{"collection":"myth-cosmogony","full_text_available":true,"graph_url":"https://unchartedknowledge.5gfusion.net/v2/api/page/gutenberg_42661/graph","html_url":"https://unchartedknowledge.5gfusion.net/v2/page/gutenberg_42661","id":"gutenberg_42661","license":"Public Domain (US)","rights_basis":"gutenberg_metadata_copyright_false","source":"gutenberg","source_url":"https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/42661","summary":null,"tags":["Category: Archaeology & Anthropology","Category: Philosophy & Ethics","Category: Religion/Spirituality","Magic","Mythology","Religion","Superstition"],"text":"The Golden Bough\n\n                      A Study in Magic and Religion\n\n                                    By\n\n               James George Frazer, D.C.L., LL.D., Litt.D.\n\n                   Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge\n\n     Professor of Social Anthropology in the University of Liverpool\n\n                             Vol. IX. of XII.\n\n                         Part VI: The Scapegoat.\n\n                           New York and London\n\n                            MacMillan and Co.\n\n                                   1913\n\n\n\n\n\nCONTENTS\n\n\nPreface.\nChapter I. The Transference of Evil.\n   \u00a7 1. The Transference to Inanimate Objects.\n   \u00a7 2. The Transference to Stones and Sticks.\n   \u00a7 3. The Transference to Animals.\n   \u00a7 4. The Transference to Men.\n   \u00a7 5. The Transference of Evil in Europe.\n   \u00a7 6. The Nailing of Evils.\nChapter II. The Omnipresence of Demons.\nChapter III. The Public Expulsion of Evils.\n   \u00a7 1. The Occasional Expulsion of Evils.\n   \u00a7 2. The Periodic Expulsion of Evils.\nChapter IV. Public Scapegoats.\n   \u00a7 1. The Expulsion of Embodied Evils.\n   \u00a7 2. The Occasional Expulsion of Evils in a Material Vehicle.\n   \u00a7 3. The Periodic Expulsion of Evils in a Material Vehicle.\nChapter V. On Scapegoats in General.\nChapter VI. Human Scapegoats in Classical Antiquity.\n   \u00a7 1. The Human Scapegoat in Ancient Rome.\n   \u00a7 2. The Human Scapegoat in Ancient Greece.\nChapter VII. Killing the God in Mexico.\nChapter VIII. The Saturnalia and Kindred Festivals.\n   \u00a7 1. The Roman Saturnalia.\n   \u00a7 2. The King of the Bean and the Festival of Fools.\n   \u00a7 3. The Saturnalia and Lent.\n   \u00a7 4. Saturnalia in Ancient Greece.\n   \u00a7 5. Saturnalia in Western Asia.\n   \u00a7 6. Conclusion.\nNote. The Crucifixion Of Christ.\nIndex.\nFootnotes\n\n\n\n\n\n\n                               [Cover Art]\n\n[Transcriber\u2019s Note: The above cover image was produced by the submitter\nat Distributed Proofreaders, and is being placed into the public domain.]\n\n\n\n\n\nPREFACE.\n\n\nWith _The Scapegoat_ our general discussion of the theory and practice of\nthe Dying God is brought to a conclusion. The aspect of the subject with\nwhich we are here chiefly concerned is the use of the Dying God as a\nscapegoat to free his worshippers from the troubles of all sorts with\nwhich life on earth is beset. I have sought to trace this curious usage to\nits origin, to decompose the idea of the Divine Scapegoat into the\nelements out of which it appears to be compounded. If I am right, the idea\nresolves itself into a simple confusion between the material and the\nimmaterial, between the real possibility of transferring a physical load\nto other shoulders and the supposed possibility of transferring our bodily\nand mental ailments to another who will bear them for us. When we survey\nthe history of this pathetic fallacy from its crude inception in savagery\nto its full development in the speculative theology of civilized nations,\nwe cannot but wonder at the singular power which the human mind possesses\nof transmuting the leaden dross of superstition into a glittering\nsemblance of gold. Certainly in nothing is this alchemy of thought more\nconspicuous than in the process which has refined the base and foolish\ncustom of the scapegoat into the sublime conception of a God who dies to\ntake away the sins of the world.\n\nAlong with the discussion of the Scapegoat I have included in this volume\nan account of the remarkable religious ritual of the Aztecs, in which the\ntheory of the Dying God found its most systematic and most tragic\nexpression. There is nothing, so far as I am aware, to shew that the men\nand women, who in Mexico died cruel deaths in the character of gods and\ngoddesses, were regarded as scapegoats by their worshippers and\nexecutioners; the intention of slaying them seems rather to have been to\nreinforce by a river of human blood the tide of life which might else grow\nstagnant and stale in the veins of the deities. Hence the Aztec ritual,\nwhich prescribed the slaughter, the roasting alive, and the flaying of men\nand women in order that the gods might remain for ever young and strong,\nconforms to the general theory of deicide which I have offered in this\nwork. On that theory death is a portal through which gods and men alike\nmust pass to escape the decrepitude of age and to attain the vigour of\neternal youth. The conception may be said to culminate in the Brahmanical\ndoctrine that in the daily sacrifice the body of the Creator is broken\nanew for the salvation of the world.\n\nJ. G. Frazer.\n\nCAMBRIDGE,\n_21st June, 1913_.\n\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER I. THE TRANSFERENCE OF EVIL.\n\n\n\n\n\u00a7 1. The Transference to Inanimate Objects.\n\n\n(M1) In the preceding parts of this work we have traced the practice of\nkilling a god among peoples in the hunting, pastoral, and agricultural\nstages of society; and I have attempted to explain the motives which led\nmen to adopt so curious a custom. One aspect of the custom still remains\nto be noticed. The accumulated misfortunes and sins of the whole people\nare sometimes laid upon the dying god, who is supposed to bear them away\nfor ever, leaving the people innocent and happy. The notion that we can\ntransfer our guilt and sufferings to some other being who will bear them\nfor us is familiar to the savage mind. It arises from a very obvious\nconfusion between the physical and the mental, between the material and\nthe immaterial. Because it is possible to shift a load of wood, stones, or\nwhat not, from our own back to the back of another, the savage fancies\nthat it is equally possible to shift the burden of his pains and sorrows\nto another, who will suffer them in his stead. Upon this idea he acts, and\nthe result is an endless number of very unamiable devices for palming off\nupon some one else the trouble which a man shrinks from bearing himself.\nIn short, the principle of vicarious suffering is commonly understood and\npractised by races who stand on a low level of social and intellectual\nculture. In the following pages I shall illustrate the theory and the\npractice as they are found among savages in all their naked simplicity,\nundisguised by the refinements of metaphysics and the subtleties of\ntheology.\n\n(M2) The devices to which the cunning and selfish savage resorts for the\nsake of easing himself at the expense of his neighbour are manifold; only\na few typical examples out of a multitude can be cited. At the outset it\nis to be observed that the evil of which a man seeks to rid himself need\nnot be transferred to a person; it may equally well be transferred to an\nanimal or a thing, though in the last case the thing is often only a\nvehicle to convey the trouble to the first person who touches it. In some\nof the East Indian islands they think that epilepsy can be cured by\nstriking the patient on the face with the leaves of certain trees and then\nthrowing them away. The disease is believed to have passed into the\nleaves, and to have been thrown away with them.(1) In the Warramunga and\nTjingilli tribes of Central Australia men who suffered from headache have\noften been seen wearing women\u2019s head-rings. \u201cThis was connected with the\nbelief that the pain in the head would pass into the rings, and that then\nit could be thrown away with them into the bush, and so got rid of\neffectually. The natives have a very firm belief in the efficacy of this\ntreatment. In the same way when a man suffers from internal pain, usually\nbrought on by overeating, his wife\u2019s head-rings are placed on his stomach;\nthe evil magic which is causing all the trouble passes into them, and they\nare then thrown away into the bushes, where the magic is supposed to leave\nthem. After a time they are searched for by the woman, who brings them\nback, and again wears them in the ordinary way.\u201d(2) Among the Sihanaka of\nMadagascar, when a man is very sick, his relatives are sometimes bidden by\nthe diviner to cast out the evil by means of a variety of things, such as\na stick of a particular sort of tree, a rag, a pinch of earth from an\nant\u2019s nest, a little money, or what not. Whatever they may be, they are\nbrought to the patient\u2019s house and held by a man near the door, while an\nexorcist stands in the house and pronounces the formula necessary for\ncasting out the disease. When he has done, the things are thrown away in a\nsouthward direction, and all the people in the house, including the sick\nman, if he has strength enough, shake their loose robes and spit towards\nthe door in order to expedite the departure of the malady.(3) When an\nAtkhan of the Aleutian Islands had committed a grave sin and desired to\nunburden himself of his guilt, he proceeded as follows. Having chosen a\ntime when the sun was clear and unclouded, he picked up certain weeds and\ncarried them about his person. Then he laid them down, and calling the sun\nto witness, cast his sins upon them, after which, having eased his heart\nof all that weighed upon it, he threw the weeds into the fire, and fancied\nthat thus he cleansed himself of his guilt.(4) In Vedic times a younger\nbrother who married before his elder brother was thought to have sinned in\nso doing, but there was a ceremony by which he could purge himself of his\nsin. Fetters of reed-grass were laid on him in token of his guilt, and\nwhen they had been washed and sprinkled they were flung into a foaming\ntorrent, which swept them away, while the evil was bidden to vanish with\nthe foam of the stream.(5) The Matse negroes of Togoland think that the\nriver Awo has power to carry away the sorrows of mankind. So when one of\ntheir friends has died, and their hearts are heavy, they go to the river\nwith leaves of the raphia palm tied round their necks and drums in their\nhands. Standing on the bank they beat the drums and cast the leaves into\nthe stream. As the leaves float away out of sight to the sound of the\nrippling water and the roll of the drums, they fancy that their sorrow too\nis lifted from them.(6) Similarly, the ancient Greeks imagined that the\npangs of love might be healed by bathing in the river Selemnus.(7) The\nIndians of Peru sought to purify themselves from their sins by plunging\ntheir heads in a river; they said that the river washed their sins\naway.(8)\n\n(M3) An Arab cure for melancholy or madness caused by love is to put a\ndish of water on the sufferer\u2019s head, drop melted lead into it, and then\nbury the lead in an open field; thus the mischief that was in the man goes\naway.(9) Amongst the Miotse of China, when the eldest son of the house\nattains the age of seven years, a ceremony called \u201cdriving away the devil\u201d\ntakes place. The father makes a kite of straw and lets it fly away in the\ndesert, bearing away all evil with it.(10) When an Indian of Santiago\nTepehuacan is ill, he will sometimes attempt to rid himself of the malady\nby baking thrice seven cakes; of these he places seven in the top of the\nhighest pine-tree of the forest, seven he lays at the foot of the tree,\nand seven he casts into a well, with the water of which he then washes\nhimself. By this means he transfers the sickness to the water of the well\nand so is made whole.(11) The Baganda believed that plague was caused by\nthe god Kaumpuli, who resided in a deep hole in his temple. To prevent him\nfrom escaping and devastating the country, they battened him down in the\nhole by covering the top with plantain-stems and piling wild-cat-skins\nover them; there was nothing like wild-cat-skins to keep him down, so\nhundreds of wild cats were hunted and killed every year to supply the\nnecessary skins. However, sometimes in spite of these precautions the god\ncontrived to escape, and then the people died. When a garden or house was\nplague-stricken, the priests purified it by transferring the disease to a\nplantain-tree and then carrying away the tree to a piece of waste land.\nThe way in which they effected the transference of the disease was this.\nThey first made a number of little shields and spears out of plantain\nfibre and reeds and placed them at intervals along the path leading from\nthe garden to the main road. A young plantain-tree, about to bear fruit,\nwas then cut down, the stem was laid in the path leading to one of the\nplague-stricken huts, and it was speared with not less than twenty reed\nspears, which were left sticking in it, while some of the plantain-fibre\nshields were also fastened to it. This tree was then carried down the path\nto the waste land and left there. It went by the name of the Scapegoat\n(_kyonzire_). To make quite sure that the plague, after being thus\ndeposited in the wilderness, should not return by the way it went, the\npriests raised an arch, covered with barkcloth, over the path at the point\nwhere it diverged from the main road. This arch was thought to interpose\nan insurmountable barrier to the return of the plague.(12)\n\n(M4) Dyak priestesses expel ill-luck from a house by hewing and slashing\nthe air in every corner of it with wooden swords, which they afterwards\nwash in the river, to let the ill-luck float away down stream. Sometimes\nthey sweep misfortune out of the house with brooms made of the leaves of\ncertain plants and sprinkled with rice-water and blood. Having swept it\nclean out of every room and into a toy-house made of bamboo, they set the\nlittle house with its load of bad luck adrift on the river. The current\ncarries it away out to sea, where it shifts its baleful cargo to a certain\nkettle-shaped ship, which floats in mid-ocean and receives in its\ncapacious hold all the ills that flesh is heir to. Well would it be with\nmankind if the evils remained for ever tossing far away on the billows;\nbut, alas, they are dispersed from the ship to the four winds, and settle\nagain, and yet again, on the weary Dyak world. On Dyak rivers you may see\nmany of the miniature houses, laden with manifold misfortunes, bobbing up\nand down on the current, or sticking fast in the thickets that line the\nbanks.(13)\n\n(M5) These examples illustrate the purely beneficent side of the\ntransference of evil; they shew how men seek to alleviate human sufferings\nby diverting them to material objects, which are then thrown away or\notherwise disposed of so as to render them innocuous. Often, however, the\ntransference of evil to a material object is only a step towards foisting\nit upon a living person. This is the maleficent side of such\ntransferences. It is exemplified in the following cases. To cure toothache\nsome of the Australian blacks apply a heated spear-thrower to the cheek.\nThe spear-thrower is then cast away, and the toothache goes with it in the\nshape of a black stone called _karriitch_. Stones of this kind are found\nin old mounds and sandhills. They are carefully collected and thrown in\nthe direction of enemies in order to give them toothache.(14) In Mirzapur\na mode of transferring disease is to fill a pot with flowers and rice and\nbury it in a pathway covered up with a flat stone. Whoever touches this is\nsupposed to contract the disease. The practice is called _chalauwa_, or\n\u201cpassing on\u201d the malady. This sort of thing goes on daily in Upper India.\nOften while walking of a morning in the bazaar you will see a little pile\nof earth adorned with flowers in the middle of the road. Such a pile\nusually contains some scabs or scales from the body of a smallpox patient,\nwhich are placed there in the hope that some one may touch them, and by\ncatching the disease may relieve the sufferer.(15) The Bahima, a pastoral\npeople of the Uganda Protectorate, often suffer from deep-seated\nabscesses: \u201ctheir cure for this is to transfer the disease to some other\nperson by obtaining herbs from the medicine-man, rubbing them over the\nplace where the swelling is, and burying them in the road where people\ncontinually pass; the first person who steps over these buried herbs\ncontracts the disease, and the original patient recovers.\u201d(16) The\npractice of the Wagogo of German East Africa is similar. When a man is\nill, the native doctor will take him to a cross-road, where he prepares\nhis medicines, uttering at the same time the incantations which are\nnecessary to give the drugs their medical virtue. Part of the dose is then\nadministered to the patient, and part is buried under a pot turned upside\ndown at the cross-road. It is hoped that somebody will step over the pot,\nand catching the disease, which lurks in the pot, will thereby relieve the\noriginal sufferer. A variation of this cure is to plaster some of the\nmedicine, or a little of the patient\u2019s blood, on a wooden peg and to drive\nthe peg into a tree; any one who passes the tree and is so imprudent as to\ndraw out the peg, will carry away with it the disease.(17)\n\n(M6) Sometimes in case of sickness the malady is transferred to an effigy\nas a preliminary to passing it on to a human being. Thus among the Baganda\nthe medicine-man would sometimes make a model of his patient in clay; then\na relative of the sick man would rub the image over the sufferer\u2019s body\nand either bury it in the road or hide it in the grass by the wayside. The\nfirst person who stepped over the image or passed by it would catch the\ndisease. Sometimes the effigy was made out of a plantain-flower tied up so\nas to look like a person; it was used in the same way as the clay figure.\nBut the use of images for this maleficent purpose was a capital crime; any\nperson caught in the act of burying one of them in the public road would\nsurely have been put to death.(18) Among the Sena-speaking people to the\nnorth of the Zambesi, when any one is ill, the doctor makes a little pig\nof straw to which he transfers the sickness. The little pig is then set on\nthe ground where two paths meet, and any passer-by who chances to kick it\nover is sure to absorb the illness and to draw it away from the\npatient.(19) Among the Korkus, a forest tribe of the Central Provinces in\nIndia, when a person wishes to transfer his sickness to another, he\ncontrives to obtain the loin-cloth of his intended victim and paints two\nfigures on it in lamp black, one upright and the other upside down. As\nsoon as the owner of the loin-cloth puts it on, he falls a victim to the\nailment which afflicted the artist who drew the figures.(20) Every nine\nyears a Mongol celebrates a memorial festival of his birth for the purpose\nof ensuring the continuance of his life and welfare. At this solemn\nceremony two lambskins, one black and the other white, are spread on the\nfloor of the hut, which is further covered with a felt carpet, and on the\ncarpet are made nine little ridges of earth brought from nine mountains,\nthe bottom of a river, and a sepulchral mound. The owner of the hut, for\nwhose benefit the rite is performed, next seats himself on the black\nlambskin, and opposite him is set an effigy of himself made of dough by a\nlama. The priest then throws a black stone at the effigy, praying that the\nblack arrow of death may pierce it, after which he throws a white stone at\nthe master of the hut, praying that the bright beam of life may endow him\nwith wondrous strength. After that the Mongol gets up, steps over one of\nthe ridges of earth and says, \u201cI have overcome a mishap, I have escaped a\ndeath.\u201d This ceremony he performs nine times, stepping over all the\nridges, one after the other. Then he sits down on the white lambskin, and\nthe lama takes the dough effigy, swings it thrice round the man whom it\nrepresents, spits on it thrice, and hands it to attendants who carry it\naway into the steppe. A little holy water sprinkled over the Mongol now\ncompletes his protection against perils and dangers.(21) This last is a\ncase of the beneficent transference of evil; for in it no attempt seems to\nbe made to shift the burden of misfortune to anybody else.\n\n\n\n\n\u00a7 2. The Transference to Stones and Sticks.\n\n\n(M7) In the western district of the island of Timor, when men or women are\nmaking long and tiring journeys, they fan themselves with leafy branches,\nwhich they afterwards throw away on particular spots where their\nforefathers did the same before them. The fatigue which they felt is thus\nsupposed to have passed into the leaves and to be left behind. Others use\nstones instead of leaves.(22) Similarly in the Babar Archipelago tired\npeople will strike themselves with stones, believing that they thus\ntransfer to the stones the weariness which they felt in their own bodies.\nThey then throw away the stones in places which are specially set apart\nfor the purpose.(23) A like belief and practice in many distant parts of\nthe world have given rise to those cairns or heaps of sticks and leaves\nwhich travellers often observe beside the path, and to which every passing\nnative adds his contribution in the shape of a stone, or stick, or leaf.\nThus in the Solomon and Banks\u2019 Islands the natives are wont to throw\nsticks, stones, or leaves upon a heap at a place of steep descent, or\nwhere a difficult path begins, saying, \u201cThere goes my fatigue.\u201d The act is\nnot a religious rite, for the thing thrown on the heap is not an offering\nto spiritual powers, and the words which accompany the act are not a\nprayer. It is nothing but a magical ceremony for getting rid of fatigue,\nwhich the simple savage fancies he can embody in a stick, leaf, or stone,\nand so cast it from him.(24)\n\n(M8) An early Spanish missionary to Nicaragua, observing that along the\npaths there were heaps of stones on which the Indians as they passed threw\ngrass, asked them why they did so. \u201cBecause we think,\u201d was the answer,\n\u201cthat thereby we are kept from weariness and hunger, or at least that we\nsuffer less from them.\u201d(25) When the Peruvian Indians were climbing steep\nmountains and felt weary, they used to halt by the way at certain points\nwhere there were heaps of stones, which they called _apachitas_. On these\nheaps the weary men would place other stones, and they said that when they\ndid so, their weariness left them.(26) In the passes of the eastern Andes,\non the borders of Argentina and Bolivia, \u201clarge cairns are constantly\nfound, and every Puna Indian, on passing, adds a stone and a coca leaf, so\nthat neither he nor his beast of burden may tire on the way.\u201d(27) In the\ncountry of the Tarahumares and Tepehuanes in Mexico heaps of stones and\nsticks may be observed on high points, where the track leads over a ridge\nbetween two or more valleys. \u201cEvery Indian who passes such a pile adds a\nstone or a stick to it in order to gain strength for his journey. Among\nthe Tarahumares only the old men observe this custom. Whenever the\nTepehuanes carry a corpse, they rest it for some fifteen minutes on such a\nheap by the wayside that the deceased may not be fatigued but strong\nenough to finish his long journey to the land of the dead. One of my\nHuichol companions stopped on reaching this pile, pulled up some grass\nfrom the ground and picked up a stone as big as his fist. Holding both\ntogether he spat on the grass and on the stone and then rubbed them\nquickly over his knees. He also made a couple of passes with them over his\nchest and shoulders, exclaiming \u2018_Kenest\u00edquai!_\u2019 (May I not get tired!)\nand then put the grass on the heap and the stone on top of the grass.\u201d(28)\nIn Guatemala also piles of stones may be seen at the partings of ways and\non the tops of cliffs and mountains. Every passing Indian used to gather a\nhandful of grass, rub his legs with it, spit on it, and deposit it with a\nsmall stone on the pile, firmly persuaded that by so doing he would\nrestore their flagging vigour to his weary limbs.(29) Here the rubbing of\nthe limbs with the grass, like the Babar custom of striking the body with\na stone, was doubtless a mode of extracting the fatigue from them as a\npreliminary to throwing it away.\n\n(M9) Similarly on the plateau between Lakes Tanganyika and Nyassa the\nnative carriers, before they ascend a steep hill with their loads, will\npick up a stone, spit on it, rub the calves of their legs with it, and\nthen deposit it on one of those small piles of stones which are commonly\nto be found at such spots in this part of Africa. A recent English\ntraveller, who noticed the custom, was informed that the carriers practise\nit \u201cto make their legs light,\u201d(30) in other words, to extract the fatigue\nfrom them. On the banks of the Kei river in Southern Africa another\nEnglish traveller noticed some heaps of stones. On enquiring what they\nmeant, he was told by his guides that when a Caffre felt weary he had but\nto add a stone to the heap to regain fresh vigour.(31) In some parts of\nSouth Africa, particularly on the Zambesi, piles of sticks take the place\nof cairns. \u201cSometimes the natives will rub their leg with a stick, and\nthrow the stick on the heap, \u2018to get rid of fatigue,\u2019 they avow. Others\nsay that throwing a stone on the heap gives one fresh vigour for the\njourney.\u201d(32)\n\n(M10) From other accounts of the Caffre custom we learn that these cairns\nare generally on the sides or tops of mountains, and that before a native\ndeposits his stone on the pile he spits on it.(33) The practice of\nspitting on the stone which the weary wayfarer lays on the pile is\nprobably a mode of transferring his fatigue the more effectually to the\nmaterial vehicle which is to rid him of it. We have seen that the practice\nprevails among the Indians of Guatemala and the natives of the Tanganyika\nplateau, and it appears to be observed also under similar circumstances in\nCorea, where the cairns are to be found especially on the tops of\npasses.(34) From the primitive point of view nothing can be more natural\nthan that the cairns or the heaps of sticks and leaves to which the tired\ntraveller adds his contribution should stand at the top of passes and, in\ngeneral, on the highest points of the road. The wayfarer who has toiled,\nwith aching limbs and throbbing temples, up a long and steep ascent, is\naware of a sudden alleviation as soon as he has reached the summit; he\nfeels as if a weight had been lifted from him, and to the savage, with his\nconcrete mode of thought, it seems natural and easy to cast the weight\nfrom him in the shape of a stone or stick, or a bunch of leaves or of\ngrass. Hence it is that the piles which represent the accumulated\nweariness of many foot-sore and heavy-laden travellers are to be seen\nwherever the road runs highest in the lofty regions of Bolivia, Tibet,\nBhootan, and Burma,(35) in the passes of the Andes and the Himalayas, as\nwell as in Corea, Caffraria, Guatemala, and Melanesia.\n\n(M11) While the mountaineer Indians of South America imagine that they can\nrid themselves of their fatigue in the shape of a stick or a stone, other\nor the same aborigines of that continent believe that they can let it out\nwith their blood. A French explorer, who had seen much of the South\nAmerican Indians, tells us that \u201cthey explain everything that they\nexperience by attributing it to sorcery, to the influence of maleficent\nbeings. Thus an Indian on the march, when he feels weary, never fails to\nascribe his weariness to the evil spirit; and if he has no diviner at\nhand, he wounds himself in the knees, the shoulders, and on the arms in\norder to let out the evil with the blood. That is why many Indians,\nespecially the Aucas [Araucanians], have always their arms covered with\nscars. This custom, differently applied, is almost general in America; for\nI found it up to the foot of the Andes, in Bolivia, among the Chiriguana\nand Yuracares nations.\u201d(36)\n\n(M12) But it is not mere bodily fatigue which the savage fancies he can\nrid himself of by the simple expedient of throwing a stick or a stone.\nUnable clearly to distinguish the immaterial from the material, the\nabstract from the concrete, he is assailed by vague terrors, he feels\nhimself exposed to some ill-defined danger on the scene of any great crime\nor great misfortune. The place to him seems haunted ground. The thronging\nmemories that crowd upon his mind, if they are not mistaken by him for\ngoblins and phantoms, oppress his fancy with a leaden weight. His impulse\nis to flee from the dreadful spot, to shake off the burden that seems to\ncling to him like a nightmare. This, in his simple sensuous way, he thinks\nhe can do by casting something at the horrid place and hurrying by. For\nwill not the contagion of misfortune, the horror that clutched at his\nheart-strings, be diverted from himself into the thing? will it not gather\nup in itself all the evil influences that threatened him, and so leave him\nto pursue his journey in safety and peace? Some such train of thought, if\nthese gropings and fumblings of a mind in darkness deserve the name of\nthought, seems to explain the custom, observed by wayfarers in many lands,\nof throwing sticks or stones on places where something horrible has\nhappened or evil deeds have been done. When Sir Francis Younghusband was\ntravelling across the great desert of Gobi his caravan descended, towards\ndusk on a June evening, into a long depression between the hills, which\nwas notorious as a haunt of robbers. His guide, with a terror-stricken\nface, told how not long before nine men out of a single caravan had been\nmurdered, and the rest left in a pitiable state to continue their journey\non foot across the awful desert. A horseman, too, had just been seen\nriding towards the hills. \u201cWe had accordingly to keep a sharp look-out,\nand when we reached the foot of the hills, halted, and, taking the loads\noff the camels, wrapped ourselves up in our sheepskins and watched through\nthe long hours of the night. Day broke at last, and then we silently\nadvanced and entered the hills. Very weird and fantastic in their rugged\noutline were they, and here and there a cairn of stones marked where some\ncaravan had been attacked, and as we passed these each man threw one more\nstone on the heap.\u201d(37) In the Norwegian district of Tellemarken a cairn\nis piled up wherever anything fearful has happened, and every passer-by\nmust throw another stone on it, or some evil will befall him.(38) In\nSweden and the Esthonian island of Oesel the same custom is practised on\nscenes of clandestine or illicit love, with the strange addition in Oesel\nthat when a man has lost his cattle he will go to such a spot, and, while\nhe flings a stick or stone on it, will say, \u201cI bring thee wood. Let me\nsoon find my lost cattle.\u201d(39) Far from these northern lands, the Dyaks of\nBatang Lupar keep up an observance of the same sort in the forests of\nBorneo. Beside their paths may be seen heaps of sticks or stones which are\ncalled \u201clying heaps.\u201d Each heap is in memory of some man who told a\nstupendous lie or disgracefully failed in carrying out an engagement, and\neverybody who passes adds a stick or stone to the pile, saying as he does\nso, \u201cFor So-and-so\u2019s lying heap.\u201d(40) The Dyaks think it a sacred duty to\nadd to every such \u201cliar\u2019s mound\u201d (_tugong bula_) which they pass; they\nimagine that the omission of the duty would draw down on them a\nsupernatural punishment. Hence, however pressed a Dyak may be for time, he\nwill always stop to throw on the pile some branches or twigs.(41) The\nperson to start such a heap is one of the men who has suffered by a\nmalicious lie. He takes a stick, throws it down on some spot where people\nare constantly passing, and says, \u201cLet any one who does not add to this\nliar\u2019s heap suffer from pains in the head.\u201d Others then do likewise, and\nevery passer-by throws a stick on the spot lest he should suffer pains. In\nthis way the heap often grows to a large size, and the liar by whose name\nit is known is greatly ashamed.(42)\n\n(M13) But it is on scenes of murder and sudden death that this rude method\nof averting evil is most commonly practised. The custom that every\npasser-by must cast a stone or stick on the spot where some one has come\nto a violent end, whether by murder or otherwise, has been observed in\npractically the same form in such many and diverse parts of the world as\nIreland, France, Spain, Sweden, Germany, Bohemia, Lesbos, Morocco,\nArmenia, Palestine, Arabia, India, North America, Venezuela, Bolivia,\nCelebes, and New Zealand.(43) In Fiji, for example, it was the practice\nfor every passer-by to throw a leaf on the spot where a man had been\nclubbed to death; \u201cthis was considered as an offering of respect to him,\nand, if not performed, they have a notion they will soon be killed\nthemselves.\u201d(44) Sometimes the scene of the murder or death may also be\nthe grave of the victim, but it need not always be so, and in Europe,\nwhere the dead are buried in consecrated ground, the two places would\nseldom coincide. However, the custom of throwing stones or sticks on a\ngrave has undoubtedly been observed by passers-by in many parts of the\nworld, and that, too, even when the graves are not those of persons who\nhave come to a violent end. Thus we are told that the people of Unalashka,\none of the Aleutian Islands, bury their dead on the summits of hills and\nraise a little hillock over the grave. \u201cIn a walk into the country, one of\nthe natives, who attended me, pointed out several of these receptacles of\nthe dead. There was one of them, by the side of the road leading from the\nharbour to the village, over which was raised a heap of stones. It was\nobserved, that every one who passed it, added one to it.\u201d(45) The\nRoumanians of Transylvania think that a dying man should have a burning\ncandle in his hand, and that any one who dies without a light has no right\nto the ordinary funeral ceremonies. The body of such an unfortunate is not\nlaid in holy ground, but is buried wherever it may be found. His grave is\nmarked only by a heap of dry branches, to which each passer-by is expected\nto add a handful of twigs or a thorny bough.(46) The Hottentot god or hero\nHeitsi-eibib died several times and came to life again. When the\nHottentots pass one of his numerous graves they throw a stone, a bush, or\na fresh branch on it for good luck.(47) Near the former mission-station of\nBlydeuitzigt in Cape Colony there was a spot called Devil\u2019s Neck where, in\nthe opinion of the Bushmen, the devil was interred. To hinder his\nresurrection stones were piled in heaps about the place. When a Bushman,\ntravelling in the company of a missionary, came in sight of the spot he\nseized a stone and hurled it at the grave, remarking that if he did not do\nso his neck would be twisted round so that he would have to look backwards\nfor the term of his natural life.(48) Stones are cast by passers-by on the\ngraves of murderers in some parts of Senegambia.(49) In Syria deceased\nrobbers are not buried like honest folk, but left to rot where they lie;\nand a pile of stones is raised over the mouldering corpse. Every one who\npasses such a pile must fling a stone at it, on pain of incurring God\u2019s\nmalison.(50) Between sixty and seventy years ago an Englishman was\ntravelling from Sidon to Tyre with a couple of Musalmans. When he drew\nnear Tyre his companions picked up some small stones, armed him in the\nsame fashion, and requested him to be so kind as to follow their example.\nSoon afterwards they came in sight of a conical heap of pebbles and stones\nstanding in the road, at which the two Musalmans hurled stones and curses\nwith great vehemence and remarkable volubility. When they had discharged\nthis pious duty to their satisfaction, they explained that the missiles\nand maledictions were directed at a celebrated robber and murderer, who\nhad been knocked on the head and buried there some half a century\nbefore.(51)\n\n(M14) In these latter cases it may perhaps be thought that the sticks and\nstones serve no other purpose than to keep off the angry and dangerous\nghost who might be supposed to haunt either the place of death or the\ngrave. This interpretation seems certainly to apply to some cases of the\ncustom. For example, in Pomerania and West Prussia the ghosts of suicides\nare much feared. Such persons are buried, not in the churchyard, but at\nthe place where they took their lives, and every passer-by must cast a\nstone or a stick on the spot, or the ghost of the suicide will haunt him\nby night and give him no rest. Hence the piles of sticks or stones\naccumulated on the graves of these poor wretches sometimes attain a\nconsiderable size.(52) Similarly the Baganda of Central Africa used to\nstand in great fear of the ghosts of suicides and they took many\nprecautions to disarm or even destroy these dangerous spirits. For this\npurpose the bodies of suicides were removed to waste land or cross-roads\nand burned there, together with the wood of the house in which the deed\nhad been done or of the tree on which the person had hanged himself. By\nthese means they imagined that they destroyed the ghost so that he could\nnot come and lure others to follow his bad example. Lest, however, the\nghost should survive the destruction of his body by fire, the Baganda, in\npassing any place where a suicide had been burnt, always threw grass or\nsticks on the spot to prevent the ghost from catching them. And they did\nthe same, for the same reason, whenever they passed the places on waste\nground where persons accused of witchcraft and found guilty by the poison\nordeal had been burnt to death. Baganda women had a special reason for\ndreading all graves which were believed to be haunted by dangerous ghosts;\nfor, imagining that they could conceive children without intercourse with\nthe other sex, they feared to be impregnated by the entrance into them of\nthe ghosts of suicides and other unfortunate or uncanny people, such as\npersons with a light complexion, twins, and particularly all who had the\nmishap to be born feet foremost. For that reason Baganda women were at\npains, whenever they passed the graves of any such persons, to throw\nsticks or grass upon them; \u201cfor by so doing they thought that they could\nprevent the ghost of the dead from entering into them, and being reborn.\u201d\nHence the mounds which accumulated over these graves became in course of\ntime large enough to deflect the path and to attract the attention of\ntravellers. It was not merely matrons who thus took care not to become\nmothers unaware; the same fears were entertained and the same precautions\nwere adopted by all women, whether old or young, whether married or\nsingle; since they thought that there was no woman, whatever her age or\ncondition, who might not be impregnated by the entrance into her of a\nspirit.(53) In these cases, therefore, the throwing of sticks or grass at\ngraves is a purely defensive measure; the missiles are intended to ward\noff the assaults of dangerous ghosts. Similarly we are told that in\nMadagascar solitary graves by the wayside have a sinister reputation, and\nthat passers-by, without looking back, will throw stones or clods at them\n\u201cto prevent the evil spirits from following them.\u201d(54) The Maraves of\nSouth Africa, like the Baganda, used to burn witches alive and to throw\nstones on the places of execution whenever they passed them, so that in\ntime regular cairns gradually rose on these spots.(55) No doubt with these\nMaraves, as with the Baganda, the motive for throwing missiles at such\nplaces is to protect themselves against the ghosts. A protective motive is\nalso assigned for a similar custom observed in Chota Nagpur, a region of\nIndia which is the home of many primitive tribes. There heaps of stones or\nof leaves and branches may often be seen beside the path; they are\nsupposed to mark the places where people have been killed by wild beasts,\nand the natives think that any passer-by who failed to add a stone or a\nstick to the pile would himself be seized and devoured by a wild\nanimal.(56) Here, though the ghost is not explicitly mentioned, we may\nperhaps suppose that out of spite he is instrumental in causing others to\nperish by the same untimely death by which he was himself carried off. The\nKayans of Borneo imagine that they can put evil spirits to flight by\nhurling sticks or stones at them; so on a journey they will let fly\nvolleys of such missiles at the rocks and dens where demons are known to\nreside.(57) Hence, whenever the throwing of stones at a grave is regarded\nas an insult to the dead, we may suppose that the missiles are intended to\nhit and hurt the ghost. Thus Euripides represents the murderer Aegisthus\nas leaping on the tomb of his victim Agamemnon and pelting it with\nstones;(58) and Propertius invites all lovers to discharge stones and\ncurses at the dishonoured grave of an old bawd.(59)\n\n(M15) But if this theory seems adequately to account for some cases of the\ncustom with which we are concerned, it apparently fails to explain others.\nThe view that the sticks and stones hurled at certain places are weapons\nturned against dangerous or malignant spirits is plausible in cases where\nsuch spirits are believed to be in the neighbourhood; but in cases where\nno such spirits are thought to be lurking, we must, it would seem, cast\nabout for some other explanation. For example, we have seen that it has\nbeen customary to throw sticks or stones on spots which have been defiled\nby deeds of moral turpitude without any shedding of blood, and again on\nspots where weary travellers stop to rest. It is difficult to suppose that\nin these latter cases the evil deeds or the sensations of fatigue are\nconceived in the concrete shape of demons whom it is necessary to repel by\nmissiles, though many South American Indians, as we saw, do attribute\nfatigue to a demon. Still more difficult is it to apply the purely\ndefensive theory to cases where beneficent spirits are imagined to be\nhovering somewhere near, and where the throwing of the stones or sticks is\napparently regarded by those who practise it as a token of respect rather\nthan of hostility. Thus amongst the Masai, when any one dies away from the\nkraal, his body is left lying on the spot where he died, and all persons\npresent throw bunches of grass or leaves on the corpse. Afterwards every\npasser-by casts a stone or a handful of grass on the place, and the more\nthe dead man was respected, the longer is the usage observed.(60) It is\nespecially the graves of Masai medicine-men that are honoured in this\nway.(61) In the forest near Avestad, in Sweden, the traveller, Clarke,\nobserved \u201cseveral heaps made with sticks and stones; upon which the\nnatives, as they pass, cast either a stone, or a little earth, or the\nbough of a tree; deeming it an uncharitable act to omit this tribute, in\ntheir journeys to and fro. As this custom appeared closely allied to the\npious practice in the Highlands of Scotland, of casting a stone upon the\ncairn of a deceased person, we, of course, concluded these heaps were\nplaces of sepulture.\u201d They were said to be the graves of a band of\nrobbers, who had plundered merchants on their passage through the forest,\nbut had afterwards been killed and buried where they fell.(62) However, in\nall these cases the practice of throwing stones on the grave, though\ninterpreted as a mark of respect and charity, may really be based on the\nfear of the ghosts, so that the motive for observing the custom may be\nmerely that of self-defence against a dangerous spirit. Yet this\nexplanation can hardly apply to certain other cases. Thus in Syria it is a\ncommon practice with pious Moslems, when they first come in sight of a\nvery sacred place, such as Hebron or the tomb of Moses, to make a little\nheap of stones or to add a stone to a heap which has been already made.\nHence every here and there the traveller passes a whole series of such\nheaps by the side of the track.(63) In Northern Africa the usage is\nsimilar. Cairns are commonly erected on spots from which the devout\npilgrim first discerns the shrine of a saint afar off; hence they are\ngenerally to be seen on the top of passes. For example, in Morocco, at the\npoint of the road from Casablanca to Azemmour, where you first come in\nsight of the white city of the saint gleaming in the distance, there rises\nan enormous cairn of stones shaped like a pyramid several hundreds of feet\nhigh, and beyond it on both sides of the road there is a sort of avalanche\nof stones, either standing singly or arranged in little pyramids. Every\npious Mohammedan whose eyes are gladdened by the blessed sight of the\nsacred town adds his stone to one of the piles or builds a little pile for\nhimself.(64)\n\n(M16) Such a custom can hardly be explained as a precaution adopted\nagainst a dangerous influence supposed to emanate from the saint and to\ncommunicate itself even to people at a distance. On the contrary, it\npoints rather to a desire of communion with the holy man than to a wish to\nkeep him at bay. The mode of communion adopted, however strange it may\nseem to us, is apparently quite in harmony with the methods by which good\nMohammedans in Northern Africa attempt to appropriate to themselves the\nblessed influence (_baraka_) which is supposed to radiate on all sides\nfrom the person of a living saint. \u201cIt is impossible to imagine,\u201d we are\ntold, \u201cthe extremity to which the belief in the blessed influence of\nsaints is carried in North Africa. To form an exact idea of it you must\nsee a great saint in the midst of the faithful. \u2018The people fling\nthemselves down on his path to kiss the skirt of his robe, to kiss his\nstirrup if he is on horseback, to kiss even his footprint if he is on\nfoot. Those who are too far from him to be able to touch his hand touch\nhim with their staff, or fling a stone at him which they have marked\npreviously so as to be able to find it afterwards and to embrace it\ndevoutly.\u2019 \u201d(65) Thus through the channel of the stone or the stick, which\nhas been in bodily contact with the living saint, his blessed influence\nflows to the devotee who has wielded the stick or hurled the stone. In\nlike manner we may perhaps suppose that the man who adds a stone to a\ncairn in honour of a dead saint hopes to benefit by the saintly effluence\nwhich distils in a mysterious fashion through the stone to him.(66)\n\n(M17) When we survey the many different cases in which passing travellers\nare accustomed to add stones or sticks to existing piles, it seems\ndifficult, if not impossible, to explain them all on one principle;\ndifferent and even opposite motives appear, at least at first sight, to\nhave operated in different cases to produce customs superficially alike.\nSometimes the motive for throwing the stone is to ward off a dangerous\nspirit; sometimes it is to cast away an evil; sometimes it is to acquire a\ngood. Yet, perhaps, if we could trace them back to their origin in the\nmind of primitive man, we might find that they all resolve themselves more\nor less exactly into the principle of the transference of evil. For to rid\nourselves of an evil and to acquire a good are often merely opposite sides\nof one and the same operation; for example, a convalescent regains health\nin exactly the same proportion as he shakes off his malady. And though the\npractice of throwing stones at dangerous spirits especially at mischievous\nand malignant ghosts of the dead, appears to spring from a different\nmotive, yet it may be questioned whether the difference is really as great\nto the savage as it seems to us. To primitive man the idea of spiritual\nand ghostly powers is still more indefinite than it is to his civilized\nbrother: it fills him with a vague uneasiness and alarm; and this\nsentiment of dread and horror he, in accordance with his habitual modes of\nthought, conceives in a concrete form as something material which either\nsurrounds and oppresses him like a fog, or has entered into and taken\ntemporary possession of his body. In either case he imagines that he can\nrid himself of the uncanny thing by stripping it from his skin or\nwrenching it out of his body and transferring it to some material\nsubstance, whether a stick, a stone, or what not, which he can cast from\nhim, and so, being eased of his burden, can hasten away from the dreadful\nspot with a lighter heart. Thus the throwing of the sticks or stones would\nbe a form of ceremonial purification, which among primitive peoples is\ncommonly conceived as a sort of physical rather than moral purgation, a\nmode of sweeping or scouring away the morbid matter by which the polluted\nperson is supposed to be infected. This notion perhaps explains the rite\nof stone-throwing observed by pilgrims at Mecca; on the day of sacrifice\nevery pilgrim has to cast seven stones on a cairn, and the rite is\nrepeated thrice on the three following days. The traditional explanation\nof the custom is that Mohammed here drove away the devil with a shower of\nstones;(67) but the original idea may perhaps have been that the pilgrims\ncleanse themselves by transferring their ceremonial impurity to the stones\nwhich they fling on the heap.\n\n(M18) The theory that the throwing of stones is practised in certain\ncircumstances as a mode of purification tallies very well with the\ntradition as to the origin of those cairns which were to be seen by\nwayside images of Hermes in ancient Greece, and to which every passer-by\nadded a stone. It was said that when Hermes was tried by the gods for the\nmurder of Argus all the gods flung stones at him as a means of freeing\nthemselves from the pollution contracted by bloodshed; the stones thus\nthrown made a great heap, and the custom of rearing such heaps at wayside\nimages of Hermes continued ever afterwards.(68) Similarly Plato\nrecommended that if any man had murdered his father or mother, his brother\nor sister, his son or daughter, he should be put to death, and that his\nbody should be cast forth naked at a cross-road outside of the city. There\nthe magistrates should assemble on behalf of the city, each carrying in\nhis hand a stone, which he was to cast at the head of the corpse by way of\npurifying the city from the pollution it had contracted by the crime.\nAfter that the corpse was to be carried away and flung outside the\nboundaries.(69) In these cases it would seem that the pollution incurred\nby the vicinity of a murderer is thought to be gathered up in the stones\nas a material vehicle and to be thrown away with them. A sacrificial\ncustom of the Brahmans, prescribed in one of their sacred books, is\nsusceptible of a like interpretation. At a certain stage of the ritual the\nsacrificer is directed to put a stone into a water-pot and to throw it\naway in a south-westerly direction, because that is the region of Nirriti,\nthe goddess of Evil or Destruction. With the stone and the pitcher he is\nsupposed to cast away his pain and evil; and he can transfer the pain to\nanother by saying, as he throws away the stone and the pitcher, \u201cLet thy\npain enter him whom we hate,\u201d or \u201cLet thy pain enter so-and-so,\u201d naming\nhis enemy; but in order to ensure the transference of the pain to his\nenemy he must take care that the stone or the pitcher is broken.(70)\n\n(M19) This mode of interpreting the custom of throwing sticks and stones\non piles appears preferable to the one which has generally found favour\nwith European travellers and writers. Imperfectly acquainted for the most\npart with the notions which underlie primitive magic, but very familiar\nwith the religious conception of a deity who requires sacrifice of his\nworshippers, they are apt to interpret the missiles in question as cheap\nand easy offerings presented by pious but frugal worshippers to ghosts or\nspirits whose favour they desire to win.(71) Whether a likely mode of\nconciliating a ghost or spirit is to throw sticks and stones at him is a\nquestion about which opinions might perhaps differ. It is difficult to\nspeak with confidence about the tastes of spiritual beings, but as a rule\nthey bear a remarkable likeness to those of mere ordinary mortals, and it\nmay be said without fear of contradiction that few of the latter would be\ngratified by being set up as a common target to be aimed at with sticks\nand stones by everybody who passed within range.(72) Yet it is quite\npossible that a ceremony, which at first was purely magical, may in time\nhave a religious gloss or interpretation put on it even by those who\npractise it; and this seems in fact to have sometimes happened to the\nparticular custom under consideration. Certainly some people accompany the\nthrowing of the stone on the pile with the presentation of useful\narticles, which can hardly serve any other purpose than that of\npropitiating some local spirits. Thus travellers in Sikhim and Bhootan\noffer flour and wine, as well as stones, at the cairns; and they also burn\nincense and recite incantations or prayers,(73) or they tear strips from\ntheir garments, tie them to twigs or stones, and then lay them on the\ncairn, calling out to the spirit of the mountain, \u201cPray accept our\noffering! The spirits are victorious! The devils are defeated!\u201d(74)\nIndians of Guatemala offered, according to their means, a little cotton,\nsalt, cacao, or chili.(75) They now burn copal and sometimes dance on the\ntops of the passes where the cairns are to be seen, but perhaps these\ndevotions may be paid to the crosses which at the present day are\ngenerally set up in such situations.(76) The Indian of Bolivia will squirt\nout the juice of his coca-quid, or throw the quid itself on the cairn, to\nwhich he adds a stone; occasionally he goes so far as to stick feathers or\na leathern sandal or two on the pile. In passing the cairns he will\nsometimes pull a hair or two out of his eyebrows or eyelashes and puff\nthem away towards the sun.(77) Peruvian Indians used similarly to make\ncheap offerings of chewed coca or maize, old shoes, and so forth, on the\ncairns.(78) In Sweden and Corea a little money is sometimes thrown on a\ncairn instead of a stick or stone.(79) The shrine of the Jungle Mother in\nNorthern India is usually a pile of stones and branches to which every\npasser-by contributes. When she is displeased, she lets a tiger or leopard\nkill her negligent votary. She is the great goddess of the herdsmen and\nother dwellers in the forest, and they vow to her a cock and a goat, or a\nyoung pig, if she saves them and their cattle from beasts of prey.(80) In\nthe jungles of Mirzapur the cairn which marks the spot where a man has\nbeen killed by a tiger, and to which each passer-by contributes a stone,\nis commonly in charge of a Baiga or aboriginal priest, who offers upon it\na cock, a pig, or some spirits, and occasionally lights a little lamp at\nthe shrine.(81) Amongst the Baganda members of the Bean clan worshipped\nthe spirit of the river Nakiza. \u201cThere was no temple, but they had two\nlarge heaps of sticks and grass, one on either side of the river by the\nford; to these heaps the members went, when they wished to make an\noffering to the spirit, or to seek his assistance. The offerings were\nusually goats, beer, barkcloth, and fowls. When people crossed the river\nthey threw a little grass or some sticks on to the heap before crossing,\nand again a little more on to the second heap after crossing; this was\ntheir offering to the spirit for a safe crossing.\u201d(82) There is a ford on\nthe Calabar river in West Africa which has an ill repute, for the stream\nis broad, the current rapid, and there are crocodiles in the deep places.\nBeside the ford is a large oval-shaped stone which the Ekoi regard as an\naltar of Nimm, a powerful goddess, who dwells in the depth of the river\nKwa and manifests herself in the likeness now of a crocodile and now of a\nsnake. In order to ensure a safe passage through the river it is customary\nto pluck a leaf, rub it on the forehead over the pineal gland, and throw\nit on a heap of leaves in front of the stone. As he rubs the leaf on his\nforehead, the person who is about to plunge into the river prays, \u201cMay I\nbe free from danger! May I go through the water to the other side! May I\nsee no evil!\u201d And when he throws the leaf on the heap he prays again,\nsaying, \u201cI am coming across the river, may the crocodile lay down his\nhead!\u201d(83) Here the leaves appear to be a propitiatory offering presented\nto the dread goddess in the hope that she will suffer her worshipper to\npass the ford unmolested. At another but smaller stream, called the River\nof Good Fortune, the Ekoi similarly rub leaves on their foreheads, praying\nfor luck, and throw them on a heap before they pass through the water.\nThey think that he who complies with this custom will have good luck\nthroughout the year. Again, when the Ekoi kill a chameleon on the road,\nthey do not throw the body away in the forest, but lay it by the wayside,\nand all who pass by pluck a few leaves and drop them on the dead animal,\nsaying, \u201cLook! Here is your mat.\u201d In this way heaps of leaves accumulate\nover the carcases of chameleons. The custom is intended to appease the\nshade of the chameleon, who, if he were not pacified, would go to the\nEarth-god Obassi Nsi and pray for vengeance on the race of those who had\ncaused his death.(84) The Washamba of German East Africa believe that\ncertain stony and dangerous places in the paths are the abodes of spirits;\nhence at any such spot a traveller who would have a prosperous journey\nmust dance a little and deposit a few small stones.(85) The dance and the\nstones are presumably intended to soften the heart of the spirits and\ninduce them to look favourably on the dancer. In Papa Westray, one of the\nOrkney Islands, there is a ruined chapel called St. Tredwels, \u201cat the door\nof which there is a heap of stones; which was the superstition of the\ncommon people, who have such a veneration for this chapel above any other,\nthat they never fail, at their coming to it, to throw a stone as an\noffering before the door: and this they reckon an indispensable duty\nenjoined by their ancestors.\u201d(86)\n\n(M20) Prayers, too, as we have seen, are sometimes offered at these piles.\nIn Laos heaps of stones may be seen beside the path, on which the\npassenger will deposit a pebble, a branch, or a leaf, while he beseeches\nthe Lord of the Diamond to bestow on him good luck and long life.(87) In\nthe Himalayan districts of the North-Western Provinces of India heaps of\nstones and sticks are often to be seen on hills or at cross-roads. They\nare formed by the contributions of passing travellers, each of whom in\nadding his stone or stick to the pile prays, saying, \u201cThou goddess whose\nhome is on the ridge, eater of wood and stone, preserve me.\u201d(88) Tibetan\ntravellers mutter a prayer at the cairns on the tops of passes to which\nthey add a few stones gathered by them on the ascent.(89) A native of\nSouth-Eastern Africa who places a small stone on a cairn is wont to say as\nhe does so, \u201cCairn, grant me strength and prosperity.\u201d(90) In the same\ncircumstances the Hottentot prays for plenty of cattle,(91) and the Caffre\nthat his journey may be prosperous, that he may have strength to\naccomplish it, and that he may obtain an abundant supply of food by the\nway.(92) It is said that sick Bushmen used to go on pilgrimage to the\ncairn called the Devil\u2019s Neck, and pray to the spirit of the place to heal\nthem, while they rubbed the sick part of their body and cried, \u201cWoe! woe!\u201d\nOn special occasions, too, they resorted thither and implored the spirit\u2019s\nhelp.(93) Such customs seem to indicate the gradual transformation of an\nold magical ceremony into a religious rite with its characteristic\nfeatures of prayer and sacrifice. Yet behind these later accretions, as we\nmay perhaps regard them, it seems possible in many, if not in all, cases\nto discern the nucleus to which they have attached themselves, the\noriginal idea which they tend to conceal and in time to transmute. That\nidea is the transference of evil from man to a material substance which he\ncan cast from him like an outworn garment.\n\n\n\n\n\u00a7 3. The Transference to Animals.\n\n\n(M21) Animals are often employed as a vehicle for carrying away or\ntransferring the evil. A Guinea negro who happens to be unwell will\nsometimes tie a live chicken round his neck, so that it lies on his\nbreast. When the bird flaps its wings or cheeps the man thinks it a good\nsign, supposing the chicken to be afflicted with the very pain from which\nhe hopes soon to be released, or which he would otherwise have to\nendure.(94) When a Moor has a headache he will sometimes take a lamb or a\ngoat and beat it till it falls down, believing that the headache will thus\nbe transferred to the animal.(95) In Morocco most wealthy Moors keep a\nwild boar in their stables, in order that the jinn and evil spirits may be\ndiverted from the horses and enter into the boar.(96) In some parts of\nAlgeria people think that typhoid fever can be cured by taking a tortoise,\nputting it on its back in the road, and covering it over with a pot. The\npatient recovers, but whoever upsets the pot catches the fever. In Tlemcen\na pregnant woman is protected against jinn by means of a black fowl which\nis kept in the house from the seventh month of her pregnancy till her\ndelivery. Finally, the oldest woman in the house releases the fowl in the\nJews\u2019 quarter; the bird is supposed to carry the jinn away with it.(97)\nAmongst the Caffres of South Africa, when other remedies have failed,\n\u201cnatives sometimes adopt the custom of taking a goat into the presence of\na sick man, and confess the sins of the kraal over the animal. Sometimes a\nfew drops of blood from the sick man are allowed to fall on the head of\nthe goat, which is turned out into an uninhabited part of the veldt. The\nsickness is supposed to be transferred to the animal, and to become lost\nin the desert.\u201d(98) After an illness a Bechuana king seated himself upon\nan ox which lay stretched on the ground. The native doctor next poured\nwater on the king\u2019s head till it ran down over his body. Then the head of\nthe ox was held in a vessel of water till the animal expired; whereupon\nthe doctor declared, and the people believed, that the ox died of the\nking\u2019s disease, which had been transferred from him to it.(99) The Baganda\nof Central Africa also attempted to transfer illness from a person to an\nanimal. \u201cThe medicine-man would take the animal, pass some herbs over the\nsick man, tie these to the animal, and then drive it away to some waste\nland, where he would kill it, taking the meat as his perquisite. The sick\nman would be expected to recover.\u201d(100) The Akikuyu of East Africa think\nthat a man can transfer the guilt of incest by means of \u201can ignoble\nceremony\u201d to a goat, which is then killed; this saves the life of the\nculprit, who otherwise must die.(101) When disease breaks out among the\ncattle of the Bahima, a pastoral people of Central Africa, the priest\n\u201ccollects herbs and other remedies to attract the disease from the cattle.\nAn animal is chosen from the herd in the evening, which is to be the\nscapegoat for the herd; the herbs, etc., are tied round its neck, with\ncertain fetiches to ensure the illness leaving the other animals; the cow\nis driven round the outside of the kraal several times, and afterwards\nplaced inside with the herd for the night. Early the following morning the\nanimal is taken out and again driven round the kraal; the priest then\nkills it in the gateway, and some of the blood is sprinkled over the\npeople belonging to the kraal, and also over the herd. The people next\nfile out, each one jumping over the carcase of the cow, and all the\nanimals are driven over it in the same way. The disease is thus\ntransferred to the scapegoat and the herd is saved. All the fetiches and\nherbs, which were upon the scapegoat, are fastened upon the door-posts and\nlintel of the kraal to prevent the disease from entering again.\u201d(102)\n\n(M22) When the cattle of the Huzuls, a pastoral people of the Carpathians,\nare sick and the owner attributes the sickness to witchcraft, he throws\nglowing coals into a vessel of water and then pours the water on a black\ndog; thus the sickness passes into the dog and the cattle are made\nwhole.(103) In Arabia, when the plague is raging, the people will\nsometimes lead a camel through all the quarters of the town in order that\nthe animal may take the pestilence on itself. Then they strangle it in a\nsacred place and imagine that they have rid themselves of the camel and of\nthe plague at one blow.(104) In Annam, when sickness is caused by the\npresence of a demon in the body of the sufferer, a skilful exorcist will\ndecoy the unwary devil into a fowl and then, quick as thought, decapitate\nthe bird and throw it out of the door. But lest the fiend should survive\nthis severe operation, cabalistic figures are posted on the outside of the\ndoor, which preclude him from entering the premises and assaulting the\npatient afresh.(105) It is said that when smallpox is raging the savages\nof Formosa will drive the demon of disease into a sow, then cut off the\nanimal\u2019s ears and burn them or it, believing that in this way they rid\nthemselves of the plague.(106) When a Kabyle child is pining for jealousy\nof a younger brother or sister, the parents imagine that they can cure it\nas follows. They take fifteen grains of wheat, wrap them up in a packet,\nand leave the packet all night under the head of the jealous child. Then\nin the morning they throw the grains into an ant-hill, saying, \u201cSalutation\nto you, oh beautiful beings clad in black; salutation to you who dig the\nearth so well without the aid of any hoe by the help of God and the\nangels! May each of you take his share of the jealousy attached to these\ngrains!\u201d(107)\n\n(M23) Amongst the Malagasy the vehicle for carrying away evils is called a\n_faditra_. \u201cThe faditra is anything selected by the sikidy [divining\nboard] for the purpose of taking away any hurtful evils or diseases that\nmight prove injurious to an individual\u2019s happiness, peace, or prosperity.\nThe faditra may be either ashes, cut money, a sheep, a pumpkin, or\nanything else the sikidy may choose to direct. After the particular\narticle is appointed, the priest counts upon it all the evils that may\nprove injurious to the person for whom it is made, and which he then\ncharges the faditra to take away for ever. If the faditra be ashes, it is\nblown, to be carried away by the wind. If it be cut money, it is thrown to\nthe bottom of deep water, or where it can never be found. If it be a\nsheep, it is carried away to a distance on the shoulders of a man, who\nruns with all his might, mumbling as he goes, as if in the greatest rage\nagainst the faditra, for the evils it is bearing away. If it be a pumpkin,\nit is carried on the shoulders to a little distance, and there dashed upon\nthe ground with every appearance of fury and indignation.\u201d(108) A Malagasy\nwas informed by a diviner that he was doomed to a bloody death, but that\npossibly he might avert his fate by performing a certain rite. Carrying a\nsmall vessel full of blood upon his head, he was to mount upon the back of\na bullock; while thus mounted, he was to spill the blood upon the\nbullock\u2019s head, and then send the animal away into the wilderness, whence\nit might never return.(109)\n\n(M24) Among the Toradjas of Central Celebes a chief\u2019s daughter, who\nsuffered from kleptomania, was healed by a wise woman, who placed a bag\ncontaining spiders and crabs on the patient\u2019s hands. The physician\ncalculated that the prehensile claws of these creatures, so suggestive of\na thief\u2019s hands in the act of closing on his prey, would lay hold of the\nvicious propensity in the young woman\u2019s mind and extract it as neatly as a\npair of forceps nips out a thorn from the flesh.(110) The Battas of\nSumatra have a ceremony which they call \u201cmaking the curse to fly away.\u201d\nWhen a woman is childless, a sacrifice is offered to the gods of three\ngrasshoppers, representing a head of cattle, a buffalo, and a horse. Then\na swallow is set free, with a prayer that the curse may fall upon the bird\nand fly away with it.(111) \u201cThe entrance into a house of an animal which\ndoes not generally seek to share the abode of man is regarded by the\nMalays as ominous of misfortune. If a wild bird flies into a house, it\nmust be carefully caught and smeared with oil, and must then be released\nin the open air, a formula being recited in which it is bidden to fly away\nwith all the ill-luck and misfortunes (_sial jambalang_) of the\noccupier.\u201d(112) In antiquity Greek women seem to have done the same with\nswallows which they caught in the house: they poured oil on them and let\nthem fly away, apparently for the purpose of removing ill-luck from the\nhousehold.(113) The Huzuls of the Carpathians imagine that they can\ntransfer freckles to the first swallow they see in spring by washing their\nface in flowing water and saying, \u201cSwallow, swallow, take my freckles, and\ngive me rosy cheeks.\u201d(114) At the cleansing of a leper and of a house\nsuspected of being tainted with leprosy among the Hebrews the priest used\nto let a living bird fly away into the open field,(115) no doubt in order\nto carry away the leprosy with it. Similarly among the ancient Arabs a\nwidow was expected to live secluded in a small tent for a year after her\nhusband\u2019s death; then a bird or a sheep was brought to her, she made the\ncreature touch her person, and let it go. It was believed that the bird or\nthe sheep would not live long thereafter; doubtless it was supposed to\nsuffer from the uncleanness or taint of death which the widow had\ntransferred to it.(116)\n\n(M25) Among the Majhwar, a Dravidian race of South Mirzapur, if a man has\ndied of a contagious disease, such as cholera, the village priest walks in\nfront of the funeral procession with a chicken in his hands, which he lets\nloose in the direction of some other village as a scapegoat to carry the\ninfection away. None but another very experienced priest would afterwards\ndare to touch or eat such a chicken.(117) Among the Badagas of the\nNeilgherry Hills in Southern India, when a death has taken place, the sins\nof the deceased are laid upon a buffalo calf. For this purpose the people\ngather round the corpse and carry it outside of the village. There an\nelder of the tribe, standing at the head of the corpse, recites or chants\na long list of sins such as any Badaga may commit, and the people repeat\nthe last words of each line after him. The confession of sins is thrice\nrepeated. \u201cBy a conventional mode of expression, the sum total of sins a\nman may do is said to be thirteen hundred. Admitting that the deceased has\ncommitted them all, the performer cries aloud, \u2018Stay not their flight to\nGod\u2019s pure feet.\u2019 As he closes, the whole assembly chants aloud \u2018Stay not\ntheir flight.\u2019 Again the performer enters into details, and cries, \u2018He\nkilled the crawling snake. It is a sin.\u2019 In a moment the last word is\ncaught up, and all the people cry \u2018It is a sin.\u2019 As they shout, the\nperformer lays his hand upon the calf. The sin is transferred to the calf.\nThus the whole catalogue is gone through in this impressive way. But this\nis not enough. As the last shout \u2018Let all be well\u2019 dies away, the\nperformer gives place to another, and again confession is made, and all\nthe people shout \u2018It is a sin.\u2019 A third time it is done. Then, still in\nsolemn silence, the calf is let loose. Like the Jewish scapegoat, it may\nnever be used for secular work.\u201d At a Badaga funeral witnessed by the Rev.\nA. C. Clayton the buffalo calf was led thrice round the bier, and the dead\nman\u2019s hand was laid on its head. \u201cBy this act, the calf was supposed to\nreceive all the sins of the deceased. It was then driven away to a great\ndistance, that it might contaminate no one, and it was said that it would\nnever be sold, but looked on as a dedicated sacred animal.\u201d(118) \u201cThe idea\nof this ceremony is, that the sins of the deceased enter the calf, or that\nthe task of his absolution is laid on it. They say that the calf very soon\ndisappears, and that it is never after heard of.\u201d(119) Some of the Todas\nof the Neilgherry Hills in like manner let loose a calf as a funeral\nceremony; the intention may be to transfer the sins of the deceased to the\nanimal. Perhaps the Todas have borrowed the ceremony from the\nBadagas.(120) In Kumaon, a district of North-Western India, the custom of\nletting loose a bullock as a scapegoat at a funeral is occasionally\nobserved. A bell is hung on the bullock\u2019s neck, and bells are tied to its\nfeet, and the animal is told that it is to be let go in order to save the\nspirit of the deceased from the torments of hell. Sometimes the bullock\u2019s\nright quarter is branded with a trident and the left with a discus.(121)\nPerhaps the original intention of such customs was to banish the contagion\nof death by means of the animal, which carried it away and so ensured the\nlife of the survivors. The idea of sin is not primitive.\n\n\n\n\n\u00a7 4. The Transference to Men.\n\n\n(M26) Again, men sometimes play the part of scapegoat by diverting to\nthemselves the evils that threaten others. An ancient Hindoo ritual\ndescribes how the pangs of thirst may be transferred from a sick man to\nanother. The operator seats the pair on branches, back to back, the\nsufferer with his face to the east, and the whole man with his face to the\nwest. Then he stirs some gruel in a vessel placed on the patient\u2019s head\nand hands the stir-about to the other man to drink. In this way he\ntransfers the pangs of thirst from the thirsty soul to the other, who\nobligingly receives them in his stead.