peoples, have been in the habit of killing the beings\nwhom they worship. Among the worshipful beings or gods, if indeed they\ndeserve to be dignified by that name, whom hunters and shepherds adore and\nkill are animals pure and simple, not animals regarded as embodiments of\nother supernatural beings. Our first example is drawn from the Indians of\nCalifornia, who living in a fertile country(526) under a serene and\ntemperate sky, nevertheless rank near the bottom of the savage scale.\nWhere a stretch of iron-bound coast breaks the long line of level sands\nthat receive the rollers of the Pacific, there stood in former days, not\nfar from the brink of the great cliffs, the white mission-house of San\nJuan Capistrano. Among the monks who here exercised over a handful of\nwretched Indians the austere discipline of Catholic Spain, there was a\ncertain Father Geronimo Boscana who has bequeathed to us a precious record\nof the customs and superstitions of his savage flock. Thus he tells us\nthat the Acagchemem tribe adored the great buzzard, and that once a year\nthey celebrated a great festival called _Panes_ or bird-feast in its\nhonour. The day selected for the festival was made known to the public on\nthe evening before its celebration and preparations were at once made for\nthe erection of a special temple (_vanquech_), which seems to have been a\ncircular or oval enclosure of stakes with the stuffed skin of a coyote or\nprairie-wolf set up on a hurdle to represent the god Chinigchinich. When\nthe temple was ready, the bird was carried into it in solemn procession\nand laid on an altar erected for the purpose. Then all the young women,\nwhether married or single, began to run to and fro, as if distracted, some\nin one direction and some in another, while the elders of both sexes\nremained silent spectators of the scene, and the captains, tricked out in\npaint and feathers, danced round their adored bird. These ceremonies being\nconcluded, they seized upon the bird and carried it to the principal\ntemple, all the assembly uniting in the grand display, and the captains\ndancing and singing at the head of the procession. Arrived at the temple,\nthey killed the bird without losing a drop of its blood. The skin was\nremoved entire and preserved with the feathers as a relic or for the\npurpose of making the festal garment or _paelt_. The carcase was buried in\na hole in the temple, and the old women gathered round the grave weeping\nand moaning bitterly, while they threw various kinds of seeds or pieces of\nfood on it, crying out, \u201cWhy did you run away? Would you not have been\nbetter with us? you would have made _pinole_ (a kind of gruel) as we do,\nand if you had not run away, you would not have become a _Panes_,\u201d and so\non. When this ceremony was concluded, the dancing was resumed and kept up\nfor three days and nights. They said that the _Panes_ was a woman who had\nrun off to the mountains and there been changed into a bird by the god\nChinigchinich. They believed that though they sacrificed the bird\nannually, she came to life again and returned to her home in the\nmountains. Moreover they thought that \u201cas often as the bird was killed, it\nbecame multiplied; because every year all the different Capitanes\ncelebrated the same feast of _Panes_, and were firm in the opinion that\nthe birds sacrificed were but one and the same female.\u201d(527)\n\n(M131) The unity in multiplicity thus postulated by the Californians is\nvery noticeable and helps to explain their motive for killing the divine\nbird. The notion of the life of a species as distinct from that of an\nindividual, easy and obvious as it seems to us, appears to be one which\nthe Californian savage cannot grasp. He is unable to conceive the life of\nthe species otherwise than as an individual life, and therefore as exposed\nto the same dangers and calamities which menace and finally destroy the\nlife of the individual. Apparently he imagines that a species left to\nitself will grow old and die like an individual, and that therefore some\nstep must be taken to save from extinction the particular species which he\nregards as divine. The only means he can think of to avert the catastrophe\nis to kill a member of the species in whose veins the tide of life is\nstill running strong, and has not yet stagnated among the fens of old age.\nThe life thus diverted from one channel will flow, he fancies, more\nfreshly and freely in a new one; in other words, the slain animal will\nrevive and enter on a new term of life with all the spring and energy of\nyouth. To us this reasoning is transparently absurd, but so too is the\ncustom. If a better explanation, that is, one more consonant with the\nfacts and with the principles of savage thought, can be given of the\ncustom, I will willingly withdraw the one here proposed. A similar\nconfusion, it may be noted, between the individual life and the life of\nthe species was made by the Samoans. Each family had for its god a\nparticular species of animal; yet the death of one of these animals, for\nexample an owl, was not the death of the god, \u201che was supposed to be yet\nalive, and incarnate in all the owls in existence.\u201d(528)\n\n\n\n\n\u00a7 2. Killing the Sacred Ram.\n\n\n(M132) The rude Californian rite which we have just considered has a close\nparallel in the religion of ancient Egypt. The Thebans and all other\nEgyptians who worshipped the Theban god Ammon held rams to be sacred, and\nwould not sacrifice them. But once a year at the festival of Ammon they\nkilled a ram, skinned it, and clothed the image of the god in the skin.\nThen they mourned over the ram and buried it in a sacred tomb. The custom\nwas explained by a story that Zeus had once exhibited himself to Hercules\nclad in the fleece and wearing the head of a ram.(529) Of course the ram\nin this case was simply the beast-god of Thebes, as the wolf was the\nbeast-god of Lycopolis, and the goat was the beast-god of Mendes. In other\nwords, the ram was Ammon himself. On the monuments, it is true, Ammon\nappears in semi-human form with the body of a man and the head of a\nram.(530) But this only shews that he was in the usual chrysalis state\nthrough which beast-gods regularly pass before they emerge as full-blown\nanthropomorphic gods. The ram, therefore, was killed, not as a sacrifice\nto Ammon, but as the god himself, whose identity with the beast is plainly\nshewn by the custom of clothing his image in the skin of the slain ram.\nThe reason for thus killing the ram-god annually may have been that which\nI have assigned for the general custom of killing a god and for the\nspecial Californian custom of killing the divine buzzard. As applied to\nEgypt, this explanation is supported by the analogy of the bull-god Apis,\nwho was not suffered to outlive a certain term of years.(531) The\nintention of thus putting a limit to the life of the human god was, as I\nhave argued, to secure him from the weakness and frailty of age. The same\nreasoning would explain the custom\u2014probably an older one\u2014of putting the\nbeast-god to death annually, as was done with the ram of Thebes.\n\n(M133) One point in the Theban ritual\u2014the application of the skin to the\nimage of the god\u2014deserves particular attention. If the god was at first\nthe living ram, his representation by an image must have originated later.\nBut how did it originate? One answer to this question is perhaps furnished\nby the practice of preserving the skin of the animal which is slain as\ndivine. The Californians, as we have seen, preserved the skin of the\nbuzzard; and the skin of the goat, which is killed on the harvest-field as\na representative of the corn-spirit, is kept for various superstitious\npurposes.(532) The skin in fact was kept as a token or memorial of the\ngod, or rather as containing in it a part of the divine life, and it had\nonly to be stuffed or stretched upon a frame to become a regular image of\nhim. At first an image of this kind would be renewed annually,(533) the\nnew image being provided by the skin of the slain animal. But from annual\nimages to permanent images the transition is easy. We have seen that the\nolder custom of cutting a new May-tree every year was superseded by the\npractice of maintaining a permanent May-pole, which was, however, annually\ndecked with fresh leaves and flowers, and even surmounted each year by a\nfresh young tree.(534) Similarly when the stuffed skin, as a\nrepresentative of the god, was replaced by a permanent image of him in\nwood, stone, or metal, the permanent image was annually clad in the fresh\nskin of the slain animal. When this stage had been reached, the custom of\nkilling the ram came naturally to be interpreted as a sacrifice offered to\nthe image, and was explained by a story like that of Ammon and Hercules.\n\n\n\n\n\u00a7 3. Killing the Sacred Serpent.\n\n\n(M134) West Africa appears to furnish another example of the annual\nkilling of a sacred animal and the preservation of its skin. The negroes\nof Issapoo, in the island of Fernando Po, regard the cobra-capella as\ntheir guardian deity, who can do them good or ill, bestow riches or\ninflict disease and death. The skin of one of these reptiles is hung tail\ndownwards from a branch of the highest tree in the public square, and the\nplacing of it on the tree is an annual ceremony. As soon as the ceremony\nis over, all children born within the past year are carried out and their\nhands made to touch the tail of the serpent\u2019s skin.(535) The latter custom\nis clearly a way of placing the infants under the protection of the tribal\ngod. Similarly in Senegambia a python is expected to visit every child of\nthe Python clan within eight days after birth;(536) and the Psylli, a\nSnake clan of ancient Africa, used to expose their infants to snakes in\nthe belief that the snakes would not harm true-born children of the\nclan.(537)\n\n\n\n\n\u00a7 4. Killing the Sacred Turtles.\n\n\n(M135) In the Californian, Egyptian, and Fernando Po customs the animal\nslain may perhaps have been at some time or other a totem, but this is\nvery doubtful.(538) At all events, in all three cases the worship of the\nanimal seems to have no relation to agriculture, and may therefore be\npresumed to date from the hunting or pastoral stage of society. The same\nmay be said of the following custom, though the people who practise it\u2014the\nZuni Indians of New Mexico\u2014are now settled in walled villages or towns of\na peculiar type, and practise agriculture and the arts of pottery and\nweaving. But the Zuni custom is marked by certain features which appear to\nplace it in a somewhat different class from the preceding cases. It may be\nwell therefore to describe it at full length in the words of an\neye-witness.\n\n\u201cWith midsummer the heat became intense. My brother [_i.e._ adopted Indian\nbrother] and I sat, day after day, in the cool under-rooms of our\nhouse,\u2014the latter [_sic_] busy with his quaint forge and crude appliances,\nworking Mexican coins over into bangles, girdles, ear-rings, buttons, and\nwhat not, for savage ornament. Though his tools were wonderfully rude, the\nwork he turned out by dint of combined patience and ingenuity was\nremarkably beautiful. One day as I sat watching him, a procession of fifty\nmen went hastily down the hill, and off westward over the plain. They were\nsolemnly led by a painted and shell-bedecked priest, and followed by the\ntorch-bearing Shu-lu-wit-si, or God of Fire. After they had vanished, I\nasked old brother what it all meant.\n\n\u201c \u2018They are going,\u2019 said he, \u2018to the city of the Ka-ka and the home of our\nothers.\u2019\n\n(M136) \u201cFour days after, towards sunset, costumed and masked in the\nbeautiful paraphernalia of the Ka-k\u2019ok-shi, or \u2018Good Dance,\u2019 they returned\nin file up the same pathway, each bearing in his arms a basket filled with\nliving, squirming turtles, which he regarded and carried as tenderly as a\nmother would her infant. Some of the wretched reptiles were carefully\nwrapped in soft blankets, their heads and fore-feet protruding,\u2014and,\nmounted on the backs of the plume-bedecked pilgrims, made ludicrous but\nsolemn caricatures of little children in the same position. While I was at\nsupper upstairs that evening, the governor\u2019s brother-in-law came in. He\nwas welcomed by the family as if a messenger from heaven. He bore in his\ntremulous fingers one of the much abused and rebellious turtles. Paint\nstill adhered to his hands and bare feet, which led me to infer that he\nhad formed one of the sacred embassy.\n\n\u201c \u2018So you went to Ka-thlu-el-lon, did you?\u2019 I asked.\n\n\u201c \u2018E\u2019e,\u2019 replied the weary man, in a voice husky with long chanting, as he\nsank, almost exhausted, on a roll of skins which had been placed for him,\nand tenderly laid the turtle on the floor. No sooner did the creature find\nitself at liberty than it made off as fast as its lame legs would take it.\nOf one accord, the family forsook dish, spoon, and drinking-cup, and\ngrabbing from a sacred meal-bowl whole handfuls of the contents, hurriedly\nfollowed the turtle about the room, into dark corners, around water-jars,\nbehind the grinding-troughs, and out into the middle of the floor again,\npraying and scattering meal on its back as they went. At last, strange to\nsay, it approached the foot-sore man who had brought it.\n\n\u201c \u2018Ha!\u2019 he exclaimed with emotion; \u2018see it comes to me again; ah, what\ngreat favours the fathers of all grant me this day,\u2019 and, passing his hand\ngently over the sprawling animal, he inhaled from his palm deeply and\nlong, at the same time invoking the favour of the gods. Then he leaned his\nchin upon his hand, and with large, wistful eyes regarded his ugly captive\nas it sprawled about, blinking its meal-bedimmed eyes, and clawing the\nsmooth floor in memory of its native element. At this juncture I ventured\na question:\n\n\u201c \u2018Why do you not let him go, or give him some water?\u2019\n\n\u201cSlowly the man turned his eyes toward me, an odd mixture of pain,\nindignation, and pity on his face, while the worshipful family stared at\nme with holy horror.\n\n\u201c \u2018Poor younger brother!\u2019 he said at last, \u2018know you not how precious it\nis? It die? It will _not_ die; I tell you, it cannot die.\u2019\n\n\u201c \u2018But it will die if you don\u2019t feed it and give it water.\u2019\n\n(M137) \u201c \u2018I tell you it _cannot_ die; it will only change houses\nto-morrow, and go back to the home of its brothers. Ah, well! How should\n_you_ know?\u2019 he mused. Turning to the blinded turtle again: \u2018Ah! my poor\ndear lost child or parent, my sister or brother to have been! Who knows\nwhich? Maybe my own great-grandfather or mother!\u2019 And with this he fell to\nweeping most pathetically, and, tremulous with sobs, which were echoed by\nthe women and children, he buried his face in his hands. Filled with\nsympathy for his grief, however mistaken, I raised the turtle to my lips\nand kissed its cold shell; then depositing it on the floor, hastily left\nthe grief-stricken family to their sorrows. Next day, with prayers and\ntender beseechings, plumes, and offerings, the poor turtle was killed, and\nits flesh and bones were removed and deposited in the little river, that\nit might \u2018return once more to eternal life among its comrades in the dark\nwaters of the lake of the dead.\u2019 The shell, carefully scraped and dried,\nwas made into a dance-rattle, and, covered by a piece of buckskin, it\nstill hangs from the smoke-stained rafters of my brother\u2019s house. Once a\nNavajo tried to buy it for a ladle; loaded with indignant reproaches, he\nwas turned out of the house. Were any one to venture the suggestion that\nthe turtle no longer lived, his remark would cause a flood of tears, and\nhe would be reminded that it had only \u2018changed houses and gone to live for\never in the home of \u201cour lost others.\u201d \u2019 \u201d(539)\n\n(M138) In this custom we find expressed in the clearest way a belief in\nthe transmigration of human souls into the bodies of turtles.(540) The\ntheory of transmigration is held by the Moqui Indians, who belong to the\nsame race as the Zunis. The Moquis are divided into totem clans\u2014the Bear\nclan, Deer clan, Wolf clan, Hare clan, and so on; they believe that the\nancestors of the clans were bears, deer, wolves, hares, and so forth; and\nthat at death the members of each clan become bears, deer, and so on\naccording to the particular clan to which they belonged.(541) The Zuni are\nalso divided into clans, the totems of which agree closely with those of\nthe Moquis, and one of their totems is the turtle.(542) Thus their belief\nin transmigration into the turtle is probably one of the regular articles\nof their totem faith.(543) What then is the meaning of killing a turtle in\nwhich the soul of a kinsman is believed to be present? Apparently the\nobject is to keep up a communication with the other world in which the\nsouls of the departed are believed to be assembled in the form of turtles.\nIt is a common belief that the spirits of the dead return occasionally to\ntheir old homes; and accordingly the unseen visitors are welcomed and\nfeasted by the living, and then sent upon their way.(544) In the Zuni\nceremony the dead are fetched home in the form of turtles, and the killing\nof the turtles is the way of sending back the souls to the spirit-land.\nThus the general explanation given above of the custom of killing a god\nseems inapplicable to the Zuni custom, the true meaning of which is\nsomewhat obscure. Nor is the obscurity which hangs over the subject\nentirely dissipated by a later and fuller account which we possess of the\nceremony. From it we learn that the ceremony forms part of the elaborate\nritual which these Indians observe at the midsummer solstice for the\npurpose of ensuring an abundant supply of rain for the crops. Envoys are\ndespatched to bring \u201ctheir otherselves, the tortoises,\u201d from the sacred\nlake Kothluwalawa, to which the souls of the dead are believed to repair.\nWhen the creatures have thus been solemnly brought to Zuni, they are\nplaced in a bowl of water and dances are performed beside them by men in\ncostume, who personate gods and goddesses. \u201cAfter the ceremonial the\ntortoises are taken home by those who caught them and are hung by their\nnecks to the rafters till morning, when they are thrown into pots of\nboiling water. The eggs are considered a great delicacy. The meat is\nseldom touched except as a medicine, which is curative for cutaneous\ndiseases. Part of the meat is deposited in the river with _k\u00f3hakwa_ (white\nshell beads) and turquoise beads as offerings to Council of the\nGods.\u201d(545) This account at all events confirms the inference that the\ntortoises are supposed to be reincarnations of the human dead, for they\nare called the \u201cotherselves\u201d of the Zuni; indeed, what else should they be\nthan the souls of the dead in the bodies of tortoises seeing that they\ncome from the haunted lake? As the principal object of the prayers uttered\nand of the dances performed at these midsummer ceremonies appears to be to\nprocure rain for the crops, it may be that the intention of bringing the\ntortoises to Zuni and dancing before them is to intercede with the\nancestral spirits, incarnate in the animals, that they may be pleased to\nexert their power over the waters of heaven for the benefit of their\nliving descendants.\n\n\n\n\n\u00a7 5. Killing the Sacred Bear.\n\n\n(M139) Doubt also hangs at first sight over the meaning of the\nbear-sacrifice offered by the Aino or Ainu, a primitive people who are\nfound in the Japanese island of Yezo or Yesso, as well as in Saghalien and\nthe southern of the Kurile Islands. It is not quite easy to define the\nattitude of the Aino towards the bear. On the one hand they give it the\nname of _kamui_ or \u201cgod\u201d; but as they apply the same word to\nstrangers,(546) it may mean no more than a being supposed to be endowed\nwith superhuman, or at all events extraordinary, powers.(547) Again, it is\nsaid that \u201cthe bear is their chief divinity\u201d;(548) \u201cin the religion of the\nAino the bear plays a chief part\u201d;(549) \u201camongst the animals it is\nespecially the bear which receives an idolatrous veneration\u201d;(550) \u201cthey\nworship it after their fashion\u201d; \u201cthere is no doubt that this wild beast\ninspires more of the feeling which prompts worship than the inanimate\nforces of nature, and the Aino may be distinguished as\nbear-worshippers.\u201d(551) Yet, on the other hand, they kill the bear\nwhenever they can;(552) \u201cin bygone years the Ainu considered bear-hunting\nthe most manly and useful way in which a person could possibly spend his\ntime\u201d;(553) \u201cthe men spend the autumn, winter, and spring in hunting deer\nand bears. Part of their tribute or taxes is paid in skins, and they\nsubsist on the dried meat\u201d;(554) bear\u2019s flesh is indeed one of their\nstaple foods; they eat it both fresh and salted;(555) and the skins of\nbears furnish them with clothing.(556) In fact, the worship of which\nwriters on this subject speak appears to be paid chiefly to the dead\nanimal. Thus, although they kill a bear whenever they can, \u201cin the process\nof dissecting the carcass they endeavour to conciliate the deity, whose\nrepresentative they have slain, by making elaborate obeisances and\ndeprecatory salutations\u201d;(557) \u201cwhen a bear has been killed the Ainu sit\ndown and admire it, make their salaams to it, worship it, and offer\npresents of _inao_\u201d;(558) \u201cwhen a bear is trapped or wounded by an arrow,\nthe hunters go through an apologetic or propitiatory ceremony.\u201d(559) The\nskulls of slain bears receive a place of honour in their huts, or are set\nup on sacred posts outside the huts, and are treated with much respect:\nlibations of millet beer, and of _sake_, an intoxicating liquor, are\noffered to them; and they are addressed as \u201cdivine preservers\u201d\n(_akoshiratki kamui_), or \u201cprecious divinities.\u201d(560) The skulls of foxes\nare also fastened to the sacred posts outside the huts; they are regarded\nas charms against evil spirits, and are consulted as oracles.(561) Yet it\nis expressly said, \u201cThe live fox is revered just as little as the bear;\nrather they avoid it as much as possible, considering it a wily\nanimal.\u201d(562) The bear can hardly, therefore, be described as a sacred\nanimal of the Aino, nor yet as a totem; for they do not call themselves\nbears, and they kill and eat the animal freely. However, they have a\nlegend of a woman who had a son by a bear; and many of them who dwell in\nthe mountains pride themselves on being descended from a bear. Such people\nare called \u201cDescendants of the bear\u201d (_Kimun Kamui sanikiri_), and in the\npride of their heart they will say, \u201cAs for me, I am a child of the god of\nthe mountains; I am descended from the divine one who rules in the\nmountains,\u201d meaning by \u201cthe god of the mountains\u201d no other than the\nbear.(563) It is therefore possible that, as our principal authority, the\nRev. J. Batchelor, believes, the bear may have been the totem of an Aino\nclan; but even if that were so it would not explain the respect shewn for\nthe animal by the whole Aino people.\n\n(M140) But it is the bear-festival of the Aino which concerns us here.\nTowards the end of winter a bear cub is caught and brought into the\nvillage. If it is very small, it is suckled by an Aino woman, but should\nthere be no woman able to suckle it, the little animal is fed from the\nhand or the mouth. If it cries loudly and long for its mother, as it is\napt to do, its owner will take it to his bosom and let it sleep with him\nfor a few nights, thus dispelling its fears and sense of loneliness.\nDuring the day it plays about in the hut with the children and is treated\nwith great affection. But when the cub grows big enough to pain people by\nhugging or scratching them, he is shut up in a strong wooden cage, where\nhe stays generally for two or three years, fed on fish and millet\nporridge, till it is time for him to be killed and eaten.(564) But \u201cit is\na peculiarly striking fact that the young bear is not kept merely to\nfurnish a good meal; rather he is regarded and honoured as a fetish, or\neven as a sort of higher being.\u201d(565) In Yezo the festival is generally\ncelebrated in September or October. Before it takes place the Aino\napologise to their gods, alleging that they have treated the bear kindly\nas long as they could, now they can feed him no longer, and are obliged to\nkill him. A man who gives a bear-feast invites his relations and friends;\nin a small village nearly the whole community takes part in the feast;\nindeed, guests from distant villages are invited and generally come,\nallured by the prospect of getting drunk for nothing. The form of\ninvitation runs somewhat as follows: \u201cI, so and so, am about to sacrifice\nthe dear little divine thing who resides among the mountains. My friends\nand masters, come ye to the feast; we will then unite in the great\npleasure of sending the god away. Come.\u201d(566) When all the people are\nassembled in front of the cage, an orator chosen for the purpose addresses\nthe bear and tells it that they are about to send it forth to its\nancestors. He craves pardon for what they are about to do to it, hopes it\nwill not be angry, and comforts it by assuring the animal that many of the\nsacred whittled sticks (_inao_) and plenty of cakes and wine will be sent\nwith it on the long journey. One speech of this sort which Mr. Batchelor\nheard ran as follows: \u201cO thou divine one, thou wast sent into the world\nfor us to hunt. O thou precious little divinity, we worship thee; pray\nhear our prayer. We have nourished thee and brought thee up with a deal of\npains and trouble, all because we love thee so. Now, as thou hast grown\nbig, we are about to send thee to thy father and mother. When thou comest\nto them please speak well of us, and tell them how kind we have been;\nplease come to us again and we will sacrifice thee.\u201d Having been secured\nwith ropes, the bear is then let out of the cage and assailed with a\nshower of blunt arrows in order to rouse it to fury. When it has spent\nitself in vain struggles, it is tied up to a stake, gagged and strangled,\nits neck being placed between two poles, which are then violently\ncompressed, all the people eagerly helping to squeeze the animal to death.\nAn arrow is also discharged into the beast\u2019s heart by a good marksman, but\nso as not to shed blood, for they think that it would be very unlucky if\nany of the blood were to drip on the ground. However, the men sometimes\ndrink the warm blood of the bear \"that the courage and other virtues it\npossesses may pass into them\"; and sometimes they besmear themselves and\ntheir clothes with the blood in order to ensure success in hunting. When\nthe animal has been strangled to death, it is skinned and its head is cut\noff and set in the east window of the house, where a piece of its own\nflesh is placed under its snout, together with a cup of its own meat\nboiled, some millet dumplings, and dried fish. Prayers are then addressed\nto the dead animal; amongst other things it is sometimes invited, after\ngoing away to its father and mother, to return into the world in order\nthat it may again be reared for sacrifice. When the bear is supposed to\nhave finished eating its own flesh, the man who presides at the feast\ntakes the cup containing the boiled meat, salutes it, and divides the\ncontents between all the company present: every person, young and old\nalike, must taste a little. The cup is called \u201cthe cup of offering\u201d\nbecause it has just been offered to the dead bear. When the rest of the\nflesh has been cooked, it is shared out in like manner among all the\npeople, everybody partaking of at least a morsel; not to partake of the\nfeast would be equivalent to excommunication, it would be to place the\nrecreant outside the pale of Aino fellowship. Formerly every particle of\nthe bear, except the bones, had to be eaten up at the banquet, but this\nrule is now relaxed. The head, on being detached from the skin, is set up\non a long pole beside the sacred wands (_inao_) outside of the house,\nwhere it remains till nothing but the bare white skull is left. Skulls so\nset up are worshipped not only at the time of the festival, but very often\nas long as they last. The Aino assured Mr. Batchelor that they really do\nbelieve the spirits of the worshipful animals to reside in the skulls;\nthat is why they address them as \u201cdivine preservers\u201d and \u201cprecious\ndivinities.\u201d(567)\n\n(M141) The ceremony of killing the bear was witnessed by Dr. B. Scheube on\nthe tenth of August at Kunnui, which is a village on Volcano Bay in the\nisland of Yezo or Yesso. As his description of the rite contains some\ninteresting particulars not mentioned in the foregoing account, it may be\nworth while to summarise it.(568)\n\nOn entering the hut he found about thirty Aino present, men, women, and\nchildren, all dressed in their best. The master of the house first offered\na libation on the fireplace to the god of the fire, and the guests\nfollowed his example. Then a libation was offered to the house-god in his\nsacred corner of the hut. Meanwhile the housewife, who had nursed the\nbear, sat by herself, silent and sad, bursting now and then into tears.\nHer grief was obviously unaffected, and it deepened as the festival went\non. Next, the master of the house and some of the guests went out of the\nhut and offered libations before the bear\u2019s cage. A few drops were\npresented to the bear in a saucer, which he at once upset. Then the women\nand girls danced round the cage, their faces turned towards it, their\nknees slightly bent, rising and hopping on their toes. As they danced they\nclapped their hands and sang a monotonous song. The housewife and a few\nold women, who might have nursed many bears, danced tearfully, stretching\nout their arms to the bear, and addressing it in terms of endearment. The\nyoung folks were less affected; they laughed as well as sang. Disturbed by\nthe noise, the bear began to rush about his cage and howl lamentably. Next\nlibations were offered at the _inao (inabos)_ or sacred wands which stand\noutside of an Aino hut. These wands are about a couple of feet high, and\nare whittled at the top into spiral shavings.(569) Five new wands with\nbamboo leaves attached to them had been set up for the festival. This is\nregularly done when a bear is killed; the leaves mean that the animal may\ncome to life again. Then the bear was let out of his cage, a rope was\nthrown round his neck, and he was led about in the neighbourhood of the\nhut. While this was being done the men, headed by a chief, shot at the\nbeast with arrows tipped with wooden buttons. Dr. Scheube had to do so\nalso. Then the bear was taken before the sacred wands, a stick was put in\nhis mouth, nine men knelt on him and pressed his neck against a beam. In\nfive minutes the animal had expired without uttering a sound. Meantime the\nwomen and girls had taken post behind the men, where they danced,\nlamenting, and beating the men who were killing the bear. The bear\u2019s\ncarcase was next placed on the mat before the sacred wands; and a sword\nand quiver, taken from the wands, were hung round the beast\u2019s neck. Being\na she-bear, it was also adorned with a necklace and ear-rings. Then food\nand drink were offered to it, in the shape of millet-broth, millet-cakes,\nand a pot of _sake_. The men now sat down on mats before the dead bear,\noffered libations to it, and drank deep. Meanwhile the women and girls had\nlaid aside all marks of sorrow, and danced merrily, none more merrily than\nthe old women. When the mirth was at its height two young Aino, who had\nlet the bear out of his cage, mounted the roof of the hut and threw cakes\nof millet among the company, who all scrambled for them without\ndistinction of age or sex. The bear was next skinned and disembowelled,\nand the trunk severed from the head, to which the skin was left hanging.\nThe blood, caught in cups, was eagerly swallowed by the men. None of the\nwomen or children appeared to drink the blood, though custom did not\nforbid them to do so. The liver was cut in small pieces and eaten raw,\nwith salt, the women and children getting their share. The flesh and the\nrest of the vitals were taken into the house to be kept till the next day\nbut one, and then to be divided among the persons who had been present at\nthe feast. Blood and liver were offered to Dr. Scheube. While the bear was\nbeing disembowelled, the women and girls danced the same dance which they\nhad danced at the beginning\u2014not, however, round the cage, but in front of\nthe sacred wands. At this dance the old women, who had been merry a moment\nbefore, again shed tears freely. After the brain had been extracted from\nthe bear\u2019s head and swallowed with salt, the skull, detached from the\nskin, was hung on a pole beside the sacred wands. The stick with which the\nbear had been gagged was also fastened to the pole, and so were the sword\nand quiver which had been hung on the carcase. The latter were removed in\nabout an hour, but the rest remained standing. The whole company, men and\nwomen, danced noisily before the pole; and another drinking-bout, in which\nthe women joined, closed the festival.\n\n(M142) Perhaps the first published account of the bear-feast of the Aino\nis one which was given to the world by a Japanese writer in 1652. It has\nbeen translated into French and runs thus: \u201cWhen they find a young bear,\nthey bring it home, and the wife suckles it. When it is grown they feed it\nwith fish and fowl and kill it in winter for the sake of the liver, which\nthey esteem an antidote to poison, the worms, colic, and disorders of the\nstomach. It is of a very bitter taste, and is good for nothing if the bear\nhas been killed in summer. This butchery begins in the first Japanese\nmonth. For this purpose they put the animal\u2019s head between two long poles,\nwhich are squeezed together by fifty or sixty people, both men and women.\nWhen the bear is dead they eat his flesh, keep the liver as a medicine,\nand sell the skin, which is black and commonly six feet long, but the\nlongest measure twelve feet. As soon as he is skinned, the persons who\nnourished the beast begin to bewail him; afterwards they make little cakes\nto regale those who helped them.\u201d(570)\n\n(M143) The Aino of Saghalien rear bear cubs and kill them with similar\nceremonies. We are told that they do not look upon the bear as a god but\nonly as a messenger whom they despatch with various commissions to the god\nof the forest. The animal is kept for about two years in a cage, and then\nkilled at a festival, which always takes place in winter and at night. The\nday before the sacrifice is devoted to lamentation, old women relieving\neach other in the duty of weeping and groaning in front of the bear\u2019s\ncage. Then about the middle of the night or very early in the morning an\norator makes a long speech to the beast, reminding him how they have taken\ncare of him, and fed him well, and bathed him in the river, and made him\nwarm and comfortable. \u201cNow,\u201d he proceeds, \u201cwe are holding a great festival\nin your honour. Be not afraid. We will not hurt you. We will only kill you\nand send you to the god of the forest who loves you. We are about to offer\nyou a good dinner, the best you have ever eaten among us, and we will all\nweep for you together. The Aino who will kill you is the best shot among\nus. There he is, he weeps and asks your forgiveness; you will feel almost\nnothing, it will be done so quickly. We cannot feed you always, as you\nwill understand. We have done enough for you; it is now your turn to\nsacrifice yourself for us. You will ask God to send us, for the winter,\nplenty of otters and sables, and for the summer, seals and fish in\nabundance. Do not forget our messages, we love you much, and our children\nwill never forget you.\u201d When the bear has partaken of his last meal amid\nthe general emotion of the spectators, the old women weeping afresh and\nthe men uttering stifled cries, he is strapped, not without difficulty and\ndanger, and being let out of the cage is led on leash or dragged,\naccording to the state of his temper, thrice round his cage, then round\nhis master\u2019s house, and lastly round the house of the orator. Thereupon he\nis tied up to a tree, which is decked with sacred whittled sticks (_inao_)\nof the usual sort; and the orator again addresses him in a long harangue,\nwhich sometimes lasts till the day is beginning to break. \u201cRemember,\u201d he\ncries, \u201cremember! I remind you of your whole life and of the services we\nhave rendered you. It is now for you to do your duty. Do not forget what I\nhave asked of you. You will tell the gods to give us riches, that our\nhunters may return from the forest laden with rare furs and animals good\nto eat; that our fishers may find troops of seals on the shore and in the\nsea, and that their nets may crack under the weight of the fish. We have\nno hope but in you. The evil spirits laugh at us, and too often they are\nunfavourable and malignant to us, but they will bow before you. We have\ngiven you food and joy and health; now we kill you in order that you may\nin return send riches to us and to our children.\u201d To this discourse the\nbear, more and more surly and agitated, listens without conviction; round\nand round the tree he paces and howls lamentably, till, just as the first\nbeams of the rising sun light up the scene, an archer speeds an arrow to\nhis heart. No sooner has he done so, than the marksman throws away his bow\nand flings himself on the ground, and the old men and women do the same,\nweeping and sobbing. Then they offer the dead beast a repast of rice and\nwild potatoes, and having spoken to him in terms of pity and thanked him\nfor what he has done and suffered, they cut off his head and paws and keep\nthem as sacred things. A banquet on the flesh and blood of the bear\nfollows. Women were formerly excluded from it, but now they share with the\nmen. The blood is drunk warm by all present; the flesh is boiled, custom\nforbids it to be roasted. And as the relics of the bear may not enter the\nhouse by the door, and Aino houses in Saghalien have no windows, a man\ngets up on the roof and lets the flesh, the head, and the skin down\nthrough the smoke-hole. Rice and wild potatoes are then offered to the\nhead, and a pipe, tobacco, and matches are considerately placed beside it.\nCustom requires that the guests should eat up the whole animal before they\ndepart: the use of salt and pepper at the meal is forbidden; and no morsel\nof the flesh may be given to the dogs. When the banquet is over, the head\nis carried away into the depth of the forest and deposited on a heap of\nbears\u2019 skulls, the bleached and mouldering relics of similar festivals in\nthe past.(571)\n\n(M144) The Gilyaks, a Tunguzian people of Eastern Siberia,(572) hold a\nbear-festival of the same sort once a year in January. \u201cThe bear is the\nobject of the most refined solicitude of an entire village and plays the\nchief part in their religious ceremonies.\u201d(573) An old she-bear is shot\nand her cub is reared, but not suckled, in the village. When the bear is\nbig enough he is taken from his cage and dragged through the village. But\nfirst they lead him to the bank of the river, for this is believed to\nensure abundance of fish to each family. He is then taken into every house\nin the village, where fish, brandy, and so forth are offered to him. Some\npeople prostrate themselves before the beast. His entrance into a house is\nsupposed to bring a blessing; and if he snuffs at the food offered to him,\nthis also is a blessing. Nevertheless they tease and worry, poke and\ntickle the animal continually, so that he is surly and snappish.(574)\nAfter being thus taken to every house, he is tied to a peg and shot dead\nwith arrows. His head is then cut off, decked with shavings, and placed on\nthe table where the feast is set out. Here they beg pardon of the beast\nand worship him. Then his flesh is roasted and eaten in special vessels of\nwood finely carved. They do not eat the flesh raw nor drink the blood, as\nthe Aino do. The brain and entrails are eaten last; and the skull, still\ndecked with shavings, is placed on a tree near the house. Then the people\nsing and both sexes dance in ranks, as bears.(575)\n\n(M145) One of these bear-festivals was witnessed by the Russian traveller\nL. von Schrenck and his companions at the Gilyak village of Tebach in\nJanuary 1856. From his detailed report of the ceremony we may gather some\nparticulars which are not noticed in the briefer accounts which I have\njust summarised. The bear, he tells us, plays a great part in the life of\nall the peoples inhabiting the region of the Amoor and Siberia as far as\nKamtchatka, but among none of them is his importance greater than among\nthe Gilyaks. The immense size which the animal attains in the valley of\nthe Amoor, his ferocity whetted by hunger, and the frequency of his\nappearance, all combine to make him the most dreaded beast of prey in the\ncountry. No wonder, therefore, that the fancy of the Gilyaks is busied\nwith him and surrounds him, both in life and in death, with a sort of halo\nof superstitious fear. Thus, for example, it is thought that if a Gilyak\nfalls in combat with a bear, his soul transmigrates into the body of the\nbeast. Nevertheless his flesh has an irresistible attraction for the\nGilyak palate, especially when the animal has been kept in captivity for\nsome time and fattened on fish, which gives the flesh, in the opinion of\nthe Gilyaks, a peculiarly delicious flavour. But in order to enjoy this\ndainty with impunity they deem it needful to perform a long series of\nceremonies, of which the intention is to delude the living bear by a show\nof respect, and to appease the anger of the dead animal by the homage paid\nto his departed spirit. The marks of respect begin as soon as the beast is\ncaptured. He is brought home in triumph and kept in a cage, where all the\nvillagers take it in turns to feed him. For although he may have been\ncaptured or purchased by one man, he belongs in a manner to the whole\nvillage. His flesh will furnish a common feast, and hence all must\ncontribute to support him in his life. His diet consists exclusively of\nraw or dried fish, water, and a sort of porridge compounded of powdered\nfish-skins, train-oil, and whortle-berries. The length of time he is kept\nin captivity depends on his age. Old bears are kept only a few months;\ncubs are kept till they are full-grown. A thick layer of fat on the\ncaptive bear gives the signal for the festival, which is always held in\nwinter, generally in December but sometimes in January or February. At the\nfestival witnessed by the Russian travellers, which lasted a good many\ndays, three bears were killed and eaten. More than once the animals were\nled about in procession and compelled to enter every house in the village,\nwhere they were fed as a mark of honour, and to shew that they were\nwelcome guests. But before the beasts set out on this round of visits, the\nGilyaks played at skipping-rope in presence, and perhaps, as L. von\nSchrenck inclined to believe, in honour of the animals. The night before\nthey were killed, the three bears were led by moonlight a long way on the\nice of the frozen river. That night no one in the village might sleep.\nNext day, after the animals had been again led down the steep bank to the\nriver, and conducted thrice round the hole in the ice from which the women\nof the village drew their water, they were taken to an appointed place not\nfar from the village, and shot to death with arrows. The place of\nsacrifice or execution was marked as holy by being surrounded with\nwhittled sticks, from the tops of which shavings hung in curls. Such\nsticks are with the Gilyaks, as with the Aino, the regular symbols that\naccompany all religious ceremonies. Before the bears received the fatal\nshafts from two young men chosen for the purpose, the boys were allowed to\ndischarge their small but not always harmless arrows at the beasts. As\nsoon as the carcases had been cut up, the skins with the heads attached to\nthem were set up in a wooden cage in such a way as to make it appear that\nthe animals had entered the cage and were looking out of it. The blood\nwhich flowed from the bears on the spot where they were killed was\nimmediately covered up with snow, to prevent any one from accidentally\ntreading on it, a thing which was strictly tabooed.\n\n(M146) When the house has been arranged and decorated for their reception,\nthe skins of the bears, with their heads attached to them, are brought\ninto it, not however by the door, but through a window, and then hung on a\nsort of scaffold opposite the hearth on which the flesh is to be cooked.\nThis ceremony of bringing the bears\u2019 skins into the house by the window\nwas not witnessed by the Russian travellers, who only learned of it at\nsecond hand. They were told that when the thin disc of fish-skin, which is\nthe substitute for a pane of glass in the window, has been replaced after\nthe passage of the bear-skins, a figure of a toad made of birch bark is\naffixed to it on the outside, while inside the house a figure of a bear\ndressed in Gilyak costume is set on the bench of honour. The meaning of\nthis part of the ceremony, as it is conjecturally interpreted by Von\nSchrenck, may be as follows. The toad is a creature that has a very evil\nreputation with the Gilyaks, and accordingly they attempt to lay upon it,\nas on a scapegoat, the guilt of the slaughter of the worshipful bear.\nHence its effigy is excluded from the house and has to remain outside at\nthe window, a witness of its own misdeeds; whereas the bear is brought\ninto the house and treated as an honoured guest, for fish and flesh are\nlaid before it, and its effigy, dressed in Gilyak costume, is seated on\nthe bench of honour.\n\n(M147) The boiling of the bears\u2019 flesh among the Gilyaks is done only by\nthe oldest men, whose high privilege it is; women and children, young men\nand boys have no part in it. The task is performed slowly and\ndeliberately, with a certain solemnity. On the occasion described by the\nRussian travellers the kettle was first of all surrounded with a thick\nwreath of shavings, and then filled with snow, for the use of water to\ncook bear\u2019s flesh is forbidden. Meanwhile a large wooden trough, richly\nadorned with arabesques and carvings of all sorts, was hung immediately\nunder the snouts of the bears; on one side of the trough was carved in\nrelief a bear, on the other side a toad. When the carcases were being cut\nup, each leg was laid on the ground in front of the bears, as if to ask\ntheir leave, before being placed in the kettle; and the boiled flesh was\nfished out of the kettle with an iron hook, and set in the trough before\nthe bears, in order that they might be the first to taste of their own\nflesh. As fast, too, as the fat was cut in strips it was hung up in front\nof the bears, and afterwards laid in a small wooden trough on the ground\nbefore them. Last of all the inner organs of the beasts were cut up and\nplaced in small vessels. At the same time the women made bandages out of\nparti-coloured rags, and after sunset these bandages were tied round the\nbears\u2019 snouts just below the eyes \u201cin order to dry the tears that flowed\nfrom them.\u201d To each bandage, just below the eyes, was attached a figure of\na toad cut out of birch bark. The meaning of this appears to be, as Von\nSchrenck conjectured, as follows. With the carving of his inner organs,\nthe heart, liver, and so forth, the bear sees that his fate is sealed, and\nsheds some natural tears at his hard lot. These tears trickle down his\nsnout over the figure of the toad, which the poor deluded bear accordingly\nregards as the author of all the mischief. For he cannot blame the\nGilyaks, who have treated him so kindly. Have they not received him as a\nguest in their house, set him on the seat of honour, given him of their\nbest, and done nothing but with his knowledge and permission? Finally,\nhave not their women shewn him the last delicate mark of attention by\ndrying the tears that flow from his eyes and trickle down his nose? Surely\nthen he cannot think that these kindly folk have done him any harm; it was\nall the fault of the unprincipled toad.\n\n(M148) Whatever may be thought of this explanation, as soon as the\nceremony of wiping away poor bruin\u2019s tears had been performed, the\nassembled Gilyaks set to work in earnest to devour his flesh. The broth\nobtained by boiling the meat had already been partaken of. The wooden\nbowls, platters, and spoons out of which the Gilyaks eat the broth and\nflesh of the bears on these occasions are always made specially for the\npurpose at the festival and only then; they are elaborately ornamented\nwith carved figures of bears and other devices that refer to the animal or\nthe festival, and the people have a strong superstitious scruple against\nparting with them. While the festival lasts, no salt may be used in\ncooking the bear\u2019s flesh or indeed any other food; and no flesh of any\nkind may be roasted, for the bear would hear the hissing and sputtering of\nthe roasting flesh, and would be very angry. After the bones had been\npicked clean they were put back in the kettle in which the flesh had been\nboiled. And when the festal meal was over, an old man took his stand at\nthe door of the house with a branch of fir in his hand, with which, as the\npeople passed out, he gave a light blow to every one who had eaten of the\nbear\u2019s flesh or fat, perhaps as a punishment for their treatment of the\nworshipful animal. In the afternoon of the same day the women performed a\nstrange dance. Only one woman danced at a time, throwing the upper part of\nher body into the oddest postures, while she held in her hands a branch of\nfir or a kind of wooden castanets. The other women meanwhile played an\naccompaniment in a peculiar rhythm by drumming on the beams of the house\nwith clubs. The dance reminded one of the Russian travellers of the\nbear-dance which he had seen danced by the women of Kamtchatka. Von\nSchrenck believes, though he has not positive evidence, that after the fat\nand flesh of the bear have been consumed, his skull is cleft with an axe,\nand the brain taken out and eaten. Then the bones and the skull are\nsolemnly carried out by the oldest people to a place in the forest not far\nfrom the village. There all the bones except the skull are buried. After\nthat a young tree is felled a few inches above the ground, its stump\ncleft, and the skull wedged into the cleft. When the grass grows over the\nspot, the skull disappears from view, and that is the end of the\nbear.(576)\n\n(M149) Another description of the bear-festivals of the Gilyaks has been\ngiven us by Mr. Leo Sternberg.(577) It agrees substantially with the\nforegoing accounts, but a few particulars in it may be noted. According to\nMr. Sternberg, the festival is usually held in honour of a deceased\nrelation: the next of kin either buys or catches a bear cub and nurtures\nit for two or three years till it is ready for the sacrifice. Only certain\ndistinguished guests (_Narch-en_) are privileged to partake of the bear\u2019s\nflesh, but the host and members of his clan eat a broth made from the\nflesh; great quantities of this broth are prepared and consumed on the\noccasion. The guests of honour (_Narch-en_) must belong to the clan into\nwhich the host\u2019s daughters and the other women of his clan are married:\none of these guests, usually the host\u2019s son-in-law, is entrusted with the\nduty of shooting the bear dead with an arrow. The skin, head, and flesh of\nthe slain bear are brought into the house not through the door but through\nthe smoke-hole; a quiver full of arrows is laid under the head and beside\nit are deposited tobacco, sugar, and other food. The soul of the bear is\nsupposed to carry off the souls of these things with it on the far\njourney. A special vessel is used for cooking the bear\u2019s flesh, and the\nfire must be kindled by a sacred apparatus of flint and steel, which\nbelongs to the clan and is handed down from generation to generation, but\nwhich is never used to light fires except on these solemn occasions. Of\nall the many viands cooked for the consumption of the assembled people a\nportion is placed in a special vessel and set before the bear\u2019s head: this\nis called \u201cfeeding the head.\u201d After the bear has been killed, dogs are\nsacrificed in couples of male and female. Before being throttled, they are\nfed and invited to go to their lord on the highest mountain, to change\ntheir skins, and to return next year in the form of bears. The soul of the\ndead bear departs to the same lord, who is also lord of the primaeval\nforest; it goes away laden with the offerings that have been made to it,\nand attended by the souls of the dogs and also by the souls of the sacred\nwhittled sticks, which figure prominently at the festival.\n\n(M150) The Goldi, neighbours of the Gilyaks, treat the bear in much the\nsame way. They hunt and kill it; but sometimes they capture a live bear\nand keep him in a cage, feeding him well and calling him their son and\nbrother. Then at a great festival he is taken from his cage, paraded about\nwith marked consideration, and afterwards killed and eaten. \u201cThe skull,\njaw-bones, and ears are then suspended on a tree, as an antidote against\nevil spirits; but the flesh is eaten and much relished, for they believe\nthat all who partake of it acquire a zest for the chase, and become\ncourageous.\u201d(578)\n\n(M151) The Orotchis, another Tunguzian people of the region of the Amoor,\nhold bear-festivals of the same general character. Any one who catches a\nbear cub considers it his bounden duty to rear it in a cage for about\nthree years, in order at the end of that time to kill it publicly and eat\nthe flesh with his friends. The feasts being public, though organised by\nindividuals, the people try to have one in each Orotchi village every year\nin turn. When the bear is taken out of his cage, he is led about by means\nof ropes to all the huts, accompanied by people armed with lances, bows,\nand arrows. At each hut the bear and bear-leaders are treated to something\ngood to eat and drink. This goes on for several days until all the huts,\nnot only in that village but also in the next, have been visited. The days\nare given up to sport and noisy jollity. Then the bear is tied to a tree\nor wooden pillar and shot to death by the arrows of the crowd, after which\nits flesh is roasted and eaten. Among the Orotchis of the Tundja River\nwomen take part in the bear-feasts, while among the Orotchis of the River\nVi the women will not even touch bear\u2019s flesh.(579)\n\n(M152) In the treatment of the captive bear by these tribes there are\nfeatures which can hardly be distinguished from worship. Such, for\nexample, are the prayers offered to it both alive and dead; the offerings\nof food, including portions of its own flesh, laid before the animal\u2019s\nskull; and the Gilyak custom of leading the living beast on to the ice of\nthe river in order to ensure a supply of fish, and of conducting him from\nhouse to house in order that every family may receive his blessing, just\nas in Europe a May-tree or a personal representative of the tree-spirit\nused to be taken from door to door in spring for the sake of diffusing\namong all and sundry the fresh energies of reviving nature.(580) Again,\nthe solemn participation in his flesh and blood, and particularly the Aino\ncustom of sharing the contents of the cup which had been consecrated by\nbeing set before the dead beast, are strongly suggestive of a sacrament,\nand the suggestion is confirmed by the Gilyak practice of reserving\nspecial vessels to hold the flesh and cooking it on a fire kindled by a\nsacred apparatus which is never employed except on these religious\noccasions. Indeed our principal authority on Aino religion, the Rev. John\nBatchelor, frankly describes as worship the ceremonious respect which the\nAino pay to the bear,(581) and he affirms that the animal is undoubtedly\none of their gods.(582) Certainly the Aino appear to apply their name for\ngod (_kamui_) freely to the bear; but, as Mr. Batchelor himself points\nout,(583) that word is used with many different shades of meaning and is\napplied to a great variety of objects, so that from its application to the\nbear we cannot safely argue that the animal is actually regarded as a\ndeity. Indeed we are expressly told that the Aino of Saghalien do not\nconsider the bear to be a god but only a messenger to the gods, and the\nmessage with which they charge the animal at its death bears out the\nstatement.(584) Apparently the Gilyaks also look on the bear in the light\nof an envoy despatched with presents to the Lord of the Mountain, on whom\nthe welfare of the people depends. At the same time they treat the animal\nas a being of a higher order than man, in fact as a minor deity, whose\npresence in the village, so long as he is kept and fed, diffuses\nblessings, especially by keeping at bay the swarms of evil spirits who are\nconstantly lying in wait for people, stealing their goods and destroying\ntheir bodies by sickness and disease. Moreover, by partaking of the flesh,\nblood, or broth of the bear, the Gilyaks, the Aino, and the Goldi are all\nof opinion that they acquire some portion of the animal\u2019s mighty powers,\nparticularly his courage and strength. No wonder, therefore, that they\nshould treat so great a benefactor with marks of the highest respect and\naffection.(585)\n\n(M153) Some light may be thrown on the ambiguous attitude of the Aino to\nbears by comparing the similar treatment which they accord to other\ncreatures. For example, they regard the eagle-owl as a good deity who by\nhis hooting warns men of threatened evil and defends them against it;\nhence he is loved, trusted, and devoutly worshipped as a divine mediator\nbetween men and the Creator. The various names applied to him are\nsignificant both of his divinity and of his mediatorship. Whenever an\nopportunity offers, one of these divine birds is captured and kept in a\ncage, where he is greeted with the endearing titles of \u201cBeloved god\u201d and\n\u201cDear little divinity.\u201d Nevertheless the time comes when the dear little\ndivinity is throttled and sent away in his capacity of mediator to take a\nmessage to the superior gods or to the Creator himself. The following is\nthe form of prayer addressed to the eagle-owl when it is about to be\nsacrificed: \u201cBeloved deity, we have brought you up because we loved you,\nand now we are about to send you to your father. We herewith offer you\nfood, _inao_, wine, and cakes; take them to your parent, and he will be\nvery pleased. When you come to him say, \u2018I have lived a long time among\nthe Ainu, where an Ainu father and an Ainu mother reared me. I now come to\nthee. I have brought a variety of good things. I saw while living in\nAinu-land a great deal of distress. I observed that some of the people\nwere possessed by demons, some were wounded by wild animals, some were\nhurt by landslides, others suffered shipwreck, and many were attacked by\ndisease. The people are in great straits. My father, hear me, and hasten\nto look upon the Ainu and help them.\u2019 If you do this, your father will\nhelp us.\u201d(586)\n\n(M154) Again, the Aino keep eagles in cages, worship them as divinities,\nand ask them to defend the people from evil. Yet they offer the bird in\nsacrifice, and when they are about to do so they pray to him, saying: \u201cO\nprecious divinity, O thou divine bird, pray listen to my words. Thou dost\nnot belong to this world, for thy home is with the Creator and his golden\neagles. This being so, I present thee with these _inao_ and cakes and\nother precious things. Do thou ride upon the _inao_ and ascend to thy home\nin the glorious heavens. When thou arrivest, assemble the deities of thy\nown kind together and thank them for us for having governed the world. Do\nthou come again, I beseech thee, and rule over us. O my precious one, go\nthou quietly.\u201d(587) Once more, the Aino revere hawks, keep them in cages,\nand offer them in sacrifice. At the time of killing one of them the\nfollowing prayer should be addressed to the bird: \u201cO divine hawk, thou art\nan expert hunter, please cause thy cleverness to descend on me.\u201d If a hawk\nis well treated in captivity and prayed to after this fashion when he is\nabout to be killed, he will surely send help to the hunter.(588)\n\n(M155) Thus the Aino hopes to profit in various ways by slaughtering the\ncreatures, which, nevertheless, he treats as divine. He expects them to\ncarry messages for him to their kindred or to the gods in the upper world;\nhe hopes to partake of their virtues by imbibing parts of their bodies or\nin other ways; and apparently he looks forward to their bodily\nresurrection in this world, which will enable him again to catch and kill\nthem, and again to reap all the benefits which he has already derived from\ntheir slaughter. For in the prayers addressed to the worshipful bear and\nthe worshipful eagle before they are knocked on the head the creatures are\ninvited to come again,(589) which seems clearly to point to a faith in\ntheir future resurrection. If any doubt could exist on this head, it would\nbe dispelled by the evidence of Mr. Batchelor, who tells us that the Aino\n\u201care firmly convinced that the spirits of birds and animals killed in\nhunting or offered in sacrifice come and live again upon the earth clothed\nwith a body; and they believe, further, that they appear here for the\nspecial benefit of men, particularly Ainu hunters.\u201d(590) The Aino, Mr.\nBatchelor tells us, \u201cconfessedly slays and eats the beast that another may\ncome in its place and be treated in like manner\u201d; and at the time of\nsacrificing the creatures \u201cprayers are said to them which form a request\nthat they will come again and furnish viands for another feast, as if it\nwere an honour to them to be thus killed and eaten, and a pleasure as\nwell. Indeed such is the people\u2019s idea.\u201d(591) These last observations, as\nthe context shews, refer especially to the sacrifice of bears.\n\n(M156) Thus among the benefits which the Aino anticipates from the\nslaughter of the worshipful animals not the least substantial is that of\ngorging himself on their flesh and blood, both on the present and on many\na similar occasion hereafter; and that pleasing prospect again is derived\nfrom his firm faith in the spiritual immortality and bodily resurrection\nof the dead animals. A like faith is shared by many savage hunters in many\nparts of the world and has given rise to a variety of quaint customs, some\nof which will be described presently. Meantime it is not unimportant to\nobserve that the solemn festivals at which the Aino, the Gilyaks, and\nother tribes slaughter the tame caged bears with demonstrations of respect\nand sorrow, are probably nothing but an extension or glorification of\nsimilar rites which the hunter performs over any wild bear which he\nchances to kill in the forest. Indeed with regard to the Gilyaks we are\nexpressly informed that this is the case. If we would understand the\nmeaning of the Gilyak ritual, says Mr. Sternberg, \u201cwe must above all\nremember that the bear-festivals are not, as is usually but falsely\nassumed, celebrated only at the killing of a house-bear but are held on\nevery occasion when a Gilyak succeeds in slaughtering a bear in the chase.\nIt is true that in such cases the festival assumes less imposing\ndimensions, but in its essence it remains the same. When the head and skin\nof a bear killed in the forest are brought into the village, they are\naccorded a triumphal reception with music and solemn ceremonial. The head\nis laid on a consecrated scaffold, fed, and treated with offerings, just\nas at the killing of a house-bear; and the guests of honour (_Narch-en_)\nare also assembled. So, too, dogs are sacrificed, and the bones of the\nbear are preserved in the same place and with the same marks of respect as\nthe bones of a house-bear. Hence the great winter festival is only an\nextension of the rite which is observed at the slaughter of every\nbear.\u201d(592)\n\n(M157) Thus the apparent contradiction in the practice of these tribes,\nwho venerate and almost deify the animals which they habitually hunt,\nkill, and eat, is not so flagrant as at first sight it appears to us: the\npeople have reasons, and some very practical reasons, for acting as they\ndo. For the savage is by no means so illogical and unpractical as to\nsuperficial observers he is apt to seem; he has thought deeply on the\nquestions which immediately concern him, he reasons about them, and though\nhis conclusions often diverge very widely from ours, we ought not to deny\nhim the credit of patient and prolonged meditation on some fundamental\nproblems of human existence. In the present case, if he treats bears in\ngeneral as creatures wholly subservient to human needs and yet singles out\ncertain individuals of the species for homage which almost amounts to\ndeification, we must not hastily set him down as irrational and\ninconsistent, but must endeavour to place ourselves at his point of view,\nto see things as he sees them, and to divest ourselves of the\nprepossessions which tinge so deeply our own views of the world. If we do\nso, we shall probably discover that, however absurd his conduct may appear\nto us, the savage nevertheless generally acts on a train of reasoning\nwhich seems to him in harmony with the facts of his limited experience.\nThis I propose to illustrate in the following chapter, where I shall\nattempt to shew that the solemn ceremonial of the bear-festival among the\nAinos and other tribes of north-eastern Asia is only a particularly\nstriking example of the respect which on the principles of his rude\nphilosophy the savage habitually pays to the animals which he kills and\neats.\n\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER XIV. THE PROPITIATION OF WILD ANIMALS BY HUNTERS.\n\n\n(M158) The explanation of life by the theory of an indwelling and\npractically immortal soul is one which the savage does not confine to\nhuman beings but extends to the animate creation in general. In so doing\nhe is more liberal and perhaps more logical than the civilised man, who\ncommonly denies to animals that privilege of immortality which he claims\nfor himself. The savage is not so proud; he commonly believes that animals\nare endowed with feelings and intelligence like those of men, and that,\nlike men, they possess souls which survive the death of their bodies\neither to wander about as disembodied spirits or to be born again in\nanimal form. Thus, for example, we are told that the Indian of Guiana does\nnot see \u201cany sharp line of distinction, such as we see, between man and\nother animals, between one kind of animal and another, or between\nanimals\u2014man included\u2014and inanimate objects. On the contrary, to the\nIndian, all objects, animate and inanimate, seem exactly of the same\nnature except that they differ in the accident of bodily form. Every\nobject in the whole world is a being, consisting of a body and spirit, and\ndiffers from every other object in no respect except that of bodily form,\nand in the greater or less degree of brute power and brute cunning\nconsequent on the difference of bodily form and bodily habits.\u201d(593)\nSimilarly we read that \u201cin Cherokee mythology, as in that of Indian tribes\ngenerally, there is no essential difference between men and animals. In\nthe primal genesis period they seem to be completely undifferentiated, and\nwe find all creatures alike living and working together in harmony and\nmutual helpfulness until man, by his aggressiveness and disregard for the\nrights of the others, provokes their hostility, when insects, birds,\nfishes, reptiles, and fourfooted beasts join forces against him.\nHenceforth their lives are apart, but the difference is always one of\ndegree only. The animals, like the people, are organized into tribes and\nhave like them their chiefs and townhouses, their councils and ballplays,\nand the same hereafter in the Darkening land of Usunhiyi. Man is still the\nparamount power, and hunts and slaughters the others as his own\nnecessities compel, but is obliged to satisfy the animal tribes in every\ninstance, very much as a murder is compounded for, according to the Indian\nsystem, by \u2018covering the bones of the dead\u2019 with presents for the bereaved\nrelatives.\u201d(594) To the same effect another observer of the North American\nIndians writes: \u201cI have often reflected on the curious connexion which\nappears to subsist in the mind of an Indian between man and the brute\ncreation, and found much matter in it for curious observation. Although\nthey consider themselves superior to all other animals and are very proud\nof that superiority; although they believe that the beasts of the forest,\nthe birds of the air, and the fishes of the waters, were created by the\nAlmighty Being for the use of man; yet it seems as if they ascribe the\ndifference between themselves and the brute kind, and the dominion which\nthey have over them, more to their superior bodily strength and dexterity\nthan to their immortal souls. All beings endowed by the Creator with the\npower of volition and self-motion, they view in a manner as a great\nsociety of which they are the head, whom they are appointed, indeed, to\ngovern, but between whom and themselves intimate ties of connexion and\nrelationship may exist, or at least did exist in the beginning of time.\nThey are, in fact, according to their opinions, only the first among\nequals, the legitimate hereditary sovereigns of the whole animated race,\nof which they are themselves a constituent part. Hence, in their\nlanguages, those inflections of their nouns which we call _genders_, are\nnot, as with us, descriptive of the _masculine_ and _feminine_ species,\nbut of the _animate_ and _inanimate_ kinds. Indeed, they go so far as to\ninclude trees and plants within the first of these descriptions. All\nanimated nature, in whatever degree, is in their eyes a great whole, from\nwhich they have not yet ventured to separate themselves. They do not\nexclude other animals from their world of spirits, the place to which they\nexpect to go after death.\u201d(595) Even Chinese authors \u201chave roundly avowed\nthemselves altogether unable to discover any real difference between men\nand animals,\u201d and they have drawn out the parallelism between the two in\nsome detail.(596)\n\n(M159) But it is not merely between the mental and spiritual nature of man\nand the animals that the savage traces a close resemblance; even the\ndistinction of their bodily form appears sometimes to elude his dull\napprehension. An unusually intelligent Bushman questioned by a missionary\n\u201ccould not state any difference between a man and a brute\u2014he did not know\nbut a buffalo might shoot with bows and arrows as well as a man, if it had\nthem.\u201d(597) In the opinion of the Gilyak, \u201cthe form and size of an animal\nare merely a sort of appearance. Every animal is in point of fact a real\nbeing like man, nay a Gilyak such as himself, but endowed with reason and\nstrength which often surpass those of mere men.\u201d(598) Nor is it merely\nthat in the mental fog the savage takes beasts for men; he seems to be\nnearly as ready to take himself and his fellows for beasts. When the\nRussians first landed on one of the Alaskan islands the people took them\nfor cuttle-fish, \u201con account of the buttons on their clothes.\u201d(599) We\nhave seen how some savages identify themselves with animals of various\nsorts by eating the maggots bred in the rotting carcases of the beasts,\nand how thereafter, when occasion serves, they behave in their adopted\ncharacters by wriggling, roaring, barking, or grunting, according as they\nhappen to be boa-constrictors, lions, jackals, or hippopotamuses.(600) In\nthe island of Mabuiag men of the Sam, that is, the Cassowary, totem think\nthat cassowaries are men or nearly so. \u201cSam he all same as relation, he\nbelong same family,\u201d is the account they give of their kinship with the\ncreature. Conversely they hold that they themselves are cassowaries, or at\nall events that they possess some of the qualities of the long-legged\nbird. When a Cassowary man went forth to reap laurels on the field of\nbattle, he used to reflect with satisfaction on the length of his lower\nlimbs: \u201cMy leg is long and thin, I can run and not feel tired; my legs\nwill go quickly and the grass will not entangle them.\u201d(601) Omaha Indians\nbelieve that between a man and the creature which is his guardian spirit\nthere subsists so close a bond that the man acquires the powers and\nqualities, the virtues and defects of the animal. Thus if a man has seen a\nbear in that vision at puberty which determines an Indian\u2019s guardian\nspirit, he will be apt to be wounded in battle, because the bear is a slow\nand clumsy animal and easily trapped. If he has dreamed of an eagle, he\nwill be able to see into the future and foretell coming events, because\nthe eagle\u2019s vision is keen and piercing.(602) Similarly, the Thompson\nIndians of British Columbia imagined that every man partook of the nature\nof the animal which was his guardian spirit; for example, a man who had\nthe grisly bear for his protector would prove a much fiercer warrior than\none who had only a crow, a coyote, or a fox for his guardian spirit. And\nbefore they set out on the war-path these Indians used to perform a mimic\nbattle, in which each man, tricked out with paint and feathers, imitated\nthe sounds of the animal that was his guardian spirit, grunting and\nwhooping in character.(603) The Bororos, a tribe of Indians in the heart\nof Brazil, will have it that they are parrots of a gorgeous red plumage\nwhich live in the Brazilian forest. It is not merely that their souls will\npass into these birds at death, but they themselves are actually identical\nwith them in their life, and accordingly they treat the parrots as they\nmight treat their fellow-tribesmen, keeping them in captivity, refusing to\neat their flesh, and mourning for them when they die. However, they kill\nthe wild birds for their feathers, and, though they will not kill, they\npluck the tame ones to deck their own naked brown bodies with the gaudy\nplumage of their feathered brethren.(604)\n\n(M160) Thus to the savage, who regards all living creatures as practically\non a footing of equality with man, the act of killing and eating an animal\nmust wear a very different aspect from that which the same act presents to\nus, who regard the intelligence of animals as far inferior to our own and\ndeny them the possession of immortal souls. Hence on the principles of his\nrude philosophy the primitive hunter who slays an animal believes himself\nexposed to the vengeance either of its disembodied spirit or of all the\nother animals of the same species, whom he considers as knit together,\nlike men, by the ties of kin and the obligations of the blood feud, and\ntherefore as bound to resent the injury done to one of their number.\nAccordingly the savage makes it a rule to spare the life of those animals\nwhich he has no pressing motive for killing, at least such fierce and\ndangerous animals as are likely to exact a bloody vengeance for the\nslaughter of one of their kind. Crocodiles are animals of this sort. They\nare only found in hot countries, where, as a rule, food is abundant and\nprimitive man has therefore little reason to kill them for the sake of\ntheir tough and unpalatable flesh.(605) Hence it is a custom with some\nsavages to spare crocodiles, or rather only to kill them in obedience to\nthe law of blood feud, that is, as a retaliation for the slaughter of men\nby crocodiles. For example, the Dyaks of Borneo will not kill a crocodile\nunless a crocodile has first killed a man. \u201cFor why, say they, should they\ncommit an act of aggression, when he and his kindred can so easily repay\nthem? But should the alligator take a human life, revenge becomes a sacred\nduty of the living relatives, who will trap the man-eater in the spirit of\nan officer of justice pursuing a criminal. Others, even then, hang back,\nreluctant to embroil themselves in a quarrel which does not concern them.\nThe man-eating alligator is supposed to be pursued by a righteous Nemesis;\nand whenever one is caught they have a profound conviction that it must be\nthe guilty one, or his accomplice.\u201d(606)\n\n(M161) When a Dyak has made up his mind to take vengeance on the\ncrocodiles for the death of a kinsman, he calls in the help of a\nPangareran, a man whose business it is to charm and catch crocodiles and\nto make them do his will. While he is engaged in the discharge of his\nprofessional duties the crocodile-catcher has to observe a number of odd\nrules. He may not go to anybody and may not even pass in front of a\nwindow, because he is unclean. He may not himself cook anything nor come\nnear a fire. If he would eat fruit, he may not peel or husk it himself,\nbut must get others to do it for him. He may not even chew his food, but\nis obliged to swallow it unchewed. A little hut is made for him on the\nbank of the river, where he uses divination by means of the figure of a\ncrocodile drawn on a piece of bamboo for the purpose of determining\nwhether his undertaking will prosper. The boat in which he embarks to\ncatch the wicked man-eating crocodile must be painted yellow and red, and\nin the middle of it lances are erected with the points upward. Then the\nman of skill casts lots to discover whether the hook is to be baited with\npork, or venison, or the flesh of a dog or an ass. In throwing the baited\nhook into the water he calls out: \u201cYe crocodiles who are up stream, come\ndown; and ye crocodiles who are down stream, come up; for I will give you\nall good food, as sweet as sugar and as fat as coco-nut. I will give you a\npretty and beautiful necklace. When you have got it, keep it in your neck\nand body, for this food is very _pahuni_,\u201d which means that it would be\nsinful not to eat it. If a crocodile bites at the hook, the\ncrocodile-catcher bawls out, \u201cChoose a place for yourself where you will\nlie; for many men are come to see you. They are come joyfully and\nexultingly, and they give you a knife, a lance, and a shroud.\u201d If the\ncrocodile is a female, he addresses her as \u201cPrincess\u201d; if it is a male, he\ncalls it \u201cPrince.\u201d The enchanter, who is generally a cunning Malay, must\ncontinue his operations till he catches a crocodile in which traces are to\nbe found shewing that the animal has indeed devoured a human being. Then\nthe death of the man is atoned for, and in order not to offend the\nwater-spirits a cat is sacrificed to the crocodiles. The heads of the dead\ncrocodiles are fastened on stakes beside the river, where in time they\nbleach white and stand out sharply against the green background of the\nforest.(607) While the captured crocodile is being hauled in to the bank,\nthe subtle Dyaks speak softly to him and beguile him into offering no\nresistance; but once they have him fast, with arms and legs securely\npinioned, they howl at him and deride him for his credulity, while they\nrip up the belly of the infuriated and struggling brute to find the\nevidence of his guilt in the shape of human remains. On one occasion Rajah\nBrooke of Sarawak was present at a discussion among a party of Dyaks as to\nhow they ought to treat a captured crocodile. One side maintained that it\nwas proper to bestow all praise and honour on the kingly beast, since he\nwas himself a rajah among animals and was now brought there to meet the\nrajah; in short, they held that praise and flattery were agreeable to him\nand would put him on his best behaviour. The other side fully admitted\nthat on this occasion rajah met rajah; yet with prudent foresight they\npointed to the dangerous consequences which might flow from establishing a\nprecedent such as their adversaries contended for. If once a captured\ncrocodile, said they, were praised and honoured, the other crocodiles, on\nhearing of it, would be puffed up with pride and ambition, and being\nseized with a desire to emulate the glory of their fellow would enter on a\ncareer of man-eating as the road likely to lead them by the shortest cut\nto the temple of fame.(608)\n\n(M162) The Minangkabauers of Sumatra have also a great respect for\ncrocodiles. Their celebrated law-giver Katoemanggoengan was indeed born\nagain in the form of a crocodile; and thus his descendants, including the\nrajah of Indrapoera and his family, are more or less distant cousins of\nthe crocodiles, and enjoy the help and protection of the creatures in many\nways, for example when they go on a journey. The respect entertained for\nthe animals is also attested by the ceremonies observed in some places\nwhen a crocodile has been caught. A crowd of women then performs certain\ndances which closely resemble the dances performed when somebody has died.\nMoreover, it is a rule with the Minangkabauers that no cooking-pot may be\nwashed in a river; to do so would be like offering the crocodiles the\nleavings of your food, and they would very naturally resent it. For the\nsame reason in washing up the dinner or supper plates you must be careful\nnot to make a splashing, or the crocodiles would hear it and take\numbrage.(609)\n\n(M163) Among the Malays of Patani Bay, in Siam, there is a family whose\nmembers may not kill a crocodile nor even be present when one of these\nferocious reptiles is captured. The reason alleged for this forbearance is\nthat the family claim kindred with a woman named Betimor, who was drowned\nin the river and afterwards turned into a crocodile. After her\ntransformation she appeared to her father in a dream and told him what had\nbecome of her; so he went down to the river and made offerings to her of\nrice and wax tapers. There is a shrine on the spot where the woman was\ntransformed into a crocodile, and any one may dedicate offerings there and\npray to Toh Sri Lam; for so she has been called ever since her\nmetamorphosis. Members of the crocodile family call on her for help in\nsickness and other misfortunes, and they will do so on behalf of other\npeople for a proper consideration. Rice and wax tapers are the usual\nofferings.(610) In many islands of the Indian Archipelago, including Java,\nSumatra, Celebes, Timor, and Ceram, this belief in a kinship of men with\ncrocodiles assumes a peculiar form. The people imagine that women are\noften delivered of a child and a crocodile at the same birth, and that\nwhen this happens, the midwife carries the crocodile twin carefully down\nto the river and places it in the water. The family in which such a birth\nis thought to have happened, constantly put victuals into the river for\ntheir amphibious relation; and in particular the human twin, so long as he\nlives, goes down to the river at stated seasons to do his duty by his\ncrocodile brother or sister; and if he were to fail to do so, it is the\nuniversal opinion that he would be visited with sickness or death for his\nunnatural conduct. Large parties of these crocodile people periodically go\nout in a boat furnished with great plenty of provisions and all kinds of\nmusic, and they row backwards and forwards, with the music playing, in\nplaces where crocodiles do most abound. As they do so they sing and weep\nby turns, each of them invoking his animal kinsfolk, till the snout of one\nof the brutes bobbs up from the water, whereupon the music stops, and\nfood, betel, and tobacco are thrown into the river. By these delicate\nattentions they hope to recommend themselves to the formidable\ncreatures.(611)\n\n(M164) The crocodiles about the island of Damba in the Victoria Nyanza\nwere sacred and might not be molested in any way. Hence they multiplied\nand became dangerous; people made offerings to them in the hope of being\nspared by the monsters when they crossed in the ferries. From time to time\nbatches of men were brought down to the beach and sacrificed to the\ncrocodiles. Their arms and legs were broken so that they could not stir\nfrom the spot; then they were laid out in a row on the shore, and the\ncrocodiles came and dragged them into the water. On the island there was a\ntemple dedicated to the crocodiles, and here an inspired medium resided\nwho gave oracular responses. Under the influence of the spirit he wagged\nhis head from side to side, opening his jaws and snapping them together,\njust as a crocodile does.(612) No doubt the spirit which possessed him in\nthese moments of fine frenzy was supposed to be that of a crocodile.\nSimilarly in other parts of Uganda men were inspired by the ghosts or\nspirits of lions, leopards, and serpents, and in that state of exaltation\nthey uttered oracles, roaring like a lion, growling like a leopard, or\ngrovelling and wriggling like a serpent, according to the nature of the\nspirit by which they were possessed.(613) Crocodiles abound in the Albert\nNyanza Lake and its tributaries. In many places they are extremely\ndangerous, but the Alur tribe of that region only hunt them when they have\ndragged away a man; and they think that any one who has taken away a\ncrocodile\u2019s eggs must be on his guard when he walks near the bank of the\nriver, for the crocodiles will try to avenge the injury by seizing\nhim.(614) In general the Foulahs of Senegambia dare not kill a crocodile\nfrom fear of provoking the vengeance of the relations and friends of the\nmurdered reptile; but if the sorcerer gives his consent and passes his\nword that he will guarantee them against the vengeance of the family of\nthe deceased, they will pluck up courage to attack one of the brutes.(615)\n\n(M165) Like the Dyaks, the natives of Madagascar never kill a crocodile\n\u201cexcept in retaliation for one of their friends who has been destroyed by\na crocodile. They believe that the wanton destruction of one of these\nreptiles will be followed by the loss of human life, in accordance with\nthe principle of _lex talionis_.\u201d The people who live near the lake Itasy\nin Madagascar make a yearly proclamation to the crocodiles, announcing\nthat they will revenge the death of some of their friends by killing as\nmany crocodiles in return, and warning all well-disposed crocodiles to\nkeep out of the way, as they have no quarrel with them, but only with\ntheir evil-minded relations who have taken human life.(616) Various tribes\nof Madagascar believe themselves to be descended from crocodiles, and\naccordingly they view the scaly reptile as, to all intents and purposes, a\nman and a brother. If one of the animals should so far forget himself as\nto devour one of his human kinsfolk, the chief of the tribe, or in his\nabsence an old man familiar with the tribal customs, repairs at the head\nof the people to the edge of the water, and summons the family of the\nculprit to deliver him up to the arm of justice. A hook is then baited and\ncast into the river or lake. Next day the guilty brother, or one of his\nfamily, is dragged ashore, and after his crime has been clearly brought\nhome to him by a strict interrogation, he is sentenced to death and\nexecuted. The claims of justice being thus satisfied and the majesty of\nthe law fully vindicated, the deceased crocodile is lamented and buried\nlike a kinsman; a mound is raised over his relics and a stone marks the\nplace of his head.