{"collection":"scripture-revelation","full_text_available":true,"graph_url":"https://unchartedknowledge.5gfusion.net/v2/api/page/gutenberg_42616/graph","html_url":"https://unchartedknowledge.5gfusion.net/v2/page/gutenberg_42616","id":"gutenberg_42616","license":"Public Domain (US)","rights_basis":"gutenberg_metadata_copyright_false","source":"gutenberg","source_url":"https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/42616","summary":null,"tags":["Apache Indians -- Medicine","Apache Indians -- Religion","Apache Indians -- Rites and ceremonies","Category: Archaeology & Anthropology","Category: Religion/Spirituality","Shamans -- New Mexico"],"text":"THE MEDICINE-MEN OF THE APACHE.\n\n\nBY\n\n\nJOHN G. BOURKE,\n\n_Captain, Third Cavalry, U. S. Army._\n\n\n\n\nCONTENTS.\n\n\n Page.\n\n CHAPTER I. The medicine-men, their modes of treating\n disease, their superstitions, paraphernalia, etc. 451\n\n Medicine-women 468\n\n Remedies and modes of treatment 471\n\n Hair and wigs 474\n\n Mudheads 475\n\n Scalp shirts 476\n\n The rhombus, or bull roarer 476\n\n The cross 479\n\n Necklaces of human fingers 480\n\n Necklaces of human teeth 487\n\n The scratch stick 490\n\n The drinking reed 493\n\n\n CHAPTER II. Hoddentin, the pollen of the tule, the\n sacrificial powder of the Apache; with remarks upon\n sacred powders and offerings in general 499\n\n The \"kunque\" of the Zu\u00f1i and others 507\n\n Use of the pollen by the Israelites and Egyptians 517\n\n Hoddentin a prehistoric food 518\n\n Hoddentin the yiauhtli of the Aztecs 521\n\n \"Bledos\" of ancient writers--its meaning 522\n\n Tzoalli 523\n\n General use of the powder among Indians 528\n\n Analogues of hoddentin 530\n\n The down of birds in ceremonial observances 533\n\n Hair powder 535\n\n Dust from churches--its use 537\n\n Clay-eating 537\n\n Prehistoric foods used in covenants 540\n\n Sacred breads and cakes 541\n\n Unleavened bread 543\n\n The hot cross buns of Good Friday 544\n\n Galena 548\n\n\n CHAPTER III. The izze-kloth or medicine cord of the\n Apache 550\n\n Analogues to be found among the Aztecs, Peruvians,\n and others 558\n\n The magic wind-knotted cords of the Lapps and others 560\n\n Rosaries and other mnemonic cords 561\n\n The sacred cords of the Parsis and Brahmans 563\n\n Use of cords and knots and girdles in parturition 570\n\n \"Medidas,\" \"measuring cords,\" \"wresting threads,\" etc. 572\n\n Unclassified superstitions upon this subject 575\n\n The medicine hat 580\n\n The spirit or ghost dance headdress 585\n\n Amulets and talismans 587\n\n The \"tzi-daltai\" 587\n\n Chalchihuitl 588\n\n Phylacteries 591\n\n\n Bibliography 596\n\n\n\n\nILLUSTRATIONS.\n\n\n PLATE Page.\n\n III. Scalp shirt of Little Big Man 476\n\n IV. Necklace of human fingers 480\n\n V. Apache medicine hat used in ghost or spirit dance 586\n\n VI. Apache medicine shirt 588\n\n VII. Apache medicine shirt 590\n\n VIII. Apache medicine shirt 592\n\n\n FIG.\n\n 429. Medicine arrow used by Apache and Pueblo women 468\n\n 430. Rhombus of the Apache 477\n\n 431. Rhombus of the Apache 478\n\n 432. The scratch stick and drinking reed 494\n\n 433. Bag containing hoddentin 500\n\n 434. Nan-ta-do-tash's medicine hat 503\n\n 435. Single-strand medicine cord (Zu\u00f1i) 550\n\n 436. Four-strand medicine cord (Apache) 551\n\n 437. Three-strand medicine cord (Apache) 552\n\n 438. Two-strand medicine cord 553\n\n 439. Four-strand medicine cord (Apache) 554\n\n 440. Apache war bonnet 581\n\n 441. Ghost dance headdress 582\n\n 442. Apache kan or gods (Drawn by Apache) 586\n\n 443. Tzi-daltai amulets (Apache) 587\n\n 444. Tzi-daltai amulet (Apache) 588\n\n 445. Tzi-daltai amulet (Apache) 589\n\n 446. Tzi-daltai amulet (Apache) 589\n\n 447. Phylacteries 592\n\n 448. Apache medicine sash 593\n\n\n\n\nLETTER OF TRANSMITTAL.\n\n\n WASHINGTON, D. C., _February 27, 1891_.\n\nSIR: Herewith I have the honor to submit a paper upon the\nparaphernalia of the medicine-men of the Apache and other tribes.\n\nAnalogues have been pointed out, wherever possible, especially in the\ncase of the hoddentin and the izze-kloth, which have never to my\nknowledge previously received treatment.\n\nAccompanying the paper is a bibliography of the principal works cited.\n\n I have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient servant,\n\n JOHN G. BOURKE,\n _Captain, Third Cavalry, U. S. Army_.\n\n Hon. J. W. POWELL,\n _Director Bureau of Ethnology_.\n\n\n\n\nTHE MEDICINE-MEN OF THE APACHE.\n\n\nBY JOHN G. BOURKE.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER I.\n\nTHE MEDICINE-MEN, THEIR MODES OF TREATING DISEASE, THEIR\nSUPERSTITIONS, PARAPHERNALIA, ETC.\n\n\nThe Caucasian population of the United States has been in intimate\ncontact with the aborigines for a period of not less than two hundred\nand fifty years. In certain sections, as in Florida and New Mexico,\nthis contact has been for a still greater period; but claiming no\nearlier date than the settlement of New England, it will be seen that\nthe white race has been slow to learn or the red man has been skillful\nin withholding knowledge which, if imparted, would have lessened\nfriction and done much to preserve and assimilate a race that, in\nspite of some serious defects of character, will for all time to come\nbe looked upon as \"the noble savage.\"\n\nRecent deplorable occurrences in the country of the Dakotas have\nemphasized our ignorance and made clear to the minds of all thinking\npeople that, notwithstanding the acceptance by the native tribes of\nmany of the improvements in living introduced by civilization, the\nsavage has remained a savage, and is still under the control of an\ninfluence antagonistic to the rapid absorption of new ideas and the\nadoption of new customs.\n\nThis influence is the \"medicine-man.\"\n\nWho, and what are the medicine-men (or medicine-women), of the\nAmerican Indians? What powers do they possess in time of peace or war?\nHow is this power obtained, how renewed, how exercised? What is the\ncharacter of the remedies employed? Are they pharmaceutical, as we\nemploy the term, or are they the superstitious efforts of empirics and\ncharlatans, seeking to deceive and to misguide by pretended\nconsultations with spiritual powers and by reliance upon mysterious\nand occult influences?\n\nSuch a discussion will be attempted in this paper, which will be\nrestricted to a description of the personality of the medicine-men,\nthe regalia worn, and the powers possessed and claimed. To go\nfarther, and enter into a treatment of the religious ideas, the\nsuperstitions, omens, and prayers of these spiritual leaders, would be\nto open a road without end.\n\nAs the subject of the paraphernalia of the medicine-men has never, to\nmy knowledge, been comprehensively treated by any writer, I venture to\nsubmit what I have learned during the twenty-two years of my\nacquaintance with our savage tribes, and the studies and conclusions\nto which my observations have led. While treating in the main of the\nmedicine-men of the Apache, I do not intend to omit any point of\nimportance noted among other tribes or peoples.\n\nFirst, in regard to the organization of the medicine-men of the\nApache, it should be premised that most of my observations were made\nwhile the tribe was still actively engaged in hostilities with the\nwhites, and they cannot be regarded as, and are not claimed to be,\nconclusive upon all points. The Apache are not so surely divided into\nmedicine lodges or secret societies as is the case with the Ojibwa, as\nshown by Dr. W. J. Hoffman; the Siouan tribes, as related by Mr. J.\nOwen Dorsey; the Zu\u00f1i, according to Mr. F. H. Cushing; the Tusayan, as\nshown by myself, and other tribes described by other authorities.\n\nThe Navajo, who are the full brothers of the Apache, seem to have well\ndefined divisions among their medicine-men, as demonstrated by Dr.\nWashington Matthews, U. S. Army; and I myself have seen great medicine\nlodges, which must have contained at least a dozen Apache\nmedicine-men, engaged in some of their incantations. I have also been\ntaken to several of the sacred caves, in which solemn religious dances\nand other ceremonies were conducted under the same superintendence,\nbut never have I witnessed among the Apache any rite of religious\nsignificance in which more than four or five, or at the most six, of\nthe medicine-men took part.\n\nThe difficulty of making an accurate determination was increased by\nthe nomadic character of the Apache, who would always prefer to live\nin small villages containing only a few brush shelters, and not\nneeding the care of more than one or two of their \"doctors.\" These\npeople show an unusual secretiveness and taciturnity in all that\nrelates to their inner selves, and, living as they do in a region\nfilled with caves and secluded nooks, on cliffs, and in deep canyons,\nhave not been compelled to celebrate their sacred offices in\n\"estufas,\" or \"plazas,\" open to the inspection of the profane, as has\nbeen the case with so many of the Pueblo tribes.\n\nDiligent and persistent inquiry of medicine-men whose confidence I had\nsucceeded in gaining, convinced me that any young man can become a\n\"doctor\" (\"diyi\" in the Apache language, which is translated \"sabio\"\nby the Mexican captives). It is necessary to convince his friends that\nhe \"has the gift,\" as one of my informants expressed it; that is, he\nmust show that he is a dreamer of dreams, given to long fasts and\nvigils, able to interpret omens in a satisfactory manner, and do other\nthings of that general nature to demonstrate the possession of an\nintense spirituality. Then he will begin to withdraw, at least\ntemporarily, from the society of his fellows and devote himself to\nlong absences, especially by night, in the \"high places\" which were\ninterdicted to the Israelites. Such sacred fanes, perched in dangerous\nand hidden retreats, can be, or until lately could be, found in many\nparts in our remote western territory. In my own experiences I have\nfound them not only in the country of the Apache, but two-thirds of\nthe way up the vertical face of the dizzy precipice of T\u00e2aiyalana,\nclose to Zu\u00f1i, where there is a shrine much resorted to by the young\nmen who seek to divine the result of a contemplated enterprise by\nshooting arrows into a long cleft in the smooth surface of the\nsandstone; I have seen them in the Wolf Mountains, Montana; in the Big\nHorn range, Wyoming; on the lofty sides of Cloud Peak, and elsewhere.\nMaj. W.S. Stanton, Corps of Engineers, U. S. Army, ascended the Cloud\nPeak twice, and, reaching the summit on the second attempt, he found\nthat beyond the position first attained and seeming then to be the\nlimit of possible ascent, some wandering Indian had climbed and made\nhis \"medicine.\"\n\nWhile it is regarded as a surer mode of learning how to be a\nmedicine-man to seek the tuition of some one who has already gained\npower and influence as such, and pay him liberally in presents of all\nkinds for a course of instruction lasting a year or longer, I could\nlearn of nothing to prohibit a man from assuming the r\u00f4le of a prophet\nor healer of the sick, if so disposed, beyond the dread of punishment\nfor failure to cure or alleviate sickness or infirmity. Neither is\nthere such a thing as settled dogma among these medicine-men. Each\nfollows the dictates of his own inclinations, consulting such spirits\nand powers as are most amenable to his supplications and charms; but\nno two seem to rely upon identically the same influences. Even in the\nspirit dance, which is possibly the most solemn function in which the\nApache medicine-men can engage, the head-dresses and kilts adhered\nclosely enough to the one pattern, but the symbolism employed by each\nmedicine-man was entirely different from that adopted by his\nneighbors.\n\nSchultze, Perrin du Lac, Adair, and others allude to \"houses of\nmercy,\" the \"right of asylum\" in certain lodges and buildings, or even\nwhole villages, to which if the pursued of the tribe or even an enemy\ncould obtain admission his life was secure. Frank Gruard and others\nwho have lived for years among the Sioux, the Cheyenne, and other\ntribes of the plains have assured me that the same right of asylum\nobtains among them for the fugitive who takes shelter in the medicine\nlodge or the council lodge, and almost parallel notions prevail among\nthe Apache. I have heard that the first American who came into one of\ntheir villages, tired and hungry, was not molested in the slightest\ndegree.\n\nIt is stated by Kelly[1] that all warriors who go through the sun\ndance of the Sioux rank thereafter as medicine-men. This statement\nseems to me to be overdrawn. Nothing of the kind was learned by me at\nthe sun dance of the Sioux which I noted in 1881, and in any event the\nremark would scarcely apply to the medicine-men of the Apache, who\nhave nothing clearly identifiable with the sun dance, and who do not\ncut, gash, or in any manner mutilate themselves, as did the principal\nparticipants in the sun dance, or as was done in still earlier ages by\nthe galli (the priests of Cybele) or the priests of Mexico.\n\nHerodotus tells us that the priests of Egypt, or rather the doctors,\nwho were at one time identified with them, were separated into\nclasses; some cured the eyes, some the ears, others the head or the\nbelly. Such a differentiation is to be observed among the Apache,\nMohave, and other tribes; there are some doctors who enjoy great fame\nas the bringers of rain, some who claim special power over snakes, and\nsome who profess to consult the spirits only, and do not treat the\nsick except when no other practitioner may be available. Among the\nMohave, the relatives of a dead man will consult one of these\nspirit-doctors and get him to interview the ghosts who respond to his\ncall and learn from them whether the patient died from ignorance or\nneglect on the part of the doctor who had charge of the case. If the\nspirits assert that he did, then the culprit doctor must either flee\nfor his life or throw the onus of the crime upon some witch. This\ndifferentiation is not carried so far that a medicine-man, no matter\nwhat his class, would decline a large fee.\n\nThe right of sanctuary was conceded to all criminals who sought\nshelter in the vanquech or temple of Chinigchinich.[2]\n\nThe castration of the galli, or priests of Cybele, is described by\nDupuis.[3]\n\nDiego Duran asserts that the Mexican priests \"se endian por medio los\nmiembros viriles y se hacian mil cosas para volverse impotentes por no\nofender \u00e1 sus Dioses.\"[4]\n\nThe hierophants at Athens drank of the hemlock to render themselves\nimpotent, that when they came to the pontificate they might cease to\nbe men.[5]\n\nOne class of the Peruvian priests, the Huachus, made auguries from\ngrains of corn or the excrement of animals.[6]\n\nBalboa tells us[6] that the Peruvian priesthood was divided into\nclasses, each with its appropriate functions--the Guacos made the\nidols for the temples, or rather, they made the idols speak; the\nothers were necromancers and spoke only with the dead; the Huecheoc\ndivined by means of tobacco and coco; the Caviocac became drunk before\nthey attempted to divine, and after them came the Rumatinguis and the\nHuachus already mentioned.\n\nThe Oregon tribes have spirit doctors and medicine doctors.[7]\n\nThe Chinese historians relate that the shamans of the Huns possessed\nthe power \"to bring down snow, hail, rain, and wind.\"[8]\n\nIn all nations in the infancy of growth, social or mental, the power\nto coax from reluctant clouds the fructifying rain has been regarded\nwith highest approval and will always be found confided to the most\nimportant hierophants or devolving upon some of the most prominent\ndeities; almighty Jove was a deified rain-maker or cloud-compeller.\nRain-makers flourished in Europe down to the time of Charlemagne, who\nprohibited these \"tempestiarii\" from plying their trade.\n\nOne of the first requests made of Vaca and his comrades by the people\nliving in fixed habitations near the Rio Grande was \"to tell the sky\nto rain,\" and also to pray for it.[9]\n\nThe prophet Samuel has been alluded to as a rain-maker.[10]\n\nThere does not seem to have been any inheritance of priestly functions\namong the Apache or any setting apart of a particular clan or family\nfor the priestly duties.\n\nFrancis Parkman is quoted as describing a certain family among the\nMiami who were reserved for the sacred ritualistic cannibalism\nperpetrated by that tribe upon captives taken in war. Such families\ndevoted more or less completely to sacred uses are to be noted among\nthe Hebrews (in the line of Levi) and others; but they do not occur in\nthe tribes of the Southwest.\n\nOne of the ceremonies connected with the initiation, as with every\nexercise of spiritual functions by the medicine-man, is the\n\"ta-a-chi,\" or sweat-bath, in which, if he be physically able, the\npatient must participate.\n\nThe Apache do not, to my knowledge, indulge in any poisonous\nintoxicants during their medicine ceremonies; but in this they differ\nto a perceptible degree from other tribes of America. The \"black\ndrink\" of the Creeks and the \"wisoccan\" of the Virginians may be cited\nas cases in point; and the Walapai of Arizona, the near neighbors of\nthe Apache, make use of the juice, or a decoction of the leaves,\nroots, and flowers of the _Datura stramonium_ to induce frenzy and\nexhilaration. The laurel grows wild on all the mountain tops of Sonora\nand Arizona, and the Apache credit it with the power of setting men\ncrazy, but they deny that they have ever made use of it in their\nmedicine or religion. Picart[11] speaks of the drink (wisoccan) which\ntook away the brains of the young men undergoing initiation as\nmedicine-men among the tribes of Virginia, but he does not say what\nthis \"wisoccan\" was.\n\nIn Guiana,[12] the candidate for the office of medicine-man must,\namong other ordeals, \"drink fearfully large drafts of tobacco juice,\nmixed with water.\" The medicine-men of Guiana are called peaiman.\n\nI have never seen tobacco juice drank by medicine-men or others, but I\nremember seeing Shunca-Luta (Sorrel Horse), a medicine-man of the\nDakota, chewing and swallowing a piece of tobacco and then going into\nwhat seemed to be a trance, all the while emitting deep grunts or\ngroans. When he revived he insisted that those sounds had been made by\na spirit which he kept down in his stomach. He also pretended to\nextract the quid of tobacco from underneath his ribs, and was full of\npetty tricks of legerdemain and other means of mystifying women and\nchildren.\n\nAll medicine-men claim the power of swallowing spear heads or arrows\nand fire, and there are at times many really wonderful things done by\nthem which have the effect of strengthening their hold upon the\npeople.\n\nThe medicine-men of the Ojibwa thrust arrows and similar instruments\ndown their throats. They also allow themselves to be shot at with\nmarked bullets.[13]\n\nWhile I was among the Tusayan, in 1881, I learned of a young boy,\nquite a child, who was looked up to by the other Indians, and on\nspecial occasions made his appearance decked out in much native finery\nof beads and gewgaws, but the exact nature of his duties and supposed\nresponsibilities could not be ascertained.\n\nDiego Duran[14] thought that the priesthood among the Mexicans was to\na great extent hereditary, much like the right of primogeniture among\nthe people of Spain. Speaking of the five assistants who held down the\nhuman victim at the moment of sacrifice, he says:\n\n Los nombres de los cinco eran Chachalmeca, que en nuestra\n Lengua quiere tanto decir como Levita \u00f3 ministro de cosa\n divina \u00f3 sagrada. Era esta dignidad entre ellos muy suprema y\n en mucha tenida, la cual se heredaba de hijos \u00e1 padres como\n cosa de mayorazgo, sucediendo los hijos \u00e1 los Padres en\n aquella sangrienta Dignidad endemoniada y cruel.\n\nConcerning the medicine-men of Peru, Dorman[15] says:\n\n The priestly office among the Peruvians appears to have been\n hereditary; some attained it by election; a man struck by\n lightning was considered as chosen by heaven; also those who\n became suddenly insane. Mr. Southey says that among the Moxos\n of Brazil, who worshiped the tiger, a man who was rescued\n from but marked by the claws of the animal, was set apart for\n the priesthood, and none other.\n\nI shall have occasion to introduce a medicine-woman of the Apache,\nTze-go-juni, or \"Pretty-mouth,\" whose claims to preeminence among her\npeople would seem to have had no better foundation than her escape\nfrom lightning stroke and from the bites of a mountain lion, which had\nseized her during the night and had not killed her.\n\nI remember the case of an old Navajo medicine-man who was killed by\nlightning. The whole tribe participated in the singing, drumming, and\ndancing incident to so important an event, but no white men were\nallowed to be present. My information was derived from the dead man's\nyoung nephew, while I was among that tribe.\n\nAmong the Arawak of South America there are hereditary conjurers who\nprofess to find out the enemy who by the agency of an evil spirit has\nkilled the deceased.[16]\n\nPicart says of the medicine-men of the tribes along Rio de la Plata:\n\"Pour \u00eatre Pr\u00eatre ou M\u00e9decin parmi eux, il faut avoir je\u00fbn\u00e9 longtems &\nsouvent. Il faut avoir combatu plusieurs fois contre les b\u00eates\nSauvages, principalement contre les Tigres, & tout au moins en avoir\n\u00e9t\u00e9 mordu ou \u00e9gratign\u00e9. Apr\u00e8s cela on peut obtenir l'Ordre, de\nPr\u00eatrise; car le Tigre est chez eux un animal presque divin.\"[17]\n\nThe medicine-men of the Apache are not confined to one gens or clan,\nas among the Shawnee and Cherokee, according to Brinton,[18] neither\ndo they believe, as the Cherokee do, according to the same authority,\nthat the seventh son is a natural-born prophet with the gift of\nhealing by touch, but upon this latter point I must be discreet, as I\nhave never known an Apache seventh son.\n\nThe Cherokee still preserve the custom of consecrating a family of\ntheir tribe to the priesthood, as the family of Levi was consecrated\namong the Jews.[19]\n\nThe neophytes of the isthmus of Darien were boys from ten to twelve\nyears \"selected for the natural inclination or the peculiar aptitude\nand intelligence which they displayed for the service.\"[20]\n\nPeter Martyr says of the Chiribchis of South America: \"Out of the\nmultitude of children they chuse some of 10 or 12 yeeres old, whom\nthey know by conjecture to be naturally inclined to that service.\"[21]\n\nThe peculiarity of the Moxos was that they thought none designated for\nthe office of medicine-man but such as had escaped from the claws of\nthe South American tiger which, indeed, it is said they worshiped as a\ngod.[22]\n\nContrary to what Spencer says, the chiefs of the tribes of the\nSouthwest, at least, are not ipso facto medicine-men; but among the\nTonto Apache the brother of the head chief, Cha-ut-lip-un, was the\ngreat medicine-man, and generally the medicine-men are related closely\nto the prominent chiefs, which would seem to imply either a formal\ndeputation of priestly functions from the chiefs to relatives, or what\nmay be practically the same thing, the exercise of family influence to\nbring about a recognition of the necromantic powers of some aspirant;\nbut among the Apache there is no priest caste; the same man may be\npriest, warrior, etc.[23]\n\n\"The juice of the Datura seed is employed by the Portuguese women of\nGoa: they mix it, says Linschott, in the liquor drank by their\nhusbands, who fall, for twenty-four hours at least, into a stupor\naccompanied by continued laughing; but so deep is the sleep that\nnothing passing before them affects them; and when they recover their\nsenses, they have no recollection of what has taken place.\"[24]\n\n\"The Darien Indians used the seeds of the _Datura sanguinea_ to bring\non in children prophetic delirium, in which they revealed hidden\ntreasure. In Peru the priests who talked with the 'huaca' or fetishes\nused to throw themselves into an ecstatic condition by a narcotic\ndrink called 'tonca,' made from the same plant.\"[25]\n\nThe medicine-men of the Walapai, according to Charlie Spencer, who\nmarried one of their women and lived among them for years, were in the\nhabit of casting bullets in molds which contained a small piece of\npaper. They would allow these bullets to be fired at them, and of\ncourse the missile would split in two parts and do no injury. Again,\nthey would roll a ball of sinew and attach one end to a small twig,\nwhich was inserted between the teeth. They would then swallow the ball\nof sinew, excepting the end thus attached to the teeth, and after the\nheat and moisture of the stomach had softened and expanded the sinew\nthey would begin to draw it out yard after yard, saying to the\nfrightened squaws that they had no need of intestines and were going\nto pull them all out. Others among the Apache have claimed the power\nto shoot off guns without touching the triggers or going near the\nweapons; to be able to kill or otherwise harm their enemies at a\ndistance of 100 miles. In nearly every boast made there is some sort\nof a saving clause, to the effect that no witchcraft must be made or\nthe spell will not work, no women should be near in a delicate state\nfrom any cause, etc.\n\nMickey Free has assured me that he has seen an Apache medicine-man\nlight a pipe without doing anything but hold his hands up toward the\nsun. This story is credible enough if we could aver that the\nmedicine-man was supplied, as I suspect he was, with a burning glass.\n\nThat the medicine-man has the faculty of transforming himself into a\ncoyote and other animals at pleasure and then resuming the human form\nis as implicitly believed in by the American Indians as it was by our\nown forefathers in Europe. This former prevalence of lycanthropy all\nover Europe can be indicated in no more forcible manner than by\nstating that until the reign of Louis XIV, in France, the fact of\nbeing a were-wolf was a crime upon which one could be arraigned before\na court; but with the discontinuance of the crime the were-wolves\nthemselves seem to have retired from business.[26] In Abyssinia, at\nthe present day, blacksmiths are considered to be were-wolves,\naccording to Winstanley. The Apache look upon blacksmiths as being\nallied to the spirits and call them \"pesh-chidin\"--the witch, spirit,\nor ghost, of the iron. The priestly powers conceded to the blacksmith\nof Gretna Green need no allusion here.\n\nAccording to Sir Walter Scott,[27] trials for lycanthropy were\nabolished in France by an edict of Louis XIV.\n\nParkman[28] describes, from the Relations of P\u00e9re Le Jeune, how the\nAlgonkin medicine-man announced that he was going to kill a rival\nmedicine-man who lived at Gasp\u00e9, 100 leagues distant.\n\nThe Abipones of Paraguay, according to Father Dobrizhoffer, \"credit\ntheir medicine-men with power to inflict disease and death, to cure\nall disorders, to make known distant and future events; to cause rain,\nhail, and tempest; to call up the shades of the dead and consult them\nconcerning hidden matters; to put on the form of a tiger; to handle\nevery kind of serpent without danger, etc.; which powers they imagine\nare not obtained by art, but imparted to certain persons by their\ngrandfather, the devil.\"\n\nThe medicine-men of Honduras claimed the power of turning themselves\ninto lions and tigers and of wandering in the mountains.[29]\n\n\"Grandes Hechiceros i Bruxos, porque se hacian Perros, Puercos i\nXimios.\"[30]\n\nGomara also calls attention to the fact that the medicine-men,\n\"hechiceros\" and \"brujos,\" as he calls them, of the Nicaraguans,\npossessed the power of lycanthropy; \"segun ellos mismos decian, se\nhacen perros, puercos y gimias.\"[31]\n\nGreat as are the powers claimed by the medicine-men, it is admitted\nthat baleful influences may be at work to counteract and nullify them.\nAs has already been shown, among these are the efforts of witches, the\npresence of women who are sometimes supposed to be so \"antimedicinal,\"\nif such a term may be applied, that the mere stepping over a warrior's\ngun will destroy its value.\n\nThere may be other medicine-men at work with countercharms, and there\nmay be certain neglects on the part of the person applying for aid\nwhich will invalidate all that the medicine-man can do for him. For\nexample, while the \"hoop-me-koff\" was raging among the Mohave the\nfathers of families afflicted with it were forbidden to touch coffee\nor salt, and were directed to bathe themselves in the current of the\nColorado. But the whooping cough ran its course in spite of all that\nthe medicine-men could do to check its progress. When the Walapai\nwere about to engage in a great hunt continence was enjoined upon the\nwarriors for a certain period.\n\nBesides all these accidental impairments of the vigor of the\nmedicine-men, there seems to be a gradual decadence of their abilities\nwhich can be rejuvenated only by rubbing the back against a sacred\nstone projecting from the ground in the country of the Walapai, not\nmany miles from the present town of Kingman, on the Atlantic and\nPacific Railroad. Another stone of the same kind was formerly used for\nthe same purpose by the medicine-men of the pueblos of Laguna and\nAcoma, as I have been informed by them. I am unable to state whether\nor not such recuperative properties were ever ascribed to the medicine\nstone at the Sioux agency near Standing Rock, S. Dak., or to the great\nstone around which the medicine-men of Tusayan marched in solemn\nprocession in their snake dance, but I can say that in the face of the\nlatter, each time that I saw it (at different dates between 1874 and\n1881), there was a niche which was filled with votive offerings.\n\nRegnard, a traveler in Lapland, makes the statement that when the\nshamans of that country began to lose their teeth they retired from\npractice. There is nothing of this kind to be noted among the Apache\nor other tribes of North America with which I am in any degree\nfamiliar. On the contrary, some of the most influential of those whom\nI have known have been old and decrepit men, with thin, gray hair and\nteeth gone or loose in their heads. In a description given by\nCorbusier of a great \"medicine\" ceremony of the Apache-Yuma at Camp\nVerde, it is stated that the principal officer was a \"toothless,\ngray-haired man.\"[32]\n\nAmong many savage or barbarous peoples of the world albinos have been\nreserved for the priestly office. There are many well marked examples\nof albinism among the Pueblos of New Mexico and Arizona, especially\namong the Zu\u00f1i and Tusayan; but in no case did I learn that the\nindividuals thus distinguished were accredited with power not\nascribable to them under ordinary circumstances. Among the Cheyenne I\nsaw one family, all of whose members had the crown lock white. They\nwere not medicine-men, neither were any of the members of the single\nalbino family among the Navajo in 1881.\n\nIt is a well known fact that among the Romans epilepsy was looked upon\nas a disease sent direct from the gods, and that it was designated the\n\"sacred disease\"--morbus sacer. Mahomet is believed to have been an\nepileptic. The nations of the East regard epileptics and the insane as\ninspired from on high.\n\nOur native tribes do not exactly believe that the mildly insane are\ngifted with medical or spiritual powers; but they regard them with a\nfeeling of superstitious awe, akin to reverence. I have personally\nknown several cases of this kind, though not within late years, and am\nnot able to say whether or not the education of the younger generation\nin our schools has as yet exercised an influence in eradicating this\nsentiment.\n\nStrange to say, I was unable to find any observance of lucky or\nunlucky days among the Apache. The Romans in the period of their\ngreatest enlightenment had their days, both \"fasti\" and \"nefasti.\"\nNeither was I able to determine the selection of auspicious days for\nmarriage; indeed, it was stated that the medicine-men had nothing to\ndo with marriage. Among the Zapotecs the wedding day was fixed by the\npriests.[33] In this the Apache again stands above the Roman who would\nnot marry in the month dedicated to the goddess Maia (May), because\nhuman sacrifice used to be offered in that month. This superstition\nsurvived in Europe until a comparatively recent period. According to\nPicart the Hebrew rabbis designated the days upon which weddings\nshould take place.\n\nHerbert Spencer[34] says that the medicine-men of the Arawaks claimed\nthe \"jus prim\u00e6 noctis.\" There is no such privilege claimed or conceded\namong the North American tribes, to my knowledge, and the Arawaks\nwould seem to be alone among the natives of the whole continent in\nthis respect.\n\nIn the town of Cuman\u00e1, in Amaracapanna, apparently close to\nCarthagena, in the present republic of Colombia, South America, the\nmedicine-men, according to Girolamo Benzoni, exercised the \"jus prim\u00e6\nnoctis.\"[35]\n\nTo recover stolen or lost property, especially ponies, is one of the\nprincipal tasks imposed upon the medicine-men. They rely greatly upon\nthe aid of pieces of crystal in effecting this. I made a friend of an\nApache medicine-man by presenting him with a large crystal of\ndenticulated spar, much larger than the one of whose mystical\nproperties he had just been boasting to me. I can not say how this\nproperty of the crystal is manifested. Na-a-cha, the medicine-man\nalluded to, could give no explanation, except that by looking into it\nhe could see everything he wanted to see.\n\nThe name of an American Indian is a sacred thing, not to be divulged\nby the owner himself without due consideration. One may ask a warrior\nof any tribe to give his name and the question will be met with either\na point-blank refusal or the more diplomatic evasion that he can not\nunderstand what is wanted of him. The moment a friend approaches, the\nwarrior first interrogated will whisper what is wanted, and the friend\ncan tell the name, receiving a reciprocation of the courtesy from the\nother. The giving of names to children is a solemn matter, and one in\nwhich the medicine-men should always be consulted. Among the Plains\ntribes the children were formerly named at the moment of piercing\ntheir ears, which should occur at the first sun dance after their\nbirth, or rather as near their first year as possible. The wailing of\nthe children at the sun dance as their ears were slit will always be\nto me a most distressing memory.\n\nThe warriors of the Plains tribes used to assume agnomens or battle\nnames, and I have known some of them who had enjoyed as many as four\nor five; but the Apache name once conferred seems to remain through\nlife, except in the case of the medicine-men, who, I have always\nsuspected, change their names upon assuming their profession, much as\na professor of learning in China is said to do.\n\nThe names of mothers-in-law are never mentioned and it would be highly\nimproper to ask for them by name; neither are the names of the dead,\nat least not for a long period of time. But it often happens that the\nchild will bear the name of its grandfather or some other relative who\nwas a distinguished warrior.\n\nAll charms, idols, talismans, medicine hats, and other sacred regalia\nshould be made, or at least blessed, by the medicine-men. They assume\ncharge of all ceremonial feasts and dances--such as the nubile dance,\nwhich occurs when any maiden attains marriageable age, and war dances\npreceding battle. Nearly all preparations for the warpath are under\ntheir control, and when on the trail of the enemy their power is\nalmost supreme. Not a night passes but that the medicine-men get into\nthe \"ta-a-chi,\" or sweat bath, if such a thing be possible, and there\nremain for some minutes, singing and making \"medicine\" for the good of\nthe party. After dark they sit around the fire and sing and talk with\nthe spirits and predict the results of the campaign. I have alluded\nquite fully to these points in a previous work.\n\nWhen a man is taken sick the medicine-men are in the zenith of their\nglory. One or two will assume charge of the case, and the clansmen and\nfriends of the patient are called upon to supply the fire and help out\nin the chorus. On such occasions the Apache use no music except a drum\nor a rawhide. The drum is nearly always improvised from an iron camp\nkettle, partially filled with water and covered with a piece of cloth,\nwell soaped and drawn as tight as possible. The drumstick does not\nterminate in a ball, as with us, but is curved into a circle, and the\nstroke is not perpendicular to the surface, but is often given from\none side to the other. The American Indian's theory of disease is the\ntheory of the Chaldean, the Assyrian, the Hebrew, the Greek, the\nRoman--all bodily disorders and ailments are attributed to the\nmaleficence of spirits who must be expelled or placated. Where there\nis only one person sick, the exercises consist of singing and drumming\nexclusively, but dancing is added in all cases when an epidemic is\nraging in the tribe. The medicine-men lead off in the singing, to\nwhich the assistants reply with a refrain which at times has appeared\nto me to be antiphonal. Then the chorus is swelled by the voices of\nthe women and larger children and rises and falls with monotonous\ncadence. Prayers are recited, several of which have been repeated to\nme and transcribed; but very frequently the words are ejaculatory and\nconfined to such expressions as \"ugashe\" (go away), and again there is\nto be noted the same mumbling of incoherent phrases which has been\nthe stock in trade of medicine-men in all ages and places. This use of\ngibberish was admitted by the medicine-men, who claimed that the words\nemployed and known only to themselves (each individual seemed to have\nhis own vocabulary) were mysteriously effective in dispelling sickness\nof any kind. Gibberish was believed to be more potential in magic than\nwas language which the practitioner or his dupes could comprehend. In\nSaxon Leechdoms, compiled by Cockayne, will be seen a text of\ngibberish to be recited by those wishing to stanch the flow of blood.\n(See p. 464.)\n\nIn the following citations it will be observed that Adair and Catlin\nwere grievously in error in their respective statements. Adair denies\nthat Indians on the warpath or elsewhere depend upon their \"augurs\"\nfor instruction and guidance.[36] Gomara is authority for the\nstatement that the natives of Hispaniola never made war without\nconsulting their medicine-men--\"no sin respuesta de los \u00eddolos \u00f3 sin\nla de los sacerdotes, que adevinan.\"[37]\n\nThe medicine-men of Chicora (our present South Carolina) sprinkled the\nwarriors with the juice of a certain herb as they were about to engage\nin battle.[38]\n\nIn Chicora \"Mascaban los Sacerdotes una Ierva, i con el \u00e7umo de ella\nrociaban los Soldados, quando querian dar batalla, que era\nbendecirlos.\"[39]\n\n\"Among the Abipones [of Paraguay] the medicine-man teaches them the\nplace, time, and manner proper for attacking wild beasts or the\nenemy.\"[40]\n\n\"The North American Indians are nowhere idolaters.\"[41]\n\nIdols were always carried to war by the natives of Hispaniola: \"Atanse\n\u00e1 la frente \u00eddolos chiquitos cuando quieren pelear.\"[42]\n\n\"Among the primitive Germans * * * the maintenance of discipline in\nthe field as in the council was left in great measure to the priests;\nthey took the auguries and gave the signal for onset.\"[43]\n\n\"In New Caledonia * * * the priests go to battle, but sit in the\ndistance, _fasting_ and praying for victory.\"[44]\n\nOur hunting songs and war songs may be a survival of the incantations\nof Celtic or Teutonic medicine-men.\n\nThe adoption or retention of obsolete phraseology as a hieratic\nlanguage which has been noted among many nations of the highest\ncomparative development is a manifestation of the same mental process.\n\nGibberish was so invariable an accompaniment of the sacred antics of\nthe medicine-men of Mexico that Fray Diego Duran warns his readers\nthat if they see any Indian dancing and singing, \"\u00f3 diciendo algunas\npalabras que no son inteligibles, pues es de saber que aquellos\nrepresentaban Dioses.\"[45]\n\nHenry Youle Hind says:\n\n The Dakotahs have a common and a sacred language. The\n conjurer, the war prophet, and the dreamer employ a language\n in which words are borrowed from other Indian tongues and\n dialects; they make much use of descriptive expressions, and\n use words apart from the ordinary signification. The Ojibways\n abbreviate their sentences and employ many elliptical forms\n of expression, so much so that half-breeds, quite familiar\n with the colloquial language, fail to comprehend a\n medicine-man when in the full flow of excited oratory.[46]\n\n\"Blood may be stanched by the words sicycuma, cucuma, ucuma, cuma,\numa, ma, a.\"[47] There are numbers of these gibberish formul\u00e6 given,\nbut one is sufficient.\n\n\"The third part of the magic[48] of the Chaldeans belonged entirely to\nthat description of charlatanism which consists in the use of\ngestures, postures, and mysterious speeches, as byplay, and which\nformed an accompaniment to the proceedings of the thaumaturgist well\ncalculated to mislead.\"[49]\n\nSahagun[50] calls attention to the fact that the Aztec hymns were in\nlanguage known only to the initiated.\n\nIt must be conceded that the monotonous intonation of the medicine-men\nis not without good results, especially in such ailments as can be\nbenefited by the sleep which such singing induces. On the same\nprinciple that petulant babies are lulled to slumber by the crooning\nof their nurses, the sick will frequently be composed to a sound and\nbeneficial slumber, from which they awake refreshed and ameliorated. I\ncan recall, among many other cases, those of Chaundezi (\"Long Ear,\"\nor \"Mule\") and Chemihuevi-Sal, both chiefs of the Apache, who\nrecovered under the treatment of their own medicine-men after our\nsurgeons had abandoned the case. This recovery could be attributed\nonly to the sedative effects of the chanting.\n\nMusic of a gentle, monotonous kind has been prescribed in the medical\ntreatment of Romans, Greeks, and even of comparatively modern\nEuropeans. John Mason Goode, in his translation of Lucretius' De\nNatura Rerum, mentions among others Galen, Theophrastus, and Aulus\nGellius. An anonymous writer in the Press of Philadelphia, Pa., under\ndate of December 23, 1888, takes the ground that its use should be\nresumed.\n\nThe noise made by medicine-men around the couch of the sick is no\nbetter, no worse, than the clangor of bells in Europe. Bells, we are\ntold, were rung on every possible occasion. Brand is full of quaint\ninformation on this head. According to him they were rung in Spain\nwhen women were in labor,[51] at weddings,[52] to dispel thunder,\ndrive away bad spirits, and frustrate the deviltry of witches;[53]\nthroughout Europe on the arrival of emperors, kings, the higher\nnobility, bishops, etc.,[54] to ease pain of the dead,[55] were\nsolemnly baptized, receiving names,[56] and became the objects of\nsuperstition, various powers being ascribed to them.[57]\n\nAdair, who was gifted with an excellent imagination, alludes to the\npossession of an \"ark\" by the medicine-men of the Creeks and other\ntribes of the Mississippi country, among whom he lived for so many\nyears as a trader. The Apache have no such things; but I did see a\nsacred bundle or package, which I was allowed to feel, but not to\nopen, and which I learned contained some of the lightning-riven twigs\nupon which they place such dependence. This was carried by a young\nmedicine-man, scarcely out of his teens, during Gen. Crook's\nexpedition into the Sierra Madre, Mexico, in 1883, in pursuit of the\nhostile Chiricahua Apache. Maj. Frank North also told me that the\nPawnee had a sacred package which contained, among other objects of\nveneration, the skin of an albino buffalo calf.\n\nThere are allusions by several authorities to the necessity of\nconfession by the patient before the efforts of the medicine-men can\nprove efficacious.[58]\n\nThis confession, granting that it really existed, could well be\ncompared to the warpath secret, which imposed upon all the warriors\nengaged the duty of making a clean breast of all delinquencies and\nsecured them immunity from punishment for the same, even if they had\nbeen offenses against some of the other warriors present.\n\nThe Sioux and others had a custom of \"striking the post\" in their\ndances, especially the sun dance, and there was then an obligation\nupon the striker to tell the truth. I was told that the medicine-men\nwere wont to strike with a club the stalagmites in the sacred caves of\nthe Apache, but what else they did I was not able to ascertain.\n\nUnder the title of \"hoddentin\" will be found the statement made by one\nof the Apache as to the means employed to secure the presence of a\nmedicine-man at the bedside of the sick. I give it for what it is\nworth, merely stating that Kohl, in his Kitchi-Gami, if I remember\ncorrectly, refers to something of the same kind where the medicine-man\nis represented as being obliged to respond to every summons made\nunless he can catch the messenger within a given distance and kick\nhim.\n\nThere is very little discrepancy of statement as to what would happen\nto a medicine-man in case of failure to cure; but many conflicting\nstories have been in circulation as to the number of patients he would\nbe allowed to kill before incurring risk of punishment. My own\nconclusions are that there is no truth whatever in the numbers\nalleged, either three or seven, but that a medicine-man would be in\ndanger, under certain circumstances, if he let only one patient die on\nhis hands. These circumstances would be the verdict of the spirit\ndoctors that he was culpably negligent or ignorant. He could evade\ndeath at the hands of the patient's kinsfolk only by flight or by\ndemonstrating that a witch had been at the bottom of the mischief.[59]\n\nMedicine-men, called \"wizards\" by Falkner, sometimes were killed by\nthe Patagonians, when unsuccessful in their treatment, and were also\nobliged to wear women's clothing. They were selected in youth for\nsupposed qualifications, especially if epileptic.[60]\n\nIn Hispaniola we are told that when a man died his friends resorted to\nnecromancy to learn whether he had died through the neglect of the\nattending medicine-man to observe the prescribed fasts. If they found\nthe medicine-man guilty, they killed him and broke all his bones. In\nspite of this the medicine-man often returned to life and had to be\nkilled again, and mutilated by castration and otherwise.[61]\n\nHerrera repeats the story about a patient who died and whose relatives\nfelt dissatisfied with the medicine-man:\n\n Para saber si la muerte fue por su culpa, tomaban el \u00e7umo de\n cierta Ierva, i cortaban las v\u00f1as del muerto, i los cabellos\n de encima de la frente, i los hacian polvos, i mezclados con\n el \u00e7umo, se lo daban \u00e0 beber al muerto por la boca, i las\n narices, i luego le preguntaban muchas veces, si el Medico\n guard\u00f2 dieta, hasta que hablando el demonio, respondia tan\n claro, como si fuera vivo, i decia, que el Medico no hi\u00e7o\n dieta, i luego le bolvian \u00e0 la sepultura.\n\nThen the relatives attacked the medicine-man: \"I le daban tantos\npalos, que le quebraban los bra\u00e7os, i las piernas, i \u00e0 otros sacaban\nlos ojos, i los cortaban sus miembros genitales.\"[62]\n\nAlexander the Great expressed his sorrow at the death of his friend\nHeph\u00e6stion by crucifying the poor physicians who had attended the\ndeceased.[63]\n\nThe medicine-men of the Natchez were put to death when they failed to\ncure.[64]\n\nThe Apache attach as much importance to the necessity of \"laying the\nmanes\" of their dead as the Romans did. They have not localized the\nsite of the future world as the Mohave have, but believe that the dead\nremain for a few days or nights in the neighborhood of the place where\nthey departed from this life, and that they try to communicate with\ntheir living friends through the voice of the owl. If a relative hears\nthis sound by night, or, as often happens, he imagines that he has\nseen the ghost itself, he hurries to the nearest medicine-man, relates\nhis story, and carries out to the smallest detail the prescription of\nfeast, singing, dancing, and other means of keeping the spirit in good\nhumor on the journey which it will now undertake to the \"house of\nspirits,\" the \"chidin-bi-kungua.\" Nearly all medicine-men claim the\npower of going there at will, and not a few who are not medicine-men\nclaim the same faculty.\n\nThe medicine-men of the Apache are paid by each patient or by his\nfriends at the time they are consulted. There is no such thing as a\nmaintenance fund, no system of tithes, nor any other burden for their\nsupport, although I can recall having seen while among the Zu\u00f1i one of\nthe medicine-men who was making cane holders for the tobacco to be\nsmoked at a coming festival, and whose fields were attended and his\nherds guarded by the other members of the tribe.\n\nAmong the Eskimo \"the priest receives fees beforehand.\"[65]\n\n\"Tous ces sorciers ne r\u00e9fusaient leurs secours \u00e0 personne, pourvu\nqu'on les payait.\"[66]\n\n\"Among other customs was that of those who came to be cured, giving\ntheir bow and arrows, shoes, and beads to the Indians who accompanied\nVaca and his companions.\"[67] (But we must remember that Vaca and his\ncomrades traveled across the continent as medicine-men.)\n\n\"Las sementeras que hacen los Assenais son tambien de comunidad y\ncomienzan la primera en la casa de su Chemisi que es su sacerdote\nprincipal y el que cuida de la Casa del Fuego.\"[68] The Asinai\nextended as far east as the present city of Natchitoches\n(Nacogdoches).\n\nSpencer quotes Bernan and Hilhouse to the effect that the poor among\nthe Arawaks of South America (Guiana) have no names because they can\nnot pay the medicine-men.[69]\n\nAs a general rule, the medicine-men do not attend to their own\nfamilies, neither do they assist in cases of childbirth unless\nspecially needed. To both these rules there are exceptions\ninnumerable. While I was at San Carlos Agency, Surgeon Davis was sent\nfor to help in a case of uterine inertia, and I myself have been asked\nin the pueblo of Namb\u00e9, New Mexico, to give advice in a case of\npuerperal fever.\n\nThe medicine-men are accused of administering poisons to their\nenemies. Among the Navajo I was told that they would put finely\npounded glass in food.\n\n\nMEDICINE-WOMEN.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 429.--Medicine arrow used by Apache and Pueblo\n women.]\n\nThere are medicine-women as well as medicine-men among the Apache,\nwith two of whom I was personally acquainted. One named \"Captain Jack\"\nwas well advanced in years and physically quite feeble, but bright in\nintellect and said to be well versed in the lore of her people. She\nwas fond of instructing her grandchildren, whom she supported, in the\nprayers and invocations to the gods worshiped by her fathers, and I\nhave several times listened carefully and unobserved to these\nrecitations and determined that the prayers were the same as those\nwhich had already been given to myself as those of the tribe. The\nother was named Tze-go-juni, a Chiricahua, and a woman with a most\nromantic history. She had passed five years in captivity among the\nMexicans in Sonora and had learned to speak Spanish with facility. A\nmountain lion had severely mangled her in the shoulder and knee, and\nonce she had been struck by lightning; so that whether by reason of\nsuperior attainments or by an appeal to the superstitious reverence of\nher comrades, she wielded considerable influence. These medicine-women\ndevote their attention principally to obstetrics, and have many\npeculiar stories to relate concerning pre-natal influences and matters\nof that sort. Tze-go-juni wore at her neck the stone amulet, shaped\nlike a spear, which is figured in the illustrations of this paper. The\nmaterial was the silex from the top of a mountain, taken from a ledge\nat the foot of a tree which had been struck by lightning. The fact\nthat siliceous rock will emit sparks when struck by another hard body\nappeals to the reasoning powers of the savage as a proof that the fire\nmust have been originally deposited therein by the bolt of lightning.\nA tiny piece of this arrow or lance was broken off and ground into\nthe finest powder, and then administered in water to women during time\nof gestation. I have found the same kind of arrows in use among the\nwomen of Laguna and other pueblos. This matter will receive more\nextended treatment in my coming monograph on \"Stone Worship.\"\n\nMendieta is authority for the statement that the Mexicans had both\nmedicine-men and medicine-women. The former attended to the sick men\nand the latter to the sick women. \"\u00c1 las mujeres siempre las curaban\notras mujeres, y \u00e1 los hombres otros hombres.\"[70] Some of the\nmedicine-women seem to have made an illicit use of the knowledge they\nhad acquired, in which case both the medicine-woman and the woman\nconcerned were put to death. \"La mujer pre\u00f1ada que tomaba con que\nabortar y echar la criatura, ella y la f\u00edsica que le habia dado con\nque la lanzase, ambas morian.\"[71]\n\nGomara asserts that they were to be found among the Indians of Chicora\n(South Carolina).[72] He calls them \"viejas\" (old women).\n\n\"Los Medicos eran Mugeres viejas, i no havia otras.\"[73] In Nicaragua,\n\"Las Viejas curaban los Enfermos.\"[74]\n\nThere were medicine-women in Goazacoalco: \"Tienen Medicos para curar\nlas enfermedades, i los mas eran Mugeres, grandes Herbolarias, que\nhacian todas las curas con Iervas.\"[75]\n\nBernal Diaz, in 1568, speaks of having, on a certain occasion, at the\nsummit of a high mountain, found \"an Indian woman, very fat, and\nhaving with her a dog of that species, which they breed in order to\neat, and which do not bark. This Indian was a witch; she was in the\nact of sacrificing the dog, which is a signal of hostility.\"[76]\n\n\"The office of medicine-man though generally usurped by males does not\nappertain to them exclusively, and at the time of our visit the one\nmost extensively known was a black (or meztizo) woman, who had\nacquired the most unbounded influence by shrewdness, joined to a\nhideous personal appearance, and a certain mystery with which she was\ninvested.\"[77] Creeks have medicine-women as well as medicine-men. The\nEskimo have medicine-men and medicine-women.[78] The medicine-men and\nwomen of the Dakota \"can cause ghosts to appear on occasion.\"[79]\n\nSpeaking of the Chippewa, Spencer says: \"Women may practice\nsoothsaying, but the higher religious functions are performed only by\nmen.\"[80]\n\nThe medicine-men of the Apache do not assume to live upon food\ndifferent from that used by the laity. There are such things as sacred\nfeasts among the tribes of North America--as, for example, the feast\nof stewed puppy at the sun dance of the Sioux--but in these all people\nshare.\n\nIn the mortuary ceremonies of the medicine-men there is a difference\nof degree, but not of kind. The Mohave, however, believe that the\nmedicine-men go to a heaven of their own. They also believe vaguely in\nfour different lives after this one.\n\nCabeza de Vaca says that the Floridians buried their ordinary dead,\nbut burned their medicine-men, whose incinerated bones they preserved\nand drank in water.[81] \"After they [the medicine-men and women of the\nDakota] have four times run their career in human shape they are\nannihilated.\"[82] Schultze says that the medicine-men of the Sioux and\nthe medicine-women also, after death \"may be transformed into wild\nbeasts.\"[82]\n\nSurgeon Smart shows that among other offices entrusted to the\nmedicine-men of the Apache was the reception of distinguished\nstrangers.[83] Long asserts that the medicine-men of the Otoe, Omaha,\nand others along the Missouri pretended to be able to converse with\nthe fetus in utero and predict the sex.[84] Nothing of that kind has\never come under my notice. Adair says that the medicine-men of the\nCherokee would not allow snakes to be killed.[85] The Apache will not\nlet snakes be killed within the limits of the camp by one of their own\npeople, but they will not only allow a stranger to kill them, but\nrequest him to do so. They made this request of me on three occasions.\n\nSeveral of the most influential medicine-men whom I have known were\nblind, among others old Na-ta-do-tash, whose medicine hat figures in\nthese pages. Whether this blindness was the result of old age or due\nto the frenzy of dancing until exhausted in all seasons I am unable to\nconjecture. Schultze says of the shamans of Siberia: \"This artificial\nfrenzy has such a serious effect upon the body, and more particularly\nthe eyes, that many of the shamans become blind; a circumstance which\nenhances the esteem in which they are held.\"[86] Some of the\nmedicine-men of Peru went blind from overexertion in their dances,\nalthough Gomara assigns as a reason that it was from fear of the demon\nwith whom they talked. \"Y aun algunos se quiebran los ojos para\nsemejante hablar [i.e., talk with the devil]; y creo que lo hacian de\nmiedo, porque todos ellos se atapan los ojos cuando hablan con\nel.\"[87]\n\nDunbar tells us that the medicine-men of the Pawnee swallowed arrows\nand knives, and had also the trick of apparently killing a man and\nbringing him back to life. The same power was claimed by the\nmedicine-men of the Zu\u00f1i, and the story told me by old Pedro Pino of\nthe young men whom they used to kill and restore to life, will be\nfound in \"The Snake Dance of the Moquis.\"\n\n\nREMEDIES AND MODES OF TREATMENT.\n\nThe materia medica of the Apache is at best limited and comprehends\nscarcely anything more than roots, leaves, and other vegetable matter.\nIn gathering these remedies they resort to no superstitious ceremonies\nthat I have been able to detect, although I have not often seen them\ncollecting. They prefer incantation to pharmacy at all times, although\nthe squaws of the Walapai living near old Camp Beale Springs in 1873,\nwere extremely fond of castor oil, for which they would beg each day.