(122) There is a painful Telugu\nremedy for a fever: it is to embrace a bald-headed Brahman widow at the\nearliest streak of dawn. By doing so you get rid of the fever, and no\ndoubt (though this is not expressly affirmed) you at the same time\ntransfer it to the bald-headed widow.(123) When a Cinghalese is\ndangerously ill, and the physicians can do nothing, a devil-dancer is\ncalled in, who by making offerings to the devils, and dancing in the masks\nappropriate to them, conjures these demons of disease, one after the\nother, out of the sick man\u2019s body and into his own. Having thus\nsuccessfully extracted the cause of the malady, the artful dancer lies\ndown on a bier, and shamming death, is carried to an open place outside\nthe village. Here, being left to himself, he soon comes to life again, and\nhastens back to claim his reward.(124) In 1590 a Scotch witch of the name\nof Agnes Sampson was convicted of curing a certain Robert Kers of a\ndisease \u201claid upon him by a westland warlock when he was at Dumfries,\nwhilk sickness she took upon herself, and kept the same with great\ngroaning and torment till the morn, at whilk time there was a great din\nheard in the house.\u201d The noise was made by the witch in her efforts to\nshift the disease, by means of clothes, from herself to a cat or dog.\nUnfortunately the attempt partly miscarried. The disease missed the animal\nand hit Alexander Douglas of Dalkeith, who dwined and died of it, while\nthe original patient, Robert Kers, was made whole.(125) The Dyaks believe\nthat certain men possess in themselves the power of neutralizing bad\nomens. So, when evil omens have alarmed a farmer for the safety of his\ncrops, he takes a small portion of his farm produce to one of these wise\nmen, who eats it raw for a small consideration, \u201cand thereby appropriates\nto himself the evil omen, which in him becomes innocuous, and thus\ndelivers the other from the ban of the _pemali_ or taboo.\u201d(126)\n\n(M27) \u201cIn one part of New Zealand an expiation for sin was felt to be\nnecessary; a service was performed over an individual, by which all the\nsins of the tribe were supposed to be transferred to him, a fern stalk was\npreviously tied to his person, with which he jumped into the river, and\nthere unbinding, allowed it to float away to the sea, bearing their sins\nwith it.\u201d(127) In great emergencies the sins of the Rajah of Manipur used\nto be transferred to somebody else, usually to a criminal, who earned his\npardon by his vicarious sufferings. To effect the transference the Rajah\nand his wife, clad in fine robes, bathed on a scaffold erected in the\nbazaar, while the criminal crouched beneath it. With the water which\ndripped from them on him their sins also were washed away and fell on the\nhuman scapegoat. To complete the transference the Rajah and his wife made\nover their fine robes to their substitute, while they themselves, clad in\nnew raiment, mixed with the people till evening. But at the close of the\nday they entered into retreat and remained in seclusion for about a week,\nduring which they were esteemed sacred or tabooed.(128) Further, in\nManipur \u201cthey have a noteworthy system of keeping count of the years. Each\nyear is named after some man, who\u2014for a consideration\u2014undertakes to bear\nthe fortune good or bad of the year. If the year be good, if there be no\npestilence and a good harvest, he gets presents from all sorts of people,\nand I remember hearing that in 1898, when the cholera was at its worst, a\ndeputation came to the Political Agent and asked him to punish the\nname-giver, as it was obvious that he was responsible for the epidemic. In\nformer times he would have got into trouble.\u201d(129) The nomination of the\neponym, or man who is to give his name to the year, takes place at a\nfestival called _Chirouba_, which falls about the middle of April. It is\nthe priests who nominate the eponym, after comparing his horoscope with\nthat of the Rajah and of the State generally. The retiring official, who\ngave his name to the past year, addresses his successor as follows: \u201cMy\nfriend, I bore and took away all evil spirits and sins from the Rajah and\nhis people during the last year. Do thou likewise from to-morrow until the\nnext _Chirouba_.\u201d Then the incoming official, who is to give his name to\nthe New Year, addresses the Rajah in these words: \u201cO son of heaven, Ruler\nof the Kings, great and ancient Lord, Incarnation of God, the great Lord\nPakhangba, Master of the bright Sun, Lord of the Plain and Despot of the\nHills, whose kingdom is from the hills on the east to the mountains on the\nwest, the old year perishes, the new cometh. New is the sun of the new\nyear, and bright as the new sun shalt thou be, and mild withal as the\nmoon. May thy beauty and thy strength grow with the growth of the new\nyear. From to-day will I bear on my head all thy sins, diseases,\nmisfortunes, shame, mischief, all that is aimed in battle against thee,\nall that threatens thee, all that is bad and hurtful for thee and thy\nkingdom.\u201d For these important services the eponym or vicar receives from\nthe Rajah a number of gifts, including a basket of salt, and his grateful\ncountry rewards his self-sacrificing devotion by bestowing many privileges\non him.(130) Elsewhere, perhaps, if we knew more about the matter, we\nmight find that eponymous magistrates who give their names to the year\nhave been similarly regarded as public scapegoats, who bore on their\ndevoted heads the misfortunes, the sins, and the sorrows of the whole\npeople.(131)\n\n(M28) In the _Jataka_, or collection of Indian stories which narrate the\nmany transmigrations of the Buddha, there is an instructive tale, which\nsets forth how sins and misfortunes can be transferred by means of spittle\nto a holy ascetic. A lady of easy virtue, we are told, had lost the favour\nof King Dandaki and bethought herself how she could recover it. As she\nwalked in the park revolving these things in her mind, she spied a devout\nascetic named Kisavaccha. A thought struck her. \u201cSurely,\u201d said she to\nherself, \u201cthis must be Ill Luck. I will get rid of my sin on his person\nand then go and bathe.\u201d No sooner said than done. Chewing her toothpick,\nshe collected a large clot of spittle in her mouth with which she\nbeslavered the matted locks of the venerable man, and having hurled her\ntoothpick at his head into the bargain she departed with a mind at peace\nand bathed. The stratagem was entirely successful; for the king took her\ninto his good graces again. Not long after it chanced that the king\ndeposed his domestic chaplain from his office. Naturally chagrined at this\nloss of royal favour, the clergyman repaired to the king\u2019s light o\u2019 love\nand enquired how she had contrived to recapture the monarch\u2019s affection.\nShe told him frankly how she had got rid of her sin and emerged without a\nstain on her character by simply spitting on the head of Ill Luck in the\nroyal park. The chaplain took the hint, and hastening to the park\nbespattered in like manner the sacred locks of the holy man; and in\nconsequence he was soon reinstated in office. It would have been well if\nthe thing had stopped there, but unfortunately it did not. By and bye it\nhappened that there was a disturbance on the king\u2019s frontier, and the king\nput himself at the head of his army to go forth and fight. An unhappy idea\noccurred to his domestic chaplain. Elated by the success of the expedient\nwhich had restored him to royal favour, he asked the king, \u201cSire, do you\nwish for victory or defeat?\u201d \u201cWhy for victory, of course,\u201d replied the\nking. \u201cThen you take my advice,\u201d said the chaplain; \u201cjust go and spit on\nthe head of Ill Luck, who dwells in the royal park; you will thus transfer\nall your sin to his person.\u201d It seemed to the king a capital idea and he\nimproved on it by proposing that the whole army should accompany him and\nget rid of their sins in like manner. They all did so, beginning with the\nking, and the state of the holy man\u2019s head when they had all done is\nsomething frightful to contemplate. But even this was not the worst. For\nafter the king had gone, up came the commander-in-chief and seeing the sad\nplight of the pious ascetic, he took pity on him and had his poor\nbedabbled hair thoroughly washed. The fatal consequences of this\nkindly-meant but most injudicious shampoo may easily be anticipated. The\nsins which had been transferred with the saliva to the person of the\ndevotee were now restored to their respective owners; and to punish them\nfor their guilt fire fell from heaven and destroyed the whole kingdom for\nsixty leagues round about.(132)\n\n(M29) A less harmless way of relieving an army from guilt or misfortune\nused in former times to be actually practised by the Baganda. When an army\nhad returned from war, and the gods warned the king by their oracles that\nsome evil had attached itself to the soldiers, it was customary to pick\nout a woman slave from the captives, together with a cow, a goat, a fowl,\nand a dog from the booty, and to send them back under a strong guard to\nthe borders of the country from which they had come. There their limbs\nwere broken and they were left to die; for they were too crippled to crawl\nback to Uganda. In order to ensure the transference of the evil to these\nsubstitutes, bunches of grass were rubbed over the people and cattle and\nthen tied to the victims. After that the army was pronounced clean and was\nallowed to return to the capital. A similar mode of transferring evil to\nhuman and animal victims was practised by the Baganda whenever the gods\nwarned the king that his hereditary foes the Banyoro were working magic\nagainst him and his people.(133)\n\n(M30) In Travancore, when a rajah is near his end, they seek out a holy\nBrahman, who consents to take upon himself the sins of the dying man in\nconsideration of the sum of ten thousand rupees. Thus prepared to immolate\nhimself on the altar of duty as a vicarious sacrifice for sin, the saint\nis introduced into the chamber of death, and closely embraces the dying\nrajah, saying to him, \u201cO King, I undertake to bear all your sins and\ndiseases. May your Highness live long and reign happily.\u201d Having thus,\nwith a noble devotion, taken to himself the sins of the sufferer, and\nlikewise the rupees, he is sent away from the country and never more\nallowed to return.(134) Closely akin to this is the old Welsh custom known\nas \u201csin-eating.\u201d According to Aubrey, \u201cIn the County of Hereford was an\nold Custome at funeralls to hire poor people, who were to take upon them\nall the sinnes of the party deceased. One of them I remember lived in a\ncottage on Rosse-high way. (He was a long, leane, ugly, lamentable poor\nraskal.) The manner was that when the Corps was brought out of the house\nand layd on the Biere; a Loafe of bread was brought out, and delivered to\nthe Sinne-eater over the corps, as also a Mazar-bowle of maple (Gossips\nbowle) full of beer, which he was to drinke up, and sixpence in money, in\nconsideration whereof he took upon him (ipso facto) all the Sinnes of the\nDefunct, and freed him (or her) from walking after they were dead.... This\nCustome (though rarely used in our dayes) yet by some people was observed\neven in the strictest time of ye Presbyterian government: as at Dynder,\nvolens nolens the Parson of ye Parish, the kinred of a woman deceased\nthere had this ceremonie punctually performed according to her Will: and\nalso the like was donne at ye City of Hereford in these times, when a\nwoman kept many yeares before her death a Mazard-bowle for the\nSinne-eater; and the like in other places in this Countie; as also in\nBrecon, _e.g._ at Llangors, where Mr. Gwin the minister about 1640 could\nno hinder ye performing of this ancient custome. I believe this custom was\nheretofore used over all Wales.... In North Wales the Sinne-eaters are\nfrequently made use of; but there, instead of a Bowle of Beere, they have\na bowle of Milke.\u201d(135) According to a letter dated February 1, 1714-15,\n\u201cwithin the memory of our fathers, in Shropshire, in those villages\nadjoyning to Wales, when a person dyed, there was notice given to an old\nsire (for so they called him), who presently repaired to the place where\nthe deceased lay, and stood before the door of the house, when some of the\nfamily came out and furnished him with a cricket, on which he sat down\nfacing the door. Then they gave him a groat, which he put in his pocket; a\ncrust of bread, which he eat; and a full bowle of ale, which he drank off\nat a draught. After this he got up from the cricket and pronounced, with a\ncomposed gesture, the ease and rest of the soul departed for which he\nwould pawn his own soul. This I had from the ingenious John Aubrey,\nEsq.\u201d(136) In modern times some doubt has been thrown on Aubrey\u2019s account\nof the custom.(137) The practice, however, is reported to have prevailed\nin a valley not far from Llandebie to a recent period. An instance was\nsaid to have occurred about sixty years ago.(138)\n\n(M31) Aubrey\u2019s statement is moreover supported by the analogy of similar\ncustoms in India. When the Rajah of Tanjore died in 1801, some of his\nbones and the bones of the two wives, who were burned with his corpse,\nwere ground to powder and eaten, mixed with boiled rice, by twelve\nBrahmans. It was believed that the sins of the deceased passed into the\nbodies of the Brahmans, who were paid for the service.(139) A Brahman,\nresident in a village near Raipur, stated that he had eaten food (rice and\nmilk) out of the hand of the dead Rajah of Bilaspur, and that in\nconsequence he had been placed on the throne for the space of a year. At\nthe end of the year he had been given presents and then turned out of the\nterritory and forbidden apparently to return. He was an outcast among his\nfellows for having eaten out of a dead man\u2019s hand.(140) A similar custom\nis believed to obtain in the hill states about Kangra, and to have given\nrise to a caste of \u201coutcaste\u201d Brahmans. At the funeral of a Rani of Chamba\nrice and ghee were eaten out of the hands of the corpse by a Brahman paid\nfor the purpose. Afterwards a stranger, who had been caught outside the\nChamba territory, was given the costly wrappings of the corpse, then told\nto depart and never shew his face in the country again.(141) In Oude when\nan infant was killed it used to be buried in the room where it had been\nborn. On the thirteenth day afterwards the priest had to cook and eat his\nfood in that room. By doing so he was supposed to take the whole sin upon\nhimself and to cleanse the family from it.(142) At Utch Kurgan in\nTurkestan Mr. Schuyler saw an old man who was said to get his living by\ntaking on himself the sins of the dead, and thenceforth devoting his life\nto prayer for their souls.(143)\n\n(M32) In Tahiti, where the bodies of chiefs and persons of rank were\nembalmed and preserved above ground in special sheds or houses erected for\nthem, a priest was employed at the funeral rites who bore the title of the\n\u201ccorpse-praying priest.\u201d His office was singular. When the house for the\ndead had been prepared, and the corpse placed on the platform or bier, the\npriest ordered a hole to be made in the floor, near the foot of the\nplatform. Over this he prayed to the god by whom it was supposed that the\nsoul of the deceased had been called away. The purport of his prayer was\nthat all the dead man\u2019s sins, especially the one for which his soul had\nbeen required of him, might be deposited there, that they might not attach\nin any degree to the survivors, and that the anger of the god might be\nappeased. He next addressed the corpse, usually saying, \u201cWith you let the\nguilt now remain.\u201d The pillar or post of the corpse, as it was called, was\nthen planted in the hole, and the hole filled up. As soon as the ceremony\nof depositing the sins in the hole was over, all who had touched the body\nor the garments of the deceased, which were buried or destroyed, fled\nprecipitately into the sea, to cleanse themselves from the pollution which\nthey had contracted by touching the corpse. They also cast into the sea\nthe garments they had worn while they were performing the last offices to\nthe dead. Having finished their ablutions, they gathered a few pieces of\ncoral from the bottom of the sea, and returning with them to the house\naddressed the corpse, saying, \u201cWith you may the pollution be.\u201d So saying\nthey threw down the coral on the top of the hole which had been dug to\nreceive the sins and the defilement of the dead.(144) In this instance the\nsins of the departed, as well as the pollution which the primitive mind\ncommonly associates with death, are not borne by a living person, but\nburied in a hole. Yet the fundamental idea\u2014that of the transference of\nsins\u2014is the same in the Tahitian as in the Welsh and Indian customs;\nwhether the vehicle or receptacle destined to catch and draw off the evil\nbe a person, an animal, or a thing, is for the purpose in hand a matter of\nlittle moment.(145)\n\n\n\n\n\u00a7 5. The Transference of Evil in Europe.\n\n\n(M33) The examples of the transference of evil hitherto adduced have been\nmostly drawn from the customs of savage or barbarous peoples. But similar\nattempts to shift the burden of disease, misfortune, and sin from one\u2019s\nself to another person, or to an animal or thing, have been common also\namong the civilized nations of Europe, both in ancient and modern times. A\nRoman cure for fever was to pare the patient\u2019s nails, and stick the\nparings with wax on a neighbour\u2019s door before sunrise; the fever then\npassed from the sick man to his neighbour.(146) Similar devices must have\nbeen resorted to by the Greeks; for in laying down laws for his ideal\nstate, Plato thinks it too much to expect that men should not be alarmed\nat finding certain wax figures adhering to their doors or to the\ntombstones of their parents, or lying at cross-roads.(147) Among the ruins\nof the great sanctuary of Aesculapius, which were excavated not very long\nago in an open valley among the mountains of Epidaurus, inscriptions have\nbeen found recording the miraculous cures which the god of healing\nperformed for his faithful worshippers. One of them tells how a certain\nPandarus, a Thessalian, was freed from the letters which, as a former\nslave or prisoner of war, he bore tattooed or branded on his brow. He\nslept in the sanctuary with a fillet round his head, and in the morning he\ndiscovered to his joy that the marks of shame\u2014the blue or scarlet\nletters\u2014had been transferred from his brow to the fillet. By and by there\ncame to the sanctuary a wicked man, also with brands or tattoo marks on\nhis face, who had been charged by Pandarus to pay his debt of gratitude to\nthe god, and had received the cash for the purpose. But the cunning fellow\nthought to cheat the god and keep the money all to himself. So when the\ngod appeared to him in a dream and asked anxiously after the money, he\nboldly denied that he had it, and impudently prayed the god to remove the\nugly marks from his own brazen brow. He was told to tie the fillet of\nPandarus about his head, then to take it off, and look at his face in the\nwater of the sacred well. He did so, and sure enough he saw on his\nforehead the marks of Pandarus in addition to his own.(148) In the fourth\ncentury of our era Marcellus of Bordeaux prescribed a cure for warts,\nwhich has still a great vogue among the superstitious in various parts of\nEurope. Doubtless it was an old traditional remedy in the fourth, and will\nlong survive the expiry of the twentieth, century. You are to touch your\nwarts with as many little stones as you have warts; then wrap the stones\nin an ivy leaf, and throw them away in a thoroughfare. Whoever picks them\nup will get the warts, and you will be rid of them.(149) A similar cure\nfor warts, with such trifling variations as the substitution of peas or\nbarley for pebbles, and a rag or a piece of paper for an ivy leaf, has\nbeen prescribed in modern times in Italy, France, Austria, England, and\nScotland.(150) Another favourite way of passing on your warts to somebody\nelse is to make as many knots in a string as you have warts; then throw\nthe string away or place it under a stone. Whoever treads on the stone or\npicks up the thread will get the warts instead of you; sometimes to\ncomplete the transference it is thought necessary that he should undo the\nknots.(151) Or you need only place the knotted thread before sunrise in\nthe spout of a pump; the next person who works the pump will be sure to\nget your warts.(152) Equally effective methods are to rub the troublesome\nexcrescences with down or fat, or to bleed them on a rag, and then throw\naway the down, the fat, or the bloody rag. The person who picks up one or\nother of these things will be sure to release you from your warts by\ninvoluntarily transferring them to himself.(153) People in the Orkney\nIslands will sometimes wash a sick man, and then throw the water down at a\ngateway, in the belief that the sickness will leave the patient and be\ntransferred to the first person who passes through the gate.(154) A\nBavarian cure for fever is to write upon a piece of paper, \u201cFever, stay\naway, I am not at home,\u201d and to put the paper in somebody\u2019s pocket. The\nlatter then catches the fever, and the patient is rid of it.(155) Or the\nsufferer may cure himself by sticking a twig of the elder-tree in the\nground without speaking. The fever then adheres to the twig, and whoever\npulls up the twig will catch the disease.(156) A Bohemian prescription for\nthe same malady is this. Take an empty pot, go with it to a cross-road,\nthrow it down, and run away. The first person who kicks against the pot\nwill catch your fever, and you will be cured.(157) In Oldenburg they say\nthat when a person lies sweating with fever, he should take a piece of\nmoney to himself in bed. The money is afterwards thrown away on the\nstreet, and whoever picks it up will catch the fever, but the original\npatient will be rid of it.(158)\n\n(M34) Often in Europe, as among savages, an attempt is made to transfer a\npain or malady from a man to an animal. Grave writers of antiquity\nrecommended that, if a man be stung by a scorpion, he should sit upon an\nass with his face to the tail, or whisper in the animal\u2019s ear, \u201cA scorpion\nhas stung me\u201d; in either case, they thought, the pain would be transferred\nfrom the man to the ass.(159) Many cures of this sort are recorded by\nMarcellus. For example, he tells us that the following is a remedy for\ntoothache. Standing booted under the open sky on the ground, you catch a\nfrog by the head, spit into its mouth, ask it to carry away the ache, and\nthen let it go. But the ceremony must be performed on a lucky day and at a\nlucky hour.(160) In Cheshire the ailment known as aphtha or thrush, which\naffects the mouth or throat of infants, is not uncommonly treated in much\nthe same manner. A young frog is held for a few moments with its head\ninside the mouth of the sufferer, whom it is supposed to relieve by taking\nthe malady to itself. \u201cI assure you,\u201d said an old woman who had often\nsuperintended such a cure, \u201cwe used to hear the poor frog whooping and\ncoughing, mortal bad, for days after; it would have made your heart ache\nto hear the poor creature coughing as it did about the garden.\u201d(161) Again\nMarcellus tells us that if the foam from a mule\u2019s mouth, mixed with warm\nwater, be drunk by an asthmatic patient, he will at once recover, but the\nmule will die.(162) An ancient cure for the gripes, recorded both by Pliny\nand Marcellus, was to put a live duck to the belly of the sufferer; the\npains passed from the man into the bird, to which they proved fatal.(163)\nAccording to the same writers a stomachic complaint of which the cause was\nunknown might be cured by applying a blind puppy to the suffering part for\nthree days. The secret disorder thus passed into the puppy; it died, and a\npost-mortem examination of its little body revealed the cause of the\ndisease from which the man had suffered and of which the dog had\ndied.(164) Once more, Marcellus advises that when a man was afflicted with\na disorder of the intestines the physician should catch a live hare, take\nthe huckle-bone from one of its feet and the down from the belly, then let\nthe hare go, pronouncing as he did so the words, \u201cRun away, run away,\nlittle hare, and take away with you the intestine pain.\u201d Further, the\ndoctor was to fashion the down into thread, with which he was to tie the\nhuckle-bone to the patient\u2019s body, taking great care that the thread\nshould not be touched by any woman.(165) A Northamptonshire, Devonshire,\nand Welsh cure for a cough is to put a hair of the patient\u2019s head between\ntwo slices of buttered bread and give the sandwich to a dog. The animal\nwill thereupon catch the cough and the patient will lose it.(166)\nSometimes an ailment is transferred to an animal by sharing food with it.\nThus in Oldenburg, if you are sick of a fever you set a bowl of sweet milk\nbefore a dog and say, \u201cGood luck, you hound! may you be sick and I be\nsound!\u201d Then when the dog has lapped some of the milk, you take a swig at\nthe bowl; and then the dog must lap again, and then you must swig again;\nand when you and the dog have done it the third time, he will have the\nfever and you will be quit of it. A peasant woman in Abbehausen told her\npastor that she suffered from fever for a whole year and found no relief.\nAt last somebody advised her to give some of her food to a dog and a cat.\nShe did so and the fever passed from her into the animals. But when she\nsaw the poor sick beasts always before her, she wished it undone. Then the\nfever left the cat and the dog and returned to her.(167)\n\n(M35) A Bohemian cure for fever is to go out into the forest before the\nsun is up and look for a snipe\u2019s nest. When you have found it, take out\none of the young birds and keep it beside you for three days. Then go back\ninto the wood and set the snipe free. The fever will leave you at once.\nThe snipe has taken it away. So in Vedic times the Hindoos of old sent\nconsumption away with a blue jay. They said, \u201cO consumption, fly away, fly\naway with the blue jay! With the wild rush of the storm and the whirlwind,\noh, vanish away!\u201d(168) In Oldenburg they sometimes hang up a goldfinch or\na turtle-dove in the room of a consumptive patient, hoping that the bird\nmay draw away the malady from the sufferer to itself.(169) A prescription\nfor a cough in Sunderland is to shave the patient\u2019s head and hang the hair\non a bush. When the birds carry the hair to their nests, they will carry\nthe cough with it.(170) In the Mark of Brandenburg a cure for headache is\nto tie a thread thrice round your head and then hang it in a loop from a\ntree; if a bird flies through the loop, it will take your headache away\nwith it.(171) A Saxon remedy for rupture in a child is to take a snail,\nthrust it at sunset into a hollow tree, and stop up the hole with clay.\nThen as the snail perishes the child recovers. But this cure must be\naccompanied by the recitation of a proper form of words; otherwise it has\nno effect.(172) A Bohemian remedy for jaundice is as follows. Take a\nliving tench, tie it to your bare back and carry it about with you for a\nwhole day. The tench will turn quite yellow and die. Then throw it into\nrunning water, and your jaundice will depart with it.(173) In the village\nof Llandegla in Wales there is a church dedicated to the virgin martyr St.\nTecla, where the falling sickness is, or used to be, cured by being\ntransferred to a fowl. The patient first washed his limbs in a sacred well\nhard by, dropped fourpence into it as an offering, walked thrice round the\nwell, and thrice repeated the Lord\u2019s prayer. Then the fowl, which was a\ncock or a hen according as the patient was a man or a woman, was put into\na basket and carried round first the well and afterwards the church. Next\nthe sufferer entered the church and lay down under the communion table\ntill break of day. After that he offered sixpence and departed, leaving\nthe fowl in the church. If the bird died, the sickness was supposed to\nhave been transferred to it from the man or woman, who was now rid of the\ndisorder. As late as 1855 the old parish clerk of the village remembered\nquite well to have seen the birds staggering about from the effects of the\nfits which had been transferred to them.(174) In South Glamorgan and West\nPembrokeshire it is thought possible to get rid of warts by means of a\nsnail. You take a snail with a black shell, you rub it on each wart and\nsay,\n\n\n    \u201c_Wart, wart, on the snail\u2019s shell black,_\n    _Go away soon, and never come back._\u201d\n\n\nThen you put the snail on the branch of a tree or bramble and you nail it\ndown with as many thorns as you have warts. When the snail has rotted away\non the bough, your warts will have vanished. Another Welsh cure for warts\nis to impale a frog on a stick and then to rub the warts on the creature.\nThe warts disappear as the frog expires.(175) In both these cases we may\nassume that the warts are transferred from the human sufferer to the\nsuffering animal.\n\n(M36) Often the sufferer seeks to shift his burden of sickness or ill-luck\nto some inanimate object. In Athens there is a little chapel of St. John\nthe Baptist built against an ancient column. Fever patients resort\nthither, and by attaching a waxed thread to the inner side of the column\nbelieve that they transfer the fever from themselves to the pillar.(176)\nIn the Mark of Brandenburg they say that if you suffer from giddiness you\nshould strip yourself naked and run thrice round a flax-field after\nsunset; in that way the flax will get the giddiness and you will be rid of\nit.(177) Sometimes an attempt is made to transfer the mischief, whatever\nit may be, to the moon. In Oldenburg a peasant related how he rid himself\nof a bony excrescence by stroking it thrice crosswise in the name of the\nTrinity, and then making a gesture as if he were seizing the deformity and\nhurling it towards the moon. In the same part of Germany a cure for warts\nis to stand in the light of a waxing moon so that you cannot see your own\nshadow, then hold the disfigured hand towards the moon, and stroke it with\nthe other hand in the direction of the luminary. Some say that in doing\nthis you should pronounce these words, \u201cMoon, free me from these\nvermin.\u201d(178)\n\n(M37) But perhaps the thing most commonly employed in Europe as a\nreceptacle for sickness and trouble of all sorts is a tree or bush. The\nmodes of transferring the mischief to it are many. For example, the\nEsthonians say that you ought not to go out of the house on a spring\nmorning before you have eaten or drunk; for if you do, you may chance to\nhear one of \u201cthe sounds which are not heard in winter,\u201d such as the song\nof a bird, and that would be unlucky. They think that if you thus let\nyourself be deceived or outwitted, as they call it, by a bird, you will be\nvisited by all sorts of ill-luck during the year; indeed it may very well\nhappen that you will fall sick and die before another spring comes round.\nHowever, there is a way of averting the evil. You have merely to embrace a\ntree or go thrice round it, biting into the bark each time or tearing away\na strip of the bark with your teeth. Thus the bad luck passes from you to\nthe tree, which accordingly withers away.(179) In Sicily it is believed\nthat all kinds of marvellous cures can be effected on the night which\nprecedes Ascension Day. For example, people who suffer from goitre bite\nthe bark of a peach-tree just at the moment when the clocks are striking\nmidnight. Thus the malady is transferred to the sap of the tree, and its\nleaves wither away in exact proportion as the patient recovers. But in\norder that the cure may be successful it is absolutely essential that the\nbark should be bitten at midnight precisely; a bite before or after that\nwitching hour is labour thrown away.(180) On St. George\u2019s Day, South\nSlavonian lads and lasses climb thrice up and down a cornel-tree, saying,\n\u201cMy laziness and sleepiness to you, cornel-tree, but health and booty (?)\nto me.\u201d Then as they wend homewards they turn once more towards the tree\nand call out, \u201cCornel-tree! cornel-tree! I leave you my laziness and\nsleepiness.\u201d(181) The same people attempt to cure fever by transferring it\nto a dwarf elder-bush. Having found such a bush with three shoots\nspringing from the root, the patient grasps the points of the three shoots\nin his hand, bends them down to the ground, and fastens them there with a\nstone. Under the arch thus formed he creeps thrice; then he cuts off or\ndigs up the three shoots, saying, \u201cIn three shoots I cut three sicknesses\nout. When these three shoots grow young again, may the fever come\nback.\u201d(182) A Bulgarian cure for fever is to run thrice round a\nwillow-tree at sunrise, crying, \u201cThe fever shall shake thee, and the sun\nshall warm me.\u201d(183) In the Greek island of Karpathos the priest ties a\nred thread round the neck of a sick person. Next morning the friends of\nthe patient remove the thread and go out to the hillside, where they tie\nthe thread to a tree, thinking that they thus transfer the sickness to the\ntree.(184) Italians attempt to cure fever in like manner by fastening it\nto a tree. The sufferer ties a thread round his left wrist at night, and\nhangs the thread on a tree next morning. The fever is thus believed to be\ntied up to the tree, and the patient to be rid of it; but he must be\ncareful not to pass by that tree again, otherwise the fever would break\nloose from its bonds and attack him afresh.(185) An old French remedy for\nfever was to bind the patient himself to a tree and leave him there for a\ntime; some said that the ceremony should be performed fasting and early in\nthe morning, that the cord or straw rope with which the person was bound\nto the tree should be left there to rot, and that the sufferer should bite\nthe bark of the tree before returning home.(186) In Bohemia the friends of\na fever patient will sometimes carry him head foremost, by means of straw\nropes, to a bush, on which they dump him down. Then he must jump up and\nrun home. The friends who carried him also flee, leaving the straw ropes\nand likewise the fever behind them on the bush.(187)\n\n(M38) Sometimes the sickness is transferred to the tree by making a knot\nin one of its boughs. Thus in Mecklenburg a remedy for fever is to go\nbefore sunrise to a willow-tree and tie as many knots in one of its\nbranches as the fever has lasted days; but going and coming you must be\ncareful not to speak a word.(188) A Flemish cure for the ague is to go\nearly in the morning to an old willow, tie three knots in one of its\nbranches, say, \u201cGood-morrow, Old One, I give thee the cold; good-morrow,\nOld One,\u201d then turn and run away without looking round.(189) In Rhenish\nBavaria the cure for gout is similar. The patient recites a spell or\nprayer while he stands at a willow-bush holding one of its boughs. When\nthe mystic words have been spoken, he ties a knot in the bough and departs\ncured. But all his life long he must never go near that willow-bush again,\nor the gout will come back to him.(190) In Sonnenberg, if you would rid\nyourself of gout you should go to a young fir-tree and tie a knot in one\nof its twigs, saying, \u201cGod greet thee, noble fir. I bring thee my gout.\nHere will I tie a knot and bind my gout into it. In the name,\u201d etc.(191)\nNot far from Marburg, at a place called Neuhof, there is a wood of\nbirches. Thither on a morning before sunrise, in the last quarter of the\nmoon, bands of gouty people may often be seen hobbling in silence. Each of\nthem takes his stand before a separate tree and pronounces these solemn\nwords: \u201cHere stand I before the judgment bar of God and tie up all my\ngout. All the disease in my body shall remain tied up in this birch-tree.\u201d\nMeanwhile the good physician ties a knot in a birch-twig, repeating\nthrice, \u201cIn the name of the Father,\u201d etc.(192)\n\n(M39) Another way of transferring gout from a man to a tree is this. Pare\nthe nails of the sufferer\u2019s fingers and clip some hairs from his legs.\nBore a hole in an oak, stuff the nails and hair in the hole, stop up the\nhole again, and smear it with cow\u2019s dung. If, for three months thereafter,\nthe patient is free of gout, you may be sure the oak has it in his\nstead.(193) A German cure for toothache is to bore a hole in a tree and\ncram some of the sufferer\u2019s hair into it.(194) In these cases, though no\ndoubt the tree suffers the pangs of gout or toothache respectively, it\ndoes so with a sort of stoical equanimity, giving no outward and visible\nsign of the pains that rack it inwardly. It is not always so, however. The\ntree cannot invariably suppress every symptom of its suffering. It may\nhide its toothache, but it cannot so easily hide its warts. In Cheshire if\nyou would be rid of warts, you have only to rub them with a piece of\nbacon, cut a slit in the bark of an ash-tree, and slip the bacon under the\nbark. Soon the warts will disappear from your hand, only however to\nreappear in the shape of rough excrescences or knobs on the bark of the\ntree.(195) Again in Beauce and Perche, two provinces of France, fever may\nbe transferred to a young aspen by inserting the parings of the patient\u2019s\nnails in the tree and then plastering up the hole to prevent the fever\nfrom getting out. But the operation must be performed by night.(196) How\nsubject an aspen is to fever must be obvious to the meanest capacity from\nthe trembling of its leaves in every breath of wind; nothing therefore can\nbe easier or more natural than to transfer the malady, with its fits of\nshaking, to the tree. At Berkhampstead, in Hertfordshire, there used to be\ncertain oak-trees which were long celebrated for the cure of ague. The\ntransference of the malady to the tree was simple but painful. A lock of\nthe sufferer\u2019s hair was pegged into an oak; then by a sudden wrench he\nleft his hair and his ague behind him in the tree.(197)\n\n(M40) It seems clear that, though you may stow away your pain or sickness\nin a tree, there is a considerable risk of its coming out again. To\nobviate this danger common prudence suggests that you should plug or bung\nup the hole as tight as you can. And this, as we should naturally expect,\nis often done. A German cure for toothache or headache is to wrap some of\nthe sufferer\u2019s cut hair and nails in paper, make a hole in the tree, stuff\nthe parcel into it, and stop up the hole with a plug made from a tree\nwhich has been struck by lightning.(198) In Bohemia they say that, if you\nfeel the fever coming on, you should pull out some of your hair, tear off\na strip of a garment you are wearing, and bore a hole in a willow-tree.\nHaving done so, you put the hair and the rag in the hole and stop it up\nwith a wedge of hawthorn. Then go home without looking back, and if a\nvoice calls to you, be sure not to answer. When you have complied with\nthis prescription, the fever will cease.(199) In Oldenburg a common remedy\nfor fever is to bore a hole in a tree, breathe thrice into the hole, and\nthen plug it up. Once a man who had thus shut up his fever in a tree was\njeered at by a sceptical acquaintance for his credulity. So he went\nsecretly to the tree and drew the stopper, and out came that fever and\nattacked the sceptic.(200) Sometimes they say that the tree into which you\nthus breathe your fever or ague should be a hollow willow, and that in\ngoing to the tree you should be careful not to utter a word, and not to\ncross water.(201) Again, we read of a man who suffered acute pains in his\narm. So \u201cthey beat up red corals with oaken leaves, and having kept them\non the part affected till suppuration, they did in the morning put this\nmixture into an hole bored with an auger in the root of an oak, respecting\nthe east, and stop up this hole with a peg made of the same tree; from\nthenceforth the pain did altogether cease, and when they took out the\namulet immediately the torments returned sharper than before.\u201d(202) These\nfacts seem to put it beyond the reach of reasonable doubt that the pain or\nmalady is actually in the tree and waiting to pop out, if only it gets the\nchance.\n\n\n\n\n\u00a7 6. The Nailing of Evils.\n\n\n(M41) Often the patient, without troubling to bore a hole in the tree,\nmerely knocks a wedge, a peg, or a nail into it, believing that he thus\npegs or nails the sickness or pain into the wood. Thus a Bohemian cure for\nfever is to go to a tree and hammer a wedge into it with the words \u201cThere,\nI knock you in, that you may come no more out to me.\u201d(203) A German way of\ngetting rid of toothache is to go in silence before sunrise to a tree,\nespecially a willow-tree, make a slit in the bark on the north side of the\ntree, or on the side that looks towards the sunrise, cut out a splinter\nfrom the place thus laid bare, poke the splinter into the aching tooth\ntill blood comes, then put back the splinter in the tree, fold down the\nbark over it, and tie a string round the trunk, that the splinter may grow\ninto the trunk as before. As it does so, your pain will vanish; but you\nmust be careful not to go near the tree afterwards, or you will get the\ntoothache again. And any one who pulls the splinter out will also get the\ntoothache. He has in fact uncorked the toothache which was safely bottled\nup in the tree, and he must take the natural consequence of his rash\nact.(204) A simpler plan, practised in Persia as well as in France and\nGermany, is merely to scrape the aching tooth with a nail or a twig till\nit bleeds, and then hammer the nail or the twig into a tree. In the\nVosges, in Voigtland, and probably elsewhere, it is believed that any\nperson who should draw out such a nail or twig would get the\ntoothache.(205) An old lime-tree at Evessen, in Brunswick, is studded with\nnails of various shapes, including screw-nails, which have been driven\ninto it by persons who suffered from aching teeth.(206) In the Mark of\nBrandenburg they say that the ceremony should be performed when the moon\nis on the wane, and that the bloody nail should be knocked, without a word\nbeing spoken, into the north side of an oak-tree, where the sun cannot\nshine on it; after that the person will have no more toothache so long as\nthe tree remains standing.(207) Here it is plainly implied that the\ntoothache is bottled up in the tree. If further proof were needed that in\nsuch cases the malady is actually transferred to the tree and stowed away\nin its trunk, it would be afforded by the belief that if the tree is cut\ndown the toothache will return to the original sufferer.(208) Rupture as\nwell as toothache can be nailed to an oak. For that purpose all that need\nbe done is to take a coffin-nail and touch with it the injured part of the\npatient; then set the sufferer barefoot before an oak-tree, and knock the\nnail into the trunk above his head. That transfers the rupture to the\ntree, and that is why you may often see the boles of ancient oaks studded\nwith nails.(209)\n\n(M42) Such remedies are not confined to Europe. At Bilda in Algeria, there\nis a sacred old olive-tree, in which pilgrims, especially women, knock\nnails for the purpose of ridding themselves of their ailments and\ntroubles.(210) Again, the Majhwars, a Dravidian tribe in the hill country\nof South Mirzapur, believe that all disease is due to ghosts, but that\nghosts, when they become troublesome, can be shut up in a certain tree,\nwhich grows on a little islet in a very deep pool of the Sukandar, a\ntributary of the Kanhar river. Accordingly, when the country is infested\nby ghosts, in other words when disease is raging, a skilful wizard seeks\nfor a piece of deer-horn in the jungle. When he has found it, he hammers\nit with a stone into the tree and thus shuts up the ghost. The tree is\ncovered with hundreds of such pieces of horn.(211) Again, when a new\nsettlement is being made in some parts of the North-Western Provinces of\nIndia, it is deemed necessary to apprehend and lay by the heels the local\ndeities, who might otherwise do a deal of mischief to the intruders on\ntheir domain. A sorcerer is called in to do the business. For days he\nmarches about the place mustering the gods to the tuck of drum. When they\nare all assembled, two men known as the Earthman and the Leafman, who\nrepresent the gods of the earth and of the trees respectively, become full\nof the spirit, being taken possession of bodily by the local deities. In\nthis exalted state they shout and caper about in a fine frenzy, and their\nseemingly disjointed ejaculations, which are really the divine voice\nspeaking through them, are interpreted by the sorcerer. When the critical\nmoment has come, the wizard rushes in between the two incarnations of\ndivinity, clutches at the spirits which are hovering about them in the\nair, and pours grains of sesame through their hands into a perforated\npiece of the wood of the sacred fig-tree. Then without a moment\u2019s delay he\nplasters up the hole with a mixture of clay and cow-dung, and carefully\nburies the piece of wood on the spot which is to be the shrine of the\nlocal deities. Needless to say that the gods themselves are bunged up in\nthe wood and are quite incapable of doing further mischief, provided\nalways that the usual offerings are made to them at the shrine where they\nlive in durance vile.(212) In this case the source of mischief is\nimprisoned, not in a tree, but in a piece of one; but the principle is\nclearly the same. Similarly in Corea an English lady observed at a\ncross-road a small log with several holes like those of a mouse-trap, one\nof which was plugged up doubly with bungs of wood. She was told that a\ndemon, whose ravages spread sickness in a family, had been inveigled by a\nsorceress into that hole and securely bunged up. It was thought proper for\nall passers-by to step over the incarcerated devil, whether to express\ntheir scorn and abhorrence of him, or more probably as a means of keeping\nhim forcibly down.(213) In Cochinchina a troublesome ghost can be confined\nto the grave by the simple process of knocking a nail or thrusting a bar\nof iron into the earth at the point where the head of the corpse may be\npresumed to repose.(214)\n\n(M43) From knocking the mischief into a tree or a log it is only a step to\nknocking it into a stone, a door-post, a wall, or such like. At the head\nof Glen Mor, near Port Charlotte, in Islay, there may be seen a large\nboulder, and it is said that whoever drives a nail into this stone will\nthereafter be secure from attacks of toothache. A farmer in Islay told an\nenquirer some years ago how a passing stranger once cured his grandmother\nof toothache by driving a horse-nail into the lintel of the kitchen door,\nwarning her at the same time to keep the nail there, and if it should come\nloose just to tap it with a hammer till it had a grip again. She had no\nmore toothache for the rest of her life.(215) In Brunswick it is open to\nany one to nail his toothache either into a wall or into a tree, as he\nthinks fit; the pain is cured quite as well in the one way as in the\nother.(216) So in Beauce and Perche a healer has been known to place a new\nnail on the aching tooth of a sufferer and then knock the nail into a\ndoor, a beam, or a joist.(217) The procedure in North Africa is similar.\nYou write certain Arabic letters and numbers on the wall; then, while the\npatient puts a finger on the aching tooth, you knock a nail, with a light\ntap of a hammer, into the first letter on the wall, reciting a verse of\nthe Coran as you do so. Next you ask the sufferer whether the pain is now\nabated, and if he says \u201cYes\u201d you draw out the nail entirely. But if he\nsays \u201cNo,\u201d you shift the nail to the next letter in the wall, and so on,\ntill the pain goes away, which it always does, sooner or later.(218) A\nBohemian who fears he is about to have an attack of fever will snatch up\nthe first thing that comes to hand and nail it to the wall. That keeps the\nfever from him.(219)\n\n(M44) As in Europe we nail toothache or fever to a wall, so in Morocco\nthey nail devils. A house in Mogador having been infested with devils, who\nthrew stones about it in a way that made life a burden to the inmates, a\nholy man was called in to exorcise them, which he did effectually by\npronouncing an incantation and driving a nail into the wall; at every\nstroke of the hammer a hissing sound announced that another devil had\nreceived his quietus.(220) Among the modern Arabs the soul of a murdered\nman must be nailed down. Thus if a man be murdered in Egypt, his ghost\nwill rise from the ground where his blood was shed: but it can be\nprevented from doing so by driving a new nail, which has never been used,\ninto the earth at the spot where the murder was committed. In Tripoli the\npractice is similar. Some years ago a native was murdered close to the\ndoor of a little Italian inn. Immediately the Arabs of the neighbourhood\nthronged thither and effectually laid the ghost with hammer and nail. When\nthe innkeeper rashly attempted to remove the nail, he was warned that to\ndo so would be to set the ghost free.(221) In modern Egypt numbers of\npeople afflicted with headache used to knock a nail into the great wooden\ndoor of the old south gate of Cairo, for the purpose of charming away the\npain; others who suffered from toothache used to extract a tooth and\ninsert it in a crevice of the door, or fix it in some other way, in order\nto be rid of toothache for the future. A holy and miraculous personage,\ninvisible to mortal eyes, was supposed to have one of his stations at this\ngate.(222) In Mosul also a sheikh can cure headache by first laying his\nhands on the sufferer\u2019s head and then hammering a nail into a wall.(223)\nNot far from Neuenkirchen, in Oldenburg, there is a farmhouse to which,\nwhile the Thirty Years\u2019 War was raging, the plague came lounging along\nfrom the neighbouring town in the shape of a bluish vapour. Entering the\nhouse it popped into a hole in the door-post of one of the rooms. The\nfarmer saw his chance, and quick as thought he seized a peg and hammered\nit into the hole, so that the plague could not possibly get out. After a\ntime, however, thinking the danger was past, he drew out the peg. Alas!\nwith the peg came creeping and curling out of the hole the blue vapour\nonce more. The plague thus let loose seized on every member of the family\nin that unhappy house and left not one of them alive.(224) Again, the\ngreat plague which devastated the ancient world in the reign of Marcus\nAntoninus is said to have originated in the curiosity and greed of some\nRoman soldiers, who, pillaging the city of Seleucia, came upon a narrow\nhole in a temple and incautiously enlarged the opening in the expectation\nof discovering treasure. But that which came forth from the hole was not\ntreasure but the plague. It had been pent up in a secret chamber by the\nmagic art of the Chaldeans; but now, released from its prison by the rash\nact of the spoilers, it stalked abroad and spread death and destruction\nfrom the Euphrates to the Nile and the Atlantic.(225)\n\n(M45) The simple ceremony, in which to this day the superstition of\nEuropean peasants sees a sovereign remedy for plague and fever and\ntoothache, has come down to us from a remote antiquity; for in days when\nas yet Paris and London were not, when France still revered the Druids as\nthe masters of all knowledge, human and divine, and when our own country\nwas still covered with virgin forests, the home of savage beasts and\nsavage men, the same ceremony was solemnly performed from time to time by\nthe highest magistrate at Rome, to stay the ravages of pestilence or\nretrieve disaster that threatened the foundations of the national life. In\nthe fourth century before our era the city of Rome was desolated by a\ngreat plague which raged for three years, carrying off some of the highest\ndignitaries and a great multitude of common folk. The historian who\nrecords the calamity informs us that when a banquet had been offered to\nthe gods in vain, and neither human counsels nor divine help availed to\nmitigate the violence of the disease, it was resolved for the first time\nin Roman history to institute dramatical performances as an appropriate\nmeans of appeasing the wrath of the celestial powers. Accordingly actors\nwere fetched from Etruria, who danced certain simple and decorous dances\nto the music of a flute. But even this novel spectacle failed to amuse or\ntouch, to move to tears or laughter the sullen gods. The plague still\nraged, and at the very moment when the actors were playing their best in\nthe circus beside the Tiber, the yellow river rose in angry flood and\ndrove players and spectators, wading and splashing through the\nfast-deepening waters, away from the show. It was clear that the gods\nspurned plays as well as prayers and banquets; and in the general\nconsternation it was felt that some more effectual measure should be taken\nto put an end to the scourge. Old men remembered that a plague had once\nbeen stayed by the knocking of a nail into a wall; and accordingly the\nSenate resolved that now in their extremity, when all other means had\nfailed, a supreme magistrate should be appointed for the sole purpose of\nperforming this solemn ceremony. The appointment was made, the nail was\nknocked, and the plague ceased, sooner or later.(226) What better proof\ncould be given of the saving virtue of a nail?\n\n(M46) Twice more within the same century the Roman people had recourse to\nthe same venerable ceremony as a cure for public calamities with which the\nordinary remedies, civil and religious, seemed unable to cope. One of\nthese occasions was a pestilence;(227) the other was a strange mortality\namong the leading men, which public opinion traced, rightly or wrongly, to\na series of nefarious crimes perpetrated by noble matrons, who took their\nhusbands off by poison. The crimes, real or imaginary, were set down to\nfrenzy, and nothing could be thought of so likely to minister to minds\ndiseased as the knocking of a nail into a wall. Search among the annals of\nthe city proved that in a season of civil discord, when the state had been\nrent by party feud, the same time-honoured remedy, the same soothing balm,\nhad been applied with the happiest results to the jarring interests and\nheated passions of the disputants. Accordingly the old nostrum was tried\nonce more, and again success appeared to justify the experiment.(228)\n\n(M47) If the Romans in the fourth century before Christ thus deemed it\npossible to rid themselves of pestilence, frenzy, and sedition by\nhammering them into a wall, even as French and German peasants still rid\nthemselves of fever and toothache by knocking them into a tree, their\nprudent ancestors appear to have determined that so salutary a measure\nshould not be restricted in its scope to meeting special and urgent\nemergencies as they arose, but should regularly diffuse its benefits over\nthe community by anticipating and, as it were, nipping in the bud evils\nwhich, left unchecked, might grow to dangerous proportions. This, we may\nconjecture, was the original intention of an ancient Roman law which\nordained that the highest magistrate of the republic should knock in a\nnail every year on the thirteenth day of September. The law might be seen,\ncouched in old-fashioned language, engraved on a tablet which was fastened\nto a wall of the temple of Capitoline Jupiter; and although the place\nwhere the nails were driven in is nowhere definitely stated by classical\nwriters, there are some grounds for thinking that it may have been the\nsame wall on which the law that sanctioned the custom was exhibited. Livy\ntells us that the duty of affixing the nail, at one time discharged by the\nconsuls, was afterwards committed to dictators, whose higher rank\nconsorted better with the dignity and importance of the function. At a\nlater time the custom fell into abeyance, and the ancient ceremony was\nrevived only from time to time in seasons of grave peril or extraordinary\ncalamity, which seemed to attest the displeasure of the gods at modern\nways, and disposed men to bethink them of ancestral lore and to walk in\nthe old paths.(229)\n\n(M48) In antiquity the annual practice of hammering a nail into a wall was\nnot confined to Rome. It was observed also at Vulsinii, in Etruria, where\nthe nails thus fixed in the temple of the goddess Nortia served as a\nconvenient means of recording and numbering the years.(230) To Roman\nantiquaries of a later period it seemed, naturally enough, that such a\npractice had indeed no other object than that of marking the flight of\ntime in ages when writing was but little used.(231) Yet a little\nreflection will probably convince us that this, though it was doubtless a\nuseful consequence of the custom, can hardly have been its original\nintention. For it will scarcely be disputed that the annual observance of\nthe custom cannot be wholly dissociated from its occasional observance in\nseasons of great danger or calamity, and that whatever explanation we give\nof the one ought to apply to the other also. Now it is plain that if we\nstart from the annual observance and regard it as no more than a\ntimekeeper or mode of recording the years, we shall never reach an\nadequate explanation of the occasional observance. If the nails were\nmerely ready reckoners of the years, how could they come to be used as\nsupreme remedies for pestilence, frenzy, and sedition, resorted to by the\nstate in desperate emergencies when all the ordinary resources of policy\nand religion had failed? On the other hand, if we start from the\noccasional observance and view it, in accordance with modern analogies, as\na rude attempt to dispose of intangible evils as if they were things that\ncould be handled and put away out of sight, we can readily understand how\nsuch an attempt, from being made occasionally, might come to be repeated\nannually for the sake of wiping out all the old troubles and misfortunes\nof the past year and enabling the community to start afresh, unencumbered\nby a fardel of ills, at the beginning of a new year. Fortunately we can\nshew that the analogy which is thus assumed to exist between the Roman\ncustom and modern superstition is not a merely fanciful one; in other\nwords, it can be proved that the Romans, like modern clowns, did believe\nin the possibility of nailing down trouble, in a literal and physical\nsense, into a material substance. Pliny tells us that an alleged cure for\nepilepsy, or the falling sickness, was to drive an iron nail into the\nground on the spot which was first struck by the patient\u2019s head as he\nfell.(232) In the light of the modern instances which have come before us,\nwe can hardly doubt that the cure was supposed to consist in actually\nnailing the disease into the earth in such a way that it could not get up\nand attack the sufferer again. Precisely parallel is a Suffolk cure for\nague. You must go by night alone to a cross-road, and just as the clock\nstrikes the midnight hour you must turn yourself about thrice and drive a\ntenpenny nail up to the head into the ground. Then walk away backwards\nfrom the spot before the clock is done striking twelve, and you will miss\nthe ague; but the next person who passes over the nail will catch the\nmalady in your stead.(233) Here it is plainly assumed that the ague of\nwhich the patient is relieved has been left by him nailed down into the\nearth at the cross-road, and we may fairly suppose that a similar\nassumption underlay the Roman cure for epilepsy. Further, we seem to be\nnow justified in holding that originally, when a Roman dictator sought to\nstay a plague, to restore concord, or to terminate an epidemic of madness\nby knocking a nail into a wall, he was doing for the commonwealth exactly\nwhat any private man might do for an epileptic patient by knocking a nail\ninto the ground on the spot where his poor friend had collapsed. In other\nwords, he was hammering the plague, the discord, or the madness into a\nhole from which it could not get out to afflict the community again.(234)\n\n(M49) Different in principle from the foregoing customs appears to be the\nLoango practice of sticking nails into wooden idols or fetishes. The\nintention of knocking a nail into a worshipful image is said to be simply\nto attract the notice of the deity in a forcible manner to the request of\nhis worshipper; it is like pinching a man or running a pin into his leg as\na hint that you desire to speak with him. Hence in order to be quite sure\nof riveting the god\u2019s attention the nails are sometimes made red-hot.(235)\nEven the most absent-minded deity could hardly overlook a petition urged\nin so importunate a fashion. The practice is resorted to in many\nemergencies. For example, when a man has been robbed, he will go and get a\npriest to knock a nail into an idol. The sharp pang naturally exasperates\nthe deity and he seeks to wreak his wrath on the thief, who is the real\noccasion of his suffering. So when the thief hears of what has been done,\nhe brings back the stolen goods in fear and trembling. Similarly a nail\nmay be knocked into an idol for the purpose of making somebody fall ill;\nand if a sick man fancies that his illness is due to an enemy who has\nplayed him this trick, he will send to the priest of the idol and pay him\nto remove the nail.(236) This mode of refreshing the memory and\nstimulating the activity of a supernatural being is not confined to the\nnegroes of Loango; it is practised also by French Catholics, as we learn\nfrom Sir John Rhys. \u201cSome years ago,\u201d he writes, \u201cwhen I was on a visit at\nthe late Ernest Renan\u2019s house at Rosmapamon, near Perros-Guirec on the\nnorth coast of Brittany, our genial host took his friends one day to see\nsome of the sights of that neighbourhood. Among other things which he\nshowed us was a statue of St. Guirec standing at the head of an open\ncreek. It was of wood, and altogether a very rude work of art, if such it\nmight be called; but what attracted our attention most was the fact that\nit had innumerable pins stuck into it. We asked M. Renan what the pins\nmeant, and his explanation was exceedingly quaint. He said that when any\nyoung woman in the neighbourhood made up her mind that she should marry,\nshe came there and asked the saint to provide her with a husband, and to\ndo so without undue delay. She had every confidence in the willingness and\nability of the saint to oblige her, but she was haunted by the fear that\nhe might be otherwise engaged and forget her request. So she would stick\npins into him, and thus goad him, as she fancied, to exert himself on her\nbehalf. This is why the saint\u2019s statue was full of pins.\u201d(237) Similarly\nin Japan sufferers from toothache sometimes stick needles into a\nwillow-tree, \u201cbelieving that the pain caused to the tree-spirit will force\nit to exercise its power to cure.\u201d(238)\n\n(M50) Thus it would seem that we must distinguish at least two uses of\nnails or pins in their application to spirits and spiritual influences. In\none set of cases the nails act as corks or bungs to bottle up and imprison\na troublesome spirit; in the other set of cases they act as spurs or goads\nto refresh his memory and stimulate his activity. But so far as the\nevidence which I have cited allows us to judge, the use of nails as\nspiritual bungs appears to be commoner than their use as mental\nrefreshers.\n\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER II. THE OMNIPRESENCE OF DEMONS.\n\n\n(M51) In the foregoing chapter the primitive principle of the transference\nof ills to another person, animal, or thing was explained and illustrated.\nA consideration of the means taken, in accordance with this principle, to\nrid individuals of their troubles and distresses led us to believe that at\nRome similar means had been adopted to free the whole community, at a\nsingle blow of the hammer, from diverse evils that afflicted it. I now\npropose to shew that such attempts to dismiss at once the accumulated\nsorrows of a people are by no means rare or exceptional, but that on the\ncontrary they have been made in many lands, and that from being occasional\nthey tend to become periodic and annual.\n\n(M52) It needs some effort on our part to realise the frame of mind which\nprompts these attempts. Bred in a philosophy which strips nature of\npersonality and reduces it to the unknown cause of an orderly series of\nimpressions on our senses, we find it hard to put ourselves in the place\nof the savage, to whom the same impressions appear in the guise of spirits\nor the handiwork of spirits. For ages the army of spirits, once so near,\nhas been receding further and further from us, banished by the magic wand\nof science from hearth and home, from ruined cell and ivied tower, from\nhaunted glade and lonely mere, from the riven murky cloud that belches\nforth the lightning, and from those fairer clouds that pillow the silver\nmoon or fret with flakes of burning red the golden eve. The spirits are\ngone even from their last stronghold in the sky, whose blue arch no longer\npasses, except with children, for the screen that hides from mortal eyes\nthe glories of the celestial world. Only in poets\u2019 dreams or impassioned\nflights of oratory is it given to catch a glimpse of the last flutter of\nthe standards of the retreating host, to hear the beat of their invisible\nwings, the sound of their mocking laughter, or the swell of angel music\ndying away in the distance. Far otherwise is it with the savage. To his\nimagination the world still teems with those motley beings whom a more\nsober philosophy has discarded. Fairies and goblins, ghosts and demons,\nstill hover about him both waking and sleeping. They dog his footsteps,\ndazzle his senses, enter into him, harass and deceive and torment him in a\nthousand freakish and mischievous ways. The mishaps that befall him, the\nlosses he sustains, the pains he has to endure, he commonly sets down, if\nnot to the magic of his enemies, to the spite or anger or caprice of the\nspirits. Their constant presence wearies him, their sleepless malignity\nexasperates him; he longs with an unspeakable longing to be rid of them\naltogether, and from time to time, driven to bay, his patience utterly\nexhausted, he turns fiercely on his persecutors and makes a desperate\neffort to chase the whole pack of them from the land, to clear the air of\ntheir swarming multitudes, that he may breathe more freely and go on his\nway unmolested, at least for a time. Thus it comes about that the\nendeavour of primitive people to make a clean sweep of all their troubles\ngenerally takes the form of a grand hunting out and expulsion of devils or\nghosts. They think that if they can only shake off these their accursed\ntormentors, they will make a fresh start in life, happy and innocent; the\ntales of Eden and the old poetic golden age will come true again.\n\n(M53) Hence, before we review some examples of these spirit-hunts, it may\nbe well to adduce evidence of the deep hold which a belief in the\nomnipresence and malignity of spirits has upon the primitive mind. The\nreader will be better able to understand the savage remedy when he has an\ninkling of the nature of the evil which it is designed to combat. In\nciting the evidence I shall for the most part reproduce the exact words of\nmy authorities lest I should incur the suspicion of deepening unduly the\nshadows in a gloomy picture.\n\n(M54) Thus in regard to the aborigines of Australia we are told that \u201cthe\nnumber of supernatural beings, feared if not loved, that they acknowledge\nis exceedingly great; for not only are the heavens peopled with such, but\nthe whole face of the country swarms with them; every thicket, most\nwatering-places, and all rocky places abound with evil spirits. In like\nmanner, every natural phenomenon is believed to be the work of demons,\nnone of which seem of a benign nature, one and all apparently striving to\ndo all imaginable mischief to the poor blackfellow.\u201d(239) \u201cThe negro,\u201d\nsays another writer, \u201cis wont to regard the whole world around him as\npeopled with invisible beings, to whom he imputes every misfortune that\nhappens to him, and from whose harmful influence he seeks to protect\nhimself by all kinds of magic means.\u201d(240) The Bantu negroes of Western\nAfrica \u201cregard their god as the creator of man, plants, animals, and the\nearth, and they hold that having made them, he takes no further interest\nin the affair. But not so the crowd of spirits with which the universe is\npeopled, they take only too much interest, and the Bantu wishes they would\nnot and is perpetually saying so in his prayers, a large percentage\nwhereof amounts to, \u2018Go away, we don\u2019t want you.\u2019 \u2018Come not into this\nhouse, this village, or its plantations.\u2019 \u201d Almost all these subordinate\nspirits are malevolent.(241) A similar but fuller account of the West\nAfrican creed is given by a German writer, whose statements apply\nparticularly to the Ewe-speaking negroes of the Slave Coast. He says:\n\u201cThus the term fetishism denotes the attitude of the Ewes, or of West\nAfrican negro tribes in general, towards magic; it forms one of the\nprincipal constituents of their religion. The other main constituent is\ntheir attitude to the gods, which is properly demonolatry. The Ewe names\nthe gods _drowo_, that is, intermediaries, namely, between a Supreme\nBeing, whom he calls _Mawu_ (\u2018the Unsurpassable\u2019), and mankind. The drowo\nwith whom the Ewe has to do, to whom his offerings and his respects are\npaid, are thus subordinate deities, who according to the etymological\nmeaning of the word _dro_ are conceived as judging, composing disputes,\nand mediating among men. The existence of a Supreme Being is by no means\nunfamiliar to the Ewe; he has his _Mawu_ often in his mouth, especially in\ntalking with the missionary, and he willingly acknowledges that _Mawu_\ncreated him and the gods. But he can only conceive of this Supreme Being\non the analogy of his own personality and not as omnipresent and so forth.\nIt is impossible that this Mawu can trouble himself about details in the\ncreation or even about every individual man and his petty affairs; what\nwould be the use of the many higher and lower spirits with which the world\nis filled before his eyes? The West African perhaps conceives of God as\ntranscendant, but not as immanent; a creation he possibly apprehends, but\nnot an omnipresent government of the world by the Supreme Being. That\ngovernment is carried on by Mawu at a distance by means of the many\nspirits or subordinate gods whom he has created for the purpose.... A\nportion of the gods fills the air, wherefore the forces and the phenomena\nof nature are deified as their manifestations. The elements are thought to\nbe moved by the gods of the air. In the storm and the wind, in thunder and\nlightning the Ewe sees the manifestation of particularly powerful gods. In\nthe mysterious roll and roar of the deep sea the Ewe, like the negro in\ngeneral, beholds the sway of a very mighty god or of a whole host of gods.\nFurther, the earth itself is also the abode of a multitude of spirits or\ngods, who have in it their sphere of activity. They inhabit certain great\nmountains, great hollow trees, caves, rivers, and especially woods. In\nsuch woods of the gods no timber may be felled. Thus the gods fill not\nonly the air and the sea, they also walk on earth, on all paths; they lurk\nunder the trees, they terrify the lonely wayfarer, they disquiet and\nplague even the sleeper. When the negro rises from the stool on which he\nhas been sitting, he never fails to turn it upside down, to prevent a\nspirit from sitting down on it.... The spirit-world falls into two main\nclasses: there are good and kindly spirits, whose help is eagerly sought\nby offerings; but there are also gloomy and revengeful spirits, whose\napproach and influence people eagerly endeavour to avert, and against whom\nall possible means are employed to ban them from the houses and villages.\nThe people are much more zealous in their devotion to the evil spirits\nthan in their devotion to the good. The reason is that the feeling of fear\nand the consciousness of guilt are much stronger than the emotions of love\nand gratitude for benefits received. Hence the worship of the false gods\nor spirits among this people, and among the West African negro tribes in\ngeneral, is properly speaking a worship of demons or devils.\u201d(242)\n\n(M55) Again, a missionary who spent fifteen years among the Boloki of the\nUpper Congo River tells us that \u201cthe religion of the Boloki has its basis\nin their fear of those numerous invisible spirits which surround them on\nevery side, and are constantly trying to compass their sickness,\nmisfortune and death; and the Boloki\u2019s sole object in practising their\nreligion is to cajole, or appease, cheat, or conquer and kill those\nspirits that trouble them\u2014hence their _nganga_ [medicine-men], their\nrites, their ceremonies and their charms. If there were no evil spirits to\nbe circumvented there would be no need of their medicine men and their\ncharms.\u201d(243) \u201cThe Boloki folk believe they are surrounded by spirits\nwhich try to thwart them at every twist and turn, and to harm them every\nhour of the day and night. The rivers and creeks are crowded with the\nspirits of their ancestors, and the forests and bush are full also of\nspirits, ever seeking to injure the living who are overtaken by night when\ntravelling by road or canoe. I never met among them a man daring enough to\ngo at night through the forest that divided Monsembe from the upper\nvillages, even though a large reward was offered. Their invariable reply\nwas: \u2018There are too many spirits in the bush and forest.