(617) The Malagasy, indeed, regard the crocodile with\nsuperstitious veneration as the king of the waters and supreme in his own\nelement. When they are about to cross a river they pronounce a solemn\noath, or enter into an engagement to acknowledge his sovereignty over the\nwaters. An aged native has been known to covenant with the crocodiles for\nnearly half an hour before plunging into the stream. After that he lifted\nup his voice and addressed the animal, urging him to do him no harm, since\nhe had never hurt the crocodile; assuring him that he had never made war\non any of his fellows, but on the contrary had always entertained the\nhighest veneration for him; and adding that if he wantonly attacked him,\nvengeance would follow sooner or later; while if the crocodile devoured\nhim, his relations and all his race would declare war against the beast.\nThis harangue occupied another quarter of an hour, after which the orator\ndashed fearlessly into the stream.(618)\n\n(M166) Again, the tiger is another of those dangerous beasts whom the\nsavage prefers to leave alone, lest by killing one of the species he\nshould excite the hostility of the rest. No consideration will induce a\nSumatran to catch or wound a tiger except in self-defence or immediately\nafter a tiger has destroyed a friend or relation. When a European has set\ntraps for tigers, the people of the neighbourhood have been known to go by\nnight to the place and explain to the animals that the traps are not set\nby them nor with their consent.(619) If it is necessary to kill a tiger\nwhich has wrought much harm in the village, the Minangkabauers of Sumatra\ntry to catch him alive in order to beg for his forgiveness before\ndespatching him, and in ordinary life they will not speak evil of him or\ndo anything that might displease him. For example, they will not use a\npath that has been untrodden for more than a year, because the tiger has\nchosen that path for himself, and would deem it a mark of disrespect were\nany one else to use it. Again, persons journeying by night will not walk\none behind the other, nor keep looking about them, for the tiger would\nthink that this betrayed fear of him, and his feelings would be hurt by\nthe suspicion. Neither will they travel bareheaded, for that also would be\ndisrespectful to the tiger; nor will they knock off the glowing end of a\nfirebrand, for the flying sparks are like the tiger\u2019s glistering eyes, and\nhe would treat this as an attempt to mimic him.(620) The population of\nMandeling, a district on the west coast of Sumatra, is divided into clans,\none of which claims to be descended from a tiger. It is believed that the\nanimal will not attack or rend the members of this clan, because they are\nhis kinsmen. When members of the clan come upon the tracks of a tiger,\nthey enclose them with three little sticks as a mark of homage; and when a\ntiger has been shot, the women of the clan are bound to offer betel to the\ndead beast.(621) The Battas of Sumatra seldom kill a tiger except from\nmotives of revenge, observing the rule an eye for an eye and a tooth for a\ntooth, or, as they express it, \u201cHe who owes gold must pay in gold; he who\nowes breath (that is, life) must pay with breath.\u201d Nor can the beast be\nattacked without some ceremony; only weapons that have proved themselves\nable to kill may be used for the purpose. When the tiger has been killed,\nthey bring the carcase to the village, set offerings before it, and burn\nincense over it, praying the spirit of the tiger to quit its material\nenvelope and enter the incense pot. As soon as the soul may be supposed to\nhave complied with this request, a speaker explains to the spirits in\ngeneral the reasons for killing the tiger, and begs them to set forth\nthese reasons to the departed soul of the beast, lest the latter should be\nangry and the people should suffer in consequence. Then they dance round\nthe dead body of the tiger till they can dance no longer, after which they\nskin the carcase and bury it.(622) The inhabitants of the hills near\nRajamahall, in Bengal, believe that if any man kills a tiger without\ndivine orders, either he or one of his relations will be devoured by a\ntiger. Hence they are very averse to killing a tiger, unless one of their\nkinsfolk has been carried off by one of the beasts. In that case they go\nout for the purpose of hunting and slaying a tiger; and when they have\nsucceeded they lay their bows and arrows on the carcase and invoke God,\ndeclaring that they slew the animal in retaliation for the loss of a\nkinsman. Vengeance having been thus taken, they swear not to attack\nanother tiger except under similar provocation.(623) The natives of Cochin\nChina have a great respect for the tiger, whom they regard as a terrible\ndivinity. Yet they set traps for him and leave no stone unturned to catch\nhim. Once he is ensnared, they offer him their excuses and condolences for\nthe painful position in which he finds himself.(624)\n\n(M167) The Indians of Carolina would not molest snakes when they came upon\nthem, but would pass by on the other side of the path, believing that if\nthey were to kill a serpent, the reptile\u2019s kindred would destroy some of\ntheir brethren, friends, or relations in return.(625) So the Seminole\nIndians spared the rattlesnake, because they feared that the soul of the\ndead rattlesnake would incite its kinsfolk to take vengeance. Once when a\nrattlesnake appeared in their camp they entreated an English traveller to\nrid them of the creature. When he had killed it, they were glad but tried\nto scratch him as a means of appeasing the spirit of the dead snake.(626)\nSoon after the Iowas began to build their village near the mouth of Wolf\nRiver, a lad came into the village and reported that he had seen a\nrattlesnake on a hill not far off. A medicine-man immediately repaired to\nthe spot, and finding the snake made it presents of tobacco and other\nthings which he had brought with him for the purpose. He also had a long\ntalk with the animal, and on returning to his people told them that now\nthey might travel about in safety, for peace had been made with the\nsnakes.(627) The Delaware Indians also paid great respect to the\nrattlesnake, whom they called their grandfather, and they would on no\naccount destroy one of the reptiles. They said that the rattlesnake\nguarded them and gave them notice of impending danger by his rattle, and\nthat if they were to kill a rattlesnake, the rest of the species would\nsoon hear of it and bite the Indians in revenge.(628) The Potawatomi\nIndians highly venerated the rattlesnake for a similar reason, being\ngrateful to it for the timely warning which it often gave of the approach\nof an enemy. Yet a young man who desired to obtain a rattle would have no\nhesitation in killing one of the snakes for the purpose; but he apologised\nprofusely to the creature for the liberty he took with it, explaining that\nhe required the rattle for the adornment of his person, and that no\ndisrespect was intended to the snake; and in proof of his good will he\nwould leave a piece of tobacco beside the carcase.(629) The Cherokee\nregard the rattlesnake as the chief of the snake tribe and fear and\nrespect him accordingly. Few Cherokee will venture to kill a rattlesnake,\nunless they cannot help it, and even then they must atone for the crime by\ncraving pardon of the snake\u2019s ghost either in their own person or through\nthe mediation of a priest, according to a set formula. If these\nprecautions are neglected, the kinsfolk of the dead snake will send one of\ntheir number as an avenger of blood, who will track down the murderer and\nsting him to death. It is absolutely necessary to cut off the snake\u2019s head\nand bury it deep in the earth and to hide the body in a hollow log; for if\nthe remains were exposed to the weather, the other snakes would be so\nangry that they would send torrents of rain and all the streams would\noverflow their banks. If a Cherokee dreams of being bitten by a snake, he\nmust be treated in exactly the same way as if he had been really bitten;\nfor they think that he has actually been bitten by the ghost of a snake,\nand that if the proper remedies were not applied to the hurt, the place\nwould swell and ulcerate, though possibly not for years afterwards.(630)\nOnce when an Englishman attempted to kill a rattlesnake, a party of\nOjibway Indians, with whom he was travelling, begged him to desist, and\nendeavoured to appease the snake, addressing it in turns as grandfather,\nsmoking over it, and beseeching it to take care of their families in their\nabsence, and to open the heart of the British Agent so that he should fill\ntheir canoe with rum. A storm which overtook them next day on Lake Huron\nwas attributed by them to the wrath of the insulted rattlesnake, and they\nsought to mollify him by throwing dogs as sacrifices to him into the\nwaves.(631) The Kekchi Indians of Guatemala will not throw serpents or\nscorpions into the fire, lest the other creatures of the same species\nshould punish them for the outrage.(632)\n\n(M168) In Kiziba, a district of Central Africa, to the west of Lake\nVictoria Nyanza, if a woman accidentally kills a snake with her hoe while\nshe is working in the field, she hastens in great agitation to the\nsnake-priest and hands him over the hoe, together with two strings of\ncowries and an ox-hide, begging him to appease the angry spirit of the\nslain serpent. In this application she is accompanied and supported by all\nthe villagers, who share her fears and anxiety. Accordingly the priest\nbeats his drum as a sign that no woman of the village is to work in the\nfields till further notice. Next he wraps the dead serpent in a piece of\nthe ox-hide and buries it solemnly. On the following day he performs a\nceremony of purification for the slaughter of the reptile. He compounds a\nmedicine out of the guts of a leopard or hyaena and earth or mud dissolved\nin water, and with this mixture he disinfects all the houses in the\nvillage, beginning with the house of the woman who killed the serpent.\nNext he proceeds to the fields, where all the women of the village have\ncollected their hoes. These he purifies by dipping them in the fluid and\nthen twirling them about so as to make the drops of water fly off. From\nthat moment the danger incurred by the slaughter of the reptile is\naverted. The spirit of the serpent is appeased, and the women may resume\ntheir usual labours in the fields.(633)\n\n(M169) When the Kwakiutl Indians of British Columbia have slain a wolf\nthey lay the carcase on a blanket and take out the heart, of which every\nperson who helped to kill the beast must eat four morsels. Then they wail\nover the body, saying, \u201cWoe! our great friend!\u201d After that they cover the\ncarcase with a blanket and bury it. A bow or gun that killed a wolf is\nregarded as unlucky, and the owner gives it away. These Indians believe\nthat the slaying of a wolf produces a scarcity of game.(634) When the\nTinneh Indians of Central Alaska have killed a wolf or a wolverine, the\ncarcase is brought into the camp or village with great pomp. The people go\nforth to meet it, saying, \u201cThe chief is coming.\u201d Then the body is carried\ninto a hut and propped up in a sitting posture; and the medicine-man\nspreads before it a copious banquet, to which every family in the village\nhas contributed of its best. When the dead animal is supposed to have\nsatisfied his hunger, the men consume the remains of the feast, but no\nwoman is allowed to participate in what has been thus offered to the wolf\nor the wolverine.(635) No ordinary Cherokee dares to kill a wolf, if he\ncan possibly help it; for he believes that the kindred of the slain beast\nwould surely avenge its death, and that the weapon with which the deed had\nbeen done would be quite useless for the future, unless it were cleaned\nand exorcised by a medicine-man. However, certain persons who know the\nproper rites of atonement for such a crime can kill wolves with impunity,\nand they are sometimes hired to do so by people who have suffered from the\nraids of the wolves on their cattle or fish-traps. The professional\nwolf-killer prays to the animal whom he has bereaved of life, and seeks to\navert the vengeance of the other wolves by laying the blame of the\nslaughter on the people of another settlement. To purify the gun which has\nperpetrated the murder, he unscrews the barrel, inserts into it seven\nsmall sour-wood rods which have been heated in the fire, and then allows\nthe barrel and its contents to lie in a running stream till morning.(636)\nWhen the Chuckchees of north-eastern Siberia have killed a wolf, they hold\na festival, at which they cry, \u201cWolf, be not angry with us. It was not we\nwho killed you, it was the Russians who destroyed you.\u201d(637) In ancient\nAthens any man who killed a wolf had to bury it by subscription.(638)\n\n(M170) In Jebel-Nuba, a district of the eastern Sudan, it is forbidden to\ntouch the nests or remove the young of a species of black birds,\nresembling our blackbirds, because the people believe that the parent\nbirds would avenge the wrong by causing a stormy wind to blow, which would\ndestroy the harvest.(639) Some of the Sudanese negroes of Upper Egypt\nregard the great black raven (_Corvus umbrinus_) as their uncle and exact\npecuniary compensation or blood-money from any one who has been so rash as\nto slay their sable relative. Having satisfied their scruples on that\nhead, they give the bird a solemn burial, carrying the corpse to the\ngraveyard on a bier with flags and shouts of _la ill Allah_, just as if\nthey were interring one of their kinsfolk.(640) The Palenques of South\nAmerica are very careful to spare harmless animals which are not good for\nfood; because they believe that any injury inflicted on such creatures\nwould entail the sickness or death of their own children.(641)\n\n(M171) But the savage clearly cannot afford to spare all animals. He must\neither eat some of them or starve, and when the question thus comes to be\nwhether he or the animal must perish, he is forced to overcome his\nsuperstitious scruples and take the life of the beast. At the same time he\ndoes all he can to appease his victims and their kinsfolk. Even in the act\nof killing them he testifies his respect for them, endeavours to excuse or\neven conceal his share in procuring their death, and promises that their\nremains will be honourably treated. By thus robbing death of its terrors\nhe hopes to reconcile his victims to their fate and to induce their\nfellows to come and be killed also. For example, it was a principle with\nthe Kamtchatkans never to kill a land or sea animal without first making\nexcuses to it and begging that the animal would not take it ill. Also they\noffered it cedar-nuts and so forth, to make it think that it was not a\nvictim but a guest at a feast. They believed that this hindered other\nanimals of the same species from growing shy. For instance, after they had\nkilled a bear and feasted on its flesh, the host would bring the bear\u2019s\nhead before the company, wrap it in grass, and present it with a variety\nof trifles. Then he would lay the blame of the bear\u2019s death on the\nRussians, and bid the beast wreak his wrath upon them. Also he would ask\nthe bear to inform the other bears how well he had been treated, that they\ntoo might come without fear. Seals, sea-lions, and other animals were\ntreated by the Kamtchatkans with the same ceremonious respect. Moreover,\nthey used to insert sprigs of a plant resembling bear\u2019s wort in the mouths\nof the animals they killed; after which they would exhort the grinning\nskulls to have no fear but to go and tell it to their fellows, that they\nalso might come and be caught and so partake of this splendid\nhospitality.(642) When the Ostiaks have hunted and killed a bear, they cut\noff its head and hang it on a tree. Then they gather round in a circle and\npay it divine honours. Next they run towards the carcase uttering\nlamentations and saying, \u201cWho killed you? It was the Russians. Who cut off\nyour head? It was a Russian axe. Who skinned you? It was a knife made by a\nRussian.\u201d They explain, too, that the feathers which sped the arrow on its\nflight came from the wing of a strange bird, and that they did nothing but\nlet the arrow go. They do all this because they believe that the wandering\nghost of the slain bear would attack them on the first opportunity, if\nthey did not thus appease it.(643) Or they stuff the skin of the slain\nbear with hay; and after celebrating their victory with songs of mockery\nand insult, after spitting on and kicking it, they set it up on its hind\nlegs, \u201cand then, for a considerable time, they bestow on it all the\nveneration due to a guardian god.\u201d(644) When a party of Koryak have killed\na bear or a wolf, they skin the beast and dress one of themselves in the\nskin. Then they dance round the skin-clad man, saying that it was not they\nwho killed the animal, but some one else, generally a Russian. When they\nkill a fox they skin it, wrap the body in grass, and bid him go tell his\ncompanions how hospitably he has been received, and how he has received a\nnew cloak instead of his old one.(645) A fuller account of the Koryak\nceremonies is given by a more recent writer. He tells us that when a dead\nbear is brought to the house, the women come out to meet it dancing with\nfirebrands. The bear-skin is taken off along with the head; and one of the\nwomen puts on the skin, dances in it, and entreats the bear not to be\nangry, but to be kind to the people. At the same time they offer meat on a\nwooden platter to the dead beast, saying, \u201cEat, friend.\u201d Afterwards a\nceremony is performed for the purpose of sending the dead bear, or rather\nhis spirit, away back to his home. He is provided with provisions for the\njourney in the shape of puddings or reindeer-flesh packed in a grass bag.\nHis skin is stuffed with grass and carried round the house, after which he\nis supposed to depart towards the rising sun. The intention of the\nceremonies is to protect the people from the wrath of the slain bear and\nhis kinsfolk, and so to ensure success in future bear-hunts.(646) The\nFinns used to try to persuade a slain bear that he had not been killed by\nthem, but had fallen from a tree, or met his death in some other way;(647)\nmoreover, they held a funeral festival in his honour, at the close of\nwhich bards expatiated on the homage that had been paid to him, urging him\nto report to the other bears the high consideration with which he had been\ntreated, in order that they also, following his example, might come and be\nslain.(648) When the Lapps had succeeded in killing a bear with impunity,\nthey thanked him for not hurting them and for not breaking the clubs and\nspears which had given him his death wounds; and they prayed that he would\nnot visit his death upon them by sending storms or in any other way. His\nflesh then furnished a feast.(649)\n\n(M172) The reverence of hunters for the bear whom they regularly kill and\neat may thus be traced all along the northern region of the Old World,\nfrom Bering\u2019s Straits to Lappland. It reappears in similar forms in North\nAmerica. With the American Indians a bear hunt was an important event for\nwhich they prepared by long fasts and purgations. Before setting out they\noffered expiatory sacrifices to the souls of bears slain in previous\nhunts, and besought them to be favourable to the hunters. When a bear was\nkilled the hunter lit his pipe, and putting the mouth of it between the\nbear\u2019s lips, blew into the bowl, filling the beast\u2019s mouth with smoke.\nThen he begged the bear not to be angry at having been killed, and not to\nthwart him afterwards in the chase. The carcase was roasted whole and\neaten; not a morsel of the flesh might be left over. The head, painted red\nand blue, was hung on a post and addressed by orators, who heaped praise\non the dead beast.(650) When men of the Bear clan in the Otawa tribe\nkilled a bear, they made him a feast of his own flesh, and addressed him\nthus: \u201cCherish us no grudge because we have killed you. You have sense;\nyou see that our children are hungry. They love you and wish to take you\ninto their bodies. Is it not glorious to be eaten by the children of a\nchief?\u201d(651) Amongst the Nootka Indians of British Columbia, when a bear\nhad been killed, it was brought in and seated before the head chief in an\nupright posture, with a chief\u2019s bonnet, wrought in figures, on its head,\nand its fur powdered over with white down. A tray of provisions was then\nset before it, and it was invited by words and gestures to eat. After that\nthe animal was skinned, boiled, and eaten.(652) The Assiniboins pray to\nthe bear and offer sacrifices to it of tobacco, belts, and other valuable\nobjects. Moreover, they hold feasts in its honour, that they may win the\nbeast\u2019s favour and live safe and sound. The bear\u2019s head is often kept in\ncamp for several days mounted in some suitable position and decked with\nscraps of scarlet cloth, necklaces, collars, and coloured feathers. They\noffer the pipe to it, and pray that they may be able to kill all the bears\nthey meet, without harm to themselves, for the purpose of anointing\nthemselves with his fine grease and banqueting on his tender flesh.(653)\nThe Ojibways will not suffer dogs to eat the flesh or gnaw the bones of a\nbear, and they throw all the waste portions into the fire. They think that\nif the flesh were desecrated, they would have no luck in hunting bears\nthereafter.(654) A trader of the eighteenth century has described the\nendearments which a party of Ojibways lavished on a she-bear which he had\njust killed. They took her head in their hands, stroked it and kissed it,\nand begged a thousand pardons for her violent death; they called her their\nrelation and grandmother, and begged her not to lay the fault at their\ndoor, for indeed it was an Englishman who had killed her. Having severed\nthe head from the body, they adorned it with all the trinkets they could\nmuster and set it up on a scaffold in the lodge. Next day pipes were lit\nand tobacco smoke blown into the nostrils of the dead bear, and the trader\nwas invited to pay this mark of respect to the animal as an atonement for\nhaving taken her life. Before they feasted on the bear\u2019s flesh, an orator\nmade a speech in which he deplored the sad necessity under which they\nlaboured of destroying their friends the bears; for how otherwise could\nthey subsist?(655) Some of the Indians of the Queen Charlotte Islands, off\nthe north-western coast of America, used to mark the skins of bears,\notters, and other animals with four red crosses in a line, by way of\npropitiating the spirit of the beast they had killed.(656) When the\nThompson Indians of British Columbia were about to hunt bears, they would\nsometimes address the animal and ask it to come and be shot. They prayed\nthe grisly bear not to be angry with the hunter, nor to fight him, but\nrather to have pity on him and to deliver himself up to his mercies. The\nman who intended to hunt the grisly bear had to be chaste for some time\nbefore he set out on his dangerous adventure. When he had killed a bear,\nhe and his companions painted their faces in alternate perpendicular\nstripes of black and red, and sang the bear song. Sometimes the hunter\nalso prayed, thanking the beast for letting itself be killed so easily,\nand begging that its mate might share the same fate. After they had eaten\nthe flesh of the bear\u2019s head, they tied the skull to the top of a small\ntree, as high as they could reach, and left it there. Having done so, they\npainted their faces with alternate stripes of red and black as before; for\nif they failed to observe this ceremony, the bears would be offended, and\nthe hunters would not be able to kill any more. To place the heads of\nbears or any large beasts on trees or stones was a mark of respect to the\nanimals.(657) The Lillooet and Shuswap Indians of the same region used to\nobserve similar ceremonies at the killing of a bear.(658)\n\n(M173) A like respect is testified for other dangerous creatures by the\nhunters who regularly trap and kill them. When Caffre hunters are in the\nact of showering spears on an elephant, they call out, \u201cDon\u2019t kill us,\ngreat captain; don\u2019t strike or tread upon us, mighty chief.\u201d(659) When he\nis dead they make their excuses to him, pretending that his death was a\npure accident. As a mark of respect they bury his trunk with much solemn\nceremony; for they say that \u201cthe elephant is a great lord; his trunk is\nhis hand.\u201d(660) Before the Amaxosa Caffres attack an elephant they shout\nto the animal and beg him to pardon them for the slaughter they are about\nto perpetrate, professing great submission to his person and explaining\nclearly the need they have of his tusks to enable them to procure beads\nand supply their wants. When they have killed him they bury in the ground,\nalong with the end of his trunk, a few of the articles they have obtained\nfor the ivory, thus hoping to avert some mishap that would otherwise\nbefall them.(661) Among the Wanyamwezi of Central Africa, when hunters\nhave killed an elephant, they bury his legs on the spot where he fell and\nthen cover the place with stones. The burial is supposed to appease the\nspirit of the dead elephant and to ensure the success of the hunters in\nfuture undertakings.(662) When the Baganda have killed an elephant, they\nextract the nerve from the tusk and bury it, taking care to mark the place\nof the burial. For they think that the ghost of the dead elephant attaches\nitself to the nerve, and that if a hunter were to step over the nerve, the\nelephant\u2019s ghost would cause him to be killed by an elephant the next time\nhe went forth to hunt the beasts.(663)\n\n(M174) In Latuka, a district of the Upper Nile, lions are much respected,\nand are only killed when they prove very troublesome and dangerous. There\nused to be in this region a Lion-chief, as he was called, who professed to\nhave all lions under his control, and who actually kept several tame lions\nabout his house. Whenever a lion was accidentally caught in a trap near\nthe station of the Egyptian Government, this man would regularly present\nhimself and demand the release of the noble animal. The favour was always\ngranted, and planks were let down into the pit to enable the imprisoned\nlion to clamber up and escape.(664) Amongst some tribes of Eastern Africa,\nwhen a lion is killed, the carcase is brought before the king, who does\nhomage to it by prostrating himself on the ground and rubbing his face on\nthe muzzle of the beast.(665)\n\n(M175) In some parts of Western Africa if a negro kills a leopard he is\nbound fast and brought before the chiefs for having killed one of their\npeers. The man defends himself on the plea that the leopard is chief of\nthe forest and therefore a stranger. He is then set at liberty and\nrewarded. But the dead leopard, adorned with a chief\u2019s bonnet, is set up\nin the village, where nightly dances are held in its honour.(666) The\nleopard is held in great veneration by the Igaras of the Niger. They call\nit \u201cfather\u201d (_atta_), though they do not object to kill the animal in the\nchase. When a dead leopard is brought into Idah, the capital, it is\ndressed up in white and borne on the heads of four men from house to\nhouse, amidst singing and beating of drums. Each householder gives a\npresent of cowries or cloth to the owner of the leopard, and at last the\ncarcase is buried with great ceremony and firing of guns. Should these\nrites be neglected, the people imagine that the spirit of the dead leopard\nwill punish them.(667) Among the Ewe negroes of Togoland \u201chunters who had\nkilled buffaloes, leopards, or wild black swine observed in Agome for nine\ndays the same, or very similar, ceremonies as are customary at the death\nof a woman, in order to prevent the soul of the slain beasts from avenging\nitself on them, a custom which is the less surprising because the mourning\ncustoms themselves are based on the fear of spirits, namely the spirits of\nthe dead. The natives ascribe to the souls of these dangerous animals the\npower of killing the man who shot them, or of so blinding and enchanting\nhim that in the chase he confuses animals and men and so incurs serious\nmishaps.\u201d(668) The quaint ceremonies which these negroes observe for the\npurpose of avoiding the imaginary perils have been described by a German\nmissionary. The leopard and the wild buffalo, he tells us, are believed to\nbe animated by malignant souls which not only do the hunter a mischief\nwhile they still occupy the bodies of the living creatures, but even after\ndeath, in their disembodied state, continue to haunt and plague their\nslayer, sometimes egging on a serpent or a leopard to sting or bite him,\nsometimes blinding him so that he shoots a man for an animal, or cannot\nfind his way home and goes groping about in the wilderness till he\nperishes miserably. If a man thus blinded and crazed should make his way\nback to the town, he is banished for life and sold into slavery; his house\nand plantation are razed to the ground; and his nearest relations are\noften given as bail into the hands of strangers. It is therefore a very\nserious matter indeed for a hunter to incur the wrath of a leopard\u2019s\nghost, and it is quite natural that he should take all reasonable measures\nto guard himself against so threatening a calamity. Hence as soon as he\nhas killed a leopard, he hurries back to the town and brings word of it to\nthe other men who have slain leopards on former occasions, and who now\nassist him with their advice and experience. The first thing they do is to\nput a stalk of grass in his mouth as a sign that he may not speak. Then\nthey repair to the place where the leopard lies dead in the forest, and\ninform the animal of the reasons why he has been shot, namely, because he\nhas stolen sheep, fowls, and pigs, and has killed men. Next the drums are\nbeaten and the people assemble in the open square of the town. The dead\nleopard meanwhile has been fastened to a pole, and with his eyes bandaged\nand his face upturned to heaven, is solemnly carried about the town and\nset down before the houses of the principal folk, who reward the hero and\nhis comrades with presents. After the procession has gone the round, the\nleopard is tied to a tree, and the hunters paint the slayer with red and\nwhite so as to make him look like a leopard, except that the leopard\u2019s\nspots are only painted on the left side of his body; a basket painted in\nthe same colours is clapped on his head, and magical strings of cowries\nare tied round his hands and feet. Thus attired, he and the other heroes\nwho have killed leopards crawl about on all fours and roar like leopards\nwhen anybody comes near them. In his left hand every man grasps a bow for\nthe slaughter of innocent cocks and hens, and with his right he grabbles\nabout in the earth like an animal seeking what it may devour. None of them\nmay speak, they may only roar, but they do that in a masterly manner. At\nthe head of this imposing procession go two men armed with a thick cudgel\nand a spear respectively; and the rear is brought up by a third man, who\nis privileged to walk upright on his hind legs. This favoured person is\nthe cook, whose office it is to dress the fowls which the human leopards;\npurloin in the course of their pilgrimage; indeed for nineteen days they\nare privileged, no doubt in their character of leopards, to rob the\nhen-roosts with impunity. In the afternoon the carcase of the leopard is\ntaken down, skinned, and cut up. The titbits are sent to the chief and the\nother dignitaries, who eat them; and the remainder of the flesh is\nconsumed by the common folk. The skin, the teeth, the head, and the claws\nbelong to the hunter who killed the beast. But for nineteen days\nthereafter the slayer of the leopard must retain his peculiar costume: he\nmay eat only warm-blooded animals and food seasoned with salt: he may not\neat anything seasoned with pepper; and on no account may he taste fish,\nbecause they are cold-blooded creatures. A general feast, of which all the\nmale inhabitants of the town partake, winds up the proceedings at the\nclose of the nineteen days. A feature of the festivities is a dramatic\nrepresentation of a leopard-hunt, which is carried out in every detail\namid great excitement. If only all these ceremonies are strictly observed,\nthe hunter need have no fear at all of being plagued by the leopard\u2019s\nghost.(669)\n\n(M176) The Baganda greatly fear the ghosts of buffaloes which they have\nkilled, and they always appease these dangerous spirits. On no account\nwill they bring the head of a slain buffalo into a village or into a\ngarden of plantains: they always eat the flesh of the head in the open\ncountry. Afterwards they place the skull in a small hut built for the\npurpose, where they pour out beer as an offering and pray to the ghost to\nstay where he is and not to harm them.(670) Oddly enough the Baganda also\ndread the ghosts of sheep, which they believe would haunt and kill the\nbutcher if they saw him give the fatal stroke. Hence when a man is about\nto slaughter a sheep, he gets another man to divert its attention, and\ncoming up behind the unsuspecting animal he stuns it with the blow of an\naxe-handle; then, before it can recover consciousness, he adroitly cuts\nits throat. In this way the ghost of the sheep is bamboozled and will not\nhaunt the butcher. Moreover, when a sheep dies in a house, the housewife\nmay not say bluntly to her husband, \u201cThe sheep is dead,\u201d or its ghost,\ntouched to the quick, would certainly make her fall ill and might even\nkill her. She must put a finer point on the painful truth by saying, \u201cI am\nunable to untie such and such a sheep.\u201d Her husband understands her, but\nthe ghost of the animal does not, or at all events he does not resent so\ndelicate an allusion to its melancholy decease.(671) Even the ghost of a\nfowl may haunt a Muganda woman and make her ill, if she has accidentally\nkilled it with her hoe and flung away the body in the long grass instead\nof carrying it to her husband and confessing her fault.(672)\n\n(M177) Another formidable beast whose life the savage hunter takes with\njoy, yet with fear and trembling, is the whale. After the slaughter of a\nwhale the maritime Koryak of north-eastern Siberia hold a communal\nfestival, the essential part of which \u201cis based on the conception that the\nwhale killed has come on a visit to the village; that it is staying for\nsome time, during which it is treated with great respect; that it then\nreturns to the sea to repeat its visit the following year; that it will\ninduce its relatives to come along, telling them of the hospitable\nreception that has been accorded to it. According to the Koryak ideas, the\nwhales, like all other animals, constitute one tribe, or rather family, of\nrelated individuals, who live in villages like the Koryak. They avenge the\nmurder of one of their number, and are grateful for kindnesses that they\nmay have received.\u201d(673) As large whales are now rarely seen in the bays\nof the Okhotsk Sea, the Koryak at the present time generally celebrate the\nfestival for a white whale. One such festival was witnessed by Mr. W.\nJochelson, at the village of Kuel, in October 1900. A white whale had been\ncaught in the nets, and as the sea was partially frozen, the carcase had\nto be brought ashore in a sledge. When it was seen nearing the beach, a\nnumber of women, arrayed in their long embroidered dancing-coats, went\nforth to meet and welcome it, carrying lighted fire-brands in their hands.\nTo carry burning fire-brands from the hearth is the ancient Koryak fashion\nof greeting an honoured guest. Strictly speaking, the women who go forth\nto welcome a whale to the house should wear masks of sedge-grass on their\nfaces as well as dancing-coats on their bodies, and should carry\nsacrificial alder branches as well as firebrands in their hands, but on\nthe present occasion the women dispensed with the use of masks. They\ndanced, shaking their heads, moving their shoulders, and swinging their\nwhole bodies with arms outstretched, now squatting, now rising and\nsinging, \u201cAh! a guest has come.\u201d In spite of the cold and the wind the\nsweat dripped from them, so violently did they dance, and they sang and\nscreamed till they were hoarse. When the sledge with its burden had\nreached the shore, one of the women pronounced an incantation over the\nwhale\u2019s head, and then thrust alder branches and sacrificial grass into\nits mouth. Next they muffled its head in a hood, apparently to prevent the\ncreature from witnessing the painful spectacle of its own dissection.\nAfter that the men cut up the carcase, and the women collected the blood\nin pails. Two seals, which had also been killed, were included in the\nfestivities which followed. The heads of all three animals were cut off\nand placed on the roof of the house. Next day the festival began. In the\nmorning the women plaited travelling bags of grass for the use of the\nwhale, and made grass masks. In the evening, the people having assembled\nin a large underground house, some boiled pieces of the white whale were\nplaced in a grass bag and set before a wooden image of a white whale, so\nthat the animal, or its departed spirit, was thus apparently supposed to\nbe regaled with portions of its own body; for the white whale and the\nseals were treated as honoured guests at the banquet. To keep up the\npretence, the people were silent or spoke only in whispers for fear of\nwakening the guests before the time. At last the preparations were\ncomplete: fresh faggots piled on the hearth sent up a blaze, illumining\nwith an unsteady light the smoke-blackened walls of the vast underground\ndwelling, which a moment before had been shrouded in darkness; and the\nlong silence was broken by the joyful cries of the women, \u201cHere dear\nguests have come!\u201d \u201cVisit us often!\u201d \u201cWhen you go back to the sea, tell\nyour friends to call on us also, we will prepare just as nice food for\nthem as for you.\u201d With these words they pointed to puddings set out\ntemptingly on the boards. Next the host took a piece of the fat of the\nwhite whale and threw it into the fire, saying, \u201cWe are burning it in the\nfire for thee!\u201d Then he went to the domestic shrine, placed lumps of fat\nbefore the rude effigies of the guardian spirits, and smeared fat on their\nmouths. The appetites of the higher powers having thus been satisfied, the\npeople set to and partook of the good things provided for them, including\nthe flesh of the white whale and the seals. Lastly, two old men practised\ndivination by means of the shoulder-blade of a seal to discover whether\nthe white whale would go back to the sea and call his fellows to come and\nbe caught like himself. In order to extract this information from the bone\nburning coals were piled on it, and the resulting cracks were carefully\nscrutinised. To the delight of all present the omens proved favourable: a\nlong transverse crack indicated the sea to which the spirit of the white\nwhale would soon depart. Four days later the departure actually took\nplace. It was a bright sunshiny wintry morning: the frost was keen; and\nfor more than a mile seaward the beach was covered with blocks of ice. In\nthe great underground dwelling, where the feast had been held, the hearth\nhad been turned into something like an altar. On it lay the heads of the\nwhite whale and the seals, and beside them travelling-bags of grass filled\nwith puddings, which the souls of the animals were to take with them on\ntheir long journey. Beside the hearth knelt two women, their faces covered\nwith grass masks and their heads bent over the bags, mumbling an\nincantation. The sunlight streamed down on them through the smoke-hole\noverhead, but spread only a dim twilight through the remoter recesses of\nthe vast subterranean chamber. The masks worn by the women were intended\nto guard them against the spirit of the white whale, which was supposed to\nbe hovering invisible in the air. The incantation over, the women rose\nfrom their knees and doffed their masks. A careful examination of a\npudding, which had been offered in sacrifice to the white whale, now\nrevealed the joyful intelligence that the spirit of the whale had accepted\nthe sacrifice and was about to return to the sea. All that remained,\ntherefore, to do was to speed him on his way. For that purpose two men\nascended the roof, let down thongs through the smoke-hole, and hauled up\nthe heads of the white whale and of the seals together with the\ntravelling-bags of provisions. That concluded the despatch of the souls of\nthe dead animals to their home in the great waters.(674)\n\n(M178) When the inhabitants of the Isle of St. Mary, to the north of\nMadagascar, go a-whaling, they single out the young whales for attack and\n\u201chumbly beg the mother\u2019s pardon, stating the necessity that drives them to\nkill her progeny, and requesting that she will be pleased to go below\nwhile the deed is doing, that her maternal feelings may not be outraged by\nwitnessing what must cause her so much uneasiness.\u201d(675) An Ajumba hunter\nhaving killed a female hippopotamus on Lake Azyingo in West Africa, the\nanimal was decapitated and its quarters and bowels removed. Then the\nhunter, naked, stepped into the hollow of the ribs, and kneeling down in\nthe bloody pool washed his whole body with the blood and excretions of the\nanimal, while he prayed to the soul of the hippopotamus not to bear him a\ngrudge for having killed her and so blighted her hopes of future\nmaternity; and he further entreated the ghost not to stir up other\nhippopotamuses to avenge her death by butting at and capsizing his\ncanoe.(676) The ounce, a leopard-like creature, is dreaded for its\ndepredations by the Indians of Brazil. When they have caught one of these\nanimals in a snare, they kill it and carry the body home to the village.\nThere the women deck the carcase with feathers of many colours, put\nbracelets on its legs, and weep over it, saying, \u201cI pray thee not to take\nvengeance on our little ones for having been caught and killed through\nthine own ignorance. For it was not we who deceived thee, it was thyself.\nOur husbands only set the trap to catch animals that are good to eat: they\nnever thought to take thee in it. Therefore, let not thy soul counsel thy\nfellows to avenge thy death on our little ones!\u201d(677) When the Yuracares\nIndians of Bolivia have killed great apes in their tropical forests, they\nbring the bodies home, set them out in a row on palm leaves with their\nheads all looking one way, sprinkle them with chicha, and say, \u201cWe love\nyou, since we have brought you home.\u201d They imagine that the performance of\nthis ceremony is very gratifying to the other apes in the woods.(678)\nBefore they leave a temporary camp in the forest, where they have killed a\ntapir and dried the meat on a babracot, the Indians of Guiana invariably\ndestroy this babracot, saying that should a tapir passing that way find\ntraces of the slaughter of one of his kind, he would come by night on the\nnext occasion when Indians slept at that place, and, taking a man, would\nbabracot him in revenge.(679)\n\n(M179) When a Blackfoot Indian has caught eagles in a trap and killed\nthem, he takes them home to a special lodge, called the eagles\u2019 lodge,\nwhich has been prepared for their reception outside of the camp. Here he\nsets the birds in a row on the ground, and propping up their heads on a\nstick, puts a piece of dried meat in each of their mouths in order that\nthe spirits of the dead eagles may go and tell the other eagles how well\nthey are being treated by the Indians.(680) So when Indian hunters of the\nOrinoco region have killed an animal, they open its mouth and pour into it\na few drops of the liquor they generally carry with them, in order that\nthe soul of the dead beast may inform its fellows of the welcome it has\nmet with, and that they too, cheered by the prospect of the same kind\nreception, may come with alacrity to be killed.(681) A Cherokee hunter who\nhas killed an eagle stands over the dead bird and prays it not to avenge\nitself on his tribe, because it is not he but a Spaniard who has done the\ncruel deed.(682) When a Teton Indian is on a journey and he meets a grey\nspider or a spider with yellow legs, he kills it, because some evil would\nbefall him if he did not. But he is very careful not to let the spider\nknow that he kills it, for if the spider knew, his soul would go and tell\nthe other spiders, and one of them would be sure to avenge the death of\nhis relation. So in crushing the insect, the Indian says, \u201cO Grandfather\nSpider, the Thunder-beings kill you.\u201d And the spider is crushed at once\nand believes what is told him. His soul probably runs and tells the other\nspiders that the Thunder-beings have killed him; but no harm comes of\nthat. For what can grey or yellow-legged spiders do to the\nThunder-beings?(683)\n\n(M180) But it is not merely dangerous creatures with whom the savage\ndesires to keep on good terms. It is true that the respect which he pays\nto wild beasts is in some measure proportioned to their strength and\nferocity. Thus the savage Stiens of Cambodia, believing that all animals\nhave souls which roam about after their death, beg an animal\u2019s pardon when\nthey kill it, lest its soul should come and torment them. Also they offer\nit sacrifices, but these sacrifices are proportioned to the size and\nstrength of the animal. The ceremonies observed at the death of an\nelephant are conducted with much pomp and last seven days.(684) Similar\ndistinctions are drawn by North American Indians. \u201cThe bear, the buffalo,\nand the beaver are manidos [divinities] which furnish food. The bear is\nformidable, and good to eat. They render ceremonies to him, begging him to\nallow himself to be eaten, although they know he has no fancy for it. We\nkill you, but you are not annihilated. His head and paws are objects of\nhomage.... Other animals are treated similarly from similar reasons....\nMany of the animal manidos, not being dangerous, are often treated with\ncontempt\u2014the terrapin, the weasel, polecat, etc.\u201d(685) The distinction is\ninstructive. Animals which are feared, or are good to eat, or both, are\ntreated with ceremonious respect; those which are neither formidable nor\ngood to eat are despised. We have had examples of reverence paid to\nanimals which are both feared and eaten. It remains to prove that similar\nrespect is shewn to animals which, without being feared, are either eaten\nor valued for their skins.\n\n(M181) When Siberian sable-hunters have caught a sable, no one is allowed\nto see it, and they think that if good or evil be spoken of the captured\nsable no more sables will be caught. A hunter has been known to express\nhis belief that the sables could hear what was said of them as far off as\nMoscow. He said that the chief reason why the sable hunt was now so\nunproductive was that some live sables had been sent to Moscow. There they\nhad been viewed with astonishment as strange animals, and the sables\ncannot abide that. Another, though minor, cause of the diminished take of\nsables was, he alleged, that the world is now much worse than it used to\nbe, so that nowadays a hunter will sometimes hide the sable which he has\ngot instead of putting it into the common stock. This also, said he, the\nsables cannot abide.(686) A Russian traveller happening once to enter a\nGilyak hut in the absence of the owner, observed a freshly killed sable\nhanging on the wall. Seeing him look at it, the housewife in consternation\nhastened to muffle the animal in a fur cap, after which it was taken down,\nwrapt in birch bark, and put away out of sight. Despite the high price he\noffered for it, the traveller\u2019s efforts to buy the animal were unavailing.\nIt was bad enough, they told him, that he, a stranger, had seen the dead\nsable in its skin, but far worse consequences for the future catch of\nsables would follow if they were to sell him the animal entire.(687)\nAlaskan hunters preserve the bones of sables and beavers out of reach of\nthe dogs for a year and then bury them carefully, \u201clest the spirits who\nlook after the beavers and sables should consider that they are regarded\nwith contempt, and hence no more should be killed or trapped.\u201d(688) The\nShuswap Indians of British Columbia think that if they did not throw\nbeaver-bones into the river, the beavers would not go into the traps any\nmore, and that the same thing would happen were a dog to eat the flesh or\ngnaw the bone of a beaver.(689) Carrier Indians who have trapped martens\nor beavers take care to keep them from the dogs; for if a dog were to\ntouch these animals the Indians believe that the other martens or beavers\nwould not suffer themselves to be caught.(690) A missionary who fell in\nwith an old Carrier Indian asked him what luck he had in the chase. \u201cOh,\ndon\u2019t speak to me about it,\u201d replied the Indian; \u201cthere are beavers in\nplenty. I caught one myself immediately after my arrival here, but\nunluckily a dog got hold of it. You know that after that it has been\nimpossible for me to catch another.\u201d \u201cNonsense,\u201d said the missionary; \u201cset\nyour traps as if nothing had happened, and you will see.\u201d \u201cThat would be\nuseless,\u201d answered the Indian in a tone of despair, \u201cquite useless. You\ndon\u2019t know the ways of the beaver. If a dog merely touches a beaver, all\nthe other beavers are angry at the owner of the dog and always keep away\nfrom his traps.\u201d It was in vain that the missionary tried to laugh or\nargue him out of his persuasion; the man persisted in abandoning his\nsnares and giving up the hunt, because, as he asserted, the beavers were\nangry with him.(691) A French traveller, observing that the Indians of\nLouisiana did not give the bones of beavers and otters to their dogs,\nenquired the reason. They told him there was a spirit in the woods who\nwould tell the other beavers and otters, and that after that they would\ncatch no more animals of these species.(692) The Canadian Indians were\nequally particular not to let their dogs gnaw the bones, or at least\ncertain of the bones, of beavers. They took the greatest pains to collect\nand preserve these bones, and, when the beaver had been caught in a net,\nthey threw them into the river. To a Jesuit who argued that the beavers\ncould not possibly know what became of their bones, the Indians replied,\n\u201cYou know nothing about catching beavers and yet you will be prating about\nit. Before the beaver is stone dead, his soul takes a turn in the hut of\nthe man who is killing him and makes a careful note of what is done with\nhis bones. If the bones are given to the dogs, the other beavers would get\nword of it and would not let themselves be caught. Whereas, if their bones\nare thrown into the fire or a river, they are quite satisfied; and it is\nparticularly gratifying to the net which caught them.\u201d(693) Before hunting\nthe beaver they offered a solemn prayer to the Great Beaver, and presented\nhim with tobacco; and when the chase was over, an orator pronounced a\nfuneral oration over the dead beavers. He praised their spirit and wisdom.\n\u201cYou will hear no more,\u201d said he, \u201cthe voice of the chieftains who\ncommanded you and whom you chose from among all the warrior beavers to\ngive you laws. Your language, which the medicine-men understand perfectly,\nwill be heard no more at the bottom of the lake. You will fight no more\nbattles with the otters, your cruel foes. No, beavers! But your skins\nshall serve to buy arms; we will carry your smoked hams to our children;\nwe will keep the dogs from eating your bones, which are so hard.\u201d(694)\n\n(M182) The elan, deer, and elk were treated by the American Indians with\nthe same punctilious respect, and for the same reason. Their bones might\nnot be given to the dogs nor thrown into the fire, nor might their fat be\ndropped upon the fire, because the souls of the dead animals were believed\nto see what was done to their bodies and to tell it to the other beasts,\nliving and dead. Hence, if their bodies were ill-used, the animals of that\nspecies would not allow themselves to be taken, neither in this world nor\nin the world to come.(695) The houses of the Indians of Honduras were\nencumbered with the bones of deer, the Indians believing that if they\nthrew the bones away, the other deer could not be taken.(696) Among the\nChiquites of Paraguay a sick man would be asked by the medicine-man\nwhether he had not thrown away some of the flesh of the deer or turtle,\nand if he answered yes, the medicine-man would say, \u201cThat is what is\nkilling you. The soul of the deer or turtle has entered into your body to\navenge the wrong you did it.\u201d(697) Before the Tzentales of Southern Mexico\nand the Kekchis of Guatemala venture to skin a deer which they have\nkilled, they lift up its head and burn copal before it as an offering;\notherwise a certain being named Tzultacca would be angry and send them no\nmore game.(698) Cherokee hunters ask pardon of the deer they kill. If they\nfailed to do so, they think that the Little Deer, the chief of the deer\ntribe, who can never die or be wounded, would track the hunter to his home\nby the blood-drops on the ground and would put the spirit of rheumatism\ninto him. Sometimes the hunter, on starting for home, lights a fire in the\ntrail behind him to prevent the Little Deer from pursuing him.(699) Before\nthey went out to hunt for deer, antelope, or elk the Apaches used to\nresort to sacred caves, where the medicine-men propitiated with prayer and\nsacrifice the animal gods whose progeny they intended to destroy.(700) The\nIndians of Louisiana bewailed bitterly the death of the buffaloes which\nthey were about to kill. More than two hundred of them at a time have been\nseen shedding crocodile tears over the approaching slaughter of the\nanimals, while they marched in solemn procession, headed by an old man who\nwaved a pocket-handkerchief at the end of a stick as an oriflamme, and by\na woman who strutted proudly along, bearing on her back a large kettle\nwhich had been recently abstracted from the baggage of some French\nexplorers.(701) The Thompson Indians of British Columbia cherished many\nsuperstitious beliefs and observed many superstitious practices in regard\nto deer. When a deer was killed, they said that the rest of the deer would\nbe well pleased if the hunters butchered the animal nicely and cleanly. To\nwaste venison displeased the animals, who after that would not allow\nthemselves to be shot by the hunter. If a hunter was overburdened and had\nto leave some of the venison behind, the other deer were better pleased if\nhe hung it up on a tree than if he let it lie on the ground. The guts were\ngathered and put where the blood had been spilt in butchering the beast,\nand the whole was covered up with a few fir-boughs. In laying the boughs\non the blood and guts the man told the deer not to grieve for the death of\ntheir friend and not to take it ill that he had left some of the body\nbehind, for he had done his best to cover it. If he did not cover it, they\nthought the deer would be sorry or angry and would spoil his luck in the\nchase. When the head of a deer had to be left behind, they commonly placed\nit on the branch of a tree, that it might not be contaminated by dogs and\nwomen. For the same reason they burned the bones of the slain deer, lest\nthey should be touched by women or gnawed by dogs. And venison was never\nbrought into a hut by the common door, because that door was used by\nwomen; it was taken in through a hole made in the back of the hut. No\nhunter would give a deer\u2019s head to a man who was the first or second of a\nfamily, for that would make the rest of the deer very shy and hard to\nshoot. And in telling his friends of his bag he would generally call a\nbuck a doe, and a doe he would call a fawn, and a fawn he would call a\nhare. This he did that he might not seem to the deer to brag.(702) The\nLillooet Indians of British Columbia threw the bones of animals,\nparticularly those of the deer and the beaver, into the water, in order\nthat the dogs should not defile or eat them and thereby offend the\nanimals. When the hunter committed the bones to the water he generally\nprayed to the dead animal, saying, \u201cSee! I treat you respectfully. Nothing\nshall defile you. Have pity on me, so I may kill more of you! May I be\nsuccessful in hunting and trapping!\u201d(703) The Canadian Indians would not\neat the embryos of the elk, unless at the close of the hunting season;\notherwise the mother-elks would be shy and refuse to be caught.(704)\n\n(M183) Indians of the Lower Fraser River regard the porcupine as their\nelder brother. Hence when a hunter kills one of these creatures he asks\nhis elder brother\u2019s pardon and does not eat of the flesh till the next\nday.(705) The Sioux will not stick an awl or needle into a turtle, for\nthey are sure that, if they were to do so, the turtle would punish them at\nsome future time.(706) Some of the North American Indians believed that\neach sort of animal had its patron or genius who watched over and\npreserved it. An Indian girl having once picked up a dead mouse, her\nfather snatched the little creature from her and tenderly caressed and\nfondled it. Being asked why he did so, he said that it was to appease the\ngenius of mice, in order that he might not torment his daughter for eating\nthe mouse. With that he handed the mouse to the girl and she ate it.(707)\n\n(M184) When the Koryak have killed a fox, they take the body home and lay\nit down near the fire, saying, \u201cLet the guest warm himself. When he feels\nwarm, we will free him from his overcoat.\u201d So when the frozen carcase is\nthawed, they skin it and wrap long strips of grass round about it. Then\nthe animal\u2019s mouth is filled with fish-roe, and the mistress of the house\ngashes the flesh and puts more roe or dried meat into the gashes, making\nbelieve that the gashes are the fox\u2019s pockets, which she thus fills with\nprovisions. Then the carcase is carried out of the house, and the people\nsay, \u201cGo and tell your friends that it is good to visit yonder house.\n\u2018Instead of my old coat, they gave me a new one still warmer and with\nlonger hair. I have eaten my fill, and had my pockets well stored. You,\ntoo, go and visit them.\u2019 \u201d The natives think that if they neglected to\nobserve this ceremonial they would have no luck in hunting foxes.(708)\nWhen a Ewe hunter of Togoland has killed an antelope of a particular kind\n(_Antilope leucoryx_), he erects an enclosure of branches, within which he\nplaces the lower jawbones of all the animals he has shot. Then he pours\npalm-wine and sprinkles meal on the bones, saying, \u201cYe lower jawbones of\nbeasts, ye are now come home. Here is food, here is drink. Therefore lead\nyour comrades (that is, the living beasts of the forest) hither\nalso.\u201d(709) In the Timor-laut islands of the Indian Archipelago the skulls\nof all the turtles which a fisherman has caught are hung up under his\nhouse. Before he goes out to catch another, he addresses himself to the\nskull of the last turtle that he killed, and having inserted betel between\nits jaws, he prays the spirit of the dead animal to entice its kinsfolk in\nthe sea to come and be caught.(710) In the Poso district of central\nCelebes hunters keep the jawbones of deer and wild pigs which they have\nkilled and hang them up in their houses near the fire. Then they say to\nthe jawbones, \u201cYe cry after your comrades, that your grandfathers, or\nnephews, or children may not go away.\u201d Their notion is that the souls of\nthe dead deer and pigs tarry near their jawbones and attract the souls of\nliving deer and pigs, which are thus drawn into the toils of the\nhunter.(711) Thus in all these cases the wily savage employs dead animals\nas decoys to lure living animals to their doom.\n\n(M185) The Lengua Indians of the Gran Chaco love to hunt the ostrich, but\nwhen they have killed one of these birds and are bringing home the carcase\nto the village, they take steps to outwit the resentful ghost of their\nvictim. They think that when the first natural shock of death is passed,\nthe ghost of the ostrich pulls himself together and makes after his body.\nActing on this sage calculation, the Indians pluck feathers from the\nbreast of the bird and strew them at intervals along the track. At every\nbunch of feathers the ghost stops to consider, \u201cIs this the whole of my\nbody or only a part of it?\u201d The doubt gives him pause, and when at last he\nhas made up his mind fully at all the bunches, and has further wasted\nvaluable time by the zigzag course which he invariably pursues in going\nfrom one to another, the hunters are safe at home, and the bilked ghost\nmay stalk in vain round about the village, which he is too timid to\nenter.(712)\n\n(M186) The Esquimaux of the Hudson Bay region believe that the reindeer\nare controlled by a great spirit who resides in a large cave near the end\nof Cape Chidley. The outward form of the spirit is that of a huge white\nbear. He obtains and controls the spirit of every reindeer that is slain\nor dies, and it depends on his good will whether the people shall have a\nsupply of reindeer or not. The sorcerer intercedes with this great spirit\nand prevails on him to send the deer to the hungry Esquimaux. He informs\nthe spirit that the people have in no way offended him, since he, the\nsorcerer, has taken great care that the whole of the meat was eaten up,\nand that last spring, when the does were returning to him to drop their\nyoung, none of the little or embryo fawns were devoured by the dogs. After\nlong incantations the magician announces that the patron of the deer\ncondescends to supply the Esquimaux with the spirits of the animals in a\nmaterial form, and that soon there will be plenty in the land. He charges\nthe people to fall on and slay and thereby win the approval of the spirit,\nwho loves to see good folk enjoying themselves, knowing that so long as\nthe Esquimaux refrain from feeding their dogs with the unborn young, the\nspirits of the dead reindeer will return again to his watchful care. The\ndogs are not allowed to taste the flesh, and until the supply is plentiful\nthey may not gnaw the leg-bones, lest the guardian of the deer should take\noffence and send no more of the animals. If, unfortunately, a dog should\nget at the meat, a piece of his tail is cut off or his ear is cropped to\nlet the blood flow.(713) Again, the Central Esquimaux hold that\nsea-mammals, particularly whales, ground-seals, and common seals, sprang\nfrom the severed fingers of the goddess Sedna, and that therefore an\nEsquimau must make atonement for every such animal that he kills. When a\nseal is brought into the hut, the woman must stop working till it has been\ncut up. After the capture of a ground seal, walrus, or whale they must\nrest for three days. Not all sorts of work, however, are forbidden, for\nthey may mend articles made of sealskin, but they may not make anything\nnew. For example, an old tent cover may be enlarged in order to build a\nlarger hut, but it is not allowed to make a new one. Working on new\ndeerskins is strictly forbidden. No skins of this kind obtained in summer\nmay be prepared before the ice has formed and the first seal has been\ncaught with the harpoon. Later on, as soon as the first walrus has been\ntaken, the work must again stop until autumn comes round. Hence all\nfamilies are eager to finish the work on deerskins as fast as possible,\nfor until that is done the walrus season may not begin.(714) The\nGreenlanders are careful not to fracture the heads of seals or throw them\ninto the sea, but pile them in a heap before the door, that the souls of\nthe seals may not be enraged and scare their brethren from the coast.(715)\n\n(M187) The Esquimaux about Bering Strait believe that the souls of dead\nsea-beasts, such as seals, walrus, and whales, remain attached to their\nbladders, and that by returning the bladders to the sea they can cause the\nsouls to be reincarnated in fresh bodies and so multiply the game which\nthe hunters pursue and kill. Acting on this belief every hunter carefully\nremoves and preserves the bladders of all the sea-beasts that he kills;\nand at a solemn festival held once a year in winter these bladders,\ncontaining the souls of all the sea-beasts that have been killed\nthroughout the year, are honoured with dances and offerings of food in the\npublic assembly-room, after which they are taken out on the ice and thrust\nthrough holes into the water; for the simple Esquimaux imagine that the\nsouls of the animals, in high good humour at the kind treatment they have\nexperienced, will thereafter be born again as seals, walrus, and whales,\nand in that form will flock willingly to be again speared, harpooned, or\notherwise done to death by the hunters. The ceremonies observed at these\nannual festivals of reincarnation are elaborate. The assembly-room or\ndancing-house (_kashim_, _kassigim_, or _kassigit_), in which the festival\nis held, consists of a spacious semi-subterranean chamber entered by a\ntunnel, which leads down to a large round cellar under the floor of the\nhouse. From the cellar you ascend into the assembly-room through a hole in\nthe floor. Wooden benches run round the apartment, which is lit by lamps.\nAn opening in the roof serves at once as a window and a chimney. Unmarried\nmen sleep in the assembly-room at all times; they have no other home. The\nfestival is commonly held in December, but it may fall as late as January.\nIt lasts several days. When the time is come to celebrate it, each hunter\nbrings into the assembly-room the inflated bladders of all the seals,\nwalrus, and whales that he has killed during the year. These are tied by\nthe necks in bunches and hung up on seal spears, which are stuck in a row\nin the wall some six or eight feet above the floor. Here food and water\nare offered to them, or rather to the spirits of the animals which are\nsupposed to be present in the bladders; and the spirits signify their\nacceptance of the offering by causing the bladders to swing to and fro, a\nmovement which is really produced by a man sitting in a dark corner, who\npulls a string attached to the bladders. Further, the bladders are\nfumigated with torches of wild parsnip stalks, the aromatic smoke and red\nflames of which are believed to be well-pleasing to the souls of the\nanimals dangling in the bladders. Moreover to amuse the souls men execute\ncurious dances before them to the music of drums. First the dancers move\nslowly with a jerky action from side to side; then they gallop obliquely\nwith arms tossed up and down; and lastly they hop and jump, always keeping\nperfect time to the beat of the drums. The dance is supposed to imitate\nthe movements of seals and walrus; and again the spirits signify their\npleasure by making the bladders swing backwards and forwards. During the\ncontinuance of the festival no loud noises may be made in the\nassembly-room for fear of alarming the souls of the animals in the\nbladders; if any person makes a noise by accident, all the men present\nraise a chorus of cries in imitation of the notes of the eider duck to let\nthe souls of the animals think that the unseemly disturbance proceeds from\nthe birds and not from the people. Further, so long as the festival lasts,\nno wood may be cut with an iron axe in the village, the men must keep\nrigidly apart from the women, and no female above the age of puberty may\ncome near the bladders suspended in the assembly-room, the reason assigned\nbeing that such women are unclean and might offend the sensitive souls of\nthe sea-beasts in the bladders. But immature girls, being untainted by the\npollution which attaches to adult women, may go about the bladders freely.\nThe last and crowning scene of the festival takes place at night or just\nat sunrise. The spears with the bladders attached to them are passed out\nby the shaman into the open air through the smoke-hole in the roof. When\nall are outside, a huge torch of wild parsnip stalks is lighted; the chief\nshaman takes it on his shoulder, and runs with it as fast as he can across\nthe snow and out on the ice. Behind him troop all the men carrying each\nhis spear with the bladders of the sea-beasts dangling and flapping from\nit; and in the rear race the women, children, and old men, howling,\nscreaming and making a great uproar. In the darkness the lurid flame of\nthe torch shoots high into the air, casting a red glare over the snowy\nlandscape and lighting up the swarm of fantastic, fur-clad figures that\nstream along in wild excitement. Arrived at a hole, which had been cut on\npurpose in the sea-ice, the shaman plants his burning torch beside it in\nthe snow, and every man as he comes up rips open his bladders and thrusts\nthem, one after the other, into the water under the ice. This ends the\nceremony. The souls of the dead seals, walrus, and whales, are now ready\nto be born again in the depths of the sea. So all the people return\ncontented to the village. At St. Michael the men who have thrust the\nbladders under the ice are obliged on their return to leap through a fire\nof wild parsnip stalks, probably as a mode of ceremonial purification; for\nafter the dance and the offering of food at the festival the chief shaman\npasses a lighted torch of parsnip stalks round the assembly-room and the\ndancers, for the express purpose of purifying them and averting any evil\ninfluence that might bring sickness or ill luck on the hunters.(716)\n\n(M188) For like reasons, a tribe which depends for its subsistence,\nchiefly or in part, upon fishing is careful to treat the fish with every\nmark of honour and respect. The Indians of Peru \u201cworshipped the whale for\nits monstrous greatness. Besides this ordinary system of worship, which\nprevailed throughout the coast, the people of different provinces adored\nthe fish that they caught in greatest abundance; for they said that the\nfirst fish that was made in the world above (for so they named Heaven)\ngave birth to all other fish of that species, and took care to send them\nplenty of its children to sustain their tribe. For this reason they\nworshipped sardines in one region, where they killed more of them than of\nany other fish; in others, the skate; in others, the dogfish; in others,\nthe golden fish for its beauty; in others, the crawfish; in others, for\nwant of larger gods, the crabs, where they had no other fish, or where\nthey knew not how to catch and kill them. In short, they had whatever fish\nwas most serviceable to them as their gods.\u201d(717) The Kwakiutl Indians of\nBritish Columbia think that when a salmon is killed its soul returns to\nthe salmon country. Hence they take care to throw the bones and offal into\nthe sea, in order that the soul may reanimate them at the resurrection of\nthe salmon. Whereas if they burned the bones the soul would be lost, and\nso it would be quite impossible for that salmon to rise from the\ndead.(718) In like manner the Otawa Indians of Canada, believing that the\nsouls of dead fish passed into other bodies of fish, never burned fish\nbones, for fear of displeasing the souls of the fish, who would come no\nmore to the nets.(719) The Hurons also refrained from throwing fish bones\ninto the fire, lest the souls of the fish should go and warn the other\nfish not to let themselves be caught, since the Hurons would burn their\nbones. Moreover, they had men who preached to the fish and persuaded them\nto come and be caught. A good preacher was much sought after, for they\nthought that the exhortations of a clever man had a great effect in\ndrawing the fish to the nets. In the Huron fishing village where the\nFrench missionary Sagard stayed, the preacher to the fish prided himself\nvery much on his eloquence, which was of a florid order. Every evening\nafter supper, having seen that all the people were in their places and\nthat a strict silence was observed, he preached to the fish. His text was\nthat the Hurons did not burn fish bones. \u201cThen enlarging on this theme\nwith extraordinary unction, he exhorted and conjured and invited and\nimplored the fish to come and be caught and to be of good courage and to\nfear nothing, for it was all to serve their friends who honoured them and\ndid not burn their bones.\u201d(720) At Bogadjim in German New Guinea an\nenchanter is employed to lure the fish to their doom. He stands in a canoe\non the beach with a decorated fish-basket beside him, and commands the\nfish to come from all quarters to Bogadjim.(721) When the Aino have killed\na sword-fish, they thank the fish for allowing himself to be caught and\ninvite him to come again.(722) Among the Nootka Indians of British\nColumbia it was formerly a rule that any person who had partaken of bear\u2019s\nflesh must rigidly abstain from eating any kind of fish for a term of two\nmonths. The motive for the abstinence was not any consideration for the\nhealth of the eater, but \u201ca superstitious belief, that should any of their\npeople after tasting bear\u2019s flesh, eat of fresh salmon, cod, etc., the\nfish, though at ever so great a distance off, would come to the knowledge\nof it, and be so much offended thereat, as not to allow themselves to be\ntaken by any of the inhabitants.\u201d(723) The disappearance of herring from\nthe sea about Heligoland in 1530 was attributed by the fishermen to the\nmisconduct of two lads who had whipped a freshly-caught herring and then\nflung it back into the sea.(724) A similar disappearance of the herrings\nfrom the Moray Firth, in the reign of Queen Anne, was set down by some\npeople to a breach of the Sabbath which had been committed by the\nfishermen, while others opined that it was due to a quarrel in which blood\nhad been spilt in the sea.(725) For Scotch fishermen are persuaded that if\nblood be drawn in a quarrel on the coast where herring are being caught,\nthe shoal will at once take its departure and not return for that season\nat least. West Highland fishermen believe that every shoal of herring has\nits leader which it follows wherever he goes. This leader is twice as big\nas an ordinary herring, and the fishermen call it the king of herring.\nWhen they chance to catch it in their nets they put it back carefully into\nthe sea; for they would esteem it petty treason to destroy the royal\nfish.(726) The natives of the Duke of York Island annually decorate a\ncanoe with flowers and ferns, lade it, or are supposed to lade it, with\nshell-money, and set it adrift to compensate the fish for their fellows\nwho have been caught and eaten.(727) When the Tarahumares of Mexico are\npreparing to poison the waters of a river for the purpose of stupefying\nand catching the fish, they take the precaution of first making offerings\nto the Master of the Fish by way of payment for the fish of which they are\nabout to bereave him. The offerings consist of axes, hats, blankets,\ngirdles, pouches, and especially knives and strings of beads, which are\nhung to a cross or a horizontal bar set up in the middle of the river.\nHowever, the Master of the Fish, who is thought to be the oldest fish,\ndoes not long enjoy these good things; for next morning the owners of the\nvarious articles remove them from the river and appropriate them to their\nusual secular purposes.(728) It is especially necessary to treat the first\nfish caught with consideration in order to conciliate the rest of the\nfish, whose conduct may be supposed to be influenced by the reception\ngiven to those of their kind which were the first to be taken. Accordingly\nthe Maoris always put back into the sea the first fish caught, \u201cwith a\nprayer that it may tempt other fish to come and be caught.\u201d(729) Among the\nBaganda \u201cthe first fish taken were treated ceremonially: some the\nfisherman took to the god Mukasa; the remainder his wife cooked, and he\nand she both partook of them, and he afterwards jumped over her.\u201d(730)\n\n(M189) Still more stringent are the precautions taken when the fish are\nthe first of the season. On salmon rivers, when the fish begin to run up\nthe stream in spring, they are received with much deference by tribes who,\nlike the Indians of the Pacific Coast of North America, subsist largely\nupon a fish diet. To some of these tribes the salmon is what corn is to\nthe European, rice to the Chinese, and seals to the Esquimaux. Plenty of\nsalmon means abundance in the camp and joy at the domestic hearth; failure\nof the salmon for a single season means famine and desolation, silence in\nthe village, and sad hearts about the fire.(731) Accordingly in British\nColumbia the Indians used to go out to meet the first fish as they came up\nthe river: \u201cThey paid court to them, and would address them thus: \u2018You\nfish, you fish; you are all chiefs, you are; you are all chiefs.\u2019 \u201d(732)\nAmongst the Thlinkeet or Tlingit of Alaska the first halibut of the season\nis carefully handled and addressed as a chief, and a festival is given in\nhis honour, after which the fishing goes on.(733) Among the tribes of the\nLower Fraser River when the first sockeye-salmon of the season has been\ncaught, the fisherman carries it to the chief of his tribe, who delivers\nit to his wife. She prays, saying to the salmon, \u201cWho has brought you here\nto make us happy? We are thankful to your chief for sending you.\u201d When she\nhas cut and roasted the salmon according to certain prescribed rules, the\nwhole tribe is invited and partakes of the fish, after they have purified\nthemselves by drinking a decoction of certain plants which is regarded as\na medicine for cleansing the people. But widowers, widows, menstruous\nwomen, and youths may not eat of this particular salmon. Even later, when\nthe fish have become plentiful and these ceremonies are dispensed with,\nthe same classes of persons are not allowed to eat fresh salmon, though\nthey may partake of the dried fish. The sockeye-salmon must always be\nlooked after carefully. Its bones have to be thrown into the river, after\nwhich the fish will revive and return to its chief in the west. Whereas if\nthe fish are not treated with consideration, they will take their revenge,\nand the careless fisherman will be unlucky.(734) Among the Songish or\nLkungen tribe of Vancouver Island it is a rule that on the day when the\nfirst salmon have been caught, the children must stand on the beach\nwaiting for the boats to return. They stretch out their little arms and\nthe salmon are heaped on them, the heads of the fish being always kept in\nthe direction in which the salmon are swimming, else they would cease to\nrun up the river. So the children carry them and lay them on a grassy\nplace, carefully keeping the heads of the salmon turned in the same\ndirection. Round the fish are placed four flat stones, on which the plant\nhog\u2019s wort (_Peucedanum leiocarpum_, Nutt.), red paint, and bulrushes are\nburnt as an offering to the salmon. When the salmon have been roasted each\nof the children receives one, which he or she is obliged to eat, leaving\nnothing over. But grown people are not allowed to eat the fish for several\ndays. The bones of the salmon that the children have eaten may not touch\nthe ground. They are kept in dishes, and on the fourth day an old woman,\nwho pretends to be lame, gathers them in a huge basket and throws them\ninto the sea.(735) The Tsimshian Indians of British Columbia observe\ncertain ceremonies when the first olachen fish of the season are caught.\nThe fish are roasted on an instrument of elder-berry wood, and the man who\nroasts them must wear his travelling dress, mittens, cape, and so forth.\nWhile this is being done the Indians pray that plenty of olachen may come\nto their fishing-ground. The fire may not be blown up, and in eating the\nfish they may not cool it by blowing nor break a single bone. Everything\nmust be neat and clean, and the rakes used for catching the fish must be\nkept hidden in the house.(736) In spring, when the winds blow soft from\nthe south and the salmon begin to run up the Klamath river, the Karoks of\nCalifornia dance for salmon, to ensure a good catch. One of the Indians,\ncalled the Kareya or God-man, retires to the mountains and fasts for ten\ndays. On his return the people flee, while he goes to the river, takes the\nfirst salmon of the catch, eats some of it, and with the rest kindles the\nsacred fire in the sweating-house. \u201cNo Indian may take a salmon before\nthis dance is held, nor for ten days after it, even if his family are\nstarving.\u201d The Karoks also believe that a fisherman will take no salmon if\nthe poles of which his spearing-booth is made were gathered on the\nriver-side, where the salmon might have seen them. The poles must be\nbrought from the top of the highest mountain. The fisherman will also\nlabour in vain if he uses the same poles a second year in booths or weirs,\n\u201cbecause the old salmon will have told the young ones about them.\u201d(737)\nAmong the Indians of the Columbia River, \u201cwhen the salmon make their first\nappearance in the river, they are never allowed to be cut crosswise, nor\nboiled, but roasted; nor are they allowed to be sold without the heart\nbeing first taken out, nor to be kept over night, but must be all consumed\nor eaten the day they are taken out of the water. All these rules are\nobserved for about ten days.\u201d(738) They think that if the heart of a fish\nwere eaten by a stranger at the beginning of the season, they would catch\nno more fish. Hence, they roast and eat the hearts themselves.(739) There\nis a favourite fish of the Aino which appears in their rivers about May\nand June. They prepare for the fishing by observing rules of ceremonial\npurity, and when they have gone out to fish, the women at home must keep\nstrict silence or the fish would hear them and disappear. When the first\nfish is caught he is brought home and passed through a small opening at\nthe end of the hut, but not through the door; for if he were passed\nthrough the door, \u201cthe other fish would certainly see him and\ndisappear.\u201d(740) This may partly explain the custom observed by other\nsavages of bringing game in certain cases into their huts, not by the\ndoor, but by the window, the smoke-hole, or by a special opening at the\nback of the hut.(741)\n\n(M190) With some savages a special reason for respecting the bones of\ngame, and generally of the animals which they eat, is a belief that, if\nthe bones are preserved, they will in course of time be reclothed with\nflesh, and thus the animal will come to life again. It is, therefore,\nclearly for the interest of the hunter to leave the bones intact, since to\ndestroy them would be to diminish the future supply of game. Many of the\nMinnetaree Indians \u201cbelieve that the bones of those bisons which they have\nslain and divested of flesh rise again clothed with renewed flesh, and\nquickened with life, and become fat, and fit for slaughter the succeeding\nJune.\u201d(742) Hence on the western prairies of America, the skulls of\nbuffaloes may be seen arranged in circles and symmetrical piles, awaiting\nthe resurrection.(743) After feasting on a dog, the Dacotas carefully\ncollect the bones, scrape, wash, and bury them, \u201cpartly, as it is said, to\ntestify to the dog-species, that in feasting upon one of their number no\ndisrespect was meant to the species itself, and partly also from a belief\nthat the bones of the animal will rise and reproduce another.\u201d(744) Among\nthe Esquimaux of Baffin Land and Hudson Bay, when a boy has killed his\nfirst seal, his mother gathers all the bones and throws them into a\nseal-hole. They think that these bones will become seals which the boy\nwill catch in later life.(745) The Yuracares Indians of Bolivia are at\ngreat pains to collect all the bones of the beasts, birds, and fishes\nwhich they eat, and to throw them into a stream, bury them in the depths\nof the forest, or burn them in the fire, \u201cin order that the animals of the\nsort killed may not be angry and may allow themselves to be killed\nagain.\u201d(746) In sacrificing an animal the Lapps regularly put aside the\nbones, eyes, ears, heart, lungs, sexual parts (if the animal was a male),\nand a morsel of flesh from each limb. Then, after eating the remainder of\nthe flesh, they laid the bones and the rest in anatomical order in a\ncoffin and buried them with the usual rites, believing that the god to\nwhom the animal was sacrificed would reclothe the bones with flesh and\nrestore the animal to life in Jabme-Aimo, the subterranean world of the\ndead. Sometimes, as after feasting on a bear, they seem to have contented\nthemselves with thus burying the bones.(747) Thus the Lapps expected the\nresurrection of the slain animal to take place in another world,\nresembling in this respect the Kamtchatkans, who believed that every\ncreature, down to the smallest fly, would rise from the dead and live\nunderground.(748) On the other hand, the North American Indians looked for\nthe resurrection of the animals in the present world. The habit, observed\nespecially by Mongolian peoples, of stuffing the skin of a sacrificed\nanimal, or stretching it on a framework,(749) points rather to a belief in\na resurrection of the latter sort. The objection commonly entertained by\nprimitive peoples to break the bones of the animals which they have eaten\nor sacrificed(750) may be based either on a belief in the resurrection of\nthe animals, or on a fear of intimidating other creatures of the same\nspecies and offending the ghosts of the slain animals. The reluctance of\nNorth American Indians and Esquimaux to let dogs gnaw the bones of\nanimals(751) is perhaps only a precaution to prevent the bones from being\nbroken.\n\n(M191) We have already seen that some rude races believe in a resurrection\nof men(752) as well as of beasts, and it is quite natural that people who\nentertain such a belief should take care of the bones of their dead in\norder that the original owners of the bones may have them to hand at the\ncritical moment. Hence in the Mexican territories of Guazacualco and\nYluta, where the Indians thought that the dead would rise again, the bones\nof the departed were deposited in baskets and hung up on trees, that their\nspirits might not be obliged to grub in the earth for them at the\nresurrection.(753) On the other hand, the Luritcha tribe of Central\nAustralia, who eat their enemies, take steps to prevent their coming to\nlife again, which might prove very inconvenient, by destroying the bones\nand especially the skulls of the bodies on which they have banqueted.