\n\nThe main reliance for nearly all disorders is the sweat bath, which is\ngenerally conducive of sound repose. All Indians know the benefit to\nbe derived from relieving an overloaded stomach, and resort to the\ntitillation of the fauces with a feather to induce nausea. I have seen\nthe Zu\u00f1i take great drafts of lukewarm water and then practice the\nabove as a remedy in dyspepsia.\n\nWhen a pain has become localized and deep seated, the medicine-men\nresort to suction of the part affected, and raise blisters in that\nway. I was once asked by the Walapai chief, Sequanya, to look at his\nback and sides. He was covered with cicatrices due to such treatment,\nthe medicine-men thinking thus to alleviate the progressive paralysis\nfrom which he had been long a sufferer, and from which he shortly\nafterwards died. After a long march, I have seen Indians of different\nbands expose the small of the back uncovered to the fierce heat of a\npile of embers to produce a rubefacient effect and stimulate what is\nknown as a weak back. They drink freely of hot teas or infusions of\nherbs and grasses for the cure of chills. They are all dextrous in the\nmanufacture of splints out of willow twigs, and seem to meet with much\nsuccess in their treatment of gunshot wounds, which they do not dress\nas often as white practitioners, alleging that the latter, by so\nfrequently removing the bandages, unduly irritate the wounds. I have\nknown them to apply moxa, and I remember to have seen two deep scars\nupon the left hand of the great Apache chief Cochise, due to this\ncause.\n\nIt should not be forgotten that the world owes a large debt to the\nmedicine-men of America, who first discovered the virtues of coca,\nsarsaparilla, jalap, cinchona, and guiacum. They understand the\nadministration of enemata, and have an apparatus made of the paunch of\na sheep and the hollow leg bone.\n\nScarification is quite common, and is used for a singular purpose. The\nApache scouts when tired were in the habit of sitting down and lashing\ntheir legs with bunches of nettles until the blood flowed. This,\naccording to their belief, relieved the exhaustion.\n\nThe medicine-men of the Floridians, according to Vaca, sucked and blew\non the patient, and put hot stones on his abdomen to take away pain;\nthey also scarified, and they seemed to have used moxas. \"Ils\ncaut\u00e9risent aussi avec le feu.\"[88]\n\nThe medicine-men of Hispaniola cured by suction, and when they had\nextracted a stone or other alleged cause of sickness it was preserved\nas a sacred relic, especially by the women, who looked upon it as of\ngreat aid in parturition.[89] Venegas speaks of a tube called the\n\"chacuaco,\" formed out of a very hard black stone, used by the\nmedicine-men of California in sucking such parts of the patient's body\nas were grievously afflicted with pains. In these tubes they sometimes\nplaced lighted tobacco and blew down upon the part affected after the\nmanner of a moxa, I suppose.[90]\n\nThe men of Panuco were so addicted to drunkenness that we are told:\n\"Lorsqu'ils sont fatigu\u00e9s de boire leur vin par la bouche, ils se\ncouchent, \u00e9l\u00e8vent les jambes en l'air, et s'en font introduire dans le\nfondement au moyen d'une canule, taut que le corps peut en\ncontenir.\"[91] The administration of wine in this manner may have been\nas a medicine, and the Aztecs of Panuco may have known that nutriment\ncould be assimilated in this way. It shows at least that the Aztecs\nwere acquainted with enemata.\n\n\"Quando la enfermedad les parecia que tenia necesidad de evacuacion,\nusaban del aiuda \u00f2 clister [clyster], con cocimientos de Iervas, i\npolvos, en Agua, i tomandola en la boca, con yn canuto de hueso de\npierna de Gar\u00e7a, la hechaban, i obraba copiosamente: i en esto pudo\nesta Gente ser industriada de la Cigue\u00f1a, que con su largo pico se\ncura, como escriven los Naturales.\"[92] Smith says that the\nmedicine-men of the Araucanians \"are well acquainted with the proper\nuse of emetics, cathartics, and sudorifics. For the purpose of\ninjection they make use of a bladder, as is still commonly practiced\namong the Chilenos.\"[93] Oviedo says of the medicine-men: \"Cono\u00e7ian\nmuchas hiervas de que usaban y eran apropiadas \u00e1 diversas\nenfermedades.\"[94] One of the most curious remedies presented in\nBancroft's first volume is the use of a poultice of mashed poison-ivy\nleaves as a remedy for ringworm by the Indians of Lower California.\n\nThe Indians of Topia (in the Sierra Madre, near Sinaloa), were in the\nhabit of scarifying their tired legs and aching temples.[95] The\nArawaks, of Guiana, also scarified, according to Spencer.[96] The\ninhabitants of Kamchatka use enemata much in the same way as the\nNavajo and Apache do.[97] They also use moxa made of a fungus.[98]\n\nIt has never been my good fortune to notice an example of trephining\namong our savage tribes, although I have seen a good many wounded,\nsome of them in the head. Trephining has been practiced by the\naborigines of America, and the whole subject as noted among the\nprimitive peoples of all parts of the globe has been treated in a\nmonograph by Dr. Robert Fletcher, U. S. Army.[99]\n\nDr. Fordyce Grinnell, who was for some years attached to the Wichita\nAgency as resident physician, has published the results of his\nobservations in a monograph, entitled \"The healing art as practiced by\nthe Indians of the Plains,\" in which he says: \"Wet cupping is resorted\nto quite frequently. The surface is scarified by a sharp stone or\nknife, and a buffalo horn is used as the cupping glass. Cauterizing\nwith red-hot irons is not infrequently employed.\" A cautery of\n\"burning pith\" was used by the Araucanians.[100]\n\n\"It may be safely affirmed that a majority of the nation [Choctaw]\nprefer to receive the attentions of a white physician when one can be\nobtained. * * * When the doctor is called to his patient he commences\noperations by excluding all white men and all who disbelieve in the\nefficacy of his incantations.\"[101] \"The [Apache] scouts seem to\nprefer their own medicine-men when seriously ill, and believe the\nweird singing and praying around the couch is more effective than the\nmedicine dealt out by our camp 'sawbones.'\"[102] The promptness with\nwhich the American Indian recovers from severe wounds has been\ncommented upon by many authorities. From my personal observation I\ncould, were it necessary, adduce many examples. The natives of\nAustralia seem to be endowed with the same recuperative powers.[103]\n\nAfter all other means have failed the medicine-men of the Southwest\ndevote themselves to making altars in the sand and clay near the couch\nof the dying, because, as Antonio Besias explained, this act was all\nthe same as extreme unction. They portray the figures of various\nanimals, and then take a pinch of the dust or ashes from each one and\nrub upon the person of the sick man as well as upon themselves.\nSimilar altars or tracings were made by the medicine-men of Guatemala\nwhen they were casting the horoscope of a child and seeking to\ndetermine what was to be its medicine in life. This matter of sand\naltars has been fully treated by Matthews in the report of the Bureau\nof Ethnology for 1883-'84, and there are several representations to be\nfound in my Snake Dance of the Moquis. \"Writing on sand\" is a mode of\ndivination among the Chinese.[104] Padre Boscana represents the\n\"puplem\" or medicine-men of the Indians of California as making or\nsketching \"a most uncouth and ridiculous figure of an animal on the\nground,\" and presumably of sands, clays, and other such\nmaterials.[105]\n\n\nHAIR AND WIGS.\n\nThe medicine-men of the Apache were, at least while young, extremely\ncareful of their hair, and I have often seen those who were very\nproperly proud of their long and glossy chevelure. Particularly do I\nrecall to mind the \"doctor\" at San Carlos in 1885, who would never\nallow his flowing black tresses to be touched. But they do not roach\ntheir hair, as I have seen the Pawnee do; they do not add false hair\nto their own, as I have seen among the Crow of Montana and the Mohave\nof the Rio Colorado; they do not apply plasters of mud as do their\nneighbors the Yuma, Cocopa, Mohave and Pima, and in such a manner as\nto convince spectators that the intent was ceremonial; and they do not\nuse wigs in their dances. Wigs made of black wool may still be found\noccasionally among the Pueblos, but the Apache do not use them, and\nthere is no reference to such a thing in their myths.\n\nIt is to be understood that these paragraphs are not treating upon the\nsuperstitions concerning the human hair, as such, but simply of the\nemployment of wigs, which would seem in former days among some of the\ntribes of the Southwest to have been made of human hair presented by\npatients who had recovered from sickness or by mourners whose\nrelatives had died.[106] Wigs with masks attached were worn by the\nCosta Ricans, according to Gabb.[107]\n\nSome of the Apache-Yuma men wear long rolls of matted hair behind,\nwhich are the thickness of a finger, and two feet or more in length,\nand composed of old hair mixed with that growing on the head, or are\nin the form of a wig, made of hair that has been cut off when mourning\nthe dead, to be worn on occasions of ceremony.[108]\n\nObservations of the same kind have been made by Speke upon the customs\nof the people of Africa in his Nile,[109] concerning the Kidi people\nat the head of the Nile; by Cook, in Hawkesworth's Voyages,[110]\nspeaking of Tahiti, and by Barcia,[111] speaking of Greenland. Sir\nSamuel Baker describes the peculiar wigs worn by the tribes on Lake\nAlbert Nyanza, formed of the owner's hair and contributions from all\nsources plastered with clay into a stiff mass.[112]\n\nMelchior Diaz reported that the people of Cibola \"\u00e9l\u00e8vent dans leurs\nmaisons des animaux velus, grands comme des chiens d'Espagne. Ils les\ntondent, ils en font des perruques de couleurs.\" This report was sent\nby the Viceroy Mendoza to the Emperor Charles V. Exactly what these\ndomesticated animals were, it would be hard to say; they may possibly\nhave been Rocky Mountain sheep,[113] though Mr. Cushing, who has\nstudied the question somewhat extensively, is of the opinion that they\nmay have been a variety of the llama.\n\nThe Assinaboine used to wear false hair, and also had the custom of\ndividing their hair into \"joints\" of an inch or more, marked by a sort\nof paste of red earth and glue;[114] The Mandan did the same.[115] In\nthis they both resemble the Mohave of the Rio Colorado. \"The\nAlgonquins believed also in a malignant Maniton. * * * She wore a robe\nmade of the hair of her victims, for she was the cause of death.\"[116]\n\nThe Apache, until within the last twenty years, plucked out the\neyelashes and often the eyebrows, but only a few of them still persist\nin the practice. Kane says that the Winnebagoes \"have the custom of\npulling out their eyebrows.\"[117] Herrera says that among the signs by\nwhich the Tlascaltecs recognized their gods when they saw them in\nvisions, were \"vianle sin cejas, i sin pesta\u00f1as.\"[118]\n\n\nMUDHEADS.\n\nReference has been made to a ceremonial plastering of mud upon the\nheads of Indians. When General Crook was returning from his expedition\ninto the Sierra Madre, Mexico, in 1883, in which expedition a few of\nthe enemy had been killed, the scouts upon reaching the San Bernardino\nRiver made a free use of the sweat bath, with much singing and other\nformulas, the whole being part of the lustration which all warriors\nmust undergo as soon as possible after being engaged in battle. The\nApache proper did not apply mud to their heads, but the Apache-Yuma\ndid.\n\nCapt. Grossman, U. S. Army,[119] says of the Pima method of\npurification after killing an Apache, that the isolation of the\nwarrior lasts for sixteen days, during which period no one speaks to\nhim, not even the old woman who brings him his food. The first day he\ntouches neither food nor drink, and he eats sparingly for the whole\ntime, touching neither meat nor salt; he bathes frequently in the\nGila River and nearly the whole time keeps his head covered with a\nplaster of mud and mesquite.\n\n\"The boyes [of the Massagueyes] of seven or eight yeeres weare clay\nfastned on the hayre of the head, and still renewed with new clay,\nweighing sometimes five or six pounds. Nor may they be free hereof\ntill in warre or lawfull fight hee hath killed a man.\"[120]\n\nAccording to Padre Geronimo Boscana, the traditions of the Indians of\nCalifornia show that they \"fed upon a kind of clay.\"[121] But this\nclay was often plastered upon their heads \"as a kind of ornament.\"\nThese were the Indians of San Juan Capistrano, who strongly resembled\nthe Mohave. After all, the \"mudheads\" of the Mohave are no worse than\nthose people in India who still bedaub their heads with \"the holy mud\nof the Ganges.\" Up to this time the mud has been the \"blue mud\" of the\nColorado and other rivers, but when we find Herbert Spencer mentioning\nthat the heads of the Comanche are \"besmeared with a dull red clay\" we\nmay suspect that we have stumbled upon an analogue of the custom of\nthe Aztec priests, who bedaubed their heads with the coagulating\nlifeblood of their human victims. We know that there has been such a\nsubstitution practiced among the Indians of the Pueblo of Jemez, who\napply red ocher to the mouth of the stone mountain lion, in whose\nhonor human blood was once freely shed. The practice of so many of the\nPlains tribes of painting the median line of the head with vermilion\nseems to be traceable back to a similar custom.\n\n\nSCALP SHIRTS.\n\nThe shirt depicted on Pl. III, made of buckskin and trimmed with human\nscalps, would seem to belong to the same category with the mantles\nmade of votive hair, mentioned as being in use among the California\ntribe a little more than a century ago. It was presented to me by\nLittle Big Man, who led me to believe that it had once belonged to the\ngreat chief of the Sioux, Crazy Horse, or had at least been worn by\nhim. Of its symbolism I am unable to find the explanation. The colors\nyellow and blue would seem to represent the earth and water or sky,\nthe feathers attached would refer to the birds, and the round circle\non the breast is undoubtedly the sun. There is a cocoon affixed to one\nshoulder, the significance of which I do not know.\n\n [Illustration: SCALP SHIRT OF \"LITTLE BIG MAN\" (SIOUX). Plate III.]\n\n\nTHE RHOMBUS, OR BULL ROARER.\n\nThe rhombus was first seen by me at the snake dance of the Tusayan, in\nthe village of Walpi, Ariz., in the month of August, 1881. Previous to\nthat date I had heard of it vaguely, but had never been able to see it\nin actual use. The medicine-men twirled it rapidly, and with a uniform\nmotion, about the head and from front to rear, and succeeded in\nfaithfully imitating the sound of a gust of rain-laden wind. As\nexplained to me by one of the medicine-men, by making this sound they\ncompelled the wind and rain to come to the aid of the crops. At a\nlater date I found it in use among the Apache, and for the same\npurpose. The season near the San Carlos Agency during the year 1884\nhad been unusually dry, and the crops were parched. The medicine-men\narranged a procession, two of the features of which were the rhombus\nand a long handled cross, upon which various figures were depicted. Of\nthe latter, I will speak at another time.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 430.--Rhombus of the Apache.]\n\nAgain, while examining certain ruins in the Verde Valley, in central\nArizona, I found that the \"Cliff Dwellers,\" as it has become customary\nto call the prehistoric inhabitants, had employed the same weapon of\npersuasion in their intercourse with their gods. I found the rhombus\nalso among the Rio Grande Pueblo tribes and the Zu\u00f1i. Dr. Washington\nMatthews has described it as existing among the Navajo and Maj. J. W.\nPowell has observed it in use among the Utes of Nevada and Utah. As\nwill be shown, its use in all parts of the world seems to have been as\ngeneral as that of any sacred implement known to primitive man, not\neven excepting the sacred cords or rosaries discussed in this paper.\nThree forms of the rhombus have come under my own observation, each\nand all apparently connected in symbolism with the lightning. The\nfirst terminates in a triangular point, and the general shape is\neither that of a long, narrow, parallelogram, capped with an\nequilateral triangle, or else the whole figure is that of a slender\nisosceles triangle. Where the former shape was used, as at the Tusayan\nsnake dance, the tracing of a snake or lightning in blue or yellow\nfollowed down the length of the rhombus and terminated in the small\ntriangle, which did duty as the snake's head. The second pattern was\nfound by Dr. Matthews among the Navajo, and by myself in the old cliff\ndwellings. The one which I found was somewhat decayed, and the\nextremity of the triangle was broken off. There was no vestige of\npainting left. The second form was serrated on both edges to simulate\nthe form of the snake or lightning. The third form, in use among the\nApache, is an oblong of 7 or 8 inches in length, one and a quarter\ninches in width by a quarter in thickness. One extremity, that through\nwhich the cord passes, is rounded to rudely represent a human head,\nand the whole bears a close resemblance to the drawings of schoolboys\nwhich are intended for the human figure. The Apache explained that the\nlines on the front side of the rhombus were the entrails and those on\nthe rear side the hair of their wind god. The hair is of several\ncolors, and represents the lightning. I did not ascertain positively\nthat such was the case, but was led to believe that the rhombus of the\nApache was made by the medicine-men from wood, generally pine or fir,\nwhich had been struck by lightning on the mountain tops. Such wood is\nheld in the highest estimation among them, and is used for the\nmanufacture of amulets of especial efficacy. The Apache name for the\nrhombus is tzi-ditindi, the \"sounding wood.\" The identification of the\nrhombus or \"bull roarer\" of the ancient Greeks with that used by the\nTusayan in their snake dance was first made by E. B. Tylor in the\nSaturday Review in a criticism upon \"The Snake Dance of the Moquis of\nArizona.\"\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 431.--Rhombus of the Apache.]\n\nThe Kaffirs have the rhombus among their playthings:\n\n The nodiwu is a piece of wood about 6 or 8 inches long, and\n an inch and a half or 2 inches wide, and an eighth or a\n quarter of an inch thick in the middle. Towards the edges it\n is beveled off, so that the surface is convex, or consists of\n two inclined planes. At one end it has a thong attached to it\n by which it is whirled rapidly round. * * * There is a kind\n of superstition connected with the nodiwu, that playing with\n it invites a gale of wind. Men will, on this account, often\n prevent boys from using it when they desire calm weather for\n any purpose. This superstition is identical with that which\n prevents many sailors from whistling at sea.[122]\n\nOf the Peruvians we are informed that \"their belief was that there was\na man in the sky with a sling and a stick, and that in his power were\nthe rain, the hail, the thunder, and all else that appertains to the\nregions of the air, where clouds are formed.\"[123]\n\nThe sacred twirler of the snake dance is found in Greece, America,\nAfrica and New Zealand. It survives as a toy in England and the United\nStates.[124] The same peculiar instrument has been noticed in the\nreligious ceremonials of the Australians, especially in the initiatory\nrites of the \"bora.\" It is called the \"tirricoty.\"[125] The twirling\nof the tzi-ditindi in medicine or prayer corresponds to the revolution\nof the prayer wheel of the Lamas.\n\n\nTHE CROSS.\n\nThe sign of the cross appears in many places in Apache symbolism. The\ngeneral subject of the connection of the cross with the religion of\nthe aborigines of the American continent has been so fully traversed\nby previous authors that I do not care to add much more to the subject\nbeyond saying that my own observation has assured me that it is\nrelated to the cardinal points and the four winds, and is painted by\nwarriors upon their moccasins upon going into a strange district in\nthe hope of keeping them from getting on a wrong trail.\n\nIn October, 1884, I saw a procession of Apache men and women, led by\nthe medicine-men bearing two crosses, made as follows: The vertical\narm was 4 feet 10 inches long, and the transverse between 10 and 12\ninches, and each was made of slats about 1\u00bd inches wide, which looked\nas if they had been long in use. They were decorated with blue polka\ndots upon the unpainted surface. A blue snake meandered down the\nlonger arm. There was a circle of small willow twigs at top; next\nbelow that, a small zinc-cased mirror, a bell, and eagle feathers.\nNosey, the Apache whom I induced to bring it to me after the ceremony,\nsaid that they carried it in honor of Guzanutli to induce her to send\nrain, at that time much needed for their crops. It is quite likely\nthat this particular case represents a composite idea; that the\noriginal beliefs of the Apache have been modified to some extent by\nthe crude ideas of the Mexican captives among them, who still remember\nmuch that was taught them in the churches of the hamlets in northern\nMexico, from which they were kidnapped years ago; but, on the other\nhand, it is to be remembered that the cross has always formed a part\nof the Apache symbolism; that the snake does not belong to the\nChristian faith, and that it has never been allowed to appear upon the\ncross since the time of the Gnostics in the second and third\ncenturies. Therefore, we must regard that as a Pagan symbol, and so\nmust we regard the circle of willow twigs, which is exactly the same\nas the circle we have seen attached to the sacred cords for the cure\nof headache.[126]\n\nThe cross was found in full vogue as a religious emblem among the\naborigines all over America. Father Le Clercq[127] speaks of its very\ngeneral employment by the Gaspesians: \"Ils ont parmi eux, tout\ninfideles qu'ils soient, la Croix en singuliere veneration, qu'ils la\nportent figur\u00e9e sur leurs habits & sur leur chair; qu'ils la tiennent\n\u00e0 la main dans tous leurs vo\u00efages, soit par mer, soit par terre; &\nqu'enfin ils la posent au dehors & au dedans de leurs Cabannes, comme\nla marque d'honneur qui les distingue des autres Nations du Canada.\"\nHe narrates[128] that the Gasp\u00e9 tradition or myth was, that the whole\ntribe being ravaged by a plague, the medicine-men had recourse to the\nSun, who ordered them to make use of the cross in every extremity.\n\nHerrera relates that the followers of Hernandez de Cordoba found at\nCape Catoche \"unos Adoratorios ... i Cruces pintadas que les caus\u00f2\ngran admiracion.\"[129] He also says that Juan de Grijalva on the\nisland of Cozumel found a number of oratories and temples, but one in\nparticular was made in the form of a square tower, with four openings.\nInside this tower was a cross made of lime, which the natives\nreverenced as the god of the rain; \"una Cruz de Cal, de tres varas en\nalto, \u00e0 la qual tenian por el Dios de la lluvia.\"[130]\n\n\nNECKLACES OF HUMAN FINGERS.\n\nThe necklace of human fingers, an illustration of which accompanies\nthis text (Pl. IV), belonged to the foremost of the medicine-men of a\nbrave tribe--the Cheyenne of Montana and Wyoming. They were the\nbackbone of the hostility to the whites, and during the long and\narduous campaign conducted against them by the late Maj. Gen. George\nCrook, which terminated so successfully in the surrender of 4,500 of\nthe allied Sioux and Cheyenne, at Red Cloud and Spotted Tail agencies,\nin the early spring of 1877, it was a noted fact that wherever a band\nof the Cheyenne was to be found there the fighting was most\ndesperate. It is a matter now well established that the Cheyenne are\nan offshoot of the Algonquian family, speaking a dialect closely\nresembling that of the Cree, of British America.\n\n [Illustration: NECKLACE OF HUMAN FINGERS. Plate IV.]\n\nIt may interest some readers to listen to a few words descriptive of\nthe manner in which such a ghastly relic of savagery came into my\npossession. On the morning of the 25th of November, 1876, the cavalry\nand Indian scouts (Sioux, Shoshoni, Arapaho, Pawnee, and a few of the\nCheyenne themselves), of Gen. Crook's command, under the leadership of\nthe late Brig. Gen. Ranald S. Mackenzie, then colonel of the Fourth\nCavalry, surprised and destroyed the main village of the Cheyenne, on\nthe headwaters of the Powder River, in the Big Horn Mountains,\nWyoming. The onslaught was irresistible, the destruction complete, and\nthe discomfited savages were forced to flee from their beds, half\nnaked and with nothing save their arms and ammunition. More than half\nof the great herd of ponies belonging to the savages were killed,\ncaptured, or so badly wounded as to be of no use to the owners. The\ncold became so intense that on the night after the fight eleven\npapooses froze to death in their mothers' arms, and the succeeding\nnight, three others. This blow, the most grievous ever inflicted upon\nthe plains tribes, resulted in the surrender, first of the Cheyenne,\nand later on of the principal chief of the Sioux, the renowned Crazy\nHorse; after which the Sioux troubles were minimized into the hunt for\nscattered bands. Undoubtedly, among the bitterest losses of valuable\nproperty suffered by the Cheyenne on this occasion were the two\nnecklaces of human fingers which came into my possession, together\nwith the small buckskin bag filled with the right hands of papooses\nbelonging to the tribe of their deadly enemies, the Shoshoni. These\nwere found in the village by one of our scouts--Baptiste Pourrier,\nwho, with Mr. Frank Gruard, was holding an important and responsible\nposition in connection with the care of the great body of Indian\nscouts already spoken of. From these two gentlemen I afterwards\nobtained all the information that is here to be found regarding the\nCheyenne necklace.\n\nThe second necklace, consisting of four fingers, was buried, as Gen.\nCrook did not wish to have kept more than one specimen, and that only\nfor scientific purposes. Accordingly, the necklace here depicted was\nsent first to the U. S. Military Academy at West Point, New York, and\nlater to the National Museum in Washington, where it was believed it\ncould better fulfill its mission of educating students in a knowledge\nof the manners and customs of our aborigines.\n\nThe buckskin bag, with the papooses' hands, was claimed by the\nShoshoni scouts, who danced and wailed all night, and then burned the\nfearful evidence of the loss sustained by their people.\n\nThe necklace is made of a round collar of buckskin, incrusted with the\nsmall blue and white beads purchased from the traders, these being\narranged in alternate spaces of an inch or more in length. There are\nalso attached numbers of the perforated wampum shell beads of native\nmanufacture. Pendant from this collar are five medicine arrows, the\nexact nature of which, it was, of course, impossible to determine from\nthe owner himself. Both Frank and Baptiste agreed that an arrow might\nbecome \"medicine\" either from having been shot into the person of the\nowner himself or into the body of an enemy, or even from having been\npicked up under peculiar circumstances. The owner, High Wolf or Tall\nWolf, admitted as much after he had surrendered at the Red Cloud\nAgency and had made every effort to obtain the return of his medicine,\nwhich was this necklace.\n\nThe four medicine bags to be seen in the picture are worthy of\nattention. They were carefully examined under a powerful glass by Dr.\nH. C. Yarrow, U. S. Army, in the city of Washington, and pronounced to\nbe human scrota. The first of these contained a vegetable powder,\nsomewhat decomposed, having a resemblance to hoddentin; the second was\nfilled with killikinnick; the third with small garnet-colored seeds\nlike the chia in use among the Apache, and the fourth with a yellow,\nclayey-white vegetable matter not identified. The fifth, also,\nremained unidentified.\n\nBesides the above, there are artificial teeth, resembling those of the\nfossil animals abundant in the Bad Lands of South Dakota, but cut out\nof soft stone.\n\nThe fingers--eight altogether--are the left-hand middle fingers of\nIndians of hostile tribes, killed by High Wolf. I obtained the list\nand could insert it here were it worthwhile to do so. The fingers have\nnot been left in the natural state, but have been subjected to very\ncareful and elaborate antiseptic treatment in order thoroughly to\ndesiccate them. They were split longitudinally on the inner side and\nafter the bone had been extracted the surface of the skin, both inside\nand out, received a treatment with a wash or paint of ocherous earth,\nthe same as is used for the face. I was told that the bones were not\nreplaced but that sticks were inserted to maintain the fingers in\nproper shape.\n\nOf the reason for making use of such a trophy or relic, there is not\nmuch to be said; even the savages know little and say less. From the\nbest information that I have been able to gather, it would seem to be\nbased partly upon a vainglorious desire to display the proofs of\npersonal prowess, and partly upon the vague and ill defined, but\ndeeply rooted, belief in the talismanic or \"medicinal\" potency\npossessed by all parts of the human body, especially after death. It\nwas such a belief which impelled the Mandan, Aztecs, and others of the\nAmerican tribes to preserve the skulls of their dead as well as (among\nthe Aztecs) those of the victims sacrificed in honor of their gods. As\nhas been shown in another place, the Zu\u00f1i and others take care to\noffer food at stated periods to the scalps of their enemies.\n\nThe use of necklaces of human fingers or of human teeth is to be found\nin many parts of the world, and besides the fingers themselves, we\nfind the whole arm, or in other cases only the nails. The Cheyenne did\nnot always restrict themselves to fingers; they generally made use of\nthe whole hand, or the arm of the slaughtered enemy. In a colored\npicture drawn and painted by one of themselves I have a representation\nof a scalp dance, in which the squaws may be seen dressed in their\nbest, carrying the arms of enemies elevated on high poles and lances.\nThere is no doubt in my mind that this custom of the Cheyenne of\ncutting off the arm or hand gave rise to their name in the sign\nlanguage of the \"Slashers,\" or \"Wrist Cutters,\" much as the\ncorresponding tribal peculiarity of the Dakota occasioned their name\nof the \"Coupe Gorge\" or \"Throat Cutters.\"\n\nThe necklace of human fingers is found among other tribes. A necklace\nof four human fingers was seen by the members of the Lewis and Clarke\nexpedition among the Shoshoni at the headwaters of the Columbia, in\nthe early years of the present century. Early in the spring of 1858\nHenry Youle Hind refers to the allies of the Ojibwa on Red River as\nhaving \"two fingers severed from the hands of the unfortunate\nSioux.\"[131] In Eastman's \"Legends of the Sioux,\" we read of\n\"Harpsthinah, one of the Sioux women, who wore as long as she could\nendure it, a necklace made of the hands and feet of Chippewah\nchildren.\"[132] We read that in New Zealand, \"Several rows of human\nteeth, drawn on a thread, hung on their breasts.\"[133] Capt. Cook\nspeaks of seeing fifteen human jaw bones attached to a semicircular\nboard at the end of a long house on the island of Tahiti. \"They\nappeared to be fresh, and there was not one of them that wanted a\nsingle tooth;\"[134] and also, \"the model of a canoe, about three feet\nlong, to which were tied eight human jaw bones; we had already learnt\nthat these were trophies of war.\"[135] Capt. Byron, R. N., saw in the\nSociety Islands, in 1765, a chief who \"had a string of human teeth\nabout his waist, which was probably a trophy of his military\nprowess.\"[136]\n\n\"The wild Andamanese, who live only on the fruits of their forests and\non fish, so far revere their progenitors that they adorn their women\nand children with necklaces and such like, formed out of the finger\nand toe-nails of their ancestors.\"[137]\n\nBancroft says[138] that the Californians did not generally scalp, but\nthey did cut off and keep the arms and legs of a slain enemy or,\nrather, the hands and feet and head. They also had the habit of\nplucking out and preserving the eyes.\n\nKohl assures us that he has been informed that the Ojibwa will\nfrequently cut fingers, arms, and limbs from their enemies and\npreserve these ghastly relics for use in their dances. Sometimes the\nwarriors will become so excited that they will break off and swallow a\nfinger.[139]\n\nTanner says of the Ojibwa: \"Sometimes they use sacks of human skin to\ncontain their medicines, and they fancy that something is thus added\nto their efficacy.\"[140]\n\nOf the savages of Virginia we read: \"Mais d'autres portent pour plus\nglorieuse parure une main seiche de quelqu'un de leurs ennemis.\"[141]\n\nOf the Algonkin we read: \"Il y en a qui ont une partie du bras et la\nmain de quelque Hiroquois qu'ils ont tu\u00e9; cela est si bien vuid\u00e9e que\nles ongles restent toutes entieres.\"[142]\n\nThe Mohawk \"place their foe against a tree or stake and first tear all\nthe nails from his fingers and run them on a string, which they wear\nthe same as we do gold chains. It is considered to the honor of any\nchief who has vanquished or overcome his enemies if he bite off or cut\noff some of their members, as whole fingers.\"[143]\n\nThe Cenis (Asinai) of Texas, were seen by La Salle's expedition in\n1687-1690, torturing a captive squaw. \"They then tore out her hair,\nand cut off her fingers.\"[144]\n\nIn volume 2 of Kingsborough's Mexican Antiquities, in the plates of\nthe Vatican manuscript, is to be seen a representation of an Aztec\npriest or other dignitary holding out in his hands two human arms. In\nplate 76 of the same is a priest offering up a human sacrifice, the\nvirile member of the victim cut off.\n\nTeoyamaqui, the wife of Huitzlipochtli, the Aztec god of war, was\ndepicted with a necklace of human hands.[145] Squier also says that\nDarga or Kali, the Hindu goddess, who corresponds very closely to her,\nwas represented with \"a necklace of skulls\" and \"a girdle of\ndissevered human hands.\"\n\nThe Hindu goddess Kali was decorated with a necklace of human\nskulls.[146] In the Propaganda collection, given in Kingsborough,[147]\nare to be seen human arms and legs.\n\n\"On the death of any of the great officers of state, the finger bones\nand hair are also preserved; or if they have died shaven, as sometimes\noccurs, a bit of their mb\u016dg\u016d dress will be preserved in place of the\nhair.\"[148] \"Their families guard their tombs.\"[149]\n\nThe principal war fetiches of Uganda \"consist of dead lizards, bits\nof wood, hide, nails of dead people, claws of animals, and beaks of\nbirds.\" Stanley saw them displayed before King Mtesa.[150]\n\n\"Some of the women in Gippsland wear round the neck human hands,\nwhich, Mr. Hull says, were beautifully prepared. He moreover informs\nme that they sometimes wear the parts of which the 'Lingam' and\n'Priapus' were the emblems.\"[151] \"The Gippsland people keep the\nrelics of the departed. They will cut off the hands to keep as a\nremembrance, and these they will attach to the string that is tied\nround the neck.\"[152]\n\nSmyth also relates that the women of some of the Australian tribes\npreserve \"the hands of some defunct member of the tribe--that of some\nfriend of the woman's, or perhaps one belonging to a former husband.\nThis she keeps as the only remembrance of one she once loved; and,\nthough years may have passed, even now, when she has nothing else to\ndo, she will sit and moan over this relic of humanity. Sometimes a\nmother will carry about with her the remains of a beloved child, whose\ndeath she mourns.\"[153] The Australians also use the skulls of their\n\"nearest and dearest relatives\" for drinking vessels; thus, a daughter\nwould use her mother's skull, etc.[154]\n\n\"One of the most extraordinary of their laws is that a widow, for\nevery husband she marries after the first, is obliged to cut off a\njoint of a finger, which she presents to her husband on the wedding\nday, beginning at one of the little fingers.\"[155]\n\nIn the Army and Navy Journal, New York, June 23, 1888, is mentioned a\nbattle between the Crow of Montana and the Piegan, in which the former\nobtained some of the hands and feet of dead warriors of the\nfirst-named tribe and used them in their dances.\n\nCatlin shows that the young Sioux warriors, after going through the\nordeal of the sun dance, placed the little finger of the left hand on\nthe skull of a sacred buffalo and had it chopped off.[156]\n\n\"The sacrifices [of American Indians] at the fasts at puberty\nsometimes consist of finger joints.\"[157]\n\nIn Dodge's Wild Indians is represented (Pl. vi, 13) a Cheyenne\nnecklace of the bones of the first joint of the human fingers,\nstripped of skin and flesh. I have never seen or heard of anything of\nthe kind, although I have served with the Cheyenne a great deal and\nhave spoken about their customs. My necklace is of human fingers\nmummified, not of bones.\n\nFanny Kelly says of a Sioux chief: \"He showed me a puzzle or game he\nhad made from the finger bones of some of the victims that had fallen\nbeneath his own tomahawk. The bones had been freed from the flesh by\nboiling, and, being placed upon a string, were used for playing some\nkind of Indian game.\"[158]\n\nStrabo recounts in his third book that the Lusitanians sacrificed\nprisoners and cut off their right hands to consecrate them to their\ngods.\n\nDulaure says that the Germans attached the heads and the right hands\nof their human victims to sacred trees.[159]\n\nAdoni-bezek cut off the thumbs and great toes of seventy kings of\nSyria.[160]\n\nThe necklace of human fingers is not a particle more horrible than the\nornaments of human bones to be seen in the cemetery of the Capuchins\nin Rome at the present day. I have personally known of two or three\ncases where American Indians cut their enemies limb from limb. The\nidea upon which the practice is based seems to be the analogue of the\nold English custom of sentencing a criminal to be \"hanged, drawn, and\nquartered.\"\n\nBrand gives a detailed description of the \"hand of glory,\" the\npossession of which was believed by the peasantry of Great Britain and\nFrance to enable a man to enter a house invisible to the occupants. It\nwas made of the hand of an executed (hanged) murderer, carefully\ndesiccated and prepared with a great amount of superstitious mummery.\nWith this holding a candle of \"the fat of a hanged man\" burglars felt\nperfectly secure while engaged in their predatory work.[161] The\nbelief was that a candle placed in a dead man's hand will not be seen\nby any but those by whom it is used. Such a candle introduced into a\nhouse kept those who were asleep from awakening.\n\nThe superstition in regard to the \"hand of glory\" was widely diffused\nthroughout France, Germany, Spain, and Great Britain. As late as the\nyear 1831 it was used by Irish burglars in the county Meath.\n\nDr. Frank Baker delivered before the Anthropological Society of\nWashington, D. C., a lecture upon these superstitions as related to\nthe \"hand of glory,\" to which the student is respectfully\nreferred.[162]\n\nAn Aztec warrior always tried to procure the middle finger of the left\nhand of a woman who had died in childbirth. This he fastened to his\nshield as a talisman.[163] The great weapon of the Aztec witches was\nthe left arm of a woman who had died in her first childbirth.[164]\nPliny mentions \"still-born infants cut up limb by limb for the most\nabominable practices, not only by midwives, but by harlots even as\nwell!\"[165]\n\nThe opinions entertained in Pliny's time descended to that of the\nReformation--\n\n Finger of birth-strangled babe,\n Ditch-deliver'd by a drab.[166]\n\n\"Scrofula, imposthumes of the parotid glands, and throat diseases,\nthey say, may be cured by the contact of the hand of a person who has\nbeen carried off by an early death;\" but, he goes on to say, any dead\nhand will do, \"provided it is of the same sex as the patient and that\nthe part affected is touched with the back of the left hand.\"[167] A\nfootnote adds that this superstition still prevails in England in\nregard to the hand of a man who has been hanged.\n\nThe use of dead men's toes, fingers, spinal vertebr\u00e6, etc., in magical\nceremonies, especially the fabrication of magical lamps and candles,\nis referred to by Frommann.[168]\n\nGrimm is authority for the statement that in both France and Germany\nthe belief was prevalent that the fingers of an unborn babe were\n\"available for magic.\"[169]\n\nIn England witches were believed to \"open graves for the purpose of\ntaking out the joints of the fingers and toes of dead bodies ... in\norder to prepare a powder for their magical purposes.\"[170]\n\n\"Saint Athanase dit m\u00eame, que ces parties du corps humain [i.e.,\nhands, feet, toes, fingers, etc.] \u00e9toient ador\u00e9es comme des dieux\nparticuliers.\"[171]\n\nAccording to the sacred lore of the Brahmans \"the Tirtha sacred to the\nGods lies at the root of the little finger, that sacred to the Rishis\nin the middle of the fingers, that sacred to Men at the tips of the\nfingers, that sacred to Agni (fire) in the middle of the hand.\"[172]\n\nIn the Island of Ceylon \"debauchees and desperate people often play\naway the ends of their fingers.\"[173]\n\nHone shows that \"every joint of each finger was appropriated to some\nsaint.\"[174]\n\n\nNECKLACES OF HUMAN TEETH.\n\nA number of examples are to be found of the employment of necklaces of\nhuman teeth. In my own experience I have never come across any\nspecimens, and my belief is that among the Indians south of the\nIsthmus such things are to be found almost exclusively. I have found\nno reference to such ornamentation or \"medicine\" among the tribes of\nNorth America, but there are many to show the very general\ndissemination of the custom in Africa and in the islands of the South\nSea. Gomara says that the Indians of Santa Marta wore at their necks,\nlike dentists, the teeth of the enemies they had killed in\nbattle.[175] Many of the Carib, we are told by a Spanish writer,\nostentatiously wear necklaces made of strings of the teeth of the\nenemies whom they have slain.[176] Padre Fray Alonzo Fernandez says of\nthe Carib: \"Traen los dientes con los cabellos de los que mataron por\ncollares, como hazian antiguamente los Scitas.\"[177] The people of New\nGranada \"traen al cuello dientes de los que matavan.\"[178] Picart says\nthat the natives of New Granada and Cumana \"portent au col les dents\ndes ennemis qu'ils ont massacrez.\"[179] The Spaniards found in the\ntemple of the Itzaes, on the island of Peten, an idol made of \"yesso,\"\nwhich is plaster, and in the head, which was shaped like the sun, were\nimbedded the teeth of the Castilians whom they had captured and\nkilled.[180]\n\n\"They strung together the teeth of such of their enemies as they had\nslain in battle and wore them on their legs and arms as trophies of\nsuccessful cruelty.\"[181]\n\nStanley says, referring to the natives of the Lower Congo country:\n\"Their necklaces consisted of human, gorilla, and crocodile teeth, in\nsuch quantity, in many cases, that little or nothing could be seen of\nthe neck.\"[182]\n\n\"The necklaces of human teeth which they [Urangi and Rubunga, of the\nLower Congo] wore.\"[183] Again, \"human teeth were popular ornaments\nfor the neck.\"[184] When a king dies they [the Wah\u016dma, of the head of\nthe Nile] cut out his lower jaw and preserve it covered with\nbeads.[185]\n\nSchweinfurth[186] speaks of having seen piles of \"lower jawbones from\nwhich the teeth had been extracted to serve as ornaments for the neck\"\nby the Monbuttoo of Africa. \"A slaughtered foe was devoured from\nactual bloodthirstiness and hatred by the Niam-Niams of Central\nAfrica.... They make no secret of their savage craving, but\nostentatiously string the teeth of their victims round their necks,\nadorning the stakes erected beside their dwellings for the habitation\nof the trophies with the skulls of the men they have devoured. Human\nfat is universally sold.\"[187]\n\nThe four front teeth were extracted by the men and women of the\nLatooka and other tribes of the White Nile, but no explanation is\ngiven of the custom.[188]\n\nIn Dahomey, strings of human teeth are worn.[189]\n\nFreycinet saw in Timor, Straits of Malacca, \"a score of human\njawbones, which we wished to purchase; but all our offers were met by\nthe word 'pamali,' meaning sacred.\"[190]\n\nIn one of the \"morais\" or temples entered by Kotzebue in 1818, on the\nSandwich Islands, there were two great and ugly idols, one\nrepresenting a man, the other a woman. \"The priests made me notice\nthat both statues, which had their mouths wide open, were furnished\nwith a row of human teeth.\"[191]\n\nThe Sandwich Islanders kept the jaw bones of their enemies as\ntrophies.[192] King Tamaahmaah had a \"spitbox which was set round with\nhuman teeth, and had belonged to several of his predecessors.\"[193]\n\nAmong some of the Australian tribes the women wear about their necks\nthe teeth which have been knocked out of the mouths of the boys at a\ncertain age.[194] This custom of the Australians does not obtain among\nthe North American tribes, by whom the teeth, as they fall out, are\ncarefully hidden or buried under some tree or rock. At least, I have\nbeen so informed by several persons, among others by Chato, one of the\nprincipal men of the Chiricahua Apache.\n\nMolina speaks of the customs of the Araucanians, who, after torturing\ntheir captives to death, made war flutes out of their bones and used\nthe skulls for drinking vessels.[195] The Abipones of Paraguay make\nthe bones of their enemies into musical instruments.[196]\n\nThe preceding practice is strictly in line with the \"medicinal\" and\n\"magical\" values attached in Europe to human teeth, human skin, etc.\nThe curious reader may find much on this subject in the works of\nFrommann, Beckherius, Etm\u00fcller, Samuel Augustus Flemming, and others\nof the seventeenth century, where it will be shown that the ideas of\nthe people of Europe of that period were only in name superior to\nthose of the savages of America, the islands of the South Seas, and of\nCentral Africa. In my work upon \"The Scatalogic Rites of all Nations\"\nI have treated this matter more in extenso, but what is here adduced\nwill be sufficient for the present article.\n\nThe skin of Ziska, the Bohemian reformer, was made into a \"medicine\ndrum\" by his followers.\n\n\nTHE SCRATCH STICK.\n\nWhen Gen. Crook's expedition against the Chiricahua Apache reached the\nheart of the Sierra Madre, Mexico, in 1883, it was my good fortune to\nfind on the ground in Geronimo's rancheria two insignificant looking\narticles of personal equipment, to which I learned the Apache attached\nthe greatest importance. One of these was a very small piece of hard\nwood, cedar, or pine, about two and a half to three inches long and\nhalf a finger in thickness, and the other a small section of the cane\nindigenous to the Southwest and of about the same dimensions. The\nfirst was the scratch stick and the second the drinking reed.\n\nThe rule enjoined among the Apache is that for the first four times\none of their young men goes out on the warpath he must refrain from\nscratching his head with his fingers or letting water touch his lips.\nHow to keep this vow and at the same time avoid unnecessary personal\ndiscomfort and suffering is the story told by these petty fragments\nfrom the Apache's ritual. He does not scratch his head with his\nfingers; he makes use of this scratch stick. He will not let water\ntouch his lips, but sucks it into his throat through this tiny tube. A\nlong leather cord attached both stick and reed to the warrior's belt\nand to each other. This was all the information I was able to obtain\nof a definite character. Whether these things had to be prepared by\nthe medicine-men or by the young warrior himself; with what\nceremonial, if any, they had to be manufactured, and under what\ncircumstances of time and place, I was unable to ascertain to my own\nsatisfaction, and therefore will not extend my remarks or burden the\nstudent's patience with incoherent statements from sources not\nabsolutely reliable. That the use of the scratch stick and the\ndrinking reed was once very general in America and elsewhere, and that\nit was not altogether dissociated from ritualistic or ceremonial\nideas, may be gathered from the citations appended.\n\nIn her chapter entitled \"Preparatory ceremony of the young warrior\"\nMrs. Emerson says: \"He does not touch his ears or head with his hand,\"\nexplaining in a footnote, \"the head was sometimes made a sacrificial\noffering to the sun.\"[197] Tanner relates that the young Ojibwa\nwarrior for the \"three first times\" that he accompanies a war party\n\"must never scratch his head or any other part of his body with his\nfingers, but if he is compelled to scratch he must use a small\nstick.\"[198] Kohl states that the Ojibwa, while on the warpath, \"will\nnever sit down in the shade of a tree or scratch their heads; at\nleast, not with their fingers. The warriors, however, are permitted to\nscratch themselves with a piece of wood or a comb.\"[199] Mackenzie\nstates regarding the Indians whom he met on the Columbia, in 52\u00b0\n38\u2032, N. lat., \"instead of a comb they [the men] have a small stick\nhanging by a string from one of the locks [of hair], which they employ\nto alleviate any itching or irritation in the head.\"[200]\n\nThe Tlinkit of British North America use these scratchers made of\nbasalt or other stone.\n\n\"The pipe-stem carrier (i.e., the carrier of the sacred or 'medicine'\npipe) of the Crees, of British North America, dares not scratch his\nown head, without compromising his own dignity, without the\nintervention of a stick, which he always carries for that\npurpose.\"[201]\n\nBancroft[202] quotes Walker as saying that \"a Pima never touches his\nskin with his nails, but always with a small stick for that purpose,\nwhich he renews every fourth day and wears in his hair.\"\n\nAs part of the ceremony of \"initiating youth into manhood\" among the\nCreeks, the young neophyte \"during the twelve moons ... is also\nforbidden to pick his ears or scratch his head with his fingers, but\nmust use a small splinter to perform these operations.\"[203] The\nApache-Yuma men carry in their hair \"a slender stick or bone about 8\ninches long, which serves them as a comb.\"[204]\n\nThe idea that these scratch sticks replace combs is an erroneous one;\nIndians make combs in a peculiar way of separate pieces of wood, and\nthey are also very fond of brushing their long locks with the coarse\nbrushes, which they make of sacaton or other grass.\n\n\"One other regulation, mentioned by Schomburgk, is certainly quaint;\nthe interesting father may not scratch himself with his finger nails,\nbut may use for this purpose a splinter, especially provided, from the\nmid-rib of a cokerite palm.\"[205]\n\nWhen a Greenlander is about to enter into conversation with the\nspirits \"no one must stir, not so much as to scratch his head.\"[206]\n\nIn the New Hebrides most of the natives \"wear a thin stick or reed,\nabout 9 inches long, in their hair, with which they occasionally\ndisturb the vermin that abound in their heads.\"[207]\n\nAlarcon, describing the tribes met on the Rio Colorado, in 1541, says:\n\"They weare certaine pieces of Deeres bones fastened to their armes,\nwherewith they strike off the sweate.\"[208]\n\nIn German folk-lore there are many references to the practice in which\nthe giants indulged frequently in scratching themselves, sometimes as\na signal to each other. Just what significance to attach to these\nstories I can not presume to say, as Grimm merely relates the fact\nwithout comment.[209]\n\nOf the Abyssinians, Bruce says: \"Their hair is short and curled like\nthat of a negro's in the west part of Africa, but this is done by art\nnot by nature, each man having a wooden stick with which he lays hold\nof the lock and twists it round like a screw till it curls in the form\nhe desires.\"[210] In a footnote, he adds: \"I apprehend this is the\nsame instrument used by the ancients, and censured by the prophets,\nwhich in our translation is rendered crisping-pins.\"\n\nPossibly the constant use of the scratch stick in countries without\nwood suggested that it should be carried in the hair, and hence it\nwould originate the fashion of wearing the hair crimped round it, and\nafter a while it would itself be used as a crimping-pin.\n\nThus far, the suggestion of a religious or ceremonial idea attaching\nto the custom of scratching has not been apparent, unless we bear in\nmind that the warrior setting out on the warpath never neglects to\nsurround himself with all the safeguards which the most potent\nincantations and \"medicine\" of every kind can supply. But Herbert\nSpencer tells us in two places that the Creeks attach the idea of a\nceremonial observance to the custom. He says that \"the warriors have a\nceremony of scratching each other as a sign of friendship;\"[211] and\nagain, \"scratching is practiced among young warriors as a ceremony or\ntoken of friendship. When they have exchanged promises of inviolable\nattachment, they proceed to scratch each other before they part.\"[212]\n\nDr. J. Hampden Porter remarks that this ceremonial scratching may be a\n\"survival\" of the blood covenant, and that in earlier times the young\nwarriors, instead of merely scratching each other's arms, may have cut\nthe flesh and exchanged the blood. The idea seems to be a very\nsensible one.\n\nFather Alegre describes a ceremonial scratching which may have been\nsuperseded by the scratch stick, to which the medicine-men of certain\ntribes subjected the young men before they set out on the warpath.\nAmong the Pima and Opata the medicine-men drew from their quivers the\nclaws of eagles, and with these gashed the young man along the arms\nfrom the shoulders to the wrists.[213]\n\nThis last paragraph suggests so strongly certain of the practices at\nthe sun dance of the tribes farther to the north that it may be well\nto compare it with the other allusions in this paper to that dance.\n\nIt will be noticed that the use of the scratch-stick, at least among\nthe tribes of America, seems to be confined to the male sex; but the\ninformation is supplied by Mr. Henshaw, of the Bureau of Ethnology,\nthat the Indians of Santa Barbara, Cal., made their maidens at the\ntime of attaining womanhood wear pendant from the neck a scratcher of\nabalone shell, which they had to use for an indefinite period when the\nscalp became irritable.\n\nProf. Otis T. Mason, of the National Museum, informs me that there is\na superstition in Virginia to the effect that a young woman enciente\nfor the first time must, under no circumstances, scratch her head with\nher fingers, at least while uncovered; she must either put on gloves\nor use a small stick.\n\nThe Parsi have a festival at which they serve a peculiar cake or bread\ncalled \"draona,\" which is marked by scratches from the finger nails of\nthe woman who has baked it.[214]\n\nNo stress has been laid upon the appearance in all parts of the world\nof \"back scratchers\" or \"scratch my backs,\" made of ivory, bone, or\nwood, and which were used for toilet purposes to remove irritation\nfrom between the shoulder blades or along the spine where the hand\nitself could not reach. They are to the present day in use among the\nChinese and Japanese, were once to be found among the Romans and other\nnations of Europe, and instances of their occasional employment until\na very recent date might be supplied.\n\n\nTHE DRINKING REED.\n\nExactly what origin to ascribe to the drinking reed is now an\nimpossibility, neither is it probable that the explanations which the\nmedicine-men might choose to make would have the slightest value in\ndispelling the gloom which surrounds the subject. That the earliest\nconditions of the Apache tribe found them without many of the comforts\nwhich have for generations been necessaries, and obliged to resort to\nall sorts of expedients in cooking, carrying, or serving their food is\nthe most plausible presumption, but it is submitted merely as a\npresumption and in no sense as a fact. It can readily be shown that in\na not very remote past the Apache and other tribes were compelled to\nuse bladders and reeds for carrying water, or for conveying water,\nbroth, and other liquid food to the lips. The conservative nature of\nman in all that involves his religion would supply whatever might be\nneeded to make the use of such reeds obligatory in ceremonial\nobservances wherein there might be the slightest suggestion of\nreligious impulse. We can readily imagine that among a people not well\nprovided with forks and spoons, which are known to have been of a much\nlater introduction than knives, there would be a very decided danger\nof burning the lips with broth, or of taking into the mouth much\nearthy and vegetable matter or ice from springs and streams at which\nmen or women might wish to drink, so the use of the drinking reed\nwould obviate no small amount of danger and discomfort.\n\nWater was carried in reeds by the Dyaks of Borneo, according to\nBock.[215] The manner in which the natives of the New Hebrides and\nother islands of the South Pacific Ocean carry water in bamboo joints\nrecalls the Zu\u00f1i method of preserving the sacred water of the ocean in\nhollow reeds.[216]\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 432.--The scratch stick and drinking reed.]\n\nMr. F. H. Cushing shows that \"so far as language indicates the\ncharacter of the earliest water vessels which to any extent met the\nrequirements of the Zu\u00f1i ancestry, they were tubes of wood or sections\nof canes.\"[217] Long after these reeds had disappeared from common\nuse, the priests still persisted in their use for carrying the water\nfor the sacred ceremonies. The mother of the king of Uganda gave to\nSpeke \"a beautifully-worked pomb\u00e9 sucking-pipe.\"[218] For ordinary\npurposes these people have \"drinking gourds.