\u2019 \u201d(244) The\nspirits which these people dread so much are the _mingoli_ or disembodied\nsouls of the dead; the life of the Boloki is described as \u201cone long drawn\nout fear of what the _mingoli_ may next do to them.\u201d These dangerous\nbeings dwell everywhere, land and water are full of them; they are ever\nready to pounce on the living and carry them away or to smite them with\ndisease and kill them. Though they are invisible to common eyes, the\nmedicine-man can see them, and can cork them up in calabashes or cover\nthem up with saucepans; indeed, if it is made worth his while, he can even\ndestroy them altogether.(245) Again, of the Bantu tribes of South Africa\nwe read that \u201cnearer than the spirits of deceased chiefs or of their own\nancestors was a whole host of hobgoblins, water sprites, and malevolent\ndemons, who met the Bantu turn which way they would. There was no\nbeautiful fairyland for them, for all the beings who haunted the\nmountains, the plains, and the rivers were ministers of evil. The most\nfeared of these was a large bird that made love to women and incited those\nwho returned its affection to cause the death of those who did not, and a\nlittle mischievous imp who was also amorously inclined. Many instances\ncould be gathered from the records of magistrates\u2019 courts in recent years\nof demented women having admitted their acquaintance with these fabulous\ncreatures, as well as of whole communities living in terror of them.\u201d(246)\nHowever, it would be no doubt a great mistake to imagine that the minds of\nthe Bantu, or indeed of any savages, are perpetually occupied by a dread\nof evil spirits;(247) the savage and indeed the civilized man is\nincapable, at least in his normal state, of such excessive preoccupation\nwith a single idea, which, if prolonged, could hardly fail to end in\ninsanity.\n\n(M56) Speaking of the spirits which the Indians of Guiana attribute to all\nobjects in nature, Sir Everard F. im Thurn observes that \u201cthe whole world\nof the Indian swarms with these beings. If by a mighty mental effort we\ncould for a moment revert to a similar mental position, we should find\nourselves everywhere surrounded by a host of possibly hurtful beings, so\nmany in number that to describe them as innumerable would fall\nridiculously short of the truth. It is not therefore wonderful that the\nIndian fears to move beyond the light of his camp-fire after dark, or, if\nhe is obliged to do so, carries a fire-brand with him that he may at least\nsee among what enemies he walks; nor is it wonderful that occasionally the\nair round the settlement seems to the Indian to grow so full of beings,\nthat a peaiman [sorcerer], who is supposed to have the power of\ntemporarily driving them away, is employed to effect a general clearance\nof these beings, if only for a time. That is the main belief, of the kind\nthat is generally called religious, of the Indians of Guiana.\u201d(248) The\nLengua Indians of the Paraguayan Chaco believe in certain demons which\nthey call _kilyikhama_. \u201cThe _kilyikhama_ are confined to no particular\nplace. Time and distance do not seem to affect them in the least. They are\nheld in great awe by the Indian, and whithersoever he turns, whether by\nday or night, but particularly at night, he is subject to their malign\ninfluences.... They live in constant dread of these supernatural beings,\nand if nothing else contributed to make their life miserable, this\never-present dread of the _kilyikhama_ would be in itself quite sufficient\nto rob it of most of its joy.\u201d(249)\n\n(M57) Very different from the life of these Indians of the South American\nforests and prairies is the life of the Esquimaux on the desolate shores\nof Labrador; yet they too live in like bondage to the evil creatures of\ntheir own imagination. \u201cAll the affairs of life are supposed to be under\nthe control of spirits, each of which rules over a certain element, and\nall of which are under the direction of a greater spirit. Each person is\nsupposed to be attended by a special guardian who is malignant in\ncharacter, ever ready to seize upon the least occasion to work harm upon\nthe individual whom it accompanies. As this is an evil spirit, its good\noffices and assistance can be obtained by propitiation only. The person\nstrives to keep the good-will of the evil spirit by offerings of food,\nwater, and clothing.\u201d \u201cBesides this class of spirits, there are the\nspirits of the sea, the land, the sky (for be it understood that the\nEskimo know nothing of the air), the winds, the clouds, and everything in\nnature. Every cove of the sea-shore, every point, island, and prominent\nrock has its guardian spirit. All are of the malignant type, and to be\npropitiated only by acceptable offerings from persons who desire to visit\nthe locality where it is supposed to reside. Of course some of the spirits\nare more powerful than others, and these are more to be dreaded than those\nable to inflict less harm. These minor spirits are under the control of\nthe great spirit, whose name is Tung ak. This one great spirit is more\npowerful than all the rest besides. The lesser spirits are immediately\nunder his control and ever ready to obey his command. The shaman (or\nconjuror) alone is supposed to be able to deal with the Tung ak. While the\nshaman does not profess to be superior to the Tung ak, he is able to\nenlist his assistance and thus be able to control all the undertakings his\nprofession may call for. This Tung ak is nothing more or less than death,\nwhich ever seeks to torment and harass the lives of people that their\nspirits may go to dwell with him.\u201d(250)\n\n(M58) Brighter at first sight and more pleasing is the mythology of the\nislanders of the Pacific, as the picture of it is drawn for us by one who\nseems to have felt the charm of those beliefs which it was his mission to\ndestroy. \u201cBy their rude mythology,\u201d he says, \u201ceach lovely island was made\na sort of fairy-land, and the spells of enchantment were thrown over its\nvaried scenes. The sentiment of the poet that\n\n\n    \u2018_Millions of spiritual creatures walk the earth,_\n    _Unseen, both when we wake, and when we sleep_,\u2019\n\n\nwas one familiar to their minds; and it is impossible not to feel\ninterested in a people who were accustomed to consider themselves\nsurrounded by invisible intelligences, and who recognized in the rising\nsun\u2014the mild and silver moon\u2014the shooting star\u2014the meteor\u2019s transient\nflame\u2014the ocean\u2019s roar\u2014the tempest\u2019s blast, or the evening breeze\u2014the\nmovements of mighty spirits. The mountain\u2019s summit, and the fleecy mists\nthat hang upon its brows\u2014the rocky defile\u2014the foaming cataract\u2014and the\nlonely dell\u2014were all regarded as the abode or resort of these invisible\nbeings.\u201d(251) Yet the spiritual powers which compassed the life of the\nislanders on every side appear to have been far from friendly to man.\nSpeaking of their beliefs touching the souls of the dead, the same writer\nsays that the Polynesians \u201cimagined they lived in a world of spirits,\nwhich surrounded them night and day, watching every action of their lives,\nand ready to avenge the slightest neglect or the least disobedience to\ntheir injunctions, as proclaimed by their priests. These dreaded beings\nwere seldom thought to resort to the habitations of men on errands of\nbenevolence.\u201d(252) The Tahitians, when they were visited by Captain Cook,\nbelieved that \u201csudden deaths and all other accidents are effected by the\nimmediate action of some divinity. If a man only stumble against a stone\nand hurt his toe, they impute it to an _Eatooa_; so that they may be\nliterally said, agreeably to their system, to tread enchanted\nground.\u201d(253) \u201cThe Maori gods,\u201d says a well-informed writer, \u201cwere demons,\nwhose evil designs could only be counteracted by powerful spells and\ncharms; these proving effectual, sacrifices and offerings were made to\nsoothe the vanquished spirits and appease their wrath.\u201d \u201cThe gods in\ngeneral appeared in the whirlwind and lightning, answering their votaries\nin the clap of thunder. The inferior beings made themselves visible in the\nform of lizards, moths, butterflies, spiders, and even flies; when they\nspoke it was in a low whistling tone. They were supposed to be so numerous\nas to surround the living in crowds, _kei te muia nga wairua penei nga\nwairoa_, \u2018the spirits throng like mosquitoes,\u2019 ever watching to inflict\nevil.\u201d(254)\n\n(M59) Again, we are informed that the popular religion of the Pelew\nIslanders \u201chas reference to the gods (_kaliths_) who may be useful or\nharmful to men in all their doings. Their imagination peoples the sea, the\nwood, the earth with numerous gods, and whatever a man undertakes, be it\nto catch fish or fell a tree, he must first propitiate the deities, or\nrather guard himself against their spiteful anger, which can only be done\nby means of certain spells and incantations. The knowledge of these\nincantations is limited to a very few persons, and forms in fact the\nsecret of the arts and industries which are plied in the islands. A master\nof his craft is not he who can build a good house or a faultless canoe,\nbut he who possesses the _golay_ or magic power to ban the tree-gods, that\nthey may not prove hurtful to the workmen and to the people who afterwards\nuse the things. All these gods of the earth, the woods, the mountains, the\nbrooks are very mischievous and dangerous, and most diseases are caused by\nthem. Hence the persons who possess the magic power are dreaded,\nfrequently employed, and well paid; but in extreme cases they are regarded\nas sorcerers and treated accordingly. If one of them builds a house for\nsomebody and is dissatisfied with his remuneration, he stirs up the\ntree-god to avenge him. So the inhabitants of the house he has built fall\nsick, and if help is not forthcoming they die.\u201d(255) Of the Mortlock\nIslanders we are told that \u201ctheir imagination peopled the whole of nature\nwith spirits and deities, of whom the number was past finding out.\u201d(256)\n\n(M60) Speaking of the natives of the Philippine Islands a writer observes\nthat \u201cthe basis of all the superstitious beliefs of the Negritos, what\nmight else be termed their religion, is the constant presence of the\nspirits of the dead near where they lived when alive. All places are\ninhabited by the spirits. All adverse circumstances, sickness, failure of\ncrops, unsuccessful hunts, are attributed to them.\u201d(257) As to the\nMelanesians of New Britain we read that \u201canother deeply rooted belief\nwhich exercises an extraordinary influence on the life and customs of\nthese people is a belief in demons. To their thinking the demons,\n_tambaran_ (a word synonymous with \u2018poor wretch,\u2019 \u2018sufferer\u2019) are spirits\nentirely perverse, deceitful, maleficent, and ceaselessly occupied in\ninjuring us. Diseases, death, the perturbations of nature, all unfortunate\nevents are imputed to them. The demons exist in legions; they live\neverywhere, especially in the forests, desert places, and the depths of\nthe sea.\u201d(258) The beliefs and customs of one particular tribe of this\ngreat island\u2014the Livuans, who occupy the eastern coast of the Gazelle\nPeninsula in New Britain\u2014have been described by a Catholic missionary in\nsimilar terms. \u201cThe distrustful natives,\u201d he tells us, \u201chave not attained\nto a belief in a beneficent, compassionate deity. All the more numerous,\nhowever, are the evil spirits with which they people the universe. These\nare legion. The power which the natives ascribe to these spirits extends\nnot merely to the property of mankind but also to life and death. The\nLivuan always believes that he can trace the pernicious influence of these\n_tambaran_ (devils) on his actions. In his conviction, the whole thoughts\nand endeavours of the evil spirits have no other object than to injure men\nin every possible way. This dismal, comfortless superstition weighs heavy\non the native.\u201d(259) Again, another writer who lived for thirty years\namong the Melanesians of the Bismarck Archipelago, of which New Britain\nforms part, observes that \u201cwe often find the view expressed that the\nnative is a being who lives only for the day, without cares of any kind.\nThe view is very erroneous, for in fact he leads a life which is plagued\nby cares of all sorts. Amongst the greatest plagues of his life is his\nbottomless superstition. He sees himself surrounded at every step by evil\nspirits and their influences. He trusts nobody, for who knows whether his\nnearest neighbour, his professedly best friend, is not plotting to bring\ntrouble, sickness, and even death on him by means of magic? Everywhere he\nsees snares set for him, everywhere he scents treachery and guile. We need\nnot wonder, therefore, that mistrust is a leading feature in the character\nnot only of the New Britons, but of the Melanesians generally.... The\nnative is simply not accessible to rational motives. The only motive he\nunderstands is sorcery on the part of malicious men or the influence of\nevil spirits.\u201d(260)\n\n(M61) A Dutch missionary, who spent twenty-five years among the natives of\nDutch New Guinea, tells us that \u201cin their ignorance of a living God the\nPapuans people earth and air, land and sea with mysterious malignant\npowers, which take up their abode in stones and trees or in men and cause\nall kinds of misfortunes, especially sickness and death.\u201d(261) Again,\nspeaking of the Bukaua, a tribe of German New Guinea, a German missionary\nwrites that \u201cthe Bukaua knows himself to be surrounded by spirits\n(_balum_) at every step. An insight into the life and mode of thought of\nthe natives, as the latter is expressed especially in their stories,\nconfirms this view completely. What wonder that the fear of spirits\ndominates the whole existence of the Bukaua and causes him to tremble even\nin the hour of death? There are spirits of the beach, the water, the\nfields, the forests, spirits that reside in the villages and particular\nplaces, and a sort of vagabonds, who can take up their abode even in\nlifeless things.\u201d Then after describing the demons of the beach, the\nwater, and the field, the writer proceeds as follows: \u201cOf forest spirits\nthe number is infinite; for it is above all in the mysterious darkness,\nthe tangled wildernesses of the virgin forest that the spirits love to\ndwell. They hold their meetings in what are called evil places. They are\nnever bent on good. Especially at nightfall the native fancies he hears\nthe voice of the spirits in the hum and chirping of the insects in the\nforest. They lure hunting dogs from the trail. They make wild boars rabid;\nin the form of snakes they make inroads into human dwellings; they drive\nmen crazy or into fits; they play roguish tricks of all sorts.\u201d(262)\n\n(M62) Among the tribes who inhabit the south-eastern coasts of New Guinea\n\u201ca death in a village is the occasion of bringing plenty of ghosts to\nescort their new companion, and perhaps fetch some one else. All night the\nfriends of the deceased sit up and keep the drums going to drive away the\nspirits. When I was sleeping one night at Hood Bay, a party of young men\nand boys came round with sticks, striking the fences and posts of houses\nall through the village. This I found was always done when any one died,\nto drive back the spirits to their own quarters on the adjacent mountain\ntops. But it is the spirits of the inland tribes, the aborigines of the\ncountry, that the coast tribes most fear. The road from the interior to\nPort Moresby passed close to our house, and the natives told us that the\nbarking of our English dog at night had frightened the evil spirits so\neffectually that they had had no ghostly visitors since we came. I was\ncamping out one night in the bush with some coast natives, at a time when\na number of the natives of the interior were hunting in the neighbourhood;\nnoticing that the men with me did not go to sleep, I asked if they were\nafraid of the mountain men. \u2018No,\u2019 they replied, \u2018but the whole plain is\nfull of the spirits who come with them.\u2019 All calamities are attributed to\nthe power and malice of these evil spirits. Drought and famine, storm and\nflood, disease and death are all supposed to be brought by \u2018Vata\u2019 and his\nhosts.\u201d(263)\n\n(M63) The inhabitants of Timor, an island to the south-west of New Guinea,\nrevere the lord of heaven, the sun, the mistress of the earth, and the\nspirits of the dead. \u201cThese last dwell, some with the mistress of the\nearth under ground, others on graves, others in stones and springs and\nwoods, some on mountains and some in the habitations of their kinsfolk,\nwhere they take up their abode in the middle of the principal post of the\nhouse or in copper cymbals, in swords and pikes. Others again assume the\nshape of pigs and deer and bees; men who have fallen in battle love\nespecially to turn into bees, that they may roam over the earth at will.\nThe ghosts who reside with the mistress of the earth are male and female,\nand their offspring swarm by myriads in the air, so that the people think\nyou cannot stir without striking against one of them. According to their\nwhim of the moment the ghosts are good or bad.\u201d \u201cAll diseases which are\nnot due to infection or transmitted by inheritance are ascribed to the\nmistress of the earth, to the ghosts, and to their wicked offspring, who\ninflict them as punishments for insults and injuries, for insufficient\nfood, for the killing of deer and of wild pigs, in which the ghosts take\nup their abode temporarily, and also for the sale of cymbals, swords and\npikes, in which a ghost had settled.\u201d(264) The natives of Amboyna think\nthat \u201cwoods, mountains, trees, stones, indeed the whole universe, is\ninhabited by a multitude of spirits, of whom many are the souls of the\ndead.\u201d(265) In Bolang Mongondo, a district of Celebes, \u201call calamities,\ngreat and small, of whatever kind, and by whatever name they are called,\nthat befall men and animals, villages, gardens and so forth, are\nattributed to evil or angry spirits. The superstition is indescribably\ngreat. The smallest wound, the least indisposition, the most trifling\nadversity in the field, at the fishing, on a journey or what not, is\nbelieved by the natives to be traceable to the anger of their ancestors.\nThe superstition cripples every effort to remedy the calamities except by\nsacrifice. There is perhaps no country the inhabitants of which know so\nlittle about simples as Bolang Mongondo. What a native of Bolang Mongondo\ncalls medicine is nothing but sacrifice, magic, and talismans. And the\nmethod of curing a sick man always consists in the use of magic, or in the\npropitiation of angry ancestral spirits by means of offerings, or in the\nbanishment of evil spirits. The application of one or other of these three\nmethods depends again on the decision of the sorcerer, who plays a great\npart in every case of sickness.\u201d(266)\n\n(M64) In the island of Bali \u201call the attention paid to the sick has its\nroot solely in the excessive superstition of these islanders, which leads\nthem to impute every unpleasantness in life, every adversity to the\ninfluence of evil spirits or of men who are in some way in league with\nthem. The belief in witches and wizards is everywhere great in the Indies,\nbut perhaps nowhere is it so universal and so strong as in Bali.\u201d(267) In\nJava, we are told, it is not merely great shady trees that are believed to\nbe the abode of spirits. \u201cIn other places also, where the vital energy of\nnature manifests itself strikingly and impressively, a feeling of\nveneration is stirred, as on the sea-shore, in deep woods, on steep\nmountain sides. All such spots are supposed to be the abode of spirits of\nvarious kinds, whose mighty power is regarded with reverence and awe,\nwhose anger is dreaded, and whose favour is hoped for. But wherever they\ndwell, whether in scenes of loveliness that move the heart, or in spots\nthat affect the mind with fright and horror, the nature and disposition of\nthese spirits appear not to differ. They are a source of fear and anxiety\nin the one case just as much as in the other. To none of them did I ever\nhear moral qualities ascribed. They are mighty, they are potentates, and\ntherefore it is well with him who has their favour and ill with him who\nhas it not; this holds true of them all.\u201d \u201cThe number of the spirits is\ninnumerable and inconceivable. All the phenomena of nature, which we trace\nto fixed laws and constant forces, are supposed by the Javanese to be\nwrought by spirits.\u201d(268)\n\n(M65) The natives of the valley of the Barito in Borneo hold that \u201cthe air\nis filled with countless _hantoes_ (spirits). Every object has such a\nspirit which watches over it and seeks to defend it from danger. It is\nthese spirits especially that bring sickness and misfortune on men, and\nfor that reason offerings are often made to them and also to the powerful\n_Sangsangs_ (angels), whereas the supreme God, the original fountain of\nall good, is neglected.\u201d(269) Of the Battas or Bataks of Sumatra we are\ntold that \u201cthe key-note of their religious mood is fear of the unknown\npowers, a childish feeling of dependence, the outcome of a belief in\nsupernatural influences to which man is constantly exposed, in wonders and\nwitchcraft, which hamper his free action. They feel themselves continually\nsurrounded by unseen beings and dependent on them for everything.\u201d \u201cEvery\nmisfortune bespeaks the ill-will of the hostile spirits. The whole world\nis a meeting-place of demons, and most of the phenomena of nature are an\nexpression of their power. The only means of remedying or counteracting\ntheir baleful influence is to drive away the spirits by means of certain\nwords, as well as by the use of amulets and the offering of sacrifices to\nthe guardian spirits.\u201d(270) To the same effect another authority on the\nreligion of the Battas remarks that \u201cthe common man has only a very dim\nand misty notion of his triune god, and troubles himself far more about\nthe legions of spirits which people the whole world around him, and\nagainst which he must always be protected by magic spells.\u201d(271) Again,\nspeaking of the same people, a Dutch missionary observes that \u201cif there is\nstill any adherent of Rousseau\u2019s superficial theories about the\nidyllically happy and careless life of people \u2018in a state of nature,\u2019 he\nought to come and spend a little time among the Bataks and keep his eyes\nand ears open. He would soon be convinced of the hollowness and falsehood\nof these phrases and would learn to feel a deep compassion for human\nbeings living in perpetual fear of evil spirits.\u201d(272)\n\n(M66) The religion of the Nicobar Islanders \u201cis an undisguised animism,\nand the whole of their very frequent and elaborate ceremonies and\nfestivals are aimed at exorcising and scaring spirits (\u2018devils,\u2019 as they\nhave been taught to call them). Fear of spirits and ghosts (_iwi_) is the\nguide to all ceremonies, and the life of the people is _very_ largely\ntaken up with ceremonials and feasts of all kinds. These are usually held\nat night, and whether directly religious or merely convivial, seem all to\nhave an origin in the overmastering fear of spirits that possesses the\nNicobarese. It has so far proved ineradicable, for two centuries of varied\nand almost continuous missionary effort has had no appreciable effect on\nit.\u201d(273) The Mantras, an aboriginal race of the Malay Peninsula, \u201cfind or\nput a spirit everywhere, in the air they breathe, in the land they\ncultivate, in the forests they inhabit, in the trees they cut down, in the\ncaves of the rocks. According to them, the demon is the cause of\neverything that turns out ill. If they are sick, a demon is at the bottom\nof it; if an accident happens, it is still the spirit who is at work;\nthereupon the demon takes the name of the particular evil of which he is\nsupposed to be the cause. Hence the demon being assumed as the author of\nevery ill, all their superstitions resolve themselves into enchantments\nand spells to appease the evil spirit, to render mild and tractable the\nfiercest beasts.\u201d(274) To the mind of the Kamtchatkan every corner of\nearth and heaven seemed full of spirits, whom he revered and dreaded more\nthan God.(275)\n\n(M67) In India from the earliest times down to the present day the real\nreligion of the common folk appears always to have been a belief in a vast\nmultitude of spirits, of whom many, if not most, are mischievous and\nharmful. As in Europe beneath a superficial layer of Christianity a faith\nin magic and witchcraft, in ghosts and goblins has always survived and\neven flourished among the weak and ignorant, so it has been and so it is\nin the East. Brahmanism, Buddhism, Islam may come and go, but the belief\nin magic and demons remains unshaken through them all, and, if we may\njudge of the future from the past, is likely to survive the rise and fall\nof other historical religions. For the great faiths of the world, just in\nso far as they are the outcome of superior intelligence, of purer\nmorality, of extraordinary fervour of aspiration after the ideal, fail to\ntouch and move the common man. They make claims upon his intellect and his\nheart to which neither the one nor the other is capable of responding. The\nphilosophy they teach is too abstract, the morality they inculcate too\nexalted for him. The keener minds embrace the new philosophy, the more\ngenerous spirits are fired by the new morality; and as the world is led by\nsuch men, their faith sooner or later becomes the professed faith of the\nmultitude. Yet with the common herd, who compose the great bulk of every\npeople, the new religion is accepted only in outward show, because it is\nimpressed upon them by their natural leaders whom they cannot choose but\nfollow. They yield a dull assent to it with their lips, but in their heart\nthey never really abandon their old superstitions; in these they cherish a\nfaith such as they cannot repose in the creed which they nominally\nprofess; and to these, in the trials and emergencies of life, they have\nrecourse as to infallible remedies, when the promises of the higher faith\nhave failed them, as indeed such promises are apt to do.(276)\n\n(M68) To establish for India in particular the truth of the propositions\nwhich I have just advanced, it may be enough to cite the evidence of two\nwriters of high authority, one of whom deals with the most ancient form of\nIndian religion known to us, while the other describes the popular\nreligion of the Hindoos at the present day. \u201cAccording to the creed of the\nVedic ages,\u201d says Professor Oldenberg, \u201cthe whole world in which man lives\nis animated. Sky and earth, mountain, forest, trees and beasts, the\nearthly water and the heavenly water of the clouds,\u2014all is filled with\nliving spiritual beings, who are either friendly or hostile to mankind.\nUnseen or embodied in visible form, hosts of spirits surround and hover\nabout human habitations,\u2014bestial or misshapen goblins, souls of dead\nfriends and souls of foes, sometimes as kindly guardians, oftener as\nmischief-makers, bringing disease and misfortune, sucking the blood and\nstrength of the living. A soul is attributed even to the object fashioned\nby human hands, whose functions are felt to be friendly or hostile. The\nwarrior pays his devotion to the divine war-chariot, the divine arrow, the\ndrum; the ploughman to the ploughshare; the gambler to the dice; the\nsacrificer, about whom naturally we have the most exact information,\nreveres the stone that presses out the juice of the Soma, the straw on\nwhich the gods recline, the post to which the sacrificial victim is bound,\nand the divine doors through which the gods come forth to enjoy the\nsacrifice. At one time the beings in whose presence man feels himself are\nregarded by him as really endowed with souls; at another time, in harmony\nwith a more advanced conception of the world, they are imagined as\nsubstances or fluids invested with beneficent or maleficent properties:\nbelief oscillates to and fro between the one mode of thought and the\nother. The art of turning to account the operations of these animated\nbeings, the play of these substances and forces, is magic rather than\nworship in the proper sense of the word. The foundations of this faith and\nof this magic are an inheritance from the remotest past, from a period, to\nput it shortly, of shamanistic faith in spirits and souls, of shamanistic\nmagic. Such a period has been passed through by the forefathers of the\nIndo-Germanic race as well as by other peoples.\u201d(277)\n\n(M69) Coming down to the Hindoos of the present day, we find that their\nattitude towards the spiritual world is described as follows by Professor\nMonier Williams. \u201cThe plain fact undoubtedly is that the great majority of\nthe inhabitants of India are, from the cradle to the burning-ground,\nvictims of a form of mental disease which is best expressed by the term\ndemonophobia. They are haunted and oppressed by a perpetual dread of\ndemons. They are firmly convinced that evil spirits of all kinds, from\nmalignant fiends to merely mischievous imps and elves, are ever on the\nwatch to harm, harass, and torment them, to cause plague, sickness,\nfamine, and disaster, to impede, injure, and mar every good work.\u201d(278)\nElsewhere the same writer has expressed the same view somewhat more fully.\n\u201cIn fact,\u201d he says, \u201ca belief in every kind of demoniacal influence has\nalways been from the earliest times an essential ingredient in Hindu\nreligious thought. The idea probably had its origin in the supposed\npeopling of the air by spiritual beings\u2014the personifications or companions\nof storm and tempest. Certainly no one who has ever been brought into\nclose contact with the Hindus in their own country can doubt the fact that\nthe worship of at least ninety per cent. of the people of India in the\npresent day is a worship of fear. Not that the existence of good deities\npresided over by one Supreme Being is doubted; but that these deities are\nbelieved to be too absolutely good to need propitiation; just as in\nancient histories of the Slav races, we are told that they believed in a\nwhite god and a black god, but paid adoration to the last alone, having,\nas they supposed, nothing to apprehend from the beneficence of the first\nor white deity. The simple truth is that evil of all kinds, difficulties,\ndangers and disasters, famines, diseases, pestilences and death, are\nthought by an ordinary Hindu to proceed from demons, or, more properly\nspeaking, from devils, and from devils alone. These malignant beings are\nheld, as we have seen, to possess varying degrees of rank, power, and\nmalevolence. Some aim at destroying the entire world, and threaten the\nsovereignty of the gods themselves. Some delight in killing men, women,\nand children, out of a mere thirst for human blood. Some take a mere\nmischievous pleasure in tormenting, or revel in the infliction of\nsickness, injury, and misfortune. All make it their business to mar or\nimpede the progress of good works and useful undertakings.\u201d(279)\n\n(M70) It would be easy but tedious to illustrate in detail this general\naccount of the dread of demons which prevails among the inhabitants of\nIndia at the present day. A very few particular statements must suffice.\nThus, we are told that the Oraons, a Dravidian race in Bengal,\n\u201cacknowledge a Supreme God, adored as Dharmi or Dharmesh, the Holy One,\nwho is manifest in the sun, and they regard Dharmesh as a perfectly pure,\nbeneficent being, who created us and would in his goodness and mercy\npreserve us, but that his benevolent designs are thwarted by malignant\nspirits whom mortals must propitiate, as Dharmesh cannot or does not\ninterfere, if the spirit of evil once fastens upon us. It is, therefore,\nof no use to pray to Dharmesh or to offer sacrifices to him; so though\nacknowledged, recognised, and reverenced, he is neglected, whilst the\nmalignant spirits are adored.\u201d Again, it is said of these Oraons that, \u201cas\nthe sole object of their religious ceremonies is the propitiation of the\ndemons who are ever thwarting the benevolent intentions of Dharmesh, they\nhave no notion of a service of thanksgiving.\u201d Once more, after giving a\nlist of Oraon demons, the same writer goes on: \u201cBesides this superstitious\ndread of the spirits above named, the Oraon\u2019s imagination tremblingly\nwanders in a world of ghosts. Every rock, road, river, and grove is\nhaunted.\u201d(280) Again, a missionary who spent many years among the Kacharis\nof Assam tells us that \u201cthe religion of the Kach\u00e1ri race is distinctly of\nthe type commonly known as \u2018animistic\u2019 and its underlying principle is\ncharacteristically one of fear or dread. The statement _Timor fecit deos_\ncertainly holds good of this people in its widest and strictest sense; and\ntheir religion thus stands in very marked, not to say violent, contrast\nwith the teaching of the Faith in Christ. In the typical Kach\u00e1ri village\nas a rule neither idol nor place of worship is to be found; but to the\nKach\u00e1ri mind and imagination earth, air, and sky are alike peopled with a\nvast number of invisible spiritual beings, known usually as _Modai_, all\npossessing powers and faculties far greater than those of man, and almost\ninvariably inclined to use these powers for malignant and malevolent,\nrather than benevolent, purposes. In a certain stage of moral and\nspiritual development men are undoubtedly influenced far more by what they\nfear than by what they love; and this truth certainly applies to the\nKach\u00e1ri race in the most unqualified way.\u201d(281) Again, the Siyins, who\ninhabit the Chin Hills of north-eastern India, on the borders of Burma,\n\u201csay that there is no Supreme God and no other world save this, which is\nfull of evil spirits who inhabit the fields, infest the houses, and haunt\nthe jungles. These spirits must be propitiated or bribed to refrain from\ndoing the particular harm of which each is capable, for one can destroy\ncrops, another can make women barren, and a third cause a lizard to enter\nthe stomach and devour the bowels.\u201d(282) \u201cLike most mountaineers, the\npeople of Sikhim and the Tibetans are thorough-going demon-worshippers. In\nevery nook, path, big tree, rock, spring, waterfall and lake there lurks a\ndevil; for which reason few individuals will venture out alone after dark.\nThe sky, the ground, the house, the field, the country have each their\nspecial demons, and sickness is always attributed to malign demoniacal\ninfluence.\u201d(283) \u201cEven the purest of all the Lamaist sects\u2014the\nGe-lug-pa\u2014are thorough-paced devil-worshippers, and value Buddhism chiefly\nbecause it gives them the whip-hand over the devils which everywhere vex\nhumanity with disease and disaster, and whose ferocity weighs heavily on\nall.\u201d(284) The Lushais of Assam believe in a beneficent spirit named\nPathian, who made everything but troubles himself very little about men.\nFar more important in ordinary life are the numerous demons (_huai_), who\ninhabit every stream, mountain, and forest, and are all malignant. To\ntheir agency are ascribed all the illnesses and misfortunes that afflict\nhumanity, and a Lushai\u2019s whole life is spent in propitiating them. It is\nthe sorcerer (_puithiam_) who knows what demon is causing any particular\ntrouble, and it is he who can prescribe the sort of sacrifice which will\nappease the wrath of the fiend. Every form of sickness is set down to the\ninfluence of some demon or other, and all the tales about these spiritual\nfoes begin or end with the recurrent phrase, \u201cThere was much sickness in\nour village.\u201d(285) In Travancore \u201cthe minor superstitions connected with\ndemon-worship are well-nigh innumerable; they enter into all the feelings,\nand are associated with the whole life of these people. Every disease,\naccident, or misfortune is attributed to the agency of the devils, and\ngreat caution is exercised to avoid arousing their fury.\u201d(286)\n\n(M71) With regard to the inhabitants of Ceylon we are told that \u201cthe\nfiends which they conceive to be hovering around them are without number.\nEvery disease or trouble that assails them is produced by the immediate\nagency of the demons sent to punish them: while, on the other hand, every\nblessing or success comes directly from the hands of the beneficent and\nsupreme God. To screen themselves from the power of the inferior deities,\nwho are all represented as wicked spirits, and whose power is by no means\nirresistible, they wear amulets of various descriptions; and employ a\nvariety of charms and spells to ward off the influence of witchcraft and\nenchantments by which they think themselves beset on all sides.\u201d \u201cIt is\nprobable that, by degrees, intercourse with Europeans will entirely do\naway these superstitious fears, as the Cinglese of the towns have already\nmade considerable progress in subduing their gloomy apprehensions. Not so\nthe poor wretched peasants who inhabit the more mountainous parts of the\ncountry, and live at a distance from our settlements. These unhappy people\nhave never for a moment their minds free from the terror of those demons\nwho seem perpetually to hover around them. Their imaginations are so\ndisturbed by such ideas that it is not uncommon to see many driven to\nmadness from this cause. Several Cinglese lunatics have fallen under my\nown observation; and upon inquiring into the circumstances which had\ndeprived them of their reason, I universally found that their wretched\nstate was to be traced solely to the excess of their superstitious fears.\nThe spirits of the wicked subordinate demons are the chief objects of fear\namong the Ceylonese; and impress their minds with much more awe than the\nmore powerful divinities who dispense blessings among them. They indeed\nthink that their country is in a particular manner delivered over to the\ndominion of evil spirits.\u201d(287)\n\n(M72) In Eastern as well as Southern Asia the same view of nature as\npervaded by a multitude of spirits, mostly mischievous and malignant, has\nsurvived the nominal establishment of a higher faith. \u201cIn spite of their\nlong conversion, their sincere belief in, and their pure form of,\nBuddhism, which expressly repudiates and forbids such worship, the Burmans\nand Taleins (or Mons) have in a great measure kept their ancient spirit or\ndemon worship. With the Taleins this is more especially the case. Indeed,\nwith the country population of Pegu the worship, or it should rather be\nsaid the propitiation, of the \u2018nats\u2019 or spirits, enters into every act of\ntheir ordinary life, and Buddha\u2019s doctrine seems kept for sacred days and\ntheir visits to the kyoung (monastery) or to the pagoda.\u201d(288) Or, as\nanother writer puts it, \u201cthe propitiating of the nats is a question of\ndaily concern to the lower class Burman, while the worship at the pagoda\nis only thought of once a week. For the nat may prove destructive and\nhostile at any time, whereas the acquisition of _koothoh_ [merit] at the\npagoda is a thing which may be set about in a business-like way, and at\nproper and convenient seasons.\u201d(289) But the term worship, we are\ninformed, hardly conveys a proper notion of the attitude of the Burmese\ntowards the nats or spirits. \u201cEven the Karens and Kachins, who have no\nother form of belief, do not regard them otherwise than as malevolent\nbeings who must be looked up to with fear, and propitiated by regular\nofferings. They do not want to have anything to do with the nats; all they\nseek is to be let alone. The bamboo pipes of spirit, the bones of\nsacrificial animals, the hatchets, swords, spears, bows and arrows that\nline the way to a Kachin village, are placed there not with the idea of\nattracting the spirits, but of preventing them from coming right among the\nhouses in search of their requirements. If they want to drink, the rice\nspirit has been poured out, and the bamboo stoup is there in evidence of\nthe libation; the blood-stained skulls of oxen, pigs, and the feathers of\nfowls show that there has been no stint of meat offerings; should the nats\nwax quarrelsome, and wish to fight, there are the axes and dahs with which\nto commence the fray. Only let them be grateful, and leave their trembling\nworshippers in peace and quietness.\u201d(290)\n\n(M73) Similarly the Lao or Laosians of Siam, though they are nominally\nBuddhists, and have monks and pagodas with images of Buddha, are said to\npay more respect to spirits or demons than to these idols.(291) \u201cThe\ndesire to propitiate the good spirits and to exorcise the bad ones is the\nprevailing influence upon the life of a Laosian. With _phees_ [evil\nspirits] to right of him, to left of him, in front of him, behind him, all\nround him, his mind is haunted with a perpetual desire to make terms with\nthem, and to ensure the assistance of the great Buddha, so that he may\npreserve both body and soul from the hands of the spirits.\u201d(292)\n\u201cIndependently of the demons who are in hell, the Siamese recognise\nanother sort of devils diffused in the air: they call them _phi_; these\nare, they say, the demons who do harm to men and who appear sometimes in\nhorrible shapes. They put down to the account of these malign spirits all\nthe calamities which happen in the world. If a mother has lost a child, it\nis a _phi_ who has done the ill turn; if a sick man is given over, it is a\n_phi_ that is at the bottom of it. To appease him, they invoke him and\nmake him offerings which they hang up in desert places.\u201d(293) As to the\nThay, a widely spread race of Indo-China,(294) a French missionary writes\nas follows: \u201cIt may be said that the Thay lives in constant intercourse\nwith the invisible world. There is hardly an act of his life which is not\nregulated by some religious belief. There are two worships, the worship of\nthe spirits and the worship of the dead, which, however, are scarcely\ndistinguishable from each other, since the dead become spirits by the mere\nfact of their death. His simple imagination represents to him the world of\nspirits as a sort of double of the state of things here below. At the\nsummit is Po Then, the father of the empyrean. Below him are the Then\u2014Then\nBun, Then Kum, Then Kom, of whom the chief is Then Luong, \u2018the great\nThen.\u2019 The dead go and cultivate his rice-fields in heaven and clear his\nmountains, just as they did their own in their life on earth. He has to\nwife a goddess Me Bau. Besides these heavenly spirits, the Thay reckons a\nmultitude of others under the name of _phi_. His science being not very\nextensive, many things seem extraordinary to him. If he cannot explain a\ncertain natural phenomenon, his perplexity does not last long. It is the\nwork of a _phi_, he says, and his priests take care not to dissuade him.\nHence he sees spirits everywhere. There are _phi_ on the steep mountains,\nin the deep woods, the _phi bai_ who, by night on the mountain, imitate\nthe rain and the storms and leave no trace of their passage. If they shew\nthemselves, they appear in the form of gigantic animals and cause terrible\nstomach troubles, such as diarrh\u0153a, dysentery, and so on.... The large\nanimals of the forest, wild oxen and buffaloes, rhinoceroses, elephants,\nand so on, have their guardian spirits. Hence the prudent hunter learns at\nthe outset to exorcise them in order that, when he has killed these\nanimals, he may be able to cut them up and eat their flesh without having\nto fear the vengeance of their invisible guardian. Spirits also guard the\nclearings whither the deer come by night to drink. The hunter should\nsacrifice a fowl to them from time to time, if he would bring down his\ngame with ease. The gun itself has a spirit who looks to it that the\npowder explodes. In short, the Thay cannot take a single step without\nmeeting a spirit on the path.\u201d(295) \u201cThus the life of the Thay seems\nregulated down to its smallest details by custom founded on his belief in\nthe spirits. Spirits perpetually watch him, ready to punish his\nnegligences, and he is afraid. Fear is not only for him the beginning of\nwisdom, it is the whole of his wisdom. Love has only a very moderate place\nin it. Even the respect in which he holds his dead, and the honours which\nhe pays them on various occasions, seem to be dominated by a superstitious\nfear. It seems that the sacrifices which he offers to them aim rather at\naverting from himself the evils which he dreads than at honouring worthily\nthe memory of his deceased kinsfolk and at paying them the tribute of his\naffection and gratitude. Once they sleep their last sleep yonder in the\nshadow of the great trees of the forest, none goes to shed a tear and\nmurmur a prayer on their grave. Nothing but calamity suffices to rescue\nthem from the oblivion into which they had fallen in the memory of the\nliving.\u201d(296)\n\n(M74) \u201cThe dogma, prevailing in China from the earliest times, that the\nuniverse is filled in all its parts with _shen_ and _kwei_, naturally\nimplies that devils and demons must also swarm about the homes of men in\nnumbers inestimable. It is, in fact, an axiom which constantly comes out\nin conversing with the people, that they haunt every frequented and lonely\nspot, and that no place exists where man is safe from them.\u201d(297) \u201cThe\nworship and propitiation of the gods, which is the main part of China\u2019s\nreligion, has no higher purpose than that of inducing the gods to protect\nman against the world of evil, or, by descending among men, to drive\nspectres away by their intimidating presence. This cult implies invocation\nof happiness; but as happiness merely means absence of misfortune which\nthe spectres cause, such a cult is tantamount to the disarming of spectres\nby means of the gods.... Taoism may then actually be defined as Exorcising\nPolytheism, a cult of the gods with which Eastern Asiatic imagination has\nfilled the universe, connected with a highly developed system of magic,\nconsisting for a great part in exorcism. This cult and magic is, of\ncourse, principally in the hands of priests. But, besides, the lay world,\nenslaved to the intense belief in the perilous omnipresence of spectres,\nis engaged every day in a restless defensive and offensive war against\nthose beings.\u201d(298)\n\n(M75) In Corea, \u201camong the reasons which render the shaman a necessity are\nthese. In Korean belief, earth, air, and sea are peopled by demons. They\nhaunt every umbrageous tree, shady ravine, crystal spring, and mountain\ncrest. On green hill-slopes, in peaceful agricultural valleys, in grassy\ndells, on wooded uplands, by lake and stream, by road and river, in north,\nsouth, east, and west, they abound, making malignant sport of human\ndestinies. They are on every roof, ceiling, fireplace, _kang_ and beam.\nThey fill the chimney, the shed, the living-room, the kitchen\u2014they are on\nevery shelf and jar. In thousands they waylay the traveller as he leaves\nhis home, beside him, behind him, dancing in front of him, whirring over\nhis head, crying out upon him from earth, air, and water. They are\nnumbered by _thousands of billions_, and it has been well said that their\nubiquity is an unholy travesty of the Divine Omnipresence. This belief,\nand it seems to be the only one he has, keeps the Korean in a perpetual\nstate of nervous apprehension, it surrounds him with indefinite terrors,\nand it may truly be said of him that he \u2018passes the time of his sojourning\nhere in fear.\u2019 Every Korean home is subject to demons, here, there, and\neverywhere. They touch the Korean at every point in life, making his\nwell-being depend on a continual series of acts of propitiation, and they\navenge every omission with merciless severity, keeping him under this yoke\nof bondage from birth to death.\u201d \u201cKoreans attribute every ill by which\nthey are afflicted to demoniacal influence. Bad luck in any transaction,\nofficial malevolence, illness, whether sudden or prolonged, pecuniary\nmisfortune, and loss of power or position, are due to the malignity of\ndemons. It is over such evils that the _Pan-su_ [shaman] is supposed to\nhave power, and to be able to terminate them by magical rites, he being\npossessed by a powerful demon, whose strength he is able to wield.\u201d(299)\n\n(M76) Of the nomadic Koryaks of north-eastern Asia it is said that \u201call\ntheir religious customs have only reference to the evil spirits of the\nearth. Their religion is thus a cunning diplomacy or negotiation with\nthese spirits in order, as far as possible, to deter them from actions\nwhich would be injurious to men. Everywhere, on every mountain, in the\nsea, by the rivers, in the forest, and on the plains their fancy sees\ndemons lurking, whom they picture to themselves as purely malignant and\nvery greedy. Hence the frequent offerings by which they seek to satisfy\nthe greed of these insatiable beings, and to redeem that which they value\nand hold dear. Those of the people who are believed to be able to divine\nmost easily the wishes of the evil ones and who enjoy their favour to a\ncertain extent are called shamans, and the religious ceremonies which they\nperform are shamanism. In every case the shamans must give their advice as\nto how the devils are to be got rid of, and must reveal the wishes of the\ndemons.\u201d(300) As to these demons of the earth, who infest the Koryaks, we\nare told that \u201cwhen visiting the houses to cause diseases and to kill\npeople, they enter from under ground, through the hearth-fire, and return\nthe same way. It happens at times that they steal people, and carry them\naway. They are invisible to human beings, and are capable of changing\ntheir size. They are sometimes so numerous in houses, that they sit on the\npeople, and fill up all corners. With hammers and axes they knock people\nover their heads, thus causing headaches. They bite, and cause swellings.\nThey shoot invisible arrows, which stick in the body, causing death, if a\nshaman does not pull them out in time. The _kalau_ [demons] tear out\npieces of flesh from people, thus causing sores and wounds to form on\ntheir bodies.\u201d(301)\n\n(M77) The Gilyaks of the Amoor valley in eastern Asia believe that besides\nthe gods \u201cthere are evil supernatural beings who do him harm. They are\ndevils, called _mil\u2019k_, _kinr_. These beings appear in the most varied\nforms and are distinguished according to the degree of their harmfulness.\nThey appear now in the form of a Gilyak, now in the form of an animal,\nfrom a bear down to a toad and a lizard. They exist on the land and in the\nsea, under the earth and in the sky. Some of them form special tribes of\ntreacherous beings whose essential nature it is to be destructive. Others\nare isolated individuals, ruined beings, \u2018lost sons\u2019 of families of\nbeneficent beings, who are exceptional in their hostility to man. The\nformer class are naturally the most dangerous. Some are wholly occupied in\nrobbing the Gilyak on the road (the spirits of loss\u2014_gerniwuch-en_);\nothers empty his barns, his traps, his pitfalls, and so on; lastly there\nare such also, the most dreadful of all, who lie in wait for his life and\nbring sickness and death. Were there no such beings, men would not die. A\nnatural death is impossible. Death is the result of the wiles of these\ntreacherous beings.\u201d(302)\n\n(M78) In the more westerly parts of the old world the same belief in the\nomnipresence and mischievous power of spirits has prevailed from antiquity\nto the present day. If we may judge from the fragments of their literature\nwhich have been deciphered, few people seem to have suffered more from the\npersistent assaults of demons than the ancient Babylonians and Assyrians,\nand the evil spirits that preyed on them were of a peculiarly cruel and\nmalignant sort; even the gods themselves were not exempt from their\nattacks. These baleful beings lurked in solitary places, in graves, in the\nshadow of ruins and on the tops of mountains. They dwelt in the\nwilderness, in the holes and dens of the earth, they issued from the lower\nparts of the ground. Nothing could resist them in heaven above, nothing\ncould withstand them on earth below. They roamed the streets, they leaped\nfrom house to house. The high and thick fences they penetrated like a\nflood, the door could not stay them, nor the bolt make them turn back.\nThey glided through the door like a serpent, they pierced through the\nplanks like the wind. There was no place, however small, which they could\nnot invade, none so large that they could not fill. And their wickedness\nwas equal to their power. \u201cThey are wicked, they are wicked,\u201d says an\nincantation. No prayers could move them, no supplications could make them\nrelent; for they knew no pity, they hearkened not to reason, they knew no\ntroth. To them all manner of evil was ascribed. Their presence was felt\nnot only in the terrible winds that swept the land, in the fevers bred of\nthe marshes, and in the diseases engendered by the damp heat of summer.\nAll the petty annoyances of life\u2014a sudden fall, an unlucky word, a\nheadache, a paltry quarrel\u2014were set down to the agency of fiends; and all\nthe fierce emotions that rend the mind\u2014love, hate, jealousy, and\nmadness\u2014were equally the work of these invisible tormentors. Men and women\nstood in constant danger of them. They tore the wife from the bosom of her\nhusband, the son from the knees of his father. They ate the flesh and\ndrank the blood of men, they prevented them from sleeping or taking food,\nand to adopt a metaphor from one of the texts, \u201cthey ground the country\nlike flour.\u201d Almost every part of the human frame was menaced by a special\nfiend. One demon assailed the head, another the neck, another the hips,\nand so on. They bound a man\u2019s hands, they fettered his feet, they spat\npoison and gall on him. Day and night must he wander without rest; sighs\nand lamentations were his food. They attacked even the animals. They drove\ndoves from their dovecotes, and swallows from their nests; they smote the\nbull and the ass. They pursued the cattle to their stalls: they lodged\nwith the horses in the stable: they caused the she-ass to miscarry, and\nthe young ass at its mother\u2019s dugs to pine away. Even lifeless things\ncould be possessed by them; for there were demons that rushed against\nhouses and took walls by storm, that shut themselves up in doors, and hid\nthemselves under bolts. Indeed they threatened the whole world with\ndestruction, and there was none that could deliver from them save only the\nmighty god Marduk.(303)\n\n(M79) In the opinion of the ancient Egyptians \u201cthere were good spirits as\nwell as bad, but the _Book of the Dead_ practically ignores the former,\nand its magical formulae were directed entirely against the operations of\nevil spirits. Though naturally of a gay and light-hearted disposition, the\nEgyptian must have lived in a perpetual state of fear of spirits of all\nkinds, spirits of calamity, disease, and sickness, spirits of angry gods\nand ancestors, and above all the spirit of Death. His imagination filled\nthe world with spirits, whose acts seemed to him to be generally\nmalevolent, and his magical and religious literature and his amulets\ntestify to the very real terror with which he regarded his future\nexistence in the world of spirits. Escape from such spirits was\nimpossible, for they could not die.\u201d(304) In modern Egypt the jinn, a\nclass of spiritual beings intermediate between angels and men, are\nbelieved to pervade the solid matter of the earth as well as the\nfirmament, and they inhabit rivers, ruined houses, wells, baths, ovens,\nand so forth. So thickly do they swarm that in pouring water or other\nliquids on the ground an Egyptian will commonly exclaim or mutter\n\u201c_Destoor!_\u201d thereby asking the permission or craving the pardon of any\njinn who might chance to be there, and who might otherwise resent being\nsuddenly soused with water or unsavoury fluids. So too when people light a\nfire, let down a bucket into a well, or perform other necessary functions,\nthey will say \u201cPermission!\u201d or \u201cPermission, ye blessed!\u201d(305) Again, in\nEgypt it is not considered proper to sweep out a house at night, lest in\ndoing so you should knock against a jinnee, who might avenge the\ninsult.(306)\n\n(M80) The earliest of the Greek philosophers, Thales, held that the world\nis full of gods or spirits;(307) and the same primitive creed was\nexpounded by one of the latest pagan thinkers of antiquity. Porphyry\ndeclared that demons appeared in the likeness of animals, that every house\nand every body was full of them, and that forms of ceremonial\npurification, such as beating the air and so forth, had no other object\nbut that of driving away the importunate swarms of these invisible but\ndangerous beings. He explained that evil spirits delighted in food,\nespecially in blood and impurities, that they settled like flies on us at\nmeals, and that they could only be kept at a distance by ceremonial\nobservances, which were directed, not to pleasing the gods, but simply and\nsolely to beating off devils.(308) His theory of religious purification\nseems faithfully to reflect the creed of the savage on this subject,(309)\nbut a philosopher is perhaps the last person whom we should expect to find\nacting as a mirror of savagery. It is less surprising to meet with the\nsame venerable doctrine, the same world-wide superstition in the mouth of\na mediaeval abbot; for we know that a belief in devils has the authority\nof the founder of Christianity and is sanctioned by the teaching of the\nchurch. No Esquimau on the frozen shores of Labrador, no Indian in the\nsweltering forests of Guiana, no cowering Hindoo in the jungles of Bengal,\ncould well have a more constant and abiding sense of the presence of\nmalignant demons everywhere about him than had Abbot Richalm, who ruled\nover the Cistercian monastery of Sch\u00f6nthal in the first half of the\nthirteenth century. In the curious work to which he gave the name of\n_Revelations_, he set forth how he was daily and hourly infested by\ndevils, whom, though he could not see, he heard, and to whom he imputed\nall the ailments of his flesh and all the frailties of his spirit. If he\nfelt squeamish, he was sure that the feeling was wrought in him by\ndemoniacal agency. If puckers appeared on his nose, if his lower lip\ndrooped, the devils had again to answer for it; a cough, a cold in the\nhead, a hawking and spitting, could have none but a supernatural and\ndevilish origin. If, pacing in his orchard on a sunny autumn morning, the\nportly abbot stooped to pick up the mellow fruit that had fallen in the\nnight, the blood that mounted to his purple face was sent coursing thither\nby his invisible foes. If the abbot tossed on his sleepless couch, while\nthe moonlight, streaming in at the window, cast the shadows of the\nstanchions like black bars on the floor of his cell, it was not the fleas\nand so forth that kept him awake\u2014oh no! \u201cVermin,\u201d said he sagely, \u201cdo not\nreally bite\u201d; they seem to bite indeed, but it is all the work of devils.\nIf a monk snored in the dormitory, the unseemly noise proceeded not from\nhim, but from a demon lurking in his person. Especially dangerous were the\ndemons of intoxication. These subtle fiends commonly lodged at the taverns\nin the neighbouring town, but on feast days they were apt to slip through\nthe monastery gates and glide unseen among the monks seated at the\nrefectory table, or gathered round the roaring fire on the hearth, while\nthe bleak wind whistled in the abbey towers, and a more generous vintage\nthan usual glowed and sparkled in the flagons. If at such times a jolly,\nrosy-faced brother appeared to the carnal eye and ear to grow obstreperous\nor maudlin, to speak thick or to reel and stagger in his gait, be sure it\nwas not the fiery spirit of the grape that moved the holy man; it was a\nspirit of quite a different order. Holding such views on the source of all\nbodily and mental indisposition, it was natural enough that the abbot\nshould prescribe remedies which are not to be found in the pharmacop\u0153ia,\nand which would be asked for in vain at an apothecary\u2019s. They consisted\nchiefly of holy water and the sign of the cross; this last he recommended\nparticularly as a specific for flea-bites.(310)\n\n(M81) It is easy to suggest that the abbot\u2019s wits were unsettled, that he\nsuffered from hallucinations, and so forth. This may have been so; yet a\nmode of thought like his seems to be too common over a great part of the\nworld to allow us to attribute it purely to mental derangement. In the\nMiddle Ages, when the general level of knowledge was low, a state of mind\nlike Richalm\u2019s may have been shared by multitudes even of educated people,\nwho have not, however, like him, left a monument of their folly to\nposterity. At the present day, through the advance and spread of\nknowledge, it might be difficult to find any person of acknowledged sanity\nholding the abbot\u2019s opinions on the subject of demons; but in remote parts\nof Europe a little research might shew that the creed of Porphyry and\nRichalm is still held, with but little variation, by the mass of the\npeople. Thus we are told that the Roumanians of Transylvania \u201cbelieve\nthemselves to be surrounded on all sides by whole legions of evil spirits.\nThese devils are furthermore assisted by _ismejus_ (another sort of\ndragon), witches, and goblins, and to each of these dangerous beings are\nascribed particular powers on particular days and at certain places. Many\nand curious are therefore the means by which the Roumanians endeavour to\ncounteract these baleful influences; and a whole complicated study, about\nas laborious as the mastering of an unknown language, is required in order\nto teach an unfortunate peasant to steer clear of the dangers by which he\nsupposes himself to be beset on all sides.\u201d(311)\n\n(M82) Similar beliefs are held to this day by the Armenians, who, though\nthey are not a European people, have basked in the light of Christianity\nfrom a time when Central and Northern Europe was still plunged in heathen\ndarkness. All the activities, we are told, of these professing Christians\n\u201care paralyzed after sunset, because at every step they quake with fear,\nbelieving that the evil demons are everywhere present in the air, in the\nwater, on the earth. By day the evil ones are under the earth, therefore\nboiling hot water may not be poured on the ground, because it sinks into\nthe earth and burns the feet of the children of the evil spirits. But in\nthe evening the superstitious Armenian will pour no water at all on the\nearth, because the evil ones are everywhere present on the earth. Some of\nthem are walking about, others are sitting at table and feasting, so that\nthey might be disturbed by the pouring out of water, and they would take\nvengeance for it. Also by night you should not smite the ground with a\nstick, nor sweep out the house, nor remove the dung from the stable,\nbecause without knowing it you might hit the evil spirits. But if you are\ncompelled to sweep by night, you singe the tip of the broom so as to\nfrighten the evil ones away in time. You must not go out at night\nbareheaded, for the evil ones would smite you on the head. It is also\ndangerous to drink water out of a vessel in the dark, especially when the\nwater is drawn from a brook or river; for the evil ones in the water hit\nout, or they pass with the water into a man. Therefore in drinking you\nshould hold a knife with three blades or a piece of iron in the water. The\nbaleful influence of the nocturnal demons extends also to useful objects;\nhence after sunset people do not lend salt or fire and do not shake out\nthe tablecloth, because thereby the salt would lose its savour and the\nwelfare of the house would depart.\u201d(312)\n\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER III. THE PUBLIC EXPULSION OF EVILS.\n\n\n\n\n\u00a7 1. The Occasional Expulsion of Evils.\n\n\n(M83) We can now understand why those general clearances of evil, to which\nfrom time to time the savage resorts, should commonly take the form of a\nforcible expulsion of devils. In these evil spirits primitive man sees the\ncause of many if not of most of his troubles, and he fancies that if he\ncan only deliver himself from them, things will go better with him. The\npublic attempts to expel the accumulated ills of a whole community may be\ndivided into two classes, according as the expelled evils are immaterial\nand invisible or are embodied in a material vehicle or scapegoat. The\nformer may be called the direct or immediate expulsion of evils; the\nlatter the indirect or mediate expulsion, or the expulsion by scapegoat.\nWe begin with examples of the former.\n\n(M84) In the island of Rook, between New Guinea and New Britain, when any\nmisfortune has happened, all the people run together, scream, curse, howl,\nand beat the air with sticks to drive away the devil (_Mars\u00e1ba_), who is\nsupposed to be the author of the mishap. From the spot where the mishap\ntook place they drive him step by step to the sea, and on reaching the\nshore they redouble their shouts and blows in order to expel him from the\nisland. He generally retires to the sea or to the island of Lottin.(313)\nThe natives of New Britain ascribe sickness, drought, the failure of\ncrops, and in short all misfortunes, to the influence of wicked spirits.\nSo at times when many people sicken and die, as at the beginning of the\nrainy season, all the inhabitants of a district, armed with branches and\nclubs, go out by moonlight to the fields, where they beat and stamp on the\nground with wild howls till morning, believing that this drives away the\ndevils; and for the same purpose they rush through the village with\nburning torches.(314) The natives of New Caledonia are said to believe\nthat all evils are caused by a powerful and malignant spirit; hence in\norder to rid themselves of him they will from time to time dig a great\npit, round which the whole tribe gathers. After cursing the demon, they\nfill up the pit with earth, and trample on the top with loud shouts. This\nthey call burying the evil spirit.(315) Among the Dieri tribe of Central\nAustralia, when a serious illness occurs, the medicine-men expel Cootchie\nor the devil by beating the ground in and outside of the camp with the\nstuffed tail of a kangaroo, until they have chased the demon away to some\ndistance from the camp.(316) In some South African tribes it is a general\nrule that no common man may meddle with spirits, whether good or bad,\nexcept to offer the customary sacrifices. Demons may haunt him and make\nhis life a burden to him, but he must submit to their machinations until\nthe matter is taken up by the proper authorities. A baboon may be sent by\nevil spirits and perch on a tree within gunshot, or regale itself in his\nmaize-field; but to fire at the beast would be worse than suicide. So long\nas a man remains a solitary sufferer, he has little chance of redress. It\nis supposed that he has committed some crime, and that the ancestors in\ntheir wrath have sent a demon to torment him. But should his neighbours\nalso suffer; should the baboon from choice or necessity (for men do\nsometimes pluck up courage to scare the brutes) select a fresh field for\nits depredations, or the roof of another man\u2019s barn for its perch, the\ncase begins to wear a different complexion. The magicians now deal with\nthe matter seriously. One man may be haunted for his sins by a demon, but\na whole community infested by devils is another matter. To shoot the\nbaboon, however, would be useless; it would merely enrage the demon and\nincrease the danger. The first thing to do is to ascertain the permanent\nabode of the devil. It is generally a deep pool with overhanging banks and\ndark recesses. There the villagers assemble with the priests and magicians\nat their head, and set about pelting the demon with stones, men, women,\nand children all joining in the assault, while they load the object of\ntheir fear and hate with the foulest abuse. Drums too are beaten, and\nhorns blown at intervals, and when everybody has been worked up to such a\nfrenzy of excitement that some even fancy they see the imp dodging the\nmissiles, he suddenly takes to flight, and the village is rid of him for a\ntime. After that, the crops may be protected and baboons killed with\nimpunity.(317)\n\n(M85) When a village has been visited by a series of disasters or a severe\nepidemic, the inhabitants of Minahassa in Celebes lay the blame upon the\ndevils who are infesting the village and who must be expelled from it.\nAccordingly, early one morning all the people, men, women, and children,\nquit their homes, carrying their household goods with them, and take up\ntheir quarters in temporary huts which have been erected outside the\nvillage. Here they spend several days, offering sacrifices and preparing\nfor the final ceremony. At last the men, some wearing masks, others with\ntheir faces blackened, and so on, but all armed with swords, guns, pikes,\nor brooms, steal cautiously and silently back to the deserted village.\nThen, at a signal from the priest, they rush furiously up and down the\nstreets and into and under the houses (which are raised on piles above the\nground), yelling and striking on walls, doors, and windows, to drive away\nthe devils. Next, the priests and the rest of the people come with the\nholy fire and march nine times round each house and thrice round the\nladder that leads up to it, carrying the fire with them. Then they take\nthe fire into the kitchen, where it must burn for three days continuously.\nThe devils are now driven away, and great and general is the joy.(318) The\nAlfoors of Halmahera attribute epidemics to the devil who comes from other\nvillages to carry them off. So, in order to rid the village of the\ndisease, the sorcerer drives away the devil. From all the villagers he\nreceives a costly garment and places it on four vessels, which he takes to\nthe forest and leaves at the spot where the devil is supposed to be. Then\nwith mocking words he bids the demon abandon the place.(319) In the Kei\nIslands to the south-west of New Guinea, the evil spirits, who are quite\ndistinct from the souls of the dead, form a mighty host. Almost every tree\nand every cave is the lodging-place of one of these fiends, who are\nmoreover extremely irascible and apt to fly out on the smallest\nprovocation. To speak loudly in passing their abode, to ease nature near a\nhaunted tree or cave, is enough to bring down their wrath on the offender,\nand he must either appease them by an offering or burn the scrapings of a\nbuffalo\u2019s horn or the hair of a Papuan slave, in order that the smell may\ndrive the foul fiends away. The spirits manifest their displeasure by\nsending sickness and other calamities. Hence in times of public\nmisfortune, as when an epidemic is raging, and all other remedies have\nfailed, the whole population go forth with the priest at their head to a\nplace at some distance from the village. Here at sunset they erect a\ncouple of poles with a cross-bar between them, to which they attach bags\nof rice, wooden models of pivot-guns, gongs, bracelets, and so on. Then,\nwhen everybody has taken his place at the poles and a death-like silence\nreigns, the priest lifts up his voice and addresses the spirits in their\nown language as follows: \u201cHo! ho! ho! ye evil spirits who dwell in the\ntrees, ye evil spirits who live in the grottoes, ye evil spirits who lodge\nin the earth, we give you these pivot-guns, these gongs, etc. Let the\nsickness cease and not so many people die of it.\u201d Then everybody runs home\nas fast as their legs can carry them.(320)\n\n(M86) In the island of Nias, when a man is seriously ill and other\nremedies have been tried in vain, the sorcerer proceeds to exorcise the\ndevil who is causing the illness. A pole is set up in front of the house,\nand from the top of the pole a rope of palm-leaves is stretched to the\nroof of the house. Then the sorcerer mounts the roof with a pig, which he\nkills and allows to roll from the roof to the ground. The devil, anxious\nto get the pig, lets himself down hastily from the roof by the rope of\npalm-leaves, and a good spirit, invoked by the sorcerer, prevents him from\nclimbing up again. If this remedy fails, it is believed that other devils\nmust still be lurking in the house. So a general hunt is made after them.\nAll the doors and windows in the house are closed, except a single\ndormer-window in the roof. The men, shut up in the house, hew and slash\nwith their swords right and left to the clash of gongs and the rub-a-dub\nof drums. Terrified at this onslaught, the devils escape by the\ndormer-window, and sliding down the rope of palm-leaves take themselves\noff. As all the doors and windows, except the one in the roof, are shut,\nthe devils cannot get into the house again. In the case of an epidemic,\nthe proceedings are similar. All the gates of the village, except one, are\nclosed; every voice is raised, every gong and drum beaten, every sword\nbrandished. Thus the devils are driven out and the last gate is shut\nbehind them. For eight days thereafter the village is in a state of siege,\nno one being allowed to enter it.