(754)\n\n                  \u2010\u2010\u2010\u2010\u2010\u2010\u2010\u2010\u2010\u2010\u2010\u2010\u2010\u2010\u2010\u2010\u2010\u2010\u2010\u2010\u2010\u2010\u2010\u2010\u2010\u2010\u2010\u2010\u2010\u2010\u2010\u2010\u2010\u2010\u2010\u2010\u2010\n\n(M192) The preceding review of customs observed by savages for the\nconciliation and multiplication of animals which they hunt and kill, is\nfitted to impress us with a lively sense of the unquestioning faith which\nprimitive man reposes in the immortality of the lower creatures. He\nappears to assume as an axiom too obvious to be disputed that beasts,\nbirds, and fishes have souls like his own, which survive the death of\ntheir bodies and can be reborn in other bodies to be again killed and\neaten by the hunter. The whole series of customs described in the\nforegoing pages\u2014customs which are apt to strike the civilised reader as\nquaint and absurd\u2014rests on this fundamental assumption. A consideration of\nthem suggests a doubt whether the current explanation of the savage belief\nin human immortality is adequate to account for all the facts. That belief\nis commonly deduced from a primitive theory of dreams. The savage, it is\nsaid, fails to distinguish the visions of sleep from the realities of\nwaking life, and accordingly when he has dreamed of his dead friends he\nnecessarily concludes that they have not wholly perished, but that their\nspirits continue to exist in some place and some form, though in the\nordinary course of events they elude the perceptions of his senses. On\nthis theory the conceptions, whether gross or refined, whether repulsive\nor beautiful, which savages and perhaps civilised men have formed of the\nstate of the departed, would seem to be no more than elaborate hypotheses\nconstructed to account for appearances in dreams; these towering\nstructures, for all their radiant or gloomy grandeur, for all the massy\nstrength and solidity with which they present themselves to the\nimagination of many, may turn out on inspection to be mere visionary\ncastles built of clouds and vapour, which a breath of reason suffices to\nmelt into air.\n\n(M193) But even if we grant for the sake of argument that this theory\noffers a ready explanation of the widespread belief in human immortality,\nit is less easy to see how the theory accounts for the corresponding\nbelief of so many races in the immortality of the lower animals. In his\ndreams the savage recognises the images of his departed friends by those\nfamiliar traits of feature, voice, and gesture which characterised them in\nlife. But can we suppose that he recognises dead beasts, birds, and fishes\nin like manner? That their images come before him in sleep with all the\nparticular features, the minute individual differences, which\ndistinguished them in life from their fellows, so that when he sees them\nhe can say to himself, for example, \u201cThis is the very tiger that I speared\nyesterday; his carcase is dead, but his spirit must be still alive\u201d; or,\n\u201cThat is the very salmon I caught and ate this morning; I certainly killed\nhis body but clearly I have not succeeded in destroying his soul\u201d? No\ndoubt it is possible that the savage has arrived at his theory of animal\nimmortality by some such process of reasoning, but the supposition seems\nat least more far-fetched and improbable than in the case of human\nimmortality. And if we admit the insufficiency of the explanation in the\none case, we seem bound to admit it, though perhaps in a less degree, in\nthe other case also. In short, we conclude that the theory of dreams\nappears to be hardly enough by itself to account for the widespread belief\nin the immortality of men and animals; dreams have probably done much to\nconfirm that belief, but would they suffice to originate it? We may\nreasonably doubt it.\n\n(M194) Accordingly we are driven to cast about for some more adequate\nexplanation of this prevalent and deeply rooted persuasion. In search of\nsuch an explanation perhaps we need go no further than the sense of life\nwhich every man feels in his own breast.(755) We have seen that to the\nsavage death presents itself not as a natural necessity but as a\nlamentable accident or crime that cuts short an existence which, but for\nit, might have lasted for ever.(756) Thus arguing apparently from his own\nsensations he conceives of life as an indestructible kind of energy, which\nwhen it disappears in one form must necessarily reappear in another,\nthough in the new form it need not be immediately perceptible by us; in\nother words, he infers that death does not destroy the vital principle nor\neven the conscious personality, but that it merely transforms both of them\ninto other shapes, which are not the less real because they commonly elude\nthe evidence of our senses. If I am right in thus interpreting the thought\nof primitive man, the savage view of the nature of life singularly\nresembles the modern scientific doctrine of the conservation of energy.\nAccording to that doctrine, no material energy ever perishes or is even\ndiminished; when it seems to suffer diminution or extinction, all that\nhappens is that a portion or the whole of it has been transmuted into\nother shapes which, though qualitatively different from, are\nquantitatively equivalent to, the energy in its original form. In short,\nif we listen to science, nothing in the physical world is ever lost, but\nall things are perpetually changing: the sum of energy in the universe is\nconstant and invariable, though it undergoes ceaseless\ntransformations.(757) A similar theory of the indestructibility of energy\nis implicitly applied by the savage to explain the phenomena of life and\ndeath, and logically enough he does not limit the application to human\nbeings but extends it to the lower animals. Therein he shews himself a\nbetter reasoner than his civilised brother, who commonly embraces with\navidity the doctrine of human immortality but rejects with scorn, as\nderogatory to human dignity, the idea that animals have immortal souls.\nAnd when he attempts to confirm his own cherished belief in a life after\ndeath by appealing to similar beliefs among savages and inferring from\nthem a natural instinct of immortality, it is well to remind him that, if\nhe stands by that appeal, he must, like the savage, consistently extend\nthe privilege of immortality to the despised lower animals; for surely it\nis improper for him to pick and choose his evidence so as to suit his\nprepossessions, accepting those parts of the savage creed which tally with\nhis own and rejecting those which do not. On logical and scientific\ngrounds he seems bound to believe either more or less: he must hold that\nmen and animals are alike immortal or that neither of them is so.\n\n                  \u2010\u2010\u2010\u2010\u2010\u2010\u2010\u2010\u2010\u2010\u2010\u2010\u2010\u2010\u2010\u2010\u2010\u2010\u2010\u2010\u2010\u2010\u2010\u2010\u2010\u2010\u2010\u2010\u2010\u2010\u2010\u2010\u2010\u2010\u2010\u2010\u2010\n\n(M195) We have seen that many savages look forward to a joyful\nresurrection of men and beasts, if only a proper care is taken of their\nskeletons; the same old bones, they imagine, will do duty over again in\nthe next life, when they have been decently clad in a new garment of\nflesh. This quaint fancy is reflected in many popular tales; not\nuncommonly the animal or man in the story comes to life lame of a limb,\nbecause one of his bones has been eaten, broken, or lost.(758) In a Magyar\ntale, the hero is cut in pieces, but the serpent-king lays the bones\ntogether in their proper order, and washes them with water, whereupon the\nhero revives. His shoulder-blade, however, has been lost, so the\nserpent-king supplies its place with one of gold and ivory.(759) Such\nstories, as Mannhardt has seen, explain why Pythagoras, who claimed to\nhave lived many lives, one after the other, was said to have exhibited his\ngolden leg as a proof of his supernatural pretensions.(760) Doubtless he\nexplained that at one of his resurrections a leg had been broken or\nmislaid, and that he had replaced it, like Miss Kilmansegg, with one of\ngold. Similarly, when the murdered Pelops was restored to life, the\nshoulder which Demeter had eaten was made good with one of ivory,(761)\nwhich was publicly exhibited at Elis down to historical times.(762) The\nstory that one of the members of the mangled Osiris was eaten by fish, and\nthat, when Isis collected his scattered limbs, she replaced the missing\nmember with one of wood,(763) may perhaps belong to the same circle of\nbeliefs.\n\n(M196) There is a certain rule observed by savage hunters and fishers\nwhich, enigmatical at first sight, may possibly be explained by this\nsavage belief in resurrection. A traveller in America in the early part of\nthe nineteenth century was told by a half-breed Choctaw that the Indians\n\u201chad an obscure story, somewhat resembling that of Jacob wrestling with an\nangel; and that the full-blooded Indians always separate the sinew which\nshrank, and that it is never seen in the venison exposed for sale; he did\nnot know what they did with it. His elder brother, whom I afterwards met,\ntold me that they eat it as a rarity; but I have also heard, though on\nless respectable authority, that they refrain from it, like the ancient\nJews. A gentleman, who had lived on the Indian frontier, or in the nation,\nfor ten or fifteen years, told me that he had often been surprised that\nthe Indians always detached this sinew; but it had never occurred to him\nto inquire the reason.\u201d(764) James Adair, who knew the Indians of the\nSouth-Eastern States intimately, and whose absurd theories appear not to\nhave distorted his view of the facts, observes that \u201cwhen in the woods,\nthe Indians cut a small piece out of the lower part of the thighs of the\ndeer they kill, lengthways and pretty deep. Among the great number of\nvenison-hams they bring to our trading-houses, I do not remember to have\nobserved one without it.... And I have been assured by a gentleman of\ncharacter, who is now an inhabitant of South Carolina, and well acquainted\nwith the customs of the northern Indians, that they also cut a piece out\nof the thigh of every deer they kill, and throw it away; and reckon it\nsuch a dangerous pollution to eat it as to occasion sickness and other\nmisfortunes of sundry kinds, especially by spoiling their guns from\nshooting with proper force and direction.\u201d(765)\n\n(M197) In more recent times the statement of Adair\u2019s informant has been\nconfirmed by a French missionary, who has also published the \u201cobscure\nstory\u201d to which the English traveller Hodgson refers. The Loucheux and\nHare-skin Indians who roam the bleak steppes and forests that stretch from\nHudson\u2019s Bay to the Rocky Mountains, and northward to the frozen sea, are\nforbidden by custom to eat the sinew of the legs of animals. To explain\nthis custom they tell the following \u201csacred story.\u201d Once upon a time a man\nfound a burrow of porcupines, and going down into it after the porcupines\nhe lost his way in the darkness, till a kind giant called \u201cHe who sees\nbefore and behind\u201d released him by cleaving open the earth. So the man,\nwhose name was \u201cFireless and Homeless,\u201d lived with the kind giant, and the\ngiant hunted elans and beavers for him, and carried him about in the\nsheath of his flint knife. \u201cBut know, my son,\u201d said the giant, \u201cthat he\nwho uses the sky as his head is angry with me, and has sworn my\ndestruction. If he slays me the clouds will be tinged with my blood; they\nwill be red with it, probably.\u201d Then he gave the man an axe made of the\ntooth of a gigantic beaver, and went forth to meet his foe. But from under\nthe ice the man heard a dull muffled sound. It was a whale which was\nmaking this noise because it was naked and cold. Warned by the man, the\ngiant went toward the whale, which took human shape, and rushed upon the\ngiant. It was the wicked giant, the kind giant\u2019s enemy. The two struggled\ntogether for a long time, till the kind giant cried, \u201cOh, my son! cut, cut\nthe sinew of the leg.\u201d The man cut the sinew, and the wicked giant fell\ndown and was slain. That is why the Indians do not eat the sinew of the\nleg. Afterwards, one day the sky suddenly flushed a fiery red, so Fireless\nand Homeless knew that the kind giant was no more, and he wept.(766)\n\n(M198) This myth, it is almost needless to observe, does not really\nexplain the custom. People do not usually observe a custom because on a\nparticular occasion a mythical being is said to have acted in a certain\nway. But, on the contrary, they very often invent myths to explain why\nthey practise certain customs. Dismissing, therefore, the story of\nFireless and Homeless as a myth invented to explain why the Indians\nabstain from eating a particular sinew, it may be suggested(767) that the\noriginal reason for observing the custom was a belief that the sinew in\nquestion was necessary to reproduction, and that deprived of it the slain\nanimals could not come to life again and stock the steppes and prairies\neither of the present world or of the spirit land. We have seen that the\nresurrection of animals is a common article of savage faith, and that when\nthe Lapps bury the skeleton of the male bear in the hope of its\nresurrection they are careful to bury the genital parts along with it.\nHowever, subsequent enquiries make it probable that the Indian practice of\ncutting out the hamstring of deer has no other object than that of\npreventing eaters of venison from going lame. Among the Cherokee, we are\ntold, \u201con killing a deer the hunter always makes an incision in the hind\nquarter and removes the hamstring, because this tendon, when severed,\ndraws up into the flesh; ergo, any one who should unfortunately partake of\nthe hamstring would find his limbs drawn up in the same manner.\u201d(768) Thus\nthe superstition seems to rest on the common principle of homoeopathic or\nimitative magic, that an eater infects himself with the qualities of the\nanimal of whose flesh he partakes. Many instances of the application of\nthat principle have met us already.(769)\n\n(M199) But some hunters hamstring the game for a different purpose; they\nhope thereby to prevent the dead beast or its ghost from getting up and\nrunning away. This is the motive alleged for the practice by Koui hunters\nin Laos; they think that the spells which they utter in the chase may lose\ntheir magical virtue, and that the slaughtered animal may consequently\ncome to life again and escape. To prevent that catastrophe they therefore\nhamstring the beast as soon as they have butchered it.(770) When an\nEsquimau of Alaska has killed a fox, he carefully cuts the tendons of all\nthe animal\u2019s legs in order to prevent the ghost from reanimating the body\nand walking about.(771) But hamstringing the carcase is not the only\nmeasure which the prudent savage adopts for the sake of disabling the\nghost of his victim. In old days, when the Aino went out hunting and\nkilled a fox first, they took care to tie its mouth up tightly in order to\nprevent the ghost of the animal from sallying forth and warning its\nfellows against the approach of the hunter.(772) The Gilyaks of the Amoor\nRiver put out the eyes of the seals they have killed, lest the ghosts of\nthe slain animals should know their slayers and avenge their death by\nspoiling the seal-hunt.(773) The custom of putting out the eyes of\nslaughtered animals appears to be not uncommon among primitive peoples,\nand we may suspect that even where a different reason is alleged for it,\nthe true original motive was to blind the dangerous ghost of the injured\ncreature, and so to incapacitate it for retaliating on the slayer. Thus,\nwhen a Samoyed has killed a wild reindeer, one of the first things he does\nis to cut out the eyes and throw them away \u201cin order to ensure a good bag\nin future\u201d; and he buries the eyes in some place where no woman or adult\ngirl is likely to step over them, since that also would spoil his luck in\nthe chase.(774) Among the tribes of South-east Africa hunters pluck out\nthe right eye of any animal they have killed and pour a charmed medicine\ninto the empty socket.(775) Among the Thompson Indians of British Columbia\na man whose daughter has just arrived at puberty may not hunt or trap for\na month, or he will have no luck. Moreover, he should cut off the head of\nthe first grouse he snares, pluck out the eyes, and insert two small roots\nof the _Zygadenus elegans_ Pursch. in the orbits and another in its mouth,\nand having done so he ought to hang up the bird\u2019s head above his pillow.\nIf he neglects these precautions, he will not be able to snare any more\ngrouse or other small game.(776) No doubt the ceremonial pollution\ncontracted by his daughter at this critical period of her life is supposed\nto infect the hunter and render him unacceptable to the game;(777) hence\nit seems a mere elementary dictate of prudence to hoodwink the grouse\neffectually by putting out their eyes. Sometimes, perhaps, the cutting out\nof the eyes of fierce and powerful animals may be a rational, not a\nsuperstitious, precaution. Thus the Kamtchatkans, who stab with knives the\neyes of slain bears before they cut the carcases up, allege as their\nreason for doing so that bears which seem to be dead of their wounds will\nsometimes revive and kill their would-be killers.(778)\n\n(M200) It appears to be a common custom with savage hunters to cut out the\ntongues of the animals which they kill. On the analogy of the foregoing\ncustoms we may conjecture that the removal of the tongues is sometimes a\nprecaution to prevent the ghosts of the creatures from telling their sad\nfate to their sympathising comrades, the living animals of the same sort,\nwho would naturally be frightened, and so keep out of the hunter\u2019s way.\nThus, for example, Omaha hunters remove the tongue of a slain buffalo\nthrough an opening made in the animal\u2019s throat. The tongues thus removed\nare sacred and may not touch any tool or metal except when they are\nboiling in the kettles at the sacred tent. They are eaten as sacred\nfood.(779) Indian bear-hunters cut out what they call the bear\u2019s little\ntongue (a fleshy mass under the real tongue) and keep it for good luck in\nhunting or burn it to determine, from its crackling and so on, whether the\nsoul of the slain bear is angry with them or not.(780) In folk-tales the\nhero commonly cuts out the tongue of the wild beast which he has slain and\npreserves it as a token. The incident serves to shew that the custom was a\ncommon one, since folk-tales reflect with accuracy the customs and beliefs\nof a primitive age.(781) On the other hand, the tongues of certain\nanimals, as the otter and the eagle, are torn out and sometimes worn round\ntheir necks by Thlinkeet and Haida shamans as a means of conferring\nsuperhuman knowledge and power on their possessors.(782) In particular, an\notter\u2019s tongue is supposed to convey a knowledge of \u201cthe language of all\ninanimate objects, of birds, animals, and other living creatures\u201d to the\nshaman, who wears it in a little bag hung round his neck.(783) When a\nGalla priest sacrifices an animal and decides that the omens are\nfavourable, he cuts out the tongue, sticks his thumb through it, and so\nflays the animal.(784) In certain cases Gallas cut out the tongues of oxen\nand wear them on their heads as tokens.(785) In Bohemia a fox\u2019s tongue is\nworn as an amulet to make a timid person bold;(786) in Oldenburg and\nBelgium it is a remedy for erysipelas.(787) In Bohemia the tongue of a\nmale snake, if cut from the living animal on St. George\u2019s Eve and placed\nunder a person\u2019s tongue, will confer the gift of eloquence.(788) The\nHomeric Greeks cut out the tongues of sacrificial victims and burned\nthem.(789) According to some accounts, the tongues of the victims were\nassigned by the Greeks to Hermes, as the god of speech, or to his human\nrepresentatives the heralds.(790) On the principles of sympathetic magic\nwe might expect that heralds should taste the tongues of sacrificial\nvictims to strengthen their voices, or to acquire the gift of\ntongues.(791)\n\n(M201) The conjecture that the practice of cutting out the tongues of dead\nanimals may sometimes be a precaution to prevent their ghosts from telling\ntales, is to some extent confirmed by a ceremony which the Bechuanas used\nto observe after a battle. It was customary with them on these occasions\nto sacrifice a fine black ox, called the expiatory victim (_pekou_), cut\noff the tip of its tongue, and extract one of its eyes together with a\npiece of the hamstring and a piece of the principal tendon of the\nshoulder; and the severed parts were afterwards carefully fried, along\nwith some medicinal herbs, in a horn by a medicine-man. The reasons for\nthus mutilating the animal were explained by a native to two French\nmissionaries. \u201cIf we cut out and purify the victim\u2019s tongue,\u201d said he,\n\u201cthe motive is to induce the guardian deities to prevent the enemy from\nspeaking ill of us. We ask also that the sinews of their feet and hands\nmay fail them in the battle; and that their eyes may not cast a covetous\nlook on our herds.\u201d(792) In this custom the sacrificial ox appears to be\ntreated as the ceremonial equivalent of the enemy; accordingly by cutting\nout its tongue you obviously prevent your enemy from cursing you, for how\ncan he curse you if he has no tongue? Similarly, by hamstringing the beast\nyou ensure that the legs and arms of your adversary will fail him in the\nbattle, and by gouging out the ox\u2019s eye you make perfectly certain that\nthe foe will never be able to cast a longing eye on your fat beeves. Thus\nfor all practical purposes the mutilation of the ox is quite as effective\nas the mutilation of the enemy\u2019s dead, which is sometimes practised by\nsavages from similar superstitious motives. Thus on the return from a\nfield of battle the Baganda used to cut up one or two of the enemy\u2019s dead,\nscoop out the eyes, cut off the ears, and lay the limbs on the road taken\nby the returning army \u201cto prevent evil following them.\u201d(793) The nature of\nthe evil which the Baganda warriors feared to incur if they did not\nmutilate the dead in this fashion, is not mentioned, but we may conjecture\nthat by gouging out the eyes and ears of their slain foes they hoped to\nmake their angry ghosts blind and deaf; or perhaps, upon the principles of\nhomoeopathic magic, they counted on maiming their living foes in like\nmanner. Some of the aborigines of Australia cut off the thumbs of their\ndead enemies in order that their ghosts may not be able to throw\nspears.(794) Other Australian tribes burn off the thumb nails of their own\ndead to prevent the poor ghost from scratching a way for himself out of\nthe grave.(795) When the Tupi Indians of Brazil killed and ate a prisoner,\n\u201cthe thumb was cut off because of its use in archery, an art concerning\nwhich they were singularly superstitious; what was done with it does not\nappear, except that it was not eaten like the rest.\u201d(796) Perhaps these\nIndians, like the Australians, thought by this mutilation to disarm the\ndangerous ghost of their victim. When any bad man died, the Esquimaux of\nBering Strait used to cut the sinews of his arms and legs, \u201cin order to\nprevent the shade from returning to the body and causing it to walk at\nnight as a ghoul.\u201d(797) In Travancore the ghosts of men who have been\nhanged for murder are particularly dreaded; so in order to incapacitate\nthem from roaming about and attacking people, it used to be customary to\nslice off a criminal\u2019s heels with a sword or hamstring him at the moment\nwhen he swung free from the ladder.(798) The Omaha Indians used to slit\nthe soles of a man who had been killed by lightning in order to prevent\nhis ghost from walking.(799) Among the Awemba of Northern Rhodesia\nmurderers often inflicted shocking mutilations on the bodies of their\nvictims. \u201cThis was done, it is said, to prevent the spirit of the murdered\nperson from exacting vengeance, and even if only the joint of the first or\nthe little finger were cut off, such mutilation would suffice for this\npurpose.\u201d(800) These examples suggest that many other mutilations which\nsavages practise on their dead enemies may spring, not from the blind fury\nof hatred, but from a cool calculation of the best mode of protecting\nthemselves against the very natural resentment of the ghosts; by\nmutilating the corpse they apparently hope to maim the ghost and so to\nrender him incapable of harming them. At all events it appears that in\ncertain circumstances some savages treat the dead bodies of men and beasts\nmuch alike, by hamstringing them in order to prevent their ghosts from\ngetting up and walking. So consistent and impartial is the primitive\nphilosopher in his attitude to the spirit world.\n\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER XV. THE PROPITIATION OF VERMIN BY FARMERS.\n\n\n\n\n\u00a7 1. The Enemies of the Crops.\n\n\n(M202) Besides the animals which primitive man dreads for their strength\nand ferocity, and those which he reveres on account of the benefits which\nhe expects from them, there is another class of creatures which he\nsometimes deems it necessary to conciliate by worship and sacrifice. These\nare the vermin that infest his crops and his cattle. To rid himself of\nthese deadly foes the farmer has recourse to many superstitious devices,\nof which, though some are meant to destroy or intimidate the vermin,\nothers aim at propitiating them and persuading them by fair means to spare\nthe fruits of the earth and the herds. Thus Esthonian peasants, in the\nisland of Oesel, stand in great awe of the weevil, an insect which is\nexceedingly destructive to the grain. They give it a fine name, and if a\nchild is about to kill a weevil they say, \u201cDon\u2019t do it; the more we hurt\nhim, the more he hurts us.\u201d If they find a weevil they bury it in the\nearth instead of killing it. Some even put the weevil under a stone in the\nfield and offer corn to it. They think that thus it is appeased and does\nless harm.(801) Amongst the Saxons of Transylvania, in order to keep\nsparrows from the corn, the sower begins by throwing the first handful of\nseed backwards over his head, saying, \u201cThat is for you, sparrows.\u201d To\nguard the corn against the attacks of leaf-flies (_Erdfl\u00f6he_) he shuts his\neyes and scatters three handfuls of oats in different directions. Having\nmade this offering to the leaf-flies he feels sure that they will spare\nthe corn. A Transylvanian way of securing the crops against all birds,\nbeasts, and insects, is this: after he has finished sowing, the sower goes\nonce more from end to end of the field imitating the gesture of sowing,\nbut with an empty hand. As he does so he says, \u201cI sow this for the\nanimals; I sow it for everything that flies and creeps, that walks and\nstands, that sings and springs, in the name of God the Father, etc.\u201d(802)\nThe Huzuls of the Carpathians believe that the bite of the weasel is\npoisonous and that the animal commits ravages on the cattle. Yet they take\ncare never to kill a weasel, lest the surviving kinsfolk of the deceased\nshould avenge his death on the herds of his murderer. They even celebrate\na festival of weasels either on St. Matthew\u2019s day (9th August, old style,\n21st August, new style), or on St. Catherine\u2019s day (24th November, old\nstyle, 6th December, new style). On that day no work may be done, lest the\nweasels should harm the herds.(803) The following is a German way of\nfreeing a garden from caterpillars. After sunset or at midnight the\nmistress of the house, or another female member of the family, walks all\nround the garden dragging a broom after her. She must not look behind her,\nand must keep murmuring, \u201cGood evening, Mother Caterpillar, you shall come\nwith your husband to church.\u201d The garden gate is left open till the\nfollowing morning.(804)\n\n(M203) The attempts thus made by European peasants to mollify the rage and\navert the ravages of vermin have their counterpart in the similar\nobservances of savages. When the Matabele find caterpillars in their\nfields they put an ear of corn in a calabash, fill the vessel up with\ncaterpillars, and set it down on a path leading to another village, hoping\nthus to induce the insects to migrate thither.(805) The Yabim of German\nNew Guinea imagine that the caterpillars and worms which infest their\nfields of taro are animated by the souls of the human dead; hence in order\nto rid the crops of these vermin they politely request the insects to\nleave the fields and repair to the village. \u201cYe locusts, worms, and\ncaterpillars,\u201d they say, \u201cwho have died or hanged yourselves, or have been\nkilled by a falling log or devoured by a shark, go into the village.\u201d(806)\nThere is a certain ant whose destructive ravages are dreaded by the people\nof Nias. Generally they wage war on it by means of traps and other\ndevices; but at the time of the rice-harvest they cease to call the insect\nby its common name, and refer to it under the title of Sibaia, a good\nspirit who is supposed to protect the crop from harm.(807) In South\nMirzapur, when locusts threaten to eat up the fruits of the earth, the\npeople catch one, decorate his head with a spot of red lead, salaam to\nhim, and let him go. After these civilities he immediately departs along\nwith his fellows.(808) Among the Wajagga of German East Africa sorcerers\nattempt to rid the fields of locusts by catching one of the insects, tying\nits legs together, and letting it fly away, after charging the creature to\nlead the swarm to the lands of a neighbouring and hostile chief.(809) The\nWagogo, another tribe of German East Africa, catch one of the birds which\ninfest their gardens, and, having drenched it with a charmed stuff, they\nrelease the bird in the hope that it may entice all its companions away\ninto the forest.(810)\n\n(M204) Sometimes in dealing with vermin the farmer aims at hitting a happy\nmean between excessive rigour on the one hand and weak indulgence on the\nother; kind but firm, he tempers severity with mercy. An ancient Greek\ntreatise on farming advises the husbandman who would rid his lands of mice\nto act thus: \u201cTake a sheet of paper and write on it as follows: \u2018I adjure\nyou, ye mice here present, that ye neither injure me nor suffer another\nmouse to do so. I give you yonder field\u2019 (here you specify the field);\n\u2018but if ever I catch you here again, by the Mother of the Gods I will rend\nyou in seven pieces.\u2019 Write this, and stick the paper on an unhewn stone\nin the field before sunrise, taking care to keep the written side\nup.\u201d(811) In the Ardennes they say that to get rid of rats you should\nrepeat the following words: \u201c_Erat verbum, apud Deum vestrum._ Male rats\nand female rats, I conjure you, by the great God, to go out of my house,\nout of all my habitations, and to betake yourselves to such and such a\nplace, there to end your days. _Decretis, reversis et desembarassis virgo\npotens, clemens, justitiae._\u201d Then write the same words on pieces of\npaper, fold them up, and place one of them under the door by which the\nrats are to go forth, and the other on the road which they are to take.\nThis exorcism should be performed at sunrise.(812) Some years ago an\nAmerican farmer was reported to have written a civil letter to the rats,\ntelling them that his crops were short, that he could not afford to keep\nthem through the winter, that he had been very kind to them, and that for\ntheir own good he thought they had better leave him and go to some of his\nneighbours who had more grain. This document he pinned to a post in his\nbarn for the rats to read.(813) The mouse is one of the most dreaded\nenemies of the rice-crop in Celebes. Many therefore are the prayers and\nincantations which prudent farmers resort to for the purpose of keeping\nthe vermin from their fields. Thus, for example, a man will run round his\nfield, saying, \u201cPruner is your name. Creep not through my rice. Be blind\nand deaf. Creep not through my rice. If you must creep through rice, go\nand creep through other rice.\u201d The following formula is equally effective:\n\u201cPruner is your real name. Mouse is your by-name. Down in the evening land\nis the stone on which you ought to sit; in the west, in Java, is your\nabode.\u201d Or again: \u201cO Longtail, Longtail, eat not my rice. It is the rice\nof a prince. It is the field of one who is revered.\u201d(814) The Aino of\nJapan believe that God first created rats and mice at Erum kotan, which\nmeans \u201crat place.\u201d Indeed, there are a great many rats and mice there even\nnow, and the people of the village worship mice and offer them libations\nand sacred sticks whittled at the top into shavings. Grateful for these\nattentions, the mice spare the gardens and will not nibble at the roots\nand the fruits. But if the people omit to worship the mice, or if they are\nrash enough to speak evil of them, the creatures are angry and eat up the\ngarden produce. The havoc which rats and mice now work in the gardens of\nthe Aino every year is attributed to the modern neglect of the people to\nworship the vermin.(815)\n\n(M205) Sometimes the desired object is supposed to be attained by treating\nwith high distinction one or two chosen individuals of the obnoxious\nspecies, while the rest are pursued with relentless rigour. In the East\nIndian island of Bali, the mice which ravage the rice-fields are caught in\ngreat numbers, and burned in the same way that corpses are burned. But two\nof the captured mice are allowed to live, and receive a little packet of\nwhite linen. Then the people bow down before them, as before gods, and let\nthem go.(816) In the Kangean archipelago, East Indies, when the mice prove\nvery destructful to the rice-crop, the people rid themselves of the pest\nin the following manner. On a Friday, when the usual service in the mosque\nis over, four pairs of mice are solemnly united in marriage by the priest.\nEach pair is then shut up in a miniature canoe about a foot long. These\ncanoes are filled with rice and other fruits of the earth, and the four\npairs of mice are then escorted to the sea-shore just as if it were a real\nwedding. Wherever the procession passes the people beat with all their\nmight on their rice-blocks. On reaching the shore, the canoes, with their\nlittle inmates, are launched and left to the mercy of the winds and\nwaves.(817) When the farms of the Sea Dyaks or Ibans of Sarawak are much\npestered by birds and insects, they catch a specimen of each kind of\nvermin (one sparrow, one grasshopper and so on), put them in a tiny boat\nof bark well-stocked with provisions, and then allow the little vessel\nwith its obnoxious passengers to float down the river. If that does not\ndrive the pests away, the Dyaks resort to what they deem a more effectual\nmode of accomplishing the same purpose. They make a clay crocodile as\nlarge as life and set it up in the fields, where they offer it food,\nrice-spirit, and cloth, and sacrifice a fowl and a pig before it.\nMollified by these attentions, the ferocious animal very soon gobbles up\nall the creatures that devour the crops.(818) In some parts of Bohemia the\npeasant, though he kills field mice and grey mice without scruple, always\nspares white mice. If he finds a white mouse he takes it up carefully, and\nmakes a comfortable bed for it in the window; for if it died the luck of\nthe house would be gone, and the grey mice would multiply fearfully in the\ndwelling.(819) In Albania, if the fields or vineyards are ravaged by\nlocusts or beetles, some of the women will assemble with dishevelled hair,\ncatch a few of the insects, and march with them in a funeral procession to\na spring or stream, in which they drown the creatures. Then one of the\nwomen sings, \u201cO locusts and beetles who have left us bereaved,\u201d and the\ndirge is taken up and repeated by all the women in chorus. Thus by\ncelebrating the obsequies of a few locusts and beetles, they hope to bring\nabout the death of them all.(820) When caterpillars invaded a vineyard or\nfield in Syria, the virgins were gathered, and one of the caterpillars was\ntaken and a girl made its mother. Then they bewailed and buried it.\nThereafter they conducted the \u201cmother\u201d to the place where the caterpillars\nwere, consoling her, in order that all the caterpillars might leave the\ngarden.(821) On the first of September, Russian girls \u201cmake small coffins\nof turnips and other vegetables, enclose flies and other insects in them,\nand then bury them with a great show of mourning.\u201d(822) In South Africa a\nplague of caterpillars is removed by a number of small Caffre girls, who\ngo singing through the fields. They wail as they pass through the\nlanguishing crops, and thus invoke the aid and pity of some ancestral\nspirits. The mournful rite ends with a dance on a plot of ground\noverlooking the fields.(823)\n\n(M206) On the shore of Delagoa Bay there thrives a small brown beetle\nwhich is very destructive to the beans and maize. The Baronga call it\n_noonoo_. In December or January, when the insects begin to swarm, women\nare sent to collect them from the bean-stalks in shells. When they have\ndone so, a twin girl is charged with the duty of throwing the insects into\na neighbouring lake. Accompanied by a woman of mature years and carrying\nthe beetles in a calabash, the girl goes on her mission without saying a\nword to any one. At her back marches the whole troop of women, their arms,\nwaists, and heads covered with grass and holding in their hands branches\nof manioc with large leaves which they wave to and fro, while they chant\nthe words, \u201c_Noonoo_, go away! Leave our fields! _Noonoo_, go away! leave\nour fields!\u201d The little girl throws her calabash with the beetles into the\nwater without looking behind her, and thereupon the women bellow out\nobscene songs, which they never dare to utter except on this occasion and\nat the ceremony for making rain.(824)\n\n(M207) Another mode of getting rid of vermin and other noxious creatures\nwithout hurting their feelings or shewing them disrespect is to make\nimages of them. Apollonius of Tyana is said to have cleared Antioch of\nscorpions by making a bronze image of a scorpion and burying it under a\nsmall pillar in the middle of the city.(825) Further, it is reported that\nhe freed Constantinople from flies by means of a bronze fly, and from\ngnats by means of a bronze gnat.(826) In the Middle Ages Virgil passed for\nan enchanter and is said to have rid Naples of flies and grasshoppers by\nbronze or copper images of these insects; and when the waters of the city\nwere infested by leeches, he made a golden leech, which put a stop to the\nplague.(827) It is reported that a mosque at Fez used to be protected\nagainst scorpions by an image of a bird holding a scorpion in its\nbeak.(828) An Arab writer tells of a golden locust which guarded a certain\ntown from a plague of locusts; and he also mentions two brazen oxen which\nchecked a murrain among cattle.(829) Gregory of Tours tells us that the\ncity of Paris used to be free of dormice and serpents, but that in his\nlifetime, while they were cleaning a sewer, they found a bronze serpent\nand a bronze dormouse and removed them. \u201cSince then,\u201d adds the good\nbishop, \u201cdormice and serpents without number have been seen in\nParis.\u201d(830) When their land was overrun with mice, the Philistines made\ngolden images of the vermin and sent them out of the country in a new cart\ndrawn by two cows, hoping that the real mice would simultaneously\ndepart.(831) So when a swarm of serpents afflicted the Israelites in the\ndesert, they made a serpent of brass and set it on a pole as a mode of\nstaying the plague.(832)\n\n\n\n\n\u00a7 2. Mouse Apollo and Wolf Apollo.\n\n\n(M208) Some of the Greek gods were worshipped under titles derived from\nthe vermin or other pests which they were supposed to avert or\nexterminate. Thus we hear of Mouse Apollo,(833) Locust Apollo,(834) and\nMildew Apollo;(835) of Locust Hercules and Worm-killing Hercules;(836) of\nFoxy Dionysus;(837) and of Zeus the Fly-catcher or Averter of Flies.(838)\nIf we could trace all these and similar worships to their origin, we\nshould probably find that they were at first addressed, not to the high\ngods as the protectors of mankind, but to the baleful things themselves,\nthe mice, locusts, mildew, and so forth, with the intention of flattering\nand soothing them, of disarming their malignity, and of persuading them to\nspare their worshippers. We know that the Romans worshipped the mildew,\nthe farmer\u2019s plague, under its own proper name.(839) The ravages committed\nby mice among the crops both in ancient and modern times are\nnotorious,(840) and according to a tradition which may be substantially\ncorrect the worship of the Mouse (Smintheus) Apollo was instituted to\navert them.(841) The image of a mouse which stood beside Apollo\u2019s tripod\nin the god\u2019s temple in the Troad,(842) may be compared with the golden\nmice which the Philistines made for the purpose of ridding themselves of\nthe vermin; and the tame mice kept in his sanctuary, together with the\nwhite mice which lived under the altar,(843) would on this hypothesis be\nparallel to the white mice which the Bohemian peasant still cherishes as\nthe best way of keeping down the numbers of their grey-coated\nbrethren.(844) An Oriental counterpart of the Mouse Apollo is the ancient\npillar or rude idol which the Chams of Indo-China call _yang-tikuh_ or\n\u201cgod rat,\u201d and to which they offer sacrifices whenever rats infest their\nfields in excessive numbers.(845)\n\n(M209) Another epithet applied to Apollo which probably admits of a\nsimilar explanation is Wolfish.(846) Various legends set forth how the god\nreceived the title of Wolfish because he exterminated wolves;(847) indeed\nthis function was definitely attributed to him by the epithet\nWolf-slayer.(848) Arguing from the analogy of the preceding cases, we may\nsuppose that at first the wolves themselves were propitiated by fair words\nand sacrifices to induce them to spare man and beast; and that at a later\ntime, when the Greeks, or rather the enlightened portion of them, had\noutgrown this rude form of worship, they transferred the duty of keeping\noff the wolves to a beneficent deity who discharged the same useful office\nfor other pests, such as mice, locusts, and mildew. A reminiscence of the\ndirect propitiation of the fierce and dangerous beasts themselves is\npreserved in the legends told to explain the origin of the Lyceum or Place\nof Wolves at Athens and of the sanctuary of Wolfish Apollo at Sicyon. It\nis said that once, when Athens was infested by wolves, Apollo commanded\nsacrifices to be offered on the Place of Wolves and the smell proved fatal\nto the animals.(849) Similarly at Sicyon, when the flocks suffered heavily\nfrom the ravages of wolves, the same god directed the shepherds to set\nforth meat mixed with a certain bark, and the wolves devoured the tainted\nmeat and perished.(850) These legends probably reflect in a distorted form\nan old custom of sacrificing to the wolves, in other words of feeding them\nto mollify their ferocity and win their favour. We know that such a custom\nprevailed among the Letts down to comparatively recent times. In the month\nof December, about Christmas time, they sacrificed a goat to the wolves,\nwith strange idolatrous rites, at a cross-road, for the purpose of\ninducing the wolves to spare the flocks and herds. After offering the\nsacrifice they used to brag that no beast of theirs would fall a victim to\nthe ravening maw of a wolf for all the rest of that year, no, not though\nthe pack were to run right through the herd. Sacrifices of this sort are\nreported to have been secretly offered by the Letts as late as the\nseventeenth century;(851) and if we knew more of peasant life in ancient\nGreece we might find that on winter days, while Aristotle was expounding\nhis philosophy in the Lyceum or Place of Wolves at Athens, the Attic\npeasant was still carrying forth, in the crisp frosty air, his offering to\nthe wolves, which all night long had been howling round his sheepfold in a\nsnowy glen of Parnes or Pentelicus.\n\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER XVI. THE TRANSMIGRATION OF HUMAN SOULS INTO ANIMALS.\n\n\n(M210) With many savages a reason for respecting and sparing certain\nspecies of animals is a belief that the souls of their dead kinsfolk are\nlodged in these creatures. Thus the Indians of Cayenne refuse to eat\ncertain large fish, because they say that the soul of some one of their\nrelations might be in the fish, and that hence in eating the fish they\nmight swallow the soul.(852) The Piaroas Indians of the Orinoco believe\nthat the tapir is their ancestor and that the souls of the dying\ntransmigrate into animals of that species. Hence they will never hunt the\ntapir nor eat its flesh. It may even ravage their crops with impunity;\nthey will not attempt to ward it off or scare it away.(853) The Canelos\nIndians of Ecuador also believe in the transmigration of souls; it is\nespecially under the form of jaguars that they expect to be born again;\nhence they refuse to attack a jaguar except by way of righteous\nretribution for some wrong he has done them.(854) The doctrine of\ntransmigration finds favour also with the Quixos Indians; an old man told\nthe Italian traveller Osculati that the soul is a breath which passes from\nthe human body into an animal, and on the death of the animal shifts its\nquarters to another body.(855) The Caingua Indians of Paraguay think that\nthe souls of the dead which are unable to depart this earth are born again\nin the shape of animals; for that reason many of them refuse to eat the\nflesh of the domestic pig, because they say, \u201cHe was a man.\u201d(856) Once\nwhen a Spaniard was out hunting with two Piros Indians of Peru, they\npassed a deserted house in which they saw a fine jaguar. The Indians drew\nthe Spaniard away, and when he asked why they did not attack the animal,\nthey said: \u201cIt was our sister. She died at the last rains. We abandoned\nthe hut and on the second night she came back. It was the beautiful\njaguar.\u201d(857) Similarly a missionary remarked of the Chiriguanos Indians\nof Bolivia that they must have some idea of the transmigration of souls;\nfor one day, while he was talking with a woman of the tribe who had left\nher daughter in a neighbouring village, she started at sight of a fox\npassing near and exclaimed, \u201cMay it not be the soul of my daughter who has\ndied?\u201d(858) The Colombian Indians in the district of Popayan will not kill\nthe deer of their forests, and entertain such a respect for these animals\nthat they view with horror and indignation any one who dares to eat\nvenison in their presence. They say that the souls of persons who have led\na good life are in the deer.(859) In like manner the Indians of California\nformerly refused to eat the flesh of large game, because they held that\nthe bodies of all large animals contained the souls of past generations of\nmen and women. However, the Indians who were maintained at the Spanish\nmissions and received their rations in the form of beef, had to overcome\ntheir conscientious scruples in regard to cattle. Once a half-caste,\nwishing to amuse himself at the expense of the devout, cooked a dish of\nbear\u2019s flesh for them and told them it was beef. They ate heartily of it,\nbut when they learned the trick that had been played on them, they were\nseized with retchings, which only ended with the reappearance of the\nobnoxious meat. A reproach hurled by the wild tribes at their brethren who\nhad fallen under European influence was \u201cThey eat venison!\u201d(860)\nCalifornian Indians have been known to plead for the life of an old\ngrizzly she-bear, because they thought it housed the soul of a dead\ngrandam, whose withered features had borne some likeness to the wrinkled\nface of the bear.(861)\n\n(M211) The doctrine of the transmigration of human souls into animal\nbodies is viewed with great favour by the negroes of northern Guinea. In\ndifferent parts of the coast different species of animals are accounted\nsacred, because they are supposed to be animated by the spirits of the\ndead. Hence monkeys near Fishtown, snakes at Whydah, and crocodiles near\nDix Cove live in the odour of sanctity.(862) In the lagoon of Tendo, on\nthe Ivory Coast of West Africa, there is a certain sacred islet covered\nwith impenetrable scrub, on which no native dare set foot. It is peopled\nonly by countless huge bats, which at evening quit the island by hundreds\nof thousands to fly towards the River Tanoe, which flows into the lagoon.\nThe natives say that these bats are the souls of the dead, who retire\nduring the day to the holy isle and are bound to present themselves every\nnight at the abode of Tano, the great and good fetish who dwells by the\nriver of his name. Paddling past the island the negroes will not look at\nit, but turn away their heads. A European in crossing the lagoon wished to\nshoot one of the bats, but his boatmen implored him to refrain, lest he\nshould kill the soul of one of their kinsfolk.(863) In the Mopane country\nof South Africa there is, or used to be, no check on the increase of\nlions, because the natives, believing that the souls of their chiefs\nentered into the animals, never attempted to kill them; on the contrary,\nwhenever they met a lion they saluted him in the usual fashion by clapping\ntheir hands. Hence the country was so infested by lions that people,\nbenighted in fields, often slept for safety in trees.(864) Similarly, the\nMakanga, who occupy the angle between the Zambesi and Shire rivers,\nrefrain from killing lions because they believe that the spirits of dead\nchiefs enter into them.(865) The Amambwe universally suppose that their\nreigning chief turns at death into a lion.(866) The Bahima of Ankole, in\nCentral Africa, also imagine that their dead kings are changed into lions.\nTheir corpses are carried to a forest called Ensanzi, where they lie in\nstate for several days. At the end of that time the body is supposed to\nburst and give forth a lion cub, which contains the spirit of the deceased\nking. The animal is nurtured by priests till it is grown up, when it is\nreleased and allowed to roam the forest with the other lions. It is the\nduty of the priests to feed and care for the lions and to hold\ncommunications with the dead kings when occasion arises. For that purpose\nthe priests always live in a temple in the forest, where they receive\nfrequent offerings of cattle for the lions. In this forest the lions are\nsacred and may not be killed, but in other parts of the country they may\nbe slaughtered with impunity. Similarly, the Bahima think that at death\nthe king\u2019s wives are changed into leopards; the transformation takes place\nin like manner through the bursting of the dead bodies in a belt of the\nsame sacred forest. There the leopards are daily fed with offerings of\nmeat by priests, whose office is hereditary. Further, the Bahima are of\nopinion that the spirits of dead princes and princesses come to life again\nin the form of snakes, which burst from their dead bodies in another belt\nof the same forest: there is a temple in the forest where priests feed and\nguard the holy serpents. When the little snakes have issued from the\ncorpses of the princes, they are fed with milk till they are big enough to\ngo alone.(867) The El Kiboron clan of the Masai, in East Africa, imagine\nthat when married men of the clan are buried, their bones turn into\nserpents. Hence the El Kiboron do not, like the other Masai, kill snakes:\non the contrary they are glad to see the reptiles in the kraal and set out\nsaucers of milk and honey for them on the ground. It is said that snakes\nnever bite members of the clan.(868) The Ababu and other tribes of the\nCongo region believe that at death their souls transmigrate into the\nbodies of various animals, such as the hippopotamus, the leopard, the\ngorilla, and the gazelle; and on no account would a man eat the flesh of\nan animal of the particular kind which he expects to inhabit in the next\nlife.(869) Some of the Caffres of the Zambesi region, in Portuguese\nterritory, who believe in the transmigration of human souls into the\nbodies of animals, judge of the species of animals into which a dead\nperson has transmigrated by the resemblance which he bore to it in his\nlife. Thus, the soul of a big burly man with prominent teeth will pass\ninto an elephant; a strong man with a long beard will become a lion; an\nugly man with a large mouth and thick lips will be a hyaena; and so on.\nAnimals supposed to be tenanted by the spirits of the dead are treated as\nsacred and invulnerable. When a Portuguese lady, named Dona Maria, to whom\nthe blacks were much attached, had departed this life, it chanced that a\nhyaena came repeatedly by night to the village and carried off pigs and\nkids. The lady\u2019s old slaves would not do the creature the smallest hurt,\nsaying, \u201cIt is Dona Maria, our good mistress. She is hungry and comes to\nher house seeking what she may devour.\u201d(870)\n\n(M212) The belief that the souls of the dead transmigrate into the bodies\nof animals appears to be widely diffused among the tribes of Madagascar.\nThus, for example, the souls of the Betsileo are thought after death to be\nreborn in boa-constrictors, crocodiles, and eels of a particular sort\naccording to their rank in life. It is the nobles, or at all events the\nmost illustrious of them, who have the privilege of turning into\nboa-constrictors at death. To facilitate the transformation the corpse of\na dead noble is strapped to the central pillar of his house, and the\nproducts of decomposition are collected in a silver bowl. The largest of\nthe worms which are bred in the putrid liquid is believed to contain the\nsoul of the dead nobleman and to develop in due time into a\nboa-constrictor. Accordingly these huge serpents are regarded as sacred by\nthe Betsileo; nobody would dare to kill one of them. The people go down on\ntheir knees to them and salute them, just as they would do to a real live\nnobleman. It is a happy day when a boa-constrictor deigns to visit the\nvillage which he formerly inhabited in human form. He receives an ovation\nfrom his family. They go forth to meet him, spread silk for him to crawl\nupon, and carry him off to the public square, where he is allowed to gorge\nhimself with the blood of a sacrificed ox. The souls of commoners of good\nstanding transmigrate into the bodies of crocodiles, and in their new form\nstill serve their old masters, particularly by announcing to them the\napproach of the hour when they must shuffle out of the human frame into\nthe frame of boa-constrictors. Lastly, the scum of the population turn at\ndeath into eels, and to render the change as easy for them as possible it\nis customary to remove the bowels from the corpse and throw them into a\nsacred lake. The eel that swallows the first mouthful becomes the domicile\nof the soul of the deceased. No Betsileo would eat such eels.(871) Again,\nthe Antankarana, a tribe in the extreme north of Madagascar, believe that\nthe spirits of their dead chiefs pass into crocodiles, while those of\ncommon folk are reborn in other animals.(872) Once more, the Tanala, a\ntribe of south-eastern Madagascar, suppose that the souls of their dead\ntransmigrate into certain animals, such as scorpions and insects, which\naccordingly they will not kill or eat, believing that the creatures will\nin like manner abstain from injuring them.(873)\n\n(M213) Some of the Nagas of Assam hold that the spirits of the departed,\nafter undergoing a cycle of changes in a subterranean world, are reborn on\nearth in the form of butterflies or small house flies, only however in\nthat shape to perish for ever. Hence, when these small flies light on the\nwine-cups of the living, the wassailers will not kill them for fear of\ndestroying some one of their ancestors.(874) For a like reason the\nAngamis, one of the Naga tribes, carefully abstain from injuring certain\nspecies of butterfly.(875) At Ang Teng, a large village of Upper Burma,\nthe river at a point above a dilapidated bridge swarms with fish, which\nthe people hold sacred, because they imagine them to be their dead come to\nlife again in a fishy form. In former days no one might kill one of these\nfish under pain of death. Once a Shan, caught fishing with some dead fish\nin his possession, was instantly hauled away and killed.(876) The people\nof Kon-Meney in eastern Cochin China will not eat toads, because long ago\nthe soul of one of their chiefs passed at death into a toad. In his new\nshape he appeared to his son in a dream, informed him of the\ntransformation, and commanded him to sacrifice a pig, a fowl, and millet\nwine to his deceased parent, assuring him that if he complied with the\ninjunction the rice would grow well. The dutiful son obeyed the author of\nhis being; the toad appeared in the rice-fields watching over the growth\nof the rice, and the crop was magnificent. For two generations the\nsacrifices were duly offered, the toad appeared at the time of sowing, and\nthe granaries were full. Afterwards, however, the people neglected to\nsacrifice to the toad and were punished accordingly by failure of the\ncrops and consequent famine.(877) Some of the Chams of Indo-China believe\nthat the souls of the dead inhabit the bodies of certain animals, such as\nserpents, crocodiles, and so forth, the kind of animal varying with the\nfamily. The species of animals most commonly regarded as tenanted by the\nspirits of the departed are the rodents and active climbing creatures\nwhich abound in the country, such as squirrels. According to some people,\nthese small animals are especially the abode of still-born infants or of\nchildren who died young. The souls of these little ones appear in dreams\nto their mourning parents and say: \u201cI inhabit the body of a squirrel.\nHonour me as such. Make me a present of a flower, a coco-nut, a cup of\nroasted rice,\u201d and so on. The parents discharge this pious duty, respect\nthese familiar spirits, ascribe illnesses to their displeasure, pray to\nthem for healing, and on their deathbed commend to their descendants the\ncare of such and such a spirit, as a member of the family.(878)\n\n(M214) The Igorrots of Cabugatan, in the Philippines, regard the eels in\ntheir stream as the souls of their forefathers. Hence instead of catching\nand eating them they feed them, till the eels become as tame as carp in a\npond.(879) In the Sandwich Islands various people worshipped diverse kinds\nof animals, such as fowls, lizards, owls, rats, and so forth. If a man who\nadored sharks happened to have a child still-born, he would endeavour to\nlodge the soul of the dead infant in the body of a shark. For this purpose\nhe laid the tiny body, together with a couple of roots of taro, some kava,\nand a piece of sugar-cane, on a mat, recited prayers over it, and then\nflung the whole into the sea, believing that by virtue of this offering\nthe transmigration of the child\u2019s soul into the shark\u2019s body would be\neffected, and that henceforth the voracious monsters would spare all\nmembers of the family who might otherwise be exposed to their attacks. In\nthe temples dedicated to sharks there were priests who, morning and\nevening, addressed prayers to the shark-idol, and rubbed their bodies with\nwater and salt, which, drying on their skin, imparted to it an appearance\nof being covered with scales. They also wore red stuffs, uttered shrill\ncries, leaped over the sacred enclosure, and persuaded the credulous\nislanders that they knew the exact moment when the children thrown into\nthe sea were turned into sharks. For this revelation they were rewarded by\nthe happy parents with a plentiful supply of little pigs, coco-nuts, kava,\nand so on.(880) The Pelew Islanders believed that the souls of their\nforefathers lived in certain species of animals, which accordingly they\nheld sacred and would not injure. For this reason one man would not kill\nsnakes, another would not harm pigeons, and so on; but every one was quite\nready to kill and eat the sacred animals of his neighbours.(881)\n\n(M215) We have seen that the Battas of Sumatra seldom kill a tiger and\nnever without performing an elaborate ceremony to appease the animal\u2019s\nghost. The reason alleged for treating tigers with this respect is that\nthe souls of the dead often transmigrate into these animals, and therefore\nin killing a tiger a man never knows whether he is not killing a relative\nof his own. If members of the totemic clan of the Tiger should happen to\nbe in a village when the carcase of a slain tiger is brought into it, they\nare bound to pay special marks of honour to its remains by putting betel\nin its mouth. A priest offers food and drink to the dead tiger, addresses\nhim as Grandfather, prays him not to be angry or frightened, and explains\nto the gods the reasons for putting the animal to death.(882)\n\n(M216) The Kayans of Borneo think that when the human soul departs from\nthe body at death it may take the form of an animal or bird. For example,\nif a deer were seen browsing near a man\u2019s grave, his relations would\nprobably conclude that his soul had assumed the shape of a deer, and the\nwhole family would abstain from eating venison lest they should annoy the\ndeceased.(883) Most of the Kalamantans, another tribe of Borneo, will kill\nand eat deer freely, but there are exceptions to the rule. \u201cThus Damong,\nthe chief of a Malanau household, together with all his people, will not\nkill or eat the deer _Cervulus muntjac_, alleging that an ancestor had\nbecome a deer of this kind, and that, since they cannot distinguish this\nincarnation of his ancestor from other deer, they must abstain from\nkilling all deer of this species. We know of one instance in which one of\nthese people refused to use again his cooking-pot which a Malay had\nborrowed and used for cooking the flesh of this deer. This superstition is\nstill rigidly adhered to, although these people have been converted to\nIslam of recent years.... The people of Miri, who also are Mohammedan\nMalanaus, claim to be related to the large deer (_Cervus equinus_) and\nsome of them to the muntjac deer also. Now these people live in a country\nin which deer of all kinds abound, and they always make a clearing in the\njungle around a tomb. On such a clearing grass grows up rapidly, and so\nthe spot becomes attractive to deer as a grazing ground; and it seems not\nimprobable that it is through frequently seeing deer about the tombs that\nthe people have come to entertain the belief that their dead relatives\nbecome deer or that they are in some other way closely related to the\ndeer. The Bakongs, another group of Malanaus, hold a similar belief with\nregard to the bear-cat (_Artictis_) and the various species of\n_Paradoxurus_, and in this case the origin of the belief is admitted by\nthem to be the fact that on going to their graveyards they often see one\nof these beasts coming out of a tomb. These tombs are roughly constructed\nwooden coffins raised a few feet only from the ground, and it is probable\nthat these carnivores make their way into them in the first place to\ndevour the corpse, and that they then make use of them as lairs.\u201d(884)\nAmong the Sea Dyaks, also of Borneo, the idea of metempsychosis is not\nunknown. One of them used to treat a snake with the greatest kindness,\nbecause he said it had been revealed to him in a dream that the spirit of\nhis grandfather dwelt in that snake.(885)\n\n(M217) Some of the Papuans on the northern coast of New Guinea also\nbelieve in the transmigration of souls. They hold that at death the souls\nof human beings sometimes pass into animals, such as cassowaries, fish, or\npigs, and they abstain from eating the animals of the sort in which the\nspirits of the dead are supposed to have taken up their abode.(886) For\nexample, at Masur in Dutch New Guinea there are people who imagine that\nthe spirits of their ancestors transmigrated into cassowaries, and\naccordingly they will not partake of the flesh of the long-legged\nbird.(887) In Simbang, a village at the mouth of the Bubui river in German\nNew Guinea, there is a family who will not harm crocodiles, not merely\nbecause they fear the vengeance of the creatures, but also because they\nreckon crocodiles their kinsfolk and expect that they themselves will turn\ninto crocodiles at death. As head of the family they recognise a certain\naged crocodile, everywhere known as \u201cold Butong,\u201d who is said to have been\nborn of a woman at Simbang.(888) They think that while they are at work in\nthe fields, and the houses stand empty, their ancestors come forth from\nthe river and repair to the place in the roof where the mysterious\nbull-roarers are kept, which make a humming sound at the initiatory rites\nof young men. But when the people return from the fields they find the\nhouses as empty and silent as when they left them: the spirits of their\nforefathers have plunged into the river again. If a crocodile carries off\nanybody, the natives are sure that the brute must be a stranger, not one\nof their own crocodile kinsfolk, who never would do such a thing; and if\ntheir neighbours at Yabim are so unfeeling as to kill a crocodile, the\nBubui people protest against the outrage and demand satisfaction. Some\nYabim people give out that after death their souls will be turned into\ncertain fabulous cave-haunting swine, and accordingly their relatives\nrefuse to spear or to eat the real wild swine. If these animals break into\nand ravage the fields, their human kinsfolk attempt to appease them with\nofferings of coco-nuts and other valuable articles.(889) Similarly in\nTamara, an island off the coast of German New Guinea, the people will not\neat pork, because it is their conviction that the souls of the dead\ntransmigrate into the bodies of pigs.(890) The Kai people, who inhabit the\nrugged and densely wooded mountains inland from Finsch Harbour in German\nNew Guinea, imagine that the gloomy depths of some wild ravines are\nhaunted by the souls of the dead in the form of cuscuses and other\nanimals. None but the owner has the right to kill game in these dark and\nawful gullies, and even he must propitiate the soul of every animal that\nhe slays in such a spot. For this purpose he spreads out offerings on the\ncarcase and presents them to the injured spirit, saying, \u201cTake the gifts\nand leave us the animal, that we may eat it.\u201d After leaving the articles\nlong enough to allow the soul of the beast to abstract and convey away the\nsouls of the things, the hunter is free to cut up and consume the carcase.\nSome years ago, when heavy rains caused a land-slip in these wild\nmountains, and a house with its inmates was buried in the ruins, public\nopinion in the neighbourhood attributed the disaster to the misconduct of\nthe deceased, who had failed to appease the soul of a boa-constrictor\nslain by them on haunted ground.(891)\n\n(M218) In the Solomon Islands a man at the point of death would gather the\nmembers of his family about him and inform them of the particular sort of\ncreature, say a bird or a butterfly, into which he proposed to\ntransmigrate. Henceforth the family would regard that species of animal as\nsacred and would neither kill nor injure it. If they fell in with a\ncreature of the kind, it might be a bird or a butterfly, they would say,\n\u201cThat is papa,\u201d and offer him a coco-nut.(892) In these islands sharks are\nvery often supposed to be ghosts, for dying people frequently announce\ntheir intention of being sharks when they have put off their human shape.\nAfter that, if any shark remarkable for its size or colour is seen to\nhaunt a certain shore or rock, it is taken to be somebody\u2019s ghost, and the\nname of the deceased is given to it. For example, at Ulawa a dreaded\nman-eating shark received the name of a dead man and was propitiated with\nofferings of porpoise teeth. At Saa, certain food, for example coco-nuts\nfrom particular trees, is reserved to feed such a ghost-shark, but men of\nwhom it is positively known that after death they will be in sharks are\nallowed by anticipation to partake of the shark-food in the sacred place.\nOther men will sometimes join themselves to their company, and speaking\nwith the voice of a shark-ghost will say, \u201cGive me to eat of that food.\u201d\nIf such a man happens to be really possessed of supernatural power, he\nwill in due time become a shark-ghost himself; but it is perfectly\npossible that he may fail. In Savo not very long ago a certain man had a\nshark that he used to feed and to which he offered sacrifice. He swam out\nto it with food, called it by name, and it came to him. Of course it was\nnot a common shark, but a ghost, the knowledge of which had been handed\ndown to him from his ancestors. Alligators also may lodge the souls of\ndead Solomon Islanders. In the island of Florida a story was told of an\nalligator that used to come up out of the sea and make itself quite at\nhome in the village in which the man whose ghost it was had lived. It went\nby the name of the deceased, and though there was one man in particular\nwho had special connexion with it and was said to own it, the animal was\non friendly terms with everybody in the place and would even let children\nride on its back. But the village where this happened has not yet been\nidentified.(893) In the same island the appearance of anything wonderful\nis taken as proof of a ghostly presence and stamps the place as sacred.\nFor example, a man planted some coco-nut palms and almond trees in the\nbush and died not long afterwards. After his death there appeared among\nthe trees a great rarity in the shape of a white cuscus. The animal was\naccordingly assumed to be the ghost of the departed planter and went by\nhis name. The place became sacred, and no one would gather the fruits of\nthe trees there, until two young men, who had been trained in the\nprinciples of Christianity, boldly invaded the sanctuary and appropriated\nthe almonds and coco-nuts.(894) It must not be supposed, however, that the\nchoice of transmigration open to a Solomon Islander is restricted to the\nanimal kingdom; he is free after death to become a vegetable, if he feels\nso disposed. When a mission-school was established in the island of Ulawa\nit was observed with surprise that the natives would not eat bananas and\nhad ceased to plant the tree. Enquiry elicited the origin of the\nrestriction, which was recent and well remembered. A man of great\ninfluence, dying not long before, had forbidden the eating of bananas\nafter his death, saying that he would be in the banana. The older natives\nwould still mention his name and say, \u201cWe cannot eat So-and-so.\u201d(895)\n\n(M219) The doctrine of the reincarnation of human souls in the bodies\neither of men or of animals, which meets us as an article of faith in so\nmany savage tribes, has a special interest for the historian of thought,\nbecause it has been adopted more or less explicitly and employed, not\nmerely as a philosophical theory, but as a means of enforcing moral\nlessons, by thinkers, teachers, and lawgivers among various civilised\npeoples, notably in ancient India and Greece. Thus in the most famous of\nold Indian law-books, _The Laws of Manu_, the penalties to be endured by\nevil-doers in future births are described with a precision which leaves\nnothing to be desired: the degradation of the birth is exactly\nproportioned to the degree of moral guilt of the transgressor. For\nexample, if a man has the temerity to censure his teacher, even though the\ncensure is richly deserved, that rash man in his next birth will be an\nass; but if he defames his teacher falsely, he will be a dog; and if he is\nso lost to all sense of propriety as to live at the expense of his\nteacher, he will be a worm.(896) A faithless wife in her next\ntransmigration will be born a jackal.(897) A Brahman who misappropriates\nmoney which he has received for a sacrifice will hereafter be either a\nvulture or a crow for the period of one hundred years.(898) Men who\ndelight in doing hurt will be born as carnivorous animals, and those who\neat forbidden food will be degraded into worms. As for thieves, their lot\nis a hard one, and it is harder in proportion to the value of the article\nstolen. A man who steals gems will be born a goldsmith; a man who steals\ngrain will be born a rat; a man who steals honey will be born a stinging\ninsect; and a man who steals clarified butter will be born an ichneumon.\nThe penalty for stealing silk is to become a partridge, for stealing linen\na frog, for stealing vegetables a peacock, for stealing cooked food a\nporcupine, for stealing uncooked food a hedgehog, and for stealing\nmolasses a flying-fox. And so on for the various degrees of moral\nturpitude throughout the entire range of the animal kingdom.(899) Buddha\nhimself, who gave an immense extension to the doctrine of transmigration\nby incorporating it in his religious or rather philosophical system, is\ntraditionally said to have undergone many animal births of various sorts\nbefore he attained to his supreme dignity. Thus it is reported that he was\nonce a hare, once a dog, twice a pig, twice a frog, four times a serpent,\nsix times a snipe, ten times a lion, eleven times a deer, and eighteen\ntimes a monkey; to say nothing of having been once a devil-dancer, twice a\nthief, eighty-three times an ascetic, and so on.(900)\n\n(M220) In ancient Greece also the theory of the transmigration of souls\nfound favour with the early philosophers Pythagoras and Empedocles, both\nof whom, if we may trust tradition, appealed to their own personal\nexperience in support of the doctrine. According to ancient writers,\nPythagoras affirmed that he had been Euphorbus the Trojan in one of his\nformer lives, and in proof of the assertion he identified the shield of\nEuphorbus among the Trojan spoils at Mycenae.(901) He would seem to have\nheld that human souls can transmigrate into animals or even into\nplants;(902) and we may suppose that the possibility of such\ntransmigrations was at least one of the reasons he alleged for enjoining\nthe strictest of his disciples neither to kill nor to eat animals and to\nabstain from certain vegetables, such as beans and mallows.(903) Certainly\nat a later time these principles were maintained and these precepts\ninculcated by Empedocles, who outdid the reminiscences of his predecessor\nby asserting that he himself in former lives had been a boy, a girl, a\nbush, a bird, and a fish.(904) Hence he denounced as a crime the practice\nof killing and eating animals, since according to him a man could never\nknow but that in slaughtering and eating an animal he might be murdering\nand devouring one of his dead kinsfolk, it might be his father or mother,\nhis son or daughter.(905) Thus from the doctrine of transmigration\nEmpedocles logically drew the same practical conclusion as the savage, who\nabstains, for example, from killing and eating crocodiles or pigs because\nhe believes the souls of his departed relations to be embodied in\ncrocodiles or pigs: the only important difference between the savage and\nthe philosopher in this respect is that, whereas the savage venerates and\nspares only animals of one particular species on the ground of their\npossible affinity to himself, the philosopher on his own shewing was bound\nto abstain from all animals whatever, since according to him the spirits\nof his deceased relatives might be lurking in creatures of any species.\nHence while a faith in transmigration imposes but few restrictions on the\ndiet of a savage, since it leaves him free to partake of the flesh of\nevery sort of animals but one, the creed of Empedocles logically cut him\noff from a flesh diet altogether and compelled him to live on vegetables\nalone; indeed, if he had been rigidly logical, he must have denied himself\nthe use of vegetables also and perished of hunger, since on his theory\nvegetables as well as animals may house the souls of the dead.(906)\nHowever, like a wise man he sacrificed logic to life, and contented\nhimself with forbidding his disciples the use of a few vegetables, such as\nbeans and laurels,(907) while he suffered them to browse freely on all the\nrest.\n\n(M221) So far as we can gather the real opinions of Pythagoras and\nEmpedocles from the traditional history of the one and the miserably\nmutilated writings of the other, they seem both, like Buddha, with whom\nthey had much in common, to have used the old savage doctrine of the\ntransmigration of souls mainly as a handle by which to impress on the\nminds of their followers the necessity of leading an innocent, pure, and\neven ascetic life in this world as the only means of ensuring a blissful\nor at all events an untroubled eternity in a world to come.(908) At least\nthis is fairly certain for Empedocles, whose views are comparatively well\nknown to us through the fragments of his philosophical writings. From\nthese utterances of his, the genuineness of which seems to be beyond\nsuspicion, we gather that the psychology of Empedocles was a curious blend\nof savagery and mysticism. He regarded the incarnation of the human soul\nin a body of any sort as a punishment for sin, a degradation, a fall from\nheaven, an exile from God, a banishment from a world of bliss to a world\nof woe.(909) He describes the earth as a cavern,(910) a joyless land,\nwhere men wander in darkness, a prey to murder and revenge, to swarms of\nfoul fiends, to wasting sickness and decay.(911) He speaks with pity and\ncontempt of the life of mortals as a wretched and miserable existence,\nbegotten of strife and sighs and prolonged as a punishment for their sins\nthrough a series of transmigrations, until, by the exercise of virtue,\nthey have been born again as prophets, poets, physicians, and princes, and\nso return at last to communion with the gods to live thenceforth free from\npain and sorrow, immortal, incorruptible, divine.(912) This view of human\ndestiny, this passionate scorn poured on the present world, this ecstatic\naspiration after a blissful eternity, the reward of virtue in a world to\ncome, are very alien from the cheerful serenity, the calm rationalism of\nthe ordinary Greek attitude towards existence on earth.(913) In his\nprofound conviction of the manifold sufferings inseparable from mortality,\nin his longing to put off the burden of the body or what he calls \u201cthe\ngarment of flesh,\u201d(914) in his tenderness for the lower animals and his\nstrong sense of kinship with them, Empedocles resembled Buddha, whose\nwhole cast of thought, however, was tinged with a still deeper shade of\nmelancholy, a more hopeless outlook on the future. Yet so close in some\nrespects is the similarity between the two that we might incline to\nsuppose a direct influence of Buddhism on Empedocles, were it not that the\ndates of the two great thinkers, so far as they can be ascertained, appear\nto exclude the supposition.(915)\n\n(M222) But if on its ethical side the teaching of Empedocles may almost be\ndescribed as Buddhism relieved of its deepest shadows, on its scientific\nside it curiously anticipated some speculations which have deeply stirred\nthe European mind in our own and our fathers\u2019 days. For to his savage\npsychology and religious mysticism Empedocles superadded a comprehensive\nand grandiose theory of the material universe, which presents a close\nanalogy to that of Herbert Spencer. The scientific doctrine of the\nconservation of energy or, as he preferred to call it, the persistence of\nforce, which Spencer made the corner-stone of his system, has its\ncounterpart in the Empedoclean doctrine of the conservation or\nindestructibility of matter, the sum of which, according to him, remains\nalways constant, never undergoing either increase or diminution.(916)\nHence all the changes that take place in the physical world, according to\nEmpedocles, resolve themselves into the integration and disintegration of\nmatter, the composition and decomposition of bodies, brought about by the\ntwo antagonistic forces of attraction and repulsion, which in mythical\nlanguage he called love and hate. And just as all particular things are\nevolved by the force of attraction and dissolved by the force of\nrepulsion, a state of concentration or aggregation in the individual\nperpetually alternating with a state of diffusion or segregation, so it is\nalso with the material universe as a whole. It, too, alternately contracts\nand expands according as the forces of attraction and repulsion\nalternately prevail. For it was the opinion of Empedocles that a long,\nperhaps immeasurable, period of time, during which the force of attraction\nprevails over the force of repulsion, is succeeded by an equally long\nperiod in which the force of repulsion prevails over the force of\nattraction, each period lasting till, the predominant force being spent,\nits action is first arrested and then reversed by the opposite force; so\nthat the material universe performs a periodic and rhythmic movement of\nalternate contraction and expansion, which never ceases except at the\nmoments when, the two opposite forces exactly balancing each other, all\nthings come to rest and equilibrium for a time, only however to return,\nwith the backward sweep of the cosmic pendulum, to their former state\neither of consolidation or of dispersion. Thus under the influence of\nattraction and repulsion matter is constantly oscillating to and fro: at\nthe end of a period of contraction it is gathered up in a solid globe: at\nthe end of a period of expansion it is diffused throughout space in a\nstate of tenuity which nowadays we might describe as gaseous. And this\ngigantic see-saw motion of the universe as a whole has gone on and will go\non for ever and ever.(917)\n\n(M223) The imposing generalisation thus formulated by Empedocles in the\nfifth century before our era was enunciated independently in the\nnineteenth century of our era by Herbert Spencer. Like his Greek\npredecessor, the modern English philosopher held that the material\nuniverse passes through alternate periods of concentration and\ndissipation, of evolution and dissolution, according as the forces of\nattraction and repulsion alternately prevail. The terms in which he sums\nup his general conclusions might be used with hardly any change to\ndescribe the conclusions of Empedocles. For the sake of comparison it may\nbe well to subjoin the passage. It runs as follows:\u2014\n\n\u201cThus we are led to the conclusion that the entire process of things, as\ndisplayed in the aggregate of the visible Universe, is analogous to the\nentire process of things as displayed in the smallest aggregates.\n\n\u201cMotion as well as matter being fixed in quantity, it would seem that the\nchange in the distribution of Matter which Motion effects, coming to a\nlimit in whichever direction it is carried, the indestructible Motion\nthereupon necessitates a reverse distribution. Apparently, the universally\ncoexistent forces of attraction and repulsion, which, as we have seen,\nnecessitate rhythm in all minor changes throughout the Universe, also\nnecessitate rhythm in the totality of its changes\u2014produce now an\nimmeasurable period during which the attractive forces predominating,\ncause universal concentration, and then an immeasurable period during\nwhich the repulsive forces predominating, cause universal\ndiffusion\u2014alternate eras of Evolution and Dissolution. And thus there is\nsuggested the conception of a past during which there have been successive\nEvolutions analogous to that which is now going on; and a future during\nwhich successive other such Evolutions may go on\u2014ever the same in\nprinciple but never the same in concrete result.\u201d(918)\n\n(M224) The most recent researches in physical science tend apparently\nrather to confirm than to invalidate these general views of the nature of\nthe universe; for if modern physicists are right in regarding the\nconstitution of matter as essentially electrical, the antagonistic forces\nof attraction and repulsion postulated by Empedocles and Spencer would\nresolve themselves into positive and negative electricity. On the other\nhand the atomic disintegration which is now known to be proceeding in\ncertain of the chemical elements, particularly in uranium and radium, and\nwhich is probably proceeding in all, suggests a doubt whether the universe\nis really, as Spencer supposed, in process of integration and evolution\nand not rather in process of disintegration and dissolution; or whether\nperhaps the apparent evolution of the organic world is not attended by a\nsimultaneous dissolution of the inorganic, so that the fabric of the\nuniverse would be a sort of Penelope\u2019s web, which the great artificer\nweaves and unweaves at the same time.(919) With such a grave doubt to\ntrouble the outlook on the future, we may perhaps say that Empedocles was\nwiser than Herbert Spencer in leaving, as he apparently did, the question\nundecided, whether during the epoch open to human observation the force of\nattraction or that of repulsion has been and is predominant, and\nconsequently whether matter as a whole is integrating or disintegrating,\nwhether all things are gradually evolving into more complex and\nconcentrated forms, or are gradually dissolving and wasting away, through\nsimpler and simpler forms, into the diffused tenuity of their primordial\nconstituents.\n\n(M225) Just as in his view of the constitution and history of the physical\nuniverse Empedocles anticipated to some extent the theories of Spencer, so\nin his view of the development of living beings he anticipated to some\nextent the theories of Darwin; for he held that the existing species of\nanimals have been evolved out of inorganic matter through intermediate\nsorts of monstrous creatures, which, being ill fitted to survive,\ngradually succumbed and were exterminated in the struggle for\nexistence.(920) Whether Empedocles himself clearly enunciated the\nprinciple of the survival of the fittest as well as the doctrine of\nevolution, we cannot say with certainty; but at all events it is\nsignificant that Aristotle, after stating for the first time the principle\nof the survival of the fittest, illustrates it by a reference to\nEmpedocles\u2019s theory of the extinction of monstrous forms in the past, as\nif he understood the theory to imply the principle.(921)\n\n(M226) It is a remarkable instance of the strange complexities and seeming\ninconsistencies of human nature, that a man whose capacious mind revolved\nideas so far-reaching and fruitful, should have posed among his\ncontemporaries as a prophet or even as a god, parading the streets of his\nnative city bedecked with garlands and ribbons and followed by obsequious\ncrowds of men and women, who worshipped him and prayed to him that he\nwould reveal to them the better way, that he would give them oracles and\nheal their infirmities.