\" In Ujiji, Cameron saw an\nold chief sucking pomb\u00e9, the native beer, through a reed;[219] and,\nlater on in his narrative, we learn that the reed is generally used\nfor the purposes of drinking. \"The Malabars reckoned it insolent to\ntouch the vessel with their lips when drinking.\"[220] They made use of\nvessels with a spout, which were no more and no less than the small\nhollow-handled soup ladles of the Zu\u00f1i and Tusayan, through which they\nsipped their hot broth.\n\nIn an ancient grave excavated not far from Salem, Massachusetts, in\n1873, were found five skeletons, one of which was supposed to be that\nof the chief Nanephasemet, who was killed in 1605 or 1606. He was the\nking of Namkeak. On the breast of this skeleton were discovered\n\"several small copper tubes ... from 4 to 8 inches in length, and from\none-eighth to one-fourth of an inch in diameter, made of copper rolled\nup, with the edges lapped.\"[221]\n\nAlarcon relates that the tribes seen on the Rio Colorado by him in\n1541, wore on one arm \"certain small pipes of cane.\" But the object or\npurpose of wearing these is not indicated.[222]\n\nThe natives of the Friendly Islands carried in their ears little\ncylinders of reed, although we learn that these were \"filled with a\nred solid substance.\"[223] Among the Narrinyeri of Australia, when\nyoung men are to be initiated into the rank of warriors, during the\nceremonies \"they are allowed to drink water, but only by sucking it up\nthrough a reed.\"[224] Admiral von Wrangel says of the Tchuktchi of\nSiberia: \"They suck their broth through a small tube of reindeer\nbone,\" which \"each individual carries about with him.\"[225] Padre\nSahagun says that the human victim whom the Aztecs offered up in\nsacrifice was not allowed to touch water with his lips, but had to\n\"suck it through a reed.\"[226]\n\n\"The Mexicans had a forty-days' fast in memory of one of their sacred\npersons who was tempted _forty_ days on a mountain. He drinks through\na reed. He is called the Morning Star.\"[227] The Mexicans, according\nto Fray Diego Duran, placed before the statues of their dead bowls of\n\"vino,\" with \"rosas,\" tobacco (this seems to be the proper translation\nof the word \"humazos,\" smokes), and a reed called the \"drinker of the\nsun,\" through which the spirit could imbibe.[228]\n\n\"The suction pipes of steatite,\" mentioned by Schoolcraft, as found in\nthe mounds, may have been the equivalents of our drinking reeds, and\nmade of steatite to be the more readily preserved in the ritual of\nwhich they formed part.\n\nCopper cylinders 1\u00bc inches long and \u215c of an inch in diameter were\nfound in the mounds of the Mississippi Valley by Squier and Davis. The\nconjecture that they had been used \"for ornaments\" does not seem\nwarranted.[229]\n\nWe should not forget that there was a semideification of the reed\nitself by the Aztec in their assignment of it to a place in their\ncalendar under the name of \"acatl.\"[230]\n\nMrs. Ellen Russell Emerson speaks of the custom the warriors of the\nnorthern tribes had which suggests that she had heard of the drinking\nreed without exactly understanding what it meant. She says that\nwarriors carry bowls of birch bark \"from one side of which the warrior\ndrinks in going to battle--from the other, on his return. These bowls\nare not carried home, but left on the prairie, or suspended from trees\nwithin a day's journey of his village.\"[231]\n\nAmong the Brahmans practices based upon somewhat similar ideas are to\nbe found: every morning, upon rising, \"ils prennent trois fois de\nl'eau dans la main, & en jettent trois fois dans leur bouche, \u00e9vitant\nd'y toucher avec la main.\"[232]\n\nThe fundamental reason upon which the use of the drinking reed is based\nis that the warrior or devotee shall not let water touch his lips. It\nis strange to find among the regulations with regard to taking water by\nthe warrior caste: \"He shall not sip water while walking, standing,\nlying down, or bending forward.\"[233]\n\nThe Dharma-s\u00fbtra, traditionally connected with the Rishi-Vasishtha, of\nthe Seventh Mandala of the Rig-Veda, is a relic of a Vedic school of\nthe highest antiquity. Its seat was in the present northwestern\nprovinces of India, and, like the Dharmas\u00e2stra of Gautama, it is the\nsole surviving record from this source.[234]\n\nThere was another service performed by reeds or tubes in the domestic\neconomy of nations around the north pole. As the Apache are derived\nfrom an Arctic ancestry it does not seem amiss to allude to it. Lord\nLonsdale, in describing the capture of a whale which he witnessed,\nsays that the Eskimo women \"first of all gathered up the harpoons and\nthen pulled out all the spears. As each spear was withdrawn a\nblow-pipe was pushed into the wound and the men blew into it, after\nwhich the opening was tied up. When every wound had been treated in\nthis manner the whale resembled a great windbag and floated high in\nthe water.\"\n\nIn the National Museum at Washington, D. C., there are many pipes made\nof the bones of birds, which were used by the Inuit as drinking tubes\nwhen water had to be taken into the mouth from holes cut in the ice.\nThese drinking tubes seem to be directly related to our subject,\nalthough they may also have been used as Lonsdale describes the pipes\nfor blowing the dead whale full of air. Another point to be mentioned\nis that the eagle pipe kept in the mouth of the young warrior\nundergoing the torture of the sun dance among the Sioux and other\ntribes on the plains is apparently connected with the \"bebedero del\nSol\" of the peoples to the south.[235]\n\nThe use of this drinking reed, shown to have been once so intimately\nassociated with human sacrifice, may have disappeared upon the\nintroduction of labrets, which seem, in certain cases at least, to be\nassociated with the memory of enemies killed in battle, which would be\nonly another form of human sacrifice. This suggestion is advanced with\nsome misgivings, and only as a hypothesis to assist in determining for\nwhat purpose labrets and drinking tubes have been employed. The Apache\nhave discontinued the use of the labret, which still is to be found\namong their congeners along the Lower Yukon, but not among those\nliving along the lower river.[236] According to Dall the custom was\nprobably adopted from the Inuit; he also shows that whenever labrets\nare worn in a tribe they are worn by both sexes, and that the women\nassume them at the first appearance of the catamenia.\n\n\"This is to be noted, that how many men these Savages [Brazilians]\ndoe kill, so many holes they will have in their visage, beginning\nfirst in their nether lippe, then in their cheekes, thirdly, in both\ntheir eye-browes, and lastly in their eares.\"[237]\n\nCabeza de Vaca speaks of the Indians near Malhado Island, \"They\nlikewise have the nether lippe bored, and within the same they carrie\na piece of thin Cane about halfe a finger thicke.\"[238] Herrera\nrelates very nearly the same of the men of \"Florida\": \"Tra\u00ecan una\ntetilla oradada, metido por el agujero un peda\u00e7o de Ca\u00f1a, i el labio\nbaxero tambien agujereado, con otra ca\u00f1a en \u00e8l.\"[239] But Herrera\nprobably obtained his data from the narrative of Vaca.\n\nIn looking into this matter of labrets as connected or suspected as\nbeing in some way connected with the drinking reed, we should not\nexpect to find the labret adhering very closely to the primitive form,\nbecause the labret, coming to be regarded more and more as an\nornament, would allow greater and greater play to the fancy of the\nwearer or manufacturer, much the same as the crosses now worn by\nladies, purely as matter of decoration, have become so thoroughly\nexamples of dexterity in filagree work as to have lost the original\nform and significance as a declaration of faith. But it is a subject\nof surprise to find that the earlier writers persistently allude to\nthe labrets in the lips of the Mexican deities, which probably were\nmost tenacious of primitive forms, as being shaped like little\nreeds--\"ca\u00f1utillos.\"\n\nHerrera says of Tescatlipoca: \"Que era el Dios de la Penitencia, i de\nlos Jubileos ... Tenia \u00c7arcillo de Oro, i Plata en el labio baxo, con\nun ca\u00f1utillo cristalino, de un geme de largo.\"[240] The high priest,\nhe says, was called topil\u00e7in, and in sacrificing human victims he wore\n\"debaxo del labio, junto al medio de la barba, una pie\u00e7a como\nca\u00f1utillo, de una piedra a\u00e7ul.\"[241]\n\nFather Acosta also speaks of the tube (canon) of crystal worn by\nTezcatlipoca in the lower lip: \"En la leure d'embas un petit canon de\ncrystal, de la longueur d'un xeme ou demy pied.\"[242]\n\nSpeaking of Quetzalcoatl Clavigero says: \"From the under lip hung a\ncrystal tube.\"[243] From Diego Duran's account of this \"bezote\" or\nlabret it must have been hollow, as he says it contained a feather:\n\"En el labio bajo tenia un bezote de un veril cristalino y en el\nestaba metida una pluma verde y otras veces azul.\"[244]\n\nIn the Popul Vuh is to be found a myth which gives an account of the\norigin of labrets. It relates that two night watchers over the flowers\nin the garden of Xibalba had in some manner proved derelict in duty,\nand had their lips split as a punishment.[245]\n\nIn Paraguay a tribe called the Chiriguanes, \"se percent la levre\ninf\u00e9rieure & ils y attachent un petit Cilindre d'\u00e9tain ou d'argent, ou\nde Resine transparente. Ce pr\u00e9tendu ornement s'appelle _Tembeta_.\"[246]\n\nFOOTNOTES:\n\n[1] Narrative of Captivity, Cincinnati, 1871, p. 141.\n\n[2] Padre Boscana, Chinigchinich, in Robinson's California, p. 261.\n\n[3] Origine de tous les Cultes, vol. 2, pt. 2, pp. 87, 88.\n\n[4] Diego Duran, vol. 3, pp. 237, 238.\n\n[5] Higgins, Anacalypsia, lib. 2, p. 77.\n\n[6] Balboa, Hist. du P\u00e9rou, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., vol. 15.\n\n[7] Ross, Fur Hunters, quoted by Spencer, Desc. Soc.\n\n[8] Max M\u00fcller, Science of Religion, p. 88.\n\n[9] Davis, Spanish Conq. of N. M., p. 98.\n\n[10] I Samuel, XII, 17, 18.\n\n[11] C\u00e9r\u00e9monies et Co\u00fbtumes, vol. 6, p. 75.\n\n[12] Everard im Thurn, Indians of Guiana, London, 1883, p. 334.\n\n[13] Tanner's Narrative, p. 390.\n\n[14] Diego Duran, lib. 3, cap. 3, p. 201.\n\n[15] Dorman, Primitive Superstitions, p. 384.\n\n[16] Spencer, Desc. Sociology.\n\n[17] Picart, C\u00e9r\u00e9monies et Co\u00fbtumes Religieuses, Amsterdam, 1735, vol.\n6, p. 122.\n\n[18] Myths of the New World, p. 281.\n\n[19] Domenech, Deserts, vol. 2, p. 392.\n\n[20] Bancroft, Nat. Races, vol. 1, p. 777.\n\n[21] Hakluyt, Voyages, vol. 5, p. 462.\n\n[22] Brinton, Myths of the New World, p. 281.\n\n[23] Spencer, Ecclesiastical Institutions, cap. V.\n\n[24] Salverte, Philosophy of Magic, vol. 2, pp. 6-7.\n\n[25] Tylor, Primitive Culture, London, 1871, vol. 2, p. 377.\n\n[26] \"St. Patrick, we are told, floated to Ireland on an altar stone.\nAmong other wonderful things, he converted a marauder into a wolf and\nlighted a fire with icicles.\"--James A. Froude, Reminiscences of the\nHigh Church Revival. (Letter V.)\n\n[27] Demonology and Witchcraft, p. 184.\n\n[28] Jesuits in North America, pp. 34, 35.\n\n[29] Herrera, dec. 4, lib. 8, cap. 5, 159.\n\n[30] Ibid., dec. 3, lib. 4, p. 121.\n\n[31] Hist. de las Indias, p. 283.\n\n[32] American Antiquarian, November, 1886, p. 334.\n\n[33] Dorman, Primitive Superstitions, p. 380, quoting Herrera, dec. 3,\np. 262.\n\n[34] Descriptive Sociology.\n\n[35] Admiral Smyth's translation in Hakluyt Society, London, 1857,\nvol. 21, p. 9.\n\n[36] American Indians, p. 26.\n\n[37] Gomara, Hist. de las Indias, p. 173.\n\n[38] \"Estos mascan cierta yerba, y con el zumo rocian las soldados\nestando para dar batalla.\" Gomara, ibid., p. 179.\n\n[39] Herrera, dec. 2, lib. 10, p. 260.\n\n[40] Father Dobrizhoffer, quoted by Spencer, Eccles. Institutions,\ncap. 10, sec. 630.\n\n[41] Catlin, N. A. Indians, London, 1845, vol. 2, p. 232.\n\n[42] Gomara, op. cit., p. 173.\n\n[43] Spencer, Eccles. Institutions, cap. 10, pp. 780, 781, quoting\nStubb's Constitutional History of England.\n\n[44] Ibid., sec. 630, p. 781, quoting Turner (Geo.), Nineteen Years in\nPolynesia.\n\n[45] Vol. 3, p. 176.\n\n\"In every part of the globe fragments of primitive languages are\npreserved in religious rites.\" Humboldt, Researches, London, 1814,\nvol. 1, p. 97.\n\n\"Et m\u00eame Jean P. C., Prince de la Mirande, escrit que les mots\nbarbares & non entendus ont plus de puissance en la Magie que ceux qui\nsont entendus.\" Picart, vol. 10, p. 45.\n\nThe medicine-men of Cumana (now the United States of Colombia, South\nAmerica) cured their patients \"con palabras muy revesadas y que aun el\nmismo m\u00e9dico no las entiende.\" Gomara, Hist. de las Indias, p. 208.\n\nThe Tlascaltecs had \"oradores\" who employed gibberish--\"hablaban\nGerigon\u00e7a.\" Herrera, dec. 2, lib. 6, p. 163.\n\nIn Peru, if the fields were afflicted with drought, the priests, among\nother things, \"chantaient un cantique dont le sens \u00e9tait inconnu du\nvulgaire.\" Balboa, Hist. du P\u00e9rou, p. 128, in Ternaux-Compans, vol.\n15.\n\n[46] Assiniboine and Saskatchewan Exped., London, 1860, vol. 2, p.\n155.\n\n[47] Cockayne, Leechdoms, vol. 1, p. xxx.\n\n[48] \"The belief in the magic power of sacred words, whether religious\nformulas or the name of gods, was also acknowledged [i.e., in Egypt]\nand was the source of a frightful amount of superstition.... The\nsuperstitious repetition of names (many of which perhaps never had any\nmeaning at all) is particularly conspicuous in numerous documents much\nmore recent than the Book of the Dead.\"--Hibbert, Lectures, 1879, pp.\n192, 193.\n\n[49] Salverte, Philosophy of Magic, vol. 1, p. 134.\n\n[50] Kingsborough, lib. 2, vol. 7, p. 102.\n\n[51] Popular Antiquities, vol. 2, p. 70.\n\n[52] Ibid., p. 160.\n\n[53] Ibid., p. 217.\n\n[54] Ibid., p. 218.\n\n[55] Ibid., p. 219.\n\n[56] Ibid., pp. 214, 215.\n\n[57] Ibid., p. 216.\n\n[58] \"When the Carriers are severely sick, they often think that they\nshall not recover, unless they divulge to a priest or magician, every\ncrime which they may have committed, which has hitherto been kept\nsecret.\"--Harmon's Journal, p. 300. The Carriers or Ta-kully are\nTinneh.\n\n[59] For identical notions among the Arawaks of Guiana, Tupis of\nBrazil, Creeks, Patagonians, Kaffirs, Chiqnitos, and others, see the\nworks of Schoolcraft, Herbert Spencer, Schultze, and others.\n\n[60] Extract from the Jesuit Falkner's account of Patagonia, in\nVoyages of the _Adventure_ and _Beagle_, London, 1839, vol. 2, p. 163.\n\n[61] \"Nul de ces m\u00e9decins ne peut mourir si'ls ne lui enlevent les\ntesticules.\" Brasseur de Bourbourg, Trans. of Fra Roman Pane, Des\nAntiquit\u00e9s des Indiens, Paris, 1864, p. 451.\n\n[62] Hist. Gen., dec. 1, lib. 3, p. 69.\n\n[63] Madden, Shrines and Sepulchres, vol. 1, p. 14.\n\n[64] Gayarre, Louisiana; its Colonial History, p. 355.\n\n[65] Spencer, Desc. Sociology.\n\n[66] Balboa, Hist. du P\u00e9rou, Ternaux-Compans, vol. 15.\n\n[67] Davis, Conq. of New Mexico, p. 86.\n\n[68] Cr\u00f3nica Ser\u00e1fica y Apostolica, Espinosa, Mexico, 1746, p. 421.\n\n[69] Desc. Sociology.\n\n[70] Mendieta, Hist. Eclesi\u00e1stica Indiana, p. 136.\n\n[71] Ibid., p. 136.\n\n[72] Hist. de las Indias, p. 179.\n\n[73] Herrera, dec. 2, lib. 10, p. 260.\n\n[74] Ibid., dec. 3, lib. 4, p. 121.\n\n[75] Ibid., dec. 4, lib. 9, cap. 7, p. 188.\n\n[76] Keating's translation, p. 352, quoted by Samuel Farmar Jarvis,\nReligion of the Indian Tribes, in Coll. New York Historical Soc., vol.\n3, 1819, p. 262.\n\n[77] Smith, Araucanians, pp. 238, 239.\n\n[78] Richardson, Arctic Searching Expedition, vol. 1, p. 366.\n\n[79] Schultze, Fetichism, New York, 1885, p. 49.\n\n[80] Spencer, Desc. Sociology.\n\n[81] Ternaux-Compans, vol. 7, p. 110.\n\n[82] Schultze, Fetichism, New York, 1885, p. 49.\n\n[83] Smithsonian Report for 1867.\n\n[84] Long's Expedition, Philadelphia, 1823, p. 238.\n\n[85] Hist. of the American Indians, p. 238.\n\n[86] Schultze, Fetichism, New York, 1885, p. 52.\n\n[87] Hist. de las Indias, p. 232.\n\n[88] Ternaux-Compans, vol. 7, pp. 114, 115.\n\n[89] Notes from Gomara, Hist. de las Indias, pp. 172-173.\n\n[90] History of California, vol. 1, p. 97.\n\n[91] Ternaux-Compans, vol. 10, p. 85.\n\n[92] Herrera, dec. 4, lib. 9, cap. 8, p. 188.\n\n[93] Smith, Araucanians, p. 234.\n\n[94] Bancroft, Native Races, vol. 1, p. 779.\n\n[95] Alegre, Historia de la Compa\u00f1\u00eda de Jesus en Nueva-Espa\u00f1a, vol. 1,\np. 401.\n\n[96] Desc. Sociology.\n\n[97] Kraskenninikoff, History of Kamtchatka and the Kurilski Islands,\nGrieve's translation, p. 219.\n\n[98] Ibid., p. 220.\n\n[99] Contributions to North American Ethnology, vol. 5.\n\n[100] Smith, Araucanians, p. 233.\n\n[101] Dr. Edwin G. Meek, Toner Collection, Library of Congress.\n\n[102] Lieut. Pettit in Jour. U. S. Mil. Serv. Instit., 1886, pp.\n336-337.\n\n[103] Smyth, Aborigines of Victoria, vol. 1, p. 155.\n\n[104] Dennys, Folk Lore of China, p. 57.\n\n[105] \"Chinigchinich\" in Robinson's California, pp. 271, 272.\n\n[106] The reader interested in this matter may find something bearing\nupon it in Diego Duran, lib. 1, cap. 36, p. 387; Torquemada, Mon.\nIndiana, lib. 9, cap. 3; Venegas, History of California, vol. 1, p.\n105; Gomara, Conq. de Mexico, p. 443; Herrera, dec. 4, lib. 8, p. 158;\nMaximilian of Wied, p. 431, and others; The \"pelucas\" mentioned of the\nOrinoco tribes by Padre Gumilla would seem to be nothing more than\nfeather head-dresses; p. 66.\n\n[107] Tribes and Languages of Costa Rica, Proc. Am. Philos. Soc.,\nPhiladelphia, 1875, p. 503.\n\n[108] Corbusier, in American Antiquarian, Sept., 1886, p. 279.\n\n[109] Source of the Nile, p. 567.\n\n[110] Vol. 2, p. 193.\n\n[111] Ensayo Cronologico, p. 139.\n\n[112] For the Shamans of Kodiak, see Lisiansky, Voyage, London, 1814,\np. 208; for the Mexicans, Padre Jos\u00e9 Acosta, Paris, 1600, cap. 26, p.\n256; Society Islands, Malte-Brun, Univ. Geography, vol. 3, lib. 58, p.\n634, Boston, 1825. Sir Samuel Baker, The Albert N'yanza, vol. 1, p.\n211.\n\n[113] Ternaux-Compans, vol. 9, p. 294.\n\n[114] Catlin, North American Indians, London. 1845, vol. 1, p. 55.\n\n[115] Ibid., p. 95.\n\n[116] Parkman, Jesuits in North America, p. lxxxiv.\n\n[117] Wanderings of an Artist in North America, p. 40.\n\n[118] Dec. 2, lib. 6, p. 161.\n\n[119] Smithsonian Report for 1871.\n\n[120] Purchas, lib. 9, cap. 12, sec. 4, p. 1555, edition of 1622.\n\n[121] Chinigchinich, p. 253.\n\n[122] Theal, Kaffir Folk-lore, pp. 209-210.\n\n[123] Clements R. Markham, Note on Garcilasso de la Vega, in Hakluyt\nSoc., vol. 41, p. 183, quoting Acosta, lib. 5, cap. 4.\n\n[124] Andrew Lang, Custom and Myth, New York, 1885, chapter entitled\n\"The bull roarer,\" pp. 29-44.\n\n[125] John Fraser, The Aborigines of Australia; their Ethnic Position\nand Relations, pp. 161-162.\n\n[126] \"When the rain-maker of the Lenni Lennape would exert his power,\nhe retired to some secluded spot and drew upon the earth the figure of\na cross (its arms toward the cardinal points?), placed upon it a piece\nof tobacco, a gourd, a bit of some red stuff, and commenced to cry\naloud to the spirits of the rains.\"--Brinton, Myths of the New World,\nNew York, 1868, p. 96 (after Loskiel).\n\n[127] P\u00e8re Chrestien Le Clercq, Gaspesie, Paris, 1691, p. 170.\n\n[128] Ibid., cap. x, pp. 172-199.\n\n[129] Dec. 2, lib. 2, p. 48.\n\n[130] Ibid., p. 59.\n\n[131] Assinniboine and Saskatchewan Expedition, vol. 2, p. 123.\n\n[132] New York, 1819, pp. x, xxix, 47.\n\n[133] Forster, Voyage Round the World, vol. 1, pp. 219, 519.\n\n[134] Hawkesworth, op. cit., vol. 2, p. 161.\n\n[135] Ibid., p. 257.\n\n[136] Ibid., vol. 1, p. 113.\n\n[137] Forlong, Rivers of Life, vol. 1, pp. 541, 542.\n\n[138] Nat. Races, vol. 1, p. 380.\n\n[139] Kohl, Kitchi-gami, pp. 345, 346.\n\n[140] Tanner's Narrative, p. 372.\n\n[141] John de Laet, lib. 3, cap. 18, p. 90, quoting Capt. John Smith.\n\n[142] Le Jeune in Jesuit Relations, 1633, vol. 1, Quebec, 1858.\n\n[143] Third Voyage of David Peter De Vries to New Amsterdam, in Trans.\nN. Y. Hist. Soc., vol. 3, p. 91.\n\n[144] Charlevoix, New France, New York, 1866, vol. 4, p. 105.\n\n[145] Squier, Serpent Symbol, p. 197.\n\n[146] Coleman, Mythology of the Hindus, London, 1832, p. 63.\n\n[147] Vol. 3.\n\n[148] Speke, Source of the Nile, London, 1863, p. 500.\n\n[149] Ibid.\n\n[150] Stanley, Through the Dark Continent, vol. 1, p. 327.\n\n[151] Miles, Demigods and D\u00e6monia, in Jour. Ethnol. Soc., London, vol.\n3, p. 28, 1854.\n\n[152] Smyth, Aborigines of Victoria, vol. 1, p. 30.\n\n[153] Ibid., p. 131.\n\n[154] Ibid., p. 348.\n\n[155] Peter Kolben, speaking of the Hottentots, in Knox, vol. 2, p.\n394.\n\n[156] O-kee-pa, pp. 28-29.\n\n[157] Frazer, Totemism, Edinburgh, 1887, pp. 54, 55; after Maximilian.\n\n[158] Kelly, Narrative of Captivity, Cincinnati, 1871, p. 143.\n\n[159] Diff\u00e9rens Cultes, vol. 1, p. 57.\n\n[160] Judges, I, 7.\n\n[161] Brand, Pop. Ant., London, 1882, vol. 3, p. 278.\n\n[162] American Anthropologist, Washington, D. C., January, 1888.\n\n[163] Kingsborough, vol. 8, p. 70. The Aztec believed that the woman\nwho died in childbirth was equal to the warrior who died in battle and\nshe went to the same heaven. The middle finger of the left hand is the\nfinger used in the necklace of human fingers.\n\n[164] Sahagun, in Kingsborough, vol. 7, p. 147.\n\n[165] Pliny, Nat. Hist., lib. 28, cap. 20. Holland's translation.\n\n[166] Shakespeare, Macbeth, act 4, scene 1.\n\n[167] Pliny, Nat. Hist., lib. 28, cap. 11.\n\n[168] Tractatus de Fascinatione, Nuremberg, 1675, p. 681.\n\n[169] Teutonic Mythology, vol. 3, p. 1073.\n\n[170] Brand, Pop. Ant., vol. 3, p. 10.\n\n[171] Montfaucon, l'Antiquit\u00e9 expliqu\u00e9e, vol. 2, liv. 4, cap. 6, p.\n249.\n\n[172] V\u00e2sish_th_a, cap. 3, pars. 64-68, p. 25 (Sacred Books of the\nEast, Oxford, 1882, Max M\u00fcller's edition).\n\n[173] Travels of Two Mohammedans through India and China, in\nPinkerton's Voyages, vol. 7, p. 218.\n\n[174] Every-Day Book, vol. 2, col. 95.\n\n[175] \"Traen los dientes al cuello (como sacamuelas) por\nbravosidad.\"--Gomara, Historia de las Indias, p. 201.\n\n[176] \"Los Caberres y muchos Caribes, usan por gala muchas sartas de\ndientes y muelas de gente para dar \u00e1 entender que son muy valientes\npor los despojos que alli ostentan ser de sus enemigos que\nmataron.\"--Gumilla, Orinoco, Madrid, 1741, p. 65.\n\n[177] Padre Fray Alonzo Fernandez, Historia Eclesiastica, Toledo,\n1611, p. 17.\n\n[178] Ibid., p. 161.\n\n[179] C\u00e9r\u00e9monies et Co\u00fbtumes, Amsterdam, 1735, vol. 6, p. 114.\n\n[180] \"Formada la cara como de Sol, con rayos de Nacar al rededor, y\nperfilada de lo mismo; y en la boca embutidos los dientes, que\nquitaron \u00e0 los Espa\u00f1oles, que avian muerto.\"--Villaguitierre, Hist. de\nla Conquista de la Provincia de el Itza, Madrid, 1701, p. 500. (Itza\nseems to have been the country of the Lacandones.)\n\n[181] Edwards, speaking of the Carib, quoted by Spencer, Desc.\nSociology. The same custom is ascribed to the Tupinambi of Brazil.\nIbid, quoting from Southey.\n\n[182] Through the Dark Continent, vol. 2, p. 286.\n\n[183] Ibid., p. 288.\n\n[184] Ibid., p. 290.\n\n[185] Speke, Source of the Nile, London, 1863, p. 500.\n\n[186] Heart of Africa, vol. 2, p. 54.\n\n[187] Ibid., vol. 1, p. 285.\n\n[188] Sir Samuel Baker, The Albert N'yanza, Philadelphia, 1869, p. 154\net seq.\n\n[189] Burton, Mission to Gelele, vol. 1, p. 135 et seq.\n\n[190] Voyage Round the World, London, 1823, pp. 209, 210.\n\n[191] Kotzebue, Voyage, London, 1821, vol. 2, p. 202. See also\nVillaguitierre, cited above.\n\n[192] Capt. Cook's First Voyage, in Pinkerton's Voyages, London, 1812,\nvol. 11, pp. 513, 515.\n\n[193] Campbell, Voyage Round the World, N. Y., 1819, p. 153.\n\n[194] Frazer, Totemism, Edinburgh, 1887, p. 28.\n\n[195] Historia de Chile, Madrid, 1795, vol. 2, p. 80.\n\n[196] Spencer, Desc. Sociology.\n\n[197] Indian Myths, Boston, 1884, p. 256.\n\n[198] Tanner's Narrative, p. 122.\n\n[199] Kitchi-gami, p. 344.\n\n[200] Voyages, p. 323.\n\n[201] Kane, Wanderings of an Artist in North America, p. 399.\n\n[202] Native Races, vol. 1, p. 553.\n\n[203] Hawkins, quoted by Gatschet, Migration Legend of the Creeks,\nPhiladelphia, 1884, vol. 1, p. 185.\n\n[204] Corbusier, in American Antiquarian, September, 1886, p. 279.\n\n[205] Everard F. im Thurn, Indians of Guiana, p. 218.\n\n[206] Crantz, History of Greenland, London, 1767, vol. 1, pp. 210-211.\n\n[207] Forster, Voyage Round the World, vol. 2, pp. 275, 288.\n\n[208] Hakluyt, Voyages, vol. 3, p. 508.\n\n[209] Grimm, Teutonic Mythology, vol. 2, p. 544.\n\n[210] Travels to discover the source of the Nile in the years 1768,\netc., Dublin, 1791, vol. 3, p. 410.\n\n[211] Desc. Sociology.\n\n[212] Ibid., quoting Schoolcraft.\n\n[213] \"Saca de su carcax algunos pies y unas de \u00e1guila secos y\nendurecidos, con los cuales, comienza \u00e1 sajarle desde los hombros\nhasta las mu\u00f1ecas.\"--Historia de la Compa\u00f1\u00eda de Jesus en Nueva Espa\u00f1a,\nMexico, 1842, vol. 2, pp. 218, 219.\n\n[214] Sh\u00e2yast l\u00e2-sh\u00e2yast, cap. 3, par. 32, p. 284 (Max M\u00fcller edition,\nOxford, 1880). When the \"dr\u00f4n\" has been marked with three rows of\nfinger-nail scratches it is called a \"frasast.\"\n\n[215] Head-Hunters of Borneo, London, 1881, p. 139.\n\n[216] See, for the New Hebrides, Forster, Voyage Round the World, vol.\n2, p. 255.\n\n[217] Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, 1882-'83, p. 482.\n\n[218] Speke, Source of the Nile, London, 1863, pp. 306, 310.\n\n[219] Cameron, Across Africa, London, 1877, vol. 1, p. 276.\n\n[220] De Gama's Discovery of the East Indies, in Knox, Voyages,\nLondon, 1767, vol. 2, p. 324.\n\n[221] Andrew K. Ober, in the Salem Gazette, Salem, Mass.\n\n[222] Hakluyt, Voyages, vol. 3, p. 508; also, Ternaux-Compans, Voy.,\nvol. 9, pp. 307, 308.\n\n[223] Forster, Voyage Round the World, vol. 1, p. 435\n\n[224] Smyth, Aborigines of Victoria, vol. 1, p. 66.\n\n[225] English edition, New York, 1842, p. 271.\n\n[226] Kingsborough, vol. 6, p. 100.\n\n[227] Godfrey Higgins, Anacalypsis, vol. 2, book 1, cap. 4, sec. 9, p.\n81.\n\n[228] Y pon\u00eda delante un canuto grande y queso [grueso?] para con que\nbebiese: este canuto llamaban \"bebedero del Sol.\"--Diego Duran, vol.\n1, cap. 38, p. 386.\n\n[229] Smithsonian Contributions, vol. 1, p. 151.\n\n[230] The reed, which is the proper meaning of the word \"acatl,\" is\nthe hieroglyphic of the element water. Veytia, quoted by Thomas, in\n3rd Ann. Rep., Bu. Eth., 1881-1882, p. 42 et seq.\n\n[231] Indian Myths, Boston, 1884, p. 260.\n\n[232] Picart, C\u00e9r\u00e9monies et Co\u00fbtumes Religieuses de tous les Peuples\ndu Monde, Amsterdam, 1735, vol. 6, part 2, p. 103.\n\n[233] V\u00e2sish_th_a, cap. 3, pars. 26-30, pp. 20-21. Sacred Books of the\nEast, Oxford, 1882, vol. 14, edition of Max M\u00fcller.\n\n[234] Ibid.\n\n[235] Diego Duran, loc. cit.\n\n[236] See Dall, Masks and Labrets, p. 151.\n\n[237] Peter Carder, an Englishman captive among the Brazilians,\n1578-1586, in Purchas, vol. 4, lib. 6, cap. 5, p. 1189.\n\n[238] Purchas, vol. 4, lib. 8, cap. 1, sec. 2, p. 1508.\n\n[239] Dec. 4, lib. 4, p. 69.\n\n[240] Dec. 3, lib. 2, p. 67.\n\n[241] Ibid., p. 70.\n\n[242] Histoire Naturelle des Indes, Paris, 1600, lib. 5, cap. 9, p.\n224.\n\n[243] History of Mexico, Philadelphia, 1817, vol. 2, p. 6.\n\n[244] Duran, op. cit., vol. 3, cap. 4, p. 211.\n\n[245] Brasseur de Bourbourg's translation, cap. 12, p. 175.\n\n[246] Picart, C\u00e9r\u00e9monies et Co\u00fbtumes Religieuses de tous les Peuples\ndu Monde, Amsterdam, 1743, vol. 8, p. 287.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER II.\n\nHODDENTIN, THE POLLEN OF THE TULE, THE SACRIFICIAL POWDER OF THE\nAPACHE; WITH REMARKS UPON SACRED POWDERS AND BREAD OFFERINGS IN\nGENERAL.\n\n\n\"Trifles not infrequently lead to important results. In every walk of\nscience a trifle disregarded by incurious thousands has repaid the\ninquisitiveness of a single observer with unhoped-for knowledge.\"[247]\n\nThe taciturnity of the Apache in regard to all that concerns their\nreligious ideas is a very marked feature of their character; probably\nno tribe with which our people have come in contact has succeeded more\nthoroughly in preserving from profane inquiry a complete knowledge of\nmatters relating to their beliefs and ceremonials. How much of this\nignorance is to be attributed to interpreters upon whom reliance has\nnecessarily been placed, and how much to the indisposition of the\nApache to reveal anything concerning himself, it would be fruitless to\ninquire, but, in my own experience, when I first went among them in\nNew Mexico and Arizona twenty-three years ago, I was foolish enough to\ndepend greatly upon the Mexican captives who had lived among the\nApache since boyhood, and who might be supposed to know exactly what\nexplanation to give of every ceremony in which the Apache might\nengage. Nearly every one of these captives, or escaped captives, had\nmarried among the Apache, and had raised families of half-breed\nchildren, and several of them had become more Apache than the Apache\nthemselves. Yet I was time and again assured by several of these\ninterpreters that the Apache had no religion, and even after I had\nmade some progress in my investigations, at every turn I was met by\nthe most contradictory statements, due to the interpreter's desire to\ninject his own views and not to give a frank exposition of those\nsubmitted by the Apache. Thus, an Apache god would be transmuted into\neither a \"santo\" or a \"diablo,\" according to the personal bias of the\nMexican who happened to be assisting me. \"Assanutlije\" assumed the\ndisguise of \"Maria Santissima,\" while ceremonies especially sacred and\nbeneficent in the eyes of the savages were stigmatized as \"brujeria\"\nand \"hechiceria\" (witchcraft) in open defiance of the fact that the\nApache have as much horror and dread of witches as the more\nenlightened of their brethren who in past ages suffered from their\nmachinations in Europe and America. The interpreters had no intention\nto deceive; they were simply unable to disengage themselves from their\nown prejudices and their own ignorance; they could not, and they would\nnot, credit the existence of any such thing as religion, save and\nexcepting that taught them at their mothers' knees in the petty\nhamlets of Sonora and of which they still preserved hazy and distorted\nrecollections. One of the first things to be noticed among the Apache,\nin this connection, was the very general appearance of little bags of\nbuckskin, sometimes ornamented, sometimes plain, which were ordinarily\nattached to the belts of the warriors, and of which they seemed to be\nespecially careful.[248]\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 433.--Bag containing hoddentin.]\n\nWhat follows in this chapter was not learned in an hour or a day, but\nafter a long course of examination and a comparison of statements\nextracted from different authorities.\n\nThe bags spoken of revealed when opened a quantity of yellow colored\nflour or powder, resembling cornmeal, to which the Apache gave the\nname of \"hoddentin,\" or \"hadntin,\" the meaning of which word is \"the\npowder or pollen of the tule,\" a variety of the cat-tail rush, growing\nin all the little ponds and cienegas of the Southwest.\n\nI made it the touchstone of friendship that every scout or other Apache\nwho wished for a favor at my hands should relate something concerning\nhis religious belief. I did not care much what topic he selected; it\nmight be myths, clan laws, war customs, medicine--anything he pleased,\nbut it had to be something and it had to be accurate. Hoddentin having\nfirst attracted my attention, I very naturally made many of my first\ninquiries about it, and, while neglecting no opportunity for\nindependent observation, drew about me the most responsible men and\nwomen, heard what each had to say, carefully compared and contrasted it\nwith the statements of the others, and now give the result.\n\nI noticed that in the dances for the benefit of the sick the\nmedicine-men in the intervals between chants applied this yellow\npowder to the forehead of the patient, then in form of a cross upon\nhis breast, then in a circle around his couch, then upon the heads of\nthe chanters and of sympathizing friends, and lastly upon their own\nheads and into their own mouths. There is a considerable difference in\nmethod, as medicine-men allow themselves great latitude, or a large\n\"personal equation,\" in all their dealings with the supernatural. No\nApache would, if it could be avoided, go on the warpath without a bag\nof this precious powder somewhere upon his person, generally, as I\nhave said, attached to his ammunition belt. Whenever one was wounded,\nhurt, or taken sick while on a scout, the medicine-man of the party\nwould walk in front of the horse or mule ridden by the patient and\nscatter at intervals little pinches of hoddentin, that his path might\nbe made easier. As was said to me: \"When we Apache go on the warpath,\nhunt, or plant, we always throw a pinch of hoddentin to the sun,\nsaying 'with the favor of the sun, or permission of the sun, I am\ngoing out to fight, hunt, or plant,' as the case may be, 'and I want\nthe sun to help me.'\"\n\nI have noticed that the Apache, when worn out with marching, put a\npinch of hoddentin on their tongues as a restorative.\n\n\"Hoddentin is eaten by sick people as a remedy.\"[249]\n\n\"Before starting out on the warpath, they take a pinch of hoddentin,\nthrow it to the sun, and also put a pinch on their tongues and one on\nthe crown of the head.... When they return, they hold a dance, and on\nthe morning of that day throw pinches of hoddentin to the rising sun,\nand then to the east, south, west, and north, to the four winds.\"[250]\n\nI am unable to assert that hoddentin is used in any way at the birth\nof a child; but I know that as late as 1886 there was not a babe upon\nthe San Carlos reservation, no matter how tender its age, that did not\nhave a small bag of hoddentin attached to its neck or dangling from\nits cradle. Neither can I assert anything about its use at time of\nmarriage, because, among the Apache, marriage is by purchase, and\nattended with little, if any, ceremony. But when an Apache girl\nattains the age of puberty, among other ceremonies performed upon her,\nthey throw hoddentin to the sun and strew it about her and drop on her\nhead flour of the pi\u00f1on, which flour is called by the Chiricahua\nApache \"nostchi,\" and by the Sierra Blanca Apache \"op\u00e9.\"[251]\n\n\"Upon attaining the age of puberty, girls fast one whole day, pray,\nand throw hoddentin to the sun.\"[252] When an Apache dies, if a\nmedicine-man be near, hoddentin is sprinkled upon the corpse. The\nApache buried in the clefts of rocks, but the Apache-Mohave cremated.\n\"Before lighting the fire the medicine-men of the Apache-Mohave put\nhoddentin on the dead person's breast in the form of a cross, on the\nforehead, shoulders, and scattered a little about.\"[253]\n\nThe very first thing an Apache does in the morning is to blow a little\npinch of hoddentin to the dawn. The Apache worship both dawn and\ndarkness, as well as the sun, moon, and several of the planets.\n\n\"When the sun rises we cast a pinch of hoddentin toward him, and we\ndo the same thing to the moon, but not to the stars, saying\n'Gun-ju-le, chigo-na-ay, si-chi-zi, gun-ju-le, inzayu, ijanale,'\nmeaning 'Be good, O Sun, be good.' 'Dawn, long time let me live'; or,\n'Don't let me die for a long time,' and at night, 'Gun-ju-le,\nchil-jilt, si-chi-zi, gun-ju-le, inzayu, ijanale,' meaning 'Be good, O\nNight; Twilight, be good; do not let me die.'\" \"In going on a hunt an\nApache throws hoddentin and says 'Gun-ju-le, chigo-na-ay, cha-ut-si,\nping, kladitza,' meaning 'Be good, O Sun, make me succeed deer to\nkill.'\"[254]\n\nThe name of the full moon in the Apache language is \"klego-na-ay,\" but\nthe crescent moon is called \"tzontzose\" and hoddentin is always\noffered to it.[255]\n\n\"Hoddentin is thrown to the sun, moon (at times), the morning star,\nand occasionally to the wagon.\"[256] \"The Apache offer much hoddentin\nto 'Na-u-kuzze,' the Great Bear.\"[257] \"Our custom is to throw a very\nsmall pinch of hoddentin at dawn to the rising sun.\"[258] \"The women\nof the Chiricahua throw no hoddentin to the moon, but pray to it,\nsaying: 'Gun-ju-le, klego-na-ay,' (be good, O Moon).\"[259]\n\nWhen the Apache plant corn the medicine-men bury eagle-plume sticks in\nthe fields, scatter hoddentin, and sing. When the corn is partially\ngrown they scatter pinches of hoddentin over it.[260]\n\nThe \"eagle-plume sticks\" mentioned in the preceding paragraph suggests\nthe \"ke-thawn\" mentioned by Matthews in \"The Mountain Chant.\"[261]\n\n\"When a person is very sick the Apache make a great fire, place the\npatient near it, and dance in a circle around him and the fire, at the\nsame time singing and sprinkling him with hoddentin in the form of a\ncross on head, breast, arms, and legs.\"[262]\n\nIn November, 1885, while at the San Carlos agency, I had an interview\nwith Nantadotash, an old blind medicine-man of the Aka\u00f1e or Willow\ngens, who had with him a very valuable medicine-hat which he refused\nto sell, and only with great reluctance permitted me to touch. Taking\nadvantage of his infirmity, I soon had a picture drawn in my notebook,\nand the text added giving the symbolism of all the ornamentation\nattached. Upon discovering this, the old man became much excited, and\ninsisted upon putting a pinch of hoddentin upon the drawing, and then\nrecited a prayer, which I afterwards succeeded in getting verbatim.\nAfter the prayer was finished, the old man arose and marked with\nhoddentin the breast of his wife, of Moses, of Antonio, of other\nApache present, and then of myself, putting a large pinch over my\nheart and upon each shoulder, and then placed the rest upon his own\ntongue. He explained that I had taken the \"life\" out of his medicine\nhat, and, notwithstanding the powers of his medicine, returned in less\nthan a month with a demand for $30 as damages. His hat never was the\nsame after I drew it. My suggestion that the application of a little\nsoap might wash away the clots of grease, soot, and earth adhering to\nthe hat, and restore its pristine efficacy were received with the\nscorn due to the sneers of the scoffer.\n\n\"In time of much lightning, the Apache throw hoddentin and say:\n'Gun-ju-le, ittindi,' be good, Lightning.\"[263]\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 434.--Nan-ta-do-tash's medicine hat.]\n\nTzit-jizinde, \"the Man who likes Everybody,\" who said he belonged to\nthe Inoschujochin--Manzanita or Bearberry clan--showed me how to pray\nwith hoddentin in time of lightning or storm or danger of any kind.\nTaking a small pinch in his fingers, he held it out at arm's length,\nstanding up, and repeated his prayer, and then blew his breath hard. I\nwas once with a party of Apache while a comet was visible. I called\ntheir attention to it, but they did not seem to care. On the other\nhand, Antonio told me that the \"biggest dance\" the Apache ever had was\nduring the time that \"the stars all fell out of the sky\" (1833).\n\n\"The only act of a religious character which I observed ... was\nshortly after crossing the river they [i.e., the American officers]\nwere met by a small party of the Indians, one of whom chalked a cross\non the breast of each, with a yellow earth, which he carried in a\nsatchel at his belt. Previous to doing so he muttered some words very\nsolemnly with his hands uplifted and eyes thrown upwards. Again, on\narriving at the camp of the people, the chief and others in greeting\nthem took a similar vow, touching thereafter the yellow chalked cross.\nSonora may have furnished them with some of their notions of a\nDeity.\"[264]\n\n\"The yellow earth,\" seen by Dr. Smart was, undoubtedly, hoddentin,\ncarried in a medicine bag at the belt of a medicine-man. Some years\nago I went out with Al. Seiber and a small party of Apache to examine\nthree of their \"sacred caves\" in the Sierra Pinal and Sierra Ancha. No\nbetter opportunity could have been presented for noting what they did.\nThe very last thing at night they intoned a \"medicine\" song, and at\nearly dawn they were up to throw a pinch of hoddentin to the east.\n\nMoses and John, two of the Apache mentioned above, requested\npermission to go off in the mountains after deer and bear, supposed to\nbe plentiful in the higher altitudes. Before leaving camp, Moses blew\na pinch of hoddentin toward the sun, repeating his prayer for success,\nand ending it with a sharp, snappy \"ek,\" as if to call attention. In\none of the sacred caves visited on this trip, the Apache medicine-men\nassembled for the purpose of holding their snake dance. This I have\nnever seen among the Apache, but that they celebrate it and that it is\nfully the equal of the repulsive rite which I have witnessed and noted\namong the Tusayan[265] I am fully assured. I may make reference to\nsome of its features in the chapter upon animal worship and ophic\nrites.\n\nFrom a multiplicity of statements, the following are taken: Concepcion\nhad seen the snake dance over on the Carrizo, near Camp Apache; the\nmedicine-men threw hoddentin upon the snakes. He said: \"After getting\nthrough with the snake, the medicine-man suffered it to glide off,\ncovered with the hoddentin, thrown by admiring devotees.\"\n\nMike Burns had no remembrance of seeing hoddentin thrown to the sun.\nHe had seen it thrown to the snake, \"in a kind of worship.\"\n\nNott and Antonio stated that \"when they find that a snake has wriggled\nacross the trail, especially the trail to be followed by a war party,\nthey throw hoddentin upon the trail.\" Nott took a pinch of hoddentin,\nshowed how to throw it upon the snake, and repeated the prayer, which\nI recorded.\n\nCorbusier instances a remedy in use among the Tonto Apache. This\nconsisted in applying a rattlesnake to the head or other part\nsuffering from pain. He continues: \"After a time the medicine-man\nrested the snake on the ground again, and, still retaining his hold of\nit with his right hand, put a pinch of yellow pollen into its mouth\nwith his left, and rubbed some along its belly.\"[266]\n\n\"He then held his hand out to a man, who took a pinch of the powder\nand rubbed it on the crown of a boy's head. Yellow pollen treated in\nthis manner is a common remedy for headache, and may frequently be\nseen on the crowns of the heads of men and boys.\"[267]\n\nHoddentin is used in the same manner as a remedy for headache among\nthe San Carlos Apache, but the medicine-men apply a snake to the\nperson of a patient only when their \"diagnosis\" has satisfied them\nthat he has been guilty of some unkindness to a snake, such as\nstepping upon it, in which case they pretend that they can cure the\nman by applying to the part affected the portion of the reptile's body\nupon which he trampled.\n\nThe Apache state that when their medicine-men go out to catch snakes\nfor their snake dance, they recite a prayer and lay their left hand,\nin which is some hoddentin, at the opening of the snake's den, through\nwhich the reptile must crawl, and, after a short time the snake will\ncome out and allow himself to be handled.\n\nHoddentin is also offered to other animals, especially the bear, of\nwhich the Apache, like their congeners the Navajo, stand in great awe\nand reverence. When a bear is killed, the dance which is held becomes\nfrenzied; the skin is donned by all the men, and much hoddentin is\nthrown, if it can be obtained. One of these dances which I saw in the\nSierra Madre, Mexico, in 1883, lasted all night, without a moment's\ncessation in the singing and prancing of the participants.\n\nA great deal of hoddentin is offered to the \"ka-chu\" (great or jack\nrabbit).[268]\n\nThe Apache medicine-man, Nakay-do-klunni, called by the whites\n\"Bobbydoklinny,\" exercised great influence over his people at Camp\nApache, in 1881. He boasted of his power to raise the dead, and\npredicted that the whites should soon be driven from the land. He also\ndrilled the savages in a peculiar dance, the like of which had never\nbeen seen among them. The participants, men and women, arranged\nthemselves in files, facing a common center, like the spokes of a\nwheel, and while thus dancing hoddentin was thrown upon them in\nprofusion. This prophet or \"doctor\" was killed in the engagement in\nthe Cibicu canyon, August 30, 1881.\n\nIn a description of the \"altars\" made by the medicine-men of the\nApache-Yuma at or near Camp Verde, Arizona, it is shown that this\nsacred powder is freely used. Figures were drawn upon the ground to\nrepresent the deities of the tribe, and the medicine-men dropped on\nall, except three of them, a pinch of yellow powder (hoddentin) which\nwas taken from a small buckskin bag. This powder was put upon the\nhead, chest, or other part of the body of the patient.\n\nSurgeon Corbusier, U. S. Army,[269] says that the ceremony just\ndescribed was \"a most sacred one and entered into for the purpose of\naverting the diseases with which the Apache at Camp Verde had been\nafflicted the summer previous.\"\n\nI am not sure that the Apache-Yuma have not borrowed the use of\nhoddentin from the Apache. My reason for expressing this opinion is\nthat I have never seen an Apache without a little bag of hoddentin\nwhen it was possible for him to get it, whereas I have never seen an\nApache-Yuma with it except when he was about to start out on the\nwarpath. The \"altars\" referred to by Corbusier are made also by the\nApache, Navajo, Zu\u00f1i, and Tusayan. Those of the Apache, as might be\ninferred from their nomadic state, were the crudest; those of the\nNavajo, Zu\u00f1i, and Tusayan display a wonderful degree of artistic\nexcellence. The altars of the Navajo have been described and\nillustrated by Dr. Washington Matthews,[270] and those of the Tusayan\nby myself.[271]\n\nMoses Henderson, wishing me to have a profitable interview with his\nfather, who was a great snake doctor among the Apache, told me that\nwhen he brought him to see me I should draw two lines across each\nother on his right foot, and at their junction place a bead of the\nchalchihuitl, the cross to be drawn with hoddentin. The old man would\nthen tell me all he knew.\n\nThe Apache, I learned, at times offer hoddentin to fire, an example of\npyrodulia for which I had been on the lookout, knowing that the Navajo\nhave fire dances, the Zu\u00f1i the Feast of the Little God of Fire, and\nthe Apache themselves are not ignorant of the fire dance.\n\nHoddentin seems to be used to strengthen all solemn compacts and to\nbind faith. I had great trouble with a very bright medicine-man named\nNa-a-cha, who obstinately refused to let me look at the contents of a\nphylactery which he constantly wore until I let him know that I, too,\nwas a medicine-man of eminence. The room in which we had our\nconversation was the quarters of the post surgeon, at that time absent\non scout. The chimney piece was loaded with bottles containing all\nkinds of drugs and medicines. I remarked carelessly to Na-a-cha that\nif he doubted my powers I would gladly burn a hole through his tongue\nwith a drop of fluid from the vial marked \"Acid, nitric,\" but he\nconcluded that my word was sufficient, and after the door was locked\nto secure us from intrusion he consented to let me open and examine\nthe phylactery and make a sketch of its contents. To guard against all\npossible trouble, he put a pinch of hoddentin on each of my shoulders,\non the crown of my head, and on my chest and back. The same\nperformance was gone through with in his own case. He explained that\nhoddentin was good for men to eat, that it was good medicine for the\nbear, and that the bear liked to eat it. I thought that herein might\nbe one clew to the reason why the Apache used it as a medicine. The\nbear loves the tule swamp, from which, in days primeval, he sallied\nout to attack the squaws and children gathering the tule powder or\ntule bulb. Poorly armed, as they then were, the Apache must have had\ngreat trouble in resisting him; hence they hope to appease him by\noffering a sacrifice acceptable to his palate. If acceptable to the\nchief animal god, as the bear seems to have been, as he certainly was\nthe most dangerous, then it would have been also acceptable to the\nminor deities like the puma, snake, eagle, etc., and, by an easy\ntransition, to the sun, moon, and other celestial powers. This opinion\ndid not last long, as will be shown. From its constant association\nwith all sacrifices and all acts of worship, hoddentin would naturally\nbecome itself sanctified and an object of worship, just as rattles,\ndrums, standards, holy grails, etc., in different parts of the world\nhave become fetichistic. I was not in the least surprised when I heard\nMoses Henderson reciting a prayer, part of which ran thus: \"Hoddentin\neshkin, bi hoddentin ashi\" (\"Hoddentin child, you hoddentin I offer\"),\nand to learn that it was a personification of hoddentin.\n\nThe fact that the myths of the Apache relate that Assanut-li-je\nspilled hoddentin over the surface of the sky to make the Milky Way\nmay be looked upon as an inchoate form of a calendar, just as the\nAztecs transferred to their calendar the reed, rabbit, etc.\n\nSo constant is the appearance of hoddentin in ceremonies of a\nreligious nature among the Apache that the expression \"hoddentin\nschlawn\" (plenty of hoddentin) has come to mean that a particular\nperformance or place is sacred. Yet, strange to say, this sacred\npollen of the tule is gathered without any special ceremony; at least,\nI noticed none when I saw it gathered, although I should not fail to\nrecord that at the time of which I speak the Apache and the\nApache-Yuma were returning from an arduous campaign, in which blood\nhad been shed, and everything they did--the bathing in the sweat\nlodges and the singing of the Apache and the plastering of mud upon\ntheir heads by the Apache-Yuma--had a reference to the lustration or\npurgation necessary under such circumstances. Not only men but women\nmay gather the pollen. When the tule is not within reach our cat-tail\nrush is used. Thus, the Chiricahua, confined at Fort Pickens, Florida,\ngathered the pollen of the cat-tail rush, some of which was given me\nby one of the women who gathered it.\n\nBefore making an examination into the meaning to be attached to the\nuse of hoddentin, it is well to determine whether or not such a powder\nor anything analogous to it is to be found among the tribes adjacent.\n\n\nTHE \"KUNQUE\" OF THE ZU\u00d1I AND OTHERS.\n\nThe term \"kunque\" as it appears in this chapter is one of convenience\nonly. Each pueblo, or rather each set of pueblos, has its own name in\nits own language, as, for example, the people of Laguna and Acoma, who\nemploy it in all their ceremonies as freely as do the Zu\u00f1i, call it in\ntheir tongue \"hinawa.\" In every pueblo which I visited--and I visited\nthem all, from Oraibi of Tusayan, on the extreme west, to Picuris, on\nthe extreme east; from Taos, in the far north, to Isleta del Sur, in\nTexas--I came upon this kunque, and generally in such quantities and\nso openly exposed and so freely used that I was both astonished and\ngratified; astonished that after centuries of contact with the\nCaucasian the natives should still adhere with such tenacity to the\nideas of a religion supposed to have been extirpated, and gratified to\ndiscover a lever which I could employ in prying into the meaning of\nother usages and ceremonials.\n\nBehind the main door in the houses at Santa Clara, San Ildefonso,\nPicuris, Laguna, Acoma, San Felipe, Jemez, and other towns, there is a\nniche containing a bowl or saucer filled with this sacred meal, of\nwhich the good housewife is careful to throw a pinch to the sun at\nearly dawn and to the twilight at eventide. In every ceremony among\nthe Pueblos naturally enough, more particularly among those who have\nbeen living farthest from the Mexicans, the lavish scattering of\nsacred meal is the marked feature of the occasion. At the snake dance\nof the Tusayan, in 1881, the altars were surrounded with baskets of\npottery and with flat plaques of reeds, which were heaped high with\nkunque. When the procession moved out from under the arcade and began\nto make the round of the sacred stone the air was white with meal, and\nin my imagination I could see that it was a procession of Druids\ncircling about a \"sacred stone\" in Ireland previous to the coming of\nSt. Patrick. When the priests threw the snakes down upon the ground it\nwas within a circle traced with kunque, and soon the snakes were\ncovered with the same meal flung upon them by the squaws. There was\nonly one scalp left among the Tusayan in 1881, but there were several\namong the Zu\u00f1i, and one or two each at Acoma and Laguna. In every one\nof these towns kunque was offered to the scalps.\n\nAt the feast of the Little God of Fire among the Zu\u00f1i, in 1881, my\npersonal notes relate that \"the moment the head of the procession\ntouched the knoll upon which the pueblo is built the mass of people\nbegan throwing kunque upon the Little God and those with him as well\nas on the ground in front of, beside, and behind them. This kunque was\ncontained in sacred basket-shaped bowls of earthenware. The spectators\nkept the air fairly misty with clouds of the sacred kunque. This\nprocession passed around the boundaries of the pueblo of Zu\u00f1i,\nstopping at eight holes in the ground for the purpose of enacting a\nceremonial of consecration suggestive of the 'terminalia' of the\nRomans. They visited each of the holes, which were 18 inches deep and\n12 inches square, with a sandstone slab to serve as a cover. Each hole\nwas filled with kunque and sacrificial plumes. * * * 'Every morning of\nthe year, when the sky is clear, at the rising of Lucero [the morning\nstar], at the crowing of the cock, we throw corn flour [kunque] to the\nsun. I am never without my bag of kunque; here it is [drawing it from\nhis belt]. Every Zu\u00f1i has one. We offer it to the sun for good rain\nand good crops.'\"[272]\n\nSubsequently Pedro went on to describe in detail a phallic dance and\nceremony, in which there was a sort of divination. The young maiden\nwho made the lucky guess was richly rewarded, while her less fortunate\ncompanions were presented with a handful of kunque, which they kept\nduring the ensuing year. This dance is called \"ky'\u00e1klu,\" and is\nindependent of the great phallic dance occurring in the month of\nDecember. Pedro also stated that until very recently the Zu\u00f1i were in\nthe habit of celebrating a fire dance at Noche Buena (Christmas).\nThere were four piles of wood gathered for the occasion, and upon each\nthe medicine-men threw kunque in profusion. This dance, as Pedro\ndescribed it, closely resembled one mentioned by Landa in his Cosas de\nYucatan. High up on the vertical face of the precipice of T\u00e2aiyalana\nthere is a phallic shrine of the Zu\u00f1i to which I climbed with Mr.\nFrank Cushing. We found that the place had been visited by young\nbrides who were desirous of becoming mothers. The offerings in every\ncase included kunque.\n\nIn the account given in the National Tribune, Washington, District of\nColumbia, May 20, 1886, of the mode of life of the Zu\u00f1i woman Wehwa\nwhile in the national capital, and while engaged in the kirmes, we\nread:\n\n She also strewed sacred corn meal along on her way to the\n theater to bring good luck to her and the other dancers. * * *\n She has gone from her comfortable room to pray in the street\n at daylight every morning, whatever the weather has been.\n * * * At such times she strews corn meal all around her\n until the front-door steps and the sidewalk are much daubed\n with dough. But this is not the corn meal in common use in\n the United States, but is sacred meal ground in Zu\u00f1i with\n sacred stones.[273]\n\nSo long a time has elapsed since any of the Pueblos have been on the\nwarpath that no man can describe their actual war customs except from\nthe dramatic ceremonial of their dances or from the stories told him\nby the \"old men.\" The following from an eyewitness will therefore be\nof interest: \"Before the Pueblos reached the heights they were ordered\nto scale they halted on the way to receive from their chiefs some\nmedicine from the medicine bags which each of them carried about his\nperson. This they rubbed upon their heart, as they said, to make it\nbig and brave, and they also rubbed it upon other parts of their\nbodies and upon their rifles for the same purpose.\"[274]\n\nThe constant use of kunque by the different Pueblo tribes has been\nnoticed from the first days of European contact. In the relation of\nDon Antonio de Espejo (1583) we are told that upon the approach of the\nSpaniards to the town of Zaguato, lying 28 leagues west of Zu\u00f1i, \"a\ngreat multitude of Indians came forth to meete them, and among the\nrest their Ca\u00e7iques, with so great demonstration of joy and gladnes,\nthat they cast much meale of Maiz upon the ground for the horses to\ntread upon.\"[275]\n\nI am under the impression that the ruins of this village are those\nnear the ranch of Mr. Thomas V. Keam, at Keam's Canyon, Arizona,\ncalled by the Navajo \"Talla-hogandi,\" meaning \"singing house,\" in\nreference to the Spanish mission which formerly existed there. This\nvillage is, as I have hitherto shown, the ruin of the early pueblo of\nAw\u00e1tubi.\n\nIn his poem descriptive of the conquest of New Mexico, entitled \"Nueva\nMejico,\" Alcala de Henares, 1610, Villagr\u00e1 uses the following\nlanguage:[276]\n\n Passando \u00e0 Moho\u00e7e, Zibola, y Zuni,\n Por cuias nobles tierras descubrimos,\n Una gran tropa de Indios que venia,\n Con cantidad harina que esparcian,\n Sobre la gente toda muy apriessa,\n Y entrando assi en los pueblos las mugeres\n Dieron en arrojarnos tant\u00e1 della,\n Que dimos en tomarles los costales,\n De donde result\u00f2 tener con ellas,\n Unas carnestolendas bien re\u00f1idas.\n\nIt is gratifying to observe that the Spanish writer in the remote\nwilds of America struck upon an important fact in ethnology: that the\nthrowing of \"harina\" or flour by the people of Tusayan (Moho\u00e7e or\nMoqui), Cibola, and Zu\u00f1i (observe the odd separation of \"Zibola\" from\neither Moqui or Zu\u00f1i) was identical with the \"carnestolendas\" of\nSpain, in which, on Shrove Tuesday, the women and girls cover all the\nmen they meet with flour. The men are not at all backward in returning\nthe compliment, and the streets are at times filled with the\nfarinaceous dust.