(321)\n\n(M87) The means adopted in Nias to exclude an epidemic from a village\nwhich has not yet been infected by it are somewhat similar; but as they\nexhibit an interesting combination of religious ritual with the purely\nmagical ceremony of exorcism, it may be worth while to describe them. When\nit is known that a village is suffering from the ravages of a dangerous\nmalady, the other villages in the neighbourhood take what they regard as\neffective measures for securing immunity from the disease. Some of these\nmeasures commend themselves to us as rational and others do not. In the\nfirst place, quarantine is established in each village, not only against\nthe inhabitants of the infected village, but against all strangers; no\nperson from outside is allowed to enter. In the second place, a feast is\nmade by the people for one of their idols who goes by the name of\n_Fangeroe w\u00f5ch\u00f5_, or Protector from sickness. All the people of the\nvillage must participate in the sacrifice and bear a share of the cost.\nThe principal idol, crowned with palm-leaves, is set up in front of the\nchief\u2019s house, and all the inhabitants who can do so gather about it. The\nnames of those who cannot attend are mentioned, apparently as a substitute\nfor their attendance in person. While the priest is reciting the spells\nfor the banishment of the evil spirits, all persons present come forward\nand touch the image. A pig is then killed and its flesh furnishes a common\nmeal. The mouth of the idol is smeared with the bloody heart of the pig,\nand a dishful of the cooked pork is set before him. Of the flesh thus\nconsecrated to the idol none but priests and chiefs may partake. Idols\ncalled _daha_, or branches of the principal idol, are also set up in front\nof all the other houses in the village. Moreover, bogies made of black\nwood with white eyes, to which the broken crockery of the inhabitants has\nfreely contributed, are placed at the entrances of the village to scare\nthe demon and prevent him from entering. All sorts of objects whitened\nwith chalk are also hung up in front of the houses to keep the devil out.\nWhen eight days have elapsed, it is thought that the sacrifice has taken\neffect, and the priest puts an end to the quarantine. All boys and men now\nassemble for the purpose of expelling the evil spirit. Led by the priest,\nthey march four times, with a prodigious noise and uproar, from one end of\nthe village to the other, slashing the air with their knives and stabbing\nit with their spears to frighten the devil away. If all these efforts\nprove vain, and the dreaded sickness breaks out, the people think it must\nbe because they have departed from the ways of their fathers by raising\nthe price of victuals and pigs too high or by enriching themselves with\nunjust gain. Accordingly a new idol is made and set up in front of the\nchief\u2019s house; and while the priest engages in prayer, the chief and the\nmagnates of the village touch the image, vowing as they do so to return to\nthe old ways and cursing all such as may refuse their consent or violate\nthe new law thus solemnly enacted. Then all present betake themselves to\nthe river and erect another idol on the bank. In presence of this latter\nidol the weights and measures are compared, and any that exceed the lawful\nstandard are at once reduced to it. When this has been done, they rock the\nimage to and fro to signify, or perhaps rather to ensure, thereby that he\nwho does not keep the new law shall suffer misfortune, or fall sick, or be\nthwarted in some way or other. Then a pig is killed and eaten on the bank\nof the river. The feast being over, each family contributes a certain sum\nin token that they make restitution of their unlawful gains. The money\nthus collected is tied in a bundle, and the priest holds the bundle up\ntowards the sky and down towards the earth to satisfy the god of the upper\nand the god of the nether world that justice has now been done. After that\nhe either flings the bag of money into the river or buries it in the\nground beside the idol. In the latter case the money naturally disappears,\nand the people explain its disappearance by saying that the evil spirit\nhas come and fetched it.(322) A method like that which at the present day\nthe people of Nias adopt for the sake of conjuring the demon of disease\nwas employed in antiquity by the Caunians of Asia Minor to banish certain\nforeign gods whom they had imprudently established in their country. All\nthe men of military age assembled under arms, and with spear-thrusts in\nthe air drove the strange gods step by step from the land and across the\nboundaries.(323)\n\n(M88) The Solomon Islanders of Bougainville Straits believe that epidemics\nare always, or nearly always, caused by evil spirits; and accordingly when\nthe people of a village have been suffering generally from colds, they\nhave been known to blow conch-shells, beat tins, shout, and knock on the\nhouses for the purpose of expelling the demons and so curing their\ncolds.(324) When cholera has broken out in a Burmese village the\nable-bodied men scramble on the roofs and lay about them with bamboos and\nbillets of wood, while all the rest of the population, old and young,\nstand below and thump drums, blow trumpets, yell, scream, beat floors,\nwalls, tin pans, everything to make a din. This uproar, repeated on three\nsuccessive nights, is thought to be very effective in driving away the\ncholera demons.(325) The Shans of Kengtung, a province of Upper Burma,\nimagine that epidemics are brought about by the prowling ghosts of wicked\nmen, such as thieves and murderers, who cannot rest but go about doing all\nthe harm they can to the living. Hence when sickness is rife, the people\ntake steps to expel these dangerous spirits. The Buddhist priests exert\nthemselves actively in the beneficent enterprise. They assemble in a body\nat the Town Court and read the scriptures. Guns are fired and processions\nmarch to the city gates, by which the fiends are supposed to take their\ndeparture. There small trays of food are left for them, but the larger\nofferings are deposited in the middle of the town.(326) When smallpox\nfirst appeared amongst the Kumis of South-Eastern India, they thought it\nwas a devil come from Aracan. The villages were placed in a state of\nsiege, no one being allowed to leave or enter them. A monkey was killed by\nbeing dashed on the ground, and its body was hung at the village gate. Its\nblood, mixed with small river pebbles, was sprinkled on the houses, the\nthreshold of every house was swept with the monkey\u2019s tail, and the fiend\nwas adjured to depart.(327) During the hot summer cholera is endemic in\nSouthern China, and from time to time, when the mortality is great,\nvigorous attempts are made to expel the demons who do all the mischief.\nFor this salutary purpose processions parade the streets by night; images\nof the gods are borne in them, torches waved, gongs beaten, guns fired,\ncrackers popped, swords brandished, demon-dispelling trumpets blown, and\npriests in full canonicals trot up and down jingling hand-bells, winding\nblasts on buffalo horns, and reciting exorcisms. Sometimes the deities are\nrepresented in these processions by living men, who are believed to be\npossessed by the divine spirit. Such a man-god may be seen naked to the\nwaist with his dishevelled hair streaming down his back; long daggers are\nstuck in his cheeks and arms, so that the blood drips from them. In his\nhand he carries a two-edged sword, with which he deals doughty blows at\nthe invisible foes in the air; but sometimes he inflicts bloody wounds on\nhis own back with the weapon or with a ball which is studded with long\nsharp nails. Other inspired men are carried in armchairs, of which the\nseat, back, arms, and foot-rest are set with nails or composed of rows of\nparallel sword-blades, that cut into the flesh of the wretches seated on\nthem: others are stretched at full length on beds of nails. For hours\nthese bleeding votaries are carried about the city. Again, it is not\nuncommon to see in the procession a medium or man-god with a thick needle\nthrust through his tongue. His bloody spittle drips on sheets of paper,\nwhich the crowd eagerly scrambles for, knowing that with the blood they\nhave absorbed the devil-dispelling power inherent in the man-god. The\nbloody papers, pasted on the lintel, walls, or beds of a house or on the\nbodies of the family, are supposed to afford complete protection against\ncholera. Such are the methods by which in Southern China the demons of\ndisease are banished the city.(328)\n\n(M89) In Japan the old-fashioned method of staying an epidemic is to expel\nthe demon of the plague from every house into which he has entered. The\ntreatment begins with the house in which the malady has appeared in the\nmildest form. First of all a Shinto priest makes a preliminary visit to\nthe sick-room and extracts from the demon a promise that he will depart\nwith him at his next visit. The day after he comes again, and, seating\nhimself near the patient, beseeches the evil spirit to come away with him.\nMeanwhile red rice, which is used only on special occasions, has been\nplaced at the sufferer\u2019s head, a closed litter made of pine boughs has\nbeen brought in, and four men equipped with flags or weapons have taken\npost in the four corners of the room to prevent the demon from seeking\nrefuge there. All are silent but the priest. The prayer being over, the\nsick man\u2019s pillow is hastily thrown into the litter, and the priest cries,\n\u201cAll right now!\u201d At that the bearers double with it into the street, the\npeople within and without beat the air with swords, sticks, or anything\nthat comes to hand, while others assist in the cure by banging away at\ndrums and gongs. A procession is now formed in which only men take part,\nsome of them carrying banners, others provided with a drum, a bell, a\nflute, a horn, and all of them wearing fillets and horns of twisted straw\nto keep the demon away from themselves. As the procession starts an old\nman chants, \u201cWhat god are you bearing away?\u201d To which the others respond\nin chorus, \u201cThe god of the pest we are bearing away!\u201d Then to the music of\nthe drum, the bell, the flute, and the horn the litter is borne through\nthe streets. During its passage all the people in the town who are not\ntaking part in the ceremony remain indoors, every house along the route of\nthe procession is carefully closed, and at the cross-roads swordsmen are\nstationed, who guard the street by hewing the air to right and left with\ntheir blades, lest the demon should escape by that way. The litter is thus\ncarried to a retired spot between two towns and left there, while all who\nescorted it thither run away. Only the priest remains behind for half an\nhour to complete the exorcism and the cure. The bearers of the litter\nspend the night praying in a temple. Next day they return home, but not\nuntil they have plunged into a cold bath in the open air to prevent the\ndemon from following them. The same litter serves to convey the evil\nspirit from every house in the town.(329) In Corea, when a patient is\nrecovering from the smallpox, a farewell dinner is given in honour of the\ndeparting spirit of the disease. Friends and relations are invited, and\nthe spirit\u2019s share of the good things is packed on the back of a\nhobby-horse and despatched to the boundary of the town or village, while\nrespectful farewells are spoken and hearty good wishes uttered for his\nprosperous journey to his own place.(330) In Tonquin also a banquet is\nsometimes given to the demon of sickness to induce him to go quietly away\nfrom the house. The most honourable place at the festive board is reserved\nfor the fiend; prayers, caresses, and presents are lavished on him; but if\nhe proves obdurate, they assail him with coarse abuse and drive him from\nthe house with musket-shots.(331)\n\n(M90) When an epidemic is raging on the Gold Coast of West Africa, the\npeople will sometimes turn out, armed with clubs and torches, to drive the\nevil spirits away. At a given signal the whole population begin with\nfrightful yells to beat in every corner of the houses, then rush like mad\ninto the streets waving torches and striking frantically in the empty air.\nThe uproar goes on till somebody reports that the cowed and daunted demons\nhave made good their escape by a gate of the town or village; the people\nstream out after them, pursue them for some distance into the forest, and\nwarn them never to return. The expulsion of the devils is followed by a\ngeneral massacre of all the cocks in the village or town, lest by their\nunseasonable crowing they should betray to the banished demons the\ndirection they must take to return to their old homes. For in that country\nthe forest grows so thick or the grass so high that you can seldom see a\nvillage till you are close upon it; and the first warning of your approach\nto human habitations is the crowing of the cocks.(332) At Great Bassam, in\nGuinea, the French traveller Hecquard witnessed the exorcism of the evil\nspirit who was believed to make women barren. The women who wished to\nbecome mothers offered to the fetish wine-vessels or statuettes\nrepresenting women suckling children. Then being assembled in the fetish\nhut, they were sprinkled with rum by the priest, while young men fired\nguns and brandished swords to drive away the demon.(333) When smallpox\nbreaks out in a village of the Cameroons, in West Africa, the spirit of\nthe disease is driven out of the village by a \u201cbushman\u201d or member of the\noppressed Bassa tribe, the members of which are reputed to possess high\nmagical powers. The mode of expulsion consists in drumming and dancing for\nseveral days. Then the village is enclosed by ropes made of creepers in\norder that the disease may not return. Over the principal paths arches of\nbent poles are made, and fowls are buried as sacrifices. Plants of various\nsorts and the mushroom-shaped nests of termite ants are hung from the\narches, and a dog, freshly killed, is suspended over the middle of the\nentrance.(334) The Gallas try to drive away fever by firing guns,\nshouting, and lighting great fires.(335) When sickness was prevalent in a\nHuron village, and all other remedies had been tried in vain, the Indians\nhad recourse to the ceremony called _Lonouyroya_, \u201cwhich is the principal\ninvention and most proper means, so they say, to expel from the town or\nvillage the devils and evil spirits which cause, induce, and import all\nthe maladies and infirmities which they suffer in body and mind.\u201d\nAccordingly, one evening the men would begin to rush like madmen about the\nvillage, breaking and upsetting whatever they came across in the wigwams.\nThey threw fire and burning brands about the streets, and all night long\nthey ran howling and singing without cessation. Then they all dreamed of\nsomething, a knife, dog, skin, or whatever it might be, and when morning\ncame they went from wigwam to wigwam asking for presents. These they\nreceived silently, till the particular thing was given them which they had\ndreamed about. On receiving it they uttered a cry of joy and rushed from\nthe hut, amid the congratulations of all present. The health of those who\nreceived what they had dreamed of was believed to be assured; whereas\nthose who did not get what they had set their hearts upon regarded their\nfate as sealed.(336)\n\n(M91) Sometimes, instead of chasing the demon of disease from their homes,\nsavages prefer to leave him in peaceable possession, while they themselves\ntake to flight and attempt to prevent him from following in their tracks.\nThus when the Patagonians were attacked by smallpox, which they attributed\nto the machinations of an evil spirit, they used to abandon their sick and\nflee, slashing the air with their weapons and throwing water about in\norder to keep off the dreadful pursuer; and when after several days\u2019 march\nthey reached a place where they hoped to be beyond his reach, they used by\nway of precaution to plant all their cutting weapons with the sharp edges\nturned towards the quarter from which they had come, as if they were\nrepelling a charge of cavalry.(337) Similarly, when the Lules or Tonocotes\nIndians of the Gran Chaco were attacked by an epidemic, they regularly\nsought to evade it by flight, but in so doing they always followed a\nsinuous, not a straight, course; because they said that when the disease\nmade after them he would be so exhausted by the turnings and windings of\nthe route that he would never be able to come up with them.(338) When the\nIndians of New Mexico were decimated by smallpox or other infectious\ndisease, they used to shift their quarters every day, retreating into the\nmost sequestered parts of the mountains and choosing the thorniest\nthickets they could find, in the hope that the smallpox would be too\nafraid of scratching himself on the thorns to follow them.(339) When some\nChins on a visit to Rangoon were attacked by cholera, they went about with\ndrawn swords to scare away the demon, and they spent the day hiding under\nbushes so that he might not be able to find them.(340)\n\n\n\n\n\u00a7 2. The Periodic Expulsion of Evils.\n\n\n(M92) The expulsion of evils, from being occasional, tends to become\nperiodic. It comes to be thought desirable to have a general riddance of\nevil spirits at fixed times, usually once a year, in order that the people\nmay make a fresh start in life, freed from all the malignant influences\nwhich have been long accumulating about them. Some of the Australian\nblacks annually expelled the ghosts of the dead from their territory. The\nceremony was witnessed by the Rev. W. Ridley on the banks of the River\nBarwan. \u201cA chorus of twenty, old and young, were singing and beating time\nwith boomerangs.... Suddenly, from under a sheet of bark darted a man with\nhis body whitened by pipeclay, his head and face coloured with lines of\nred and yellow, and a tuft of feathers fixed by means of a stick two feet\nabove the crown of his head. He stood twenty minutes perfectly still,\ngazing upwards. An aboriginal who stood by told me he was looking for the\nghosts of dead men. At last he began to move very slowly, and soon rushed\nto and fro at full speed, flourishing a branch as if to drive away some\nfoes invisible to us. When I thought this pantomime must be almost over,\nten more, similarly adorned, suddenly appeared from behind the trees, and\nthe whole party joined in a brisk conflict with their mysterious\nassailants.... At last, after some rapid evolutions in which they put\nforth all their strength, they rested from the exciting toil which they\nhad kept up all night and for some hours after sunrise; they seemed\nsatisfied that the ghosts were driven away for twelve months. They were\nperforming the same ceremony at every station along the river, and I am\ntold it is an annual custom.\u201d(341)\n\n(M93) Certain seasons of the year mark themselves naturally out as\nappropriate moments for a general expulsion of devils. Such a moment\noccurs towards the close of an Arctic winter, when the sun reappears on\nthe horizon after an absence of weeks or months. Accordingly, at Point\nBarrow, the most northerly extremity of Alaska, and nearly of America, the\nEsquimaux choose the moment of the sun\u2019s reappearance to hunt the\nmischievous spirit Tu\u00f1a from every house. The ceremony was witnessed by\nthe members of the United States Polar Expedition, who wintered at Point\nBarrow. A fire was built in front of the council-house, and an old woman\nwas posted at the entrance to every house. The men gathered round the\ncouncil-house, while the young women and girls drove the spirits out of\nevery house with their knives, stabbing viciously under the bunk and\ndeer-skins, and calling upon Tu\u00f1a to be gone. When they thought he had\nbeen driven out of every hole and corner, they thrust him down through the\nhole in the floor and chased him into the open air with loud cries and\nfrantic gestures. Meanwhile the old woman at the entrance of the house\nmade passes with a long knife in the air to keep him from returning. Each\nparty drove the spirit towards the fire and invited him to go into it. All\nwere by this time drawn up in a semicircle round the fire, when several of\nthe leading men made specific charges against the spirit; and each after\nhis speech brushed his clothes violently, calling on the spirit to leave\nhim and go into the fire. Two men now stepped forward with rifles loaded\nwith blank cartridges, while a third brought a vessel of urine and flung\nit on the flames. At the same time one of the men fired a shot into the\nfire; and as the cloud of steam rose it received the other shot, which was\nsupposed to finish Tu\u00f1a for the time being.(342)\n\n(M94) In late autumn, when storms rage over the land and break the icy\nfetters by which the frozen sea is as yet but slightly bound, when the\nloosened floes are driven against each other and break with loud crashes,\nand when the cakes of ice are piled in wild disorder one upon another, the\nEsquimaux of Baffin Land fancy they hear the voices of the spirits who\npeople the mischief-laden air. Then the ghosts of the dead knock wildly at\nthe huts, which they cannot enter, and woe to the hapless wight whom they\ncatch; he soon sickens and dies. Then the phantom of a huge hairless dog\npursues the real dogs, which expire in convulsions and cramps at sight of\nhim. All the countless spirits of evil are abroad, striving to bring\nsickness and death, foul weather and failure in hunting on the Esquimaux.\nMost dreaded of all these spectral visitants are Sedna, mistress of the\nnether world, and her father, to whose share dead Esquimaux fall. While\nthe other spirits fill the air and the water, she rises from under ground.\nIt is then a busy season for the wizards. In every house you may hear them\nsinging and praying, while they conjure the spirits, seated in a mystic\ngloom at the back of the hut, which is dimly lit by a lamp burning low.\nThe hardest task of all is to drive away Sedna, and this is reserved for\nthe most powerful enchanter. A rope is coiled on the floor of a large hut\nin such a way as to leave a small opening at the top, which represents the\nbreathing hole of a seal. Two enchanters stand beside it, one of them\ngrasping a spear as if he were watching a seal-hole in winter, the other\nholding the harpoon-line. A third sorcerer sits at the back of the hut\nchanting a magic song to lure Sedna to the spot. Now she is heard\napproaching under the floor of the hut, breathing heavily; now she emerges\nat the hole; now she is harpooned and sinks away in angry haste, dragging\nthe harpoon with her, while the two men hold on to the line with all their\nmight. The struggle is severe, but at last by a desperate wrench she tears\nherself away and returns to her dwelling in Adlivun. When the harpoon is\ndrawn up out of the hole it is found to be splashed with blood, which the\nenchanters proudly exhibit as a proof of their prowess. Thus Sedna and the\nother evil spirits are at last driven away, and next day a great festival\nis celebrated by old and young in honour of the event. But they must still\nbe cautious, for the wounded Sedna is furious and will seize any one she\nmay find outside of his hut; so they all wear amulets on the top of their\nhoods to protect themselves against her. These amulets consist of pieces\nof the first garments that they wore after birth.(343)\n\n(M95) The Koryaks of the Taigonos Peninsula, in north-eastern Asia,\ncelebrate annually a festival after the winter solstice. Rich men invite\nall their neighbours to the festival, offer a sacrifice to\n\u201cThe-One-on-High,\u201d and slaughter many reindeer for their guests. If there\nis a shaman present he goes all round the interior of the house, beating\nthe drum and driving away the demons (_kalau_). He searches all the people\nin the house, and if he finds a demon\u2019s arrow sticking in the body of one\nof them, he pulls it out, though naturally the arrow is invisible to\ncommon eyes. In this way he protects them against disease and death. If\nthere is no shaman present, the demons may be expelled by the host or by a\nwoman skilled in incantations.(344)\n\n(M96) The Iroquois inaugurated the new year in January, February, or March\n(the time varied) with a \u201cfestival of dreams\u201d like that which the Hurons\nobserved on special occasions.(345) The whole ceremonies lasted several\ndays, or even weeks, and formed a kind of saturnalia. Men and women,\nvariously disguised, went from wigwam to wigwam smashing and throwing down\nwhatever they came across. It was a time of general license; the people\nwere supposed to be out of their senses, and therefore not to be\nresponsible for what they did. Accordingly, many seized the opportunity of\npaying off old scores by belabouring obnoxious persons, drenching them\nwith ice-cold water, and covering them with filth or hot ashes. Others\nseized burning brands or coals and flung them at the heads of the first\npersons they met. The only way of escaping from these persecutors was to\nguess what they had dreamed of. On one day of the festival the ceremony of\ndriving away evil spirits from the village took place. Men clothed in the\nskins of wild beasts, their faces covered with hideous masks, and their\nhands with the shell of the tortoise, went from hut to hut making\nfrightful noises; in every hut they took the fuel from the fire and\nscattered the embers and ashes about the floor with their hands. The\ngeneral confession of sins which preceded the festival was probably a\npreparation for the public expulsion of evil influences; it was a way of\nstripping the people of their moral burdens, that these might be collected\nand cast out. This New Year festival is still celebrated by some of the\nheathen Iroquois, though it has been shorn of its former turbulence. A\nconspicuous feature in the ceremony is now the sacrifice of the White Dog,\nbut this appears to have been added to the festival in comparatively\nmodern times, and does not figure in the oldest descriptions of the\nceremonies. We shall return to it later on.(346) A great annual festival\nof the Cherokee Indians was the Propitiation, \u201cCementation,\u201d or\nPurification festival. \u201cIt was celebrated shortly after the first new moon\nof autumn, and consisted of a multiplicity of rigorous rites, fastings,\nablutions, and purifications. Among the most important functionaries on\nthe occasion were seven exorcisers or cleansers, whose duty it was, at a\ncertain stage of the proceedings, to drive away evil and purify the town.\nEach one bore in his hand a white rod of sycamore. \u2018The leader, followed\nby the others, walked around the national heptagon, and coming to the\ntreasure or store-house to the west of it, they lashed the eaves of the\nroofs with their rods. The leader then went to another house, followed by\nthe others, singing, and repeated the same ceremony until every house was\npurified.\u2019 This ceremony was repeated daily during the continuance of the\nfestival. In performing their ablutions they went into the water, and\nallowed their old clothes to be carried away by the stream, by which means\nthey supposed their impurities removed.\u201d(347)\n\n(M97) In September the Incas of Peru celebrated a festival called Situa,\nthe object of which was to banish from the capital and its vicinity all\ndisease and trouble. The festival fell in September because the rains\nbegin about this time, and with the first rains there was generally much\nsickness. And the melancholy begotten by the inclemency of the weather and\nthe sickliness of the season may well have been heightened by the\nsternness of a landscape which at all times is fitted to oppress the mind\nwith a sense of desolation and gloom. For Cuzco, the capital of the Incas\nand the scene of the ceremony, lies in a high upland valley, bare and\ntreeless, shut in on every side by the most arid and forbidding\nmountains.(348) As a preparation for the festival the people fasted on the\nfirst day of the moon after the autumnal equinox. Having fasted during the\nday, and the night being come, they baked a coarse paste of maize. This\npaste was made of two sorts. One was kneaded with the blood of children\naged from five to ten years, the blood being obtained by bleeding the\nchildren between the eyebrows. These two kinds of paste were baked\nseparately, because they were for different uses. Each family assembled at\nthe house of the eldest brother to celebrate the feast; and those who had\nno elder brother went to the house of their next relation of greater age.\nOn the same night all who had fasted during the day washed their bodies,\nand taking a little of the blood-kneaded paste, rubbed it over their head,\nface, breast, shoulders, arms, and legs. They did this in order that the\npaste might take away all their infirmities. After this the head of the\nfamily anointed the threshold with the same paste, and left it there as a\ntoken that the inmates of the house had performed their ablutions and\ncleansed their bodies. Meantime the High Priest performed the same\nceremonies in the temple of the Sun. As soon as the Sun rose, all the\npeople worshipped and besought him to drive all evils out of the city, and\nthen they broke their fast with the paste that had been kneaded without\nblood. When they had paid their worship and broken their fast, which they\ndid at a stated hour, in order that all might adore the Sun as one man, an\nInca of the blood royal came forth from the fortress, as a messenger of\nthe Sun, richly dressed, with his mantle girded round his body, and a\nlance in his hand. The lance was decked with feathers of many hues,\nextending from the blade to the socket, and fastened with rings of gold.\nHe ran down the hill from the fortress brandishing his lance, till he\nreached the centre of the great square, where stood the golden urn, like a\nfountain, that was used for the sacrifice of the fermented juice of the\nmaize. Here four other Incas of the blood royal awaited him, each with a\nlance in his hand, and his mantle girded up to run. The messenger touched\ntheir four lances with his lance, and told them that the Sun bade them, as\nhis messengers, drive the evils out of the city. The four Incas then\nseparated and ran down the four royal roads which led out of the city to\nthe four quarters of the world. While they ran, all the people, great and\nsmall, came to the doors of their houses, and with great shouts of joy and\ngladness shook their clothes, as if they were shaking off dust, while they\ncried, \u201cLet the evils be gone. How greatly desired has this festival been\nby us. O Creator of all things, permit us to reach another year, that we\nmay see another feast like this.\u201d After they had shaken their clothes,\nthey passed their hands over their heads, faces, arms, and legs, as if in\nthe act of washing. All this was done to drive the evils out of their\nhouses, that the messengers of the Sun might banish them from the city;\nand it was done not only in the streets through which the Incas ran, but\ngenerally in all quarters of the city. Moreover, they all danced, the Inca\nhimself amongst them, and bathed in the rivers and fountains, saying that\ntheir maladies would come out of them. Then they took great torches of\nstraw, bound round with cords. These they lighted, and passed from one to\nthe other, striking each other with them, and saying, \u201cLet all harm go\naway.\u201d Meanwhile the runners ran with their lances for a quarter of a\nleague outside the city, where they found four other Incas ready, who\nreceived the lances from their hands and ran with them. Thus the lances\nwere carried by relays of runners for a distance of five or six leagues,\nat the end of which the runners washed themselves and their weapons in\nrivers, and set up the lances, in sign of a boundary within which the\nbanished evils might not return.(349)\n\n(M98) The negroes of Guinea annually banish the devil from all their towns\nwith much ceremony at a time set apart for the purpose. At Axim, on the\nGold Coast, this annual expulsion is preceded by a feast of eight days,\nduring which mirth and jollity, skipping, dancing, and singing prevail,\nand \u201ca perfect lampooning liberty is allowed, and scandal so highly\nexalted, that they may freely sing of all the faults, villanies, and\nfrauds of their superiors as well as inferiors, without punishment, or so\nmuch as the least interruption.\u201d On the eighth day they hunt out the devil\nwith a dismal cry, running after him and pelting him with sticks, stones,\nand whatever comes to hand. When they have driven him far enough out of\nthe town, they all return. In this way he is expelled from more than a\nhundred towns at the same time. To make sure that he does not return to\ntheir houses, the women wash and scour all their wooden and earthen\nvessels, \u201cto free them from all uncleanness and the devil.\u201d(350) A later\nwriter tells us that \u201con the Gold Coast there are stated occasions, when\nthe people turn out _en masse_ (generally at night) with clubs and torches\nto drive away the evil spirits from their towns. At a given signal, the\nwhole community start up, commence a most hideous howling, beat about in\nevery nook and corner of their dwellings, then rush into the streets, with\ntheir torches and clubs, like so many frantic maniacs, beat the air, and\nscream at the top of their voices, until some one announces the departure\nof the spirits through some gate of the town, when they are pursued\nseveral miles into the woods, and warned not to come back. After this the\npeople breathe easier, sleep more quietly, have better health, and the\ntown is once more cheered by an abundance of food.\u201d(351)\n\n(M99) The ceremony as it is practised at Gatto, in Benin, has been\ndescribed by an English traveller. He says: \u201cIt was about this time that I\nwitnessed a strange ceremony, peculiar to this people, called the time of\nthe \u2018grand devils.\u2019 Eight men were dressed in a most curious manner,\nhaving a dress made of bamboo about their bodies, and a cap on the head,\nof various colours and ornamented with red feathers taken from the\nparrot\u2019s tail; round the legs were twisted strings of shells, which made a\nclattering noise as they walked, and the face and hands of each individual\nwere covered with a net. These strange beings go about the town, by day\nand by night, for the term of one month, uttering the most discordant and\nfrightful noises; no one durst venture out at night for fear of being\nkilled or seriously maltreated by these fellows, who are then especially\nengaged in driving the evil spirits from the town. They go round to all\nthe chief\u2019s houses, and in addition to the noise they make, perform some\nextraordinary feats in tumbling and gymnastics, for which they receive a\nfew cowries.\u201d(352)\n\n(M100) At Cape Coast Castle, on the Gold Coast, the ceremony was witnessed\non the ninth of October 1844 by an Englishman, who has described it as\nfollows: \u201cTo-night the annual custom of driving the evil spirit, Abonsam,\nout of the town has taken place. As soon as the eight o\u2019clock gun fired in\nthe fort the people began firing muskets in their houses, turning all\ntheir furniture out of doors, beating about in every corner of the rooms\nwith sticks, etc., and screaming as loudly as possible, in order to\nfrighten the devil. Being driven out of the houses, as they imagine, they\nsallied forth into the streets, throwing lighted torches about, shouting,\nscreaming, beating sticks together, rattling old pans, making the most\nhorrid noise, in order to drive him out of the town into the sea. The\ncustom is preceded by four weeks\u2019 dead silence; no gun is allowed to be\nfired, no drum to be beaten, no palaver to be made between man and man.\nIf, during these weeks, two natives should disagree and make a noise in\nthe town, they are immediately taken before the king and fined heavily. If\na dog or pig, sheep or goat be found at large in the street, it may be\nkilled, or taken by anyone, the former owner not being allowed to demand\nany compensation. This silence is designed to deceive Abonsam, that, being\noff his guard, he may be taken by surprise, and frightened out of the\nplace. If anyone die during the silence, his relatives are not allowed to\nweep until the four weeks have been completed.\u201d(353)\n\n(M101) At Onitsha, on the Niger, Mr. J. C. Taylor witnessed the\ncelebration of New Year\u2019s Day by the negroes. It fell on the twentieth of\nDecember 1858. Every family brought a firebrand out into the street, threw\nit away, and exclaimed as they returned, \u201cThe gods of the new year! New\nYear has come round again.\u201d Mr. Taylor adds, \u201cThe meaning of the custom\nseems to be that the fire is to drive away the old year with its sorrows\nand evils, and to embrace the new year with hearty reception.\u201d(354) Of all\nAbyssinian festivals that of Mascal or the Cross is celebrated with the\ngreatest pomp. During the whole of the interval between St. John\u2019s day and\nthe feast a desultory warfare is waged betwixt the youth of opposite sexes\nin the towns. They all sally out in the evenings, the boys armed with\nnettles or thistles and the girls with gourds containing a filthy solution\nof all sorts of abominations. When any of the hostile parties meet, they\nbegin by reviling each other in the foulest language, from which they\nproceed to personal violence, the boys stinging the girls with their\nnettles, while the girls discharge their stink-pots in the faces of their\nadversaries. These hostilities may perhaps be regarded as a preparation\nfor the festival of the Cross. The eve of the festival witnesses a\nceremony which doubtless belongs to the world-wide class of customs we are\ndealing with. At sunset a discharge of firearms takes place from all the\nprincipal houses. \u201cThen every one provides himself with a torch, and\nduring the early part of the night bonfires are kindled, and the people\nparade the town, carrying their lighted torches in their hands. They go\nthrough their houses, too, poking a light into every dark corner in the\nhall, under the couches, in the stables, kitchen, etc., as if looking for\nsomething lost, and calling out, \u2018Akho, akhoky! turn out the spinage, and\nbring in the porridge; Mascal is come!\u2019... After this they play, and poke\nfun and torches at each other.\u201d Next morning, while it is still dark,\nbonfires are kindled on the heights near the towns, and people rise early\nto see them. The rising sun of Mascal finds the whole population of\nAbyssinia awake.(355)\n\n(M102) Sometimes the date of the annual expulsion of devils is fixed with\nreference to the agricultural seasons. Thus at Kiriwina, in South-Eastern\nNew Guinea, when the new yams had been harvested, the people feasted and\ndanced for many days, and a great deal of property, such as armlets,\nnative money, and so forth, was displayed conspicuously on a platform\nerected for the purpose. When the festivities were over, all the people\ngathered together and expelled the spirits from the village by shouting,\nbeating the posts of the houses, and overturning everything under which a\nwily spirit might be supposed to lurk. The explanation which the people\ngave to a missionary was that they had entertained and feasted the spirits\nand provided them with riches, and it was now time for them to take their\ndeparture. Had they not seen the dances, and heard the songs, and gorged\nthemselves on the souls of the yams, and appropriated the souls of the\nmoney and all the other fine things set out on the platform? What more\ncould the spirits want? So out they must go.(356) Among the Hos of\nTogoland in West Africa the expulsion of evils is performed annually\nbefore the people eat the new yams.(357) The chiefs meet together and\nsummon the priests and magicians. They tell them that the people are now\nto eat the new yams and to be merry, therefore they must cleanse the town\nand remove the evils. For that purpose they take leaves of the _adzu_ and\n_wo_ trees, together with creepers and ashes. The leaves and creepers they\nbind fast to a pole of an _adzu_ tree, while they pray that the evil\nspirits, the witches, and all the ills in the town may pass into the\nbundle and be bound. Then they make a paste out of the ashes and smear it\non the bundle, saying, \u201cWe smear it on the face of all the evil ones who\nare in this bundle, in order that they may not be able to see.\u201d With that\nthey throw the bundle, that is, the pole wrapt in leaves and creepers, on\nthe ground and they all mock at it. Then they prepare a medicine and take\nthe various leaf-wrapt poles, into which they have conjured and bound up\nall mischief, carry them out of the town, and set them up in the earth on\nvarious roads leading into the town. When they have done this, they say\nthat they have banished the evils from the town and shut the door in their\nface. With the medicine, which the elders have prepared, all men, women,\nchildren and chiefs wash their faces. After that everybody goes home to\nsweep out his house and homestead. The ground in front of the homesteads\nis also swept, so that the town is thoroughly cleansed. All the stalks of\ngrass and refuse of stock yams that have been swept together they cast out\nof the town, and they rail at the stock yams. In the course of the night\nthe elders assemble and bind a toad to a young palm-leaf. They say that\nthey will now sweep out the town and end the ceremony. For that purpose\nthey drag the toad through the whole town in the direction of Mount\nAdaklu. When that has been done, the priests say that they will now remove\nthe sicknesses. In the evening they give public notice that they are about\nto go on the road, and that therefore no one may light a fire on the\nhearth or eat food. Next morning the women of the town sweep out their\nhouses and hearths and deposit the sweepings on broken wooden plates. Many\nwrap themselves in torn mats and tattered clothes; others swathe\nthemselves in grass and creepers. While they do so, they pray, saying,\n\u201cAll ye sicknesses that are in our body and plague us, we are come to-day\nto throw you out.\u201d When they start to do so, the priest gives orders that\neverybody is to scream once and at the same time to smite his mouth. In a\nmoment they all scream, smite their mouths, and run as fast as they can in\nthe direction of Mount Adaklu. As they run, they say, \u201cOut to-day! Out\nto-day! That which kills anybody, out to-day! Ye evil spirits, out to-day!\nand all that causes our heads to ache, out to-day! Anlo and Adaklu are the\nplaces whither all ill shall betake itself!\u201d Now on Mount Adaklu there\ngrows a _klo_ tree, and when the people have come to the tree they throw\neverything away and return home. On their return they wash themselves with\nthe medicine which is set forth in the streets; then they enter their\nhouses.(358)\n\n(M103) Among the Hos of North-Eastern India the great festival of the year\nis the harvest home, held in January, when the granaries are full of\ngrain, and the people, to use their own expression, are full of devilry.\n\u201cThey have a strange notion that at this period, men and women are so\novercharged with vicious propensities, that it is absolutely necessary for\nthe safety of the person to let off steam by allowing for a time full vent\nto the passions.\u201d The ceremonies open with a sacrifice to the village god\nof three fowls, a cock and two hens, one of which must be black. Along\nwith them are offered flowers of the Palas tree (_Butea frondosa_), bread\nmade from rice-flour, and sesamum seeds. These offerings are presented by\nthe village priest, who prays that during the year about to begin they and\ntheir children may be preserved from all misfortune and sickness, and that\nthey may have seasonable rain and good crops. Prayer is also made in some\nplaces for the souls of the dead. At this time an evil spirit is supposed\nto infest the place, and to get rid of it men, women, and children go in\nprocession round and through every part of the village with sticks in\ntheir hands, as if beating for game, singing a wild chant, and shouting\nvociferously, till they feel assured that the evil spirit must have fled.\nThen they give themselves up to feasting and drinking rice-beer, till they\nare in a fit state for the wild debauch which follows. The festival now\n\u201cbecomes a saturnale, during which servants forget their duty to their\nmasters, children their reverence for parents, men their respect for\nwomen, and women all notions of modesty, delicacy, and gentleness; they\nbecome raging bacchantes.\u201d Usually the Hos are quiet and reserved in\nmanner, decorous and gentle to women. But during this festival \u201ctheir\nnatures appear to undergo a temporary change. Sons and daughters revile\ntheir parents in gross language, and parents their children; men and women\nbecome almost like animals in the indulgence of their amorous\npropensities.\u201d The festival is not held simultaneously in all the\nvillages. The time during which it is celebrated in the different villages\nof a district may be from a month to six weeks, and by a preconcerted\narrangement the celebration begins at each village on a different date and\nlasts three or four days; so the inhabitants of each may take part in a\nlong series of orgies. On these occasions the utmost liberty is given to\nthe girls, who may absent themselves for days with the young men of\nanother village; parents at such times never attempt to lay their\ndaughters under any restraint. The Mundaris, kinsmen and neighbours of the\nHos, keep the festival in much the same manner. \u201cThe resemblance to a\nSaturnale is very complete, as at this festival the farm labourers are\nfeasted by their masters, and allowed the utmost freedom of speech in\naddressing them. It is the festival of the harvest home; the termination\nof one year\u2019s toil, and a slight respite from it before they commence\nagain.\u201d(359)\n\n(M104) Amongst some of the Hindoo Koosh tribes, as among the Hos and\nMundaris, the expulsion of devils takes place after harvest. When the last\ncrop of autumn has been got in, it is thought necessary to drive away evil\nspirits from the granaries. A kind of porridge called _mool_ is eaten, and\nthe head of the family takes his matchlock and fires it into the floor.\nThen, going outside, he sets to work loading and firing till his\npowder-horn is exhausted, while all his neighbours are similarly employed.\nThe next day is spent in rejoicings. In Chitral this festival is called\n\u201cdevil-driving.\u201d(360) On the other hand the Khonds of India expel the\ndevils at seed-time instead of at harvest. At this time they worship\nPitteri Pennu, the god of increase and of gain in every shape. On the\nfirst day of the festival a rude car is made of a basket set upon a few\nsticks, tied upon bamboo rollers for wheels. The priest takes this car\nfirst to the house of the lineal head of the tribe, to whom precedence is\ngiven in all ceremonies connected with agriculture. Here he receives a\nlittle of each kind of seed and some feathers. He then takes the car to\nall the other houses in the village, each of which contributes the same\nthings. Lastly, the car is conducted to a field without the village,\nattended by all the young men, who beat each other and strike the air\nviolently with long sticks. The seed thus carried out is called the share\nof the \u201cevil spirits, spoilers of the seed.\u201d \u201cThese are considered to be\ndriven out with the car; and when it and its contents are abandoned to\nthem, they are held to have no excuse for interfering with the rest of the\nseed-corn.\u201d Next day each household kills a hog over the seed for the\nyear, and prays to Pitteri Pennu, saying, \u201cO Pitteri Pennu! this seed we\nshall sow to-morrow. Some of us, your suppliants, will have a great\nreturn, some a small return. Let the least favoured have a full basket,\nlet the most favoured have many baskets. Give not this seed to ant, or\nrat, or hog. Let the stems which shall spring from it be so stout that the\nearth shall tremble under them. Let the rain find no hole or outlet\nwhereby to escape from our fields. Make the earth soft like the ashes of\ncow-dung. To him who has no iron wherewith to shoe his plough, make the\nwood of the _doh_-tree like iron. Provide other food than our seed for the\nparrot, the crow, and all the fowls and beasts of the jungle. Let not the\nwhite ant destroy the roots, nor the wild hog crush the stem to get at the\nfruit; and make our crops of all kinds have a better flavour than that of\nthose of any other country.\u201d The elders then feast upon the hogs. The\nyoung men are excluded from the repast, but enjoy the privilege of\nwaylaying and pelting with jungle-fruit their elders as they return from\nthe feast. Upon the third day the lineal head of the tribe goes out and\nsows his seed, after which all the rest may do so.(361)\n\n(M105) In Ranchi, a district of Chota Nagpur in Bengal, a ceremony is\nperformed every year by one of the clans to drive away disease. Should it\nprove ineffectual, all the villagers assemble by night and walk about the\nvillage in a body armed with clubs, searching for the disease. Everything\nthey find outside of the houses they smash. Hence on that day the people\nthrow out their chipped crockery, old pots and pans, and other trash into\nthe courtyard, so that when the search party comes along they may belabour\nthe heap of rubbish to their heart\u2019s content; the crash of shattered\ncrockery and the clatter of shivered pans indicates, we are told, that the\ndisease has departed; perhaps it might be more strictly accurate to say\nthat they have frightened it away. At all events a very loud noise is made\n\u201cso that the disease may not remain hidden anywhere.\u201d(362) In a village of\nthe Mossos, an aboriginal tribe of south-western China, a French traveller\nwitnessed the annual ceremony of the expulsion of devils. Two magicians,\nwearing mitres of red pasteboard, went from house to house, attended by a\ntroop of children, their faces smeared with flour, some of whom carried\ntorches and others cymbals, while all made a deafening noise. After\ndancing a wild dance in the courtyard of the house, they entered the\nprincipal room, where the performers were regaled with a draught of ardent\nspirits, of which they sprinkled a few drops on the floor. Then the\nmagicians recited their spells to oblige the evil spirits to quit the\nchamber and the good spirits to enter it. At the end of each phrase, the\nchildren, speaking for the spirits, answered with a shout, \u201cWe go\u201d or \u201cWe\ncome.\u201d That concluded the ceremony in the house, and the noisy procession\nfiled out to repeat it in the next.(363)\n\n(M106) The people of Bali, an island to the east of Java, have periodical\nexpulsions of devils upon a great scale. Generally the time chosen for the\nexpulsion is the day of the \u201cdark moon\u201d in the ninth month. When the\ndemons have been long unmolested the country is said to be \u201cwarm,\u201d and the\npriest issues orders to expel them by force, lest the whole of Bali should\nbe rendered uninhabitable. On the day appointed the people of the village\nor district assemble at the principal temple. Here at a cross-road\nofferings are set out for the devils. After prayers have been recited by\nthe priests, the blast of a horn summons the devils to partake of the meal\nwhich has been prepared for them. At the same time a number of men step\nforward and light their torches at the holy lamp which burns before the\nchief priest. Immediately afterwards, followed by the bystanders, they\nspread in all directions and march through the streets and lanes crying,\n\u201cDepart! go away!\u201d Wherever they pass, the people who have stayed at home\nhasten, by a deafening clatter on doors, beams, rice-blocks, and so forth,\nto take their share in the expulsion of devils. Thus chased from the\nhouses, the fiends flee to the banquet which has been set out for them;\nbut here the priest receives them with curses which finally drive them\nfrom the district. When the last devil has taken his departure, the uproar\nis succeeded by a dead silence, which lasts during the next day also. The\ndevils, it is thought, are anxious to return to their old homes, and in\norder to make them think that Bali is not Bali but some desert island, no\none may stir from his own abode for twenty-four hours. Even ordinary\nhousehold work, including cooking, is discontinued. Only the watchmen may\nshew themselves in the streets. Wreaths of thorns and leaves are hung at\nall the entrances to warn strangers from entering. Not till the third day\nis this state of siege raised, and even then it is forbidden to work at\nthe rice-fields or to buy and sell in the market. Most people still stay\nat home, striving to while away the time with cards and dice.(364)\n\n(M107) The Shans of Southern China annually expel the fire-spirit. The\nceremony was witnessed by the English Mission under Colonel Sladen on the\nthirteenth of August 1868. Bullocks and cows were slaughtered in the\nmarket-place; the meat was all sold, part of it was cooked and eaten,\nwhile the rest was fired out of guns at sundown. The pieces of flesh which\nfell on the land were supposed to become mosquitoes, those which fell in\nthe water were believed to turn into leeches. In the evening the chief\u2019s\nretainers beat gongs and blew trumpets; and when darkness had set in,\ntorches were lit, and a party, preceded by the musicians, searched the\ncentral court for the fire-spirit, who is supposed to lurk about at this\nseason with evil intent. They then ransacked all the rooms and the\ngardens, throwing the light of the torches into every nook and corner\nwhere the evil spirit might find a hiding-place.(365) In some parts of\nFiji an annual ceremony took place which has much the aspect of an\nexpulsion of devils. The time of its celebration was determined by the\nappearance of a certain fish or sea-slug (_balolo_) which swarms out in\ndense shoals from the coral reefs on a single day of the year, usually in\nthe last quarter of the moon in November. The appearance of the sea-slugs\nwas the signal for a general feast at those places where they were taken.\nAn influential man ascended a tree and prayed to the spirit of the sky for\ngood crops, fair winds, and so on. Thereupon a tremendous clatter, with\ndrumming and shouting, was raised by all the people in their houses for\nabout half an hour. This was followed by a dead quiet for four days,\nduring which the people feasted on the sea-slug. All this time no work of\nany kind might be done, not even a leaf plucked nor the offal removed from\nthe houses. If a noise was made in any house, as by a child crying, a\nforfeit was at once exacted by the chief. At daylight on the expiry of the\nfourth night the whole town was in an uproar; men and boys scampered\nabout, knocking with clubs and sticks at the doors of the houses and\ncrying \u201cSinariba!\u201d This concluded the ceremony.(366) The natives of\nTumleo, a small island off German New Guinea, also catch the sea-slug in\nthe month of November, and at this season they observe a curious ceremony,\nwhich may perhaps be explained as an expulsion of evils or demons. The\nlads, and sometimes grown men with them, go in troops into the forest to\nsearch for grass-arrows (_r\u00e4ng_). When they have collected a store of\nthese arrows, they take sides and, armed with little bows, engage in a\nregular battle. The arrows fly as thick as hail, and though no one is\nkilled, many receive skin wounds and are covered with blood. The Catholic\nmissionary who reports the custom could not ascertain the reasons for\nobserving it. Perhaps one set of combatants represents the demons or\nembodied evils of the year, who are defeated and driven away by the\nchampions of the people. The month in which these combats take place\n(November and the beginning of December) is sometimes named after the\ngrass-arrows and sometimes after the sea-slug.(367)\n\n(M108) On the last night of the year there is observed in most Japanese\nhouses a ceremony called \u201cthe exorcism of the evil spirit.\u201d It is\nperformed by the head of the family. Clad in his finest robes, with a\nsword, if he has the right of bearing one, at his waist, he goes through\nall the rooms at the hour of midnight, carrying in his left hand a box of\nroasted beans on a lacquered stand. From time to time he dips his right\nhand into the box and scatters a handful of beans on a mat, pronouncing a\ncabalistic form of words of which the meaning is, \u201cGo forth, demons! Enter\nriches!\u201d(368) According to another account, the ceremony takes place on\nthe night before the beginning of spring, and the roasted beans are flung\nagainst the walls as well as on the floors of the houses.(369) While the\nduty of expelling the devils should, strictly speaking, be discharged by\nthe head of the house, it is often delegated to a servant. Whether master\nor servant, the performer goes by the name of year-man (_toshi-otoko_),\nthe rite being properly performed on the last day of the year. The words\n\u201cOut with the devils\u201d (_Oni ha soto_) are pronounced by him in a loud\nvoice, but the words \u201cIn with the luck\u201d (_fuku ha uchi_) in a low tone. In\nthe Shogun\u2019s palace the ceremony was performed by a year-man specially\nappointed for the purpose, who scattered parched beans in all the\nprincipal rooms. These beans were picked up by the women of the palace,\nwho wrapped as many of them in paper as they themselves were years old,\nand then flung them backwards out of doors. Sometimes people who had\nreached an unlucky year would gather these beans, one for each year of\ntheir life and one over, and wrap them in paper together with a small\ncopper coin which had been rubbed over their body to transfer the\nill-luck. The packet was afterwards thrown away at a cross-road. This was\ncalled \u201cflinging away ill-luck\u201d (_yaku sute_).(370) According to Lafcadio\nHearn, the casting-out of devils from the houses is performed by a\nprofessional exorciser for a small fee, and the peas which he scatters\nabout the house are afterwards swept up and carefully kept until the first\npeal of thunder is heard in spring, when it is customary to cook and eat\nsome of them. After the demons have been thoroughly expelled from a house,\na charm is set up over the door to prevent them from returning: it\nconsists of a wooden skewer with a holly leaf and the dried head of a fish\nlike a sardine stuck on it.(371)\n\n(M109) On the third day of the tenth month in every year the Hak-Ka, a\nnative race in the province of Canton, sweep their houses and turn the\naccumulated filth out of doors, together with three sticks of incense and\nsome mock money made of paper. At the same time they call out, \u201cLet the\ndevil of poverty depart! Let the devil of poverty depart!\u201d By performing\nthis ceremony they hope to preserve their homes from penury.(372) Among\nsome of the Hindoos of the Punjaub on the morning after Diwali or the\nfestival of lamps, at which the souls of ancestors are believed to visit\nthe house, the oldest woman of the family takes a corn-sieve or winnowing\nbasket and a broom, to both of which magical virtues are ascribed, and\nbeats them in every corner of the house, exclaiming, \u201cGod abide, and\npoverty depart!\u201d The sieve is then carried out of the village, generally\nto the east or north, and being thrown away is supposed to bear away with\nit the poverty and distress of the household. Or the woman flings all the\nsweepings and rubbish out of doors, saying, \u201cLet all dirt and wretchedness\ndepart from here, and all good fortune come in.\u201d(373) The Persians used\nannually to expel the demons or goblins (_Dives_) from their houses in the\nmonth of December. For this purpose the Magi wrote certain words with\nsaffron on a piece of parchment or paper and then held the writing over a\nfire into which they threw cotton, garlic, grapes, wild rue, and the horn\nof an animal that had been killed on the sixteenth of September. The spell\nthus prepared was nailed or glued to the inside of the door, and the door\nwas painted red. Next the priest took some sand and spread it out with a\nknife, while he muttered certain prayers. After that he strewed the sand\non the floor, and the enchantment was complete. The demons now immediately\nvanished, or at least were deprived of all their malignant power.(374)\n\n(M110) For ages it has been customary in China to expel the demons from\nhouse and home, from towns and cities, at the end of every year. Such\ngeneral expulsions of devils go by the name of _no_. They are often\nmentioned and described in Chinese literature. For example, under the Han\ndynasty, in the second century of our era, \u201cit was ordered that\n_fang-siang shi_ with four eyes of gold, masked with bearskins, and\nwearing black coats with red skirts, bearing lances and brandishing\nshields, should always perform at the end of the year in the twelfth month\nthe _no_ of the season, in the rear of hundreds of official servants and\nboys, and search the interior of the palace, in order to expel the demons\nof plague. With bows of peach wood and arrows of the thorny jujube they\nshoot at the spectres, and with porcelain drums they drum at them;\nmoreover they throw red balls and cereals at them, in order to remove\ndisease and calamity.\u201d(375) Again, in a poem of the same period we read\nthat \u201cat the end of the year the great _no_ takes place for the purpose of\ndriving off all spectres. The _fang-siang_ carry their spears, _wu_ and\n_hih_ hold their bundles of reed. Ten thousand lads with red heads and\nblack clothes, with bows of peach wood and arrows of thorny jujube shoot\nat random all around. Showers of potsherds and pebbles come down like\nrain, infallibly killing strong spectres as well as the weak. Flaming\ntorches run after these beings, so that a sparkling and streaming glare\nchases the red plague to all sides; thereupon they destroy them in the\nimperial moats and break down the suspension bridges (to prevent their\nreturn).\u201d(376) At a later period Chinese historians inform us that the\nhouse of Tsi caused the annual expulsion of demons to be performed on the\nlast day of the year by two groups, each of one hundred and twenty lads,\nand twelve animals headed by drums and wind instruments. The gates of the\nwards and of the city walls were flung open, and the emperor witnessed the\nceremony seated on his throne in the midst of his officers. With rolling\ndrums the procession entered the palace through the western gate, and\npassed through all parts of it in two divisions, even ascending the\ntowers, while they hopped, jumped and shrieked; and on quitting the palace\nthey spread out in six directions till they reached the city walls.(377)\nAt the present time it is customary in every part of China to fire off\ncrackers on the last day and night of the year for the purpose of\nterrifying and expelling the devils: enormous quantities of the explosives\nare consumed at this season: the people seem to vie with one another as to\nwho shall let off the most crackers and make the most noise. Sometimes\nlong strings of these fireworks hang from balconies and eaves and keep up\na continuous crackling for half an hour together or more; in great cities\nthe prolonged and ear-splitting din is very annoying to foreigners. To the\nears of the Chinese the noise appears to be agreeable, if not for its own\nsake, at least for the beneficial effect it is supposed to produce by\ndriving demons away. Indeed they seem to be of opinion that any noise,\nprovided it be sufficiently harsh and loud, serves this useful purpose.\nThe sound of brass instruments is particularly terrifying to devils; hence\nthe great use which the Chinese make of gongs in rites of exorcism. The\nclash of gongs, we are told, resounds through the Chinese empire daily,\nespecially in summer, when a rise in the death-rate, which ignorant\nEuropeans attribute to mere climatic influences, stimulates the people to\nredouble their efforts for the banishment of the fiends, who are the real\ncause of all the mischief. At such times you may see and hear groups of\nbenevolent and public-spirited men and women banging gongs, clashing\ncymbals, and drubbing drums for hours together. No protest is made by\ntheir neighbours, no complaint that they disturb the night\u2019s rest of the\nsick and the tired. People listen with resignation or rather with\ngratitude and complacency to the deafening uproar raised by these generous\nphilanthropists, who thus devote their services gratuitously to the cause\nof the public health.(378) In Corea, also, the devils are driven out of\nthe towns on New Year\u2019s Eve by the firing of guns and the popping of\ncrackers.(379)\n\n(M111) In Tonquin a _theckydaw_ or general expulsion of malevolent spirits\ncommonly took place once a year, especially if there was a great mortality\namongst men, the elephants or horses of the general\u2019s stable, or the\ncattle of the country, \u201cthe cause of which they attribute to the malicious\nspirits of such men as have been put to death for treason, rebellion, and\nconspiring the death of the king, general, or princes, and that in revenge\nof the punishment they have suffered, they are bent to destroy everything\nand commit horrible violence. To prevent which their superstition has\nsuggested to them the institution of this _theckydaw_, as a proper means\nto drive the devil away, and purge the country of evil spirits.\u201d The day\nappointed for the ceremony was generally the twenty-fifth of February, one\nmonth after the beginning of the new year, which fell on the twenty-fifth\nof January. The intermediate month was a season of feasting, merry-making\nof all kinds, and general licence. During the whole month the great seal\nwas kept shut up in a box, face downwards, and the law was, as it were,\nlaid asleep. All courts of justice were closed; debtors could not be\nseized; small crimes, such as petty larceny, fighting, and assault,\nescaped with impunity; only treason and murder were taken account of and\nthe malefactors detained till the great seal should come into operation\nagain. At the close of the saturnalia the wicked spirits were driven away.\nGreat masses of troops and artillery having been drawn up with flying\ncolours and all the pomp of war, \u201cthe general beginneth then to offer meat\nofferings to the criminal devils and malevolent spirits (for it is usual\nand customary likewise amongst them to feast the condemned before their\nexecution), inviting them to eat and drink, when presently he accuses them\nin a strange language, by characters and figures, etc., of many offences\nand crimes committed by them, as to their having disquieted the land,\nkilled his elephants and horses, etc., for all which they justly deserve\nto be chastised and banished the country. Whereupon three great guns are\nfired as the last signal; upon which all the artillery and musquets are\ndischarged, that, by their most terrible noise the devils may be driven\naway; and they are so blind as to believe for certain, that they really\nand effectually put them to flight.\u201d(380)\n\n(M112) In Cambodia the expulsion of evil spirits took place in March. Bits\nof broken statues and stones, considered as the abode of the demons, were\ncollected and brought to the capital. Here as many elephants were\ncollected as could be got together. On the evening of the full moon\nvolleys of musketry were fired and the elephants charged furiously to put\nthe devils to flight. The ceremony was performed on three successive\ndays.(381) In Siam the banishment of demons is annually carried into\neffect on the last day of the old year. A signal gun is fired from the\npalace; it is answered from the next station, and so on from station to\nstation, till the firing has reached the outer gate of the city. Thus the\ndemons are driven out step by step. As soon as this is done a consecrated\nrope is fastened round the circuit of the city walls to prevent the\nbanished demons from returning. The rope is made of tough couch-grass and\nis painted in alternate stripes of red, yellow, and blue.(382) According\nto a more recent account, the Siamese ceremony takes place at the New Year\nholidays, which are three in number, beginning with the first of April.\nFor the feasting which accompanies these holidays a special kind of cake\nis made, \u201cwhich is as much in demand as our own Shrove-Tuesday pancakes or\nour Good-Friday hot cross-buns. The temples are thronged with women and\nchildren making offerings to Buddha and his priests. The people inaugurate\ntheir New Year with numerous charitable and religious deeds. The rich\nentertain the monks, who recite appropriate prayers and chants. Every\ndeparted soul returns to the bosom of his family during these three days,\nfreed from any fetters that may have bound him in the regions of\nindefinable locality. On the third day the religious observances\nterminate, and the remaining hours are devoted to \u2018the world, the flesh,\nand the devil.\u2019 Gambling is not confined to the licensed houses, but may\nbe indulged in anywhere. Games of chance hold powerful sway in every house\nas long as the licence to participate in them lasts. Priests in small\ncompanies occupy posts at regular intervals round the city wall, and spend\ntheir time in chanting away the evil spirits. On the evening of the second\nday, the ghostly visitors from the lower realms lose the luxury of being\nexorcised with psalms. Every person who has a gun may fire it as often as\nhe pleases, and the noise thus made is undoubtedly fearful enough in its\nintensity to cause any wandering traveller from the far-off fiery land to\nretrace his steps with speed. The bang and rattle of pistols, muskets,\nshot-guns, and rifles cease not till the break of day, by which time the\ncity is effectually cleared of all its infernal visitors.\u201d(383) From this\naccount we learn that among the spirits thus banished are the souls of the\ndead, who revisit their living friends once a year. To the same effect,\napparently, Bishop Brugui\u00e8re, writing from Bangkok in 1829, tells us that\n\u201cthe three first days of the moon of April are days of solemn festivity\nfor the pious Siamese. That day Lucifer opens all the gates of the abyss,\nthe souls of the dead, which are shut up there, come forth and partake of\na repast in the bosom of their family. They are treated splendidly. One of\nthese three days a monk repairs to the palace to preach before the king.\nAt the end of the sermon a preconcerted signal is given, and in a moment\nthe cannons are fired in all the quarters of the city to chase the devil\nout of the walls or to kill him, if he dares to resist. On the first day a\ntemporary king is named, who bears the title of _phaja-phollathep_; during\nthese three days he enjoys all the royal prerogatives, the real king\nremaining shut up in his palace.\u201d(384)\n\n(M113) A similar belief and a similar custom prevail in Japan. There, too,\nthe souls of the departed return to their old homes once a year, and a\nfestival called the Feast of Lanterns is made to welcome them. They come\nat evening on the thirteenth day of the seventh month of the old calendar,\nwhich falls towards the end of August. It is needful to light them on\ntheir way. Accordingly bamboos with pretty coloured lanterns attached to\nthem are fastened on the tombs, and being thickly set they make an\nillumination on the hills, where the burying-grounds are generally\nsituated. Lamps of many hues or rows of tapers are also lit and set out in\nfront of the houses and in the gardens, and small fires are kindled in the\nstreets, so that the whole city is in a blaze of light. After the sun has\nset, a great multitude issues from the town, for every family goes forth\nto meet its returning dead. When they come to the spot where they believe\nthe souls to be, they welcome the unseen visitors and invite them to rest\nafter their journey, and to partake of refreshments which they offer to\nthem. Having allowed the souls time enough to satisfy their hunger and\nrecover from their fatigue, they escort them by torchlight, chatting gaily\nwith them, into the city and to the houses where they lived and died.\nThese are also illuminated with brilliant lanterns; a banquet is spread on\nthe tables; and the places of the dead, who are supposed to absorb the\nethereal essence of the food, are laid for them as if they were alive.\nAfter the repast the living go from house to house to visit the souls of\ntheir dead friends and neighbours; and thus they spend the night running\nabout the town. On the evening of the third day of the festival, which is\nthe fifteenth day of the month, the time has come for the souls to return\nto their own place. Fires again blaze in the streets to light them on the\nroad; the people again escort them ceremoniously to the spot where they\nmet them two days before; and in some places they send the lanterns\nfloating away on rivers or the sea in miniature boats, which are laden\nwith provisions for the spirits on their way to their long home. But there\nis still a fear that some poor souls may have lagged behind, or even\nconcealed themselves in a nook or corner, loth to part from the scenes of\ntheir former life and from those they love. Accordingly steps are taken to\nhunt out these laggards and send them packing after their fellow-ghosts.\nWith this intention the people throw stones on the roofs of their houses\nin great profusion; and going through every room armed with sticks they\ndeal swashing blows all about them in the empty air to chase away the\nlingering souls. This they do, we are told, out of a regard for their own\ncomfort quite as much as from the affection they bear to the dead; for\nthey fear to be disturbed by unseasonable apparitions if they suffered the\nairy visitors to remain in the house.(385)\n\n(M114) Thus in spite of the kindly welcome given to the souls, the fear\nwhich they inspire comes out plainly in the pains taken to ensure their\ndeparture; and this fear justifies us in including such forced departures\namong the ceremonies for the expulsion of evils with which we are here\nconcerned. It may be remembered that the annual banishment of ghosts has\nbeen practised by savages so low in the scale of humanity as the\nAustralian aborigines.