(922) In the character of Empedocles, as in that of\nanother forerunner of science, Paracelsus, the sterling qualities of the\ngenuine student would seem to have been alloyed with a vein of ostentation\nand braggadocio; but the dash of the mountebank which we may detect in his\ncomposition probably helped rather than hindered him to win for a time the\nfavour and catch the ear of the multitude, ever ready as they are to troop\nat the heels of any quack who advertises his wares by a loud blast on a\nbrazen trumpet. With so many claims on the admiration of the wise and the\nadulation of the foolish, we may almost wonder that Empedocles did not\nbecome the founder, if not the god, of a new religion. Certainly other\nhuman deities have set up in business and prospered with an intellectual\nstock-in-trade much inferior to that of the Sicilian philosopher. Perhaps\nEmpedocles lacked that perfect sincerity of belief in his own pretensions\nwithout which it seems difficult or impossible permanently to impose on\nthe credulity of mankind. To delude others successfully it is desirable,\nif not absolutely necessary, to begin by being one\u2019s self deluded, and the\nSicilian sage was probably too shrewd a man to feel perfectly at ease in\nthe character of a god.\n\n(M227) The old savage doctrine of the transmigration of souls, which\nEmpedocles furbished up and passed off on his disciples as a philosophical\ntenet, was afterwards countenanced, if not expressly affirmed, by another\nGreek philosopher of a very different stamp, who united, as no one else\nhas ever done in the same degree, the highest capacity for abstract\nthought with the most exquisite literary genius. But if he borrowed the\ndoctrine from savagery, Plato, like his two predecessors, detached it from\nits rude original setting and fitted it into an edifying moral scheme of\nretributive justice. For he held that the transmigration of human souls\nafter death into the bodies of animals is a punishment or degradation\nentailed on the souls by the weaknesses to which they had been subject or\nthe vices to which they had been addicted in life, and that the kind of\nanimal into which a peccant soul transmigrates is appropriate to the\ndegree and nature of its weakness or guilt. Thus, for example, the souls\nof gluttons, sots, and rakes pass into the bodies of asses; the souls of\nrobbers and tyrants are born again in wolves and hawks; the souls of sober\nquiet people, untinctured by philosophy, come to life as bees and ants; a\nbad poet may turn at death into a swan or a nightingale; and a bad jester\ninto an ape. Nothing but a rigid practice of the highest virtue and a\nsingle-minded devotion to abstract truth will avail to restore such\ndegraded souls to their human dignity and finally raise them to communion\nwith the gods.(923) Though the passages in which these views are set forth\nhave a mythical colouring and are, like all Plato\u2019s writings, couched in\ndramatic form and put into the mouths of others, we need not seriously\ndoubt that they represent the real opinion of the philosopher\nhimself.(924) It is interesting and instructive to meet with the old\nsavage theory of the transmigration of souls thus masquerading under a\nflowing drapery of morality and sparkling with the gems of Attic eloquence\nin the philosophic system of a great Greek thinker. So curiously alike may\nbe the solutions which the highest and the lowest intellects offer of\nthose profound problems which in all ages have engaged the curiosity and\nbaffled the ingenuity of mankind.(925)\n\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER XVII. TYPES OF ANIMAL SACRAMENT.\n\n\n\n\n\u00a7 1. The Egyptian and the Aino Types of Sacrament.\n\n\n(M228) We are now perhaps in a position to understand the ambiguous\nbehaviour of the Aino and Gilyaks towards the bear. It has been shewn that\nthe sharp line of demarcation which we draw between mankind and the lower\nanimals does not exist for the savage. To him many of the other animals\nappear as his equals or even his superiors, not merely in brute force but\nin intelligence; and if choice or necessity leads him to take their lives,\nhe feels bound, out of regard to his own safety, to do it in a way which\nwill be as inoffensive as possible not merely to the living animal, but to\nits departed spirit and to all the other animals of the same species,\nwhich would resent an affront put upon one of their kind much as a tribe\nof savages would revenge an injury or insult offered to a tribesman. We\nhave seen that among the many devices by which the savage seeks to atone\nfor the wrong done by him to his animal victims one is to shew marked\ndeference to a few chosen individuals of the species, for such behaviour\nis apparently regarded as entitling him to exterminate with impunity all\nthe rest of the species upon which he can lay hands. This principle\nperhaps explains the attitude, at first sight puzzling and contradictory,\nof the Aino towards the bear. The flesh and skin of the bear regularly\nafford them food and clothing; but since the bear is an intelligent and\npowerful animal, it is necessary to offer some satisfaction or atonement\nto the bear species for the loss which it sustains in the death of so many\nof its members. This satisfaction or atonement is made by rearing young\nbears, treating them, so long as they live, with respect, and killing them\nwith extraordinary marks of sorrow and devotion. So the other bears are\nappeased, and do not resent the slaughter of their kind by attacking the\nslayers or deserting the country, which would deprive the Aino of one of\ntheir means of subsistence.\n\n(M229) Thus the primitive worship of animals assumes two forms, which are\nin some respects the converse of each other. On the one hand, animals are\nworshipped, and are therefore neither killed nor eaten. On the other hand,\nanimals are worshipped because they are habitually killed and eaten. In\nboth forms of worship the animal is revered on account of some benefit,\npositive or negative, which the savage hopes to receive from it. In the\nformer worship the benefit comes either in the positive form of\nprotection, advice, and help which the animal affords the man, or in the\nnegative one of abstinence from injuries which it is in the power of the\nanimal to inflict. In the latter worship the benefit takes the material\nform of the animal\u2019s flesh and skin. The two forms of worship are in some\nmeasure antithetical: in the one, the animal is not eaten because it is\nrevered; in the other, it is revered because it is eaten. But both may be\npractised by the same people, as we see in the case of the North American\nIndians, who, while they apparently revere and spare their totem\nanimals,(926) also revere the animals and fish upon which they subsist.\nThe aborigines of Australia have totemism in the most primitive form known\nto us; but, so far as I am aware, there is no clear evidence that they\nattempt, like the North American Indians, to conciliate the animals which\nthey kill and eat. The means which the Australians adopt to secure a\nplentiful supply of game appear to be primarily based, not on\nconciliation, but on sympathetic magic,(927) a principle to which the\nNorth American Indians also resort for the same purpose.(928) Hence, as\nthe Australians undoubtedly represent a ruder and earlier stage of human\nprogress than the American Indians, it would seem that before hunters\nthink of worshipping the game as a means of ensuring an abundant supply of\nit, they seek to attain the same end by sympathetic magic. This, again,\nwould shew\u2014what there is good reason for believing\u2014that sympathetic magic\nis one of the earliest means by which man endeavours to adapt the agencies\nof nature to his needs.\n\n(M230) Corresponding to the two distinct types of animal worship, there\nare two distinct types of the custom of killing the animal god. On the one\nhand, when the revered animal is habitually spared, it is nevertheless\nkilled\u2014and sometimes eaten\u2014on rare and solemn occasions. Examples of this\ncustom have been already given and an explanation of them offered. On the\nother hand, when the revered animal is habitually killed, the slaughter of\nany one of the species involves the killing of the god, and is atoned for\non the spot by apologies and sacrifices, especially when the animal is a\npowerful and dangerous one; and, in addition to this ordinary and everyday\natonement, there is a special annual atonement, at which a select\nindividual of the species is slain with extraordinary marks of respect and\ndevotion. Clearly the two types of sacramental killing\u2014the Egyptian and\nthe Aino types, as we may call them for distinction\u2014are liable to be\nconfounded by an observer; and, before we can say to which type any\nparticular example belongs, it is necessary to ascertain whether the\nanimal sacramentally slain belongs to a species which is habitually\nspared, or to one which is habitually killed by the tribe. In the former\ncase the example belongs to the Egyptian type of sacrament, in the latter\nto the Aino type.\n\n(M231) The practice of pastoral tribes appears to furnish examples of both\ntypes of sacrament. \u201cPastoral tribes,\u201d says a learned ethnologist, \u201cbeing\nsometimes obliged to sell their herds to strangers who may handle the\nbones disrespectfully, seek to avert the danger which such a sacrilege\nwould entail by consecrating one of the herd as an object of worship,\neating it sacramentally in the family circle with closed doors, and\nafterwards treating the bones with all the ceremonious respect which,\nstrictly speaking, should be accorded to every head of cattle, but which,\nbeing punctually paid to the representative animal, is deemed to be paid\nto all. Such family meals are found among various peoples, especially\nthose of the Caucasus. When amongst the Abchases the shepherds in spring\neat their common meal with their loins girt and their staves in their\nhands, this may be looked upon both as a sacrament and as an oath of\nmutual help and support. For the strongest of all oaths is that which is\naccompanied with the eating of a sacred substance, since the perjured\nperson cannot possibly escape the avenging god whom he has taken into his\nbody and assimilated.\u201d(929) This kind of sacrament is of the Aino or\nexpiatory type, since it is meant to atone to the species for the possible\nill-usage of individuals. An expiation, similar in principle but different\nin details, is offered by the Kalmucks to the sheep, whose flesh is one of\ntheir staple foods. Rich Kalmucks are in the habit of consecrating a white\nram under the title of \u201cthe ram of heaven\u201d or \u201cthe ram of the spirit.\u201d The\nanimal is never shorn and never sold; but when it grows old and its owner\nwishes to consecrate a new one, the old ram must be killed and eaten at a\nfeast to which the neighbours are invited. On a lucky day, generally in\nautumn when the sheep are fat, a sorcerer kills the old ram, after\nsprinkling it with milk. Its flesh is eaten; the skeleton, with a portion\nof the fat, is burned on a turf altar; and the skin, with the head and\nfeet, is hung up.(930)\n\n(M232) An example of a sacrament of the Egyptian type is furnished by the\nTodas, a pastoral people of Southern India, who subsist largely upon the\nmilk of their buffaloes. Amongst them \u201cthe buffalo is to a certain degree\nheld sacred\u201d and \u201cis treated with great kindness, even with a degree of\nadoration, by the people.\u201d(931) They never eat the flesh of the cow\nbuffalo, and as a rule abstain from the flesh of the male. But to the\nlatter rule there is a single exception. Once a year all the adult males\nof the village join in the ceremony of killing and eating a very young\nmale calf,\u2014seemingly under a month old. They take the animal into the dark\nrecesses of the village wood, where it is killed with a club made from the\nsacred tree of the Todas (the _t\u00fbde_ or _Millingtonia_). A sacred fire\nhaving been made by the rubbing of sticks, the flesh of the calf is\nroasted on the embers of certain trees, and is eaten by the men alone,\nwomen being excluded from the assembly. This is the only occasion on which\nthe Todas eat buffalo flesh.(932) The Madi or Moru tribe of Central\nAfrica, whose chief wealth is their cattle, though they also practise\nagriculture, appear to kill a lamb sacramentally on certain solemn\noccasions. The custom is thus described by Dr. Felkin: \u201cA remarkable\ncustom is observed at stated times\u2014once a year, I am led to believe. I\nhave not been able to ascertain what exact meaning is attached to it. It\nappears, however, to relieve the people\u2019s minds, for beforehand they\nevince much sadness, and seem very joyful when the ceremony is duly\naccomplished. The following is what takes place: A large concourse of\npeople of all ages assemble, and sit down round a circle of stones, which\nis erected by the side of a road (really a narrow path). A very choice\nlamb is then fetched by a boy, who leads it four times round the assembled\npeople. As it passes they pluck off little bits of its fleece and place\nthem in their hair, or on to some other part of their body. The lamb is\nthen led up to the stones, and there killed by a man belonging to a kind\nof priestly order, who takes some of the blood and sprinkles it four times\nover the people. He then applies it individually. On the children he makes\na small ring of blood over the lower end of the breast bone, on women and\ngirls he makes a mark above the breasts, and the men he touches on each\nshoulder. He then proceeds to explain the ceremony, and to exhort the\npeople to show kindness.... When this discourse, which is at times of\ngreat length, is over, the people rise, each places a leaf on or by the\ncircle of stones, and then they depart with signs of great joy. The lamb\u2019s\nskull is hung on a tree near the stones, and its flesh is eaten by the\npoor. This ceremony is observed on a small scale at other times. If a\nfamily is in any great trouble, through illness or bereavement, their\nfriends and neighbours come together and a lamb is killed; this is thought\nto avert further evil. The same custom prevails at the grave of departed\nfriends, and also on joyful occasions, such as the return of a son home\nafter a very prolonged absence.\u201d(933) The sorrow thus manifested by the\npeople at the annual slaughter of the lamb clearly indicates that the lamb\nslain is a sacred or divine animal, whose death is mourned by his\nworshippers,(934) just as the death of the sacred buzzard was mourned by\nthe Californians and the death of the Theban ram by the Egyptians. The\nsmearing each of the worshippers with the blood of the lamb is a form of\ncommunion with the divinity;(935) the vehicle of the divine life is\napplied externally instead of being taken internally, as when the blood is\ndrunk or the flesh eaten.\n\n\n\n\n\u00a7 2. Processions with Sacred Animals.\n\n\n(M233) The form of communion in which the sacred animal is taken from\nhouse to house, that all may enjoy a share of its divine influence, has\nbeen exemplified by the Gilyak custom of promenading the bear through the\nvillage before it is slain.(936) A similar form of communion with the\nsacred snake is observed by a Snake tribe in the Punjaub. Once a year in\nthe month of September the snake is worshipped by all castes and religions\nfor nine days only. At the end of August the Mirasans, especially those of\nthe Snake tribe, make a snake of dough which they paint black and red, and\nplace on a winnowing basket. This basket they carry round the village, and\non entering any house they say:\u2014\n\n\n    \u201c_God be with you all!_\n    _May every ill be far!_\n    _May our patron\u2019s (Gugga\u2019s) word thrive!_\u201d\n\n\nThen they present the basket with the snake, saying:\u2014\n\n\n    \u201c_A small cake of flour:_\n    _A little bit of butter:_\n    _If you obey the snake,_\n    _You and yours shall thrive!_\u201d\n\n\nStrictly speaking, a cake and butter should be given, but it is seldom\ndone. Every one, however, gives something, generally a handful of dough or\nsome corn. In houses where there is a new bride or whence a bride has\ngone, or where a son has been born, it is usual to give a rupee and a\nquarter, or some cloth. Sometimes the bearers of the snake also sing:\u2014\n\n\n    \u201c_Give the snake a piece of cloth,_\n    _And he will send a lively bride!_\u201d\n\n\nWhen every house has been thus visited, the dough snake is buried and a\nsmall grave is erected over it. Thither during the nine days of September\nthe women come to worship. They bring a basin of curds, a small portion of\nwhich they offer at the snake\u2019s grave, kneeling on the ground and touching\nthe earth with their foreheads. Then they go home and divide the rest of\nthe curds among the children. Here the dough snake is clearly a substitute\nfor a real snake. Indeed, in districts where snakes abound the worship is\noffered, not at the grave of the dough snake, but in the jungles where\nsnakes are known to be. Besides this yearly worship, performed by all the\npeople, the members of the Snake tribe worship in the same way every\nmorning after a new moon. The Snake tribe is not uncommon in the Punjaub.\nMembers of it will not kill a snake, and they say that its bite does not\nhurt them. If they find a dead snake, they put clothes on it and give it a\nregular funeral.(937)\n\n(M234) Ceremonies closely analogous to this Indian worship of the snake\nhave survived in Europe into recent times, and doubtless date from a very\nprimitive paganism. The best-known example is the \u201chunting of the wren.\u201d\nBy many European peoples\u2014the ancient Greeks and Romans, the modern\nItalians, Spaniards, French, Germans, Dutch, Danes, Swedes, English, and\nWelsh\u2014the wren has been designated the king, the little king, the king of\nbirds, the hedge king, and so forth,(938) and has been reckoned amongst\nthose birds which it is extremely unlucky to kill. In England it is\nsupposed that if any one kills a wren or harries its nest, he will\ninfallibly break a bone or meet with some dreadful misfortune within the\nyear;(939) sometimes it is thought that the cows will give bloody\nmilk.(940) In Scotland the wren is called \u201cthe Lady of Heaven\u2019s hen,\u201d and\nboys say:\u2014\n\n\n    \u201c_Malisons, malisons, mair than ten,_\n    _That harry the Ladye of Heaven\u2019s hen!_\u201d(941)\n\n\nAt Saint Donan, in Brittany, people believe that if children touch the\nyoung wrens in the nest, they will suffer from the fire of St. Lawrence,\nthat is, from pimples on the face, legs, and so on.(942) In other parts of\nFrance it is thought that if a person kills a wren or harries its nest,\nhis house will be struck by lightning, or that the fingers with which he\ndid the deed will shrivel up and drop off, or at least be maimed, or that\nhis cattle will suffer in their feet.(943)\n\n(M235) Notwithstanding such beliefs, the custom of annually killing the\nwren has prevailed widely both in this country and in France. In the Isle\nof Man down to the eighteenth century the custom was observed on Christmas\nEve or rather Christmas morning. On the twenty-fourth of December, towards\nevening, all the servants got a holiday; they did not go to bed all night,\nbut rambled about till the bells rang in all the churches at midnight.\nWhen prayers were over, they went to hunt the wren, and having found one\nof these birds they killed it and fastened it to the top of a long pole\nwith its wings extended. Thus they carried it in procession to every house\nchanting the following rhyme:\u2014\n\n\n    \u201c_We hunted the wren for Robin the Bobbin,_\n    _We hunted the wren for Jack of the Can,_\n    _We hunted the wren for Robin the Bobbin,_\n    _We hunted the wren for every one._\u201d\n\n\nWhen they had gone from house to house and collected all the money they\ncould, they laid the wren on a bier and carried it in procession to the\nparish churchyard, where they made a grave and buried it \u201cwith the utmost\nsolemnity, singing dirges over her in the Manks language, which they call\nher knell; after which Christmas begins.\u201d The burial over, the company\noutside the churchyard formed a circle and danced to music. About the\nmiddle of the nineteenth century the burial of the wren took place in the\nIsle of Man on St. Stephen\u2019s Day (the twenty-sixth of December). Boys went\nfrom door to door with a wren suspended by the legs in the centre of two\nhoops, which crossed each other at right angles and were decorated with\nevergreens and ribbons. The bearers sang certain lines in which reference\nwas made to boiling and eating the bird. If at the close of the song they\nreceived a small coin, they gave in return a feather of the wren; so that\nbefore the end of the day the bird often hung almost featherless. The wren\nwas then buried, no longer in the churchyard, but on the sea-shore or in\nsome waste place. The feathers distributed were preserved with religious\ncare, it being believed that every feather was an effectual preservative\nfrom shipwreck for a year, and a fisherman would have been thought very\nfoolhardy who had not one of them.(944) Even to the present time, in the\ntwentieth century, the custom is generally observed, at least in name, on\nSt. Stephen\u2019s Day, throughout the Isle of Man.(945)\n\n(M236) A writer of the eighteenth century says that in Ireland the wren\n\u201cis still hunted and killed by the peasants on Christmas Day, and on the\nfollowing (St. Stephen\u2019s Day) he is carried about, hung by the leg, in the\ncentre of two hoops, crossing each other at right angles, and a procession\nmade in every village, of men, women, and children, singing an Irish\ncatch, importing him to be the king of all birds.\u201d(946) Down to the\npresent time the \u201chunting of the wren\u201d still takes place in parts of\nLeinster and Connaught. On Christmas Day or St. Stephen\u2019s Day the boys\nhunt and kill the wren, fasten it in the middle of a mass of holly and ivy\non the top of a broomstick, and on St. Stephen\u2019s Day go about with it from\nhouse to house, singing:\u2014\n\n\n    \u201c_The wren, the wren, the king of all birds,_\n    _St. Stephen\u2019s Day was caught in the furze;_\n    _Although he is little, his family\u2019s great,_\n    _I pray you, good landlady, give us a treat._\u201d\n\n\nMoney or food (bread, butter, eggs, etc.) were given them, upon which they\nfeasted in the evening.(947) In Essex a similar custom used to be observed\nat Christmas, and the verses sung by the boys were almost identical with\nthose sung in Ireland.(948) In Pembrokeshire a wren, called the King, used\nto be carried about on Twelfth Day in a box with glass windows surmounted\nby a wheel, from which hung various coloured ribbons. The men and boys who\ncarried it from house to house sang songs, in one of which they wished\njoy, health, love, and peace to the inmates of the house.(949)\n\n(M237) In the first half of the nineteenth century similar customs were\nstill observed in various parts of the south of France. Thus at\nCarcassone, every year on the first Sunday of December the young people of\nthe street Saint Jean used to go out of the town armed with sticks, with\nwhich they beat the bushes, looking for wrens. The first to strike down\none of these birds was proclaimed King. Then they returned to the town in\nprocession, headed by the King, who carried the wren on a pole. On the\nevening of the last day of the year the King and all who had hunted the\nwren marched through the streets of the town to the light of torches, with\ndrums beating and fifes playing in front of them. At the door of every\nhouse they stopped, and one of them wrote with chalk on the door _vive le\nroi!_ with the number of the year which was about to begin. On the morning\nof Twelfth Day the King again marched in procession with great pomp,\nwearing a crown and a blue mantle and carrying a sceptre. In front of him\nwas borne the wren fastened to the top of a pole, which was adorned with a\nverdant wreath of olive, of oak, and sometimes of mistletoe grown on an\noak. After hearing high mass in the parish church of St. Vincent,\nsurrounded by his officers and guards, the King visited the bishop, the\nmayor, the magistrates, and the chief inhabitants, collecting money to\ndefray the expenses of the royal banquet which took place in the evening\nand wound up with a dance.(950) At Entraigues men and boys used to hunt\nthe wren on Christmas Eve. When they caught one alive they presented it to\nthe priest, who, after the midnight mass, set the bird free in the church.\nAt Mirabeau the priest blessed the bird. If the men failed to catch a wren\nand the women succeeded in doing so, the women had the right to mock and\ninsult the men, and to blacken their faces with mud and soot, when they\ncaught them.(951) At La Ciotat, near Marseilles, a large body of men armed\nwith swords and pistols used to hunt the wren every year about the end of\nDecember. When a wren was caught it was hung on the middle of a pole,\nwhich two men carried, as if it were a heavy burden. Thus they paraded\nround the town; the bird was weighed in a great pair of scales; and then\nthe company sat down to table and made merry.(952)\n\n(M238) The parallelism between this custom of \u201chunting the wren\u201d and some\nof those which we have considered, especially the Gilyak procession with\nthe bear, and the Indian one with the snake, seems too close to allow us\nto doubt that they all belong to the same circle of ideas. The worshipful\nanimal is killed with special solemnity once a year; and before or\nimmediately after death he is promenaded from door to door, that each of\nhis worshippers may receive a portion of the divine virtues that are\nsupposed to emanate from the dead or dying god. Religious processions of\nthis sort must have had a great place in the ritual of European peoples in\nprehistoric times, if we may judge from the numerous traces of them which\nhave survived in folk-custom. A well-preserved specimen is the following,\nwhich lasted in the Highlands of Scotland and in St. Kilda down at least\nto the latter half of the eighteenth century. It was described to Dr.\nSamuel Johnson in the island of Coll.(953) Another description of it runs\nas follows: \u201cOn the evening before New Year\u2019s Day it is usual for the\ncowherd and the young people to meet together, and one of them is covered\nwith a cow\u2019s hide. The rest of the company are provided with staves, to\nthe end of which bits of raw hide are tied. The person covered with the\nhide runs thrice round the dwelling-house, _deiseil_\u2014_i.e._ according to\nthe course of the sun; the rest pursue, beating the hide with their\nstaves, and crying [here follows the Gaelic], \u2018Let us raise the noise\nlouder and louder; let us beat the hide.\u2019 They then come to the door of\neach dwelling-house, and one of them repeats some verses composed for the\npurpose. When admission is granted, one of them pronounces within the\nthreshold the _beannachadthurlair_, or verses by which he pretends to draw\ndown a blessing upon the whole family [here follows the Gaelic], \u2018May God\nbless the house and all that belongs to it, cattle, stones, and timber! In\nplenty of meat, of bed and body-clothes, and health of men, may it ever\nabound!\u2019 Then each burns in the fire a little of the bit of hide which is\ntied to the end of the staff. It is applied to the nose of every person\nand domestic animal that belongs to the house. This, they imagine, will\ntend much to secure them from diseases and other misfortunes during the\nensuing year. The whole of the ceremony is called _colluinn_, from the\ngreat noise which the hide makes. It is the principal remnant of\nsuperstition among the inhabitants of St. Kilda.\u201d(954)\n\n(M239) A more recent writer has described the old Highland custom as\nfollows. Towards evening on the last day of the year, or Hogmanay, as the\nday is called in Scotland, \u201cmen began to gather and boys ran about\nshouting and laughing, playing shinty, and rolling \u2018pigs of snow\u2019 (_mucan\nsneachda_), _i.e._ large snowballs. The hide of the mart or winter cow\n(_seiche a mhairt gheamhraidh_) was wrapped round the head of one of the\nmen, and he made off, followed by the rest, belabouring the hide, which\nmade a noise like a drum, with switches. The disorderly procession went\nthree times _deiseal_, according to the course of the sun (_i.e._ keeping\nthe house on the right hand) round each house in the village, striking the\nwalls and shouting on coming to a door:\n\n\n    \u2018_The_ calluinn _of the yellow bag of hide,_\n    _Strike the skin (upon the wall)_\n    _An old wife in the graveyard,_\n    _An old wife in the corner,_\n    _Another old wife beside the fire,_\n    _A pointed stick in her two eyes,_\n    _A pointed stick in her stomach,_\n        _Let me in, open this._\u2019\n\n\n\u201cBefore this request was complied with, each of the revellers had to\nrepeat a rhyme, called _Rann Calluinn_ (_i.e._ a Christmas rhyme), though,\nas might be expected when the door opened for one, several pushed their\nway in, till it was ultimately left open for all. On entering each of the\nparty was offered refreshments, oatmeal bread, cheese, flesh, and a dram\nof whisky. Their leader gave to the goodman of the house that\nindispensable adjunct of the evening\u2019s mummeries, the _Caisein-uchd_, the\nbreast-stripe of a sheep wrapped round the point of a shinty stick. This\nwas then singed in the fire (_teallach_), put three times with the\nright-hand turn (_deiseal_) round the family, and held to the noses of\nall. Not a drop of drink was given till this ceremony was performed. The\n_Caisein-uchd_ was also made of the breast-stripe or tail of a deer,\nsheep, or goat, and as many as chose had one with them.\u201d(955) Another\nwriter who gives a similar account of the ceremony and of the verses sung\nby the performers, tells us that the intention of putting the burnt\nsheep-skin to the noses of the people was to protect them against\nwitchcraft and every infection.(956) The explanation, which is doubtless\ncorrect, reminds us of the extraordinarily persistent hold which the\nbelief in sorcery and witchcraft has retained on the minds of the European\npeasantry. Formerly, perhaps, pieces of the cow-hide in which the man was\nclad were singed and put to the noses of the people, just as in the Isle\nof Man a feather of the wren used to be given to each household.\nSimilarly, as we have seen, the human victim whom the Khonds slew as a\ndivinity was taken from house to house, and every one strove to obtain a\nrelic of his sacred person.(957) Such customs are only another form of\nthat communion with the deity which is attained most completely by eating\nthe body and drinking the blood of the god.\n\n\n\n\n\u00a7 3. The Rites of Plough Monday.\n\n\n(M240) In the \u201chunting of the wren,\u201d and the procession with the man clad\nin a cow-skin, there is nothing to shew that the customs in question have\nany relation to agriculture. So far as appears, they may date from a time\nbefore the invention of husbandry when animals were revered as divine in\nthemselves, not merely as divine because they embodied the corn-spirit;\nand the analogy of the Gilyak procession of the bear and the Indian\nprocession of the snake is in favour of assigning the corresponding\nEuropean customs to this very early date. On the other hand, there are\ncertain European processions of animals, or of men disguised as animals,\nwhich may perhaps be purely agricultural in their origin; in other words,\nthe animals which figure in them may have been from the first nothing but\nrepresentatives of the corn-spirit conceived in animal shape. Examples of\nsuch dramatic and at the same time religious rites have been collected by\nW. Mannhardt, who says of them in general: \u201cNot only on the harvest field\nand on the threshing-floor but also quite apart from them people loved to\nrepresent the corn-spirit dramatically, especially in solemn processions\nin spring and about the winter solstice, whereby they meant to depict the\nreturn of the beneficent powers of summer to the desolate realm of\nnature.\u201d(958) Thus, for example, in country districts of Bohemia it is, or\nused to be, customary during the last days of the Carnival for young men\nto go about in procession from house to house collecting gratuities.\nUsually a man or boy is swathed from head to foot in pease-straw and wrapt\nround in straw-ropes: thus attired he goes by the name of the Shrovetide\nor Carnival Bear (_Fastnachtsb\u00e4r_) and is led from house to house to the\naccompaniment of music and singing. In every house he dances with the\ngirls, the maids, and the housewife herself, and drinks to the health of\nthe good man, the good wife, and the girls. For this performance the\nmummer is regaled with food by the good wife, while the good man puts\nmoney in his box. When the mummers have gone the round of the village,\nthey betake themselves to the ale-house, whither also all the peasants\nrepair with their wives; \u201cfor at Shrovetide, but especially on Shrove\nTuesday, every one must dance, if the flax, the vegetables, and the corn\nare to thrive; and the more and the higher they dance, the greater the\nblessing which the people expect to crown their exertions.\u201d In the\nLeitmeritz district the Shrovetide Bear, besides being wrapt in straw,\nsometimes wears a bear\u2019s mask to emphasise his resemblance to the animal.\nIn the Czech villages the housewives pluck the pease-straw and other straw\nfrom the Shrovetide Bear and put it in the nests of their geese, believing\nthat the geese will lay more eggs and hatch their broods better for the\naddition of this straw to their nests. For a similar purpose in the Saaz\ndistrict the women put the straw of the Shrovetide Bear in the nests of\ntheir hens.(959) In these customs the dancing for the express purpose of\nmaking the crops grow high,(960) and the use of the straw to make the\ngeese and hens lay more eggs, sufficiently prove that the Shrovetide Bear\nis conceived to represent the spirit of fertility both animal and\nvegetable; and we may reasonably conjecture that the dances of the mummer\nwith the women and girls are especially intended to convey to them the\nfertilising powers of the spirit whom the mummer personates.(961)\n\n(M241) In some parts of Bohemia the straw-clad man in these Shrovetide\nprocessions is called, not the Bear, but the Oats-goat, and he wears horns\non his head to give point to the name.(962) These different names and\ndisguises indicate that in some places the corn-spirit is conceived as a\nbear and in others as a goat. Many examples of the conception of the\ncorn-spirit as a goat have already been cited;(963) the conception of him\nas a bear seems to be less common. In the neighbourhood of Gniewkowo, in\nPrussian Lithuania, the two ideas are combined, for on Twelfth Day a man\nwrapt in pease-straw to represent a Bear and another wrapt in oats-straw\nto represent a Goat go together about the village; they imitate the\nactions of the two animals and perform dances, for which they receive a\npresent in every house.(964) At Marburg in Steiermark the corn-spirit\nfigures now as a wolf and now as a bear. The man who gave the last stroke\nat threshing is called the Wolf. All the other men flee from the barn, and\nwait till the Wolf comes forth; whereupon they pounce on him, wrap him in\nstraw to resemble a wolf, and so lead him about the village. He keeps the\nname of Wolf till Christmas, when he is wrapt in a goat\u2019s skin and led\nfrom house to house as a Pease-bear at the end of a rope.(965) In this\ncustom the dressing of the mummer in a goat\u2019s skin seems to mark him out\nas the representative of a goat; so that here the mythical fancy of the\npeople apparently hesitates between a goat, a bear, and a wolf as the\nproper embodiment of the corn-spirit. In Scandinavia the conception of the\nspirit as a goat who appears at Christmas (_Julbuck_) appears to be\ncommon. Thus, for example, in Bergslagsh\u00e4rad (Sweden) it used to be\ncustomary at Christmas to lead about a man completely wrapt in corn-straw\nand wearing a goat\u2019s horns on his head: he personated the Yule-goat.(966)\nIn some parts of Sweden a regular feature of the little Christmas drama is\na pretence of slaughtering the Yule-goat, who, however, comes to life\nagain. The actor, hidden by a coverlet made of skins and wearing a pair of\nformidable horns, is led into the room by two men, who make believe to\nslaughter him, while they sing verses referring to the mantles of various\ncolours, red, blue, white, and yellow, which they laid on him, one after\nthe other. At the conclusion of the song, the Yule-goat, after feigning\ndeath, jumps up and skips about to the amusement of the spectators.(967)\nIn Willstad after supper on Christmas evening, while the people are\ndancing \u201cthe angel dance\u201d for the sake of ensuring a good crop of flax,\nsome long stalks of the Yule straw, either of wheat or rye, are made up\ninto the likeness of a goat, which is thrown among the dancers with the\ncry, \u201cCatch the Yule-goat!\u201d The custom in Dalarne is similar, except that\nthere the straw-animal goes by the name of the Yule-ram.(968) In these\ncustoms the identification of the Yule-goat or the Yule-ram with the\ncorn-spirit seems unmistakable. As if to clinch the argument it is\ncustomary in Denmark and Sweden to bake cakes of fine meal at Christmas in\nthe form of goats, rams, or boars. These are called Yule-goats, Yule-rams,\nor Yule-boars; they are often made out of the last sheaf of corn at\nharvest and kept till sowing-time, when they are partly mixed with the\nseed-corn and partly eaten by the people and the plough-oxen in the hope\nthereby of securing a good harvest.(969) It would seem scarcely possible\nto represent the identification of the corn-spirit with an animal, whether\ngoat, ram, or boar, more graphically; for the last corn cut at harvest is\nregularly supposed to house the corn-spirit, who is accordingly caught,\nkept through the winter in the shape of an animal, and then mixed with the\nseed in spring to quicken the grain before it is committed to the ground.\nExamples of the corn-spirit conceived as a wether and a boar have met us\nin a preceding part of this work.(970) The pretence of killing the\nYule-goat and bringing him to life again was probably in origin a magical\nrite to ensure the rebirth of the corn-spirit in spring.\n\n(M242) In England a custom like some of the preceding still prevails at\nWhittlesey in Cambridgeshire on the Tuesday after Plough Monday, as I\nlearn from an obliging communication of Professor G. C. Moore Smith of\nSheffield University. He writes: \u201cWhen I was at Whittlesey yesterday I had\nthe pleasure of meeting a \u2018Straw-bear,\u2019 if not two, in the street. I had\nnot been at Whittlesey on the day for nearly forty years, and feared the\ncustom had died out. In my boyhood the Straw-bear was a man completely\nswathed in straw, led by a string by another and made to dance in front of\npeople\u2019s houses, in return for which money was expected. This always took\nplace on the Tuesday following Plough-Monday. Yesterday the Straw-bear was\na boy, and I saw no dancing. Otherwise there was no change.\u201d(971)\n\n(M243) A comparison of this English custom with the similar Continental\ncustoms which have been described above, raises a presumption that the\nStraw-bear, who is thus led about from house to house, represents the\ncorn-spirit bestowing his blessing on every homestead in the village. This\ninterpretation is strongly confirmed by the date at which the ceremony\ntakes place. For the date is the day after Plough Monday, and it can\nhardly be doubted that the old popular celebration of Plough Monday has a\ndirect reference to agriculture. Plough Monday is the first Monday of\nJanuary after Twelfth Day. On that day it used to be the custom in various\nparts of England for a band of sturdy swains to drag a gaily decorated\nplough from house to house and village to village, collecting\ncontributions which were afterwards spent in rustic revelry at a tavern.\nThe men who drew the plough were called Plough Bullocks; they wore their\nshirts over their coats, and bunches of ribbons flaunted from their hats\nand persons. Among them there was always one who personated a much\nbedizened old woman called Bessy; under his gown he formerly had a\nbullock\u2019s tail fastened to him behind, but this appendage was afterwards\ndiscarded. He skipped, danced and cut capers, and carried a money-box\nsoliciting contributions from the onlookers. Some of the band, in addition\nto their ribbons, \u201calso wore small bunches of corn in their hats, from\nwhich the wheat was soon shaken out by the ungainly jumping which they\ncalled dancing. Occasionally, if the winter was severe, the procession was\njoined by threshers carrying their flails, reapers bearing their sickles,\nand carters with their long whips, which they were ever cracking to add to\nthe noise, while even the smith and the miller were among the number, for\nthe one sharpened the plough-shares and the other ground the corn; and\nBessy rattled his box and danced so high that he shewed his worsted\nstockings and corduroy breeches; and very often, if there was a thaw,\ntucked up his gown skirts under his waistcoat, and shook the bonnet off\nhis head, and disarranged the long ringlets that ought to have concealed\nhis whiskers.\u201d Sometimes among the mummers there was a Fool, who wore the\nskin of a calf with the tail hanging down behind, and wielded a stick with\nan inflated bladder tied to it, which he applied with rude vigour to the\nheads and shoulders of the human team. Another mummer generally wore a\nfox\u2019s skin in the form of a hood with the tail dangling on his back. If\nany churl refused to contribute to the money-box, the plough-bullocks put\ntheir shoulders to the plough and ploughed up the ground in front of his\ndoor.(972)\n\n(M244) The clue to the meaning of these curious rites is probably\nfurnished by the dances or rather jumps of the men who wore bunches of\ncorn in their hats. When we remember how often on the Continent about the\nsame time of year the peasants dance and jump for the express purpose of\nmaking the crops grow tall, we may conjecture with some probability that\nthe intention of the dancers on Plough Monday was similar; the original\nnotion, we may suppose, was that the corn would grow that year just as\nhigh as the dancers leaped. If that was so, we need not wonder at the\nagility displayed on these occasions by the yokels in general and by Bessy\nin particular. What stronger incentive could they have to exert themselves\nthan the belief that the higher they leaped into the air the higher would\nsprout the corn-stalks? In short, the whole ceremony was probably a\nmagical rite intended to procure a good crop. The principle on which it\nrested was the familiar one of homoeopathic or imitative magic: by\nmimicking the act of ploughing and the growth of the corn the mummers\nhoped to ensure the success of the real ploughing, which was soon to take\nplace.\n\n(M245) If such was the real meaning of the ritual of Plough Monday, we may\nthe more confidently assume that the Straw-bear who makes his appearance\nat Whittlesey in Cambridgeshire on the day after Plough Monday represents\nindeed the corn-spirit. What could be more appropriate than for that\nbeneficent being to manifest himself from house to house the very day\nafter a magical ceremony had been performed to quicken the growth of the\ncorn?\n\n(M246) The foregoing interpretation of the rites observed in England on\nPlough Monday tallies well with the explanation which I have given of the\nvery similar rites annually performed at the end of the Carnival in\nThrace.(973) The mock ploughing is probably practised for the same purpose\nin both cases, and what that purpose is may be safely inferred from the\nact of sowing and the offering of prayers for abundant crops which\naccompany and explain the Thracian ceremony. It deserves to be noted that\nceremonies of the same sort and closely resembling those of Plough Monday\nare not confined to the Greek villages of Thrace but are observed also by\nthe Bulgarians of that province at the same time, namely, on the Monday of\nthe last week in Carnival. Thus at Malko-Tirnovsko, in the district of\nAdrianople, a procession of mummers goes through the streets on that day.\nThe principal personages in it bear the names of the _Kuker_ and\n_Kukerica_. The _Kuker_ is a man clad in a goatskin. His face is blackened\nwith soot and he wears on his head a high shaggy hat made of an entire\nskin. Bells jingle at his girdle, and in his hand he carries a club. The\n_Kukerica_, who sometimes goes by the name of _Baba_, that is, \u201cOld\nWoman,\u201d is a man disguised in petticoats with his face blackened. Other\nfigures in the procession are young men dressed as girls, and girls\ndressed as men and wearing masks. Bears are represented by dogs wrapt in\nbearskins. A king, a judge, and other officials are personated by other\nmummers; they hold a mock court and those whom they condemn receive a\nbastinado. Some of the maskers carry clubs; it is their duty to beat all\nwho fall into their hands and to levy contributions from them. The play\nand gestures of the _Kuker_ and _Kukerica_ are wanton and lascivious: the\nsongs and cries addressed to the _Kuker_ are also very cynical. Towards\nevening two of the company are yoked to a plough, and the _Kuker_ ploughs\na few furrows, which he thereupon sows with corn. After sunset he puts off\nhis disguise, is paid for his trouble, and carouses with his fellows. The\npeople believe that the man who plays the part of _Kuker_ commits a deadly\nsin, and the priests make vain efforts to abolish the custom. At the\nvillage of Kuria, in the district of Losengrad, the custom is in general\nthe same, but there are some significant variations. The money collected\nby the mummers is used to buy wine, which is distributed among all the\nvillagers at a banquet in the evening. On this occasion a cake in which an\nold coin has been baked is produced by the _Kuker_, broken into bits, and\nso divided among all present. If the bit with the coin in it falls to a\nfarmer, then the crops will be good that year; but if it falls to a\nherdsman, then the cattle will thrive. Finally, the _Kuker_ ploughs a\nsmall patch of ground, \u201cbending his body to right and left in order to\nindicate symbolically the ears of corn bending under the weight of the\ngrain.\u201d The others lay hold of the man with whom the coin was found, bind\nhim by the feet, and drag him over the land that has just been\nploughed.(974) In these observances the intention of promoting the\nfertility of the ground is unmistakable; the ploughman\u2019s imitation of the\ncornstalks bending under their own weight is a simple case of homoeopathic\nor imitative magic, while the omens drawn from the occupation of the\nperson who obtains the piece of cake with the coin in it indicate that the\nceremony is designed to quicken the herds as well as the crops. We can\nhardly doubt that the same serious motive underlies the seemingly wanton\ngestures of the principal actors and explains the loose character of the\nsongs and words which accompany the ceremony. Nor is it hard to divine the\nreason for dragging over the fresh furrows the man who is lucky enough to\nget the coin in the cake. He is probably looked on as an embodiment of the\ncorn-spirit, and in that character is compelled to fertilise the ground by\nbodily contact with the newly-ploughed earth.\n\n(M247) Similar customs are observed at the Carnival not only by Bulgarian\npeasants in Thrace but also here and there in Bulgaria itself. In that\ncountry the leading personage of the masquerade is the _Baba_, that is,\nthe Old Woman or Mother. The part is played by a man in woman\u2019s clothes;\nshe, or rather he, wears no mask, but in many villages she carries a\nspindle with which she spins. The _Kuker_ and the _Kukerica_ also figure\nin the performance, but they are subordinate to the Old Woman or Mother.\nTheir costume varies in different villages. Usually they are clad in skins\nwith a girdle of lime-tree bark and five or six bells fastened to it; on\ntheir back they wear a hump made up of rags. But the principal feature in\ntheir attire consists of their masks, which represent the heads of animals\nand men in fantastic combinations, such as the horned head of a man or a\nbird, the head of a ram, a bull, and so on. Much labour is spent on the\nmanufacture of these masks. Early in the morning of Cheese Monday (the\nMonday of the last week in Carnival) the mummers go about the village\nlevying contributions. Towards noon they form a procession and go from\nhouse to house. In every house they dance a round dance, while the Old\nWoman spins. It is believed that if any house-holder contrives to carry\noff the Old Woman and secrete her, a blessing and prosperity will enter\ninto his dwelling; but the maskers defend the Old Woman stoutly against\nall such attempts of individuals to appropriate her beneficent presence.\nAfter the dance the mummers receive gifts of money, eggs, meal, and so on.\nTowards evening a round dance is danced in the village square, and there\nthe Old Woman yokes the _Kuker_ and _Kukerica_ to a plough, ploughs with\nit a small piece of ground, and sows the ground with corn. Next day the\nperformers reassemble, sell the presents they had collected, and with the\nproduce hold a feast in the house of the Old Woman. It is supposed that if\nstrange maskers make their way into a village, fertility will be drawn\naway to the village from which they have come; hence the villagers resist\nan inroad of strange maskers at any price. In general the people believe\nthat the masquerade is performed for the purpose of increasing the luck\nand fertility of the village.(975)\n\n(M248) In these Bulgarian rites, accordingly, we are not left to form\nconjectures as to the intention with which they are practised; that\nintention is plainly avowed, and it is no other than the one which we have\ninferred for the similar rites observed in Thrace at the same season and\nin England on Plough Monday. In all these cases it is reasonable to\nsuppose that the real aim of the ceremonial ploughing and sowing of the\nground is thereby, on the principles of homoeopathic or imitative magic,\nto ensure the growth of the corn on all the fields of the community.\nPerhaps we may go a step further and suggest that in the Bulgarian Old\nWoman or Mother, who guides the plough and sows the seed, and whose\npresence is believed to bring a blessing to any household that can\ncontrive to appropriate her, we have the rustic prototype of Demeter, the\nCorn-Mother, who in the likeness of an Old Woman brought a blessing to the\nhouse of Celeus, king of Eleusis, and restored their lost fertility to the\nfallow Eleusinian fields. And in the pair of mummers, man and woman, who\ndraw the plough, may we not discern the rude originals of Pluto and\nPersephone? If that is so, the gods of Greece are not wholly dead; they\nstill hide their diminished heads in the cottages of the peasantry, to\ncome forth on sunshine holidays and parade, with a simple but expressive\npageantry, among a gazing crowd of rustics, at the very moment of the year\nwhen their help is most wanted by the husbandman.\n\n(M249) Be that as it may, these rites still practised by the peasantry at\nopposite ends of Europe, no doubt date from an extremely early age in the\nhistory of agriculture. They are probably far older than Christianity,\nolder even than those highly developed forms of Greek religion with which\nancient writers and artists have made us familiar, but which have been for\nso many centuries a thing of the past. Thus it happens that, while the\nfine flower of the religious consciousness in myth, ritual, and art is\nfleeting and evanescent, its simpler forms are comparatively stable and\npermanent, being rooted deep in those principles of common minds which bid\nfair to outlive all the splendid but transient creations of genius. It may\nbe that the elaborate theologies, the solemn rites, the stately temples,\nwhich now attract the reverence or the wonder of mankind, are destined\nthemselves to pass away like \u201call Olympus\u2019 faded hierarchy,\u201d and that\nsimple folk will still cherish the simple faiths of their nameless and\ndateless forefathers, will still believe in witches and fairies, in ghosts\nand hobgoblins, will still mumble the old spells and make the old magic\npasses, when the muezzin shall have ceased to call the faithful to prayer\nfrom the minarets of St. Sophia, and when the worshippers shall gather no\nmore in the long-drawn aisles of N\u00f4tre Dame and under the dome of St.\nPeter\u2019s.\n\n\n\n\n\nNOTE: THE CEREMONY OF THE HORSE AT RICE-HARVEST AMONG THE GAROS.\n\n\n(M250) Among the Garos, an agricultural tribe of Assam, the close of the\nrice-harvest is celebrated by a festival in which the effigy of a horse\nfigures prominently. The intention of the ceremony is not stated, but\npossibly it may be to ensure a good rice crop in the following year. If\nso, the artificial horse of the Garos would be analogous to the October\nhorse of the Romans, as that animal has been explained by W. Mannhardt.\nFor the sake of comparison it may be well to subjoin Major A. Playfair\u2019s\naccount of the Garo ceremony:\u2014(976)\n\n(M251) \u201cWhen the rice harvest has been fully gathered in, the great\nsacrifice and festival of the year, the _Wangala_ or _Gur\u00e9wata_, takes\nplace. This is the most festive observance of the year, and combines\nreligious sacrifice with much conviviality. It is celebrated by all\nsections of the tribe except the Duals and some Plains Garos. The cost of\nthe entertainment falls principally on the _nokma_ [headman] of the\nvillage, who provides a pig to be eaten by his guests, and plenty of\nliquor. Among the Akaw\u00e9s and Chisaks of the north and north-eastern hills\na curious feature of the ceremony is the manufacture of _gur\u00e9_ or \u2018horses\u2019\nout of pieces of plantain-stem for the body, and of bamboo for the head\nand legs. The image of the \u2018horse\u2019 is laid on the floor of the _nokma\u2019s_\nhouse, and the assembled guests dance and sing around it the whole night\nlong, with the usual intervals for refreshments. Early the next morning,\nthe \u2018horse\u2019 is taken to the nearest river and launched on the water to\nfind its way down stream on the current. For those who possess the\nnecessary paraphernalia, the _gur\u00e9_ takes the shape of a horse\u2019s head of\nlarge size, made of straw, and covered with cloth. I once saw one in the\nvillage of Rongrong, which, when in use, was ornamented with discs of\nbrass on both sides of the face. Its eyes and ears were made of the same\nmetal, and between the ears were fixed a pair of wild goat\u2019s horns. To the\nhead were attached a number of bronze bells similar to those hawked about\nby Bhutia pedlars. The owner, a _laskar_, was unable to tell me whence\nthey came, but said that they were inherited from his wife\u2019s mother, and\nwere many generations old.\n\n(M252) \u201cThe manner in which this form of _gur\u00e9_ is used is the following.\nThe head is mounted on a stick, which a man holds before him in such a way\nthat the head comes up to the level of his chest. Two straps pass over his\nshoulders to relieve his hands of the weight. The body of the \u2018horse\u2019 is\nthen built round his own body with cane and cloth. For a tail, yak\u2019s tails\nare fastened in with his own hair, which, for the occasion, is allowed to\nhang down instead of being tied up. The performer thus apparelled,\ncommences to dance a shuffling step to the usual music. In front of him\ndances the priest, who goes through the pantomime of beckoning the animal\nto come to him. The remaining guests of the _nokma_ [headman] form a\n_queue_ behind the \u2019horse,\u2019 and dance after it. When the first man gets\ntired, another takes his place, and the dancing goes on right through the\nnight. A pleasant part of the performance is the pelting of the _gur\u00e9_\nwith eggs. A piece of egg-shell was still sticking to the horn of the\n_gur\u00e9_ which was shown to me.\n\n\u201cStrictly speaking, this festival should last for three days and two\nnights. When it is over, the _gur\u00e9_ is taken to a stream and the body\nthrown into the water, the head being preserved for another year. The\npeople who come to see it off, bring rice with them, and a meal by the\nwater\u2019s edge closes the proceedings.\n\n\u201cAt the _Wangala_, it is the custom to mix flour with water, and for the\nassembled people to dip their hands into the mixture and make white\nhand-marks on the posts and walls of the house and on the backs of the\nguests.\u201d\n\n(M253) Can it be that the horse whose effigy is thus made at rice-harvest\nand thrown into the water, while the head is kept for another year,\nrepresents the spirit of the rice? If that were so, the pelting of the\nhead with eggs would be a charm to ensure fertility and the throwing of it\ninto water would be a rain-charm. And on the same theory the horse\u2019s head\nwould be comparable to the horse-headed Demeter of Phigalia(977) as well\nas to the head of the October horse at Rome, which was nailed to a wall,\nprobably to be kept there till next October. If we knew more about the\nrites of the horse-headed Demeter at Phigalia, we might find that amongst\nthem was a dance of a man or woman who wore the mask of a horse\u2019s head and\npersonated the goddess herself, just as, if I am right, the man who dances\ndisguised as a horse at the harvest festival of the Garos, represents the\nspirit of the rice dancing among the garnered sheaves. The conjecture is\nto some extent supported by the remains of the magnificent marble drapery,\nwhich once adorned the colossal statue of Demeter or Persephone in the\nsanctuary of the two goddesses at Lycosura, in Arcadia; for on that\ndrapery are carved rows of semi-human, semi-bestial figures dancing and\nplaying musical instruments; the bodies of the figures are those of women,\nbut their heads, paws, and feet are those of animals. Among the heads set\non the figures are those of a horse, a pig, a cat or a hare, and\napparently an ass.(978) It is reasonable to suppose that these dancing\nfigures represent a ritual dance which was actually performed in the rites\nof Demeter and Persephone by masked men or women, who personated the\ngoddesses in their character of beasts.\n\n\n\n\n\nINDEX.\n\n\nAb, a Jewish month, i. 259 _n._ 1\n\nAbabu, a tribe of the Congo, ii. 288\n\nAbchases of the Caucasus, ii. 105, 313\n\nAbdication, temporary, of chief, ii. 66, 68\n\nAberdeenshire, harvest customs in, i. 158 _sqq._\n\nAbipones, the, of Paraguay, i. 308, ii. 140\n\nAcagchemem tribe of California, ii. 170\n\nAchinese, the, i. 315\n\nAcosta, J. de, quoted, i. 171 _sq._, ii. 86 _sqq._\n\nAcropolis of Athens, ii. 40 _sq._\n\nActium, games celebrated at, i. 80, 85\n\nAdair, James, ii. 264\n\nAdeli, the, of the Slave Coast, ii. 116\n\nAdonis, i. 214, 216, 258, 263;\n  and the boar, ii. 22 _sq._\n\n_Aegis_, ii. 40\n\nAesculapius at Pergamus, ii. 85\n\nAeson and Medea, ii. 143\n\nAgbasia, a Ewe god, ii. 59, 60\n\nAgni, Indian god, ii. 120\n\n_Agnus castus_, i. 116 _n._ 2\n\nAgricultural year determined by observation of the Pleiades, i. 313 _sqq._\n\nAgriculture, magical significance of games in primitive, i. 92 _sqq._;\n  origin of, 128 _sq._;\n  woman\u2019s part in primitive, 113 _sqq._\n\nAino, the, ii. 144, 251, their ceremony at eating new millet, 52;\n  their worship of eagle-owls, eagles, and hawks, 199 _sq._;\n  their propitiation of mice, 278;\n  their ambiguous attitude towards the bear, 310 _sq._;\n  type of animal sacrament, 312 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 of Japan, their custom of killing bears ceremonially, ii. 180 _sqq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 of Saghalien, their bear-festivals, ii. 188 _sqq._\n\nA\u00efsawa or Isowa, order of saints in Morocco, i. 21\n\nAjumba hunter, ii. 235\n\nA-Kamba, the, ii. 113\n\nAlaskan hunters, ii. 238\n\nAlbania, custom as to locusts and beetles in, ii. 279\n\nAlcyonian Lake, the, i. 15\n\nAlder branches, sacrificial, ii. 232\n\nAlectrona, daughter of the Sun, ii. 45\n\nAlfoors of Minahassa, ii. 100\n\nAlligators, souls of dead in, ii. 297\n\nAll Souls, Feast of, i. 30\n\nAlur tribe, ii. 214\n\nAlus, custom at, i. 25\n\nAmambwe, the, ii. 287\n\nAmaxosa Caffres, ii. 227\n\nAmazons of Dahomey, ii. 149\n\nAmazulu, the, i. 316\n\nAmboyna, ii. 123\n\nAmedzowe, the spirit land, ii. 105\n\nAmei Awi, i. 93\n\nAmerican Indians, women\u2019s agricultural work among the, i. 120 _sqq._;\n  their ceremonies at hunting bears, ii. 224 _sqq._;\n  personification of maize, i. 171 _sqq._\n\nAmmon, ram sacrificed to, ii. 41;\n  the Theban, 172 _sq._\n\nAncestors, prayers to, i. 105;\n  images of, ii. 53;\n  offerings to spirits of, 111, 117, 119, 121, 123, 124, 125\n\nAncestral Contest at the _Haloa_, i. 61;\n  at the Eleusinian Games, 71, 74, 77;\n  at the Festival of the Threshing-floor, 75\n\nAncient deities of vegetation as animals, ii. 1 _sqq._\n\nAndaman Islanders, ii. 164\n\nAndree, Dr. Richard, i. 307\n\nAngamis (Angami), a Naga tribe of Assam, i. 244, ii. 291\n\nAngel dance, the, ii. 328\n\nAngoni, the, ii. 149;\n  burial custom among the, 99\n\nAnhalt, harvest customs in, i. 226, 233, 279\n\nAnimal, corn-spirit as an, i. 270 _sqq._;\n  killing the divine, ii. 169 _sqq._;\n  worshipful, killed once a year and promenaded from door to door, 322\n\nAnimal embodiments of the corn-spirit, on the, i. 303 _sqq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 form, god killed in, i. 22 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 god, two types of the custom of killing the, ii. 312 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 masks worn by Egyptian kings, i. 260 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 sacrament, types of, ii. 310 _sqq._\n\nAnimals torn to pieces and devoured raw in religious rites, i. 20 _sqq._;\n  language of, acquired by eating serpent\u2019s flesh, ii. 146;\n  resurrection of, 200 _sq._, 256 _sqq._;\n  and men, savages fail to distinguish accurately between, 204 _sqq._;\n  wild, propitiation of, by hunters, 204 _sqq._;\n  bones of, not to be broken, 258 _sq._;\n  bones of, not allowed to be gnawed by dogs, 259;\n  savage faith in the immortality of, 260 _sqq._;\n  transmigration of human souls into, 285 _sqq._;\n  two forms of the worship of, 311;\n  processions with sacred, 316 _sqq._\n\n_Anitos_, souls of ancestors, ii. 124\n\nAnna Kuari, i. 244\n\nAnointing the body as a means of acquiring certain qualities, ii. 162\n            _sqq._\n\nAntankarana tribe of Madagascar, ii. 290\n\nAnthesteria, the, i. 30 _sqq._\n\nAnthropomorphism, i. 212\n\nAntinous, games in honour of, i. 80, 85\n\nAntiquity of the cultivation of the cereals in Europe, i. 79\n\nAntrim, harvest customs in, i. 144, 154 _sq._\n\nAnts, superstitious precaution against the ravages of, ii. 276\n\nApaches, the, ii. 242\n\nApes, ceremony after killing, ii. 235 _sq._\n\nApis, sacred bull, ii. 34 _sqq._\n\nApollo surnamed Locust and Mildew, ii. 282;\n  the Mouse, 282 _sq._;\n  Wolfish, 283 _sq._\n\nApollonius of Tyana, ii. 280\n\nApologies offered by savages to the animals they kill, ii. 215, 217, 218,\n            221, 222 _sqq._, 235 _sqq._, 243\n\nApple-tree, straw-man placed on oldest, ii. 6\n\nArabs, ii. 146, 164;\n  of Moab, harvest custom of the, i. 138\n\nArawak Indians, ii. 154\n\nArcturus, i. 47 _n._ 2, 51, 52\n\nArdennes, precautions against rats in the, ii. 277\n\nArgyleshire, harvest customs in, i. 155 _sq._\n\nAriadne, Cyprian worship of, i. 209 _n._ 2\n\nAricia, many Manii at, ii. 94 _sqq._;\n  sacred grove at, 95\n\nArician grove, horses excluded from, ii. 40 _sqq._\n\nAristides, the rhetorician, on first-fruit offerings, i. 56;\n  on Eleusinian Games, 71\n\nAristotle, _Constitution of Athens_, i. 79;\n  on men of genius, ii. 302 _n._ 5\n\nArkansas Indians, ii. 134\n\nArriaga, J. de, i. 173 _n._\n\nArt, Demeter and Persephone in, i. 43 _sq._\n\nArtemis, Brauronian, ii. 41 _n._ 3\n\nArtemisia and Mausolus, ii. 158\n\nArtemision, a Greek month, ii. 8\n\nArtificers, worship of the, ii. 60 _sq._\n\nAru Islands, ii. 145\n\nAryans of Europe, agriculture among the early, i. 129 _sq._;\n  totemism not proved for the, ii. 4\n\nAsh Wednesday, i. 300\n\nAshantees, the, ii. 149;\n  their festivals of new yams, 62 _sq._\n\nAshes as manure, i. 117\n\n\u2014\u2014 of dead swallowed, ii. 156 _sqq._;\n  smeared on mourner, 164;\n  of human victim scattered on earth to fertilise it, i. 240;\n  scattered on fields, 249, 250, 251;\n  scattered with winnowing-fans, 260, 262\n\nAssam, ii. 116;\n  agriculture in, i. 123;\n  _genna_ in, 109 _n._ 2;\n  head-hunting in, 256\n\nAsses, transmigration of sinners into, ii. 299, 308\n\nAssimilation of victims to gods, i. 261 _sq._;\n  of men to their totems or guardian animals, ii. 207 _sq._\n\nAssiniboins, the, ii. 225\n\nAssinie, W. African kingdom, ii. 63\n\nAstronomy, origin of, i. 307\n\nAsuras, the, ii. 120\n\nAthamanes, the, of Epirus, i. 129\n\nAthamas, King, i. 24, 25\n\nAthena, sacrifices to, i. 56;\n  and the goat, ii. 40 _sq._\n\nAthens, Queen of, married to Dionysus, i. 30 _sq._;\n  called \u201cthe Metropolis of the Corn,\u201d 58;\n  ceremony at killing a wolf at, ii. 221;\n  the Lyceum at, 283, 284\n\nAthletic competitions among harvesters, i. 76 _sq._\n\nAtonement to animals for wrong done to them, ii. 310 _sq._\n\nAttic months lunar, i. 52\n\nAttica, vintage custom in, ii. 133\n\nAttis, i. 2, 14, 214;\n  his relation to Lityerses, 255 _sq._;\n  and the pig, ii. 22\n\nAttraction and repulsion, forces of, ii. 303 _sqq._\n\nAugustine, i. 88\n\nAugustus celebrates games at Actium, i. 80\n\nAustralia, totemism in, ii. 311\n\n\u2014\u2014 Northern, ii. 145\n\nAustralian aborigines, i. 126, 307 _sq._;\n  their mutilations of the dead, ii. 272\n\nAustralians, the Central, ii. 165\n\nAustria, harvest customs in, i. 276, 292\n\nAwe, Loch, i. 142\n\nAwemba, the, i. 115;\n  of Northern Rhodesia, ii. 272 _sq._\n\nAyrshire, harvest customs in, i. 279\n\nAztecs, their festival at end of fifty-two years, i. 310 _sq._;\n  eating the god among the, ii. 86 _sqq._\n\nBaba or Boba, name given to last sheaf, i. 144 _sq._;\n  \u201cthe Old Woman,\u201d at the Carnival, ii. 332, 333\n\nBacchanals of Thrace, i. 17\n\nBadagas, the, ii. 55\n\nBaden, harvest customs in, i. 283, 286, 292, 298\n\nBaganda, the, i. 118, ii. 64, 70 _n._ 1, 227, 253, 271 _sq._;\n  their offerings of first-fruits, 113;\n  their fear of the ghosts of animals, 231 _sq._\n\nBagobos, the, ii. 124;\n  of Mindanao, i. 240\n\nBahaus or Kayans of central Borneo, i. 92 _sqq._\n  _See_ Kayans\n\nBahima, their belief in transmigration, ii. 288\n\nBakongs, a tribe of Borneo, ii. 294\n\nBakundu of the Cameroons, burial custom of the, ii. 99\n\nBali, i. 314, ii. 278;\n  rice spirit in, i. 201 _sqq._\n\nBall, game of, played as a rite, ii. 76, 79\n\nBalquhidder, cutting the Maiden at, i. 157\n\n_Balum_, spirits of the dead, i. 104\n\nBa-Mbala, the, i. 119\n\nBananas, cultivated by women, i. 115, 118;\n  cultivated in South America, 120, 121;\n  cultivated in New Britain, 123;\n  cultivated in New Guinea, 123;\n  soul of dead man in, ii. 298\n\nBanars, the, of Cambodia, ii. 33\n\nBangala, the, i. 119\n\nBanks\u2019 islanders, i. 313\n\n\u2014\u2014 Islands, burial custom in the, ii. 97\n\nBarley awarded as a prize in the Eleusinian games, i. 73, 74, 75;\n  oldest cereal cultivated by the Aryans, 132\n\n\u2014\u2014 Bride among the Berbers, i. 178 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 -cow, i. 289, 290\n\n\u2014\u2014 -mother, the, i. 131, 135\n\n\u2014\u2014 -sow, i. 298\n\n\u2014\u2014 -wolf, i. 271, 273\n\nBaronga, the, ii. 280;\n  women\u2019s part in agriculture among the, i. 114 _sq._\n\nBarots\u00e9, the, i. 115, ii. 159\n\nBassari, the, ii. 116\n\n_Bassia latifolia_, ii. 119\n\nBastian, Adolph, quoted, ii. 313\n\nBasutoland, i. 116;\n  inoculation in, ii. 158, 160\n\nBasutos, the, ii. 148;\n  their customs as to the new corn, 110\n\nBatari Sri, a goddess, i. 202\n\nBatchelor, Rev. J., ii. 180 _n._ 2, 182 _n._ 2, 183, 184, 186 _n._, 198,\n            201\n\nBathing forbidden, i. 94\n\nBats, souls of dead in, ii. 287\n\nBattas or Bataks of Sumatra, i. 196, 315, ii. 293;\n  their ceremonies at catching tigers, 216 _sq._\n\nBattle, mock, ii. 75\n\nBavaria, harvest customs in, i. 147, 221 _sq._, 232, 282, 286, 287, 289,\n            296, 298, 299\n\nBean-cock, i. 276\n\n\u2014\u2014 -goat, i. 282\n\nBeans, Spirit of, i. 177;\n  cultivated in Burma, 242;\n  forbidden as food by Empedocles, ii. 301\n\nBear, importance of the, for people of Siberia, ii. 191;\n  ambiguous attitude of the Aino towards the, 310 _sq._;\n  the corn-spirit as a, 325 _sqq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 -cats, souls of dead in, ii. 294\n\n\u2014\u2014 -dances, ii. 191, 195\n\n\u2014\u2014 -festivals of the Aino, ii. 182 _sqq._;\n  of the Gilyaks, 190 _sqq._;\n  of the Goldi, 197;\n  of the Orotchis, 197\n\n\u2014\u2014 -skin worn by woman dancer, ii. 223\n\n\u2014\u2014 the Great, constellation, i. 315\n\nBear\u2019s liver, i. 187 _sq._;\n  heart eaten, ii. 146\n\n\u201cBeard of Volos,\u201d i. 233\n\nBears killed ceremonially by the Aino, ii. 180 _sqq._;\n  souls of dead in, 286 _sq._;\n  processions with, in Europe, 326 _n._ 3\n\n\u2014\u2014 slain, propitiated by Kamtchatkans, Ostiaks, Koryak, Finns, and Lapps,\n            ii. 222 _sqq._;\n  by American Indians, 224 _sqq._\n\nBeating a man clad in a cow\u2019s hide, ii. 322 _sqq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 boys with leg-bone of eagle-hawk, ii. 165 _n._ 2\n\n\u2014\u2014 effigy of ox with rods in China, ii. 11 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 people for good luck, i. 309\n\nBeavers, their bones not allowed to be gnawed by dogs, ii. 238 _sqq._\n\nBechuanas, the, i. 316, ii. 28, 164;\n  their ceremonies before eating the new fruits, 69 _sq._;\n  ceremony observed after a battle by the, 271\n\nBeer in relation to Dionysus, i. 2 _n._ 1\n\nBees, transmigration of quiet people into, ii. 308\n\nBeetles, superstitious precautions against, ii. 279, 280\n\nBeggar, name given to last sheaf, i. 231 _sq._\n\nBeku, the, of West Africa, ii. 163\n\nBells worn by mummers, i. 26, 28, ii. 332, 333;\n  attached to hobby-horse, 337 _sq._\n\nBenin, ii. 64;\n  human sacrifice at, i. 240\n\nBera Pennu, the Earth Goddess, i. 245\n\nBerbers, the Barley Bride among the, i. 178 _sq._\n\nBerosus, Babylonian historian, i. 258 _sq._\n\nBerry, harvest customs in, i. 292, 294\n\nBerwickshire, harvest customs in, i. 153 _sq._\n\nBessy, one of the mummers on Plough Monday, ii. 329, 331\n\nBetsileo, the, of Madagascar, ii. 116;\n  their belief in the transmigration of souls, 289 _sq._\n\nBhils, the, of Central India, ii. 29\n\nBh\u00edmsen, an Indian deity, ii. 118\n\nBhumiya, a Himalayan deity, ii. 117\n\nBhutan, ii. 103\n\nBiennial cycle, i. 87\n\n\u2014\u2014 festivals, i. 14, i. 86\n\nBinder of last sheaf represents the Corn-mother, i. 150, 253\n\nBinders of corn, contests between, i. 136, 137, 138, 218 _sq._, 220, 221,\n            222, 253\n\nBinding the corn, contests in, i. 218 _sq._\n\n_Binsenschneider_, i. 230 _n._ 5\n\nBird, soul as a, i. 181, 182 _n._ 1;\n  corn-spirit as a, 295 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 of prey, inoculation with a, ii. 162\n\nBirds, migratory, as representatives of a divinity, i. 204 _sq._;\n  language of, ii. 146;\n  tongues of, eaten, 147\n\nBirth of child on harvest-field, pretended, i. 150 _sq._\n\nBisaltae, a Thracian tribe, i. 5\n\nBizya in Thrace, i. 26, 30\n\nBlack Drink, an emetic, ii. 76\n\n\u2014\u2014 Goat-skin, in relation to Dionysus, i. 17\n\nBlackened faces, i. 291, 299;\n  of actors, 27\n\nBlackfeet Indians, i. 311, ii. 236\n\nBladders of sea-beasts returned by the Esquimaux to the sea, ii. 247\n            _sqq._\n\nBlindfolded, reapers, i. 144, 153 _sq._\n\nBlood drawn from men as a religious rite, ii. 75, 91 _sq._;\n  as a means of communion with a deity, 316\n\n\u2014\u2014 of bear drunk, ii. 146\n\n\u2014\u2014 of beavers not allowed to fall on ground, ii. 240 _n._ 2\n\n\u2014\u2014 of dragon, ii. 146\n\n\u2014\u2014 of human victim sprinkled on seed, i. 239, 251;\n  scattered on field, 244, 251\n\n\u2014\u2014 of lamb sprinkled on people, ii. 315\n\n\u2014\u2014 of slain men tasted by their slayers, ii. 154 _sqq._\n\nBlood-covenant, ii. 154 _sqq._\n\nBoa-constrictor, soul of a, ii. 296\n\nBoa-constrictors, souls of dead in, ii. 289 _sq._\n\nBoar, corn-spirit as, i. 298 _sqq._;\n  the Yule, 300 _sqq._, 302 _sq._;\n  and Adonis, ii. 22 _sq._\n\nBoars, wild, their ravages in the corn, ii. 31 _sqq._\n\nBoba or Baba, name given to the last sheaf, i. 144 _sq._\n\nBock, C., quoted, i. 8\n\nBoedromion, an Attic month, i. 52, 77\n\nBogadjim in German New Guinea, ii. 251\n\nBohemia, harvest customs in, i. 138, 145, 149, 150, 225 _sq._, 232, 286,\n            289;\n  Carnival custom in, ii. 325;\n  custom as to mice in, 279, 283\n\nB\u00f6hmer Wald Mountains, i. 284\n\nBolivia, ii. 235, 286\n\nBombay, burial custom in, ii. 100\n\nBone of old animal eaten to make the eater old, ii. 143\n\nBones and skulls of enemies destroyed, ii. 260\n\n\u2014\u2014 of animals preserved in order that the animals may come to life again,\n            ii. 256 _sqq._;\n  burned or thrown into water, 257;\n  not to be broken, 258 _sq._;\n  not allowed to be gnawed by dogs, 225, 238 _sqq._, 243, 259\n\n\u2014\u2014 of the dead, virtues acquired by contact with the, ii. 153 _sq._;\n  preserved for the resurrection, 259\n\n\u2014\u2014 of deer not given to the dogs, ii. 241, 242, 243\n\n\u2014\u2014 of fish not burned, ii. 250, 251;\n  thrown into the sea or a river, 250, 254;\n  not to be broken, 255\n\nBontoc, province of Luzon, i. 240\n\nBordeaux, harvest custom at, i. 291\n\nBormus or Borimus, i. 216, 257, 264\n\nBorneo, ii. 122;\n  agricultural communities of central, i. 92\n\nBororos, the, of Brazil, ii. 71 _sq._, 208\n\nBoscana, Father G., ii. 169;\n  quoted, i. 125\n\nBotocudos, the, of Brazil, ii. 156\n\nBougainville Straits, i. 313\n\n_Bouphonia_, ii. 4 _sqq._\n\n_Bouphonion_, a Greek month, ii. 6 _n._\n\nBourbourg, Brasseur de, i. 237\n\nBourke, Captain J. G., ii. 178 _n._ 4\n\nBouzygai, the, at Eleusis, i. 108\n\nBoxing, i. 71 _n._ 5, ii. 131\n\nBrahman boys sacrificed, i. 244\n\nBrahmans, the, on transubstantiation, ii. 89\n\nBrain, drippings of, used to acquire wisdom of dead, ii. 163 _sq._\n\nBrains of enemies eaten, ii. 152\n\nBrand, John, quoted, i. 146\n\nBrazen serpent, the, ii. 281\n\nBrazil, Indians of, i. 111, ii. 235;\n  their flesh diet, ii. 139\n\nBridal pair at rice-harvest in Java, i. 200 _sq._\n\nBride, name given to last sheaf, i. 162, 163\n\nBritish Columbia, Indians of, ii. 253\n\nBrittany, harvest customs in, i. 135\n\n_Bromios_, epithet of Dionysus, i. 2 _n._ 1\n\nBrooke, Rajah, ii. 211\n\nBrown, Dr. Burton, ii. 100 _n._ 2\n\nBubui river, in New Guinea, ii. 295\n\nBuckwheat cultivated in Burma, i. 242\n\nBucolium at Athens, i. 30\n\nBuddha, transmigrations of, ii. 299, 301\n\nBudge, Dr. E. A. Wallis, i. 259 _n._ 3, 260 _n._ 2\n\nBuffalo sacrificed for human victim, i. 249\n\nBuffaloes, propitiation of dead, ii. 229, 231;\n  their death bewailed, 242;\n  revered by the Todas, 314\n\nBukaua, the, of German New Guinea, i. 103, 105, 313, ii. 124\n\nBulawayo, ii. 70\n\nBulgarians, the Carnival among the, ii. 331 _sqq._\n\nBull, corn-spirit as, i. 288 _sqq._, ii. 8;\n  in relation to Dionysus, i. 16 _sq._, 31\n\n\u2014\u2014, live, torn to pieces in rites of Dionysus, i. 15, 17, ii. 16\n\n\u2014\u2014, sacrifice of, ii. 68 _n._ 3;\n  at Magnesia, 7 _sq._;\n  in Mithraic religion, 10;\n  at tomb of dead chief, 113\n\n\u2014\u2014 -fights, ii. 66\n\n\u2014\u2014 -roarers, i. 19 _n._ 1, ii. 295;\n  as magical instruments, i. 104, 106 _sq._, 110\n\n\u2014\u2014 -shaped deities, i. 3 _sqq._\n\nBulls, sacred, of ancient Egypt, ii. 34 _sqq._\n\nBurghers or Badagas, the, ii. 55\n\nBurial rites intended to deceive ghosts or demons, ii. 97 _sqq._\n\nBurials, fictitious, to divert the attention of demons from the real\n            burials, ii. 98 _sqq._\n\nBuring Une, a goddess, i. 93\n\nBurma, ii. 116;\n  securing the rice-soul in, i. 190 _sq._;\n  custom at threshing rice in, 203 _sq._;\n  head-hunting in, i. 256\n\nBurmese cure, ii. 103\n\nBurne, Miss C. S., i. 266\n\nBurning last sheaf of corn, i. 146\n\n\u2014\u2014 the Old Witch, i. 224\n\nBuru, island, ii. 54, 145\n\nBush negroes of Surinam, ii. 26\n\nBushmen, ii. 29, 206, 266 _n._ 1;\n  their customs as to diet, 140 _sq._\n\nBusiris, i. 259 _sq._\n\n_Busk_, festival of first-fruits, ii. 72\n\n_Butea frondosa_, ii. 119\n\nButterflies, souls of dead in, ii. 290, 291, 296 _sq._\n\nButterfly of the rice, i. 190\n\nButton snake root, emetic made from, ii. 73, 75\n\nBuzzard, killing the sacred, ii. 169 _sqq._\n\nCaffre elephant-hunters, ii. 227\n\nCaffres, their festival of new fruits, ii. 64 _sqq._;\n  their custom of fumigating infants, 166 _sq._;\n  of South Africa, their observation of the Pleiades, i. 315;\n  of the Zambesi region, ii. 289\n\n_Cailleach_ (Old Wife), name given to last corn cut, i. 140 _sqq._, 164\n            _sqq._\n\nCaingua Indians of Paraguay, ii. 285\n\nCakes in obscene shapes, i. 62\n\nCalabash, ceremony of breaking the, ii. 68 _n._ 3\n\nCalabria, custom observed by murderers in, ii. 156\n\nCalendar, regulation of, an affair of religion, i. 83;\n  the Roman, 83 _sq._;\n  primitive, 125 _sq._\n\nCalendars, the Pleiades in primitive, i. 307 _sqq._\n\nCalf sacrificed to Dionysus, i. 33;\n  killed at harvest, 290;\n  sacrifice of buffalo, ii. 314\n\nCalifornia, Indians of, i. 125, ii. 169, 286\n\nCalifornian missions, the Spanish, ii. 171 _n._ 1\n\nCallaway, Rev. H., i. 316\n\nCallias, the Eleusinian Torch-bearer, i. 54, 73 _n._ 3\n\nCambodia, ii. 103\n\nCameron, Hugh E., i. 162 _n._ 3\n\nCampbell, Major J., i. 248, 250\n\nCampbell, Rev. J. G., i. 140\n\nCancer, Tropic of, i. 125\n\nCandlemas, i. 300\n\nCanelos Indians of Ecuador, ii. 285\n\nCannibal orgies, i. 18 _sqq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 Spirit, i. 21\n\nCannibals, a secret society of the Kwakiutl Indians, i. 20\n\nCanopus, i. 308\n\nCapricorn, Tropic of, i. 125\n\nCarcassone, hunting the wren at, ii. 320 _sq._\n\nCarian Chersonese, ii. 85\n\nCarib warriors, ii. 162\n\nCaribs, the, i. 120, ii. 139\n\nCarinthia, harvest custom in, i. 224 _sq._\n\nCarley, the, i. 144\n\nCarlin or Carline, the, i. 140\n\nCarnival, modern Thracian drama at the, i. 26 _sqq._, ii. 331\n\n\u2014\u2014 Bear, ii. 325\n\n\u2014\u2014 custom in Bohemia, ii. 325\n\nCarolina, Indians of, ii. 217\n\nCarrier Indians, ii. 238 _sq._\n\nCassava (manioc) bread, i. 120 _sq._\n\nCassowaries, souls of dead in, ii. 295\n\nCassowary totem, ii. 207\n\nCastabus, ii. 85\n\nCat, corn-spirit as, i. 280 _sq._;\n  killed at harvest, i. 281\n\nCat\u2019s cradle, i. 101, 103\n\n\u2014\u2014 tail, name given to last standing corn, i. 268\n\nCatalangans, the, ii. 124\n\nCaterpillars, superstitious precautions against, ii. 275 _sq._, 279, 280\n\nCatholic custom of eating effigies of the Madonna, ii. 94\n\nCattle, last sheaf given to, i. 134, 155, 158, 161, 170;\n  (plough oxen) Yule or Christmas Boar given to, the, 301, 302, 303;\n  worship of, ii. 35, 37 _sqq._;\n  first-fruits offered to, 118\n\nCaul-fat, human, rubbed on body, ii. 162\n\nCayenne, Indians of, 285 _sqq._\n\nCelebes, i. 313, ii. 54, 122, 123;\n  precautions against mice in, 277\n\nCeleus, king of Eleusis, i. 37\n\nCensorinus, i. 86, 87\n\nCentral Provinces of India, ii. 118 _sq._\n\nCeram, ii. 54, 123\n\nCereal deity, ii. 52, 83\n\nCereals in Europe, antiquity of the cultivation of, i. 79;\n  cultivated by the early Aryans, 132\n\nCeremony of the Horse at rice-harvest among the Garos, ii. 337 _sqq._\n\nCeres, i. 42;\n  festival of, 297 _n._ 5;\n  the, in France, 135;\n  Roman sacrifices to, ii. 133\n\nChadwars, the, ii. 28\n\nChaka, Zulu despot, ii. 67\n\nChamb\u00e9ry, harvest customs at, i. 275, 288, 291 _sq._\n\nChams, the, of Indo-China, ii. 283;\n  their agricultural ceremonies, 56 _sqq._;\n  their belief in transmigration, 291 _sq._\n\nChanges of shape, magical, i. 305\n\nChasas, the, of Orissa, ii. 26\n\n\u201cChasms of Demeter and Persephone,\u201d ii. 17\n\nChastity required in sower of seed, i. 115 _sq._;\n  of hunter before hunting bears, ii. 226\n\nChateaubriand, his description of the Natchez festival, ii. 135 _sqq._\n\nCheese Monday, i. 26, ii. 333\n\nCheremiss, the, ii. 51\n\nCherokee hunters, ii. 236, 241\n\n\u2014\u2014 mythology, ii. 204 _sq._\n\nCherokees, the, ii. 72 _n._ 2, 139, 220;\n  their respect for rattlesnakes, 218 _sq._;\n  their custom of removing the hamstring of deer, 266\n\nChicome couatl, Mexican Maize-goddess i. 176\n\nChief, sacred, ii. 28;\n  acting as priest, 126;\n  sacrifices to dead, 113\n\nChiefs, spirits of dead, give rain, ii. 109;\n  deified after death, 125;\n  souls of dead, in lions, 287 _sq._\n\nChild born on harvest-field, pretence of, i. 150 _sq._\n\nChildbed, deceiving the ghosts of women who have died in, ii. 97 _sq._\n\nChildren at birth placed in winnowing-fans, i. 6 _sqq._;\n  guarded against evil spirits, 6 _sqq._;\n  employed to sow seed, 115 _sq._;\n  sacrificed at harvest, 236\n\nChina, ceremony at beginning of spring in, ii. 10 _sqq._\n\nChinese, their theory as to courage, ii. 145 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 of Amoy, their use of effigies, ii. 104\n\n\u2014\u2014 ceremony of ploughing, ii. 14 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 use of sieve or winnowing-fan, i. 6, 9 _sq._\n\nChinigchinich, a Californian god, ii. 170\n\nChinna Kimedy, i. 247, 249\n\nChins, the, of Upper Burma, ii. 121\n\nChiquites of Paraguay, ii. 241\n\nChiriguanos, the, Indians of Bolivia, ii. 140, 286\n\nChota Nagpur, i. 244\n\nChristmas, i. 134;\n  boar sacrificed at, 302. _See also_ Yule\n\n\u2014\u2014 Day, ii. 319, 320\n\n\u2014\u2014 drama, ii. 327 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 Eve, i. 302, ii. 318, 321\n\nChuckchees, the, ii. 221\n\n_Churn_, last corn cut, i. 151, 153, 154 _sq._\n\nCicero, on the gift of the corn, i. 58;\n  on transubstantiation, ii. 167\n\nCinteotl, Mexican Maize-god, i. 176\n\nCircumcision, i. 316, ii. 153\n\nClarke, E. D., at Eleusis, i. 64;\n  quoted, 146\n\nClement of Alexandria on the Eleusinian mysteries, i. 39\n\nCleostratus of Tenedos, i. 81\n\n_Clyack-kebback_, i. 160\n\n_Clyack_ sheaf, i. 158 _sqq._, ii. 43\n\nCnossus, i. 82, 85\n\nCobra-capella, guardian-deity of Issapoo, ii. 174\n\nCochin China, tigers respected in, ii. 217\n\nCock, corn-spirit as, i. 276 _sqq._;\n  killed on harvest field, 277 _sq._;\n  white, sacrificed, ii. 117, 118\n\n\u2014\u2014 -sheaf, i. 276\n\n_Cogiour_, a sacred pontiff, ii. 114\n\nCohabitation of husband and wife enjoined as a matter of ritual, ii. 69,\n            70 _n._ 1\n\n_Colluinn_, custom of beating a cow\u2019s hide, ii. 323, 324\n\nColombian Indians, ii. 286\n\nCommunal taboos, i. 109 _n._ 2\n\nCommunion with deity, ii. 83, 325\n\nCompitalia, a Roman festival, ii. 94, 96, 107\n\nComplexity of religious phenomena, ii. 36\n\nConfession of sin, ii. 69\n\nCongo, the Lower, i. 115;\n  the Upper, 119\n\nConjunction of sun and moon, ii. 15 _n._ 1\n\nConservation of energy, ii. 262\n\nConstantinople protected against flies and gnats, ii. 281\n\nContact with sacred things is deemed dangerous, ii. 27 _sqq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 between certain foods in stomach of eater forbidden, ii. 83 _sqq._, 90\n\nContest, Ancestral, at the Eleusinian Games, i. 71, 74, 77\n\nContests for possession of the corn-spirit, i. 74 _sq._, 180;\n  between binders of corn, 136, 137, 138, 218 _sq._, 220, 221, 222, 253;\n  between reapers, 74 _sq._, 136, 140, 141, 142, 144, 152, 153 _sq._, 164\n              _sq._, 219, 253;\n  between threshers, 147 _sqq._, 218, 219 _sq._, 221 _sq._, 223 _sq._, 253\n\nContinence, ceremonial, ii. 75, 81, 93;\n  prescribed at festival, 248\n\n\u2014\u2014 and fasting, ii. 14\n\nCoomassie, ii. 62, 63\n\nCoorgs, the, ii. 55\n\nCorea, ii. 122;\n  use of effigies in, 105\n\nCorn, ear of, revealed to initiates at the rites of Eleusis, i. 38;\n  personified as Demeter, 42;\n  first-fruits of, offered to Demeter and Persephone at Eleusis, 53\n              _sqq._;\n  first bestowed on the Athenians by Demeter, 54;\n  personified as female, 130;\n  wreath of, 134;\n  double personification of, as mother and daughter, 207 _sqq._;\n  the first corn cut, customs connected with, 214 _sq._;\n  the new, eaten sacramentally, ii. 48 _sqq._;\n  sanctity of the, 110\n\n\u2014\u2014 and poppies as symbols of Demeter, i. 43 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 Baby, i. 152, 292\n\n\u2014\u2014 -bull, i. 291\n\n\u2014\u2014 -cow, i. 289\n\n\u2014\u2014 -ears, Queen of the, i. 146;\n  crown of, 163, 221, 283\n\n\u2014\u2014 -fool, i. 148\n\n\u2014\u2014 -goat, i. 282, 283, 286, 287\n\n\u2014\u2014 -maiden, i. 150;\n  in Northern Europe, 129 _sqq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 -mallet at threshing, i. 148\n\n\u2014\u2014 -man, i. 223;\n  the goal of a women\u2019s race at harvest, 76 _sq._\n\nCorn-mother, i. 150;\n  in Northern Europe, 131 _sqq._;\n  in last sheaf, 133 _sqq._;\n  in America, 171 _sqq._;\n  in many lands, 171 _sqq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 -pug, i. 273\n\n\u2014\u2014 -reapers, songs of the, i. 214 _sqq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 -sow, i. 298\n\nCorn-spirit, contests for possession of the, i. 74 _sq._, 180;\n  conceived as old, 136 _sqq._;\n  in last sheaf threshed, i. 139, 147, 168, ii. 48;\n  represented in duplicate, i. 139;\n  conceived as young, 150 _sqq._;\n  as Bride and Bridegroom, 162 _sqq._;\n  as male and female, 164, ii. 9;\n  as female, both old and young, i. 164 _sqq._;\n  represented by person who cuts, binds, or threshes the last corn, 167\n              _sq._, 220 _sqq._, 236, 253 _sq._;\n  fertilising influence of, 168;\n  its influence on women, 168;\n  represented by human beings, 168, 204 _sqq._, ii. 333;\n  in form of an old man, i. 206 _sq._;\n  in first corn cut, 215;\n  personal representative of, killed in mimicry, 216;\n  killing the, 216 _sqq._, 223 _sqq._;\n  represented by a puppet, 224;\n  represented by a stranger, 225 _sqq._;\n  conceived as poor and robbed by the reapers, 231 _sqq._;\n  slain in his human representatives, 251 _sqq._;\n  the neck of the, 268;\n  as animal, 270 _sqq._;\n  on the animal embodiments of the, 303 _sqq._;\n  as wolf or dog, 271, _sqq._, ii. 327;\n  the tail of the, i. 268, 272, 300, ii. 10, 43;\n  as cock, i. 276 _sqq._, 277 _sq._;\n  as hare, 279 _sq._;\n  as cat, 280 _sq._;\n  as goat, 281 _sqq._, ii. 327;\n  lame, i. 284;\n  slain in the form of a goat, 284 _sq._, 287;\n  as bull, cow, or ox, 288 _sqq._, ii. 8;\n  killed in form of bull, i. 290, 291 _sq._;\n  killed at threshing, 291 _sq._;\n  as horse or mare, 292 _sqq._;\n  in form of calf, 292;\n  as a bird, 295;\n  as fox, 296 _sq._;\n  as pig (boar, sow), 298 _sqq._;\n  represented by an ox, ii. 9 _sqq._;\n  killed in animal form and eaten sacramentally, 20;\n  as a bear, 325 _sqq._;\n  represented dramatically, 325;\n  as a boar, 328;\n  represented by a man called the Straw-bear, 329\n\n\u2014\u2014 -stalks, harvesters wrapt up in, i. 220 _sqq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 -wolf, i. 272, 273, 275\n\n\u2014\u2014 -woman, i. 230, 233;\n  at threshing, 149\n\nCorners of fields not to be reaped, i. 234 _sq._\n\nCorpus Christi Day, i. 310\n\nCos, harvest-home in, i. 47\n\nCotton, treatment of first cotton picked, ii. 119\n\nCourage seated in gall-bladder, ii. 145 _sq._\n\nCow, corn-spirit as, i. 288 _sqq._\n\nCow\u2019s hide, thresher of last corn wrapt in, i. 291;\n  custom of beating the, ii. 322 _sqq._\n\nCows milked by women, i. 118;\n  and their milk, superstitions as to, ii. 84 _n._ 1 and 2\n\nCranes, trumpeting of the, signal for ploughing, i. 45\n\nCreek Indians, ii. 72, 139\n\nCretan festival of Dionysus, i. 14 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 myth of Dionysus, i. 13\n\nCrete, ancient seat of worship of Demeter, i. 131;\n  pig not eaten in, ii. 21 _n._ 1\n\nCries of reapers, i. 263 _sqq._\n\nCripple Goat, the, i. 284\n\nCrocodile, clay image of, ii. 279\n\n\u2014\u2014 -catchers, rules observed by, ii. 209 _sq._\n\nCrocodiles hunted by savages for their flesh, ii. 208 _n._ 2;\n  often spared by savages out of respect, 208 _sqq._;\n  ceremonies observed at catching, 209 _sqq._;\n  kinship of men with, 212 _sq._, 214 _sq._;\n  respected in Africa and Madagascar, 213 _sqq._;\n  sacred at Dix Cove, 287;\n  souls of dead in, 289, 290, 291, 295\n\nCronion, a Greek month, ii. 7, 8 _n._ 1\n\nCrooke, W., i. 118 _n._, 234 _n._ 2, ii. 56 _n._ 3\n\nCrops, charms and spells for growth of, i. 100;\n  rotation of, 117;\n  human sacrifices for the, 236 _sqq._\n\nCross River natives, ii. 115\n\nCrow, head of, eaten to prolong life, ii. 143;\n  transmigration of sinner into, 299\n\n\u2014\u2014 Song, the Greek, ii. 322 _n._\n\nCrown of corn-ears, i. 163, 221, 283;\n  worn by Demeter and Persephone, 43\n\n\u201cCrying the Mare\u201d in Hertfordshire, i. 292 _sq._;\n  in Shropshire, 293\n\n\u201cCrying the neck,\u201d i. 264 _sqq._\n\nCultivation, shifting, i. 99;\n  _see_ Agriculture\n\n\u201cCup of offering,\u201d ii. 184\n\nCurcho, old Prussian god, ii. 133\n\nCuretes, their war-dance, i. 13\n\nCurses uttered by Bouzygai, i. 108\n\nCuscuses, souls of dead in, ii. 296, 298\n\nCushing, Frank H., quoted, ii. 175 _sqq._\n\nCuzco, i. 310\n\nCycle, the octennial in Greece, i. 80 _sqq._\n\nCynaetha, i. 16\n\nCyzicus, i. 16\n\nDacotas, the, ii. 256\n\nDama, island of, ii. 101\n\nDamatrius, a Boeotian month, i. 46\n\nDance at harvest supper, i. 134, 135, 145;\n  of harvesters with or round the last sheaf, 135, 141, 145, 160, 219, 220\n              _sq._;\n  of masked men before sowing, 186;\n  of Dyaks to secure soul of rice, 188 _sq._;\n  of old women as representatives of the corn-goddess, 205;\n  Pawnee, before human sacrifice, 238;\n  before the king at ceremony of first-fruits, ii. 70 _sq._;\n  of Zulu king, 66, 68 _n._ 3;\n  of medicine-man, 72;\n  the Green Corn Dance, 76;\n  war, 79;\n  by torchlight, 79;\n  of Kansas Indians, 145\n  \u201cthe angel dance,\u201d 328;\n  of mummers at Carnival, 333, 334;\n  of mummer wearing a horse-headed mask, 338\n\nDances, i. 246, 247;\n  at sowing festival, 95;\n  masked, 95 _sq._, 111, 186, ii. 208 _n._ 1;\n  at the reappearance of the Pleiades, i. 307, 309, 311, 312, 317;\n  in imitation of totemic animals, ii. 76;\n  Mexican, 88;\n  in connexion with offerings of first-fruits, 113, 116, 126, 131, 134;\n  of men personifying deities, 179;\n  of women at bear-festival, 185, 186 _sq._, 191, 195;\n  of women at catching a crocodile, 211;\n  round dead tigers, 216;\n  of the Koryak at the slaughter of bears or wolves, 223;\n  in honour of slain leopards, 228;\n  of Koryak women at slaughter of whales, 232 _sq._;\n  to amuse the souls of dead sea-beasts, 248;\n  of Shrovetide Bear, 325 _sq._;\n  to make the crops thrive, 326, 328, 330 _sq._;\n  of masked men and women in ritual, 339\n\nDancing for salmon, ii. 255\n\nDanger Island, i. 312\n\nDanzig, harvest customs at, i. 133, 218 _sq._\n\nDarfur, ii. 147\n\nDarwin and Empedocles, ii. 306\n\nDaughter-in-law in ritual, ii. 121 _sq._\n\nDawkins, R. M., i. 25 _n._ 4, 29 _n._ 2\n\nDead, rebirth of the, i. 84;\n  fear of the, ii. 36 _sq._;\n  souls of the, 64;\n  festival in honour of, at end of harvest, 110;\n  buried in the houses, 115;\n  bones of the, 153 _sq._;\n  mourners rub themselves with the fat or putrefying juices of the, 162\n              _sq._;\n  souls of the human, supposed to be in caterpillars, 275 _sq._; and in\n              other animals, 285 _sqq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 men mutilated in order to disable their ghosts, ii. 271 _sqq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 spirits of the, supposed to influence the crops, i. 104;\n  give rain, ii. 109 _sq._;\n  first-fruits offered to, 109 _sq._, 111 _sqq._, 115, 116, 119, 121, 123,\n              124 _sqq._;\n  prayers to, 112, 113, 124 _sq._;\n  in trees, 113\n\nDeane, Mrs. J. H., ii. 319 _n._ 2\n\nDeath and resurrection of the gods, i. 1, 12 _sqq._, 15\n\n\u2014\u2014 pollution of, ii. 85 _n._ 3\n\nDeer, flesh of, eaten to prolong life or to avoid fever, ii. 143;\n  not eaten by warriors, 144;\n  treated with respect by American Indians, 240 _sqq._;\n  their bones not given to dogs, 241, 242, 243;\n  Indian custom of cutting out the sinew of the thighs of, 264 _sqq._;\n  souls of dead in, 286, 293 _sq._\n\n_Deiseil_ or _deiseal_, according to the course of the sun, ii. 323, 324\n\nDeities of vegetation as animals, ii. 1 _sqq._\n\nDeity, communion with, ii. 325\n\nDelagoa Bay, i. 114, ii. 280\n\nDelaware Indians, ii. 218\n\nDelphi, grave of Dionysus at, i. 14\n\nDelphic oracle, i. 55, 58\n\nDemeter, mother of Dionysus by Zeus, i. 14, 66;\n  Homeric Hymn to, 35 _sqq._, 70;\n  a personification of the corn, 39, 40 _sq._;\n  distinguished from the Earth-goddess, 41, 43;\n  at the threshing-floor, 41 _sq._, 47;\n  in art, 43 _sq._, 88 _sq._;\n  offering of first-fruits to, 46 _sqq._;\n  surnamed Proerosia, 51;\n  bestows corn on the Athenians, 54;\n  worshipped in Sicily, 56 _sqq._;\n  bestows corn on the Sicilians, 56 _sq._;\n  sacrifices to her at sowing, 57;\n  associated with seed-corn, 58;\n  her epithets, 63 _sq._;\n  her image at Eleusis, 64;\n  her intrigue with Zeus, 66;\n  etymology of name, 131;\n  in relation to the pig, ii. 16 _sqq._;\n  horse-headed, of Phigalia, 21, 338;\n  rustic prototype of, 334\n\n\u2014\u2014 and Iasion, i. 208\n\n\u2014\u2014 and Pelops, ii. 263\n\n\u2014\u2014 and Persephone, i. 35 _sqq._;\n  resemblance of their artistic types, 67 _sq._;\n  their essential identity, 90;\n  associated with death and immortality, 90 _sq._;\n  double personification of the corn as, 208 _sqq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 and Zeus, ii. 9;\n  marriage of, i. 65 _sqq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 Black, i. 263;\n  of Phigalia, ii. 21\n\n\u2014\u2014 Green, i. 42, 263\n\n\u2014\u2014 Yellow, i. 41 _sq._\n\nDemeter\u2019s corn, i. 42\n\nDemocritus, ii. 146\n\nDemons or ghosts deceived by dummies, ii. 96 _sqq._;\n  repelled by gun-shots, 99\n\nDendereh, sculptures at, i. 260\n\nDengdit, high god of the Dinka, ii. 40 _n._, 114 _n._ 2\n\nDenmark, harvest customs in, i. 139 _sq._, 231;\n  the Yule Boar in, i. 300 _sq._\n\nDe Smet, J., i. 239 _n._ 1\n\nDescent of Persephone, i. 46, ii. 17\n\nDevonshire reapers, cries of, i. 264 _sqq._\n\nDiasia, an Athenian sacrifice, ii. 95 _n._ 2\n\nDieri, the, of Central Australia, i. 106, ii. 151\n\nDigger Indians, the, ii. 164\n\nDigging-sticks used by women, i. 118, 120, 122, 124, 126, 128\n\nDijon, harvest custom near, i. 290\n\nDinka, the, ii. 37 _sqq._, 114\n\nDiocles, i. 37\n\nDiodorus Siculus, on worship of Demeter and Persephone, i. 56 _sqq._\n\nDionysus, i. 1 _sqq._;\n  god of the vine, 2 _sq._;\n  god of trees, 3 _sq._;\n  a god of agriculture and corn, 5;\n  and the winnowing-fan, 5 _sqq._;\n  as Zagreus, 12;\n  horned, 12;\n  son of Zeus by Persephone, Demeter, or Semele, 12, 14;\n  death and resurrection of, 12 _sqq._, 32;\n  ritual of, 14 _sq._;\n  grave of, 14;\n  as a bull, 16 _sq._, 31;\n  as a goat, 17 _sq._;\n  torn to pieces at Thebes, 25;\n  his marriage to the Queen of Athens, 30 _sq._;\n  son of Zeus and Demeter, 66;\n  and the bull-roarer, 110 _n._ 4;\n  his relation to Pan, Satyrs, and Silenuses, ii. 1 _sqq._;\n  as a bull, 3 _sq._;\n  live animals rent in rites of, 16;\n  the Foxy, 282\n\nDittenberger, W., i. 77 _n._ 4\n\nDius, a Macedonian month, i. 46 _n._ 2\n\nDivination, ii. 210;\n  magic dwindles into, i. 110 _n._;\n  by shoulder-blade, ii. 234\n\nDiviners, ancient, their rules of diet, ii. 143\n\nDodwell, E., at Eleusis, i. 64\n\nDog, corn-spirit as, i. 271 _sqq._;\n  of the harvest, 273;\n  feast on flesh of, ii. 256;\n  sacrifice of the White, 258 _n._ 2;\n  transmigration of sinner into, 299\n\n\u2014\u2014 -eating Spirit, i. 21\n\n\u2014\u2014 -star, i. 261\n\nDog\u2019s flesh or liver eaten to acquire bravery, ii. 145\n\nDogs devoured in religious rites, i. 20, 21, 22;\n  sacrificed, ii. 196, 202;\n  not allowed to gnaw bones of slain animals, 225, 238 _sqq._, 243, 259;\n  bones of deer not given to, 241, 242, 243\n\nDoll made of last corn at harvest, i. 140, 151, 153, 155, 157, 162\n\nD\u2019Orbigny, A., quoted, i. 120\n\nDormice, charm against, ii. 281\n\nDoor of house protected against fiends, ii. 96\n\nDough image of god eaten sacramentally, ii. 86 _sqq._, 90 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 images of animals sacrificed instead of the animals, ii. 95 _n._ 2\n\n\u2014\u2014 puppets as substitutes for live human beings, ii. 101 _sq._\n\nDragon\u2019s blood, ii. 146\n\nDrama, modern Thracian, at the Carnival, i. 25 _sqq._;\n  magical, 187 _sq._\n\nDramatic representations of the corn-spirit, ii. 325\n\n\u2014\u2014 rites practised with magical intention, i. 1\n\nDreams as a source of belief in immortality, ii. 260 _sq._\n\nDrinking juices of dead kinsfolk, ii. 163 _n._ 3\n\nDryas, son of Lycurgus, i. 24, 25\n\nDu Pratz, Le Page, ii. 77 _sqq._\n\nDuke of York Islands, ii. 252\n\nDumbartonshire, harvest customs in, i. 157 _sq._\n\nDummies to avert attention of ghosts or demons, ii. 96 _sqq._\n\n\u201cDumping\u201d people on harvest field, i. 226 _sq._\n\nDumplings in human form at threshing, i. 148;\n  in form of pigs, 299\n\nDuplication of deities, i. 212 _sq._\n\nDurham, harvest customs in, i. 151\n\nDyaks, the, i. 313, 314, ii. 100, 101, 102, 152;\n  their ceremonies to secure the rice-soul, i. 188 _sq._;\n  of Borneo, ii. 122, 144, 209, 211;\n  of Sarawak, 279\n\nDying and Reviving God, i. 1, 33\n\nEagle-owl worshipped by the Aino, ii. 199\n\nEagles worshipped by the Aino, ii. 200;\n  propitiation of dead, 236\n\nEars regarded as the seat of intelligence, ii. 148;\n  of dead enemies cut out, 271 _sq._\n\nEarth, Mother, ii. 105\n\n\u2014\u2014 the spirit of the, ii. 120\n\n\u2014\u2014 -God, i. 69\n\n\u2014\u2014 -goddess, ii. 115;\n  distinguished from Demeter, i. 41, 43, 89;\n  in Greek art, 89;\n  human sacrifices offered to, 245, 246, 249, 250\n\n\u2014\u2014 -gods, slaves of the, ii. 61, 62 _n._ 1\n\n\u2014\u2014 -mothers, i. 173 _n._\n\nEasing nature, a charm used by robbers, i. 235\n\nEast Indies, the Rice-mother in the, i. 180 _sqq._\n\nEaster, i. 300\n\n\u2014\u2014 Eve, i. 134\n\n\u2014\u2014 Islanders, ii. 133\n\n\u2014\u2014 Sunday, i. 33\n\nEater of animals, as epithet of a god, i. 23\n\nEating the god, ii. 48 _sqq._, 167;\n  among the Aztecs, 86 _sqq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 the soul of the rice, ii. 54\n\nEckstein, Miss L., ii. 317 _n._ 2\n\nEcstasy induced by smoking, ii. 72\n\nEdonians, the, i. 24\n\nEels, souls of dead in, ii. 289, 290, 292\n\nEffigies of men and women hung at doors of houses, ii. 94;\n  buried with the dead to deceive their ghosts, 97 _sq._;\n  used to cure or prevent sickness, 100 _sqq._\n  _See also_ Doll, Images, Puppet\n\nEffigy of an ox broken as a spring ceremony in China, ii. 10 _sqq._\n\nEggs not eaten, ii. 140;\n  charm to make hens lay, 326\n\nEgypt, ancient, stratification of religion in, ii. 35\n\nEgyptian kings, their animal masks, i. 260\n\n\u2014\u2014 reapers, their cries, i. 263\n\n\u2014\u2014 type of animal sacrament, ii. 312 _sq._, 314\n\nEgyptians, human sacrifices offered by the ancient, i. 259 _sq._;\n  the ancient, their religious attitude to pigs, ii. 24 _sqq._\n\nEl Kiboron clan of the Masai, ii. 288\n\nElans treated with respect by American Indians, ii. 240\n\nElephant\u2019s flesh thought to make eater strong, ii. 143\n\nElephants, ceremonies observed at the slaughter of, ii. 227 _sq._, 237;\n  souls of dead in, 289\n\nEleusine grain, i. 117\n\nEleusinian Games, i. 70 _sqq._, 110, 180;\n  less ancient than the Eleusinian mysteries, 87 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 inscription dealing with first-fruits, i. 55 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 mysteries, i. 35, 37 _sqq._, 65 _sqq._ 69 _sq._, 78 _sq._, 161 _sq._,\n            188;\n  instituted by Demeter, 70\n\nEleusis, Demeter at, i. 36 _sq._;\n  offerings of first-fruits at, 53 _sqq._;\n  image of Demeter at, 64;\n  prayer for rain at, 69;\n  the Rarian plain at, 36, 70, 74, 234, ii. 15\n\nEleutherian games at Plataea, i. 80\n\nElijah, the prophet, i. 233\n\nElis, Dionysus at, i. 17\n\nElk treated with respect, ii. 240;\n  embryos of, not eaten, 243\n\nEllis, William, quoted, i. 312\n\nElopango, i. 237\n\nEmbodiment, human, of the corn-spirit, ii. 333\n\nEmboq Sri, rice-bride, i. 200 _sq._\n\nEmbryos of elk not eaten, ii. 243\n\nEmetics used before eating new corn, ii. 73, 75 _sq._, 76;\n  sacred, 74\n\nEmpedocles, his doctrine of transmigration, ii. 300 _sqq._;\n  his resemblance to Buddha, 302;\n  his theory of the material universe like that of Herbert Spencer, 303\n              _sqq._;\n  as a forerunner of Darwin, 306;\n  his posing as a god, 307\n\nEnchanters of crops, foods forbidden to, i. 100\n\nEncounter Bay tribe, i. 126\n\nEnemies, mutilation of dead, ii. 271 _sq._\n\nEnergy, the conservation of, ii. 226\n\nEn-jemusi, the, of East Africa, i. 118\n\nEpiphany, i. 302\n\nEpithets applied to Demeter, i. 63 _sq._\n\nEquinox, human sacrifice offered soon after the spring equinox, i. 239\n\nErigone and Icarius, ii. 133\n\nEsquimaux, the Central, ii. 246;\n  dietary rules of, 84\n\n\u2014\u2014 of Baffin Land, ii. 257\n\n\u2014\u2014 of Bering Strait, i. 150, ii. 247, 272\n\n\u2014\u2014 of Hudson Bay, ii. 245 _sq._\n\nEssex, hunting the wren in, ii. 320\n\nEsthonia, i. 302\n\nEsthonian reapers, i. 285;\n  peasants, their treatment of weevils, ii. 274\n\nEsthonians, the, i. 298, 300, ii. 51\n\nEtna, Mount, i. 57\n\nEtymology, its uncertainty as a base for mythological theories, i. 41 _n._\n\nEubuleus, ii. 19\n\nEubulus, i. 56\n\nEudoxus of Cnidus, i. 81, ii. 30\n\nEumolpids, i. 56\n\nEumolpus, i. 37, 70, 73\n\nEuphorbus the Trojan, ii. 300\n\nEurope, Corn-mother and Corn-maiden in Northern, i. 131 _sqq._\n\nEvolution and dissolution, ii. 305 _sq._\n\nEwe hunters, ii. 244\n\n\u2014\u2014 negroes, ii. 45, 115, 143, 149;\n  their festival of new yams, 58 _sqq._;\n  their belief as to the spirit-land, 105 _sq._;\n  their ceremonies after killing leopards, 228 _sqq._\n\nExclusion of strangers, i. 94, 111\n\nEyes shut at prayer, ii. 81;\n  of men eaten, 153;\n  of slaughtered animals cut out, 267 _sqq._, 271;\n  of dead enemies gouged out, 271 _sq._\n\nFaces of bear-hunters painted red and black, ii. 226;\n  blackened, i. 291, 299\n\n_Fady_, taboo, ii. 46\n\nFafnir, the dragon, ii. 146\n\nFalcon\u2019s eye used as charm, ii. 164\n\nFaleshas, a Jewish sect, ii. 266 _n._ 1\n\nFallow, thrice-ploughed, i. 66, 69;\n  lands allowed to lie, 117, 123\n\nFanning away ill luck, i. 10\n\nFans, the, of West Africa, ii. 140\n\nFarmer\u2019s wife, pretence of threshing, i. 149 _sq._\n\nFarmers, propitiation of vermin by, ii. 274 _sqq._\n\nFarnell, Dr. L. R., i. 3 _n._ 1, 15 _n._, 68 _n._ 1, ii. 2 _n._ 9\n\nFast before eating new fruits, ii. 73 _sq._, 76 _sq._\n\nFasting and continence, ii. 14\n\n_Fastnachtsb\u00e4r_, ii. 325\n\nFat, anointing the body with, from superstitious motives, ii. 162 _sq._,\n            164, 165\n\nFatigue of the Horse, i. 294\n\nFauns, ii. 1 _sqq._\n\nFeathers of cock mixed with seed-corn, i. 278;\n  of wren, virtue attributed to, ii. 319\n\nFeet of enemies eaten, ii. 151\n\nFelkin, Dr. R. W., ii. 314 _sq._\n\nFernando Po, ii. 174\n\nFertilising influence of the corn-spirit, i. 168\n\nFestival before Ploughing (_Proerosia_), i. 51 _sqq._, 60;\n  of the Cornstalks at Eleusis, 63;\n  of the Threshing-floor (_Haloa_) at Eleusis, 60 _sqq._, 75;\n  of winter solstice, ii. 90;\n  of New Fire, 135;\n  of bladders among the Esquimaux, 247 _sqq._\n\nFestivals of new yams, ii. 58 _sqq._\n\nFewkes, J. Walter, quoted, i. 312\n\nFez, orgiastic rites at, i. 21\n\nFictitious burials to divert the attention of demons from the real\n            burials, ii. 98 _sqq._\n\n\u201cField of God,\u201d ii. 14, 15\n\n\u201cField of secret tillage,\u201d ii. 57\n\nFields, miniature, dedicated to spirits, i. 233 _sq._\n\nFife, harvest custom in, i. 227\n\nFifty-two years, Aztec cycle of, i. 310 _sq._\n\nFig Dionysus, i. 4\n\n\u2014\u2014 trees, sacred wild, ii. 113\n\nFiji, sacrifice of first-fruits in, ii. 125\n\nFinns, their propitiation of slain bears, ii. 223 _sq._\n\nFire not given out, i. 249;\n  god of, ii. 93;\n  made by friction of wood, 127, 136, 314;\n  purification by, 249;\n  not to be blown upon, 254;\n  new, ii. 65, 74, 75, 78;\n  sacred, i. 311, ii. 255, 314;\n  festival of, ii. 135\n\n\u201cFireless and Homeless,\u201d a mythical giant, ii. 265, 266\n\nFire-sticks called \u201chusband and wife,\u201d ii. 65\n\nFires extinguished, ii. 73\n\nFiring guns to repel demons, ii. 99\n\nFirmicus Maternus, i. 13\n\nFirst-fruits offered to Demeter, i. 46 _sqq._;\n  offered to Demeter and Persephone at Eleusis, 53 _sqq._;\n  offered to the sun, 237;\n  primitive reluctance to taste, ii. 6;\n  sacrament of, 48 _sqq._;\n  offered to goddess of agriculture, 56;\n  why savages scruple to eat the, 82 _sq._;\n  sacrifice of, 109 _sqq._;\n  presented to the king, 109, 116, 122;\n  offered to the spirits of the dead, 109 _sq._, 111 _sqq._, 115, 116,\n              119, 121, 123, 124 _sqq._\n\nFish, sacred, ii. 26;\n  the first caught, sacrificed, 132;\n  not eaten, 140;\n  treated with respect by fishing tribes, 249 _sqq._;\n  compensated by fishermen, 252;\n  first of the season, treated ceremoniously, 253 _sqq._;\n  souls of dead in, 285, 291, 295\n\n\u2014\u2014 bones of, not burned, ii. 250, 251;\n  not to be broken, 255\n\nFison, Rev. Lorimer, quoted, ii. 125\n\nFlail, pretence of throttling persons with flail at threshing, i. 149, 150\n\nFlamen Dialis, inaugurates the vintage, ii. 133\n\nFlax-mother, i. 133\n\nFlesh of human victim eaten, i. 240, 244, 251;\n  buried in field, 248, 250\n\n\u2014\u2014 diet, homoeopathic magic of a, ii. 138 _sqq._\n\nFlies, charms against, ii. 281;\n  souls of dead in, 290 _sq._\n\nFlorida, one of the Solomon Islands, ii. 85, 126\n\nFlowery Dionysus, i. 4\n\nFly-catcher Zeus, ii. 282\n\nFlying-fish, the first of the season, ii. 127\n\n\u2014\u2014 fox, transmigration of sinner into, ii. 299\n\nFolk-tales, tongues of wild beasts cut out in, ii. 269\n\nFoods forbidden to enchanters of crops, i. 100;\n  certain, forbidden to meet in stomach of eater, ii. 83 _sqq._\n\nFool, one of the mummers on Plough Monday, ii. 330\n\n\u2014\u2014 -hen, heart of, not eaten, ii. 140\n\nFoot, limping on one, i. 232, 284\n\nFoucart, P., i. 32 _n._ 6\n\nFoulahs of Senegambia, ii. 214\n\nFox, stuffed, i. 287, 297;\n  corn-spirit as, 296 _sq._;\n  carried from house to house in spring, 297;\n  Koryak ceremony at killing a, ii. 223;\n  Esquimau and Aino treatment of dead, 244, 267;\n  soul of dead in a, 286\n\nFox\u2019s tail, name given to last standing corn, i. 268\n\n\u2014\u2014 tongue as amulet, ii. 270\n\nFoxy Dionysus, ii. 282\n\nFrance, harvest customs in, i. 135, 271, 275, 280, 295, 296;\n  hunting the wren in, ii. 320 _sq._\n\nFranche-Comt\u00e9, harvest customs in, i. 281, 286 _sq._\n\nFranken (Franconia), harvest customs in, i. 148\n\nFriction of wood, fire made by, ii. 127, 136;\n  new fire made by, i. 311, ii. 74, 78;\n  sacred fire made by, 314\n\nFrog, transmigration of sinner into, ii. 299\n\nFruit-trees bound with Yule straw, i. 301;\n  Dionysus a god of, i. 3 _sq._;\n  presided over by dead chiefs, ii. 125\n\nFruits and roots, wild, ceremonies at gathering the first of the season,\n            ii. 80 _sqq._\n\nFumigation as mode of cultivating moral virtues, ii. 166 _sq._\n\nFuneral of caterpillars, ii. 279;\n  of dead snake, 317\n\nFurnivall, J. S., i. 190 _sq._\n\nGadbas, the, ii. 118\n\nGalelareese, their burial custom, ii. 97\n\nGalicia, harvest customs in, i. 135, 277\n\nGall-bladders, the seat of courage, ii. 145 _sq._\n\nGallas, the, ii. 154, 266 _n._ 2, 270\n\nGalloway, harvest customs in, i. 279\n\nGame of ball played as a rite, ii. 76, 79\n\nGames held by harvesters, i. 75 _sqq._;\n  quadriennial period of Greek, 77 _sqq._;\n  octennial period of Greek, 80;\n  in primitive agriculture, magical significance of, 92 _sqq._;\n  played at the sowing festival among the Kayans, 94 _sqq._, 97 _sq._;\n  played for the good of the crops, 101;\n  magical, 102;\n  athletic, ii. 66\n\n\u2014\u2014 the Eleusinian, i. 70 _sqq._, 110, 180\n\nGander\u2019s neck, name given to last standing corn, i. 268\n\nGa\u1e47e\u1e63a, ii. 56\n\nGaolis, the, i. 7\n\nGardner, Percy, quoted, i. 44\n\nGareloch, harvest customs on the, i. 157 _sq._, 218 _n._ 2, 268\n\nGaros, the, of Assam, ii. 43 _n._ 1, 116;\n  ceremony of the Horse at rice-harvest among the, 337 _sqq._\n\nGayo-land, ii. 33\n\nGazelle Peninsula, i. 123\n\nGazelles, souls of dead in, ii. 289\n\nGeminus, on the supposed influence of the stars, i. 318 _sq._\n\nGeneralisations of science inadequate to cover all particular facts, ii.\n            37\n\nGeneration, male organ of, as emblem of Dionysus, i. 12;\n  effigy of male organ of, in Thracian ceremony, 26, 29\n\nGenius, Aristotle on men of, ii. 302 _n._ 5\n\n\u2014\u2014 or patron of animals, ii. 243\n\n_Genna_, taboo, in Assam, i. 109 _n._ 2\n\nGermans, the ancient, i. 129\n\nGermany, the Corn-mother in, i. 132 _sqq._;\n  cries of reapers in, 269;\n  the corn-spirit as an animal in, 271, 277, 279, 296, 300\n\nGhosts or demons deceived by dummies, ii. 96 _sqq._;\n  offerings to ancestral, 127;\n  of animals feared, 216, 217, 218, 219, 220, 223, 224, 227 _sq._, 229,\n              231 _sq._, 235, 236, 237, 241, 245, 267 _sq._, 269, 271;\n  disabled by the mutilation of their bodies, 271 _sqq._\n\nGilgit, ii. 56\n\nGill, W. W., quoted, i. 312\n\nGilyak procession with bear, ii. 322, 325\n\n\u2014\u2014 shaman, ii. 103\n\nGilyaks, the, of Siberia, ii. 206, 238, 267;\n  their bear-festivals, 190 _sqq._\n\nGinger cultivated, i. 123\n\nGirls sacrificed for the crops, i. 237, 239\n\nGnats, charm against, ii. 281\n\nGoat in relation to Dionysus, i. 17 _sq._;\n  sacrificed for human victim, 249;\n  corn-spirit as, 281 _sqq._, ii. 327;\n  the Cripple or Lame, i. 284;\n  killed on harvest-field, 285;\n  stuffed, 287;\n  killed at sowing, 288\n\n\u2014\u2014 and Athena, ii. 40 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 -formed deities, ii. 1 _sqq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 live, torn to pieces in rites of Dionysus, i. 18, ii. 16\n\n\u2014\u2014 skin, mask of, i. 26;\n  worn by farmer at harvest, 285\n\n\u2014\u2014 skins, mummers clad in, i. 26 _sqq._\n\nGoat\u2019s neck, name given to last standing corn, i. 268\n\nGoats torn to pieces by fanatics in Morocco, i. 21 _sq._;\n  sacrificed to wolves, ii. 284\n\nGod, the Dying and Reviving, i. 1, 33;\n  killed in animal form, 22 _sq._;\n  eating the, ii. 48 _sqq._\n\nGods, death and resurrection of, i. 1, 12 _sqq._;\n  distinguished from spirits, 169;\n  in the likeness of foreigners, 236\n\nGoldi, bear-festivals of the, ii. 197\n\n\u2014\u2014 shaman, ii. 103\n\nGoldsmith, transmigration of thief into, ii. 299\n\nGonds, human sacrifices among the, i. 244\n\nGood Friday, i. 33\n\n\u2014\u2014 Spirit, the, i. 206\n\nGoose, to lose the, i. 277 _n._ 3\n\nGorillas, souls of dead in, ii. 289\n\nGrandmother, name given to last sheaf, i. 136\n\nGrapes, the last, not to be stript, i. 234 _sq._\n\nGrasshoppers, charm against, ii. 281\n\nGrave of Dionysus, i. 14\n\nGraves, sacrifices at, ii. 113;\n  false, to deceive demons, ii. 99 _sq._\n\nGreat Bassam, in Guinea, ii. 9\n\n\u2014\u2014 Eleusinian Games, i. 71, 79\n\n\u2014\u2014 Mother, the, name given to the last sheaf, i. 135 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 Mysteries of Eleusis, their date, i. 51\n\nGreat Sun, title of head chief of the Natchez, ii. 77 _sqq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 Vigil, i. 176\n\nGreece, theory of the transmigration of souls in ancient, ii. 300\n\nGreek divinities who died and rose again, i. 2;\n  farmers, their seasons for sowing and reaping, i. 318\n\n\u2014\u2014 months lunar, i. 52\n\n\u2014\u2014 summer rainless, i. 69\n\nGreen Corn Dance, ii. 76\n\n\u2014\u2014 Festival at Eleusis, i. 63\n\nGreenlanders, the, ii. 246\n\nGregor, Rev. Walter, i. 158 _sqq._\n\nGregory of Tours, ii. 281\n\nGrey, Sir George, quoted, i. 127\n\nGround, last sheaf not allowed to touch the, i. 158, 159, 161\n\nGuadacanal, island of, ii. 127\n\nGuaranis, the, of Paraguay, i. 309\n\n\u201cGuardian gods\u201d of the Hos, i. 234\n\nGuardian-spirit, ii. 60;\n  of family, i. 121\n\n\u2014\u2014 spirits of American Indians, ii. 207\n\nGuayaquil, in Ecuador, i. 236\n\nGuaycurus of the Gran Chaco, i. 309\n\nGuazacualco, ii. 259\n\nGuiana, Indians of British, i. 120, ii. 236;\n  their animism, 204\n\nGuinea-fowl gives signal for planting, i. 117\n\nGuns fired to repel demons, ii. 99\n\n_Gur\u00e9_, a hobby-horse, ii. 337 _sq._\n\nHaddon, Dr. A. C., i. 106 _n._ 1\n\nHadrian institutes games at Mantinea, i. 80\n\nHag (_wrach_), name given to last corn cut in Wales, i. 142 _sqq._\n\nHahn, Theophilus, i. 317\n\nHaida Indians, i. 20\n\nHair of slain foes, use made of, ii. 153\n\nHalibut, the first of the season, treatment of, ii. 253\n\nHallowmas, i. 140\n\nHalmahera, i. 183\n\n_Haloa_, Attic festival, i. 60 _sqq._\n\nHamstring of deer, custom of removing, ii. 266\n\nHamstringing dead animals, ii. 267, 271, 273\n\n\u2014\u2014 men to disable their ghosts, ii. 272, 273\n\nHand-marks, white, ii. 338\n\nHands of enemies eaten, ii. 151, 152\n\nHanover, harvest customs in, i. 133, 135, 283\n\nHare, corn-spirit as, i. 279 _sq._\n\nHare-skin Indians, ii. 265\n\nHare\u2019s tail, name given to last standing corn, i. 268\n\nHares not eaten, ii. 141\n\nHarran, sacrifices offered by the heathen of, i. 261 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 legend of Tammuz, i. 258\n\nHarrison, Miss J. E., i. 5 _n._ 4, 60 _n._ 1, 62 _n._ 6\n\nHarte, Bret, ii. 171 _n._ 1\n\nHartland, E. S., i. 143 _n._ 1, 224 _n._ 4\n\nHarvest, festival of the dead at the close of, ii. 110;\n  in Greece, date of, i. 48\n\n\u2014\u2014 -child, i. 151\n\n\u2014\u2014 -cock, i. 276, 277\n\n\u2014\u2014 -crown, i. 221, 277\n\n\u2014\u2014 -customs and spring customs compared, i. 167 _sqq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 -goat, i. 282, 283\n\n\u2014\u2014 -man, i. 221\n\n\u2014\u2014 -mother, i. 135\n\n\u2014\u2014 -Queen, i. 146 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 -supper, i. 134, 138, 156, 157, 159 _sq._, 161 _sq._, 297;\n  sacramental character of, 303\n\n\u2014\u2014 -woman, i. 145\n\n\u2014\u2014 -wreath, i. 283\n\nHarvesters, athletic competitions among, i. 76 _sq._;\n  wrapt up in corn-stalks, 220 _sqq._\n\n_Hawkie_, i. 146, 147 _n._ 1\n\nHawks, revered by the Aino, ii. 200\n\nHay, Sir John Drummond, i. 179\n\nHead of horse, ii. 42, 43 _n._ 1, 337\n\n\u2014\u2014 -hunting, human, i. 240 _sqq._;\n  practice of, 256\n\nHeadlam, Walter, i. 2 _n._ 1\n\nHeads shaved, ii. 161\n\nHeart of Dionysus, the sacred, i. 13, 14, 15;\n  of human victim torn out, ii. 92;\n  of lion or leopard eaten to make the eater brave, 142 _sq._;\n  of water-ousel eaten in order to acquire wisdom and eloquence, 144;\n  of bear eaten to acquire courage, 146;\n  of serpent eaten to acquire language of animals, 146;\n  of wolf eaten to acquire courage, 146;\n  regarded as the seat of intellect, 149\n\nHearts of men sacrificed, i. 236;\n  of crows, moles, or hawks eaten, ii. 143;\n  of men eaten to acquire their qualities, 148 _sqq._\n\nHeaven-herds among the Zulus, ii. 160\n\nHebrews forbidden to reap corners of fields and glean, last grapes, i. 234\n            _sq._\n\nHeckewelder, Rev. J., quoted, ii. 205 _sq._\n\nHedgehog, transmigration of sinner into, ii. 299\n\nHemithea, sanctuary of, ii. 85\n\nHen, heart of, not eaten, ii. 142, 147;\n  hens not eaten, ii. 140\n\nHenna, image of Demeter at, i. 65\n\nHephaestius, a Greek month, i. 46 _n._ 2\n\nHeraeon, a Greek month, ii. 7\n\nHeralds and tongues, ii. 271\n\nHercules and Busiris, i. 259\n\nHercules and Lityerses, i. 217\n\n\u2014\u2014 and Syleus, i. 258\n\n\u2014\u2014 and Zeus, ii. 172\n\n\u2014\u2014 surnamed Locust, ii. 282\n\nHermes, tongues of victims assigned to, ii. 270\n\nHerrick, i. 147 _n._ 1\n\nHerring, superstitions as to, ii. 251 _sq._\n\nHertfordshire, \u201ccrying the Mare,\u201d in, i. 292 _sq._\n\nHervey Islands, i. 312\n\nHesiod on time for ploughing, i. 45;\n  on time of vintage, 47 _n._ 2;\n  on the farmer\u2019s calendar, 53\n\nHierapolis on the Euphrates, ii. 23\n\nHierophant at Eleusis, i. 55, 65\n\nHighlands of Scotland, beating the cow\u2019s hide in the, ii. 322 _sqq._\n\nHill-Tout, C., ii. 80 _sq._, 134\n\nHimerius, on the gift of the corn, i. 58\n\nHindoos, sacrifice of first-fruits among the ancient, ii. 119 _sq._\n\nHippolytus and Virbius, ii. 40\n\n\u2014\u2014 on mysteries of Eleusis, i. 38\n\nHippopotamus, ceremony after killing a, ii. 235\n\nHippopotamuses, souls of dead in, ii. 289\n\n_Hockey_ cart, i. 147 _n._ 1\n\nHodson, T. C., i. 109 _n._ 2\n\nHoeing, rites at, i. 96;\n  done by women, 113 _sq._\n\nHoensbroech, Count von, ii. 94\n\nHoes used by women in agriculture, i. 114, 115, 116, 118, 119\n\nHoggan, Frances, i. 267\n\nHogmanay, the last day of the year, ii. 323\n\nHoliness conceived as a dangerous virus, ii. 29\n\nHollis, A. C., ii. 155\n\nHomer on Demeter, i. 41 _sq._;\n  on loves of Zeus and Demeter, 66;\n  on gods in likeness of foreigners, 236\n\nHomeric Greeks, ii. 270\n\n\u2014\u2014 _Hymn to Demeter_, i. 35 _sqq._\n\nHomoeopathic or imitative magic, i. 62, 262, ii. 267, 331, 333, 334;\n  of a flesh diet, ii. 138 _sqq._\n\nHonduras, Indians of, ii. 241\n\nHone, W., quoted, i. 264 _sq._\n\nHop-picking, custom at, i. 226\n\nHorned Dionysus, i. 12, 16\n\nHorse, \u201cseeing the Horse,\u201d i. 294;\n  \u201cCross of the Horse,\u201d 294;\n  \u201cfatigue of the Horse,\u201d 294;\n  sacrificed to Mars at Rome, ii. 42 _sqq._;\n  ceremony of the, at rice-harvest among the Garos, 337 _sqq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 and Virbius, ii. 40 _sqq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 -headed Demeter of Phigalia, ii. 21, 338\n\n\u2014\u2014 or mare, corn-spirit as, i. 292 _sqq._\n\nHorse-races, i. 71, ii. 114;\n  at harvest, i. 76\n\nHorse\u2019s head, ii. 42, 43 _n._ 1, 337 _sq._\n\nHorses, Lycurgus torn to pieces by, i. 24;\n  excluded from Arician grove, ii. 40 _sqq._;\n  excluded from sanctuaries, 45 _sq._\n\nHorus, eye of, ii. 30\n\nHos of Togoland, the, i. 130, 234, ii. 59;\n  a tribe of Ewe negroes, i. 115, 116;\n  of Bengal, ii. 117\n\nHottentots, the, i. 316 _sq._\n\nHuahine, island of, ii. 132\n\nHuichol Indians, the, ii. 93\n\nHuitzilopochtli, a Mexican god, ii. 86, 90, 95\n\nHuman beings torn to pieces in rites of Dionysus, i. 24\n\nHuman sacrifices for crops, i. 236 _sqq._;\n  offered by ancient Egyptians, 259 _sq._;\n  in Mexico, ii. 88\n\n\u2014\u2014 victims, substitutes for, i. 249;\n  treated as divine, 250\n\nHunters, propitiation of wild animals by, ii. 204 _sqq._;\n  of grisly bears, chastity observed by, 226\n\nHunting the wren, ii. 317 _sqq._\n\nHurons, the, ii. 250 _sq._\n\nHuts, miniature, for ghosts, ii. 113\n\nHuzuls, the, of the Carpathians, ii. 43 _n._ 1, 275\n\nHyaenas, souls of dead in, ii. 289\n\nHyes Attes, ii. 22\n\n_Hymn to Demeter_, Homeric, i. 35 _sqq._, 70\n\nIalysus in Rhodes, ii. 45\n\nIasion and Demeter, i. 208\n\nIbans (Sea Dyaks) of Sarawak, ii. 279\n\nIberians, the, i. 129\n\nIcarius and Erigone, ii. 133\n\nIchneumon, transmigration of sinner into, ii. 299\n\nIda Batara, i. 202\n\nIdah, ii. 228\n\nIdeler, L., i. 86\n\nIgaras of the Niger, ii. 228\n\nIgbiras, the, ii. 115\n\nIgorrots of the Philippines, ii. 292\n\nImage of god made of dough and eaten sacramentally, ii. 86 _sqq._, 90\n            _sq._;\n  of snake carried about, 316 _sq._\n\nImages of ancestors, ii. 53;\n  of animals sacrificed instead of the animals, 95 _n._ 2;\n  vicarious use of, 96 _sqq._;\n  of gods, suggested origin of, 173 _sq._;\n  of vermin made as a protection against them, 280 _sq._\n  _See also_ Effigies, Puppets\n\nImitation of spirits, i. 186\n\nImmortality, hope of, associated with Eleusinian mysteries, i. 90 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 of animals, savage faith in the, ii. 260 _sqq._\n\nImmortality of soul revealed in mysteries of Dionysus, i. 15\n\n_Inachi_, an offering of first-fruits, ii. 128, 131\n\n_Inao_, sacred wands of the Aino, ii. 185, 186 _n._, 189\n\nInari, Japanese rice-god, i. 297\n\nIncantations for growth of crops, i. 100\n\nIncas, the, i. 310\n\nIndia, the last sheaf of corn in, 222 _sq._;\n  doctrine of the transmigration of souls in ancient, ii. 298 _sq._\n\nIndian Archipelago, the, i. 124\n\nIndians of British Columbia, their cannibal orgies, i. 18 _sq._;\n  of South America, women\u2019s agricultural work among the, 119 _sqq._\n\nIndonesian ideas of rice-soul, i. 181 _sq._\n\nIndra, Indian god, ii. 120\n\nIngiald, son of King Aunund, ii. 146\n\nInoculation with moral and other virtues, ii. 158 _sqq._\n\nInscription, Eleusinian, dealing with first-fruits, i. 55 _sq._\n\nIntercalation in Greek calendar, i. 81\n\nInvulnerability, ii. 160\n\nIowa Indians, ii. 217\n\nIrayas, the, of Luzon, ii. 124\n\nIreland, hunting the wren in, ii. 319 _sq._\n\nIron axe, use of, forbidden, ii. 248\n\nIroquois, their sacrifice of a white dog, ii. 258 _n._ 1\n\n_Isilimela_, the Pleiades, i. 316\n\nIsis, i. 262;\n  dirge of, 215;\n  at Tithorea, festivals of, ii. 18 _n._ 1;\n  in relation to cows, 35\n\nIslay, harvest customs in, i. 141 _sq._\n\nIsle de France, harvest customs in, i. 221, 226\n\nIsle of Man, hunting the wren in the, ii. 318 _sq._\n\nIsocrates, on Demeter\u2019s gift of the corn, i. 54 _sq._\n\nIsowa or A\u00efsawa, order of saints in Morocco, i. 21\n\nIsraelites, their brazen serpent, ii. 281\n\nIsthmian games, i. 86\n\nItaly, vintage custom in, ii. 133\n\nIvy Girl, i. 153\n\nJabme-Aimo, the abode of the dead, ii. 257\n\nJackal, transmigration of sinner into, ii. 299\n\nJackal\u2019s heart not eaten, ii. 141\n\nJacob, the wrestling of, ii. 264\n\n\u2014\u2014 of Edessa, 280 _n._\n\nJaguars eaten to inspire courage, ii. 140;\n  souls of dead in, 285, 286\n\nJa-luo, the, Nilotic negroes, ii. 142\n\nJankari, a god, i. 244\n\nJapan, rice-god in, i. 297\n\nJapanese deities of the Sun, i. 212\n\n_Jatakas_, ii. 299 _n._ 5\n\nJava, use of winnowing-basket in, i. 6;\n  ceremony at rice-harvest in, 199 _sqq._\n\nJawbones of slain beasts propitiated by hunters, ii. 244 _sq._\n\nJebel-Nuba, ii. 221\n\nJewish high priest, ii. 27\n\nJews, their attitude to the pig, ii. 23 _sq._;\n  their ablutions, 27\n\nJochelson, W., ii. 232\n\nJohnson, Dr. Samuel, ii. 322\n\nJukos, the, of Nigeria, ii. 160\n\n_Julbuck_ in Scandinavia, ii. 327\n\nJumping over a woman, ceremony of, ii. 64, 70 _n._ 1, 253\n\nJupiter, lamb sacrificed to, at vintage, ii. 133\n\nKachins, the, of Upper Burma, ii. 120\n\nKai, the, of German New Guinea, i. 99 _sqq._, 313, ii. 33;\n  their belief in transmigration, 296\n\nKaimani Bay, i. 123\n\nKalamantans of Borneo, ii. 293 _sq._\n\nKalmucks, their consecration of a white ram, ii. 313 _sq._\n\nKamilaroi, the, of New South Wales, ii. 151, 162;\n  burial custom of the, 99 _sq._\n\nKamtchatka, ii. 195\n\nKamtchatkans, the, i. 315, ii. 257, 268;\n  their propitiation of slain animals, 222\n\n_Kamui_, ii. 180, 198\n\nKandhs or Khonds. _See_ Khonds\n\nKangean archipelago, ii. 278\n\nKansas Indians, ii. 149\n\nKarels of Finland, the, ii. 258 _n._ 2\n\nKarens of Burma, i. 10;\n  their ceremonies to secure the rice-soul, 189 _sq._\n\nKaro-Bataks of Sumatra, i. 196\n\nKaroks of California, ii. 255\n\n_Kashim_, ii. 247\n\nKaua Indians, i. 111\n\nKavirondo, ii. 26\n\nKayans or Bahaus, the, of central Borneo, i. 92 _sqq._, 107, 109, 111,\n            234, 314, ii. 54;\n  their ceremonies in connexion with rice, 184 _sqq._;\n  their custom as to eating deer, ii. 144;\n  their belief in transmigration, 293\n\n\u2014\u2014 of the Mahakam river, i. 186\n\n\u2014\u2014 of the Mendalam river, i. 97, 98\n\nKei Islands, ii. 123\n\nKekchis of Guatemala, ii. 241\n\n_Kelah_, soul, i. 189\n\n_Kemping_, i. 152\n\nKent, harvest custom in, i. 153\n\nKenyahs, the, of Borneo, i. 314\n\nKey of the field, i. 226\n\nKh\u00f6n-ma, a Tibetan goddess, ii. 96\n\nKhonds or Kandhs, human sacrifices for crops among the, i. 245 _sqq._\n\nKid, surname of Dionysus, i. 17\n\nKikuyu, i. 317\n\nKilling a god in the form of an animal, i. 22 _sq._;\n  two types of the custom of, ii. 312 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 the corn-spirit, i. 216 _sqq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 the divine animal, ii. 169 _sqq._\n\nKimbunda, the, of West Africa, ii. 152\n\nKing, title of Carnival mummer, i. 28 _sq._;\n  eats of new fruits before his people, ii. 63, 70;\n  first-fruits presented to the, 109, 116, 122;\n  so called, at Carcassone, 320 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 of the Calf, i. 290\n\n\u2014\u2014 of the harvesters, i. 294\n\n\u2014\u2014 of the Rice, i. 197\n\nKing\u2019s son sacrificed for his father, i. 13, 24 _sq._\n\nKings, trace of custom of slaying them annually, i. 254 _sq._;\n  turned at death into lions, ii. 288\n\nKings\u2019 wives turned at death into leopards, ii. 288\n\nKingsmill Islands, ii. 127\n\nKinross, harvest custom in, i. 227\n\nKinship of men with crocodiles, ii. 212 _sq._, 214 _sq._;\n  of men with tigers, 216\n\n_Kirn_ or _kern_, last corn cut, i. 151, 152 _sqq._;\n  name of the harvest-supper, 158\n\n\u2014\u2014 -baby, i. 151, 153\n\n\u2014\u2014 -doll, i. 151, 153, 154\n\n\u2014\u2014 -supper, i. 154\n\nKiwaii, i. 106\n\nKiziba, district of Central Africa, i. 118, ii. 219\n\n_Kl\u00f6ppel_ (mallet), at threshing, i. 148\n\nKobeua Indians, the, i. 111, ii. 164\n\nKochs of Assam, ii. 116\n\nKon-Meney, a tribe of Cochin China, ii. 291\n\n_Koragia_ at Mantinea, i. 46 _n._ 2\n\n_Kore_, title of Persephone, i. 208\n\nKoryak, their ceremonies at killing bears and wolves, ii. 223;\n  their ceremonies at the slaughter of whales, 232 _sqq._;\n  their treatment of a slain fox, 244\n\nKothluwalawa, a sacred lake, ii. 179\n\nKrooben, a malevolent spirit, ii. 100\n\nKruyt, A. C., i. 182 _sq._\n\nKshetrpal, a Himalayan deity, ii. 117\n\nKudulu, a hill tribe of India, i. 244\n\n_Kuker_ and _Kukerica_, ii. 332, 333, 334\n\n\u039a\u03c5\u03ba\u03b5\u03ce\u03bd, i. 161 _n._ 4\n\nKukis, the, ii. 155 _n._ 4\n\nKull Gossaih, an Indian goddess, ii. 118\n\nKwakiutl Indians, i. 20, ii. 220, 250\n\nLa Ciotat, near Marseilles, hunting the wren at, ii. 321\n\nLadakh, ii. 117\n\nLagos, human sacrifice at, i. 239\n\nLake-dwellers of Europe, i. 132\n\nLamb killed sacramentally, ii. 314 _sq._\n\nLame, woman who pretends to be, ii. 254\n\n\u2014\u2014 Goat, the, i. 284\n\nLamentations, pretended, for insects which destroy the crops, ii. 279\n            _sq._\n\nLampsacus, coin of, i. 44\n\nLand cleared for cultivation by men, i. 113 _sq._, 117 _sqq._\n\nLandowners, sacrifices offered to spirits of former, i. 228\n\nLang, Andrew, ii. 4\n\nLanguage of animals acquired by eating serpent\u2019s flesh, ii. 146;\n  of birds, how learned, 146\n\nLanuvium, sacred serpent at, ii. 18\n\nLaos, province of Siam, i. 8\n\nLaphystian Zeus, i. 25\n\nLapps, the, ii. 257;\n  their treatment of slain bears, 224\n\nLatuka, ii. 228\n\n_Laws of Manu_, ii. 298\n\nLeaf-clad dancers, i. 95\n\nLeaps, high and long, i. 98;\n  to make the crops grow tall, ii. 330 _sq._\n\nLearchus, son of Athamas, i. 24\n\nLeeches, charm against, ii. 281\n\nLegends told as charms, i. 102 _sq._\n\nLenaeon, a Greek month, i. 66\n\nLengua Indians of Paraguay, i. 309;\n  of the Gran Chaco, ii. 245\n\nLenormant, Fran\u00e7ois, i. 40 _n._ 3\n\nLeonard, Major A. G., ii. 155\n\nLeopard\u2019s blood drunk, or its flesh or heart eaten to make the eater\n            brave, ii. 141 _sq._\n\nLeopards, men inspired by, ii. 213;\n  revered, 228;\n  ceremonies observed after the slaughter of, 228 _sqq._;\n  souls of dead in, 288, 289\n\nLepers sacrificed, i. 261\n\nLeprosy caused by eating a sacred animal, ii. 25 _sqq._\n\nLesbos, harvest custom in, i. 280\n\nLetts, swinging among the, i. 107;\n  their sacrifices to wolves, ii. 284\n\nLhoosai, the, i. 122\n\nLhota Naga, the, i. 243\n\nLibanius, on human life before Demeter, i. 43\n\nLibations of beer, ii. 181, 185, 186\n\nLiber, Father, i. 12;\n  Roman sacrifice of new wine to, ii. 133\n\nLicense, periods of, ii. 62, 63, 66 _sqq._\n\nLightning, eating flesh of bullock that has been struck by, ii. 161;\n  treatment of men, animals, and houses that have been struck by, 161\n\n_Liknites_, epithet of Dionysus, i. 5, 27\n\nLillooet Indians, ii. 226, 243\n\nLimping on one foot, i. 232, 284\n\nLindus in Rhodes, ii. 85\n\nLinus or Ailinus, i. 216, 257 _sq._, 263, 264\n\nLion-chief, ii. 228\n\nLion\u2019s fat, unguent of, ii. 164\n\n\u2014\u2014 flesh or heart eaten to make eater brave, ii. 141, 142 _sq._, 147\n\nLions, men inspired by, ii. 213;\n  respected, 228;\n  souls of dead chiefs in, 287 _sq._\n\nLir majoran, god of husbandry, ii. 123\n\nLithuania, ii. 327;\n  harvest customs in, i. 133, 145, 148;\n  custom at threshing in, 223 _sq._;\n  old Lithuanian ceremonies at eating the new corn, ii. 49 _sq._\n\nLittle Deer, chief of the deer tribe, ii. 241\n\n\u2014\u2014 Wood-woman, i. 232\n\nLityerses, i. 216 _sqq._;\n  his relation to Attis, 255 _sq._\n\nLiver of deer eaten, ii. 143;\n  of dog eaten to acquire bravery, 145;\n  of serpent eaten to acquire language of animals, 146;\n  regarded as the seat of the soul, 147 _sq._;\n  regarded as the seat of valour, 148;\n  of brave men eaten, 151 _sq._;\n  of bear, used as medicine, 187 _sq._\n\n_Ljeschie_, Russian wood-spirits, ii. 2\n\nLoaf made of corn of last sheaf, i. 148 _sq._\n\nLoaves in shape of a boar, i. 300;\n  in human shape, ii. 48 _sq._, 94, 95\n\nLobeck, Chr. A., ii. 17 _n._ 5, 18 _n._ 1, 20, 21\n\nLochaber, harvest customs in, i. 157\n\nLocust Apollo, ii. 282\n\n\u2014\u2014 Hercules, ii. 282\n\nLocusts, superstitious precautions against, ii. 276, 279, 281\n\nLombok, rice-spirit in, i. 201\n\nLothringen (Lorraine), harvest customs in, i. 223, 273, 288\n\nLoucheux-Indians, ii. 265\n\nLouisiana, festival of new corn in, ii. 77 _sqq._;\n  Indians of, 239, 242\n\nLous, a Macedonian month, i. 258, 259\n\nLucian, old scholium on, ii. 17\n\n_Lumi lali_, consecrated rice-field, i. 93, 108\n\nLunar calendar corrected by observation of the Pleiades, i. 314 _sq._, 315\n            _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 months observed by savages, i. 117, 125\n\n\u2014\u2014 months of Greek calendar, i. 52 _sq._, 82\n\n\u2014\u2014 and solar time, attempts to harmonise, i. 80 _sq._\n\nLuritcha tribe of Australia, ii. 260\n\nLuzon, ii. 124\n\nLyceum or Place of Wolves at Athens, ii. 283, 284\n\nLycosura, in Arcadia, ii. 46;\n  sanctuary of the two goddesses at, 339\n\nLycurgus, a Thracian king, his death, i. 24, 25\n\nMabuaig, i. 106, ii. 207\n\nM\u2019Carthy, Sir Charles, ii. 149\n\nMacdonald, Rev. James, ii. 66 _sq._\n\nMaclagan, Dr. R. C., i. 165, 166\n\nMcClintock, Walter, i. 311\n\nMacpherson, Major S. C., i. 250\n\nMcTaggart, Dr. J. McT. Ellis, ii. 309 _n._ 1\n\nMadagascar, ii. 116;\n  crocodiles respected in, 214 _sq._;\n  belief in transmigration among the tribes of, 289 _sq._\n\nMadder-harvest, Dutch custom at, i. 231, 235 _sq._\n\nMadi or Moru tribe of Central Africa, ii. 314\n\nMadonna, effigies of, sold and eaten, ii. 94\n\nMaggots eaten as an initiatory rite, ii. 141\n\nMagic dwindles into divination, i. 110 _n._;\n  sympathetic, 1, 11, 102, ii. 271;\n  homoeopathic or imitative, i. 10, 62, 262, 267, 331, 333, 334;\n  of a flesh diet, 138 _sqq._\n\nMagical changes of shape, i. 305\n\n\u2014\u2014 significance of games in primitive agriculture, i. 92 _sqq._\n\nMagnesia on the Maeander, i. 3;\n  sacrifice of bull at, ii. 7 _sq._\n\nMagpies\u2019 nests, custom of robbing the, ii. 321 _n._ 3\n\nMagyar tale, ii. 263\n\nMahakam River, i. 98, 99 _n._ 1, 186, 187, 314\n\nMai Darat, the, ii. 102\n\nMaiden, name given to last corn cut, i. 150, 153, 155 _sqq._, 164 _sqq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 Feast at end of harvest, i. 156\n\nMaidenhead, name of last standing corn, i. 158\n\n_Maidhdean-buain_, i. 155\n\nMaize cultivated in Africa, i. 114, 115, 119, 130;\n  cultivated in South America, 122, 124;\n  cultivated in Assam, 123;\n  American personification of, 171 _sqq._;\n  cultivated in Burma, 242;\n  thought to be dependent on the Pleiades, 310\n\n\u2014\u2014 -goddess, Mexican, i. 176\n\n\u2014\u2014 -mother, i. 172 _sqq._\n\nMakalaka, the, ii. 110\n\nMakanga, the, ii. 287\n\nMalagasy, the, venerate crocodiles, ii. 215\n\nMalas, the, a caste of pariahs, ii. 93\n\nMalay Peninsula, the Rice-mother in the, i. 197 _sqq._\n\nMalays of Patani Bay, ii. 212\n\nMale organ, effigy of, in rites of Dionysus, i. 12;\n  effigy of, in Thracian ceremony, 26, 29\n\nMalko-Tirnovsko, ii. 331\n\nMamilian tower, ii. 42, 44\n\nMandans, the, i. 204\n\nMandeling, a district of Sumatra, i. 197, ii. 216\n\nManeros, i. 215, 258, 259, 261, 263, 264\n\nMang-Shen, god of agriculture, ii. 11, 12\n\nMango tree, ii. 119\n\nMania, the Mother or Grandmother of Ghosts, ii. 94, 96\n\n_Maniae_, a kind of loaf, ii. 94\n\nManii at Aricia, many, ii. 94 _sqq._\n\nManioc cultivated in Africa, i. 119;\n  cultivated in South America, 120 _sqq._\n\nMannewars, the, ii. 119\n\nMannhardt, W., i. 11, 131, 132, 135, 138, 204, 217 _n._ 1, 218 _n._ 1,\n            222, 258, 292, 294, ii. 2, 42 _n._ 1, 263, 325, 337\n\nManslayers taste the blood of their victims, ii. 154 _sq._\n\nMantinea, sanctuary of Demeter at, i. 46 _n._ 2;\n  games in honour of Antinous at, 80, 85\n\n_Manu, Laws of_, ii. 298\n\nManure, ashes used as, i. 117\n\nMany Manii at Aricia, ii. 94 _sqq._\n\nMaoris, the, i. 313, ii. 133, 156, 252\n\nMaraves, the, ii. 111\n\nMarch, the first of, ii. 322 _n._\n\nMare in foal, last sheaf of corn given to, i. 160, 162, 168\n\n\u2014\u2014 or horse, corn-spirit as, i. 292 _sqq._\n\nMarimos, human sacrifices among the, i. 240, 251\n\nMariner, W., quoted, ii. 128 _sqq._\n\nMarno, E., ii. 39\n\nMarriage, mock, at Carnival masquerade, i. 27;\n  of Queen of Athens to Dionysus, 30 _sq._;\n  sacred, of Zeus and Demeter in Eleusinian mysteries, 65 _sqq._;\n  of mice, ii. 278\n\nMars, red-haired men sacrificed to the planet, i. 261 _sq._;\n  horse sacrificed to, at Rome, ii. 42\n\nMasai, the, i. 317, ii. 83, 288\n\nMasked dances, i. 95 _sq._, 111, 186, ii. 208 _n._ 1;\n  in ritual, 339\n\nMasks worn by Egyptian kings, i. 260 _sq._;\n  worn by women, ii. 232 _sq._, 234;\n  worn by mummers at Carnival, 333\n\nMaskers in Thrace at Carnival, i. 26 _sqq._\n\nMaspero, Sir G., i. 260 _n._ 2\n\nMasquerade at sowing festival, i. 95 _sq._, 98, 186 _sq._\n\nMaster of the Fish, ii. 252\n\n\u2014\u2014 of Life, ii. 134, 135\n\nMatabel\u00e9, the, i. 115, ii. 275;\n  their festival of new fruits, 70 _sq._\n\nMatse tribe of Ewe negroes, ii. 115\n\nMatthes, Dr. B. F., ii. 122\n\nMausolus, ii. 158\n\nMawu Sodza, a Ewe goddess, ii. 115\n\nMay, J. D., ii. 281 _n._ 2\n\nMay, the first of, ii. 321 _n._ 3\n\nMaypole, ii. 44\n\n\u201cMeal and ale,\u201d i. 160\n\nMeat and milk, dietary rules as to, ii. 83 _sq._\n\nMecklenburg, harvest customs in, i. 273, 274, 283\n\nMedea and Aeson, ii. 143\n\nMedicine-man, ii. 217, 220;\n  dance of, 72\n\nMedium inspired by crocodile spirit, ii. 213;\n  mediums inspired by spirits of lions, leopards, and serpents, 213\n\nMedontids, the, i. 86\n\n_Megara_, ii. 17 _n._ 6\n\nMeilichios, epithet of Dionysus, i. 4\n\nMelancholy, characteristic of men of genius, ii. 302 _n._ 5\n\nMelanesians, their observation of the Pleiades, i. 313\n\n_Mell_, last corn cut, i. 151 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 -doll, i. 151\n\n\u2014\u2014 -sheaf, i. 151 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 -supper, i. 151\n\nMen, parts of, eaten to acquire their qualities, ii. 148 _sqq._;\n  disguised as animals, processions of, 325 _sqq._\n\nMendalam River, i. 97, 98, 187\n\nMenstruous women, disability of, ii. 253 _sq._\n\nMeriah, the human victim among the Khonds, i. 245, 246, 249, 250\n\nMetageitnion, an Attic month, i. 77\n\n\u201cMetropolis of the Corn,\u201d i. 58\n\nMexican custom of eating a man as an embodiment of a god, ii. 92 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 customs at maize-harvest, i. 174 _sqq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 human sacrifices, i. 236 _sqq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 sacraments, ii. 86 _sqq._\n\nMeyer, Prof. E., i. 260 _n._ 2\n\n_Mhaighdean-Bhuana_ (or _Maighdean-Buana_), i. 156, 164 _sq._\n\nMiamis, the, i. 206\n\nMice, the genius of, ii. 243;\n  superstitious precautions taken by farmers against, 276 _sqq._, 281;\n  superstition as to white, 279, 283;\n  their ravages on the crops, 282\n\nMidas, King of Phrygia, i. 217\n\nMiddleton, J. H., i. 14 _n._ 3, 266\n\nMidsummer solstice, rainmaking ceremony performed at the, ii. 179\n\nMildew worshipped by the Romans, ii. 282\n\n\u2014\u2014 Apollo, ii. 282\n\nMilk, taboos referring to, ii. 83 _sq._;\n  temporary abstinence from, 161;\n  offered to snakes, 288\n\nMilk and meat (flesh), dietary rules as to, ii. 83 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 of pig, ii. 24, 25\n\nMill, Tammuz, ground in a, i. 258\n\nMillet cultivated in Africa, i. 115, 117;\n  cultivated in Assam, 123;\n  cultivated in New Guinea, 123\n\nMilton, quoted, i. 147\n\nMinahassa, ii. 54, 123\n\nMinangkabauers of Sumatra, i. 191, ii. 211\n\nMiniature fields dedicated to spirits, i. 233 _sq._\n\nMinnetaree Indians, i. 204, ii. 256\n\nMinotaur, the, i. 31\n\nMiris of Assam, the, i. 123, ii. 145\n\nMirzapur, remedy for locusts in, ii. 276\n\nMistress, sanctuary of the, at Lycosura, ii. 46\n\nMithraic sacrifice of bull, ii. 10\n\nMnevis, sacred bull, ii. 34 _sq._\n\nMoab, Arabs of, i. 138\n\nMock battle, ii. 75.\n  _See_ Sham Fight\n\nMocobis, the, i. 309\n\nMoffat, R., i. 316\n\nMonbuttoo, the, of Central Africa, i. 119\n\n_Mondard_, the great, ii. 6\n\nMongolian peoples, ii. 257\n\nMonkeys sacred at Fishtown, ii. 287\n\nMonths, lunar, observed by savages, i. 117, 125;\n  of Greek calendar, 52 _sq._, 82\n\nMoon, reckoning by the, i. 117;\n  human victims sacrificed to, 261;\n  pigs sacrificed to the, ii. 25\n\nMooney, J., quoted, ii. 204 _sq._\n\nMopane country, South Africa, ii. 287\n\nMoravia, harvest custom in, i. 162\n\nMorgan, L. H., ii. 225 _n._ 1\n\nMorning Star, the, i. 238, 315\n\nMorocco, order of saints in, i. 21;\n  the Barley Bride in, 178 _sq._\n\nMosquito Indians, ii. 258 _n._ 2\n\nMother, the Great, name given to the last sheaf, i. 135 _sq._;\n  of the Maize, 172 _sqq._;\n  of the Rice, 191 _sqq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 -corn, name given to last sheaf threshed, i. 147\n\n\u2014\u2014 -cotton, i. 178\n\n\u2014\u2014 Earth, ii. 105\n\n\u2014\u2014 -sheaf, i. 135\n\nMoulton, Professor J. H., i. 41 _n._, 131 _n._ 4\n\nMountains, offerings to the, ii. 134\n\nMourning, pretended, for insects that destroy the crops, ii. 279 _sq._\n\nMouse Apollo, ii. 282 _sq._\n  _See_ Mice\n\nMouth of dead fox tied up, ii. 267\n\nMpongwe, the, i. 119\n\nMuganda (singular of Baganda, plural), ii. 231\n\nMukasa, god of the Baganda, ii. 253\n\nMull, harvest custom in, i. 155\n\n_Mulungu_, spirits of the dead, ii. 111 _sq._\n\nMurray, Miss Margaret A., i. 260 _sq._\n\nMurray, Sir James, i. 151 _n._ 3\n\nMuskoghees, the, ii. 150\n\nMutilation of dead men intended to disable their ghosts, ii. 271 _sqq._;\n  of ox, magical equivalent to mutilation of enemy, 271\n\n_Muzimos_, spirits of the dead, ii. 111\n\nMyconus, i. 66\n\nMyres, Professor J. L., i. 62 _n._ 5\n\nMysteries at Mantinea, i. 46 _n._ 2\n\n\u2014\u2014 Eleusinian, i. 35, 37 _sqq._, 65 _sqq._, 69 _sq._, 78 _sq._, 111, 161\n            _sq._, 188;\n  the Great, their date, 51;\n  instituted by Eumolpus, 70;\n  associated with belief in immortality, 90 _sq._;\n  of Dionysus, 15;\n  Greek, i. 110\n\nNagas of Assam, their burial custom, ii. 100;\n  their belief in transmigration, 290 _sq._\n\nNahals, the, ii. 119\n\nNamaquas, the, ii. 141\n\nNandi, the, i. 117, 317, ii. 64, 149, 155\n\n_Nanga_, sacred enclosure in Fiji, ii. 125\n\nNaples protected against flies and grasshoppers, ii. 281\n\nNarrative spells, i. 104 _sqq._\n\nNatchez Indians, ii. 135;\n  their festival of new corn, 77 _sqq._\n\nNatural timekeepers, i. 53\n\nNauras Indians, ii. 150\n\nNavel-string, term applied to last handful of corn, i. 150\n\nNeck, crying the, i. 264 _sqq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 of the corn-spirit, i. 268\n\nNeil, R. A., ii. 22 _n._ 4\n\nNemean games, i. 86\n\nNets treated as living beings, ii. 240 _n._ 1\n\nNew corn, eaten sacramentally, ii. 48 _sqq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 fire, ii. 65, 74, 75, 78;\n  festival of, 135\n\n\u2014\u2014 fruits, ceremonies at eating, ii. 52 _sqq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 potatoes, how eaten, ii. 51\n\n\u2014\u2014 rice, ceremonies at eating the, ii. 54 _sqq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 vessels used for new fruits, ii. 81, 83\n\n\u2014\u2014 yams, ceremonies at eating, ii. 53, 58 _sqq._;\n  festival of the, 115;\n  in Tonga, festival of the, 128 _sqq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 Britain, i. 123\n\n\u2014\u2014 Caledonia, ii. 151;\n  ceremony at eating first yams in, 53\n\n\u2014\u2014 Guinea, i. 313, ii. 124;\n  German, i. 99, 103, 104;\n  Dutch, 123\n\n\u2014\u2014 Hebrides, i. 313, ii. 125\n\n\u2014\u2014 Zealand, ii. 28\n\nNew Year festival of the Kayans, i. 96 _sq._, 98, 99;\n  dated by the Pleiades, 116, 310, 312, 315\n\n\u2014\u2014 Year\u2019s Day, i. 302;\n  eve of, ii. 322\n\nNiam-Niam, the, i. 119\n\nNias, i. 315, ii. 32, 102, 124, 276;\n  harvest custom in, i. 233 _sq._\n\nNicaragua, festivals in, ii. 91\n\nNicolson, A., i. 164 _sq._\n\nNieuwenhuis, Dr. A. W., i. 93, 94 _n._ 2, 95, 96, 97 _sq._, 98, 107\n\nNiger Delta, burial custom in the, ii. 98\n\nNilsson, Professor M. P., i. 58 _n._ 1, 62 _n._ 6, ii. 8 _n._ 2\n\nNine, the number, in ritual, i. 195\n\nNisan, a Jewish month, i. 259 _n._ 1\n\nNishga Indians, the, ii. 106\n\nNonnus, on death of Dionysus, i. 12 _sq._\n\nNootka Indians, ii. 225, 251\n\nNormandy, harvest customs in, i. 226, 295\n\nNorth American Indians, ii. 237;\n  their theory of the lower animals, 205 _sq._\n\nNorthumberland, harvest customs in, i. 151\n\nNorway, harvest customs in, i. 132, 223, 225, 280, 282\n\nNubas, the, of Jebel-Nuba, ii. 114\n\nNuehr, the, ii. 39\n\nNyanja-speaking tribes, ii. 26\n\nNyanza, Lake Victoria, i. 118\n\nNyikpl\u0103, a negro rain-god, ii. 45\n\nOath of women by the Pleiades, i. 311\n\nOaths accompanied by eating a sacred substance, ii. 313\n\nOats-bride, i. 162, 163, 164\n\n\u2014\u2014 -cow, i. 289, 290\n\n\u2014\u2014 -fool, i. 148\n\n\u2014\u2014 -goat, i. 270, 282, 283, 286, 287;\n  mummer called the, ii. 327\n\n\u2014\u2014 -king, i. 164\n\n\u2014\u2014 -man, i. 163, 223\n\n\u2014\u2014 -mother, i. 135\n\n\u2014\u2014 -queen, i. 164\n\n\u2014\u2014 -sow, i. 298\n\n\u2014\u2014 -stallion, i. 292\n\n\u2014\u2014 -wolf, i. 273, 274\n\n\u2014\u2014 -woman, i. 163\n\nObscene songs sung by women on special occasions, ii. 280\n\nOctennial cycle in Greek calendar, i. 80 _sqq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 period of Greek games, i. 80\n\n\u2014\u2014 tenure of kingship, i. 82, 85\n\nOctober horse, at Rome, ii. 42 _sqq._\n\nOesel, island of, i. 298, 302, ii. 51\n\nOgun, a war-god, ii. 150\n\nOil, human victim anointed with, i. 246, 247;\n  holy, ii. 123\n\nOintment, magical, ii. 165 _sq._\n\nOjibway Indians, ii. 219;\n  their treatment of slain bears, ii. 225 _sq._\n\nOkanaken Indians, ii. 134\n\nOlachen fish, ceremonies at catching the first of the season, ii. 254\n            _sq._\n\nOld animal, bone of, eaten to make eater old, ii. 143\n\n\u2014\u2014 Barley-woman, i. 139\n\n\u2014\u2014 Calabar, ii. 108\n\n\u2014\u2014 Corn-woman at threshing, i. 147\n\n\u2014\u2014 Man, name given to the last sheaf, i. 136 _sqq._, 218 _sqq._;\n  at threshing, 148 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 Potato Woman, i. 145\n\n\u2014\u2014 Rye-woman, i. 139, 140, 145, 223, 224, 232\n\n\u2014\u2014 Wheat-woman, i. 139\n\n\u2014\u2014 Wife (_Cailleach_), name given to last corn cut, i. 140 _sqq._, 164\n            _sqq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 Witch, burning the, i. 224\n\n\u2014\u2014 Woman, name given to last sheaf, i. 136 _sq._, 147, 223;\n  Cherokee personification of corn, 177\n\n\u2014\u2014 Woman who Never Dies, i. 204 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 Women as representatives of the Corn-goddess, i. 125\n\nOloh Ngadju, the, ii. 100\n\nOlympia, Pelops at, ii. 85\n\nOlympiads, beginning of reckoning by, i. 82\n\nOlympic games, i. 80, 86\n\nOmagua Indians of Brazil, i. 309\n\nOmaha Indians, ii. 25, 29, 207, 269, 272\n\nOmambos, the, ii. 149\n\nOmen, beasts and birds of, ii. 143\n\n_Omuongo_ tree, ii. 71\n\nOnitsha, on the Niger, ii. 58;\n  funeral custom at, 98 _sq._\n\nOpium, i. 242\n\nOraons, human sacrifices among the, i. 244 _sq._;\n  of Bengal, ii. 117\n\nOrgans of generation, male and female, cakes in shape of, i. 62;\n  effigies of male, 12, 26, 29\n\nOrigin of agriculture, i. 128 _sq._;\n  of astronomy, 307\n\nOrinoco, Indians of the, i. 124, 310, ii. 150, 236\n\nOrion, the constellation, i. 315\n\nOrion\u2019s belt, i. 313, 315, 317\n\n\u2014\u2014 sword, i. 317\n\nOrotchis, bear-festivals of the, ii. 197\n\nOsculati, G., ii. 285\n\nOsiris, i. 214, 215, 259 _sqq._;\n  his relation to Dionysus, 3, 32;\n  human sacrifices at grave of, 260;\n  black and green, 263;\n  key to mysteries of, 263;\n  and the pig, ii. 24 _sqq._;\n  in relation to sacred bulls, 34 _sqq._;\n  false graves of, 100;\n  his missing member, 264\n\nOstiaks, their ceremonies at killing bears, ii. 222 _sq._\n\nOstrich, ghost of, deceived, ii. 245\n\nOtawa Indians, ii. 224, 250\n\nOtawa totem clans, ii. 225 _n._ 1\n\nOtter\u2019s head, Aino custom as to eating, ii. 144\n\nOtters, their bones not allowed to be gnawed by dogs, ii. 239\n\nOunce, ceremony at killing an, ii. 235\n\nOvambo, the, ii. 71;\n  their worship of the dead, 109 _sq._\n\nOx, corn-spirit as, i. 288 _sqq._;\n  killed on harvest field, 290;\n  slaughtered at threshing, 291 _sq._;\n  sacrificed at the _Bouphonia_, ii. 5;\n  as representative of the corn-spirit, 9 _sqq._;\n  effigy of, broken as a spring ceremony in China, 10 _sqq._;\n  Bechuana sacrifice of a black, 271;\n  sacrificed to boa-constrictor, 290\n\n\u2014\u2014 -stall (Bucolium) at Athens, i. 30 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 -yoked Ploughing at Athens, i. 31\n\nOxen used in ploughing, i. 129 _n._ 1\n\nPains in back at reaping, i. 285\n\nPalenques, the, of South America, ii. 221\n\nPalestine, wild boars in, ii. 31 _sq._\n\nPanathenaic games at Athens, i. 80\n\n_Panes_, a bird-feast, ii. 170\n\nPanopeus, i. 48\n\nPans in relation to goats, ii. 1 _sqq._\n\nPapuans, the, i. 123, ii. 145;\n  their belief in the transmigration of souls, 295\n\n_Paradoxurus_, souls of dead in various species of, ii. 294\n\nPardon of animal asked before killing it, ii. 183\n\nParian chronicler, i. 70\n\nParis protected against dormice and serpents, ii. 281\n\nParjas, the, ii. 27, 119\n\nParrots, assimilation of men to, ii. 208\n\nPartridge, transmigration of sinner into, ii. 299\n\nPasiphae and the Minotaur, i. 31\n\nPastoral stage of society, ii. 35, 37\n\n\u2014\u2014 tribes, animal sacraments among, ii. 313\n\nPatani Bay, ii. 212\n\nPawnees, human sacrifices among the, i. 238 _sq._\n\nPeacock as a totem, ii. 29;\n  transmigration of sinner into, 299\n\nPea-mother, i. 132, 135\n\nPeas-cow, i. 290\n\n\u2014\u2014 -pug, i. 272\n\nPelew Islanders, ii. 293\n\n\u2014\u2014 Islands, burial custom in the, ii. 98\n\nPelops at Olympia, ii. 85;\n  his restoration to life, 263\n\nPembrokeshire, harvest customs in, i. 142 _sqq._;\n  cutting \u201cthe neck\u201d in, 267;\n  hunting the wren in, ii. 320\n\nPentheus, death of, i. 24, 25\n\nPergamus, ii. 85\n\nPermanence of simpler forms of religion, ii. 335\n\nPersephone, mother of Zagreus by Zeus, i. 12;\n  rape of, 36;\n  a personification of the corn, 39 _sq._;\n  in art, 43 _sq._;\n  the descent of, 46, ii. 17;\n  associated with the ripe ears of corn, 58;\n  in Greek art, 88 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 and Demeter, i. 35 _sqq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 and Pluto, ii. 9\n\nPersonification of corn as mother and daughter, i. 130, 207 _sqq._\n\nPerthshire, harvest customs in, i. 156 _sq._\n\nPeru, Indians of, i. 120, 122, ii. 249;\n  their worship of the Pleiades, i. 310\n\nPeruvians, their customs as to Mother of Maize, etc., i. 171 _sqq._\n\nPessinus, i. 255\n\nPhigalia, horse-headed Demeter of, ii. 21, 338\n\nPhilippine Islands, i. 240\n\nPhilistines, their charm against mice, ii. 281, 283\n\nPhilochorus, on date of _Haloa_, i. 62\n\nPhlius, i. 17\n\nPhoenicia, song of Linus in, i. 216\n\nPhrygia, Lityerses in, i. 216 _sq._\n\n_Phyllanthus emblica_, ii. 119\n\nPiaroas Indians of the Orinoco, ii. 285\n\nPig, corn-spirit as, i. 298 _sqq._;\n  in relation to Demeter, ii. 16 _sqq._;\n  not eaten in Crete, 21 _n._ 1;\n  in ancient Egypt, 24 _sqq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 and Attis, ii. 22\n\n\u2014\u2014 -meat forbidden to women at sowing seed, i. 115\n\nPig\u2019s flesh not eaten by field labourers, ii. 33, 139\n\nPigeons, souls of dead in, ii. 293\n\nPigs, sacrifice of, i. 74, 97;\n  not to be eaten by enchanters of crops, 100 _sq._;\n  sacrificed to the moon, ii. 25;\n  souls of dead in, 286, 295, 296\n\n_Pilae,_ human effigies, ii. 95 _n._ 1\n\nPindar, old scholiast on, i. 71, 74, 77, 78;\n  on rebirth, 84\n\nPine-tree, sacred to Dionysus, i. 4\n\nPiros Indians of Peru, ii. 286\n\n_Pirua,_ granary of maize, i. 171 sqq.\n\nPlaiting the last standing corn before cutting it, i. 142, 144, 153, 154,\n            157, 158\n\nPlane-tree, Dionysus in, i. 3\n\nPlanets, human victims sacrificed to, i. 261 _sq._\n\nPlants thought to be animated by spirits, ii. 82 _sq._\n\nPlataea, Eleutherian games at, i. 80, 85\n\nPlato and the doctrine of transmigration, ii. 308\n\nPlayfair, Major A., ii. 337\n\nPleiades, autumnal setting of, i. 45;\n  morning rising of, the signal for reaping in Greece, 48 _sq._;\n  in primitive calendars, 116, 307 _sqq._;\n  associated with the rainy season, 318\n\nPliny, on the setting of the Pleiades, i. 318\n\nPlough in relation to Dionysus, i. 5;\n  in primitive agriculture, 113\n\n\u2014\u2014 Monday, i. 33;\n  rites of, ii. 325 _sqq._;\n  English celebration of, 329 _sqq._\n\nPloughing at Carnival, ceremony of, i. 28, 29, 331, 332, 334;\n  at Athens, sacred ceremony of, 31;\n  in Greece, season of, 45;\n  with oxen, 129 _n._ 1;\n  Chinese ceremony of, ii. 14 _sq._;\n  ceremonies at, 57\n\nPloughings, three a year, i. 53 _n._ 1;\n  Sacred, in Attica, 108\n\nPloughmen and plough-horses, the Yule Boar given to, i. 301, 303\n\nPlutarch, on a Roman rite, ii. 108;\n  on immortality, i. 15;\n  on mourning festival of Demeter, 46;\n  on sacrifices, ii. 31;\n  on Apis, 36\n\nPluto called Subterranean Zeus, i. 66\n\n\u2014\u2014 and Persephone, ii. 9;\n  rude originals of, 334\n\nPlutus, i. 208\n\nPoland, harvest customs in, i. 144, 145, 148, 150, 277\n\nPollution of death, ii. 85 _n._ 3;\n  ceremonial, of girl at puberty, 268\n\nPolynesia, observation of the Pleiades in, i. 313\n\nPolynesians, ii. 28\n\nPomegranates sprung from blood of Dionysus, i. 14\n\nPo-nagar, goddess of agriculture, ii. 56, 57, 58\n\nPondos, the, ii. 66\n\nPongal feast, i. 244\n\nPongol, a Hindoo festival, ii. 56\n\nPontiffs regulate Roman calendar, i. 83\n\nPoor Old Woman, corn left on field for, i. 231 _sq._\n\nPoppies as symbols of Demeter, i. 43 _sq._\n\nPoppy, the, cultivated for opium, i. 242\n\nPorcupine, a Bechuana totem, ii. 164 _sq._;\n  respected by some Indians, 243;\n  transmigration of sinner into, 299\n\nPork forbidden to enchanters of crops, i. 100 _sq._;\n  not eaten by field labourers, ii. 33;\n  reason for not eating, 296\n\nPorphyry, on the _Bouphonia_, ii. 5 _n._ 1\n\nPoseidon, first-fruits sacrificed to, ii. 133\n\nPoso, in Celebes, i. 236, ii. 244\n\nPotato-dog, i. 272 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 -mother, i. 172\n\n\u2014\u2014 -wolf, i. 274\n\nPotawatomi Indians, ii. 218\n\nPrayer, the Place of, ii. 113\n\nPrayer and spell, i. 105\n\nPrayers to the spirits of the dead, ii. 112, 113, 124 _sq._;\n  addressed to dead animals, 184, 197, 224, 225, 226, 235, 236, 243, 253,\n              293;\n  to shark-idol, 292\n\nPreachers to fish, ii. 250 _sq._\n\nPretence made by reapers of mowing down visitors to the harvest-field, i.\n            229 _sq._\n\nPriest, chief acting as, ii. 126\n\nPriests, first-fruits belong to, ii. 125;\n  of Tetzcatlipoca, ii. 165;\n  of shark-idols, 292\n\nPrimitive ritual, marks of, i. 169\n\nProarcturia, a Greek festival, i. 51\n\nProcessions with sacred animals, ii. 316 _sqq._;\n  of men disguised as animals, 325 _sqq._\n\nProclus on Dionysus, i. 13\n\n_Proerosia_, a Greek festival of Demeter, i. 50 _sqq._, 60, 108\n\nProphecy, spirit of, acquired by eating certain food, ii. 143\n\nPropitiation of wild animals by hunters, ii. 204 _sqq._;\n  of vermin by farmers, 274 _sqq._\n\nPrussia, harvest customs in, i. 136, 137, 139, 150 _sq._, 209, 219, 280,\n            281 _sq._, 288, 292\n\nPrussians, the old, ii. 133;\n  their custom at sowing, i. 288\n\nPruyssenaere, E. de, ii. 38 _sq._\n\nPsylli, a Snake clan, ii. 174\n\nPuberty, ceremonial pollution of girl at, ii. 268\n\nPueblo Indians, i. 312\n\n_Pul_, an astrologer, i. 125 _sq._\n\nPulse cultivated in Bengal, i. 123\n\n_Puplem_, general council, i. 125\n\nPuppet made out of last sheaf, i. 137, 138, 231;\n  at threshing, 148, 149;\n  at harvest, 150;\n  representing the corn-spirit, 224\n\nPuppets of rushes thrown into the Tiber, ii. 107\n\nPurest person cuts the last corn, i. 158\n\nPurification, ceremonies of, i. 9;\n  before partaking of new fruits, ii. 59, 60, 63, 69 _sq._, 71, 73, 75\n              _sq._, 82, 83;\n  for slaughter of a serpent, 219 _sq._;\n  by fire, 249;\n  before eating the first salmon, 253\n\nPyanepsia, an Attic festival, i. 52\n\nPyanepsion, an Attic month, i. 46, 52, 116\n\nPythagoras, his reincarnations, ii. 263;\n  his doctrine of transmigration, 300, 301\n\nPythian games, i. 80\n\nPython clan, ii. 174\n\nQuadriennial period of Greek games, i. 77 _sqq._\n\nQuail, cry of, i. 295;\n  corn-spirit as, 295 _sq._\n\nQueen of Athens married to Dionysus, i. 30 _sq._;\n  of the Corn-ears, 146;\n  name given to last sheaf, 146\n\n\u2014\u2014 Charlotte Islands, ii. 226\n\nQuetzalcoatl, a Mexican god, ii. 90\n\nQuiches, the, of Central America, ii. 134\n\nQuinoa-mother, i. 172\n\nQuixos Indians, ii. 285\n\nRace of reapers to last sheaf, i. 291;\n  on harvest-field, 137\n\nRaces at harvest, i. 76 _sq._;\n  in connexion with agriculture, 98.\n  _See_ Horse-races\n\nRain, prayer for, at Eleusis, i. 69;\n  supposed to be given by the spirits of dead chiefs, ii. 109\n\n\u2014\u2014 -charm, i. 134, 170, 250, 252, 268\n\nRainless Greek summer, i. 69\n\nRains, autumnal, in Greece, i. 52\n\nRajamahall, in Bengal, ii. 118, 217\n\nRakelimalaza, a Malagasy god, ii. 46\n\nRam sacrificed to Ammon, ii. 41;\n  killing the sacred, 172 _sqq._;\n  consecration of a white, 313\n\nRam\u2019s skull, ii. 96\n\nRams\u2019 horns, ii. 117\n\nRape of Persephone, i. 66\n\nRarian Plain at Eleusis, i. 36, 70, 74, 108, 234, ii. 15\n\nRaspberries, wild, ceremony at gathering the first, ii. 80 _sq._\n\nRat, transmigration of sinner into, ii. 299\n\nRats, superstitious precautions of farmers against, ii. 277, 278, 283\n\nRattles in myth and ritual of Dionysus, i. 13, 15\n\nRattlesnakes respected by the North American Indians, ii. 217 _sqq._\n\nRavens respected by Sudanese negroes, ii. 221\n\nReapers, contests between, i. 136, 140, 141, 142, 144, 152, 153 _sqq._,\n            164 _sq._, 219, 253;\n  blindfolded, 144, 153 _sq._;\n  special words used by, 193;\n  pretend to mow down visitors to harvest-field, 229 _sq._;\n  cries of, 263 _sqq._;\n  race of, to last corn, 291\n\nReaping, Indonesian mode of, i. 181 _sq._, 184;\n  contests in, 218 _sqq._;\n  pains in back at, 285\n\nRebirth of the dead, i. 84\n\nRed and black, faces of bear-hunters painted, ii. 226\n\n\u2014\u2014 and white, leopard-hunters painted, ii. 230\n\n\u2014\u2014 and yellow, faces of human victims painted, i. 261\n\nRed-haired men sacrificed, i. 260, 261, 263, ii. 34\n\n\u2014\u2014 puppies sacrificed, i. 261, ii. 34\n\nReef Islands, ii. 52\n\nReincarnation of animals, ii. 247, 249, 250\n\nReindeer, dogs not allowed to gnaw the leg-bones of, ii. 246\n\nRepulsion and attraction, forces of, ii. 303 _sqq._\n\nRest for three days, compulsory, ii. 246\n\nResurrection of the gods, i. 1, 12, 14, 15;\n  of animals, ii. 200 _sq._, 256 _sqq._;\n  of fish, 250, 254;\n  bones of men preserved for the, 259;\n  in popular tales, 263 _sqq._\n\nRevolving image, ii. 322 _n._\n\nRibald jests at mysteries, i. 38\n\nRice cultivated in Assam, i. 123;\n  cultivated in New Guinea, 123;\n  soul of, 180 _sqq._;\n  treated as a woman, 183 _sq._;\n  King of the, 197;\n  (paddy), Father and Mother of the, 203 _sq._;\n  spirituous liquor distilled from, 242;\n  the new, ceremonies at eating the, ii. 54 _sqq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 -bride, i. 199 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 -bridegroom, i. 199 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 -child, i. 197 _sqq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 -fields, sacred, among the Kayans, i. 93, 108\n\n\u2014\u2014 -goddess, i. 202\n\n\u2014\u2014 -harvest, ceremony of the Horse at, ii. 337 _sqq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 -mother, i. 183 _n._ 1, 191 _sqq._, 197 _sqq._;\n  in the East Indies, 180 _sqq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 -soul as bird, i. 182 _n._ 1;\n  caught or detained, 184 _sqq._\n\nRiddles asked at harvest, i. 194\n\nRidgeway, Professor W., i. 29 _n._ 2, 65, ii. 282 _n._ 5\n\nRing, competition for, i. 160\n\nRites of Plough Monday, ii. 325 _sqq._\n\nRitual, primitive, marks of, i. 169;\n  magical or propitiatory, 169, 170\n\n\u2014\u2014 of Dionysus, i. 14 _sq._\n\nRobbers, charm used by, i. 235\n\nRodents, souls of dead in, ii. 291\n\nRohde, E., i. 91 _n._ 2\n\nRollo, ii. 146\n\nRoman calendar, i. 83 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 deities of the corn, i. 210 _n._ 3\n\n\u2014\u2014 sacrifices to Ceres and Liber, ii. 133\n\nRomans worship mildew, ii. 282\n\nRoof, spirits enter through the, ii. 123;\n  remains of slain bear let down through the, 189 _sq._, 196\n\nRoots and seeds, wild, collected by women, i. 124 _sqq._\n\nRoscher, W. H., ii. 2 _n._ 9\n\nRoscoe, Rev. John, i. 240 _n._ 4\n\nRotation of crops, i. 117\n\nRouse, Dr. W. H. D., i. 208 _n._ 1\n\nR\u00fcgen, harvest customs in, i. 274\n\nRunning, contests in, i. 98\n\nRush-cutter, i. 230 _n._ 5\n\nRussia, harvest customs in, i. 146, 233\n\nRussian wood-spirits, ii. 2\n\nRye-beggar, i. 231\n\n\u2014\u2014 -boar, i. 298, 300\n\n\u2014\u2014 -bride, i. 163\n\n\u2014\u2014 -goat, i. 282, 283\n\n\u2014\u2014 -mother, i. 132, 135\n\n\u2014\u2014 -pug, i. 273\n\n\u2014\u2014 -sow, i. 270, 298\n\n\u2014\u2014 -wolf, i. 270, 271, 272, 273, 274\n\n\u2014\u2014 -woman, i. 223;\n  the Old, 133\n\nSaa, island of, ii. 127\n\nSabarios, a Lithuanian festival, ii. 49\n\nSabazius, i. 2 _n._ 1\n\nSabbaths, agricultural, i. 109\n\nSable-hunters, rules observed by, ii. 238\n\nSacaea, a Babylonian festival, i. 258 _sq._\n\nSacrament of eating a god, ii. 167\n\n\u2014\u2014 of swine\u2019s flesh, ii. 20, 24;\n  totemic, 165;\n  types of animal, 310 _sqq._;\n  of first-fruits, 48 _sqq._;\n  combined with a sacrifice of them, 86\n\nSacramental bread, ii. 95\n\n\u2014\u2014 character of harvest supper, i. 303\n\n\u2014\u2014 eating of corn-spirit in animal form, ii. 20\n\nSacraments among pastoral tribes, ii. 313\n\nSacred Marriage at Eleusis, i. 65 _sqq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 ploughings in Attica, i. 108\n\n\u2014\u2014 things deemed dangerous, ii. 27 _sqq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 Women, i. 32\n\nSacrifice not to be touched, ii. 27;\n  of first-fruits, 109 _sqq._\n\nSacrifices, human, for the crops, i. 236 _sqq._;\n  human, in Mexico, ii. 88;\n  offered to nets, 240 _n._ 1;\n  offered to wolves, 284;\n  to a toad, 291\n\nSadana, rice-bridegroom, i. 200 _sq._\n\nSahagun, B. de, i. 175\n\nSt. Catherine\u2019s Day, ii. 275\n\nSt. George\u2019s Eve, ii. 270\n\nSt. Kilda, ii. 322\n\nSt. Mary, Isle of, ii. 235\n\nSt. Matthew\u2019s Day, ii. 275\n\nSt. Nicholas, i. 233\n\nSt. Paul on immortality, i. 91\n\nSt. Peter\u2019s Day, i. 300\n\nSt. Stephen\u2019s Day, ii. 319, 320\n\nSakalava, the, of Madagascar, ii. 40 _n._\n\nSale, nominal, of children, i. 8\n\nSalish Indians, ii. 80\n\nSalmon, resurrection of, ii. 250;\n  ceremonies at catching the first salmon of the season, 253 _sq._, 255\n\nSalt, abstinence from, ii. 75, 93;\n  use of, forbidden, 190, 195\n\nSalzburg, harvest custom in, i. 146\n\nSamoa, ii. 29\n\nSamoans, their sacrifices of first-fruits, ii. 132\n\nSamoyed, custom after killing a reindeer, ii. 268\n\nSan Juan Capistrano, ii. 169;\n  Indians of, i. 125\n\nSanctity of the corn, ii. 110\n\nSandwich Islands, belief in transmigration among natives of the, ii. 292\n            _sq._\n\nSaning Sari, rice-goddess, i. 191, 192\n\nSappho, i. 216\n\nSaturnalia, ii. 62, 66\n\nSatyrs in relation to goats, ii. 1 _sqq._\n\nSavage, the, not illogical, ii. 202\n\n\u2014\u2014 faith in the immortality of animals, ii. 260 _sqq._\n\nSaxo Grammaticus, ii. 146\n\nSaxons of Transylvania, harvest custom of the, i. 295;\n  their customs at sowing, ii. 274 _sq._\n\nSaxony, harvest customs in, i. 134, 137, 149, 163, 164\n\nScanderbeg, Prince of Epirus, ii. 154\n\nScandinavian custom of the Yule Boar, i. 300 _sqq._\n\nScarification as a religious rite, ii. 75;\n  from superstitious motives, 159, 160 _sq._\n\nScheube, Dr. B., ii. 185, 186, 187\n\nSchleswig, harvest customs in, i. 230, 287\n\nSchrenck, L. von, ii. 191, 192, 193, 194, 195\n\nSchweinfurth, G., ii. 37 _sq._\n\nScience, generalisations of, inadequate to cover all particulars, ii. 37\n\nScirophorion, a Greek month, ii. 8 _n._ 1\n\nScorpions, charm against, ii. 281;\n  souls of dead in, 290\n\nScotland, harvest customs in, i. 140 _sqq._\n\nScratching as a religious rite, ii. 75\n\nScurrilities exchanged between vine-dressers and passers-by, i. 258 _n._ 1\n\nScurrilous language at mysteries, i. 38\n\nScythians, set store on heads of enemies, i. 256 _n._ 1\n\nSea beasts, Esquimau rules as to eating, ii. 84;\n  their bladders restored to the sea by the Esquimaux, 247 _sqq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 -mammals, their mythical origin, ii. 246\n\nSeals, care taken of the bladders and bones of, ii. 247 _sqq._, 257, 258\n            _n._ 2\n\nSedna, an Esquimau goddess, ii. 84, 246\n\nSeed sown by women, i. 113 _sqq._;\n  sown by children, i. 115 _sq._\n\nSeed-corn, i. 135, 205, 278, 301, 304, ii. 20\n\nSeed-rice, i. 189\n\nSeeds and roots, wild, collected by women, i. 124 _sqq._\n\nSeler, Professor E., i. 175\n\nSeligmann, Dr. C. G., ii. 40 _n._\n\n_S\u0115mangat_, i. 181, 183\n\nSemele, mother of Dionysus, i. 14, 15\n\nSeminole Indians, ii. 76, 217\n\nSenegambia, Python clan in, ii. 174\n\nSerpent, killing the sacred, ii. 174 _sq._;\n  ceremonies performed after killing a, 219 _sq._\n\nSerpent\u2019s flesh eaten to learn the language of animals, ii. 146\n\nSerpents, offerings to, ii. 17 _sq._;\n  men inspired by, 213;\n  charms against, 281;\n  souls of the dead in, 291.\n  _See also_ Snake, Snakes\n\nSet or Typhon, ii. 30.\n  _See_ Typhon\n\nSeven, the number, in ritual, i. 190, 198\n\n\u2014\u2014 months\u2019 child, i. 26, 29\n\nSham fight, ii. 75\n\n\u2014\u2014 fights in connexion with agriculture, i. 98;\n  (mimic battles) before going forth to war, ii. 207\n\n\u2014\u2014 graves and corpses to deceive demons, ii. 98 _sqq._\n\nShans of Indo-China, i. 243\n\nShape, magical changes of shape, i. 305\n\nSharks, ghosts in, ii. 127;\n  souls of dead in, 292 _sq._, 297\n\nSheaf, the last, the Corn-mother in, i. 133 _sqq._;\n  thresher tied up in, 134, 147, 148;\n  drenched with water, 134, 137, 145;\n  given to cattle, 134, 155, 158, 161, 170;\n  stones fastened to, 135 _sq._, 138, 139;\n  called the Old Woman or Old Man, 136 _sqq._;\n  corn-spirit caught in, 139;\n  harvester tied up in, 139, 145, 221, 222;\n  called the _Cailleach_ (Old Wife), 140 _sqq._;\n  representative of the corn-spirit, 168, ii. 48;\n  in Lower Burma, i. 190 _sq._;\n  person identified with, 138 _sq._;\n  in India, 222 _sq._, 234 _n._ 2;\n  race of reapers to, 291.\n  _See also_ _Clyack_, _Kirn_, _Mell_, Maiden\n\nSheep not eaten, ii. 140;\n  ghosts of, dreaded, 231\n\nSheep-skin, fumigation with, ii. 324\n\nSheep-skins, candidates at initiation seated on, i. 38\n\nShells of eggs preserved, ii. 258 _n._ 2\n\nShifting cultivation, i. 99\n\nShoulder-blade, divination by, ii. 234\n\nShropshire, \u201cthe neck\u201d in, i. 268;\n  \u201ccrying the Mare\u201d in, 293 _sq._\n\nShrove Tuesday, i. 300, ii. 326\n\nShrovetide Bear, ii. 325 _sq._\n\nShumpaoli, an African god, ii. 110\n\nShuswap Indians, ii. 226, 238\n\nSiam, ii. 103\n\nSicilians, Demeter\u2019s gift of corn to the, i. 56 _sq._\n\nSicily, worship of Demeter and Persephone in, i. 56\n\nSickles thrown at last standing corn, i. 136, 142, 144, 153, 154, 165\n\nSickness cured or prevented by effigies, ii. 180 _sqq._\n\nSicyon, wolves at, ii. 283, 284\n\nSierra Leone, i. 317\n\nSieves, children at birth placed in, i. 6 _sqq._\n\nSigurd and the dragon, ii. 146\n\nSilence enforced during absence of fisher, ii. 256\n\nSilenuses, ii. 1 _sq._\n\nSilesia, harvest customs in, i. 136, 138, 139, 148 _sq._, 163 _sq._, 231,\n            233, 273, 277, 281, 289\n\nSilvanus, ii. 2\n\nSimbang, village in German New Guinea, ii. 295\n\nSimilkameen Indians, the, ii. 146\n\nSinew of the thigh, customs and myths as to, ii. 264 _sqq._\n\nSinews of dead men cut to disable their ghosts, ii. 272\n\nSing Bonga, a sun god, ii. 117\n\nSingleton, Miss A. H., ii. 320 _n._ 1\n\nSioux girl, sacrifice of, i. 238 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 Indians, ii. 150, 243\n\nSkeat, W. W., i. 197 _sq._\n\nSkin of sacrificed animal, uses of, ii. 173 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 -disease caused by eating a sacred animal, ii. 25 _sqq._\n\nSkins of sacrificed animals stuffed, 257 _sq._\n\nSkipping-rope, ii. 192\n\nSkull, drinking out of a human, ii. 150\n\nSkulls, human, as protection against powers of evil, i. 241;\n  the Place of, 243;\n  spirits of ancestors in their, ii. 123;\n  of ancestors, offerings set beside, 127;\n  of bears worshipped, 184;\n  of enemies destroyed, 260\n\nSky God, the, i. 69\n\n\u2014\u2014 -god Zeus, i. 65\n\nSkye, harvest custom in, i. 284\n\nSlaves of the Earth Gods, ii. 61, 62 _n._ 1\n\nSlavonic peoples, harvest customs among, i. 144 _sqq._\n\nSlayers of leopards, rules of diet observed by, ii. 230 _sq._\n\nSlow-footed animals not eaten by some savage tribes, ii. 139 _sq._;\n  eaten by preference by the Bushmen, 140 _sq._\n\nSmall-pox, cure for, i. 9 _sq._\n\nSmearing the body as a means of imparting certain qualities, ii. 162\n            _sqq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 of blood on worshippers a mode of communion with the deity, ii. 316\n\nSmintheus Apollo, ii. 283\n\nSmith, Professor, G. C., ii. 329\n\nSmith, W. Robertson, i. 259 _n._ 1, ii. 5 _n._ 2, 27 _n._ 5, 31 _n._ 1, 35\n            _n._ 2, 251 _n._ 5, 266 _n._ 1, 280 _n._\n\nSmoking as a means of inducing state of ecstasy, ii. 72;\n  in honour of slain bears, 224, 226\n\n\u2014\u2014 first tobacco of season, ceremony at, ii. 82\n\nSnake worshipped, ii. 316 _sq._;\n  white, eaten to acquire supernatural knowledge, 146.\n  _See_ Serpent\n\n\u2014\u2014 -bite, inoculation against, ii. 160\n\n\u2014\u2014 -priest, ii. 219\n\n\u2014\u2014 tribe, ii. 316, 317\n\nSnake\u2019s tongue as amulet, ii. 270\n\nSnakes respected by the North American Indians, ii. 217 _sqq._;\n  sacred at Whydah, 287;\n  souls of dead in, 293, 294 _sq._;\n  souls of dead princes in, 288\n\nSociety, stratification of religion according to types of, ii. 35 _sqq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 Islanders, i. 312\n\nSolar and lunar time, attempts to harmonise, i. 80 _sq._\n\nSolomon Islands, ii. 85, 126, 127;\n  belief in the transmigration of souls in the, 296 _sqq._\n\nSolstice, the midsummer, rain-making ceremony at the, ii. 179\n\n\u2014\u2014 the summer, i. 117\n\n\u2014\u2014 the winter, ii. 325;\n  festival of, 90\n\nSolstices observed, i. 125\n\nSomerville, Professor W., i. 193 _n._\n\nSongish or Lkungen tribe of Vancouver Island, ii. 254\n\nSongs of the corn-reapers, i. 214 _sqq._\n\nSophocles, his play _Triptolemus_, i. 54\n\nSoul thought to be seated in the liver, ii. 147 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 of rice, i. 180 _sqq._;\n  eating the, ii. 54\n\n\u2014\u2014 -stuff in the East Indies, i. 182 _sq._\n\nSouls, immortal, attributed by savages, to animals, ii. 204;\n  of the human dead in caterpillars, 275 _sq._;\n  transmigration of human, into animals, 285 _sqq._\n\nSouth American Indians, women\u2019s agricultural work among the, i. 120 _sqq._\n\nSouthey, R., quoted, i. 122, ii. 157\n\nSowing, festival of Demeter at, i. 46 _n._ 2;\n  sacrifice to Demeter at, 57;\n  Festival of the, 111;\n  time of, determined by observation of the sun, 187;\n  goat killed at, 288;\n  ceremonies at, ii. 57;\n  customs observed by Saxons of Transylvania at, 274 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 and planting, time of, determined by the appearance of the Pleiades, i.