\n\n\"Harina de maiz azul\" is used by Mexicans in their religious\nceremonies, especially those connected with the water deities.[277]\nThe Peruvians, when they bathed and sacrificed to cure themselves of\nsickness, \"untandose primero con Harina de Maiz, i con otras cosas,\ncon muchas, i diversas ceremonias, i lo mismo hacen en los\nBa\u00f1os.\"[278] The kunque of the Peruvians very closely resembled that\nof the Zu\u00f1i. We read that it was a compound of different-colored maize\nground up with sea shells.[279] The Peruvians had a Priapic idol\ncalled Hua-can-qui, of which we read: \"On offre \u00e0 cette idole une\ncorbeille orn\u00e9e de plumes de diverses couleurs et remplie d'herbes\nodorif\u00e9rantes; on y met aussi de _la farine de ma\u00efs_ que l'on\nrenouvelle tous les mois, et les femmes se lavent la figure avec\ncelle que l'on \u00f4te, en accompagnant cette ablution de plusieurs\nc\u00e9r\u00e9monies superstitieuses.\"[280]\n\nThe tribes seen on the Rio Colorado in 1540 by Alarcon \"carry also\ncertaine little long bagges about an hand broade tyed to their left\narme, which serve them also instead of brasers for their bowes, full\nof the powder of a certaine herbe, whereof they make a certaine\nbeverage.\"[281] We are at a loss to know what this powder was, unless\nhoddentin. The Indians came down to receive the son of the sun, as\nAlarcon led them to believe him to be, in full gala attire, and no\ndoubt neglected nothing that would add to their safety.\n\n\"Ils mirent dans leur bouche du ma\u00efs et d'autres semences, et les\nlanc\u00e8rent vers moi en disant que c'\u00e9tait la mani\u00e8re dont ils faisaient\nles sacrifices au soleil.\"[282]\n\nKohl speaks of seeing inside the medicine wigwam, during the great\nmedicine ceremonies of the Ojibwa, \"a snow-white powder.\"[283] In an\naddress delivered by Dr. W. J. Hoffman before the Anthropological\nSociety of Washington, D. C., May 2, 1888, upon the symbolism of the\nMid\u0113\u141f, Jes\u141fsakkid, and W\u00e2beno of the Ojibwa of Minnesota, he\nstated in reply to a question from me that he had not been able to\nfind any of the \"snow-white powder\" alluded to by Kohl in\nKitchi-gami.[284]\n\nIn Yucatan, when children were baptized, one of the ceremonies was\nthat the chac, or priest in charge, should give the youngster a pinch\nof corn meal, which the boy threw in the fire. These chacs were\npriests of the god who presided over baptism and over hunting.[285]\n\nAt the coronation of their kings the Aztecs had a sacred unction, and\na holy water, drawn from a sacred spring, and \"about his neck is tied\na small gourd, containing a certain powder, which is esteemed a strong\npreservative against disease, sorcery, and treason.\"[286]\n\n\"At the entrance to one of the narrow defiles of the Cordilleras ... a\nlarge mass of rock with small cavities upon its surface, into which\nthe Indians, when about to enter the pass, generally deposit a few\nglass beads, a handful of meal, or some other propitiatory offering to\nthe 'genius' supposed to preside over the spot and rule the storm.\"\n\nAgain, \"on receiving a plate of broth, an Indian, before eating,\nspills a little upon the ground; he scatters broadcast a few pinches\nof the meal that is given him, and pours out a libation before raising\nthe wine cup to his lips, as acts of thanksgiving for the blessings he\nreceives.\"[287]\n\nWhen Capt. John Smith was captured by the Pamunkey tribe of Virginia\nin 1607 he was taken to \"a long house,\" where, on the morning\nfollowing \"a great grim fellow\" came skipping in, \"all painted over\nwith coale, mingled with oyle. With most strange gestures and passions\nhe began his invocation, and environed the fire with a circle of\nmeale.\" This priest was followed by six others, who \"with their\nrattles began a song, which ended, the chiefe priest layd downe five\nwheat cornes.\" This ceremony was apparently continued during the day\nand repeated on the following two days.[288] Capt. Smith's reception\nby the medicine-men of the Virginians is described by Picart.[289]\nThese medicine-men are called \"pr\u00eatres,\" and we are informed that they\nsang \"des chants magiques.\" The grains of wheat (\"grains de bl\u00e9\") were\n\"rangez cinq \u00e0 cinq.\"\n\nGomara tells us that in the religious festivals of Nicaragua there\nwere used certain \"taleguillas con polvos,\" but he does not tell what\nthese \"polvos\" were; he only says that when the priests sacrifice\nthemselves they cured the wounds, \"curan las heridas con polvo de\nherbas \u00f3 carbon.\"[290]\n\nWhile the Baron de Graffenreid was a prisoner in the hands of the\nTuscarora, on the Neuse River, in 1711, the conjurer or high priest\n(\"the priests are generally magicians and even conjure up the devil\")\n\"made two white rounds, whether of flour or white sand, I do not know,\njust in front of us.\"[291]\n\nLafitau says of one of the medicine-women of America: \"Elle commen\u00e7a\nd'abord par pr\u00e9parer un espace de terrain qu'elle n\u00e9toya bien &\nqu'elle couvrit de farine, ou de cendre tr\u00e8s-bien blutt\u00e9e (je ne me\nsouviens pas exactement laquelle des deux).\"[292]\n\nIn a description of the ceremonial connected with the first appearance\nof the catamenia in a Navajo squaw, there is no reference to a use of\nanything like hoddentin, unless it may be the corn which was ground\ninto meal for a grand feast, presided over by a medicine-man.[293]\n\nWhen a woman is grinding corn or cooking, and frequently when any of\nthe Navajo, male or female, are eating, a handful of corn meal is put\nin the fire as an offering (to the sun).[294]\n\nThe Pueblos of New Mexico are described as offering sacrifices of food\nto their idols. \"Los Indios del Norte tienan multitud de Idolos, en\npeque\u00f1os Adoratorios, donde los ponen de comer.\"[295]\n\nMaj. Backus, U. S. Army, describes certain ceremonies which he saw\nperformed by the Navajo at a sacred spring near Fort Defiance,\nArizona, which seems to have once been a geyser:\n\n I once visited it with three other persons and an Indian\n doctor, who carried with him five small bags, each containing\n some vegetable or mineral substance, all differing in color.\n At the spring each bag was opened and a small quantity of its\n contents was put into the right hand of each person present.\n Each visitor, in succession, was then required to kneel down\n by the spring side, to place his closed hand in the water up\n to his elbow, and after a brief interval to open his hand and\n let fall its contents into the spring. The hand was then\n slowly withdrawn and each one was then permitted to drink and\n retire.[296]\n\nColumbus in his fourth voyage touched the mainland, going down near\nBrazil. He says:\n\n In Cariay and the neighboring country there are great\n enchanters of a very fearful character. They would have given\n the world to prevent my remaining there an hour. When I\n arrived they sent me immediately two girls very showily\n dressed; the eldest could not be more than eleven years of\n age and the other seven, and both exhibited so much immodesty\n that more could not be expected from public women. They\n carried concealed about them a magic powder.[297]\n\nThe expedition of La Salle noticed, among the Indians on the\nMississippi, the Natchez, and others, \"todos los dias, que se\ndetuvieren en aquel Pueblo, ponia la Cacica, encima de la Sepultura de\nMarle [i.e., a Frenchman who had been drowned], una Cestilla llena de\nEspigas de Ma\u00edz, tostado.\"[298]\n\n\"He showed me, as a special favor, that which give him his power--a\nbag with some reddish powder in it. He allowed me to handle it and\nsmell this mysterious stuff, and pointed out two little dolls or\nimages, which, he said, gave him authority over the souls of others;\nit was for their support that flour and water were placed in small\nbirch-rind saucers in front.\"[299]\n\nOn page 286, narrative of the Jeannette Arctic expedition, Dr. Newcomb\nsays: \"One day, soon after New Year's, I was out walking with one of\nthe Indians. Noticing the new moon, he stopped, faced it, and, blowing\nout his breath, he spoke to it, invoking success in hunting. The moon,\nhe said, was 'Tyunne,' or ruler of deers, bears, seals, and walrus.\"\nThe ceremony herein described I have no doubt was analogous in every\nrespect to hoddentin-throwing. As the Indians mentioned were\nundoubtedly Tinneh, my surmise seems all the more reasonable.[300]\n\nTanner relates that among the Ojibwa the two best hunters of the band\nhad \"each a little leather sack of medicine, consisting of certain\nroots pounded fine and mixed with red paint, to be applied to the\nlittle images or figures of the animals we wish to kill.\"[301]\n\n\"In the parish of Walsingham, in Surrey, there is or was a custom\nwhich seems to refer to the rites performed in honor of Pomona. Early\nin the spring the boys go round to the several orchards in the parish\nand whip the apple trees.... The good woman gives them some\nmeal.\"[302]\n\nAmong the rustics of Great Britain down to a very recent period there\nwere in use certain \"love powders,\" the composition of which is not\nknown, a small quantity of which had to be sprinkled upon the food of\nthe one beloved.[303]\n\nAttached to the necklace of human fingers before described, captured\nfrom one of the chief medicine-men of the Cheyenne Indians, is a bag\ncontaining a powder very closely resembling hoddentin, if not\nhoddentin itself.\n\nIt is said that the Asinai made sacrifice to the scalps of their\nenemies, as did the Zu\u00f1i as late as 1881. \"Ofrecen \u00e1 las calaveras\npinole molido y de otras cosas comestibles.\"[304]\n\nPerrot says the Indians of Canada had large medicine bags, which he\ncalls \"pindikossan,\" which, among other things, contained \"des racines\nou des poudres pour leur servir de m\u00e9decines.\"[305]\n\nIn an article on the myth of Manibozho, by Squier, in American\nHistorical Magazine Review, 1848, may be found an account of the\nadventures of two young heroes, one of whom is transferred to the list\nof gods. He commissioned his comrade to bring him offerings of a white\nwolf, a polecat, some pounded maize, and eagles' tails.\n\nLaplanders sprinkle cow and calf with flour.[306]\n\nCameron met an old chief on the shores of Lake Tanganyika, of whom he\nsays: \"His forehead and hair were daubed with vermilion, yellow, and\nwhite powder, the pollen of flowers.\"[307]\n\nIn the incantations made by the medicine-men of Africa, near the head\nof the Congo, to preserve his expedition from fire, Cameron saw the\nsacrifice of a goat and a hen, and among other features a use of\npowdered bark closely resembling hoddentin: \"Scraping the bark off the\nroots and sticks, they placed it in the wooden bowl and reduced it to\npowder.\" The head medicine-man soon after \"took up a handful of the\npowdered bark and blew some toward the sun and the remainder in the\nopposite direction.\"[308]\n\nThe magic powder, called \"uganga,\" used as the great weapon of\ndivination of the mganga, or medicine-men of some of the African\ntribes, as mentioned by Speke,[309] must be identical with the powder\nspoken of by Cameron.\n\nNear the village of Kap\u00e9ka, Cameron was traveling with a caravan in\nwhich the principal man was a half-breed Portuguese named Alvez. \"On\nAlvez making his entry he was mobbed by women, who shrieked and yelled\nin honor of the event and pelted him with flour.\" This was Alvez's own\nhome and all this was a sign of welcome.[310]\n\nSpeke describes a young chief wearing on his forehead \"antelope horns,\nstuffed with magic powder to keep off the evil eye.\"[311]\n\nAfter describing an idol, in the form of a man, in a small temple on\nthe Lower Congo, Stanley says: \"The people appear to have considerable\nfaith in a whitewash of cassava meal, with which they had sprinkled\nthe fences, posts, and lintels of doors.\"[312]\n\n\"According to Consul Hutchinson (in his interesting work 'Impressions\nof Western Africa'), the Botikaimon [a medicine-man], previous to the\nceremony of coronation, retires into a deep cavern, and there, through\nthe intermediary of a 'rukaruka' (snake demon), consults the demon\nMaon. He brings back to the king the message he receives, sprinkles\nhim with a yellow powder called 'tsheoka,' and puts upon his head the\nhat his father wore.\"[313] In a note, it is stated that: \"Tsheoka is a\nvegetable product, obtained, according to Hutchinson, by collecting a\ncreamy coat that is found on the waters at the mouth of some small\nrivers, evaporating the water, and forming a chalky mass of the\nresidue.\"[314] Schultze says[315] that the Congo negroes \"appease the\nhurricane\" by \"casting meal into the air.\"\n\nThe voudoo ceremonies of the negroes of New Orleans, which would seem\nto have been transplanted from Africa, include a sprinkling of the\ncongregation with a meal which has been blessed by the head\nmedicine-man or conjurer.\n\nAt the feast of Huli, at the vernal equinox (our April fool's day),\nthe Hindu throw a purple powder (abir) upon each other with much\nsportive pleasantry. A writer in \"Asiatick Researches\"[316] says they\nhave the idea of representing the return of spring, which the Romans\ncalled \"purple.\"\n\nDuring the month of Phalgoonu, there is a festival in honor of\nKrishna, when the \"Hindus spend the night in singing and dancing and\nwandering about the streets besmeared with the dolu (a red) powder, in\nthe daytime carrying a quantity of the same powder about with them,\nwhich, with much noise and rejoicing, they throw over the different\npassengers they may meet in their rambles. Music, dancing, fireworks,\nsinging, and many obscenities take place on this occasion.\"[317]\n\nOn pages 434-435 of my work, \"Scatalogic Rites of all Nations,\" are to\nbe found extracts from various authorities in regard to the Hindu\nfeast of Holi or Hulica, in which this statement occurs: \"Troops of\nmen and women, wreathed with flowers and drunk with bang, crowd the\nstreets, carrying sacks full of bright-red vegetable powder. With this\nthey assail the passers-by, covering them with clouds of dust, which\nsoon dyes their clothes a startling color.\"\n\n\"Red powder (gul\u00e1l) is a sign of a bad design of an adulterous\ncharacter. During the Holi holidays, the Mah\u00e1r\u00e1j throws gul\u00e1l on the\nbreasts of female and male devotees.\"[318]\n\n\"In India, the devotees throw red powder on one another at the\nfestival of the Huli, or vernal equinox. This red powder, the Hindoos\nsay, is the imitation of the pollen of plants, the principle of\nfructification, the flower of the plant.\"[319]\n\nThe women of the East Indies (Brahmins), on the 18th of January,\ncelebrate a feast in honor of the goddess Parvati: \"Leur but est\nd'obtenir une longue vie pour leurs maris, & qu'elles ne deviennent\njamais veuves. Elles font une Image de Parvati avec de la farine de\nriz & du grain rouge qu'elles y m\u00ealent; elles l'ornent d'habits & de\nfleurs & apr\u00e8s l'avoir ainsi servie pendant neuf jours, elles la\nportent le dixi\u00e9me dans un Palenquin hors de la Ville. Une foule de\nfemmes mari\u00e9es la suivent, on la jette ensuite dans un des \u00e9tangs\nsacrez, o\u00f9 on la laisse, & chacune s'en retourne chez elle.\"[320]\n\nSpeaking of the methods in use among the Lamas for curing disease,\nRev. James Gilmour says: \"Throwing about small pinches of millet seed\nis a usual part of such a service.\"[321]\n\nDr. W. W. Rockhill described to me a Tibetan festival, which includes\na procession of the God of Mercy, in which procession there are masked\npriests, holding blacksnake whips in their hands, and carrying bags of\nflour which they throw upon the people.\n\nThe use of these sacred powders during so many different religious\nfestivals and ceremonies would seem to resemble closely that made by\nthe Apache of hoddentin and the employment of kunque by the Zu\u00f1i and\nothers; and from Asia it would seem that practices very similar in\ncharacter found their way into Europe. Of the Spanish witches it is\nrelated:\n\n When they entered people's houses they threw a powder on the\n faces of the inmates, who were thrown thereby into so deep a\n slumber that nothing could wake them, until the witches were\n gone.... Sometimes they threw these powders on the fruits of\n the field and produced hail which destroyed them. On these\n occasions the demon accompanied them in the form of a\n husbandman, and when they threw the powders they said:\n\n \"Polvos, polvos,\n Pierda se tado,\n Queden los nuestros,\n Y abrasense otros.\"[322]\n\nHiggins says: \"The flour of wheat was the sacrifice offered to the\n\u03a7\u03c1\u03b7\u03c2 or Ceres in the \u0395\u1f50\u03c7\u1fb0\u03c1\u03b9\u03c3\u03c4\u03af\u03b1.\"[323]\n\nWhat relation these powders have had to the \"carnestolendas\" of the\nSpanish and Portuguese, already alluded to, and the throwing of\n\"confetti\" by the Italians, which is a modification, it would be hard\nto say. Some relation would appear to be suggested.\n\n\nUSE OF POLLEN BY THE ISRAELITES AND EGYPTIANS.\n\nThere are some suggestions of a former use of pollen among the\nIsraelites and Egyptians.\n\nManna, which we are assured was at one time a source of food to the\nHebrews, was afterward retained as an offering in the temples.\nForlong, however, denies that it ever could have entered into general\nconsumption. He says:\n\n Manna, as food, is an absurdity, but we have the well-known\n produce of the desert oak or ash--Fraxinus.... An omer of\n this was precious, and in this quantity, at the spring\n season, not difficult to get; it was a specially fit tribute\n to be \"laid up\" before any Phallic Jah, as it was the pollen\n of the tree of Jove and of Life, and in this sense the tribe\n lived spiritually on such \"spiritual manna\" as this god\n supplied or was supplied with.[324]\n\nThe detestation in which the bean was held by the high-caste people of\nEgypt does not demonstrate that the bean was not an article of food to\na large part of the population, any more than the equal detestation of\nthe occupation of swineherd would prove that none of the poor made use\nof swine's flesh. The priesthood of Egypt were evidently exerting\nthemselves to stamp out the use of a food once very common among their\npeople, and to supersede it with wheat or some other cereal. They held\na man accursed who in passing through a field planted with beans had\nhis clothing soiled with their pollen. Speke must have encountered a\nsurvival of this idea when he observed in equatorial Africa, near the\nsources of the Nile, and among people whose features proclaimed their\nAbyssinian origin, the very same aversion. He was unable to buy food,\nsimply because he and some of his followers had eaten \"the bean called\nmaharag\u016d\u00e9.\" Such a man, the natives believed, \"if he tasted the\nproducts of their cows, would destroy their cattle.\"[325]\n\nOne other point should be dwelt upon in describing the kunque of the\nZu\u00f1i, Tusayan, and other Pueblos. It is placed upon one of the sacred\nflat baskets and packed down in such a manner that it takes the form\nof one of the old-fashioned elongated cylindro-conical cheeses. It\nshould be noted also that by something more than a coincidence this\nform was adhered to by the peoples farther to the south when they\narranged their sacred meal upon baskets.\n\nAt the festival of the god Teutleco the Aztecs made \"de harina de\nmaiz un montecillo muy tupido de la forma de un queso.\"[326] This\nclosely resembles the corn meal heaps seen at the snake dance of the\nTusayan.\n\nThe Zu\u00f1i, in preparing kunque or sacred meal for their religious\nfestivals, invariably made it in the form of a pyramid resting upon\none of their flat baskets. It then bore a striking resemblance to the\npyramids or phalli which the Egyptians offered to their deities, and\nwhich Forlong thinks must have been \"just such Lingham-like\nsweet-bread as we still see in Indian Sivaic temples.\"[327] Again,\n\"the orthodox Hislop, in his Two Babylons, tells us that 'bouns,'\nbuns, or bread offered to the gods from the most ancient times were\nsimilar to our 'hotcross' buns of Good Friday, that ... the buns known\nby that identical name were used in the worship of the Queen of\nHeaven, the goddess Easter (Ishtar or Astarti) as early as the days of\nKekrops, the founder of Athens, 1500 years B. C.\"[328]\n\nForlong[329] quotes Capt. Wilford in Asiatick Researches, vol. 8, p.\n365, as follows:\n\n When the people of Syracuse were sacrificing to goddesses,\n they offered cakes called _mulloi_, shaped like the female\n organ; and Dulare tells us that the male organ was similarly\n symbolised in pyramidal cakes at Easter by the pious\n Christians of Saintogne, near Rochelle, and handed about from\n house to house; that even in his day the festival of Palm\n Sunday was called _La F\u00eate des Pinnes_, showing that this\n f\u00eate was held to be on account of both organs, although, of\n course, principally because the day was sacred to the palm,\n the ancient tree Phallus.... We may believe that the Jewish\n cakes and show bread were also emblematic.\n\nMr. Frank H. Cushing informs me that there is an annual feast among\nthe Zu\u00f1i in which are to be seen cakes answering essentially to the\npreceding description.\n\n\nHODDENTIN A PREHISTORIC FOOD.\n\nThe peculiar manner in which the medicine-men of the Apache use the\nhoddentin (that is, by putting a pinch upon their own tongues); the\nfact that men and women make use of it in the same way, as a\nrestorative when exhausted; its appearance in myth in connection with\nAssanutlije, the goddess who supplied the Apache and Navajo with so\nmany material benefits, all combine to awaken the suspicion that in\nhoddentin we have stumbled upon a prehistoric food now reserved for\nsacrificial purposes only. That the underlying idea of sacrifice is a\nfood offered to some god is a proposition in which Herbert Spencer and\nW. Robertson Smith concur. In my opinion, this definition is\nincomplete; a perfect sacrifice is that in which a _prehistoric_ food\nis offered to a god, and, although in the family oblations of everyday\nlife we meet with the food of the present generation, it would not be\ndifficult to show that where the whole community unites in a function\nof exceptional importance the propitiation of the deities will be\neffected by foods whose use has long since faded away from the memory\nof the laity.\n\nThe sacred feast of stewed puppy and wild turnips forms a prominent\npart of the sun dance of the Sioux, and had its parallel in a\ncollation of boiled puppy (catullus), of which the highest civic and\necclesiastical dignitaries of pagan Rome partook at stated intervals.\n\nThe reversion of the Apache to the food of his ancestors--the\nhoddentin--as a religious offering has its analogue in the unleavened\nbread and other obsolete farinaceous products which the ceremonial of\nmore enlightened races has preserved from oblivion. Careful\nconsideration of the narrative of Cabeza de Vaca sustains this\nconclusion. In the western portion of his wanderings we learn that for\nfrom thirty to forty days he and his comrades passed through tribes\nwhich for one-third of the year had to live on \"the powder of straw\"\n(on the powder of bledos), and that afterwards the Spaniards came\namong people who raised corn. At that time, Vaca, whether we believe\nthat he ascended the Rio Concho or kept on up the Rio Grande, was in a\nregion where he would certainly have encountered the ancestors of our\nApache tribe and their brothers the Navajo. The following is Herrera's\naccount of that part of Vaca's wanderings: \"Padeciendo mucha hambre en\ntreinta i quatro Jornadas, pasando por una Gente que la tercera parte\ndel A\u00f1o comen polvos de paja, i los huvieron de comer, por haver\nllegado en tal ocasion.\"[330]\n\nThis powder (polvo) of paja or grass might at first sight seem to be\ngrass seeds; but why not say \"flour,\" as on other occasions? The\nphrase is an obscure one, but not more obscure than the description of\nthe whole journey. In the earlier writings of the Spaniards there is\nambiguity because the new arrivals endeavored to apply the names of\ntheir own plants and animals to all that they saw in the western\ncontinent. Neither Casta\u00f1eda nor Cabeza de Vaca makes mention of\nhoddentin, but Vaca does say that when he had almost ended his\njourney: \"La c\u00f4te ne poss\u00e8de pas de ma\u00efs; on n'y mange que de la\npoudre de paille de blette.\" \"Blette\" is the same as the Spanish\n\"bledos.\"[331] \"Nous parv\u00eenmes chez une peuplade qui, pendant le tiers\nde l'ann\u00e9e, ne vit que de poudre de paille.\" \"We met with a people,\nwho the third part of the yeere eate no other thing save the powder of\nstraw.\"[332]\n\nDavis, who seems to have followed Herrera, says: \"These Indians lived\none-third of the year on the powder of a certain straw.... After\nleaving this people they again arrived in a country of permanent\nhabitations, where they found an abundance of maize.... The\ninhabitants gave them maize both in grain and flour.\"[333]\n\nThe Tusayan Indians were formerly in the habit of adding a trifle of\nchopped straw to their bread, but more as our own bakers would use\nbran than as a regular article of diet.\n\nBarcia[334] makes no allusion to anything resembling hoddentin or\n\"polvos de bledos\" in his brief account of Vaca's journey. But\nBuckingham Smith, in his excellent translation of Vaca's narrative,\nrenders \"polvos de paja\" thus: \"It was probably the seed of grass\nwhich they ate. I am told by a distinguished explorer that the Indians\nto the west collect it of different kinds and from the powder make\nbread, some of which is quite palatable.\" And for \"polvos de bledos\":\n\"The only explanation I can offer for these words is little\nsatisfactory. It was the practice of the Indians of both New Spain and\nNew Mexico to beat the ear of young maize, while in the milk, to a\nthin paste, hang it in festoons in the sun, and, being thus dried, was\npreserved for winter use.\"\n\nThis explanation is very unsatisfactory. Would not Vaca have known it\nwas corn and have said so? On the contrary, he remarks in that very\nline in Smith's own translation: \"There is no maize on the coast.\"\n\nThe appearance of all kinds of grass seeds in the food of nearly all\nthe aborigines of our southwestern territory is a fact well known, but\nwhat is to be demonstrated is the extensive use of the \"powder\" of the\ntule or cat-tail rush. Down to our day, the Apache have used not only\nthe seeds of various grasses, but the bulb of the wild hyacinth and\nthe bulb of the tule. The former can be eaten either raw or cooked,\nbut the tule bulb is always roasted between hot stones. The taste of\nthe hyacinth bulb is somewhat like that of raw chestnuts. That of the\nroasted tule bulb is sweet and not at all disagreeable.[335]\n\nFather Jacob Baegert[336] enumerates among the foods of the Indians of\nsouthern California \"the roots of the common reed\" (i.e., of the\ntule).\n\nFather Alegre, speaking of the tribes living near the Laguna San\nPedro,[337] in latitude 28\u00b0 north--two hundred leagues north of the\nCity of Mexico--says that they make their bread of the root, which is\nvery frequent in their lakes, and which is like the plant called the\n\"anea\" or rush in Spain. \"Forman el pan de una raiz muy frecuente en\nsus lagunas, semejante \u00e1 las que llaman aneas en Espa\u00f1a.\"[338]\n\nThe Indians of the Atlantic Slope made bread of the bulb of a plant\nwhich Capt. John Smith[339] says \"grew like a flag in marshes.\" It was\nroasted and made into loaves called \"tuckahoe.\"[340]\n\nKalm, in his Travels in North America,[341] says of the tuckahoe:\n\n It grows in several swamps and marshes and is commonly\n plentiful. The hogs greedily dig up its roots with their\n noses in such places, and the Indians of Carolina likewise\n gather it in their rambles in the woods, dry it in the sun,\n grind, and make bread of it. Whilst the root is fresh it is\n harsh and acrid, but, being dried, it loses the greater part\n of its acrimony. To judge by these qualities, the tuckahoe\n may very likely be the Arum virginianum.\n\nThe Shoshoni and Bannock of Idaho and Montana eat the tule bulb.[342]\n\nSomething analogous to hoddentin is mentioned by the chronicler of\nDrake's voyage along the California coast about A. D. 1540. Speaking\nof the decorations of the chiefs of the Indians seen near where San\nFrancisco now stands, he says another mark of distinction was \"a\ncertain downe, which groweth up in the countrey upon an herbe much\nlike our lectuce, which exceeds any other downe in the world for\nfinenesse and beeing layed upon their cawles, by no winds can be\nremoved. Of such estimation is this herbe amongst them that the downe\nthereof is not lawfull to be worne, but of such persons as are about\nthe king, ... and the seeds are not used but onely in sacrifice to\ntheir gods.\"[343]\n\nMr. Cushing informs me that hoddentin is mentioned as a food in the\nmyths of the Zu\u00f1i under the name of oneya, from oellu, \"food.\"\n\nIn Kamtchatka the people dig and cook the bulbs of the Kamtchatka\nlily, which seems to be some sort of a tuber very similar to that of\nthe tule.\n\n\"Bread is now made of rye, which the Kamtchadals raise and grind for\nthemselves; but previous to the settlement of the country by the\nRussians the only native substitute for bread was a sort of baked\npaste, consisting chiefly of the grated tubers of the purple\nKamtchatkan lily.\"[344]\n\n\nHODDENTIN THE YIAUHTLI OF THE AZTECS.\n\nThere would seem to be the best of reason for an identification of\nhoddentin with the \"yiauhtli\" which Sahagun and Torquemada tell us was\nthrown by the Aztecs in the faces of victims preparatory to\nsacrificing them to the God of Fire, but the explanation given by\nthose authors is not at all satisfactory. The Aztecs did not care much\nwhether the victim suffered or not; he was sprinkled with this sacred\npowder because he had assumed a sacred character.\n\nPadre Sahagun[345] says that the Aztecs, when about to offer human\nsacrifice, threw \"a powder named 'yiauhtli' on the faces of those whom\nthey were about to sacrifice, that they might become deprived of\nsensation and not suffer much pain in dying.\"\n\nIn sacrificing slaves to the God of Fire, the Aztec priests \"tomaban\nciertos polvos de una semilla, llamada Yauhtli, y polvoreaban las\ncaras con ellas, para que perdiesen el sentido, y no sintiesen tanto\nla muerte cruel, que las daban.\"[346]\n\nGuautli, generally spelled \"yuautli,\" one of the foods paid to\nMontezuma as tribute, may have been tule pollen. Gallatin says: \"I can\nnot discover what is meant by the guautli. It is interpreted as being\n_semilla de Bledo_; but I am not aware of any other native grain than\nmaize having been, before the introduction of European cereales, an\narticle of food of such general use, as the quantity mentioned seems\nto indicate.\"[347]\n\nAmong the articles which the king of Atzapotzalco compelled the Aztecs\nto raise for tribute is mentioned \"ahuauhtli (que es como\nbledos).\"[348]\n\n\n\"BLEDOS\" OF ANCIENT WRITERS--ITS MEANING.\n\nLafitau[349] gives a description of the Iroquois mode of preparing for\nthe warpath. He says that the Iroquois and Huron called war\n\"n'ondoutagette\" and \"gaskenragette.\" \"Le terme _Ondouta_ signifie le\nduvet qu'on tire de l'\u00e9py des Roseaux de Marais & signifie aussi la\nplante toute entiere, dont ils se servent pour faire les nattes sur\nquoi ils couchent, de sorte qu'il y a apparence qu'ils avoient affect\u00e9\nce terme pour la Guerre, parce que chaque Guerrier portoit avec soy sa\nnatte dans ces sortes d'expeditions.\"\n\nThis does not seem to be the correct explanation. Rather, it was\nbecause they undoubtedly made some sacrificial meal of this \"duvet,\"\nor pollen, and used it as much as the Apache do hoddentin, their\nsacred meal made of the pollen of the tule, which is surely a species\nof \"roseaux de marais.\"\n\nThe great scarcity of corn among the people passed while en route to\nCibola is commented upon in an account of Coronado's expedition to\nCibola, in Coleccion de Documentos In\u00e9ditos, relativos al\ndescubrimiento, conquista y colonizacion de las posesiones Espa\u00f1olas\nde Am\u00e9rica y Ocean\u00eda.[350]\n\nWe are also informed[351] that the people of Cibola offered to their\nidols \"polbos amarillos de flores.\"\n\nCasta\u00f1eda speaks of the people beyond Chichilticale making a bread of\nthe mesquite which kept good for a whole year. He seems to have been\nwell informed regarding the vegetable foods of the tribes passed\nthrough by Coronado's expedition.[352]\n\nThat the \"blettes\" or \"bledos\" did not mean the same as grass is a\ncertainty after we have examined the old writers, who each and all\nshow that the bledos meant a definite kind of plant, although exactly\nwhat this plant was they fail to inform us. It can not be intended for\nthe sunflower, which is mentioned distinctly by a number of writers as\nan article of diet among the Indians of the Southwest.[353]\n\n\nTZOALLI.\n\nAn examination of the Spanish writers who most carefully transmitted\ntheir observations upon the religious ceremonies of the Aztecs and\nother nations in Mexico and South America brings out two most\ninteresting features in this connection. The first is that there were\ncommemorative feasts of prehistoric foods, and the second that one or\nmore of these foods has played an important part in the religion of\ntribes farther north. The first of these foods is the \"tzoalli,\" which\nwas the same as \"bledos,\" which latter would seem beyond question to\nhave been hoddentin or yiauhtli. Brasseur de Bourbourg's definition\nsimply states that the tzoalli was a compound of leguminous grains\npeculiar to Mexico and eaten in different ways: \"Le Tzohualli \u00e9tait un\ncompos\u00e9 de graines l\u00e9gumineuses particuli\u00e8res au Mexique, qu'on\nmangeait de diverses mani\u00e8res.\"[354]\n\nIn the month called Tepeilhuitl the Aztecs made snakes of twigs and\ncovered them with dough of bledos (a kind of grain or hay seed). Upon\nthese they placed figures, representing mountains, but shaped like\nyoung children.[355] This month was the thirteenth on the Mexican\ncalendar, which began on our February 1. This would put it October 1,\nor thereabout.\n\nSquier cites Torquemada's description of the sacrifices called\nEcatotontin, offered to the mountains by the Mexicans. In these they\nmade figures of serpents and children and covered them with \"dough,\"\nnamed by them tzoalli, composed of the seeds of bledos.[356]\n\nA dramatic representation strongly resembling those described in the\ntwo preceding paragraphs was noted among the Tusayan of Arizona by Mr.\nTaylor, a missionary, in 1881, and has been mentioned at length in The\nSnake Dance of the Moquis. Clavigero relates that the Mexican priests\n\"all eat a certain kind of gruel which they call _Etzalli_.\"[357]\n\nTorquemada relates that the Mexicans once each year made an idol or\nstatue of Huitzlipotchli of many grains and the seeds of bledos and\nother vegetables which they kneaded with the blood of boys who were\nsacrificed for the purpose. \"Juntaban muchos granos y semilla de\nBledos, y otras legumbres, y molianlas con mucha devocion, y recato,\ny de ellas amasaban, y formaban la dicha Estatua, del tama\u00f1o y\nestatura de un Hombre. El licor, con que se resolbian y desleian\naquellas harinas era sangre de Ni\u00f1os, que para este fin se\nsacrificaban.\"[358]\n\nIt is remarkable the word \"maiz\" does not occur in this paragraph.\nHuitzlipotchli being the God of War, it was natural that the ritual\ndevoted to his service should conserve some, if not all, of the foods,\ngrains, and seeds used by the Mexicans when on the warpath in the\nearliest days of their history; and that this food should be made into\na dough with the blood of children sacrificed as a preliminary to\nsuccess is also perfectly in accordance with all that we know of the\nmode of reasoning of this and other primitive peoples. Torquemada goes\non to say that this statue was carried in solemn procession to the\ntemple and idol of Huitzlipotchli and there adorned with precious\njewels (chalchihuitl), embedded in the soft mass. Afterward it was\ncarried to the temple of the god Paynalton, preceded by a priest\ncarrying a snake in the manner that the priests in Spain carried the\ncross in the processions of the church. \"Con una Culebra mui grande, y\ngruesa en las manos, tortuosa, y con muchas bueltas, que iba delante,\nlevantada en alto, \u00e1 manera de Cruz, en nuestras Procesiones.\"[359]\nThis dough idol, he says, was afterwards broken into \"migajas\"\n(crumbs) and distributed among the males only, boys as well as men,\nand by them eaten after the manner of communion; \"este era su manera\nde comunion.\"[360] Herrera, speaking of this same idol of\nVitzliputzli, as he calls him, says it was made by the young women of\nthe temple, of the flour of bledos and of toasted maize, with honey,\nand that the eyes were of green, white, or blue beads, and the teeth\nof grains of corn. After the feast was over, the idol was broken up\nand distributed to the faithful, \"\u00e1 manera de comunion.\" \"Las\nDoncellas recogidas en el templo, dos Dias antes de la Fiesta,\namasaban harina de Bledos, i de Maiz tostado, con miel, y de la masa\nhacian un Idolo grande, con los ojos de cuentas grandes, verdes,\na\u00e7ules, \u00f2 blancas; i por dientes granos de maiz.\"[361]\n\nH. H. Bancroft speaks of the festival in honor of Huitzilopochtli,\n\"the festival of the wafer or cake.\" He says: \"They made a cake of the\nmeal of bledos, which is called tzoalli,\" which was afterward divided\nin a sort of communion.[362] Diego Duran remarks that at this feast\nthe chief priest carried an idol of dough called \"tzoally,\" which is\nmade of the seeds of bledos and corn made into a mass with honey.[363]\n\"Un ydolo de masa, de una masa que llaman tzoally, la cual se hace de\nsemilla de bledos y maiz amasado con miel.\" This shows that \"bledos\"\nand \"maiz\" were different things.[364] A few lines farther on Duran\ntells us that this cake, or bread, was made by the nuns of the temple,\n\"las mozas del recogimiento de este templo,\" and that they ground up a\ngreat quantity of the seed of bledos, which they call huauhtly,\ntogether with toasted maize. \"Molian mucha cantidad de semilla de\nbledos que ellos llaman huauhtly juntamente con maiz tostado.\"[365] He\nthen shows that the \"honey\" (miel) spoken of by the other writers was\nthe thick juice of the maguey. \"Despues de molido, amasabanlo con miel\nnegra de los magueis.\"\n\nAcosta describes a Mexican feast, held in our month of May, in which\nappeared an idol called Huitzlipotchli, made of \"mays rosty,\" \"semence\nde blettes,\" and \"amassoient avec du miel.\"[366]\n\nIn the above citations it will be seen that huauhtly or yuauhtli and\ntzoally were one and the same. We also find some of the earliest if\nnot the very earliest references to the American popped corn.\n\nThat the Mexicans should have had such festivals or feasts in honor of\ntheir god of battles is no more extraordinary than that in our own\ncountry all military reunions make it a point to revert to the \"hard\ntack\" issued during the campaigns in Virginia and Tennessee. Many\nother references to the constant use as a food, or at least as a\nsacrificial food, of the bledos might be supplied if needed. Thus\nDiego Duran devotes the twelfth chapter of his third book to an\nobscure account of a festival among the Tepanecs, in which appeared\nanimal gods made of \"masa de semilla de bledos,\" which were afterwards\nbroken and eaten.\n\nTorquemada speaks of such idols employed in the worship of snakes and\nmountains.[367] In still another place this authority tells us that\nsimilar figures were made and eaten by bride and groom at the Aztec\nmarriage ceremony.[368]\n\nThe ceremonial manner in which these seeds were ground recalls the\nfact that the Zu\u00f1i regard the stones used for grinding kunque as\nsacred and will not employ them for any other purpose.\n\nIdols made of dough much after the fashion of the Aztecs are to be\nfound among the Mongols. Meignan speaks of seeing \"an idol, quite open\nto the sky and to the desert, representing the deity of travelers. It\nwas made of compressed bread, covered over with some bituminous\nsubstance, and perched on a horse of the same material, and held in\nits hand a lance in Don Quixote attitude. Its horrible features were\nsurmounted with a shaggy tuft of natural hair. A great number of\nofferings of all kinds were scattered on the ground all around. Five\nor six images, formed also of bread, were bending in an attitude of\nprayer before the deity.\"[369]\n\nDr. Edwin James, the editor of Tanner's Narrative,[370] cites the\n\"Calica Puran\" to show that medicinal images are employed by the\npeople of the East Indies when revenge is sought upon an enemy; \"water\nmust be sprinkled on the meal or earthen victim which represents the\nsacrificer's enemy.\"\n\nIn those parts of India where human sacrifice had been abolished, a\nsubstitutive ceremony was practiced \"by forming a human figure of\nflour-paste, or clay, which they carry into the temples, and there cut\noff its head or mutilate it, in various ways, in presence of the\nidols.\"[371]\n\nGomara describes the festival in honor of the Mexican God of Fire,\ncalled \"Xocothuecl,\" when an idol was used made of every kind of seed\nand was then enwrapped in sacred blankets to keep it from breaking.\n\"Hacian aquella noche un \u00eddolo de toda suerte de semillas, envolv\u00edanlo\nen mantas benditas, y li\u00e1banlo, porque no se deshiciese.\"[372]\n\nThese blessed blankets are also to be seen at the Zu\u00f1i feast of the\nLittle God of Fire, which occurs in the month of December. It is a\ncurious thing that the blessed blankets of the Zu\u00f1i are decorated with\nthe butterfly, which appeared upon the royal robes of Montezuma.\n\nWhat other seeds were used in the fabrication of these idols is not\nvery essential to our purpose, but it may be pointed out that one of\nthem was the seed of the \"agenjo,\" which was the \"chenopodium\" or\n\"artemisia,\" known to us as the \"sagebrush.\"\n\nOf the Mexicans we learn from a trustworthy author: \"Tambien usaban\nalguna manera de comunion \u00f3 recepcion del sacramento, y es que hacian\nunos idolitos chiquitos de semilla de bledos \u00f3 cenizos, \u00f3 de otras\nyerbas, y ellos mismos se los recibian, como cuerpo \u00f3 memoria de sus\ndioses.\"[373]\n\nMendieta wrote his Historia Eclesi\u00e1stica Indiana in 1596, \"al tiempo\nque esto escribo (que es por Abril del a\u00f1o de noventa y seis)\"[374]\nand again,[375] \"al tiempo que yo esto escribo.\"\n\nThe Mexicans, in the month of November, had a festival in honor of\nTezcatlipuca. \"Hacian unos bollos de masa de ma\u00edz y semejante de\nagenjos, aunque son de otra suerte que los de ac\u00e1, y ech\u00e1banlos \u00e1\ncocer en ollas con agua sola. Entre tanto que hervian y se cocian los\nbollos, ta\u00f1ian los muchachos un atabal ... y despu\u00e9s com\u00edanselos con\ngran devocion.\"[376]\n\nGomara's statement, that while these cakes of maize and wormwood seed\nwere cooking the young men were beating on drums, would find its\nparallel in any account that might be written of the behavior of the\nZu\u00f1i, while preparing for their sacred feasts. The squaws grind the\nmeal to be used on these occasions to the accompaniment of singing by\nthe medicine-men and much drumming by a band of assistants selected\nfrom among the young men and boys.\n\nMr. Francis La Fl\u00e8che, a nearly full-blood Omaha Indian, read before\nthe Anthropological Society of Washington, D. C., in 1888, a paper\ndescriptive of the funeral customs of his people, in which he related\nthat when an Indian was supposed to be threatened with death the\nmedicine-men would go in a lodge sweat-bath with him and sing, and at\nthe same time \"pronouncing certain incantations and sprinkling the\nbody of the client with the powder of the artemisia, supposed to be\nthe food of the ghosts.\"[377]\n\nTo say that a certain powder is the food of the ghosts of a tribe is\nto say indirectly that the same powder was once the food of the\ntribe's ancestors.\n\nThe Peruvians seem to have made use of the same kind of sacrificial\ncakes kneaded with the blood of the human victim. We are told that in\nthe month of January no strangers were allowed to enter the city of\nCuzco, and that there was then a distribution of corn cakes made with\nthe blood of the victim, which were to be eaten as a mark of alliance\nwith the Inca. \"Les daban unos Bollos de Ma\u00edz, con sangre de el\nsacrificio, que comian, en se\u00f1al de confederacion con el Inga.\"[378]\n\nBalboa says that the Peruvians had a festival intended to signalize\nthe arrival of their young men at manhood, in which occurred a sort of\ncommunion consisting of bread kneaded by the young virgins of the sun\nwith the blood of victims. This same kind of communion was also noted\nat another festival occurring in our month of September of each year.\n(\"Un festin compos\u00e9 de pain p\u00e9tri par les jeunes vierges du Soleil\navec le sang des victimes.\"[379]) There were other ceremonial usages\namong the Aztecs, in which the tule rush itself, \"espada\u00f1a,\" was\nemployed, as at childbirth, marriage, the festivals in honor of\nTlaloc, and in the rough games played by boys. It is possible that\nfrom being a prehistoric food the pollen of the tule, or the plant\nwhich furnished it, became associated with the idea of sustenance,\nfertility, reproduction, and therefore very properly formed part of\nthe ritual necessary in weddings or connected with the earliest hours\nof a child's life, much as rice has been used so freely in other parts\nof the world.[380]\n\nAmong the Aztecs the newly born babe was laid upon fresh green tule\nrushes, with great ceremony, while its name was given to it.[380]\n\nGomara says that the mats used in the marriage ceremonies of the\nAztecs were made of tules. \"Esteras verdes de espada\u00f1as.\"[381]\n\n\"They both sat down upon a new and curiously wrought mat, which was\nspread in the middle of the chamber close to the fire.\" The marriage\nbed was made \"of mats of rushes, covered with small sheets, with\ncertain feathers, and a gem of chalchihuitl in the middle of\nthem.\"[382]\n\nThe third festival of Tlaloc was celebrated in the sixth month, which\nwould about correspond to our 6th of June.[383] But there was another\nfestival in honor of the Tlaloc, which seems very hard to understand.\nA full description is given by Bancroft.[384] To celebrate this it was\nincumbent upon the priests to cut and carry to the temples bundles of\nthe tule, which were woven into a sacred mat, after which there was a\nceremonial procession to a tule swamp in which all bathed.\n\nThe Aztecs, like the Apache, had myths showing that they sprang\noriginally from a reed swamp. There was an Aztec god, Napatecutli, who\nwas the god of the tule and of the mat-makers.[385] This rush was also\nstrewn as part of several of their religious ceremonies.\n\nFosbrooke[386] has this to say about certain ceremonies in connection\nwith the churches in Europe: \"At certain seasons the Choir was strewed\nwith hay, at others with sand. On Easter sabbath with ivy-leaves; at\nother times with rushes.\" He shows that hay was used at Christmas and\nthe vigil of All Saints, at Pentecost, Athelwold's Day, Assumption of\nthe Blessed Virgin, and Ascension, etc.\n\nThe Mexican populace played a game closely resembling our \"blind man's\nbuff\" in their seventeenth month, which was called Tititl and\ncorresponded to the winter solstice. In this game, called\n\"nechichiquavilo,\" men and boys ran through the streets hitting every\none whom they met with small bags or nets (\"taleguillas \u00f3 redecillas\")\nfilled with tule powder or fine paper (\"llenas de flor de las\nespada\u00f1as \u00f3 de algunos papeles rotos\").[387]\n\nThe same thing is narrated by other early Spanish writers upon Mexico.\n\nIn the myths of Guatemala it is related that there were several\ndistinct generations of men. The first were made of wood, without\nheart or brains, with worm-eaten feet and hands. The second generation\nwas an improvement upon this, and the women are represented as made of\ntule. \"Las mugeres fueron hechas de corazon de espada\u00f1a.\"[388]\n\nPicart, enumerating the tree gods of the Romans, says that they had\ndeified \"les Roseaux pour les Rivieres.\"[389]\n\n\nGENERAL USE OF THE POWDER AMONG INDIANS.\n\nThis very general dissemination among the Indians of the American\ncontinent of the sacred use of the powder of the tule, of images,\nidols, or sacrificial cakes made of such prehistoric foods, certainly\nsuggests that the Apache and the Aztecs, among whom they seem to have\nbeen most freely used on ceremonial occasions, were invaders in the\ncountry they respectively occupied, comparatively recent in their\narrival among the contiguous tribes like the Zu\u00f1i and Tusayan who on\ncorresponding occasions offered to their gods a cultivated food like\ncorn. The Tlascaltec were known in Mexico as the \"bread people,\"\npossibly because they had been acquainted with the cultivation of the\ncereals long before the Aztecs. Similarly, there was a differentiation\nof the Apache from the sedentary Pueblos. The Apache were known to all\nthe villages of the Pueblos as a \"corn-buying tribe,\" as will\npresently be shown. It is true that in isolated cases and in widely\nseparated sections the Apache have for nearly two centuries been a\ncorn-planting people, because we find accounts in the Spanish\nchronicles of the discovery and destruction by their military\nexpeditions of \"trojes\" or magazines of Apache corn near the San\nFrancisco (or Verde) River, in the present Territory of Arizona, as\nearly as the middle of the last century. But the general practice of\nthe tribe was to purchase its bread or meal from the Pueblos at such\ntimes as hostilities were not an obstacle to free trade. There was\nthis difference to be noted between the Apache and the Aztecs: The\nlatter had been long enough in the valley of Anahuac to learn and\nadopt many new foods, as we learn from Duran, who relates that at\ntheir festivals in honor of Tezcatlipoca, or those made in pursuance\nof some vow, the women cooked an astonishing variety of bread, just\nas, at the festivals of the Zu\u00f1i, Tusayan, and other Pueblos in our\nown time, thirty different kinds of preparations of corn may be\nfound.[390] I was personally informed by old Indians in the pueblos\nalong the Rio Grande that they had been in the habit of trading with\nthe Apache and Comanche of the Staked Plains of Texas until within\nvery recent years; in fact, I remember seeing such a party of Pueblos\non its return from Texas in 1869, as it reached Fort Craig, New\nMexico, where I was then stationed. I bought a buffalo robe from them.\nThe principal article of sale on the side of the Pueblos was cornmeal.\nThe Zu\u00f1i also carried on this mixed trade and hunting, as I was\ninformed by the old chief Pedro Pino and others. The Tusayan denied\nthat they had ever traded with the Apache so far to the east as the\nbuffalo country, but asserted that the Comanche had once sent a large\nbody of their people over to Walpi to trade with the Tusayan, among\nwhom they remained for two years. There was one buffalo robe among the\nTusayan at their snake dance in 1881, possibly obtained from the Ute\nto the north of them.\n\nThe trade carried on by the \"buffalo\" Indians with the Pueblos was\nnoticed by Don Juan de O\u00f1ate as early as 1599. He describes them as\n\"dressed in skins, which they also carried into the settled provinces\nto sell, and brought back in return cornmeal.\"[391]\n\nGregg[392] speaks of the \"Comancheros\" or Mexicans and Pueblos who\nventured out on the plains to trade with the Comanche, the principal\narticle of traffic being bread. Whipple[393] refers to this trade as\ncarried on with all the nomadic tribes of the Llano Estacado, one of\nwhich we know to have been the eastern division of the Apache. The\nprincipal article bartered with the wild tribes was flour, i.e.,\ncornmeal.\n\nIn another place he tells us of \"Pueblo Indians from Santo Domingo,\nwith flour and bread to barter with the K\u00e1i-\u00f2-w\u00e0s and Comanches for\nbuffalo robes and horses.\"[394] Again, Mexicans were seen with flour,\nbread, and tobacco, \"bound for Comanche land to trade. We had no\nprevious idea of the extent of this Indian trade.\"[395] Only one other\nreference to this intertribal commerce will be introduced.\n\nVetancurt[396] mentions that the Franciscan friars, between 1630 and\n1680, had erected a magnificent \"temple\" to \"Our Lady of the Angels of\nPorci\u00fancula,\" and that the walls were so thick that offices were\nestablished in their concavities. On each side of this temple, which\nwas erected in the pueblo of Pecos (situated at or near the head of\nthe Pecos River, about 30 miles southeast of Santa F\u00e9, New Mexico, on\nthe eastern rim of the Llano Estacado), were three towers. At the foot\nof the hill was a plain about one league in circumference, to which\nthe Apache resorted for trade. These were the Apache living on the\nplains of Texas. They brought with them buffalo robes, deer skins and\nother things to exchange for corn. They came with their dog-trains\nloaded, and there were more than five hundred traders arriving each\nyear.\n\nObserve that here we have the first and only reference to the use of\ndog trains by the Apache who in every other case make their women\ncarry all plunder in baskets on their backs. In this same extract from\nVetancurt there is a valuable remark about Quivira: \"Este es el paso\npara los reinos de la Quivira.\"\n\n\nANALOGUES OF HODDENTIN.\n\nIn the citation from the Spanish poet Villagr\u00e1, already given, the\nsuggestion occurs that some relationship existed between the powder\nscattered so freely during the Spanish \"carnestolendas\" and the\n\"kunque\" thrown by the people of Tusayan upon the Spaniards and their\nhorses when the Spaniards first entered that country. This analogy is\na very striking one, even though the Spaniards have long since lost\nall idea of the meaning of the practice which they still follow. It is\nto be noted, however, that one of the occasions when this flour is\nmost freely used is the Eve of All Saints (Hallowe'en), when the\nghosts or ancestors of the community were to be the recipients of\nevery attention.[397]\n\nIn the East, the use of the reddish or purple powder called the\n\"gul\u00e1l\" is widely prevalent, but it is used at the feast of Huli,\nwhich occurs at the time of the vernal equinox.\n\nThere seems to have been used in Japan in very ancient days a powder\nidentical with the hoddentin, and, like it, credited with the power to\ncure and rejuvenate.\n\nIn the mythical period, from the most ancient times to about B. C.\n200, being the period of the so-called pure Japanese \"medicine,\" it is\nrelated that Ona-muchi-no-mikoko gave these directions to a hare which\nhad been flayed by a crocodile: \"Go quickly now to the river mouth,\nwash thy body with fresh water, then take the pollen of the sedges and\nspread it about, and roll about upon it; whereupon thy body will\ncertainly be restored to its original state.\"[398]\n\nThere is no indication that in the above case the \"pollen of the\nsedges\" had ever occupied a place in the list of foods. It would\nappear that its magical effects were strictly dependent upon the fact\nthat it was recognized as the reproductive agent in the life of the\nplant.\n\nNo allusion has yet been made to the hoddentin of the Navajo, who are\nthe brothers of the Apache. Surgeon Matthews[399] has referred to it\nunder the name of tqa-di-tin\u141f, or ta-di-tin\u141f, \"the pollen, especially\nthe pollen of corn.\"\n\nThis appears to me to be a very interesting case of a compromise\nbetween the religious ideas of two entirely different systems or\nsects. The Navajo, as now known to us, are the offspring of the\noriginal Apache or Tinneh invaders and the refugees from the Rio\nGrande and Zu\u00f1i Pueblos, who fled to the fierce and cruel Apache to\nseek safety from the fiercer and more cruel Spanish.\n\nThe Apache, we have shown, offer up in sacrifice their traditional\nfood, the pollen of the tule. The Zu\u00f1i, as we have also shown, offer\nup their traditional food, the meal of corn, to which there have since\nbeen added sea shells and other components with a symbolical\nsignificance. The Navajo, the progeny of both, naturally seek to\neffect a combination or compromise of the two systems and make use of\nthe pollen of the corn. Kohl narrates an Ojibwa legend to the effect\nthat their god Menaboju, returning from the warpath, painted his face\nwith \"pleasant yellow stripes ... of the yellow foam that covers the\nwater in spring,\" and he adds that this is \"probably the yellow pollen\nthat falls from the pine.\" He quotes[400] another legend of the magic\nred powder for curing diseases once given by the snake spirit of the\nwaters to an Ojibwa.\n\nGodfrey Higgins[401] has this to say of the use of pollen by the\nancients which he recognizes as connected with the principle of\nfertility:\n\n \u0391\u03c1\u03c9\u03bc\u03b1, the sweet smell, means also a flower, that is Pushpa or\n Pushto. This was the language of the followers of the Phasah\n or the Lamb--it was the language of the Flower, of the Natzir,\n of the Flos-floris of Flora, of the Arouma, and of the flour\n of Ceres, or the Eucharistia. It was the language of the\n pollen, the pollen of plants, the principle of generation, of\n the Pole or Phallus.\n\nAgain he says:\n\n Buddha was a flower, because as flour or pollen he was the\n principle of fructification or generation. He was flour\n because flour was the fine or valuable part of the plant of\n Ceres, or wheat, the pollen which, I am told, in this plant,\n and in this plant alone, renews itself when destroyed. When\n the flour, pollen, is killed, it grows again several times.\n This is a very beautiful type or symbol of the resurrection.\n On this account the flour of wheat was the sacrifice offered\n to the \u03a7\u03c1\u03b7\u03c2 or Ceres in the \u0395\u1f50\u03c7\u03b1\u03c1\u03b9\u03c3\u03c4\u03b9\u03b1. In this pollen we have\n the name of pall or pallium and of Pallas, in the first\n language meaning _wisdom_.... When the devotee ate the bread\n he ate the pollen, and thus ate the body of the God of\n generation; hence might come transubstantiation.