(386) At the other end of the scale it was observed\nin classical antiquity by the civilized Greeks and Romans. The Athenians\nbelieved that at the festival of the Anthesteria the souls of the dead\ncame back from the nether world and went about the city. Accordingly ropes\nwere fastened round the temples to keep out the wandering ghosts; and with\na like intention the people chewed buckthorn in the morning and smeared\nthe doors of their houses with pitch, apparently thinking that any rash\nspirits who might attempt to enter would stick fast in the pitch and be\nglued, like so many flies, to the door. But at the end of the festival the\nsouls were bidden to depart in these words: \u201cOut of the door with you,\nsouls. The Anthesteria is over.\u201d(387) Yet for the entertainment of the\nunseen guests during their short stay earthenware pots full of boiled food\nappear to have been everywhere prepared throughout the city; but probably\nthese were placed in the street outside the houses, in order to give the\nghosts no excuse for entering and disturbing the inmates. No priest would\neat of the food thus offered to the dead,(388) but prowling beggars\nprobably had no such scruples. Similarly when the Sea Dyaks of Sarawak\ncelebrate their great Festival of Departed Spirits at intervals which vary\nfrom one to three or four years, food is prepared for the dead and they\nare summoned from their far-off home to partake of it; but it is put\noutside at the entrance of the house. And before the general arrival of\nthe souls, while the people are busy brewing the drink for the feast, each\nfamily takes care to hang an earthenware pot full of the liquor outside of\nthe single room which it occupies in the large common house, lest some\nthirsty soul should arrive prematurely from the other world, and, forcing\nhis way into the domestic circle, should not merely slake his thirst but\ncarry off one of the living.(389) During three days in May the Romans held\na festival in honour of the ghosts. The temples were shut, doubtless to\nkeep out the ghostly swarms; but, as in Japan, every house seems to have\nbeen thrown open to receive the spirits of its own departed. When the\nreception was over, each head of a family arose at dead of night, washed\nhis hands, and having made with fingers and thumb certain magic signs to\nward off ghosts, he proceeded to throw black beans over his shoulder\nwithout looking behind him. As he did so, he said nine times, \u201cWith these\nbeans I redeem me and mine\u201d; and the ghosts, following unseen at his\nheels, picked up the beans and left him and his alone. Then he dipped his\nhands again in water, clashed bronze vessels together to make a din, and\nbegged the ghosts to depart from his house, saying nine times, \u201cGo forth,\npaternal shades!\u201d After that he looked behind him, and the ceremony was\nover: the ghosts had taken their leave for another year.(390)\n\n(M115) Annual expulsions of demons, witches, or evil influences appear to\nhave been common among the heathen of Europe, if we may judge from the\nrelics of such customs among their descendants at the present day. Thus\namong the heathen Wotyaks, a Finnish people of Eastern Russia, all the\nyoung girls of the village assemble on the last day of the year or on New\nYear\u2019s Day, armed with sticks, the ends of which are split in nine places.\nWith these they beat every corner of the house and yard, saying, \u201cWe are\ndriving Satan out of the village.\u201d Afterwards the sticks are thrown into\nthe river below the village, and as they float down stream Satan goes with\nthem to the next village, from which he must be driven out in turn. In\nsome villages the expulsion is managed otherwise. The unmarried men\nreceive from every house in the village groats, flesh, and brandy. These\nthey take to the fields, light a fire under a fir-tree, boil the groats,\nand eat of the food they have brought with them, after pronouncing the\nwords, \u201cGo away into the wilderness, come not into the house.\u201d Then they\nreturn to the village and enter every house where there are young women.\nThey take hold of the young women and throw them into the snow, saying,\n\u201cMay the spirits of disease leave you.\u201d The remains of the groats and the\nother food are then distributed among all the houses in proportion to the\namount that each contributed, and each family consumes its share.\nAccording to a Wotyak of the Malmyz district the young men throw into the\nsnow whomever they find in the houses, and this is called \u201cdriving out\nSatan\u201d; moreover, some of the boiled groats are cast into the fire with\nthe words, \u201cO god, afflict us not with sickness and pestilence, give us\nnot up as a prey to the spirits of the wood.\u201d But the most antique form of\nthe ceremony is that observed by the Wotyaks of the Kasan Government.\nFirst of all a sacrifice is offered to the Devil at noon. Then all the men\nassemble on horseback in the centre of the village, and decide with which\nhouse they shall begin. When this question, which often gives rise to hot\ndisputes, is settled, they tether their horses to the paling, and arm\nthemselves with whips, clubs of lime-wood, and bundles of lighted twigs.\nThe lighted twigs are believed to have the greatest terrors for Satan.\nThus armed, they proceed with frightful cries to beat every corner of the\nhouse and yard, then shut the door, and spit at the ejected fiend. So they\ngo from house to house, till the Devil has been driven from every one.\nThen they mount their horses and ride out of the village, yelling wildly\nand brandishing their clubs in every direction. Outside of the village\nthey fling away the clubs and spit once more at the Devil.(391) The\nCheremiss, another Finnish people of Eastern Russia, chase Satan from\ntheir dwellings by beating the walls with cudgels of lime-wood. For the\nsame purpose they fire guns, stab the ground with knives, and insert\nburning chips of wood in the crevices. Also they leap over bonfires,\nshaking out their garments as they do so; and in some districts they blow\non long trumpets of lime-tree bark to frighten him away. When he has fled\nto the wood, they pelt the trees with some of the cheese-cakes and eggs\nwhich furnished the feast.(392)\n\n(M116) In Christian Europe the old heathen custom of expelling the powers\nof evil at certain times of the year has survived to modern times. Thus in\nsome villages of Calabria the month of March is inaugurated with the\nexpulsion of the witches. It takes place at night to the sound of the\nchurch bells, the people running about the streets and crying, \u201cMarch is\ncome.\u201d They say that the witches roam about in March, and the ceremony is\nrepeated every Friday evening during the month.(393) Often, as might have\nbeen anticipated, the ancient pagan rite has attached itself to church\nfestivals. For example, in Calabria at Eastertide every family provides\nitself in time with a supply of holy water, and when the church bells\nproclaim the resurrection of Christ the people sprinkle the house with the\nwater, saying in a loud voice, \u201c_Esciti fora s\u00f9rici uorvi, esciti fora\ntentaziuni, esca u malu ed entri u bene_.\u201d At the same time they knock on\ndoors and windows, on chests and other articles of furniture.(394) Again,\nin Albania on Easter Eve the young people light torches of resinous wood\nand march in procession, swinging them, through the village. At last they\nthrow the torches into the river, crying, \u201cHa, Kore! we throw you into the\nriver, like these torches, that you may never return.\u201d(395) Silesian\npeasants believe that on Good Friday the witches go their rounds and have\ngreat power for mischief. Hence about Oels, near Strehlitz, the people on\nthat day arm themselves with old brooms and drive the witches from house\nand home, from farmyard and cattle-stall, making a great uproar and\nclatter as they do so.(396)\n\n(M117) The belief in the maleficent power and activity of witches and\nwizards would seem to have weighed almost as heavily on the heathen of\nCentral and Northern Europe in prehistoric times as it still weighs on the\nminds of African negroes and other savages in many parts of the world. But\nwhile these unhallowed beings were always with our forefathers, there were\ntimes and seasons of the year when they were supposed to be particularly\nmischievous, and when accordingly special precautions had to be taken\nagainst them. Among such times were the twelve days from Christmas to\nTwelfth Night, the Eve of St. George, the Eve of May Day (Walpurgis\nNight), and Midsummer Eve.(397)\n\n(M118) In Central Europe it was apparently on Walpurgis Night, the Eve of\nMay Day, above all other times that the baleful powers of the witches were\nexerted to the fullest extent; nothing therefore could be more natural\nthan that men should be on their guard against them at that season, and\nthat, not content with merely standing on their defence, they should\nboldly have sought to carry the war into the enemy\u2019s quarters by attacking\nand forcibly expelling the uncanny crew. Amongst the weapons with which\nthey fought their invisible adversaries in these grim encounters were holy\nwater, the fumes of incense or other combustibles, and loud noises of all\nkinds, particularly the clashing of metal instruments, amongst which the\nringing of church bells was perhaps the most effectual.(398) Some of these\nstrong measures are still in use among the peasantry, or were so down to\nrecent years, and there seems no reason to suppose that their magical\nvirtue has been at all impaired by lapse of time. In the Tyrol, as in\nother places, the expulsion of the powers of evil at this season goes by\nthe name of \u201cBurning out the Witches.\u201d It takes place on May Day, but\npeople have been busy with their preparations for days before. On a\nThursday at midnight bundles are made up of resinous splinters, black and\nred spotted hemlock, caperspurge, rosemary, and twigs of the sloe. These\nare kept and burned on May Day by men who must first have received plenary\nabsolution from the Church. On the last three days of April all the houses\nare cleansed and fumigated with juniper berries and rue. On May Day, when\nthe evening bell has rung and the twilight is falling, the ceremony of\n\u201cBurning out the Witches\u201d begins. Men and boys make a racket with whips,\nbells, pots, and pans; the women carry censers; the dogs are unchained and\nrun barking and yelping about. As soon as the church bells begin to ring,\nthe bundles of twigs, fastened on poles, are set on fire and the incense\nis ignited. Then all the house-bells and dinner-bells are rung, pots and\npans are clashed, dogs bark, every one must make a noise. And amid this\nhubbub all scream at the pitch of their voices,\n\n\n    \u201c_Witch flee, flee from here,_\n    _Or it will go ill with thee._\u201d\n\n\nThen they run seven times round the houses, the yards, and the village. So\nthe witches are smoked out of their lurking-places and driven away.(399)\n\n(M119) The custom of expelling the witches on Walpurgis Night is still, or\nwas down to thirty or forty years ago, observed in many parts of Bavaria\nand among the Germans of Bohemia. Thus in the B\u00f6hmerwald Mountains, which\ndivide Bavaria from Bohemia, all the young fellows of the village assemble\nafter sunset on some height, especially at a cross-road, and crack whips\nfor a while in unison with all their strength. This drives away the\nwitches; for so far as the sound of the whips is heard, these maleficent\nbeings can do no harm. The peasants believe firmly in the efficacy of this\nremedy. A yokel will tell his sons to be sure to crack their whips loudly\nand hit the witches hard; and to give more sting to every blow the\nwhip-lashes are knotted. On returning to the village the lads often sing\nsongs and collect contributions of eggs, lard, bread, and butter. In some\nplaces, while the young fellows are cracking their whips, the herdsmen\nwind their horns, and the long-drawn notes, heard far-off in the silence\nof night, are very effectual for banning the witches. In other places,\nagain, the youth blow upon so-called shawms made of peeled willow-wood in\nfront of every house, especially in front of such houses as are suspected\nof harbouring a witch.(400) In Voigtland, a bleak mountainous region of\nCentral Germany(401) bordering on the Frankenwald Mountains, the belief in\nwitchcraft is still widely spread. The time when the witches are\nparticularly dreaded is Walpurgis Night, but they play their pranks also\non Midsummer Eve, St. Thomas\u2019s Eve, and Christmas Eve. On these days they\ntry to make their way into a neighbour\u2019s house and to borrow or steal\nsomething from it; and woe betide the man in whose house they have\nsucceeded in their nefarious errand! It is on Walpurgis Night and\nMidsummer Eve that they ride through the air astride of pitchforks and\nchurn-dashers. They also bewitch the cattle; so to protect the poor beasts\nfrom their hellish machinations the people on these days chalk up three\ncrosses on the doors of the cattle-stalls or hang up St. John\u2019s wort,\nmarjoram, and so forth. Very often, too, the village youth turn out in a\nbody and drive the witches away with the cracking of whips, the firing of\nguns, and the waving of burning besoms through the air, not to mention\nshouts and noises of all sorts.(402) Such customs appear to be observed\ngenerally in Th\u00fcringen, of which Voigtland is a part. The people think\nthat the blows of the whip actually fall on the witches hovering unseen in\nthe air, and that so far as the cracking of the whips is heard, the crops\nwill be good and nothing will be struck by lightning,(403) no doubt\nbecause the witches have been banished by the sound.\n\n(M120) In Bohemia many are the precautions taken by the peasantry, both\nGerman and Czech, to guard themselves and their cattle against the witches\non Walpurgis Night. Thorny branches are laid on the thresholds of\ncow-houses and dwellings to keep out the infernal crew, and after sunset\nboys armed with whips and guns drive them from the villages with a\nprodigious uproar and burn them in bonfires on the neighbouring heights.\nIt is true that the witches themselves are not seen, though effigies of\nthem are sometimes consumed in the bonfires. This \u201cBurning of the\nWitches,\u201d as it is called, protects the crops from their ravages. German\nlads also employ goats\u2019 horns as a means of driving away the witches at\nthe moment when they issue forth from kitchen-chimneys on their way to the\nwitches\u2019 Sabbath.(404) Some minor variations in the mode of expelling the\nwitches on Walpurgis Night have been noted in the German villages of\nWestern Bohemia. Thus in Absrot the village youth go out to cross-roads\nand there beat the ground with boards, no doubt for the purpose of\nthrashing the witches who are commonly supposed to assemble at such spots.\nIn Deslawen, after the evening bells have rung, people go through the\nhouses beating the walls or floors with boards; then they issue forth into\nthe roads, headed by a boy who carries the effigy of a witch made up of\nrags. Thereupon grown-up folk crack whips and fire shots. In Sch\u00f6nwert the\nyoung people go in bands through the village and the meadows, making a\ngreat noise with bells, flutes, and whips, for the more noise they make\nthe more effectual is the ceremony supposed to be. Meantime the older men\nare busy firing shots over the fields and the dungheaps. In Hochofen\ntroops of children go from house to house on Walpurgis Evening, making a\ngreat clatter with tin cans and kettles, while they scream, \u201cWitch, go\nout, your house is burning.\u201d This is called \u201cDriving out the\nWitches.\u201d(405) The German peasants of Moravia, also, universally believe\nthat on Walpurgis Night the witches ride through the air on broomsticks\nand pitchforks in order to revel with Satan, their master, at the old\nheathen places of sacrifice, which are commonly on heights. To guard the\ncattle and horses from their insidious attacks it is usual to put knives\nunder the thresholds and to stick sprigs of birch in the dungheaps.\nFormerly lads used to gather on the heights where the witches were\nbelieved to assemble; and by hurling besoms, dipped in pitch and ignited,\nthey attempted to banish the invisible foe.(406)\n\n(M121) In Silesia also, we are told, the belief in witchcraft still\noccupies a large space in the minds of the people. It is on Walpurgis\nNight that the witches are let loose and all the powers of magic have full\nsway. At that time the cottagers not uncommonly see a witch astride a\nhayfork or broomstick emerging from the chimney. Hence people are careful\nto remove all utensils from the fireplace, or the witches would ride on\nthem, when they go with the Evil One to a cross-road or a gallows-hill,\nthere to dance wild dances in a circle on the snow or to cut capers on the\ncorn-fields. Steps are taken to guard village, house, and farmyard against\ntheir incursions. Three crosses are chalked up on every door, and little\nbirch-trees fastened over the house-door, because the witches must count\nevery leaf on the tree before they can cross the threshold, and while they\nare still counting, the day breaks and their power is gone. On that\nevening the cattle are especially exposed to the attacks of the witches,\nand prudent farmers resort to many expedients for the sake of protecting\nthe animals from the wiles of these malignant beings. No wise man would\nsell milk or butter on Walpurgis Night; if he did, his cows would\ncertainly be bewitched. And all the work of the byres should be finished\nand the cattle fed before sundown, which is the time when the witches\nbegin to swarm in the air. Besides the usual crosses chalked on the door\nof the byre, it is customary to fasten over it three horse-shoes, or a\nholed flint, or a goat\u2019s horns with four branches; it is well, too, to\nnail bits of buckthorn crosswise over every entrance, and to lean\npitchforks and harrows against the doors with the sharp points turned\noutwards. A sod freshly cut from a meadow and sprinkled with\nmarsh-marigolds has likewise a very good effect when it is placed before a\nthreshold. Moreover in the Gr\u00fcnberg district young men go clanking chains\nthrough the village and farmyards, for iron scares the witches; also they\nknock at the doors and they prance through the yards astride on pitchforks\nand broomsticks, all to drive away the witches, but in doing so they must\nbe sure not to speak a word. A very powerful means of keeping witches at\nbay are the Walpurgis bonfires, which are still kindled in the Hoyerswerda\ndistrict and the Iser Mountains. The fires are fed with the stumps of old\nbrooms, and the people dance round them and wave burning besoms, just as\nthey do at the Midsummer bonfires. About Hoyerswerda they call these\nfires, as usual, \u201cBurning the Witches.\u201d(407)\n\n(M122) The Wends of Saxony adopt very similar precautions against witches\non the evening of Walpurgis Day. Any one who has been in Lusatia on the\nlast day of April must remember the fires which he saw blazing on the\nmountains and in the valleys and the plains. That is the Witch-burning\n(_kuzlarni\u010de pali\u0107_). For weeks before that the boys and lads have been\ncollecting old brooms, and when the time comes they sally forth and dance\nwith the burning besoms on the fields; the fire is thought to ban the\nwitches and foul fiends. Also on that day people march about the fields\nand meadows clinking stones on scythes; for the noise is also deemed\neffectual in driving the witches away.(408) At Penzance in Cornwall boys\nrun about blowing horns on the thirtieth of April (Walpurgis Day), and\nwhen questioned why they do so they say that they are \u201cscaring away the\ndevil.\u201d The horns used for this purpose are made of tin and shaped like a\nherald\u2019s trumpet; they vary in length from a foot to a yard and can give\nforth a very loud blast.(409) The custom is probably a relic of a general\nexpulsion of witches and demons on that day.\n\n(M123) Another witching time is the period of twelve days between\nChristmas (the twenty-fifth of December) and Epiphany (the sixth of\nJanuary). A thousand quaint superstitions cluster round that mystic\nseason. It is then that the Wild Huntsman sweeps through the air, the\npowers of evil are let loose, werewolves are prowling round, and the\nwitches work their wicked will. Hence in some parts of Silesia the people\nburn pine-resin all night long between Christmas and the New Year in order\nthat the pungent smoke may drive witches and evil spirits far away from\nhouse and homestead; and on Christmas Eve and New Year\u2019s Eve they fire\nshots over fields and meadows, into shrubs and trees, and wrap straw round\nthe fruit-trees, to prevent the spirits from doing them harm.(410) On New\nYear\u2019s Eve, which is Saint Sylvester\u2019s Day, Bohemian lads, armed with\nguns, form themselves into circles and fire thrice into the air. This is\ncalled \u201cShooting the Witches\u201d and is supposed to frighten the witches\naway. While the young fellows are rendering this service to the community,\nthe housewives go about their houses sprinkling holy water in all the\nrooms and chalking three crosses on every door,(411) no doubt to\naccelerate the departure of the witches, and to prevent their return. At\nTrieste on St. Sylvester\u2019s Eve people form processions and drive the evil\nspirits with sticks and brooms out of the houses, while they invite the\ngood spirits and good luck to come and dwell there.(412) In the town of\nBiggar, in Lanarkshire, it has been customary from time immemorial to\ncelebrate a custom called \u201cburning out the Old Year\u201d on the thirty-first\nof December. A large bonfire, to which all the onlookers think it their\nduty to contribute fuel, is kindled in the evening at the town cross, and\nfires are also lighted on the adjacent hills.(413) When we remember how\ncommon it is in Central Europe to kindle fires at critical seasons for the\npurpose of burning the witches, we may suspect that what the good people\nof Biggar originally intended to burn on the last night of the year was\nnot the Old Year but the witches. It would have been well for Scotland and\nfor Europe if the practice of burning witches had always been carried out\nin this harmless fashion. A visitor to Scotland in 1644 saw nine witches\nof flesh and blood burned at one time on Leith Links.(414)\n\n(M124) The last of the mystic twelve days is Epiphany or Twelfth Night,\nand it has been selected as a proper season for the expulsion of the\npowers of evil in various parts of Europe. Thus at Brunnen on the Lake of\nLucerne the boys go about in procession on Twelfth Night, carrying torches\nand lanterns, and making a great noise with horns, cow-bells, whips, and\nso forth. This is said to frighten away the two female spirits of the\nwood, Strudeli and Str\u00e4tteli. Of these two names Strudeli seems to mean\n\u201cwitch\u201d and Str\u00e4tteli \u201cnightmare.\u201d The people believe that if they do not\nmake enough noise, there will be little fruit that year.(415) On the same\nday the inhabitants of the Muota Valley, immediately to the east of\nBrunnen, used to make a similar racket, no doubt for a similar purpose.\nThey collected chains, pots and pans, cow-bells, horns, and such like\nmusical instruments. He who could borrow a number of horse\u2019s bells and\nwear them on his person so that the jangling sounded afar off was deemed\nuncommonly lucky. Thus equipped parties of people marched about making all\nthe din they could; sometimes they would meet and joining all their\nefforts in one concerted burst of harmony or discord would raise such a\nhubbub that the surrounding rocks rang again with the sound.(416) In\nLabrugui\u00e8re, also, a canton of Southern France, the evil spirits are\nexpelled at the same season. The canton lies in the picturesque and\nlittle-known region of the Black Mountains, which form a sort of link\nbetween the Pyrenees and the Cevennes, and have preserved in their remote\nrecesses certain types of life which have long disappeared elsewhere. On\nthe eve of Twelfth Day the inhabitants rush through the streets jangling\nbells, clattering kettles, and doing everything to make a discordant\nnoise. Then by the light of torches and blazing faggots they set up a\nprodigious hue and cry, an ear-splitting uproar, hoping thereby to chase\nall the wandering ghosts and devils from the town.(417)\n\n(M125) With this noisy ceremony we may compare a similar custom which is\nstill observed year by year at the same season in the long and spacious\nPiazza Navona at Rome. There on the night before Epiphany a dense crowd\nassembles, and diverts itself by raising a hideous uproar. Soon after\nsupper troops of young folk and others march through the streets, preceded\nby puppets or pasteboard figures and all making the utmost possible din.\nThey converge from different quarters on the Piazza Navona, there to unite\nin one prolonged and deafening outburst of clangorous discord. The\nfavourite musical instruments employed in this cats\u2019 concert are penny\ntrumpets, of which, together with tambourines, bells, and so forth, the\nshops take care to provide a large stock as a preparation for the\npandemonium of the evening. The ceremony is supposed to be in honour of a\ncertain mythical old hag called Befana, effigies of whom, made of rags,\nare put by women and children in the windows on Twelfth Night. Her name\nBefana is clearly a popular corruption of Epiphany, the ecclesiastical\nname of the festival; but viewed in connexion with the popular\ncelebrations which we have examined she may be suspected to be of heathen\nrather than Christian origin. In fact we may conjecture that she was of\nold a witch, and that the noisy rite in the Piazza Navona is nothing but a\nrelic of an annual expulsion of witches at this season.(418) A ceremony of\nthe same sort is annually observed on the same evening, the Eve of\nEpiphany, by the peasantry who inhabit the mountains of the Tuscan\nRomagna. A troop of lads parade the streets of the village making a\nfiendish noise by means of bells and kitchen utensils of tin and brass,\nwhile others blow blasts on horns and reed-pipes. They drag about a cart\ncontaining an effigy of an old woman made up of rags and tow, which\nrepresents Befana (Epiphany). When they come to the village square they\nput fire to the effigy, which soon vanishes in smoke and flames amid a\nchorus of cries, shrieks, and other forms of rustic melody.(419) Similar\nceremonies are probably observed on the same evening in other parts of\nItaly.\n\n(M126) In the Shetland Islands the Yule or Christmas holidays begin, or\nused to begin, seven days before Christmas and last till Antinmas, that\nis, the twenty-fourth day after Christmas. In the Shetland parlance these\nholidays are known as \u201cthe Yules.\u201d On the first night, called Tul-ya\u2019s\ne\u2019en, seven days before Christmas, certain mischievous elves, whom the\nShetlanders name Trows, \u201creceived permission to leave their homes in the\nheart of the earth and dwell, if it so pleased them, above ground. There\nseemed to have been no doubt that those creatures preferred disporting\nthemselves among the dwellings of men to residing in their own\nsubterranean abodes, for they availed themselves of every permission\ngiven, and created no little disturbance among the mortals whom they\nvisited. One of the most important of all Yule-tide observances was the\n\u2018saining\u2019 required to guard life or property from the Trows. If the proper\nobservances were omitted, the \u2018grey-folk\u2019 were sure to take advantage of\nthe opportunity.\u201d(420) On the last day of the holidays, the twenty-fourth\nday after Christmas, which in Shetland goes by the name of Up-helly-a\u2019,\nUphellia, or Uphaliday, \u201cthe doors were all opened, and a great deal of\npantomimic chasing and driving and dispersing of unseen creatures took\nplace. Many pious ejaculations were uttered, and iron was ostentatiously\ndisplayed, \u2018for Trows can never abide the sight o\u2019 iron.\u2019 The Bible was\nread and quoted. People moved about in groups or couples, never singly,\nand infants were carefully guarded as well as sained by vigilant and\nlearned \u2018wise women.\u2019 Alas, the poor Trows! their time of frolic and\nliberty was ended, and on Twenty-fourth night they retired to their gloomy\nabodes beneath the sod, seldom finding opportunity to reappear again, and\nnever with the same licence, until the Yules returned. All that pantomime,\nall that invoking of holier Powers, were but methods of \u2018speeding the\nparting guest,\u2019 and mortals were rejoicing that the unbidden, unwelcome\ngrey-folk must depart. When day dawned after Twenty-fourth night the Trows\nhad vanished and the Yules were ended.\u201d(421) Of late years Up-helly-a\u2019 has\nbeen celebrated in Lerwick with pompous and elaborate masquerades. The\nchief event of the evening is a torch-light procession of maskers or\n\u201cguizers,\u201d as they are called, who escort the model of a Norse galley\nthrough the streets, and finally set it on fire by throwing their torches\ninto it. But in this form the celebration seems to date only from the\nlatter part of the nineteenth century; in former times an old boat filled\nwith tar and ignited was dragged about and blazing tar-barrels were drawn\nor kicked through the streets.(422) The fire, however procured, was\nprobably in origin intended to chase away the lingering Trows from the\ntown at the end of the holidays.\n\n(M127) Thus it would seem that the custom of annually banishing witches\nand demons on a day or night set apart for the purpose has not been\nconfined to Central Europe, but can be traced from Calabria and Rome in\nthe south to the Shetland Islands in the far north.\n\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER IV. PUBLIC SCAPEGOATS.\n\n\n\n\n\u00a7 1. The Expulsion of Embodied Evils.\n\n\n(M128) Thus far we have dealt with that class of the general expulsion of\nevils which I have called direct or immediate. In this class the evils are\ninvisible, at least to common eyes, and the mode of deliverance consists\nfor the most part in beating the empty air and raising such a hubbub as\nmay scare the mischievous spirits and put them to flight. It remains to\nillustrate the second class of expulsions, in which the evil influences\nare embodied in a visible form or are at least supposed to be loaded upon\na material medium, which acts as a vehicle to draw them off from the\npeople, village, or town.\n\n(M129) The Pomos of California celebrate an expulsion of devils every\nseven years, at which the devils are represented by disguised men. \u201cTwenty\nor thirty men array themselves in harlequin rig and barbaric paint, and\nput vessels of pitch on their heads; then they secretly go out into the\nsurrounding mountains. These are to personify the devils. A herald goes up\nto the top of the assembly-house, and makes a speech to the multitude. At\na signal agreed upon in the evening the masqueraders come in from the\nmountains, with the vessels of pitch flaming on their heads, and with all\nthe frightful accessories of noise, motion, and costume which the savage\nmind can devise in representation of demons. The terrified women and\nchildren flee for life, the men huddle them inside a circle, and, on the\nprinciple of fighting the devil with fire, they swing blazing firebrands\nin the air, yell, whoop, and make frantic dashes at the marauding and\nbloodthirsty devils, so creating a terrific spectacle, and striking great\nfear into the hearts of the assembled hundreds of women, who are screaming\nand fainting and clinging to their valorous protectors. Finally the devils\nsucceed in getting into the assembly-house, and the bravest of the men\nenter and hold a parley with them. As a conclusion of the whole farce, the\nmen summon courage, the devils are expelled from the assembly-house, and\nwith a prodigious row and racket of sham fighting are chased away into the\nmountains.\u201d(423) In spring, as soon as the willow-leaves were full grown\non the banks of the river, the Mandan Indians celebrated their great\nannual festival, one of the features of which was the expulsion of the\ndevil. A man, painted black to represent the devil, entered the village\nfrom the prairie, chased and frightened the women, and acted the part of a\nbuffalo bull in the buffalo dance, the object of which was to ensure a\nplentiful supply of buffaloes during the ensuing year. Finally he was\nchased from the village, the women pursuing him with hisses and gibes,\nbeating him with sticks, and pelting him with dirt.(424) The Mayas of\nYucatan divided the year into eighteen months of twenty days each, and\nthey added five supplementary days at the end of the year in order to make\na total of three hundred and sixty-five days. These five supplementary\ndays were deemed unlucky. In the course of them the people banished the\nevils that might threaten them in the year on which they were about to\nenter. For that purpose they made a clay image of the demon of evil\nUuayayab, that is _u-uayab-haab_, \u201cHe by whom the year is poisoned,\u201d\nconfronted it with the deity who had supreme power over the coming year,\nand then carried it out of the village in the direction of that cardinal\npoint to which, on the system of the Mayan calendar, the particular year\nwas supposed to belong. Having thus rid themselves of the demon, they\nlooked forward to a happy New Year.(425)\n\n(M130) Some of the native tribes of Central Queensland believe in a\nnoxious being called Molonga, who prowls unseen and would kill men and\nviolate women if certain ceremonies were not performed. These ceremonies\nlast for five nights and consist of dances, in which only men,\nfantastically painted and adorned, take part. On the fifth night Molonga\nhimself, personified by a man tricked out with red ochre and feathers and\ncarrying a long feather-tipped spear, rushes forth from the darkness at\nthe spectators and makes as if he would run them through. Great is the\nexcitement, loud are the shrieks and shouts, but after another feigned\nattack the demon vanishes in the gloom.(426) On the last night of the year\nthe palace of the Kings of Cambodia is purged of devils. Men painted as\nfiends are chased by elephants about the palace courts. When they have\nbeen expelled, a consecrated thread of cotton is stretched round the\npalace to keep them out.(427) In Munzerabad, a district of Mysore in\nSouthern India, when cholera or smallpox has broken out in a parish, the\ninhabitants assemble and conjure the demon of the disease into a wooden\nimage, which they carry, generally at midnight, into the next parish. The\ninhabitants of that parish in like manner pass the image on to their\nneighbours, and thus the demon is expelled from one village after another,\nuntil he comes to the bank of a river into which he is finally\nthrown.(428) Russian villagers seek to protect themselves against\nepidemics, whether of man or beast, by drawing a furrow with a plough\nright round the village. The plough is dragged by four widows and the\nceremony is performed at night; all fires and lights must be extinguished\nwhile the plough is going the round. The people think that no unclean\nspirit can pass the furrow which has thus been traced. In the village of\nDubrowitschi a puppet is carried before the plough with the cry, \u201cOut of\nthe village with the unclean spirit!\u201d and at the end of the ceremony it is\ntorn in pieces and the fragments scattered about.(429) No doubt the demon\nof the disease is supposed to be in the puppet and to be destroyed with\nit. Sometimes in an Esthonian village a rumour will get about that the\nEvil One himself has been seen in the place. Instantly the whole village\nis in an uproar, and the entire population, armed with sticks, flails, and\nscythes, turns out to give him chase. They generally expel him in the\nshape of a wolf or a cat, occasionally they brag that they have beaten the\ndevil to death.(430) At Carmona, in Andalusia, on one day of the year,\nboys are stripped naked and smeared with glue in which feathers are stuck.\nThus disguised, they run from house to house, the people trying to avoid\nthem and to bar their houses against them.(431) The ceremony is probably a\nrelic of an annual expulsion of devils.\n\n(M131) Some of the Khasis of Assam annually expel the demon of plague. The\nceremony is called _Beh-dieng-khlam_, that is \u201cDriving away (_beh_) the\nplague (_khlam_) with sticks (_dieng_)\u201d; it takes place in the Deep-water\nmonth (June). On the day fixed for the expulsion the men rise early and\nbeat the roof with sticks, calling upon the demon of the plague to leave\nthe house. Later in the day they go down to the stream where the goddess\nAitan dwells. Then long poles or bamboos, newly cut, are laid across the\nstream and the people jump on them, trying to break them; when they\nsucceed, they give a great shout. Next a very large pole or bamboo is\nsimilarly laid across the stream, and the people divide themselves into\ntwo parties, one on each side of the stream, and pull against each other\nat opposite ends of the pole. According to one account the party which\nsucceeds in dragging the pole to their side of the stream is supposed to\ngain health and prosperity during the coming year. According to another\naccount, if the people on the east bank win in the contest or\n\u201ctug-of-war,\u201d good luck and prosperity are assured; but if the people on\nthe west bank are victorious, then everything will go wrong. On this\noccasion the people disguise themselves as giants and wild beasts, and\nthey parade images of serpents, elephants, tigers, peacocks, and so on.\nThe men dance with enthusiasm, and the girls, dressed in their best, look\non. Before the assembly breaks up, the men play a sort of game of hockey\nwith wooden balls.(432) In this ceremonial contest or \u201ctug of war\u201d between\ntwo parties of the people, we may conjecture that the one party represents\nthe expelled demons of the plague; and if that is so, we may perhaps\nassume that in the struggle the representatives of the demons generally\nallow themselves to be overcome by their adversaries, in order that the\nvillage may be free from pestilence in the coming year. Similarly in\nautumn the Central Esquimaux divide themselves into two parties,\nrepresenting summer and winter respectively, which pull at opposite ends\nof a rope; and they draw omens of the weather to be expected in the coming\nwinter according as the party of summer or of winter prevails in the\nstruggle.(433) That in such contests, resembling our English game of\n\u201cFrench and English\u201d or the \u201cTug of War,\u201d the one side may represent\ndemons is proved by a custom observed by the Chukmas, a tribe of the\nChittagong Hill Tracts in South-Eastern India. \u201cOn the death of a Dewan or\nof a priest a curious sport is customary at the funeral. The corpse is\nconveyed to the place of cremation on a car; to this car ropes are\nattached, and the persons attending the ceremony are divided into two\nequal bodies and set to work to pull in opposite directions. One side\nrepresents the good spirits; the other, the powers of evil. The contest is\nso arranged that the former are victorious. Sometimes, however, the young\nmen representing the demons are inclined to pull too vigorously, but a\nstick generally quells this unseemly ardour in the cause of evil.\u201d(434)\nThe contest is like that between the angels and devils depicted in the\nfrescoes of the Campo Santo at Pisa. In Burma a similar struggle takes\nplace at the funeral of a Buddhist monk who passed for a saint in the\npopular estimation: ropes are attached to opposite ends of the car on\nwhich the coffin is placed, all the able-bodied men of the neighbourhood\nhold on to one or other of the two ends and pull as if for dear life\nagainst each other; even the women and girls sometimes join in the tug of\nwar, and policemen have been seen, in a state of frantic excitement,\nwaving their batons to encourage the combatants and dragging back shirkers\nby main force into the fighting line. The struggle is sometimes prolonged\nfor hours or even days.(435) With the example of the Chukmas before us, we\nmay conjecture that the original motive of this internecine strife was a\npersuasion that the eternal happiness or misery of the departed saint\ndepended on the issue of this contest between the powers of good and evil\nfor the possession of his mortal remains.\n\n(M132) But in Burma the tug of war has been employed for more secular\npurposes than the salvation or perdition of souls. \u201cThe inhabitants,\u201d we\nare told, \u201cstill have a custom of pulling a rope to produce rain. A rain\nparty and a drought party tug against each other, the rain party being\nallowed the victory, which in the popular notion is generally followed by\nrain.\u201d(436) The mode in which this salutary result follows from tugging at\na rope is explained by the Burmese doctrine of _nats_ or spirits who cause\nrain. But it is only when these spirits sport in the air that rain falls;\nwhen they shut themselves up in their houses there is drought. Now in some\nBurmese writings \u201cit is said, that when the sun is in the path of the\ngoat, these _Nat_ do not chuse to leave their houses on account of the\ngreat heat, whence there is then no rain. For this reason, the inhabitants\nof the Burma empire, in times of drought, are wont to assemble in great\nnumbers, with drums and a long cable. Dividing themselves into two\nparties, with a vast shouting and noise, they drag the cable contrary\nways, the one party endeavouring to get the better of the other: and they\nthink, by this means, to invite the _Nat_ to come out from their houses,\nand to sport in the air. The thunder and lightning, which frequently\nprecede rain, are the clashing and shining of the arms of these _Nat_, who\nsometimes sport in mock battles.\u201d(437) Apparently, therefore, in the tug\nof war, practised as a rain-charm, the one party represent the spirits who\nhave to be dragged reluctantly from their houses in order to make rain in\nthe sky. Similarly in the Timor-laut Islands, when the people want a rainy\nwind from the west, the population of the village, men, women, and\nchildren divide into two parties and pull against each other at the end of\na long bamboo. But the party at the eastern end must pull the harder, in\norder to draw the desired wind out of the west.(438) We can now perhaps\nunderstand why among the Khasis the victory of the eastern side in the tug\nof war is thought to prognosticate good luck and prosperity, and why the\nvictory of the western side is believed to portend the contrary; the\ndistinction is at once intelligible when we remember that in the country\nof the Khasis the rainy wind is the monsoon which blows from the\nsouth-west, whereas the wind which blows from the south-east is hot and\ndry.(439) Thus a victory of the eastern party in the tug of war means that\nthey have drawn rain and consequently fertility into the country from the\nwest; whereas a victory of the western party signifies that they have\ndragged drought and consequently dearth into the country from the east.\n\n(M133) However, a somewhat different turn is given to the ceremony of\nrope-pulling in the East Indies by another writer, who informs us, that\nwhile the contest only takes place in some of these islands when rain is\nwanted, it is closely connected with those licentious rites performed for\nthe fertilization of the ground which have been described in another part\nof this work.(440) According to this account the men and women appear to\ntake opposite sides in the tug of war, and in pulling against each other\nthey imitate by their movements the union of the sexes.(441) If that is\nso, it would seem that the rite is a magical ceremony designed to promote\nthe fertility of the ground by means of homoeopathic or imitative magic.\nThe same may perhaps be the intention of the tug of war as it is practised\nfor the benefit of the crops by some of the Naga tribes of Assam, and this\nis the more likely because in the case of these tribes we are definitely\ntold that the sexes take opposite sides, the women and girls tugging\nagainst the men and boys. This is done by the Tangkhuls of Assam a month\nafter the rice has been sown; the ceremony is performed \u201cin order to take\nthe omens for the future of the crops,\u201d and it \u201cis followed by\nconsiderable license.\u201d The tug of war between the sexes with its attendant\nlicense is repeated before the first-fruits are cut by the sacred\nheadman.(442) In Corea about the fifteenth day of the first month villages\nengage in the same kind of contest with each other, and it is thought that\nthe village which wins will have a good harvest. The rope which they pull\nis made of straw, two feet in diameter, with its ends divided into\nbranches. The men lay hold of the main stem, while the women grasp the\nbranches, and they often tug harder than the men, for they load their\nskirts with stones, which adds weight to the force of their muscles.(443)\nIn Kamtchatka, when the fishing season is over, the people used to divide\ninto two parties, one of which tried to pull a birch-tree by a strap\nthrough the smoke-hole into their subterranean winter dwelling, while the\nother party outside, pulling at the end of the tree, endeavoured to hinder\nthem. If the party in the house succeeded, they raised shouts of joy and\nset up a grass effigy of a wolf, which they preserved carefully throughout\nthe year, believing that it espoused their young women and prevented them\nfrom giving birth to twins. For they deem the birth of twins a dreadful\nmisfortune and a horrible sin; they put it down to the wolf in the forest,\nand all who chance to be in the house at the time shew a clean pair of\nheels, leaving the mother and her infants to shift for themselves. Should\nthe twins be both girls, the calamity is even greater.(444) In the village\nof Doreh, in Dutch New Guinea, when some of the inhabitants have gone on a\nlong journey, the people who stay at home engage in a Tug of War among\nthemselves to determine whether the journey will be prosperous or not. One\nside represents the voyagers and the other side those who are left behind.\nThey pull at opposite ends of a long bamboo, and if the bamboo breaks or\nthe side which represents the people at home is obliged to let go, the\nomen is favourable.(445)\n\n(M134) In Morocco, also, the Tug of War is resorted to as a means of\ninfluencing the weather, sometimes in order to procure rain and sometimes\nto procure sunshine; and here men and women appear usually to take\nopposite sides in the contest. For example, among the Igliwa, a Berber\npeople of the Great Atlas, when rain is wanted, they take a rope and the\nmen pull at one end and women at the other. While they are tugging away, a\nman suddenly cuts the rope and the women fall down. The same device for\nprocuring rain in time of drought is practised by the Ait Warain, another\nBerber tribe of Morocco; but among them in the heat of the contest the\nwomen as well as the men will sometimes let go the rope and allow the\nopposite party to fall on their backs. However, the Ts\u00fbl, another Berber\ntribe of Morocco, employ the Tug of War for the opposite purpose of\nensuring a supply of sunshine and heat in autumn, when they wish to dry\ntheir figs and grapes; the contest takes place at night by the light of\nthe moon.(446) The apparent contradiction of employing the same procedure\nfor opposite purposes vanishes if we suppose that, as the Assamese custom\nseems to indicate, the intention is to draw either a rainy or a dry wind\nout of the quarters from which the breezes that bring rain or sunshine\nusually blow, and which will usually be on opposite sides of the sky.\nHence in order fully to understand the Tug of War, when it is practised\nfor the purpose of influencing the weather, we should know, first, the\ndirections from which the rainy and the dry winds respectively come in the\ncountry under consideration, and second, the direction in which the rope\nis stretched between the contending parties. If, for example, as happens\nin Assam, the rainy wind blows from the west, and a victory of the eastern\nparty in the Tug of War is an omen of prosperity, we may conclude with a\nfair degree of probability that the intention of the contest is to draw\nthe rain from the quarter of the sky in which it is lingering. But these\nniceties of observation have usually escaped the attention of those who\nhave described the Tug of War.\n\n(M135) In various parts of Morocco games of ball are played for the sake\nnow of procuring rain and now of procuring dry weather; the ball is\nsometimes propelled with sticks and sometimes with the feet of the\ncompetitors. An Arab questioned as to why a game of ball should bring on\nrain explained that the ball is dark like a rain-cloud.(447) Perhaps the\nanswer furnishes the clue to the meaning of the rite. If in such games\nplayed to influence the weather the ball represents a rain-cloud, the\nsuccess or failure of the charm will depend on which side contrives to get\nthe ball home in the enemy\u2019s quarters. For example, if rain is desired and\nthe rainy wind blows in Morocco, as may perhaps be assumed, from the west,\nthen should the western side succeed in driving the ball through the\neastern goal, there will be rain; but if the eastern party wins, then the\nrain is driven away and the drought will continue. Thus a game of ball\nwould in theory and practice answer exactly to the Tug of War practised\nfor the same purposes.\n\n(M136) In Morocco, however, the Tug of War is apparently used also for the\npurpose of ensuring prosperity in general without any special reference to\nthe weather. Dr. Westermarck was informed by an old Arab from the Hiaina\nthat the Tug of War \u201cis no longer practised at the Great Feast, as it was\nin his childhood, but that it is performed in the autumn when the\nthreshing is going on and the fruits are ripe. Then men and women have a\ntug of war by moonlight so that the _b\u00e4s_, or evil, shall go away, that\nthe year shall be good, and that the people shall live in peace. Some man\nsecretly cuts two of the three cords of which the rope is made, with the\nresult that both parties tumble down.\u201d(448) In this contest one party\nperhaps represents the powers of good and the other the powers of evil in\ngeneral. But why in these Moroccan cases of the Tug of War the rope should\nbe so often cut and one or both sides laid on their backs, is not\nmanifest. Perhaps the simple device of suddenly slacking the rope in order\nto make the opposite side lose their footing, and so to haul the rope away\nfrom them before they can recover themselves, may have led to the more\ntrenchant measure of cutting it with a knife for the same purpose.\n\n(M137) These examples make it probable that wherever the Tug of War is\nplayed only at certain definite seasons or on certain particular\noccasions, it was originally performed, not as a mere pastime, but as a\nmagical ceremony designed to work some good for the community. Further, we\nmay surmise that in many cases the two contending parties represent\nrespectively the powers of good and evil struggling against each other for\nthe mastery, and as the community has always an interest in the prevalence\nof the powers of good, it may well happen that the powers of evil do not\nalways get fair play in these conflicts; though no doubt when it comes to\nbe \u201cpull devil, pull baker,\u201d the devil is apt, in the spirit of a true\nsportsman, to tug with as hearty good will as his far more deserving\nadversary the baker. To take cases in which the game is played without any\nalleged practical motive, the Roocooyen Indians of French Guiana engage in\nthe Tug of War as a sort of interlude during the ceremonial tortures of\nthe youth.(449) Among the Cingalese the game \u201cis connected with the\nsuperstitious worship of the goddess Patin\u00e9; and is more intended for a\npropitiation to that deity, than considered as an indulgence, or pursued\nas an exercise. Two opposite parties procure two sticks of the strongest\nand toughest wood, and so crooked as to hook into one another without\nslipping; they then attach strong cords or cable-rattans of sufficient\nlength to allow of every one laying hold of them. The contending parties\nthen pull until one of the sticks gives way.\u201d The victorious piece of wood\nis gaily decorated, placed in a palanquin, and borne through the village\namid noisy rejoicings, often accompanied with coarse and obscene\nexpressions.(450) The use of foul language on this occasion suggests that\nthe ceremony is here, as elsewhere, observed for the purpose of ensuring\nfertility. In the North-Western provinces of India the game is played on\nthe fourteenth day of the light half of the month Kuar. The rope (_barra_)\nis made of the grass called _makra_, and is thicker than a man\u2019s arm. The\nvarious quarters of a village pull against each other, and the one which\nis victorious keeps possession of the rope during the ensuing year. It is\nchiefly in the east of these provinces that the game is played; in the\nwest it is unknown.(451) Sometimes the contest is between the inhabitants\nof neighbouring villages, and the rope is stretched across the boundary;\nplenty is supposed to attend the victorious side.(452) At the Great Feast,\na yearly sacrificial festival of the Mohammedan world, some tribes in\nMorocco practise a Tug of War. Thus among the Ait Sadden it is observed on\nthe first day of the festival before the sacrifice; among the Ait Yusi it\nis performed either before the religious service or in the afternoon of\nthe same day, and also in the morning of the Little Feast. Both sexes\ngenerally take part in the contest, the men tugging at one end of the rope\nand the women at the other, and sometimes the weaker party applies for\nhelp to persons of the same sex in a neighbouring village. When they are\nall hard at it, the men may suddenly let go the rope and so send the women\nsprawling on their backs.(453)\n\n(M138) At Ludlow in Shropshire a grand Tug of War used to take place on\nShrove Tuesday between the inhabitants of Broad Street Ward on the one\nside and of Corve Street Ward on the other. The rope was three inches\nthick and thirty-six yards long, with a red knob at one end and a blue\nknob at the other. The rope was paid out by the Mayor in person from a\nwindow in the Market Hall at four o\u2019clock in the afternoon. The shops then\nput up their shutters, and the population engaged in the struggle with\nenthusiasm, gentle and simple, lawyers and parsons bearing a hand on one\nside or the other, till their clothes were torn to tatters on their backs.\nThe injured were carried into the neighbouring houses, where their hurts\nwere attended to. If the party of the Red Knob won, they carried the rope\nin triumph to the River Leme and dipped it in the water. Finally, the rope\nwas sold, the money which it brought in was devoted to the purchase of\nbeer, and drinking, squabbling, and fighting ended the happy day. This\nancient and highly popular pastime was suppressed in 1851 on the frivolous\npretext that it gave rise to disorderly scenes and dangerous\naccidents.(454) A similar custom has long been observed on Shrove Tuesday\nat Presteign in Radnorshire. The rope is pulled by two parties\nrepresenting the upper and the lower portions of the town, who strive to\ndrag it either to a point in the west wall or to another point in Broad\nStreet, where the River Lugg is reached.(455) In the Bocage of Normandy\nmost desperate struggles used to take place between neighbouring parishes\non Shrove Tuesday for the possession of a large leathern ball stuffed with\nbran and called a _soule_. The ball was launched on the village green and\ncontended for by representatives of different parishes, who sometimes\nnumbered seven or eight hundred, while five or six thousand people might\nassemble to witness the combat; for indeed it was a fight rather than a\ngame. The conflict was maintained with the utmost fury; old scores were\npaid off between personal enemies; there were always many wounded, and\nsometimes there were deaths. The aim of each side was to drive the ball\nover a stream and to lodge it in a house of their own parish. It was\nthought that the parish which was victorious in the struggle would have a\nbetter crop of apples that year than its neighbours. At Lande-Patry the\nball was provided by the bride who had been last married, and she had the\nhonour of throwing it into the arena. The scene of the fiercest battles\nwas St. Pierre d\u2019Entremont, on the highroad between Cond\u00e9 and Tinchebray.\nAfter several unsuccessful attempts the custom was suppressed at that\nvillage in 1852 with the help of four or five brigades of police. It is\nnow everywhere extinct.(456) The belief that the parish which succeeded in\ncarrying the ball home would have a better crop of apples that year raises\na presumption that these conflicts were originally practised as magical\nrites to ensure fertility. The local custom of Lande-Patry, which required\nthat the ball should be provided and thrown by the last bride,(457) points\nin the same direction. It is possible that the popular English, or rather\nScotch, game of football had a similar origin: the winning side may have\nimagined that they secured good crops, good weather, or other substantial\nadvantages to their village or ward.\n\n(M139) In like manner, wherever a sham or a real conflict takes place\nbetween two parties annually, above all at the New Year, we may suspect\nthat the old intention was to ensure prosperity in some form for the\npeople throughout the following year, whether by obtaining possession of a\nmaterial object in which the luck of the year was supposed to be embodied,\nor by defeating and driving away a band of men who personated the powers\nof evil. For example, among the Tenggerese of eastern Java the New Year\nfestival regularly includes a sham fight fought between two bands of men,\nwho are armed with spears and swords and advance against each other again\nand again at a dancing step, thrusting at their adversaries with their\nspears, but always taking care to miss their aim.(458) Again, in Ferghana,\na province of Turkestan, it is or used to be customary on the first day of\nthe year for the king and chiefs to divide into two parties, each of which\nchose a champion. Then the two champions, clad in armour, engaged in a\ncombat with each other, while the crowd joined in with bricks and stones.\nWhen one of them was slain the scrimmage stopped, and omens were drawn as\nto whether the year on which they had entered would be prosperous or the\nreverse.(459) In these combats it seems probable that one side represents\nthe demons or other powers of evil whom the people hope to vanquish and\nexpel at the beginning of the New Year.\n\nOftener, however, the expelled demons are not represented at all, but are\nunderstood to be present invisibly in the material and visible vehicle\nwhich conveys them away. Here, again, it will be convenient to distinguish\nbetween occasional and periodical expulsions. We begin with the former.\n\n\n\n\n\u00a7 2. The Occasional Expulsion of Evils in a Material Vehicle.\n\n\n(M140) The vehicle which conveys away the demons may be of various kinds.\nA common one is a little ship or boat. Thus, in the southern district of\nthe island of Ceram, when a whole village suffers from sickness, a small\nship is made and filled with rice, tobacco, eggs, and so forth, which have\nbeen contributed by all the people. A little sail is hoisted on the ship.\nWhen all is ready, a man calls out in a very loud voice, \u201cO all ye\nsicknesses, ye smallpoxes, agues, measles, etc., who have visited us so\nlong and wasted us so sorely, but who now cease to plague us, we have made\nready this ship for you and we have furnished you with provender\nsufficient for the voyage. Ye shall have no lack of food nor of\nbetel-leaves nor of areca nuts nor of tobacco. Depart, and sail away from\nus directly; never come near us again; but go to a land which is far from\nhere. Let all the tides and winds waft you speedily thither, and so convey\nyou thither that for the time to come we may live sound and well, and that\nwe may never see the sun rise on you again.\u201d Then ten or twelve men carry\nthe vessel to the shore, and let it drift away with the land-breeze,\nfeeling convinced that they are free from sickness for ever, or at least\ntill the next time. If sickness attacks them again, they are sure it is\nnot the same sickness, but a different one, which in due time they dismiss\nin the same manner. When the demon-laden bark is lost to sight, the\nbearers return to the village, whereupon a man cries out, \u201cThe sicknesses\nare now gone, vanished, expelled, and sailed away.\u201d At this all the people\ncome running out of their houses, passing the word from one to the other\nwith great joy, beating on gongs and on tinkling instruments.(460)\n\n(M141) Similar ceremonies are commonly resorted to in other East Indian\nislands. Thus in Timor-laut, to mislead the demons who are causing\nsickness, a small proa, containing the image of a man and provisioned for\na long voyage, is allowed to drift away with wind and tide. As it is being\nlaunched, the people cry, \u201cO sickness, go from here; turn back; what do\nyou here in this poor land?\u201d Three days after this ceremony a pig is\nkilled, and part of the flesh is offered to Dudilaa, who lives in the sun.\nOne of the oldest men says, \u201cOld sir, I beseech you make well the\ngrandchildren, children, women, and men, that we may be able to eat pork\nand rice and to drink palm-wine. I will keep my promise. Eat your share,\nand make all the people in the village well.\u201d If the proa is stranded at\nany inhabited spot, the sickness will break out there. Hence a stranded\nproa excites much alarm amongst the coast population, and they immediately\nburn it, because demons fly from fire.(461) In the island of Buru the proa\nwhich carries away the demons of disease is about twenty feet long, rigged\nout with sails, oars, anchor, and so on, and well stocked with provisions.\nFor a day and a night the people beat gongs and drums, and rush about to\nfrighten the demons. Next morning ten stalwart young men strike the people\nwith branches, which have been previously dipped in an earthen pot of\nwater. As soon as they have done so, they run down to the beach, put the\nbranches on board the proa, launch another boat in great haste, and tow\nthe disease-burdened bark far out to sea. There they cast it off, and one\nof them calls out, \u201cGrandfather Smallpox, go away\u2014go willingly away\u2014go\nvisit another land; we have made you food ready for the voyage, we have\nnow nothing more to give.\u201d When they have landed, all the people bathe\ntogether in the sea.(462) In this ceremony the reason for striking the\npeople with the branches is clearly to rid them of the disease-demons,\nwhich are then supposed to be transferred to the branches. Hence the haste\nwith which the branches are deposited in the proa and towed away to sea.\nSo in the inland districts of Ceram, when smallpox or other sickness is\nraging, the priest strikes all the houses with consecrated branches, which\nare then thrown into the river, to be carried down to the sea;(463)\nexactly as amongst the Wotyaks of Russia the sticks which have been used\nfor expelling the devils from the village are thrown into the river, that\nthe current may sweep the baleful burden away.(464) In Amboyna, for a\nsimilar purpose, the whole body of the patient is rubbed with a live white\ncock, which is then placed on a little proa and committed to the\nwaves;(465) and in the Babar archipelago the bark which is to carry away\nto sea the sickness of a whole village contains a bowl of ashes taken from\nevery kitchen in the village, and another bowl into which all the sick\npeople have spat.(466) The plan of putting puppets in the boat to\nrepresent sick persons, in order to lure the demons after them, is not\nuncommon.(467) For example, most of the pagan tribes on the coast of\nBorneo seek to drive away epidemic disease as follows. They carve one or\nmore rough human images from the pith of the sago palm and place them on a\nsmall raft or boat or full-rigged Malay ship together with rice and other\nfood. The boat is decked with blossoms of the areca palm and with ribbons\nmade from its leaves, and thus adorned the little craft is allowed to\nfloat out to sea with the ebb-tide, bearing, as the people fondly think or\nhope, the sickness away with it.(468)\n\n(M142) In Selangor, one of the native states in the Malay Peninsula, the\nship employed in the export of disease is, or used to be, a model of a\nspecial kind of Malay craft called a _lanchang_. This was a two-masted\nvessel with galleries fore and aft, armed with cannon, and used by Malay\nrajahs on the coast of Sumatra. So gallant a ship would be highly\nacceptable to the spirits, and to make it still more beautiful in their\neyes it was not uncommonly stained yellow with turmeric or saffron, for\namong the Malays yellow is the royal colour. Some years ago a very fine\nmodel of a _lanchang_, with its cargo of sickness, was towed down the\nriver to sea by the Government steam launch. A common spell uttered at the\nlaunching of one of these ships runs as follows:\u2014\n\n\n    \u201c_Ho, elders of the upper reaches,_\n    _Elders of the lower reaches,_\n    _Elders of the dry land_,\n    _Elders of the river-flats,_\n    _Assemble ye, O people, lords of hill and hill-foot,_\n    _Lords of cavern and hill-locked basin,_\n    _Lords of the deep primeval forest,_\n    _Lords of the river-bends,_\n    _Come on board this_ lanchang, _assembling in your multitudes._\n    _So may ye depart with the ebbing stream,_\n    _Depart on the passing breeze,_\n    _Depart in the yawning earth,_\n    _Depart in the red-dyed earth._\n    _Go ye to the ocean which has no wave,_\n    _And the plain where no green herb grows,_\n    _And never return hither._\n    _But if ye return hither,_\n    _Ye shall be consumed by the curse._\n    _At sea ye shall get no drink,_\n    _Ashore ye shall get no food,_\n    _But gape in vain about the world_.\u201d(469)\n\n\n(M143) The practice of sending away diseases in boats is known outside the\nlimits of the Malay region. Thus when smallpox raged among the Yabim of\nGerman New Guinea, they used to make a little model of a canoe with mast,\nsail, and rudder. Then they said to the small vessel, on which the spirit\nof smallpox was supposed to have taken his passage, \u201cBear him away to\nanother village. When the people come forth to draw you ashore, give them\n\u2018the thing\u2019 and do to them what you have done to us.\u201d Lest the spirit\nshould be hungry on the voyage, they put some taro on board, and to make\nsure of getting rid of the disease, they wiped their hands on the tiny\ncanoe, after which they let it drift away. It often happened that the wind\nor tide drove the vessel back to the place from which it started. Then\nthere would be a deafening rub-a-dub of drums and blowing of\nshell-trumpets; and the little ship, or rather its invisible passenger,\nwould be again apostrophized, \u201cDo go away, you have already raged among us\nso that the air is poisoned with the stench of corpses.\u201d If this time it\nsailed away, they would stand on the shore and watch it with glad hearts\ndisappearing; then they would climb the trees to get a last glimpse of it\ntill it vanished in the distance. After that they came down joyfully and\nsaid to each other, \u201cWe have had enough of it. The sickness has happily\ngone away.\u201d(470) When the Tagbanuas and other tribes of the Philippines\nsuffered from epidemics, they used to make little models of ships, supply\nthem with rice and fresh drinking water, and launch them on the sea, in\norder that the evil spirits might sail away in them.(471) When the people\nof Tikopia, a small island in the Pacific, to the north of the New\nHebrides, were attacked by an epidemic cough, they made a little canoe and\nadorned it with flowers. Four sons of the principal chiefs carried it on\ntheir shoulders all round the island, accompanied by the whole population,\nsome of whom beat the bushes, while others uttered loud cries. On\nreturning to the spot from which they had set out, they launched the canoe\non the sea.(472) In the Nicobar Islands, in the Bay of Bengal, when there\nis much sickness in a village or no fish are caught, the blame is laid\nupon the spirits. They must be propitiated with offerings. All relations\nand friends are invited, a huge pig is roasted, and the best of it is\neaten, but some parts are offered to the shades. The heap of offerings\nremains in front of the house till it is carried away by the rising tide.\nThen the priests, their faces reddened with paint and swine\u2019s blood,\npretend to catch the demon of disease, and after a hand-to-hand tussle,\nforce him into a model boat, made of leaves and decked with garlands,\nwhich is then towed so far to sea that neither wind nor tide is likely to\ndrive it back to the shore.(473) In Annam, when the population of a\nvillage has been decimated by cholera, they make a raft and lade it with\nofferings of money and food, such as a sucking pig, bananas, and oranges.\nSticks of incense also smoke on the floating altar; and when all is ready\nand earnest prayers have been uttered, the raft is abandoned to the\ncurrent of the river. The people hope that the demon of cholera, allured\nand gratified by these offerings, will float away on the raft and trouble\nthem no more.(474)\n\n(M144) Often the vehicle which carries away the collected demons or ills\nof a whole community is an animal or scapegoat. In the Central Provinces\nof India, when cholera breaks out in a village, every one retires after\nsunset to his house. The priests then parade the streets, taking from the\nroof of each house a straw, which is burnt with an offering of rice, ghee,\nand turmeric, at some shrine to the east of the village. Chickens daubed\nwith vermilion are driven away in the direction of the smoke, and are\nbelieved to carry the disease with them. If they fail, goats are tried,\nand last of all pigs.(475) When cholera rages among the Bhars, Malians,\nand Kurmis of India, they take a goat or a buffalo\u2014in either case the\nanimal must be a female, and as black as possible\u2014then having tied some\ngrain, cloves, and red lead in a yellow cloth on its back they turn it out\nof the village. The animal is conducted beyond the boundary and not\nallowed to return.(476) Sometimes the buffalo is marked with a red pigment\nand driven to the next village, where he carries the plague with him.(477)\nThe people of the city and cantonments of Sagar being afflicted with a\nviolent influenza, General Sir William Sleeman received a request from the\nold Queen Dowager of Sagar \u201cto allow of a noisy religious procession for\nthe purpose of imploring deliverance from this great calamity. Men, women,\nand children in this procession were to do their utmost to add to the\nnoise by \u2018raising their voices in psalmody,\u2019 beating upon their brass pots\nand pans with all their might, and discharging firearms where they could\nget them; and before the noisy crowd was to be driven a buffalo, which had\nbeen purchased by general subscription, in order that every family might\nparticipate in the merit. They were to follow it out for eight miles,\nwhere it was to be turned loose for any man who would take it. If the\nanimal returned, the disease, it was said, must return with it, and the\nceremony be performed over again.... It was, however, subsequently\ndetermined that the animal should be a goat, and he was driven before the\ncrowd accordingly. I have on several occasions been requested to allow of\nsuch noisy _p\u016bj\u0101s_ in cases of epidemics.\u201d(478) Once, when influenza was\nraging in Pithoria, a village to the north-west of Sagar, a man had a\nsmall carriage made, after a plan of his own, for a pair of scapegoats,\nwhich were harnessed to it and driven to a wood at some distance, where\nthey were let loose. From that hour the disease entirely ceased in the\ntown. The goats never returned; had they done so, it was affirmed that the\ndisease must have come back with them.(479)\n\n(M145) The use of a scapegoat is not uncommon in the hills of the Eastern\nGhats. In 1886, during a severe outbreak of smallpox, the people of Jepur\ndid reverence to a goat, marched it to the Ghats, and let it loose on the\nplains.(480) In Southern Konkan, on the appearance of cholera, the\nvillagers went in procession from the temple to the extreme boundaries of\nthe village, carrying a basket of cooked rice covered with red powder, a\nwooden doll representing the pestilence, and a cock. The head of the cock\nwas cut off at the village boundary, and the body was thrown away. When\ncholera had thus been transferred from one village to another, the second\nvillage observed the same ceremony and passed on the scourge to its\nneighbours, and so on through a number of villages.(481) Among the Korwas\nof Mirzapur, when cholera has broken out, the priest offers a black cock\nor, if the disease is very malignant, a black goat, at the shrine of the\nlocal deity, and then drives the animal away in the direction of some\nother village. But it has not gone far before he overtakes it, kills it,\nand eats it; which he may do with perfect safety in virtue of his sacred\noffice. Again, when cholera is raging among the Pataris, an aboriginal\nDravidian race of South Mirzapur, the wizard and the village elders feed a\nblack cock with grain and drive it beyond the boundaries, ordering the\nfowl to take the disease away with it. A little oil, red lead, and a\nspangle worn by a woman on her forehead are usually fastened to the bird\u2019s\nhead before it is let loose. The cost of purchasing the cock is defrayed\nby public subscription. When such a bird of ill-omen appears in a village,\nthe priest takes it to the shrine of the local deity and sacrifices it\nthere; but sometimes he merely bows before it at the shrine and passes it\non to some other village. If a murrain attacks their cattle, the Kharwars\nof Northern India take a black cock and put red lead on its head, antimony\non its eyes, a spangle on its forehead, and a pewter bangle on its leg;\nthus arrayed they let it loose, calling out to the disease, \u201cMount on the\nfowl and go elsewhere into the ravines and thickets; destroy the sin.