\n            313 _sqq._\n\nSowing in Greece, time for, i. 45\n\n\u2014\u2014 festival of the Kayans, i. 93 _sqq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 seed to make children grow, i. 11\n\nSowing the seed done by women, i. 113 _sqq._;\n  done by children, 115 _sq._\n\nSpades and hoes, human victim killed with, i. 239, 251\n\nSparrows, charm to keep them from the corn, ii. 274\n\nSpearing taro stalks, as a charm, i. 102, 103\n\nSpell and prayer, i. 105\n\nSpells for growth of crops, i. 100;\n  narrative, 104 _sqq._;\n  imperative, 105\n\nSpencer, Herbert, his theory of the material universe compared to that of\n            Empedocles, ii. 303 _sqq._\n\nSpiders, ceremony at killing, ii. 236 _sq._\n\nSpieth, J., ii. 59 _sqq._\n\nSpindle used in ritual, ii. 119\n\nSpinning acorns or figs, i. 102\n\n\u2014\u2014 tops, i. 95, 97, 187\n\nSpirit of Beans, Iroquois, i. 177\n\n\u2014\u2014 of the Corn, Iroquois, i. 177. _See_ Corn-spirit\n\n\u2014\u2014 of Squashes, Iroquois, i. 177\n\nSpirits, evil, averted from children, i. 6 _sqq._;\n  of the dead supposed to influence the crops, 104;\n  distinguished from gods, 169;\n  imitation of, 186\n\nSpittle, virtue of, i. 247, 250\n\nSports, athletic, at harvest, i. 76 _sq._ _See also_ Contests, Games\n\nSpring, ceremony at beginning of, in China, ii. 10 _sqq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 customs and harvest customs compared, i. 167 _sqq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 festival of Dionysus, i. 15\n\nSpringbok not eaten, ii. 141\n\nSquirrels, souls of dead in, ii. 291 _sq._\n\nSri, Hindoo goddess of crops, i. 182\n\nStar, the Morning, i. 238\n\nStars, their supposed influence on the weather, i. 318\n\nStepping or jumping over a woman, ii. 70 _n._ 1\n\nSternberg, Leo, ii. 196, 199 _n._ 1, 201\n\nStettin, harvest customs near, i. 220\n\nStevenson, Mrs. Matilda Coxe, quoted, ii. 179\n\nStewart, Balfour, ii. 262 _n._ 1\n\nSticks. _See_ Digging-sticks\n\nStiens of Cambodia, ii. 237\n\nStomach of eater, certain foods forbidden to meet in, ii. 83 _sqq._\n\nStone, magic of heavy, i. 100\n\n\u2014\u2014 Age, agriculture in the, i. 79, 132\n\nStones fastened to last sheaf, i. 135 _sq._, 138, 139;\n  the meeting of the, 237;\n  worshipped, ii. 127 _sq._\n\nStories told as charms, i. 102 _sqq._\n\nStout, Professor G. F., 261 _n._ 1\n\nStranger regarded as representative of the corn-spirit, i. 225 _sqq._\n\nStrangers excluded, i. 94, 111, 249;\n  preferred as human victims, 242;\n  as representatives of the corn-spirit, 253\n\nStrata of religion and society, ii. 36 _sq._\n\nStratification of religion according to types of society, ii. 35 _sqq._\n\nStraw, the Yule, i. 301 _sq._;\n  of Shrovetide Bear used to make geese and hens lay eggs, ii. 326\n\n\u2014\u2014 -bear at Whittlesey, ii. 329\n\n\u2014\u2014 -bull, i. 289 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 -man placed on apple-tree, ii. 6\n\nStubble-cock, i. 277\n\nStyria, harvest customs in, i. 133, 134, 283\n\nSublician bridge at Rome, ii. 107\n\nSubstitutes for animal sacrifices, ii. 94 _n._ 2\n\n\u201cSubstitutes for a person\u201d in China, ii. 104\n\nSubterranean Zeus, i. 66\n\nSudanese negroes respect ravens, ii. 221\n\nSufferings and death of Dionysus, i. 17\n\nSugar-cane cultivated, i. 121, 123\n\nSuk, the, of British East Africa, i. 118, ii. 84, 142\n\nSumatra, i. 315;\n  tigers respected in, ii. 215 _sqq._\n\nSummer in Greece rainless, i. 69\n\nSun, time of sowing determined by observation of the, i. 187;\n  Japanese deities of the, 212;\n  first-fruits offered to the, 237;\n  savage observation of the, 314;\n  rites instituted by the, ii. 75;\n  temple of the, 135\n\n\u2014\u2014 and moon conjunction of, ii. 15 _n._ 1\n\n\u2014\u2014 father of Alectrona, ii. 45\n\n\u2014\u2014 -god, the, i. 86\n\n\u2014\u2014, moon, and planets, human victims sacrificed to, i. 261 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014, the Great, title of head chief of the Natchez, ii. 77 _sqq._\n\nSunflower root, ceremony at eating the, ii. 81\n\nSunkalamma, a goddess, ii. 93\n\nSuperstitious practices to procure good crops, i. 100\n\nSupper, the harvest, i. 134, 138. _See_ Harvest-supper\n\nSurvival of the fittest, doctrine of the, ii. 306\n\nSutherlandshire, ii. 51\n\nSwabia, harvest customs in, i. 136, 282, 289, 290, 298 _sq._\n\nSwallow Song, the Greek, ii. 322 _n._\n\nSwans, transmigration of bad poets into, ii. 308\n\nSweat of famous warriors drunk, ii. 152\n\nSweden, harvest customs in, i. 149, 230, 280\n\nSweet potatoes cultivated in Africa, i. 117;\n  cultivated in Assam, 123;\n  cultivated in New Britain, 123;\n  cultivated in South America, 121;\n  sacred, ii. 133\n\nSwine, wild, their ravages in the corn, ii. 31 _sqq._\n\nSwine\u2019s flesh sacramentally eaten, ii. 20, 24. _See also_ Pork\n\nSwinging for good crops, i. 101, 103, 107\n\nSwitzerland, harvest customs in, i. 283, 289, 291, 295\n\nSyleus, i. 257 _sq._\n\nSympathetic magic, i. 102, ii. 271, 311 _sq._\n\nSyria, precaution against caterpillars in, ii. 279\n\nSyrians, their religious attitude to pigs, ii. 23;\n  esteemed fish sacred, 26\n\nSzis, the, of Burma, i. 203\n\nTabooed village, ii. 122\n\nTaboos observed at the sowing festival among the Kayans, i. 94;\n  observed by enchanters, 100;\n  communal, 109 _n._ 2;\n  agricultural, 187;\n  relating to milk, ii. 83 _sq._;\n  observed after the capture of a ground seal, walrus, or whale, 246\n\nTahiti, ii. 132; funeral rites in, 97\n\nTail of corn-spirit, 268, 272, 300, ii. 10, 43\n\nTalaings, the, i. 190\n\nTales told as charms, i. 102 _sqq._;\n  the resurrection of the body in popular, ii. 263 _sqq._\n\nTamara, island of, ii. 296\n\nTammuz, his death in a mill, i. 258;\n  a Babylonian month, 259\n\nTana, one of the New Hebrides, ii. 125\n\nTanala, the, of Madagascar, i. 9, ii. 290\n\nTanganyika plateau, the, i. 115\n\nTani, a god, ii. 132\n\nTano, a fetish, ii. 287\n\nTapir, custom of Indians after killing a, ii. 236\n\nTapirs, souls of dead in, ii. 285\n\nTapuiyas, the, of Brazil, i. 309\n\nTarahumare Indians of Mexico, i. 227 _sq._, ii. 252\n\nTarianos Indians, ii. 157\n\nTaro, charms for growth of, i. 100, 102\n\nTarri Pennu, a Khond goddess, i. 245\n\nTauar\u00e9 Indians, ii. 157\n\nTaungthu, the, i. 190\n\nTears of human victim signs of rain, i. 248, 250;\n  of oxen as rain-charm, ii. 10\n\nTeasing animals before killing them, ii. 190\n\nTelephus at Pergamus, ii. 85\n\nTemples dedicated to sharks, ii. 292\n\nTenimber, island, ii. 123\n\nTeton Indians, ii. 236\n\nTetzcatlipoca, a Mexican god, ii. 92, 93, 165\n\nThargelion, an Attic month, ii. 8\n\nThay, the, of Indo-China, ii. 121\n\nThebes, grave of Dionysus at, i. 14;\n  Dionysus torn to pieces at, 25\n\nTheocritus on the harvest-home, i. 46 _sq._\n\nThesmophoria, the, i. 14, ii. 17 _sqq._;\n  chastity of women at the, i. 116\n\nThigh, sinew of the, customs and myths as to, ii. 264 _sqq._\n\nThlinkeet or Tlingit, the, ii. 253\n\nThompson Indians, ii. 81, 82, 133, 140, 207, 226, 268\n\nThrace, worship of Dionysus in, i. 3;\n  the Bacchanals of, 17;\n  modern Carnival customs in, 25 _sqq._, ii. 331 _sqq._\n\nThresher tied up in last sheaf, i. 134, 147, 148\n\nThreshers, contests between, i. 147 _sqq._, 218, 219 _sq._, 221 _sq._, 223\n            _sq._, 253;\n  pretend to throttle or thresh people on threshing-floor, 149 _sq._, 230;\n  tied in straw and thrown into water, 224 _sq._\n\nThreshing, customs at, i. 134, 147 _sqq._, 203;\n  contests in, 218 _sqq._;\n  corn-spirit killed at, 291 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 -cow, i. 291\n\n\u2014\u2014 -dog, i. 271\n\n\u2014\u2014 -floor, Demeter at the, i. 41 _sq._, 47;\n  of Triptolemus at Eleusis, 61, 72, 75;\n  sanctity of the, ii. 110 _n._ 4\n\n\u2014\u2014 in Greece, date of, i. 62\n\nThrottling farmer\u2019s wife at threshing, pretence of, i. 150\n\nThumbs of dead enemies cut off, ii. 272\n\nTh\u00fcringen, harvest customs in, i. 147, 222, 232, 276, 290, 291, 298\n\nThurn, E. F. im. quoted, ii. 204\n\nTibetans, the, ii. 96\n\nTiger, ghost of, ii. 155 _n._ 4\n\nTiger\u2019s flesh eaten to make men brave, ii. 145\n\nTigers, ceremonies at killing, ii. 215, 216 _sq._;\n  respected in Sumatra, 215 _sq._;\n  kinship of men with, 216;\n  souls of dead in, 293\n\nTilling of the earth treated as a crime, ii. 57\n\nTimekeepers, natural, i. 53\n\nTimor, island of, ii. 98\n\nTimor-laut, ii. 123, 244\n\nTinneh Indians, ii. 80, 220\n\nTitans attack and kill Dionysus, i. 12 _sq._, 17\n\nTjumba, island of, ii. 122\n\nTlaloc, Mexican god of thunder, i. 237\n\nToad, figure of, ii. 193, 194;\n  soul of dead man in a, 291\n\nTobacco used as an emetic, ii. 73;\n  first of season, ceremony at smoking, 82\n\nTodas, their sacrament of buffalo\u2019s flesh, ii. 314\n\nToepffer, J., quoted, i. 73\n\nToerateyas, the, i. 196 _n._\n\nTofoke, the, i. 119\n\nTogoland, i. 130, ii. 59, 105, 105\n\nTolalaki, the, ii. 152\n\nTomb, sacrifices at, ii. 113\n\nTomori, the, of Central Celebes, i. 193 _sq._, 288\n\n_Tondi_, soul-stuff, i. 182\n\nTonga Islands, ii. 28;\n  offerings of first-fruits in the, 128 _sqq._\n\nTongues of birds eaten, ii. 147;\n  of slain men eaten, 153;\n  of dead animals cut out, 269 _sqq._;\n  of animals worn as amulets, 270\n\nTonsure, the clerical, ii. 105 _n._ 1\n\nTooitonga, the sacred chief of Tonga, ii. 128, 129, 130, 131\n\nTops, spinning, i. 95, 97, 187\n\nToradjas, the, of Central Celebes, i. 183, 193, 194, 228, ii. 153\n\nTorch-bearer, the Eleusinian, i. 54, 59\n\nTorches in relation to Demeter and Persephone, i. 57\n\nTorchlight dance, ii. 79;\n  procession at Eleusis, i. 38\n\nTorres Straits islands, i. 313, ii. 152, 153\n\nTortoises not eaten, ii. 140\n\nTossing successful reaper, i. 154\n\nTotem, skin-disease supposed to be caused by eating, ii. 25 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 sacrament, ii. 165\n\nTotemic animals, dances in imitation of, ii. 76\n\nTotemism, ii. 35, 37;\n  not proved for the Aryans, 4;\n  in Australia and America, 311\n\nTransformation of woman into crocodile, ii. 212\n\nTransmigration of human souls into animals, ii. 141, 285 _sqq._;\n  into turtles, 178 _sq._;\n  into bears, 191\n\n\u2014\u2014 of souls, doctrine of, in ancient India, ii. 298 _sq._;\n  in ancient Greece, 300 _sqq._, 307 _sq._\n\nTransmigrations of Buddha, ii. 299\n\nTransubstantiation, ii. 89 _sq._\n\nTransylvania, harvest customs in, i. 221, 276, 278, 280, 285, 295;\n  customs at sowing in, ii. 274 _sq._\n\nTravancore, i. 8;\n  custom at executions in, ii. 272\n\nTreasury Islanders, i. 313\n\nTrees in relation to Dionysus, i. 3 _sq._;\n  spirits of the dead in, ii. 124\n\nTriptolemus, i. 37, 38, ii. 19;\n  agent of Demeter, i. 54, 72 _sq._;\n  sacrifices to, 56;\n  his Threshing-floor at Eleusis, 61, 72, 75;\n  in Greek art, 68 _n._ 1;\n  sows seed in Rarian plain, 70;\n  the corn-hero, 72 _sq._\n\nTristram, H. B., ii. 31 _sq._\n\nTroezenians, the, ii. 133\n\nTrumpets in rites of Dionysus, i. 15\n\nTschwi, the, of West Africa, ii. 98\n\nTsimshian Indians of British Columbia, ii. 254\n\nTucanos Indians, ii. 157\n\nTug of War, i. 103 _n._ 1, 110 _n._\n\nTupi Indians of Brazil, ii. 272\n\nTupinambas, the, i. 122\n\nTurmeric cultivated, i. 245, 250\n\nTurtles, killing the sacred, ii. 175 _sqq._;\n  transmigration of human souls into, 178 _sq._\n\nTusayan, an ancient province of Arizona, i. 312\n\nTwelfth Day, ii. 320, 321, 327, 329\n\nTwelve Gods, the, ii. 8\n\nTwin, ghost of a, ii. 98\n\n\u2014\u2014 girl charged with special duty, ii. 280\n\nTwo Goddesses, the, i. 56, 59, 73, 90\n\nTypes of animal sacrament, ii. 310 _sqq._\n\nTyphon, i. 262, 263, ii. 30, 31, 33, 34, 100\n\nTyrol, harvest customs in the, i. 163, 224, 273, 286\n\nTzentales of Mexico, ii. 241\n\nUaupes River, tribes of the, i. 121\n\nUganda, ii. 213\n\nUnderground Zeus, i. 45, 50\n\nUnleavened bread, ii. 137\n\nUsagara hills, German East Africa, i. 240\n\nVarro, on the rites of Eleusis, i. 88;\n  on killing oxen in Attica, ii. 6;\n  on sacrifice of goat, ii. 41\n\nVedijovis, i. 33\n\nVenison, Esquimau rules as to eating, ii. 84;\n  not eaten, 144;\n  not brought into hut by door, 242 _sq._;\n  reason for not eating, 286, 293\n\nVera Cruz, the tribes of, i. 310\n\nVermin propitiated by farmers, ii. 274 _sqq._;\n  images of, made as a protection against them, 280 _sq._\n\nVerres, C., i. 65\n\nVessels, new or specially reserved, to hold new fruits, ii. 50, 53, 65,\n            66, 72, 81, 83;\n  special, reserved for eating bear\u2019s flesh, 196, 198\n\nVestal virgins, ii. 42\n\nVicarious use of images, ii. 96 _sqq._\n\nVictim, human, taken in procession from door to door, i. 247\n\nVictims, human, treated as divine, i. 250;\n  assimilated to gods, 261 _sq._\n\nVictoria, aborigines of, i. 127\n\nVicu\u00f1a not eaten, ii. 140\n\nVillage tabooed, ii. 122\n\nVine in relation to Dionysus, i. 2\n\nVintage, first-fruits of, ii. 133;\n  inaugurated by priests, 133\n\n\u2014\u2014 in Greece, time of, i. 47\n\nVintagers and vine-diggers, i. 257 _sq._\n\nVirbius and the horse, ii. 40 _sqq._\n\nVirgil as an enchanter, ii. 281\n\nVirgins sacrificed, i. 237\n\nVitzilipuztli, a Mexican god, ii. 86, 87, 88\n\nViza in Thrace, i. 26\n\nVizyenos, G. M., i. 25 _n._ 4, 26\n\nVolos, the beard of, i. 233\n\nVomiting as a religious rite, ii. 73, 75\n\nVosges Mountains, harvest customs in the, i. 272, 279, 281\n\nVulture, transmigration of sinner into, ii. 299\n\nWa, the Wild, i. 241 _sqq._\n\nWabondei, the, ii. 142\n\nWadowe, the, i. 118\n\nWagogo, the, ii. 26, 142, 149, 276\n\nWahehe, the, ii. 26\n\nWaheia, the, ii. 26\n\nWajagga, the, of East Africa, ii. 276\n\n\u2014\u2014 warriors, ii. 143\n\n_Wakan_, ii. 180 _n._ 2\n\nWales, harvest customs in, i. 142 _sqq._\n\nWallace, A. R., quoted, i. 121 _sq._\n\nWamegi, the, of German East Africa, i. 240\n\nWanyamwezi, the, i. 118, ii. 227\n\nWar dance, ii. 79\n\nWashing as a ceremonial purification, ii. 27 _sq._, 71, 84, 85\n\nWataturu, the, ii. 84\n\nWeasels, superstition of farmers as to, ii. 275\n\nWeevils, spared by Esthonian peasants, ii. 274\n\nWeihaiwei, ii. 11\n\nWelsh, Miss, i. 155 _n._ 1\n\nWemba, the, ii. 158\n\nWends, harvest customs among the, i. 138, 149, 276\n\nWermland, harvest customs in, i. 230, ii. 48\n\nWestphalia, harvest customs in, i. 135 _sq._, 138, 277 _sq._, 296, 297\n\nWetar, island, ii. 25\n\nWhales, ceremonies observed after the slaughter of, ii. 232 _sqq._\n\nWheat-bride, i. 162, 163\n\n\u2014\u2014 -cock, i. 276\n\nWheat-cow, i. 289\n\n\u2014\u2014 -dog, i. 272\n\n\u2014\u2014 -mallet at threshing, i. 148\n\n\u2014\u2014 -man, i. 223\n\n\u2014\u2014 -mother, i. 135\n\n\u2014\u2014 -sow, i. 298\n\n\u2014\u2014 -wolf, i. 273, 274\n\nWhetham, W. C. D., ii. 305 _n._ 2\n\nWhite Maize, Goddess of the, i. 261\n\n\u2014\u2014 ram, ii. 313\n\nWhittlesey in Cambridgeshire, the Straw-bear at, ii. 328 _sq._\n\nWhydah, snakes sacred at, ii. 287\n\nWidows and widowers, disability of, ii. 253 _sq._\n\nWiedemann, Prof. A., ii. 35 _n._ 4\n\nWild animals propitiated by hunters, ii. 204 _sqq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 fig trees, sacred, ii. 113\n\n\u2014\u2014 fruits and roots, ceremonies at gathering the first of the season, ii.\n            80 _sqq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 seeds and roots collected by women, i. 124 _sqq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 Wa, the, i. 241 _sqq._\n\nWilkinson, R. J., i. 181 _sq._\n\nWinamwanga, the, ii. 112\n\nWine, new, offered to Liber, ii. 133\n\nWinnowing done by women, i. 117, 128\n\n\u2014\u2014 -basket, image of snake in, ii. 316\n\n\u2014\u2014 -fan, an emblem of Dionysus, i. 5 _sqq._;\n  as cradle, 6 _sqq._;\n  used to scatter ashes of human victims, 260, 262\n\nWinter, name given to man who cuts the last sheaf, i. 142;\n  name of harvest-supper, 160\n\n\u2014\u2014 festival of Dionysus, i. 16 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 solstice, ii. 325;\n  festival of, 90\n\nWitch, burning the Old, i. 224\n\nWitchcraft, protection against, i. 156, ii. 324\n\nWolf, corn-spirit as, i. 271 _sqq._, ii. 327;\n  stuffed, carried about, i. 275;\n  ceremonies at killing a, ii. 220 _sq._, 223.\n  _See also_ Wolves\n\nWolf\u2019s heart eaten, ii. 146\n\n\u2014\u2014 skin, man clad in, i. 275\n\nWolfish Apollo, ii. 283 _sq._\n\nWollaroi, the, of New South Wales, ii. 163\n\nWolves, sacrifices offered to, ii. 284;\n  transmigration of sinners into, 308\n\nWoman\u2019s part in primitive agriculture, i. 113 _sqq._\n\nWomen, influence of corn-spirit on, i. 168;\n  who have died in childbed, attempts to deceive their ghosts, ii. 97\n              _sq._;\n  thought to have no soul, ii. 148\n\n\u2014\u2014 milk cows, i. 118\n\n\u2014\u2014 swear by the Pleiades, i. 311\n\nWomen\u2019s race at harvest, i. 76 _sq._\n\nWood-spirits in goat form, ii. 2 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 woman, i. 232\n\nWoodford, C. M., ii. 126\n\nWords, special, used by reapers, i. 193\n\nWorm, transmigration of sinner into, ii. 299\n\nWorms, souls of dead in, ii. 289\n\nWorship of cattle, ii. 35 _sqq._;\n  of animals, two forms of the, 311;\n  of snake, 316 _sq._\n\nWorshipful animal killed once a year, ii. 322\n\n_Wrach_ (Hag), name given to last corn cut in Wales, i. 142 _sqq._\n\nWreath of corn, i. 134\n\nWren, hunting the, ii. 317 _sqq._;\n  called the king of birds, 317;\n  superstitions as to the, 317 _sq._, 319\n\nWrestling, i. 98, ii. 131\n\nW\u00fcrtemburg, harvest customs in, i. 286, 287\n\nXanthicus, a Macedonian month, i. 259 _n._ 1\n\nXenophon, on Triptolemus, i. 54\n\nXochiquetzal, a Mexican goddess, i. 237\n\nYabim, the, of German New Guinea, i. 104 _sqq._, 228, ii. 275, 295\n\nYams, charm for growth of, i. 100, 101;\n  cultivated in Africa, 119;\n  cultivated in New Britain, 123;\n  cultivated in South America, 120, 121;\n  dug by Australian aborigines, 126 _sq._;\n  ceremonies at eating the new, ii. 53, 58 _sqq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 festival of the new, ii. 115;\n  in Tonga, 128 _sqq._\n\nYang-Seri, prayers to, ii. 33\n\nYaos, the, ii. 111 _sq._\n\nYear, beginning of, marked by appearance of Pleiades, i. 309, 310, 312,\n            313, 314, 315;\n  divided into thirteen moons, ii. 77\n\nYellow Demeter, i. 41 _sq._\n\nYezo or Yesso, ii. 180, 185\n\nYombe, the, ii. 112\n\nYorkshire, harvest customs in, i. 151 _sq._, 224\n\nYoruba negroes, ii. 149\n\nYoungest person cuts the last corn, i. 158, 161\n\nYuchi Indians, ii. 75, 311 _n._ 1\n\nYule Boar, i. 300 _sqq._, ii. 43, 328\n\n\u2014\u2014 Goat, the, ii. 327 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 ram, the, ii. 328\n\n\u2014\u2014 straw, i. 301 _sq._\n\nYuracares Indians of Bolivia, ii. 235, 257\n\nZabern in Alsace, harvest custom at, i. 297\n\nZagreus, i. 12\n\nZambesi, tribes of the Upper, ii. 141\n\n\u2014\u2014 region, Caffres of the, ii. 289\n\nZanzibar, custom at sowing in, i. 233\n\nZaparo Indians, the, ii. 139\n\nZapotecs of Mexico, their harvest customs, i. 174 _sq._\n\nZeus, his intrigue with Persephone, i. 12;\n  father of Dionysus by Demeter, 12, 14, 66;\n  his intrigue with Demeter, 66;\n  surnamed Underground, 45, 50\n\n\u2014\u2014 and Demeter, ii. 9; marriage of, i. 65 _sqq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 and Hercules, ii. 172\n\n\u2014\u2014, Laphystian, i. 25\n\n\u2014\u2014 Polieus, ii. 5, 7\n\n\u2014\u2014 Sosipolis, ii. 7\n\n\u2014\u2014, Subterranean, i. 66, ii. 9\n\n\u2014\u2014 the Fly-catcher, ii. 282\n\nZulu king, dance of the, ii. 66\n\nZulus, the, ii. 32, 142, 143;\n  women\u2019s part in agriculture among the, i. 113 _sq._;\n  their festival of first-fruits, ii. 67;\n  their inoculation, 160 _sq._\n\nZuni Indians, their custom of killing sacred turtles, ii. 175 _sqq._\n\nZurich, harvest customs in the canton of, i. 291, 297\n\n\n\n\n\n\nFOOTNOTES\n\n\n   M1 Ancient deities of vegetation as animals.\n   M2 Dionysus as a goat: his association with the Pans, Satyrs, and\n      Silenuses, who have been interpreted as semi-goat-shaped deities of\n      the woods.\n\n    1 See above, vol. i. pp. 16 _sqq._\n\n    2 Herodotus, ii. 46; L. Preller, _Griechische Mythologie_,4 i.\n      (Berlin, 1894), pp. 745 _sq._; K. Wernicke, in W. H. Roscher\u2019s\n      _Lexikon der griech. und r\u00f6m. Mythologie_, iii. 1407 _sqq._\n\n    3 L. Preller, _Griechische Mythologie_,3 i. 600; W. Mannhardt, _Antike\n      Wald- und Feldkulte_, p. 138.\n\n    4 W. Mannhardt, _op. cit._ p. 139.\n\n    5 Julius Pollux, iv. 118.\n\n    6 W. Mannhardt, _op. cit._ pp. 142 _sq._\n\n    7 Ovid, _Fasti_, ii. 361, iii. 312, v. 101; _id._, _Heroides_, iv. 49.\n\n    8 Macrobius, _Sat._ i. 22. 3.\n\n    9 Homer, _Hymn to Aphrodite_, 262 _sqq._\n\n   10 Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ xii. 3; Ovid, _Metam._ vi. 392; _id._, _Fasti_,\n      iii. 303, 309; Gloss. Isid. Mart. Cap. ii. 167, cited by W.\n      Mannhardt, _Antike Wald- und Feldkulte_, p. 113.\n\n   11 Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ xii. 3; Martianus Capella, ii. 167; Augustine,\n      _De civitate Dei_, xv. 23; Aurelius Victor, _Origo gentis Romanae_,\n      iv. 6.\n\n   12 Servius on Virgil, _Ecl._ vi. 14; Ovid, _Metam._ vi. 392 _sq._;\n      Martianus Capella, ii. 167.\n\n   13 W. Mannhardt, _Baumkultus_, pp. 138 _sq._; _id._, _Antike Wald- und\n      Feldkulte_, p. 145.\n\n   14 Servius on Virgil, _Georg._ i. 10.\n\n   15 Above, vol. i. pp. 281 _sqq._\n\n_   16 Antike Wald- und Feldkulte_, ch. iii. pp. 113-211. In the text I\n      have allowed my former exposition of Mannhardt\u2019s theory as to\n      ancient semi-goat-shaped spirits of vegetation to stand as before,\n      but I have done so with hesitation, because the evidence adduced in\n      its favour appears to me insufficient to permit us to speak with any\n      confidence on the subject. Pan may have been, as W. H. Roscher and\n      L. R. Farnell think, nothing more than a herdsman\u2019s god, the\n      semi-human, semi-bestial representative of goats in particular. See\n      W. H. Roscher\u2019s _Lexikon der griech. und r\u00f6m. Mythologie_, iii. 1405\n      _sq._; L. R. Farnell, _The Cults of the Greek States_, v. (Oxford,\n      1909) pp. 431 _sqq._ And the Satyrs and Silenuses seem to have more\n      affinity with horses than with goats. See W. H. Roscher\u2019s _Lexikon\n      der griech. und r\u00f6m. Mythologie_, iv. 444 _sqq._\n\n   17 Above, vol. i. pp. 231 _sqq._\n\n   M3 Wood-spirits in the form of goats.\n\n   18 Above, vol. i. pp. 17 _sq._\n\n   M4 The bull as an embodiment of Dionysus seems to be another expression\n      of his character as a god of vegetation.\n\n   19 Above, vol. i. pp. 16 _sq._\n\n   20 Above, vol. i. pp. 288 _sqq._\n\n   21 A. Lang, _Myth, Ritual, and Religion_,2 ii. 252.\n\n   22 Compare _Totemism and Exogamy_, iv. 12 _sqq._\n\n   M5 The _bouphonia_, an Athenian sacrifice of an ox to Zeus Polieus.\n\n   23 Pausanias, i. 24. 4; _id._, i. 28. 10; Porphyry, _De abstinentia_,\n      ii. 29 _sq._; Aelian, _Var. Hist._ viii. 3; Scholia on Aristophanes,\n      _Peace_, 419, and _Clouds_, 985; Hesychius, Suidas, and\n      _Etymologicum Magnum_, _s.v._ \u03b2\u03bf\u03cd\u03c6\u03bf\u03bd\u03b9\u03b1; Suidas, _s.v._ \u0398\u03b1\u03cd\u03bb\u03c9\u03bd; Im.\n      Bekker\u2019s _Anecdota Graeca_ (Berlin, 1814-1821), p. 238, _s.v._\n      \u0394\u03c5\u03c0\u03cc\u03bb\u03b9\u03b1. The date of the sacrifice (14th Skirophorion) is given by\n      the Scholiast on Aristophanes and the _Etymologicum Magnum_; and\n      this date corresponds, according to W. Mannhardt (_Mythologische\n      Forschungen_, p. 68), with the close of the threshing in Attica. No\n      writer mentions the trial of both the axe and the knife. Pausanias\n      speaks of the trial of the axe, Porphyry and Aelian of the trial of\n      the knife. But from Porphyry\u2019s description it is clear that the\n      slaughter was carried out by two men, one wielding an axe and the\n      other a knife, and that the former laid the blame on the latter.\n      Perhaps the knife alone was condemned. That the King (as to whom see\n      _The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, i. 44 _sq._) presided at\n      the trial of all lifeless objects, is mentioned by Aristotle\n      (_Constitution of Athens_, 57) and Julius Pollux (viii. 90, compare\n      viii. 120).\n\n   M6 The ox sacrificed at the _bouphonia_ appears to have embodied the\n      corn-spirit.\n\n   24 The real import of the name _bouphonia_ was first perceived by W.\n      Robertson Smith. See his _Religion of the Semites_,2 pp. 304 _sqq._\n      In Cos also an ox specially chosen was sacrificed to Zeus Polieus.\n      See Dittenberger, _Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum_,2 No. 616; Ch.\n      Michel, _Recueil d\u2019Inscriptions Grecques_, No. 716; H. Collitz und\n      F. Bechtel, _Sammlung der griechischen Dialekt-Inschriften_, iii.\n      pp. 357 _sqq._, No. 3636; J. de Prott et L. Ziehen, _Leges Graecorum\n      Sacrae e Titulis collectae_, Fasciculus i. (Leipsic, 1896) pp. 19\n      _sqq._, No. 5; M. P. Nilsson, _Griechische Feste_ (Leipsic, 1906),\n      pp. 17-21. A month Bouphonion, corresponding to the Attic Boedromion\n      (September), occurred in the calendars of Delos and Tenos. See E.\n      Bischoff, \u201cDe fastis Graecorum antiquioribus,\u201d in _Leipziger Studien\n      f\u00fcr classische Philologie_, vii. (Leipsic, 1884) p. 414.\n\n   25 Varro, _De re rustica_, ii. 5. 4. Compare Columella, _De re\n      rustica_, vi. praef. \u00a7 7. Perhaps, however, Varro\u2019s statement may be\n      merely an inference drawn from the ritual of the _bouphonia_ and the\n      legend told to explain it.\n\n   26 W. Mannhardt, _Baumkultus_, p. 409.\n\n   27 See _The Dying God_, p. 208.\n\n   M7 Sacrifice of an ox to Zeus Sosipolis at Magnesia on the Maeander.\n      The bull so sacrificed seems to have been regarded as an embodiment\n      of the corn-spirit.\n\n   28 Dittenberger, _Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum_2 (Leipsic,\n      1898-1901), vol. ii. pp. 246-248, No. 553. As to the identification\n      of the Magnesian month Artemision with the Attic month Thargelion\n      (May), see Dittenberger, _op. cit._ ii. p. 242, No. 552 note 4. It\n      is interesting to observe that at Magnesia the sowing took place in\n      Cronion, the month of Cronus, a god whom the ancients regularly\n      identified with Saturn, the Italian god of sowing. In Samos,\n      Perinthus, and Patmos, however, the month Cronion seems to have been\n      equivalent to the Attic Scirophorion, a month corresponding to June\n      or July, which could never have been a season of sowing in the hot\n      rainless summers of Greece. See E. Bischoff, \u201cDe fastis Graecarum\n      antiquioribus,\u201d in _Leipziger Studien f\u00fcr classische Philologie_,\n      vii. (1884) p. 400; Dittenberger, _Sylloge Inscriptionum\n      Graecarum_,2 No. 645 note 14, vol. ii. p. 449.\n\n   29 In thus interpreting the sacrifice of the bull at Magnesia I follow\n      the excellent exposition of Professor M. P. Nilsson, _Griechische\n      Feste_ (Leipsic, 1906), pp. 23-27.\n\n   M8 The Greek conception of the corn-spirit as both male and female.\n\n   30 See above, vol. i. pp. 36 _sq._, 65 _sqq._\n\n   M9 The ox as a representative of the corn-spirit at Great Bassam in\n      Guinea.\n\n   31 H. Hecquard, _Reise an die K\u00fcste und in das Innere von West-Afrika_\n      (Leipsic, 1854), pp. 41-43.\n\n   32 See above, vol. i. p. 248.\n\n   33 Above, vol. i. pp. 268, 272.\n\n   34 Franz Cumont, _Textes et Monuments figur\u00e9s relatifs aux Myst\u00e8res de\n      Mithra_ (Brussels, 1896-1899), ii. figures 18, 19, 20, 59 (p. 228,\n      corn-stalks issuing from wound), 67, 70, 78, 87, 105, 143, 168, 215,\n      also plates v. and vi.\n\n  M10 The ox as a personification of the corn-spirit in China.\n\n_   35 China Review_, i. (July 1872 to June 1873, Hongkong), pp. 62, 154,\n      162, 203 _sq._; Rev. J. Doolittle, _Social Life of the Chinese_, ed.\n      Paxton Hood (London, 1868), pp. 375 _sq._; Rev. J. H. Gray, _China_\n      (London, 1878), ii. 115 _sq._\n\n_   36 Ostasiatischer Lloyd_, March 14, 1890, quoted by J. D. E. Schmeltz,\n      \u201cDas Pflugfest in China,\u201d _Internationales Archiv f\u00fcr Ethnographie_,\n      xi. (1898) p. 79. With this account the one given by S. W. Williams\n      (_The Middle Kingdom_, New York and London, 1848, ii. 109)\n      substantially agrees. In many districts, according to the\n      _Ostasiatischer Lloyd_, the Genius of Spring is represented at this\n      festival by a boy of blameless character, clad in green. As to the\n      custom of going with one foot bare and the other shod, see _Taboo\n      and the Perils of the Soul_, pp. 311-313.\n\n   37 R. F. Johnston, _Lion and Dragon in Northern China_ (London, 1910),\n      pp. 180-182.\n\n   38 Ed. Chavannes, _Le T\u2019ai Chan, Essai de Monographie d\u2019un Culte\n      Chinois_ (Paris, 1910), p. 500 (_Annales du Mus\u00e9e Guimet,\n      Biblioth\u00e8que d\u2019\u00c9tudes_, vol. xxi.).\n\n   39 See _The Dying God_, pp. 240 _sq._, 250.\n\n  M11 The ox as a personification of the corn-spirit in Kashgar and Annam.\n\n   40 J. L. Dutreuil de Rhins, _Mission Scientifique dans la Haute Asie,\n      1890-1895_, i. (Paris, 1897) pp. 95 _sq._ After describing the\n      ceremony as he witnessed it at Kashgar, the writer adds: \u201cProbably\n      the ox was at first a living animal which they sacrificed and\n      distributed the flesh to the bystanders. At the present day the\n      official who acts as pontiff has a number of small pasteboard oxen\n      made, which he sends to the notables in order that they may\n      participate intimately in the sacrifice, which is more than\n      symbolical. The reason for carrying the ox a long distance is that\n      as much as possible of the territory may be sanctified by the\n      passage of the sacred animal, and that as many people as possible\n      may share in the sacrifice, at least with their eyes and good\n      wishes. The procession, which begins very early in the morning,\n      moves eastward, that is, toward the quarter where, the winter being\n      now over, the first sun of spring may be expected to appear, whose\n      divinity the ceremony is intended to render propitious. It is\n      needless to insist on the analogy between this Chinese festival and\n      our Carnival, at which, about the same season, a fat ox is led\n      about. Both festivals have their origin in the same conceptions of\n      ancient natural religion.\u201d\n\n   41 Colonel E. Diguet, _Les Annamites, Soci\u00e9t\u00e9, Coutumes, Religions_\n      (Paris, 1906), pp. 250-253.\n\n   42 See above, vol. i. pp. 41 _sq._, and below, pp. 21 _sq._\n\n  M12 Annual inauguration of ploughing by the Chinese emperor.\n\n   43 Du Halde, _The General History of China_, Third Edition (London,\n      1741), ii. 120-122; Huc, _L\u2019Empire Chinois_5 (Paris, 1879), ii.\n      338-343; Rev. J. H. Gray, _China_ (London, 1878), ii. 116-118.\n      Compare _The Sacred Books of China_, translated by James Legge, Part\n      iii., _The L\u00ee K\u00ee_ (_Sacred Books of the East_, vol. xxvii., Oxford,\n      1885), pp. 254 _sq._: \u201cIn this month [the first month of spring] the\n      son of Heaven on the first day prays to God for a good year; and\n      afterwards, the day of the first conjunction of the sun and moon\n      having been chosen, with the handle and share of the plough in the\n      carriage, placed between the man-at-arms who is its third occupant\n      and the driver, he conducts his three ducal ministers, his nine high\n      ministers, the feudal princes and his Great officers, all with their\n      own hands to plough the field of God. The son of Heaven turns up\n      three furrows, each of the ducal ministers five, and the other\n      ministers and feudal princes nine. When they return, he takes in his\n      hand a cup in the great chamber, all the others being in attendance\n      on him and the Great officers, and says, \u2018Drink this cup of comfort\n      after your toil.\u2019 In this month the vapours of heaven descend and\n      those of the earth ascend. Heaven and earth are in harmonious\n      co-operation. All plants bud and grow.\u201d Here the selection of a day\n      in spring when sun and moon are in conjunction is significant. Such\n      conjunctions are regarded as marriages of the great luminaries and\n      therefore as the proper seasons for the celebration of rites\n      designed to promote fertility. See _The Dying God_, p. 73.\n\n  M13 Analogy of the Chinese custom to the agricultural rites at Eleusis\n      and elsewhere.\n\n   44 See above, pp. 74, 108.\n\n   45 See above, p. 93.\n\n   46 See above, pp. 94, 109; _The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_,\n      ii. 105 _sqq._\n\n  M14 The rending of live animals in the rites of Dionysus.\n\n   47 As to the European customs, see above, p. 12.\n\n  M15 Association of the pig with Demeter. Pigs in the ritual of the\n      Thesmophoria. The sacred serpent at Lanuvium.\n\n   48 See above, vol. i. pp. 298 _sqq._\n\n   49 Scholiast on Aristophanes, _Acharn._ 747.\n\n   50 J. Overbeck, _Griechische Kunstmythologie_, Besonderer Theil, ii.\n      (Leipsic, 1873-1878), p. 493; M\u00fcller-Wieseler, _Denkm\u00e4ler der alten\n      Kunst_, ii. pl. viii. 94.\n\n   51 Hyginus, _Fab._ 277; Cornutus, _Theologiae Graecae Compendium_, 28;\n      Macrobius, _Saturn._ i. 12. 23; Scholiast on Aristophanes, _Acharn._\n      747; _id._, on _Frogs_, 338; _id._, on _Peace_, 374; Servius on\n      Virgil, _Georg._ ii. 380; Aelian, _Nat. Anim._ x. 16.\n\n   52 See above, vol. i. pp. 22 _sq._\n\n   53 As to the Thesmophoria see my article \u201cThesmophoria\u201d in the\n      _Encyclopaedia Britannica_, Ninth Edition, vol. xxiii, 295 _sqq._;\n      August Mommsen, _Feste der Stadt Athen im Altertum_ (Leipsic, 1898),\n      pp. 308 _sqq._; Miss J. E. Harisson, _Prolegomena to the Study of\n      Greek Religion_2 (Cambridge, 1908), pp. 120 _sqq._; M. P. Nilsson,\n      _Griechische Feste_ (Leipsic, 1906), pp. 313 _sqq._; L. R. Farnell,\n      _The Cults of the Greek States_, iii. (Oxford, 1907) pp. 75 _sqq._\n      At Thebes and in Delos the Thesmophoria was held in summer, in the\n      month of Metageitnion (August). See Xenophon, _Hellenica_, v. 2. 29;\n      M. P. Nilsson _Griechische Feste_, pp. 316 _sq._\n\n   54 Photius, _Lexicon_, _s.v._ \u03c3\u03c4\u03ae\u03bd\u03b9\u03b1, speaks of the ascent of _Demeter_\n      from the lower world; and Clement of Alexandria speaks of both\n      Demeter and Persephone as having been engulfed in the chasm\n      (_Protrept._ ii. 17). The original equivalence of Demeter and\n      Persephone must be borne steadily in mind.\n\n   55 Plutarch, _Isis et Osiris_, 69; Photius, _Lexicon_, _s.v._ \u03c3\u03c4\u03ae\u03bd\u03b9\u03b1.\n\n   56 E. Rohde, \u201cUnedirte Lucians-scholien, die attischen Thesmophorien\n      und Haloen betreffend,\u201d _Rheinisches Museum_, N.F., xxv. (1870) p.\n      548; _Scholia in Lucianum_, ed. H. Rabe (Leipsic, 1906), pp. 275\n      _sq._ Two passages of classical writers (Clement of Alexandria,\n      _Protrept._ ii. 17, and Pausanias, ix. 8. 1) refer to the rites\n      described by the scholiast on Lucian, and had been rightly\n      interpreted by Chr. A. Lobeck (_Aglaophamus_, pp. 827 _sqq._) before\n      the discovery of the scholia.\n\n   57 The scholiast speaks of them as _megara_ and _adyta_. The name\n      _megara_ is thought to be derived from a Phoenician word meaning\n      \u201ccavern,\u201d \u201csubterranean chasm,\u201d the Hebrew \u05de\u05e2\u05da\u05d4. See F. C. Moyers,\n      _Die Phoenizier_ (Bonn, 1841), i. 220. In Greek usage the _megara_\n      were properly subterranean vaults or chasms sacred to the gods. See\n      Hesychius, quoted by Movers, _l.c._ (the passage does not appear in\n      M. Schmidt\u2019s minor edition of Hesychius); Porphyry, _De antro\n      nympharum_, 6; and my note on Pausanias, ii. 2. 1.\n\n   58 We infer this from Pausanias, ix. 8. 1, though the passage is\n      incomplete and apparently corrupt. For \u1f10\u03bd \u0394\u03c9\u03b4\u03ce\u03bd\u1fc3 Lobeck\n      (_Aglaophamus_, pp. 829 _sq._) proposed to read \u1f00\u03bd\u03b1\u03b4\u1fe6\u03bd\u03b1\u03b9 or\n      \u1f00\u03bd\u03b1\u03b4\u03bf\u03b8\u1fc6\u03b1\u03b9. At the spring and autumn festivals of Isis at Tithorea\n      geese and goats were thrown into the _adyton_ and left there till\n      the following festival, when the remains were removed and buried at\n      a certain spot a little way from the temple. See Pausanias, x. 32.\n      14. This analogy supports the view that the pigs thrown into the\n      caverns at the Thesmophoria were left there till the next festival.\n\n   59 Aelian, _De natura animalium_, xi. 16; Propertius, v. 8. 3-14. The\n      feeding of the serpent is represented on a Roman coin of about 64\n      B.C.; on the obverse of the coin appears the head of Juno Caprotina.\n      See E. Babelon, _Monnaies de la R\u00e9publique Romaine_ (Paris, 1886),\n      ii. 402. A common type of Greek art represents a woman feeding a\n      serpent out of a saucer. See _Adonis, Attis, Osiris_, Second\n      Edition, p. 75.\n\n  M16 Legend told to explain the ritual of the Thesmophoria.\n\n_   60 Scholia in Lucianum_, ed. H. Rabe, pp. 275 _sq._\n\n   61 Ovid, _Fasti_, iv. 461-466, upon which Gierig remarks, \u201c_Sues melius\n      poeta omisisset in hac narratione_.\u201d Such is the wisdom of the\n      commentator.\n\n   62 Pausanias, i. 14. 3.\n\n   63 Scholiast on Aristophanes, _Frogs_, 338.\n\n  M17 Analogy of the Thesmophoria to the folk-customs of Northern Europe.\n\n   64 Above, vol. i. p. 285.\n\n   65 Above, vol. i. p. 290.\n\n   66 Above, vol. i. p. 278.\n\n   67 Above, vol. i. p. 300.\n\n   68 Above, vol. i. pp. 300 _sq._\n\n   69 In Clement of Alexandria, _Protrept._ ii. 17, for \u03bc\u03b5\u03b3\u03b1\u03c1\u03af\u03b6\u03bf\u03bd\u03c4\u03b5\u03c2\n      \u03c7\u03bf\u03af\u03c1\u03bf\u03c5\u03c2 \u1f10\u03ba\u03b2\u03ac\u03bb\u03bb\u03bf\u03c5\u03c3\u03b9 Lobeck (_Aglaophamus_, p. 831) would read\n      \u03bc\u03b5\u03b3\u03ac\u03c1\u03bf\u03b9\u03c2 \u03b6\u1ff6\u03bd\u03c4\u03b1\u03c2 \u03c7\u03bf\u03af\u03c1\u03bf\u03c5\u03c2 \u1f10\u03bc\u03b2\u03ac\u03bb\u03bb\u03bf\u03c5\u03c3\u03b9. For his emendation of Pausanias,\n      see above, p. 18 note 1.\n\n   70 It is worth nothing that in Crete, which was an ancient seat of\n      Demeter worship (see above, vol. i. p. 131), the pig was esteemed\n      very sacred and was not eaten (Athenaeus, ix. 18, pp. 375 F-376 A).\n      This would not exclude the possibility of its being eaten\n      sacramentally, as at the Thesmophoria.\n\n  M18 The horse-headed Demeter of Phigalia.\n\n   71 Pausanias, viii. 42.\n\n   72 Above, vol. i. pp. 292 _sqq._\n\n   73 Pausanias, viii. 25 and 42. At the sanctuary of the Mistress (that\n      is, of Persephone) in Arcadia many terracotta statuettes have been\n      found which represent draped women with the heads of cows or sheep.\n      They are probably votive images of Demeter or Persephone, for the\n      ritual of the sanctuary prescribed the offering of images\n      (Dittenberger, _Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum_,2 No. 939, vol. ii.\n      pp. 803 _sq._). See P. Perdrizet, \u201cTerres-cuites de Lycosoura, et\n      mythologie arcadienne,\u201d _Bulletin de Correspondance Hell\u00e9nique_,\n      xxiii. (1899) p. 635; M. P. Nilsson, _Griechische Feste_ (Leipsic,\n      1906), pp. 347 _sq._ On the Phigalian Demeter, see W. Mannhardt,\n      _Mythologische Forschungen_, pp. 244 _sqq._ I well remember how on a\n      summer afternoon I sat at the mouth of the shallow cave, watching\n      the play of sunshine on the lofty wooded sides of the ravine and\n      listening to the murmur of the stream.\n\n  M19 Attis and the pig.\n\n   74 See _Adonis, Attis, Osiris_, Second Edition, p. 221. On the position\n      of the pig in ancient Oriental and particularly Semitic religion,\n      see F. C. Movers, _Die Phoenizier_, i. (Bonn, 1841), pp. 218 _sqq._\n\n_   75 Adonis, Attis, Osiris_, Second Edition, p. 220.\n\n   76 Demosthenes, _De corona_, p. 313.\n\n   77 The suggestion was made to me in conversation by my lamented friend,\n      the late R. A. Neil of Pembroke College, Cambridge.\n\n  M20 Adonis and the boar. Ambiguous position of pigs at Hierapolis.\n\n   78 See _Adonis, Attis, Osiris_, Second Edition, p. 8; and to the\n      authorities there cited add Athenaeus, ii. 80, p. 69 B; Cornutus,\n      _Theologiae Graecae Compendium_, 28; Plutarch, _Quaest. Conviv._ iv.\n      5. 3, \u00a7 8; Aristides, _Apologia_, II, p. 107, ed. J. Rendel Harris\n      (Cambridge, 1891); Joannes Lydus, _De mensibus_, iv. 44; Propertius,\n      iii. 4 (5). 53 _sq._, ed. F. A. Paley; Lactantius, _Divin. Instit._\n      i. 17; Augustine, _De civitate Dei_, vi. 7; Firmicus Maternus, _De\n      errore profanarum religionum_, 9; Macrobius, _Saturnal._ i. 21. 4.\n      See further W. W. Graf Baudissin, _Adonis und Esmun_ (Leipsic,\n      1911), pp. 142 _sqq._\n\n   79 See _Adonis, Attis, Osiris_, Second Edition, p. 186.\n\n   80 W. Cureton, _Spicilegium Syriacum_ (London, 1855), p. 44.\n\n   81 Lucian, _De dea Syria_, 54.\n\n   82 The heathen Harranians sacrificed swine once a year and ate the\n      flesh (En-Ned\u00eem, in D. Chwolsohn\u2019s _Die Ssabier und der Ssabismus_,\n      St. Petersburg, 1856, ii. 42). My friend W. Robertson Smith\n      conjectured that the wild boars annually sacrificed in Cyprus on 2nd\n      April (Joannes Lydus, _De mensibus_, iv. 45) represented Adonis\n      himself. See his _Religion of the Semites_,2 pp. 290 _sq._, 411.\n\n  M21 Attitude of the Jews to the pig.\n\n   83 Plutarch, _Quaest. Conviv._ iv. 5.\n\n   84 Isaiah lxv. 3, lxvi. 3, 17. Compare R. H. Kennett, _The Composition\n      of the Book of Isaiah in the Light of History and Archaeology_\n      (London, 1910) p. 61, who suggests that the eating of the mouse as a\n      sacrament may have been derived from the Greek worship of the Mouse\n      Apollo (Apollo Smintheus). As to the Mouse Apollo see below, pp. 282\n      _sq._\n\n  M22 Attitude of the ancient Egyptians to the pig. Annual sacrifice of\n      pigs to Osiris and the moon.\n\n   85 Herodotus, ii. 47; Plutarch, _Isis et Osiris_, 8; Aelian, _Nat.\n      Anim._ x. 16. Josephus merely says that the Egyptian priests\n      abstained from the flesh of swine (_Contra Apionem_, ii. 13).\n\n   86 Herodotus, _l.c._\n\n   87 Plutarch and Aelian, _ll.cc._\n\n   88 Herodotus, _l.c._ At Castabus in Chersonese there was a sacred\n      precinct of Hemithea, which no one might approach who had touched or\n      eaten of a pig (Diodorus Siculus, v. 62. 5).\n\n   89 Herodotus, ii. 47 _sq._; Aelian and Plutarch, _ll.cc._ Herodotus\n      distinguishes the sacrifice to the moon from that to Osiris.\n      According to him, at the sacrifice to the moon, the extremity of the\n      pig\u2019s tail, together with the spleen and the caul, was covered with\n      fat and burned; the rest of the flesh was eaten. On the evening (not\n      the eve, see H. Stein\u2019s note on the passage) of the festival the\n      sacrifice to Osiris took place. Each man slew a pig before his door,\n      then gave it to the swineherd, from whom he had bought it, to take\n      away.\n\n  M23 Belief that the eating of a sacred animal causes skin-disease,\n      especially leprosy.\n\n   90 J. G. F. Riedel, _De sluik- en kroesharige rassen tusschen Selebes\n      en Papua_ (The Hague, 1886), pp. 432, 452.\n\n   91 Rev. J. Owen Dorsey, \u201cOmaha Sociology,\u201d _Third Annual Report of the\n      Bureau of Ethnology_ (Washington, 1884), p. 225; Miss A. C. Fletcher\n      and F. la Flesche, \u201cThe Omaha Tribe,\u201d _Twenty-seventh Annual Report\n      of the Bureau of American Ethnology_ (Washington, 1911), p. 144.\n      According to the latter writers, any breach of a clan taboo among\n      the Omahas was supposed to be punished either by the breaking out of\n      sores or white spots on the body of the offender or by his hair\n      turning white.\n\n   92 Rev. J. Owen Dorsey, _op. cit._ p. 231.\n\n   93 J. Crevaux, _Voyages dans l\u2019Am\u00e9rique du Sud_ (Paris, 1883), p. 59.\n\n   94 Plutarch, _De superstitione_, 10; Porphyry, _De abstinentia_, iv.\n      15. As to the sanctity of fish among the Syrians, see also Ovid,\n      _Fasti_, ii. 473 _sq._; Diodorus Siculus, ii. 4.\n\n   95 R. Sutherland Rattray, _Some Folklore Stories and Songs in\n      Chinyanja_ (London, 1907), pp. 174 _sq._\n\n   96 Rev. H. Cole, \u201cNotes on the Wagogo of German East Africa,\u201d _Journal\n      of the Anthropological Institute_, xxxii. (1902) p. 307, compare p.\n      317.\n\n   97 E. Nigmann, _Die Wahehe_ (Berlin, 1908), p. 42.\n\n   98 J. Kohler, \u201cDas Banturecht in Ostafrika,\u201d _Zeitschrift f\u00fcr\n      vergleichende Rechtswissenschaft_, xv. (1902) pp. 2, 3.\n\n   99 C. W. Hobley, \u201cAnthropological Studies in Kavirondo and Nandi,\u201d\n      _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xxxiii. (1903) p. 347.\n\n_  100 Central Provinces, Ethnographic Survey_, II. _Draft Articles on\n      Uriya Castes_ (Allahabad, 1907), p. 16.\n\n  101 C. Creighton, _s.v._ \u201cLeprosy,\u201d _Encyclopaedia Biblica_, iii. col.\n      2766.\n\n  102 2 Kings v. 27; 2 Chronicles xxvi. 16-21.\n\n  M24 Mere contact with a sacred object is deemed dangerous and calls for\n      purification as a sort of disinfectant.\n\n  103 Leviticus xvi. 23 _sq._\n\n  104 Porphyry, _De abstinentia_, ii. 44. For this and the Jewish examples\n      I am indebted to my friend W. Robertson Smith. Compare his _Religion\n      of the Semites_,2 pp. 351, 426, 450 _sq._\n\n_  105 Central Provinces, Ethnographic Survey_, VII. _Draft Articles on\n      Forest Tribes_ (Allahabad, 1911), p. 97.\n\n_  106 Central Provinces, Ethnographic Survey_, I. _Draft Articles on\n      Hindustani Castes_ (Allahabad, 1907), p. 32.\n\n  107 See _Taboo and the Perils of the Soul_, pp. 133 _sq._\n\n_  108 Op. cit._ pp. 134-136.\n\n  109 E. Casalis, _The Basutos_ (London, 1861), p. 211; D. Livingstone,\n      _Missionary Travels and Researches in South Africa_ (London, 1857),\n      p. 255; John Mackenzie, _Ten Years north of the Orange River_\n      (Edinburgh, 1871), p. 135 note. See further _Totemism and Exogamy_,\n      ii. 372.\n\n  110 J. Mackenzie, _l.c._\n\n  111 Rev. J. Owen Dorsey, \u201cOmaha Sociology,\u201d _Third Annual Report of the\n      Bureau of Ethnology_ (Washington, 1884), p. 225.\n\n_  112 Ibid._ p. 275.\n\n  113 G. Turner, _Samoa_ (London, 1884), p. 76.\n\n_  114 Ibid._ p. 70.\n\n  115 Captain C. Eckford Luard, in _Census of India, 1901_, vol. xix.\n      _Central India_, Part i. (Lucknow, 1902) pp. 299 _sq._; also _Census\n      of India, 1901_, vol. i. _Ethnographic Appendices_ (Calcutta, 1903),\n      p. 163.\n\n  M25 Thus the pig was probably at first a sacred animal with the\n      Egyptians, and may have been regarded as an embodiment of the\n      corn-god Osiris, though at a later time he was looked on as an\n      embodiment of Typhon, the enemy of Osiris. The havoc wrought by wild\n      boars in the corn is a reason for regarding them as foes of the\n      corn-god.\n\n  116 Diogenes Laertius, _Vitae Philosophorum_, viii. 8.\n\n  117 Aelian, _Nat. Anim._ x. 16. The story is repeated by Pliny, _Nat.\n      Hist._ xviii. 168.\n\n  118 E. Lef\u00e9bure, _Le Mythe Osirien_, Premi\u00e8re Partie, _Les yeux d\u2019Horus_\n      (Paris, 1874), p. 44; _The Book of the Dead_, English translation by\n      E. A. Wallis Budge (London, 1901), ii. 336 _sq._, chapter cxii.; E.\n      A. Wallis Budge, _The Gods of the Egyptians_ (London, 1904), i. 496\n      _sq._; _id._, _Osiris and the Egyptian Resurrection_ (London and New\n      York, 1911), i. 62 _sq._\n\n  119 Plutarch, _Isis et Osiris_, 8. E. Lef\u00e9bure (_op. cit._ p. 46)\n      recognises that in this story the boar is Typhon himself.\n\n  120 This important principle was first recognised by W. Robertson Smith.\n      See his article, \u201cSacrifice,\u201d _Encyclopaedia Britannica_, Ninth\n      Edition, xxi. 137 _sq._ Compare his _Religion of the Semites_,2 pp.\n      373, 410 _sq._\n\n  121 Plutarch, _Isis et Osiris_, 31.\n\n  M26 Evidence of the depredations committed by wild boars on the crops.\n\n  122 H. B. Tristram, _The Natural History of the Bible_, Ninth Edition\n      (London, 1898), pp. 54 _sq._\n\n  123 Rev. J. Shooter, _The Kafirs of Natal and the Zulu Country_ (London,\n      1857), pp. 18-20.\n\n  124 Miss A. Werner, _The Natives of British Central Africa_ (London,\n      1906), pp. 182 _sq._\n\n  125 E. Modigliano, _Un Viaggio a N\u00edas_ (Milan, 1890), pp. 524 _sq._,\n      601.\n\n  126 A. E. Jenks, _The Bontoc Igorot_, (Manilla, 1905), pp. 100, 102.\n\n  127 A. Bastian, \u201cBeitr\u00e4ge zur Kenntniss der Gebirgs-st\u00e4mme in Kambodia,\u201d\n      _Zeitschrift der Gesellschaft f\u00fcr Erdkunde zu Berlin_, i. (1866) p.\n      44.\n\n  128 G. Snouck Hurgronje, _Het Gaj\u014dland en zijne Bewoners_ (Batavia,\n      1903), p. 348.\n\n  129 Ch. Keysser, \u201cAus dem Leben der Kaileute,\u201d in R. Neuhauss, _Deutsch\n      Neu-Guinea_ (Berlin, 1911), p. 125.\n\n  M27 The ravages of wild boars among the crops help us to understand the\n      ambiguous attitude of the ancient Egyptians to swine.\n\n  130 E. Lef\u00e9bure, _Le Mythe Osirien_, Premi\u00e8re Partie, _Les yeux d\u2019Horus_\n      (Paris, 1874), pp. 48 _sq._\n\n  M28 Egyptian sacrifices of red oxen and red-haired men.\n\n  131 See above, pp. 260 _sq._; _Adonis, Attis, Osiris_, Second Edition,\n      pp. 331, 338.\n\n  132 Plutarch, _Isis et Osiris_, 33, 73; Diodorus Siculus, i. 88.\n\n  133 Plutarch, _Isis et Osiris_, 31; Diodorus Siculus, i. 88. Compare\n      Herodotus, ii. 38.\n\n  M29 Osiris identified with the sacred bulls Apis and Mnevis.\n      Stratification of three great types of religion or superstition in\n      ancient Egypt.\n\n  134 Plutarch, _Isis et Osiris_, 20, 29, 33, 43; Strabo, xvii. 1. 31;\n      Diodorus Siculus, i. 21, 85; Duncker, _Geschichte des Alterthums_,5\n      i. 55 _sqq._ On Apis and Mnevis, see also Herodotus, ii. 153, with\n      A. Wiedemann\u2019s comment, iii. 27 _sq._; Ammianus Marcellinus, xxii.\n      14. 7; Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ viii. 184 _sqq._; Solinus, xxxii. 17-21;\n      Cicero, _De natura deorum_, i. 29; Augustine, _De civitate Dei_,\n      xviii. 5; Aelian, _Nat. Anim._ xi. 10 _sq._; Plutarch, _Quaest.\n      Conviv._ viii. 1. 3; _id._, _Isis et Osiris_, 5, 35; Eusebius,\n      _Praeparatio Evangelii_, iii. 13. 1 _sq._; Pausanias, i. 18. 4, vii.\n      22. 3 _sq._; W. Dittenberger, _Orientis Graeci Inscriptiones\n      Selectae_ (Leipsic, 1903-1905), Nos. 56, 90 (vol. i. pp. 98, 106,\n      159). Both Apis and Mnevis were black bulls, but Apis had certain\n      white spots. See A. Wiedemann, _Die Religion der alten Aegypter_\n      (M\u00fcnster i. W., 1890), pp. 95, 99-101. When Apis died, pious people\n      used to put on mourning and to fast, drinking only water and eating\n      only vegetables, for seventy days till the burial. See A. Erman,\n      _Die \u00e4gyptische Religion_ (Berlin, 1905), pp. 170 _sq._\n\n  135 Diodorus Siculus, i. 21.\n\n  136 On the religious reverence of pastoral peoples for their cattle, and\n      the possible derivation of the Apis and Isis-Hathor worship from the\n      pastoral stage of society, see W. Robertson Smith, _Religion of the\n      Semites_,2 pp. 296 _sqq._\n\n  137 Herodotus, ii. 41.\n\n  138 Herodotus, ii. 41, with A. Wiedemann\u2019s commentary; Plutarch, _Isis\n      et Osiris_, 19; E. A. Wallis Budge, _Osiris and the Egyptian\n      Resurrection_ (London and New York, 1911), i. 8. In his commentary\n      on the passage of Herodotus Prof. Wiedemann observes (p. 188) that\n      \u201cthe Egyptian name of the Isis-cow is _\u1e25es-t_ and is one of the few\n      cases in which the name of the sacred animal coincides with that of\n      the deity.\u201d\n\n  139 Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ viii. 184; Solinus, xxxii. 18; Ammianus\n      Marcellinus, xxii. 14. 7. The spring or well in which he was drowned\n      was perhaps the one from which his drinking-water was procured; he\n      might not drink the water of the Nile (Plutarch, _Isis et Osiris_,\n      5).\n\n  140 Plutarch, _Isis et Osiris_, 56.\n\n  141 G. Maspero, _Histoire ancienne_4 (Paris, 1886), p. 31. Compare\n      Duncker, _Geschichte des Alterthums_,5 i. 56. It has been\n      conjectured that the period of twenty-five years was determined by\n      astronomical considerations, that being a period which harmonises\n      the phases of the moon with the days of the Egyptian year. See L.\n      Ideler, _Handbuch der mathematischen und technischen Chronologie_\n      (Berlin, 1825-1826), i. 182 _sq._; F. K. Ginzel, _Handbuch der\n      mathematischen und technischen Chronologie_, i. (Leipsic, 1906), pp.\n      180 _sq._\n\n  M30 On the stratification of religions corresponding to certain social\n      types.\n  M31 Reverence of the Dinka for their cattle.\n\n  142 G. Schweinfurth, _The Heart of Africa_, Third Edition (London,\n      1878), i. 59 _sq._\n\n  143 E. de Pruyssenaere, _Reisen und Forschungen im Gebiete des Weissen\n      und Blauen Nil_ (Gotha, 1877), pp. 22 _sq._ (_Petermann\u2019s\n      Mittheilungen, Erg\u00e4nzungsheft_, No. 50).\n\n  M32 Reverence of the Nuehr for their cattle.\n\n  144 Ernst Marno, _Reisen im Gebiete des Blauen und Weissen Nil_ (Vienna,\n      1874), p. 343. The name _Nyeledit_ is explained by the writer to\n      mean \u201cvery great and mighty.\u201d It is probably equivalent to\n      _Nyalich_, which Dr. C. G. Seligmann gives as a synonym for Dengdit,\n      the high god of the Dinka. According to Dr. Seligmann, _Nyalich_ is\n      the locative of a word meaning \u201cabove\u201d and, literally translated,\n      signifies, \u201cin the above.\u201d See C. G. Seligmann, _s.v._ \u201cDinka,\u201d in\n      _Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics_, edited by J. Hastings, D.D.,\n      vol. iv. (Edinburgh, 1911), p. 707. The Sakalava of Ampasimene, in\n      Madagascar, are said to worship a black bull which is kept in a\n      sacred enclosure in the island of Nosy Be. On the death of the\n      sacred bull another is substituted for it. See A. van Gennep, _Tabou\n      et Tot\u00e9misme \u00e0 Madagascar_ (Paris, 1904), pp. 247 _sq._, quoting J.\n      Carol, _Chez les Hova_ (Paris, 1898), pp. 418 _sq._ But as the\n      Sakalava are not, so far as I know, mainly or exclusively a pastoral\n      people, this example of bull-worship does not strictly belong to the\n      class illustrated in the text.\n\n  M33 The tradition that Virbius had been killed in the character of\n      Hippolytus by horses, and the custom of excluding horses from the\n      sacred Arician grove, may point to the conclusion that the horse was\n      regarded as an embodiment of Virbius and was annually sacrificed in\n      the grove. Similarly at Athens the goat was usually excluded from\n      the Acropolis but was admitted once a year for a necessary\n      sacrifice.\n\n  145 See _The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, i. 19 _sqq._\n\n  146 See above, vol. i. pp 292-294.\n\n  147 Athenaeus, xiii. 51, p. 587 A; Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ viii. 204.\n      Compare W. Robertson Smith, in _Encyclopaedia Britannica_, Ninth\n      Edition, article \u201cSacrifice,\u201d vol. xxi. p. 135.\n\n  148 Varro, _De agri cultura_, i. 2. 19 _sq._: \u201c_hoc nomine etiam Athenis\n      in arcem non inigi, praeterquam semel ad necessarium sacrificium._\u201d\n      By _semel_ Varro probably means once a year.\n\n  149 The force of this inference is greatly weakened, if not destroyed,\n      by a fact which I had overlooked when I wrote this book originally.\n      A goat was sacrificed to Brauronian Artemis at her festival called\n      the Brauronia (Hesychius, _s.v._ \u0392\u03c1\u03b1\u03c5\u03c1\u03c9\u03bd\u03af\u03bf\u03b9\u03c2; compare Im. Bekker\u2019s\n      _Anecdota Graeca_, p. 445, lines 6 _sqq._). As the Brauronian\n      Artemis had a sanctuary on the Acropolis of Athens (Pausanias, i.\n      23. 7), it seems probable that the goat sacrificed once a year on\n      the Acropolis was sacrificed to her and not to Athena. (Note to\n      Second Edition of _The Golden Bough_.)\n\n  150 Herodotus, ii. 42.\n\n  151 It is worth noting that Hippolytus, with whom Virbius was\n      identified, is said to have dedicated horses to Aesculapius, who had\n      raised him from the dead (Pausanias, ii. 27. 4).\n\n  M34 Annual sacrifice of a horse at Rome in October.\n\n  152 Festus, ed. C. O. M\u00fcller, pp. 178, 179, 220; Plutarch, _Quaestiones\n      Romanae_, 97; Polybius, xii. 4 B. The sacrifice is referred to by\n      Julian, _Orat._ v. p. 176 D (p. 228 ed. F. C. Hertlein). It is the\n      subject of a valuable essay by W. Mannhardt, whose conclusions I\n      summarise in the text. See W. Mannhardt, _Mythologische Forschungen_\n      (Strasburg, 1884), pp. 156-201.\n\n  153 Ovid, _Fasti_, iv. 731 _sqq._, compare 629 _sqq._; Propertius, v. 1.\n      19 _sq._\n\n  M35 The horse so sacrificed seems to have embodied the corn-spirit.\n\n  154 The Huzuls of the Carpathians attribute a special virtue to a\n      horse\u2019s head. They think that fastened on a pole and set up in a\n      garden it protects the cabbages from caterpillars. See R. F. Kaindl,\n      _Die Huzulen_ (Wienna, 1894), p. 102. At the close of the\n      rice-harvest the Garos of Assam celebrate a festival in which the\n      effigy of a horse plays an important part. When the festival is\n      over, the body of the horse is thrown into a stream, but the head is\n      preserved for another year. See Note at the end of the volume.\n\n  155 Above, pp. 9 _sq._\n\n  156 Above, vol. i. pp. 268, 272.\n\n  157 Above, vol. i. pp. 141, 155, 156, 158, 160 _sq._, 301.\n\n  M36 Archaic character of the sacrifice and its analogies in the harvest\n      customs of Northern Europe.\n\n  158 Livy, ii. 5.\n\n  159 Festus, ed. C. O. M\u00fcller, pp. 130, 131.\n\n  M37 Other examples of the exclusion of horses from sanctuaries.\n      Uncertainty as to the reason for excluding horses from the Arician\n      grove.\n\n  160 Dittenberger, _Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum_,2 No. 560 (vol. ii.\n      pp. 259-261); Ch. Michel, _Recueil d\u2019Inscriptions Grecques_\n      (Brussels, 1900), No. 434, pp. 323 _sq._; P. Cauer, _Delectus\n      Inscriptionum Graecarum propter dialectum memorabilium_2 (Leipsic,\n      1883), No. 177, pp. 117 _sq._ As to Alectrona or Alectryona,\n      daughter of the Sun, see Diodorus Siculus, v. 65. 5.\n\n  161 Festus, _s.v._ \u201cOctober equus,\u201d p. 181 ed. C. O. M\u00fcller. See _The\n      Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, i. 315.\n\n  162 G. Z\u00fcndel, \u201cLand und Volk der Eweer auf der Sclavenk\u00fcste in\n      West-afrika,\u201d _Zeitschrift f\u00fcr Erdkunde zu Berlin_, xii. (1877) pp.\n      415 _sq._\n\n  163 Rev. W. Ellis, _History of Madagascar_ (London, preface dated 1838),\n      i. 402 _sq._\n\n  164 Dittenberger, _Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum_,2 No. 939 (vol. ii.\n      p. 803).\n\n  165 Pausanias, viii. 37. 7.\n\n  M38 Custom of eating the new corn sacramentally as the body of the\n      corn-spirit. Loaves baked of the new corn in human shape and eaten.\n\n  166 W. Mannhardt, _Mythologische Forschungen_ (Strasburg, 1884), p. 179.\n\n  167 W. Mannhardt, _Der Baumkultus der Germanen und ihrer Nachbarst\u00e4mme_\n      (Berlin, 1875), p. 205. It is not said that the dough-man is made of\n      the new corn; but probably this is, or once was, the case.\n\n  M39 Old Lithuanian ritual at eating the new corn.\n\n  168 M. Praetorius, _Deliciae Prussicae oder Preussische Schaubuhne, im\n      w\u00f6rtlichen Ausz\u00fcge aus dem Manuscript herausgegeben_ von Dr. William\n      Pierson (Berlin, 1871), pp. 60-64; W. Mannhardt, _Antike Wald- und\n      Feldkulte_ (Berlin, 1877), pp. 249 _sqq._ Mathaeus Praetorius, the\n      author to whom we owe the account in the text, compiled a detailed\n      description of old Lithuanian manners and customs in the latter part\n      of the seventeenth century at the village of Niebudzen, of which he\n      was Protestant pastor. The work, which seems to have occupied him\n      for many years and to have been finished about 1698, exists in\n      manuscript but has never been published in full. Only excerpts from\n      it have been printed by Dr. W. Pierson. Praetorius was born at Memel\n      about 1635 and died in 1707. In the later years of his life he\n      incurred a good deal of odium by joining the Catholic Church.\n\n  M40 Modern European ceremonies at eating the new corn or new potatoes.\n\n  169 A. Bezzenberger, _Litauische Forschungen_ (G\u00f6ttingen, 1882), p. 89.\n\n  170 Simon Grunau, _Preussischer Chronik_, herausgegeben von Dr. M.\n      Perlbach, i. (Leipsic, 1876) p. 91.\n\n  171 J. B. Holzmayer, \u201cOsiliana,\u201d _Verhandlungen der gelehrten Estnischen\n      Gesellschaft zu Dorpat_, vii. Heft 2 (Dorpat, 1872), p. 108.\n\n  172 On iron as a charm against spirits, see _Taboo and the Perils of the\n      Soul_, pp. 232 _sqq._\n\n_  173 Folk-lore Journal_, vii. (1889) p. 54.\n\n  174 Communicated by the Rev. J. J. C. Yarborough, of Chislehurst, Kent.\n      See _Folk-lore Journal_, vii. (1889) p. 50.\n\n  M41 Ceremony of the heathen Cheremiss at eating the new corn.\n\n  175 Von Haxthausen, _Studien \u00fcber die innern Zust\u00e4nde, das Volksleben\n      und insbesondere die l\u00e4ndliche Einrichtungen Russlands_, i. 448\n      _sq._\n\n  176 J. G. Georgi, _Beschreibung aller Nationen des Russischen Reichs_\n      (St. Petersburg, 1776), p. 37.\n\n  M42 Ceremony of the Aino at eating the new millet.\n\n  177 Rev. J. Batchelor, _The Ainu and their Folk-lore_ (London, 1901),\n      pp. 204, 206.\n\n  M43 Ceremonies of the Melanesians of Reef Island at eating the new\n      bread-fruits and yams.\n\n  178 \u201cNative Stories from Santa Cruz and Reef Islands,\u201d translated by the\n      Rev. W. O\u2019Ferrall, _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_,\n      xxxiv. (1904) p. 230.\n\n  M44 Ceremony of the New Caledonians at eating the first yams.\n\n  179 Glaumont, \u201cLa culture de l\u2019igname et du taro en Nouvelle-Cal\u00e9donie,\u201d\n      _L\u2019Anthropologie_, viii. (1897) pp. 43-45.\n\n  M45 Ceremonies observed at eating the new rice in Buru and Celebes.\n\n  180 G. A. Wilken, \u201cBijdragen tot de kennis der Alfoeren van het eiland\n      Boeroe,\u201d p. 26 (_Verhandelingen van het Bataviaasch Genootschap van\n      Kunsten en Wetenschappen_ vol. xxxviii., Batavia, 1875).\n\n  181 P. N. Wilken, \u201cBijdragen tot de kennis van de zeden en gewoonten der\n      Alfoeren in de Minahassa,\u201d _Mededeelingen van wege het Nederlandsche\n      Zendelinggenootschap_, vii. (1863) p. 127.\n\n  182 N. P. Wilken en J. A. Schwarz, \u201cAllerlei over het land en volk van\n      Bolaang Mongondou,\u201d _Mededeelingen van wege het Nederlandsche\n      Zendelinggenootschap_, xi. (1867) pp. 369 _sq._\n\n  M46 Ceremonies observed at eating the new rice in Ceram and Borneo.\n\n  183 J. Boot, \u201cKorte schets der noordkust van Ceram,\u201d _Tiidschrift van\n      het Nederlandsch Aardrijkskundig Genootschap_, Tweede Serie, x.\n      (1893) pp. 671 _sq._\n\n  184 See above, vol. i. pp. 184 _sqq._\n\n  185 A. W. Nieuwenhuis, _In Centraal Borneo_ (Leyden, 1900), i. 156;\n      _id._, _Quer durch Borneo_ (Leyden, 1904-1907), i. 117 _sq._ In the\n      latter passage \u201c_ist jeder_\u201d is a misprint for \u201c_isst jeder_\u201d; the\n      Dutch original is \u201c_eet ieder_.\u201d\n\n  M47 Ceremonies observed at eating the new rice in India.\n\n  186 H. Harkness, _Description of a Singular Aboriginal Race inhabiting\n      the Summit of the Neilgherry Hills_ (London, 1832), pp. 56 _sq._\n\n  187 Ch. E. Gover, _The Folk-songs of Southern India_ (London, 1872), pp.\n      105 _sqq._; \u201cCoorg Folklore,\u201d _Folk-lore Journal_, vii. (1889) pp.\n      302 _sqq._\n\n  188 Gover, \u201cThe Pongol Festival in Southern India,\u201d _Journal of the\n      Royal Asiatic Society_, N.S., v. (1871) pp. 91 _sqq._\n\n  189 From notes sent to me by my friend Mr. W. Crooke.\n\n  190 Major J. Biddulph, _Tribes of the Hindoo Koosh_ (Calcutta, 1880), p.\n      103.\n\n  M48 Ceremonies observed by the Chams at ploughing, sowing, reaping, and\n      eating the new rice.\n\n  191 E. Aymonier, \u201cLes Tchames et leurs religions,\u201d _Revue de l\u2019histoire\n      des Religions_, xxiv. (1891) pp. 272-274.\n\n  M49 Ceremony at eating the new yams at Onitsha on the Niger.\n\n  192 S. Crowther and J. C. Taylor, _The Gospel on the Banks of the Niger_\n      (London, 1859), pp. 287 _sq._ Mr. Taylor\u2019s information is repeated\n      in _West African Countries and Peoples_, by J. Africanus B. Horton\n      (London, 1868), pp. 180 _sq._\n\n  M50 Ceremonies at eating the new yams among the Ewe negroes of Togoland.\n\n  193 J. Spieth, _Die Ewe-St\u00e4mme_ (Berlin, 1906), pp. 304-310, 340;\n      compare _id._ pp. 435, 480, 768. The \u201cslaves of the Earth-gods\u201d are\n      children whom women have obtained through prayers offered to\n      Agbasia, the greatest of the Earth-gods. When such a child is born,\n      it is regarded as the slave of Agbasia; and the mother dedicates it\n      to the service of the god, as in similar circumstances Hannah\n      dedicated Samuel to the Lord (1 Samuel i.). If the child is a girl,\n      she is married to the priest\u2019s son; if it is a boy, he serves the\n      priest until his mother has given birth to a girl whom she exchanges\n      for the boy. See J. Spieth, _op. cit._ pp. 448-450. In all such\n      cases the original idea probably was that the child has been\n      begotten in the woman by the god and therefore belongs to him as to\n      his father, in the literal sense of the word.\n\n  M51 Festival of the new yams among the Ashantees in September.\n\n  194 T. E. Bowdich, _Mission from Cape Coast Castle to Ashantee_, New\n      Edition (London, 1873), pp. 226-229.\n\n  195 A. B. Ellis, _The Tshi-speaking Peoples of the Gold Coast_ (London,\n      1887), pp. 229 _sq._\n\n  196 J. C. Reichenbach, \u201cEtude sur le royaume d\u2019Assinie,\u201d _Bulletin de la\n      Soci\u00e9t\u00e9 de G\u00e9ographie_ (Paris), vii.\u00e8me S\u00e9rie, xi. (1890) p. 349.\n\n  M52 Festival of the new yams at Coomassie and Benin.\n\n  197 Ramseyer and K\u00fchne, _Four Years in Ashantee_ (London, 1875), pp.\n      147-151; E. Perregaux, _Chez les Achanti_ (Neuchatel, 1906), pp.\n      158-160.\n\n  198 H. Ling Roth, _Great Benin_ (Halifax, England, 1903), pp. 76 _sq._\n\n  M53 Ceremonies observed by the Nandi at eating the new eleusine grain.\n\n  199 A. C. Hollis, _The Nandi_ (Oxford, 1909), pp. 46 _sq._\n\n  200 Rev. J. Roscoe, _The Baganda_ (London, 1911), p. 428.\n\n  M54 Festival of the new fruits among the Caffres of Natal and Zululand.\n\n  201 F. Speckmann, _Die Hermannsburger Mission in Afrika_ (Hermannsburg,\n      1876), pp. 150 _sq._\n\n  202 L. Grout, _Zulu-land_ (Philadelphia, N.D.), p. 161.\n\n_  203 (South African) Folk-lore Journal_, i. (1879) p. 135; Rev. H.\n      Callaway, _Religious System of the Amazulu_, Part iii. p. 389 note.\n\n  204 Rev. J. Macdonald, _Light in Africa_, Second Edition (London, 1890),\n      pp. 216 _sq._ On the conception of the two fire-sticks as husband\n      and wife, see _The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, ii. 208\n      _sqq._\n\n  M55 Dance of the Zulu king at the festival. Licentious character of the\n      festival. The festival as celebrated by the Pondos. Bull-fights and\n      games. License accorded to chiefs and others at this festival among\n      the Zulus. Traces of an annual abdication of Zulu kings, perhaps of\n      a custom of burning them and scattering their ashes.\n\n  205 J. Shooter, _The Kafirs of Natal_ (London, 1857), p. 27; N. Isaacs,\n      _Travels and Adventures in Eastern Africa_ (London, 1836), ii. 293;\n      Dudley Kidd, _The Essential Kafir_ (London, 1904), pp. 270, 271.\n\n  206 J. Macdonald, _op. cit._ p. 189.\n\n  207 Rev. J. Macdonald, _Religion and Myth_ (London, 1893), pp. 136-138,\n      from manuscript notes furnished by J. Sutton. Mr. Macdonald has\n      described the custom more briefly in his _Light in Africa_, Second\n      Edition (London, 1890), p. 189.\n\n  208 N. Isaacs, _Travels and Adventures in Eastern Africa_ (London,\n      1836), ii. 292.\n\n  209 A. Delegorgue, _Voyage dans l\u2019Afrique Australe_ (Paris, 1847), ii.\n      237.\n\n  210 Above, vol. i. p. 240.\n\n  211 See _The Dying God_, pp. 36 _sq._ On the Zulu festival of\n      first-fruits see also T. Arbousset et F. Daumas, _Voyage\n      d\u2019Exploration au Nord-Est de la Colonie du Cap de Bonne Esp\u00e9rance_\n      (Paris, 1843), pp. 308 _sq._; G. Fritsch, _Die Eingeborenen\n      S\u00fcd-Afrikas_ (Breslau, 1872), p. 143. Fritsch mentions that after\n      executing a grotesque dance in the presence of the assembled\n      multitude the king gives formal permission to eat of the new fruits\n      by dashing a gourd or calabash to the ground. This ceremony of\n      breaking the calabash is mentioned also by J. Shooter (_Kafirs of\n      Natal_, p. 27), L. Grout (_Zulu-land_, p. 162), and Mr. Dudley Kidd\n      (_The Essential Kafir_, p. 271). According to this last writer the\n      calabash is filled with boiled specimens of the new fruits, and the\n      king sprinkles the people with the cooked food, frequently spitting\n      it out on them. Mr. Grout tells us (_l.c._) that at the ceremony a\n      bull is killed and its gall drunk by the king and the people. In\n      killing it the warriors must use nothing but their naked hands. The\n      flesh of the bull is given to the boys to eat what they like and\n      burn the rest; the men may not taste it. See L. Grout, _op. cit._ p.\n      161. According to Shooter, two bulls are killed; the first is black,\n      the second of another colour. The boys who eat the beef of the black\n      bull may not drink till the next morning, else the king would be\n      defeated in war or visited with some personal misfortune. See\n      Shooter, _op. cit._ pp. 26 _sq._ According to another account the\n      sacrifice of the bull, performed by the warriors of a particular\n      regiment with their bare hands, takes place several weeks before the\n      festival of first-fruits, and \u201cthe strength of the bull is supposed\n      to enter into the king, thereby prolonging his health and strength.\u201d\n      See D. Leslie, _Among the Zulus and Amatongas_2 (Edinburgh, 1875),\n      p. 91. For a general account of the Caffre festival of first-fruits,\n      see Dudley Kidd, _The Essential Kafir_ (London, 1904), pp. 270-272.\n\n  M56 Ceremonies observed by the Bechuanas before eating the new fruits.\n\n  212 Rev. W. C. Willoughby, \u201cNotes on the Totemism of the Becwana,\u201d\n      _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xxxv. (1905) pp.\n      311-313. It is very remarkable that among several Bantu tribes the\n      cohabitation of husband and wife is enjoined as a religious or\n      magical rite on a variety of solemn occasions, such as after the\n      death of a son or daughter, the circumcision of a child, the first\n      menstruation of a daughter, the occupation of a new house or of a\n      new village, etc. For examples see C. W. Hobley, _Ethnology of\n      A-Kamba and other East African Tribes_ (Cambridge, 1910), pp. 58,\n      59, 60, 65, 67, 69, 74; H. A. Junod, \u201cLes Conceptions physiologiques\n      des Bantou Sud-Africains et leurs tabous,\u201d _Revue d\u2019Ethnographie et\n      de Sociologie_, i. (1910) p. 148; Rev. J. Roscoe, _The Baganda_\n      (London, 1911), pp. 48, 144, 357, 363, 378, 428, etc.; _id._,\n      \u201cFurther Notes on the Manners and Customs of the Baganda,\u201d _Journal\n      of the Anthropological Institute_, xxxii. (1902) pp. 59, 61. Among\n      the Baganda the act of stepping or leaping over a woman is regarded\n      as equivalent to cohabitation with her, and is accepted as a ritual\n      substitute for it (J. Roscoe, _The Baganda_, p. 357 note). The ideas\n      on which this custom of ceremonial cohabitation is based are by no\n      means clear.\n\n  M57 Ceremonies observed by the Matabele at eating the new fruits.\n\n  213 Ch. Croonenberghs, S.J., \u201cLa f\u00eate de la Grande Danse dans le haut\n      Zambeze,\u201d _Les Missions Catholiques_, xiv. (1882) pp. 230-234; L.\n      Decle, _Three Years in Savage Africa_ (London, 1898), pp. 157 _sq._\n      The two accounts supplement each other. I have combined features\n      from both in the text.\n\n  M58 Ceremony observed by the Ovambo at eating the new fruits.\n\n  214 H. T\u00f6njes, _Ovamboland, Land, Leute, Mission_ (Berlin, 1911), pp.\n      200 _sq._\n\n  M59 Ceremony observed by the Bororo Indians before eating the new maize.\n\n  215 V. Fri\u010d and P. Radin, \u201cContributions to the Study of the Bororo\n      Indians,\u201d _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xxxvi. (1906)\n      p. 392.\n\n  M60 The _busk_ or festival of first-fruits among the Creek Indians of\n      North America. Fast and purgation. New fire made by friction.\n\n  216 The ceremony is described independently by James Adair, _History of\n      the American Indians_ (London, 1775), pp. 96-111; W. Bartram,\n      _Travels through North and South Carolina, Georgia, East and West\n      Florida_ (London, 1792), pp. 507 _sq._; A. Hodgson, _Letters from\n      North America_ (London, 1824), i. 131 _sq._; B. Hawkins, \u201cSketch of\n      the Creek Country,\u201d in _Collections of the Georgia Historical\n      Society_, iii. (Savannah, 1848) pp. 75-78; A. A. M\u2019Gillivray, in H.\n      R. Schoolcraft\u2019s _Indian Tribes of the United States_ (Philadelphia,\n      1853-1856), v. 267 _sq._; F. G. Speck, _Ethnology of the Yuchi\n      Indians_ (Philadelphia, 1909), pp. 112-131. The fullest descriptions\n      are those of Adair and Speck. In the text I have chiefly followed\n      Adair, our oldest authority. A similar ceremony was observed by the\n      Cherokees. See the description (from an unpublished MS. of J. H.\n      Payne, author of _Home, Sweet Home_) in \u201cObservations on the Creek\n      and Cherokee Indians, by William Bartram, 1789, with prefatory and\n      supplementary notes by E. G. Squier,\u201d _Transactions of the American\n      Ethnological Society_, vol. iii. Part i. (1853) p. 75. The Indians\n      of Alabama also held a great festival at their harvest in July. They\n      passed the day fasting, lit a new fire, purged themselves, and\n      offered the first-fruits to their _Manitoo_: the ceremony ended with\n      a religious dance. See Bossu, _Nouveaux Voyages aux Indes\n      occidentales_ (Paris, 1768), ii. 54. These Indians of Alabama were\n      probably either the Creeks or the Cherokees.\n\n  217 W. Bartram, _Travels_, p. 507.\n\n  218 So amongst the Cherokees, according to J. H. Payne, an arbour of\n      green boughs was made in the sacred square; then \u201ca beautiful\n      bushy-topped shade-tree was cut down close to the roots, and planted\n      in the very centre of the sacred square. Every man then provided\n      himself with a green bough.\u201d\n\n  219 So Adair. Bartram, on the other hand, as we have seen, says that the\n      people provided themselves with new household utensils.\n\n  220 B. Hawkins, \u201cSketch,\u201d etc., p. 76.\n\n  M61 Festival of the new fruits among the Yuchi Indians. Game of ball.\n\n  221 F. G. Speck, _Ethnology of the Yuchi Indians_ (Philadelphia, 1909),\n      pp. 86-89, 105-107, 112-131.\n\n  M62 Green Corn Dance among the Seminole Indians. Festival of the new\n      corn among the Natchez Indians.\n\n  222 Th. Waitz, _Anthropologie der Naturv\u00f6lker_, iii. (Leipsic, 1862) p.\n      42; A. S. Gatschet, _A Migration Legend of the Creek Indians_, i.\n      (Philadelphia, 1884) pp. 66 _sqq._; _Totemism and Exogamy_, iii.\n      167.\n\n  223 C. MacCauley, \u201cSeminole Indians of Florida,\u201d _Fifth Annual Report of\n      the Bureau of Ethnology_ (Washington, 1887), pp. 522 _sq._\n\n  224 That is, the grand chief of the nation. All the chiefs of the\n      Natchez were called Suns and were connected with the head chief or\n      Great Sun, who bore on his breast an image of the sun and claimed to\n      be descended from the luminary. See Bossu, _Nouveaux Voyages aux\n      Indes occidentales_ (Paris, 1768), i. 42.\n\n  M63 New fire made by friction.\n  M64 Torchlight dance.\n  M65 Game of ball.\n\n  225 Le Page Du Pratz, _History of Louisiana, or of the western parts of\n      Virginia and Carolina_, translated from the French, New Edition\n      (London, 1774), pp. 338-341. See also J. R. Swanton, _Indian Tribes\n      of the Lower Mississippi Valley_ (Washington, 1911), pp. 110 _sqq._,\n      where the passage of Du Pratz is translated in full from the\n      original French. From Mr. Swanton\u2019s translation it appears that the\n      English version of Du Pratz, which I have quoted in the text, is a\n      good deal abridged. On the festival of first-fruits among the\n      Natchez see also _Lettres \u00e9difiantes et curieuses_, Nouvelle\n      \u00c9dition, vii. (Paris, 1781) p. 19; Charlevoix, _Histoire de la\n      Nouvelle France_ (Paris, 1744), vi. 183; De Tonti, \u201cRelation de la\n      Louisiane et du Mississippi,\u201d _Recueil de Voyages au Nord_, v.\n      (Amsterdam, 1734) p. 122; Le Petit, \u201cRelation des Natchez,\u201d _ibid._\n      ix. 13 _sq._ (reprint of the account in the _Lettres \u00e9difiantes_\n      cited above); Bossu, _Nouveaux Voyages aux Indes occidentales_\n      (Paris, 1768), i. 43. According to Charlevoix, Le Petit, and Bossu\n      the festival fell in July. For Chateaubriand\u2019s description of the\n      custom, see below, pp. 135 _sqq._\n\n  M66 Ceremonies observed by the Salish and Tinneh Indians before they eat\n      the first wild berries or roots of the season.\n\n  226 C. Hill-Tout, _The Far West, the Home of the Salish and D\u00e9n\u00e9_\n      (London, 1907), pp. 168-170.\n\n  M67 Ceremonies observed by the Thompson Indians before they eat the\n      first wild berries or roots of the season.\n\n  227 J. Teit, _The Thompson Indians of British Columbia_, p. 349 (_The\n      Jesup North Pacific Expedition, Memoir of the American Museum of\n      Natural History_, April, 1900).\n\n  M68 The ceremonies observed by savages at eating the first fruits of any\n      crop seem to be based on the idea that the plant or tree is animated\n      by a spirit, who must be propitiated before it is safe to partake of\n      the fruit.\n\n  228 See above, p. 52.\n\n  M69 The sanctity of the new fruits indicated in various ways. Care taken\n      to prevent the contact of sacred and profane food in the stomach of\n      the eater. Contact between certain foods in the stomach of the eater\n      forbidden.\n\n  229 See above, pp. 50, 53, 65, 66, 72, 81.\n\n  230 See above, pp. 59, 60, 63, 69 _sq._, 71, 73, 75 _sq._, 82.\n\n  231 Joseph Thomson, _Through Masai Land_ (London, 1885), p. 430; P.\n      Reichard, _Deutsch-Ostafrika_ (Leipsic, 1892), p. 288; O. Baumann,\n      _Durch Massailand zur Nilquelle_ (Berlin, 1894), p. 162; M. Merker,\n      _Die Masai_ (Berlin, 1904), p. 33; M. Weiss, _Die V\u00f6lkerst\u00e4mme im\n      Norden Deutsch-Ostafrikas_ (Berlin, 1910), p. 380. However, the\n      motive which underlies the taboo appears to be a fear of injuring by\n      sympathetic magic the cows from which the milk is drawn. See my\n      essay \u201cFolk-lore in the Old Testament,\u201d in _Anthropological Essays\n      presented to E. B. Tylor_ (Oxford, 1907), pp. 164 _sq._ According to\n      Reichard the warriors may partake of honey both with meat and with\n      milk. Thomson does not mention honey and speaks of a purgative only.\n      The periods during which meat and milk are alternately consumed\n      vary, according to Reichard, from twelve to fifteen days. We may\n      conjecture, therefore, that two of them, making up a complete cycle,\n      correspond to a lunar month, with reference to which the diet is\n      perhaps determined.\n\n  232 M. W. H. Beech, _The Suk, their Language and Folklore_ (Oxford,\n      1911), p. 9. In both cases the motive, as with the Masai, is\n      probably a fear of injuring the cattle, and especially of causing\n      the cows to loose their milk. This is confirmed by other taboos of\n      the same sort observed by the Suk. Thus they think that to eat the\n      flesh of a certain forest pig would cause the cattle of the eater to\n      run dry, and that if a rich man ate fish his cows would give no\n      milk. See M. W. H. Beech, _op. cit._ p. 10.\n\n  233 O. Baumann, _Durch Massailand zur Nilquelle_ (Berlin, 1894), p. 171.\n\n  234 Fr. Boas, \u201cThe Central Eskimo,\u201d _Sixth Annual Report of the Bureau\n      of Ethnology_ (Washington, 1888), p. 595; _id._, \u201cThe Eskimo of\n      Baffin Land and Hudson Bay,\u201d _Bulletin of the American Museum of\n      Natural History_, vol. xv. part i. (New York, 1901) pp. 122-124. For\n      more details see _Taboo and the Perils of the Soul_, pp. 208 _sqq._\n\n  235 Rev. R. H. Codrington, _The Melanesians_ (Oxford, 1891), p. 134.\n\n  236 Pausanias, v. 13. 3. We may assume, though Pausanias does not\n      expressly say so, that persons who sacrificed to Telephus partook of\n      the sacrifice.\n\n  237 Dittenberger, _Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum_,2 No. 576 (vol. ii.\n      p. 267); Ch. Michel, _Recueil d\u2019Inscriptions Grecques_, No. 723, p.\n      622. Further, no one who had suffered a domestic bereavement might\n      enter the sanctuary for forty days. Hence the pollution of death was\n      clearly deemed more virulent, or at all events more lasting, than\n      the pollution of food.\n\n  238 Diodorus Siculus, v. 62. 5.\n\n  M70 The sacrament of first-fruits sometimes combined with a sacrifice of\n      them to gods or spirits.\n\n  239 See above, pp. 51 _sq._, 54, 58, 60 _sq._, 64, 74.\n\n  240 See below, pp. 109 _sqq._\n\n  M71 Aztec custom of eating sacramentally a dough image of the god\n      Huitzilopochtli or Vitzilipuztli as a mode of communion with the\n      deity.\n  M72 Eating the flesh and bones of the god Vitzilipuztli sacramentally.\n\n  241 J. de Acosta, _Natural and Moral History of the Indies_, bk. v. ch.\n      24, vol. ii. pp. 356-360 (Hakluyt Society, London, 1880). I have\n      modernised the old translator\u2019s spelling. Acosta\u2019s authority, which\n      he followed without acknowledgment, was an anonymous writer of about\n      the middle of the sixteenth century, whose manuscript, written in\n      Spanish, was found in the library of the Franciscan monastery at\n      Mexico in 1856. A French translation of it has been published. See\n      _Manuscrit Ramirez, Histoire de l\u2019Origine des Indiens qui habitent\n      la Nouvelle-Espagne selon leurs traditions_, publi\u00e9 par D. Charnay\n      (Paris, 1903), pp. 149-154. Acosta\u2019s description is followed by A.\n      de Herrera (_General History of the vast Continent and Islands of\n      America_, translated by Capt. John Stevens (London, 1725-1726), iii.\n      213-215).\n\n  M73 The doctrine of transubstantiation or the magical conversion of\n      bread into flesh recognised by the ancient Aztecs and Brahmans.\n\n_  242 The Satapatha-Br\u00e2hmana_, translated by J. Eggeling, Part i.\n      (Oxford, 1882) p. 51 (_Sacred Books of the East_, vol. xii.).\n\n_  243 Op. cit._ pp. 51 _sq._, with the translator\u2019s note.\n\n  M74 The sacred food not to be defiled by contact with common food.\n\n  244 See above, pp. 73 _sqq._\n\n  245 Above, p. 68, note 3.\n\n  M75 Aztec custom of killing the god Huitzilopochtli in effigy and eating\n      him afterwards.\n\n  246 H. H. Bancroft, _Native Races of the Pacific States_ (London,\n      1875-1876), iii. 297-300 (after Torquemada); F. S. Clavigero,\n      _History of Mexico_, translated by Ch. Cullen (London, 1807), i. 309\n      _sqq._; B. de Sahagun, _Histoire g\u00e9n\u00e9rale des choses de la\n      Nouvelle-Espagne_, traduite et annot\u00e9e par D. Jourdanet et R. Sim\u00e9on\n      (Paris, 1880), pp. 203 _sq._; J. G. M\u00fcller, _Geschichte der\n      amerikanischen Urreligionen_ (B\u00e2le, 1867), p. 605; Brasseur de\n      Bourbourg, _Histoire des Nations civilis\u00e9es du Mexique et de\n      l\u2019Am\u00e9rique Centrale_ (Paris, 1857-1859), iii. 531-534.\n\n  M76 Mexican custom of eating images of dough.\n\n  247 F. S. Clavigero, _op. cit._ i. 311; B. de Sahagun, _op. cit._ pp.\n      74, 156 _sq._; J. G. M\u00fcller, _op. cit._ p. 606; H. H. Bancroft, _op.\n      cit._ iii. 316; Brasseur de Bourbourg, _op. cit._ iii. 535. This\n      festival took place on the last day of 16th month (which extended\n      from 23rd December to 11th January). At another festival the\n      Mexicans made the semblance of a bone out of paste and ate it\n      sacramentally as the bone of the god. See Sahagun, _op. cit._ p. 33.\n\n  248 Brasseur de Bourbourg, _op. cit._ iii. 539.\n\n  249 G. F. de Oviedo, _Histoire du Nicaragua_ (Paris, 1840), p. 219.\n      Oviedo\u2019s account is borrowed by A. de Herrera (_General History of\n      the vast Continent and Islands of America_, translated by Capt. John\n      Stevens, iii. 301).\n\n  M77 Mexican custom of eating a man as a human embodiment of the god\n      Tetzcatlipoca.\n\n  250 J. de Torquemada, _Monarquia Indiana_, lib. x. cap. 14, vol. ii. pp.\n      259 _sqq._ (Madrid, 1723); Brasseur de Bourbourg, _op. cit._ iii.\n      510-512.\n\n  M78 Communion with a god by eating of his effigy among the Huichol\n      Indians of Mexico and the Malas of Southern India. Catholic custom\n      of eating effigies of the Madonna.\n\n  251 C. Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_ (London, 1903), ii. 166-171. When Mr.\n      Lumholtz revisited the temple in 1898, the idol had disappeared. It\n      has probably been since replaced by another. The custom of\n      abstaining both from salt and from women as a mode of ceremonial\n      purification is common among savage and barbarous peoples. See\n      above, p. 75 (as to the Yuchi Indians), and _Totemism and Exogamy_,\n      iv. 224 _sqq._\n\n  252 E. Thurston, _Castes and Tribes of Southern India_ (Madras, 1909),\n      iv. 357 _sq._\n\n  253 Graf Paul von Hoensbroech, _14 Jahre Jesuit_ (Leipsic, 1909-1910),\n      i. 25 _sq._ The practice was officially sanctioned by a decree of\n      the Inquisition, 29th July 1903.\n\n  M79 Loaves called _Maniae_ baked at Aricia. Woollen effigies dedicated\n      at Rome to Mania, the Mother or Grandmother of Ghosts, at the\n      Compitalia. The loaves at Aricia perhaps sacramental bread made in\n      the likeness of the King of the Wood. Practice of putting up dummies\n      to divert the attention of ghosts or demons from living people.\n\n  254 See _The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, i. 22.\n\n  255 Festus, ed. C. O. M\u00fcller, pp. 128, 129, 145. The reading of the last\n      passage is, however, uncertain (\u201c_et Ariciae genus panni fieri; quod\n      manici \u2020 appelletur_\u201d).\n\n  256 Varro, _De lingua latina_, ix. 61; Arnobius, _Adversus nationes_,\n      iii. 41; Macrobius, _Saturn._ i. 7. 35; Festus, p. 128, ed. C. O.\n      M\u00fcller. Festus speaks of the mother or grandmother of the _larvae_;\n      the other writers speak of the mother of the _lares_.\n\n  257 Macrobius, _l.c._; Festus, pp. 121, 239, ed. C. O. M\u00fcller. The\n      effigies hung up for the slaves were called _pilae_, not _maniae_.\n      _Pilae_ was also the name given to the straw-men which were thrown\n      to the bulls to gore in the arena. See Martial, _Epigr._ ii. 43. 5\n      _sq._; Asconius,_ In Cornel._ p. 55, ed. Kiessling and Schoell.\n\n  258 The ancients were at least familiar with the practice of sacrificing\n      images made of dough or other materials as substitutes for the\n      animals themselves. It was a recognised principle that when an\n      animal could not be easily obtained for sacrifice, it was lawful to\n      offer an image of it made of bread or wax. See Servius on Virgil,\n      _Aen._ ii. 116; compare Pausanias, x. 18. 5. Poor people who could\n      not afford to sacrifice real animals offered dough images of them\n      (Suidas, _s.v._ \u03b2\u03bf\u1fe6\u03c2 \u1f15\u03b2\u03b4\u03bf\u03bc\u03bf\u03c2; compare Hesychius, _s.vv._ \u03b2\u03bf\u1fe6\u03c2,\n      \u1f15\u03b2\u03b4\u03bf\u03bc\u03bf\u03c2 \u03b2\u03bf\u1fe6\u03c2). Hence bakers made a regular business of baking cakes\n      in the likeness of all the animals which were sacrificed to the gods\n      (Proculus, quoted and emended by Chr. A. Lobeck, _Aglaophamus_, p.\n      1079). When Cyzicus was besieged by Mithridates and the people could\n      not procure a black cow to sacrifice at the rites of Persephone,\n      they made a cow of dough and placed it at the altar (Plutarch,\n      _Lucullus_, 10). In a Boeotian sacrifice to Hercules, in place of\n      the ram which was the proper victim, an apple was regularly\n      substituted, four chips being stuck in it to represent legs and two\n      to represent horns (Julius Pollux, i. 30 _sq._). The Athenians are\n      said to have once offered to Hercules a similar substitute for an ox\n      (Zenobius, _Cent._ v. 22). And the Locrians, being at a loss for an\n      ox to sacrifice, made one out of figs and sticks, and offered it\n      instead of the animal (Zenobius, _Cent._ v. 5). At the Athenian\n      festival of the Diasia cakes shaped like animals were sacrificed\n      (Schol. on Thucydides, i. 126, p. 36, ed. Didot). We have seen above\n      (p. 25) that the poorer Egyptians offered cakes of dough instead of\n      pigs. The Cheremiss of Russia sometimes offer cakes in the shape of\n      horses instead of the real animals. See P. v. Stenin, \u201cEin neuer\n      Beitrag zur Ethnographie der Tscheremissen,\u201d _Globus_, lviii. (1890)\n      pp. 203 _sq._ Similarly a North-American Indian dreamed that a\n      sacrifice of twenty elans was necessary for the recovery of a sick\n      girl; but the elans could not be procured, and the girl\u2019s parents\n      were allowed to sacrifice twenty loaves instead. See _Relations des\n      J\u00e9suites_, 1636, p. 11 (Canadian reprint, Quebec, 1858).\n\n  259 See _The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, i. 55 _sqq._\n\n  M80 Tibetan custom of putting effigies at the doors of houses to deceive\n      demons.\n\n  260 L. A. Waddell, _The Buddhism of Tibet_ (London, 1895), pp. 484-486.\n\n  M81 Effigies buried with the dead in order to deceive their ghosts.\n\n  261 W. Ellis, _Polynesian Researches_, Second Edition (London,\n      1832-1836), i. 402.\n\n  262 M. J. van Baarda, \u201cFabelen, Verhalen en Overleveringen der\n      Galelareezen,\u201d _Bijdragen tot de Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde van\n      Nederlandsch-Indi\u00eb_, xlv. (1895) p. 539.\n\n  263 Rev. R. H. Codrington, _The Melanesians_ (Oxford, 1891), p. 275.\n\n  264 J. Kubary, \u201cDie Religion der Pelauer,\u201d in A. Bastian\u2019s _Allerlei aus\n      Volks- und Menschenkunde_ (Berlin, 1888), i. 9.\n\n  265 W. M. Donselaar, \u201cAanteekeningen over het eiland Saleijer,\u201d\n      _Mededeelingen van wege het Nederlandsche Zendelinggenootschap_, i.\n      (1857) p. 290.\n\n  266 Le Comte C. N. de Cardi, \u201cJu-ju laws and customs in the Niger\n      Delta,\u201d _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xxix. (1899) p.\n      58.\n\n  267 A. B. Ellis, _The Yoruba-speaking Peoples of the Slave Coast_\n      (London, 1894), p. 80.\n\n  268 Miss Mary H. Kingsley, _Travels in West Africa_ (London, 1897), p.\n      473.\n\n  M82 Fictitious burials to divert the attention of demons from the real\n      burials.\n\n  269 S. Crowther and J. C. Taylor, _The Gospel on the Banks of the Niger_\n      (London, 1859), pp. 250 _sq._\n\n  270 J. Macdonald, \u201cEast Central African Customs,\u201d _Journal of the\n      Anthropological Institute_, xxii. (1893) pp. 114 _sq._; _id._, _Myth\n      and Religion_ (London, 1893), pp. 155 _sq._ (from MS. notes of Dr.\n      Elmslie).