\n\nLupton,[402] in 1660, describes a \"powder of the flowers [pollen?] of\nelder, gathered on a midsummer day,\" which was taken to restore lost\nyouth. Brand, it may be as well to say, traces back the custom of\nthrowing flour into the faces of women and others on the streets at\nShrovetide, in Minorca and elsewhere, to the time of the Romans.[403]\n\nIn writing the description of the Snake Dance of the Moquis of\nArizona, I ventured to advance the surmise that the corn flour with\nwhich the sacred snakes were covered, and with which the air was\nwhitened, would be found upon investigation to be closely related to\nthe crithomancy or divination by grains of the cereals, as practiced\namong the ancient Greeks. Crithomancy, strictly speaking, meant a\ndivination by grains of corn. The expression which I should have\nemployed was alphitomancy, a divination \"by meal, flower, or\nbranne.\"[404] But both methods of divination have been noticed among\nthe aborigines of America.\n\nIn Peru the medicine-men were divided into classes, as were those of\nancient Egypt. These medicine-men \"made the various means of\ndivination specialities.\" Some of them predicted by \"the shapes of\ngrains of maize taken at random.\"[405] In Guatemala grains of corn or\nof chile were used indiscriminately, and in Guazacualco the\nmedicine-women used grains of frijoles or black beans. In Guatemala\nthey had what they called \"ahquij.\" \"Este modo de adivinar se llama\nahquij, malol-tzit\u00e8, malol-ixim, esto es: el que adivina por el sol,\n\u00f3 por granos de maiz \u00f3 chile.\"[406]\n\nIn Guazacualco the medicine-women \"hechaban suertes con granos de\nFrisoles, a manera de Dados, i hacian sus invocaciones, porque eran\nHechiceros: i si el Dado decia bien, proseguian en la cura, diciendo\nque sanaria: i si mal, no bolvian al enfermo.\"[407]\n\nHerrera in the preceding paragraph recognizes the close similarity\nbetween this sacred ceremony of casting lots or divining, and the more\northodox method of gambling, pure and simple, which has in every case\nbeen derived from a sacred origin.\n\n\"Les Hachus [one class of Peruvian priests] consultaient l'avenir au\nmoyen de grains de ma\u00efs ou des excr\u00e9ments des animaux.\"[408]\n\nThe Mexicans \"para saber si los enfermos habian de morir, \u00f3 sanar de\nla enfermedad que tenian, echaban un pu\u00f1ado de maiz lo mas grueso que\npodian haber, y lanz\u00e1banlo siete \u00f3 ocho veces, como lanzan los dados\nlos que los juegan, y si algun grano quedaba enhiesto, decian que era\nse\u00f1al de muerte.\"[409]\n\nFather Breb\u0153uf relates that at the Huron feast of the dead, which\noccurred every 8 or 10 years and which he saw at Ossossane, \"a few\ngrains of Indian corn were thrown by the women upon the sacred\nrelics.\"[410]\n\n\nTHE DOWN OF BIRDS IN CEREMONIAL OBSERVANCES.\n\nNo exhaustive and accurate examination of the subject of hoddentin\ncould be made without bringing the investigator face to face with the\ncurious analogue of \"down\" throwing and sprinkling which seemingly\nobtains with tribes which at some period of their history have been\ncompelled to rely upon birds as a main component of their diet.\nExamples of this are to be met with on both sides of the Pacific as\nwell as in remote Australia, and were the matter more fully examined\nthere is no doubt that some other identifications might be made in\nvery unexpected quarters. The down used by the Tchuktchi on occasions\nof ceremony had a suggestion of religion about it.[411] \"On leaving\nthe shore, they sung and danced. One who stood at the head of the boat\nwas employed in plucking out the feathers of a bird's skin and blowing\nthem in the air.\"\n\nIn Langsdorff's Travels[412] we learn that some of the dancers of the\nKoluschan of Sitka have their heads powdered with the small down\nfeathers of the white-headed eagle and ornamented with ermine; also,\nthat the hair and bodies of the Indians at the mission of Saint\nJoseph, New California, were powdered with down feathers.[413]\n\nThe Indians from the North Pacific coast seen visiting the mission of\nSan Francisco, by Kotzebue in 1816, \"had their long disordered hair\ncovered with down.\"[414]\n\nBancroft says of the Nootka of the northwest coast of British America:\n\"the hair is powdered plentifully with white feathers, which are\nregarded as the crowning ornament for manly dignity in all these\nregions.\"[415]\n\nThe bird's down used by the Haida of British North America in their\ndances seems very closely related to hoddentin. They not only put it\nupon their own persons, but \"delight to communicate it to their\npartners in bowing,\" and also \"blow it into the air at regular\nintervals through a painted tube.\" They also scattered down as a sign\nof welcome to the first European navigators.[416]\n\nIn all these dances, ceremonial visits, and receptions of strangers\nthe religious element can be discerned more or less plainly. The\nIndians west of the Mississippi with whom Father Hennepin was a\nprisoner in 1680, and who appear to have been a branch of the Sioux\n(Issati or Santee and Nadouessan), had a grand dance to signalize the\nkilling of a bear. On this occasion, which was participated in by the\n\"principaux chefs et guerriers,\" we learn that there was this to be\nnoted in their dress: \"ayant m\u00eame leurs cheveux frottez d'huile d'ours\n& parsemez de plumes, rouges & blanches & les t\u00eates charg\u00e9es de duvet\nd'oiseaux.\"[417]\n\n\"Swan's and bustard's down\" was used by the Accancess [i.e., the\nArkansas of the Siouan stock] in their religious ceremonies.[418]\n\nOf the war dress of the members of the Five Nations we learn from an\nearly writer: \"Their heads [previously denuded of all hair except that\nof the crown] are painted red down to the eye-brows and sprinkled over\nwith white down.\"[419]\n\nThe Indians of Virginia at their war dances painted themselves to make\nthem more terrible: \"Pour se rendre plus terriblee, ils s\u00e9ment des\nplumes, du duvet, ou du poil de quelque b\u00eate sur la peinture toute\nfraiche.\"[420] Down was also used by the medicine-men of the\nCarib.[421] The down of birds was used in much the same way by the\ntribes of Cuman\u00e1, a district of South America not far from the mouth\nof the Orinoco, in the present territory of Venezuela;[422] by the\nTupinambis, of Brazil, who covered the bodies of their victims with\nit;[423] by the Chiribchi, of South America,[424] and by the tribes\nof the Isthmus of Darien.[425] This down has also been used by some of\nthe Australians in their sacred dances.[426] \"The hair, or rather the\nwool upon their heads, was very abundantly powdered with white\npowder.... They powder not only their heads, but their beards\ntoo.\"[427]\n\nIn China \"there is a widespread superstition that the feathers of\nbirds, after undergoing certain incantations, are thrown up into the\nair, and being carried away by the wind work blight and destruction\nwherever they alight.\"\n\nThe down of birds seems not to have been unknown in Europe. To this\nday it is poured upon the heads of the bride and groom in weddings\namong the Russian peasantry.[428]\n\nThis leads up to the inquiry whether or not the application of tar and\nfeathers to the person may not at an early period have been an act of\nreligious significance, perverted into a ridiculous and infamous\npunishment by a conquering and unrelenting hostile sect. The subject\ncertainly seems to have awakened the curiosity of the learned Buckle,\nwhose remarks may as well be given.\n\nRichard, during his stay in Normandy (1189), made some singular laws\nfor regulating the conduct of the pilgrims in their passage by sea. \"A\nrobber, convicted of theft, shall be shaved in the manner of a\nchampion; and boiling pitch poured upon his head, and the feathers of\na pillow shaken over his head to distinguish him; and be landed at the\nfirst port where the ships shall stop.\"[429]\n\nThe circumstances mentioned in the text respecting tarring and\nfeathering is a fine subject for comment by the searchers into popular\nantiquities.[430]\n\n\nHAIR POWDER.\n\nSpeaking of the \"duvet\" or down, with which many American savage\ntribes deck themselves, Picart observes very justly: \"Cet ornement est\nbizare, mais dans le fond l'est il beaucoup plus que cette poudre d'or\ndont les Anciens, se poudroient la t\u00eate, ou que cette poudre compos\u00e9e\nd'amidon avec laquelle nos petits maitres modernes affectent de\nblanchir leurs cheveux ou leurs perruques?\"[431]\n\nPicart does not say, and perhaps it would not be wise for us to\nsurmise, that these modes of powdering had a religious origin.\n\nThe custom of powdering the hair seems to be a savage \"survival;\" at\nleast, it is still to be found among the Friendly Islanders, among\nwhom it was observed by Forster.[432] These islanders used a white\nlime powder, also one of blue and another of orange made of turmeric.\n\nThe Sandwich Islanders plastered their hair over \"with a kind of lime\nmade from burnt shells,\"[433] and Dillon speaks of the Friendly\nIslanders using lime, as Forster has already informed us.[434] The\nHottentots made a lavish use of the medicinal powder of the buchu,\nwhich they plastered on their heads, threw to their sacred animals,\nand used liberally at their funerals.[435] Kolben dispels all doubt by\nsaying: \"These powderings are religious formalities.\" He also alludes\nto the use, in much the same manner, of ashes by the same people.[436]\n\nThe use of ashes also occurs among the Zu\u00f1i, the Apache (at times),\nand the Abipone of Paraguay. Ashes are also \"thrown in the way of a\nwhirlwind to appease it.\"[437]\n\nIn the Witches' Sabbath, in Germany, \"it was said that the witches\nburned a he goat, and divided its ashes among themselves.\"[438]\n\nIn all the above cases, as well as in that of the use of ashes in the\nChristian churches, it is possible that the origin of the custom might\nbe traced back either to a desire to share in the burnt offering or\nelse in that of preserving some of the incinerated dust of the dead\nfriend or relative for whom the tribe or clan was in mourning. Ashes\nin the Christian church were not confined to Lent alone; they \"were\nworn four times a year, as in the beginning of Lent.\"[439]\n\nTuphramancy or divination by ashes was one of the methods of forecast\nin use among the priests of pagan Rome.[440]\n\nIn Northumberland the custom prevailed of making bonfires on the hills\non St. Peter's day. \"They made encroachments, on these occasions, upon\nthe bonfires of the neighbouring towns, of which they took away some\nof the ashes by force: This they called 'carrying off the flower\n(probably the flour) of the wake.'[441] Moresin thinks this a vestige\nof the ancient Cerealia.\"\n\nThe mourning at Iddah, in Guinea, consists in smearing the forehead\n\"with wood ashes and clay water, which is allowed to dry on. They\nlikewise powder their hair with wood ashes.\"[442]\n\n\nDUST FROM CHURCHES--ITS USE.\n\nThe last ceremonial powder to be described is dust from the ground, as\namong some of the Australians who smear their heads with pipe-clay as\na sign of mourning.[443]\n\nThe French writers mention among the ceremonies of the Natchez one in\nwhich the Great Sun \"gathered dust, which he threw back over his head,\nand turned successively to the four quarters of the world in repeating\nthe same act of throwing dust.\"[444]\n\nMention is made of \"an old woman who acted as beadle\" of a church, who\n\"once brought to the bedside of a dying person some of the sweepings\nfrom the floor of the altar, to ease and shorten a very lingering\ndeath.\"[445]\n\nAltar dust was a very ancient remedy for disease. Frommann says that,\nof the four tablets found in a temple of Esculapius, one bore this\ninscription: \"Lucio affecto lateris dolore; veniret et ex ara tollerit\ncinerem et una cum vino comisceret et poneret supra latus; et\nconvaluit,\" etc.[446]\n\nIt seems then that the medi\u00e6val use of altar dust traces back to the\nRoman use of altar ashes.\n\nSo hard is it to eradicate from the minds of savages ideas which have\nbecome ingrafted upon their nature that we need not be surprised to\nread in the Jesuit relations of affairs in Canada (1696-1702) that, at\nthe Mission of Saint Francis, where the Indians venerated the memory\nof a saintly woman of their own race, Catheraine Tagikoo-ita, \"pour\ngu\u00e9rir les malades que les r\u00e9m\u00e8des ordinaires ne soulagent point, on\navale dans l'eau ou dans un bouillon un peu de la poussi\u00e8re de son\ntombeau.\"\n\nA few persons are to be found who endeavor to collect the dust from\nthe feet of one hundred thousand Brahmins. One way of collecting this\ndust is by spreading a cloth before the door of a house where a great\nmultitude of Brahmins are assembled at a feast, and, as each Brahmin\ncomes out, he shakes the dust from his feet as he treads upon this\ncloth. Many miraculous cures are declared to have been performed upon\npersons using this dust.[447]\n\nA widow among the Armenian devil-worshipers is required \"to strew dust\non her head and to smear her face with clay.\"[448]\n\n\nCLAY-EATING.\n\nThe eating of clay would appear to have once prevailed all over the\nworld. In places the custom has degenerated into ceremonial or is to\nbe found only in myths. The Aztec devotee picked up a pinch of clay\nin the temple of Tezcatlipoca and ate it with the greatest\nreverence.[449]\n\nSahagun is quoted by Squier[450] as saying that the Mexicans swore by\nthe sun and \"by our sovereign mother, the Earth,\" and ate a piece of\nearth.\n\nBut the use of clay by the Mexicans was not merely a matter of\nceremony; clay seems to have been an edible in quite common use.\n\nEdible earth was sold openly in the markets of Mexico; \"yaun tierra,\"\nsays Gomara in the list of foods given by him.[451]\n\nThe eating of clay was forbidden to Mexican women during pregnancy.\n\nDiego Duran describes the ceremonial eating of clay in the temples of\nMexico; \"Lleg\u00f3 el dedo al suelo, y cogiendo tierra en \u00e9l lo meti\u00f3 en\nla boca; \u00e1 la cual ceremonia llamaban comer tierra santa.\"[452] And\nagain he says that in their sacrifices the Mexican nobles ate earth\nfrom the feet of the idols. \"Comian tierra de la que estaba \u00e1 los pies\ndel Ydolo.\"[453] But the Mexicans did not limit themselves to a\nceremonial clay-eating alone. Thomas Gage relates that \"they ate a\nkind of earth, for at one season in the yeer they had nets of mayle,\nwith the which they raked up a certaine dust that is bred upon the\nwater of the Lake of Mexico, and that is kneaded together like unto\noas of the sea.\"[454]\n\nDiego Duran[455] mentions the ceremonial clay-eating at the feast of\nTezcatlipoca agreeing with the note already taken from Kingsborough.\n\nThere is reference to clay-eating in one of the myths given in the\nPopol-Vuh. The Quiche deities Hunahpu and Xbalanqu\u00e9, desiring to\novercome the god Cabrakan, fed him upon roasted birds, but they took\ncare to rub one of the birds with \"tizate\" and to put white powder\naround it. The circle of white powder was, no doubt, a circle of\nhoddentin or something analogous thereto, intended to prevent any\nbaleful influence being exercised by Cabrakan. \"Mais ils frott\u00e8rent\nl'un des oiseaux avec du _tizate_ et lui mirent de la poussi\u00e8re\nblanche \u00e0 l'entour.\"[456]\n\nIn a footnote the word \"tizate\" is explained to be a very friable\nwhitish earth, used in polishing metals, making cement, etc.: \"Terre\nblanch\u00e2tre fort friable, et dont ils se servent pour polir les m\u00e9taux,\nfaire du ciment, etc.\"\n\nCabeza de Vaca says that the Indians of Florida ate clay--\"de la\nterre.\"[457] He says also[458] that the natives offered him many\nmesquite beans, which they ate mixed with earth--\"mele avec de la\nterre.\"[459]\n\nThe Jaguaces of Florida ate earth (tierra).[460]\n\nAt the trial of Vasco Pocallo de Figueroa, in Santiago de Cuba, in\n1522, \"for cruelty to the natives,\" he sought to make it appear that\nthe Indians ate clay as a means of suicide: \"el abuso de los Indios en\ncomer tierra ... seguian matandose de intento comiendo tierra.\"[461]\n\nThe Muiscas had in their language the word \"jipetera,\" a \"disease from\neating dirt.\"[462] Whether the word \"dirt\" as here employed means\nfilth, or earth and clay, is not plain; it probably means clay and\nearth.\n\nVenegas asserts that the Indians of California ate earth. The\ntraditions of the Indians of San Juan Capistrano, California, and\nvicinity show that \"they had fed upon a kind of clay,\" which they\n\"often used upon their heads by way of ornament.\"[463]\n\nThe T\u00e1tu Indians of California mix \"red earth into their acorn bread\n... to make the bread sweet and make it go further.\"[464]\n\nLong[465] relates that when the young warrior of the Oto or Omaha\ntribes goes out on his first fast he \"rubs his person over with a\nwhitish clay,\" but he does not state that he ate it.\n\nSir John Franklin[466] relates that the banks of the Mackenzie River\nin British North America contain layers of a kind of unctuous mud,\nprobably similar to that found near the Orinoco, which the Tinneh\nIndians \"use occasionally as food during seasons of famine, and even\nat other times chew as an amusement.... It has a milky taste and the\nflavour is not disagreeable.\"\n\nFather de Smet[467] says of the Athapascan: \"Many wandering families\nof the Carrier tribe ... have their teeth worn to the gums by the\nearth and sand they swallow with their nourishment.\" This does not\nseem to have been intentionally eaten.\n\n\"Some of the Siberian tribes, when they travel, carry a small bag of\ntheir native earth, the taste of which they suppose will preserve them\nfrom, all the evils of a foreign sky.\"[468]\n\nWe are informed that the Tunguses of Siberia eat a clay called \"rock\nmarrow,\" which they mix with marrow. \"Near the Ural Mountains,\npowdered gypsum, commonly called 'rock meal,' is sometimes mixed with\nbread, but its effects are pernicious.\"[469]\n\n\"The Jukabiri of northeastern Siberia have an earth of sweetish and\nrather astringent taste,\" to which they \"ascribe a variety of sanatory\nproperties.\"[470]\n\nThere is nothing in the records relating to Victoria respecting the\nuse of any earth for the purpose of appeasing hunger, but Grey\nmentions that one kind of earth, pounded and mixed with the root of\nthe _Mene_ (a species of H\u00e6madorum), is eaten by the natives of West\nAustralia.[471]\n\nThe Apache and Navajo branches of the Athapascan family are not\nunacquainted with the use of clay as a comestible, although among the\nformer it is now scarcely ever used and among the latter used only as\na condiment to relieve the bitterness of the taste of the wild potato;\nin the same manner it is known to both the Zu\u00f1i and Tusayan.\n\nWallace says that eating dirt was \"a very common and destructive habit\namong Indians and half-breeds in the houses of the whites.\"[472]\n\n\"Los apassionados \u00e0 comer tierra son los Indios Otomacos.\"[473]\n\n\"The earth which is eaten by the Ottomacs [of the Rio Orinoco] is fat\nand unctuous.\"[474]\n\nWaitz[475] cites Heusinger as saying that the Ottomacs of the Rio\nOrinoco eat large quantities of a fatty clay.\n\nClay was eaten by the Brazilians generally.[476]\n\nThe Romans had a dish called \"alica\" or \"frumenta,\" made of the grain\nzea mixed with chalk from the hills at Puteoli, near Naples.[477]\n\nAccording to the myths of the Cingalese, their Brahmins once \"fed on\nit [earth] for the space of 60,000 years.\"[478]\n\n\nPREHISTORIC FOODS USED IN COVENANTS.\n\nIt has been shown that the Apache, on several occasions, as when going\nout to meet strangers, entering into solemn agreements, etc., made use\nof the hoddentin. A similar use of food, generally prehistoric, can be\nnoted in other regions of the world.\n\nIt was a kind of superstitious trial used among the Saxons to purge\nthemselves of any accusation by taking a piece of barley bread and\neating it with solemn oaths and execrations that it might prove\npoisonous or their last morsel if what they asserted or denied was not\ntrue.[479] Those pieces of bread were first execrated by the priest,\nfrom which he infers that at a still earlier day sacramental bread may\nhave been used for the same purpose.\n\nAt Rome, in the time of Cicero and Horace, a master who suspected that\nhis slaves had robbed him conducted them before a priest. They were\neach obliged to eat a cake over which the priest had \"pronounced some\nmagical words (_carmine infectum_).\"[480]\n\nThe people living on the coast of Coramandel have an ordeal\nconsisting in the chewing of unboiled rice. No harm will attach to him\nwho tells the truth, but the perjurer is threatened with condign\npunishment in this world and in that to come.[481] Bread is bitten\nwhen the Ostaaks of Siberia take a solemn oath, such as one of fealty\nto the Czar.[482]\n\n\nSACRED BREADS AND CAKES.\n\nSince the employment of hoddentin, or tule pollen, as a sacred\ncommemorative food would seem to have been fairly demonstrated, before\nclosing this section I wish to add a few paragraphs upon the very\ngeneral existence of ritualistic farinaceous foods in all parts of the\nworld. They can be detected most frequently in the ceremonial\nreversion to a grain or seed which has passed or is passing out of\neveryday use in some particular form given to the cake or bread or\nsome circumstance of time, place, and mode of manufacture and\nconsumption which stamps it as a \"survival.\" So deeply impressed was\nGrimm[483] with the wide horizon spreading around the consideration of\nthis topic that he observed: \"Our knowledge of heathen antiquities\nwill gain both by the study of these drinking usages which have lasted\ninto later times and also of the shapes given to _baked meats_, which\neither retained the actual forms of ancient idols or were accompanied\nby sacrificial observances. A history of German cakes and bread rolls\nmight contain some unexpected disclosures.... Even the shape of cakes\nis a reminiscence of the sacrifices of heathenism.\"\n\nThe first bread or cake to be mentioned in this part of the subject is\nthe pancake, still so frequently used on the evening of Shrove\nTuesday. In antiquity it can be traced back before the Reformation,\nbefore the Crusades were dreamed of, before the Barbarians had\nsubverted Rome, before Rome itself had fairly taken shape.\n\nThere seems to have been a very decided religious significance in the\npreparation of pancakes on Shrove Tuesday. In Leicestershire, \"On\nShrove Tuesday a bell rings at noon, which is meant as a signal for\nthe people to begin frying their pancakes.\"[484]\n\n\"The Norman _Crispell\u00e6_ (Du Cange) are evidently taken from the\n_Fornacalia_, on the 18th of February, in memory of the method of\nmaking bread, before the Goddess _Fornax_ invented ovens.\"[485]\n\nUnder \"Crispell\u00e6,\" Du Cange says: \"Rustici apud Normannos vocant\nCrespes, ova pauca mixta cum farina, et in sartagine frixa,\" and says\nthat they are \"ex herba, farina et oleo.\"[486] These same Crispell\u00e6\nare to be seen on the Rio Grande during Christmas week.\n\nIn the Greek Church and throughout Russia there is to the present time\na \"pancake feast\" at Shrovetide.[487]\n\nAt one time a custom prevailed of going about from one friend's house\nto another, masked, and committing every conceivable prank. \"Then the\npeople feasted on blinnies--a pancake similar to the English\ncrumpet.\"[488]\n\nIn the pancake we have most probably the earliest form of farinaceous\nfood known to the nations which derived their civilization from the\nbasin of the Mediterranean. Among these nations wheat has been in use\nfrom a time far beyond the remotest historical period, and to account\nfor its introduction myth has been invoked; but this wheat was cooked\nwithout leaven, or was fried in a pan, after the style of the tortilla\nstill used in Spanish-speaking countries, or of the pancake common\namong ourselves. Pliny[489] says that there were no bakers known in\nRome until nearly six hundred years after the foundation of the city,\nin the days of the war with Persia; but he perhaps meant the public\nbakers authorized by law. The use of wheat and the art of baking\nbread, as we understand it to-day, were practically unknown to the\nnations of northern Europe until within the recent historical\nperiod.[490]\n\nNothing would be more in consonance with the mode of reasoning of a\nprimitive people than that, at certain designated festivals, there\nshould be a recurrence to the earlier forms of food, a reversion to an\nearlier mode of life, as a sort of propitiation of the gods or\ngoddesses who had cared for the nation in its infancy and to secure\nthe continuance of their beneficent offices. Primitive man was never\nso certain of the power of the gods of the era of his own greatest\ndevelopment that he could rely upon it implicitly and exclusively and\nignore the deities who had helped him to stand upon his feet. Hence,\nthe recurrence to pancakes, to unleavened breads of all kinds, among\nvarious peoples. This view of the subject was made plain to me while\namong the Zu\u00f1i Indians. Mr. Frank H. Cushing showed me that the women,\nwhen baking the \"loaves\" of bread, were always careful to place in the\nadobe ovens a tortilla with each batch of the newer kind, and no doubt\nfor the reason just given.\n\n\nUNLEAVENED BREAD.\n\nThe unleavened bread of the earliest period of Jewish history has come\ndown to our own times in the Feast of Unleavened Bread, still observed\nby the Hebrews in all parts of the world, in the bread used in the\neucharistic sacrifice by so large a portion of the Christian world,\nand apparently in some of the usages connected with the\nhalf-understood fast known as the \"Ember Days.\" Brand quotes from an\nold work in regard to the Ember Days: \"They were so called 'because\nthat our elder fathers wolde on these days ete no brede but cakes made\nunder ashes.'\"[491]\n\nThe sacred cake or \"draona\" of the Parsi \"is a small round pancake or\nwafer of unleavened bread, about the size of the palm of the hand. It\nis made of wheaten flour and water, with a little clarified butter,\nand is flexible.\"[492] A variety of the \"draona,\" called a \"frasast,\"\nis marked with the finger nail and set aside for the guardian spirits\nof the departed.[493]\n\nCakes and salt were used in religious rites by the ancients. The Jews\nprobably adopted their appropriation from the Egyptians.[494] \"During\nall the Passover week--14th to 21st Nisan, i.e., during this week's\nmoon--Shemites fast, only eating unleavened bread, and most\ndiligently--not without reason--cleansing their houses.\" \"And\nespecially had all leavened matter to be removed, for the new leavener\nhad now arisen, and prayers with curses were offered up against any\nportions which might have escaped observation. The law of their fierce\nJahveh was that, whoever during all this festival tasted leavened\nbread, 'that soul should be cut off,' which Godwyn mollifies by urging\nthat this only meant the offender should die without children; which\nwas still a pretty considerable punishment for eating a piece of\nbread!\"[495]\n\n\"The great day of Pentecost is the 6th of Sivan, or, say, the 22d of\nMay, 1874. From the first barley _two loaves_ were then made, 'the\noffering of which was the distinguishing rite of the day of\nPentecost.'\"[496]\n\nOn St. Bridget's Eve every farmer's wife in Ireland makes a cake,\ncalled _bairinbreac_; the neighbors are invited, the madder of ale and\nthe pipe go round, and the evening concludes with mirth and\nfestivity.[497] Vallencey identifies this as the same kind of offering\nthat was made to Ceres, and to \"the queen of heaven, to whom the\nJewish women burnt incense, poured out drink offerings, and made cakes\nfor her with their own hands.\"[498]\n\n\nTHE HOT CROSS BUNS OF GOOD FRIDAY.\n\nThe belief prevailed that these would not mold like ordinary\nbread.[499]\n\n\"In several counties [in England] a small loaf of bread is annually\nbaked on the morning of Good Friday and then put by till the same\nanniversary in the ensuing year. This bread is not intended to be\neaten, but to be used as a medicine, and the mode of administering it\nis by grating a small portion of it into water and forming a sort of\npanada. It is believed to be good for many disorders, but particularly\nfor a diarrh\u0153a, for which it is considered a sovereign remedy. Some\nyears ago a cottager lamented that her poor neighbour must certainly\ndie of this complaint, because she had already given her two doses of\nGood Friday bread without any benefit. No information could be\nobtained from the doctress respecting her nostrum, but that she had\nheard old folks say that it was a good thing and that she always made\nit.\"[500]\n\nBrand quotes a writer in the Gentleman's Magazine who shows that they\nwere \"formerly, at least, unleavened,\" p. 156. They \"are constantly\nmarked with the form of the cross.\" \"It is an old belief that the\nobservance of the custom of eating buns on Good Friday protects the\nhouse from fire, and several other virtues are attributed to these\nbuns,\" p. 156. \"Hutchinson, in his History of Northumberland,\nfollowing Bryant's Analysis, derives the Good Friday bun from the\nsacred cakes which were offered at the Arkite Temples, styled Boun,\nand presented every seventh day,\" p. 155. A very interesting\ndissertation upon these sacred cakes as used by the Greeks, Egyptians,\nand Jews in the time of their idolatry, is to be found in Brand's\nwork, pp. 155-156.[501]\n\nPractices analogous to those referred to are to be noted among the\nPueblo Indians. They offer not only the kunque, but bread also in\ntheir sacrifices.\n\nIn the sacred rabbit hunt of the Zu\u00f1i, which occurs four times a year\nand is carried on for the purpose of procuring meat for the sacred\neagles confined in cages, a great fire was made on the crest of a\nhill, into which were thrown piles of bread crusts and in the smoke of\nwhich the boomerangs or rabbit sticks were held while the hunter\nrecited in an audible tone and with downcast head the prayers\nprescribed for the occasion. One of the early Spanish writers informs\nus that the women of the pueblo of Santo Domingo, on the Rio Grande,\noffered bread on bended knees to their idols and then preserved it for\nthe remainder of the year, and the house which did not have a supply\nof such blessed bread was regarded as unfortunate and exposed to\ndanger.[502]\n\nA prehistoric farinaceous food of the Romans survives in our bridecake\nor wedding cake. It is well understood that among the Romans there\nwere three kinds of marriage: that called \"coemptio,\" that called\n\"concubitu\" or \"usu,\" and the highest form of all, known as\n\"confarratio,\" from the fact that bride and groom ate together of a\nkind of cake or bread made of the prehistoric flour, the \"far.\" We\nhave preserved the custom of having bridecake, which is still served\nwith many superstitious ceremonies: \"it must be cut by the bride\nherself; it must be broken in pieces (formerly these pieces were cast\nover the heads of the bridesmaids), and, after being passed through a\nwedding ring a certain number of times, it must be placed under the\npillow of the anxious maiden to serve as a basis for her dreams.\"[503]\n\nExactly what this prehistoric food was it is now an impossibility to\ndetermine with exactness. Torquemada shows that long after the Romans\nhad obtained the use of wheat they persisted in the sacrificial use of\nthe \"nola isla,\" \"farro,\" and \"escanda,\" forms of wild grain once\nroasted and ground and made into bread by their forefathers.[504] A\nsimilar usage prevailed among the Greeks. Pliny speaks of \"the bearded\nred wheat, named in Latin 'far,'\" and tells us that rye was called\n\"secale\" or \"farrago.\"[505] The radical \"far\" is still to be found all\nover Europe in the word for flour, \"farina,\" \"farine,\" or \"harina,\"\nwhile it is also possible that it may be detected in the\never-to-be-honored name of Farragut.[506]\n\nIn the eight marriage rites described by Baudh\u00e2yana, the initiatory\noblation in the fourth (that in which the father gives his daughter\naway) consists of \"parched grain.\" This rite is one of the four which\nare lawful for a Brahman. The parched grain to be used would seem to\nbe either sesamum or barley, although this is not clear. Vasish_th_a\nsays, chapter 27, concerning secret penances: \"He who ... uses barley\n(for his food) becomes pure.\"[507]\n\nThe pages of Brand[508] are filled with references to various forms of\ncake which seem properly to be included under this chapter. In England\nthere formerly prevailed the custom of preparing \"soul cakes\" for\ndistribution among visitors to the family on that day and to bands of\nwaifs or singers, who expected them as a dole for praying and singing\nin the interests of the souls of the dead friends and relatives of the\nfamily. On the island of St. Kilda the soul cake was \"a large cake in\nthe form of a triangle, furrowed round, and which was to be all eaten\nthat night.\"[509] In Lancashire and Hertfordshire the cake was made of\noatmeal, but in many other parts it was a \"seed cake\"[510] and in\nWarwickshire, \"at the end of barley and bean seed time, there is a\ncustom there to give the plowmen _froise_, a species of thick\npancake.\"[511] \"All-soul cakes\" were distributed at time of All Souls'\nDay.\n\nIn England and Scotland the old custom[512] was to have a funeral\nfeast, which all friends and relations were expected to attend. Wine,\ncurrant cake, meat, and other refreshments, varying according to the\nfortune of the family, were served liberally. The bread given out was\ncalled \"arvil-bread.\" There is no special reason for believing that\nthis could be called a hoddentin custom, except that the writer\nhimself calls attention to the fact that in the earlier times the\nbread was in the form of \"wafers.\"[513]\n\nThe Romans had a college of priests called the \"Fratres Arvales,\"\nnine, or, as some say, twelve in number, to whose care were committed\nthe sacrifices in honor of Ceres at the old limits of the city, to\npropitiate that goddess and induce her to bestow fertility upon the\nfields. These ceremonies, which are believed by the editor of Bohn's\nStrabo to survive in the Rogation Day processions of the Roman\nCatholic Church, recall the notes already taken upon the subject of\nthe Arval bread of the Scotch.[514] The sacrifices themselves were\ndesignated \"Ambarva\" and \"Ambarvalia.\"\n\nIn Scotland and England it was customary for bands of singers to go\nfrom door to door on New Year's Eve, singing and receiving reward. In\nthe latter country \"cheese and oaten cakes, which are called _farls_,\nare distributed on this occasion among the cryers.\" In the former\ncountry \"there was a custom of distributing sweet cakes and a\nparticular kind of sugared bread.\"[515]\n\nA fine kind of wheat bread called \"wassail-bread\" formed an important\nfeature of the entertainment on New Year's Day in old England.[516]\n\nAmong love divinations may be reckoned the dumb cake, so called\nbecause it was to be made without speaking, and afterwards the parties\nwere to go backward up the stairs to bed and put the cake under their\npillows, when they were to dream of their lovers.[517]\n\nReferences to the beal-tine ceremonies of Ireland and Scotland, in\nwhich oatmeal gruel figured as a dish, or cakes made of oatmeal and\ncarraway seeds, may be found in Brand, Pop. Antiq., vol. 1, p. 226; in\nBlount, Tenures of Land and Customs of Manors, London, 1874, p. 131;\nand in Pennant's Tour in Scotland, in Pinkerton's Voyages, vol. 3, p.\n49. In \"A Charm for Bewitched Land\" we find the mode of making a cake\nor loaf with holy water.\n\nThe mince pie and plum pudding of Christmas are evidently ancient\npreparations, and it is not unlikely that the shape of the former,\nwhich, prior to the Reformation, was that of a child's cradle, had a\nreminiscence of the sacrifice of babies at the time of the winter\nsolstice. Grimm has taught that where human sacrifice had been\nabolished the figure of a coffin or a cradle was still used as a\nsymbol.\n\nThere is a wide field of information to be gleaned in the\ninvestigation of the subject of bean foods at certain periods or\nfestivals of the year, and upon this point I have some notes and\nmemoranda, but, as my present remarks are limited to prehistoric\n_farinaceous_ foods, I do not wish to add to the bulk of the present\nchapter.[518]\n\n\"Kostia--boiled rice and plums--is the only thing partaken of on\nChristmas Eve.\"[519]\n\n\nGALENA.\n\nAt times one may find in the \"medicine\" of the more prominent and\ninfluential of the chiefs and medicine-men of the Apache little sacks\nwhich, when opened, are found to contain pounded galena; this they\ntell me is a \"great medicine,\" fully equal to hoddentin, but more\ndifficult to obtain. It is used precisely as hoddentin is used; that\nis, both as a face paint and as a powder to be thrown to the sun or\nother elements to be propitiated. The Apache are reluctant to part\nwith it, and from living Apache I have never obtained more than one\nsmall sack of it.\n\nNo one seems to understand the reason for its employment. Mr. William\nM. Beebe has suggested that perhaps the fact that galena always\ncrystallizes in cubes, and that it would thus seem to have a\nmysterious connection with the cardinal points to which all nomadic\npeoples pay great attention as being invested with the power of\nkeeping wanderers from going astray, would not be without influence\nupon the minds of the medicine-men, who are quick to detect and to\nprofit by all false analogies. The conjecture appears to me to be a\nmost plausible one, but I can submit it only as a conjecture, for no\nexplanation of the kind was received from any of the Indians. All that\nI can say is that whenever procurable it was always used by the Apache\non occasions of unusual importance and solemnity and presented as a\nround disk painted in the center of the forehead.\n\nThe significance of all these markings of the face among savage and\nhalf-civilized nations is a subject deserving of the most careful\nresearch; like the sectarial marks of the Hindus, all, or nearly all,\nthe marks made upon the faces of American Indians have a meaning\nbeyond the ornamental or the grotesque.\n\nGalena was observed in use among the tribes seen by Cabeza de Vaca.\n\"Ils nous donn\u00e8rent beaucoup de bourses, contenant des sachets de\nmarcassites et d'antimoine en poudre.\" (\"Taleguillas de margaxita y de\nalcohol molido.\")[520] This word \"margaxita\" means iron pyrites. The\nEncyclop\u00e6dia Britannica says that the Peruvians used it for \"amulets;\"\nso also did the Apache. What Vaca took for antimony was pounded galena\nno doubt. He was by this time in or near the Rocky Mountains.[521]\n\nOn the northwest coast of America we read of the natives: \"One,\nhowever, as he came near, took out from his bosom some iron or\nlead-colored micaceous earth and drew marks with it across his cheeks\nin the shape of two pears, stuffed his nostrils with grass, and thrust\nthin pieces of bone through the cartilage of his nose.\"[522]\n\nIt is more than probable that some of the face-painting with \"black\nearth,\" \"ground charcoal,\" etc., to which reference is made by the\nearly writers, may have been galena, which substance makes a\ndeep-black mark. The natives would be likely to make use of their\nmost sacred powder upon first meeting with mysterious strangers like\nVaca and his companions. So, when the expedition of La Salle reached\nthe mouth of the Ohio, in 1680, the Indians are described as fasting\nand making superstitious sacrifices; among other things, they marked\nthemselves with \"black earth\" and with \"ground charcoal.\" \"Se daban\ncon Tierra Negra o Carbon molido.\"[523]\n\nFrom an expression in Burton, I am led to suspect that the application\nof kohl or antimony to the eyes of Arabian beauty is not altogether\nfor ornament. \"There are many kinds of kohl used in medicine and\nmagic.\"[524]\n\nCorbusier says of the Apache-Yuma: \"Galena and burnt mescal are used\non their faces, the former to denote anger or as war paint, being\nspread all over the face, except the chin and nose, which are painted\nred.\"[525]\n\nIn Coleman's Mythology of the Hindus, London, 1832, page 165, may be\nfound a brief chapter upon the subject of the sectarial marks of the\nHindus. With these we may fairly compare the marks which the Apache,\non ceremonial occasions, make upon cheeks and forehead. The adherents\nof the Brahminical sects, before entering a temple, must mark\nthemselves upon the forehead with the tiluk. Among the Vishnuites,\nthis is a longitudinal vermilion line. The Seevites use several\nparallel lines in saffron.[526] Maurice adds that the Hindus place the\ntiluk upon their idols in twelve places.[527] \"Among the Kaffir the\nwarriors are rendered invulnerable by means of a black cross on their\nforeheads and black stripes on the cheeks, both painted by the\nInyanga, or fetich priest.\"[528]\n\nA piece of galena weighing 7\u00bd pounds was found in a mound near Naples,\nIllinois.[529] Occasionally with the bones of the dead are noticed\nsmall cubes of galena; and in our collection is a ball of this ore,\nweighing a pound and two ounces, which was taken from a mound, and\nwhich probably did service, enveloped in raw hide, as some form of\nweapon.[530] Galena was much prized by the former inhabitants of North\nAmerica. \"The frequent occurrence of galena on the altars of the\nsacrificial mounds proves, at any rate, that the ancient inhabitants\nattributed a peculiar value to it, deeming it worthy to be offered as\na sacrificial gift.\"[531] See also Squier and Davis.[532]\n\nFOOTNOTES:\n\n[247] Deane, Serpent Worship, London, 1833, p. 410.\n\n[248] The medicine sack or bag of the Apache, containing their\n\"hoddentin,\" closely resembles the \"bull\u00e6\" of the Romans--in which \"On\ny mettait des pr\u00e9servatifs contre les mal\u00e9fices.\" Mus\u00e9e de Naples,\nLondon, 1836, p. 4. Copy shown me by Mr. Spofford, of the Library of\nCongress.\n\n[249] Information of Tze-go-juni.\n\n[250] Information of Concepcion.\n\n[251] See notes, a few pages farther on, from Kohl; also those from\nGodfrey Higgins. The word \"op\u00e9\" suggests the name the Tusayan have for\nthemselves, Opi, or Opika, \"bread people.\"\n\n[252] Information of Tze-go-juni.\n\n[253] Information of Mike Burns.\n\n[254] Information of Mickey Free.\n\n[255] Information of Alchise, Mike, and others.\n\n[256] Information of Francesca and other captive Chiricahua squaws.\n\n[257] Information of Moses Henderson.\n\n[258] Information of Chato.\n\n[259] Information of Tze-go-juni.\n\n[260] Information of Moses Henderson and other Apache at San Carlos.\n\n[261] Bureau of Ethnology, Report for 1883-'84.\n\n[262] Information of Francesca and others.\n\n[263] Information of Tze-go-juni.\n\n[264] Smart, in Smithsonian Report for 1867, p. 419.\n\n[265] Snake Dance of Moquis of Arizona, New York, 1884.\n\n[266] In the third volume of Kingsborough, on plate 17 (Aztec picture\nbelonging to M. Pejernavy, Pesth, Hungary), an Aztec, probably a\npriest, is shown offering food to a snake, which eats it out of his\nhand.\n\n[267] Corbusier, in American Antiquarian, November, 1886, pp. 336-37.\n\n[268] Information of Moses Henderson.\n\n[269] American Antiquarian, Sept. and Nov., 1886.\n\n[270] Ann. Rep. Bu. Eth., 1883-'84.\n\n[271] Snake Dance of the Moquis.\n\n[272] Interview with Pedro Pino.\n\n[273] Kunque has added to the cornmeal the meal of two varieties of\ncorn, blue and yellow, a small quantity of pulverized sea shells, and\nsome sand, and when possible a fragment of the blue stone called\n\"chalchihuitl.\" In grinding the meal on the metates the squaws are\nstimulated by the medicine-men who keep up a constant singing and\ndrumming.\n\n[274] Simpson, Expedition to the Navajo Country, in Senate Doc. 64,\n31st Cong., 1st sess., 1849-'50, p. 95.\n\n[275] Hakluyt, Voyages, vol. 3, p. 470. \"Echavan mucha harina de maiz\npor el suelo para que la pisassen los caballos.\"--Padre Fray Juan\nGonzales de Mendoza, De las Cosas de Chino, etc., Madrid, 1586, p.\n172. See also the Relacion of Padre Fray Alonso Fernandez, Historia\nEclesiastica de Nuestros Tiempos, Toledo, 1611, pp. 15, 16.\n\n[276] P. 162.\n\n[277] Diego Duran, vol. 2, cap. 49, pp. 506, 507.\n\n[278] Herrera, dec. 5., lib. 4, cap. 5, p. 92.\n\n[279] Padre Christoval de Molina, Fables and Rites of the Yncas,\ntranslated by Markham in Hakluyt Soc. Trans., vol. 48, p. 63, London,\n1873.\n\n[280] Montesinos, pp. 161, 162, in Ternaux-Compans, vol. 17, M\u00e9moires\nsur l'ancien P\u00e9rou.\n\n[281] Relation of the voyage of Don Fernando Alarcon, in Hakluyt\nVoyages, vol. 3, p. 508.\n\n[282] Alarcon in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., vol. 9, p. 330. See also in\nHakluyt Voyages, vol. 3, p. 516.\n\n[283] Kitchi-gami, London, 1860, p. 51.\n\n[284] See also on the subject Acosta, Hist. Naturelle des Indes, lib.\n5, cap. 19, p. 241.\n\n[285] Landa, Cosas de Yucatan, Paris, 1864, page 148.\n\n[286] Bancroft, Native Races, vol. 2, p. 145. See also Clavigero,\nHist. of Mexico, Philadelphia, 1817, vol. 2, p. 128.\n\n[287] Smith, Araucanians, 1855, pp. 274-275.\n\n[288] Smith, True Travels, Adventures and Observations, Richmond,\n1819, vol. 1, p. 161.\n\n[289] C\u00e9r\u00e9monies et Co\u00fbtumes, Amsterdam, 1735, vol. 6, p. 74.\n\n[290] Historia de las Indias, p. 284.\n\n[291] Colonial Records of North Carolina, 1886, vol. 1, p. 930.\n\n[292] M\u0153urs des Sauvages, Paris, 1724, vol. 1, p. 386.\n\n[293] Personal notes of May 26, 1881; conversation with Chi and Damon\nat Fort Defiance. Navajo Agency, Arizona.\n\n[294] Ibid.\n\n[295] Barcia, Ensayo Cronologico, p. 160.\n\n[296] Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, vol. 4, p. 213.\n\n[297] Columbus Letters, in Hakluyt Soc. Works, London, 1847, vol. 2,\np. 192.\n\n[298] Barcia, Ensayo Cronologico, p. 279.\n\n[299] The medicine-men of the Swampy Crees, as described in Bishop of\nRupert's Land's works, quoted by Henry Youle Hind, Canadian Exploring\nExpedition, vol. 1, p. 113.\n\n[300] Personal notes, November 22, 1885, at Baker's ranch, summit of\nthe Sierra Ancha, Arizona.\n\n[301] Tanner's Narrative, p. 174.\n\n[302] Blount, Tenures of Land and Customs of Manors, London, 1874, p.\n355.\n\n[303] Brand, Popular Antiquities, London, 1882, vol. 3, pp. 307 et\nseq.\n\n[304] Cr\u00f3nica Ser\u00e1fica, p. 434.\n\n[305] Nicolas Perrot, M\u0153urs, Coustumes et Relligion des sauvages de\nl'Am\u00e9rique Septentrionale (Ed. of Rev. P. J. Tailhan, S.J.,) Leipzig,\n1864. Perrot was a coureur de bois, interpreter, and donn\u00e9 of the\nJesuit missions among the Ottawa, Sioux, Iowa, etc., from 1665 to\n1701.\n\n[306] Leems', Account of Danish Lapland, in Pinkerton's Voyages,\nLondon, 1814, vol. 1, p. 484.\n\n[307] Across Africa, London, 1877, vol. 1, p. 277.\n\n[308] Ibid., vol. 2, pp. 118, 120.\n\n[309] Source of the Nile, London, 1863, introd., p. xxi.\n\n[310] Cameron, Across Africa, London, 1877, vol. 2, p. 201.\n\n[311] Source of the Nile, London, 1863, pp. 130, 259.\n\n[312] Dark Continent, vol. 2, p. 260.\n\n[313] Schultze, Fetichism, New York, 1885, p. 53.\n\n[314] Ibid., footnote, page 53.\n\n[315] Ibid., p. 67.\n\n[316] Asiatick Researches, Calcutta, 1805, vol. 8, p. 78.\n\n[317] Coleman, Mythology of the Hindus, London, 1832, p. 44.\n\n[318] History of the Sect of the Mah\u00e1r\u00e1jahs, quoted by Inman, Ancient\nFaiths, etc., vol. 1, p. 393.\n\n[319] Higgins, Anacalypsis, vol. 1, p. 261.\n\n[320] Picart, C\u00e9r\u00e9monies et Co\u00fbtumes, etc., vol. 6, part 2, p. 119.\n\n[321] Among the Mongols, London, 1883, p. 179.\n\n[322] Wright, Sorcery and Magic, London, 1851, vol. 1, p. 346.\n\n[323] Anacalypsis, vol. 2, p. 244.\n\n[324] Rivers of Life, vol. 1, p. 161.\n\n[325] Source of the Nile, London, 1863, pp. 205, 208.\n\n[326] Sahagun, vol. 2, in Kingsborough, vol. 6, p. 29.\n\n[327] Forlong, Rivers of Life, vol. 1, p. 184.\n\n[328] Ibid., pp. 185, 186.\n\n[329] Ibid., p. 186.\n\n[330] Dec. 6, lib. 1, p. 9.\n\n[331] Ternaux-Compans, Voyages, vol. 7, pp. 242, 250.\n\n[332] Relation of Cabeza de Vaca in Purchas, vol. 4, lib. 8, cap. 1,\nsec. 4, p. 1524.\n\n[333] Conquest of New Mexico, p. 100.\n\n[334] Ensayo Cronologico, pp. 12 et seq.\n\n[335] See also on this point Corbusier, in American Antiquarian,\nNovember, 1886.\n\n[336] Rau's translation in Smithsonian Ann. Rep., 1863, p. 364.\n\n[337] Probably the Lake of Parras.\n\n[338] Historia de la Compa\u00f1\u00eda de Jesus en Nueva-Espa\u00f1a, vol. 1, p.\n284.\n\n[339] History of Virginia.\n\n[340] See also article by J. Howard Gore, Smithsonian Report, 1881.\n\n[341] Pinkerton, Voyages, London, 1814, vol. 13, p. 468.\n\n[342] Personal notes, April 5, 1881.\n\n[343] Drake, World Encompassed, pp. 124-126, quoted by H. H. Bancroft,\nNative Races, vol. 1, pp. 387-388. (This chaplain stated so many\nthings ignorantly that nothing is more probable than that he attempted\nto describe, without seeing it, the plant from which the Indians told\nhim that hoddentin (or downe) was obtained. The principal chief or\n\"king\" would, on such an awe-inspiring occasion as meeting with\nstrange Europeans, naturally want to cover himself and followers with\nall the hoddentin the country afforded.)\n\n[344] Kennan, Tent Life in Siberia, p. 66.\n\n[345] Quoted by Kingsborough, vol. 6, p. 100.\n\n[346] Torquemada, Monarchia Indiana, vol. 2, lib. 10, cap. 22, p. 274.\n\n[347] Gallatin, in Trans. Am. Ethnol. Soc., vol. 1, pp. 117-118.\n\n[348] Vetancurt, Teatro Mexicano, vol. 1, p. 271.\n\n[349] M\u0153urs des Sauvages, vol. 2, pp. 194, 195.\n\n[350] Madrid, 1870, vol. 14, p. 320.\n\n[351] Ibid.\n\n[352] Ternaux-Compans, Voyages, vol. 9, p. 159.\n\n[353] Among others consult Cr\u00f3nica Ser\u00e1fica y Apostolica of Espinosa,\nMexico, 1746, p. 419, speaking of the Asinai of Texas in 1700:\n\"Siembran tambien cantidad de Gyrasoles que se dan muy corpulentos y\nla flor muy grande que en el centro tienen la semilla como de pi\u00f1ones\ny de ella mixturada con el maiz hacen un bollo que es de mucho sabor y\nsustancia.\"\n\n[354] Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nations Civilis\u00e9es, quoted by\nBancroft, Native Races, vol. 3, p. 421.\n\n[355] Sahagun, in book 7, Kingsborough, p. 71.\n\n[356] Squier, Serpent Symbol, p. 193, quoting Torquemada, lib. 7, cap.\n8.\n\n[357] History of Mexico, Philadelphia, 1817, vol. 2, p. 79. See the\nadditional note from Clavigero, which would seem to show that this\netzalli was related to the espada\u00f1a or rush.\n\n[358] Monarchia Indiana, vol. 2, lib. 6, cap. 38, p. 71.\n\n[359] Ibid., p. 72.\n\n[360] Ibid., p. 73.\n\n[361] Dec. 3, lib. 2, pp. 71, 72.\n\n[362] Native Races, vol. 3, p. 323.\n\n[363] Diego Duran, vol. 3, p. 187.\n\n[364] See notes already given from Buckingham Smith's translation of\nVaca.\n\n[365] Diego Duran, vol. 3, p. 195.\n\n[366] Jos\u00e9 Acosta, Hist. des Indes, ed. of Paris, 1600, liv. 5, cap.\n24, p. 250.\n\n[367] Monarchia Indiana, lib. 10, cap. 33.\n\n[368] Ibid., lib. 6, cap. 48.\n\n[369] From Paris to Pekin, London, 1885, pp. 312, 313.\n\n[370] New York, 1830, p. 191.\n\n[371] Dubois, People of India, London, 1817, p. 490.\n\n[372] Gomara, Historia de M\u00e9jico, p. 445.\n\n[373] Mendieta, Hist. Eclesi\u00e1stica Ind., p. 108.\n\n[374] Ibid., p. 402.\n\n[375] Ibid., p. 515.\n\n[376] Gomara, Historia de M\u00e9jico, p. 446.\n\n[377] From the account of lecture appearing in the Evening Star,\nWashington, D. C., May 19, 1888.\n\n[378] Herrera, dec. 5, lib. 4, cap. 5, p. 92.\n\n[379] Balboa, Histoire du P\u00e9rou, in Ternaux-Compans, Voyages, vol. 15,\npp. 124 and 127.\n\n[380] See the explanatory text to the Codex Mendoza, in Kingsborough,\nvol. 5, p. 90 et seq.\n\n[381] Historia de M\u00e9jico, p. 439.\n\n[382] Clavigero, History of Mexico, Philadelphia, 1817, vol. 2, p.\n101.\n\n[383] \"They strewed the temple in a curious way with rushes.\"--Ibid.,\np. 78.\n\n[384] Native Races, vol. 3, pp. 334-343.\n\n[385] Sahagun, in Kingsborough, vol. 7, p. 16.\n\n[386] British Monachism, London, 1817, p. 289.\n\n[387] Kingsborough, vol. 7, p. 83, from Sahagun.\n\n[388] Ximenez, Guatemala, Translated by Scherzer, p. 13.\n\n[389] C\u00e9r\u00e9monies et Co\u00fbtumes, etc., vol. 1, p. 27.\n\n[390] \"Tanta diferencia de manjares y de g\u00e9neros de pan que era cosa\nestra\u00f1a.\"--Diego Duran, vol. 3, cap. 4, p. 219.\n\n[391] Davis, Conquest of New Mexico, p. 273.\n\n[392] Commerce of the Prairies, vol. 2, p. 54.\n\n[393] Pacific R. R. Report, 1856, vol. 3, pt. 1, p. 34.\n\n[394] Ibid., p. 34.\n\n[395] Ibid., p. 38.\n\n[396] \"Los Apaches traian pieles de cibolas, gamuzas y otras cosas, \u00e1\nhacer cambio por ma\u00edz.\" \"Venian con sus recuas de perros cargados mas\nde quinientos mercaderes cada a\u00f1o.\"--Teatro Mexicano, vol. 3, p. 323.\n\n[397] In burlesque survivals the use of flour prevails not only all\nover Latin Europe, but all such portions of America as are now or have\nbeen under Spanish or Portuguese domination. The breaking of eggshells\nover the heads of gentlemen upon entering a Mexican ball room is one\nmanifestation of it. Formerly the shell was filled with flour.\n\n[398] Dr. W. Norton Whitney, Notes from the History of Medical\nProgress in Japan. Yokohama, 1885, p. 248.\n\n[399] The prayer of a Navajo Shaman, in American Anthropologist, vol.\n1, No. 2, 1888, p. 169.\n\n[400] Kitchi-gami, pp. 416, 423, 424.\n\n[401] Anacalypsis, London, 1836, vol. 2, pp. 242-244.\n\n[402] Brand, Pop. Antiq., vol. 3, p. 285.\n\n[403] Ibid., vol. 1, p. 69.\n\n[404] Ibid., vol. 3, pp. 329 et seq.\n\n[405] Brinton, Myths of the New World, New York, 1868, pp. 278, 279.\n\n[406] Ximenez, Guatemala, p. 177.\n\n[407] Herrera, dec. 4, lib. 9, cap. 8, p. 188.\n\n[408] Balboa, Hist. du P\u00e9rou, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., vol. 15, p.\n29.\n\n[409] Mendieta, Hist. Eclesi\u00e1stica Ind., p. 110.\n\n[410] Henry Youle Hind, Assiniboine and Saskatchewan Exped., vol. 2,\npp. 165, 166.\n\n[411] Lisiansky, Voyage Round the World, London, 1814, pp. 158, 221,\n223.\n\n[412] London, 1814, pt. 2, pl. III, p. 113.\n\n[413] Ibid., pl. IV, pp. 194, 195.\n\n[414] Voyage, vol. 1, p. 282.\n\n[415] Native Races, vol. 1, p. 179.\n\n[416] Ibid., vol. 1, pp. 170, 171.\n\n[417] P\u00e8re Louis Hennepin, Voyage, etc., Amsterdam, 1714, pp. 339-240.\nIbid., translated by B. F. French, in Historical Collections of\nLouisiana, pt. 1, 1846.\n\n[418] Joutel's Journal, in Historical Collections of Louisiana, tr. by\nB. F. French, pp. 181, 1846.\n\n[419] Maj. Rogers, Account of North America, in Knox's Voyages, vol.\n2, London, 1767, p. 167.\n\n[420] Picart, C\u00e9r\u00e9monies et Co\u00fbtumes Religieuses, etc., Amsterdam,\n1735, vol. 6, p. 77.\n\n[421] Ibid., p. 89.\n\n[422] John De Laet, lib. 18, cap. 4; Gomara, Hist. de las Indias, p.\n203; Padre Gumilla, Orinoco, pp. 68, 96.\n\n[423] Hans Staden, in Ternaux-Compans, Voyages, vol. 3, pp. 269, 299.\n\n[424] Peter Martyr, in Hakluyt's Voyages, vol. 5, p. 460.\n\n[425] Bancroft, Nat. Races of the Pacific Slope, vol. 1, p. 750.\n\n[426] Smyth, Aborigines of Victoria, vol. 1, p. 73; vol. 2, p. 302.\nSee also Carteret's description of the natives of the Queen Charlotte\nIslands, visited by him in 1767.\n\n[427] Hawkesworth, Voyages, vol. 1, p. 379.\n\n[428] Perry S. Heath, A Hoosier in Russia, New York, 1888, p. 114.\n\n[429] Fosbrooke, British Monachism, p. 442.\n\n[430] See works cited in Buckle's Common place Book, vol. 2, of\n\"Works,\" London, 1872, p. 47.\n\n[431] Picart, C\u00e9r\u00e9monies et Co\u00fbtumes Religieuses, vol. 6, p. 20.\n\n[432] Voyage Round the World, London, 1777, pp. 462, 463.\n\n[433] Archibald Campbell, Voyage Round the World, N. Y., 1819, p. 136.\n\n[434] Voyage of La P\u00e9rouse, London, 1829, vol. 2, p. 275.\n\n[435] Peter Kolben's Voyage to the Cape of Good Hope, in Knox's Voyage\nand Travels, London, 1767, vol. 2, pp. 391, 395, 406, 407.\n\n[436] Ibid., p. 406.\n\n[437] Spencer, Desc. Sociology, art. \"Abipones.\"\n\n[438] Gubernatis, Zoological Mythology, London, 1872, vol. 1, p. 423.\n\n[439] Fosbrooke, British Monachism, p. 83.\n\n[440] Gaule, Mag-astromancers Posed and Puzzel'd, p. 165, quoted in\nBrand, Popular Antiquities, vol. 3, pp. 329 et seq.\n\n[441] Brand, Popular Antiquities, vol. 1, pp. 337, 338.\n\n[442] Laird and Oldfield's Expedition into the Interior of Africa,\nquoted in Buckle's Common place Book, p. 466.\n\n[443] Smyth, Aborigines of Victoria, vol. 2, p. 273.\n\n[444] Gayarre, Louisiana, 1851, p. 308.\n\n[445] Notes and Queries, 4th ser., vol. 8, p. 505.\n\n[446] Tractatus de Fascinatione, Nuremberg, 1675, 197.\n\n[447] Southey, quoting Ward, in Buckle's Common place Book, London,\n1849, 2d ser., p. 521.\n\n[448] North American, October 27, 1888.\n\n[449] Kingsborough, vol. 5, p. 198.\n\n[450] Serpent Symbols, p. 55.\n\n[451] Hist. de M\u00e9jico, p. 348.\n\n[452] Lib. 2, cap. 47, p. 490.\n\n[453] Lib. 1, cap. 18, p. 208.\n\n[454] New Survey of the West Indies, London, 1648, p. 51.\n\n[455] Op. cit., vol. 3, cap. 4.\n\n[456] Popol-Vuh (Brasseur de Bourbourg), p. 65.\n\n[457] Ternaux-Compans, Voy., vol. 7, p. 143.\n\n[458] Ibid., p. 202.\n\n[459] Purchas, vol. 4, lib. 8, cap. 1, p. 1519; also, Davis, Conquest\nof New Mexico, p. 84.\n\n[460] Gomara, Hist. de las Indias, p. 182.\n\n[461] Buckingham Smith, Coleccion de Varios Documentos para la\nHistoria de Florida, London, 1857, vol. 1, p. 46.\n\n[462] Bollaert, Researches in South America, London, 1860, p. 63.\n\n[463] Boscana, Chinigchinich, pp. 245, 253.\n\n[464] Powers, Contrib. to N. A. Ethnol., vol. 3, p. 140.\n\n[465] Long's Expedition, vol. 1, p. 240.\n\n[466] Second Expedition to the Polar Sea, p. 19.\n\n[467] Oregon Missions, p. 192.\n\n[468] Gmelin, quoted by Southey, in Common place Book, 1st ser.,\nLondon, 1849, p. 239.\n\n[469] Malte-Brun, Univ. Geog., Philadelphia, 1827, vol. 1, lib. 87, p.\n483.\n\n[470] Von Wrangel, Polar Expedition, New York, 1842, p. 188.\n\n[471] Smyth, Aborigines of Victoria, vol. 1, p. xxxiv.\n\n[472] Travels on the Amazon, p. 311.\n\n[473] Gumilla, Orinoco, Madrid, 1741, p. 102; the Guamas, also, ibid.,\npp. 102 and 108.\n\n[474] Malte-Brun, Univ. Geog., Phila., 1827, vol. 3, lib. 87, p. 323.\n\n[475] Anthropology, vol. 1, p. 116.\n\n[476] Spencer, Desc. Sociology.\n\n[477] Pliny, Nat. History, lib. 18, cap. 29.\n\n[478] Asiatick Researches, Calcutta, 1801, vol. 7, p. 440.\n\n[479] Blount, Tenures of Land and Customs of Manors, London, 1874, p.\n2233.\n\n[480] Salverte, Philosophy of Magic, vol. 2, p. 140.