\u201d\nPerhaps, as has been suggested, this tricking out of the bird with women\u2019s\nornaments may be a relic of some grosser form of expiation in which a\nhuman being was sacrificed or banished.(482) Charms of this sort in India\nno doubt date from a remote antiquity. An ancient Indian book of magic,\nknown as the _Kausika Sutra_, describes a ceremony of letting loose\nagainst a hostile army a white-footed ewe in which the power of disease\nwas believed to be incarnate.(483) In the same treatise we read of a mode\nof getting rid of ill-luck by fastening a hook to the left leg of a crow,\nattaching a sacrificial cake to the hook, and then letting the bird fly\naway in a south-westerly direction, while the priest or magician recites\nas usual the appropriate formula.(484)\n\n(M146) Amongst the Dinkas, a pastoral people of the White Nile, each\nfamily possesses a sacred cow. When the country is threatened with war,\nfamine, or any other public calamity, the chiefs of the village require a\nparticular family to surrender their sacred cow to serve as a scapegoat.\nThe animal is driven by the women to the brink of the river and across it\nto the other bank, there to wander in the wilderness and fall a prey to\nravening beasts. Then the women return in silence and without looking\nbehind them; were they to cast a backward glance, they imagine that the\nceremony would have no effect.(485) When influenza broke out in a virulent\nform among the negroes of Togoland during the winter of 1892, the natives\nset the trouble down to the machinations of evil spirits, who must be\nexpelled the country. The principal instrument of expulsion was a fat\ntoad, which was dragged through the streets of every town or village,\nfollowed by an elder who sprinkled holy water to right and left. All the\nevil was thus concentrated in the toad, which was finally thrown away into\nthe forest. Thus the natives expected to rid the village of the\ninfluenza.(486) In 1857, when the Aymara Indians of Bolivia and Peru were\nsuffering from a plague, they loaded a black llama with the clothes of the\nplague-stricken people, sprinkled brandy on the clothes, and then turned\nthe animal loose on the mountains, hoping that it would carry the pest\naway with it.(487)\n\n(M147) In some parts of India a principal means of expelling an epidemic\nis a little toy chariot called a _ratha_ or _rath_, in which the goddess\nof the disease is supposed to be carted away. It is carried or drawn in\nprocession to the next village, the inhabitants of which pass it on in\nlike manner, with great alacrity, to their neighbours. Thus the goddess\nand the plague are transferred from village to village, until at last they\ncome to one which is so far away from its next neighbour that the people\ndo not care to undertake the long weary journey. In that case they content\nthemselves with conveying the chariot to a place so shut in by hills that\nthe disease cannot possibly escape, and there they leave it to die. Or if\nthe village is near the sea, they drown the sickness by throwing the\nchariot into the water. However, in Central India the real home of the\ngoddess of cholera is at Unkareshwar; and accordingly the chariot in which\nshe is politely escorted out of a village is finally deposited at or near\nthat place. It is usual and proper for the people of a village to give a\nfriendly notice to their neighbours that they are going to cart the\ncholera, smallpox, or whatever it may be, to their village, so that the\ninhabitants may be ready to receive the goddess with due honour and to\nescort her on her progress. But some unneighbourly folk, without giving\nnotice, go by night and stealthily deposit the chariot on the outskirts of\nthe next village. If the inhabitants are not on the watch, and suffer the\nfatal little vehicle to remain there, the disease will naturally cleave to\nthem. Sometimes, perhaps generally, the procession with the chariot is\naccompanied by a goat, a cock, and a pot of native beer or wine, which\nserve as additional attractions to the goddess to set out on her\ntravels.(488)\n\n(M148) Occasionally the scapegoat is a man. For example, from time to time\nthe gods used to warn the King of Uganda that his foes the Banyoro were\nworking magic against him and his people to make them die of disease. To\navert such a catastrophe the king would send a scapegoat to the frontier\nof Bunyoro, the land of the enemy. The scapegoat consisted of either a man\nand a boy or a woman and her child, chosen because of some mark or bodily\ndefect, which the gods had noted and by which the victims were to be\nrecognized. With the human victims were sent a cow, a goat, a fowl, and a\ndog; and a strong guard escorted them to the land which the god had\nindicated. There the limbs of the victims were broken and they were left\nto die a lingering death in the enemy\u2019s country, being too crippled to\ncrawl back to Uganda. The disease or plague was thought to have been thus\ntransferred to the victims and to have been conveyed back in their persons\nto the land from which it came. So, too, after a war the gods sometimes\nadvised the king to send back a scapegoat in order to free the warriors\nfrom some evil that had attached itself to the army. One of the women\nslaves, a cow, a goat, a fowl, and a dog would be chosen from among the\ncaptives and sent back to the borders of the country whence they had come;\nthere they were maimed and left to die. After that the army would be\npronounced clean and allowed to return to the capital. In each case a\nbundle of herbs would be rubbed over the people and the cattle, and would\nthen be tied to the victims, who would thus carry back the evil with\nthem.(489) A similar use of scapegoats, human and animal, was regularly\nmade after a King of Uganda had been crowned. Two men were brought to the\nking; one of them he wounded slightly with an arrow shot from a bow. The\nman was then sent away, under a strong guard, as a scapegoat to Bunyoro,\nthe enemy\u2019s country, and with him were sent a cow, a goat, and a dog. On\nhis sad journey he took with him the dust and ashes of the sacred fire,\nwhich had burned day and night at the entrance to the late king\u2019s\nenclosure and had been extinguished, as usual, at his death. Arrived at\ntheir destination, the man and the animals were maimed and left to die.\nThey were believed to bear away with them any uncleanness that might\ncleave to the new King or Queen.(490)\n\n(M149) Some of the aboriginal tribes of China, as a protection against\npestilence, select a man of great muscular strength to act the part of\nscapegoat. Having besmeared his face with paint, he performs many antics\nwith the view of enticing all pestilential and noxious influences to\nattach themselves to him only. He is assisted by a priest. Finally the\nscapegoat, hotly pursued by men and women beating gongs and tom-toms, is\ndriven with great haste out of the town or village.(491) In the Punjaub a\ncure for the murrain is to hire a man of the Chamar caste, turn his face\naway from the village, brand him with a red-hot sickle, and let him go out\ninto the jungle taking the murrain with him. He must not look back.(492)\nWhen disease breaks out among a herd, the Oraons take the herdsman\nhimself, tie a wooden bell from one of the cows round his neck, beat him\nwith sticks, and drive him out of the village to a cross-road, where the\nbell and sticks are deposited.(493) In the territory of Kumaon, lying on\nthe southern slopes of the Western Himalayas, the custom of employing a\nhuman scapegoat appears to have taken a somewhat peculiar form in the\nceremony known as Barat. First of all a thick rope of grass is stretched\nfrom the top of a cliff to the valley beneath, where it is made fast to\nposts driven into the ground. Next a wooden saddle, with a very sharp\nridge and unpadded, is attached by thongs to the cable, along which it\nruns in a deep groove. A man now seats himself on the saddle and is\nstrapped to it, while sand-bags or heavy stones are suspended from his\nfeet to secure his balance. Then, after various ceremonies have been\nperformed and a kid sacrificed, he throws himself as far back in the\nsaddle as he can go, and is started off to slide down the rope into the\nvalley. Away he shoots at an ever-increasing speed; the saddle under him,\nhowever well greased, emits volumes of smoke during the greater part of\nhis progress; and he is nearly senseless when he reaches the bottom. Here\nmen are waiting to catch him and run forward with him some distance in\norder to break gradually the force of his descent. This ceremony, regarded\nas a propitiation of Mahadeva, is performed as a means of delivering a\ncommunity from present or impending calamity. Thus, for example, it was\nperformed when cholera was raging at Almora, and the people traced the\nimmunity they enjoyed to the due observance of the rite. Each district has\nits hereditary Badi, as the performer is called; he is supported by annual\ncontributions in grain from the inhabitants, as well as by special\npayments for each performance. When the ceremony is over, the grass rope\nis cut up and distributed among the villagers, who hang the pieces as\ncharms at the eaves of their houses; and they preserve the hair of the\nBadi for a similar purpose. Yet while his severed locks bring fertility to\nother people\u2019s lands, he entails sterility on his own; and it is firmly\nbelieved that no seed sown by his hand could ever sprout. Formerly the\nrule prevailed that, if a Badi had the misfortune to fall from the rope in\nthe course of his flying descent, he was immediately despatched with a\nsword by the spectators. The rule has naturally been abolished by the\nEnglish Government; but its former observance seems to indicate that the\ncustom of letting a man slide down a rope as a charm to avert calamity is\nonly a mitigation of an older custom of putting him to death.(494)\n\n(M150) A somewhat similar ceremony is annually performed at Lhasa a few\ndays after the beginning of the Tibetan New Year, which falls in spring.\nThe scene of the performance is Potala Hill, on the summit and slope of\nwhich is built the superb castle of the Grand Lama of Tibet, a massive and\nimposing pile of buildings which attracts the eye and dominates the\nlandscape from afar. On the day in question a rope of hide is stretched\nfrom the top to the bottom of the steep hill, and men from a distant\nprovince of Tibet climb up it with the agility of monkeys. They are called\nFlying Spirits. Arrived at the top, each of them places a piece of wood on\nhis breast, stretches out his hands and feet, and letting himself go\nshoots down the rope (in the words of a Chinese writer) \u201clike the bolt\nflying from the bow, or the swallow skimming the water. \u2019Tis a wondrous\nsight!\u201d Considering that these performers are called Spirits, and that the\nperformance takes place a few days after the New Year, a season so\ncommonly selected for the expulsion of demons, we may conjecture that the\nFlying Spirits represent the powers of evil who are thus shot out of the\nTibetan pope\u2019s palace at the beginning of the year.(495)\n\n\n\n\n\u00a7 3. The Periodic Expulsion of Evils in a Material Vehicle.\n\n\n(M151) In this last case the expulsion of evils, if I am right in so\ninterpreting the ceremony, is periodic, not occasional, being repeated\nevery spring at the beginning of a new year. It brings us accordingly to\nthe consideration of a whole class of such cases, for the mediate\nexpulsion of evils by means of a scapegoat or other material vehicle, like\nthe immediate expulsion of them in invisible form, tends to become\nperiodic, and for a like reason. Thus in Perak, a state on the west coast\nof the Malay Peninsula, it was in ancient times the custom to perform\nperiodically a ceremony intended to ensure the prosperity of the country\nby the propitiation of friendly spirits and the expulsion of evil\ninfluences. The writer who records the custom is uncertain as to the\nperiod which elapsed between two successive celebrations; he suggests with\nhesitation that the rite was performed once in seven years or once in a\nRajah\u2019s reign. The name of the ceremony was _p\u0115las negri_, which means\n\u201cthe cleansing of the country from evils.\u201d When the time came, the Rajah,\nthe chiefs, and a great following of people assembled at a point as far up\nthe river as possible, but short of the rapids which further up impede\nnavigation. There a number of rafts were prepared, some of them\nelaborately built with houses on them. Four of them were devoted to the\nfour great classes of spirits which are found in Perak, namely the _Hantu\nBlian_ or \u201cTiger-spirits,\u201d the _Hantu Sungkei_, the _Hantu Malayu_, and\nthe _Jin Raja_. In each of these rafts a number of wizards (_pawangs_)\ntook up their post, according to the particular class of demon which they\naffected. The procession was headed by the raft devoted to the\nTiger-spirits; and in it was set up a _prah_ tree with all its branches,\nkept erect by stays. It was followed by the three rafts dedicated to the\nother three classes of spirits, and behind them came a train of other\nrafts bearing mere common mortals, the royal bandsmen, the Rajah himself,\nthe chiefs, and the people. As the long procession floated down the river\nwith the current, the wizards, standing on sheets of tin, waved white\ncloths and shouted invocations to the spirits and demons who inhabited the\ncountry through which the rafts were drifting seaward. The burden of the\ninvocations was to invite the spirits and demons to come aboard the rafts\nand partake of the food which had been considerately made ready for them.\nAt every village on the bank large enough to possess a mosque (for the\nMalays of Perak are professing Mohammedans) the procession halted; a\nbuffalo, subscribed for by the inhabitants, was slaughtered, and its head\nplaced on one of the spirit-barks, while people feasted on the flesh. The\nceremony ended at Bras Basah, a village on the left bank of the Perak\nriver, not far from its mouth. There the rafts were abandoned to the\ncurrent, which swept them out to sea,(496) doubtless bearing with them the\nhapless demons who had been lured by the tempting viands to embark and\nwere now left to toss forlorn on the great deep at the mercy of the waves\nand the winds.\n\n(M152) Again, every year, generally in March, the people of Leti, Moa, and\nLakor, islands of the Indian Archipelago, send away all their diseases to\nsea. They make a proa about six feet long, rig it with sails, oars,\nrudder, and other gear, and every family deposits in it some rice, fruit,\na fowl, two eggs, insects that ravage the fields, and so on. Then they let\nit drift away to sea, saying, \u201cTake away from here all kinds of sickness,\ntake them to other islands, to other lands, distribute them in places that\nlie eastward, where the sun rises.\u201d(497) The Biajas of Borneo annually\nsend to sea a little bark laden with the sins and misfortunes of the\npeople. The crew of any ship that falls in with the ill-omened bark at sea\nwill suffer all the sorrows with which it is laden.(498) A like custom is\nannually observed by the Dusuns of the Tuaran district in British North\nBorneo. The ceremony is the most important of the whole year. Its aim is\nto bring good luck to the village during the ensuing year by solemnly\nexpelling all the evil spirits that may have collected in or about the\nhouses throughout the last twelve months. The task of routing out the\ndemons and banishing them devolves chiefly on women, who indeed play the\nprincipal part in all religious ceremonies among the Dusuns, while the\nhumble duty of beating drums and banging gongs is discharged by members of\nthe inferior sex. On this momentous occasion a procession of women, in\nfull ceremonial dress, goes from house to house, stopping at each to go\nthrough their performances. At the head of the procession marches a boy\ncarrying a spear on which is impaled a bundle of palm leaves containing\nrice. He is followed by two men, who carry a large gong and a drum slung\non a pole between them. Then come the women. One of them carries a small\nsucking pig in a basket on her back; and all of them bear wands, with\nwhich they belabour the little pig at the appropriate moment; its squeals\nhelp to attract the vagrant spirits. At every house the women dance and\nsing, clashing castanets or cymbals of brass and jingling bunches of\nlittle brass bells in both hands. When the performance has been repeated\nat every house in the village, the procession defiles down to the river\nand all the evil spirits, which the performers have chased from the\nhouses, follow them to the edge of the water. There a raft has been made\nready and moored to the bank. It contains offerings of food, cloth,\ncooking-pots, and swords; and the deck is crowded with figures of men,\nwomen, animals, and birds, all made out of the leaves of the sago palm.\nThe evil spirits now embark on the raft, and when they are all aboard, it\nis pushed off and allowed to float down with the current, carrying the\ndemons with it. Should the raft run aground near the village, it is shoved\noff with all speed, lest the invisible passengers should seize the\nopportunity of landing and returning to the village. Finally, the\nsufferings of the little pig, whose squeals served to decoy the demons\nfrom their lurking-places, are terminated by death, for it is killed and\nits carcase thrown away.(499)\n\n(M153) Every year, at the beginning of the dry season, the Nicobar\nIslanders carry the model of a ship through their villages. The devils are\nchased out of the huts, and driven on board the little ship, which is then\nlaunched and suffered to sail away with the wind.(500) The ceremony has\nbeen described by a catechist, who witnessed it at Car Nicobar in July\n1897. For three days the people were busy preparing two very large\nfloating cars, shaped like canoes, fitted with sails, and loaded with\ncertain leaves, which possessed the valuable property of expelling devils.\nWhile the young people were thus engaged, the exorcists and the elders sat\nin a house singing songs by turns; but often they would come forth, pace\nthe beach armed with rods, and forbid the devil to enter the village. The\nfourth day of the solemnity bore the name of _Int\u014d-nga-S\u012dya_, which means\n\u201cExpelling the Devil by Sails.\u201d In the evening all the villagers\nassembled, the women bringing baskets of ashes and bunches of\ndevil-expelling leaves. These leaves were then distributed to everybody,\nold and young. When all was ready, a band of robust men, attended by a\nguard of exorcists, carried one of the cars down to the sea on the right\nside of the village graveyard, and set it floating in the water. As soon\nas they had returned, another band of men carried the other car to the\nbeach and floated it similarly in the sea to the left of the graveyard.\nThe demon-laden barks being now launched, the women threw ashes from the\nshore, and the whole crowd shouted, saying, \u201cFly away, devil, fly away,\nnever come again!\u201d The wind and the tide being favourable, the canoes\nsailed quickly away; and that night all the people feasted together with\ngreat joy, because the devil had departed in the direction of Chowra. A\nsimilar expulsion of devils takes place once a year in other Nicobar\nvillages; but the ceremonies are held at different times in different\nplaces.(501)\n\n(M154) At Sucla-Tirtha, in India, an earthen pot containing the\naccumulated sins of the people is (annually?) set adrift on the river.\nLegend says that the custom originated with a wicked priest who, after\natoning for his guilt by a course of austerities and expiatory ceremonies,\nwas directed to sail upon the river in a boat with white sails. If the\nwhite sails turned black, it would be a sign that his sins were forgiven\nhim. They did so, and he joyfully allowed the boat to drift with his sins\nto sea.(502) Amongst many of the aboriginal tribes of China, a great\nfestival is celebrated in the third month of every year. It is held by way\nof a general rejoicing over what the people believe to be a total\nannihilation of the ills of the past twelve months. The destruction is\nsupposed to be effected in the following way. A large earthenware jar\nfilled with gunpowder, stones, and bits of iron is buried in the earth. A\ntrain of gunpowder, communicating with the jar, is then laid; and a match\nbeing applied, the jar and its contents are blown up. The stones and bits\nof iron represent the ills and disasters of the past year, and the\ndispersion of them by the explosion is believed to remove the ills and\ndisasters themselves. The festival is attended with much revelling and\ndrunkenness.(503) On New Year\u2019s Day people in Corea seek to rid themselves\nof all their distresses by painting images on paper, writing against them\ntheir troubles of body or mind, and afterwards giving the papers to a boy\nto burn. Another method of effecting the same object at the same season is\nto make rude dolls of straw, stuff them with a few copper coins, and throw\nthem into the street. Whoever picks up such an effigy gets all the\ntroubles and thereby relieves the original sufferer.(504) Again, on the\nfourteenth day of the first month the Coreans fly paper kites inscribed\nwith a wish that all the ills of the year may fly away with them.(505) Mr.\nGeorge Bogle, the English envoy sent to Tibet by Warren Hastings,\nwitnessed the celebration of the Tibetan New Year\u2019s Day at Teshu Lumbo,\nthe capital of the Teshu Lama. Monks walked in procession round the court\nto the music of cymbals, tabors, trumpets, hautboys and drums. Then\nothers, clad in masquerade dress and wearing masks which represented the\nheads of animals, mostly wild beasts, danced with antic motions. \u201cAfter\nthis, the figure of a man, chalked upon paper, was laid upon the ground.\nMany strange ceremonies, which to me who did not understand them appeared\nwhimsical, were performed about it; and a great fire being kindled in a\ncorner of the court, it was at length held over it, and being formed of\ncombustibles, vanished with much smoke and explosion. I was told it was a\nfigure of the devil.\u201d(506) Another Tibetan mode of expelling demons from a\ndwelling is to make a paste image, into which the lamas by their\nincantations conjure all the evil spirits that may be lurking in the\nhouse. This image is carried to a distance by a runner and thrown away. He\nis attended by men, who shout at the top of their voices, brandish swords,\nand fire guns, all to frighten the demons and drive them far from human\nhabitations.(507)\n\n(M155) At Old Calabar on the coast of Guinea, the devils and ghosts are,\nor used to be, publicly expelled once in two years. Among the spirits thus\ndriven from their haunts are the souls of all the people who died since\nthe last lustration of the town. About three weeks or a month before the\nexpulsion, which according to one account takes place in the month of\nNovember, rude effigies representing men and animals, such as crocodiles,\nleopards, elephants, bullocks, and birds, are made of wicker-work or wood,\nand being hung with strips of cloth and bedizened with gew-gaws, are set\nbefore the door of every house. About three o\u2019clock in the morning of the\nday appointed for the ceremony the whole population turns out into the\nstreets, and proceeds with a deafening uproar and in a state of the\nwildest excitement to drive all lurking devils and ghosts into the\neffigies, in order that they may be banished with them from the abodes of\nmen. For this purpose bands of people roam through the streets knocking on\ndoors, firing guns, beating drums, blowing on horns, ringing bells,\nclattering pots and pans, shouting and hallooing with might and main, in\nshort making all the noise it is possible for them to raise. The hubbub\ngoes on till the approach of dawn, when it gradually subsides and ceases\naltogether at sunrise. By this time the houses have been thoroughly swept,\nand all the frightened spirits are supposed to have huddled into the\neffigies or their fluttering drapery. In these wicker figures are also\ndeposited the sweepings of the houses and the ashes of yesterday\u2019s fires.\nThen the demon-laden images are hastily snatched up, carried in tumultuous\nprocession down to the brink of the river, and thrown into the water to\nthe tuck of drums. The ebb-tide bears them away seaward, and thus the town\nis swept clean of ghosts and devils for another two years. This biennial\nexpulsion of spirits goes by the name of _Ndok_, and the effigies by which\nit is effected are called _Nabikem_ or _Nabikim_.(508)\n\n(M156) Further to the west similar ceremonies are or were till recently\nenacted at Porto Novo, the seaport of Dahomey. One of them has been\ndescribed by an eye-witness, a Catholic missionary, who interpreted the\nrites as a Funeral of Death. He says: \u201cSome time ago a curious event took\nplace: the King had commanded to celebrate the funeral of Death. Every\nyear, at the season of the rains, the predecessors of his sable Majesty,\nin order to preserve the life of their dear subjects, had caused the\nfetish of that terrible and pitiless enemy, who spares not even kings, to\nbe drowned in the lagoon. Toffa wished to comply with the traditions of\nhis ancestors.\u201d However, the ceremony as described by the missionary seems\nto conform closely to the type of the expulsion of ghosts and demons. Two\ndays before the crowning act of the celebration the streets were carefully\nswept and all the filth which usually encumbered them was removed, \u201clest\nDeath should there find a refuge.\u201d All the people from the neighbouring\nvillages assembled; their fetishes, daubed with red paint, were carried in\ngreat pomp through the streets of the capital attended by noisy\nprocessions of mummers. A great multitude passed the night in the public\nsquare, drinking, singing, and shouting. Finally, a number of rude and\nhideous effigies were escorted by a noisy crowd to the shore of the\nlagoon; there canoes were waiting to receive them and paddle them out to\ndeep water, where they were flung overboard. These effigies the missionary\nregarded as so many images of Death, who thus received his passport and\nwas dismissed from the territory of Porto Novo. But more probably they\nrepresented the hosts of demons and ghosts who were believed to lurk about\nthe town and to massacre people under the form of sickness and disease.\nHaving made a clean sweep of the whole baleful crew the inhabitants no\ndoubt thought that they had removed the principal, if not the only, cause\nof death, and that accordingly they had taken out a new lease of\nlife.(509) It is not without interest to observe that in cleansing their\nstreets the people did actually retrench one of the most fruitful sources\nof disease and death, especially in the sweltering heat of a damp tropical\nclimate; hence the measures they took for the prolongation of their lives\nwere really to a certain extent effectual, though they did not accomplish\ntheir object in the precise way they imagined. So curiously does it often\nhappen that the savage reaches the goal of his wishes by a road which to\ncivilized man might appear at first sight to lead far away from it.\n\n(M157) Before the Hos of Togoland, to the west of Dahomey, celebrate their\nfestival of the new yams, which has been described in another part of this\nwork,(510) they say that it is necessary to clean the town and to put it\nin order. The way in which they do so is this. They take leaves of two\nparticular sorts of trees (the _adzu_ and the _wo_), together with\ncreepers and ashes, and bind all the leaves fast to a pole of the _adzu_\ntree. As they do so they pray or command the evil spirits, the witches,\nand all other evils in the town to enter into the band and be bound with\nit. Then they make a paste out of the ashes mixed with urine and smear it\non the bundle of leaves, saying, \u201cWe smear it on the face of the Evil Ones\nwho are in this bundle, in order that they may not be able to see any\nmore.\u201d Then they throw the bundle on the ground and mock at it. Next they\ntake all the similar poles, wrapt in creepers, in which they have bound up\nall the evil powers, and carry them out of the town and stick them in the\nground on the various roads leading into the town. When they have done\nthis, they say that they have driven the evils out of the town and shut\nthe door against them. After that they wash the faces of all the people\nwith a medicine which has been prepared by the oldest men. Thereupon they\nall return home to sweep out their houses and yards; they sweep even the\nground in front of the yards, so that the whole town is thoroughly clean.\nAll the grass-stalks and refuse of stock-yams which have been swept\ntogether are carried out of the town, and the people rail at the\nstock-yams. In the course of the night the oldest men assemble and tie a\ntoad to a young palm-leaf. They say that they wish now to sweep the town\nand finish the ceremony. So they drag the toad behind them through the\nwhole town in the direction of Mount Adaklu. When that has been done, the\npriests say that they will now remove the sicknesses. In the evening they\ngive public notice that they are about to take to the road, so nobody may\nlight a fire on the hearth or eat. At dead of night, when people are\nasleep, three men go through the town. One of them drags behind them a\ntoad fastened to a bunch of herbs; another carries a calabash of holy\nherbs and water, with which he sprinkles the streets; and the third\nwhistles softly. As soon as they have thus passed through the whole town,\nthey throw away the toad and the holy herbs in the direction of Mount\nAdaklu. Next morning the women sweep out their houses and hearths and set\nthe sweepings on broken wooden plates. Many put on torn mats or torn\nclothes; others tie grasses and creepers about them. While they do so,\nthey pray, saying, \u201cAll ye sicknesses which are in our body and plague us,\nwe are come this day to cast you out!\u201d When they set out so to do, the\npriest commands every man to cry out thrice and thereby to smite himself\non the mouth. In a moment they all cry out, smite themselves on the mouth,\nand run as fast as their legs can carry them in the direction of Mount\nAdaklu. As they run, they say, \u201cOut to-day! Out to-day! What kills\nanybody, out to-day! Ye evil spirits, out to-day! And all that makes our\nheads to ache, out to-day! Anlo and Adaklu are the places whither all evil\nought to go.\u201d Now on Mount Adaklu there stands a _klo_ tree; and when they\nhave come thither they throw everything away and return home. After their\nreturn every man washes himself with the medicine which is set forth for\nthat purpose in the public street; then he goes into his house. Such is\nthe ceremony by which the Hos prepare themselves to eat the new yams.(511)\nThus among the Hos the public expulsion of evils is definitely connected\nwith the crops and therefore takes place every year, not every two years,\nas at Old Calabar.\n\n(M158) Similar annual expulsions of embodied evils are not unknown in\nEurope. On the evening of Easter Sunday the gypsies of Southern Europe\ntake a wooden vessel like a band-box, which rests cradle-wise on two cross\npieces of wood. In this they place herbs and simples, together with the\ndried carcase of a snake, or lizard, which every person present must first\nhave touched with his fingers. The vessel is then wrapt in white and red\nwool, carried by the oldest man from tent to tent, and finally thrown into\nrunning water, not, however, before every member of the band has spat into\nit once, and the sorceress has uttered some spells over it. They believe\nthat by performing this ceremony they dispel all the illnesses that would\notherwise have afflicted them in the course of the year; and that if any\none finds the vessel and opens it out of curiosity, he and his will be\nvisited by all the maladies which the others have escaped.(512)\n\n(M159) The scapegoat by means of which the accumulated ills of a whole\nyear are publicly expelled is sometimes an animal. For example, among the\nGaros of Assam, \u201cbesides the sacrifices for individual cases of illness,\nthere are certain ceremonies which are observed once a year by a whole\ncommunity or village, and are intended to safeguard its members from\ndangers of the forest, and from sickness and mishap during the coming\ntwelve months. The principal of these is the Asongtata ceremony. Close to\nthe outskirts of every big village a number of stones may be noticed stuck\ninto the ground, apparently without order or method. These are known by\nthe name of _asong_, and on them is offered the sacrifice which the\nAsongtata demands. The sacrifice of a goat takes place, and a month later,\nthat of a _langur_ (_Entellus_ monkey) or a bamboo-rat is considered\nnecessary. The animal chosen has a rope fastened round its neck and is led\nby two men, one on each side of it, to every house in the village. It is\ntaken inside each house in turn, the assembled villagers, meanwhile,\nbeating the walls from the outside, to frighten and drive out any evil\nspirits which may have taken up their residence within. The round of the\nvillage having been made in this manner, the monkey or rat is led to the\noutskirts of the village, killed by a blow of a _dao_, which disembowels\nit, and then crucified on bamboos set up in the ground. Round the\ncrucified animal long, sharp bamboo stakes are placed, which form _chevaux\nde frise_ round about it. These commemorate the days when such defences\nsurrounded the villages on all sides to keep off human enemies, and they\nare now a symbol to ward off sickness and dangers to life from the wild\nanimals of the forest. The _langur_ required for the purpose is hunted\ndown some days before, but should it be found impossible to catch one, a\nbrown monkey may take its place; a hulock may not be used.\u201d(513) Here the\ncrucified ape or rat is the public scapegoat, which by its vicarious\nsufferings and death relieves the people from all sickness and mishap in\nthe coming year.\n\n(M160) Again, on one day of the year the Bhotiyas of Juhar, in the Western\nHimalayas, take a dog, intoxicate him with spirits and bhang or hemp, and\nhaving fed him with sweetmeats, lead him round the village and let him\nloose. They then chase and kill him with sticks and stones, and believe\nthat, when they have done so, no disease or misfortune will visit the\nvillage during the year.(514) In some parts of Breadalbane it was formerly\nthe custom on New Year\u2019s Day to take a dog to the door, give him a bit of\nbread, and drive him out, saying, \u201cGet away, you dog! Whatever death of\nmen or loss of cattle would happen in this house to the end of the present\nyear, may it all light on your head!\u201d(515) It appears that the white dogs\nannually sacrificed by the Iroquois at their New Year Festival are, or\nhave been, regarded as scapegoats. According to Mr. J. V. H. Clark, who\nwitnessed the ceremony in January 1841, on the first day of the festival\nall the fires in the village were extinguished, the ashes scattered to the\nwinds, and a new fire kindled with flint and steel. On a subsequent day,\nmen dressed in fantastic costumes went round the village, gathering the\nsins of the people. When the morning of the last day of the festival was\ncome, two white dogs, decorated with red paint, wampum, feathers, and\nribbons, were led out. They were soon strangled, and hung on a ladder.\nFiring and yelling succeeded, and half an hour later the animals were\ntaken into a house, \u201cwhere the people\u2019s sins were transferred to them.\u201d\nThe carcases were afterwards burnt on a pyre of wood.(516) According to\nthe Rev. Mr. Kirkland, who wrote in the eighteenth century, the ashes of\nthe pyre upon which one of the white dogs was burnt were carried through\nthe village and sprinkled at the door of every house.(517) Formerly,\nhowever, as we have seen, the Iroquois expulsion of evils was immediate\nand not by scapegoat.(518) On the Day of Atonement, which was the tenth\nday of the seventh month, the Jewish high-priest laid both his hands on\nthe head of a live goat, confessed over it all the iniquities of the\nChildren of Israel, and, having thereby transferred the sins of the people\nto the beast, sent it away into the wilderness.(519)\n\n(M161) The scapegoat upon whom the sins of the people are periodically\nlaid, may also be a human being. At Onitsha, on the Niger, two human\nbeings used to be annually sacrificed to take away the sins of the land.\nThe victims were purchased by public subscription. All persons who, during\nthe past year, had fallen into gross sins, such as incendiarism, theft,\nadultery, witchcraft, and so forth, were expected to contribute 28\n_ngugas_, or a little over \u00a32. The money thus collected was taken into the\ninterior of the country and expended in the purchase of two sickly persons\n\u201cto be offered as a sacrifice for all these abominable crimes\u2014one for the\nland and one for the river.\u201d A man from a neighbouring town was hired to\nput them to death. On the twenty-seventh of February 1858 the Rev. J. C.\nTaylor witnessed the sacrifice of one of these victims. The sufferer was a\nwoman, about nineteen or twenty years of age. They dragged her alive along\nthe ground, face downwards, from the king\u2019s house to the river, a distance\nof two miles, the crowds who accompanied her crying, \u201cWickedness!\nwickedness!\u201d The intention was \u201cto take away the iniquities of the land.\nThe body was dragged along in a merciless manner, as if the weight of all\ntheir wickedness was thus carried away.\u201d(520) Similar customs are said to\nbe still secretly practised every year by many tribes on the delta of the\nNiger in spite of the vigilance of the British Government.(521) Among the\nYoruba negroes of West Africa \u201cthe human victim chosen for sacrifice, and\nwho may be either a free-born or a slave, a person of noble or wealthy\nparentage, or one of humble birth, is, after he has been chosen and marked\nout for the purpose, called an _Oluwo_. He is always well fed and\nnourished and supplied with whatever he should desire during the period of\nhis confinement. When the occasion arrives for him to be sacrificed and\noffered up, he is commonly led about and paraded through the streets of\nthe town or city of the Sovereign who would sacrifice him for the\nwell-being of his government and of every family and individual under it,\nin order that he might carry off the sin, guilt, misfortune and death of\nall without exception. Ashes and chalk would be employed to hide his\nidentity by the one being freely thrown over his head, and his face\npainted with the latter, whilst individuals would often rush out of their\nhouses to lay their hands upon him that they might thus transfer to him\ntheir sin, guilt, trouble, and death. This parading done, he is taken\nthrough a temporary sacred shed of palm and other tree branches, and\nespecially of the former, the Igbodu(522) and to its first division, where\nmany persons might follow him, and through a second where only the chiefs\nand other very important persons might escort and accompany him to, and to\na third where only the Babalawo [priest] and his official assistant, the\nAjigbona, are permitted to enter with him. Here, after he himself has\ngiven out or started his last song, which is to be taken up by the large\nassembly of people who will have been waiting to hear his last word or his\nlast groan, his head is taken off and his blood offered to the gods. The\nannouncement of his last word or his last groan heard and taken up by the\npeople, would be a signal for joy, gladness, and thanksgiving, and for\ndrum beating and dancing, as an expression of their gratification because\ntheir sacrifice has been accepted, the divine wrath is appeased, and the\nprospect of prosperity or increased prosperity assured.\u201d(523)\n\n(M162) In Siam it used to be the custom on one day of the year to single\nout a woman broken down by debauchery, and carry her on a litter through\nall the streets to the music of drums and hautboys. The mob insulted her\nand pelted her with dirt; and after having carried her through the whole\ncity, they threw her on a dunghill or a hedge of thorns outside the\nramparts, forbidding her ever to enter the walls again. They believed that\nthe woman thus drew upon herself all the malign influences of the air and\nof evil spirits.(524) In Japan the \u201c_tsuina_ or _oni-yarahi_, that is to\nsay, demon expelling, is a sort of drama in which disease, or more\ngenerally ill-luck, is personified, and driven away with threats and a\nshow of violence. Like the _oho-harahi_,(525) it was performed on the last\nday of the year. This association is only natural. The demons of the\n_tsuina_ are personified wintry influences, with the diseases which they\nbring with them, while the _oho-harahi_ is intended to cleanse the people\nfrom sin and uncleanness, things closely related to disease, as well as\nfrom disease itself. Though probably of Chinese origin, the _tsuina_ is a\ntolerably ancient rite. It is alluded to in the _Nihongi_ under the date\nA.D. 689. It was at one time performed at Court on an imposing scale. Four\nbands of twenty youths, each wearing a four-eyed mask, and each carrying a\nhalberd in the left hand, marched simultaneously from the four gates of\nthe palace, driving the devils before them. Another account of this\nceremony says that a man disguised himself as the demon of pestilence, in\nwhich garb he was shot at and driven off by the courtiers armed with\npeach-wood bows and arrows of reed. Peach-wood staves were used for the\nsame purpose. There was formerly a practice at Asakusa in Tokio on the\nlast day of the year for a man got up as a devil to be chased round the\npagoda there by another wearing a mask. After this 3,000 tickets were\nscrambled for by the spectators. These were carried away and pasted up\nover the doors as a charm against pestilence.\u201d(526) The Battas of Sumatra\noffer either a red horse or a buffalo as a public sacrifice to purify the\nland and obtain the favour of the gods. Formerly, it is said, a man was\nbound to the same stake as the buffalo, and when they killed the animal,\nthe man was driven away; no one might receive him, converse with him, or\ngive him food.(527) Doubtless he was supposed to carry away the sins and\nmisfortunes of the people.\n\n(M163) Human scapegoats, as we shall see presently, were well known in\nclassical antiquity, and even in medi\u00e6val Europe the custom seems not to\nhave been wholly extinct. In the town of Halberstadt, in Th\u00fcringen, there\nwas a church said to have been founded by Charlemagne. In this church\nevery year they chose a man, who was believed to be stained with heinous\nsins. On the first day of Lent he was brought to the church, dressed in\nmourning garb, with his head muffled up. At the close of the service he\nwas turned out of the church. During the forty days of Lent he\nperambulated the city barefoot, neither entering the churches nor speaking\nto any one. The canons took it in turn to feed him. After midnight he was\nallowed to sleep in the streets. On the day before Good Friday, after the\nconsecration of the holy oil, he was readmitted to the church and absolved\nfrom his sins. The people gave him money. He was called Adam, and was now\nbelieved to be in a state of innocence.(528) At Entlebuch, in Switzerland,\ndown to the close of the eighteenth century, the custom of annually\nexpelling a scapegoat was preserved in the ceremony of driving \u201cPosterli\u201d\nfrom the village into the lands of the neighbouring village. \u201cPosterli\u201d\nwas represented by a lad disguised as an old witch or as a goat or an ass.\nAmid a deafening noise of horns, clarionets, bells, whips, and so forth,\nhe was driven out. Sometimes \u201cPosterli\u201d was represented by a puppet, which\nwas drawn on a sledge and left in a corner of the neighbouring village.\nThe ceremony took place on the Thursday evening of the last week but one\nbefore Christmas.(529)\n\n(M164) In Munich down to about a hundred years ago the expulsion of the\ndevil from the city used to be annually enacted on Ascension Day. On the\nEve of Ascension Day a man disguised as a devil was chased through the\nstreets, which were then narrow and dirty in contrast to the broad,\nwell-kept thoroughfares, lined with imposing buildings, which now\ndistinguish the capital of Bavaria. His pursuers were dressed as witches\nand wizards and provided with the indispensable crutches, brooms, and\npitchforks which make up the outfit of these uncanny beings. While the\ndevil fled before them, the troop of maskers made after him with wild\nwhoops and halloos, and when they overtook him they ducked him in puddles\nor rolled him on dunghills. In this way the demon at last succeeded in\nreaching the palace, where he put off his hideous and now filthy disguise\nand was rewarded for his vicarious sufferings by a copious meal. The\ndevilish costume which he had thrown off was then stuffed with hay and\nstraw and conveyed to a particular church (the Frauenkirche), where it was\nkept over night, being hung by a rope from a window in the tower. On the\nafternoon of Ascension Day, before the Vesper service began, an image of\nthe Saviour was drawn up to the roof of the church, no doubt to symbolize\nthe event which the day commemorates. Then burning tow and wafers were\nthrown on the people. Meantime the effigy of the devil, painted black,\nwith a pair of horns and a lolling red tongue, had been dangling from the\nchurch tower, to the delight of a gaping crowd of spectators gathered\nbefore the church. It was now flung down into their midst, and a fierce\nstruggle for possession of it took place among the rabble. Finally, it was\ncarried out of the town by the Isar gate and burned on a neighbouring\nheight, \u201cin order that the foul fiend might do no harm to the city.\u201d The\ncustom died out at Munich towards the end of the eighteenth century; but\nit is said that similar ceremonies are observed to this day in some\nvillages of Upper Bavaria.(530)\n\n(M165) This quaint ceremony suggests that the pardoned criminal who used\nto play the principal part in a solemn religious procession on Ascension\nDay at Rouen(531) may in like manner have originally served, if not as a\nrepresentative of the devil, at least as a public scapegoat, who relieved\nthe whole people of their sins and sorrows for a year by taking them upon\nhimself. This would explain why the gaol had to be raked in order to\nfurnish one who would parade with the highest ecclesiastical dignitaries\nin their gorgeous vestments through the streets of Rouen, while the church\nbells pealed out, the clergy chanted, banners waved, and every\ncircumstance combined to enhance the pomp and splendour of the pageant. It\nwould add a pathetic significance to the crowning act of the ceremony,\nwhen on a lofty platform in the public square, with the eyes of a great\nand silent multitude turned upon him, the condemned malefactor received\nfrom the Church the absolution and remission of his sins; for if the rite\nis to be interpreted in the way here suggested, the sins which were thus\nforgiven were those not of one man only but of the whole people. No\nwonder, then, that when the sinner, now a sinner no more, rose from his\nknees and thrice lifted the silver shrine of St. Romain in his arms, the\nwhole vast assembly in the square broke out into joyous cries of \u201c_Noel!\nNoel! Noel!_\u201d which they understood to signify, \u201cGod be with us!\u201d In\nChristian countries no more appropriate season could be selected for the\nceremony of the human scapegoat than Ascension Day, which commemorates the\ndeparture from earth of Him who, in the belief of millions, took away the\nsins of the world.(532)\n\n(M166) Sometimes the scapegoat is a divine animal. The people of Malabar\nshare the Hindoo reverence for the cow, to kill and eat which \u201cthey esteem\nto be a crime as heinous as homicide or wilful murder.\u201d Nevertheless the\n\u201cBramans transfer the sins of the people into one or more Cows, which are\nthen carry\u2019d away, both the Cows and the Sins wherewith these Beasts are\ncharged, to what place the Braman shall appoint.\u201d(533) When the ancient\nEgyptians sacrificed a bull, they invoked upon its head all the evils that\nmight otherwise befall themselves and the land of Egypt, and thereupon\nthey either sold the bull\u2019s head to the Greeks or cast it into the\nriver.(534) Now, it cannot be said that in the times known to us the\nEgyptians worshipped bulls in general, for they seem to have commonly\nkilled and eaten them.(535) But a good many circumstances point to the\nconclusion that originally all cattle, bulls as well as cows, were held\nsacred by the Egyptians. For not only were all cows esteemed holy by them\nand never sacrificed, but even bulls might not be sacrificed unless they\nhad certain natural marks; a priest examined every bull before it was\nsacrificed; if it had the proper marks, he put his seal on the animal in\ntoken that it might be sacrificed; and if a man sacrificed a bull which\nhad not been sealed, he was put to death. Moreover, the worship of the\nblack bulls Apis and Mnevis, especially the former, played an important\npart in Egyptian religion; all bulls that died a natural death were\ncarefully buried in the suburbs of the cities, and their bones were\nafterwards collected from all parts of Egypt and interred in a single\nspot; and at the sacrifice of a bull in the great rites of Isis all the\nworshippers beat their breasts and mourned.(536) On the whole, then, we\nare perhaps entitled to infer that bulls were originally, as cows were\nalways, esteemed sacred by the Egyptians, and that the slain bull upon\nwhose head they laid the misfortunes of the people was once a divine\nscapegoat. It seems not improbable that the lamb annually slain by the\nMadis of Central Africa is a divine scapegoat, and the same supposition\nmay partly explain the Zuni sacrifice of the turtle.(537)\n\n(M167) Lastly, the scapegoat may be a divine man. Thus, in November the\nGonds of India worship Ghansyam Deo, the protector of the crops, and at\nthe festival the god himself is said to descend on the head of one of the\nworshippers, who is suddenly seized with a kind of fit and, after\nstaggering about, rushes off into the jungle, where it is believed that,\nif left to himself, he would die mad. However, they bring him back, but he\ndoes not recover his senses for one or two days. The people think that one\nman is thus singled out as a scapegoat for the sins of the rest of the\nvillage.(538) In the temple of the Moon the Albanians of the Eastern\nCaucasus kept a number of sacred slaves, of whom many were inspired and\nprophesied. When one of these men exhibited more than usual symptoms of\ninspiration or insanity, and wandered solitary up and down the woods, like\nthe Gond in the jungle, the high priest had him bound with a sacred chain\nand maintained him in luxury for a year. At the end of the year he was\nanointed with unguents and led forth to be sacrificed. A man whose\nbusiness it was to slay these human victims and to whom practice had given\ndexterity, advanced from the crowd and thrust a sacred spear into the\nvictim\u2019s side, piercing his heart. From the manner in which the slain man\nfell, omens were drawn as to the welfare of the commonwealth. Then the\nbody was carried to a certain spot where all the people stood upon it as a\npurificatory ceremony.(539) This last circumstance clearly indicates that\nthe sins of the people were transferred to the victim, just as the Jewish\npriest transferred the sins of the people to the scapegoat by laying his\nhands on the animal\u2019s head; and since the man was believed to be possessed\nby the divine spirit, we have here an undoubted example of a man-god slain\nto take away the sins and misfortunes of the people.\n\n(M168) In Tibet the ceremony of the scapegoat presents some remarkable\nfeatures. The Tibetan new year begins with the new moon which appears\nabout the fifteenth of February. For twenty-three days afterwards the\ngovernment of Lhasa, the capital, is taken out of the hands of the\nordinary rulers and entrusted to the monk of the Debang monastery who\noffers to pay the highest sum for the privilege. The successful bidder is\ncalled the Jalno, and he announces his accession to power in person, going\nthrough the streets of Lhasa with a silver stick in his hand. Monks from\nall the neighbouring monasteries and temples assemble to pay him homage.\nThe Jalno exercises his authority in the most arbitrary manner for his own\nbenefit, as all the fines which he exacts are his by purchase. The profit\nhe makes is about ten times the amount of the purchase money. His men go\nabout the streets in order to discover any conduct on the part of the\ninhabitants that can be found fault with. Every house in Lhasa is taxed at\nthis time, and the slightest offence is punished with unsparing rigour by\nfines. This severity of the Jalno drives all working classes out of the\ncity till the twenty-three days are over. But if the laity go out, the\nclergy come in. All the Buddhist monasteries of the country for miles\nround about open their gates and disgorge their inmates. All the roads\nthat lead down into Lhasa from the neighbouring mountains are full of\nmonks hurrying to the capital, some on foot, some on horseback, some\nriding asses or lowing oxen, all carrying their prayer-books and culinary\nutensils. In such multitudes do they come that the streets and squares of\nthe city are encumbered with their swarms, and incarnadined with their red\ncloaks. The disorder and confusion are indescribable. Bands of the holy\nmen traverse the streets chanting prayers or uttering wild cries. They\nmeet, they jostle, they quarrel, they fight; bloody noses, black eyes, and\nbroken heads are freely given and received. All day long, too, from before\nthe peep of dawn till after darkness has fallen, these red-cloaked monks\nhold services in the dim incense-laden air of the great Machindranath\ntemple, the cathedral of Lhasa; and thither they crowd thrice a day to\nreceive their doles of tea and soup and money. The cathedral is a vast\nbuilding, standing in the centre of the city, and surrounded by bazaars\nand shops. The idols in it are richly inlaid with gold and precious\nstones.\n\n(M169) Twenty-four days after the Jalno has ceased to have authority, he\nassumes it again, and for ten days acts in the same arbitrary manner as\nbefore. On the first of the ten days the priests again assemble at the\ncathedral, pray to the gods to prevent sickness and other evils among the\npeople, \u201cand, as a peace-offering, sacrifice one man. The man is not\nkilled purposely, but the ceremony he undergoes often proves fatal.(540)\nGrain is thrown against his head, and his face is painted half white, half\nblack.\u201d Thus grotesquely disguised, and carrying a coat of skin on his\narm, he is called the King of the Years, and sits daily in the\nmarket-place, where he helps himself to whatever he likes and goes about\nshaking a black yak\u2019s tail over the people, who thus transfer their bad\nluck to him. On the tenth day, all the troops in Lhasa march to the great\ntemple and form in line before it. The King of the Years is brought forth\nfrom the temple and receives small donations from the assembled multitude.\nHe then ridicules the Jalno, saying to him, \u201cWhat we perceive through the\nfive senses is no illusion. All you teach is untrue,\u201d and the like. The\nJalno, who represents the Grand Lama for the time being, contests these\nheretical opinions; the dispute waxes warm, and at last both agree to\ndecide the questions at issue by a cast of the dice, the Jalno offering to\nchange places with the scapegoat should the throw be against him. If the\nKing of the Years wins, much evil is prognosticated; but if the Jalno\nwins, there is great rejoicing, for it proves that his adversary has been\naccepted by the gods as a victim to bear all the sins of the people of\nLhasa. Fortune, however, always favours the Jalno, who throws sixes with\nunvarying success, while his opponent turns up only ones. Nor is this so\nextraordinary as at first sight it might appear; for the Jalno\u2019s dice are\nmarked with nothing but sixes and his adversary\u2019s with nothing but ones.\nWhen he sees the finger of Providence thus plainly pointed against him,\nthe King of the Years is terrified and flees away upon a white horse, with\na white dog, a white bird, salt, and so forth, which have all been\nprovided for him by the government. His face is still painted half white\nand half black, and he still wears his leathern coat. The whole populace\npursues him, hooting, yelling, and firing blank shots in volleys after\nhim. Thus driven out of the city, he is detained for seven days in the\ngreat chamber of horrors at the Samyas monastery, surrounded by monstrous\nand terrific images of devils and skins of huge serpents and wild beasts.\nThence he goes away into the mountains of Chetang, where he has to remain\nan outcast for several months or a year in a narrow den. If he dies before\nthe time is out, the people say it is an auspicious omen; but if he\nsurvives, he may return to Lhasa and play the part of scapegoat over again\nthe following year.(541)\n\n(M170) This quaint ceremonial, still annually observed in the secluded\ncapital of Buddhism\u2014the Rome of Asia\u2014is interesting because it exhibits,\nin a clearly marked religious stratification, a series of divine redeemers\nthemselves redeemed, of vicarious sacrifices vicariously atoned for, of\ngods undergoing a process of fossilization, who, while they retain the\nprivileges, have disburdened themselves of the pains and penalties of\ndivinity. In the Jalno we may without undue straining discern a successor\nof those temporary kings, those mortal gods, who purchase a short lease of\npower and glory at the price of their lives. That he is the temporary\nsubstitute of the Grand Lama is certain; that he is, or was once, liable\nto act as scapegoat for the people is made nearly certain by his offer to\nchange places with the real scapegoat\u2014the King of the Years\u2014if the\narbitrament of the dice should go against him. It is true that the\nconditions under which the question is now put to the hazard have reduced\nthe offer to an idle form. But such forms are no mere mushroom growths,\nspringing up of themselves in a night. If they are now lifeless\nformalities, empty husks devoid of significance, we may be sure that they\nonce had a life and a meaning; if at the present day they are blind alleys\nleading nowhere, we may be certain that in former days they were paths\nthat led somewhere, if only to death. That death was the goal to which of\nold the Tibetan scapegoat passed after his brief period of licence in the\nmarket-place, is a conjecture that has much to commend it. Analogy\nsuggests it; the blank shots fired after him, the statement that the\nceremony often proves fatal, the belief that his death is a happy omen,\nall confirm it. We need not wonder then that the Jalno, after paying so\ndear to act as deputy-deity for a few weeks, should have preferred to die\nby deputy rather than in his own person when his time was up. The painful\nbut necessary duty was accordingly laid on some poor devil, some social\noutcast, some wretch with whom the world had gone hard, who readily agreed\nto throw away his life at the end of a few days if only he might have his\nfling in the meantime. For observe that while the time allowed to the\noriginal deputy\u2014the Jalno\u2014was measured by weeks, the time allowed to the\ndeputy\u2019s deputy was cut down to days, ten days according to one authority,\nseven days according to another. So short a rope was doubtless thought a\nlong enough tether for so black or sickly a sheep; so few sands in the\nhour-glass, slipping so fast away, sufficed for one who had wasted so many\nprecious years. Hence in the jack-pudding who now masquerades with motley\ncountenance in the market-place of Lhasa, sweeping up misfortune with a\nblack yak\u2019s tail, we may fairly see the substitute of a substitute, the\nvicar of a vicar, the proxy on whose back the heavy burden was laid when\nit had been lifted from nobler shoulders. But the clue, if we have\nfollowed it aright, does not stop at the Jalno; it leads straight back to\nthe pope of Lhasa himself, the Grand Lama, of whom the Jalno is merely the\ntemporary vicar. The analogy of many customs in many lands points to the\nconclusion that, if this human divinity stoops to resign his ghostly power\nfor a time into the hands of a substitute, it is, or rather was once, for\nno other reason than that the substitute might die in his stead. Thus\nthrough the mist of ages unillumined by the lamp of history, the tragic\nfigure of the pope of Buddhism\u2014God\u2019s vicar on earth for Asia\u2014looms dim and\nsad as the man-god who bore his people\u2019s sorrows, the Good Shepherd who\nlaid down his life for the sheep.\n\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER V. ON SCAPEGOATS IN GENERAL.\n\n\n(M171) The foregoing survey of the custom of publicly expelling the\naccumulated evils of a village or town or country suggests a few general\nobservations.\n\n(M172) In the first place, it will not be disputed that what I have called\nthe immediate and the mediate expulsions of evil are identical in\nintention; in other words, that whether the evils are conceived of as\ninvisible or as embodied in a material form, is a circumstance entirely\nsubordinate to the main object of the ceremony, which is simply to effect\na total clearance of all the ills that have been infesting a people. If\nany link were wanting to connect the two kinds of expulsion, it would be\nfurnished by such a practice as that of sending the evils away in a litter\nor a boat. For here, on the one hand, the evils are invisible and\nintangible; and, on the other hand, there is a visible and tangible\nvehicle to convey them away. And a scapegoat is nothing more than such a\nvehicle.\n\n(M173) In the second place, when a general clearance of evils is resorted\nto periodically, the interval between the celebrations of the ceremony is\ncommonly a year, and the time of year when the ceremony takes place\nusually coincides with some well-marked change of season, such as the\nbeginning or end of winter in the arctic and temperate zones, and the\nbeginning or end of the rainy season in the tropics. The increased\nmortality which such climatic changes are apt to produce, especially\namongst ill-fed, ill-clothed, and ill-housed savages, is set down by\nprimitive man to the agency of demons, who must accordingly be expelled.\nHence, in the tropical regions of New Britain and Peru, the devils are or\nwere driven out at the beginning of the rainy season; hence, on the dreary\ncoasts of Baffin Land, they are banished at the approach of the bitter\narctic winter. When a tribe has taken to husbandry, the time for the\ngeneral expulsion of devils is naturally made to agree with one of the\ngreat epochs of the agricultural year, as sowing, or harvest; but, as\nthese epochs themselves naturally coincide with changes of season, it does\nnot follow that the transition from the hunting or pastoral to the\nagricultural life involves any alteration in the time of celebrating this\ngreat annual rite. Some of the agricultural communities of India and the\nHindoo Koosh, as we have seen, hold their general clearance of demons at\nharvest, others at sowing-time. But, at whatever season of the year it is\nheld, the general expulsion of devils commonly marks the beginning of the\nnew year. For, before entering on a new year, people are anxious to rid\nthemselves of the troubles that have harassed them in the past; hence it\ncomes about that in so many communities the beginning of the new year is\ninaugurated with a solemn and public banishment of evil spirits.\n\n(M174) In the third place, it is to be observed that this public and\nperiodic expulsion of devils is commonly preceded or followed by a period\nof general license, during which the ordinary restraints of society are\nthrown aside, and all offences, short of the gravest, are allowed to pass\nunpunished. In Guinea and Tonquin the period of license precedes the\npublic expulsion of demons; and the suspension of the ordinary government\nin Lhasa previous to the expulsion of the scapegoat is perhaps a relic of\na similar period of universal license. Amongst the Hos of India the period\nof license follows the expulsion of the devil. Amongst the Iroquois it\nhardly appears whether it preceded or followed the banishment of evils. In\nany case, the extraordinary relaxation of all ordinary rules of conduct on\nsuch occasions is doubtless to be explained by the general clearance of\nevils which precedes or follows it. On the one hand, when a general\nriddance of evil and absolution from all sin is in immediate prospect, men\nare encouraged to give the rein to their passions, trusting that the\ncoming ceremony will wipe out the score which they are running up so fast.\nOn the other hand, when the ceremony has just taken place, men\u2019s minds are\nfreed from the oppressive sense, under which they generally labour, of an\natmosphere surcharged with devils; and in the first revulsion of joy they\noverleap the limits commonly imposed by custom and morality. When the\nceremony takes place at harvest-time, the elation of feeling which it\nexcites is further stimulated by the state of physical wellbeing produced\nby an abundant supply of food.(542)\n\n(M175) Fourthly, the employment of a divine man or animal as a scapegoat\nis especially to be noted; indeed, we are here directly concerned with the\ncustom of banishing evils only in so far as these evils are believed to be\ntransferred to a god who is afterwards slain. It may be suspected that the\ncustom of employing a divine man or animal as a public scapegoat is much\nmore widely diffused than appears from the examples cited. For, as has\nalready been pointed out, the custom of killing a god dates from so early\na period of human history that in later ages, even when the custom\ncontinues to be practised, it is liable to be misinterpreted. The divine\ncharacter of the animal or man is forgotten, and he comes to be regarded\nmerely as an ordinary victim. This is especially likely to be the case\nwhen it is a divine man who is killed. For when a nation becomes\ncivilized, if it does not drop human sacrifices altogether, it at least\nselects as victims only such wretches as would be put to death at any\nrate. Thus the killing of a god may sometimes come to be confounded with\nthe execution of a criminal.\n\n(M176) If we ask why a dying god should be chosen to take upon himself and\ncarry away the sins and sorrows of the people, it may be suggested that in\nthe practice of using the divinity as a scapegoat we have a combination of\ntwo customs which were at one time distinct and independent. On the one\nhand we have seen that it has been customary to kill the human or animal\ngod in order to save his divine life from being weakened by the inroads of\nage. On the other hand we have seen that it has been customary to have a\ngeneral expulsion of evils and sins once a year. Now, if it occurred to\npeople to combine these two customs, the result would be the employment of\nthe dying god as a scapegoat. He was killed, not originally to take away\nsin, but to save the divine life from the degeneracy of old age; but,\nsince he had to be killed at any rate, people may have thought that they\nmight as well seize the opportunity to lay upon him the burden of their\nsufferings and sins, in order that he might bear it away with him to the\nunknown world beyond the grave.\n\n(M177) The use of the divinity as a scapegoat clears up the ambiguity\nwhich, as we saw, appears to hang about the European folk-custom of\n\u201ccarrying out Death.\u201d(543) Grounds have been shewn for believing that in\nthis ceremony the so-called Death was originally the spirit of vegetation,\nwho was annually slain in spring, in order that he might come to life\nagain with all the vigour of youth. But, as I pointed out, there are\ncertain features in the ceremony which are not explicable on this\nhypothesis alone. Such are the marks of joy with which the effigy of Death\nis carried out to be buried or burnt, and the fear and abhorrence of it\nmanifested by the bearers. But these features become at once intelligible\nif we suppose that the Death was not merely the dying god of vegetation,\nbut also a public scapegoat, upon whom were laid all the evils that had\nafflicted the people during the past year. Joy on such an occasion is\nnatural and appropriate; and if the dying god appears to be the object of\nthat fear and abhorrence which are properly due not to himself, but to the\nsins and misfortunes with which he is laden, this arises merely from the\ndifficulty of distinguishing, or at least of marking the distinction,\nbetween the bearer and the burden. When the burden is of a baleful\ncharacter, the bearer of it will be feared and shunned just as much as if\nhe were himself instinct with those dangerous properties of which, as it\nhappens, he is only the vehicle. Similarly we have seen that disease-laden\nand sin-laden boats are dreaded and shunned by East Indian peoples.(544)\nAgain, the view that in these popular customs the Death is a scapegoat as\nwell as a representative of the divine spirit of vegetation derives some\nsupport from the circumstance that its expulsion is always celebrated in\nspring and chiefly by Slavonic peoples. For the Slavonic year began in\nspring;(545) and thus, in one of its aspects, the ceremony of \u201ccarrying\nout Death\u201d would be an example of the widespread custom of expelling the\naccumulated evils of the old year before entering on a new one.\n\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER VI. HUMAN SCAPEGOATS IN CLASSICAL ANTIQUITY.\n\n\n\n\n\u00a7 1. The Human Scapegoat in Ancient Rome.\n\n\n(M178) We are now prepared to notice the use of the human scapegoat in\nclassical antiquity. Every year on the fourteenth of March a man clad in\nskins was led in procession through the streets of Rome, beaten with long\nwhite rods, and driven out of the city. He was called Mamurius\nVeturius,(546) that is, \u201cthe old Mars,\u201d(547) and as the ceremony took\nplace on the day preceding the first full moon of the old Roman year\n(which began on the first of March), the skin-clad man must have\nrepresented the Mars of the past year, who was driven out at the beginning\nof a new one. Now Mars was originally not a god of war but of vegetation.\nFor it was to Mars that the Roman husbandman prayed for the prosperity of\nhis corn and his vines, his fruit-trees and his copses;(548) it was to\nMars that the priestly college of the Arval Brothers, whose business it\nwas to sacrifice for the growth of the crops,(549) addressed their\npetitions almost exclusively;(550) and it was to Mars, as we saw,(551)\nthat a horse was sacrificed in October to secure an abundant harvest.\nMoreover, it was to Mars, under his title of \u201cMars of the woods\u201d (_Mars\nSilvanus_), that farmers offered sacrifice for the welfare of their\ncattle.(552) We have already seen that cattle are commonly supposed to be\nunder the special patronage of tree-gods.(553) Once more, the consecration\nof the vernal month of March to Mars seems to point him out as the deity\nof the sprouting vegetation. Thus the Roman custom of expelling the old\nMars at the beginning of the new year in spring is identical with the\nSlavonic custom of \u201ccarrying out Death,\u201d if the view here taken of the\nlatter custom is correct. The similarity of the Roman and Slavonic customs\nhas been already remarked by scholars, who appear, however, to have taken\nMamurius Veturius and the corresponding figures in the Slavonic ceremonies\nto be representatives of the old year rather than of the old god of\nvegetation.(554) It is possible that ceremonies of this kind may have come\nto be thus interpreted in later times even by the people who practised\nthem. But the personification of a period of time is too abstract an idea\nto be primitive.(555) However, in the Roman, as in the Slavonic, ceremony,\nthe representative of the god appears to have been treated not only as a\ndeity of vegetation but also as a scapegoat. His expulsion implies this;\nfor there is no reason why the god of vegetation, as such, should be\nexpelled the city. But it is otherwise if he is also a scapegoat; it then\nbecomes necessary to drive him beyond the boundaries, that he may carry\nhis sorrowful burden away to other lands. And, in fact, Mamurius Veturius\nappears to have been driven away to the land of the Oscans, the enemies of\nRome.(556)\n\n(M179) The blows with which the \u201cold Mars\u201d was expelled the city seem to\nhave been administered by the dancing priests of Mars, the Salii. At least\nwe know that in their songs these priests made mention of Mamurius\nVeturius;(557) and we are told that on a day dedicated to him they beat a\nhide with rods.(558) It is therefore highly probable that the hide which\nthey drubbed on that day was the one worn by the representative of the\ndeity whose name they simultaneously chanted. Thus on the fourteenth day\nof March every year Rome witnessed the curious spectacle of the human\nincarnation of a god chased by the god\u2019s own priests with blows from the\ncity. The rite becomes at least intelligible on the theory that the man so\nbeaten and expelled stood for the outworn deity of vegetation, who had to\nbe replaced by a fresh and vigorous young divinity at the beginning of a\nNew Year, when everywhere around in field and meadow, in wood and thicket\nthe vernal flowers, the sprouting grass, and the opening buds and blossoms\ntestified to the stirring of new life in nature after the long torpor and\nstagnation of winter. The dancing priests of the god derived their name of\nSalii from the leaps or dances which they were bound to execute as a\nsolemn religious ceremony every year in the Comitium, the centre of Roman\npolitical life.