\n\n  271 B. Schwarz, _Kamerun_ (Leipsic, 1886), pp. 256 _sq._; E. Reclus,\n      _Nouvelle G\u00e9ographie Universelle_, xiii. 68 _sq._\n\n  272 J. Fraser, \u201cThe Aborigines of New South Wales,\u201d _Journal and\n      Proceedings of the Royal Society of New South Wales_, xvi. (1882) p.\n      229; A. W. Howitt, _Native Tribes of South-East Australia_ (London,\n      1904), p. 467.\n\n  273 This I learned from Dr. Burton Brown (formerly of 3 Via Venti\n      Setembri, Rome), who lived for some time among the Nagas.\n\n  274 Strabo, xvii. 1. 23, p. 803; Plutarch, _Isis et Osiris_, 18.\n\n_  275 Panjab Notes and Queries_, ii. p. 39, \u00a7 240 (December 1884).\n\n  M83 Effigies used to cure or prevent sickness by deluding the demons of\n      disease or inducing them to accept the effigies instead of the\n      persons.\n\n  276 Some examples of this vicarious use of images as substitutes for the\n      sick have been given in an earlier part of this work. See _Taboo and\n      the Perils of the Soul_, pp. 62 _sq._\n\n  277 N. Graafland, _De Minahassa_, (Rotterdam, 1869), i. 326.\n\n  278 P. J. Veth, _Borneo\u2019s Wester-Afdeeling_ (Zaltbommel, 1854-56), ii.\n      309.\n\n  279 F. Grabowsky, \u201cUeber verschiedene weniger bekannte Opfer bei den\n      Oloh Ngadju in Borneo,\u201d _Internationales Archiv f\u00fcr Ethnographie_,\n      i. (1888) pp. 132 _sq._\n\n  280 E. L. M. K\u00fchr, \u201cSchetsen uit Borneo\u2019s Westerafdeeling,\u201d _Bijdragen\n      tot de Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde van Nederlandsch-Indi\u00eb_, xlvii.\n      (1897) pp. 60 _sq._ For another mode in which these same Dyaks seek\n      to heal sickness by means of an image, see _Taboo and the Perils of\n      the Soul_, pp. 55 _sq._\n\n  281 J. G. F. Riedel, _De sluik- en kroesharige rassen tusschen Selebes\n      en Papua_ (The Hague, 1886), p. 465.\n\n  282 H. Ling Roth, \u201cLow\u2019s Natives of Borneo,\u201d _Journal of the\n      Anthropological Institute_, xxi. (1892) p. 117.\n\n  283 B. Hagen, \u201cBeitr\u00e4ge zur Kenntniss der Battareligion,\u201d _Tijdschrift\n      voor Indische Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde_, xxviii. (1883) p. 531.\n\n  284 M. Joustra, \u201cHet leven, de zeden en gewoonten der Bataks,\u201d\n      _Mededeelingen van wege het Nederlandsche Zendelinggenootschap_,\n      xlvi. (1902) pp. 413 _sq._\n\n  285 N. Annandale and H. C. Robinson, \u201cSome Preliminary Results of an\n      Expedition to the Malay Peninsula,\u201d _Journal of the Anthropological\n      Institute_, xxxii. (1902) p. 416.\n\n  M84 Effigies used to divert the attention of demons in Nias and various\n      parts of Asia.\n\n  286 Fr. Kramer, \u201cDer G\u00f6tzendienst der Niasser,\u201d _Tijdschrift voor\n      Indische Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde_, xxxiii. (1890) p. 489.\n\n  287 A. Bastian, _Die V\u00f6lkerst\u00e4mme am Brahmaputra_ (Berlin, 1883), p. 73.\n\n  288 Sarat Chandra Das, _Journey to Lhasa and Central Tibet_ (London,\n      1902), p. 134.\n\n  289 Shway Yoe, _The Burman_ (London, 1882), ii. 138.\n\n  290 Pallegoix, _Description du Royaume Thai ou Siam_ (Paris, 1854), ii.\n      48 _sq._ Compare A. Bastian, _Die V\u00f6lker des \u00f6stlichen Asien_\n      (Leipsic and Jena, 1866-1871), iii. 293, 486; E. Young, _The Kingdom\n      of the Yellow Robe_ (Westminster, 1898), p. 121.\n\n  291 J. Moura, _Le Royaume du Cambodge_ (Paris, 1883), i. 176.\n\n  292 A. Woldt, \u201cDie Kultus-Gegenst\u00e4nde der Golden und Giljaken,\u201d\n      _Internationales Archiv f\u00fcr Ethnographie_, i. (1888) pp. 102 _sq._\n\n  M85 Effigies used to divert ghostly and other evil influence from people\n      in China.\n\n  293 J. J. M. de Groot, _The Religious System of China_, vi. (Leyden,\n      1910) pp. 1103 _sq._; for a description of the effigies or\n      \u201csubstitutes for a person\u201d see _id._, vol. v. (Leyden, 1907) p. 920.\n      Can the monkish and clerical tonsure have been originally designed\n      in like manner to let out the evil influence through the top of the\n      head?\n\n  294 T. Watters, \u201cSome Corean Customs and Notions,\u201d _Folk-lore_, vi.\n      (1895) pp. 82 _sq._\n\n  M86 Effigies used as substitutes to save the lives of people among the\n      Abchases of the Caucasus and the Ewe negroes of West Africa.\n\n  295 N. v. Seidlitz, \u201cDie Abchasen,\u201d _Globus_, lxvi. (1894) p. 54.\n\n  296 J. Spieth, _Die Ewe-St\u00e4mme_ (Berlin, 1906), pp. 502-506, 512, 513,\n      838, 848, 910. It is a disputed point in Ewe theology whether there\n      are many spiritual mothers in heaven or only one. Some say that\n      there are as many spiritual mothers as there are individual men and\n      women; others doubt this and say that there is only one spiritual\n      mother, and that she is the wife of God (_Mawu_) and gave birth to\n      all spirits that live in heaven, both men and women.\n\n  297 G. Binetsch, \u201cBeantwortung mehrerer Fragen \u00fcber unser Ewe-Volk und\n      seine Anschauungen,\u201d _Zeitschrift f\u00fcr Ethnologie_, xxxviii. (1906)\n      p. 37.\n\n  M87 Effigies used as substitutes to save the lives of people among the\n      Nishga Indians.\n\n_  298 The Illustrated Missionary News_, April 1st, 1891, pp. 59 _sq._\n\n  M88 Hence the woollen effigies hung out at the Compitalia in Rome were\n      probably offered as substitutes for living persons to the Mother or\n      Grandmother of Ghosts.\n\n  299 As to the custom see Varro, _De lingua latina_, v. 45; Ovid,\n      _Fasti_, v. 621 _sqq._; Dionysius Halicarnasensis, _Antiquit.\n      Roman._ i. 38; Plutarch, _Quaestiones Romanae_, 32 and 86. For\n      various explanations which have been proposed, see L. Preller,\n      _R\u00f6mische Mythologie_,3 ii. 134 _sqq._; W. Mannhardt, _Antike Wald-\n      und Feldkulte_, pp. 265 _sqq._; _Journal of Philology_, xiv. (1885)\n      p. 156 note; R. von Ihering, _Vorgeschichte der Indoeurop\u00e4er_, pp.\n      430-434; W. Warde Fowler, _The Roman Festivals of the Period of the\n      Republic_ (London, 1899), pp. 111 _sqq._; _id._, _The Religious\n      Experience of the Roman People_ (London, 1911), pp. 54 _sq._, 321\n      _sqq._; G. Wissowa, _Gesammelte Abhandlungen zur r\u00f6mischen\n      Religions- und Stadtgeschichte_ (Munich, 1904), pp. 211-229. The\n      ceremony was observed on the fifteenth of May.\n\n  300 See _The Golden Bough_, Second Edition, iii. 107.\n\n  301 Plutarch, _Quaest. Roman._ 86.\n\n  M89 The sacrifice of first-fruits to gods is probably later than the\n      custom of partaking of them sacramentally. First-fruits sometimes\n      presented to the king and often to the dead.\n\n  302 See above, vol. i. pp. 231 _sqq._\n\n  M90 Sacrifice of first-fruits among the Ovambo of South-West Africa.\n\n  303 H. T\u00f6njes, _Ovamboland, Land, Leute, Mission_ (Berlin, 1911), p.\n      195.\n\n  M91 Sacrifices of first-fruits in South Africa.\n\n  304 Rev E. Casalis, _The Basutos_ (London, 1861), pp. 251 _sq._\n\n_  305 Ibid._ p. 252.\n\n_  306 Ibid._ pp. 252 _sq._ In the southern province of Ceylon \u201cthe\n      threshers behave as if they were in a temple of the gods when they\n      put the corn into the bags.\u201d See C. J. R. Le Mesurier, \u201cCustoms and\n      Superstitions connected with the Cultivation of Rice in the Southern\n      Province of Ceylon,\u201d _Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society_, N.S.\n      xvii. (1885), p. 371.\n\n  307 L. Decle, _Three Years in Savage Africa_ (London, 1898), p. 173.\n\n  308 G. McCall Theal, _Records of South-Eastern Africa_, vii. (1901) p.\n      397.\n\n  M92 Sacrifices of first-fruits in Central Africa.\n\n  309 \u201cDer Muata Cazembe und die V\u00f6lkerst\u00e4mme der Maravis, Chevas,\n      Muembas, Lundas und andere von S\u00fcd-Afrika,\u201d _Zeitschrift f\u00fcr\n      allgemeine Erdk\u00fcnde_ (Berlin), vi. (1856) pp. 272, 273.\n\n  310 Rev. A. Hetherwick, \u201cSome Animistic Beliefs among the Yaos of\n      British Central Africa,\u201d _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_,\n      xxxii. (1902) pp. 94 _sq._\n\n  311 Rev. A. Hetherwick, _op. cit._ pp. 91-94.\n\n  312 Dr. J. A. Chisholm, \u201cNotes on the Manners and Customs of the\n      Winamwanga and Wiwa,\u201d _Journal of the African Society_, vol. ix. No.\n      36 (July 1910), pp. 366 _sq._ Among the Winamwanga, as among the\n      Yaos, the human soul or spirit is called _muzimu_ (_op. cit._ p.\n      363).\n\n  313 C. Gouldsbury and H. Sheane, _The Great Plateau of Northern\n      Rhodesia_ (London, 1911), pp. 294 _sq._\n\n  M93 Sacrifices of first-fruits in East Africa.\n\n  314 C. W. Hobley, _Ethnology of A-Kamba and other East African Tribes_\n      (Cambridge, 1910), pp. 66, 85 _sq._\n\n  315 Rev. J. Roscoe, _The Baganda_ (London, 1911), p. 428.\n\n_  316 Annales de la Propagation de la Foi_, lx. (1888) p. 57. The account\n      is extracted from the letter of a Catholic priest, himself a Dinka.\n      The name of God, according to him, is _Den-dit_, meaning \u201cGreat\n      Rain.\u201d The form of the name agrees closely, and the interpretation\n      of it agrees exactly, with the results of Dr. C. G. Seligmann\u2019s\n      independent enquiries, according to which the name of the Dinka God\n      is _Dengdit_, \u201cGreat Rain,\u201d the word for rain being _deng_. See Dr.\n      C. G. Seligmann, in Dr. J. Hastings\u2019 _Encyclopaedia of Religion and\n      Ethics_, _s.v._ \u201cDinka,\u201d vol. iv. (Edinburgh, 1911) p. 707.\n\n  317 \u201cCoutumes \u00e9tranges des indig\u00e8nes du Djebel-Nouba (Afrique centrale),\n      notes communiqu\u00e9es par les missionnaires de V\u00e9rone,\u201d _Les Missions\n      Catholiques_, xiv. (1882) p. 459. As to the Nubas and their pontiff\n      see further Stanislas Carceri, \u201cDjebel-Nouba,\u201d _Les Missions\n      Catholiques_, xv. (1883) pp. 448-452.\n\n  M94 Sacrifices of first-fruits in West Africa.\n\n  318 A. F. Mockler-Ferryman, _Up the Niger_ (London, 1892), pp. 141 _sq._\n\n  319 Ch. Partridge, _Cross River Natives_ (London, 1905), pp. 266 _sq._\n\n  320 J. Spieth, _Die Ewe-St\u00e4mme_ (Berlin, 1906), pp. 795 _sq._\n\n  321 J. Spieth, _op. cit._ p. 344. As to the goddess Mawu Sodza, see\n      _ibid._ pp. 424 _sq._\n\n  322 H. Klose, _Togo unter deutscher Flagge_ (Berlin, 1899), p. 504.\n\n  323 L. Conradt, \u201cDas Hinterland der deutschen Kolonie Togo,\u201d _Petermanns\n      Mittheilungen_, xlii. (1896) p. 18.\n\n  M95 First-fruits offered to kings in Madagascar and Burma.\n\n  324 G. A. Shaw, \u201cThe Betsileo,\u201d _Antananarivo Annual and Madagascar\n      Magazine, Reprint of the First Four Numbers_ (Antananarivo, 1885),\n      p. 346.\n\n  325 J. Cameron, \u201cOn the Early Inhabitants of Madagascar,\u201d _Antananarivo\n      Annual and Madagascar Magazine, Reprint of the First Four Numbers_\n      (Antananarivo, 1885), p. 263.\n\n  326 A. Bastian, _Die V\u00f6lker des \u00f6stlichen Asien_, ii. (Leipsic, 1866),\n      p. 105.\n\n  327 A. van Gennep, _Tabou et Tot\u00e9misme \u00e0 Madagascar_ (Paris, 1904), p.\n      97.\n\n  M96 Sacrifices of first-fruits in Assam and other parts of India.\n      Sacrifices of first-fruits among hill tribes of India. Sacrifices of\n      first-fruits in the Central Provinces of India. Sacrifices of\n      first-fruits in the Punjaub.\n\n  328 E. T. Dalton, _Descriptive Ethnology of Bengal_ (Calcutta, 1872), p.\n      91.\n\n  329 Major A. Playfair, _The Garos_ (London, 1909), p. 94.\n\n  330 E. T. Dalton, _op. cit._ p. 198; (Sir) H. H. Risley, _Tribes and\n      Castes of Bengal, Ethnographic Glossary_ (Calcutta, 1891-1892), ii.\n      104.\n\n  331 Rev. P. Dehon, S.J., _Religion and Customs of the Uraons_ (Calcutta,\n      1906), p. 137 (_Memoirs of the Asiatic Society of Bengal_, vol. i.\n      No. 9).\n\n_  332 North Indian Notes and Queries_, i. 57, No. 428, quoting Moorcroft\n      and Trebeck, _Travels in the Himalayan Provinces_, i. 317 _sq._\n\n  333 E. T. Atkinson, _The Himalayan Districts of the North-Western\n      Provinces of India_, ii. (Allahabad, 1884) p. 825. As to Bhumiya see\n      further W. Crooke, _Popular Religion and Folk-lore of Northern\n      India_ (Westminster, 1896), i. 105-107, who observes (pp. 106\n      _sq._): \u201cTo illustrate the close connection between this worship of\n      Bh\u00fbmiya as the soil godling with that of the sainted dead, it may be\n      noted that in some places the shrine of Bh\u00fbmiya is identified with\n      the Jathera, which is the ancestral mound, sacred to the common\n      ancestor of the village or tribe.\u201d\n\n  334 Thomas Shaw, \u201cThe Inhabitants of the Hills near Rajamahall,\u201d\n      _Asiatic Researches_, iv. (London, 1807) pp. 56 _sq._\n\n_  335 Panjab Notes and Queries_, i. p. 60, \u00a7 502 (February 1884).\n\n_  336 Central Provinces, Ethnographic Survey_, iii. _Draft Articles on\n      Forest Tribes_ (Allahabad, 1907) p. 45.\n\n_  337 Op. cit._ iii. 73.\n\n_  338 Op. cit._ v. (Allahabad, 1911) p. 66.\n\n_  339 Op. cit._ vii. (Allahabad, 1911) p. 102.\n\n  340 The practice is curiously unlike the custom of ancient Italy, in\n      most parts of which women were forbidden by law to walk on the\n      highroads twirling a spindle, because this was supposed to injure\n      the crops (Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ xxviii. 28). The purpose of the\n      Indian custom may be to ward off evil influences from the field, as\n      Mr. W. Crooke suggests (_Popular Religion and Folk-lore of Northern\n      India_, ii. 305, \u201cThis forms a sacred circle which repels evil\n      influence from the crop\u201d). Compare _The Magic Art and Evolution of\n      Kings_, i. 113 _sq._\n\n  341 D. C. J. Ibbetson, _Outlines of Panjab Ethnography_ (Calcutta,\n      1883), p. 119.\n\n  M97 Sacrifices of first-fruits among the ancient Hindoos.\n\n_  342 The Satapatha Br\u00e2hmana_, translated by Julius Eggeling, Part i.\n      (Oxford, 1882), pp. 369-373 (_Sacred Books of the East_, vol. xii.).\n\n  M98 Sacrifices of first-fruits in Burma and Corea.\n\n  343 (Sir) J. G. Scott and J. P. Hardiman, _Gazetteer of Upper Burma and\n      the Shan States_, Part i. vol. i. (Rangoon, 1900), pp. 425 _sq._\n\n  344 Rev. G. Whitehead, \u201cNotes on the Chins of Burma,\u201d _Indian\n      Antiquary_, xxxvi. (1907) p. 207.\n\n  345 A. Bourlet, \u201cLes Thay,\u201d _Anthropos_, ii. (1907) pp. 627-629.\n\n  346 Ch. Dallet, _Histoire de l\u2019Eglise de Cor\u00e9e_ (Paris, 1874), i. p.\n      xxiv.\n\n  M99 Sacrifices of first-fruits in the East Indies.\n\n  347 Fr. Junghuhn, _Die Battal\u00e4nder auf Sumatra_ (Berlin, 1847), ii. 312.\n\n  348 Spenser St. John, _Life in the Forests of the Far East_2 (London,\n      1863), i. 191.\n\n  349 B. F. Matthes, _Beknopt Verslag mijner reizen in de Binnenlanden van\n      Celebes, in de jaren 1857 en 1861_, p. 5 (_Verzameling van Berigten\n      betreffende de Bijbelverspreiding_, Nos. 96-99).\n\n  350 N. Graafland, _De Minahassa_ (Rotterdam, 1869), i. 165.\n\n  351 J. G. F. Riedel, _De sluik- en kroesharige rassen tusschen Selebes\n      en Papua_ (The Hague, 1886), p. 107.\n\n  352 Riedel, _op. cit._ pp. 281, 296 _sq._\n\n  353 Fr. Valentyn, _Oud en nieuw Oost-Indi\u00ebn_ (Dordrecht and Amsterdam,\n      1724-1726), iii. 10.\n\n  354 C. M. Pleyte, \u201cEthnographische Beschrijving der Kei-Eilanden,\u201d\n      _Tijdschrift van het Nederlandsch Aardrijkskundig Genootschap_,\n      Tweede Serie, x. (1893) p. 801.\n\n  355 Fr. Kramer, \u201cDer G\u00f6tzendienst der Niasser,\u201d _Tijdschrift voor\n      Indische Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde_, xxxiii. (1890) p. 482.\n\n  356 C. Semper, _Die Philippinen und ihre Bewohner_ (W\u00fcrzburg, 1869), p.\n      56.\n\n  357 F. Blumentritt, \u201cDas Stromgebiet des Rio Grande de Mindano,\u201d\n      _Petermanns Mittheilungen_, xxxvii. (1891) p. 111.\n\n M100 Sacrifices of first-fruits in New Guinea.\n\n  358 Stefan Lehner, \u201cBukaua,\u201d in R. Neuhauss\u2019s _Deutsch Neu-Guinea_, iii.\n      (Berlin, 1911) pp. 434-436.\n\n M101 Sacrifices of first-fruits in Fiji and the New Hebrides.\n\n  359 Rev. Lorimer Fison, \u201cThe Nanga, or Sacred Stone Enclosure, of\n      Wainimala, Fiji,\u201d _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xiv.\n      (1885) p. 27.\n\n  360 J. E. Erskine, _Journal of a Cruise among the Islands of the Western\n      Pacific_ (London, 1853), p. 252.\n\n  361 G. Turner, _Samoa_ (London, 1884), pp. 318 _sq._\n\n M102 Sacrifices of first-fruits in the Solomon Islands.\n\n  362 Rev. R. H. Codrington, _The Melanesians_ (Oxford, 1891), pp. 132\n      _sq._\n\n  363 C. M. Woodford, _A Naturalist among the Head-hunters, being an\n      Account of Three Visits to the Solomon Islands_ (London, 1890), pp.\n      26-28.\n\n  364 Rev. R. H. Codrington, _The Melanesians_, p. 138.\n\n M103 Sacrifices of first-fruits in the Kingsmill Islands.\n\n  365 Horatio Hale, _United States Exploring Expedition, Ethnology and\n      Philology_ (Philadelphia, 1846), p. 97.\n\n M104 Sacrifices of first-fruits in the Tonga Islands.\n M105 The first-fruits of the yams deposited on the grave of the last\n      Tooitonga (divine chief).\n\n  366 The _mal\u00e1i_ is \u201ca piece of ground, generally before a large house,\n      or chief\u2019s grave, where public ceremonies are principally held\u201d (W.\n      Mariner, _Tonga Islands, Vocabulary_).\n\n  367 The _mataboole_ is \u201ca rank next below chiefs or nobles\u201d (_ibid._).\n\n  368 W. Mariner, _Account of the Natives of the Tonga Islands_, Second\n      Edition (London, 1818), ii. 78, 196-203. As to the divine chief\n      Tooitonga see _Taboo and the Perils of the Soul_, p. 21.\n\n M106 Significance of the presentation of first-fruits to the divine chief\n      at the grave of his predecessor.\n M107 Sacrifices of first-fruits in Samoa and other parts of Polynesia.\n\n  369 Ch. Wilkes,. _Narrative of the United States Exploring Expedition_,\n      New Edition (New York, 1851), ii. 133.\n\n  370 G. Turner, _Samoa_, pp. 70 _sq._\n\n  371 W. Ellis, _Polynesian Researches_, Second Edition (London,\n      1832-1836), i. 350.\n\n  372 D. Tyerman and G. Bennet, _Journal of Voyages and Travels_ (London,\n      1831), i. 284.\n\n  373 Geiseler, _Die Oster-Insel_ (Berlin, 1883), p. 31.\n\n  374 E. Tregear, \u201cThe Maoris of New Zealand,\u201d _Journal of the\n      Anthropological Institute_, xix. (1890) p. 110; R. Taylor, _Te Ika A\n      Maui, or New Zealand and its Inhabitants_, Second Edition (London,\n      1870), pp. 165 _sq._; _Old New Zealand_, by a Pakeha Maori (London,\n      1884), pp. 103 _sq._\n\n M108 Sacrifices of first-fruits among the old Prussians, Greeks, and\n      Romans.\n\n  375 Chr. Hartknoch, _Alt und neues Preussen_ (Frankfort and Leipsic,\n      1684), p. 161; _id._, _Dissertationes historicae de variis rebus\n      Prussicis_, p. 163 (appended to his edition of P. de Dusburg\u2019s\n      _Chronicon Prussiae_, Frankfort and Leipsic, 1679). Compare W.\n      Mannhardt, _Die Kornd\u00e4monen_ (Berlin, 1868), p. 27.\n\n  376 See above, vol. i. pp. 53 _sqq._\n\n  377 Plutarch, _Theseus_, 6.\n\n  378 Hyginus, _Fabulae_, 130.\n\n  379 Festus, _s.v._ \u201cSacrima,\u201d p. 319, ed. C. O. M\u00fcller; Pliny, _Nat.\n      Hist._ xviii. 8.\n\n  380 Varro, _De lingua Latina_, vi. 16, ed. C. O. M\u00fcller.\n\n M109 Sacrifices of first-fruits among the Indians of America.\n      Chateaubriand\u2019s description of the harvest festival among the\n      Natchez.\n\n  381 James Teit, _The Thompson Indians of British Columbia_, p. 345 (_The\n      Jesup North Pacific Expedition, Memoir of the American Museum of\n      Natural History_, May, 1900).\n\n  382 C. Hill Tout, \u201cReport on the Ethnology of the Okanaken of British\n      Columbia,\u201d _Journal of the R. Anthropological Institute_, xli.\n      (1911) p. 132.\n\n  383 Brasseur de Bourbourg, _Histoire des Nations civilis\u00e9es du Mexique\n      et de l\u2019Am\u00e9rique-Centrale_ (Paris, 1857-1859), ii. 566.\n\n_  384 Annales de l\u2019Association de la Propagation de la Foi_, i. (Paris\n      and Lyons, 1826) p. 386.\n\n  385 Above, pp. 77 _sqq._\n\n  386 Chateaubriand, _Voyage en Am\u00e9rique_, pp. 130-136 (Michel L\u00e9vy,\n      Paris, 1870).\n\n M110 Custom of killing and eating the corn-spirit sacramentally. Belief\n      of the savage that by eating an animal or man he acquires the\n      qualities of that animal or man.\n\n  387 See _The Dying God_, pp. 9 _sqq._\n\n M111 Beliefs of the American Indians as to the homoeopathic magic of the\n      flesh of animals.\n\n  388 James Adair, _History of the American Indians_ (London, 1775), p.\n      133.\n\n  389 Alfred Simson, _Travels in the Wilds of Ecuador_ (London, 1887), p.\n      168; _id._, in _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, vii.\n      (1878) p. 503.\n\n  390 A. Thevet, _Les Singularitez de la France Antarctique, autrement\n      nomm\u00e9e Amerique_ (Antwerp, 1558), p. 55; _id._, _La Cosmographie\n      Universelle_ (Paris, 1575), ii. pp. 929, [963], 940 [974]; J.\n      Lerius, _Historia Navigationis in Brasiliam, quae et America\n      dicitur_ (1586), pp. 126 _sq._\n\n  391 Rochefort, _Histoire Naturelle et Morale des Iles Antilles_, Seconde\n      Edition (Rotterdam, 1665), p. 465.\n\n  392 C. Cuny, \u201cDe Libreville au Cameroun,\u201d _Bulletin de la Soci\u00e9t\u00e9 de\n      G\u00e9ographie_ (Paris), vii. S\u00e9rie, xvii. (1896) p. 342.\n\n  393 R. Southey, _History of Brazil_, ii. (London, 1817) p. 373; _id._,\n      iii. (London, 1819) p. 164.\n\n  394 P. Lozano, _Descripcion Chorographica del Gran Chaco_ (Cordova,\n      1733), p. 90.\n\n  395 M. Dobrizhoffer, _Historia de Abiponibus_ (Vienna, 1784), i. 289\n      _sq._\n\n  396 J. Teit, _The Thompson Indians of British Columbia_, p. 348 (_The\n      Jesup North Pacific Expedition, Memoir of the American Museum of\n      Natural History_, April, 1900).\n\n M112 Bushman beliefs as to the homoeopathic magic of the flesh of\n      animals.\n\n  397 W. H. I. Bleek and C. L. Lloyd, _Specimens of Bushman Folklore_\n      (London, 1911), pp. 271-275.\n\n M113 Other African beliefs as to the homoeopathic magic of the flesh of\n      animals. Ancient beliefs as to the homoeopathic magic of the flesh\n      of animals.\n\n  398 A. Bertrand, _The Kingdom of the Barotsi, Upper Zambezia_ (London,\n      1899), p. 277, quoting the description given by the French\n      missionary M. Coillard.\n\n  399 Theophilus Hahn, _Tsuni-Goam, the Supreme Being of the Khoi-Khoi_\n      (London, 1881), p. 106.\n\n  400 W. H. I. Bleek and L. C. Lloyd, _Specimens of Bushman Folklore_\n      (London, 1911), p. 373.\n\n  401 Rev. H. Cole, \u201cNotes on the Wagogo of German East Africa,\u201d _Journal\n      of the Anthropological Institute_, xxxii. (1902) p. 318.\n\n  402 Sir Harry Johnston, _The Uganda Protectorate_, Second Edition\n      (London, 1904), ii. 787.\n\n  403 Rev. J. Macdonald, _Light in Africa_, Second Edition (London, 1890),\n      p. 174; _id._, in _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xix.\n      (1890) p. 282.\n\n  404 Rev. H. Callaway, _Religious System of the Amazulu_, p. 438, note\n      16.\n\n  405 O. Baumann, _Usambara und seine Nachbargebiete_ (Berlin, 1891), p.\n      128.\n\n  406 Sir H. H. Johnston, _British Central Africa_ (London, 1897), p. 438;\n      J. Buchanan, _The Shire Highlands_, p. 138.\n\n  407 M. W. H. Beech, _The Suk, their Language and Folklore_ (Oxford,\n      1911), p. 11.\n\n  408 J. Shooter, _The Kafirs of Natal and the Zulu Country_ (London,\n      1857), p. 399.\n\n  409 A. B. Ellis, _The Ewe-speaking Peoples of the Slave Coast of West\n      Africa_ (London, 1890), p. 99.\n\n  410 M. Merker, _Rechtsverh\u00e4ltnisse und Sitten der Wadschagga_ (Gotha,\n      1902), p. 38 (_Petermanns Mitteilungen, Erg\u00e4nzungsheft_, No. 138).\n\n  411 Rev. H. Callaway, _Nursery Tales, Traditions, and Histories of the\n      Zulus_ (Natal and London, 1868), p. 175 note.\n\n  412 Ovid, _Metam._ vii. 271 _sqq._ As to the supposed longevity of deer\n      and crows, see L. Stephani, in _Compte Rendu de la Commission\n      Arch\u00e9ologique_ (St. Petersburg), 1863, pp. 140 _sq._, and my note on\n      Pausanias, viii. 10. 10.\n\n  413 Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ viii. 119.\n\n  414 Porphyry, _De Abstinentia_, ii. 48: \u03bf\u1f31 \u03b3\u03bf\u1fe6\u03bd \u03b6\u03ce\u03c9\u03bd \u03bc\u03b1\u03bd\u03c4\u03b9\u03ba\u1ff6\u03bd \u03c8\u03c5\u03c7\u1f70\u03c2\n      \u03b4\u03ad\u03be\u03b1\u03c3\u03b8\u03b1\u03b9 \u03b2\u03bf\u03c5\u03bb\u03cc\u03bc\u03b5\u03bd\u03bf\u03b9 \u03b5\u1f30\u03c2 \u1f11\u03b1\u03c5\u03c4\u03bf\u03cd\u03c2, \u03c4\u1f70 \u03ba\u03c5\u03c1\u03b9\u03ce\u03c4\u03b1\u03c4\u03b1 \u03bc\u03cc\u03c1\u03b9\u03b1 \u03ba\u03b1\u03c4\u03b1\u03c0\u03b9\u03cc\u03bd\u03c4\u03b5\u03c2,\n      \u03bf\u1f37\u03bf\u03bd \u03ba\u03b1\u03c1\u03b4\u03af\u03b1\u03c2 \u03ba\u03bf\u03c1\u03ac\u03ba\u03c9\u03bd \u1f22 \u1f00\u03c3\u03c0\u03b1\u03bb\u03ac\u03ba\u03c9\u03bd \u1f22 \u1f31\u03b5\u03c1\u03ac\u03ba\u03c9\u03bd, \u1f14\u03c7\u03bf\u03c5\u03c3\u03b9 \u03c0\u03b1\u03c1\u03b9\u03bf\u1fe6\u03c3\u03b1\u03bd \u03c4\u1f74\u03bd\n      \u03c8\u03c5\u03c7\u1f74\u03bd \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u03c7\u03c1\u03b7\u03bc\u03b1\u03c4\u03af\u03b6\u03bf\u03c5\u03c3\u03b1\u03bd \u1f61\u03c2 \u03b8\u03b5\u1f78\u03bd \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u03b5\u1f30\u03c3\u03b9\u03bf\u1fe6\u03c3\u03b1\u03bd \u03b5\u1f30\u03c2 \u03b1\u1f50\u03c4\u03bf\u1f7a\u03c2 \u1f04\u03bc\u03b1 \u03c4\u1fc7\n      \u1f10\u03bd\u03b8\u03ad\u03c3\u03b5\u03b9 \u03c4\u1fc7 \u03c4\u03bf\u1fe6 \u03c3\u03ce\u03bc\u03b1\u03c4\u03bf\u03c2. Pliny also mentions the custom of eating the\n      heart of a mole, raw and palpitating, as a means of acquiring skill\n      in divination (_Nat. Hist._ xxx. 19).\n\n M114 Beliefs of the Dyaks and Aino as to the homoeopathic magic of the\n      flesh of animals.\n\n  415 Spenser St. John, _Life in the Forests of the Far East_, Second\n      Edition (London, 1863), i. 186, 206.\n\n  416 W. H. Furness, _Home-life of Borneo Head-hunters_ (Philadelphia,\n      1902), p. 71; compare _id._, pp. 166 _sq._\n\n  417 Rev. J. Batchelor, _The Ainu and their Folk-lore_ (London, 1901),\n      pp. 511-513.\n\n  418 Rev. J. Batchelor, _op. cit._ p. 337.\n\n  419 W. Crooke, _Popular Religion and Folk-lore of Northern India_\n      (Westminster, 1896), i. 279.\n\n M115 Beliefs as to the homoeopathic magic of the flesh of dogs, tigers,\n      etc.\n\n  420 Bossu, _Nouveaux Voyages aux Indes occidentales_ (Paris, 1768), i.\n      112.\n\n  421 H. R. Schoolcraft, _Indian Tribes of the United States_, ii.\n      (Philadelphia, 1853) pp. 79 _sq._\n\n  422 J. G. F. Riedel, _De sluik- en kroesharige rassen tusschen Selebes\n      en Papua_ (The Hague, 1886), pp. 10, 262.\n\n  423 James Chalmers, _Pioneering in New Guinea_ (London, 1887), p. 166.\n\n_  424 Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xxiv. (1895) p. 179.\n\n  425 E. T. Dalton, _Descriptive Ethnology of Bengal_ (Calcutta, 1872), p.\n      33.\n\n_  426 Proceedings of the Royal Geographical Society_, N.S., viii. (1886)\n      p. 307.\n\n  427 J. Henderson, \u201cThe Medicine and Medical Practice of the Chinese,\u201d\n      _Journal of the North China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society_,\n      New Series, i. (Shanghai, 1865) pp. 35 _sq._ Compare Mrs. Bishop,\n      _Korea and her Neighbours_ (London, 1898), i. 79.\n\n  428 Mrs. S. S. Allison, \u201cAccount of the Similkameen Indians of British\n      Columbia,\u201d _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xxi. (1892)\n      p. 313.\n\n M116 Beliefs as to the homoeopathic magic of the flesh of wolves, bears,\n      and serpents.\n\n  429 P. E. M\u00fcller on Saxo Grammaticus, _Historia Danica_ (Copenhagen,\n      1839-1858), vol. ii. p. 60.\n\n_  430 Die Edda_, \u00fcbersetzt von K. Simrock8 (Stuttgart, 1882), pp. 180,\n      309.\n\n  431 Pliny, _Hist. Natur._ x. 137, xxix. 72.\n\n  432 Philostratus, _Vita Apollonii_, i. 20, iii. 9.\n\n  433 Saxo Grammaticus, _Historia Danica_, ed. P. E. M\u00fcller (Copenhagen,\n      1839-1858), i. 193 _sq._\n\n  434 P. E. M\u00fcller, note in his edition of Saxo Grammaticus, vol. ii. p.\n      146.\n\n  435 A. Wuttke, _Der deutsche Volksaberglaube_2 (Berlin, 1869), p. 110, \u00a7\n      153; J. V. Grohmann, _Aberglauben und Gebr\u00e4uche aus B\u00f6hmen und\n      M\u00e4hren_ (Prague and Leipsic, 1864), p. 230, \u00a7 1658.\n\n  436 Grimm, _Kinder- und Hausm\u00e4rchen_, No. 17; _id._, _Deutsche Sagen_2\n      (Berlin, 1865-1866), No. 132 (vol. i. pp. 174-176); A. Kuhn und W.\n      Schwartz, _Norddeutsche Sagen, M\u00e4rchen und Gebr\u00e4uche_ (Leipsic,\n      1848), p. 154; A. Waldau, _B\u00f6hmisches M\u00e4rchenbuch_ (Prague, 1860),\n      pp. 13 _sqq._; Von Alpenburg, _Mythen und Sagen Tirols_ (Zurich,\n      1857), pp. 302 _sqq._; W. von Schulenburg, _Wendische Volkssagen und\n      Gebr\u00e4uche aus dem Spreewald_ (Leipsic, 1880), p. 96; P. S\u00e9billot,\n      _Traditions et Superstitions de la Haute-Bretagne_ (Paris, 1882),\n      ii. 224; W. Grant Stewart, _The Popular Superstitions and Festive\n      Amusements of the Highlanders of Scotland_, New Edition (London,\n      1851), pp. 53, 56; J. F. Campbell, _Popular Tales of the West\n      Highlands_, New Edition (Paisley and London, 1890), No. 47, vol. ii.\n      pp. 377 _sqq._; E. Prym und A. Socin, _Syrische Sagen und Maerchen_\n      (G\u00f6ttingen, 1881), pp. 150 _sq._ On the serpent in relation to the\n      acquisition by men of the language of animals, see further my\n      article, \u201cThe Language of Animals,\u201d _The Archaeological Review_, i.\n      (1888) pp. 166 _sqq._ Sometimes serpents have been thought to impart\n      a knowledge of the language of animals voluntarily by licking the\n      ears of the seer. See Apollodorus, _Bibliotheca_, i. 9. 11 _sq._;\n      Porphyry, _De abstinentia_, iii. 4.\n\n M117 Various beliefs as to the homoeopathic magic of the flesh of\n      animals.\n\n  437 A. Leared, _Morocco and the Moors_ (London, 1876), p. 281.\n\n  438 M. Quedenfelt, \u201cAberglaube und halb-religi\u00f6se Bruderschaft bei den\n      Marokkanarn,\u201d _Verhandlungen der Berliner Gesellschaft f\u00fcr\n      Anthropologie, Ethnologie und Urgeschichte_, 1886, p. 682 (bound up\n      with the _Zeitschrift f\u00fcr Ethnologie_, xviii. 1886).\n\n  439 H. Vambery, _Das T\u00fcrkenvolk_ (Leipsic, 1885), p. 218.\n\n  440 Charlevoix, _Histoire de la Nouvelle France_ (Paris, 1744), vi. 8.\n\n  441 P. J. Veth, \u201cDe leer der Signatuur,\u201d _Internationales Archiv f\u00fcr\n      Ethnographie_, vii. (1894) pp. 140 _sq._\n\n  442 R. W. Felkin, \u201cNotes on the For Tribe of Central Africa,\u201d\n      _Proceedings of the Royal Society of Edinburgh_, xiii. (1884-1886)\n      p. 218.\n\n M118 The flesh and blood, but especially the hearts, of dead men eaten or\n      drunk for the sake of acquiring the good qualities of the dead.\n\n  443 Rev. J. Macdonald, \u201cManners, Customs, etc., of the South African\n      Tribes,\u201d _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xx. (1891) p.\n      116; _id._, _Light in Africa_ (London, 1890), p. 212. Compare Rev.\n      E. Casalis, _The Basutos_ (London, 1861), pp. 257 _sq._; Dudley\n      Kidd, _The Essential Kafir_ (London, 1904), p. 309.\n\n  444 Rev. J. Macdonald, in _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_,\n      xx. (1891) p. 138; _id._, _Light in Africa_, p. 220.\n\n  445 H. Schinz, _Deutsch S\u00fcdwest-Afrika_ (Oldenburg and Leipsic, preface\n      dated 1891), p. 320.\n\n  446 J. Macdonald, \u201cEast Central African Customs,\u201d _Journal of the\n      Anthropological Institute_, xxii. (1893) p. 111. Compare J.\n      Buchanan, _The Shire Highlands_, p. 138; Sir H. H. Johnston,\n      _British Central Africa_ (London, 1897), p. 438.\n\n  447 A. C. Hollis, _The Nandi_ (Oxford, 1909), p. 27.\n\n  448 Rev. H. Cole, \u201cNotes on the Wagogo of German East Africa,\u201d _Journal\n      of the Anthropological Institute_, xxxii. (1902) p. 318.\n\n  449 Rev. J. L. Wilson, _Western Africa_ (London, 1856), pp. 167 _sq._\n\n  450 A. B. Ellis, _The Ewe-speaking Peoples of the Slave Coast_ (London,\n      1890), pp. 99 _sq._\n\n  451 A. B. Ellis, _The Yoruba-speaking Peoples of the Slave Coast_\n      (London, 1894), p. 69.\n\n  452 A. Caulin, _Historia Coro-graphica natural y evangelica dela Nueva\n      Andalucia_ (1779), p. 98.\n\n  453 A. de Herrera, _General History of the vast Continent and Islands of\n      America_, translated by Capt. J. Stevens (London, 1725-1726), vi.\n      187.\n\n  454 F. de Castelnau, _Exp\u00e9dition dans les parties centrales de\n      l\u2019Am\u00e9rique du Sud_ (Paris, 1850-1851), iv. 382.\n\n  455 James Adair, _History of the American Indians_ (London, 1775), p.\n      135.\n\n  456 Rev. J. Roscoe, \u201cNotes on the Manners and Customs of the Baganda,\u201d\n      _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xxxi. (1901) pp. 129\n      _sq._; _id._, \u201cFurther Notes on the Manners and Customs of the\n      Baganda,\u201d _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xxxii. (1902)\n      p. 45.\n\n  457 E. W. Nelson, \u201cThe Eskimo about Bering Strait,\u201d _Eighteenth Annual\n      Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology_, Part i. (Washington,\n      1899) p. 328.\n\n  458 E. Clement, \u201cEthnographical Notes on the Western Australian\n      Aborigines,\u201d _Internationales Archiv f\u00fcr Ethnographie_, xvi. (1904)\n      p. 8.\n\n M119 Other parts than the heart are eaten for the purpose of acquiring\n      the virtues of the deceased.\n\n  459 O. Opigez, \u201cAper\u00e7u g\u00e9n\u00e9ral sur la Nouvelle-Cal\u00e9donie,\u201d _Bulletin de\n      la Soci\u00e9t\u00e9 de G\u00e9ographie_ (Paris), vii. S\u00e9rie, vii. (1886) p. 433.\n\n  460 A. W. Howitt, _Native Tribes of South-East Australia_ (London,\n      1904), p. 753.\n\n  461 A. W. Howitt, _op. cit._ p. 752.\n\n  462 S. Gason, in _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xxiv.\n      (1895) p. 172.\n\n  463 Rev. W. Ridley, _Kamilaroi_ (Sydney, 1875), p. 160.\n\n_  464 Annales de la Propagation de la Foi_, xi. (Lyons, 1838-1839) p.\n      258.\n\n  465 J. Henderson, \u201cThe Medicine and Medical Practice of the Chinese,\u201d\n      _Journal of the North China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society_,\n      New Series, i. (Shanghai, 1865) pp. 35 _sq._\n\n  466 A. C. Kruyt, \u201cHet koppensnellen der Toradja\u2019s van Midden-Celebes, en\n      zijne Beteekenis,\u201d _Verslagen en Mededeelingen der koninklijke\n      Akademie van Wetenschappen_, Afdeeling Letterkunde, Vierde Reeks,\n      iii. (Amsterdam, 1899) p. 201.\n\n  467 N. Adriani en A. C. Kruijt, \u201cVan Posso naar Mori,\u201d _Mededeelingen\n      van wege het Nederlandsche Zendelinggenootschap_, xliv. (1900) p.\n      162.\n\n  468 F. Blumentritt, \u201cDer Ahnencultus und die religi\u00f6sen Anschauungen der\n      Malaien des Philippinen-Archipels,\u201d _Mittheilungen der Wiener\n      Geograph. Gesellschaft_, 1882, p. 154; _id._, _Versuch einer\n      Ethnographie der Philippinen_ (Gotha, 1882), p. 32 (_Petermann\u2019s\n      Mittheilungen, Erg\u00e4nzungsheft_, No. 67).\n\n  469 Ch. Keysser, \u201cAus dem Leben der Kaileute,\u201d in R. Neuhauss\u2019s _Deutsch\n      Neu-Guinea_, iii. (Berlin, 1911) p. 131.\n\n  470 L. Magyar, _Reisen in S\u00fcd-Afrika in den Jahren 1849-1857_\n      (Buda-Pesth and Leipsic, 1859), pp. 273-276.\n\n  471 Rev. J. Shooter, _The Kafirs of Natal_ (London, 1857), p. 216.\n\n  472 Rev. H. Callaway, _Nursery Tales, Traditions and Histories of the\n      Zulus_ (Natal and London, 1868), p. 163 note.\n\n  473 A. C. Haddon, \u201cThe Ethnography of the Western Tribe of Torres\n      Straits,\u201d _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xix. (1890) p.\n      414, compare p. 312; _Reports of the Cambridge Anthropological\n      Expedition to Torres Straits_, v. (Cambridge, 1904) p. 301.\n\n  474 A. C. Haddon, _op. cit._ p. 420; _Reports of the Cambridge\n      Anthropological Expedition to Torres Straits_, v. (Cambridge, 1904)\n      pp. 301 _sq._\n\n  475 S. J. Hickson, _A Naturalist in North Celebes_ (London, 1889), p.\n      216.\n\n  476 R. Taylor, _Te Ika a Maui, or New Zealand and its Inhabitants_,\n      Second Edition (London, 1870), p. 352. Compare _ibid._ p. 173; W.\n      Ellis, _Polynesian Researches_, Second Edition (London, 1831-1836),\n      i. 358; J. Dumont D\u2019Urville, _Voyage autour du Monde et \u00e0 la\n      recherche de la P\u00e9rouse sur la corvette Astrolabe_ (Paris,\n      1832-1833), ii. 547; E. Tregear, \u201cThe Maoris of New Zealand,\u201d\n      _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xix. (1890) p. 108.\n\n M120 Moral virtues of the dead acquired through simple contact with their\n      bones.\n\n  477 A. C. Kruyt, \u201cHet koppensnellen der Toradja\u2019s van Midden-Celebes, en\n      zijne Beteekenis,\u201d _Verslagen en Mededeelingen der koninklijke\n      Akademie van Wetenschappen_, Afdeeling Letterkunde, Vierde Reeks,\n      iii. (Amsterdam, 1899) p. 166.\n\n_  478 The Spectator_, No. 316, March 3, 1712; Gibbon, _Decline and Fall_,\n      ch. lxvii.\n\n  479 Ph. Paulitschke, _Ethnographie Nordost-Afrikas: die geistige Cultur\n      der Dan\u00e2kil, Galla und Som\u00e2l_ (Berlin, 1896), p. 56.\n\n M121 Savages sometimes seek to form a covenant of friendship with their\n      dead foes by drinking their blood.\n\n  480 For examples of the blood-covenant see H. C. Trumbull, _The Blood\n      Covenant_ (London, 1887). The custom is particularly common in\n      Africa.\n\n  481 Rev. J. H. Bernau, _Missionary Labours in British Guiana_ (London,\n      1847), pp. 57 _sq._; R Schomburgk, _Reisen in Britisch-Guiana_\n      (Leipsic, 1847-1848), ii. 497.\n\n  482 A. C. Hollis, _The Nandi_ (Oxford, 1909), p. 27.\n\n  483 A. G. Leonard, _The Lower Niger and its Tribes_ (London, 1906), pp.\n      180, 181 _sq._\n\n  484 Mrs. Leslie Milne, _Shans at Home_ (London, 1910), p. 192.\n\n M122 Blood-covenant formed by manslayers with the ghosts of their\n      victims.\n\n  485 The Kukis of north-eastern India believe that the ghost of an animal\n      as well as of a man will haunt its slayer and drive him mad unless\n      he performs a ceremony called _ai_. For example, a man who has\n      killed a tiger must dress himself up as a woman, put flints into the\n      tiger\u2019s mouth, and eat eggs himself, after which he makes a speech\n      to the tiger and gives it three cuts over the head with a sword.\n      During this performance the principal performer must keep perfectly\n      grave. Should he accidentally laugh, he says, \u201cThe porcupine\n      laughed,\u201d referring to a real porcupine which he carries in his arms\n      for the purpose. See Lieut.-Colonel J. Shakespeare, \u201cThe Kuki-Lushai\n      Clans,\u201d _Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute_, xxxix.\n      (1909) pp. 380 _sq._\n\n  486 J. Dumont D\u2019Urville, _Voyage autour du Monde et \u00e0 la recherche de la\n      P\u00e9rouse_ (Paris, 1832-1833), iii. 305.\n\n  487 Vincenzo Dorsa, _La Tradizione greco-latina negli usi e nelle\n      credenze popolari della Calabria Citeriore_ (Cosenza, 1884), p. 138.\n\n  488 F. de Castelnau, _Exp\u00e9dition dans les parties centrales de\n      l\u2019Am\u00e9rique du Sud_ (Paris, 1850-1851), iv. 382.\n\n  489 Some of the evidence has already been cited by me in _Psyche\u2019s\n      Task_, pp. 56-58.\n\n M123 Communion with the dead by swallowing their ashes.\n\n  490 A. R. Wallace, _Travels on the Amazon and Rio Negro_, Second Edition\n      (London, 1889), ch. xvii. pp. 346 _sq._\n\n  491 R. Southey, _History of Brazil_, iii. (London, 1819) p. 722.\n\n  492 R. Southey, _op. cit._ iii. 204.\n\n  493 A. de Herrera, _The General History of the Vast Continent and\n      Islands of America_, translated by Capt. John Stevens (London,\n      1725-1726), iv. 45.\n\n  494 A. Reich und F. Stegelmann, \u201cBei den Indianern des Urubamba und des\n      Envira,\u201d _Globus_, lxxxiii. (1903) p. 137. On similar custom\n      practised by the American Indians see further De la Borde, _Relation\n      de l\u2019Origine, M\u0153urs, Coustumes, Religion, Guerres et Voyages des\n      Caraibes Sauvages_, p. 37 (forming part of the _Recueil de divers\n      Voyages faits en Afrique et en l\u2019Amerique_, Paris, 1684); J. F.\n      Lafitau, _M\u0153urs des Sauvages Ameriquains_ (Paris, 1724), ii.\n      444-446; A. N. Cabe\u00e7a de Vaca, _Relation et Naufrages_ (Paris,\n      1837), p. 109 (in Ternaux Compans\u2019 _Voyages, Relations et M\u00e9moires\n      originaux pour servir \u00e0 l\u2019Histoire de la D\u00e9couverte de l\u2019Am\u00e9rique_);\n      R. Southey, _History of Brazil_, i. (Second Edition, London, 1822),\n      Supplemental Notes, p. xxxvi.; F. de Castelnau, _Exp\u00e9dition dans les\n      parties centrales de l\u2019Am\u00e9rique du Sud_ (Paris, 1850-1851), iv. 380;\n      J. G. M\u00fcller, _Geschichte der amerikanischen Urreligionen_ (B\u00e2le,\n      1867), pp. 289 _sq._; H. A. Coudreau, _La France \u00c9quinoxiale_\n      (Paris, 1887), ii. 173; Theodor Koch, \u201cDie Anthropophagie der\n      s\u00fcdamerikanischen Indianer,\u201d _Internationales Archiv f\u00fcr\n      Ethnographie_, xii. (1899) pp. 78-110; Th. Koch-Gr\u00fcnberg, _Zwei\n      Jahre unter den Indianern_ (Berlin, 1909-1910), ii. 152. Some\n      Indians of Guiana rubbed their limbs with water in which the ashes\n      of their dead were mingled. See A. Biet, _Voyage de la France\n      Equinoxiale en l\u2019Isle de Cayenne_ (Paris, 1664), p. 392.\n\n  495 Aulus Gellius, _Noctes Atticae_, x. 18; Valerius Maximus, iv. 6. 5.\n\n  496 C. Gouldsbury and H. Sheane, _The Great Plateau of Northern\n      Rhodesia_ (London, 1911), p. 55.\n\n  497 See above, p. 154 _sqq._\n\n M124 Savages attempt to inoculate themselves with moral and other virtues\n      by making cuts in their bodies and inserting in the cuts the ashes\n      of animals and plants which they suppose to be endowed with the\n      virtues in question.\n\n  498 Rev. E. Casalis, _The Basutos_, (London, 1861), pp. 256 _sq._\n\n  499 E. Holub, _Sieben Jahre in S\u00fcd Afrika_ (Vienna, 1881), ii. 361.\n\n  500 See above, p. 148.\n\n  501 J. Macdonald, \u201cManners, Customs, etc., of South African Tribes,\u201d\n      _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xx. (1891) p. 133. The\n      Barolong, a Bechuana tribe, observe a custom of this sort. See W.\n      Joest, \u201cBei den Barolong,\u201d _Das Ausland_, 16th June 1884, p. 464.\n\n  502 Col. Maclean, _A Compendium of Kafir Laws and Customs_ (Cape Town,\n      1866), p. 82.\n\n  503 Father Porte, \u201cLes reminiscences d\u2019un missionnaire du Basutoland,\u201d\n      _Les Missions Catholiques_, xxviii. (1896) p. 149.\n\n  504 Dudley Kidd, _Savage Childhood_ (London, 1906), p. 70, compare p.\n      43.\n\n  505 Lieut. H. Pope-Hennessy, \u201cNotes on the Jukos and other Tribes of the\n      Middle Benue,\u201d _Anthropological Reviews and Miscellanea_, p. (30);\n      appended to _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xxx. (1900).\n\n M125 The Zulus think they can inoculate themselves with celestial power.\n      Some Caffres inoculate themselves against lightning.\n\n  506 Rev. H. Callaway, _Religious System of the Amazulu_, pp. 380-382.\n\n  507 Col. Maclean, _A Compendium of Kafir Laws and Customs_ (Cape Town,\n      1866), pp. 83 _sq._\n\n  508 Du Tertre, _Histoire generale des Isles de S. Christophe, de la\n      Guadeloupe, de la Martinique et autres dans l\u2019Amerique_ (Paris,\n      1654), pp. 417 _sq._; _id._, _Histoire generale des Antilles_\n      (Paris, 1667-1671), ii. 377; Rochefort, _Histoire Naturelle et\n      Morale des Iles Antilles_2 (Rotterdam, 1665), p. 556.\n\n M126 Some savages attempt to acquire the physical and mental qualities of\n      the dead by anointing themselves with their remains. The juices of\n      animals are sometimes similarly applied for the same purpose.\n\n  509 R. Brough Smith, _Aborigines of Victoria_ (Melbourne and London,\n      1878), i. p. xxix., ii. 313; A. W. Howitt, _Native Tribes of\n      South-East Australia_ (London, 1904), pp. 367 _sqq._\n\n  510 Rev. W. Ridley, _Kamilaroi_ (Sydney, 1875), p. 160.\n\n  511 A. W. Howitt, _Native Tribes of South-East Australia_ (London,\n      1904), pp. 467, 468.\n\n  512 J. Chalmers and W. W. Gill, _Work and Adventure in New Guinea_\n      (London, 1885), pp. 130, 265, 308; J. G. F. Riedel, _De sluik- en\n      kroesharige rassen tusschen Selebes en Papua_ (The Hague, 1886), p.\n      308; Rev. J. Sibree, _The Great African Island_ (London, 1880), p.\n      241. Other or the same peoples sometimes drink the juices of the\n      decaying bodies of their kinsfolk, doubtless for a similar reason.\n      See _Reports of the Cambridge Anthropological Expedition to Torres\n      Straits_, vi. (Cambridge, 1906) p. 159; J. Chalmers and W. Gill,\n      _op. cit._ pp. 27, 265; Ch. Wilkes, _Narrative of the United States\n      Exploring Expedition_, New Edition (New York, 1851), ii. 139; J. G.\n      F. Riedel, _op. cit._ p. 267; A. Bastian, _Indonesien_, ii. (Berlin,\n      1885) p. 95; _id._, _Die V\u00f6lker des Ostlichen Asien_, v. (Jena,\n      1869) p. 91; P. J. Veth, _Borneo\u2019s Westerafdeeling_ (Zaltbommel,\n      1854-1856), ii. 270; J. Jacobs, _Eenigen Tijd onder de Baliers_\n      (Batavia, 1883), p. 53.\n\n  513 Rev. J. L. Wilson, _Western Africa_ (London, 1856), p. 394.\n\n  514 Mgr. Le Roy, \u201cLes Pygm\u00e9es,\u201d _Les Missions Catholiques_, xxix. (1897)\n      p. 210.\n\n  515 \u201cMourning for the Dead among the Digger Indians,\u201d _Journal of the\n      Anthropological Institute_, iii. (1874) p. 530.\n\n  516 E. H. Man, _Aboriginal Inhabitants of the Andaman Islands_, p. 66.\n\n  517 Jerome Becker, _La Vie en Afrique_ (Paris and Brussels, 1887), ii.\n      366.\n\n  518 Th. Koch-Gr\u00fcnberg, _Zwei Jahre unter den Indianern_ (Berlin,\n      1909-1910), ii. 153.\n\n  519 T. Arbousset et F. Daumas, _Voyage d\u2019Exploration au Nord-est de la\n      Colonie du Cap de Bonne-Esp\u00e9rance_ (Paris, 1842), pp. 349 _sq._\n\n  520 Spencer and Gillen, _Native Tribes of Central Australia_ (London,\n      1899), pp. 204 _sq._ Men of other totem clans also partake of their\n      totems sacramentally at these _Intichiuma_ ceremonies (Spencer and\n      Gillen, _op. cit._ pp. 202-206). As to the _Intichiuma_ ceremonies,\n      see _The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, i. 85 _sqq._ Another\n      Central Australian mode of communicating qualities by external\n      application is seen in the custom of beating boys on the calves of\n      their legs with the leg-bone of an eagle-hawk; strength is supposed\n      to pass thereby from the bone into the boy\u2019s leg. See Spencer and\n      Gillen, _op. cit._ p. 472; _Report on the Work of the Horn\n      Scientific Expedition to Central Australia_, Part iv. (London and\n      Melbourne, 1896), p. 180.\n\n M127 Magical ointment used by Mexican priests.\n\n_  521 Manuscrit Ramirez, Histoire de l\u2019Origine des Indiens qui habitent\n      la Nouvelle Espagne selon leurs traditions_, publi\u00e9 par D. Charnay\n      (Paris, 1903), pp. 171-173; J. de Acosta, _Natural and Moral History\n      of the Indies_ (Hakluyt Society, London, 1880), ii. 364-367; E.\n      Seler, _Altmexikanische Studien_, ii. (Berlin, 1899), pp. 43 _sq._\n      (_Ver\u00f6ffentlichungen aus dem k\u00f6niglichen Museum f\u00fcr V\u00f6lkerkunde_).\n\n M128 Qualities of a person, animal, or thing imparted by fumigation.\n\n  522 Dudley Kidd, _Savage Childhood_ (London, 1906), pp. 12 _sq._\n\n  523 Dudley Kidd, _op. cit._ pp. 20 _sq._\n\n M129 The savage custom of eating a god. Cicero on transubstantiation.\n\n  524 On the custom of eating a god, see also a paper by Felix Liebrecht,\n      \u201cDer aufgegessene Gott,\u201d _Zur Volkskunde_ (Heilbronn, 1879), pp.\n      436-439; and especially W. R. Smith, article \u201cSacrifice,\u201d\n      _Encyclopaedia Britannica_, Ninth Edition, vol. xxi. pp. 137 _sq._\n      On wine as the blood of a god, see _Taboo and the Perils of the\n      Soul_, pp. 248 _sqq._\n\n  525 Cicero, _De natura deorum_, iii. 16. 41.\n\n M130 Hunting and pastoral tribes, as well as agricultural peoples, have\n      been in the habit of killing and eating the beings whom they\n      worship. The Californian Indians used solemnly to kill the great\n      buzzard which they adored; but they believed that though they slew\n      it annually, it always came to life again.\n\n  526 This does not refer to the Californian peninsula, which is an arid\n      and treeless wilderness of rock and sand.\n\n  527 Father Geronimo Boscana, \u201cChinigchinich; a historical account of the\n      origin, customs, and traditions of the Indians at the missionary\n      establishment of St. Juan Capistrano, Alta California,\u201d appended to\n      Alfred Robinson\u2019s _Life in California_ (New York, 1846), pp. 291\n      _sq._; H. H. Bancroft, _Native Races of the Pacific States_, iii.\n      168. The mission station of San Juan Capistrano is described by R.\n      H. Dana (_Two Years before the Mast_, chaps. xviii. and xxiv.). A\n      favourable picture of the missions is drawn by H. von Langsdorf\n      (_Reise um die Welt_, Frankfort, 1812, ii. pp. 134 _sqq._), by\n      Duflos de Mofras (\u201cFragment d\u2019un Voyage en Californie,\u201d _Bulletin de\n      la Soci\u00e9t\u00e9 de G\u00e9ographie_ (Paris), ii. S\u00e9rie, xix. (1843) pp. 9-13),\n      and by a writer (H. H.) in _The Century Magazine_, May, 1883, pp.\n      2-18. But the severe discipline of the Spanish monks is noticed by\n      other travellers. We are told that the Indians laboured during the\n      day in the fields to support their Spanish masters, were driven to\n      church twice or thrice a day to hear service in a language which\n      they did not understand, and at night were shut up in crowded and\n      comfortless barracks, without windows and without beds. When the\n      monks desired to make new proselytes, or rather to capture new\n      slaves, they called in the aid of the soldiery, who attacked the\n      Indian villages by night, lassoed the fugitives, and dragged them\n      back at their horses\u2019 tails to slavery in the missions. See O. von\n      Kotzebue, _Reise um die Welt_ (Weimar, 1830), ii. 42 _sqq._; F. W.\n      Beechey, _Narrative of a Voyage to the Pacific and Beering\u2019s Strait_\n      (London, 1831), ii. chap. i.; A. Schabelski, \u201cVoyage aux colonies\n      russes de l\u2019Am\u00e9rique,\u201d _Bulletin de la Soci\u00e9t\u00e9 de G\u00e9ographie_\n      (Paris), ii. S\u00e9rie, iv. (1835) pp. 216-218. A poet has described\n      with prosaic accuracy the pastoral crook by which these good\n      shepherds brought back their strayed lambs to the spiritual fold:\u2014\n\n      \u201c_Six horses sprang across the level ground_\n      _ As six dragoons in open order dashed;_\n      _ Above their heads the lassos circled round,_\n      _ In every eye a pious fervour flashed;_\n      _ They charged the camp, and in one moment more_\n      _ They lassoed six and reconverted four._\u201d\n\n      (Bret Harte, _Friar Pedro\u2019s Ride_.)\n\n      In the verses inscribed _The Angelus, heard at the Mission Dolores_,\n      1868, and beginning\n\n      \u201c_Bells of the Past, whose long-forgotten music_\n      _ Still fills the wide expanse_,\u201d\n\n      the same poet shews that he is not insensible to the poetical side\n      of those old Spanish missions, which have long passed away.\n\n M131 Perhaps they hoped by the sacrifice of the individual bird to\n      preserve the species.\n\n  528 G. Turner, _Samoa_ (London, 1884), p. 21. Compare _id._, pp. 26, 61.\n\n M132 Ancient Egyptian sacrifice of a ram at the festival of Ammon.\n\n  529 Herodotus, ii. 42. The custom has been already referred to above, p.\n      41.\n\n  530 Ed. Meyer, _Geschichte des Alterthums_,2 i. 2 (Stuttgart and Berlin,\n      1909), p. 73 \u00a7 180. Compare Sir J. G. Wilkinson, _Manners and\n      Customs of the Ancient Egyptians_ (London, 1878), iii. 1 _sqq._\n\n  531 Above, p. 36.\n\n M133 Use of the skin of the sacrificed animal.\n\n  532 Above, p. 170; vol. i. p. 285.\n\n  533 The Italmens of Kamtchatka, at the close of the fishing season, used\n      to make the figure of a wolf out of grass. This figure they\n      carefully kept the whole year, believing that it wedded with their\n      maidens and prevented them from giving birth to twins; for twins\n      were esteemed a great misfortune. See G. W. Steller, _Beschreibung\n      von dem Lande Kamtschatka_ (Frankfort and Leipsic, 1774), pp. 327\n      _sq._ According to Chr. Hartknoch (_Dissertat. histor. de variis\n      rebus Prussicis_, p. 163; _Alt- und neues Preussen_, Frankfort and\n      Leipsic, 1684, p. 161) the image of the old Prussian god Curcho was\n      annually renewed. But see W. Mannhardt, _Die Kornd\u00e4monen_ (Berlin,\n      1868), p. 27.\n\n  534 See _The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, vol. ii. pp. 70\n      _sq._\n\n M134 The sacred serpent of Issapoo in Fernando Po.\n\n  535 T. J. Hutchinson, _Impressions of Western Africa_ (London, 1858),\n      pp. 196 _sq._ The writer does not expressly state that a serpent is\n      killed annually, but his statement implies it.\n\n  536 Dr. Tautain, \u201cNotes sur les croyances et pratiques religieuses des\n      Banmanas,\u201d _Revue d\u2019Ethnographie_, iii. (1885) p. 397. Compare\n      _Totemism and Exogamy_, ii. 543 _sq._\n\n  537 Varro in Priscian, x. 32, vol. i. p. 524, ed. Keil; Pliny, _Nat.\n      Hist._ vii. 14. Pliny\u2019s statement is to be corrected by Varro\u2019s.\n\n M135 The killing of sacred turtles by the Zuni Indians.\n\n  538 When I wrote _The Golden Bough_ originally I said that in these\n      three cases \u201cthe animal slain probably is, or once was, a totem.\u201d\n      But this seems to me less probable now than it did then. In regard\n      to the Californian custom in particular, there appears to be no good\n      evidence that within the area now occupied by the United States\n      totemism was practised by any tribes to the west of the Rocky\n      Mountains. See H. Hale, _United States Exploring Expedition,\n      Ethnography and Philology_ (Philadelphia, 1846), p. 199; George\n      Gibbs, in _Contributions to North American Ethnology_ (Washington,\n      1877), i. 184; S. Powers, _Tribes of California_ (Washington, 1877),\n      p. 5; A. S. Gatschet, _The Klamath Indians of South-western Oregon_\n      (Washington, 1890), vol. i. p. cvi. \u201cCalifornia and Oregon seem\n      never to have had any gentes or phratries\u201d (A. S. Gatschet in a\n      letter to me, dated November 5th, 1888). Beyond the very doubtful\n      case cited in the text, I know of no evidence that totemism exists\n      in Fernando Po.\n\n M136 The return of the procession with the turtles.\n M137 The turtle addressed as a dead relative. The turtle killed.\n\n  539 Frank H. Cushing, \u201cMy Adventures in Zu\u00f1i,\u201d _The Century Illustrated\n      Monthly Magazine_, May 1883, pp. 45 _sq._\n\n M138 In this custom is expressed a belief in the transmigration of human\n      souls into turtles. From a later account it appears that the custom\n      is a mode of interceding with the ancestral spirits for rain.\n\n  540 Mr. Cushing, indeed, while he admits that the ancestors of the Zuni\n      may have believed in transmigration, says, \u201cTheir belief, to-day,\n      however, relative to the future life is spiritualistic.\u201d But the\n      expressions in the text seem to leave no room for doubting that the\n      transmigration into turtles is a living article of Zuni faith.\n\n  541 H. R. Schoolcraft, _Indian Tribes of the United States_\n      (Philadelphia, 1853-1856), iv. 86. On the totem clans of the Moquis,\n      see J. G. Bourke, _Snake-Dance of the Moquis of Arizona_ (London,\n      1884), pp. 116 _sq._, 334 _sqq._\n\n  542 For this information I am indebted to the kindness of the late\n      Captain J. G. Bourke, 3rd Cavalry, U.S. Army, author of the work\n      mentioned in the preceding note. In his letter Captain Bourke gave a\n      list of fourteen totem clans of Zuni, which he received on the 20th\n      of May 1881 from Pedro Dino (?), Governor of Zuni.\n\n  543 It should be observed, however, that Mr. Cushing omits to say\n      whether or not the persons who performed the ceremony described by\n      him had the turtle for their totem. If they had not, the ceremony\n      need not have had anything to do with totemism.\n\n  544 See _Adonis, Attis, Osiris_, Second Edition, pp. 301-318.\n\n  545 Mrs. Matilda Coxe Stevenson, \u201cThe Zu\u00f1i Indians,\u201d _Twenty-Third\n      Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology_ (Washington,\n      1904), pp. 148-162.\n\n M139 Ambiguous attitude of the Aino towards the bear.\n\n  546 B. Scheube, \u201cDer Baerencultus und die Baerenfeste der Ainos,\u201d\n      _Mittheilungen der deutschen Gesellschaft b. S. und S. Ostasiens_\n      (Yokohama), Heft xxii. p. 45.\n\n  547 We are told that the Aino have gods for almost every conceivable\n      object, and that the word _kamui_ \u201chas various shades of meaning,\n      which vary if used before or after another word, and according to\n      the object to which it is applied.\u201d \u201cWhen the term _kamui_ is\n      applied to good objects, it expresses the quality of usefulness,\n      beneficence, or of being exalted or divine. When applied to supposed\n      evil gods, it indicates that which is most to be feared and dreaded.\n      When applied to devils, reptiles, and evil diseases, it signifies\n      what is most hateful, abominable, and repulsive. When applied as a\n      prefix to animals, fish or fowl, it represents the greatest or\n      fiercest, or the most useful for food or clothing. When applied to\n      persons, it is sometimes expressive of goodness, but more often is a\n      mere title of respect and reverence.\u201d See the Rev. J. Batchelor,\n      _The Ainu of Japan_ (London, 1892), pp. 245-251; _id._, _The Ainu\n      and their Folk-lore_ (London, 1901), pp. 581 _sq._ Thus the Aino\n      _kamui_ appears to mean nearly the same as the Dacotan _wakan_, as\n      to which see _Taboo and the Perils of the Soul_, p. 225, note.\n\n  548 W. Martin Wood, \u201cThe Hairy Men of Yesso,\u201d _Transactions of the\n      Ethnological Society of London_, N.S., iv. (1866) p. 36.\n\n  549 J. J. Rein, _Japan_ (Leipsic, 1881-1886), i. 446.\n\n  550 H. von Siebold, _Ethnologische Studien \u00fcber die Aino auf der Insel\n      Yesso_ (Berlin, 1881), p. 26.\n\n  551 Miss Isabella L. Bird, _Unbeaten Tracks in Japan_ (new edition,\n      1885), p. 275.\n\n  552 W. Martin Wood, _l.c._\n\n  553 Rev. J. Batchelor, _The Ainu and their Folk-lore_, p. 471.\n\n  554 Miss I. L. Bird, _op. cit._ p. 269.\n\n  555 B. Scheube, _Die Ainos_, p. 4 (reprinted from _Mittheilungen d.\n      deutsch. Gesell. b. S. und S. Ostasiens_, Yokohama).\n\n  556 B. Scheube, \u201cBaerencultus,\u201d etc., p. 45; W. Joest, in _Verhandlungen\n      der Berliner Gesellschaft f\u00fcr Anthropologie, Ethnologie und\n      Urgeschichte_, 1882, p. 188.\n\n  557 W. Martin Wood, _l.c._\n\n  558 Rev. J. Batchelor, _The Ainu and their Folk-lore_ (London, 1901),\n      pp. 476 _sq._ As to the _inao_ see below, p. 186, note.\n\n  559 Miss I. L. Bird, _op. cit._ p. 277.\n\n  560 B. Scheube, _Die Ainos_, p. 15; H. von Siebold, _op. cit._ p. 26; W.\n      Martin Wood, _l.c._; J. J. Rein, _Japan_, i. 447; Von Brandt, \u201cThe\n      Ainos and Japanese,\u201d _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_,\n      iii. (1874) p. 134; Miss Bird, _op. cit._ pp. 275, 276; Rev. J.\n      Batchelor, _The Ainu and their Folk-lore_, pp. 495 _sq._\n\n  561 B. Scheube, _Die Ainos_, pp. 15, 16; Von Brandt, _l.c._; Rev. J.\n      Batchelor, _The Ainu and their Folk-lore_, pp. 352-354, 504 _sq._\n\n  562 B. Scheube, _Die Ainos_, p. 16.\n\n  563 Rev. J. Batchelor, _The Ainu and their Folk-lore_, pp. 8-10. E.\n      Reclus (_Nouvelle G\u00e9ographie Universelle_, vii. 755) mentions a\n      (Japanese?) legend which attributes the hairiness of the Ainos to\n      the suckling of their first ancestor by a bear. But in the absence\n      of other evidence this is no proof of totemism.\n\n M140 Aino custom of catching a bear cub, rearing it for several years,\n      and killing it at a solemn festival.\n\n  564 B. Scheube, \u201cDer Baerencultus und die Baerenfeste der Ainos,\u201d p. 45;\n      Rev. J. Batchelor, _The Ainu and their Folk-lore_, pp. 483-485. Mr.\n      Batchelor formerly doubted or denied that the Aino women suckle the\n      bear cubs (_The Ainu of Japan_, p. 173); but since then he has\n      repeatedly seen them do it. Once, while he was preaching, a cub was\n      being passed round among all the young women present and suckled by\n      each in turn.\n\n  565 J. J. Rein, _Japan_ (Leipsic, 1881-1886), i. 447.\n\n  566 B. Scheube, \u201cDer Baerencultus und die Baerenfeste der Ainos,\u201d p. 45;\n      Rev. J. Batchelor, _The Ainu and their Folk-lore_, pp. 485 _sq._\n\n  567 Rev. J. Batchelor, _The Ainu and their Folk-lore_, pp. 486-496. The\n      killing of the bear is described somewhat differently by Miss I. L.\n      Bird (_Unbeaten Tracks in Japan_, New Edition, 1885, pp. 276 _sq._),\n      but she did not witness the ceremony. She tells us that at Usu, on\n      Volcano Bay, when the bear is being killed, the Aino shout, \u201cWe kill\n      you, O bear! Come back soon into an Aino.\u201d According to Dr. Siebold,\n      a very respectable authority, the bear\u2019s own heart is frequently\n      offered to the dead beast to assure him that he is still in life\n      (_Ethnologische Studien \u00fcber die Aino auf der Insel Yesso_, p. 26).\n      This, however, is denied by Dr. Scheube, who says that the heart is\n      eaten (\u201cBaerencultus,\u201d p. 50 note). The custom may vary in different\n      places.\n\n M141 Dr. Scheube\u2019s description of the Aino custom of killing of a bear\n      ceremonially.\n\n  568 B. Scheube, \u201cDer Baerencultus und die Baerenfeste der Ainos,\u201d\n      _Mittheilungen der deutschen Gesellschaft b. S. und S. Ostasiens_\n      (Yokohama), Heft xxii. pp. 46 _sqq._\n\n  569 B. Scheube, \u201cBaerencultus,\u201d etc., p. 46; _id._, _Die Ainos_, p. 15;\n      Miss I. L. Bird, _op. cit._ pp. 273 _sq._ As to these whittled wands\n      (_inao_), which are so conspicuous about the Aino huts, see the Rev.\n      J. Batchelor, _The Ainu and their Folk-lore_, pp. 89-95. He remarks\n      (p. 92): \u201cI have often insisted both in my lectures and also in my\n      writings that the Ainu do not worship their _inao_, but that they\n      make them as offerings to the deities, and set them up as signs\n      showing reverence towards them. This, I must now remark, is true but\n      in part, for while some of the ordinary or less important kinds are\n      not worshipped, there are several others which are. Those _not_\n      worshipped may almost always be regarded as offerings and charms\n      pure and simple, while those which _are_ worshipped must generally\n      be regarded as messengers sent to the higher deities.\u201d On the whole\n      Mr. Batchelor would describe the _inao_ as fetishes of various\n      degrees of power. See further P. Labb\u00e9, _Un bagne Russe, l\u2019Isle de\n      Sakhaline_ (Paris, 1903), pp. 194 _sq._, who compares the use of\n      these whittled sticks to the use of holy candles among Roman\n      Catholics. In Borneo the search for camphor is attended by many\n      superstitions; among other things, when the searchers have found a\n      tree which promises to yield much camphor \u201cthey plant near their hut\n      a stake, whereof the outer surface has been cut into curled shavings\n      and tufts down the sides and at the top\u201d (W. H. Furness, _Home-life\n      of Borneo Head-hunters_, Philadelphia, 1902, p. 168). According to\n      some ancient authorities, the old Italians worshipped peeled sticks\n      as gods or as the images of gods; however, the statement seems no\n      better than an etymological guess to explain the word _delubrum_.\n      See Festus, _s.v._ \u201cDelubrum,\u201d p. 73, ed. C. O. M\u00fcller; Servius on\n      Virgil, _Aen._ ii. 225.\n\n M142 Early Japanese account of the Aino festival of the bear.\n\n  570 \u201cIeso-Ki, ou description de l\u2019\u00eele d\u2019Iesso, avec une notice sur la\n      r\u00e9volte de Samsay-in, compos\u00e9e par l\u2019interpr\u00e8te Kannemon,\u201d printed\n      in Malte-Brun\u2019s _Annales des Voyages_, xxiv. (Paris, 1814) p. 154.\n\n M143 The custom of rearing and killing bears among the Aino of Saghalien.\n\n  571 P. Labb\u00e9, _Un Bagne Russe, l\u2019Isle de Sakhaline_ (Paris, 1903), pp.\n      227, 232-258. The Gilyaks of Saghalien similarly keep and sacrifice\n      bears; but the ceremonies are simpler, and they treat the animals\n      with less respect than the Aino. See P. Labb\u00e9, _op. cit._ pp.\n      261-267.\n\n M144 Bear-festivals of the Gilyaks.\n\n  572 They inhabit the banks of the lower Amoor and the north of\n      Saghalien. See E. G. Ravenstein, _The Russians on the Amur_ (London,\n      1861), p. 389.\n\n  573 \u201cNotes on the River Amur and the Adjacent Districts,\u201d translated\n      from the Russian, _Journal of the Royal Geographical Society_,\n      xxviii. (1858) p. 396.\n\n  574 Compare the custom of pinching a frog before cutting off his head;\n      see _The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, ii. 86. In Japan\n      sorceresses bury a dog in the earth, tease him, then cut off his\n      head and put it in a box to be used in magic. See A. Bastian, _Die\n      Culturl\u00e4nder des alten Amerika_ (Berlin, 1878), i. 475 note, who\n      adds \u201c_wie im ostindischen Archipelago die Schutzseele gereizt\n      wird_.\u201d He probably refers to the Batta _Pang-hulu-balang_. See H.\n      von Rosenberg, _Der Malayische Archipel_ (Leipsic, 1878), pp. 59\n      _sq._; W. K\u00f6dding, \u201cDie Batakschen G\u00f6tter,\u201d _Allgemeine\n      Missions-Zeitschrift_, xii. (1885) pp. 478 sq.; J. B. Neumann, \u201cHet\n      Pane-en Bila-stroomgebied op het eiland Sumatra,\u201d in _Tijdschrift\n      van het Nederlandsch Aardrijkskundig Genootschap_, Tweede Serie, dl.\n      iii. (1886) Afdeeling, meer uitgebreide artikelen, No. 2, p. 306;\n      Van Dijk, in _Tijdschrift voor Indische Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde_,\n      xxxviii. (1895) pp. 307 _sq._\n\n  575 W. Joest, in B. Scheube, _Die Ainos_, p. 17; J. Deniker, \u201cLes\n      Ghiliaks d\u2019apr\u00e8s les derniers renseignements,\u201d _Revue\n      d\u2019Ethnographie_, ii. (1883) pp. 307 _sq._ (on the authority of Mr.\n      Seeland); _Internationales Archiv f\u00fcr Ethnologie_, i. (1888) p. 102\n      (on the authority of Captain Jacobsen); _Archiv f\u00fcr Anthropologie_,\n      xxvi. (1900) p. 796 (abstract of a Russian work on the Gilyaks by\n      Dr. Seland or Seeland). What exactly is meant by \u201cdancing as bears\u201d\n      (\u201c_tanzen beide Geschlechter Reigent\u00e4nze, wie B\u00e4ren_,\u201d Joest,\n      _l.c._) does not appear.\n\n M145 L. von Schrenck\u2019s description of a bear-festival among the Gilyaks\n      of the Amoor. Bears led in procession about the village. Slaughter\n      of the bears.\n M146 Treatment of the bears\u2019 skins.\n M147 Treatment of the bears\u2019 flesh.\n M148 Banquet on the bears\u2019 flesh. Dance of the women. Disposal of the\n      skull and bones of the bear.\n\n  576 L. von Schrenck, _Reisen und Forschungen im Amur-lande_ (St.\n      Petersburg, 1891), iii. 696-731.\n\n M149 Mr. L. Sternberg\u2019s description of the bear-festivals of the Gilyaks.\n\n  577 L. Sternberg, \u201cDie Religion der Giljaken,\u201d _Archiv f\u00fcr\n      Religionswissenschaft_, viii. (1905) pp. 260-274.\n\n M150 Bear-festivals of the Goldi.\n\n  578 E. G. Ravenstein, _The Russians on the Amur_ (London, 1861), pp. 379\n      _sq._; T. W. Atkinson, _Travels in the Regions of the Upper and\n      Lower Amoor_ (London, 1860), pp. 482 _sq._\n\n M151 Bear-festivals of the Orotchis.\n\n  579 E. H. Fraser, \u201cThe Fish-skin Tartars,\u201d _Journal of the China Branch\n      of the Royal Asiatic Society for the year 1891-1892_, New Series,\n      xxvi. 36-39. L. von Schrenck describes a bear-feast which he\n      witnessed in 1855 among the Oltscha (_Reisen und Forschungen im\n      Amur-lande_, iii. 723-728). The Oltscha are probably the same as the\n      Orotchis.\n\n M152 Respect shewn by all these tribes for the bears which they kill and\n      eat.\n\n_  580 The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, ii. 59 _sqq._\n\n  581 Rev. J. Batchelor, _The Ainu and their Folk-lore_, pp. 492, 493,\n      495, 496.\n\n_  582 Op. cit._ p. 482. Mr. Batchelor says \u201ctotem gods.\u201d\n\n_  583 Op. cit._ pp. 580 _sqq._\n\n  584 See above, pp. 188 _sq._\n\n  585 This account of the attitude of the Gilyaks to the bear, and of\n      their reasons for holding the festival, is the one given by Mr. Leo\n      Sternberg. See his articles, \u201cDie Religion der Giljaken,\u201d _Archiv\n      f\u00fcr Religionswissenschaft_, viii. (1905) pp. 273 _sq._, 456-458. He\n      speaks of the bear as a minor deity (\u201c_Er selbst ist ja eine\n      Gottheit, wenn auch eine kleine_\u201d). Mr. Sternberg and Mr. Batchelor,\n      two of the best-informed writers on the subject, agree in denying\n      that the slaughter of the bear at the festival is a sacrifice to the\n      gods. See L. Sternberg, _op. cit._ p. 457; Rev. J. Batchelor, _The\n      Ainu and their Folk-lore_, p. 482. As to the belief of the Gilyaks\n      in evil spirits, which menace and destroy the life of man, see L.\n      Sternberg, _op. cit._ pp. 460 _sqq._\n\n M153 Similar respect shewn by the Aino for the eagle-owls which they keep\n      in cages and kill.\n\n  586 Rev. J. Batchelor, _The Ainu and their Folk-lore_, pp. 410-415.\n\n M154 Similar respect shewn by the Aino for the eagles and hawks which\n      they keep in cages and kill.\n\n  587 Rev. J. Batchelor, _op. cit._ pp. 432 _sq._\n\n  588 Rev. J. Batchelor, _op. cit._ p. 438.\n\n M155 Advantages which the Aino hopes to reap from slaughtering the\n      worshipful animals.\n\n  589 See above, pp. 183, 184, 196.\n\n  590 Rev. J. Batchelor, _The Ainu and their Folk-lore_, p. 479.\n\n  591 Rev. J. Batchelor, _op. cit._ pp. 481, 482.\n\n M156 The bear-festivals of these tribes are probably nothing but an\n      extension of the similar rites which the hunter performs over any\n      wild bear which he kills in the forest.\n\n  592 L. Sternberg, \u201cDie Religion der Giljaken,\u201d _Archiv f\u00fcr\n      Religionswissenschaft_, viii. (1905) p. 272.\n\n M157 The apparent contradiction in the behaviour of these tribes to bears\n      is not so great as it seems to us at first sight. Savage logic.\n M158 The savage believes that animals, like men, are endowed with souls\n      which survive the death of their bodies. The American Indians draw\n      no sharp distinction between animals and men.\n\n  593 E. F. im Thurn, _Among the Indians of Guiana_ (London, 1883), p.\n      350.\n\n  594 J. Mooney, \u201cMyths of the Cherokee,\u201d _Nineteenth Annual Report of the\n      Bureau of American Ethnology_, Part i. (Washington, 1900) p. 261.\n\n  595 Rev. John Heckewelder, \u201cAn Account of the History, Manners, and\n      Customs of the Indian Nations who once inhabited Pennsylvania and\n      the neighbouring States,\u201d _Transactions of the Historical and\n      Literary Committee of the American Philosophical Society_, vol. i.\n      (Philadelphia, 1819) pp. 247 _sq._\n\n  596 J. J. M. de Groot, _The Religious System of China_, iv. (Leyden,\n      1901) pp. 157 _sq._\n\n M159 Some savages apparently fail to distinguish clearly even the bodies\n      of animals from the bodies of men.\n\n  597 John Campbell, _Travels in South Africa, being a Narrative of a\n      Second Journey in the Interior of that Country_ (London, 1822), ii.\n      34.\n\n  598 L. Sternberg, \u201cDie Religion der Giljaken,\u201d _Archiv f\u00fcr\n      Religionswissenschaft_, viii. (1905) p. 248.\n\n  599 I. Petroff, _Report on the Population, Industries, and Resources of\n      Alaska_, p. 145.\n\n  600 Above, p. 141.\n\n  601 A. C. Haddon, \u201cThe Ethnography of the Western Tribe of Torres\n      Straits,\u201d _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xix. (1890) p.\n      393; _id._, _Head-hunters_ (London, 1901), p. 133; _Reports of the\n      Cambridge Anthropological Expedition to Torres Straits_, v.\n      (Cambridge, 1904) p. 166.\n\n  602 Miss Alice C. Fletcher, _The Import of the Totem, a Study from the\n      Omaha Tribe_, p. 6 (paper read before the American Association for\n      the Advancement of Science, August 1897).\n\n  603 James Teit, \u201cThe Thompson Indians of British Columbia,\u201d p. 356 (_The\n      Jesup North Pacific Expedition. Memoir of the American Museum of\n      Natural History_, April 1900).\n\n  604 K. von den Steinen, _Unter den Naturv\u00f6lkern Zentral-Brasiliens_\n      (Berlin, 1894), pp. 352 _sq._, 512. The Chambioa Indians of Central\n      Brazil kept birds of the same species in captivity and used their\n      brilliant feathers to cover enormous head-dresses or masks, some six\n      feet high, which were worn by dancers in certain mystic dances. The\n      masks were guarded in a special hut of each village, and no woman\n      might see them under pain of death. See F. de Castelnau, _Exp\u00e9dition\n      dans les parties centrales de l\u2019Am\u00e9rique du Sud_ (Paris, 1850-1851),\n      i. 436 _sq._, 440, 449-451.\n\n M160 Hence the savage attempts to propitiate the animals which he kills\n      and the other members of the species. Scruples entertained by the\n      Dyaks as to the killing of crocodiles.\n\n  605 However, many savages hunt the crocodile for the sake of its flesh,\n      which some of them even regard as a delicacy. See H. von Wissmann,\n      _My Second Journey through Equatorial Africa, from the Congo to the\n      Zambesi_ (London, 1891), p. 298; Ch. Partridge, _Cross River\n      Natives_ (London, 1905), p. 149; A. F. Mocler-Ferryman, _Up the\n      Niger_ (London, 1892), p. 222; Captain G. Burrows, _The Land of the\n      Pigmies_ (London, 1898), p. 247; R. E. Dennett, \"Bavili Notes,\"\n      _Folk-lore_, xvi. (1905) p. 399; J. Halkin, _Quelques Peuplades du\n      district de l\u2019Uel\u00e9_, I. _Les Ababua_ (Li\u00e9ge, 1907), p. 33; H.\n      Reynolds, \u201cNotes on the Azand\u00e9 Tribe of the Congo,\u201d _Journal of the\n      African Society_, No. xi. (April, 1904) p. 242; Brard, \u201cDer\n      Victoria-Nyansa,\u201d _Petermann\u2019s Mittheilungen_, xliii. (1897) p. 78;\n      A. van Gennep, _Tabou et Tot\u00e9misme \u00e0 Madagascar_ (Paris, 1904), p.\n      209; G. Kurze, \u201cSitten und Gebr\u00e4uche der Lengua-Indianer,\u201d\n      _Mitteilungen der Geographischen Gesellschaft zu Jena_, xxiii.\n      (1905) p. 30; W. Barbrooke Grubb, _An unknown People in an unknown\n      Land_ (London, 1911), pp. 82 _sq._; _Census of India, 1901_, vol.\n      xxvi., _Travancore_ (Trivandrum, 1903), p. 353; Max Krieger,\n      _Neu-Guinea_ (Berlin, N.D.), p. 163; Spencer and Gillen, _Northern\n      Tribes of Central Australia_ (London, 1904), p. 770; W. E. Roth,\n      _Ethnological Studies among the North-West-Central Queensland\n      Aborigines_ (Brisbane and London, 1897), p. 94; N. W. Thomas,\n      _Natives of Australia_ (London, 1906), p. 106. In antiquity some of\n      the Egyptians worshipped crocodiles, but others killed and ate them.\n      See Herodotus, ii. 69; Plutarch, _Isis et Osiris_, 50; Aelian, _De\n      natura animalium_, x. 21.\n\n  606 Rev. J. Perham, \u201cSea Dyak Religion,\u201d _Journal of the Straits Branch\n      of the Royal Asiatic Society_, No. 10 (Singapore, 1883), p. 221.\n      Compare C. Hupe, \u201cKorte verhandeling over de godsdienst zeden, enz.\n      der Dajakkers,\u201d _Tijdschrift voor Ne\u00earlands Indi\u00eb_, 1846, dl. iii.\n      160; S. M\u00fcller, _Reizen en onderzoekingen in den Indischen Archipel_\n      (Amsterdam, 1857), i. 238; M. T. H. Perelaer, _Ethnographische\n      Beschrijving der Dajaks_ (Zalt-Bommel, 1870), p. 7.\n\n M161 Ceremonies observed by the Dyaks at killing a crocodile.\n\n  607 F. Grabowsky, \u201cDie Theogonie der Dajaken auf Borneo,\u201d\n      _Internationales Archiv f\u00fcr Ethnographie_, ii. (1892) pp. 119 _sq._\n\n  608 H. Ling Roth, _The Natives of Sarawak and British North Borneo_\n      (London, 1896), i. 447 _sq._ Compare E. H. Gomes, _Seventeen years\n      among the Sea Dyaks of Borneo_ (London, 1911), pp. 56-60. Similarly\n      the Kenyahs, Kayans, and Ibans, three tribes of Sarawak, will not\n      kill crocodiles except in revenge for the death of one of their\n      people. See C. Hose and W. MacDougall, \u201cThe Relations between Men\n      and Animals in Sarawak,\u201d _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_,\n      xxxi. (1901) pp. 186, 190, 199, compare _ib._ pp. 193 _sq._\n\n M162 Ceremonies observed by the Minangkabauers of Sumatra at killing a\n      crocodile.\n\n  609 J. L. van der Toorn, \u201cHet animisme bij den Minangkabauer der\n      Padangsche Bovenlanden,\u201d _Bijdragen tot de Taal- Land- en\n      Volkenkunde van Nederlandsch-Indi\u00eb_, xxxix. (1890) pp. 75 _sq._\n\n M163 Belief in the kinship of men with crocodiles among the Malays.\n\n  610 Nelson Annandale, \u201cPrimitive Beliefs and Customs of the Patani\n      Fishermen,\u201d _Fasciculi Malayenses, Anthropology_, i. (April, 1903)\n      pp. 76-78.\n\n_  611 Voyages of Captain James Cook round the World_ (London, 1809), ii.\n      316-319.\n\n M164 Crocodiles respected in Africa.\n\n  612 Rev. J. Roscoe, _The Baganda_ (London, 1911), p. 336.\n\n  613 Rev. J. Roscoe, _op. cit._ pp. 318, 322, 335.\n\n  614 Fr. Stuhlmann, _Mit Emin Pascha ins Herz von Afrika_ (Berlin, 1894),\n      pp. 510 _sq._\n\n  615 A. Raffenel, _Voyage dans l\u2019Afrique occidentale_ (Paris, 1846), pp.\n      84 _sq._\n\n M165 Crocodiles respected in Madagascar.\n\n  616 J. Sibree, _The Great African Island_ (London, 1880), p. 269.\n\n  617 Father Abinal, \u201cCroyances fabuleuses des Malgaches,\u201d _Les Missions\n      Catholiques_, xii. (1880) p. 527; A. van Gennep, _Tabou et Tot\u00e9misme\n      \u00e0 Madagascar_ (Paris, 1904), pp. 283 _sq._\n\n  618 W. Ellis, _History of Madagascar_ (London, N.D.), i. 57 _sq._\n\n M166 Tigers respected in Sumatra. Ceremonies at killing tigers in Sumatra\n      and Bengal.\n\n  619 W. Marsden, _History of Sumatra_ (London, 1811), p. 292.\n\n  620 J. L. van der Toorn, \u201cHet animisme bij den Minangkabauer der\n      Padangsche Bovenlanden,\u201d _Bijdragen tot de Taal- Land- en\n      Volkenkunde van Nederlandsch Indi\u00eb_, xxxix. (1890) pp. 74, 75 _sq._\n\n  621 H. Ris, \u201cDe onderafdeeling Mandailing Oeloe en Pahantan en hare\n      Bevolking,\u201d _Bijdragen tot de Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde van\n      Nederlandsch Indi\u00eb_, xlvi. (1896) pp. 472 _sq._\n\n  622 G. G. Batten, _Glimpses of the Eastern Archipelago_ (Singapore,\n      1894), p. 86.\n\n  623 Th. Shaw, \u201cOn the Inhabitants of the Hills near Rajamahall,\u201d\n      _Asiatic Researches_, Fourth Edition, iv. (London, 1807) p. 37.\n\n_  624 Annales de l\u2019Association de la Propagation de la Foi_, v. (1831)\n      pp. 363 _sq._\n\n M167 Snakes, especially rattlesnakes, respected by the North American\n      Indians.\n\n  625 J. Bricknell, _The Natural History of North Carolina_ (Dublin,\n      1737), p. 368.\n\n  626 W. Bartram, _Travels through North and South Carolina, Georgia, East\n      and West Florida_, etc. (London, 1792) pp. 258-261.\n\n  627 H. R. Schoolcraft, _Indian Tribes of the United States_\n      (Philadelphia, 1853-1856), iii. 273.\n\n  628 Rev. John Heckewelder, \u201cAn Account of the History, Manners, and\n      Customs of the Indian Nations who once inhabited Pennsylvania and\n      the neighbouring States,\u201d _Transactions of the Historical and\n      Literary Committee of the American Philosophical Society_, i.\n      (Philadelphia, 1819) p. 245.\n\n  629 W. Keating, _Narrative of an Expedition to the Source of St. Peter\u2019s\n      River_ (London, 1825), i. 127.\n\n  630 J. Mooney, \u201cMyths of the Cherokee,\u201d _Nineteenth Annual Report of the\n      Bureau of American Ethnology_, Part i. (Washington, 1900) pp.\n      294-296. Compare _id._, pp. 456-458; J. Adair, _History of the\n      American Indians_ (London, 1775), pp. 237 _sq._\n\n  631 Henry, _Travels_, pp. 176-179, quoted by J. Mooney, _op. cit._ pp.\n      457 _sq._\n\n  632 C. Sapper, \u201cDie Gebr\u00e4uche und religi\u00f6sen Anschauungen der\n      Kekch\u00ed-Indianer,\u201d _Internationales Archiv f\u00fcr Ethnographie_, viii.\n      (1895) p. 204.\n\n M168 Ceremonies observed in Kiziba at the killing of a snake.\n\n  633 H. Rehse, _Kiziba, Land und Leute_ (Stuttgart, 1910), pp. 130 _sq._\n\n M169 Ceremonies observed by the North American Indians and others at the\n      killing of a wolf.\n\n  634 Fr. Boas, in _Eleventh Report on the North-Western Tribes of\n      Canada_, pp. 9 _sq._ (separate reprint from the _Report of the\n      British Association for 1896_).\n\n  635 Rev. J. Jett\u00e9, \u201cOn the Medicine-men of the Ten\u2019a,\u201d _Journal of the\n      Royal Anthropological Institute_, xxxvii. (1907) p. 158.\n\n  636 J. Mooney, \u201cMyths of the Cherokee,\u201d _Nineteenth Annual Report of the\n      Bureau of American Ethnology_, Part i. (Washington, 1900) p. 265.\n\n  637 T. de Pauly, _Description Ethnographique des Peuples de la Russie_\n      (St. Petersburg, 1862), _Peuples de la Sib\u00e9rie Orientale_, p. 7.\n\n  638 Scholiast on Apollonius Rhodius, _Argonaut._ ii. 124.\n\n M170 Certain birds respected.\n\n  639 \u201cCoutumes \u00e9tranges des indig\u00e8nes du Djebel-Nouba,\u201d _Les Missions\n      Catholiques_, xiv. (1882) p. 458.\n\n  640 C. B. Klunzinger, _Upper Egypt_ (London, 1878), pp. 402 _sq._\n\n  641 Caulin, _Historia Coro-graphica natural y evangelica dela Nueva\n      Andalucia_, p. 96: \u201c_Reusan mucho matar qualquier animal no\n      comestibile que no sea nocibo_,\u201d etc. Here _reusan_ appears to be a\n      misprint for _recusan_.\n\n M171 Apologies offered by savages to the animals which they are obliged\n      to kill. Propitiation of slain bears by Kamtchatkans, Ostiaks,\n      Koryak, Finns, and Lapps.\n\n  642 G. W. Steller, _Beschreibung von dem Lande Kamtschatka_ (Frankfort\n      and Leipsic, 1774), pp. 85, 280, 331.\n\n_  643 Voyages au Nord_ (Amsterdam, 1727), viii. 41, 416; P. S. Pallas,\n      _Reise durch verschiedene Provinzen des russischen Reichs_ (St.\n      Petersburg, 1771-1776), iii. 64; J. G. Georgi, _Beschreibung aller\n      Nationen des russischen Reichs_ (St. Petersburg, 1776), p. 83.\n\n  644 A. Erman, _Travels in Siberia_ (London, 1848), ii. 43. For the\n      veneration of the polar bear by the Samoyedes, who nevertheless kill\n      and eat it, see ib_id._ pp. 54 _sq._\n\n  645 A. Bastian, _Der Mensch in der Geschichte_ (Leipsic, 1860), iii. 26.\n\n  646 W. Jochelson, _The Koryak_ (Leyden and New York, 1908), pp. 88 _sq._\n      (_The Jesup North Pacific Expedition_, vol. vi., _Memoir of the\n      American Museum of Natural History_).\n\n  647 Max Buch, _Die Wotj\u00e4ken_ (Stuttgart, 1882), p. 139.\n\n  648 A. Featherman, _Social History of the Races of Mankind, Fourth\n      Division, Dravido-Turanians_, etc. (London, 1891) p. 422.\n\n  649 J. Scheffer, _Lapponia_ (Frankfort, 1673), pp. 233 _sq._ The Lapps\n      \u201chave still an elaborate ceremony in hunting the bear. They pray and\n      chant to his carcase, and for several days worship before eating it\u201d\n      (E. Rae, _The White Sea Peninsula_ (London, 1881), p. 276).\n\n M172 Propitiation of slain bears by the North American Indians.\n\n  650 Charlevoix, _Histoire de la Nouvelle France_ (Paris, 1744), v. 173\n      _sq._; Chateaubriand, _Voyage en Am\u00e9rique_, pp. 172-181 (Paris,\n      Michel L\u00e9vy, 1870).\n\n_  651 Lettres \u00e9difiantes et curieuses_, Nouvelle \u00c9dition, vi. (Paris,\n      1781) p. 171. L. H. Morgan states that the names of the Otawa totem\n      clans had not been obtained (_Ancient Society_, London, 1877, p.\n      167). From the _Lettres \u00e9difiantes_, vi. 168-171, he might have\n      learned the names of the Hare, Carp, and Bear clans, to which may be\n      added the Gull clan, as I learn from an extract from _The Canadian\n      Journal_ (Toronto) for March 1858, quoted in _The Academy_, 27th\n      September 1884, p. 203.\n\n_  652 A Narrative of the Adventures and Sufferings of John R. Jewitt_, p.\n      117 (Middletown, 1820), p. 133 (Edinburgh, 1824).\n\n  653 De Smet, _Western Missions and Missionaries_ (New York, 1863), p.\n      139.\n\n  654 A. P. Reid, \u201cReligious Belief of the Ojibois Indians,\u201d _Journal of\n      the Anthropological Institute_, iii. (1874) p. 111.\n\n  655 Henry\u2019s _Travels_, pp. 143-145, quoted by J. Mooney, \u201cMyths of the\n      Cherokee,\u201d _Nineteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of American\n      Ethnology_, Part i. (Washington, 1900), pp. 446 _sq._\n\n  656 A. Mackenzie, \u201cDescriptive notes on certain implements, weapons,\n      etc., from Graham Island, Queen Charlotte Islands, B.C.,\u201d\n      _Transactions of the Royal Society of Canada_, ix. (1891) section\n      ii. p. 58.\n\n  657 James Teit, _The Thompson Indians of British Columbia_, p. 347 (_The\n      Jesup North Pacific Expedition, Memoir of the American Museum of\n      Natural History_, April 1900). The Thompson Indians used to be known\n      as the Couteau or Knife Indians.\n\n  658 J. Teit, _The Lillooet Indians_ (Leyden and New York, 1906), p. 279\n      (_The Jesup North Pacific Expedition, Memoir of the American Museum\n      of Natural History_); _id._, _The Shuswap_ (Leyden and New York,\n      1909), pp. 602 _sq._ (_The Jesup North Pacific Expedition_).\n\n M173 Propitiation of slain elephants in Africa.\n\n  659 Stephen Kay, _Travels and Researches in Caffraria_ (London, 1833),\n      p. 138.\n\n  660 L. Alberti, _De Kaffers aan de Zuidkust van Afrika_ (Amsterdam,\n      1810), p. 95. Alberti\u2019s information is repeated by H. Lichtenstein\n      (_Reisen im s\u00fcdlichen Afrika_, Berlin, 1811-1812, i. 412) and by\n      Cowper Rose (_Four Years in Southern Africa_, London, 1829, p. 155).\n      The burial of the trunk is also mentioned by Kay, _l.c._\n\n  661 J. Shooter, _The Kafirs of Natal_ (London, 1857), p. 215.\n\n  662 Fr. Stuhlmann, _Mit Emin Pascha ins Herz von Afrika_ (Berlin, 1894),\n      p. 87.\n\n  663 Rev. J. Roscoe, _The Baganda_ (London, 1911), p. 447.\n\n M174 Propitiation of lions in Africa.\n\n  664 Fr. Stuhlmann, _Mit Emin Pascha ins Herz von Afrika_ (Berlin, 1894),\n      p. 785.\n\n  665 J. Becker, _La Vie en Afrique_ (Paris and Brussels, 1887), ii. 298\n      _sq._, 305.\n\n M175 Propitiation of slain leopards in Africa.\n\n  666 A. Bastian, _Die deutsche Expedition an der Loango-K\u00fcste_ (Jena,\n      1874-1875), ii. 243.\n\n  667 A. F. Mockler-Ferryman, _Up the Niger_ (London, 1892), p. 309.