\n\n[481] Voyage of Capt. Amasa Delano, Boston, 1847, p. 230. Compare with\nthe ordeal of Scotch conspirators, who ate a fragment of barley bread\ntogether.\n\n[482] Gauthier de la Peyronie, Voyages de Pallas, Paris, 1793, vol. 4,\np. 75.\n\n[483] Teutonic Mythology, vol. 1, p. 63.\n\n[484] Macaulay quoted in Brand, Pop. Ant., vol. 1, p. 85.\n\n[485] Fosbrooke, British Monachism, p. 83.\n\n[486] Du Cange, Glossarium, articles \"Crispell\u00e6\" and \"Crespell\u00e6.\"\n\n[487] Brand, Pop. Ant., vol. 1, p. 88.\n\n[488] Heath, A Hoosier in Russia, p. 109.\n\n[489] Nat. Hist., lib. 18, cap. 28.\n\n[490] Wheat, which, is now the bread corn of twelve European nations\nand is fast supplanting maize in America and several inferior grains\nin India, was no doubt widely grown in the prehistoric world. The\nChinese cultivated it 2700 B. C. as a gift direct from Heaven; the\nEgyptians attributed its origin to Isis and the Greeks to Ceres. A\nclassic account of the distribution of wheat over the primeval world\nshows that Ceres, having taught her favorite Triptolemus agriculture\nand the art of bread-making, gave him her chariot, a celestial vehicle\nwhich he used in useful travels for the purpose of distributing corn\nto all nations.\n\nAncient monuments show that the cultivation of wheat had been\nestablished in Egypt before the invasion of the shepherds, and there\nis evidence that more productive varieties of wheat have taken the\nplace of one, at least, of the ancient sorts. Innumerable varieties\nexist of common wheat. Colonel Le Couteur, of Jersey, cultivated 150\nvarieties; Mr. Darwin mentions a French gentleman who had collected\n322 varieties, and the great firm of French seed merchants,\nVilmorin-Andrieux et C^{ie}, cultivate about twice as many in their\ntrial ground near Paris. In their recent work on Les meilleurs bl\u00e9s M.\nHenry L. de Vilmorin has described sixty-eight varieties of best\nwheat, which he has classed into seven groups, though these groups can\nhardly be called distinct species, since M. Henry L. de Vilmorin has\ncrossbred three of them, _Triticum vulgare_, _Triticum turgidum_ and\n_Triticum durum_, and has found the offspring fertile.\n\nThree small-grained varieties of common wheat were cultivated by the\nfirst lake dwellers of Switzerland (time of Trojan war), as well as by\nthe less ancient lake dwellers of western Switzerland and of Italy, by\nthe people of Hungary in the stone age, and by the Egyptians, on\nevidence of a brick of a pyramid in which a grain was embedded and to\nwhich the date of 3359 B. C. has been assigned.\n\nThe existence of names for wheat in the most ancient languages\nconfirms this evidence of the antiquity of its culture in all the more\ntemperate parts of Europe, Asia, and Africa, but it seems improbable\nthat wheat has ever been found growing persistently in a wild state,\nalthough the fact has often been asserted by poets, travelers, and\nhistorians. In the Odyssey, for example, we are told that wheat grew\nin Sicily without the aid of man, but a blind poet could not have seen\nthis himself, and a botanical fact can hardly be accepted from a\nwriter whose own existence has been contested. Diodorus repeats the\ntradition that Osiris found wheat and barley growing promiscuously in\nPalestine, but neither this nor other discoveries of persistent wild\nwheat seem to us to be credible, seeing that wheat does not appear to\nbe endowed with a power of persistency except under culture.--Edinburgh\nReview.\n\nThe origin of baking precedes the period of history and is involved in\nthe obscurity of the early ages of the human race. Excavations made in\nSwitzerland gave evidence that the art of making bread was practiced\nby our prehistoric ancestors as early as the stone period. From the\nshape of loaves it is thought that no ovens were used at that time,\nbut the dough was rolled into small round cakes and laid on hot\nstones, being covered with glowing ashes. Bread is mentioned in the\nbook of Genesis, where Abraham, wishing to entertain three angels,\noffered to \"fetch a morsel of bread.\" Baking is again referred to\nwhere Sarah has instructions to \"make ready quickly three measures of\nfine meal, knead it and make cakes upon the hearth.\" Lot entertained\ntwo angels by giving them unleavened bread. The mere mention of\nunleavened bread shows that there were two kinds of bread made even at\nthat time.\n\nThe art of baking was carried on to a high perfection among the\nEgyptians, who are said to have baked cakes in many fantastic shapes,\nusing several kinds of flour. The Romans took up the art of baking,\nand public bakeries were numerous on the streets of Rome. In England\nthe business of the baker was considered to be one so closely\naffecting the interests of the public that in 1266 an act of\nParliament was passed regulating the price to be charged for bread.\nThis regulation continued in operation until 1822 in London and until\n1836 in the rest of the country. The art of making bread has not yet\nreached some countries in Europe and Asia. In the rural parts of\nSweden no bread is made, but rye cakes are baked twice a year and are\nas hard as flint. It is less than a century ago that bread was used in\nScotland, the Scotch people of every class living on barley bannocks\nand oaten cakes.--Chicago News.\n\n[491] Pop. Antiq., vol. 1, p. 96.\n\n[492] Sh\u00e2yast l\u00e2-Sh\u00e2yast, par. 32, note 6, pp. 283, 284 (Max M\u00fcller's\ned., Oxford, 1880).\n\n[493] Ibid., p. 315, note 3.\n\n[494] \"And if thou bring an oblation of a meat offering baken in the\noven, it shall be unleavened cakes of fine flour\" (Levit., II, 4);\n\"With all thine offerings thou shalt offer salt\" (Ibid., 13)--Brand,\nPop. Ant., vol. 2, p. 82.\n\n[495] Forlong, Rivers of Life, vol. 1, p. 441.\n\n[496] Ibid., p. 447.\n\n[497] Brand, Pop. Antiq., vol. 1, pp. 345, 346, quoting Gen.\nVallencey's Essay on the Antiquity of the Irish Language.\n\n[498] Ibid., p. 345.\n\n[499] Ibid., p. 154.\n\n[500] Ibid., pp. 155, 156.\n\n[501] See also \"Buns\" in Inman's Ancient Faiths.\n\n[502] \"Ofrecian el pan al \u00eddolo, hincados de rodillas. Bendezianlo los\nsacerdotes, y repartian como pan bendito, con lo qual se acabaua la\nfiesta. Guardauan aquel pan todo el a\u00f1o, teniendo por desdichada, y\nsugeta a muchos peligros la casa que sin el estaua.\"--Padre Fray\nAlonso Fernandez (Dominican). Historia Eclesiastica de Nuestros\nTiempos, Toledo, 1611, p. 16.\n\n[503] Brand, Popular Antiquities, vol. 2, pp. 100 et seq., quoting\nBlount, Moffet, and Moresin.\n\n[504] Torquemada, Monarchia Indiana, vol. 2, lib. 7, cap. 9, p. 100.\n\n[505] Nat. Hist., lib. xviii, caps 10 et seq. and 39.\n\n[506] \"Var (from the Hebrew word _var frumentum_) Grain. It not only\nmeans a particular kind of grain, between wheat and barley, less\nnourishing than the former, but more so than the latter, according to\nVossius; but it means bread corn, grain of any kind. \u00c6tius gives this\napplication to any kind of frumentaceous grain, decorticated, cleansed\nfrom the husks, and afterwards bruised and dried.\" London Medical\nDictionary, Bartholomew Parr, M. D., Philadelphia, 1820, article\n\"Far\".\n\n\"_Ador_ or _Athor_ was the most sacred wheat, without beard, offered\nat adoration of gods. In Latin _Adorea_ was a present of such after a\nvictory, and _Ad-oro_ is 'I adore,' from _oro_, 'I pray\nto.'\"--Forlong, Rivers of Life, vol. 1, p. 473, footnote, speaking of\nboth Greeks and Romans.\n\n[507] Sacred Books of the East, edition of Max M\u00fcller, vol. 14, pp.\n131, 205.\n\n[508] Brand, Popular Antiquities, vol. 1, pp. 391 et seq., article\n\"Allhallow even.\"\n\n[509] Ibid., p. 391.\n\n[510] Ibid., p. 392.\n\n[511] Ibid., p. 393.\n\n[512] Ibid., vol. 2, pp. 237 et seq.\n\n[513] Ibid., p. 244.\n\n[514] Strabo, Geography, Bohn's edition, London, 1854, vol. 1, pp.\n341, 342, footnote.\n\n[515] Brand, Popular Antiquities, vol. 1, p. 460.\n\n[516] Ibid., p. 7.\n\n[517] Strutt, Sports and Pastimes, pp. 3, 180. On the same page: \"Dumb\ncake, a species of dreaming bread prepared by unmarried females with\ningredients traditionally suggested in witching doggerel. When baked,\nit is cut into three divisions; a part of each to be eaten and the\nremainder put under the pillow. When the clock strikes twelve, each\nvotary must go to bed backwards and keep a profound silence, whatever\nmay appear.\"\n\n[518] A writer in the Gentleman's Magazine for July, 1783, inquires:\n\"May not the _minced pye_, a compound of the choicest productions of\nthe East, have in view the offerings made by the wise men who came\nfrom afar to worship, bringing _spices_, etc.\" Quoted in Brand, Pop.\nAnt., vol. 1, p. 526. The mince pie was before the Reformation made in\nthe form of a crib, to represent the manger in which the holy child\nlay in the stable. Ibid., p. 178.\n\n[519] Heath, A Hoosier in Russia, p. 109.\n\n[520] Alvar Nu\u00f1ez Cabe\u00e7a de Vaca, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., vol. 7, p.\n220.\n\n[521] See also Davis, Conquest of New Mexico, p. 90.\n\n[522] William Coxe, Russian Discoveries between Asia and America,\nLondon, 1803, p. 57, quoting Steller.\n\n[523] Barcia, Ensayo Cronologico, Madrid, 1723.\n\n[524] Arabian Nights, Burton's edition, vol. 8, p. 10, footnote.\n\n[525] American Antiquarian, September, 1886, p. 281.\n\n[526] Maurice, Indian Antiquities, London, 1801, vol. 5, pp. 82 and\n83.\n\n[527] Ibid., vol. 5, p. 85.\n\n[528] Schultze, Fetichism, N. Y., 1885, p. 32.\n\n[529] Paper by Dr. John G. Henderson on \"Aboriginal remains near\nNaples, Ill.,\" Smith. Rept., 1882.\n\n[530] J. F. Snyder, \"Indian remains in Cass County, Illinois,\" Smith.\nRept., 1881, p. 575.\n\n[531] Rau, in Sm. Rept., 1872, p. 356.\n\n[532] \"Ancient monuments of the Mississippi Valley,\" in Smithsonian\nContributions, vol. 1, p. 160.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER III.\n\nTHE IZZE-KLOTH OR MEDICINE CORD OF THE APACHE.\n\n\nThere is probably no more mysterious or interesting portion of the\nreligious or \"medicinal\" equipment of the Apache Indian, whether he be\nmedicine-man or simply a member of the laity, than the \"izze-kloth\" or\nmedicine cord, illustrations of which accompany this text. Less,\nperhaps, is known concerning it than any other article upon which he\nrelies in his distress.\n\nI regret very much to say that I am unable to afford the slightest\nclew to the meaning of any of the parts or appendages of the cords\nwhich I have seen or which I have procured. Some excuse for this is to\nbe found in the fact that the Apache look upon these cords as so\nsacred that strangers are not allowed to see them, much less handle\nthem or talk about them. I made particular effort to cultivate the\nmost friendly and, when possible, intimate relations with such of the\nApache and other medicine-men as seemed to offer the best chance for\nobtaining information in regard to this and other matters, but I am\ncompelled to say with no success at all.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 435.--Single-strand medicine cord (Zu\u00f1i).]\n\nI did advance so far in my schemes that Na-a-cha, a prominent\nmedicine-man of the Tonto Apache, promised to let me have his cord,\nbut as an eruption of hostility on the part of the tribe called me\naway from the San Carlos Agency, the opportunity was lost. Ramon, one\nof the principal medicine-men of the Chiricahua Apache, made me the\nsame promise concerning the cord which he wore and which figures in\nthese plates. It was, unfortunately, sent me by mail, and, although\nthe best in the series and really one of the best I have ever been\nfortunate enough to see on either living or dead, it was not\naccompanied by a description of the symbolism of the different\narticles attached. Ramon also gave me the head-dress which he wore in\nthe spirit or ghost dance, and explained everything thereon, and I am\nsatisfied that he would also, while in the same frame of mind, have\ngiven me all the information in his power in regard to the sacred or\nmedicine cord as well, had I been near him.\n\nThere are some things belonging to these cords which I understand from\nhaving had them explained at other times, but there are others about\nwhich I am in extreme doubt and ignorance. There are four specimens of\nmedicine cords represented and it is worth while to observe that they\nwere used as one, two, three, and four strand cords, but whether this\nfact means that they belonged to medicine-men or to warriors of\ndifferent degrees I did not learn nor do I venture to conjecture.\n\nThe single-strand medicine cord with the thirteen olivella shells\nbelonged to a Zu\u00f1i chief, one of the priests of the sacred order of\nthe bow, upon whose wrist it was worn as a sign of his exalted rank in\nthe tribe. I obtained it as a proof of his sincerest friendship and\nwith injunctions to say nothing about it to his own people, but no\nexplanation was made at the moment of the signification of the\nwristlet or cord itself or of the reason for using the olivella shells\nof that particular number or for placing them as they were placed.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 436.--Four-strand medicine cord (Apache).]\n\nOne of the four-strand cords was obtained from Ramon and is the most\nbeautiful and the most valuable of the lot. Ramon called my attention\nto the important fact that it was composed of four strands and that\noriginally each had been stained a different color. These colors were\nprobably yellow, blue, white, and black, although the only ones still\ndiscernible at this time are the yellow and the blue.\n\nThe three-strand cord was sent to me at Washington by my old friend,\nAl. Seiber, a scout who has been living among the Apache for\ntwenty-five years. No explanation accompanied it and it was probably\nprocured from the body of some dead warrior during one of the\ninnumerable scouts and skirmishes which Seiber has had with this\nwarlike race during his long term of service against them. The two\nstrand cord was obtained by myself so long ago that the circumstances\nconnected with it have escaped my memory. These cords, in their\nperfection, are decorated with beads and shells strung along at\nintervals, with pieces of the sacred green chalchihuitl, which has had\nsuch a mysterious ascendancy over the minds of the American\nIndians--Aztec, Peruvian, Quiche, as well as the more savage tribes,\nlike the Apache and Navajo; with petrified wood, rock crystal, eagle\ndown, claws of the hawk or eaglet, claws of the bear, rattle of the\nrattlesnake, buckskin bags of hoddentin, circles of buckskin in which\nare inclosed pieces of twigs and branches of trees which have been\nstruck by lightning, small fragments of the abalone shell from the\nPacific coast, and much other sacred paraphernalia of a similar kind.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 437.--Three-strand medicine cord (Apache).]\n\nThat the use of these cords was reserved for the most sacred and\nimportant occasions, I soon learned; they were not to be seen on\noccasions of no moment, but the dances for war, medicine, and\nsummoning the spirits at once brought them out, and every medicine-man\nof any consequence would appear with one hanging from his right\nshoulder over his left hip.\n\nOnly the chief medicine-men can make them, and after being made and\nbefore being assumed by the new owner they must be sprinkled, Ramon\ntold me, with \"heap hoddentin,\" a term meaning that there is a great\ndeal of attendant ceremony of a religious character.\n\nThese cords will protect a man while on the warpath, and many of the\nApache believe firmly that a bullet will have no effect upon the\nwarrior wearing one of them. This is not their only virtue by any\nmeans; the wearer can tell who has stolen ponies or other property\nfrom him or from his friends, can help the crops, and cure the sick.\nIf the circle attached to one of these cords (see Fig. 436) is placed\nupon the head it will at once relieve any ache, while the cross\nattached to another (see Fig. 439) prevents the wearer from going\nastray, no matter where he may be; in other words, it has some\nconnection with cross-trails and the four cardinal points to which the\nApache pay the strictest attention. The Apache assured me that these\ncords were not mnemonic and that the beads, feathers, knots, etc.,\nattached to them were not for the purpose of recalling to mind some\nduty to be performed or prayer to be recited.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 438.--Two-strand medicine cord (Apache).]\n\nI was at first inclined to associate these cords with the quipus of\nthe Peruvians, and also with the wampum of the aborigines of the\nAtlantic coast, and investigation only confirms this first suspicion.\nIt is true that both the wampum and the quipu seem to have advanced\nfrom their primitive position as \"medicine\" and attained,\nethnologically speaking, the higher plane of a medium for facilitating\nexchange or disseminating information, and for that reason their\nincorporation in this chapter might be objected to by the\nhypercritical; but a careful perusal of all the notes upon the\nsubject can not fail to convince the reader that the use of just such\nmedicine cords prevailed all over the world, under one form or\nanother, and has survived to our own times.\n\nFirst, let me say a word about rosaries, the invention of which has\nbeen attributed to St. Dominick, in Spain, and to St. Bridget, in\nIreland. Neither of these saints had anything to do with the invention\nor introduction of the rosary, although each in his or her own\nprovince may have adapted to new and better uses a cord already in\ngeneral service among all the peoples of Europe. The rosary, as such,\nwas in general use in parts of the world long before the time of\nChrist. Again, the cords of the various religious orders were looked\nupon as medicine cords and employed in that manner by the ignorant\npeasantry.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 439.--Four-strand medicine cord (Apache).]\n\nIn this chapter I will insert notes showing the use of such cords by\nother tribes, and follow with descriptions of the uses to which the\ncords of St. Francis and others were put, and with references to the\nrosaries of different races or different creeds; finally, I will\nremark upon the superstitions connected with cords, belts, and\nstrings, knotted or unknotted, made of serpent skin, human skin, or\nhuman hair. The strangest thing about it all is that observers have,\nwith scarcely an exception, contented themselves with noting the\nexistence of such cords without making the slightest effort to\ndetermine why they were used.\n\nThere are certain cords with medicine bags attached to be seen in the\nfigures of medicine-men in the drawings of the sacred altars given by\nMatthews in his account of the Navajo medicine-men.\n\nCushing also has noted the existence of such cords in Zu\u00f1i, and there\nis no doubt that some at least of the so-called \"fishing lines\" found\nin the Rio Verde cliff dwellings in Arizona were used for the same\npurposes.\n\nDescribing the tribes met on the Rio Colorado, in 1540-1541, Alarcon\nsays: \"Likewise on the brawne of their armes they weare a streit\nstring, which they wind so often about that it becommeth as broad as\none's hand.\"[533] It must be remembered that the Indians thought that\nAlarcon was a god, that they offered sacrifice to him, and that they\nwore all the \"medicine\" they possessed.\n\nIn 1680, the Pueblos, under the leadership of Pop\u00e9, of the pueblo of\nSan Juan, were successful in their attempt to throw off the Spanish\nyoke. He made them believe that he was in league with the spirits, and\n\"that they directed him to make a rope of the palm leaf and tie in it\na number of knots to represent the number of days before the rebellion\nwas to take place; that he must send this rope to all the Pueblos in\nthe kingdom, when each should signify its approval of, and union with,\nthe conspiracy by untying one of the knots.\"[534]\n\nI suspect that this may have been an izze-kloth. We know nothing about\nthis rebellion excepting what has been derived through Spanish\nsources; the conquerors despised the natives, and, with a very few\nnotable exceptions among the Franciscans, made no effort to study\ntheir peculiarities. The discontent of the natives was aggravated by\nthis fact; they saw their idols pulled down, their ceremonial chambers\nclosed, their dances prohibited, and numbers of their people tried and\nexecuted for witchcraft.[535] Fray Geronimo de Zarate Salmeron was a\nstriking example of the good to be effected by missionaries who are\nnot above studying their people; he acquired a complete mastery of the\nlanguage of the pueblo of Jemez, \"and preached to the inhabitants in\ntheir native tongue.\" He is represented as exercising great influence\nover the people of Jemez, Sia, Santa Ana, and Acoma. In this rebellion\nof 1680 the Pueblos expected to be joined by the Apache.[536]\n\nThe izze-kloth of the Apache seems to have had its prototype in the\nsacred string of beans with which Tecumseh's brother, the Shawnee\nprophet, traveled among the Indian tribes, inciting them to war. Every\nyoung warrior who agreed to go upon the warpath touched this \"sacred\nstring of beans\" in token of his solemn pledge.[537]\n\nTanner says in the narrative of his captivity among the Ojibwa: \"He\n[the medicine-man] then gave me a small hoop of wood to wear on my\nhead like a cap. On one-half of this hoop was marked the figure of a\nsnake, whose office, as the chief told me, was to take care of the\nwater.\"[538] The \"small hoop of wood\" of which Tanner speaks, to be\nworn on the head, seems to be analogous to the small hoop attached to\nthe izze-kloth, to be worn or applied in cases of headache (Fig. 436).\nReference to something very much like the izze-kloth is made by Harmon\nas in use among the Carriers of British North America. He says: \"The\nlads, as soon as they come to the age of puberty, tie cords, wound\nwith swan's-down, around each leg a little below the knee, which they\nwear during one year, and then they are considered as men.\"[539]\nCatlin speaks of \"mystery-beads\" in use among the Mandan.[540] \"The\nnegro suspends all about his person cords with most complicated\nknots.\"[541]\n\nThe female inhabitants of Alaska, Unalaska, and the Fox Islands were\nrepresented by the Russian explorers of 1768 (Captain Krenitzin) to\n\"wear chequered strings around the arms and legs.\"[542] These cords\nbear a striking resemblance to the \"wresting cords\" of the peasantry\nof Europe. Some of the Australians preserve the hair of a dead man.\n\"It is spun into a cord and fastened around the head of a\nwarrior.\"[543] \"A cord of opossum hair around the neck, the ends\ndrooping down on the back and fastened to the belt,\" is one of the\nparts of the costume assumed by those attaining manhood in the\ninitiation ceremonies of the Australians.[544] Again, on pages 72 and\n74, he calls it \"the belt of manhood.\" \"The use of amulets was common\namong the Greeks and Romans, whose amulets were principally formed of\ngems, crowns of pearls, necklaces of coral, shells, etc.\"[545]\n\nWhen I first saw the medicine cords of the Apache, it occurred to me\nthat perhaps in some way they might be an inheritance from the\nFranciscans, who, two centuries ago, had endeavored to plant missions\namong the Apache, and did succeed in doing something for the Navajo\npart of the tribe. I therefore examined the most convenient\nauthorities and learned that the cord of S. Fran\u00e7ois, like the cord of\nSt. Augustine and the cord of St. Monica, was itself a medicine cord,\nrepresenting a descent from a condition of thought perfectly parallel\nto that which has given birth to the izze-kloth. Thus Picart tells us:\n\"On appelle Cordon de S. Fran\u00e7ois la grosse corde qui sert de ceinture\naux Religieux qui vivent sous la Regle de ce Saint.... Cette corde\nceint le corps du Moine, & pend \u00e0 peu pr\u00e9s jusqu'aux pieds. Elle lui\nsert de discipline, & pour cet effet, elle est arm\u00e9e de distance en\ndistance de fort gros n\u0153uds.... La Corde de S. Fran\u00e7ois a souvent\ngueri les malades, facilit\u00e9 les accouchemens, fortifi\u00e9 la sant\u00e9,\nprocur\u00e9 lign\u00e9e & fait une infinit\u00e9 d'autres miracles \u00e9difians.\"[546]\nThis author says of the girdle of St. Augustine \"Elle est de cuir,\"\nand adds that the Augustinians have a book which treats of the origin\nof their order, in which occur these words: \"Il est probable que nos\npremiers Peres, qui vivoient sous la Loi de nature, \u00e9tant habill\u00e9s de\npeau devoient porter une Ceinture de m\u00eame \u00e9toffe.\"[547] This last\nassumption is perfectly plausible. For my part it has always seemed to\nme that monasticism is of very ancient origin, antedating Christianity\nand representing the most conservative element in the religious part\nof human nature. It clings obstinately to primitive ideas with which\nwould naturally be associated primitive costume. The girdle of St.\nMonica had five knots. \"The monks [of the Levant] use a girdle with\ntwelve knots, to shew that they are followers of the twelve\napostles.\"[548] Among the \"sovereign remedies for the headache\" is\nmentioned \"the belt of St. Guthlac.\"[549] Buckle refers to the fact\nthat English women in labor wore \"blessed girdles.\" He thinks that\nthey may have been Thomas Aquinas's girdles.[550]\n\n And good Saynt Frances gyrdle,\n With the hamlet of a hyrdle,\n Are wholsom for the pyppe.[551]\n\nSome older charms are to be found in Bale's Interlude concerning the\nLaws of Nature, Moses, and Christ, 4to, 1562. Idolatry says:\n\n For lampes and for bottes\n Take me Saynt Wilfride's knottes.[552]\n\nThe \"girdle of St. Bridget,\" mentioned by Mooney[553] and by other\nwriters, through which the sick were passed by their friends, was\nsimply a \"survival\" of the \"Cunni Diaboli\" still to be found in the\nEast Indies. This \"girdle of St. Bridget\" was made of straw and in the\nform of a collar.\n\nThe custom prevailing in Catholic countries of being buried in the\nhabits of the monastic orders, of which we know that the cord was a\nprominent feature, especially in those of St. Francis or St. Dominick,\nis alluded to by Brand.[554] This custom seems to have been founded\nupon a prior superstitious use of magical cords which were, till a\ncomparatively recent period, buried with the dead. The Roman Catholic\nchurch anathematized those \"qui s'imaginent faire plaisir aux morts ou\nleur mettant entre les mains, ou en jettant sur leurs fosses, ou dans\nleurs tombeaux de petites cordes nou\u00e9es de plusieurs n\u0153uds, &\nd'autres semblables, ce qui est expressement condamn\u00e9 par le Synode\nde Ferrare en 1612.\"[555] Evidently the desire was to be buried with\ncords or amulets which in life they dared not wear.\n\nWe may infer that cords and other articles of monastic raiment can be\ntraced back to a most remote ancestry by reading the views of Godfrey\nHiggins, in Anacalypsis, to the effect that there was a tradition\nmaintained among the Carmelites that their order had been established\nby the prophet Elisha and that Jesus Christ himself had been one of\nits members. Massingberd, speaking of the first arrival of the\nCarmelites in England (about A. D. 1215), says: \"They professed to be\nnewly arrived in Italy, driven out by the Saracens from the Holy Land,\nwhere they had remained on Mount Carmel from the time of Elisha the\nprophet. They assert that 'the sons of the prophets' had continued on\nMount Carmel as a poor brotherhood till the time of Christ, soon after\nwhich they were miraculously converted, and that the Virgin Mary\njoined their order and gave them a precious vestment called a\nscapular.\"[556]\n\n\nANALOGUES TO BE FOUND AMONG THE AZTECS, PERUVIANS, AND OTHERS.\n\nAccording to the different authorities cited below, it will be seen\nthat the Aztec priests were in the habit of consulting Fate by casting\nupon the ground a handful of cords tied together; if the cords\nremained bunched together, the sign was that the patient was to die,\nbut if they stretched out, then it was apparent that the patient was\nsoon to stretch out his legs and recover. Mendieta says: \"Tenian unos\ncordeles, hecho de ellos un manojo como llavero donde las mujeres\ntraen colgadas las llaves, lanz\u00e1banlos en el suelo, y si quedaban\nrevueltos, decian que era se\u00f1al de muerte. Y si alguno \u00f3 algunos\nsalian extendidos, ten\u00edanlo por se\u00f1al de vida, diciendo: que ya\ncomenzaba el enfermo \u00e1 extender los pi\u00e9s y las manos.\"[557] Diego\nDuran speaks of the Mexican priests casting lots with knotted cords,\n\"con nudillos de hilo echaban suertes.\"[558] When the army of Cortes\nadvanced into the interior of Mexico, his soldiers found a forest of\npine in which the trees were interlaced with certain cords and papers\nwhich the wizards had placed there, telling the Tlascaltecs that they\nwould restrain the advance of the strangers and deprive them of all\nstrength:\n\n Hallaron un Pinar mui espeso, lleno de hilos i papeles, que\n enredaban los Arboles, i atravesaban el camino, de que mucho\n se rieron los Castellanos; i dixeron graciosos donaires,\n quando luego supieron que los Hechiceros havian dado \u00e0\n entender \u00e0 los Tlascaltecas que con aquellos hilos, i papeles\n havian de tener \u00e0 los Castellanos, i quitarles sus\n fuer\u00e7as.[559]\n\nPadre Sahagun speaks of the Aztec priests who cast lots with little\ncords knotted together: \"Que hechan suertes con unas cordezuelas que\natan unas con otros que llaman Mecatlapouhque.\"[560] Some such method\nof divining by casting cords must have existed among the Lettons, as\nwe are informed by Grimm.[561] \"Among the Lettons, the bride on her\nway to church, must throw a bunch of colored threads and a coin into\nevery ditch and pond she sees.\"[562]\n\nIn the religious ceremonies of the Peruvians vague mention is made of\n\"a very long cable,\" \"woven in four colours, black, white, red, and\nyellow.\"[563] The Inca wore a \"llautu.\" \"This was a red fringe in the\nfashion of a border, which he wore across his forehead from one temple\nto the other. The prince, who was heir apparent, wore a yellow fringe,\nwhich was smaller than that of his father.\"[564] In another place,\nGarcilaso says: \"It was of many colours, about a finger in width and a\nlittle less in thickness. They twisted this fringe three or four times\naround the head and let it hang after the manner of a garland.\"[565]\n\"The Ynca made them believe that they were granted by order of the\nSun, according to the merits of each tribe, and for this reason they\nvalued them exceedingly.\"[566] The investiture was attended with\nimposing ceremonies. \"When the Grounds of the Sun were to be tilled\n[by the Peruvians], the principal men went about the task wearing\nwhite cords stretched across the shoulders after the manner of\nministers of the altar\"[567] is the vague description to be gathered\nfrom Herrera.\n\nKnotted cords were in use among the Carib; \"ce qui revient aux Quippos\ndes P\u00e9ruviens.\"[568] The accompanying citation from Montfaucon would\nseem to show that among the Romans were to be found sacred baldrics in\nuse by the war priests; such baldrics are to be seen also among the\nAmerican aborigines, and correspond very closely to the medicine\ncords. Montfaucon describes the Saliens, who among the Romans were the\npriests of Mars, the god of war; these priests in the month of March\nhad a festival which was probably nothing but a war dance, as that\nmonth would be most favorable in that climate for getting ready to\nattack their neighbors and enemies. He says that these Saliens \"sont\nv\u00eatus de robes de diverses couleurs, ceints de baudriers d'airain.\"\nThese would seem to have been a sort of medicine cord with plates of\nbrass affixed which would rattle when shaken by the dancer.[569]\n\nCaptain Cook found that the men of the tribes seen in Australia wore\n\"bracelets of small cord, wound two or three times about the upper\npart of their arm.\"[570]\n\n\"Whilst their [the Congo natives'] children are young, these people\nbind them about with certain superstitious cords made by the wizards,\nwho, likewise, teach them to utter a kind of spell while they are\nbinding them.\"[571] Father Merolla adds that sometimes as many as four\nof these cords are worn.\n\nBosman remarks upon the negroes of the Gold Coast as follows: \"The\nchild is no sooner born than the priest (here called Feticheer or\nConsoe) is sent for, who binds a parcel of ropes and coral and other\ntrash about the head, body, arms, and legs of the infant; after which\nhe exorcises, according to their accustomed manner, by which they\nbelieve it is armed against all sickness and ill accidents.\"[572]\n\nIn the picture of a native of Uzinza, Speke shows us a man wearing a\ncord from the right shoulder to the left hip.[573]\n\nIn the picture of Lunga M\u00e2ndi's son, in Cameron's Across Africa,[574]\nthat young chief is represented as wearing a cord across his body from\nhis right shoulder to the left side.\n\nOn the Lower Congo, at Stanley Pool, Stanley met a young chief: \"From\nhis shoulders depended a long cloth of check pattern, while over one\nshoulder was a belt, to which was attached a queer medley of small\ngourds containing snuff and various charms, which he called his\nInkisi.\"[575] This no doubt was a medicine cord. \"According to the\ncustom, which seems to belong to all Africa, as a sign of grief the\nDinka wear a cord round the neck.\"[576] \"The Mateb, or baptismal cord,\nis _de rigueur_, and worn when nothing else is. It formed the only\nclothing of the young at Seramba, but was frequently added to with\namulets, sure safeguards against sorcery.\"[577] The Abyssinian\nChristians wear a blue cord as a sign of having been baptized, and\n\"baptism and the blue cord are, in the Abyssinian mind,\ninseparable.\"[578] \"The cord,[579] or mateb, without which nobody can\nbe really said in Abyssinia to be respectable.\"[580] It further\nresembles the Apache medicine cord, inasmuch as it is \"a blue cord\naround the neck.\"[581] The baptismal cords are made of \"blue floss\nsilk.\"[582]\n\n\nTHE MAGIC WIND KNOTTED CORDS OF THE LAPPS AND OTHERS.\n\n\"The navigators of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries have\nrelated many wonderful stories about the magic of the _Finns_ or\n_Finno Lappes_, who sold wind contained in a cord with three knots.\nIf the first were untied, the wind became favourable, if the second,\nstill more so, but, if the third were loosed, a tempest was the\ninevitable consequence.\"[583] The selling of wind knots was ascribed\nnot only to the Lapps and Finns, but to the inhabitants of Greenland\nalso.[584] \"The northern shipmasters are such dupes to the delusions\nof these impostors that they often purchase of them a magic cord which\ncontains a number of knots, by opening of which, according to the\nmagician's directions, they expect to gain any wind they want.\"[585]\n\"They [Lapland witches] further confessed, that while they fastened\nthree knots on a linen towel in the name of the devil, and had spit on\nthem, &c., they called the name of him they doomed to destruction.\"\nThey also claimed that, \"by some fatal contrivance they could bring on\nmen disorders,\" ... as \"by spitting three times on a knife and\nanointing the victims with that spittle.\"[586]\n\nScheffer describes the Laplanders as having a cord tied with knots for\nthe raising of the wind; Brand says the same of the Finlanders, of\nNorway, of the priestesses of the island of Sena, on the coast of\nGaul, in the time of the Emperor Claudius, the \"witches\" of the Isle\nof Man, etc.[587]\n\nMacbeth, speaking to the witches, says:\n\n Though you untie the winds, and let them fight\n Against the churches; though the yesty waves\n Confound and swallow navigation up.[588]\n\n\nROSARIES AND OTHER MNEMONIC CORDS.\n\nThe rosary being confessedly an aid to memory, it will be proper to\ninclude it in a chapter descriptive of the different forms of mnemonic\ncords which have been noticed in various parts of the world. The use\nof the rosary is not confined to Roman Catholics; it is in service\namong Mahometans, Tibetans, and Persians.[589] Picart mentions\n\"chaplets\" among the Chinese and Japanese which very strongly suggest\nthe izze-kloth.[590]\n\nFather Gr\u00e9billon, in his account of Tartary, alludes several times to\nthe importance attached by the Chinese and Tartars to the privilege of\nbeing allowed to touch the \"string of beads\" worn by certain Lamas met\non the journey, which corresponds very closely to the rosaries of the\nRoman Catholics.[591]\n\n\"Mr. Astle informs us that the first Chinese letters were knots on\ncords.\"[592]\n\nSpeaking of the ancient Japanese, the Chinese chronicles relate: \"They\nhave no writing, but merely cut certain marks upon wood and make knots\nin cord.\"[593] In the very earliest myths of the Chinese we read of\n\"knotted cords, which they used instead of characters, and to instruct\ntheir children.\"[594] Malte-Brun calls attention to the fact that \"the\nhieroglyphics and little cords in use amongst the ancient Chinese\nrecall in a striking manner the figured writing of the Mexicans and\nthe Quipos of Peru.\"[595] \"Each combination [of the quipu] had,\nhowever, a fixed ideographic value in a certain branch of knowledge,\nand thus the _quipu_ differed essentially from the Catholic rosary,\nthe Jewish phylactery, or the knotted strings of the natives of North\nAmerica and Siberia, to all of which it has at times been\ncompared.\"[596]\n\nE. B. Tylor differs in opinion from Brinton. According to Tylor, \"the\nquipu is a near relation of the rosary and the wampum-string.\"[597]\n\nThe use of knotted cords by natives of the Caroline Islands, as a\nmeans of preserving a record of time, is noted by Kotzebue in several\nplaces. For instance: \"Kadu kept his journal by moons, for which he\nmade a knot in a string.\"[598]\n\nDuring the years of my service with the late Maj. Gen. Crook in the\nSouthwest, I was surprised to discover that the Apache scouts kept\nrecords of the time of their absence on campaign. There were several\nmethods in vogue, the best being that of colored beads, which were\nstrung on a string, six white ones to represent the days of the week\nand one black or other color to stand for Sundays. This method gave\nrise to some confusion, because the Indians had been told that there\nwere four weeks, or Sundays (\"Domingos\"), in each \"Luna,\" or moon, and\nyet they soon found that their own method of determining time by the\nappearance of the crescent moon was much the more satisfactory. Among\nthe Zu\u00f1i I have seen little tally sticks with the marks for the days\nand months incised on the narrow edges, and among the Apache another\nmethod of indicating the flight of time by marking on a piece of paper\nalong a horizontal line a number of circles or of straight lines\nacross the horizontal datum line to represent the full days which had\npassed, a heavy straight line for each Sunday, and a small crescent\nfor the beginning of each month.\n\nFarther to the south, in the Mexican state of Sonora, I was shown,\nsome twenty years ago, a piece of buckskin, upon which certain Opata\nor Yaqui Indians--I forget exactly which tribe, but it matters very\nlittle, as they are both industrious and honest--had kept account of\nthe days of their labor. There was a horizontal datum line, as before,\nwith complete circles to indicate full days and half circles to\nindicate half days, a long heavy black line for Sundays and holidays,\nand a crescent moon for each new month. These accounts had to be drawn\nup by the overseer or superintendent of the rancho at which the\nIndians were employed before the latter left for home each night.\n\n\nTHE SACRED CORDS OF THE PARSIS AND BRAHMANS.\n\nI have already apologized for my own ignorance in regard to the origin\nand symbolical signification of the izze-kloth of the Apache, and I\nhave now to do the same thing for the writers who have referred to the\nuse by the religious of India of the sacred cords with which, under\nvarious names, the young man of the Parsis or Brahmans is invested\nupon attaining the requisite age. No two accounts seem to agree and,\nas I have never been in India and cannot presume to decide where so\nmany differ, it is best that I should lay before my readers the exact\nlanguage of the authorities which seem to be entitled to greatest\nconsideration.\n\n\"A sacred thread girdle (k\u00fbst\u00eek), should it be made of silk, is not\nproper; the hair of a hairy goat and a hairy camel is proper, and from\nother hairy creatures it is proper among the lowly.\"[599]\n\nEvery Parsi wears \"a triple coil\" of a \"white cotton girdle,\" which\nserves to remind him of the \"three precepts of his morality--'good\nthoughts,' 'good words,' 'good deeds.'\"[600]\n\nWilliams describes the sacred girdle of the P\u0101rs\u012bs as made \"of\nseventy-two interwoven woollen threads, to denote the seventy-two\nchapters of the Yasna, but has the appearance of a long flat cord of\npure white wool, which is wound round the body in three coils.\" The\nP\u0101rs\u012b must take off this kust\u012b five times daily and replace it with\nappropriate prayers. It must be wound round the body three times and\ntied in two peculiar knots, the secret of which is known only to the\nP\u0101rs\u012bs.[601]\n\nAccording to Picart, the \"sudra,\" or sacred cord of the P\u0101rs\u012bs, has\nfour knots, each of which represents a precept.[602]\n\nMarco Polo, in speaking of the Brahmans of India, says: \"They are\nknown by a cotton thread, which they wear over the shoulders, tied\nunder the arm, crossing the breast.\"[603]\n\nPicart described the sacred cord of the Brahmans, which he calls the\nDsandhem, as made in three colors, each color of nine threads of\ncotton, which only the Brahmans have the right to make. It is to be\nworn after the manner of a scarf from the left shoulder to the right\nside. It must be worn through life, and, as it will wear out, new ones\nare provided at a feast during the month of August.[604] The Brahman\n\"about the age of seven or nine ... is invested with 'the triple\ncord,' and a badge which hangs from his left shoulder.\"[605]\n\nThe Upavita or sacred cord, wound round the shoulders of the Brahmans,\nis mentioned in the Hibbert Lectures on the Origin and Growth of\nReligion. \"Primarily, the sacred cord was the distinguishing mark of\ncaste among the Aryan inhabitants. It consisted for the Brahmans of\nthree cotton threads; for the Kshatriyas or warriors of three hempen\nthreads; and for the Vaisyas or artisans and tradesmen of woollen\nthreads.\"[606]\n\n\"All coiling roots and fantastic shrubs represent the serpent and are\nrecognized as such all over India. In Bengal we find at the present\nday the fantastically growing Euphorbia antiquorum regularly\nworshipped, as the representative of the serpent god. The sacred\nthread, worn alike by Hindoo and Zoroastrian, is the symbol of that\nold faith; the Brahman twines it round his body and occasionally\naround the neck of the sacred bull, the Lingam, and its altar.... With\nthe orthodox, the serpent thread should reach down to its closely\nallied faith, although this Ophite thread idea is now no more known to\nHindoos than the origin of arks, altars, candles, spires, and our\nchurch fleur-de-lis to Jews and Christians.\"[607]\n\n General Forlong alludes to the thigh as the symbol of phallic\n worship. \"The serpent on head denoted Holiness, Wisdom, and\n Power, as it does when placed on gods and great ones of the\n East still; but the Hindoo and Zoroastrian very early adopted\n a symbolic thread instead of the ophite deity, and the\n throwing of this over the head is also a very sacred rite,\n which consecrates the man-child to his God; this I should\n perhaps have earlier described, and will do so now. The\n adoption of the Poita or sacred thread, called also the\n _Zenar_, and from the most ancient pre-historic times by\n these two great Bactro-Aryan families, points to a period\n when both had the same faith, and that faith the Serpent. The\n Investiture is the Confirmation or second birth of the Hindoo\n boy; until which he can not, of course, be married. After the\n worship of the heavenly stone--the S\u0101ligr\u0101ma, the youth or\n child takes a branch of the Vilwa tree in his right hand,\n and a mystic cloth-bag in the left, when a Poita is formed of\n three fibres of the Sooroo tree (for the first cord must\n always be made of the _genuine living fibres_ of an orthodox\n tree), and this is hung to the boy's left shoulder; he then\n raises the Vilwa branch over his right shoulder, and so\n stands for some time, _a complete figure_ of the old faiths\n in Tree and Serpent, until the priest offers up various\n prayers and incantations to Soorya, Savitri or Sot, the\n Eternal God. The Sooroo-Poita is then removed as not durable\n enough, and the permanent thread is put over the neck. It\n also is formed of three threads, each 96 cubits or 48 yards\n long, folded and twisted together until only so long that,\n when thrown over the left shoulder, it extends half-way down\n the right thigh, or a little less; for the object appears to\n be to unite the Caput, Sol, or Seat of intellect with that of\n passion, and so form a perfect man.\"[608]\n\n All Parsis wear the sacred thread of serpent and phallic\n extraction, and the investiture of this is a solemn and\n essential rite with both sects [i.e., the Hindus and\n Parsis], showing their joint Aryan origin in high Asia, for\n the thread is of the very highest antiquity. The Parsi does\n not, however, wear his thread across the shoulder, and knows\n nothing of the all-but-forgotten origin of its required\n length. He wears it next to his skin, tied carefully round\n the waist, and used to tie it round his right arm, as is\n still the custom with some classes of Brahmins who have lost\n purity of caste by intermarriage with lower classes.[609]\n\n At the baptism or investiture of the thread, which takes the\n place of the Christian confirmation ceremony, but between the\n ages of 7 and 9, Fire and Water are the great sanctifying\n elements, and are the _essentials_. The fire is kindled from\n the droppings of the sacred cow, then sprinkled over with\n holy water and blessed; and when so consecrated by the priest\n it is called \"Holy Fire.\"[610]\n\n\"The _Brahmans_, the _Rajas_, and the _Merchants_, distinguish\nthemselves from the various casts of Sudras by a narrow belt of\nthread, which they always wear suspended from the left shoulder to the\nopposite haunch like a sash.\"[611] But, as Dubois speaks of the\ndivision of all the tribes into \"Right-hand and Left-hand,\" a\ndistinction which Coleman[612] explains as consisting in doing exactly\ncontrariwise of each other, it is not a very violent assumption to\nimagine that both the present and a former method of wearing the\nizze-kloth, akin to that now followed by the Apache, may once have\nobtained in India. The sectaries of the two Hands are bitterly\nantagonistic and often indulge in fierce quarrels, ending in\nbloodshed.[613]\n\n\"All the Brahmans wear a Cord over the shoulder, consisting of three\nblack twists of cotton, each of them formed of several smaller\nthreads.... The three threads are not twisted together, but separate\nfrom one another, and hang from the left shoulder to the right haunch.\nWhen a Brahman marries, he mounts nine threads instead of three.\"\nChildren were invested with these sacred cords at the age of from 7 to\n9. The cords had to be made and put on with much ceremony, and only\nBrahmans could make them. According to Dubois, the material was\ncotton; he does not allude to buckskin.[614]\n\nColeman[615] gives a detailed description of the manner in which the\nsacred thread of the Brahmans is made:\n\n The sacred thread must be made by a Brahman. It consists of\n three strings, each ninety-six hands (forty-eight yards),\n which are twisted together: it is then folded into three and\n again twisted; these are a second time folded into the same\n number and tied at each end in knots. It is worn over the\n left shoulder (next the skin, extending half way down the\n right thigh), by the Brahmans, Ketries and Vaisya castes. The\n first are usually invested with it at eight years of age, the\n second at eleven, and the Vaisya at twelve.... The Hindus of\n the Sutra caste do not receive the poita.\n\nThe ceremony of investiture comprehends prayer, sacrifice, fasting,\netc., and the wearing of a preliminary poita \"of three threads, made\nof the fibers of the _suru_, to which a piece of deer's skin is\nfastened.\"[616] This piece of buckskin was added no doubt in order to\nlet the neophyte know that once buckskin formed an important part of\nthe garment. The Brahmans use three cords, while the Apache employ\nfour; on this subject we shall have more to learn when we take up the\nsubject of numbers.\n\nMaurice says that the \"sacred cord of India,\" which he calls the\nzennar, is \"a cord of three threads in memory and honor of the three\ngreat deities of Hindostan.\"[617] It \"can be woven by no profane hand;\nthe Brahmin alone can twine the hallowed threads that compose it and\nit is done by him with the utmost solemnity, and with the addition of\nmany mystic rites.\"[618] It corresponds closely to the izze-kloth; the\nApache do not want people to touch these cords. The zennar \"being put\nupon the left shoulder passes to the right side and hangs down as low\nas the fingers can reach.\"[619] The izze-kloth of the Apache, when\npossible, is made of twisted antelope skin; they have no cord of hemp;\nbut when the zennar is \"put on for the first time, it is accompanied\nwith a piece of the skin of an antelope, three fingers in breadth, but\nshorter than the zennar.\"[620]\n\nOn p. 128 of Vining's An Inglorious Columbus, there is a figure of\nworshipers offering gifts to Buddha; from Buddha's left shoulder to\nhis right hip there passes what appears to be a cord, much like the\nizze-kloth of the Apache.\n\nExamples of the use of such cords are to be found elsewhere.\n\nIn the conjuration of one of the shamans, \"They took a small line made\nof deers' skins of four fathoms long, and with a small knot the priest\nmade it fast about his neck and under his left arm, and gave it unto\ntwo men standing on both sides of him, which held the ends\ntogether.\"[621] It is difficult to say whether this was a cord used on\nthe present occasion only or worn constantly by the shaman. In either\ncase the cord was \"medicine.\"\n\nHagennaar relates that he \"saw men wearing ropes with knots in them,\nflung over their shoulders, whose eyes turned round in their heads,\nand who were called Jammaboos, signifying as much as conjurors or\nexorcists.\"[622]\n\nThe Mahometans believe that at the day of judgment Jesus Christ and\nMahomet are to meet outside of Jerusalem holding a tightly-stretched\ncord between them upon which all souls must walk. This may or may not\npreserve a trace of a former use of such a cord in their \"medicine,\"\nbut it is well to refer to it.[623]\n\nThe sacred thread and garment which were worn by all the perfect\namong the Cathari, and the use of which by both Zends and Brahmans\nshows that its origin is to be traced back to a pre-historic\nperiod.[624]\n\n\"No religious rite can be performed by a (child) before he has been\ngirt with the sacred girdle, since he is on a level with a S\u00fbdra\nbefore his (new) birth from the Veda.\"[625]\n\nIn explaining the rules of external purification--that is,\npurification in which water is the medium--Baudh\u00e2yana says:[626]\n\n The sacrificial thread (shall be made) of Kusa grass, or\n cotton, (and consist) of thrice three strings.\n\n (It shall hang down) to the navel.\n\n (In putting it on) he shall raise the right arm, lower the\n left, and lower the head.\n\n The contrary (is done at sacrifices) to the manes.\n\n (If the thread is) suspended around the neck (it is called)\n nivita.\n\n (If it is) suspended below (the navel, it is called)\n adhopavita.\n\nA former use of sacred cords would seem to be suggested in the\nconstant appearance of the belief in the mystical properties and the\npower for good or evil of the knots which constitute the\ncharacteristic appendage of these cords. This belief has been confined\nto no race or people; it springs up in the literature of the whole\nworld and survives with a pertinacity which is remarkable among the\npeasantry of Europe and among many in both America and Europe who\nwould not hesitate to express resentment were they to be included\namong the illiterate.\n\nThe powers of these knots were recognized especially in strengthening\nor defeating love, as aiding women in labor, and in other ways which\nprove them to be cousins-german to the magic knots with which the\nmedicine-men of the Lapps and other nations along the shores of the\nBaltic were supposed to be able to raise or allay the tempest. \"One of\nthe torments with which witchcraft worried men was the Knot by which a\nman was withheld so that he could not work his will with a woman. It\nwas called in the Latin of the times Nodus and Obligamentum, and\nappears in the glossaries, translated by the Saxons into lyb, drug.\"\n\"To make a 'ligatura' is pronounced 'detestable' by Theodoras,\nArchbishop of Canterbury, in 668. The knot is still known in France,\nand Nouer l'aiguillette is a resort of ill-will.\" Then is given the\nadventure of Hrut, prince of Iceland, and his bride Gunnhilld,\nprincess of Norway, by whom a \"knot\" was duly tied to preserve his\nfidelity during his absence.[627] \"Traces of this philosophy are to be\nfound elsewhere,\" (references are given from Pliny and Galens in\nregard to \"nod\").[628] \"A knot among the ancient northern nations\nseems to have been the symbol of love, faith, and friendship, pointing\nout the indissoluble tie of affection and duty. Thus the ancient Runic\ninscriptions, as we gather from Hickes's Thesaurus, are in the form of\na knot. Hence, among the northern English and Scots, who still\nretain, in a great measure, the language and manners of the ancient\nDanes, that curious kind of a knot, a mutual present between the lover\nand his mistress, which, being considered as the emblem of plighted\nfidelity, is therefore called a true-love knot: a name which is not\nderived, as one would naturally suppose it to be, from the words\n'true' and 'love,' but formed from the Danish verb _Trulofa, fidem\ndo_, I plight my troth, or faith.... Hence, evidently, the bride\nfavors or the top-knots at marriages, which have been considered as\nemblems of the ties of duty and affection between the bride and her\nspouse, have been derived.\"[629]\n\nSir Thomas Browne, in his Vulgar Errors,[630] says \"the true-lover's\nknot is much magnified, and still retained in presents of love among\nus; which, though in all points it doth not make out, had, perhaps,\nits original from Nodus Herculanus, or that which was called Hercules,\nhis knot resembling the snaky complications in the caduceus or rod of\nHermes and in which form the zone or woolen girdle of the bride was\nfastened, as Turnebus observes in his Adversaria.\" Brand shows[631]\nthat the true-lover's knot had to be tied three times. Another species\nof knot divination is given in the Connoisseur, No. 56: \"Whenever I go\nto lye in a strange bed, I always tye my garter nine times round the\nbed-post, and knit nine knots in it, and say to myself: 'this knot I\nknit, this knot I tye, to see my love as he goes by,' etc. There was\nalso a suggestion of color symbolism in the true-lover's knot, blue\nbeing generally accepted as the most appropriate tint. I find among\nthe illiterate Mexican population of the lower Rio Grande a firm\nbelief in the power possessed by a lock of hair tied into knots to\nretain a maiden's affections.\n\n\"I find it stated that headache may be alleviated by tying a woman's\nfillet round the head.[632] To arrest incontinence of urine, the\nextremities of the generative organs should be tied with a thread of\nlinen or papyrus, and a binding passed round the middle of the\nthigh.[633] It is quite surprising how much more speedily wounds will\nheal if they are bound up and tied with a Hercules' knot; indeed, it\nis said that if the girdle which we wear every day is tied with a knot\nof this description, it will be productive of certain beneficial\neffects, Hercules having been the first to discover the fact.\"[634]\n\"Healing girdles were already known to Marcellus.\"[635]\n\n\"In our times 'tis a common thing, saith Erastus in his book _de\nLamiis_, for witches to take upon them the making of these philters,\nto force men and women to love and hate whom they will; to cause\ntempests, diseases, &c., by charms, spels, characters, knots.\"[636]\n\nBurton[637] alludes to the \"inchanted girdle of Venus, in which,\nsaith Natales Comes, ... all witchcraft to enforce love was\ncontained.\"\n\nThe first general council of Milan, in 1565, prohibited the use of\nwhat were called phylacteries, ligatures, and reliquaries (of heathen\norigin) which people all over Europe were in the habit of wearing at\nneck or on arms or knees.[638]\n\n\"King James[639] enumerates thus: 'Such kinde of charmes as ...\nstaying married folkes to have naturally adoe with each other, by\nknitting so many knots upon a point at the time of their\nmarriage.'\"[640]\n\n\"Tying the point was another fascination, illustrations of which may\nbe found in Reginald Scott's Discourse Concerning Devils and Spirits,\np. 71; in the Fifteen Comforts of Marriage, p. 225; and in the British\nApollo, vol. 2, No. 35, 1709. In the old play of The Witch of\nEdmonton, 1658, Young Banks says, 'Ungirt, unbless'd, says the\nproverb.'\"[641]\n\nFrommann speaks of the frequent appearance of knots in witchcraft,\nbut, beyond alluding to the \"Nodus Cassioticus\" of a certain people\nnear Pelusia, who seem, like the Laplanders, to have made a business\nof fabricating and selling magic knots, he adds nothing to our stock\nof information on the subject. He seems to regard the knot of Hercules\nand the Gordian knot as magical knots.[642]\n\nBogle mentions the adoration of the Grand Lama (Teshu Lama). The\nLama's servants \"put a bit of silk with a knot upon it, tied, or\nsupposed to be tied, with the Lama's own hands, about the necks of the\nvotaries.\"[643]\n\nA girdle of Venus, \"possessing qualities not to be described,\" was\nenumerated among the articles exhibited at a rustic wedding in\nEngland.