(559) Twice a year, in the spring month of March and the\nautumn month of October, they discharged this sacred duty;(560) and as\nthey did so they invoked Saturn, the Roman god of sowing.(561) As the\nRomans sowed the corn both in spring and autumn,(562) and as down to the\npresent time in Europe superstitious rustics are wont to dance and leap\nhigh in spring for the purpose of making the crops grow high,(563) we may\nconjecture that the leaps and dances performed by the Salii, the priests\nof the old Italian god of vegetation, were similarly supposed to quicken\nthe growth of the corn by homoeopathic or imitative magic. The Salii were\nnot limited to Rome; similar colleges of dancing priests are known to have\nexisted in many towns of ancient Italy;(564) everywhere, we may\nconjecture, they were supposed to contribute to the fertility of the earth\nby their leaps and dances. At Rome they were divided into two colleges,\neach composed of twelve members; and it is not impossible that the number\ntwelve was fixed with reference to the twelve months of the old lunar\nyear;(565) the _Fratres Arvales_, or \u201cBrethren of the Ploughed Fields,\u201d\nanother Roman college of priests, whose functions were purely\nagricultural, and who wore as a badge of their office a wreath of\ncorn-ears, were also twelve in number, perhaps for a similar reason.(566)\nNor was the martial equipment of the Salii so alien to this peaceful\nfunction as a modern reader might naturally suppose. Each of them wore on\nhis head a peaked helmet of bronze, and at his side a sword; on his left\narm he carried a shield of a peculiar shape, and in his right hand he\nwielded a staff with which he smote on the shield till it rang again.(567)\nSuch weapons in priestly hands may be turned against spiritual foes; in\nthe preceding pages we have met with many examples of the use of material\narms to rout the host of demons who oppress the imagination of primitive\nman, and we have seen that the clash and clangour of metal is often deemed\nparticularly effective in putting these baleful beings to flight.(568) May\nit not have been so with the martial priests of Mars? We know that they\nparaded the city for days together in a regular order, taking up their\nquarters for the night at a different place each day; and as they went\nthey danced in triple time, singing and clashing on their shields and\ntaking their time from a fugleman, who skipped and postured at their\nhead.(569) We may conjecture that in so doing they were supposed to be\nexpelling the powers of evil which had accumulated during the preceding\nyear or six months, and which the people pictured to themselves in the\nform of demons lurking in the houses, temples, and the other edifices of\nthe city. In savage communities such tumultuous and noisy processions\noften parade the village for a similar purpose. Similarly, we have seen\nthat among the Iroquois men in fantastic costume used to go about\ncollecting the sins of the people as a preliminary to transferring them to\nthe scapegoat dogs; and we have met with many examples of armed men\nrushing about the streets and houses to drive out demons and evils of all\nkinds.(570) Why should it not have been so also in ancient Rome? The\nreligion of the old Romans is full of relics of savagery.\n\n(M180) If there is any truth in this conjecture, we may suppose that, as\npriests of a god who manifested his power in the vegetation of spring, the\nSalii turned their attention above all to the demons of blight and\ninfertility, who might be thought by their maleficent activity to\ncounteract the genial influence of the kindly god and to endanger the\nfarmer\u2019s prospects in the coming summer or winter. The conjecture may be\nsupported by analogies drawn from the customs of modern European peasants\nas well as of savages. Thus, to begin with savages, we have seen that at\nthe time of sowing the Khonds drive out the \u201cevil spirits, spoilers of the\nseed\u201d from every house in the village, the expulsion being effected by\nyoung men who beat each other and strike the air violently with long\nsticks.(571) If I am right in connecting the vernal and the autumnal\nprocessions of the Salii with the vernal and the autumnal sowing, the\nanalogy between the Khond and the Roman customs would be very close. In\nWest Africa the fields of the King of Whydah, according to an old French\ntraveller, \u201care hoed and sowed before any of his subjects has leave to hoe\nand sow a foot of his own lands. These labours are performed thrice a\nyear. The chiefs lead their people before the king\u2019s palace at daybreak,\nand there they sing and dance for a full quarter of an hour. Half of these\npeople are armed as in a day of battle, the other half have only their\nfarm tools. They go all together singing and dancing to the scene of their\nlabours, and there, keeping time to the sound of the instruments, they\nwork with such speed and neatness that it is a pleasure to behold. At the\nend of the day they return and dance before the king\u2019s palace. This\nexercise refreshes them and does them more good than all the repose they\ncould take.\u201d(572) From this account we might infer that the dancing was\nmerely a recreation of the field-labourers, and that the music of the band\nhad no other object than to animate them in their work by enabling them to\nply their mattocks in time to its stirring strains. But this inference,\nthough it seems to have been drawn by the traveller who has furnished the\naccount, would probably be erroneous. For if half of the men were armed as\nfor war, what were they doing in the fields all the time that the others\nwere digging? A clue to unravel the mystery is furnished by the\ndescription which a later French traveller gives of a similar scene\nwitnessed by him near Timbo in French Guinea. He saw some natives at work\npreparing the ground for sowing. \u201cIt is a very curious spectacle: fifty or\nsixty blacks in a line, with bent backs, are smiting the earth\nsimultaneously with their little iron tools, which gleam in the sun. Ten\npaces in front of them, marching backwards, the women sing a well marked\nair, clapping their hands as for a dance, and the hoes keep time to the\nsong. Between the workers and the singers a man runs and dances, crouching\non his hams like a clown, while he whirls about his musket and performs\nother man\u0153uvres with it. Two others dance, also pirouetting and smiting\nthe earth here and there with their little hoe. All that is necessary for\nexorcising the spirits and causing the grain to sprout.\u201d(573) Here, while\nthe song of the women gives the time to the strokes of the hoes, the\ndances and other antics of the armed man and his colleagues are intended\nto exorcise or ward off the spirits who might interfere with the diggers\nand so prevent the grain from sprouting.\n\n(M181) Again, an old traveller in southern India tells us that \u201cthe men of\nCalicut, when they wish to sow rice, observe this practice. First, they\nplough the land with oxen as we do, and when they sow the rice in the\nfield they have all the instruments of the city continually sounding and\nmaking merry. They also have ten or twelve men clothed like devils, and\nthese unite in making great rejoicing with the players on the instruments,\nin order that the devil may make that rice very productive.\u201d(574) We may\nsuspect that the noisy music is played and the mummers cut their capers\nfor the purpose rather of repelling demons than of inducing them to favour\nthe growth of the rice. However, where our information is so scanty it\nwould be rash to dogmatize. Perhaps the old traveller was right in\nthinking that the mummers personated devils. Among the Kayans of Central\nBorneo men disguised in wooden masks and great masses of green foliage\ncertainly play the part of demons for the purpose of promoting the growth\nof the rice just before the seed is committed to the ground; and it is\nnotable that among the performances which they give on this occasion are\nwar dances.(575) Again, among the Kaua and Kobeua Indians of North-Western\nBrazil masked men who represent spirits or demons of fertility perform\ndances or rather pantomimes for the purpose of stimulating the growth of\nplants, quickening the wombs of women, and promoting the multiplication of\nanimals.(576)\n\n(M182) Further, we are told that \u201cthe natives of Aracan dance in order to\nrender propitious the spirits whom they believe to preside over the sowing\nand over the harvest. There are definite times for doing it, and we may\nsay that in their eyes it is, as it were, an act of religion.\u201d(577)\nAnother people who dance diligently to obtain good crops are the\nTarahumare Indians of Mexico. They subsist by agriculture and their\nthoughts accordingly turn much on the supply of rain, which is needed for\ntheir fields. According to them, \u201cthe favour of the gods may be won by\nwhat for want of a better term may be called dancing, but what in reality\nis a series of monotonous movements, a kind of rhythmical exercise, kept\nup sometimes for two nights. By dint of such hard work they think to\nprevail upon the gods to grant their prayers. The dancing is accompanied\nby the song of the shaman, in which he communicates his wishes to the\nunseen world, describing the beautiful effect of the rain, the fog, and\nthe mist on the vegetable world. He invokes the aid of all the animals,\nmentioning each by name, and also calls on them, especially the deer and\nthe rabbit, to multiply that the people may have plenty to eat. As a\nmatter of fact, the Tarahumares assert that the dances have been taught\nthem by the animals. Like all primitive people, they are close observers\nof nature. To them the animals are by no means inferior creatures; they\nunderstand magic and are possessed of much knowledge, and may assist the\nTarahumares in making rain. In spring, the singing of the birds, the\ncooing of the dove, the croaking of the frog, the chirping of the cricket,\nall the sounds uttered by the denizens of the greensward, are to the\nIndian appeals to the deities for rain. For what other reason should they\nsing or call? For the strange behaviour of many animals in the early\nspring the Tarahumares can find no other explanation but that these\ncreatures, too, are interested in rain. And as the gods grant the prayers\nof the deer expressed in its antics and dances, and of the turkey in its\ncurious playing, by sending the rain, they easily infer that to please the\ngods they, too, must dance as the deer and play as the turkey. From this\nit will be understood that dance with these people is a very serious and\nceremonious matter, a kind of worship and incantation rather than\namusement.\u201d(578)\n\n(M183) The two principal dances of these Indians, the _rutuburi_ and the\n_yumari_, are supposed to have been taught them by the turkey and the deer\nrespectively. They are danced by numbers of men and women, the two sexes\nkeeping apart from each other in the dance, while the shaman sings and\nshakes his rattle. But \u201ca large gathering is not necessary in order to\npray to the gods by dancing. Sometimes the family dances alone, the father\nteaching the boys. While doing agricultural work, the Indians often depute\none man to dance _yumari_ near the house, while the others attend to the\nwork in the fields. It is a curious sight to see a lone man taking his\ndevotional exercise to the tune of his rattle in front of an apparently\ndeserted dwelling. The lonely worshipper is doing his share of the general\nwork by bringing down the fructifying rain and by warding off disaster,\nwhile the rest of the family and their friends plant, hoe, weed, or\nharvest. In the evening, when they return from the field, they may join\nhim for a little while; but often he goes on alone, dancing all night, and\nsinging himself hoarse, and the Indians told me that this is the very\nhardest kind of work, and exhausting even to them. Solitary worship is\nalso observed by men who go out hunting deer or squirrels for a communal\nfeast. Every one of them dances _yumari_ alone in front of his house for\ntwo hours to insure success on the hunt; and when putting corn to sprout\nfor the making of _tesvino_ the owner of the house dances for a while,\nthat the corn may sprout well.\u201d Another dance is thought to cause the\ngrass and funguses to grow, and the deer and rabbits to multiply; and\nanother is supposed to draw the clouds together from the north and south,\nso that they clash and descend in rain.(579)\n\n(M184) The Cora Indians of Mexico celebrate a festival of sowing shortly\nbefore they commit the seed of the maize to the ground. The festival falls\nin June, because that is the month when the rainy season sets in,\nsupplying the moisture needed for the growth of the maize. At the festival\ntwo old women, who represent the goddesses of sowing, dance side by side\nand imitate the process of sowing by digging holes in the earth with long\nsticks and inserting the seed of the maize in the holes; whereupon a man\nwho represents the Morning Star pours water on the buried seeds. This\nsolemn dance is accompanied by the singing of an appropriate hymn, which\nmay be compared to the song of the Arval Brothers in ancient Rome.(580)\n\n(M185) We have seen that in many parts of Germany, Austria, and France the\npeasants are still, or were till lately, accustomed to dance and leap high\nin order that the crops may grow tall. Such leaps and dances are sometimes\nperformed by the sower immediately before or after he sows the seed; but\noften they are executed by the people on a fixed day of the year, which in\nsome places is Twelfth Night (the sixth of January), or Candlemas (the\nsecond of February) or Walpurgis Night, that is, the Eve of May Day; but\napparently the favourite season for these performances is the last day of\nthe Carnival, namely Shrove Tuesday.(581) In such cases the leaps and\ndances are performed by every man for his own behoof; he skips and jumps\nmerely in order that his own corn, or flax, or hemp may spring up and\nthrive. But sometimes in modern Europe, as (if I am right) in ancient\nRome, the duty of dancing for the crops was committed to bands or troops\nof men, who cut their capers for the benefit of the whole community. For\nexample, at Grub, in the Swiss canton of the Grisons (Graub\u00fcnden), the\npractice used to be as follows. \u201cThe peasants of Grub,\u201d we are informed,\n\u201chave still some hereditary customs, in that they assembled in some years,\nmostly at the time of the summer solstice, disguised themselves as maskers\nso as to be unrecognizable, armed themselves with weapons defensive and\noffensive, took every man a great club or cudgel, marched in a troop\ntogether from one village to another, and executed high leaps and strange\nantics. They ran full tilt at each other, struck every man his fellow with\nall his might, so that the blow resounded, and clashed their great staves\nand cudgels. Hence they were called by the country folk the _Stopfer_.\nThese foolish pranks they played from a superstitious notion that their\ncorn would thrive the better; but now they have left off, and these\n_Stopfer_ are no longer in any repute.\u201d Another authority, after\ndescribing the custom, remarks: \u201cWith this custom was formerly connected\nthe belief that its observance brought a fruitful year.\u201d(582)\n\n(M186) In the Austrian provinces of Salzburg and Tyrol bands of mummers\nwearing grotesque masks, with bells jingling on their persons, and\ncarrying long sticks or poles in their hands, used formerly to run and\nleap about on certain days of the year for the purpose of procuring good\ncrops. They were called _Perchten_, a name derived from Perchta, Berchta,\nor Percht, a mythical old woman, whether goddess or elf, who is well known\nall over South Germany; Mrs. Perchta (_Frau Perchta_), as they call her,\nis to be met with in Elsace, Swabia, Bavaria, Austria, and Switzerland,\nbut nowhere, perhaps, so commonly as in Salzburg and the Tyrol. In the\nTyrol she appears as a little old woman with a very wrinkled face, bright\nlively eyes, and a long hooked nose; her hair is dishevelled, her garments\ntattered and torn. Hence they say to a slatternly wench, \u201cYou are a\nregular Perchta.\u201d She goes about especially during the twelve days from\nChristmas to Twelfth Night (Epiphany), above all on the Eve of Twelfth\nNight, which is often called Perchta\u2019s Day. Many precautions must be\nobserved during these mystic days in order not to incur her displeasure,\nfor she is mischievous to man and beast. If she appears in the byre, a\ndistemper breaks out among the cows. That is why during these days the\nbyres must be kept very clean and straw laid on the threshold; otherwise\nyou will find bald patches on your sheep and goats next morning, and next\nsummer the hair which has been filched from the animals will descend in\nhail-stones from the sky. Old Mrs. Perchta also keeps a very sharp eye on\nspinners during the twelve days; she inspects all distaffs and\nspinning-wheels in the houses, and if she finds any flax or tow unspun on\nthem, she tears it to bits, and she does not spare the lazy spinner, for\nshe scratches her and smacks her fingers so that they bear the marks of it\nfor the rest of her life. Indeed she sometimes does much more; for she\nrips up the belly of the sluggard and stuffs it with flax. That is the\npunishment with which a Bavarian mother will threaten an idle jade of a\ngirl who has left some flax on her distaff on New Year\u2019s Eve. However,\nthey say in Bavaria that if you only eat plenty of the rich juicy cakes\nwhich are baked for Mrs. Perchta on her day, the old woman\u2019s knife will\nglance off your body without making any impression on it. Perchta often\ncomes not alone but attended by many little children, who follow her as\nchickens waddle after the mother hen; and if you should see any little\nchild lagging behind the rest and blubbering, you may be quite sure that\nthat child has been baptized. On the Eve of Twelfth Night everybody should\neat pancakes baked of meal and milk or water. If anybody does not do so,\nold Mrs. Perchta comes and slits up his stomach, takes out the other food,\nfills up the vacuity so created with a tangled skein and bricks, and then\nsews up the orifice neatly, using, singularly enough, a ploughshare for a\nneedle and an iron chain for thread. In other or the same places she does\nthe same thing to anybody who does not eat herrings and dumplings on\nTwelfth Night. Some say that she rides on the storm like the Wild\nHuntsman, followed by a boisterous noisy pack, and carrying off people\ninto far countries. Yet withal old Mrs. Perchta has her redeeming\nqualities. Good children who spin diligently and learn their lessons she\nrewards with nuts and sugar plums. It has even been affirmed that she\nmakes the ploughed land fruitful and causes the cattle to thrive. When a\nmist floats over the fields, the peasants see her figure gliding along in\na white mantle. On the Eve of Twelfth Night good people leave the remains\nof their supper for her on the table, and when they have gone to bed and\nall is quiet in the house, she comes in the likeness of an old wizened\nlittle woman, with all the children about her, and partakes of the broken\nvictuals. But woe to the prying wight who peeps at her through the\nkey-hole! Many a man has been blinded by her for a whole year as a\npunishment for his ill-timed curiosity.(583)\n\n(M187) The processions of maskers who took their name of _Perchten_ from\nthis quaint creation of the popular fancy were known as _Perchten_-running\nor _Perchten_-leaping from the runs and leaps which the men took in their\nwild headlong course through the streets and over the fields. They appear\nto have been held in all the Alpine regions of Germany, but are best known\nto us in the Tyrol and Salzburg. The appropriate season for the\ncelebration of the rite was Perchta\u2019s Day, that is, Twelfth Night or\nEpiphany, the sixth of January, but in some places it was held on Shrove\nTuesday, the last day of the Carnival, the very day when many farmers of\nCentral Europe jump to make the crops grow tall. Corresponding to the\ndouble character of Perchta as a power for good and evil, the maskers are\ndivided into two sets known respectively as the Beautiful and the Ugly\n_Perchten_. At Lienz in the Tyrol, where the maskers made their appearance\non Shrove Tuesday, the Beautiful _Perchten_ were decked with ribbons,\ngalloons, and so forth, while the ugly _Perchten_ made themselves as\nhideous as they could by hanging rats and mice, chains and bells about\ntheir persons. All wore on their heads tall pointed caps with bells\nattached to them; their faces were concealed by masks, and in their hands\nthey all carried long sticks. The sticks of the Beautiful _Perchten_ were\nadorned with ribbons; those of the Ugly _Perchten_ ended in the heads of\ndevils. Thus equipped they leaped and ran about the streets and went into\nthe houses. Amongst them was a clown who blew ashes and soot in people\u2019s\nfaces through a blow-pipe. It was all very merry and frolicsome, except\nwhen \u201cthe wild Perchta\u201d herself came, invisible to ordinary eyes, upon the\nscene. Then her namesakes the _Perchten_ grew wild and furious too; they\nscattered and fled for their lives to the nearest house, for as soon as\nthey got under the gutter of a roof they were safe. But if she caught\nthem, she tore them in pieces. To this day you may see the graves where\nthe mangled bodies of her victims lie buried. When no such interruption\ntook place, the noisy rout of maskers rushed madly about, with jingling\nbells and resounding cracks of whips, entering the houses, dancing here,\ndrinking there, teasing wayfarers, or racing from village to village like\nthe Wild Hunt itself in the sky; till at the close of the winter day the\nchurch bells rang the _Ave Maria_. Then at last the wild uproar died away\ninto silence. Such tumultuous masquerades were thought to be very\nbeneficial to the crops; a bad harvest would be set down to the omission\nof the _Perchten_ to skip and jump about in their usual fashion.(584)\n\n(M188) In the province of Salzburg the _Perchten_ mummers are also divided\ninto two sets, the Beautiful _Perchten_ and the Ugly _Perchten_. The Ugly\n_Perchten_ are properly speaking twelve young men dressed in black\nsheepskins and wearing hoods of badger-skins and grotesque wooden masks,\nwhich represent either coarse human features with long teeth and horns, or\nelse the features of fabulous animals with beaks and bristles or movable\njaws. They all carry bells, both large and small, fastened to broad\nleathern girdles. The procession was headed by a man with a big drum, and\nafter him came lads bearing huge torches and lanterns fastened to tall\npoles; for in Salzburg or some parts of it these mummers played their\npranks by night. Behind the torchbearers came two Fools, a male and a\nfemale, the latter acted by a lad in woman\u2019s clothes. The male Fool\ncarried a sausage-like roll, with which he struck at all women or girls of\nhis acquaintance when they shewed themselves at the open doors or windows.\nAlong with the _Perchten_ themselves went a train of young fellows\ncracking whips, blowing horns, or jingling bells. The ways might be miry\nand the night pitch dark, but with flaring lights the procession swept\nrapidly by, the men leaping along with the help of their long sticks and\nwaking the echoes of the slumbering valley by their loud uproar. From time\nto time they stopped at a farm, danced and cut their capers before the\nhouse, for which they were rewarded by presents of food and strong drink;\nto offer them money would have been an insult. By midnight the performance\ncame to an end, and the tired maskers dispersed to their homes.\n\n(M189) The Beautiful _Perchten_ in Salzburg are attired very differently\nfrom the Ugly _Perchten_, but their costume varies with the district. Thus\nin the Pongau district the distinctive feature of their costume is a tall\nand heavy framework covered with bright red cloth and decorated with a\nprofusion of silver jewelry and filagree work. This framework is sometimes\nnine or ten feet high and forty or fifty pounds in weight. The performer\ncarries it above his head by means of iron supports resting on his\nshoulders or his back. To run or jump under the weight of such an\nencumbrance is impossible; the dancer has to content himself with turning\nround and round slowly and clumsily. Very different is the headdress of\nthe Beautiful _Perchten_ in the Pinzgau district of Salzburg. There the\nperformers are dressed in scarlet and wear straw hats, from which bunches\nof white feathers, arranged like fans, nod and flutter in the wind. Red\nshoes and white stockings complete their attire. Thus lightly equipped\nthey hop and jump and stamp briskly in the dance. Unlike their Ugly\nnamesakes, who seem now to be extinct, the Beautiful _Perchten_ still\nparade from time to time among the peasantry of the Salzburg highlands;\nbut the intervals between their appearances are irregular, varying from\nfour to seven years or more. Unlike the Ugly _Perchten_, they wear no\nmasks and appear in full daylight, always on Perchta\u2019s Day (Twelfth Night,\nthe sixth of January) and the two following Sundays. They are attended by\na train of followers who make a great din with bells, whips, pipes, horns,\nrattles, and chains. Amongst them one or two clowns, clothed in white and\nwearing tall pointed hats of white felt with many jingling bells attached\nto them, play a conspicuous part. They carry each a sausage-shaped roll\nstuffed with tow, and with this instrument they strike lightly such women\nand girls among the spectators as they desire particularly to favour.\nAnother attendant carries the effigy of a baby in swaddling bands, made of\nlinen rags, and fastened to a string; this effigy he throws at women and\ngirls and then pulls back again, but he does this only to women and girls\nwhom he respects and to whom he wishes well. At St. Johann the _Perchten_\ncarry drawn swords; each is attended by a lad dressed as a woman; and they\nare followed by men clad in black sheepskins, wearing the masks of devils,\nand holding chains in their hands.(585)\n\n(M190) What is the meaning of the quaint performances still enacted by the\n_Perchten_ and their attendants in the Austrian highlands? The subject has\nbeen carefully investigated by a highly competent enquirer, Mrs.\nAndree-Eysn. She has visited the districts, witnessed the performances,\ncollected information, and studied the costumes. It may be well to quote\nher conclusion: \u201cIf we enquire into the inner meaning which underlies the\n_Perchten_-race and kindred processions, we must confess that it is not at\nfirst sight obvious, and that the original meaning appears blurred and\nindistinct. Nevertheless from many features which they present in common\nit can be demonstrated that the processions were held for the purpose of\ndriving away demons and had for their object to promote fertility. In\nfavour of this view it may be urged, first of all, that their appearance\nis everywhere greeted with joy, because it promises fertility and a good\nharvest. \u2018It is a good year,\u2019 they say in Salzburg. If the processions are\nprevented from taking place, dearth and a bad harvest are to be\napprehended. The peasants of the Tyrol still believe that the more\n_Perchten_ run about, the better will the year be, and therefore they\ntreat them to brandy and cakes. In Lienz, when the harvest turns out ill,\nthey say that they omitted to let the _Perchten_ run over the fields, and\nfor that reason the peasant in the Sarn valley gets the _Perchten_ to leap\nabout on his fields, for then there will be a good year.\n\n\u201cIf fertility and blessing are to be poured out on field, house, and\nhomestead, it is obvious that everything that could hinder or harm must be\naverted and driven away. When we consider how even at the present time,\nand still more in times gone by, much that is harmful is attributed to the\nmalevolence of invisible powers, we can readily understand why people\nshould resort to measures which they deem effective for the purpose of\ndisarming these malevolent beings. Now it is a common belief that certain\nmasks possess the virtue of banning demons, and that loud noise and din\nare a means of keeping off evil spirits or hindering their activity. In\nthe procession of the _Perchten_ we see the principle of the banishment of\nevil carried out in practice. The people attack the evil spirits and seek\nto chase them away by putting on frightful masks, with which they confront\nthe demon. For one sort of malevolent spirits one kind of mask appears\nsuitable, and for another another; this spirit is daunted by this mask,\nand that spirit by that; and so they came to discriminate. Originally,\nparticular masks may have been used against particular evil spirits, but\nin course of time they were confused, the individual taste of the maker of\nthe mask counted for something, and so gradually it resulted in carving\nall kinds of horrible, fantastic, and hideous masks which had nothing in\ncommon but their general tendency to frighten away all evil spirits.\u201d(586)\n\n(M191) In support of her view that the procession of the _Perchten_ aims\nchiefly at banishing demons who might otherwise blight the crops, Mrs.\nAndree-Eysn lays stress on the bells which figure so prominently in the\ncostume of these maskers; for the sound of bells, as she reminds us, is\ncommonly believed to be a potent means of driving evil spirits away. The\nnotion is too familiar to call for proof,(587) but a single case from\nCentral Africa may be cited as an illustration. The Teso people, who\ninhabit a land of rolling plains between Mount Elgon and Lake Kioga, \u201cmake\nuse of bells to exorcise the storm fiend; a person who has been injured by\na flash or in the resulting fire wears bells round his ankles for weeks\nafterwards. Whenever rain threatens, and rain in Uganda almost always\ncomes in company with thunder and lightning, this person will parade the\nvillage for an hour, with the jingling bells upon his legs and a wand of\npapyrus in his hand, attended by as many of his family as may happen to be\nat hand and not employed in necessary duties.\u201d(588) The resemblance of\nsuch men, with their bells and wands, to the Austrian _Perchten_ with\ntheir bells and wands is, on the theory in question, fairly close; both of\nthem go about to dispel demons by the sound of their bells and probably\nalso by the blows of their rods. Whatever may be thought of their efficacy\nin banning fiends, certain it is that in the Tyrol, where the _Perchten_\nplay their pranks, the chime of bells is used for the express purpose of\ncausing the grass to grow in spring. Thus in the lower valley of the Inn,\nespecially at Schwaz, on the twenty-fourth of April (there reckoned St.\nGeorge\u2019s Day) troops of young fellows go about ringing bells, some of\nwhich they hold in their hands, while others are attached to their\npersons; and the peasants say, \u201cWherever the Grass-ringers come, there the\ngrass grows well, and the corn bears abundant fruit.\u201d Hence the\nbell-ringers are welcomed and treated wherever they go. Formerly, it is\nsaid, they wore masks, like the _Perchten_, but afterwards they contented\nthemselves with blackening their faces with soot.(589) In other parts of\nthe Tyrol the bell-ringing processions take place at the Carnival, but\ntheir object is the same; for \u201cit is believed that by this noisy\nprocession growth in general, but especially the growth of the meadows, is\npromoted.\u201d(590) Again, at Bergell, in the Swiss canton of the Grisons,\nchildren go in procession on the first of March ringing bells, \u201cin order\nthat the grass may grow.\u201d(591) So in Hildesheim, on the afternoon of\nAscension Day, young girls ascend the church tower and ring all the church\nbells, \u201cin order that they may get a good harvest of flax; the girl who,\nhanging on to the bell-rope, is swung highest by the swing of the bell,\nwill get the longest flax.\u201d(592) Here the sound of the bells as a means of\npromoting the growth of the flax is reinforced by the upward swing of the\nbell, which, carrying with it the bell-ringer at the end of the rope,\nnaturally causes the flax in like manner to rise high in the air. It is a\nsimple piece of imitative magic, like the leaps and bounds which the\npeasants of Central Europe often execute for precisely the same purpose.\nOnce more, in various parts of the Tyrol on Senseless Thursday, which is\nthe last Thursday in Carnival, young men in motley attire, with whips and\nbrooms, run about cracking their whips and making believe to sweep away\nthe onlookers with their brooms. They are called _Huttler_ or _Huddler_.\nThe people say that if these fellows do not run about, the flax will not\nthrive, and that on the contrary the more of them run about, the better\nwill the flax grow. And where there are many of them, there will be much\nmaize.(593) In this custom the cracking of the whips may be supposed to\nserve the same purpose as the ringing of the bells by frightening and\nbanishing the demons of infertility and dearth. About Hall, in the\nnorthern Tyrol, the ceremony of the _Hudel_-running, as it is called, is\nor used to be as follows. A peasant-farmer, generally well-to-do and\nrespected, rigs himself out in motley and hides his face under a mask;\nround his waist he wears a girdle crammed with rolls, while in his hand he\nwields a long whip, from which more than fifty cracknels dangle on a\nstring. Thus arrayed he suddenly bursts from the ale-house door into the\npublic view, solicited thereto by the cries of the street urchins, who\nhave been anxiously waiting for his appearance. He throws amongst them the\nstring of cracknels, and while they are scrambling for these dainties, he\nlays on to them most liberally with his whip. Having faithfully discharged\nthis public duty, he marches down between rows of peasants, who have\nmeantime taken up their position in a long street. Amongst them he picks\nout one who is to run before him. The man selected for the honour\naccordingly takes to his heels, hotly pursued by the other with the whip,\nwho lashes the feet of the fugitive till he comes up with him. Having run\nhim down, he leads him back to the alehouse, where he treats him to a roll\nand a glass of wine. After that the masker runs a similar race with\nanother man; and so it goes on, one race after another, till the sun sets.\nThen the mummer doffs his mask and leads the dance in the alehouse. The\nobject of these races is said to be to ensure a good crop of flax and\nmaize.(594)\n\n(M192) In these races of mummers, whether known as _Perchten_ or\n_Huttler_, there are certain features which it is difficult to explain on\nthe theory that the aim of the performers is simply to drive away demons,\nand that the hideous masks which they assume have no other intention than\nthat of frightening these uncanny beings. For observe that in the last\nexample the blows of the whip fall not on the airy swarms of invisible\nspirits, but on the solid persons of street urchins and sturdy yokels, who\ncan hardly be supposed to receive the chastisement vicariously for the\ndemons. Again, what are we to make of the rolls and cracknels with which\nin this case the mummer is laden, and which he distributes among his\nvictims, as if to console them in one part of their person for the pain\nwhich he has inflicted on another? Surely this bounty seems to invest him\nwith something more than the purely negative character of an exorciser of\nevil; it appears to raise him to the positive character of a dispenser of\ngood. The same remark applies to the action of the _Perchten_ who strike\nwomen lightly, as a mark of friendship and regard, with the sausage-like\nrolls which they carry in their hands, or throw them, as a mark of favour,\nthe effigy of a baby. The only probable explanation of these practices, as\nMrs. Andree-Eysn rightly points out, is that the mummers thereby intend to\nfertilize the women whom they honour by these attentions.(595) Here,\nagain, therefore the maskers appear as the actual dispensers of good, the\nbestowers of fruitfulness, not merely the averters of evil. If that is so,\nwe seem bound to infer that these masked men represent or embody the\nspirits who quicken the seed both in the earth and in the wombs of women.\nThat was the view of W. Mannhardt, the highest authority on the\nagricultural superstitions of European peasantry. After reviewing these\nand many more similar processions, he concludes that if the comparison\nwhich he has instituted between them holds good, all these various mummers\n\u201cwere intended by the original founders of the processions to represent\ndemons of vegetation, who by their mere appearance and cries drove away\nthe powers that hinder growth and woke to new life the slumbering spirits\nof the grasses and corn-stalks.\u201d(596) Thus Mannhardt admitted that these\nnoisy processions of masked men are really supposed to dispel the evil\nspirits of blight and infertility, while at the same time he held that the\nmen themselves originally personated vegetation-spirits. And he thought it\nprobable that the original significance of these performances was in later\ntimes misunderstood and interpreted as a simple expulsion of witches and\nother uncanny beings that haunt the fields.(597)\n\n(M193) On the whole this conclusion of an enquirer remarkable for a rare\ncombination of learning, sobriety, and insight, is perhaps the most\nprobable that can now be reached with the evidence at our disposal. It is\nconfirmed by some of the savage masquerades in which the maskers\ndefinitely represent spirits of fertility in order to promote the\nfruitfulness of the earth and of women;(598) and it is supported by the\nevidence of many other rustic mummeries in Europe, for example, by the\nEnglish rites of Plough Monday, in which the dancers, or rather jumpers,\nwho wore bunches of corn in their hats as they leaped into the air, are\nmost naturally interpreted as agents or representatives of the\ncorn-spirit.(599) It is, therefore, worth observing that in some places\nthe dancers of Plough Monday, who attended the plough in its\nperegrinations through the streets and fields, are described as\nmorris-dancers.(600) If the description is correct, it implies that they\nhad bells attached to their costume, which would further assimilate them\nto the _Perchten_ and other masqueraders of Central Europe; for the chief\ncharacteristic of the morris-dance is that the performers wear bells\nfastened to their legs which jingle at every step.(601) We may suppose\nthat if the men who ran and capered beside the plough on Plough Monday\nreally wore bells, the original intention of this appendage to their\ncostume was either to dispel the demons who might hinder the growth of the\ncorn, or to waken the spirits of vegetation from their long winter sleep.\nIn favour of the view which sees in all these dances and mummeries rather\nthe banishment of what is evil than the direct promotion of what is good,\nit may be urged that some of the dancers wear swords,(602) a weapon which\ncertainly seems better fitted to combat demons than to prune fruit-trees\nor turn up the sod. Further, it deserves to be noted that many of the\nperformances take place either on Twelfth Day or, like the celebration of\nPlough Monday, very shortly after it; and that in the Lord of Misrule, who\nreigned from Christmas to Twelfth Day,(603) we have a clear trace of one\nof those periods of general licence and suspension of ordinary government,\nwhich so commonly occur at the end of the old year or the beginning of the\nnew one in connexion with a general expulsion of evils.\n\n(M194) Surveying these masquerades and processions, as they have been or\nstill are celebrated in modern Europe, we may say in general that they\nappear to have been originally intended both to stimulate the growth of\nvegetation in spring and to expel the demoniac or other evil influences\nwhich were thought to have accumulated during the preceding winter or\nyear; and that these two motives of stimulation and expulsion, blended and\nperhaps confused together, appear to explain the quaint costumes of the\nmummers, the multitudinous noises which they make, and the blows which\nthey direct either at invisible foes or at the visible and tangible\npersons of their fellows. In the latter case the beating may be supposed\nto serve as a means of forcibly freeing the sufferers from the demons or\nother evil things that cling to them unseen.\n\n(M195) To apply these conclusions to the Roman custom of expelling\nMamurius Veturius or \u201cthe Old Mars\u201d every year in spring, we may say that\nthey lend some support to the theory which sees in \u201cthe Old Mars\u201d the\noutworn deity of vegetation driven away to make room, either for a younger\nand more vigorous personification of vernal life, or perhaps for the\nreturn of the same deity refreshed and renovated by the treatment to which\nhe had been subjected, and particularly by the vigorous application of the\nrod to his sacred person. For, as we shall see presently, King Solomon was\nby no means singular in his opinion of the refreshing influence of a sound\nthrashing. So far as \u201cthe Old Mars\u201d was supposed to carry away with him\nthe accumulated weaknesses and other evils of the past year, so far would\nhe serve as a public scapegoat, like the effigy in the Slavonic custom of\n\u201cCarrying out Death,\u201d which appears not only to represent the\nvegetation-spirit of the past year, but also to act as a scapegoat,\ncarrying away with it a heavy load of suffering, misfortune, and death.\n\n\n\n\n\u00a7 2. The Human Scapegoat in Ancient Greece.\n\n\n(M196) The ancient Greeks were also familiar with the use of a human\nscapegoat. In Plutarch\u2019s native town of Chaeronea a ceremony of this kind\nwas performed by the chief magistrate at the Town Hall, and by each\nhouseholder at his own home. It was called the \u201cexpulsion of hunger.\u201d A\nslave was beaten with rods of the _agnus castus_, and turned out of doors\nwith the words, \u201cOut with hunger, and in with wealth and health.\u201d When\nPlutarch held the office of chief magistrate of his native town he\nperformed this ceremony at the Town Hall, and he has recorded the\ndiscussion to which the custom afterwards gave rise.(604) The ceremony\nclosely resembles the Japanese, Hindoo, and Highland customs already\ndescribed.(605)\n\n(M197) But in civilized Greece the custom of the scapegoat took darker\nforms than the innocent rite over which the amiable and pious Plutarch\npresided. Whenever Marseilles, one of the busiest and most brilliant of\nGreek colonies, was ravaged by a plague, a man of the poorer classes used\nto offer himself as a scapegoat. For a whole year he was maintained at the\npublic expense, being fed on choice and pure food. At the expiry of the\nyear he was dressed in sacred garments, decked with holy branches, and led\nthrough the whole city, while prayers were uttered that all the evils of\nthe people might fall on his head. He was then cast out of the city or\nstoned to death by the people outside of the walls.(606) The Athenians\nregularly maintained a number of degraded and useless beings at the public\nexpense; and when any calamity, such as plague, drought, or famine, befell\nthe city, they sacrificed two of these outcasts as scapegoats. One of the\nvictims was sacrificed for the men and the other for the women. The former\nwore round his neck a string of black, the latter a string of white figs.\nSometimes, it seems, the victim slain on behalf of the women was a woman.\nThey were led about the city and then sacrificed, apparently by being\nstoned to death outside the city.(607) But such sacrifices were not\nconfined to extraordinary occasions of public calamity; it appears that\nevery year, at the festival of the Thargelia in May, two victims, one for\nthe men and one for the women, were led out of Athens and stoned to\ndeath.(608) The city of Abdera in Thrace was publicly purified once a\nyear, and one of the burghers, set apart for the purpose, was stoned to\ndeath as a scapegoat or vicarious sacrifice for the life of all the\nothers; six days before his execution he was excommunicated, \u201cin order\nthat he alone might bear the sins of all the people.\u201d(609)\n\n(M198) From the Lover\u2019s Leap, a white bluff at the southern end of their\nisland, the Leucadians used annually to hurl a criminal into the sea as a\nscapegoat. But to lighten his fall they fastened live birds and feathers\nto him, and a flotilla of small boats waited below to catch him and convey\nhim beyond the boundary. Probably these humane precautions were a\nmitigation of an earlier custom of flinging the scapegoat into the sea to\ndrown, just as in Kumaon the custom of letting a man slide down a rope\nfrom the top of a cliff appears to be a modification of an older practice\nof putting him to death. The Leucadian ceremony took place at the time of\na sacrifice to Apollo, who had a temple or sanctuary on the spot.(610)\nElsewhere it was customary to cast a young man every year into the sea,\nwith the prayer, \u201cBe thou our offscouring.\u201d This ceremony was supposed to\nrid the people of the evils by which they were beset, or according to a\nsomewhat different interpretation it redeemed them by paying the debt they\nowed to the sea-god.(611) As practised by the Greeks of Asia Minor in the\nsixth century before our era, the custom of the scapegoat was as follows.\nWhen a city suffered from plague, famine, or other public calamity, an\nugly or deformed person was chosen to take upon himself all the evils\nwhich afflicted the community. He was brought to a suitable place, where\ndried figs, a barley loaf, and cheese were put into his hand. These he\nate. Then he was beaten seven times upon his genital organs with squills\nand branches of the wild fig and other wild trees, while the flutes played\na particular tune. Afterwards he was burned on a pyre built of the wood of\nforest trees; and his ashes were cast into the sea.(612) A similar custom\nappears to have been annually celebrated by the Asiatic Greeks at the\nharvest festival of the Thargelia.(613)\n\n(M199) In the ritual just described the scourging of the victim with\nsquills, branches of the wild fig, and so forth, cannot have been intended\nto aggravate his sufferings, otherwise any stick would have been good\nenough to beat him with. The true meaning of this part of the ceremony has\nbeen explained by W. Mannhardt.(614) He points out that the ancients\nattributed to squills a magical power of averting evil influences, and\nthat accordingly they hung them up at the doors of their houses and made\nuse of them in purificatory rites.(615) Hence the Arcadian custom of\nwhipping the image of Pan with squills at a festival, or whenever the\nhunters returned empty-handed,(616) must have been meant, not to punish\nthe god, but to purify him from the harmful influences which were impeding\nhim in the exercise of his divine functions as a god who should supply the\nhunter with game. Similarly the object of beating the human scapegoat on\nthe genital organs with squills and so on, must have been to release his\nreproductive energies from any restraint or spell under which they might\nbe laid by demoniacal or other malignant agency; and as the Thargelia at\nwhich he was annually sacrificed was an early harvest festival celebrated\nin May,(617) we must recognize in him a representative of the creative and\nfertilizing god of vegetation. The representative of the god was annually\nslain for the purpose I have indicated, that of maintaining the divine\nlife in perpetual vigour, untainted by the weakness of age; and before he\nwas put to death it was not unnatural to stimulate his reproductive powers\nin order that these might be transmitted in full activity to his\nsuccessor, the new god or new embodiment of the old god, who was doubtless\nsupposed immediately to take the place of the one slain.(618) Similar\nreasoning would lead to a similar treatment of the scapegoat on special\noccasions, such as drought or famine. If the crops did not answer to the\nexpectation of the husbandman, this would be attributed to some failure in\nthe generative powers of the god whose function it was to produce the\nfruits of the earth. It might be thought that he was under a spell or was\ngrowing old and feeble. Accordingly he was slain in the person of his\nrepresentative, with all the ceremonies already described, in order that,\nborn young again, he might infuse his own youthful vigour into the\nstagnant energies of nature. On the same principle we can understand why\nMamurius Veturius was beaten with rods, why the slave at the Chaeronean\nceremony was beaten with the _agnus castus_ (a tree to which magical\nproperties were ascribed),(619) why the effigy of Death in some parts of\nEurope is assailed with sticks and stones,(620) and why at Babylon the\ncriminal who played the god was scourged before he was crucified.(621) The\npurpose of the scourging was not to intensify the agony of the divine\nsufferer, but on the contrary to dispel any malignant influences by which\nat the supreme moment he might conceivably be beset.\n\n(M200) Thus far I have assumed that the human victims at the Thargelia\nrepresented the spirits of vegetation in general,(622) but it has been\nwell remarked by Mr. W. R. Paton that these poor wretches seem to have\nmasqueraded as the spirits of fig-trees in particular. He points out that\nthe process of caprification, as it is called, that is, the artificial\nfertilization of the cultivated fig-trees by hanging strings of wild figs\namong the boughs, takes place in Greece and Asia Minor in June about a\nmonth after the date of the Thargelia, and he suggests that the hanging of\nthe black and white figs round the necks of the two human victims, one of\nwhom represented the men and the other the women, may have been a direct\nimitation of the process of caprification designed, on the principle of\nimitative magic, to assist the fertilization of the fig-trees. And since\ncaprification is in fact a marriage of the male fig-tree with the female\nfig-tree, Mr. Paton further supposes that the loves of the trees may, on\nthe same principle of imitative magic, have been simulated by a mock or\neven a real marriage between the two human victims, one of whom appears\nsometimes to have been a woman. On this view the practice of beating the\nhuman victims on their genitals with branches of wild fig-trees and with\nsquills was a charm intended to stimulate the generative powers of the man\nand woman who for the time being personated the male and the female\nfig-trees respectively, and who by their union in marriage, whether real\nor pretended, were believed to help the trees to bear fruit.(623)\n\n(M201) The theory is ingenious and attractive; and to some extent it is\nborne out by the Roman celebration of the _Nonae Caprotinae_, which I have\ndescribed in an earlier part of this work.(624) For on the _Nonae\nCaprotinae_, the ninth of July, the female slaves, in the attire of free\nwomen, feasted under a wild fig-tree, cut a rod from the tree, beat each\nother, perhaps with the rod, and offered the milky juice of the tree to\nthe goddess Juno Caprotina, whose surname seems to point her out as the\ngoddess of the wild fig-tree (_caprificus_). Here the rites performed in\nJuly by women under the wild fig-tree, which the ancients rightly regarded\nas a male and employed to fertilize the cultivated female fig-tree, can\nhardly be dissociated from the caprification or artificial marriage of the\nfig-trees which, according to Columella, was best performed in July; and\nif the blows which the women gave each other on this occasion were\nadministered, as seems highly probable, by the rod which they cut from the\nwild fig-tree, the parallel between the Roman and the Greek ceremony would\nbe still closer; since the Greeks, as we saw, beat the genitals of the\nhuman victims with branches of wild fig-trees. It is true that the human\nsacrifices, which formed so prominent a feature in the Greek celebration\nof the Thargelia, do not figure in the Roman celebration of the _Nonae\nCaprotinae_ within historical times; yet a trace of them may perhaps be\ndetected in the tradition that Romulus himself mysteriously disappeared on\nthat very day in the midst of a tremendous thunder-storm, while he was\nreviewing his army outside the walls of Rome at the Goat\u2019s Marsh (\u201c_ad\nCaprae paludem_\u201d), a name which suggests that the place was not far\ndistant from the wild fig-tree or the goat-fig (_caprificus_), as the\nRomans called it, where the slave women performed their curious\nceremonies. The legend that he was cut in pieces by the patricians, who\ncarried away the morsels of his body under their robes and buried them in\nthe earth,(625) exactly describes the treatment which the Khonds used to\naccord to the bodies of the human victims for the purpose of fertilizing\ntheir fields.(626) Can the king have played at Rome the same fatal part in\nthe fertilization of fig-trees which, if Mr. Paton is right, was played in\nGreece by the male victim? The traditionary time, place, and manner of his\ndeath all suggest it. So many coincidences between the Greek and Roman\nceremonies and traditions can hardly be wholly accidental; and accordingly\nI incline to think that there may well be an element of truth in Mr.\nPaton\u2019s theory, though it must be confessed that the ancient writers who\ndescribe the Greek custom appear to regard it merely as a purification of\nthe city and not at all as a mode of fertilizing fig-trees.(627) In\nsimilar ceremonies, which combine the elements of purification and\nfertilization, the notion of purification apparently tends gradually to\novershadow the notion of fertilization in the minds of those who practise\nthe rites. It seems to have been so in the case of the annual expulsion of\nMamurius Veturius from ancient Rome and in the parallel processions of the\n_Perchten_ in modern Europe; it may have been so also in the case of the\nhuman sacrifices at the Thargelia.(628)\n\n(M202) The interpretation which I have adopted of the custom of beating\nthe human scapegoat with certain plants is supported by many analogies. We\nhave already met with examples of a practice of beating sick people with\nthe leaves of certain plants or with branches in order to rid them of\nnoxious influences.(629) Some of the Dravidian tribes of Northern India,\nwho attribute epilepsy, hysteria, and similar maladies to demoniacal\npossession, endeavour to cure the sufferer by thrashing him soundly with a\nsacred iron chain, which is believed to have the effect of immediately\nexpelling the demon.(630) When a herd of camels refuses to drink, the\nArabs will sometimes beat the male beasts on the back to drive away the\njinn who are riding them and frightening the females.(631) In Bikol, the\nsouth-western part of Luzon, it was generally believed that if the evil\nspirit Aswang were not properly exorcised he took possession of the bodies\nof the dead and tormented them. Hence to deliver a corpse from his\nclutches the native priestesses used to beat it with a brush or whisk made\nof the leaves of the aromatic China orange, while they chanted a certain\nsong, throwing their bodies into contortions and uttering shrill cries, as\nif the evil spirit had entered into themselves. The soul of the deceased,\nthus delivered from the cruel tyranny of Aswang, was then free to roam at\npleasure along the charming lanes or in the thick shade of the\nforest.(632)\n\n(M203) Sometimes it appears that a beating is administered for the purpose\nof ridding people of a ghost who may be clinging too closely to their\npersons; in such cases the blows, though they descend on the bodies of the\nliving, are really aimed at the spirit of the dead, and have no other\nobject than to drive it away, just as a coachman will flick the back of a\nhorse with his whip to rid the beast of a fly. At a funeral in the island\nof Halmahera, before the coffin is lowered into the grave, all the\nrelations whip themselves on the head and shoulders with wands made of\nplants which are believed to possess the power of keeping off evil\nspirits. The intention of the custom is said to be to bring back their own\nspectres or souls and to prevent them from following the ghost; but this\nmay fairly be interpreted to mean that the blows are directed to brushing\noff the ghost, who would otherwise abstract the soul of the person on\nwhose body he was allowed to settle. This interpretation is strongly\nconfirmed by the practice, observed by the same people on the same\noccasion, of throwing the trunk of a banana-tree into the grave, and\ntelling the dead man that it is a companion for him; for this practice is\nexpressly intended to prevent the deceased from feeling lonely, and so\ncoming back to fetch away a friend.(633) When Mr. Batchelor returned to a\nhut after visiting the grave of an old Aino woman, her relations brought\nhim a bowl of water to the door and requested him to wash his face and\nhands. While he did so, the women beat him and brushed him down with\nsacred whittled sticks (_inao_). On enquiring into the meaning of this\ntreatment, he discovered that it was intended to purify him from all\nuncleanness contracted at the grave through contact with the ghost of the\ndeceased, and that the beating and brushing with the whittled sticks had\nfor its object to drive away all evil influences and diseases with which\nthe ghost of the old woman might have attempted to infect him out of spite\nfor his trespassing on her domain.(634) The Banmanas of Senegambia think\nthat the soul of a dead infant becomes for a time a wandering and\nmaleficent spirit. Accordingly when a baby dies, all the uncircumcised\nchildren of the same sex in the village run about the streets in a band,\neach armed with three or four supple rods. Some of them enter every house\nto beg, and while they are doing so, one of the troop, propping himself\nagainst the wall with his hands, is lashed by another of the children on\nhis back or legs till the blood flows. Each of the children takes it in\nturn to be thus whipped. The object of the whipping, we are told, \u201cappears\nto be to preserve the uncircumcised child from being carried off by its\ncomrade who has just died.\u201d(635) The severe scourgings inflicted on each\nother by some South American Indians at ceremonies connected with the dead\nmay be similarly intended to chase away the dangerous ghost, who is\nconceived as sticking like a leech or a bur to the skin of the\nliving.(636) The ancient Greeks employed the laurel very commonly as an\ninstrument of ceremonial purification;(637) and from the monuments which\nrepresent the purgation of Orestes from the guilt of matricide(638) it\nseems probable that the regular rite of cleansing a homicide consisted\nessentially in sprinkling him with pig\u2019s blood and beating him with a\nlaurel bough, for the purpose, as we may conjecture, of whisking away the\nwrathful ghost of his victim, who was thought to buzz about him like an\nangry wasp in summer. If that was so, the Greek ritual of purification\nsingularly resembles the Nicobarese ceremony of exorcism; for when a man\nis supposed to be possessed by devils, the Nicobarese rub him all over\nwith pig\u2019s blood and beat him with bunches of certain leaves, to which a\nspecial power of exorcising demons is attributed. As fast as each devil is\nthus disengaged from his person, it is carefully folded up in leaves, to\nbe afterwards thrown into the sea at daybreak.(639)\n\n(M204) At the autumn festival in Peru people used to strike each other\nwith torches, saying, \u201cLet all harm go away.\u201d(640) Every year when the\nPleiades reappeared in the sky, the Guaycurus, an Indian nation of the\nGran Chaco, held a festival of rejoicing, at which men, women, and\nchildren all thrashed each other, expecting thereby to procure health,\nabundance, and victory over their enemies.(641) Indians of the Quixos, in\nSouth America, before they set out on a long hunting expedition, cause\ntheir wives to whip them with nettles, believing that this renders them\nfleeter, and helps them to overtake the peccaries. They resort to the same\nproceeding as a cure for sickness.(642) The Roocooyen Indians of French\nGuiana train up young people in the way they should go by causing them to\nbe stung by ants and wasps; and at the ceremony held for this purpose the\ngrown-up people improve the occasion by allowing themselves to be whacked\nby the chief with a stick over the arms, the legs, and the chest. They\nappear to labour under an impression that this conveys to them all sorts\nof moral and physical excellences. One of the tribe, ambitious of\nacquiring the European virtues, begged a French traveller to be so kind as\nto give him a good hiding. The traveller obligingly did his best to\ngratify him, and the face of the Indian beamed with gratitude as the blows\nfell on his naked back.(643) The Delaware Indians had two sovereign\nremedies for sin; one was an emetic, the other a thrashing. In the latter\ncase, the remedy was administered by means of twelve different sticks,\nwith which the sinner was belaboured from the soles of his feet up to his\nneck. In both cases the sins were supposed to be expelled from the body,\nand to pass out through the throat.(644) At the inauguration of a king in\nancient India it was customary for the priests to strike him lightly on\nthe back with sticks. \u201cBy beating him with sticks,\u201d it was said, \u201cthey\nguide him safely over judicial punishment; whence the king is exempt from\npunishment, because they guide him safely over judicial punishment.\u201d(645)\nOn the thirtieth of December the heathen of Harran used to receive three,\nfive, or seven blows apiece from a priest with a tamarisk branch. After\nthe beating had been duly administered the priest on behalf of the whole\ncommunity prayed for long life, much offspring, power and glory over all\npeoples, and the restoration of their ancient kingdom.(646)\n\n(M205) Sometimes, in the opinion of those who resort to it, the effect of\na beating is not merely the negative one of dispelling demoniac or other\nbaneful influences; it confers positive benefits by virtue of certain\nuseful properties supposed to inhere in the instrument with which the\nbeating is administered.(647) Thus among the Kai of German New Guinea,\nwhen a man wishes to make his banana shoots bear fruit quickly, he beats\nthem with a stick cut from a banana-tree which has already borne\nfruit.(648) Here it is obvious that fruitfulness is believed to inhere in\na stick cut from a fruitful tree and to be imparted by contact to the\nyoung banana plants. Similarly in New Caledonia a man will beat his taro\nplants lightly with a branch, saying as he does so, \u201cI beat this taro that\nit may grow,\u201d after which he plants the branch in the ground at the end of\nthe field.(649) Among the Indians of Brazil at the mouth of the Amazon,\nwhen a man wishes to increase the size of his generative organ, he strikes\nit with the fruit of a white aquatic plant called an _aninga_, which grows\nluxuriantly on the banks of the river. The fruit, which is inedible,\nresembles a banana, and is clearly chosen for this purpose on account of\nits shape. The ceremony should be performed three days before or after the\nnew moon.(650) In the county of Bekes, in Hungary, barren women are\nfertilized by being struck with a stick which has first been used to\nseparate pairing dogs.(651) Here a fertilizing virtue is clearly supposed\nto be inherent in the stick and to be conveyed by contact to the women.\nThe Toradjas of Central Celebes think that the plant _Dracaena terminalis_\nhas a strong soul, because when it is lopped, it soon grows up again.\nHence when a man is ill, his friends will sometimes beat him on the crown\nof the head with _Dracaena_ leaves in order to strengthen his weak soul\nwith the strong soul of the plant.(652) At Mowat in British New Guinea\nsmall boys are beaten lightly with sticks during December \u201cto make them\ngrow strong and hardy.\u201d(653)\n\n(M206) Among the Arabs of Morocco the Great Feast, which is the annual\nsacrificial festival of Mohammedan peoples, is the occasion when men go\nabout beating people with the kindly intention of healing or preventing\nsickness and benefiting the sufferers generally. In some tribes the\noperator is muffled in the bloody skins of sacrificed sheep, and he\nstrikes everybody within reach of him with a flap of the skin or a foot of\nthe sheep which dangles loose from his arm; sick people present themselves\nto him in order to receive the health-giving blows, and mothers bring\ntheir little children to him for the same purpose. Anybody whom he hits on\nthe head will be free from headache. Nor does he confine his attention to\npeople; he goes about striking the tents also, in order that they too may\nreceive their share of the blessed influence (_baraka_) that radiates like\nsunshine from a bloody sheepskin. From the costume which he wears the\nmasker is known as the \u201cLion with Sheepskins\u201d; and he himself participates\nin the blessings which he diffuses so liberally around him. Hence in at\nleast one tribe he is generally a person who suffers from some illness,\nbecause he expects to be healed by the magic virtue or holiness of the\nbloody skins.(654) Similarly, as we shall see presently, in ancient Mexico\nthe men who masqueraded in the skins of the human victims were commonly\npersons who suffered from skin disease, because they thought that the\nbleeding skin of a man who had been killed in the character of a god must\nsurely possess a sovereign virtue for the healing of disease.(655) In\nMorocco the skin-clad mummer sometimes operates with sticks instead of a\nflap of the skin, and sometimes the skins in which he is muffled are those\nof goats instead of sheep, but in all cases the effect, or at least the\nintention, is probably the same.(656)\n\n(M207) In some parts of Eastern and Central Europe a similar custom is\nvery commonly observed in spring. On the first of March the Albanians\nstrike men and beast with cornel branches, believing that this is very\ngood for their health.(657) In March the Greek peasants of Cos switch\ntheir cattle, saying, \u201cIt is March, and up with your tail!\u201d They think\nthat the ceremony benefits the animals, and brings good luck. It is never\nobserved at any other time of the year.(658) In some parts of Mecklenburg\nit is customary to beat the cattle before sunrise on the morning of Good\nFriday with rods of buckthorn, which are afterwards concealed in some\nsecret place where neither sun nor moon can shine on them. The belief is\nthat though the blows light upon the animals, the pain of them is felt by\nthe witches who are riding the beasts.(659) In the neighbourhood of\nIserlohn, in Westphalia, the herdsman rises at peep of dawn on May\nmorning, climbs a hill, and cuts down the young rowan-tree which is the\nfirst to catch the beams of the rising sun. With this he returns to the\nfarm-yard. The heifer which the farmer desires to \u201cquicken\u201d is then led to\nthe dunghill, and the herdsman strikes it over the hind-quarters, the\nhaunches, and the udders with a branch of the rowan-tree, saying,\n\n\n    \u201c_Quick, quick, quick!_\n    _Bring milk into the dugs._\n    _The sap is in the birches._\n    _The heifer receives a name._\n\n    \u201c_Quick, quick, quick!_\n    _Bring milk into the dugs._\n    _The sap comes in the beeches,_\n    _The leaf comes on the oak._\n\n    \u201c_Quick, quick, quick!_\n    _Bring milk into the dugs._\n    _In the name of the sainted Greta,_\n    _Gold-flower shall be thy name,_\u201d\n\n\nand so on.(660) The intention of the ceremony appears to be to make sure\nthat the heifer shall in due time yield a plentiful supply of milk; and\nthis is perhaps supposed to be brought about by driving away the witches,\nwho are particularly apt, as we have seen,(661) to rob the cows of their\nmilk on the morning of May Day. Certainly in the north-east of Scotland\npieces of rowan-tree and woodbine used to be placed over the doors of the\nbyres on May Day to keep the witches from the cows; sometimes a single rod\nof rowan, covered with notches, was found to answer the purpose. An even\nmore effectual guard against witchcraft was to tie a small cross of\nrowan-wood by a scarlet thread to each beast\u2019s tail; hence people said,\n\n\n    \u201c_Rawn-tree in red-threed_\n    _Pits the witches t\u2019 their speed._\u201d(662)\n\n\nIn Germany also the rowan-tree is a protection against witchcraft;(663)\nand Norwegian sailors and fishermen carry a piece of it in their boats for\ngood luck.(664) Thus the benefit to young cows of beating them with rowan\nappears to be not so much the positive one of pouring milk into their\nudders, as merely the negative one of averting evil influence; and the\nsame may perhaps be said of most of the beatings with which we are here\nconcerned.\n\n(M208) On Good Friday and the two previous days people in Croatia and\nSlavonia take rods with them to church, and when the service is over they\nbeat each other \u201cfresh and healthy.\u201d(665) In some parts of Russia people\nreturning from the church on Palm Sunday beat the children and servants\nwho have stayed at home with palm branches, saying, \u201cSickness into the\nforest, health into the bones.\u201d(666) A similar custom is widely known\nunder the name of _Schmeckostern_ or \u201cEaster Smacks\u201d in some parts of\nGermany and Austria. The regions in which the practice prevails are for\nthe most part districts in which the people either are or once were\npredominantly of Slavonic blood, such as East and West Prussia, Voigtland,\nSilesia, Bohemia, and Moravia. While the German population call the custom\n_Schmeckostern_, the Slavonic inhabitants give it, according to their\nparticular language or dialect, a variety of names which signify to beat\nor scourge. It is usually observed on Easter Monday, less frequently on\nEaster Saturday or Easter Sunday. Troops of boys or lads go from house to\nhouse on the morning of Easter Monday beating every girl or woman whom\nthey meet; they even make their way into the bedrooms, and if they find\nany girls or women still abed, they compel them with blows to get up. Even\ngrown-up men indulge themselves in the pastime of going to the houses of\nfriends and relations to inflict the \u201cEaster Smacks.\u201d In some places, for\nexample in the Leobsch\u00fctz district of Silesia, the boys and men further\nclaim and exercise the right of drenching all the girls and women with\nwater on Easter Monday; and for this purpose they generally go about armed\nwith squirts, which are not always charged with eau de Cologne. Next day,\nEaster Tuesday, the women have the right to retaliate on the men; however,\nthey do not as a rule go about the streets but confine their operations to\ntheir own houses, beating and chasing from their beds any lads or men they\ncan find lying in them. Children are less discriminating in their \u201cEaster\nSmacks,\u201d which they bestow impartially on parents and relations, friends\nand strangers, without observing the subtle distinction of sex. In many\nplaces it is only the women who are privileged to receive the smacks. The\ninstrument with which the beating is administered is in some districts,\nsuch as Lithuania, Samland, and Neumark, a twig or branch of birch on\nwhich the fresh green leaves have just sprouted. If the birch-trees have\nnot budded in time, it is customary to keep the rods in pickle for days or\neven weeks, nursing them tenderly in warm water; and if that measure also\nfails, they are heated in the stove-pipe. But more commonly the instrument\nof torture is a branch of willow with catkins on it, which has also been\nnursed in warm water or the chimney so as to be ripe for execution on\nEaster Monday. A number of these birch or willow twigs are usually tied\ntogether into a switch, and ornamented with motley ribbons and pieces of\nsilk paper, so that they present the appearance of a nosegay; indeed, in\nnorthern Bohemia spring flowers form part of the decoration. In some\nplaces, particularly in Silesia and Moravia, pieces of licorice root are\nsubstituted for willow twigs; or again in the vine-growing districts of\nBohemia vine-branches are used for the same purpose. Sometimes a scourge\nmade of leather straps of various colours takes the place of a green\nbough. The blows are commonly inflicted on the hands and feet; and in some\nplaces, particularly in Bohemia, the victims are expected to reward their\ntormentors with a present of red Easter eggs; nay sometimes a woman is\nbound to give an egg for every blow she receives. In the afternoon the\nlads carry their eggs to high ground and let them roll down the slope; he\nwhose egg reaches the bottom first, wins all the rest. The beating is\nsupposed to bring good luck to the beaten, or to warrant them against\nflies and vermin during the summer, or to save them from pains in their\nback throughout the whole year. At Gilgenburg in Masuren the rods or\nbundles of twigs are afterwards laid by and used to drive the cattle out\nto pasture for the first time after their winter confinement.(667)\n\n(M209) In some parts of Germany and Austria a custom like that of \u201cEaster\nSmacks\u201d is observed at the Christmas holidays, especially on Holy\nInnocents\u2019 Day, the twenty-eighth of December. Young men and women beat\neach other mutually, but on different days, with branches of fresh green,\nwhether birch, willow, or fir. Thus, for example, among the Germans of\nwestern Bohemia it is customary on St. Barbara\u2019s Day (the fourth of\nDecember) to cut twigs or branches of birch and to steep them in water in\norder that they may put out leaves or buds. They are afterwards used by\neach sex to beat the other on subsequent days of the Christmas holidays.