\n\n  668 Lieut. Herold, \u201cBericht betreffend religi\u00f6se Anschauungen und\n      Gebr\u00e4uche der deutschen Ewe-Neger,\u201d _Mittheilungen von\n      Forschungsreisenden und Gelehrten aus den deutschen Schutzgebieten_,\n      v. Heft 4 (Berlin, 1892), p. 156.\n\n  669 H. Spieth, \u201cJagdgebr\u00e4uche in Avatime,\u201d _Mitteilungen der\n      geographischen Gesellschaft zu Jena_, ix. (1890) pp. 18-20. Compare\n      H. Klose, _Togo unter deutscher Flagge_ (Berlin, 1899), pp. 145-147.\n      The ceremonies observed after the slaughter of a wild buffalo are of\n      the same general character with variations in detail.\n\n M176 Propitiation of slain buffaloes and sheep in Uganda.\n\n  670 Rev. J. Roscoe, \u201cFurther Notes on the Manners and Customs of the\n      Baganda,\u201d _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xxxii. (1902)\n      p. 54; _id._, _The Baganda_ (London, 1911), pp. 289, 448.\n\n  671 Rev. J. Roscoe, _The Baganda_ (London, 1911), pp. 288 _sq._ Another\n      curious notion which the Baganda have about sheep is that they give\n      health to cattle and prevent them from being struck by lightning.\n      Hence a sheep is often herded with cows to serve as a sort of\n      lightning-conductor. See J. Roscoe, _op. cit._ p. 421.\n\n  672 Rev. J. Roscoe, _op. cit._ pp. 423 _sq._ Further, \u201cif a man\u2019s dog\n      died in the house, his wife dared not touch it, because she feared\n      its ghost; she would call her husband to take it away\u201d (op. cit. p.\n      425).\n\n M177 Propitiation of dead whales among the Koryak.\n\n  673 W. Jochelson, _The Koryak_ (Leyden and New York, 1908), p. 66 (_The\n      Jesup North Pacific Expedition_, vol. vi., _Memoir of the American\n      Museum of Natural History_).\n\n  674 W. Jochelson, _The Koryak_ (Leyden and New York, 1908), pp. 66-76\n      (_The Jesup North Pacific Expedition_, vol. vi., _Memoir of the\n      American Museum of Natural History_).\n\n M178 Propitiation of whales, hippopotamuses, ounces, and apes.\n\n  675 Captain W. F. W. Owen, _Narrative of Voyages to explore the Shores\n      of Africa, Arabia, and Madagascar_ (London, 1833), i. 170.\n\n  676 Rev. R. H. Nassau, _Fetichism in West Africa_ (London, 1904), p.\n      204.\n\n  677 A. Thevet, _La Cosmographie Universelle_ (Paris, 1575), ii. 936\n      [970] _sq._\n\n  678 A. d\u2019Orbigny, _Voyage dans l\u2019Am\u00e9rique M\u00e9ridionale_, iii. (Paris and\n      Strasburg, 1844) p. 202.\n\n  679 E. F. im Thurn, _Among the Indians of Guiana_ (London, 1883), p.\n      352.\n\n M179 Propitiation of dead eagles. Deceiving the ghosts of spiders.\n\n  680 G. B. Grinnell, _Blackfoot Lodge Tales_ (London, 1893), p. 240.\n\n  681 A. Caulin, _Historia Coro-graphica natural y evangelica dela Nueva\n      Andalucia Guayana y Vertientes del Rio Orinoco_ (1779), p. 97.\n\n  682 J. Mooney, \u201cMyths of the Cherokee,\u201d _Nineteenth Annual Report of the\n      Bureau of American Ethnology_, Part i. (Washington, 1900) p. 282.\n\n  683 J. Owen Dorsey, \u201cTeton Folklore Notes,\u201d _Journal of American\n      Folklore_, ii. (1889) p. 134; _id._, \u201cA Study of Siouan Cults,\u201d\n      _Eleventh Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology_ (Washington,\n      1894), p. 479.\n\n M180 The ceremonies of propitiation offered to slain animals vary with\n      the more or less dangerous character of the creature. Animals which,\n      without being feared, are valued for their flesh or their skin, are\n      also treated with respect.\n\n  684 H. Mouhot, _Travels in the Central Parts of Indo-China_ (London,\n      1864), i. 252; J. Moura, _Le Royaume du Cambodge_ (Paris, 1883), i.\n      422.\n\n  685 H. R. Schoolcraft, _Indian Tribes of the United States_\n      (Philadelphia, 1853-1856), v. 420.\n\n M181 Respect shewn to dead sables. Bones of sables and beavers kept out\n      of reach of dogs, lest the spirits of the dead animals should be\n      offended.\n\n  686 J. G. Gmelin, _Reise durch Sibirien_ (G\u00f6ttingen, 1751-1752), ii.\n      278.\n\n  687 L. von Schrenck, _Reisen und Forschungen im Amur-lande_, iii. 564.\n\n  688 W. Dall, _Alaska and its Resources_ (London, 1870), p. 89; _id._, in\n      _The Yukon Territory_ (London, 1898), p. 89.\n\n  689 Fr. Boas, in _Sixth Report on the North-Western Tribes of Canada_,\n      p. 92 (separate reprint from the _Report of the British Association\n      for 1890_).\n\n  690 A. G. Morice, \u201cNotes, arch\u00e6ological, industrial, and sociological,\n      on the Western D\u00e9n\u00e9s,\u201d _Transactions of the Canadian Institute_, iv.\n      (1892-93) p. 108.\n\n  691 A. G. Morice, _Au pays de l\u2019Ours Noir, chez les sauvages de la\n      Colombie Britannique_ (Paris and Lyons, 1897), p. 71.\n\n  692 L. Hennepin, _Description de la Louisiane_ (Paris, 1683), pp. 97\n      _sq._\n\n_  693 Relations des J\u00e9suites_, 1634, p. 24 (Canadian reprint, Quebec,\n      1858). Nets are regarded by the Indians as living creatures who not\n      only think and feel but also eat, speak, and marry wives. See F.\n      Gabriel Sagard, _Le Grand Voyage du Pays des Hurons_, p. 256 (pp.\n      178 _sq._ of the reprint, Librairie Tross, Paris, 1865); S. Hearne,\n      _Journey to the Northern Ocean_ (London, 1795), pp. 329 _sq._;\n      _Relations des J\u00e9suites_, 1636, p. 109; _ibid._ 1639, p. 95;\n      Charlevoix, _Histoire de la Nouvelle France_ (Paris, 1744), v. 225;\n      Chateaubriand, _Voyage en Am\u00e9rique_, pp. 140 _sqq._ The Hebrews\n      sacrificed and burned incense to their nets (Habakkuk i. 16). In\n      some of the mountain villages of Annam the people, who are great\n      hunters, sacrifice fowls, rice, incense, and gilt paper to their\n      nets at the festival of the New Year. See Le R. P. Cadi\u00e8re,\n      \u201cCoutumes populaires de la vall\u00e9e du Ngu\u00f4n-So\u2019n,\u201d _Bulletin de\n      l\u2019\u00c9cole Fran\u00e7aise d\u2019Extr\u00eame-Orient_, ii. (Hanoi, 1902) p. 381. When\n      a net has caught little or nothing, the Ewe negroes think that it\n      must be hungry; so they call in the help of a priest, who commonly\n      feeds the hungry net by sprinkling maize-flour and fish, moistened\n      with palm oil, on its meshes. See G. H\u00e4rtter, \u201cDer Fischfang im\n      Evheland,\u201d _Zeitschrift f\u00fcr Ethnologie_, xxxviii. (1906) p. 55.\n\n  694 Chateaubriand, _Voyage en Am\u00e9rique_, pp. 175, 178 (Paris, Michel\n      L\u00e9vy Fr\u00e8res, 1870). They will not let the blood of beavers fall on\n      the ground, or their luck in hunting them would be gone (_Relations\n      des J\u00e9suites_, 1633, p. 21). Compare the rule about not allowing the\n      blood of kings to fall on the ground. See _Taboo and the Perils of\n      the Soul_, pp. 241 _sqq._\n\n M182 Deer, elk, and elan treated by the American Indians with ceremonious\n      respect.\n\n  695 L. Hennepin, _Nouveau voyage d\u2019un pais plus grand que l\u2019Europe_\n      (Utrecht, 1698), pp. 141. _sq._; _Relations des J\u00e9suites_, 1636, p.\n      109; F. Gabriel Sagard, Le _Grand Voyage du Pays des Hurons_, p. 255\n      (p. 178 of the reprint, Libraire Tross, Paris, 1865). Not quite\n      consistently the Canadian Indians used to kill every elan they could\n      overtake in the chase, lest any should escape to warn their fellows\n      (Sagard, _l.c._).\n\n  696 A. de Herrera, _General History of the vast Continent and Islands of\n      America_, translated by Capt. John Stevens (London, 1725-1726), iv.\n      142.\n\n_  697 Lettres \u00e9difiantes et curieuses_, Nouvelle \u00c9dition, viii. (Paris,\n      1781) p. 339.\n\n  698 C. Sapper, \u201cDie Gebr\u00e4uche und religi\u00f6sen Anschauungen der\n      Kekch\u00ed-Indianer,\u201d _Internationales Archiv f\u00fcr Ethnographie_, viii.\n      (1895) pp. 195 _sq._\n\n  699 J. Mooney, \u201cCherokee Theory and Practice of Medicine,\u201d _American\n      Journal of Folk-lore_, iii. (1890) pp. 45 _sq._; _id._, \u201cSacred\n      Formulas of the Cherokees,\u201d _Seventh Annual Report of the Bureau of\n      Ethnology_ (Washington, 1891), pp. 320 _sq._, 347; _id._, \u201cMyths of\n      the Cherokee,\u201d _Nineteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of American\n      Ethnology_, Part i. (Washington, 1900) pp. 263 _sq._\n\n  700 J. G. Bourke, \u201cReligion of the Apache Indians,\u201d _Folk-lore_, ii.\n      (1891) p. 438.\n\n  701 L. Hennepin, _Description de la Louisiane_ (Paris, 1683), pp. 80\n      _sq._\n\n  702 James Teit, _The Thompson Indians of British Columbia_, pp. 346 sq.\n      (_The Jesup North Pacific Expedition, Memoir of the American Museum\n      of Natural History_, April 1900).\n\n  703 James Teit, _The Lillooet Indians_ (Leyden and New York, 1906), pp.\n      281 sq. (_The Jesup North Pacific Expedition, Memoir of the American\n      Museum of Natural History_).\n\n_  704 Relations des J\u00e9suites_, 1634, p. 26 (Canadian reprint, Quebec,\n      1858).\n\n M183 Porcupines, turtles, and mice treated by American Indians with\n      ceremonious respect.\n\n  705 Fr. Boas, in \u201cNinth Report on the North-Western Tribes of Canada,\u201d\n      _Report of the British Association for 1894_, PP. 459 sq.\n\n  706 H. R. Schoolcraft, _Indian Tribes of the United States_\n      (Philadelphia, 1853-1856), iii. 230.\n\n  707 Charlevoix, _Histoire de la Nouvelle France_ (Paris, 1744), v. 443.\n\n M184 Dead foxes, turtles, deer, and pigs treated with ceremonious\n      respect.\n\n  708 W. Bogaras, _The Chuckchee_ (Leyden and New York, 1904-1909), p. 409\n      (_The Jesup North Pacific Expedition_, vol. vii., _Memoir of the\n      American Museum of Natural History_).\n\n  709 J. Spieth, _Die Ewe-St\u00e4mme_ (Berlin, 1906), pp. 389 _sq._\n\n  710 J. A. Jacobsen, _Reisen in die Inselwelt des Banda-Meeres_ (Berlin,\n      1896), p. 234.\n\n  711 A. C. Kruijt, \u201cEen en ander aangaande het geestelijk en\n      maatschappelijk leven van den Poso-Alfoer,\u201d _Mededeelingen van wege\n      het Nederlandsche Zendelinggenootschap_, xli. (1897) pp. 4 _sq._\n\n M185 Ghost of ostrich outwitted.\n\n  712 W. Barbrooke Grubb, _An Unknown People in an Unknown Land_ (London,\n      1911), pp. 125 _sq._\n\n M186 Esquimau propitiation of the spirit who controls reindeer.\n      Ceremonious treatment of sea-beasts by the Esquimaux.\n\n  713 L. M. Turner, \u201cEthnology of the Ungava District, Hudson Bay\n      Territory,\u201d _Eleventh Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology_\n      (Washington, 1894), pp. 200 _sq._\n\n  714 Fr. Boas, \u201cThe Central Eskimo,\u201d _Sixth Annual Report of the Bureau\n      of Ethnology_ (Washington, 1888), p. 595; _id._, \u201cThe Eskimo of\n      Baffin Land and Hudson Bay,\u201d _Bulletin of the American Museum of\n      Natural History_, xv. (1901) pp. 119 _sqq._ As to the antagonism\n      which these Esquimaux suppose to exist between marine and\n      terrestrial animals, see above, p. 84; and with regard to the taboos\n      observed by these Esquimaux after the slaughter of sea-beasts, see\n      _Taboo and the Perils of the Soul_, pp. 205 _sqq._\n\n  715 D. Crantz, _History of Greenland_ (London, 1767), i. 216.\n\n M187 Annual ceremony of returning the bladders of the sea-beasts to the\n      sea in order that the animals may come to life again.\n\n  716 E. W. Nelson, \u201cThe Eskimo about Bering Strait,\u201d _Eighteenth Annual\n      Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology_, Part i. (Washington,\n      1899), pp. 379-393, 437. Compare A. Woldt, _Captain Jacobsen\u2019s Reise\n      an der Nordwestk\u00fcste Americas 1881-1883_ (Leipsic, 1884), pp.\n      289-291. In the text the ceremony has been described mainly as it\n      was witnessed by Mr. E. W. Nelson at Kushunuk, near Cape Vancouver,\n      in December, 1879. As might have been expected, the ritual varies in\n      details at different places.\n\n M188 Fish treated with respect by fishing tribes. The Peruvian Indians\n      worshipped the various sorts of fish which they caught. Fish treated\n      with respect by the North American Indians. Herring respected by\n      European fishermen. Compensation made to fish for catching them.\n\n  717 Garcilasso de la Vega, _Royal Commentaries of the Yncas_, translated\n      by C. R. Markham, First Part, bk. i. ch. 10, vol. i. pp. 49 _sq._\n      (Hakluyt Society, London, 1869-1871). Compare _id._, vol. ii. p.\n      148.\n\n  718 Fr. Boas, in _Sixth Report on the North-Western Tribes of Canada_,\n      pp. 61 _sq._ (separate reprint from the _Report of the British\n      Association for 1890_); _id._, _Kwakiutl Texts_, ii. pp. 303 _sq._,\n      305 _sq._, 307, 317 (_Jesup North Pacific Expedition, Memoir of the\n      American Museum of Natural History_, December, 1902).\n\n_  719 Relations des J\u00e9suites_, 1667, p. 12 (Canadian reprint, Quebec,\n      1858).\n\n  720 F. Gabriel Sagard, _Le Grand Voyage du Pays des Hurons_, pp. 255\n      _sqq._ (pp. 178 _sqq._ of the reprint, Libraire Tross, Paris, 1865).\n\n  721 B. Hagen, _Unter den Papuas_ (Wiesbaden, 1899), p. 270.\n\n  722 Rev. J. Batchelor, _The Ainu and their Folk-lore_ (London, 1901),\n      pp. 529 _sq._\n\n_  723 A Narrative of the Adventures and Sufferings of John R. Jewitt_\n      (Middletown, 1820), p. 116.\n\n  724 M. J. Schleiden, _Das Salz_ (Leipsic, 1875), p. 47. For this\n      reference I am indebted to my late friend W. Robertson Smith.\n\n  725 Hugh Miller, _Scenes and Legends of the North of Scotland_, ch.\n      xvii. pp. 256 _sq._ (Edinburgh, 1889).\n\n  726 M. Martin, \u201cDescription of the Western Islands of Scotland,\u201d in\n      Pinkerton\u2019s _Voyages and Travels_, iii. (London, 1809) p. 620.\n\n  727 W. Powell, _Wanderings in a Wild Country_ (London, 1883), pp. 66\n      _sq._\n\n  728 C. Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_ (London, 1903), i. 403.\n\n  729 R. Taylor, _Te Ika a Maui, or New Zealand and its Inhabitants_,\n      Second Edition (London, 1870), p. 200; A. S. Thomson, _The Story of\n      New Zealand_ (London, 1859), i. 202; E. Tregear, \u201cThe Maoris of New\n      Zealand,\u201d _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xix. (1890) p.\n      109.\n\n  730 Rev. J. Roscoe, _The Baganda_ (London, 1911), p. 395.\n\n M189 Ceremonious treatment of the first fish of the season.\n\n  731 A. G. Morice, _Au pays de l\u2019Ours Noir_ (Paris and Lyons, 1897), p.\n      28.\n\n  732 Sir John Lubbock, _Origin of Civilisation_4 (London, 1882), p. 277,\n      quoting _Metlahkatlah_, p. 96.\n\n  733 W. Dall, _Alaska and its Resources_ (London, 1870), p. 413.\n\n  734 Fr. Boas, in \u201cNinth Report on the North-Western Tribes of Canada,\u201d\n      _Report of the British Association for 1894_, p. 461. Compare J.\n      Teit, _The Lillooet Indians_ (Leyden and New York, 1906), pp. 280\n      _sq._ (_The Jesup North Pacific Expedition, Memoir of the American\n      Museum of Natural History_); C. Hill Tout, in _Journal of the\n      Anthropological Institute_, xxxv. (1905) p. 140; _id._, _The Far\n      West, the Home of the Salish and D\u00e9n\u00e9_ (London, 1907), pp. 170-172.\n\n  735 Fr. Boas, in _Sixth Report on the North-Western Tribes of Canada_,\n      pp. 16 _sq._ (separate reprint from the _Report of the British\n      Association for 1890_).\n\n_  736 Id._, in _Fifth Report on the North-Western Tribes of Canada_, p.\n      51 (separate reprint from the _Report of the British Association for\n      1889_).\n\n  737 Stephen Powers, _Tribes of California_ (Washington, 1877), pp. 31\n      _sq._\n\n  738 Alex. Ross, _Adventures of the First Settlers on the Oregon or\n      Columbia River_ (London, 1849), p. 97.\n\n  739 Ch. Wilkes, _Narrative of the United States Exploring Expedition_,\n      New Edition (New York, 1851), iv. 324, v. 119, where it is said, \u201ca\n      dog must never be permitted to eat the heart of a salmon; and in\n      order to prevent this, they cut the heart of the fish out before\n      they sell it.\u201d\n\n  740 H. C. St. John, \u201cThe Ainos,\u201d _Journal of the Anthropological\n      Institute_, ii. (1873) p. 253; _id._, _Notes and Sketches from the\n      Wild Coasts of Nipon_, pp. 27 _sq._ Similarly it is a rule with the\n      Aino to bring the flesh of bears and other game into the house, not\n      by the door, but by the window or the smoke-hole. See Rev. J.\n      Batchelor, _The Ainu and their Folk-lore_ (London, 1901), p. 123; P.\n      Labb\u00e9, _Un Bagne Russe_ (Paris, 1903), pp. 255 _sq._\n\n_  741 Archiv f\u00fcr Anthropologie_, xxvi. (1900) p. 796 (as to the Gilyak of\n      the Amoor); J. Scheffer, _Lapponia_ (Frankfort, 1673), pp. 242\n      _sq._; C. Leemius, _De Lapponibus Finmarchiae eorumque lingua, vita,\n      et religione pristina commentatio_ (Copenhagen, 1767), p. 503;\n      _Revue d\u2019Ethnographie_, ii. (1883) pp. 308 _sq._; _Journal of the\n      Anthropological Institute_, vii. (1878) p. 207; Fr. Boas, \u201cThe\n      Central Eskimo,\u201d in _Sixth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology_\n      (Washington, 1888), p. 595; _id._, \u201cThe Eskimo of Baffin Land and\n      Hudson Bay,\u201d _Bulletin of the American Museum of Natural History_,\n      xv. (1901) p. 148; A. G. Morice, in _Transactions of the Canadian\n      Institute_, iv. (1892-93) p. 108.\n\n M190 Some savages preserve the bones of the animals they kill in order\n      that the animals may come to life again.\n\n  742 E. James, _Expedition from Pittsburgh to the Rocky Mountains_\n      (London, 1823), i. 257.\n\n  743 D. G. Brinton, _Myths of the New World_2 (New York, 1876), p. 278.\n\n  744 W. H. Keating, _Expedition to the Source of St. Peter\u2019s River_\n      (London, 1825), i. 452.\n\n  745 Fr. Boas, \u201cThe Eskimo of Baffin Land and Hudson Bay,\u201d _Bulletin of\n      the American Museum of Natural History_, xv. (1901) p. 161.\n\n  746 A. d\u2019Orbigny, _Voyage dans l\u2019Am\u00e9rique M\u00e9ridionale_, iii. (Paris and\n      Strasburg, 1844) p. 201. However, in this case a belief in the\n      resurrection of the animals is not expressly affirmed, and the\n      practice of burning the bones seems inconsistent with it.\n\n  747 E. J. Jessen, _De Finnorum Lapponumque Norwegicorum religione pagana\n      tractatus singularis_, pp. 46 _sq._, 52 _sq._, 65 (bound with C.\n      Leem\u2019s _De Lapponibus Finmarchiae eorumque lingua, vita et religione\n      pristina commentatio_, Copenhagen, 1767). Compare Leem\u2019s work, pp.\n      418-420, 428 _sq._; J. Acerbi, _Travels through Sweden, Finnland,\n      and Lapland_ (London, 1802), ii. 302.\n\n  748 G. W. Steller, _Beschreibung von dem Lande Kamtschatka_ (Frankfort\n      and Leipsic, 1774), p. 269; S. Krascheninnikow, _Beschreibung des\n      Landes Kamtschatka_ (Lemgo, 1766), p. 246.\n\n  749 See A. Erman, referred to above, p. 223; J. G. Gmelin, _Reise durch\n      Sibirien_ (G\u00f6ttingen, 1751-1752), i. 274, ii. 182 _sq._, 214; H.\n      Vambery, _Das T\u00fcrkenvolk_ (Leipsic, 1885), pp. 118 _sq._ When a fox,\n      the sacred animal of the Conchucos in Peru, had been killed, its\n      skin was stuffed and set up (A. Bastian, _Die Culturl\u00e4nder des alten\n      Amerika_, i. 443). Compare the _bouphonia_, above, pp. 4 _sqq._\n\n  750 At the annual sacrifice of the White Dog, the Iroquois were careful\n      to strangle the animal without shedding its blood or breaking its\n      bones; the dog was afterwards burned (L. H. Morgan, _League of the\n      Iroquois_, Rochester, 1851, p. 210). It is a rule with some of the\n      Australian blacks that in killing the native bear they may not break\n      his bones. They say that the native bear once stole all the water of\n      the river, and that if they were to break his bones or take off his\n      skin before roasting him, he would do so again (R. Brough Smyth,\n      _Aborigines of Victoria_, i. 447 _sqq._). Some of the Queensland\n      aborigines believe that if the bones or skulls of dugong were not\n      put away in a heap or otherwise preserved, no more dugong would be\n      caught (W. E. Roth, _North Queensland Ethnography_, Bulletin No. 5,\n      Brisbane, 1903, p. 27). When the Tartars whom Carpini visited killed\n      animals for eating, they might not break their bones but burned them\n      with fire (Carpini, _Historia Mongalorum_ (Paris, 1838), cap. iii. \u00a7\n      i. 2, p. 620). North American Indians might not break the bones of\n      the animals which they ate at feasts (Charlevoix, _Histoire de la\n      Nouvelle France_, vi. 72). In the war feast held by Indian warriors\n      after leaving home, a whole animal was cooked and had to be all\n      eaten. No bone of it might be broken. After being stripped of the\n      flesh the bones were hung on a tree (_Narrative of the Captivity and\n      Adventures of John Tanner_, London, 1830, p. 287). On St. Olaf\u2019s Day\n      (29th July) the Karels of Finland kill a lamb, without using a\n      knife, and roast it whole. None of its bones may be broken. The lamb\n      has not been shorn since spring. Some of the flesh is placed in a\n      corner of the room for the house-spirits, some is deposited on the\n      field and beside the birch-trees which are destined to be used as\n      May-trees next year (W. Mannhardt, _Antike Wald- und Feldkulte_, pp.\n      160 _sq._, note). Some of the Esquimaux in skinning a deer are\n      careful not to break a single bone, and they will not break the\n      bones of deer while walrus are being hunted (Fr. Boas, \u201cThe Central\n      Eskimo,\u201d _Sixth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology_\n      (Washington, 1888), pp. 595 _sq._). The Innuit (Esquimaux) of Point\n      Barrow, Alaska, carefully preserve unbroken the bones of the seals\n      which they have caught and return them to the sea, either leaving\n      them in an ice-crack far out from the land or dropping them through\n      a hole in the ice. By doing so they think they secure good fortune\n      in the pursuit of seals (_Report of the International Expedition to\n      Point Barrow, Alaska_ (Washington, 1885), p. 40). In this last\n      custom the idea probably is that the bones will be reclothed with\n      flesh and the seals come to life again. The Mosquito Indians of\n      Central America carefully preserved the bones of deer and the shells\n      of eggs, lest the deer or chickens should die or disappear (H. H.\n      Bancroft, _Native Races of the Pacific States_, i. 741). In Syria at\n      the present time people offer a sacrifice for a boy when he is seven\n      days old, and they will not break a bone of the victim, \u201cbecause\n      they fear that if a bone of the sacrifice should be broken, the\n      child\u2019s bones would be broken, too\u201d (S. I. Curtiss, _Primitive\n      Semitic Religion To-day_, Chicago, etc., 1902, p. 178). This last\n      may be a later misinterpretation of the old custom. For West African\n      cases of refusal to break the bones of sacrificial victims, see J.\n      Spieth, _Die Ewe-St\u00e4mme_ (Berlin, 1906), pp. 458, 466, 480, 527,\n      712, 796, 824. Amongst the Narrinyeri of South Australia, when an\n      animal was being cut up, the bystanders used to leap and yell as\n      often as a bone was broken, thinking that if they did not do so\n      their own bones would rot within them (A. W. Howitt, _Native Tribes\n      of South-East Australia_, p. 763).\n\n_  751 Relations des J\u00e9suites_, 1634, p. 25 (Canadian reprint, Quebec,\n      1858); A. Mackenzie, _Voyages through the Continent of America_\n      (London, 1801), p. civ.; J. Dunn, _History of the Oregon Territory_\n      (London, 1844), p. 99; F. Whymper, in _Journal of the Royal\n      Geographical Society_, xxxviii. (1868) p. 228; _id._, in\n      _Transactions of the Ethnological Society_, N.S., vii. (1869) p.\n      174; A. P. Reid, \u201cReligious Belief of the Ojibois Indians,\u201d _Journal\n      of the Anthropological Institute_, iii. (1874) p. 111; Fr. Boas,\n      \u201cThe Central Eskimo,\u201d _Sixth Annual Report of the Bureau of\n      Ethnology_ (Washington, 1888), p. 596; _id._, \u201cThe Eskimo of Baffin\n      Land and Hudson Bay,\u201d _Bulletin of the American Museum of Natural\n      History_, xv. (1901) p. 123; E. W. Nelson, \u201cThe Eskimo about Bering\n      Strait,\u201d _Eighteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of American\n      Ethnology_, Part i. (Washington, 1899) pp. 438 _sq._ For more\n      examples see above, pp. 225, 238 _sqq._, 242 _sq._, 246. After a\n      meal the Indians of Costa Rica gather all the bones carefully and\n      either burn them or put them out of reach of the dogs. See W. M.\n      Gabb, _On the Indian Tribes and Languages of Costa Rica_ (read\n      before the American Philosophical Society, 20th Aug. 1875), p. 520\n      (Philadelphia, 1875). The custom of burning the bones to prevent the\n      dogs getting them does not necessarily contradict the view suggested\n      in the text. It may be a way of transmitting the bones to the\n      spirit-land. The aborigines of Australia burn the bones of the\n      animals which they eat, but for a different reason; they think that\n      if an enemy got hold of the bones and burned them with charms, it\n      would cause the death of the person who had eaten the animal\n      (_Native Tribes of South Australia_, Adelaide, 1879, pp. 24, 196).\n\n M191 Some savages preserve or destroy the bones of men in order to assist\n      or prevent their resurrection.\n\n  752 See _Taboo and the Perils of the Soul_, pp. 279 _sqq._\n\n  753 A. de Herrera, _General History of the vast Continent and Islands of\n      America_, translated by Capt. John Stevens (London, 1725-1726), iv.\n      126.\n\n  754 Baldwin Spencer and F. J. Gillen, _Native Tribes of Central\n      Australia_ (London, 1899), p. 475.\n\n M192 Unquestioning faith of savages in the immortality of animals. The\n      savage faith in human immortality is commonly supposed to be deduced\n      from a primitive theory of dreams.\n M193 But can a theory of dreams account for the savage belief in the\n      immortality of animals?\n M194 Apparently the savage conceives life as an indestructible form of\n      energy. Analogy of the conception to the modern scientific\n      conception of the conservation of energy.\n\n  755 For this suggestion I am indebted to a hint thrown out in\n      conversation by my friend Professor G. F. Stout.\n\n  756 See _The Dying God_, p. 1.\n\n  757 The principle of the conservation of energy is clearly stated and\n      illustrated by Balfour Stewart in his book _The Conservation of\n      Energy_, Fourth Edition (London, 1877). The writer does not\n      countenance the view that life is a form of energy distinct from and\n      independent of physical and chemical forces; he regards a living\n      being simply as a very delicately constructed machine in which the\n      natural forces are in a state of unstable equilibrium. To avoid\n      misapprehension it may be well to add that I do not pretend to argue\n      either for or against the theory of life which appears to be\n      implicitly adopted by the savage; my aim is simply to explain, not\n      to justify or condemn, the mental attitude of primitive man towards\n      these profound problems.\n\n M195 The resurrection of the body in tales and legends.\n\n  758 W. Mannhardt, _Germanische Mythen_ (Berlin, 1858), pp. 57-74; _id._,\n      _Baumkultus_, p. 116; C. L. Rochholz, _Deutscher Glaube und Brauch_\n      (Berlin, 1867), i. 219 _sqq._; J. Curtin, _Myths and Folk-lore of\n      Ireland_ (London, N.D.), pp. 45 _sq._; E. Cosquin, _Contes\n      populaires de Lorraine_ (Paris, N.D.), ii. 25; E. S. Hartland, \u201cThe\n      Physicians of Myddfai,\u201d _Archaeological Review_, i. (1888) pp. 30\n      _sq._ In folk-tales, as in primitive custom, the blood is sometimes\n      not allowed to fall on the ground. See E. Cosquin, _l.c._\n\n  759 W. Mannhardt, _Germanische Mythen_, p. 66.\n\n  760 Jamblichus, _Vita Pythag._ 92, 135, 140; Porphyry, _Vita Pythag._\n      28.\n\n  761 Pindar, _Olymp._ i. 37 _sqq._, with the Scholiast.\n\n  762 Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ xxviii. 34.\n\n  763 Plutarch, _Isis et Osiris_, 18. This is one of the sacred stories\n      which the pious Herodotus (ii. 48) concealed and the pious Plutarch\n      divulged.\n\n M196 The sinew of the thigh regularly cut out and thrown away by some\n      American Indians.\n\n  764 Adam Hodgson, _Letters from North America_ (London, 1824), i. 244.\n\n  765 J. Adair, _History of the American Indians_ (London, 1775), pp. 137\n      _sq._ This writer, animated by a curious though not uncommon passion\n      for discovering the ten lost tribes of Israel, imagined that he\n      detected the missing Hebrews disguised under the red skins and\n      beardless faces of the American Indians.\n\n M197 Story told by the Indians to explain the custom.\n\n  766 \u00c9. Petitot, _Monographie des D\u00e8n\u00e8-Dindjie_ (Paris, 1867), pp. 77, 81\n      _sq._; _id._, _Traditions indiennes du Canada Nord-ouest_ (Paris,\n      1886), pp. 132 _sqq._, compare pp. 41, 76, 213, 264. The story is\n      told in a briefer form, though without any reference to the custom,\n      by another French missionary. See the letter of Mgr. Tache, in\n      _Annales de la Propagation de la Foi_, xxiv. (1852) pp. 336 _sq._\n\n M198 The custom of cutting out the sinew of the thigh in animals seems to\n      be based on the principle of sympathetic magic.\n\n  767 The first part of this suggestion is due to my friend W. Robertson\n      Smith. See his _Lectures on the Religion of the Semites_2 (London,\n      1894), p. 380, note 1. The Faleshas, a Jewish sect of Abyssinia,\n      after killing an animal for food, \u201ccarefully remove the vein from\n      the thighs with its surrounding flesh.\u201d See Hal\u00e9vy, \u201cTravels in\n      Abyssinia,\u201d in _Publications of the Society of Hebrew Literature_,\n      Second Series, vol. ii. p. 220. Caffre men will not eat the sinew of\n      the thigh; \u201cit is carefully cut out and sent to the principal boy at\n      the kraal, who with his companions consider it as their right.\u201d See\n      Col. Maclean, _Kafir Laws and Customs_ (Cape Town, 1866), p. 151.\n      Gallas who pride themselves on their descent will not eat the flesh\n      of the biceps; the reasons assigned for the custom are inconsistent\n      and unsatisfactory. See Ph. Paulitschke, _Ethnographie\n      Nordost-Afrikas: die materielle Cultur der Dan\u00e2kil, Galla und Som\u00e2l_\n      (Berlin, 1893), p. 154. When the Bushmen kill a hare, they cut out a\n      sinew of the thigh and will not eat it, alleging as their reason\n      that the hare was once a man, and that this particular sinew is\n      still human flesh. See W. H. I. Bleek and L. C. Lloyd. _Specimens of\n      Bushman Folklore_ (London, 1911), pp. xxxix., 60 _sq._, 63.\n\n  768 J. Mooney, \u201cSacred Formulas of the Cherokees,\u201d _Seventh Annual\n      Report of the Bureau of Ethnology_ (Washington, 1891), p. 323.\n      Compare _id._, \u201cMyths of the Cherokee,\u201d _Nineteenth Annual Report of\n      the Bureau of American Ethnology_, Part i. (Washington, 1900) pp.\n      267, 447. In the last of these passages the writer quotes Buttrick,\n      _Antiquities_, p. 12, as follows: \u201cThe Indians never used to eat a\n      certain sinew in the thigh.... Some say that if they eat of the\n      sinew they will have cramp in it on attempting to run. It is said\n      that once a woman had cramp in that sinew, and therefore none must\n      eat it.\u201d\n\n  769 See above, pp. 138 _sqq._\n\n M199 Some hunters hamstring the dead game in order to lame the ghosts of\n      the animals. Some savages put out the eyes of dead game in order\n      perhaps to blind the ghosts of the animals.\n\n  770 \u00c9. Aymonier, _Notes sur le Laos_ (Saigon, 1885), p. 23.\n\n  771 E. W. Nelson, \u201cThe Eskimo about Bering Strait,\u201d _Eighteenth Annual\n      Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology_, Part i. (Washington,\n      1899) p. 423.\n\n  772 Rev. J. Batchelor, _The Ainu and their Folk-lore_ (London, 1901), p.\n      504.\n\n  773 L. von Schrenck, _Reisen und Forschungen im Amur-Lande_, iii. 546.\n\n  774 P. S. Pallas, _Reise durch verschiedene Provinzen des Russischen\n      Reichs_ (St. Petersburg, 1771-1776), iii. 70.\n\n  775 Rev. J. Macdonald, _Light in Africa_, Second Edition (London, 1890),\n      p. 171.\n\n  776 J. Teit, _The Thompson Indians cf British Columbia_, p. 317 (_The\n      Jesup North Pacific Expedition, Memoir of the American Museum of\n      Natural History_, April, 1900).\n\n  777 So among the Esquimaux of Bering Strait a girl at puberty is\n      considered unclean. \u201cA peculiar atmosphere is supposed to surround\n      her at this time, and if a young man should come near enough for it\n      to touch him it would render him visible to every animal he might\n      hunt, so that his success as a hunter would be gone.\u201d See E. W.\n      Nelson, \u201cThe Eskimo about Bering Strait,\u201d _Eighteenth Annual Report\n      of the Bureau of American Ethnology_, Part i. (Washington, 1899) p.\n      291.\n\n  778 P. Dobell, _Travels in Kamtchatka and Siberia_ (London, 1830), i.\n      19.\n\n M200 The custom of cutting out the tongues of dead animals may sometimes\n      be intended to prevent their ghosts from telling tales. Tongues of\n      animals cut out in order to confer superhuman knowledge or power on\n      their possessors.\n\n  779 Rev. J. Owen Dorsey, \u201cOmaha Sociology,\u201d _Third Report of the Bureau\n      of Ethnology_ (Washington, 1884), pp. 289 _sq._\n\n  780 J. G. Kohl, _Kitschi-Gami_ (Bremen, 1859), ii. 251 sq.; Charlevoix,\n      _Histoire de la Nouvelle France_, v. 173; Chateaubriand, _Voyage en\n      Am\u00e9rique_, pp. 179 _sq._, 184.\n\n  781 For examples of the incident, see J. F. Blad\u00e9, _Contes populaires\n      recueillis en Agenais_ (Paris, 1874), pp. 12, 14; G. W. Dasent,\n      _Popular Tales from the Norse_ (Edinburgh, 1859), pp. 133 sq.\n      (\u201cShortshanks\u201d); Aug. Schleicher, _Litauische M\u00e4rchen_ (Weimar,\n      1857), p. 58; Sepp, _Altbayerischer Sagenschatz_ (Munich, 1876), p.\n      114; R. K\u00f6hler, on L. Gonzenbach\u2019s _Sicilianische M\u00e4rchen_ (Leipsic,\n      1870), ii. 230; Apollodorus, _Bibliotheca_, iii. 13. 3; Schol. on\n      Apollonius Rhodius, _Argonaut._ i. 517; W. Mannhardt, _Antike Wald-\n      und Feldkulte_, p. 53; J. C. Poestion, _Lappl\u00e4ndische M\u00e4rchen_\n      (Vienna, 1876), pp. 231 sq.; A. F. Chamberlain, in _Eighth Report on\n      the North-Western Tribes of Canada_, p. 35 (separate reprint from\n      the _Report of the British Association for 1892_); I. V. Zingerle,\n      _Kinder und Hausm\u00e4rchen aus Tirol_2 (Gera, 1870), No. 25, p. 127; A.\n      Kuhn und W. Schwartz, _Norddeutsche Sagen, M\u00e4rchen und Gebr\u00e4uche_\n      (Leipsic, 1848), p. 342; S. Grundtvig, _D\u00e4nische Volksm\u00e4rchen_,\n      \u00fcbersetzt von W. Leo (Leipsic, 1878), p. 289; A. Leskien und K.\n      Brugmann, _Litauische Volkslieder und M\u00e4rchen_ (Strasburg, 1882),\n      pp. 405 _sq._, 409 _sq._; A. und A. Schott, _Walachische Maerchen_\n      (Stuttgart and T\u00fcbingen), No. 10, p. 142; Chr. Schneller, _M\u00e4rchen\n      und Sagen aus W\u00e4lschtirol_ (Innsbruck, 1867), No. 39, pp. 116 _sq._;\n      G. Basile, _Pentamerone_, \u00fcbertragen von F. Liebrecht (Breslau,\n      1846), i. 99; P. S\u00e9billot, _Contes Populaires de la Haute-Bretagne_\n      (Paris, 1885), No. 11, p. 80; E. Cosquin, _Contes Populaires de\n      Lorraine_ (Paris, N.D.), i. p. 61; J. Haltrich, _Deutsche\n      Volksm\u00e4rchen aus dem Sachsenlande in Siebenb\u00fcrgen_4 (Vienna and\n      Hermannstadt, 1885), No. 24, pp. 104 _sqq._; Grimm, _Household\n      Tales_, No. 60. The incident often occurs in the type of tale\n      analysed by Mr. E. S. Hartland in his _Legend of Perseus_ (vol. i.\n      pp. 12, 17, 18, etc.; vol. iii. pp. 6, 7, 8, etc.).\n\n  782 Fr. Boas, in _Fifth Report on the North-Western Tribes of Canada_,\n      p. 58 (separate reprint from the _Report of the British Association\n      for 1889_); _id._, in _Journal of American Folk-lore_, i. (1888) p.\n      218.\n\n  783 See W. H. Dall, \u201cMasks and Labrets,\u201d _Third Annual Report of the\n      Bureau of Ethnology_ (Washington, 1884), pp. 111 _sq._ Compare\n      _id._, _Alaska and its Resources_ (London, 1870), p. 425; Ivan\n      Petroff, _Report on the Population, Industries, and Resources of\n      Alaska_, p. 176.\n\n  784 Ph. Paulitschke, _Ethnographie Nordost-Afrikas: die Geistige Cultur\n      der Dan\u00e2kil, Galla und Som\u00e2l_ (Berlin, 1896), p. 47.\n\n  785 Ph. Paulitschke, _op. cit._ p. 156; _id._, _Ethnographie\n      Nordost-Afrikas: die materielle Cultur_, etc. (Berlin, 1893), p.\n      226.\n\n  786 J. V. Grohmann, _Aberglauben und Gebr\u00e4uche aus B\u00f6hmen und M\u00e4hren_\n      (Prague and Leipsic, 1864), p. 54, \u00a7 354.\n\n  787 L. Strackerjan, _Aberglaube und Sagen aus dem Herzogthum Oldenburg_\n      (Oldenburg, 1867), ii. 94, \u00a7 381; E. Monseur, in _Revue de\n      l\u2019Histoire des Religions_, xxxi. (1895) pp. 297 _sq._\n\n  788 J. V. Grohmann, _op. cit._ p. 81, \u00a7 576.\n\n  789 Homer, _Od._ iii. 332, 341.\n\n  790 Scholiast on Aristophanes, _Plutus_, 1110; Athenaeus, i. 28, p. 16\n      B; _Paroemiographi Graeci_, ed. Leutsch et Schneidewin, i. 415, No.\n      100.\n\n  791 See further H. Gaidoz, \u201cLes Langues coup\u00e9es,\u201d _M\u00e9lusine_, iii.\n      (1886-87) coll. 303-307; E. Monseur, _loc. cit._\n\n M201 Bechuana custom of mutilating a sacrificial ox in order to inflict\n      corresponding mutilations on the enemy. Mutilation of the corpses of\n      enemies or other dangerous persons for the purpose of maiming their\n      ghosts. Disabling the ghost by mutilating his dead body.\n\n  792 T. Arbousset et F. Daumas, _Relation d\u2019un Voyage d\u2019Exploration au\n      Nord-est de la Colonie du Cap de Bonne-Esp\u00e9rance_ (Paris, 1842), pp.\n      562-564.\n\n  793 Rev. J. Roscoe, \u201cFurther Notes on the Manners and Customs of the\n      Baganda,\u201d _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xxxii. (1902)\n      p. 60. This custom appears not to be mentioned by the writer in his\n      book _The Baganda_ (London, 1911).\n\n  794 A. Oldfield, \u201cOn the Aborigines of Australia,\u201d _Transactions of the\n      Ethnological Society of London_, N.S. iii. (1865) p. 287.\n\n  795 E. M. Curr, _The Australian Race_ (Melbourne and London, 1886), i.\n      348, 381.\n\n  796 R. Southey, _History of Brazil_, vol. i. Second Edition (London,\n      1822), p. 231.\n\n  797 E. W. Nelson, \u201cThe Eskimo about Bering Strait,\u201d _Eighteenth Annual\n      Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology_, part i. (Washington,\n      1899) p. 423.\n\n  798 Rev. S. Mateer, _The Land of Charity_ (London, 1871), pp. 203 _sq._\n\n  799 Rev. J. Owen Dorsey, \u201cA Study of Siouan Cults,\u201d _Eleventh Annual\n      Report of the Bureau of Ethnology_ (Washington, 1894), p. 420.\n\n  800 C. Gouldsbury and H. Sheane, _The Great Plateau of Northern\n      Rhodesia_ (London, 1911), p. 126.\n\n M202 Propitiation of the vermin which infest crops and cattle in Europe.\n\n  801 J. B. Holzmayer, \u201cOsiliana,\u201d _Verhandlungen der gelehrten Estnischen\n      Gesellschaft zu Dorpat_, vii. Heft 2 (Dorpat, 1872), p. 105 note.\n\n  802 G. A. Heinrich, _Agrarische Sitten und Gebr\u00e4uche unter den Sachsen\n      Siebenb\u00fcrgens_ (Hermannstadt, 1880), pp. 15 _sq._\n\n  803 R. F. Kaindl, _Die Huzulen_ (Vienna, 1894), pp. 79, 103; _id._,\n      \u201cViehzucht und Viehzauber in den Ostkarpaten,\u201d _Globus_, lxix.\n      (1906) p. 387.\n\n  804 E. Krause, \u201cAbergl\u00e4ubische Kuren und sonstiger Aberglaube in\n      Berlin,\u201d _Zeitschrift f\u00fcr Ethnologie_, xv. (1883) p. 93.\n\n M203 Similar attempts made to propitiate vermin by savages.\n\n  805 L. Decle, _Three Years in Savage Africa_ (London, 1898), p. 160.\n\n  806 Vetter, \u201cAberglaube unter dem Jabim-Stamme in Kaiser-Wilhelmsland,\u201d\n      _Mitteilungen der Geographischen Gesellschaft zu Jena_, xii. (1893)\n      pp. 95 _sq._\n\n  807 E. Modigliani, _Un Viaggio a N\u00edas_ (Milan, 1890), p. 626.\n\n  808 W. Crooke, _Popular Religion and Folklore of Northern India_\n      (Westminster, 1896), ii. 303.\n\n  809 M. Merker, \u201cRechtsverh\u00e4ltnisse und Sitten der Wadschagga,\u201d\n      _Petermanns Mitteilungen, Erg\u00e4nzungsheft_ No. 113 (Gotha, 1902), pp.\n      35 _sq._\n\n  810 Rev. H. Cole, \u201cNotes on the Wagogo of German East Africa,\u201d _Journal\n      of the Anthropological Institute_, xxxii. (1902) p. 320.\n\n M204 Sometimes in dealing with vermin the farmer aims at a judicious mean\n      between undue severity and weak indulgence.\n\n_  811 Geoponica_, xiii. 5. According to the commentator, the field\n      assigned to the mice is a neighbour\u2019s, but it may be a patch of\n      waste ground on the farmer\u2019s own land. The charm is said to have\n      been employed formerly in the neighbourhood of Paris (A. de Nore,\n      _Coutumes, Mythes et Traditions des Provinces de France_, Paris and\n      Lyons, 1846, p. 383).\n\n  812 A. Meyrac, _Traditions, Coutumes, L\u00e9gendes et Contes des Ardennes_\n      (Charleville, 1890), p. 176.\n\n_  813 American Journal of Folk-lore_, xi. (1898) p. 161.\n\n  814 G. Maan, \u201cEenige mededeelingen omtrent de zeden en gewoonten der\n      Toerateya ten opzichte van den rijstbouw,\u201d _Tijdschrift voor\n      Indische Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde_, xlvi. (1903) pp. 329 _sq._\n\n  815 Rev. J. Batchelor, _The Ainu and their Folk-lore_ (London, 1901), p.\n      509.\n\n M205 Sometimes a few of the vermin are treated with high distinction,\n      while the rest are pursued with relentless rigour. Mock lamentations\n      of women for insects which destroy the crops.\n\n  816 R. van Eck, \u201cSchetsen van het eiland Bali,\u201d _Tijdschrift voor\n      Nederlandsch-Indi\u00eb_, N.S., viii. (1879) p. 125.\n\n  817 J. L. van Gennep, \u201cBijdrage tot de kennis van den Kangean-Archipel,\u201d\n      _Bijdragen tot de Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde van\n      Nederlandsch-Indi\u00eb_, xlvi. (1896) p. 101.\n\n  818 C. Hose and W. McDougall, \u201cThe Relations between Men and Animals in\n      Sarawak\u201d _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xxxi. (1901)\n      pp. 198 _sq._\n\n  819 J. V. Grohmann, _Aberglauben und Gebr\u00e4uche aus B\u00f6hmen und M\u00e4hren_\n      (Prague and Leipsic, 1864), p. 60, \u00a7 405.\n\n  820 J. G. von Hahn, _Albanesische Studien_ (Jena, 1854), Heft i. p. 157.\n\n  821 Lagarde, _Reliquiae juris ecclesiastici antiquissimae_, p. 135. For\n      this passage I am indebted to my late friend W. Robertson Smith, who\n      kindly translated it for me from the Syriac. It occurs in the Canons\n      of Jacob of Edessa, of which a German translation has been published\n      by C. Kayser (_Die Canones Jacob\u2019s von Edessa \u00fcbersetzt und\n      erl\u00e4utert_, Leipsic, 1886; see pp. 25 _sq._).\n\n  822 W. R. S. Ralston, _Songs of the Russian People_ (London, 1872), p.\n      255.\n\n  823 Dudley Kidd, _Savage Childhood, a Study of Kafir Children_ (London,\n      1906), p. 292.\n\n M206 Ceremony performed by Baronga women to drive insects from the crops.\n\n  824 H. A. Junod, _Les Ba-ronga_ (Neuchatel, 1898), pp. 419 _sq._ As to\n      the rain-making ceremony among the Baronga, see _The Magic Art and\n      the Evolution of Kings_, i. 267 _sq._\n\n M207 Images made of vermin as a charm to get rid of them.\n\n  825 J. Malalas, _Chronographia_, ed. L. Dindorf (Bonn, 1831), p. 264.\n\n  826 D. Comparetti, _Vergil in the Middle Ages_ (London, 1895), p. 265. I\n      have to thank Mr. J. D. May of Merton College, Oxford, for this and\n      the following references to Comparetti\u2019s book.\n\n  827 D. Comparetti, _op. cit._ pp. 259, 293, 341.\n\n  828 E. Doutt\u00e9, _Magie et Religion dans l\u2019Afrique du Nord_ (Algiers,\n      1908), p. 144.\n\n_  829 Encyclopaedia Biblica_, iv. (London, 1903) col. 4395.\n\n  830 Gr\u00e9goire de Tours, _Histoire Eccl\u00e9siastique des Francs_, traduction\n      de M. Guizot, Nouvelle \u00c9dition (Paris, 1874), viii. 33, vol. i. p.\n      514. For some stories of the same sort, see J. B. Thiers, _Trait\u00e9\n      des Superstitions_ (Paris, 1679), pp. 306-308.\n\n  831 1 Samuel vi. 4-18. The passage in which the plague of mice is\n      definitely described has been omitted in the existing Hebrew text,\n      but is preserved in the Septuagint (1 Samuel v. 6, \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u03bc\u03ad\u03c3\u03bf\u03bd \u03c4\u1fc6\u03c2\n      \u03c7\u03ce\u03c1\u03b1\u03c2 \u03b1\u1f50\u03c4\u1fc6\u03c2 \u1f00\u03bd\u03b5\u03c6\u03cd\u03b7\u03c3\u03b1\u03bd \u03bc\u03cd\u03b5\u03c2). See Dean Kirkpatrick\u2019s note on 1 Samuel\n      v. 6 (_Cambridge Bible for Schools and Colleges_).\n\n  832 Numbers xxi. 6-9.\n\n M208 Greek gods who took titles from vermin. Mouse (Smintheus) Apollo.\n\n  833 Homer, _Iliad_, i. 39, with the Scholia and the comment of\n      Eustathius; Strabo, xiii. 1. 48 and 63; Aelian, _Nat. Anim._ xii. 5;\n      Clement of Alexandria, _Protrept._ ii. 39, p. 34, ed. Potter;\n      Pausanias, x. 12. 5.\n\n  834 Strabo, xiii. 1. 64; Pausanias, i. 24. 8.\n\n  835 Strabo, xiii. 1. 64; Eustathius, on Homer, _Iliad_, i. 39, p. 34;\n      Dittenberger, _Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum_,2 No. 609 (vol. ii.\n      p. 386).\n\n  836 Strabo and Eustathius, _ll.cc._\n\n  837 Professor W. Ridgeway has pointed out that the epithet Bassareus\n      applied to Dionysus (Cornutus, _Theologiae Graecae Compendium_, 30)\n      appears to be derived from bassara, \u201ca fox.\u201d See J. Tzetzes, _Schol.\n      on Lycophron_, 771; W. Ridgeway, in _The Classical Review_, x.\n      (1896) pp. 21 _sqq._; S. Reinach, _Cultes, Mythes, et Religions_,\n      ii. (Paris, 1906) pp. 106 _sqq._\n\n  838 Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ x. 75; Pausanias, v. 14. 1, viii. 26. 7; Clement\n      of Alexandria, _Protrept._ ii. 38, p. 33, ed. Potter.\n\n_  839 Robigo_ or personified as _Robigus_. See Varro, _Rerum rusticarum_,\n      i. 1. 6; _id._, _De lingua latina_, vi. 16; Ovid, _Fasti_, iv. 905\n      _sqq._; Tertullian, _De spectaculis_, 5; Augustine, _De civitate\n      Dei_, iv. 21; Lactantius, _Divin. Instit._ i. 20; L. Preller,\n      _R\u00f6mische Mythologie_3 (Berlin, 1881-1883), ii. 43 _sqq._; W. Warde\n      Fowler, _The Roman Festivals of the Period of the Republic_ (London,\n      1899), pp. 88 _sqq._\n\n  840 Aristotle, _Hist. Anim._ vi. 37, p. 580 b 15 _sqq._; Aelian, _Nat.\n      Anim._ xvii. 41; W. Warde Fowler, in _The Classical Review_ vi.\n      (1892) p. 413. In Laos, a province of Siam, the ravages committed by\n      rats are terrible. From time to time whole armies of these\n      destructive rodents appear and march across the country in dense\n      columns and serried ranks, devouring everything as they go, and\n      leaving famine, with all its horrors, in their train. See\n      Lieut.-Col. Tournier, _Notice sur le Laos Fran\u00e7ais_ (Hanoi, 1900),\n      pp. 104, 135. So in Burma, the rats multiply in some years to such\n      an extent that they cause a famine by destroying whole crops and\n      granaries. See Max and Bertha Ferrars, _Burma_ (London, 1900), pp.\n      149 _sq._\n\n  841 Polemo, cited by a scholiast on Homer, _Iliad_, i. 39 (ed. Im.\n      Bekker). Compare Eustathius on Homer, _Iliad_, i. 39.\n\n  842 Aelian, _Nat. Anim._ xii. 5.\n\n  843 Aelian, _l.c._\n\n  844 See above, p. 279.\n\n  845 E. Aymonier, \u201cLes Tchames et leurs religions,\u201d _Revue de l\u2019Histoire\n      des Religions_, xxiv. (1891) p. 236.\n\n M209 Wolfish Apollo.\n\n  846 \u039b\u03cd\u03ba\u03b5\u03b9\u03bf\u03c2 or \u039b\u03cd\u03ba\u03b9\u03bf\u03c2, Pausanias, i. 19. 3 (with my note), ii. 9. 7, ii.\n      19. 3, viii. 40. 5; Lucian, _Anacharsis_, 7; Im. Bekker, _Anecdota\n      Graeca_ (Berlin, 1814-1821), i. 277, lines 10 _sq._\n\n  847 Pausanias, ii. 9. 7; Scholiast on Demosthenes, xxiv. 114, p. 736.\n\n  848 Sophocles, _Electra_, 6.\n\n  849 Scholiast on Demosthenes, xxiv. 114, p. 736.\n\n  850 Pausanias, ii. 9. 7.\n\n  851 P. Einhorn, _Reformatio gentis Letticae in Ducatu Curlandiae_,\n      reprinted in _Scriptores rerum Livonicarum_, vol. ii. (Riga and\n      Leipsic, 1848) p. 621. The preface of Einhorn\u2019s work is dated 17th\n      July 1636.\n\n M210 Many savages spare certain animals because they believe the souls of\n      their dead to be lodged in them. Examples of this belief among the\n      American Indians.\n\n  852 A. Biet, _Voyage de la France Equinoxiale en l\u2019Isle de Cayenne_\n      (Paris, 1664), p. 361.\n\n  853 J. Chaffanjon, _L\u2019Or\u00e9noque et le Caura_ (Paris, 1889), p. 203.\n\n  854 Levrault, \u201cRapport sur les provinces de Can\u00e9los et du Napo,\u201d\n      _Bulletin de la Soci\u00e9t\u00e9 de G\u00e9ographie_ (Paris), Deuxi\u00e8me S\u00e9rie, xi.\n      (1839) p. 75.\n\n  855 G. Osculati, _Esplorazione delle regioni equatorali lungo il Napo ed\n      il fiume delle Amazzoni_ (Milan, 1850), p. 114.\n\n  856 J. B. Ambrosetti, \u201cLos Indios Caingua del alto Paran\u00e1 (misiones),\u201d\n      _Boletin del Instituto Geografico Argentino_, xv. (Buenos Ayres,\n      1895) p. 740.\n\n  857 Ch. Wiener, _P\u00e9rou et Bolivie_ (Paris, 1880), p. 369.\n\n_  858 Lettres \u00e9difiantes et curieuses_, Nouvelle \u00c9dition, viii. (Paris,\n      1781) pp. 335 _sqq._\n\n  859 Fr. Coreal, _Voyages aux Indes occidentales_ (Amsterdam, 1722), ii.\n      132.\n\n  860 H. R. Schoolcraft, _Indian Tribes of the United States_\n      (Philadelphia, 1853-1856), v. 215 _sq._\n\n  861 H. R. Schoolcraft, _op. cit._ iii. 113.\n\n M211 Belief of the transmigration of human souls into animals in Africa.\n\n  862 Rev. J. L. Wilson, _Western Africa_ (London, 1856), p. 210.\n\n  863 J. C. Reichenbach, \u201c\u00c9tude sur le royaume d\u2019Assinie,\u201d _Bulletin de la\n      Soci\u00e9t\u00e9 de G\u00e9ographie_ (Paris), vii. S\u00e9rie, xi. (1890) pp. 322 _sq._\n\n  864 D. Livingstone, _Missionary Travels and Researches in South Africa_\n      (London, 1857), p. 615.\n\n  865 Miss A. Werner, _The Natives of British Central Africa_ (London,\n      1906), p. 64.\n\n  866 C. Gouldsbury and H. Sheane, _The Great Plateau of Northern\n      Rhodesia_ (London, 1911), p. 200.\n\n  867 Rev. J. Roscoe, \u201cThe Bahima,\u201d _Journal of the Royal Anthropological\n      Institute_, xxxvii. (1907) pp. 101 _sq._ Compare Major J. A. Meldon,\n      \u201cNotes on the Bahima of Ankole,\u201d _Journal of the African Society_,\n      No. 22 (January, 1907), p. 151.\n\n  868 M. Merker, _Die Masai_ (Berlin, 1894), p. 202. The belief that the\n      human dead are turned into serpents is common in Africa; and the\n      practice of offering milk to the reptiles appears to be not\n      infrequent. See _Adonis, Attis, Osiris_,2 pp. 71 _sq._\n\n  869 J. Halkin, _Quelques Peuplades du district de l\u2019Uel\u00e9_ (Li\u00e9ge, 1907),\n      p. 102; _Notes Analytiques sur les Collections Ethnographiques du\n      Mus\u00e9e du Congo, La Religion_ (Brussels, 1906), p. 162.\n\n  870 Father Courtois, \u201cSc\u00e8nes de la vie Cafre,\u201d _Les Missions\n      Catholiques_, xv. (1883) p. 593. For more evidence of similar\n      beliefs in Africa, see Father Courtois, \u201c\u00c0 travers le haut Zamb\u00e8ze,\u201d\n      _Les Missions Catholiques_, xvi. (1884) p. 299 (souls of the dead in\n      guinea-fowl); Father Lejeune, \u201cDans la for\u00eat,\u201d _Les Missions\n      Catholiques_, xxvii. (1895) p. 248 (souls of the dead in apes, owls,\n      etc.).\n\n M212 Belief in the transmigration of human souls into animals in\n      Madagascar.\n\n  871 Father Abinal, \u201cCroyances fabuleuses des Malgaches,\u201d _Les Missions\n      Catholiques_, xii. (1880) pp. 549-551. A somewhat different account\n      of the Betsileo belief in the transmigration of souls is given by\n      another authority. See G. A. Shaw, \u201cThe Betsileo,\u201d _Antananarivo\n      Annual and Madagascar Magazine, Reprint of the First Four Numbers_\n      (Antananarivo, 1885), p. 411. Compare A. van Gennep, _Tabou et\n      Tot\u00e9misme \u00e0 Madagascar_ (Paris, 1904), pp. 272 _sq._, 283, 291.\n\n  872 Rev. J. Sibree, _The Great African Island_ (London, 1880), p. 270.\n\n  873 \u201cDas Volk der Tanala,\u201d _Globus_, lxxxix. (1906) p. 362.\n\n M213 Belief in the transmigration of human souls into animals in Assam,\n      Burma, and Cochin China.\n\n  874 W. H. Furness, \u201cThe Ethnography of the Nagas of Eastern Assam,\u201d\n      _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xxxii. (1902) p. 463.\n\n  875 T. C. Hodson, _The Naga Tribes of Manipur_ (London, 1911), p. 159.\n\n  876 (Sir) J. George Scott and J. P. Hardiman, _Gazetteer of Upper Burma\n      and the Shan States_ (Rangoon, 1900-1901), Part ii. vol. i. p. 26.\n\n  877 Guerlach, \u201cChez les sauvages de la Cochinchine Orientale, Bahnar,\n      Reungao, S\u00e9dang,\u201d _Les Missions Catholiques_, xxvi. (1894) pp. 143\n      _sq._\n\n  878 E. Aymonier, \u201cLes Tchames et leurs religions,\u201d _Revue de l\u2019histoire\n      des Religions_, xxiv. (1891) p. 267. Compare D. Grangeon, \u201cLes Cham\n      et leurs superstitions,\u201d _Les Missions Catholiques_, xxviii. (1896)\n      p. 46. According to the latter writer, white horses are specially\n      set apart to serve as domiciles for these domestic deities. After\n      its dedication such a horse is carefully tended and never mounted\n      again.\n\n M214 Belief in the transmigration of human souls into animals in the\n      Philippines, the Sandwich Islands, and the Pelew Islands.\n\n  879 F. Blumentritt, \u201cDer Ahnencultus und die religi\u00f6sen Anschauungen der\n      Malaien des Philippinen-Archipels,\u201d _Mittheilungen der Wiener Geogr.\n      Gesellschaft_, 1882, p. 164; _id._, _Versuch einer Ethnographie der\n      Philippinen_ (Gotha, 1882), p. 29 (_Petermanns Mittheilungen,\n      Erg\u00e4nzungsheft_, No. 67).\n\n  880 L. de Freycinet, _Voyage autour du Monde_, ii. (Paris, 1829) pp. 595\n      _sq._\n\n  881 K. Semper, _Die Palau-Inseln im Stillen Ocean_ (Leipsic, 1873), pp.\n      87 _sq._, 193. These sacred animals were called _kalids_. A somewhat\n      different account of the _kalids_ of the Pelew Islanders is given by\n      J. Kubary (\u201cDie Religion der Pelauer,\u201d in A. Bastian\u2019s _Allerlei aus\n      Volks- und Menschenkunde_, Leipsic, 1888, i. 5 _sqq._).\n\n M215 Transmigration of human souls into tigers in Sumatra.\n\n  882 W. D. Helderman, \u201cDe tijger en het bijgeloof der Bataks,\u201d\n      _Tijdschrift voor Indische Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde_, xxxiv.\n      (1891) pp. 170-175. The account which this writer gives of the\n      reception of a dead tiger by the Battas agrees with, and is probably\n      the source of, Mr. Batten\u2019s account cited above (pp. 216 _sq._).\n\n M216 Belief in the transmigration of human souls into animals in Borneo.\n\n  883 C. Hose, \u201cThe Natives of Borneo,\u201d _Journal of the Anthropological\n      Institute_, xxiii. (1894) p. 165. Compare A. W. Nieuwenhuis, _In\n      Centraal Borneo_ (Leyden, 1900), i. 148; _id._, _Quer durch Borneo_\n      (Leyden, 1904-1907), i. 105. According to the latter writer the\n      Kayans or Bahaus in general abstain from the flesh both of deer and\n      of grey apes, because they think that the souls of the dead may be\n      in them.\n\n  884 Ch. Hose and W. McDougall, \u201cThe Relations between Men and Animals in\n      Sarawak,\u201d _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xxxi. (1901)\n      p. 193.\n\n  885 E. H. Gomes, _Seventeen Years among the Sea Dyaks of Borneo_\n      (London, 1911), p. 143.\n\n M217 Belief in the transmigration of human souls into animals in New\n      Guinea.\n\n  886 F. S. A. de Clercq, \u201cDe West en Noordkust van Nederlandsch\n      Nieuw-Guinea,\u201d _Tijdschrift van het Koninklijk Nederlandsch\n      Aardrijkskundig Genootschap_, Tweede Serie, x. (1893) p. 635.\n\n  887 Max Krieger, _Neu-Guinea_ (Berlin, N.D.), p. 404.\n\n  888 K. Vetter, _Komm her\u00fcber und hilf uns!_ iii. (Barmen, 1898) p. 22.\n      Compare _id._, in _Nachrichten \u00fcber Kaiser Wilhelms-Land_, 1897, pp.\n      87 _sq._; B. Hagen, _Unter den Papuas_ (Wiesbaden, 1899), p. 225.\n\n  889 H. Zahn, \u201cDie Jabim,\u201d in R. Neuhauss, _Deutsch Neu-Guinea_, iii.\n      (Berlin, 1911) p. 310.\n\n  890 R. Parkinson, \u201cDie Berlinhafen Section, ein Beitrag zur Ethnographie\n      der Neu-Guinea K\u00fcste,\u201d _Internationales Archiv f\u00fcr Ethnographie_,\n      xiii. (1900) p. 40.\n\n  891 Ch. Keysser, \u201cAus dem Leben der Kaileute,\u201d in R. Neuhauss, _Deutsch\n      Neu-Guinea_, iii. (Berlin, 1911) pp. 150 _sq._\n\n M218 Belief in the transmigration of human souls into animals in the\n      Solomon Islands.\n\n  892 Mr. Sleigh of Lifu, quoted by Prof. E. B. Tylor, in _Journal of the\n      Anthropological Institute_, xxviii. (1898) p. 147.\n\n  893 R. H. Codrington, _The Melanesians_ (Oxford, 1891), pp. 179 _sq._\n\n  894 R. H. Codrington, _op. cit._ p. 177.\n\n  895 R. H. Codrington, _op. cit._ p. 33. East Indian evidence of the\n      belief in transmigration into animals is collected by G. A. Wilken\n      (\u201cHet animisme bij de volken van den Indischen Archipel,\u201d _De\n      Indische Gids_, June 1884, pp. 988 _sqq._), who argues that this\n      belief supplies the link between ancestor-worship and totemism.\n      Compare the same writer\u2019s article \u201cIets over de Papoewas van de\n      Geelvinksbaai,\u201d pp. 24 _sqq._ (separate reprint from _Bijdragen tot\n      de Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde van Ned. Indi\u00eb_, 5e Volgreeks ii.).\n      Wilken\u2019s view on this subject is favoured by Professor E. B. Tylor\n      (_Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xxviii. (1898) pp. 146\n      _sq._). See further, _Totemism and Exogamy_, iv. 45 _sqq._\n\n M219 The doctrine of the transmigration of human souls into animals in\n      ancient India. The doctrine of transmigration in Buddhism.\n\n_  896 The Laws of Manu_, ii. 201.\n\n_  897 Id._, v. 164.\n\n_  898 Id._, xi. 25.\n\n_  899 Id._, xii. 39-78.\n\n  900 Sir Monier Monier-Williams, _Buddhism_, Second Edition (London,\n      1890), pp. 111 _sq._ Full, if not always authentic, particulars of\n      the Buddha\u2019s manifold transmigrations are contained in the\n      _Jatakas_, a large collection of stories which has been completely\n      translated into English by the late Professor E. B. Cowell, Dr. W.\n      H. D. Rouse, and other scholars (6 volumes, Cambridge, 1895-1907).\n\n M220 The doctrine of the transmigration of souls taught in ancient Greece\n      by Pythagoras and Empedocles.\n\n  901 Diodorus Siculus, x. 6. 1-3; Jamblichus, _De Pythagorica vita_, xiv.\n      63; Porphyry, _Vita Pythag._ 26 _sq._; Ovid, _Metamorph._ xv. 160\n      _sqq._ According to Heraclides Ponticus, the philosopher remembered\n      his personal identity in four different human lives before he was\n      born into the world as Pythagoras (Diogenes Laertius, _Vit.\n      Philosoph._ viii. 1. 4 _sq._). See further E. Rohde, _Psyche_3\n      (Leipsic and T\u00fcbingen, 1903), ii. 417 _sqq._\n\n  902 Diogenes Laertius, _Vit. Philosoph._ viii. 1. 4 and 36.\n\n  903 Jamblichus, _De Pythagorica vita_, xxiv. 107-109; Sextus Empiricus,\n      ix. 127-130; Aulus Gellius, iv. 11.\n\n  904 Diogenes Laertius, _Vit. Philosoph._ viii. 2. 77; H. Diels, _Die\n      Fragmente der Vorsokratiker_,2 i. (Berlin, 1906) p. 208, frag. 117.\n\n  905 Sextus Empiricus, ix. 129; H. Diels, _op. cit._ i. pp. 213 _sq._,\n      frag. 137.\n\n  906 Compare Sextus Empiricus, ix. 127-130.\n\n  907 Plutarch, _Quaest. Conviv._ iii. 1. 2. 7; Aulus Gellius, iv. 11. 9;\n      H. Diels, _op. cit._ i. p. 214, fragments 140, 141.\n\n M221 The doctrine of transmigration used by Pythagoras and Empedocles\n      mainly to inculcate certain ethical precepts. The pessimism of\n      Empedocles unlike the ordinary Greek view of life; its similarity to\n      Buddhism.\n\n  908 As to Pythagoras in this respect, see E. Rohde, _Psyche_3 (T\u00fcbingen\n      and Leipsic, 1903), ii. 161 _sqq._\n\n  909 Plutarch, _De exilio_, 17; _id._, _De esu carnium_, i. 7. 4; Clement\n      of Alexandria, _Strom._ iv. 4. 12, p. 569 ed. Potter; Hippolytus,\n      _Refutatio omnium Haeresium_, vii. 29, p. 388 ed. L. Duncker and F.\n      G. Schneidewin; H. Diels, _op. cit._ i. pp. 207 _sq._, fragments\n      115, 119.\n\n  910 Porphyry, _De antro nympharum_, 8.\n\n  911 H. Diels, _op. cit._ i. pp. 208 _sq._, frag. 121.\n\n  912 Clement of Alexandria, _Strom._ iii. 3. 14, iv. 23. 152, v. 14. 123,\n      pp. 516 _sq._, 632, 722 ed. Potter; H. Diels, _Die Fragmente der\n      Vorsokratiker_,2 i. (Berlin, 1906) pp. 207, 209, 215 _sq._,\n      fragments 115, 124, 144-147.\n\n  913 Empedocles is cited by Aristotle as an example of the melancholy\n      which he believed to be characteristic of men of genius. See\n      Aristotle, _Problem_. 30, p. 953 a 27 ed. Im. Bekker.\n\n  914 Stobaeus, _Eclogae_, i. 41. 60 (vol. i. p. 331 ed. A. Meineke);\n      Plutarch, _De esu carnium_ ii. 4. 4; H. Diels, _op. cit._ i. p. 210,\n      frag. 126.\n\n  915 It seems to be fairly certain that Buddha died and Empedocles was\n      born somewhere about the year 480 B.C. Hence it is difficult to\n      suppose that the ideas of the former should have percolated from\n      India to Greece, or rather to Sicily, in the lifetime of the latter.\n      As to their respective dates see H. Oldenberg, _Buddha_5 (Stuttgart\n      and Berlin, 1906), pp. 115, 227; E. Zeller, _Die Philosophie der\n      Griechen_, i.4 (Leipsic, 1876) p. 678 note 1.\n\n M222 Analogy of the physical speculations of Empedocles to those of\n      Herbert Spencer.\n\n  916 Plutarch, _Adversus Coloten_, 10; Aristotle, _De Xenophane_, 2, p.\n      975 a 39-b 4 ed. Im. Bekker; H. Diels, _op. cit._ i. pp. 175, 176,\n      fragments 8 and 12.\n\n  917 The evidence, consisting of the testimonies of ancient authorities\n      and the fragments of Empedocles\u2019s own writings, is fully collected\n      by H. Diels in his excellent work _Die Fragmente der Vorsokratiker_,\n      Zweite Auflage, i. (Berlin, 1906) pp. 158 _sqq._, 173 _sqq._ Compare\n      _Fragmenta Philosophorum Graecorum_, ed. F. G. A. Mullach, i.\n      (Paris, 1875) pp. 1 _sqq._; H. Ritter et L. Preller, _Historia\n      Philosophiae Graecae et Latinae ex fontium locis contexta_, Editio\n      Quinta (Gothae, 1875), pp. 91 _sqq._; E. Zeller, _Die Philosophie\n      der Griechen_, i.4 (Leipsic, 1876) pp. 678 _sqq._\n\n M223 Herbert Spencer\u2019s theory of alternate periods of concentration and\n      dissipation of matter.\n\n  918 Herbert Spencer, _First Principles_, Third Edition (London, 1875),\n      pp. 536 _sq._\n\n M224 Evolution or dissolution.\n\n  919 On the discovery of the atomic disintegration of certain chemical\n      elements, and the general question (Evolution or Dissolution?)\n      raised by that discovery, see W. C. D. Whetham, \u201cThe Evolution of\n      Matter,\u201d in _Darwin and Modern Science_ (Cambridge, 1909), pp.\n      565-582, particularly his concluding paragraph: \u201cIn the strict sense\n      of the word, the process of atomic disintegration revealed to us by\n      the new science of radio-activity can hardly be called evolution. In\n      each case radio-active change involves the breaking up of a heavier,\n      more complex atom into lighter and simpler fragments. Are we to\n      regard this process as characteristic of the tendencies in accord\n      with which the universe has reached its present state, and is\n      passing to its unknown future? Or have we chanced upon an eddy in a\n      backwater, opposed to the main stream of advance? In the chaos from\n      which the present universe developed, was matter composed of large\n      highly complex atoms, which have formed the simpler elements by\n      radio-active or rayless disintegration? Or did the primaeval\n      substance consist of isolated electrons, which have slowly come\n      together to form the elements, and yet have left here and there an\n      anomaly such as that illustrated by the unstable family of uranium\n      and radium, or by some such course are returning to their state of\n      primaeval simplicity?\u201d\n\n M225 Empedocles as a forerunner of Darwin.\n\n  920 H. Diels, _Die Fragmente der Vorsokratiker_,2 i. (Berlin, 1906) pp.\n      190 _sqq._; _Fragmenta Philosophorum Graecorum_, ed. F. G. A.\n      Mullach, i. (Paris, 1875) pp. 8 _sqq._; H. Ritter und L. Preller,\n      _Historia Philosophiae Graecae et Latinae ex fontium locis\n      contexta_5 (Gothae, 1875), pp. 102 _sq._; E. Zeller, _Die\n      Philosophie der Griechen_, i.4 (Leipsic, 1876) pp. 718 _sqq._\n\n  921 Aristotle, _Physic. Auscult._ ii. 8, p. 198 b 29 _sqq._, ed. Im.\n      Bekker; \u1f45\u03c0\u03bf\u03c5 \u03bc\u1f72\u03bd \u03bf\u1f56\u03bd \u1f05\u03c0\u03b1\u03bd\u03c4\u03b1 \u03c3\u03c5\u03bd\u03ad\u03b2\u03b7 \u1f65\u03c3\u03c0\u03b5\u03c1 \u03ba\u1f70\u03bd \u03b5\u1f30 \u1f14\u03bd\u03b5\u03ba\u03ac \u03c4\u03bf\u03c5 \u1f10\u03b3\u03af\u03bd\u03b5\u03c4\u03bf,\n      \u03c4\u03b1\u1fe6\u03c4\u03b1 \u03bc\u1f72\u03bd \u1f10\u03c3\u03c9\u03b8\u03b7 \u1f00\u03c0\u1f78 \u03c4\u03bf\u1fe6 \u03b1\u1f50\u03c4\u03bf\u03bc\u03ac\u03c4\u03bf\u03c5 \u03c3\u03c5\u03c3\u03c4\u03ac\u03bd\u03c4\u03b1 \u1f10\u03c0\u03b9\u03c4\u03b7\u03b4\u03b5\u03af\u03c9\u03c2; \u1f45\u03c3\u03b1 \u03b4\u1f72 \u03bc\u1f74\n      \u03bf\u1f55\u03c4\u03c9\u03c2, \u1f00\u03c0\u03ce\u03bb\u03b5\u03c4\u03bf \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u1f00\u03c0\u03cc\u03bb\u03bb\u03c5\u03c4\u03b1\u03b9, \u03ba\u03b1\u03b8\u03ac\u03c0\u03b5\u03c1 \u1f18\u03bc\u03c0\u03b5\u03b4\u03bf\u03ba\u03bb\u1fc6\u03c2 \u03bb\u03ad\u03b3\u03b5\u03b9 \u03c4\u1f70 \u03b2\u03bf\u03c5\u03b3\u03b5\u03bd\u1fc6\n      \u1f00\u03bd\u03b4\u03c1\u03cc\u03c0\u03c1\u1ff3\u03c1\u03b1. This passage is quoted by Darwin in the \u201cHistorical\n      Sketch\u201d prefixed to _The Origin of Species_ with the remark, \u201cWe\n      here see the principle of natural selection shadowed forth, but how\n      little Aristotle fully comprehended the principle, is shown by his\n      remarks on the formation of the teeth.\u201d Darwin omits Aristotle\u2019s\n      reference to Empedocles, apparently deeming it irrelevant or\n      unimportant. Had he been fully acquainted with the philosophical\n      speculations of Empedocles, we can scarcely doubt that Darwin would\n      have included him among the pioneers of evolution.\n\n M226 Empedocles as a pretender to divinity.\n\n  922 Diogenes Laertius, _Vit. Philosoph._ viii. 2. 62; H. Diels, _Die\n      Fragmente der Vorsokratiker_,2 i. (Berlin, 1906) p. 205, frag. 112.\n      Compare _The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, i. 390.\n\n M227 The doctrine of the transmigration of souls in Plato.\n\n  923 Plato, _Phaedo_, pp. 81 B-84 C; _Republic_, x. pp. 617 D-620 D;\n      _Timaeus_, pp. 41 D-42 D; _Phaedrus_, p. 249 B.\n\n  924 This is the view of E. Zeller (_Die Philosophie der Griechen_, ii.3\n      Leipsic, 1875, pp. 706 _sqq._), Sir W. E. Geddes (on Plato,\n      _Phaedo_, p. 81 E), and J. Adam (on Plato, _Republic_, x. p. 618 A).\n      We have no right, with some interpreters ancient and modern, to\n      dissolve the theory into an allegory because it does not square with\n      our ideas.\n\n  925 In our own time the theory of transmigration is favoured by Dr.\n      McTaggart, who argues that human beings may have lived before birth\n      and may live many, perhaps an infinite number of, lives after death.\n      Like Plato he further suggests that the nature of the body into\n      which a person transmigrates at death may be appropriate to and\n      determined by his or her character in the preceding life. See J.\n      McT. Ellis McTaggart, _Some Dogmas of Religion_ (London, 1906), pp.\n      112-139. However, Dr. McTaggart seems only to contemplate the\n      transmigration of human souls into human bodies; he does not discuss\n      the possibility of their transmigration into animals.\n\n M228 The ambiguous behaviour of the Aino and the Gilyaks towards bears\n      explained.\n M229 Two forms of the worship of animals.\n\n  926 This is known, for example, of the Yuchi Indians, for among them\n      \u201cmembers of each clan will not do violence to wild animals having\n      the form and name of their totem. For instance, the Bear clan people\n      never molest bears.\u201d See F. G. Speck, _Ethnology of the Yuchi\n      Indians_ (Philadelphia, 1909), p. 70. But in spite of the attention\n      which has been paid to American totemism, we possess very little\n      information as to the vital point of the system, the relation\n      between a man and his totemic animal. Compare _Totemism and\n      Exogamy_, iii. 88 _sq._, 311.\n\n  927 See _The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, i. 85 _sqq._\n      However, Collins reports that among the natives of New South Wales\n      the women were \u201ccompelled to sit in their canoe, exposed to the\n      fervour of the mid-day sun, hour after hour, chaunting their little\n      song, and inviting the fish beneath them to take their bait\u201d (D.\n      Collins, _An Account of the English Colony in New South Wales_,\n      London, 1804, p. 387). This may have been a form of conciliation\n      like that employed by the American Indians towards the fish and\n      game. But the account is not precise enough to allow us to speak\n      with confidence. It is sometimes reported that the Australians\n      attempt to appease the kangaroos which they have killed, assuring\n      the animals of their affection and begging them not to come back\n      after death to torment them. But the writer who mentions the report\n      disbelieves it. See Dom Th\u00e9ophile B\u00e9rengier, in _Les Missions\n      Catholiques_, x. (1878) p. 197.\n\n  928 G. Catlin, _O-Kee-pa, a Religious Ceremony, and other Customs of the\n      Mandans_ (London, 1867), Folium reservatum; Lewis and Clarke,\n      _Travels to the Source of the Missouri River_ (London, 1815), i. 205\n      _sq._\n\n M230 Two types of animal sacrament, the Egyptian and the Aino type.\n M231 Examples of animal sacraments among pastoral tribes. Aino or\n      expiatory type of animal sacrament among the Abchases and Kalmucks.\n\n  929 A. Bastian, in _Verhandlungen der Berliner Gesellschaft f\u00fcr\n      Anthropologie, Ethnologie, und Urgeschichte_, 1870-71, p. 59. J.\n      Reinegg (_Beschreibung des Kaukasus_, Gotha, St. Petersburg, and\n      Hildesheim, 1796-97, ii. 12 sq.) describes what seems to be a\n      sacrament of the Abghazses (Abchases). It takes place in the middle\n      of autumn. A white ox called Ogginn appears from a holy cave, which\n      is also called Ogginn. It is caught and led about amongst the\n      assembled men (women are excluded) amid joyful cries. Then it is\n      killed and eaten. Any man who did not get at least a scrap of the\n      sacred flesh would deem himself most unfortunate. The bones are then\n      carefully collected, burned in a great hole, and the ashes buried\n      there.\n\n  930 A. Bastian, _Die V\u00f6lker des \u00f6stlichen Asien_, vi. (Jena, 1871) pp.\n      632, note. On the Kalmucks as a people of shepherds and on their\n      diet of mutton, see J. G. Georgi, _Beschreibung aller Nationen des\n      russischen Reichs_ (St. Petersburg, 1776), pp. 406 _sq._, compare p.\n      207; B. Bergmann, _Nomadische Streifereien unter den Kalm\u00fccken_\n      (Riga, 1804-5), ii. 80 _sqq._, 122; P. S. Pallas, _Reise durch\n      verschiedene Provinzen des russischen Reichs_ (St. Petersburg,\n      1771-1776), i. 319, 325. According to Pallas, it is only rich\n      Kalmucks who commonly kill their sheep or cattle for eating;\n      ordinary Kalmucks do not usually kill them except in case of\n      necessity or at great merry-makings. It is, therefore, especially\n      the rich who need to make expiation.\n\n M232 Egyptian type of animal sacrament among the Todas and Madi.\n\n  931 W. E. Marshall, _Travels amongst the Todas_ (London, 1873), pp. 129\n      _sq._\n\n  932 W. E. Marshall, _op. cit._ pp. 80 _sq._, 130.\n\n  933 R. W. Felkin, \u201cNotes on the Madi or Moru Tribe of Central Africa,\u201d\n      _Proceedings of the Royal Society of Edinburgh_, xii. (1882-84) pp.\n      336 _sq._\n\n  934 Mutton appears to be now eaten by the tribe as a regular article of\n      food (R. W. Felkin, _op. cit._ p. 307), but this is not inconsistent\n      with the original sanctity of the sheep.\n\n  935 See W. R. Smith, _Religion of the Semites_2 (London, 1894), pp. 344\n      _sqq._ As to communion by means of an external application, see\n      above, pp. 162 _sqq._\n\n M233 Form of communion with a sacred animal by taking it from house to\n      house. Effigy of a snake carried from house to house by members of\n      the Snake tribe.\n\n  936 See above, pp. 190, 192.\n\n_  937 Panjab Notes and Queries_, ii. p. 91, \u00a7 555 (March 1885).\n\n M234 \u201cHunting the Wren\u201d in Europe. Sacred character of the wren in\n      popular superstition.\n\n  938 See Ch. Vallancey, _Collectanea de rebus Hibernicis_, iv. (Dublin,\n      1786) p. 97; J. Brand, _Popular Antiquities_ (London, 1882-1883),\n      iii. 195 _sq._ (Bohn\u2019s ed.); Rev. C. Swainson, _Folk-lore of British\n      Birds_ (London, 1886), p. 36; E. Rolland, _Faune populaire de la\n      France_, ii. 288 _sqq._ The names for the bird are \u03b2\u03b1\u03c3\u03b9\u03bb\u03af\u03c3\u03ba\u03bf\u03c2,\n      _regulus_, _rex avium_ (Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ viii. 90, x. 203), _re\n      di siepe_, _reyezuelo_, _roitelet_, _roi des oiseaux_, _Zaunk\u00f6nig_,\n      etc. On the custom of hunting the wren see further N. W. Thomas,\n      \u201cThe Scape-Goat in European Folklore,\u201d _Folk-lore_, xvii. (1906) pp.\n      270 _sqq._, 280; Miss L. Eckstein, _Comparative Studies in Nursery\n      Rhymes_ (London, 1906), pp. 172 _sqq._ Miss Eckstein suggests that\n      the killing of the bird called \u201cthe king\u201d may have been a mitigation\n      of an older custom of killing the real king.\n\n  939 J. Brand, _Popular Antiquities_, iii. 194.\n\n  940 R. Chambers, _Popular Rhymes of Scotland_, New Edition (London and\n      Edinburgh, N.D.), p. 188.\n\n_  941 Ibid._ p. 186.\n\n  942 P. S\u00e9billot, _Traditions et Superstitions de la Haute-Bretagne_\n      (Paris, 1882), ii. 214.\n\n  943 A. Bosquet, _La Normandie Romanesque et Merveilleuse_ (Paris and\n      Rouen, 1845), p. 221; E. Rolland, _op. cit._ ii. 294 _sq._; P.\n      S\u00e9billot, _l.c._; Rev. C. Swainson, _op. cit._ p. 42.\n\n M235 Hunting the Wren in the Isle of Man.\n\n  944 G. Waldron, _Description of the Isle of Man_ (reprinted for the Manx\n      Society, Douglas, 1865), pp. 49 _sqq._; J. Train, _Account of the\n      Isle of Man_ (Douglas, 1845), ii. 124 _sqq._, 141.\n\n  945 In _The Morning Post_ of Wednesday, 27th December 1911, we read that\n      \u201cthe observance of the ancient and curious custom known as \u2018the hunt\n      of the wren\u2019 was general throughout the Isle of Man yesterday.\n      Parties of boys bearing poles decked with ivy and streamers went\n      from house to house singing to an indescribable tune a quaint ballad\n      detailing the pursuit and death of the wren, subsequently demanding\n      recompense, which is rarely refused. Formerly boys actually engaged\n      in the chase, stoning the bird to death with the object of\n      distributing the feathers \u2018for luck.\u2019 \u201d From this account we may\n      gather that in the Isle of Man the hunting of the wren is now merely\n      nominal and that the pretence of it is kept up only as an excuse for\n      collecting gratuities. It is thus that the solemnity of ritual\n      dwindles into the pastime of children. I have to thank Mrs. J. H.\n      Deane, of 41 Iverna Court, Kensington, for kindly sending me the\n      extract from _The Morning Post_.\n\n M236 Hunting the Wren in Ireland and England.\n\n  946 Ch. Vallancey, _Collectanea de rebus Hibernicis_, iv. (Dublin, 1786)\n      p. 97; J. Brand, _Popular Antiquities_, iii. 195.\n\n  947 G. H. Kinahan, \u201cNotes on Irish Folk-lore,\u201d _Folk-lore Record_, iv.\n      (1881) p. 108; Rev. C. Swainson, _Folk-lore of British Birds_, pp.\n      36 _sq._; E. Rolland, _Faune populaire de la France_, ii. 297;\n      Professor W. Ridgeway, in _Academy_, 10th May 1884, p. 332; T. F.\n      Thiselton Dyer, _British Popular Customs_ (London, 1876), p. 497; L.\n      L. Duncan, \u201cFurther Notes from County Leitrim,\u201d _Folk-lore_, v.\n      (1894) p. 197. The custom is still, or was down to a few years ago,\n      practised in County Meath, where the verses sung are practically the\n      same as those in the text. Wrens are scarce in that part of the\n      country, \u201cbut as the boys go round more for the fun of dressing up\n      and collecting money, the fact that there is no wren in their basket\n      is quite immaterial.\u201d These particulars I learn from a letter of\n      Miss A. H. Singleton, dated Appey-Leix, Ireland, 24th February 1904.\n\n  948 W. Henderson, _Folk-lore of the Northern Counties_ (London, 1879),\n      p. 125.\n\n  949 Rev. C. Swainson, _op. cit._ pp. 40 _sq._\n\n M237 Hunting the Wren in France.\n\n  950 Madame Cl\u00e9ment, _Histoire des F\u00eates civiles et religieuses_, etc.,\n      _de la Belgique M\u00e9ridionale_ (Avesnes, 1846), pp. 466-468; A. De\n      Nore, _Coutumes, Mythes et Traditions des provinces de France_\n      (Paris and Lyons, 1846), pp. 77 _sqq._; E. Rolland, _Faune populaire\n      de la France_, ii. 295 _sq._; J. W. Wolf, _Beitr\u00e4ge zur deutschen\n      Mythologie_, ii. (G\u00f6ttingen, 1857) pp. 437 _sq._ The ceremony was\n      abolished at the revolution of 1789, revived after the restoration,\n      and suppressed again after 1830.\n\n  951 E. Rolland, _op. cit._ ii. 296 _sq._\n\n  952 C. S. Sonnini, _Travels in Upper and Lower Egypt_, translated from\n      the French (London, 1800), pp. 11 _sq._; J. Brand, _Popular\n      Antiquities_, iii. 198. The \u201chunting of the wren\u201d may be compared\n      with a Swedish custom. On the 1st of May children rob the magpies\u2019\n      nests of both eggs and young. These they carry in a basket from\n      house to house in the village and shew to the housewives, while one\n      of the children sings some doggerel lines containing a threat that,\n      if a present is not given, the hens, chickens, and eggs will fall a\n      prey to the magpie. They receive bacon, eggs, milk, etc., upon which\n      they afterwards feast. See L. Lloyd, _Peasant Life in Sweden_\n      (London, 1870), pp. 237 _sq._ The resemblance of such customs to the\n      \u201cswallow song\u201d and \u201ccrow song\u201d of the ancient Greeks (on which see\n      Athenaeus, viii. 59 _sq._, pp. 359, 360) is obvious and has been\n      remarked before now. Probably the Greek swallow-singers and\n      crow-singers carried about dead swallows and crows or effigies of\n      them. The \u201ccrow song\u201d is referred to in a Greek inscription found in\n      the south of Russia \u1f15\u03be \u03b4\u03b5\u03ba\u03ac\u03b4\u03b1\u03c2 \u03bb\u03c5\u03ba\u03ac\u03b2\u03b1\u03c2 \u03ba\u03b5\u03ba\u03bf\u03c1\u03ce\u03bd\u03b9\u03ba\u03b1. See _Compte\n      Rendu_ of the Imperial Archaeological Commission, St. Petersburg,\n      1877, pp. 276 _sqq._ In modern Greece and Macedonia it is still\n      customary for children on 1st March to go about the streets singing\n      spring songs and carrying a wooden swallow, which is kept turning on\n      a cylinder. See J. Grimm, _Deutsche Mythologie_,4 ii. 636; A.\n      Witzschel, _Sagen, Sitten und Gebr\u00e4uche aus Th\u00fcringen_ (Vienna,\n      1878), p. 301; G. F. Abbott, _Macedonian Folk-lore_ (Cambridge,\n      1903), p. 18; J. C. Lawson, _Modern Greek Folklore and ancient Greek\n      Religion_ (Cambridge, 1910), p. 35. The custom of making the image\n      of the swallow revolve on a pivot, which is practised in Macedonia\n      as well as Greece, may be compared with the pirouetting of the girl\n      in the Servian rain-making ceremony. The meaning of these\n      revolutions is obscure. See _The Magic Art and the Evolution of\n      Kings_, i. 273, 275.\n\n M238 Religious processions with sacred animals. Ceremony of beating a man\n      clad in a cow\u2019s skin in the Highlands of Scotland.\n\n  953 S. Johnson, _A Journey to the Western Islands of Scotland_, pp. 128\n      _sq._ (_The Works of Samuel Johnson, LL.D._, edited by the Rev. R.\n      Lynam, London, 1825, vol. vi.).\n\n  954 John Ramsay, _Scotland and Scotsmen in the Eighteenth Century_\n      (Edinburgh and London, 1888), ii. 438 _sq._ The custom is clearly\n      referred to in the \u201cPenitential of Theodore,\u201d quoted by Kemble,\n      _Saxons in England_, i. 525; Ch. Elton, _Origins of English History_\n      (London, 1882), p. 411: \u201c_Si quis in Kal. Januar. in cervulo vel\n      vitula vadit, id est in ferarum habitus se communicant, et\n      vestiuntur pellibus pecudum et assumunt capita bestiarum_,\u201d etc.\n\n M239 Another description of the Highland custom.\n\n  955 J. G. Campbell, _Witchcraft and Second Sight in the Highlands and\n      Islands of Scotland_ (Glasgow, 1902), pp. 230-232. Shinty is the\n      Scotch name for hockey: the game is played with a ball and curved\n      sticks or clubs.\n\n  956 R. Chambers, _Popular Rhymes of Scotland_, New Edition (London and\n      Edinburgh, N.D.), pp. 166 _sq._\n\n  957 See above, vol. i. pp. 246 _sq._\n\n M240 Processions of men disguised as animals, in which the animal seems\n      to represent the corn-spirit. The Shrovetide Bear in Bohemia.\n\n  958 W. Mannhardt, _Antike Wald- und Feldkulte_ (Berlin, 1877), p. 183.\n\n  959 O. Freiherr von Reinsberg-D\u00fcringsfeld, _Fest- Kalender aus B\u00f6hmen_\n      (Prague, N.D., preface dated 1861), pp. 49-52. Compare E. Cortet,\n      _Essai sur les F\u00eates Religieuses_ (Paris, 1867), p. 83. Similar\n      processions with a Shrovetide Bear take place among some of the\n      German peasantry of Moravia, though there the mummer is said to be\n      wrapt in skins and furs rather than in straw and to personate\n      Winter. See W. M\u00fcller, _Beitr\u00e4ge zur Volkskunde der Deutschen in\n      M\u00e4hren_ (Vienna and Olm\u00fctz, 1893), p. 431. This latter\n      interpretation may be due to a misunderstanding of the old custom.\n\n  960 On this custom see _The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, i.\n      137 _sqq._\n\n  961 Real bears and other animals were formerly promenaded about both\n      town and country with rags of coloured cloth attached to them.\n      Scraps of these cloths and hairs of the animals were given, rather\n      perhaps sold, to all who asked for them as preservatives against\n      sickness and the evil eye. The practice was condemned by the Council\n      of Constance. See J. B. Thiers, _Trait\u00e9 des Superstitions_ (Paris,\n      1679), pp. 315 _sq._ We need not suppose that these animals\n      represented the corn-spirit.\n\n M241 The Oats-goat, the Pease-bear, etc. The Yule-goat in Sweden.\n\n  962 W. Mannhardt, _Antike Wald- und Feldkulte_, pp. 183 _sq._\n\n  963 See above, vol. i. pp. 281 _sqq._\n\n  964 W. Mannhardt, _op. cit._ p. 190.\n\n  965 W. Mannhardt, _op. cit._ p. 188.\n\n  966 W. Mannhardt, _op. cit._ pp. 191-193.\n\n  967 L. Lloyd, _Peasant Life in Sweden_ (London, 1870), pp. 184 _sq._; W.\n      Mannhardt, _op. cit._ pp. 196 _sq._\n\n  968 W. Mannhardt, _op. cit._ p. 196.\n\n  969 W. Mannhardt, _op. cit._ pp. 197 _sq._\n\n  970 See above, vol. i. pp. 275, 298 _sqq._\n\n M242 The Straw-bear at Whittlesey.\n\n  971 Letter of Professor G. C. Moore Smith, dated The University,\n      Sheffield, 13th January, 1909.\n\n M243 The ceremonies of Plough Monday in England.\n\n  972 R. Chambers, _The Book of Days_ (London and Edinburgh, 1886), i. 94\n      _sq._; J. Brand, _Popular Antiquities_, New Edition (London, 1883),\n      i. 506 _sqq._; T. F. Thiselton Dyer, _British Popular Customs_\n      (London, 1876), pp. 37 _sqq._; O. Freiherr von\n      Reinsberg-D\u00fcringsfeld, _Das festliche Jahr_ (Leipsic, 1863), pp. 27\n      _sq._ Compare W. Mannhardt, _Baumkultus_ (Berlin, 1875), pp. 557\n      _sq._; T. Fairman Ordish, \u201cEnglish Folk-drama,\u201d _Folk-lore_, iv.\n      (1893) pp. 163 _sqq._; _Folk-lore_, viii. (1897) p. 184; E. K.\n      Chambers, _The Mediaeval Stage_ (Oxford, 1903), i. 208-210; H. Munro\n      Chadwick, _The Origin of the English Nation_ (Cambridge, 1907), p.\n      238. Counties in which the custom of Plough Monday is reported to\n      have been observed are Norfolk, Cambridgeshire, Huntingdonshire,\n      Northamptonshire, Lincolnshire, Leicestershire, Nottinghamshire,\n      Derbyshire, Cheshire, and Yorkshire. Thus the custom would seem to\n      have been characteristic of a group of counties in the centre of\n      England. In January 1887, I witnessed the ceremony in the streets of\n      Cambridge. Wooden ploughs of a primitive sort were dragged about by\n      bands of young men who were profusely decked with scarves and\n      ribbons. They ran at a good pace, and beside them ran a companion\n      with a money-box collecting donations. Amongst them I did not\n      observe any woman or man in female attire. Compare _The Folk-lore\n      Journal_, v. (1887) p. 161.\n\n M244 The object of the dances on Plough Monday is probably to ensure the\n      growth of the corn.\n M245 The Straw-bear a representative of the corn-spirit.\n M246 The rites of Plough Monday resemble the rites at the end of the\n      Carnival in Thrace. Similar rites are performed at the same time by\n      the Bulgarian peasants of Thrace. The intention of the rites is\n      clearly to fertilise the ground.\n\n  973 See above, vol. i. pp. 25 _sqq._\n\n  974 G. Kazarow, \u201cKarnevalbr\u00e4uche in Bulgarien,\u201d _Archiv f\u00fcr\n      Religionswissenschaft_, xi. (1908) pp. 407 _sq._\n\n M247 Similar customs are observed at the Carnival in Bulgaria.\n\n  975 G. Kazarow, \u201cKarnevalbr\u00e4uche in Bulgarien,\u201d _Archiv f\u00fcr\n      Religionswissenschaft,_ xi. (1908) pp. 408 _sq._\n\n M248 In all these cases the ceremonial ploughing and sowing are probably\n      charms to ensure the growth of the crops.\n M249 Such rites no doubt date from a remote antiquity.\n M250 Effigy of a horse in a harvest festival of the Garos.\n\n  976 Major A. Playfair, _The Garos_ (London, 1909), pp. 94 _sq._\n\n M251 Major Playfair\u2019s description of the festival.\n M252 Dance of a man wearing the mask of a horse\u2019s head.\n M253 The effigy of the horse at rice-harvest perhaps represents the\n      spirit of the rice.\n\n  977 See above, p. 21.\n\n  978 See my note on Pausanias, viii. 37. 3 (vol. iv. pp. 375 _sqq._).","title":"The Golden Bough: A Study in Magic and Religion (Third Edition, Vol. 08 of 12)","tradition":"myth-cosmogony","translated_text":null,"word_count":170046}