[644]\n\nIn 1519, Torralva, the Spanish magician, was given by his guardian\nspirit, Zequiel, a \"stick full of knots,\" with the injunction, \"shut\nyour eyes and fear nothing; take this in your hand, and no harm will\nhappen to you.\"[645] Here the idea evidently was that the power\nresided in the knots.\n\n\"Immediately before the celebration of the marriage ceremony [in\nPerthshire, Scotland] every knot about the bride and bridegroom\n(garters, shoe-strings, strings of petticoats, &c.), is carefully\nloosened.\"[646]\n\n\"The precaution of loosening every knot about the new-joined pair is\nstrictly observed [in Scotland], for fear of the penalty denounced in\nthe former volumes. It must be remarked that the custom, is observed\neven in France, _nouer l'aiguillette_ being a common phrase for\ndisappointments of this nature.\"[647]\n\nIn some parts of Germany \"a bride will tie a string of flax around\nher left leg, in the belief that she will thereby enjoy the full\nblessing of the married state.\"[648]\n\n\"There was formerly a custom in the north of England, which will be\nthought to have bordered very closely upon indecency ... for the young\nmen present at a wedding to strive, immediately after the ceremony,\nwho could first pluck off the bride's garters from her legs. This was\ndone before the very altar ... I have sometimes thought this a\nfragment of the ancient ceremony of loosening the virgin zone, or\ngirdle, a custom that needs no explanation.\" \"It is the custom in\nNormandy for the bride to bestow her garter on some young man as a\nfavour, or sometimes it is taken from her ... I am of opinion that the\norigin of the Order of the Garter is to be traced to this nuptial\ncustom, anciently common to both court and country.\"[649]\n\nGrimm quotes from Hincmar of Rheims to show the antiquity of the use\nfor both good and bad purposes of \"ligatures,\" \"cum filulis colorum\nmultiplicium.\"[650]\n\nTo undo the effects of a \"ligature,\" the following was in high repute:\n\"Si quem voles per noctem cum f\u0153mina coire non posse, pistillum\ncoronatum sub lecto illius pone.\"[651] But a pestle crowned with\nflowers could be nothing more or less than a phallus, and, therefore,\nan offering to the god Priapus.\n\n\"Owing to a supposed connection which the witches knew between the\nrelations of husband and wife and the mysterious knots, the\nbridegroom, formerly in Scotland and to the present day in Ireland,\npresents himself occasionally, and in rural districts, before the\nclergyman, with all knots and fastenings on his dress loosened, and\nthe bride, immediately after the ceremony is performed, retires to be\nundressed, and so rid of her knots.\"[652]\n\n\nUSE OF CORDS AND KNOTS AND GIRDLES IN PARTURITION.\n\nFolk medicine in all regions is still relying upon the potency of\nmystical cords and girdles to facilitate labor. The following are a\nfew of the many examples which might be presented:\n\nDelivery was facilitated if the man by whom the woman has conceived\nunties his girdle, and, after tying it round her, unties it, saying:\n\"I have tied it and I will untie it,\" and then takes his\ndeparture.[653]\n\n\"Henry, in his History of Britain, vol. 1, p. 459, tells us that\n'amongst the ancient Britons, when a birth was attended with any\ndifficulty, they put certain girdles made for that purpose about the\nwomen in labour which they imagined gave immediate and effectual\nrelief. Such girdles were kept with care till very lately in many\nfamilies in the Highlands of Scotland. They were impressed with\nseveral mystical figures; and the ceremony of binding them about the\nwoman's waist was accompanied with words and gestures, which showed\nthe custom to have been of great antiquity, and to have come\noriginally from the Druids.'\"[654]\n\n\"But my girdle shall serve as a riding _knit_, and a fig for all the\nwitches in Christendom.\"[655] The use of girdles in labor must be\nancient.\n\n\"Ut mulier concipiat, homo vir si solvat semicinctum suum et eam\npr\u00e6cingat.\"[656] \"Certum est quod partum mirabiliter facilirent,\nsiveinstar cinguli circumdentur corpori.\" These girdles were believed\nto aid labor and cure dropsy and urinary troubles.[657]\n\n\"The following customs of childbirth are noticed in the Trait\u00e9 des\nSuperstitions of M. Thiers, vol. 1, p. 320: 'Lors qu'une femme est\npreste d'accoucher, prendre _sa ceinture_, aller \u00e0 l'Eglise, _lier la\ncloche avec cette ceinture_ et la faire sonner trois coups afin que\ncette femme accouche heureusement. Martin de Arles, Archidiacre de\nPampelonne (Tract. de Superstition) asseure que cette superstition est\nfort en usage dans tout son pays.'\"[658]\n\nIn the next two examples there is to be found corroboration of the\nviews advanced by Forlong that these cords (granting that the\nprinciple upon which they all rest is the same) had originally some\nrelation to ophic rites. Brand adds from Levinus Lemnius: \"Let the\nwoman that travels with her child (is in her labour) be girded with\nthe skin that a serpent or a snake casts off, and then she will\nquickly be delivered.\"[659] A serpent's skin was tied as a belt about\na woman in childbirth. \"Inde puerper\u00e6 circa collum aut corporem\napposito, victoriam in puerperii conflictu habuerunt, citissimeque\nliberat\u00e6 fuerunt.\"[660]\n\nThe following examples, illustrative of the foregoing, are taken from\nFlemming: The skins of human corpses were drawn off, preferably by\ncobblers, tanned, and made into girdles, called \"Cingula\" or\nChirothec\u00e6, which were bound on the left thigh of a woman in labor to\nexpedite delivery. The efficacy of these was highly extolled, although\nsome writers recommended a recourse to tiger's skin for the purposes\nindicated. This \"caro humano\" was euphemistically styled \"mummy\" or\n\"mumia\" by Von Helmont and others of the early pharmacists, when\ntreating of it as an internal medicament.\n\nThere was a \"Cingulum ex corio humano\" bound round patients during\nepileptic attacks, convulsions, childbirth, etc., and another kind of\nbelt described as \"ex cute humana conficiunt,\" and used in contraction\nof the nerves and rheumatism of the joints,[661] also bound round the\nbody in cramp.[662]\n\n\"The _girdle_ was an essential article of dress, and early ages\nascribe to it other magic influences: e.g., Th\u00f4r's divine strength lay\nin his girdle.\"[663] In speaking of the belief in lycanthropy he says:\n\"The common belief among us is that the transformation is effected by\n_tying a strap round the body_; this girth is only three fingers\nbroad, and is cut out of human skin.\"[664] Scrofulous tumors were\ncured by tying them with a linen thread which had choked a viper to\ndeath.[665] \"Filum rubrum seraceum [silk] cum quo strangulata fuit\nvipera si circumdatur collo angina laborantes, eundem curare dicitur\npropter idem strangulationis et suffocationis.\"[666]\n\n\"Quidam commendant tanquam specificum, ad Anginam filum purpureum cum\nquo strangulata fuit vipera, si collo circumdetur.\"[667]\n\n\n\"MEDIDAS,\" \"MEASURING CORDS,\" \"WRESTING THREADS,\" ETC.\n\nBlack says:[668] \"On the banks of the Ale and the Teviot the women\nhave still a custom of wearing round their necks blue woollen threads\nor cords till they wean their children, doing this for the purpose of\naverting ephemeral fevers. These cords are handed down from mother to\ndaughter, and esteemed in proportion to their antiquity. Probably\nthese cords had originally received some blessing.\"\n\nBlack's surmise is well founded. These cords were, no doubt, the same\nas the \"medidas\" or measurements of the holy images of Spain and other\nparts of Continental Europe. \"The ribands or serpent symbols [of Our\nLady of Montserrat] are of silk, and exactly the span of the Virgin's\nhead, and on them is printed '_medida de la cabeza de Nuestra Se\u00f1ora\nMaria Sant\u00edsima de Montserrat_,' i.e., exact head measurement of Our\nLady of Montserrat.\"[669]\n\nThese same \"medidas\" may be found in full vogue in the outlying\ndistricts of Mexico to-day. Twenty years ago I saw them at the\n\"funcion\" of San Francisco, in the little town of Magdalena, in\nSonora. I watched carefully to see exactly what the women did and\nobserved that the statue of St. Francis (which, for greater\nconvenience, was exposed outside of the church, where the devout could\nreach it without disturbing the congregation within) was measured from\nhead to foot with pieces of ribbon, which were then wrapped up and\npacked away. In reply to my queries, I learned that the \"medida\" of\nthe head was a specific for headache, that of the waist for all\ntroubles in the abdominal region, those of the legs, arms, and other\nparts for the ailments peculiar to each of them respectively. This was\nin a community almost, if not absolutely, Roman Catholic; but in the\nthoroughly Protestant neighborhood of Carlisle, Pa., the same\nsuperstition exists in full vigor, as I know personally. Three years\nago my second child was suffering from the troubles incident to\nretarded dentition and had to be taken to the mountains at Holly\nSprings, within sight of Carlisle. I was begged and implored by the\nwomen living in the place to have the child taken to \"a wise woman\" to\nbe \"measured,\" and was assured that some of the most intelligent\npeople in that part of the country were firm believers in the\nsuperstition. When I declined to lend countenance to such nonsense I\nwas looked upon as a brutal and unnatural parent, caring little for\nthe welfare of his offspring.\n\n\"In John Bale's Comedye concernynge thre Lawes, 1538 ... Hypocrysy is\nintroduced, mentioning the following charms against barrenness:\n\n And as for Lyons, there is the length of our Lorde\n In a great pyller. She that will with a coorde\n Be fast bound to it, and _take soche chaunce as fall_\n Shall sure have chylde, for within it is hollowe all.\"[670]\n\nWhen a person in Shetland has received a sprain \"it is customary to\napply to an individual practiced in casting the 'wrested thread.' This\nis a thread spun from black wool, on which are cast nine knots, and\ntied round a sprained leg or arm.\" It is applied by the medicine-man\nwith the usual amount of gibberish and incantation.[671] These\n\"wresting or wrested threads\" are also to be found among Germans,\nNorwegians, Swedes, and Flemings.[672]\n\nGrimm quotes from Chambers's Fireside Stories, Edinburgh, 1842, p. 37:\n\"During the time the operator is putting the thread round the\nafflicted limb he says, but _in such a tone of voice as not to be\nheard by the bystanders_, nor even by the person operated upon: \"The\n_Lord_ rade, and the foal slade; he lighted, and he righted, set joint\nto joint, bone to bone, and sinew to sinew. Heal in the Holy Ghost's\nname!\"[673]\n\n\"Eily McGarvey, a Donegal wise woman, employs a green thread in her\nwork. She measures her patient three times round the waist with a\nribbon, to the outer edge of which is fastened a green thread.... She\nnext hands the patient nine leaves of 'heart fever grass,' or\ndandelion, gathered by herself, directing him to eat three leaves on\nsuccessive mornings.\"[674]\n\nMiss Edna Dean Proctor, the poet, told me, June 9, 1887, that some\nyears ago, while visiting relations in Illinois, she met a woman who,\nhaving been ill for a long time, had despaired of recovery, and in\nhope of amelioration had consulted a man pretending to occult powers,\nwho prescribed that she wear next the skin a certain knotted red cord\nwhich he gave her.\n\nOn a previous page the views of Forlong have been presented, showing\nthat there were reasons for believing that the sacred cords of the\nEast Indies could be traced back to an ophic origin, and it has also\nbeen shown that, until the present day, among the peasantry of Europe,\nthere has obtained the practice of making girdles of snake skin which\nhave been employed for the cure of disease and as an assistance in\nchildbirth. The snake itself, while still alive, as has been shown, is\napplied to the person of the patient by the medicine-men of the\nAmerican Indians.\n\nIn connection with the remarks taken from Forlong's Rivers of Life on\nthis subject, I should like to call attention to the fact that the\nlong knotted blacksnake whip of the wagoners of Europe and America,\nwhich, when not in use, is worn across the body from shoulder to hip,\nhas been identified as related to snake worship.\n\nThere is another view to take of the origin of these sacred cords\nwhich it is fair to submit before passing final judgment. The\nizze-kloth may have been in early times a cord for tying captives who\nwere taken in war, and as these captives were offered up in sacrifice\nto the gods of war and others they were looked upon as sacred, and all\nused in connection with them would gradually take on a sacred\ncharacter. The same kind of cords seem to have been used in the chase.\nThis would explain a great deal of the superstition connected with the\nwhole subject of \"hangman's rope\" bringing luck, curing disease, and\naverting trouble of all sorts, a superstition more widely disseminated\nand going back to more ancient times than most people would imagine.\nOne of the tribes of New Granada, \"quando iban \u00e0 la Guerra llevaban\nCordeles para atar \u00e0 los Presos.\"[675] This recalls that the Apache\nthemselves used to throw lariats from ambush upon travelers, and that\nthe Thugs who served the goddess Bhowani, in India, strangled with\ncords, afterwards with handkerchiefs. The Spaniards in Peru, under\nJorge Robledo, going toward the Rio Magdalena, in 1542, found a large\nbody of savages \"que llevaban Cordeles, para atar \u00e0 los Castellanos, i\nsus Pedernales, para despeda\u00e7arlos, i Ollas para cocerlos.\"[676] The\nAustralians carried to war a cord, called \"Nerum,\" about 2 feet 6\ninches long, made of kangaroo hair, used for strangling an enemy.[677]\n\nThe easiest method of taking the hyena \"is for the hunter to tie his\ngirdle with seven knots, and to make as many knots in the whip with\nwhich he guides his horse.\"[678] Maj. W. Cornwallis Harris[679]\ndescribes a search made for a lost camel. A man was detailed to search\nfor the animal and provided with the following charm to aid him in his\nsearch: \"The rope with which the legs of the lost animal had been\nfettered was rolled betwixt his (the Ras el K\u00e1filah's) hands, and\nsundry cabalistic words having been muttered whilst the Devil was\ndislodged by the process of spitting upon the cord at the termination\nof each spell, it was finally delivered over to the Dank\u00e1li about to\nbe sent on the quest.\" Stanley describes the \"lords of the cord\" at\nthe court of Mtesa, king of Uganda, but they seem to be provost\nofficers and executioners merely.[680] \"In cases of quartan fever they\ntake a fragment of a nail from a cross, or else a piece of a halter\nthat has been used for crucifixion, and after wrapping it in wool,\nattach it to the patient's neck, taking care, the moment he has\nrecovered, to conceal it in some hole to which the light of the sun\ncan not penetrate.\"[681] There is a widespread and deeply rooted\nbelief that a rope which has hanged a man, either as a felon or\nsuicide, possesses talismanic powers.[682] Jean Baptiste Thiers[683]\nsays: \"Il y a des gens assez fous pour s'imaginer qu'ils seront\nheureux au jeu ... pourvu qu'ils ayent sur eux un morceau de corde de\npendu.\" Brand says: \"I remember once to have seen, at Newcastle upon\nTyne, after a person executed had been cut down, men climb upon the\ngallows and contend for that part of the rope which remained, and\nwhich they wished to preserve for some lucky purpose or other. I have\nlately made the important discovery that it is reckoned a cure for the\nheadache.\"[684] \"A halter with which one had been hanged was regarded\nwithin recent times in England as a cure for headache if tied round\nthe head.\"[685]\n\nIn the long list of articles employed by the ancients for the purpose\nof developing affection or hatred between persons of opposite sex,\nBurton mentions \"funis strangulati hominis.\"[686] \"A remarkable\nsuperstition still prevails among the lowest of our vulgar, that a man\nmay lawfully sell his wife to another, provided he deliver her over\nwith a halter about her neck. It is painful to observe that instances\nof this frequently occur in our newspapers.\"[687] While discussing\nthis branch of the subject, it might be well to peruse what has\nalready been inserted under the head of the uses to which were put the\nthreads which had strangled vipers and other serpents.\n\n\nUNCLASSIFIED SUPERSTITIONS UPON THIS SUBJECT.\n\nIn conclusion, I wish to present some of the instances occurring in my\nstudies which apparently have a claim to be included in a treatise\nupon the subject of sacred cords and knots. These examples are\npresented without comment, as they are, to all intents and purposes,\n\"survivals,\" which have long ago lost their true significance.\nAttention is invited to the fact that the very same use seems to be\nmade by the Irish of hair cords as we have already seen has been made\nby the Australians.\n\nThe Jewish garment with knots at the corners would appear to have been\na prehistoric garment preserved in religious ceremonial; it would seem\nto be very much like the short blanket cloak, with tufts or knots at\nthe four corners, still made by and in use among the Zu\u00f1i, Navajo,\nTusayan, and Rio Grande Pueblos. But magic knots were by no means\nunknown to Jews, Assyrians, or other nations of Syria and Mesopotamia.\n\n\"In Memorable Things noted in the Description of the World, we read:\nAbout children's necks the wild Irish hung the beginning of St. John's\nGospel, a crooked nail of a horseshoe, or a piece of a wolve's skin,\nand both the sucking child and nurse were girt with girdles finely\nplaited with woman's hair.\"[688]\n\nGainsford, in his Glory of England, speaking of the Irish, p. 150,\nsays: \"They use _incantations_ and _spells_, wearing _girdles of\nwoman's haire_, and _locks of their lover's_.\"\n\nCamden, in his Ancient and Modern Manners of the Irish, says that\n\"they are observed to present their lovers with bracelets of women's\nhair, whether in reference to Venus' cestus or not, I know not.\"[689]\nThis idea of a resemblance between the girdle of Venus and the use of\nthe maiden's hair may be worth consideration; on the same page Brand\nquotes from Beaumont and Fletcher:\n\n Bracelets of our lovers' hair,\n Which they on our arms shall twist,\n\nand garters of the women were generally worn by lovers.[690]\n\n\"Chaque habit qu'ils [the Jews] portent doit avoir quatre pands, & \u00e0\nchacun un cordon pendant en forme de houppe, qu'ils nomment Zizit. Ce\ncordon est ordinairement de huit fils de laine fil\u00e9e expr\u00e8s pour cela,\navec cinq n\u0153uds chacun, qui occupent la moiti\u00e9 de la longueur. Ce\nqui n'est pas nou\u00e9 \u00e9tant \u00e9fil\u00e9 acheve de faire une espece de houppe,\nqu'ils se fassent, dit la Loi, des cordons aux pands de leurs\nhabits.\"[691]\n\nThe following is from Black:[692]\n\n When Marduk [Assyrian god] wishes to comfort a dying man his\n father Hea says: \"Go--\n\n Take a woman's linen kerchief!\n Bind it round thy left hand: loose it from the left hand!\n Knot it with seven knots: do so twice:\n Sprinkle it with bright wine:\n Bind it round the head of the sick man:\n Bind it round his hands and feet, like manacles and fetters.\n Sit round on his bed:\n Sprinkle holy water over him.\n He shall hear the voice of Hea.\n Davkina shall protect him!\n And Marduk, Eldest Son of heaven, shall find him a happy\n habitation.\"\n\nA variant of the same formula is to be found in Fran\u00e7ois Lenormant's\nChaldean Magic.[693] Lenormant speaks of the Chaldean use of \"magic\nknots, the efficacy of which was so firmly believed in even up to the\nmiddle ages.\"\n\nAgain, he says that magic cords, with knots, were \"still very common\namong the Nabathean sorcerers of the Lower Euphrates,\" in the\nfourteenth century, and in his opinion the use of these was derived\nfrom the ancient Chaldeans. In still another place he speaks of the\n\"magic knots\" used by Finnish conjurors in curing diseases.\n\n\"The Jewish phylactery was tied in a knot, but more generally knots\nare found in use to bring about some enchantment or disenchantment.\nThus in an ancient Babylonian charm we have--\n\n 'Merodach, the Son of Hea, the prince, with his holy hands\n cuts the knots.'\n\nThat is to say, he takes off the evil influence of the knots. So, too,\nwitches sought in Scotland to compass evil by tying knots. Witches, it\nwas thought, could supply themselves with the milk of any neighbor's\ncows if they had a small quantity of hair from the tail of each of the\nanimals. The hair they would twist into a rope and then a knot would\nbe tied on the rope for every cow which had contributed hair. Under\nthe clothes of a witch who was burned at St. Andrews, in 1572, was\ndiscovered 'a white claith, like a collore craig, with stringis,\nwheron was mony knottis vpon the stringis of the said collore craig.'\nWhen this was taken from her, with a prescience then wrongly\ninterpreted, she said: 'Now I have no hope of myself.' 'Belyke scho\nthought,' runs the cotemporary account, 'scho suld not have died, that\nbeing vpon her,' but probably she meant that to be discovered with\nsuch an article in her possession was equivalent to the sentence of\ndeath. So lately as the beginning of the last century, two persons\nwere sentenced to capital punishment for stealing a charm of knots,\nmade by a woman as a device against the welfare of Spalding of\nAshintilly.\"[694]\n\n\"Charmed belts are commonly worn in Lancashire for the cure of\nrheumatism. Elsewhere, a cord round the loins is worn to ward off\ntoothache. Is it possible that there is any connection between this\nbelt and the cord which in Burmah is hung round the neck of a\npossessed person while he is being thrashed to drive out the spirit\nwhich troubles him? Theoretically the thrashing is given to the\nspirit, and not to the man, but to prevent the spirit escaping too\nsoon a charmed cord is hung round the possessed person's neck. When\nthe spirit has been sufficiently humbled and has declared its name it\nmay be allowed to escape, if the doctor does not prefer to trample on\nthe patient's stomach till he fancies he has killed the demon.\"[695]\n\n\"The numerous notices in the folklore of all countries of magic\nstones, holy girdles, and other nurses' specials, attest the common\nsympathy of the human race.\"[696]\n\nThis is from Brand:[697] \"Devonshire cure for warts. Take a piece of\ntwine, tie in it as many knots as you have warts, touch each wart with\na knot, and then throw the twine behind your back into some place\nwhere it may soon decay--a pond or a hole in the earth; but tell no\none what you have done. When the twine is decayed your warts will\ndisappear without any pain or trouble, being in fact charmed away.\"\n\n\"In our time, the anodyne necklace, which consists of beads turned out\nof the root of the white Bryony, and which is hung round the necks of\ninfants, in order to assist their teething, and to ward off the\nconvulsions sometimes incident to that process, is an amulet.\"[698]\n\n\"Rowan, ash, and red thread,\" a Scotch rhyme goes, \"keep the devils\nfrae their speed.\"[699]\n\nFor the cure of scrofula, grass was selected. From one, two, or three\nstems, as many as nine joints must be removed, which must then be\nwrapped in black wool, with the grease in it. The person who gathers\nthem must do so fasting, and must then go, in the same state, to the\npatient's house while he is from home. When the patient comes in, the\nother must say to him three times, \"I come fasting to bring a remedy\nto a fasting man,\" and must then attach the amulet to his person,\nrepeating the same ceremony three consecutive days.[700]\n\nForlong says: \"On the 2d [of May], fearing evil spirits and witches,\nScotch farmers used to tie red thread upon their wives as well as\ntheir cows, saying these prevented miscarriages and preserved the\nmilk.\"[701]\n\nIn Scotland \"they hope to preserve the milk of their cows, and their\nwives from miscarriage, by tying threads about them.\"[702]\n\nBrand gives a remedy for epilepsy: \"If, in the month of October, a\nlittle before the full moon, you pluck a twig of the elder, and cut\nthe cane that is betwixt two of its knees, or knots, in nine pieces,\nand these pieces, being bound in a piece of linnen, be in a thread so\nhung about the neck that they touch the spoon of the heart, or the\nsword-formed cartilage.\"[703]\n\nBlack says:[704] \"To cure warts a common remedy is to tie as many\nknots on a hair as there are warts and throw the hair away. Six knots\nof elderwood are used in a Yorkshire incantation to ascertain if\nbeasts are dying from witchcraft. Marcellus commended for sore eyes\nthat a man should tie as many knots in unwrought flax as there are\nletters in his name, pronouncing each letter as he worked; this he was\nto tie round his neck. In the Orkneys, the blue thread was used for an\nevil purpose because such a colour savored of Popery and priests; in\nthe northern counties it was used because a remembrance of its once\npreeminent value still survived in the minds of those who wore it,\nunconsciously, though still actively, influencing their thoughts. In\nperhaps the same way we respect the virtue of red threads, because, as\nConway puts it, 'red is sacred in one direction as symbolising the\nblood of Christ.'\"[705]\n\n\"To cure ague [Hampshire, England] string nine or eleven snails on a\nthread, the patient saying, as each is threaded, 'Here I leave my\nague.' When all are threaded they should be frizzled over a fire, and\nas the snails disappear so will the ague.\"[706]\n\nDr. Joseph Lanzoni scoffed at the idea that a red-silk thread could\navail in erysipelas; \"Neque filum sericum chermisinum parti affect\u00e6\ncircumligatum erysipelata fugat.\" The word \"chermesinum\" is not given\nin Ainsworth's Latin-English Dictionary, but it so closely resembles\nthe Spanish \"carmesi\" that I have made bold to render it as \"red\" or\n\"scarlet.\"[707]\n\n\"Red thread is symbolical of lightning,\" and is consequently laid on\nchurns in Ireland \"to prevent the milk from being bewitched and\nyielding no butter.\" \"In Aberdeenshire it is a common practice with\nthe housewife to tie a piece of red worsted thread round the cows'\ntails before turning them out for the first time in the season to\ngrass. It secured the cattle from the evil-eye, elf-shots, and other\ndangers.\"[708] \"It [blue] is the sky color and the Druid's sacred\ncolour.\"[709] \"In 1635, a man in the Orkney Islands was, we are led to\nbelieve, utterly ruined by nine knots cast on a blue thread and given\nto his sister.\"\n\n\"In a curious old book, 12mo., 1554, entitled A Short Description of\nAntichrist, is this passage: 'I note all their Popishe traditions of\nconfirmacion of yonge children with oynting of oyle and creame, and\nwith _a ragge knitte about the necke of the younge babe_.'\"[710]\n\nA New England charm for an obstinate ague. \"The patient in this case\nis to take a string made of woolen yarn, of three colors, and to go by\nhimself to an apple-tree; there he is to tie his left hand loosely\nwith the right to the tree by the tri-colored string, then to slip his\nhand out of the knot and run into the house without looking behind\nhim.\"[711]\n\nThe dust \"in which a hawk has bathed itself, tied up in a linen cloth\nwith a red string, and attached to the body,\"[712] was one of the\nremedies for fevers. Another cure for fever: \"Some inclose a\ncaterpillar in a piece of linen, with a thread passed three times\nround it, and tie as many knots, repeating at each knot why it is that\nthe patient performs that operation.\"[713]\n\n\"To prevent nose-bleeding people are told to this day to wear a skein\nof scarlet silk thread round the neck, tied with nine knots down the\nfront; if the patient is a man, the silk being put on and the knots\ntied by a woman; and if the patient is a woman, then these good\nservices being rendered by a man.\"[714]\n\nA cord with nine knots in it, tied round the neck of a child suffering\nfrom whooping cough, was esteemed a sovereign remedy in Worcester,\nEngland, half a century ago.\n\nAgain, references will be found to the superstitious use of\n\"ligatures\" down to a comparatively recent period, and \"I remember it\nwas a custom in the north of England for boys that swam to wear an\neel's skin about their naked leg to prevent the cramp.\"[715]\n\n\nTHE MEDICINE HAT.\n\nThe medicine hat of the old and blind Apache medicine-man,\nNan-ta-do-tash, was an antique affair of buckskin, much begrimed with\nsoot and soiled by long use. Nevertheless, it gave life and strength\nto him who wore it, enabled the owner to peer into the future, to tell\nwho had stolen ponies from other people, to foresee the approach of an\nenemy, and to aid in the cure of the sick. This was its owner's own\nstatement in conversation with me, but it would seem that the power\nresiding in the helmet or hat was not very permanent, because when the\nold man discovered from his wife that I had made a rude drawing of it\nhe became extremely excited and said that such a delineation would\ndestroy all the life of the hat. His fears were allayed by presents of\nmoney and tobacco, as well as by some cakes and other food. As a\nmeasure of precaution, he insisted upon sprinkling pinches of\nhoddentin over myself, the hat, and the drawing of it, at the same\ntime muttering various half-articulate prayers. He returned a month\nafterwards and demanded the sum of $30 for damage done to the hat by\nthe drawing, since which time it has ceased to \"work\" when needed.\n\nThis same old man gave me an explanation of all the symbolism depicted\nupon the hat and a great deal of valuable information in regard to the\nprofession of medicine-men, their specialization, the prayers they\nrecited, etc. The material of the hat, as already stated, was\nbuckskin. How that was obtained I can not assert positively, but from\nan incident occurring under my personal observation in the Sierra\nMadre in Mexico in 1883, where our Indian scouts and the medicine-men\nwith them surrounded a nearly grown fawn and tried to capture it\nalive, as well as from other circumstances too long to be here\ninserted, I am of the opinion that the buckskin to be used for sacred\npurposes among the Apache must, whenever possible, be that of a\nstrangled animal, as is the case, according to Dr. Matthews, among the\nNavajo.\n\nThe body of Nan-ta-do-tash's cap (Fig. 434, p. 503) was unpainted, but\nthe figures upon it were in two colors, a brownish yellow and an\nearthy blue, resembling a dirty Prussian blue. The ornamentation was\nof the downy feathers and black-tipped plumes of the eagle, pieces of\nabalone shell, and chalchihuitl, and a snake's rattle on the apex.\n\nNan-ta-do-tash explained that the characters on the medicine hat\nmeant: A, clouds; B, rainbow; C, hail; E, morning-star; F, the God of\nWind, with his lungs; G, the black \"kan\"; H, great stars or suns.\n\n\"Kan\" is the name given to their principal gods. The appearance of the\nkan himself and of the tail of the hat suggest the centipede, an\nimportant animal god of the Apache. The old man said that the figures\nrepresented the powers to which he appealed for aid in his \"medicine\"\nand the kan upon whom he called for help. There were other doctors\nwith other medicines, but he used none but those of which he was going\nto speak to me.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 440.--Apache war bonnet.]\n\nWhen an Apache or other medicine-man is in full regalia he ceases to\nbe a man, but becomes, or tries to make his followers believe that he\nhas become, the power he represents. I once heard this asserted in a\nvery striking way while I was with a party of Apache young men who had\nled me to one of the sacred caves of their people, in which we came\nacross a great quantity of ritualistic paraphernalia of all sorts.\n\n\"We used to stand down here,\" they said, \"and look up to the top of\nthe mountain and see the kan come down.\" This is precisely what the\npeople living farther to the south told the early Spanish\nmissionaries.\n\nThe Mexicans were wont to cry out \"Here come our gods!\" upon seeing\ntheir priests masked and disguised, and especially when they had\ndonned the skins of the women offered up in sacrifice.[716]\n\nThe headdresses worn by the gods of the American Indians and the\npriests or medicine-men who served them were persistently called\n\"miters\" by the early Spanish writers. Thus Quetzalcoatl wore \"en la\ncabe\u00e7a una Mitra de papel puntiaguda.\"[717] When Father Felician Lopez\nwent to preach to the Indians of Florida, in 1697, among other matters\nof record is one to the effect that \"the chief medicine man called\nhimself bishop.\"[718] Possibly this title was assumed because the\nmedicine-men wore \"miters.\"\n\nDuran goes further than his fellows. In the headdress used at the\nspirit dances he recognizes the tiara. He says that the Mexican\npriests at the feast of Tezcatlipoca wore \"en las cabezas tiaras\nhechas de barillas.\"[719] The ghost dance headdress illustrated in\nthis paper (Fig. 441) is known to the Chiricahua Apache as the\n\"ich-te,\" a contraction from \"chas-a-i-wit-te,\" according to Ramon,\nthe old medicine-man from whom I obtained it. He explained all the\nsymbolism connected with it. The round piece of tin in the center is\nthe sun; the irregular arch underneath it is the rainbow. Stars and\nlightning are depicted on the side slats and under them; the\nparallelograms with serrated edges are clouds; the pendant green\nsticks are rain drops; there are snakes and snake heads on both\nhorizontal and vertical slats, the heads in the former case being\nrepresentative of hail.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 441.--Ghost-dance headdress.]\n\nThere are feathers of the eagle to conciliate that powerful bird,\nturkey feathers to appeal to the mountain spirits, and white gull\nfeathers for the spirits of the water. There are also small pieces of\nnacreous shells and one or two fragments of the \"duklij,\" or\nchalchihuitl, without which no medicine-man would feel competent to\ndischarge his functions.\n\nThe spirit dance itself is called \"cha-ja-la.\" I have seen this dance\na number of times, but will confine my description to one seen at Fort\nMarion (St. Augustine, Fla.), in 1887, when the Chiricahua Apache\nwere confined there as prisoners; although the accompanying figure\nrepresents a ghost dance headdress seen among the Apache in the winter\nof 1885. A great many of the band had been suffering from sickness of\none kind or another and twenty-three of the children had died; as a\nconsequence, the medicine-men were having the Cha-ja-la, which is\nentered into only upon the most solemn occasions, such as the setting\nout of a war party, the appearance of an epidemic, or something else\nof like portent. On the terreplein of the northwest bastion, Ramon,\nthe old medicine-man, was violently beating upon a drum, which, as\nusual, had been improvised of a soaped rag drawn tightly over the\nmouth of an iron kettle holding a little water.\n\nAlthough acting as master of ceremonies, Ramon was not painted or\ndecorated in any way. Three other medicine-men were having the\nfinishing touches put to their bodily decoration. They had an\nunder-coating of greenish brown, and on each arm a yellow snake, the\nhead toward the shoulder blade. The snake on the arm of one of the\nparty was double-headed, or rather had a head at each extremity.\n\nEach had insignia in yellow on back and breast, but no two were\nexactly alike. One had on his breast a yellow bear, 4 inches long by 3\ninches high, and on his back a kan of the same color and dimensions. A\nsecond had the same pattern of bear on his breast, but a zigzag for\nlightning on his back. The third had the zigzag on both back and\nbreast. All wore kilts and moccasins.\n\nWhile the painting was going on Ramon thumped and sang with vigor to\ninsure the medicinal potency of the pigments and the designs to which\nthey were applied. Each held, one in each hand, two wands or swords of\nlathlike proportions, ornamented with snake-lightning in blue.\n\nThe medicine-men emitted a peculiar whistling noise and bent slowly to\nthe right, then to the left, then frontward, then backward, until the\nhead in each case was level with the waist. Quickly they spun round in\nfull circle on the left foot; back again in a reverse circle to the\nright; then they charged around the little group of tents in that\nbastion, making cuts and thrusts with their wands to drive the\nmaleficent spirits away.\n\nIt recalled to my mind the old myths of the angel with the flaming\nsword guarding the entrance to Eden, or of St. Michael chasing the\ndiscomfited Lucifer down into the depths of Hell.\n\nThese preliminaries occupied a few moments only; at the end of that\ntime the medicine-men advanced to where a squaw was holding up to them\na little baby sick in its cradle. The mother remained kneeling while\nthe medicine-men frantically struck at, upon, around, and over the\ncradle with their wooden weapons.\n\nThe baby was held so as successively to occupy each of the cardinal\npoints and face each point directly opposite; first on the east side,\nfacing the west; then the north side, facing the south; then the west\nside, facing the east; then the south side, facing the north, and\nback to the original position. While at each position, each of the\nmedicine-men in succession, after making all the passes and gestures\ndescribed, seized the cradle in his hands, pressed it to his breast,\nand afterwards lifted it up to the sky, next to the earth, and lastly\nto the four cardinal points, all the time prancing, whistling, and\nsnorting, the mother and her squaw friends adding to the dismal din by\npiercing shrieks and ululations.\n\nThat ended the ceremonies for that night so far as the baby personally\nwas concerned, but the medicine-men retired down to the parade and\nresumed their saltation, swinging, bending, and spinning with such\nviolence that they resembled, in a faint way perhaps, the Dervishes of\nthe East. The understanding was that the dance had to be kept up as\nlong as there was any fuel unconsumed of the large pile provided; any\nother course would entail bad luck. It was continued for four nights,\nthe colors and the symbols upon the bodies varying from night to\nnight. Among the modes of exorcism enumerated by Burton, we find\n\"cutting the air with swords.\"[720] Picart speaks of the \"fl\u00eaches ou\nles baguettes dont les Arabes Idol\u00e2tres se servoient pour deviner par\nle sort.\" He says that the diviner \"tenoit \u00e0 la main\" these arrows,\nwhich certainly suggest the swords or wands of the Apache medicine-men\nin the spirit dance.[721]\n\nThere were four medicine-men, three of whom were dancing and in\nconference with the spirits, and the fourth of whom was general\nsuperintendent of the whole dance, and the authority to whom the first\nthree reported the result of their interviews with the ghostly powers.\n\nThe mask and headdress of the first of the dancers, who seemed to be\nthe leading one, was so elaborate that in the hurry and meager light\nsupplied by the flickering fires it could not be portrayed. It was\nvery much like that of number three, but so fully covered with the\nplumage of the eagle, hawk, and, apparently, the owl, that it was\ndifficult to assert this positively. Each of these medicine-men had\npieces of red flannel tied to his elbows and a stick about four feet\nlong in each hand. Number one's mask was spotted black and white and\nshaped in front like the snout of a mountain lion. His back was\npainted with large arrowheads in brown and white, which recalled the\nprotecting arrows tightly bound to the backs of Zu\u00f1i fetiches. Number\ntwo had on his back a figure in white ending between the shoulders in\na cross. Number three's back was simply whitened with clay.\n\nAll these headdresses were made of slats of the Spanish bayonet,\nunpainted, excepting that on number two was a figure in black, which\ncould not be made out, and that the horizontal crosspieces on number\nthree were painted blue.\n\nThe dominos or masks were of blackened buckskin, for the two fastened\naround the neck by garters or sashes; the neckpiece of number three\nwas painted red; the eyes seemed to be glass knobs or brass buttons.\nThese three dancers were naked to the waist, and wore beautiful kilts\nof fringed buckskin bound on with sashes, and moccasins reaching to\nthe knees. In this guise they jumped into the center of the great\ncircle of spectators and singers and began running about the fire\nshrieking and muttering, encouraged by the shouts and the singing, and\nby the drumming and incantation of the chorus which now swelled forth\nat full lung power.\n\n\nTHE SPIRIT OR GHOST DANCE HEADDRESS.\n\nAs the volume of music swelled and the cries of the on-lookers became\nfiercer, the dancers were encouraged to the enthusiasm of frenzy. They\ndarted about the circle, going through the motions of looking for an\nenemy, all the while muttering, mumbling, and singing, jumping,\nswaying, and whirling like the dancing Dervishes of Arabia.\n\nTheir actions, at times, bore a very considerable resemblance to the\nmovements of the Zu\u00f1i Sh\u00e1lako at the Feast of Fire. Klashidu told me\nthat the orchestra was singing to the four willow branches planted\nnear them. This would indicate a vestige of tree worship, such as is\nto be noticed also at the sun dance of the Sioux.\n\nAt intervals, the three dancers would dart out of the ring and\ndisappear in the darkness, to consult with the spirits or with other\nmedicine-men seated a considerable distance from the throng. Three\nseveral times they appeared and disappeared, always dancing, running,\nand whirling about with increased energy. Having attained the degree\nof mental or spiritual exaltation necessary for communion with the\nspirits, they took their departure and kept away for at least half an\nhour, the orchestra during their absence rendering a mournful refrain,\nmonotonous as a funeral dirge. My patience became exhausted and I\nturned to go to my quarters. A thrill of excited expectancy ran\nthrough the throng of Indians, and I saw that they were looking\nanxiously at the returning medicine-men. All the orchestra now stood\nup, their leader (the principal medicine-man) slightly in advance,\nholding a branch of cedar in his left hand. The first advanced and\nbending low his head murmured some words of unknown import with which\nthe chief seemed to be greatly pleased. Then the chief, taking his\nstand in front of the orchestra on the east side of the grove or\ncluster of trees, awaited the final ceremony, which was as follows:\nThe three dancers in file and in proper order advanced and receded\nthree times; then they embraced the chief in such a manner that the\nsticks or wands held in their hands came behind his neck, after which\nthey mumbled and muttered a jumble of sounds which I can not\nreproduce, but which sounded for all the world like the chant of the\n\"hooter\" at the Zu\u00f1i Feast of Fire. They then pranced or danced\nthrough the grove three times. This was repeated for each point of the\ncompass, the chief medicine-man, with the orchestra, taking a position\nsuccessively on the east, south, west, and north and the three dancers\nadvancing, receding, and embracing as at first.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 442.--Apache kan or gods. (Drawn by Apache.)]\n\nThis terminated the \"medicine\" ceremonies of the evening, the glad\nshouts of the Apache testifying that the incantations of their\nspiritual leaders or their necromancy, whichever it was, promised a\nsuccessful campaign. These dancers were, I believe, dressed up to\nrepresent their gods or kan, but not content with representing them\naspired to be mistaken for them.\n\n [Illustration: APACHE MEDICINE HAT USED IN GHOST DANCE. Plate V.]\n\n\nAMULETS AND TALISMANS.\n\nTHE \"TZI-DALTAI.\"\n\nThe Apache, both men and women, wear amulets, called tzi-daltai, made\nof lightning-riven wood, generally pine or cedar or fir from the\nmountain tops, which are highly valued and are not to be sold. These\nare shaved very thin and rudely cut in the semblance of the human\nform. They are in fact the duplicates, on a small scale, of the\nrhombus, already described. Like the rhombus, they are decorated with\nincised lines representing the lightning. Very often these are to be\nfound attached to the necks of children or to their cradles. Generally\nthese amulets are of small size. Below will be found figures of those\nwhich I was permitted to examine and depict in their actual size. They\nare all unpainted. The amulet represented was obtained from a\nChiricahua Apache captive. Deguele, an Apache of the Klukaydakaydn\nclan, consented to exhibit a kan, or god, which he carried about his\nperson. He said I could have it for three ponies. It was made of a\nflat piece of lath, unpainted, of the size here given, having drawn\nupon it this figure in yellow, with a narrow black band, excepting the\nthree snake heads, _a_, _b_, and _c_, which were black with white\neyes; _a_ was a yellow line and _c_ a black line; flat pearl buttons\nwere fastened at _m_ and _k_ respectively and small eagle-down\nfeathers at _k_ on each side of the idol. The rear of the tablet,\namulet, or idol, as one may be pleased to call it, was almost an exact\nreproduction of the front.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 443.--Tzi-daltai amulet (Apache).]\n\nThe owner of this inestimable treasure assured me that he prayed to it\nat all times when in trouble, that he could learn from it where his\nponies were when stolen and which was the right direction to travel\nwhen lost, and that when drought had parched his crops this would\nnever fail to bring rain in abundance to revive and strengthen them.\nThe symbolism is the rain cloud and the serpent lightning, the\nrainbow, rain drops, and the cross of the four winds.\n\nThese small amulets are also to be found inclosed in the phylacteries\n(Fig. 447) which the medicine-men wear suspended from their necks or\nwaists.\n\nSir Walter Scott, who was a very good witness in all that related to\nprehistoric customs and \"survivals\" among the Celtic Scots, may be\nintroduced at this point:\n\n A heap of wither'd boughs was piled\n Of juniper and rowan wild,\n Mingled with shivers from the oak,\n Rent by the lightning's recent stroke.[722]\n\n [Illustration: Front view. Rear view.\n FIG. 444.--Tzi-daltai amulet (Apache).]\n\nCHALCHIHUITL.\n\nThe articles of dress depicted in this paper are believed to represent\nall those which exclusively belong to the office of the Apache \"diyi\"\nor \"izze-nantan.\" Of late years it can not be said that every\nmedicine-man has all these articles, but most of them will be found in\nthe possession of the man in full practice.\n\n [Illustration: APACHE MEDICINE SHIRT. Plate VI.]\n\nNo matter what the medicine-man may lack, he will, if it be possible,\nprovide himself with some of the impure malachite known to the whites\nof the Southwest as turquoise. In the malachite veins the latter stone\nis sometimes found and is often of good quality, but the difference\nbetween the two is apparent upon the slightest examination. The color\nof the malachite is a pea green, that of the turquoise a pale sky\nblue. The chemical composition of the former is a carbonate of copper,\nmixed with earthy impurities; that of the latter, a phosphate of\nalumina, colored with the oxide of copper. The use of this malachite\nwas widespread. Under the name of chalchihuitl or chalchihuite, it\nappears with frequency in the old Spanish writings, as we shall\npresently see, and was in all places and by all tribes possessing it\nrevered in much the same manner as by the Apache. The Apache call it\nduklij, \"blue (or green) stone,\" these two colors not being\ndifferentiated in their language. A small bead of this mineral affixed\nto a gun or bow made the weapon shoot accurately. It had also some\nrelation to the bringing of rain, and could be found by the man who\nwould go to the end of a rainbow, after a storm, and hunt diligently\nin the damp earth. It was the Apache medicine-man's badge of office,\nhis medical diploma, so to speak, and without it he could not in olden\ntimes exercise his medical functions.\n\n [Illustration: Front view. Rear view.\n FIG. 445.--Tzi-daltai amulet (Apache).]\n\nIn the curious commerce of the Indian tribes, some possessed articles\nof greater worth than those belonging to their neighbors. In the\nsouthwest the red paint sold by the tribes living in the Grand Canyon\nof the Colorado was held in higher repute than any other, and the\ngreen stone to be purchased from the Rio Grande Pueblos always was in\ngreat demand, as it is to this day. Vetancurt[723] speaks of the\nApache, between the years 1630 and 1680, coming to the pueblo of Pecos\nto trade for \"chalchihuites.\" John de Laet speaks of \"petites pierres\nverdes\" worn in the lower lip by the Brazilians.[724]\n\nAmong the Mexicans the chalchihuitl seems to have been the\ndistinguishing mark or badge of the priesthood. Duran, in speaking of\nthe consecration of a sacrificial stone in Mexico by Montezuma the\nelder, and his assistant or coadjutor, Tlacaclel, says: \"Ech\u00e1ronse \u00e1\nlas espaldas unas olletas [I do not know what this word means] hechas\nde piedras verdes muy ricas, donde significaban que no solamente eran\nReyes, pero juntamente Sacerdotes.\"[725]\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 446.--Tzi-daltai amulet (Apache).]\n\nAmong the tribes in Central America, a chalchihuitl was placed in the\nmouths of the dying to receive their souls: \"que era para que\nrecibiese su \u00e1nima.\"[726]\n\nOne of the Mexican myths of the birth of Quetzalcoatl narrates that\nhis mother, Chimalma, while sweeping, found a chalchihuitl, swallowed\nit, and became pregnant: \"Andando barriendo la dicha Chimalma hall\u00f3 un\nchalchihuitl, (que es una pedrezuela verde) y que la trag\u00f3 y de esto\nse empre\u00f1\u00f3, y que as\u00ed pari\u00f3 al dicho Quetzalcoatl.\"[727] The same\nauthor tells us that the chalchihuitl (which he calls \"pedrezuela\nverde\") are mentioned in the earliest myths of the Mexicans.[728]\n\nIn South America the emerald seems to have taken the place of the\nchalchihuitl. Bollaert[729] makes frequent mention of the use of the\nemerald by the natives of Ecuador and Peru, \"a drilled emerald, such\nas the Incas wore;\" \"large emeralds, emblematic of their [the Incas']\nsovereignty.\"\n\nFrom Torquemada we learn that the Mexicans adorned their idols with\nthe chalchihuitl, and also that they buried a chalchihuitl with their\ndead, saying that it was the dead man's heart.[730]\n\n\"Whenever rain comes the Indians [Pima and Maricopa] resort to these\nold houses [ruins] to look for trinkets of shells, and a peculiar\ngreen stone.\"[731] The idols which the people of Yucatan gave to Juan\nde Grijalva in 1518 were covered with these stones, \"cubierta de\npedrecicas.\"[732] Among the first presents made to Cortes in Tabasco\nwere \"unas turquesas de poco valor.\"[733] The fact that the Mexicans\nburied a \"gem\" with the bodies of their dead is mentioned by Squier,\nbut he says it was when the body was cremated.[734]\n\nThe people of Cibola are said to have offered in sacrifice to their\nfountains \"algunas turquesas que las tienen, aunque ruines.\"[735]\n\n\"Turquesas\" were given to the Spaniards under Coronado by the people\nof the pueblo of Acoma.[736]\n\n\"The Mexicans were accustomed to say that at one time all men have\nbeen stones, and that at last they would all return to stones; and,\nacting literally on this conviction, they interred with the bones of\nthe dead a small green stone, which was called the principle of\nlife.\"[737]\n\nThe great value set upon the chalchihuitl by the Aztecs is alluded to\nby Bernal Diaz, who was with the expedition of Grijalva to Yucatan\nbefore he joined that of Cortes to Mexico.[738] Diaz says that\nMontezuma sent to Charles V, as a present \"a few chalchihuis of such\nenormous value that I would not consent to give them to any one save\nto such a powerful emperor as yours.\"[739] These stones were put \"in\nthe mouth of the distinguished chiefs who died.\"[740]\n\n [Illustration: APACHE MEDICINE SHIRT. Plate VII.]\n\nTorquemada[741] repeats the Aztec myth already given from Mendieta. He\nsays that in 1537 Fray Antonio de Ciudad-Rodrigo, provincial of the\nFranciscans, sent friars of his order to various parts of the Indian\ncountry; in 1538 he sent them to the north, to a country where they\nheard of a tribe of people wearing clothes and having many\nturquoises.[742] The Aztec priesthood adopted green as the sacred\ncolor. The ceremony of their consecration ended thus: \"puis on\nl'habillait tout en vert.\"[743]\n\nMaximilian, Prince of Wied, saw some of the Piegans of northwestern\nMontana \"hang round their necks a green stone, often of various\nshapes.\" He describes it as \"a compact talc or steatite which is found\nin the Rocky Mountains.\"[744]\n\n\nPHYLACTERIES.\n\nThe term phylactery, as herein employed, means any piece of buckskin\nor other material upon which are inscribed certain characters or\nsymbols of a religious or \"medicine\" nature, which slip or phylactery\nis to be worn attached to the person seeking to be benefited by it,\nand this phylactery differs from the amulet or talisman in being\nconcealed from the scrutiny of the profane and kept as secret as\npossible. This phylactery, itself \"medicine,\" may be employed to\nenwrap other \"medicine\" and thus augment its own potentiality. Indians\nin general object to having their \"medicine\" scrutinized and touched;\nin this there is a wide margin of individual opinion; but in regard to\nphylacteries there is none that I have been able to discover, and the\nrule may be given as antagonistic to the display of these sacred\n\"relics,\" as my Mexican captive interpreter persisted in calling them.\n\nThe first phylactery which it was my good fortune to be allowed to\nexamine was one worn by Ta-ul-tzu-je, of the Kaytzentin gens. It was\ntightly rolled in at least half a mile of orange-colored saddlers'\nsilk, obtained from some of the cavalry posts. After being duly\nuncovered, it was found to be a small piece of buckskin two inches\nsquare, upon which were drawn red and yellow crooked lines which the\nApache said represented the red and yellow snake. Inside were a piece\nof green chalchihuitl and a small cross of lightning-riven twig (pine)\nand two very small perforated shells. The cross was called\n\"intchi-dijin,\" the black wind.\n\nA second phylactery which I was also allowed to untie and examine\nbelonged to Na-a-cha and consisted of a piece of buckskin of the same\nsize as the other, but either on account of age or for some other\nreason no characters could be discerned upon it. It, however,\nenwrapped a tiny bag of hoddentin, which, in its turn, held a small\nbut very clear crystal of quartz and four feathers of eagle down.\nNa-a-cha took care to explain very earnestly that this phylactery\ncontained not merely the \"medicine\" or power of the crystal, the\nhoddentin, and the itza-chu, or eagle, but also of the shoz-dijiji, or\nblack bear, the shoz-lekay, or white bear, the shoz-litzogue, or\nyellow bear, and the klij-litzogue or yellow snake, though just in\nwhat manner he could not explain.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 447.--Phylacteries.]\n\nIt would take up too much time and space to describe the manner in\nwhich it was necessary for me to proceed in order to obtain merely a\nglimpse of these and other phylacteries, all of the same general type;\nhow I had to make it evident that I was myself possessed of great\n\"medicine\" power and able to give presents of great \"medicine\"\nvalue, as was the case. I had obtained from cliff dwellings, sacred\ncaves, and other places beads of talc, of chalchihuitl, and of shell,\npieces of crystal and other things, sacred in the eyes of the Apache,\nand these I was compelled to barter for the information here given.\n\n [Illustration: APACHE MEDICINE SHIRT. Plate VIII.]\n\nThe medicine shirts of the Apaches, several of which are here\nrepresented, do not require an extended description. The symbolism is\ndifferent for each one, but may be generalized as typical of the sun,\nmoon, stars, rainbow, lightning, snake, clouds, rain, hail, tarantula,\ncentipede, snake, and some one or more of the \"kan\" or gods.\n\nThe medicine sashes follow closely in pattern the medicine shirts,\nbeing smaller in size only, but with the same symbolic decoration.\nSimilar ornamentation will be found upon the amulets (ditzi), made of\nlightning-struck pine or other wood. All of these are warranted, among\nother virtues, to screen the wearer from the arrows, lances, or\nbullets of the enemy. In this they strongly resemble the salves and\nother means by which people in Europe sought to obtain \"magical\nimpenetrability.\" The last writer to give receipts for making such\nsalves, etc., that I can recall, was Etm\u00fcller, who wrote in the early\nyears of the seventeenth century.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 448.--Apache medicine sash.]\n\nSuch as the reader can imagine the medicine-man to be from this\ndescription of his paraphernalia, such he has been since the white man\nfirst landed in America. Never desirous of winning proselytes to his\nown ideas, he has held on to those ideas with a tenacity never\nsuspected until purposely investigated. The first of the Spanish\nwriters seem to have employed the native terms for the medicine-men,\nand we come across them as cemis or zemis, bohiti, pachuaci, and\nothers; but soon they were recognized as the emissaries of Satan and\nthe preachers of witchcraft, and henceforth they appear in the\ndocuments as \"hechicheros\" and \"brujos\" almost exclusively. \"Tienan\nlos Apaches profetas \u00f3 adivinos que gozan de la mas alta estimacion.\nEsos adivinos pratican la medicina lamas rudimental, la aplicacion de\nalgunas yerbas y esto acompa\u00f1ado de ceremonias y cantos\nsupersticiosos.\"[745] Pimentel seems to have derived his information\nfrom Cordero, a Spanish officer who had served against the Apache at\nvarious times between 1770 and 1795, and seemed to understand them\nwell.\n\n\"There was no class of persons who so widely and deeply influenced the\nculture and shaped the destiny of the Indian tribes as their priests.\nIn attempting to gain a true conception of the race's capacities and\nhistory there is no one element of their social life which demands\ncloser attention than the power of these teachers.... However much we\nmay deplore the use they made of their skill, we must estimate it\nfairly and grant it its due weight in measuring the influence of the\nreligious sentiment on the history of man.\"[746]\n\n\"Like Old Men of the Sea, they have clung to the neck of their\nnations, throttling all attempts at progress, binding them to the\nthraldom of superstition and profligacy, dragging them down to\nwretchedness and death. Christianity and civilization meet in them\ntheir most determined, most implacable foes.\"[747]\n\nIn spite of all the zeal and vigilance of the Spanish friars,\nsupported by military power, the Indians of Bogot\u00e1 clung to their\nidolatry. Padre Simon cites several instances and says tersely: \"De\nmanera que no lo hay del Indio que parece mas Cristiano y ladino, de\nque no tenga \u00eddolos \u00e1 quien adore, como nos lo dice cada dia la\nexperiencia.\" (So that there is no Indian, no matter how well educated\nhe may appear in our language and the Christian doctrine, who has not\nidols which he adores, as experience teaches us every day.)[748]\n\n\"The Indian doctor relied far more on magic than on natural remedies.\nDreams, beating of the drum, songs, magic feasts and dances, and\nhowling to frighten the female demon from the patient, were his\nordinary methods of cure.\"[749]\n\nIn a very rare work by Padre Jos\u00e9 de Arriaga, published in Lima, 1621,\nit is shown that the Indians among whom this priest was sent on a\nspecial tour of investigation were still practicing their old\nidolatrous rites in secret. This work may be found quoted in\nMontesinos, M\u00e9moires sur l'Ancien P\u00e9rou, in Ternaux-Compans, Voyages,\nvol. 17; the title of Arriaga's work is Extirpacion de la Idolatr\u00eda de\nlos Indios del Peru. Arriaga also states that the functions of the\npriesthood were exercised by both sexes.\n\nIt will only be after we have thoroughly routed the medicine-men from\ntheir intrenchments and made them an object of ridicule that we can\nhope to bend and train the mind of our Indian wards in the direction\nof civilization. In my own opinion, the reduction of the medicine-men\nwill effect more for the savages than the giving of land in severalty\nor instruction in the schools at Carlisle and Hampton; rather, the\nlatter should be conducted with this great object mainly in view: to\nlet pupils insensibly absorb such knowledge as may soonest and most\ncompletely convince them of the impotency of the charlatans who hold\nthe tribes in bondage.\n\nTeach the scholars at Carlisle and Hampton some of the wonders of\nelectricity, magnetism, chemistry, the spectroscope, magic lantern,\nventriloquism, music, and then, when they return to their own people,\neach will despise the fraud of the medicine-men and be a focus of\ngrowing antagonism to their pretensions. Teach them to love their own\npeople and not to despise them; but impress upon each one that he is\nto return as a missionary of civilization. Let them see that the world\nis free to the civilized, that law is liberty.\n\nFOOTNOTES:\n\n[533] Relation of the Voyage of Don Fernando Alarcon, in Hakluyt's\nVoyages, vol. 3, p. 508.\n\n[534] Davis, Conquest of New Mexico, p. 288.\n\n[535] Davis, ibid., pp. 280, 284, 285.\n\n[536] Ibid., pp. 277, 292.\n\n[537] Catlin, North American Indians, London, 1845, vol. 2, p. 117.\n\n[538] Tanner's Narrative, p. 188.\n\n[539] Journal, p. 289.\n\n[540] North American Indians, London, 1845, vol. 1, p. 135.\n\n[541] Schultze, Fetichism, New York, 1885, p. 32, quoting Bastian.\n\n[542] Coxe, Russian Discoveries between America and Asia, London,\n1803, p. 254.\n\n[543] Smyth, Aborigines of Victoria, vol. 1, pp. xxix, 112.\n\n[544] Ibid., vol. 1, p. 68.\n\n[545] Pettigrew, Medical Superstitions, Philadelphia, 1844, pp. 67,\n72, 74.\n\n[546] C\u00e9r\u00e9monies et Co\u00fbtumes Religieuses, Amsterdam, 1739, vol. 2, pp.\n28, 29.\n\n[547] Ibid., p. 29.\n\n[548] Higgins, Anacalypsis, vol. 2, book 2, p. 77.\n\n[549] Pettigrew, Medical Superstitions, Philadelphia, 1844, p. 61. See\nalso Black, Folk-Medicine, p. 93.\n\n[550] Citations, Common place Book, p. 395, London, 1872.\n\n[551] Brand, Popular Antiquities, vol. 3, pp. 310, 311.\n\n[552] Brand, Popular Antiquities, vol. 3, p. 310.\n\n[553] Holiday Customs of Ireland, pp. 381 et seq.\n\n[554] Popular Antiquities, vol. 3, p. 325.\n\n[555] Picart, C\u00e9r\u00e9monies et Co\u00fbtumes, etc., vol. 10, p. 56.\n\n[556] Massingberd, The English Reformation, London, 1857, p. 105.\n\n[557] Mendieta, p. 110.\n\n[558] Vol. 3, cap. 5, p. 234.\n\n[559] Herrera, dec. 2, lib. 6, p. 141.\n\n[560] Kingsborough, vol. 7, chap. 4.\n\n[561] Teutonic Mythology, vol. 3, p. 1233.\n\n[562] Ibid.\n\n[563] Fables and Rites of the Incas, Padre Christoval de Molina\n(Cuzco, 1570-1584), transl. by Clements R. Markham, Hakluyt Society\ntrans., vol. 48, London, 1873, p. 48.\n\n[564] The common people wore a black \"llautu.\" See Garcilaso,\nComentarios, Markham's transl., Hak. Soc., vol. 41, pp. 88, 89.\n\n[565] Ibid., p. 85.\n\n[566] Ibid., p. 89.\n\n[567] \"Quando v\u00e0n \u00e0 sembrar las Tierras del Sol, v\u00e0n solos los\nPrincipales \u00e0 trabajar, i v\u00e0n con insignias blancas, i en las espaldas\nunos Cordones tendidos blancos, \u00e0 modo de Ministros del\nAltar.\"--Herrera, dec. 5, lib. 4, cap. 6, pp. 94-95.\n\n[568] Picart, C\u00e9r\u00e9monies et Co\u00fbtumes, etc., Amsterdam, 1735, vol. 6,\np. 92.\n\n[569] Montfaucon, L'antiquit\u00e9 expliqu\u00e9e, tome 2, pt. 1, p. 33.\n\n[570] Hawkesworth, Voyages, vol. 3, p. 229.\n\n[571] Voyage to Congo, in Pinkerton's Voyages, vol. 16, p. 237.\n\n[572] Pinkerton, Voyages, vol. 16, p. 388.\n\n[573] Speke, Source of the Nile, London, 1863, p. 125.\n\n[574] London, 1877, vol. 2, p. 131.\n\n[575] Stanley, Through the Dark Continent, vol. 2, p. 330.\n\n[576] Schweinfurth, Heart of Africa, London, 1873, vol. 1, p. 154.\n\n[577] Winstanley, Abyssinia, vol. 2, p. 68.\n\n[578] This cord is worn about the neck. Ibid., p. 257.\n\n[579] Ibid., vol. 1, p. 235.\n\n[580] Ibid., vol. 2, p. 132.\n\n[581] Ibid., p. 165.\n\n[582] Ibid., p. 292.\n\n[583] Malte-Brun, Universal Geography, vol. 4, p. 259, Phila., 1832.\n\n[584] Grimm, Teutonic Mythology, vol. 2, p. 640.\n\n[585] Nightingale, quoted in Madden, Shrines and Sepulchres, vol. 1,\npp. 557, 558.\n\n[586] Leems, Account of Danish Lapland, in Pinkerton, Voyages, London,\n1808, vol. 1, p. 471.\n\n[587] Brand, Popular Antiquities, vol. 3, p. 5. See also John\nScheffer, Lapland, Oxford, 1674, p. 58.\n\n[588] Act IV, scene 1.\n\n[589] Benjamin, Persia, London, 1877, p. 99.\n\n[590] C\u00e9r\u00e9monies et Co\u00fbtumes, vol. 7, p. 320.\n\n[591] Du Halde, History of China, London, 1736, vol. 4, pp. 244, 245,\nand elsewhere.\n\n[592] Higgins, Anacalypsis, vol. 2, p. 218.\n\n[593] Vining, An Inglorious Columbus, p. 635.\n\n[594] Du Halde, History of China, London, 1736, vol. 1, p. 270.\n\n[595] Univ. Geog., vol. 3, book 75, p. 144, Phila., 1832.\n\n[596] Brinton, Myths of the New World, N. Y., 1868, p. 15.\n\n[597] Early History of Mankind, London, 1870, p. 156.\n\n[598] Voyages, vol. 3, p. 102.\n\n[599] Sh\u00e2yast l\u00e2-Sh\u00e2yast, cap. 4, pp. 285, 286. In Sacred Books of the\nEast, Max M\u00fcller's edition, vol. 5.\n\n[600] Monier Williams, Modern India, p. 56.\n\n[601] Ibid., pp. 179, 180.\n\n[602] C\u00e9r\u00e9monies et Co\u00fbtumes, vol. 7, p. 28.\n\n[603] Marco Polo, Travels, in Pinkerton's Voyages, vol. 7, p. 163.\n\n[604] Picart, C\u00e9r\u00e9monies et Co\u00fbtumes, etc., vol. 6, pt. 2, p. 99.\n\n[605] Malte-Brun, Univ. Geog., vol. 2, lib. 50, p. 235, Philadelphia,\n1832.\n\n[606] Dr. J. L. August Von Eye, The history of culture, in Iconographic\nEncyc., Philadelphia, 1886, vol. 2, p. 169.\n\n[607] Forlong, Rivers of Life, vol. 1, p. 120.\n\n[608] Ibid., pp. 240-241.\n\n[609] Forlong, Rivers of Life, vol. 1, p. 328.\n\n[610] Ibid., p. 323.\n\n[611] Dubois, People of India, p. 9.\n\n[612] Mythology of the Hindus.\n\n[613] Mythology of the Hindus, pp. 9, 10, 11.\n\n[614] Ibid., p. 92.\n\n[615] Ibid., p. 155.\n\n[616] Ibid., pp. 135, 154, 155.\n\n[617] Maurice, Indian Antiquities, London, 1801, vol. 5, p. 205.\n\n[618] Ibid., vol. 4, p. 375, where a description of the mode of\nweaving and twining is given.\n\n[619] Ibid., p. 376.\n\n[620] Ibid., vol. 5, p. 206.\n\n[621] Notes of Richard Johnson, Voyages of Sir Hugh Willoughby and\nothers to the northern part of Russia and Siberia, Pinkerton's\nVoyages, vol. 1, p. 63.\n\n[622] Caron's account of Japan in Pinkerton's Voyages, vol. 7, p. 631.\n\n[623] Rev. Father Dandini's Voyage to Mount Libanus, in Pinkerton's\nVoyages, vol. 10, p. 286.\n\n[624] Henry Charles Lea, History of the Inquisition in the Middle\nAges, vol. 1, p. 92, New York, 1888.\n\n[625] M\u00fcller, Sacred Books of the East, vol. 14, Vasish_th_a, cap. 2,\npar 6.\n\n[626] Ibid., Baudh\u00e2yana, prasna 1, adhy\u00e2ya 5, kandik\u00e2 8, pars. 5-10,\np. 165.\n\n[627] Saxon Leechdoms, vol. 1, pp. xli-xliii.\n\n[628] Ibid., p. xliii.\n\n[629] Brand, Popular Antiquities, vol. 2, pp. 108,109.\n\n[630] Browne, Religio Medici, p. 392.\n\n[631] Brand, op. cit., p. 110.\n\n[632] Pliny, Nat. Hist., lib. 28, cap. 22.\n\n[633] Ibid., lib. 28, cap. 17.\n\n[634] Ibid.\n\n[635] Grimm, Teutonic Mythology, vol. 3, p. 1169.\n\n[636] Burton, Anatomy of Melancholy, London, 1827, vol. 1, p. 91; vol.\n2, pp. 288, 290.\n\n[637] Burton, Anatomy of Melancholy, London, 1827, vol. 1, p. 91; vol.\n2, p. 290.\n\n[638] Picart, C\u00e9r\u00e9monies et Co\u00fbtumes, etc., vol. 10, pp. 69-73.\n\n[639] D\u00e6monology, p. 100.\n\n[640] Brand, Pop. Ant., vol. 3, p. 299.\n\n[641] Ibid., p. 170.\n\n[642] Frommann, Tractatus de Fascinatione, Nuremberg, 1675, p. 731.\n\n[643] Markham, Bogle's mission to Tibet, London, 1876, p. 85.\n\n[644] Brand, Pop. Ant., vol. 2, p. 149.\n\n[645] Thomas Wright, Sorcery and Magic, London, 1851, vol. 2, p. 10.\n\n[646] Brand, Pop. Ant., vol. 2, p. 143.\n\n[647] Pennant, in Pinkerton, Voyages, vol. 3, p. 382.\n\n[648] Hoffman, quoting Friend, in Jour. Am. Folk Lore, 1888, p. 134.\n\n[649] Brand, Pop. Ant., vol. 2, pp. 127 et seq.\n\n[650] Grimm, Teutonic Mythology, vol. 3, p. 1174. He also speaks of\nthe \"nouer l'aiguillette\", ibid., p. 1175.\n\n[651] Saxon Leechdoms, vol. 1, p. xliv.\n\n[652] Black, Folk-Medicine, London, 1883, pp. 185, 186.\n\n[653] Pliny, Nat. Hist., lib. 28, cap. 9.\n\n[654] Brand, Pop. Ant., vol. 2, p. 67.\n\n[655] Ibid., p. 170.\n\n[656] Sextus Placitus, De Medicamentis ex Animalibus, Lyons, 1537,\npages not numbered, article \"de Puello et Puell\u00e6 Virgine.\"\n\n[657] Etm\u00fcller, Opera Omnia, Lyons, 1690, vol. 2, p. 279, Schroderii\nDilucidati Zoologia.\n\n[658] Brand, Pop. Ant., vol. 2, p. 68, footnote.\n\n[659] Ibid., p. 67.\n\n[660] Paracelsus, Chirurgia Minora, in Opera Omnia, Geneva, 1662, vol.\n2, p. 70.\n\n[661] Ibid., p. 174.\n\n[662] Beckherius, Medicus Microcosmus, London, 1660, p. 174.\n\n[663] Grimm, Teutonic Mythology, vol. 3, p. 1094, footnote.\n\n[664] Ibid., p. 1096.\n\n[665] Pliny, Nat. Hist., lib. 30, cap. 12.\n\n[666] Etm\u00fcller, Opera Omnia, Lyons, 1690, vol. 2, pp. 282, 283,\nSchroderii Dilucidati Zoologia.\n\n[667] Ibid., p. 278a.\n\n[668] Black, Folk-Medicine, London, 1883, p. 113.\n\n[669] Forlong, Rivers of Life, London, 1883, vol. 2, p. 313.\n\n[670] Brand, Pop. Ant., vol. 2, p. 69.\n\n[671] Notes and Queries, 1st series, vol. 4, p. 500.\n\n[672] See also Black, Folk-Medicine, London, 1883, p. 79.\n\n[673] Grimm, Teutonic Mythology, vol. 3, p. 1233.\n\n[674] Black, Folk-Medicine, London, 1883, p. 114.\n\n[675] Herrera, dec. 6, lib. 8, cap. 1, p. 171.\n\n[676] Ibid., dec. 7, lib. 4, cap. 5, p. 70.\n\n[677] Smyth, Aborigines of Victoria, vol. 1, p. 351. See also previous\nreferences to the use of such cords by the Australians.\n\n[678] Pliny, Nat. Hist., lib. 28, cap. 27.\n\n[679] Highlands of \u00c6thiopia, vol. 1, p. 247.\n\n[680] Through the Dark Continent, vol. 1, p. 398.\n\n[681] Pliny, Nat. Hist., lib. 28, cap. 11.\n\n[682] Notes and Queries, 4th series, vol. 5, pp. 295, 390.\n\n[683] Trait\u00e9 des Superstitions, tome 1, chap. 3, paragraph 8.\n\n[684] Pop. Ant., vol. 3, p. 276.\n\n[685] Black, Folk-Medicine, p. 109.\n\n[686] Anatomy of Melancholy, vol. 2, pp. 288, 290.\n\n[687] Brand, Pop. Ant., vol. 2, p. 107.\n\n[688] Brand, Pop. Ant., vol. 2, p. 78.\n\n[689] Ibid., p. 91.\n\n[690] Ibid., p. 93.\n\n[691] Picart, C\u00e9r\u00e9monies et Co\u00fbtumes, etc., vol. 1, p. 41.\n\n[692] Folk-Medicine, London, 1883, pp. 185, 186.\n\n[693] P. 41.\n\n[694] Black, Folk-Medicine, p. 186.\n\n[695] Ibid., (after Tylor) pp. 176, 177.\n\n[696] Ibid., p. 178.\n\n[697] Pop. Ant., vol. 3, p. 276.\n\n[698] Salverte, Philosophy of Magic, vol. 1, p. 195.\n\n[699] Black, Folk-Medicine, London, 1883, p. 197.\n\n[700] Pliny, Nat. Hist., lib. 24, cap. 118.\n\n[701] Forlong, Rivers of Life, vol. 1, p. 451.\n\n[702] Pennant, quoted by Brand, Popular Antiquities, vol. 3, p. 54.\n\n[703] Ibid., p. 285.\n\n[704] Folk-Medicine, London, 1883, pp. 185, 186.\n\n[705] Folk-Medicine, London, 1883, p. 113.\n\n[706] Ibid., p. 57.\n\n[707] Ephemeridum Physico-medicarum, Leipzig, 1694, vol. 1, p. 49.\n\n[708] Black, Folk-Medicine, p. 112.\n\n[709] Black, Folk-Medicine, p. 112.\n\n[710] Brand, Pop. Ant., vol. 2, p. 86.\n\n[711] Black, Folk-Medicine, p. 38.\n\n[712] Pliny, Nat. Hist., lib. 30, cap. 38.\n\n[713] Ibid.\n\n[714] Black, Folk-Medicine, p. 111.\n\n[715] Brand, Pop. Ant., vol. 3, pp. 288, 324.\n\n[716] This fact is stated by Torquemada, Monarchia Indiana, lib. 10,\ncap. 33, and by Gomara, Hist. of the Conq. of Mexico, p. 446; see also\nDiego Duran, lib. 1, cap. 20, p. 226.\n\n[717] Herrera, dec. 3, lib. 2, p. 67.\n\n[718] John Gilmary Shea, The Catholic Church in Colonial Days, p. 472.\n\n[719] Diego Duran, vol. 3, cap. 4, p. 217.\n\n[720] Anatomy of Melancholy, London, 1827, vol. 1, p. 337.\n\n[721] Picart, C\u00e9r\u00e9monies et Co\u00fbtumes, etc., Amsterdam, 1729, vol. 5,\np. 50.\n\n[722] Lady of the Lake, canto 3, stanza 4, Sir Rhoderick Dhu,\nsummoning Clan Alpine against the king.\n\n[723] Teatro Mexicano, vol. 3, p. 323.\n\n[724] Lib. 14, cap. 4, and lib. 16, cap. 16.\n\n[725] Lib. 1, cap. 23, pp. 251-252.\n\n[726] Ximenez, Hist. Orig. Indios, p. 211.\n\n[727] Mendieta, p. 83.\n\n[728] Ibid., p. 78.\n\n[729] Researches in South America, p. 83.\n\n[730] Monarchia Indiana, vol. 2, lib. 13, cap. 45, and elsewhere.\n\n[731] Emory, Reconnoissance, p. 88.\n\n[732] Gomara, Historia de la Conquista de M\u00e9jico, Veytia's edition, p.\n299.\n\n[733] Ibid., p. 310.\n\n[734] Smithsonian Contributions, \"Ancient monuments of New York,\" vol.\n2.\n\n[735] Buckingham Smith, Relacion de la Jornada de Coronado \u00e1 Cibola,\nColeccion de Documentos para la Historia de Florida, London, 1857,\nvol. 1, p. 148.\n\n[736] Ibid., vol. 1, p. 150.\n\n[737] Brinton, Myths of the New World, p. 253.\n\n[738] London, 1844, vol. 1, pp. 26, 29, 36, 93.\n\n[739] Ibid., p. 278.\n\n[740] Ibid., vol. 2, p. 389.\n\n[741] Monarchia Indiana, lib. 6, cap. 45, p. 80.\n\n[742] Ibid., lib. 19, cap. 22, pp. 357-358.\n\n[743] Ternaux-Compans, vol. 10, p. 240.\n\n[744] London, 1843, p. 248.\n\n[745] Pimentel, Lenguas Ind\u00edgenas de M\u00e9xico, vol. 3, pp. 498, 499.\n\n[746] Brinton, Myths of the New World, pp. 285, 286.\n\n[747] Ibid., p. 264.\n\n[748] Kingsborough, vol. 8, sup., p. 249.\n\n[749] Parkman, Jesuits, introduction, p. lxxxiv.\n\n\n\n\nBIBLIOGRAPHY.\n\n=Acosta, Jos\u00e9.=\n\n Histoire naturelle et moralle des Indes, tant Orientalles\n qu'Occidentalles.... 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Ethnology, 1882-'83, pp. 467-521,\n Washington: 1886.)\n\n=Dall, William H.=\n\n Masks, labrets, and certain aboriginal customs. (In Ann. Rep.\n Bu. of Ethnology, 1881-'82. Washington: 1884.)\n\n=Davis, T. W. Rhys.=\n\n See Hibbert Lectures, 1881.\n\n=Davis, W. W. H.=\n\n Spanish conquest of New Mexico. Doylestown (Pa.): 1869.\n\n=Deane, J. B.=\n\n Serpent worship. London: 1833.\n\n=Delano, Amasa.=\n\n Voyage. Boston: 1847.\n\n=Dennys, N. B.=\n\n The folk-lore of China, and its affinities with that of the\n Aryan and Semitic races. London and Hongkong: 1876.\n\n=Diaz del Castillo, Bernal.=\n\n The memoirs of. Written by himself, containing a true and\n full account of the discovery and conquest of Mexico and New\n Spain. Translated by John I. Lockhart. Vols. I-II. London:\n 1844.\n\n=Dillon, P.=\n\n Narrative and successful result of a voyage in the south seas\n to ascertain the actual fate of La Perouse's expedition.\n Vols. I-II. London: 1829.\n\n=Dobrizhoffer, Martin.=\n\n An account of the Abipones, an equestrian people of Paraguay.\n Vol. I-III. London: 1822.\n\n=Dodge, Richard I.=\n\n Our wild Indians: thirty-three years' personal experience\n among the red men of the great West. Hartford (Conn.): 1882.\n\n=Domenech, Em.=\n\n Seven years' residence in the great deserts of North America.\n Vols. I-II. London: 1860.\n\n=Dorman, Rushton M.=\n\n Origin of primitive superstitions. Philadelphia: 1881.\n\n=Dubois, J. A.=\n\n Description of the character, manners, and customs of the\n people of India. London: 1817.\n\n=Du Cange, Charles du F.=\n\n Glossarium ad scriptores medi\u00e6 et infirm\u00e6 Latinitatis. Vols.\n I-VI. Paris: 1733.\n\n=Du Halde, P.=\n\n The general history of China. Containing a geographical,\n historical, chronological, political, and physical\n description of the empire of China, Chinese-Tartary, Corea,\n and Thibet. Vols. I, II, IV. London: 1836.\n\n=Dulaure, J. A.=\n\n Histoire abr\u00e9g\u00e9e de diff\u00e9rens cultes. Vols. I-II. Paris:\n 1825.\n\n=Dupuis.=\n\n Origine de tons le cultes, ou religion universelle. Vols.\n I-II. Paris: [N.D.].\n\n=Duran, Diego.=\n\n Historia antigua de la Nueva Espa\u00f1a con noticias de los ritos\n y costumbres de los Yndios y esplicacion del calendario\n Mexicano. Escrita en el a\u00f1o de 1585. Vols. I-III. Manuscript\n in the Library of Congress at Washington.\n\n=Eastman, Mary H.=\n\n Dacotah; or, life and legends of the Sioux around Fort\n Snelling. New York: 1849.\n\n=Emerson, Ellen R.=\n\n Indian myths or legends, traditions, and symbols of the\n aborigines of America. Boston: 1884.\n\n=Emory, William H.=\n\n Notes of a military reconnoissance from Fort Leavenworth, in\n Missouri, to San Diego, in California. (Senate ex. doc. 7;\n 30th cong., 1st sess.) Washington: 1848.\n\n=Etm\u00fcller, Michael.=\n\n Opera omnia. Lyons: 1690.\n\n=Eye, J. L. August von.=\n\n See Iconographic Encyclop\u00e6dia.\n\n=Fernandez, Alonso.=\n\n Historia eclesiastica de nuestros tiempos. Toledo: 1611.\n\n=Flemming, Samuel Augustus.=\n\n De remediis ex corpore humano desumtis. Erfurt: 1738.\n\n=Fletcher, Robert.=\n\n On prehistoric trephining and cranial amulets. (In\n Contributions to North American Ethnology. Vol. V,\n Washington: 1882.)\n\n=Forlong, J. G. R.=\n\n Rivers of life, or the sources and streams of the faiths of\n man in all lands. Vols. I-II and chart. London: 1883.\n\n=Forster, George.=\n\n A voyage round the world, in his Britannic majesty's sloop\n _Resolution_. Vols. I-II. London: 1777.\n\n=Fosbrooke, Thomas Dudley.=\n\n British monachism; or, manners and customs of the monks and\n nuns of England. London: 1817.\n\n=Franklin, John.=\n\n Narrative of a second expedition to the shores of the Polar\n sea, in the years 1825, 1826, and 1827. London: 1828.\n\n=Fraser, John.=\n\n The aborigines of Australia: their ethnic position and\n relations. (In Jour. of Trans. of Victoria Institute, vol.\n XXII, pp. 154-186, London: 1889.)\n\n=Frazer, J. G.=\n\n Totemism. Edinburg: 1887.\n\n=French, B. F.=\n\n Historical collections of Louisiana. Compiled with historical\n and biographical notes by B. F. French, part 1--Historical\n documents from 1678 to 1691. New York: 1846.\n\n=Freycinet, Louis C. D. de.=\n\n Voyage round the world. London: 1823.\n\n=Frommann, Johannes Christianus.=\n\n Tractatus de fascinatione. Nuremberg: 1675.\n\n=Gabb, William M.=\n\n On the Indian tribes and languages of Costa Rica. (In Proc.\n Am. Philos. Soc., vol. XIV, pp. 483-602, Philadelphia: 1876.)\n\n=Gage, Thomas.=\n\n The English-American, his travail by sea and land: or, a new\n survey of the West-Indies. London: 1648.\n\n=Gallatin, Albert.=\n\n Notes on the semicivilized nations of Mexico, Yucatan, and\n Central America. (In Trans. Am. Ethnological Soc., vol. I,\n New York: 1845.)\n\n=Gatschet, Albert S.=\n\n Migration legend of the Creek Indians. Vol. I, Philadelphia:\n 1884. Vol. II, St. Louis: 1888.\n\n=Gayarre, Charles.=\n\n Louisiana: its colonial history and romance. New York: 1851.\n\n=Gilmour, James.=\n\n Among the Mongols. London: 1883.\n\n=Gomara, Francisco L. de.=\n\n Historia general de las Indias. (In Vedin, Historiadores\n primitivos de Indias, vol. I, pp. 157-294, Madrid: 1852.)\n\n=Gomara, Francisco L. de.=\n\n Conquista de M\u00e9jico. Segunda parte de la cr\u00f3nica general de\n las Indias. (In ibid., pp. 295-455.)\n\n=Gore, J. Howard.=\n\n Tuckahoe, or Indian bread. (In Smithsonian Institution Ann.\n Rep. for 1881, Washington: 1883.)\n\n=Gregg, Josiah.=\n\n Commerce of the prairies. Vols. I-II. New York and London:\n 1844.\n\n=Grimm, Jacob.=\n\n Teutonic mythology. Translated from the fourth edition, with\n notes and appendix by James Steven Sallybrass. Vols. I-IV.\n London: 1880-'88.\n\n=Grinnell, Fordyce.=\n\n The healing art as practiced by the Indians of the plains.\n\n=Grossman, F. E.=\n\n The Pima Indians of Arizona. (In Smithsonian Institution Ann.\n Rep. for 1871, pp. 407-419, Washington: 1873.)\n\n=Gubernatis, Angelo de.=\n\n Zoological mythology or the legends of animals. Vols. I-II.\n London: 1872.\n\n=Gumilla, Joseph.=\n\n El Orinoco ilustrado, historia natural, civil, y geographica,\n de este gran rio. Madrid: 1741.\n\n=Hakluyt, Richard.=\n\n Collection of the early voyages, travels, and discoveries of\n the English nation. Vols. III and V. London: 1810-'12.\n\n=Hakluyt Society.=\n\n Works. London: Vol. II, 1817; vol. XVI, 1854; vol. XXI, 1857;\n vol. XLI, 1869; vol. XLVIII, 1873.\n\n=Harmon, Daniel W.=\n\n Journal of voyages and travels in the interiour of North\n America. Andover: 1820.\n\n=Harris, W. Cornwallis.=\n\n The highlands of \u00c6thiopia. Vols. I-III. London: 1844.\n\n=Hatch, Edwin.=\n\n See Hibbert Lectures, 1888.\n\n=Hawkesworth, John.=\n\n An account of the voyages undertaken by the order of his\n present majesty for making discoveries in the southern\n hemisphere. Vols. I-III. London: 1773.\n\n=Heath, Perry S.=\n\n A Hoosier in Russia. New York: 1888.\n\n=Henderson, John G.=\n\n Aboriginal remains near Naples, Illinois. (In Smithsonian\n Institution Ann. Rep. for 1882, Washington: 1884.)\n\n=Hennepin, Louis.=\n\n See French, B. F.\n\n=Herrera, Antonio de.=\n\n Historia general de los hechos de los Castellanos en las\n islas i tierra firme del mar Oceano. Vols. I-V. Madrid:\n 1726-'30.\n\n=Hibbert Lectures, 1879.=\n\n On the origin and growth of religion as illustrated by the\n religion of ancient Egypt, by P. Le Page Renouf. London:\n 1880.\n\n=Hibbert Lectures, 1881.=\n\n On the origin and growth of religion as illustrated by some\n points in the history of Indian Buddhism, by T. W. Rhys\n Davis. New York: 1882.\n\n=Hibbert Lectures, 1888.=\n\n The influence of Greek ideas and usages upon the Christian\n church, by Edwin Hatch. London: 1890.\n\n=Higgins, Godfrey.=\n\n Anacalypsis, an attempt to draw aside the veil of the Saitic\n Isis. Vol. I, II. London: 1836.\n\n=Hind, Henry Youle.=\n\n Narrative of the Canadian Red River exploring expedition of\n 1857 and of the Assiniboine and Saskatchewan exploring\n expedition of 1858. Vols. I-II. London: 1860.\n\n=Hoffman, Walter J.=\n\n Folk-lore of the Pennsylvania Germans. (In Jour. of Am.\n Folk-Lore, Vol. I, No. 2, Boston: 1888.)\n\n=Hone, William.=\n\n Every-day book and table book. Vol. II. London: 1838.\n\n=Humboldt, Alexander de.=\n\n Researches concerning the institutions and monuments of the\n ancient inhabitants of America. Translated by Helen Maria\n Williams. Vol. I. London: 1814.\n\n=Icazbalecta, Joaquin G.=\n\n See Mendieta, Ger\u00f3nimo de.\n\n=Iconographic Encyclop\u00e6dia.=\n\n Prehistoric arch\u00e6ology by Daniel G. Brinton. History of\n culture translated from the German of Dr. J. L. August von\n Eye. Vol. II. Philadelphia: 1886.\n\n=Inman, Thomas.=\n\n Ancient faiths embodied in ancient names: or an attempt to\n trace the religious belief, sacred rites, and holy emblems of\n certain nations. Vols. I-II. London and Liverpool: 1868-'69.\n\n=James, Edwin.=\n\n See Tanner, John.\n\n=Jarvis, Samuel F.=\n\n Discourse on the religion of the Indian tribes of North\n America. (In Collections of N. Y. Hist. Soc. for 1821, Vol.\n III, New York: 1821.)\n\n=Joutel.=\n\n See French, B. F.\n\n=Kane, Paul.=\n\n Wanderings of an artist among the Indians of North America.\n London: 1859.\n\n=Kelly, Fanny.=\n\n Narrative of my captivity among the Sioux Indians.\n Cincinnati: 1871.\n\n=Kennon, George.=\n\n Tent life in Siberia. New York and London: 1883.\n\n=King, Edward= (_Lord Kingsborough_).\n\n Antiquities of Mexico: comprising facsimiles of ancient\n Mexican paintings and hieroglyphics. Vols. I-IX. London:\n 1831-'48.\n\n=King, P. P.= (and others).\n\n Narrative of the surveying voyages of the _Adventure_ and\n _Beagle_, between the years 1826 and 1836. Vols. I-III,\n London: 1839.\n\n=Kingsborough.=\n\n See King, Edward.\n\n=Knox, J.=\n\n A new collection of voyages, discoveries, and travels.\n Printed for J. Knox. Vol. II. London: 1767.\n\n=Kohl, J. G.=\n\n Kitchi-gami. Wanderings around Lake Superior. London: 1860.\n\n=Kotzebue, Otto von.=\n\n A voyage of discovery into the South Sea and Beering's\n Straits. Vols. I-III. London: 1821.\n\n=Kraskenninikoff, S.=\n\n History of Kamtschatka, and the Kurilski islands, with the\n countries adjacent. Translated by James Grieve. Glocester:\n 1764.\n\n=Laet, Joannes de.=\n\n L'histoire du nouveau monde ou description des Indes\n Occidentales. Leyde: 1640.\n\n=Lafitau, Joseph Fran\u00e7ois.=\n\n M\u0153urs des sauvages Ameriquains, compar\u00e9es aux m\u0153urs des\n premiers temps. Vols. I-II. Paris: 1724.\n\n=Landa, Diego de.=\n\n Relation des choses de Yucatan. (Translated and edited by\n Brasseur de Bourbourg.) Forms vol. III of Collection de\n documents dans les langues indig\u00e8nes, pour servir \u00e0 l'\u00e9tude\n de l'histoire et de la philologie de l'Am\u00e9rique ancienne.\n Paris: 1864.\n\n=Lang, Andrew.=\n\n Custom and myth. New York: 1885.\n\n=Langsdorff, G. H. von.=\n\n Voyages and travels in various parts of the world during the\n years 1803-'07. Parts I-II. London: 1813-14.\n\n=Lanzoni, Joseph.=\n\n Ephemeridum physico-medicarum. Vols. I-II. Leipsig: 1694.\n\n=Lea, Henry Charles.=\n\n History of the inquisition of the middle ages. Vols. I-III.\n New York: 1888.\n\n=Le Clercq, Chrestien.=\n\n Nouvelle relation de la Gaspesie. Paris: 1691.\n\n=Le Jeune, Paul.=\n\n See Relations des J\u00e9suites.\n\n=Lenormant, Fran\u00e7ois.=\n\n Chaldean magic: its origin and development. London: 1877.\n\n=Lisiansky, Urey.=\n\n Voyage round the world, in the years 1803-1806. London: 1814.\n\n=Long, Stephen H.=\n\n Account of an expedition from Pittsburgh to the Rocky\n mountains, performed in the years 1819-'20. Compiled by Edwin\n James. Vol. I. Philadelphia: 1823.\n\n=Mackenzie, Alexander.=\n\n Voyages from Montreal, on the river St. Laurence, through the\n continent of North America, to the Frozen and Pacific oceans,\n in the years 1789 and 1793. London: 1801.\n\n=Madden, R. R.=\n\n The shrines and sepulchres of the old and new world. Vols.\n I-II. London: 1851.\n\n=Malte-Brun.=\n\n Universal geography, or a description of all the parts of the\n world, on a new plan. Vols. I, II, and III. Philadelphia,\n 1817; Ibid., 1827; Ibid., 1832.\n\n=Malte-Brun.=\n\n Universal geography. Vols. I-V. Boston: 1825-'26.\n\n=Manning, Thomas.=\n\n See Markham, Clements R.\n\n=Markham, Clements R.=\n\n First part of the royal commentaries of the Yncas by the Ynca\n Garcilasso de la Vega. (Forms Vol. 41 of \"Works issued by the\n Hakluyt Society,\" London: 1869.)\n\n=Markham, Clements R.=\n\n Narratives of the rites and laws of the Yncas. Translated\n from the original Spanish manuscripts, and edited by Clements\n R. Markham. (Forms Vol. 48 of Hakluyt's Society's Works,\n London: 1873.)\n\n=Markham, Clements R.=\n\n Narratives of the mission of George Bogle to Tibet, and of\n the journey of Thomas Manning to Lhasa. London: 1876.\n\n=Massingberd, Francis C.=\n\n The English reformation. London: 1842; Ibid., 1857.\n\n=Matthews, Washington.=\n\n The mountain chant: a Navajo ceremony. (In Ann. Rep. Bu.\n Eth., 1883-'84, pp. 379-467, Washington: 1887.)\n\n=Matthews, Washington.=\n\n The prayer of a Navajo shaman. (In the American\n Anthropologist, Washington, D. C., vol. I, No. 2, April,\n 1888.)\n\n=Maurice, Thomas.=\n\n Indian antiquities: or, dissertations relative to ...\n Hindostan. Vols. I-V. London: 1800-'01.\n\n=Maximilian Prince of Wied.=\n\n Travels in the interior of North America. London: 1843.\n\n=Meignan, Victor.=\n\n From Paris to Pekin. London: 1885.\n\n=Mendieta, Ger\u00f3nimo de.=\n\n Historia eclesi\u00e1stica Indiana; obra escrita \u00e1 fines del siglo\n XVI. La publica por primera vez Joaquin Garcia Icazbalceta.\n Mexico: 1870.\n\n=Miles, W. Augustus.=\n\n How did the natives of Australia become acquainted with the\n demigods and d\u00e6monia and with the superstitions of the\n ancient races? (In Jour. Ethnological Soc. of London, vol.\n III, London: 1854.)\n\n=Molina, Christoval de.=\n\n An account of the fables and rites of the Yncas. Translated\n by C. R. Markham. (In Hakluyt Society's Works, vol. 48,\n London: 1873.)\n\n=Molina, Ignacio.=\n\n Compendio de la historia geogr\u00e1fica, natural y civil del\n reyno de Chile. (Translation of Mendoza and Cruz y\n Bahamonde.) Vols. I-II. Madrid: 1788-'95.\n\n=Montesinos, Fernando.=\n\n M\u00e9moires historiques sur l'ancien P\u00e9ron. (Forms Vol. XVII of\n Ternaux-Compans, Voyages, Paris: 1840.)\n\n=Montfaucon, Bernard de.=\n\n L'antiquit\u00e9 expliqu\u00eae et represent\u00e9e en figures. Tom. II,\n pts. 1 and 2. Paris: 1722.\n\n=Mooney, James.=\n\n Holiday customs of Ireland. Reprinted from the Proceedings of\n the American Philosophical Society (May 3, 1889; pp.\n 377-427). Philadelphia: 1889.\n\n=M\u00fcller, Max.=\n\n Lectures on the science of religion. New York: 1872.\n\n=M\u00fcller, Max.=\n\n The sacred books of the East, translated by various oriental\n scholars and edited by Max M\u00fcller. Vol. V (the Bundahis,\n Bahman Yast, and Sh\u00e2yast l\u00e2-Sh\u00e2yast), Oxford: 1880. Vol. XIV\n (the sacred laws of the \u00c2ryas--Vasish_th_a and Baudh\u00e2yana),\n Oxford: 1882.\n\n=New York Historical Society.=\n\n Collections ... for the year 1821. Vol. III. New York: 1821.\n\n=Nightingale, J.=\n\n The religions and religious ceremonies of all nations.\n London: 1821.\n\n=North Carolina.=\n\n Colonial records. Vol. I--1662-1712. Raleigh: 1886.\n\n=Notes and Queries.=\n\n First series. London: Vol. IV, July-December, 1851. Fourth\n series, Vol. V, January-June, 1870; Ibid., Vol. VIII,\n July-December, 1871.\n\n=Pane, Roman.=\n\n Des antiquit\u00e9s des Indiens. Translation of Brasseur de\n Bourbourg. Paris: 1864.\n\n=Parkman, Francis.=\n\n The Jesuits in North America in the seventeenth century.\n Boston: 1867.\n\n=Parr, Bartholomew.=\n\n London medical dictionary. Vol. I. Philadelphia: 1820.\n\n=Pennant, Thomas.=\n\n A tour in Scotland, 1769. (In Pinkerton, Collection of\n voyages and travels, vol. III, pp. 1-569, London: 1809.)\n\n=Perrot, Nicholas.=\n\n Memoire sur les m\u0153urs, coustumes et relligion des sauvages\n de l'Am\u00e9rique septentrionale. Leipzig and Paris: 1864.\n\n=Pettigrew, Thomas J.=\n\n On superstitions connected with the history and practice of\n medicine and surgery. Philadelphia: 1844.\n\n=Pettit, James S.=\n\n Apache campaign notes--'86. (In Jour. Military Service\n Institution, vol. VII, pp. 331-338, New York: 1886.)\n\n=Peyronie, Gauthier de la.=\n\n Voyages de M. P. S. Pallas. Tome 4. Paris: 1793.\n\n=Picart, Bernard.=\n\n Ceremonies et coutumes religieuses de tous les peuples du\n monde. Vols. I-IX. Amsterdam: 1733-'39.\n\n=Pimentel, Francisco.=\n\n Cuadro descriptivo y comparativo de las lenguas ind\u00edgenas de\n M\u00e9xico. Vol. III. M\u00e9xico: 1875.\n\n=Pinkerton, John.=\n\n A general collection of the best and most interesting voyages\n and travels in all parts of the world. London: Vol. I, 1808;\n vol. III, 1809; vol. VII, 1811; vol. X, 1811; vol. XI, 1812;\n vol. XVI, 1814.\n\n=Pliny.=\n\n Natural history. Translation of Bostock and Riley. Vols.\n I-VI. London: 1855-'57, 1887.\n\n=Popol Vuh.=\n\n Popol Vuh. Le livre sacr\u00e9 et les mythes de l'antiquit\u00e9\n am\u00e9ricaine. (Translation of Brasseur de Bourbourg.) Paris:\n 1861.\n\n=Powers, Stephen.=\n\n Tribes of California. (Contributions to North American\n Ethnology, vol. III, Washington: 1877.)\n\n=Purchas, Samuel.=\n\n Haklvytvs posthumus or Purchas his pilgrimage. Vols. I-V.\n London: 1825-'26.\n\n=Rau, Charles.=\n\n Ancient aboriginal trade in North America. (In Smithsonian\n Institution Ann. Rep. for 1872, pp. 348-394, Washington:\n 1873.)\n\n=Relations des J\u00e9suites.=\n\n Relations des J\u00e9suites contenant ce qui s'est pass\u00e9 de plus\n remarquable dans les missions des p\u00e8res de la compagnie de\n J\u00e9sus dans la Nouvelle-France. Vol. I. Quebec: 1858.\n\n=Renouf, P. Le Page.=\n\n See Hibbert Lectures, 1879.\n\n=Richardson, John.=\n\n Arctic searching expedition. Vols. I-II. London: 1851.\n\n=Robinson, A.=\n\n Life in California. New York: 1846.\n\n=Ross, Alexander.=\n\n The fur hunters of the far West. Vols. I-II. London: 1855.\n\n=Salverte, Eusche.=\n\n Philosophy of magic, prodigies, and apparent miracles. With\n notes, etc., by Anthony Todd Thomson. Vols. I-II. London:\n 1846.\n\n=Saxon Leechdoms.=\n\n See Cockayne, Oswald.\n\n=Scheffer, John.=\n\n The history of Lapland wherein are shewed the original\n manners, habits, marriages, conjurations, etc., of that\n people. Oxford: 1674.\n\n=Schoolcraft, Henry R.=\n\n Information respecting the history, condition and prospects\n of the Indian tribes of the United States. Part IV.\n Philadelphia: 1854.\n\n=Schultze, Fritz.=\n\n Fetichism: a contribution to anthropology and the history of\n religion. Translated by J. Fitzgerald. (Forms No. 69 of\n Humboldt library of popular science literature.) New York:\n 1885.\n\n=Schweinfurth, Georg.=\n\n The heart of Africa. Translated by Ellen E. Frewer. Vols.\n I-II. London: 1873.\n\n=Scott, Walter.=\n\n Letters on demonology and witchcraft. Addressed to J. G.\n Lockhart, esq. New York: 1842.\n\n=Scott, Walter.=\n\n Lady of the lake.\n\n=Sextus Placitus.=\n\n De medicamentis ex animalibus. Lyons: 1537.\n\n=Shakespeare, William.=\n\n Macbeth. Collated with the old and modern editions [by\n Charles Jennens]. London: 1773.\n\n=Sh\u00e2yast l\u00e2-Sh\u00e2yast.=\n\n See M\u00fcller, Max.\n\n=Shea, John G.=\n\n The Catholic church in colonial days. New York: 1886.\n\n=Simpson, J.H.=\n\n Report of an expedition into the Navajo country in 1849.\n (Forms part of senate ex. doc. 64, 31st cong., 1st sess.).\n Washington: 1850.\n\n=Smart, Charles.=\n\n Notes on the \"Tonto\" Apaches. (In Smithsonian Institution\n Ann. Rep. for 1867, Washington: 1868).\n\n=Smet, P. J. de.=\n\n Oregon missions and travels over the Rocky mountains in\n 1845-'46. New York: 1847.\n\n=Smith, Buckingham.=\n\n Coleccion de varios documentos para la historia de la Florida\n y tierras adyacentes. Tom. I. London: 1857.\n\n=Smith, Buckingham.=\n\n Relation of Alvar Nu\u00f1ez Cabe\u00e7a de Vaca translated from the\n Spanish. New York: 1871.\n\n=Smith, Edmund R.=\n\n The Araucanians; or, notes of a tour among the Indian tribes\n of southern Chili. New York: 1855.\n\n=Smith, John.=\n\n True travels, adventures and observations. Vol. I. The\n generall historie of Virginia, New-England, and the Summer\n Iles, vol. II. Richmond: 1819.\n\n=Smyth, R. Brough.=\n\n Aborigines of Victoria: with notes relating to the habits of\n the natives of other parts of Australia and Tasmania. Vols.\n I-II. London: 1878.\n\n=Snyder, J. F.=\n\n Indian remains in Cass County, Illinois. (In Smithsonian\n Institution Ann. Rep. for 1881, pp. 568-579, Washington:\n 1883.)\n\n=Speke, John Hanning.=\n\n Journal of the discovery of the source of the Nile. Edinburgh\n and London: 1863.\n\n=Spencer, Herbert.=\n\n Descriptive sociology; or, groups of sociological facts,\n classified and arranged. Nos. I-V. New York: 1873-'76.\n\n=Spencer, Herbert.=\n\n Ecclesiastical institutions: being part VI of the principles\n of sociology. New York: 1886.\n\n=Squier, E. G.=\n\n The serpent symbol, and the worship of the reciprocal\n principles of nature in America. New York: 1851.\n\n=Squier, E. G.=\n\n Aboriginal monuments of the state of New York. (In\n Smithsonian Contributions to Knowledge, vol. II, Washington:\n 1851.)\n\n=Squier, E. G., and Davis, E. H.=\n\n Ancient monuments of the Mississippi valley. (Forms\n Smithsonian Contributions to Knowledge, vol. I, Washington:\n 1848.)\n\n=Staden de Homberg, Hans.=\n\n Histoire d'un pays dans le Nouveau Monde, nomm\u00e9 Am\u00e9rique.\n Marbourg, 1557. (Forms Vol. III of Ternaux-Compans, Voyages,\n Paris: 1837.)\n\n=Stanley, H. M.=\n\n Through the dark continent. Vols. I-II. New York: 1878.\n\n=Strabo.=\n\n The geography of Strabo. Literally translated by H. C.\n Hamilton and W. Falconer. Vol. I. London: 1854.\n\n=Strutt, Joseph.=\n\n Sports and pastimes of the people of England. London: 1855.\n\n=Tanner, John.=\n\n Narrative of the captivity and adventures of John Tanner ...\n during three years' residence among the Indians. Prepared for\n the press by Edwin James. New York: 1830.\n\n=Ternaux-Compans.=\n\n Voyages, relations et m\u00e9moires originaux pour servir \u00e0\n l'histoire de la d\u00e9couverte de l'Am\u00e9rique. Paris: Vols. III,\n VII, 1837; vols. IX, X, 1838; vols. XV, XVII, 1840.\n\n=Theal, George McC.=\n\n Kaffir folk-lore. London: 1882.\n\n=Thiers, Jean-Baptiste.=\n\n Trait\u00e9 des superstitions que regardent les sacremens. Vols.\n I-IV. Paris: 1741.\n\n=Thomas, Cyrus.=\n\n Notes on certain Maya and Mexican manuscripts. (In Ann. Rep.\n Bu. Ethnology for 1881-'82, pp. 1-65, Washington: 1884.)\n\n=Thurn, Everard F. im.=\n\n Among the Indians of Guiana. London: 1883.\n\n=Torquemada, Juan de.=\n\n Primera [-tercera] parte de los veinte i un libros rituales i\n monarchia Indiana. Vols. I-III. Madrid: 1723.\n\n=Tylor, Edward B.=\n\n Researches into the early history of mankind and the\n development of civilization. London: 1870.\n\n=Tylor, Edward B.=\n\n Primitive culture. Vols. I-II. London: 1871.\n\n=Vaca.=\n\n See Cabe\u00e7a de Vaca; Smith, Buckingham.\n\n=Vasishtha and Baudh\u00e2yana.=\n\n See M\u00fcller, Max.\n\n=Vedia, Enrique de.=\n\n Historiadores primitivos de Indias. Vols. I-II. Madrid:\n 1852-'53.\n\n=Vega, Garcilasso de la.=\n\n First part of the royal commentaries of the Yncas by the Ynca\n Garcilasso de la Vega. Translated and edited by Clements R.\n Markham. (Forms vol. XLI of Hakluyt Society's Works, London:\n 1869.)\n\n=Venegas, Miguel.=\n\n A natural and civil history of California. Vols. I-II.\n London: 1759.\n\n=Vetancurt, Agustin de.=\n\n Teatro Mexicano. Descripcion breve de los sucesos ejemplares,\n historicos, politicos, militares y religiosos del nuevo mundo\n occidental de las Indias. Vols. I-III. Mexico: 1870-'71.\n\n=Villagr\u00e1, Gaspar de.=\n\n Historia de la Nueva Mexico. Alcala: 1610.\n\n=Villagutierre, Juan de.=\n\n Historia de la conquista de la provincia de el Itza. [Madrid:\n 1701.]\n\n=Vining, Edward P.=\n\n An inglorious Columbus. New York: 1885.\n\n=Waitz, Theodor.=\n\n Introduction to anthropology. Edited by J. Frederick\n Collingwood. London: 1863.\n\n=Wallace, Alfred R.=\n\n A narrative of travels on the Amazon and Rio Negro, with an\n account of the native tribes. London: 1853.\n\n=Whipple, A. W.=\n\n Reports of explorations and surveys to ascertain the most\n practicable and economical route for a railroad from the\n Mississippi river to the Pacific ocean. Vol. III. Washington:\n 1856.\n\n=Whitney, W. Norton.=\n\n Notes from the history of medical progress in Japan.\n Yokohama: 1885.\n\n=Williams, Monier.=\n\n Modern India and the Indians. London: 1878.\n\n=Winstanley, W.=\n\n A visit to Abyssinia: an account of travel in modern\n Ethiopia. Vols. I-II. London: 1881.\n\n=Wrangell, Ferdinand P. von.=\n\n Narrative of an expedition to the Polar Sea. New York: 1841.\n\n=Wright, Thomas.=\n\n Narratives of sorcery and magic, from the most authentic\n sources. Vols. I-II. London: 1851.\n\n=Ximenez, Francisco.=\n\n Las historias del origen de los Indios de esta provincia de\n Guatemala. Translated by C. Scherzer. Vienna: 1857.\n\n\n\n\nINDEX.\n\n A.\n\n Acosta, Jos\u00e9, cited on sacrifices of Indian corn 525\n Alarcon, quoted on Indian customs 491, 494, 511\n quoted on Indian sacred cords 555\n Albinos, not medicine-men among the Apaches 460\n Alegre, Francisco J., cited on Indian remedies 472\n cited on ceremonial scratching among Indians 492\n Amulets of the Apache 587-91\n Arriaga, Jos\u00e9 de, cited on Indian medicine-men 594\n Ashes, use of, in religious formalities 536\n Asylum, right of, among Apache and other Indians 453-454\n\n\n B.\n\n Backus, E., quoted on magic powder of Indians 513\n Baker, Frank, cited on \"hand of glory\" 486\n Baker, Samuel, cited on African customs 489\n Baking, origin of 542\n Balboa, Vasco Nu\u00f1ez, cited on Indian medicine-men 467\n cited on Peruvian festival 527\n Bancroft, H. H., cited on Indian medicine-men 457, 511\n cited on mutilation by Indians 483\n cited on scratching, by Indians 491\n cited on Indian cakes 524\n cited on Indian use of feathers 534, 535\n Barcia, Gabriel de Cardenas, cited on sacred meal of Indians 512\n quoted on magic powder of Indians 549\n Bean, aversion to, by Egyptians and Abyssinians 517\n Beans, string of, used as signal by Tecumseh 555\n Benzoni, Girolamo, cited on Indian medicine-men 461\n Black, William G., cited on magic knots and cords 570, 572, 573,\n 575, 576, 577, 579, 580\n Blankets, blessed, used at Zu\u00f1i feasts 526\n Bledos, meaning of the term 522\n Blindness among Indian medicine-men 470\n Blount, Thomas, cited on symbolic use of meal 513, 514\n Bock, Carl, cited on Borneo water vessels 494\n Bollaert, William, cited on emeralds of Peruvians 590\n Brand, John, cited on bell-ringing 465\n \"hand of glory\" 486\n cited on powders 514, 532, 536\n cited on sacred cakes 541, 544, 545, 546, 547\n cited on cords and girdles 557, 561, 568, 569, 570, 571,\n 573, 575, 576, 578, 579, 580\n Brasseur de Bourbourg, cited on Indian medicine-men 466\n cited on origin of labrets 498\n cited on tzoalli 523\n Bread, sacred 541-547\n unleavened 543, 544\n Brinton, Daniel G., cited on Indian medicine-men 457, 480, 532\n cited on Peruvian quipu 562\n cited on chalchihuitl among Mexicans 590\n quoted on influence of Indian medicine-men 593, 594\n Bruce, James, quoted on Abyssinian hair dressing 492\n Bull-roarer, use of among Indians 476-479\n Buns, hot cross, of Good Friday 544-545\n Burton, Robert, cited on magic cords and girdles 568, 569, 575\n cited on exorcism 584\n\n\n C.\n\n Cakes, sacred 518, 541-547\n Cameron, V. Lovett, cited on African customs 494, 514, 515\n Casta\u00f1eda, cited on Indian bread 522\n Castration of Indian priests and medicine-men 454\n Catlin, George, cited on Indian medicine-men 463\n cited on Indian wigs 475\n Chalchihuitl, an Indian amulet 588-591\n Christmas foods 547\n Clavigero, Francisco S., cited on Indian labret 497\n cited on Indian mats of reeds 527-528\n cited on Indian food 523\n Clay-eating 537-540\n Coleman, Charles, cited on Hindu powders 515\n cited on sacred cords 565\n Columbus, Christopher, quoted on magic powder of Indians 513\n Commerce between \"Buffalo\" Indians and Pueblos 529, 530\n Confessions of patient to Indian medicine-men 465, 466\n Corbusier, Wm. F., quoted on galena among the Indians 549\n cited on use of pollen by Indians 505\n cited on Indian medicine-men 460\n cited on Indian wigs 474\n Cord of St. Francis, the 556-557\n Cords, used in casting lots 558-559\n magic wind, of the Lapps 560-561\n mnemonic 561-563\n sacred, of the Parsis and Brahmins 563-567\n Mahometan belief concerning 566\n measuring 572-573\n sacred, ophic origin of 574\n formerly used in binding prisoners 574-575\n unclassified superstitions concerning 576-580\n superstitions concerning 553-580\n Countercharms to Indian \"medicine\" 459-460\n Coxe, William, quoted on Indian magic powder 548\n Crantz, David, cited on scratching among Eskimo 491\n Crispell\u00e6 541\n Cross, place of the, in Indian symbolism 479-480\n Cushing, F. H., cited on Zu\u00f1i water-vessels 494\n cited on Zu\u00f1i Indians 452\n cited on Zu\u00f1i drinking tubes 494\n\n\n D.\n\n Dall, William H., cited on Eskimo labrets 496\n Davis, John, cited on Pueblo rebellion 555\n Diaz, Bernal, cited on Indian medicine-women 469\n cited on chalchihuitl among the Mexicans 591, 592\n Diaz, Melchior, cited on Indian wig-making 475\n Disease, method of treating by Indian medicine-men 462-468\n Divination with grains and seeds 454-532, 533\n Dobrizhoffer, Father, quoted on Abipones medicine-men 459-463\n Dorman, Rushton M., cited on Peruvian priests 456\n Dorsey, J. Owen, cited on Siouan medicine 452\n Down of birds in ceremonial observances 533-535\n Drinking reed and tubes, use of among Indians 493-498\n Drinks and drugs used by Indian medicine-men 454, 455-456\n Du Halde, P., cited on cords worn by Lamas 561\n Dupuis, cited on castration of priests of Cybele 454\n Duran, Diego, cited on Mexican priests 454, 456, 464\n cited on Indian drinking tubes 495, 496\n cited on sacred meal of Indians 510\n cited on Indian idol of dough 524, 525, 529\n quoted on clay eating by Mexicans 538\n cited on cords among Mexicans 558\n cited on Mexican headdress 582\n Dust from churches, superstitions concerning 537\n\n\n E.\n\n Earth eating 537-540\n Emerson, Mrs. Ellen Russell, cited on Indian customs 490, 495\n Epileptic and insane, how regarded by Apache 460-461\n Etm\u00fcller, Michael, quoted on girdles and cords 571, 572\n\n\n F.\n\n \"Far,\" radical of \"farina,\" etc. 545-546\n Feathers, use of, in ceremonial observances 533-535\n use of, in medicine hat 582\n Fernandez, Alonso, quoted on sacrificial bread of Pueblos 545\n Forlong, J. G. R., quoted on manna 517\n quoted on sacred cakes 518, 544\n cited on sacred cords 564, 565, 578\n Fosbrooke, Thomas D., quoted on use of rushes at Easter 528\n cited on symbolic use of ashes 536\n Franklin, Sir John, cited on earth-eating by Eskimo 539\n Frazer, J. G., cited on Indian customs 485\n Frommann, J. C., on magic knots 569\n\n\n G.\n\n Galena, powdered, ceremonial use of, by Indians 548-549\n pieces of, used in sacrifices 549\n Gibberish always used by Indian medicine-men 464\n Girdles, superstitions concerning 557-558, 570-572, 577\n use of, in parturition 570-571\n of human skin 571\n Gomara cited on Indian medicine-men 459, 463, 464, 470, 472, 512\n cited on Indian medicine-women 469\n cited on Indian necklaces 488\n cited on Indian cakes 526\n cited on Indian mats 527\n cited on clay-eating by Indians 538, 539\n cited on chalchihuitl among Mexicans 590\n Gonzales de Mendoza quoted on Indians throwing meal 510\n Graffenreid, Baron de, cited on magic powder of Indians 512\n Grimm, Jacob, cited on ancient German superstitions 487, 491,\n 541, 559, 561, 568, 570, 573\n Grossman, Capt., cited on Apache purification 475\n\n\n H.\n\n Harris, W. Cornwallis, quoted on magic cords 574-575\n Hawkins, ----, cited on scratching among Indians 491\n Hair and wigs, use of, by Indian medicine-men 474-475\n \"Hand of glory,\" superstitions concerning 486\n Hangman's rope, superstitions concerning 574, 575\n Headdresses of Indian gods 582\n of Apache medicine-men 584\n Heath, Perry S., cited on use of down at Russian weddings 535\n cited on Russian cakes 542\n cited on Russian kostia 547\n Hereditary priesthood among Indians 455-456\n Herodotus, cited on Egyptian priests 454\n Herrera, Antonio, quoted on Indian medicine-men 459, 461, 463,\n 472, 475, 553\n quoted on Indian medicine-women 469\n quoted on cross among Indians 480\n quoted on Indian labrets 497\n quoted on sacred meal of Indians 510\n quoted on \"powder of grass\" 519\n cited on Indian cakes 527\n quoted on cords among Indians 558, 559, 574\n cited on Indian headdress 582\n Higgins, Godfrey, cited on hierophants of Athens 454\n cited on Hindu powders 516\n cited on use of flour in sacrifice 517\n cited on use of pollen by the ancients 532\n cited on girdles 557\n Hind, Henry Youle, cited on Indian medicine-men 464, 513\n cited on finger necklace 483\n cited on Indian powder 513\n Hoddentin, employment of, by the Apache 499-507\n bags for carrying 500\n offered to sun, moon, etc. 501-502\n employment in corn culture 502\n employment in sickness 502-505\n employment as an amulet 503-506\n a prehistoric food 518\n the yiauhtli of the Aztecs 521-522\n analogues of 530-532\n Hoffman, W. J., cited on Ojibwa medicine 452, 511\n Hutchinson, consul, cited on African magic powders 515\n\n\n I.\n\n Impotence, self-induced in Indian medicine-men 454\n Indian corn, sacrifice of 525\n Insanity, how regarded in Apache \"medicine\" 460\n Izze-kloth of the Apache 550-558\n Izze-kloth, analogues of other people 558\n\n\n J.\n\n James, Edwin, cited on Indian sacrifices 526\n Jus prim\u00e6 noctis claimed by Indian medicine-men 461\n\n\n K.\n\n Kalm, quoted on use of roots of rushes by Indians 520, 521\n Kan or Apache gods 581-582\n Kane, Paul, cited on scratching by Indians 491\n Kelly, Fanny, cited on Sioux medicine-men 453\n quoted on Sioux games with bones 486\n Kennan, Geo., quoted on use of roots by Siberians 521\n Kingsborough, Edward, quoted on Indian medical practice 594\n Knots, magic wind, of the Lapps 560-561\n mnemonic use of 562-563\n magic, preventive of sexual intercourse 567, 569, 570\n true lovers 567, 568-576\n magic, various powers of 568-570\n nuptial 568-570\n use of in parturition 570-571\n used in capturing hyena 574\n used in finding lost animal 574\n in garments 576\n cure for warts, scrofula, epilepsy, etc. 578-579\n Kohl, J. G., cited on mutilation by Indians 483, 484\n cited on Ojibwa customs 490, 511, 531\n Kolben, Peter, cited on Hottentot customs 485, 536\n Kraskenninikoff, cited on Eskimo remedies 472, 473\n Kunque, use of by the Apache and Pueblo 508-511\n analogy of to flour in Spanish carnival 509-510\n\n\n L.\n\n Labrets, tubes used for, by Indians 497-498\n Lafitau, Joseph Fran\u00e7ois, cited on sacred powder of Indians 512\n La Fl\u00e8che, Francis, cited on Indian ghost food 527\n La Salle, Robert C., quoted on use of corn by Indians in burials\n 513\n Lea, Henry Charles, cited on sacred cords 567\n Le Clerq, Chrestien, quoted on cross as an Indian symbol 480\n Lucky days and seasons 461\n Lycanthropy, power of, claimed by Indian medicine-men 458-459\n\n\n M.\n\n Malte-Brun, cited on earth-eating by Siberians 539\n cited on cords and girdles 561, 562, 564\n Mason, Otis T., cited on superstition connected with scratching\n 493\n Maurice, Thomas, cited on sacred cords 566\n Meal, sacred, use of, by Apache and Pueblo 508-511\n use of, by other people 510-515\n Measuring cords 572-573\n Meat, sacred, of the Zu\u00f1is 545\n Medicine cord of the Apache 550-558\n Medicine hat of the Apache 502-503, 580-581\n symbolism of 582\n Medicine-men of the Indians, who may be 451-457\n no organization of 452\n manner of becoming one 453-454\n powers claimed by 454-459, 462, 470-471\n penalty for failure of, to cure disease 466-467\n food of 470\n disposal of, when dead 470\n Medicine-women of the Indians 468-469\n Medidas 572\n Mendieta, Geronimo, cited on Indian medicine-women 469\n quoted on Indian idols of flour or seeds 526\n quoted on Indian divination with corn 533\n Metamorphosis, power of, claimed by Indian medicine-men 458-459\n Montesinos, Fernando, cited on Peruvian sacred flour 511\n Montfaucon, Bernard de, cited on girdles of Saliens 559\n Mud, plastering the head with, by Indians 475-476\n M\u00fcller, Max, cited on scratching among the Parsi 493\n cited on parched grain among the Hindus 546\n cited on Hindu drinking custom 496\n cited on sacred cords of Hindus 563, 567\n Music, use of, by Indian medicine-men 465\n\n\n N.\n\n Name of an American Indian not to be divulged by himself 461\n when given 461-462\n battle or agnomen 462\n Necklaces, of human fingers 480-487\n of various parts of the human body 483-489\n of human teeth 487-489\n\n\n P.\n\n Painting in Apache ceremonies 583\n Pancakes, superstitions concerning 541, 542, 543\n Parkman, Francis, cited on Indian medicine-men 455, 459, 475\n Parturition, use of cords and knots in 570-572\n Payment of Indian medicine-men 467-468\n Pennant, Thomas, quoted on magic knots 569, 578\n Perrot, Nicolas, quoted on magic powder of Indians 514\n Pettit, Lieut., cited on Indian medicine-men 473\n Phylacteries of the Apache 591-592\n Picart, Bernard, cited on Indian medicine-men 457, 512\n cited on Indian necklaces 488\n cited on Indian drinking tubes 495\n cited on Indian labrets 498\n cited on sacred powders of Hindus 516\n cited on reeds among the Romans 528\n quoted on hair powder 535\n quoted on cords 556-557, 558, 559, 561, 563, 564, 576\n cited on Arab divination 584\n Pimentel, Francisco, quoted on Indian medicine-men 593\n Pliny, Caius, cited on Roman superstitions 486, 487, 568, 570,\n 572, 574, 575, 578, 579\n Pollen, use of by Israelites and Egyptians 517-518\n use of among Hindus and Romans 532\n Polo, Marco, cited on cords worn by Brahmans 563\n Porter, J. Hampden, cited on ceremonial scratching among Indians\n 492\n Powder, sacred, use of, by various peoples 513-517\n Powder of grass and straw used as food 519-520\n sacred, general use of, among Indians 528-529\n hair, use by Indians 535-536\n Prehistoric foods used in covenant 540-541\n sacrificed by Romans 545\n Purchas, Samuel, quoted on Indian \"mud-heads\" 476\n\n\n Q.\n\n Quipu of the Peruvians 553\n\n\n R.\n\n Rain-making one of the powers ascribed to Indian medicine-men\n 455-456\n Rebellion of the Pueblos 555\n Reeds or rushes, superstitious uses of 527-528\n Remedies of the Indian medicine-men 471-474\n Rhombus, or bull-roarer, use of, among Indians 476-479\n Richardson, Sir John, cited on Indian medicine-women 469\n Rockhill, W. W., cited on flour-throwing by Tibetans 516\n Rosary, origin of 554\n used as a mnemonic cord 561\n\n\n S.\n\n Sage, seeds and roots of, used in tzoalli 526-527\n Sahagun cited on Aztec customs 464, 486, 495, 518, 523, 528,\n 538, 559, 521\n Salverte, Eusebe, cited on Indian medicine-men 458, 464\n cited on Roman covenant bread 540\n cited on amulets 578\n Sashes, medicine, of the Apache 593\n Scalp shirts in Indian \"medicine\" 476\n Schultze, Fritz, cited on Indian medicine-men and women 470, 471\n Schweinfurth, Georg A., cited on African customs 488, 560\n Scott, Walter, cited on lycanthropy 459\n quoted on lightning-riven wood 587\n Scratch stick, employment of, among uncivilized peoples 490-493\n not used for combs 491\n origin of 492\n Shirts of scalps in Indian \"medicine\" 476\n Shirts, medicine, of the Apache 593\n Simon, Padre, quoted on Indian idolatry 594\n Simpson, John, cited on use of magic powder by Indians 509\n Smith, John, cited on sacred meal of Indians 511, 512\n Smyth, Brough, cited on Australian aboriginal customs 485, 535,\n 537, 540, 574\n Snake-killing, prohibition of, by Indian medicine-men 470\n Soul cakes 546\n Speke, John H., cited on African customs 488, 494, 514, 515, 560\n Spencer, Charles, cited on Indian medicine-men 458\n Spencer, Herbert, cited on Indian medicine-men 455, 457, 458,\n 459, 461, 467, 468, 472\n cited on ancient German priests 463\n cited on Indian customs 492\n Spirit dance of the Apache 582-584, 585-586\n Stanley, Henry M., quoted on African amulets 485, 560\n cited on African customs 515, 575\n Stolen property, power to recover claimed by Indian medicine-men\n 461\n Strutt, Joseph, quoted on magic cakes 547\n Stuart, King James, quoted on magic knots 569\n Sweat bath, a necessary part of Indian medicine 455\n\n\n T.\n\n Talismans of the Apache 587-590\n Tanner, John, cited on Indian sacks of human skin 484\n cited on scratching by Indians 490\n cited on Indian powders 513\n cited on Indian headdress 555, 556\n Theal, Geo. M., quoted on rhombus among Kaffirs 479\n Torquemada, Juan de, quoted on Aztec customs 522, 523, 524, 525\n cited on Indian headdresses 582\n Tule or flag, roots used as food 520-521\n Tylor, E. B., cited on Indian medicine-men 458\n cited on bull-roarer 478\n Tzi-daltai of the Apaches 587\n Tzoalli, cakes of, used in Indian sacrifices 523-528\n idols formed of 525-526\n\n\n U.\n\n Unleavened bread 543-544\n\n\n V.\n\n Vaca, Cabeza de, cited on Mexican customs 455\n cited on Floridian medicine-men 470, 472\n cited on clay-eating by Indians 538\n quoted on galena among the Indians 548\n Vetancurt, Augustin de, quoted on Aztec customs 522\n cited on Apache commerce 530\n Villagr\u00e1, quoted on throwing meal by Indians 510\n Vining, Edward P., cited on mnemonic knots of Japanese 562\n\n\n W.\n\n Wheat, origin of 542\n Whipple, A. W., cited on Indian commerce 530\n Whitney, W. Norton, cited on Japanese \"medicine\" 531\n Wigs, use of by Indian medicine-men 474-475\n Winstanley, W., cited on cords worn by Abyssinians 560\n Wounds by wild beasts a qualification for Indian priesthood\n 457-458\n\n\n X.\n\n Ximenez, Francisco, cited on myths of Guatemala 528\n Francisco, quoted on divination by Guatemalan Indians 533\n Francisco, quoted on chalchihuitl among the Mexicans 590\n\n\n * * * * *\n\nTranscriber's Notes:\n\nObvious typographical errors have been repaired. Non-standard\nspellings, including those in other languages, were retained as in the\noriginal.\n\nHyphenation and accent variants that could not be clearly resolved,\nwere retained.\n\nThe few cases of ellipses shown as asterisks were also retained.\n\nLatin-1 and UTF-8 texts: Footnote 490, C^{ie} indicates a \"C\" followed\nby a superscript of the characters \"ie.\"\n\nLatin-1 and UTF-8 texts: _Underscores_ enclose italicised content;\n=Equal signs= enclose bold content.\n\np. 579, paragraph beginning \"Dr. Joseph Lanzoni\": both \"chermisinum\"\nand \"chermesinum\" occurred in the original as shown.\n\np. 585, paragraph beginning \"At intervals\": \"Three several times they\"\nis as in the original.","title":"The Medicine-Men of the Apache. (1892 N 09 / 1887-1888 (pages 443-604))","tradition":"scripture-revelation","translated_text":null,"word_count":78394}