\nIn some villages branches of willow or cherry-trees or rosemary are\nemployed for the same purpose. With these green boughs, sometimes tied in\nbundles with red or green ribbons, the young men go about beating the\nyoung women on the morning of St. Stephen\u2019s Day (the twenty-sixth of\nDecember) and also on Holy Innocents\u2019 Day (the twenty-eighth of December).\nThe beating is inflicted on the hands, feet, and face; and in Neugramatin\nit is said that she who is not thus beaten with fresh green will not\nherself be fresh and green. As the blows descend, the young men recite\nverses importing that the beating is administered as a compliment and in\norder to benefit the health of the victim. For the service which they thus\nrender the damsels they are rewarded by them with cakes, brandy, or money.\nEarly in the morning of New Year\u2019s Day the lasses pay off the lads in the\nsame kind.(668) A similar custom is also observed in central and\nsouth-west Germany, especially in Voigtland. Thus in Voigtland and the\nwhole of the Saxon Erz-gebirge the lads beat the lasses and women on the\nsecond day of the Christmas holidays with something green, such as\nrosemary or juniper; and if possible the beating is inflicted on the women\nas they lie in bed. As they beat them, the lads say\n\n\n    \u201c_Fresh and green! Pretty and fine!_\n    _Gingerbread and brandy-wine!_\u201d\n\n\nThe last words refer to the present of gingerbread and brandy which the\nlads expect to receive from the lasses for the trouble of thrashing them.\nNext day the lasses and women retaliate on the lads and men.(669) In\nTh\u00fcringen on Holy Innocents\u2019 Day (the twenty-eighth of December) children\narmed with rods and green boughs go about the streets beating passers-by\nand demanding a present in return; they even make their way into the\nhouses and beat the maid-servants. In Orlagau the custom is called\n\u201cwhipping with fresh green.\u201d On the second day of the Christmas holidays\nthe girls go to their parents, godparents, relations, and friends, and\nbeat them with fresh green branches of fir; next day the boys and lads do\nthe same. The words spoken while the beating is being administered are\n\u201cGood morning! fresh green! Long life! You must give us a bright thaler,\u201d\nand so on.(670)\n\n(M210) In these European customs the intention of beating persons,\nespecially of the other sex, with fresh green leaves appears\nunquestionably to be the beneficent one of renewing their life and vigour,\nwhether the purpose is supposed to be accomplished directly and positively\nby imparting the vital energy of the fresh green to the persons, or\nnegatively and indirectly by dispelling any injurious influences, such as\nthe machinations of witches and demons, by which the persons may be\nsupposed to be beset. The application of the blows by the one sex to the\nother, especially by young men to young women, suggests that the beating\nis or was originally intended above all to stimulate the reproductive\npowers of the men or women who received it; and the pains taken to ensure\nthat the branches with which the strokes are given should have budded or\nblossomed out just before their services are wanted speak strongly in\nfavour of the view that in these customs we have a deliberate attempt to\ntransfuse a store of vital energy from the vegetable to the animal world.\n\n(M211) These analogies, accordingly, support the interpretation which,\nfollowing my predecessors W. Mannhardt and Mr. W. R. Paton, I have given\nof the beating inflicted on the human victims at the Greek harvest\nfestival of the Thargelia. That beating, being administered to the\ngenerative organs of the victims by fresh green plants and branches, is\nmost naturally explained as a charm to increase the reproductive energies\nof the men or women either by communicating to them the fruitfulness of\nthe plants and branches, or by ridding them of maleficent influences; and\nthis interpretation is confirmed by the observation that the two victims\nrepresented the two sexes, one of them standing for the men in general and\nthe other for the women. The season of the year when the ceremony was\nperformed, namely the time of the corn harvest, tallies well with the\ntheory that the rite had an agricultural significance. Further, that it\nwas above all intended to fertilize the fig-trees is strongly suggested by\nthe strings of black and white figs which were hung round the necks of the\nvictims, as well as by the blows which were given their genital organs\nwith the branches of a wild fig-tree; since this procedure closely\nresembles the procedure which ancient and modern husbandmen in Greek lands\nhave regularly resorted to for the purpose of actually fertilizing their\nfig-trees. When we remember what an important part the artificial\nfertilization of the date palm-tree appears to have played of old not only\nin the husbandry but in the religion of Mesopotamia,(671) there seems no\nreason to doubt that the artificial fertilization of the fig-tree may in\nlike manner have vindicated for itself a place in the solemn ritual of\nGreek religion.\n\n(M212) If these considerations are just, we must apparently conclude that\nwhile the human victims at the Thargelia certainly appear in later\nclassical times to have figured chiefly as public scapegoats, who carried\naway with them the sins, misfortunes, and sorrows of the whole people, at\nan earlier time they may have been looked on as embodiments of vegetation,\nperhaps of the corn but particularly of the fig-trees; and that the\nbeating which they received and the death which they died were intended\nprimarily to brace and refresh the powers of vegetation then beginning to\ndroop and languish under the torrid heat of the Greek summer.\n\n(M213) The view here taken of the Greek scapegoat, if it is correct,\nobviates an objection which might otherwise be brought against the main\nargument of this book. To the theory that the priest of Aricia was slain\nas a representative of the spirit of the grove,(672) it might have been\nobjected that such a custom has no analogy in classical antiquity. But\nreasons have now been given for believing that the human being\nperiodically and occasionally slain by the Asiatic Greeks was regularly\ntreated as an embodiment of a divinity of vegetation. Probably the persons\nwhom the Athenians kept to be sacrificed were similarly treated as divine.\nThat they were social outcasts did not matter. On the primitive view a man\nis not chosen to be the mouth-piece or embodiment of a god on account of\nhis high moral qualities or social rank. The divine afflatus descends\nequally on the good and the bad, the lofty and the lowly. If then the\ncivilized Greeks of Asia and Athens habitually sacrificed men whom they\nregarded as incarnate gods, there can be no inherent improbability in the\nsupposition that at the dawn of history a similar custom was observed by\nthe semi-barbarous Latins in the Arician Grove.\n\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER VII. KILLING THE GOD IN MEXICO.\n\n\n(M214) By no people does the custom of sacrificing the human\nrepresentative of a god appear to have been observed so commonly and with\nso much solemnity as by the Aztecs of ancient Mexico. With the ritual of\nthese remarkable sacrifices we are well acquainted, for it has been fully\ndescribed by the Spaniards who conquered Mexico in the sixteenth century,\nand whose curiosity was naturally excited by the discovery in this distant\nregion of a barbarous and cruel religion which presented many curious\npoints of analogy to the doctrine and ritual of their own church. \u201cThey\ntook a captive,\u201d says the Jesuit Acosta, \u201csuch as they thought good; and\nafore they did sacrifice him unto their idols, they gave him the name of\nthe idol, to whom he should be sacrificed, and apparelled him with the\nsame ornaments like their idol, saying, that he did represent the same\nidol. And during the time that this representation lasted, which was for a\nyear in some feasts, in others six months, and in others less, they\nreverenced and worshipped him in the same manner as the proper idol; and\nin the meantime he did eat, drink, and was merry. When he went through the\nstreets, the people came forth to worship him, and every one brought him\nan alms, with children and sick folks, that he might cure them, and bless\nthem, suffering him to do all things at his pleasure, only he was\naccompanied with ten or twelve men lest he should fly. And he (to the end\nhe might be reverenced as he passed) sometimes sounded upon a small flute,\nthat the people might prepare to worship him. The feast being come, and he\ngrown fat, they killed him, opened him, and ate him, making a solemn\nsacrifice of him.\u201d(673)\n\n(M215) This general description of the custom may now be illustrated by\nparticular examples. Thus at the festival called Toxcatl, the greatest\nfestival of the Mexican year, a young man was annually sacrificed in the\ncharacter of Tezcatlipoca, \u201cthe god of gods,\u201d after having been maintained\nand worshipped as that great deity in person for a whole year. According\nto the old Franciscan monk Sahagun, our best authority on the Aztec\nreligion, the sacrifice of the human god fell at Easter or a few days\nlater, so that, if he is right, it would correspond in date as well as in\ncharacter to the Christian festival of the death and resurrection of the\nRedeemer.(674) More exactly he tells us that the sacrifice took place on\nthe first day of the fifth Aztec month, which according to him began on\nthe twenty-third or twenty-seventh day of April.(675) However, according\nto other Spanish authorities of the sixteenth century the festival lasted\nfrom the ninth to the nineteenth day of May, and the sacrifice of the\nhuman victim in the character of the god was performed on the last of\nthese days.(676) An eminent modern authority, Professor E. Seler, is of\nopinion that the festival originally celebrated the beginning of the year,\nand that it fell on the day when the sun on his passage northward to the\ntropic of Cancer stood in the zenith over the city of Mexico, which in the\nearly part of the sixteenth century would be the ninth or tenth day of May\n(old style) or the nineteenth or twentieth day of May (new style).(677)\nWhatever the exact date of the celebration may have been, we are told that\nthe \u201cfeast was not made to any other end, but to demand rain, in the same\nmanner that we solemnize the Rogations; and this feast was always in May,\nwhich is the time that they have most need of rain in those\ncountries.\u201d(678)\n\n(M216) At this festival the great god died in the person of one human\nrepresentative and came to life again in the person of another, who was\ndestined to enjoy the fatal honour of divinity for a year and to perish,\nlike all his predecessors, at the end of it. The young man singled out for\nthis high dignity was carefully chosen from among the captives on the\nground of his personal beauty. He had to be of unblemished body, slim as a\nreed and straight as a pillar, neither too tall nor too short. If through\nhigh living he grew too fat, he was obliged to reduce himself by drinking\nsalt water. And in order that he might behave in his lofty station with\nbecoming grace and dignity he was carefully trained to comport himself\nlike a gentleman of the first quality, to speak correctly and elegantly,\nto play the flute, to smoke cigars and to snuff at flowers with a\ndandified air. He was honourably lodged in the temple where the nobles\nwaited on him and paid him homage, bringing him meat and serving like a\nprince. The king himself saw to it that he was apparelled in gorgeous\nattire, \u201cfor already he esteemed him as a god.\u201d Eagle down was gummed to\nhis head and white cock\u2019s feathers were stuck in his hair, which drooped\nto his girdle. A wreath of flowers like roasted maize crowned his brows,\nand a garland of the same flowers passed over his shoulders and under his\narm-pits. Golden ornaments hung from his nose, golden armlets adorned his\narms, golden bells jingled on his legs at every step he took; earrings of\nturquoise dangled from his ears, bracelets of turquoise bedecked his\nwrists; necklaces of shells encircled his neck and depended on his breast;\nhe wore a mantle of network, and round his middle a rich waist-cloth. When\nthis bejewelled exquisite lounged through the streets playing on his\nflute, puffing at a cigar, and smelling at a nosegay, the people whom he\nmet threw themselves on the earth before him and prayed to him with sighs\nand tears, taking up the dust in their hands and putting it in their\nmouths in token of the deepest humiliation and subjection. Women came\nforth with children in their arms and presented them to him, saluting him\nas a god. For \u201che passed for our Lord God; the people acknowledged him as\nthe Lord.\u201d All who thus worshipped him on his passage he saluted gravely\nand courteously. Lest he should flee, he was everywhere attended by a\nguard of eight pages in the royal livery, four of them with shaven crowns\nlike the palace-slaves, and four of them with the flowing locks of\nwarriors; and if he contrived to escape, the captain of the guard had to\ntake his place as the representative of the god and to die in his stead.\nTwenty days before he was to die, his costume was changed, and four\ndamsels, delicately nurtured and bearing the names of four goddesses\u2014the\nGoddess of Flowers, the Goddess of the Young Maize, the Goddess \u201cOur\nMother among the Water,\u201d and the Goddess of Salt\u2014were given him to be his\nbrides, and with them he consorted. During the last five days divine\nhonours were showered on the destined victim. The king remained in his\npalace while the whole court went after the human god. Solemn banquets and\ndances followed each other in regular succession and at appointed places.\nOn the last day the young man, attended by his wives and pages, embarked\nin a canoe covered with a royal canopy and was ferried across the lake to\na spot where a little hill rose from the edge of the water. It was called\nthe Mountain of Parting, because here his wives bade him a last farewell.\nThen, accompanied only by his pages, he repaired to a small and lonely\ntemple by the wayside. Like the Mexican temples in general, it was built\nin the form of a pyramid; and as the young man ascended the stairs he\nbroke at every step one of the flutes on which he had played in the days\nof his glory. On reaching the summit he was seized and held down by the\npriests on his back upon a block of stone, while one of them cut open his\nbreast, thrust his hand into the wound, and wrenching out his heart held\nit up in sacrifice to the sun. The body of the dead god was not, like the\nbodies of common victims, sent rolling down the steps of the temple, but\nwas carried down to the foot, where the head was cut off and spitted on a\npike. Such was the regular end of the man who personated the greatest god\nof the Mexican pantheon.(679)\n\n(M217) But he was not the only man who played the part of a god and was\nsacrificed as such in the month of May. The great god Vitzilopochtli or\nHuitzilopochtli was also worshipped at the same season. An image of him\nwas made out of dough in human shape, arrayed in all the ornaments of the\ndeity, and set up in his temple. But the god had also his living\nrepresentative in the person of a young man, who, like the human\nrepresentative of Tezcatlipoca, personated the divinity for a whole year\nand was sacrificed at the end. In the month of May it was the duty of the\ndivine man, destined so soon to die, to lead the dances which formed a\nconspicuous feature of the festivities. Courtiers and warriors, old and\nyoung, danced in winding figures, holding each other by the hand; and with\nthem danced young women, who had taken a vow to dance with roasted maize.\nOn their heads these damsels wore crowns of roasted maize; festoons of\nmaize hung from their shoulders and crossed on their breasts; their faces\nwere painted, and their arms and legs were covered with red feathers.\nDancing in this attire the damsels were said to hold the god\nVitzilopochtli in their arms; but they conducted themselves with the\nutmost gravity and decorum. If any man so far forgot himself as to toy\nwith one of the maidens, the elder warriors dealt with him promptly and\nseverely, reproaching him for the sacrilege of which he had been guilty.\nSahagun compares these May dances to the dances of peasant men and women\nin old Castile, and the crowns of maize worn by the girls he compares to\nthe garlands of flowers worn by rustic Castilian maidens in the month of\nMay. So they danced till nightfall. Next morning they danced again, and in\nthe course of the day the man who represented the god Vitzilopochtli was\nput to death. He had the privilege of choosing the hour when he was to\ndie. When the fatal moment drew near, they clothed him in a curious dress\nof paper painted all over with black circles; on his head they clapped a\npaper mitre decked with eagle feathers and nodding plumes, among which was\nfastened a blood-stained obsidian knife. Thus attired, with golden bells\njingling at his ankles, he led the dance at all the balls of the festival,\nand thus attired he went to his death. The priests seized him, stretched\nhim out, gripped him tight, cut out his heart, and held it up to the sun.\nHis head was severed from the trunk and spiked beside the head of the\nother human god, who had been sacrificed not long before.(680)\n\n(M218) In Cholula, a wealthy trading city of Mexico, the merchants\nworshipped a god named Quetzalcoatl. His image, set upon a richly\ndecorated altar or pedestal in a spacious temple, had the body of a man\nbut the head of a bird, with a red beak surmounted by a crest, the face\ndyed yellow, with a black band running from the eyes to below the beak,\nand the tongue lolling out. On its head was a paper mitre painted black,\nwhite, and red; on its neck a large golden jewel in the shape of butterfly\nwings; about its body a feather mantle, black, red, and white; golden\nsocks and golden sandals encased its legs and feet. In the right hand the\nimage wielded a wooden instrument like a sickle, and in the left a buckler\ncovered with the black and white plumage of sea-birds.(681) The festival\nof this god was celebrated on the third day of February. Forty days before\nthe festival \u201cthe merchants bought a slave well proportioned, without any\nfault or blemish, either of sickness or of hurt, whom they did attire with\nthe ornaments of the idol, that he might represent it forty days. Before\nhis clothing they did cleanse him, washing him twice in a lake, which they\ncalled the lake of the gods; and being purified, they attired him like the\nidol. During these forty days, he was much respected for his sake whom he\nrepresented. By night they did imprison him (as hath been said) lest he\nshould fly, and in the morning they took him out of prison, setting him\nupon an eminent place, where they served him, giving him exquisite meats\nto eat. After he had eaten, they put a chain of flowers about his neck,\nand many nosegays in his hands. He had a well-appointed guard, with much\npeople to accompany him. When he went through the city, he went dancing\nand singing through all the streets, that he might be known for the\nresemblance of their god, and when he began to sing, the women and little\nchildren came forth of their houses to salute him, and to offer unto him\nas to their god. Two old men of the ancients of the temple came unto him\nnine days before the feast, and humbling themselves before him, they said\nwith a low and submissive voice, \u2018Sir, you must understand that nine days\nhence the exercise of dancing and singing doth end, and thou must then\ndie\u2019; and then he must answer, \u2018In a good hour.\u2019 They call this ceremony\n_Ney\u00f2lo Maxilt Ileztli_, which is to say, the advertisement; and when they\ndid thus advertise him, they took very careful heed whether he were sad,\nor if he danced as joyfully as he was accustomed, the which if he did not\nas cheerfully as they desired, they made a foolish superstition in this\nmanner. They presently took the sacrifizing razors, the which they washed\nand cleansed from the blood of men which remained of the former\nsacrifices. Of this washing they made a drink mingled with another liquor\nmade of cacao, giving it him to drink; they said that this would make him\nforget what had been said unto him, and would make him in a manner\ninsensible, returning to his former dancing and mirth. They said,\nmoreover, that he would offer himself cheerfully to death, being enchanted\nwith this drink. The cause why they sought to take from him this\nheaviness, was, for that they held it for an ill augury, and a\nfore-telling of some great harm. The day of the feast being come, after\nthey had done him much honour, sung, and given him incense, the\nsacrificers took him about midnight and did sacrifice him, as hath been\nsaid, offering his heart unto the Moon, the which they did afterwards cast\nagainst the idol, letting the body fall to the bottom of the stairs of the\ntemple, where such as had offered him took him up, which were the\nmerchants, whose feast it was. Then having carried him into the chiefest\nman\u2019s house amongst them, the body was drest with diverse sauces, to\ncelebrate (at the break of day) the banquet and dinner of the feast,\nhaving first bid the idol good morrow, with a small dance, which they made\nwhilst the day did break, and that they prepared the sacrifice. Then did\nall the merchants assemble at this banquet, especially those which made it\na trafick to buy and sell slaves, who were bound every year to offer one,\nfor the resemblance of their god. This idol was one of the most honoured\nin all the land; and therefore the temple where he was, was of great\nauthority.\u201d(682)\n\n(M219) The honour of living for a short time in the character of a god and\ndying a violent death in the same capacity was not restricted to men in\nMexico; women were allowed, or rather compelled, to enjoy the glory and to\nshare the doom as representatives of goddesses. Thus in the seventh month\nof their year, which corresponded roughly to June, the Aztecs celebrated a\nfestival in honour of Huixtocihuatl, the Goddess of Salt. She was said to\nbe a sister of the Rain Gods, but having quarrelled with them she was\nbanished and driven to take up her abode in the salt water. Being of an\ningenious turn of mind, she invented the process of extracting salt by\nmeans of pans; hence she was worshipped by all salt-makers as their patron\ngoddess. Her garments were yellow; on her head she wore a mitre surmounted\nby bunches of waving green plumes, which shone with greenish iridescent\nhues in the sun. Her robe and petticoats were embroidered with patterns\nsimulating the waves of the sea. Golden ear-rings in the form of flowers\ndangled at her ears; golden bells jingled at her ankles. In one hand she\ncarried a round shield painted with the leaves of a certain plant and\nadorned with drooping fringes of parrots\u2019 feathers; in the other hand she\ncarried a stout baton ending in a knob and bedecked with paper, artificial\nflowers, and feathers. For ten days before her festival a woman personated\nthe goddess and wore her gorgeous costume. It was her duty during these\ndays to lead the dances which at this season were danced by the women and\ngirls of the salt-makers. They danced, young, old, and children, in a\nring, all holding a cord, their heads crowned with garlands of a fragrant\nflower (_Artemisia laciniata_) and singing airs in a shrill soprano. In\nthe middle of the ring danced the woman who represented the goddess, with\nher golden bells jingling at every step, brandishing her shield, and\nmarking the time of the dance and song with her baton. On the last day,\nthe eve of the festival, she had to dance all night without resting till\nbreak of day, when she was to die. Old women supported her in the weary\ntask, and they all danced together, arm in arm. With her, too, danced the\nslaves who were to die with her in the morning. When the hour was come,\nthey led her, still personating the goddess, up the steps of the temple of\nTlaloc, followed by the doomed captives. Arrived at the summit of the\npyramid, the butchery began with the captives, while the woman stood\nlooking on. Her turn being come, they threw her on her back on the block,\nand while five men held her down and two others compressed her throat with\na billet of wood or the sword of a sword-fish to prevent her from\nscreaming, the priest cut open her breast with his knife, and thrusting\nhis hand into the wound tore out her heart and flung it into a bowl. When\nall was over, the salt-makers who had witnessed the sacrifice went home to\ndrink and make merry.(683)\n\n(M220) Again, in the eighth month of the Mexican year, which answered to\nthe latter end of June and the early part of July, the Aztecs sacrificed a\nwoman who personated Xilonen, the goddess of the young maize-cobs\n(_xilotl_). The festival at which the sacrifice took place was held on the\ntenth day of the month about the time when the maize is nearly ripe, and\nwhen fibres shooting forth from the green ear shew that the grain is fully\nformed. For eight days before the festival men and women, clad in rich\ngarments and decked with jewels, danced and sang together in the courts of\nthe temples, which were brilliantly illuminated for the purpose. Rows of\ntall braziers sent up a flickering blaze, and torchbearers held aloft huge\ntorches of pinewood. Some of the dancers themselves carried heavy torches,\nwhich flared and spluttered as they danced. The dances began at sundown\nand lasted till about nine o\u2019clock. None but tried and distinguished\nwarriors might take part in them. The women wore their long hair hanging\nloose on their back and shoulders, in order that the tassels of the maize\nmight likewise grow long and loose, for the more tassels the more grain in\nthe ear. Men and women danced holding each other by the hand or with their\narms round each other\u2019s waists, marking time exactly with their feet to\nthe music of the drums and moving out and in among the flaming braziers\nand torches. The dances were strictly decorous. If any man was detected\nmaking love to one of the women dancers, he was publicly disgraced,\nseverely punished, and never allowed to dance and sing in public again. On\nthe eve of the festival the woman who was to die in the character of the\nGoddess of the Young Maize was arrayed in the rich robes and splendid\njewels of the divinity whom she personated. The upper part of her face was\npainted red and the lower part yellow, probably to assimilate her to the\nruddy and orange hues of the ripe maize. Her legs and arms were covered\nwith red feathers. She wore a paper crown decked with a bunch of feathers;\nnecklaces of gems and gold encircled her neck; her garments were\nembroidered with quaint figures; her shoes were striped with red. In her\nleft hand she held a round shield, in her right a crimson baton. Thus\narrayed, she was led by other women to offer incense in four different\nplaces. All the rest of the night she and they danced and sang in front of\nthe temple of the goddess Xilonen, whose living image she was supposed to\nbe. In the morning the nobles danced a solemn dance by themselves,\nleaning, or making believe to lean, on stalks of maize. The women, pranked\nwith garlands and festoons of yellow flowers, danced also by themselves\nalong with the victim. Among the priests the one who was to act as\nexecutioner wore a fine bunch of feathers on his back. Another shook a\nrattle before the doomed woman as she mounted up the steps of the temple\nof Cinteotl, the Goddess of the Maize. On reaching the summit she was\nseized by a priest, who threw her on his back, while the sacrificer\nsevered her head from her body, tore out her heart, and threw it in a\nsaucer. When this sacrifice had been performed in honour of Xilonen, the\nGoddess of the Young Maize, the people were free to eat the green ears of\nmaize and the bread that was baked of it. No one would have dared to eat\nof these things before the sacrifice.(684)\n\n(M221) Again, in the seventeenth month of the Mexican year,(685) which\ncorresponded to the latter part of December and the early part of January,\nthe Aztecs sacrificed a woman, who personated the goddess Ilamatecutli or\nTonan, which means \u201cOur Mother.\u201d Her festival fell on Christmas Day, the\ntwenty-fifth of December. The image of the goddess wore a two-faced mask\nwith large mouths and protruding eyes. The woman who represented her was\ndressed in white robes and shod with white sandals. Over her white mantle\nshe wore a leathern jerkin, the lower edge of which was cut into a fringe\nof straps, and to the end of each strap was fastened a small shell. As she\nwalked, the shells clashed together and made a noise which was heard afar\noff. The upper half of her face was painted yellow and the lower half\nblack; and she wore a wig. In her hand she carried a round whitewashed\nshield decorated in the middle with a circle of eagle feathers, while\nwhite heron plumes, ending in eagle feathers, drooped from it. Thus\narrayed and personating the goddess, the woman danced alone to music\nplayed by old men, and as she danced she sighed and wept at the thought of\nthe death that was so near. At noon or a little later the dance ceased;\nand when the sun was declining in the west, they led her up the long\nascent to the summit of Huitzilopochtli\u2019s temple. Behind her marched the\npriests clad in the trappings of all the gods, with masks on their faces.\nOne of them wore the costume and the mask of the goddess Ilamatecutli,\nwhom the victim also represented. On reaching the lofty platform which\ncrowned the pyramidal temple, they slew her in the usual fashion, wrenched\nout her heart, and cut off her head. The dripping head was given to the\npriest who wore the costume and mask of the goddess and waving it up and\ndown he danced round the platform, followed by all the other priests in\nthe attire and masks of the gods. When the dance had lasted a certain\ntime, the leader gave the signal, and they all trooped down the long\nflight of stairs to disrobe themselves and deposit the masks and costumes\nin the chapels where they were usually kept. Next day the people indulged\nin a certain pastime. Men and boys furnished themselves with little bags\nor nets stuffed with paper, flowers of galingale, or green leaves of\nmaize, which they tied to strings, and used them as instruments to strike\nany girl or woman they might meet in the streets. Sometimes three or four\nurchins would gather round one girl, beating her till she cried; but some\nshrewd wenches went about that day armed with sticks, with which they\nretaliated smartly on their assailants. It was a penal offence to put\nstones or anything else that could hurt in the bags.(686)\n\n(M222) In the preceding custom, what are we to make of the sacrifice of a\nwoman, who personated the goddess, by a man who also wore the costume and\nmask of the goddess, and who immediately after the sacrifice danced with\nthe bleeding head of the victim? Perhaps the intention of the strange rite\nwas to represent the resurrection of the slain goddess in the person of\nthe priest who wore her costume and mask and dangled the severed head of\nher slaughtered representative. If that was so, it would explain another\nand still ghastlier rite, in which the Mexicans seem to have set forth the\ndoctrine of the divine resurrection. This was to skin the slain woman who\nhad personated the goddess and then to clothe in the bloody skin a man,\nwho pranced about in it, as if he were the dead woman or rather goddess\ncome to life again. Thus in the eleventh Mexican month, which corresponded\nto the latter part of August and the early part of September, they\ncelebrated a festival in honour of a goddess called the Mother of the Gods\n(_Teteo innan_) or Our Ancestress (_Toci_), or the Heart of the Earth, and\nthey sacrificed a woman clad in the costume and ornaments of the goddess.\nShe was a slave bought for the purpose by the guilds of physicians,\nsurgeons, blood-letters, midwives and fortune-tellers, who particularly\nworshipped this deity. When the poor wretch came forth decked in all the\ntrappings of the goddess, the people, we are told, looked on her as\nequivalent to the Mother of the Gods herself and paid her as much honour\nand reverence as if she had indeed been that great divinity. For eight\ndays they danced silently in four rows, if dance it could be called in\nwhich the dancers scarcely stirred their legs and bodies, but contented\nthemselves with moving their hands, in which they held branches of\nblossoms, up and down in time to the tuck of drum. These dances began in\nthe afternoon and lasted till the sun went down. No one might speak during\ntheir performance; only some lively youths mimicked by a booming murmur of\nthe lips the rub-a-dub of the drums. When the dances were over, the\nmedical women, young and old, divided themselves into two parties and\nengaged in a sham fight before the woman who acted the part of the Mother\nof the Gods. This they did to divert her and keep her from being sad and\nshedding tears; for if she wept, they deemed it an omen that many men\nwould die in battle and many women in childbed. The fight between the\nwomen consisted in throwing balls of moss, leaves, or flowers at each\nother; and she who personated the goddess led one of the parties to the\nattack. These mock battles lasted four days.\n\n(M223) After that they led the woman who was to die to the market-place,\nthat she might bid it farewell; and by way of doing so she scattered the\nflour of maize wherever she went. The priests then attended her to a\nbuilding near the temple in which she was to be sacrificed. The knowledge\nof her doom was kept from her as far as possible. The medical women and\nthe midwives comforted her, saying, \u201cBe not cast down, sweetheart; this\nnight thou shalt sleep with the king; therefore rejoice.\u201d Then they put on\nher the ornaments of the goddess, and at midnight led her to the temple\nwhere she was to die. On the passage not a word was spoken, not a cough\nwas heard; crowds were gathered to see her pass, but all kept a profound\nsilence. Arrived at the summit of the temple she was hoisted on to the\nback of one priest, while another adroitly cut off her head. The body,\nstill warm, was skinned, and a tall robust young man clothed himself in\nthe bleeding skin and so became in turn a living image of the goddess. One\nof the woman\u2019s thighs was flayed separately, and the skin carried to\nanother temple, where a young man put it over his face as a mask and so\npersonated the maize-goddess Cinteotl, daughter of the Mother of the Gods.\nMeantime the other, clad in the rest of the woman\u2019s skin, hurried down the\nsteps of the temple. The nobles and warriors fled before him, carrying\nblood-stained besoms of couchgrass, but turned to look back at him from\ntime to time and smote upon their shields as if to bid him come on. He\nfollowed hard after them and all who saw that flight and pursuit quaked\nwith fear. On arriving at the foot of the temple of Huitzilopochtli, the\nman who wore the skin of the dead woman and personated the Mother of the\nGods, lifted up his arms and stood like a cross before the image of the\ngod; this action he repeated four times. Then he joined the man who\npersonated the maize-goddess Cinteotl, and together they went slowly to\nthe temple of the Mother of the Gods, where the woman had been sacrificed.\nAll this time it was night. Next morning at break of day the man who\npersonated the Mother of the Gods took up his post on the highest point of\nthe temple; there they decked him in all the gorgeous trappings of the\ngoddess and set a splendid crown on his head. Then the captives were set\nin a row before him, and arrayed in all his finery he slaughtered four of\nthem with his own hand: the rest he left to be butchered by the priests. A\nvariety of ceremonies and dances followed. Amongst others, the blood of\nthe human victims was collected in a bowl and set before the man who\npersonated the Mother of the Gods. He dipped his finger into the blood and\nthen sucked his bloody finger; and when he had sucked it he bowed his head\nand uttered a dolorous groan, whereat the Indians believed the earth\nitself shook and trembled, as did all who heard it. Finally the skin of\nthe slain woman and the skin of her thigh were carried away and deposited\nseparately at two towers, one of which stood on the border of the enemy\u2019s\ncountry.(687)\n\n(M224) This remarkable festival in honour of the Mother of the Gods is\nsaid to have been immediately preceded by a similar festival in honour of\nthe Maize Goddess Chicomecohuatl.(688) The image of this goddess was of\nwood and represented her as a girl of about twelve years of age wearing\nfeminine ornaments painted in gay colours. On her head was a pasteboard\nmitre; her long hair fell on her shoulders; in her ears she had golden\nearrings; round her neck she wore a necklace of golden maize-cobs strung\non a blue ribbon, and in her hands she held the likeness of maize-cobs\nmade of feathers and garnished with gold. Her festival, which was observed\nthroughout the whole country with great devotion on the fifteenth day of\nSeptember, was preceded by a strict fast of seven days, during which old\nand young, sick and whole, ate nothing but broken victuals and dry bread\nand drank nothing but water, and did penance by drawing blood from their\nears. The blood so drawn was kept in vessels, which were not scoured, so\nthat a dry crust formed over it. On the day before the fast began the\npeople ate and drank to their heart\u2019s content, and they sanctified a woman\nto represent Atlatatonan, the Goddess of Lepers, dressing her up in an\nappropriate costume. When the fast was over, the high priest of the temple\nof Tlaloc sacrificed the woman in the usual way by tearing out her heart\nand holding it up as an offering to the sun. Her body, with all the robes\nand ornaments she had worn, was cast into a well or vault in the temple,\nand along with the corpse were thrown in all the plates and dishes out of\nwhich the people had eaten, and all the mats on which they had sat or\nslept during the fast, as if, says the historian, they had been infected\nwith the plague of leprosy. After that the people were free to eat bread,\nsalt, and tomatoes; and immediately after the sacrifice of the woman who\npersonated the Goddess of Leprosy they sanctified a young slave girl of\ntwelve or thirteen years, the prettiest they could find, to represent the\nMaize Goddess Chicomecohuatl. They invested her with the ornaments of the\ngoddess, putting the mitre on her head and the maize-cobs round her neck\nand in her hands, and fastening a green feather upright on the crown of\nher head to imitate an ear of maize. This they did, we are told, in order\nto signify that the maize was almost ripe at the time of the festival, but\nbecause it was still tender they chose a girl of tender years to play the\npart of the Maize Goddess. The whole long day they led the poor child in\nall her finery, with the green plume nodding on her head, from house to\nhouse dancing merrily to cheer people after the dulness and privations of\nthe fast.\n\n(M225) In the evening all the people assembled at the temple, the courts\nof which they lit up by a multitude of lanterns and candles. There they\npassed the night without sleeping, and at midnight, while the trumpets,\nflutes, and horns discoursed solemn music, a portable framework or\npalanquin was brought forth, bedecked with festoons of maize-cobs and\npeppers and filled with seeds of all sorts. This the bearers set down at\nthe door of the chamber in which the wooden image of the goddess stood.\nNow the chamber was adorned and wreathed, both outside and inside, with\nwreaths of maize-cobs, peppers, pumpkins, roses, and seeds of every kind,\na wonder to behold; the whole floor was covered deep with these verdant\nofferings of the pious. When the music ceased, a solemn procession came\nforth of priests and dignitaries, with flaring lights and smoking censers,\nleading in their midst the girl who played the part of the goddess. Then\nthey made her mount the framework, where she stood upright on the maize\nand peppers and pumpkins with which it was strewed, her hands resting on\ntwo bannisters to keep her from falling. Then the priests swung the\nsmoking censers round her; the music struck up again, and while it played,\na great dignitary of the temple suddenly stepped up to her with a razor in\nhis hand and adroitly shore off the green feather she wore on her head,\ntogether with the hair in which it was fastened, snipping the lock off by\nthe root. The feather and the hair he then presented to the wooden image\nof the goddess with great solemnity and elaborate ceremonies, weeping and\ngiving her thanks for the fruits of the earth and the abundant crops which\nshe had bestowed on the people that year; and as he wept and prayed, all\nthe people, standing in the courts of the temple, wept and prayed with\nhim. When that ceremony was over, the girl descended from the framework\nand was escorted to the place where she was to spend the rest of the\nnight. But all the people kept watch in the courts of the temple by the\nlight of torches till break of day.\n\n(M226) The morning being come, and the courts of the temple being still\ncrowded by the multitude, who would have deemed it sacrilege to quit the\nprecincts, the priests again brought forth the damsel attired in the\ncostume of the goddess, with the mitre on her head and the cobs of maize\nabout her neck. Again she mounted the portable framework or palanquin and\nstood on it, supporting herself by her hands on the bannisters. Then the\nelders of the temple lifted it on their shoulders, and while some swung\nburning censers and others played on instruments or sang, they carried it\nin procession through the great courtyard to the hall of the god\nHuitzilopochtli and then back to the chamber, where stood the wooden image\nof the Maize Goddess, whom the girl personated. There they caused the\ndamsel to descend from the palanquin and to stand on the heaps of corn and\nvegetables that had been spread in profusion on the floor of the sacred\nchamber. While she stood there all the elders and nobles came in a line,\none behind the other, carrying the saucers of dry and clotted blood which\nthey had drawn from their ears by way of penance during the seven days\u2019\nfast. One by one they squatted on their haunches before her, which was the\nequivalent of falling on their knees with us, and scraping the crust of\nblood from the saucer cast it down before her as an offering in return for\nthe benefits which she, as the embodiment of the Maize Goddess, had\nconferred upon them. When the men had thus humbly offered their blood to\nthe human representative of the goddess, the women, forming a long line,\ndid so likewise, each of them dropping on her hams before the girl and\nscraping her blood from the saucer. The ceremony lasted a long time, for\ngreat and small, young and old, all without exception had to pass before\nthe incarnate deity and make their offering. When it was over, the people\nreturned home with glad hearts to feast on flesh and viands of every sort\nas merrily, we are told, as good Christians at Easter partake of meat and\nother carnal mercies after the long abstinence of Lent. And when they had\neaten and drunk their fill and rested after the night watch, they returned\nquite refreshed to the temple to see the end of the festival. And the end\nof the festival was this. The multitude being assembled, the priests\nsolemnly incensed the girl who personated the goddess; then they threw her\non her back on the heap of corn and seeds, cut off her head, caught the\ngushing blood in a tub, and sprinkled the blood on the wooden image of the\ngoddess, the walls of the chamber, and the offerings of corn, peppers,\npumpkins, seeds, and vegetables which cumbered the floor. After that they\nflayed the headless trunk, and one of the priests made shift to squeeze\nhimself into the bloody skin. Having done so they clad him in all the\nrobes which the girl had worn; they put the mitre on his head, the\nnecklace of golden maize-cobs about his neck, the maize-cobs of feathers\nand gold in his hands; and thus arrayed they led him forth in public, all\nof them dancing to the tuck of drum, while he acted as fugleman, skipping\nand posturing at the head of the procession as briskly as he could be\nexpected to do, incommoded as he was by the tight and clammy skin of the\ngirl and by her clothes, which must have been much too small for a grown\nman.(689)\n\n(M227) In the foregoing custom the identification of the young girl with\nthe Maize Goddess appears to be complete. The golden maize cobs which she\nwore round her neck, the artificial maize cobs which she carried in her\nhands, the green feather which was stuck in her hair in imitation (we are\ntold) of a green ear of maize, all set her forth as a personification of\nthe corn-spirit; and we are expressly informed that she was specially\nchosen as a young girl to represent the young maize, which at the time of\nthe festival had not yet fully ripened. Further, her identification with\nthe corn and the corn-goddess was clearly announced by making her stand on\nthe heaps of maize and there receive the homage and blood-offerings of the\nwhole people, who thereby returned her thanks for the benefits which in\nher character of a divinity she was supposed to have conferred upon them.\nOnce more, the practice of beheading her on a heap of corn and seeds and\nsprinkling her blood, not only on the image of the Maize Goddess, but on\nthe piles of maize, peppers, pumpkins, seeds, and vegetables, can\nseemingly have had no other object but to quicken and strengthen the crops\nof corn and the fruits of the earth in general by infusing into their\nrepresentatives the blood of the Corn Goddess herself. The analogy of this\nMexican sacrifice, the meaning of which appears to be indisputable, may be\nallowed to strengthen the interpretation which I have given of other human\nsacrifices offered for the crops.(690) If the Mexican girl, whose blood\nwas sprinkled on the maize, indeed personated the Maize Goddess, it\nbecomes more than ever probable that the girl whose blood the Pawnees\nsimilarly sprinkled on the seed corn personated in like manner the female\nSpirit of the Corn; and so with the other human beings whom other races\nhave slaughtered for the sake of promoting the growth of the crops.\n\n(M228) Lastly, the concluding act of the sacred drama, in which the body\nof the dead Maize Goddess was flayed and her skin worn, together with all\nher sacred insignia, by a man who danced before the people in this grim\nattire, seems to be best explained on the hypothesis that it was intended\nto ensure that the divine death should be immediately followed by the\ndivine resurrection. If that was so, we may infer with some degree of\nprobability that the practice of killing a human representative of a deity\nhas commonly, perhaps always, been regarded merely as a means of\nperpetuating the divine energies in the fulness of youthful vigour,\nuntainted by the weakness and frailty of age, from which they must have\nsuffered if the deity had been allowed to die a natural death.\n\n(M229) This interpretation of the Mexican custom of flaying human beings\nand permitting or requiring other persons to parade publicly in the skins\nof the victims may perhaps be confirmed by a consideration of the festival\nat which this strange rite was observed on the largest scale, and which\naccordingly went by the name of the Festival of the Flaying of Men\n(_Tlacaxipeualiztli_). It was celebrated in the second month of the Aztec\nyear, which corresponded to the last days of February and the early part\nof March. The exact day of the festival was the twentieth of March,\naccording to one pious chronicler, who notes with unction that the bloody\nrite fell only one day later than the feast which Holy Church solemnizes\nin honour of the glorious St. Joseph. The god whom the Aztecs worshipped\nin this strange fashion was named Xipe, \u201cthe Flayed One,\u201d or Totec, \u201cOur\nLord.\u201d On this occasion he also bore the solemn name of Youallauan, \u201cHe\nwho drinks in the Night.\u201d His image was of stone and represented him in\nhuman form with his mouth open as if in the act of speaking; his body was\npainted yellow on the one side and drab on the other; he wore the skin of\na flayed man over his own, with the hands of the victim dangling at his\nwrists. On his head he had a hood of various colours, and about his loins\na green petticoat reaching to his knees with a fringe of small shells. In\nhis two hands he grasped a rattle like the head of a poppy with the seeds\nin it; while on his left arm he supported a yellow shield with a red rim.\nAt his festival the Mexicans killed all the prisoners they had taken in\nwar, men, women, and children. The number of the victims was very great. A\nSpanish historian of the sixteenth century estimated that in Mexico more\npeople used to be sacrificed on the altar than died a natural death. All\nwho were sacrificed to Xipe, \u201cthe Flayed God,\u201d were themselves flayed, and\nmen who had made a special vow to the god put on the skins of the human\nvictims and went about the city in that guise for twenty days, being\neverywhere welcomed and revered as living images of the deity. Forty days\nbefore the festival, according to the historian Duran, they chose a man to\npersonate the god, clothed him in all the insignia of the divinity, and\nled him about in public, doing him as much reverence all these days as if\nhe had really been what he pretended to be. Moreover, every parish of the\ncapital did the same; each of them had its own temple and appointed its\nown human representative of the deity, who received the homage and worship\nof the parishioners for the forty days.\n\n(M230) On the day of the festival these mortal gods and all the other\nprisoners, with the exception of a few who were reserved for a different\ndeath, were killed in the usual way. The scene of the slaughter was the\nplatform on the summit of the god Huitzilopochtli\u2019s temple. Some of the\npoor wretches fainted when they came to the foot of the steps and had to\nbe dragged up the long staircase by the hair of their heads. Arrived at\nthe summit they were slaughtered one by one on the sacrificial stone by\nthe high priest, who cut open their breasts, tore out their hearts, and\nheld them up to the sun, in order to feed the great luminary with these\nbleeding relics. Then the bodies were sent rolling down the staircase,\nclattering and turning over and over like gourds as they bumped from step\nto step till they reached the bottom. There they were received by other\npriests, or rather human butchers, who with a dexterity acquired by\npractice slit the back of each body from the nape of the neck to the heels\nand peeled off the whole skin in a single piece as neatly as if it had\nbeen a sheepskin. The skinless body was then fetched away by its owner,\nthat is, by the man who had captured the prisoner in war. He took it home\nwith him, carved it, sent one of the thighs to the king, and other joints\nto friends, or invited them to come and feast on the carcase in his house.\nThe skins of the human victims were also a perquisite of their captors,\nand were lent or hired out by them to men who had made a vow of going\nabout clad in the hides for twenty days. Such men clothed in the reeking\nskins of the butchered prisoners were called Xixipeme or Tototectin after\nthe god Xipe or Totec, whose living image they were esteemed and whose\ncostume they wore. Among the devotees who bound themselves to this pious\nexercise were persons who suffered from loathsome skin diseases, such as\nsmallpox, abscesses, and the itch; and among them there was a fair\nsprinkling of debauchees, who had drunk themselves nearly blind and hoped\nto recover the use of their precious eyes by parading for a month in this\ncurious mantle. Thus arrayed, they went from house to house throughout the\ncity, entering everywhere and asking alms for the love of God. On entering\na house each of these reverend palmers was made to sit on a heap of\nleaves; festoons of maize and wreaths of flowers were placed round his\nbody; and he was given wine to drink and cakes to eat. And when a mother\nsaw one of these filthy but sanctified ruffians passing along the street,\nshe would run to him with her infant and put it in his arms that he might\nbless it, which he did with unction, receiving an alms from the happy\nmother in return. The earnings of these begging-friars on their rounds\nwere sometimes considerable, for the rich people rewarded them handsomely.\nWhatever they were, the collectors paid them in to the owners of the\nskins, who thus made a profit by hiring out these valuable articles of\nproperty. Every night the wearers of the skins deposited them in the\ntemple and fetched them again next morning when they set out on their\nrounds. At the end of the twenty days the skins were dry, hard, shrivelled\nand shrunken, and they smelt so villainously that people held their noses\nwhen they met the holy beggars arrayed in their fetid mantles. The time\nbeing come to rid themselves of these encumbrances, the devotees walked in\nsolemn procession, wearing the rotten skins and stinking like dead dogs,\nto the temple called Yopico, where they stripped themselves of the hides\nand plunged them into a tub or vat, after which they washed and scrubbed\nthemselves thoroughly, while their friends smacked their bare bodies\nloudly with wet hands in order to squeeze out the human grease with which\nthey were saturated. Finally, the skins were solemnly buried, as holy\nrelics, in a vault of the temple. The burial service was accompanied by\nchanting and attended by the whole people; and when it was over, one of\nthe high dignitaries preached a sermon to the assembled congregation, in\nwhich he dwelt with pathetic eloquence on the meanness and misery of human\nexistence and exhorted his hearers to lead a sober and quiet life, to\ncultivate the virtues of reverence, modesty, humility and obedience, to be\nkind and charitable to the poor and to strangers; he warned them against\nthe sins of robbery, fornication, adultery, and covetousness; and kindling\nwith the glow of his oratory, he passionately admonished, entreated, and\nimplored all who heard him to choose the good and shun the evil, drawing a\ndreadful picture of the ills that would overtake the wicked here and\nhereafter, while he painted in alluring colours the bliss in store for the\nrighteous and the rewards they might expect to receive at the hands of the\ndeity in the life to come.\n\n(M231) While most of the men who masqueraded in the skins of the human\nvictims appear to have personated the Flayed God Xipe, whose name they\nbore in the form Xixipeme, others assumed the ornaments and bore the names\nof other Mexican deities, such as Huitzilopochtli and Quetzalcoatl; the\nceremony of investing them with the skins and the insignia of divinity was\ncalled _netcotoquiliztli_, which means \u201cto think themselves gods.\u201d Amongst\nthe gods thus personated was Totec. His human representative wore, over\nthe skin of the flayed man, all the splendid trappings of the deity. On\nhis head was placed a curious crown decorated with rich feathers. A golden\ncrescent dangled from his nose, golden earrings from his ears, and a\nnecklace of hammered gold encircled his neck. His feet were shod in red\nshoes decorated with quail\u2019s feathers; his loins were begirt with a\npetticoat of gorgeous plumage; and on his back three small paper flags\nfluttered and rustled in the wind. In his left hand he carried a golden\nshield and in his right a rattle, which he shook and rattled as he walked\nwith a majestic dancing step. Seats were always prepared for this human\ngod; and when he sat down, they offered him a paste made of uncooked\nmaize-flour. Also they presented to him little bunches of cobs of maize\nchosen from the seed-corn; and he received as offerings the first fruits\nand the first flowers of the season.(691)\n\n(M232) In the eighteenth and last month of their year, which fell in\nJanuary, the Mexicans held a festival in honour of the god of fire. Every\nfourth year the festival was celebrated on a grand scale by the sacrifice\nof a great many men and women, husbands and wives, who were dressed in the\ntrappings of the fire-god and regarded as his living images. Bound hand\nand foot, they were thrown alive into a great furnace, and after roasting\nin it for a little were raked out of the fire before they were dead in\norder to allow the priest to cut the hearts out of their scorched,\nblistered, and still writhing bodies in the usual way.(692) The intention\nof the sacrifice probably was to maintain the Fire-god in full vigour,\nlest he should grow decrepit or even die of old age, and mankind should\nthus be deprived of his valuable services. This important object was\nattained by feeding the fire with live men and women, who thus as it were\npoured a fresh stock of vital energy into the veins of the Fire-god and\nperhaps of his wife also. But they had to be raked out of the flames\nbefore they were dead; for clearly it would never do to let them die in\nthe fire, else the Fire-god whom they personated would die also. For the\nsame reason their hearts had to be torn from their bodies while they were\nstill palpitating; what use could the Fire-god make of human hearts that\nwere burnt to cinders?\n\n(M233) This was the ordinary mode of sacrificing the human representatives\nof the Fire-god every fourth year. But in Quauhtitlan, a city distant four\nleagues from the city of Mexico, the custom was different. On the eve of\nthe festival two women were beheaded on the altar of the temple and\nafterwards flayed, faces and all, and their thigh bones extracted. Next\nmorning two men of high rank clothed themselves in the skins, including\nthe skins of the women\u2019s faces, which they put over their own; and thus\narrayed and carrying in their hands the thigh bones of the victims they\ncame down the steps of the temple roaring like wild beasts. A vast crowd\nof people had assembled to witness the spectacle, and when they saw the\ntwo men coming down the steps in the dripping skins, brandishing the\nbones, and bellowing like beasts, they were filled with fear and said,\n\u201cThere come our gods!\u201d Arrived at the foot of the staircase these human\ngods engaged in a dance, which they kept up for the rest of the day, never\ndivesting themselves of the bloody skins till the festival was over.(693)\n\n(M234) The theory that the custom of wearing the skin of a flayed man or\nwoman and personating a god in that costume is intended to represent the\nresurrection of the deity derives some support from the class of persons\nwho made a vow to masquerade in the skins. They were, as we have seen,\nespecially men who suffered from diseases of the skin and the eyes: they\nhoped, we are told, by wearing the skins to be cured of their ailments,\nand the old Spanish monk who records the belief adds dryly that some were\ncured and some were not.(694) We may conjecture that by donning the skins\nof men who had acted the part of gods they expected to slough off their\nown diseased old skins and to acquire new and healthy skins, like those of\nthe deities. This notion may have been suggested to them by the\nobservation of certain animals, such as serpents and lizards, which seem\nto renew their youth by casting their skins and appear refreshed and\nrenovated in new integuments. That many savages have noticed such\ntransformations in the animal world is proved by the tales which some of\nthem tell to account for the origin of death among mankind. For example,\nthe Arawaks of British Guiana say that man was created by a good being\nwhom they call Kururumany. Once on a time this kindly creator came to\nearth to see how his creature man was getting on. But men were so\nungrateful that they tried to kill their Maker. Hence he took from them\nthe gift of immortality and bestowed it upon animals that change their\nskins, such as snakes, lizards, and beetles.(695) Again, the Tamanachiers,\nan Indian tribe of the Orinoco, tell how the creator kindly intended to\nmake men immortal by telling them that they should change their skins. He\nmeant to say that by so doing they should renew their youth like serpents\nand beetles. But the glad tidings were received with such incredulity by\nan old woman that the creator in a huff changed his tune and said very\ncurtly, \u201cYe shall die.\u201d(696)\n\n(M235) In Annam they say that Ngoc hoang sent a messenger from heaven to\ninform men that when they reached old age they should change their skins\nand live for ever, but that when serpents grew old, they must die.\nUnfortunately for the human race the message was perverted in the\ntransmission, so that men do not change their skins and are therefore\nmortal, whereas serpents do cast their old skins and accordingly live for\never.(697) According to the natives of Nias the personage who was charged\nby the creator with the duty of putting the last touches to man broke his\nfast on bananas instead of on river-crabs, as he should have done; for had\nhe only eaten river-crabs, men would have changed their skins like crabs,\nand like crabs would have never died. But the serpents, wiser in their\ngeneration than men, ate the crabs, and that is why they too are\nimmortal.(698) Stories of the same sort are current among the Melanesians.\nThus the natives of the Gazelle Peninsula in New Britain account for the\norigin of death by a tale very like that told in Annam. The Good Spirit,\nthey say, loved men and wished to make them immortal, but he hated\nserpents and wished to kill them. So he despatched his brother to mankind\nwith this cheering message: \u201cGo to men and take them the secret of\nimmortality. Tell them to cast their skin every year. So will they be\nprotected from death, for their life will be constantly renewed. But tell\nthe serpents that they must henceforth die.\u201d Through the carelessness or\ntreachery of the messenger this message was reversed; so that now, as we\nall know, men die and serpents live for ever by annually casting their\nskins.(699) Again, if we can trust the traditions of the Banks\u2019 Islanders\nand New Hebrideans, there was a time when men did really cast their skins\nand renew their youth. The melancholy change to mortality was brought\nabout by an old woman, who most unfortunately resumed her old cast-off\nskin to please an infant, which squalled at seeing her in her new\nintegument.(700) The Gallas of East Africa say that God sent a certain\nbird (_holawaka_, \u201cthe sheep of God\u201d) to tell men that they would not die,\nbut that when they grew old they would slough their skins and so renew\ntheir youth. But the bird foolishly or maliciously delivered the message\nto serpents instead of to men, and that is why ever since men have been\nmortal and serpents immortal. For that evil deed God punished the bird\nwith a painful malady from which it suffers to this day, and it sits on\nthe tops of trees and moans and wails perpetually.(701)\n\n(M236) Thus it appears that some peoples have not only observed the\ncurious transformations which certain animals undergo, but have imagined\nthat by means of such transformations the animals periodically renew their\nyouth and live for ever. From such observations and fancies it is an easy\nstep to the conclusion that man might similarly take a fresh lease of life\nand renew the lease indefinitely, if only he could contrive like the\nanimals to get a new skin. This desirable object the Mexicans apparently\nsought to accomplish by flaying men and wearing their bleeding skins like\ngarments thrown over their own. By so doing persons who suffered from\ncutaneous diseases hoped to acquire a new and healthy skin; and by so\ndoing the priests attempted not merely to revive the gods whom they had\njust slain in the persons of their human representatives, but also to\nrestore to their wasting and decaying frames all the vigour and energy of\nyouth.\n\n(M237) The rites described in the preceding pages suffice to prove that\nhuman sacrifices of the sort I suppose to have prevailed at Aricia(702)\nwere, as a matter of fact, systematically offered on a large scale by a\npeople whose level of culture was probably not inferior, if indeed it was\nnot distinctly superior, to that occupied by the Italian races at the\nearly period to which the origin of the Arician priesthood must be\nreferred. The positive and indubitable evidence of the prevalence of such\nsacrifices in one part of the world may reasonably be allowed to\nstrengthen the probability of their prevalence in places for which the\nevidence is less full and trustworthy. Taken all together, the facts which\nwe have passed in review seem to shew that the custom of killing men whom\ntheir worshippers regard as divine has prevailed in many parts of the\nworld. But to clinch the argument, it is clearly desirable to prove that\nthe custom of putting to death a human representative of a god was known\nand practised in ancient Italy elsewhere than in the Arician Grove. This\nproof I now propose to adduce.\n\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER VIII. THE SATURNALIA AND KINDRED FESTIVALS.\n\n\n\n\n\u00a7 1. The Roman Saturnalia.\n\n\n(M238) In an earlier part of this book we saw that many peoples have been\nused to observe an annual period of license, when the customary restraints\nof law and morality are thrown aside, when the whole population give\nthemselves up to extravagant mirth and jollity, and when the darker\npassions find a vent which would never be allowed them in the more staid\nand sober course of ordinary life. Such outbursts of the pent-up forces of\nhuman nature, too often degenerating into wild orgies of lust and crime,\noccur most commonly at the end of the year, and are frequently associated,\nas I have had occasion to point out, with one or other of the agricultural\nseasons, especially with the time of sowing or of harvest. Now, of all\nthese periods of license the one which is best known and which in modern\nlanguages has given its name to the rest, is the Saturnalia. This famous\nfestival fell in December, the last month of the Roman year, and was\npopularly supposed to commemorate the merry reign of Saturn, the god of\nsowing and of husbandry, who lived on earth long ago as a righteous and\nbeneficent king of Italy, drew the rude and scattered dwellers on the\nmountains together, taught them to till the ground, gave them laws, and\nruled in peace. His reign was the fabled Golden Age: the earth brought\nforth abundantly: no sound of war or discord troubled the happy world: no\nbaleful love of lucre worked like poison in the blood of the industrious\nand contented peasantry. Slavery and private property were alike unknown:\nall men had all things in common. At last the good god, the kindly king,\nvanished suddenly; but his memory was cherished to distant ages, shrines\nwere reared in his honour, and many hills and high places in Italy bore\nhis name.(703) Yet the bright tradition of his reign was crossed by a dark\nshadow: his altars are said to have been stained with the blood of human\nvictims, for whom a more merciful age afterwards substituted\neffigies.(704) Of this gloomy side of the god\u2019s religion there is little\nor no trace in the descriptions which ancient writers have left us of the\nSaturnalia. Feasting and revelry and all the mad pursuit of pleasure are\nthe features that seem to have especially marked this carnival of\nantiquity, as it went on for seven days in the streets and public squares\nand houses of ancient Rome from the seventeenth to the twenty-third of\nDecember.(705)\n\n(M239) But no feature of the festival is more remarkable, nothing in it\nseems to have struck the ancients themselves more than the license granted\nto slaves at this time. The distinction between the free and the servile\nclasses was temporarily abolished. The slave might rail at his master,\nintoxicate himself like his betters, sit down at table with them, and not\neven a word of reproof would be administered to him for conduct which at\nany other season might have been punished with stripes, imprisonment, or\ndeath.(706) Nay, more, masters actually changed places with their slaves\nand waited on them at table; and not till the serf had done eating and\ndrinking was the board cleared and dinner set for his master.(707) So far\nwas this inversion of ranks carried, that each household became for a time\na mimic republic in which the high offices of state were discharged by the\nslaves, who gave their orders and laid down the law as if they were indeed\ninvested with all the dignity of the consulship, the praetorship, and the\nbench.(708) Like the pale reflection of power thus accorded to bondsmen at\nthe Saturnalia was the mock kingship for which freemen cast lots at the\nsame season. The person on whom the lot fell enjoyed the title of king,\nand issued commands of a playful and ludicrous nature to his temporary\nsubjects. One of them he might order to mix the wine, another to drink,\nanother to sing, another to dance, another to speak in his own dispraise,\nanother to carry a flute-girl on his back round the house.(709)\n\n(M240) Now, when we remember that the liberty allowed to slaves at this\nfestive season was supposed to be an imitation of the state of society in\nSaturn\u2019s time, and that in general the Saturnalia passed for nothing more\nor less than a temporary revival or restoration of the reign of that merry\nmonarch, we are tempted to surmise that the mock king who presided over\nthe revels may have originally represented Saturn himself. The conjecture\nis strongly confirmed, if not established, by a very curious and\ninteresting account of the way in which the Saturnalia was celebrated by\nthe Roman soldiers stationed on the Danube in the reign of Maximian and\nDiocletian. The account is preserved in a narrative of the martyrdom of\nSt. Dasius, which was unearthed from a Greek manuscript in the Paris\nlibrary, and published by Professor Franz Cumont of Ghent. Two briefer\ndescriptions of the event and of the custom are contained in manuscripts\nat Milan and Berlin; one of them had already seen the light in an obscure\nvolume printed at Urbino in 1727, but its importance for the history of\nthe Roman religion, both ancient and modern, appears to have been\noverlooked until Professor Cumont drew the attention of scholars to all\nthree narratives by publishing them together some years ago.(710)\nAccording to these narratives, which have all the appearance of being\nauthentic, and of which the longest is probably based on official\ndocuments, the Roman soldiers at Durostorum in Lower Moesia celebrated the\nSaturnalia year by year in the following manner. Thirty days before the\nfestival they chose by lot from amongst themselves a young and handsome\nman, who was then clothed in royal attire to resemble Saturn. Thus arrayed\nand attended by a multitude of soldiers he went about in public with full\nlicense to indulge his passions and to taste of every pleasure, however\nbase and shameful. But if his reign was merry, it was short and ended\ntragically; for when the thirty days were up and the festival of Saturn\nhad come, he cut his own throat on the altar of the god whom he\npersonated.(711) In the year 303 A.D. the lot fell upon the Christian\nsoldier Dasius, but he refused to play the part of the heathen god and\nsoil his last days by debauchery. The threats and arguments of his\ncommanding officer Bassus failed to shake his constancy, and accordingly\nhe was beheaded, as the Christian martyrologist records with minute\naccuracy, at Durostorum by the soldier John on Friday the twentieth day of\nNovember, being the twenty-fourth day of the moon, at the fourth hour.\n\nSince this narrative was published by Professor Cumont, its historical\ncharacter, which had been doubted or denied, has received strong\nconfirmation from an interesting discovery. In the crypt of the cathedral\nwhich crowns the promontory of Ancona there is preserved, among other\nremarkable antiquities, a white marble sarcophagus bearing a Greek\ninscription, in characters of the age of Justinian, to the following\neffect: \u201cHere lies the holy martyr Dasius, brought from Durostorum.\u201d The\nsarcophagus was transferred to the crypt of the cathedral in 1848 from the\nchurch of San Pellegrino, under the high altar of which, as we learn from\na Latin inscription let into the masonry, the martyr\u2019s bones still repose\nwith those of two other saints. How long the sarcophagus was deposited in\nthe church of San Pellegrino, we do not know; but it is recorded to have\nbeen there in the year 1650. We may suppose that the saint\u2019s relics were\ntransferred for safety to Ancona at some time in the troubled centuries\nwhich followed his martyrdom, when Moesia was occupied and ravaged by\nsuccessive hordes of barbarian invaders.(712) At all events it appears\ncertain from the independent and mutually confirmatory evidence of the\nmartyrology and the monuments that Dasius was no mythical saint, but a\nreal man, who suffered death for his faith at Durostorum in one of the\nearly centuries of the Christian era. Finding the narrative of the\nnameless martyrologist thus established as to the principal fact recorded,\nnamely, the martyrdom of St. Dasius, we may reasonably accept his\ntestimony as to the manner and cause of the martyrdom, all the more\nbecause his narrative is precise, circumstantial, and entirely free from\nthe miraculous element. Accordingly I conclude that the account which he\ngives of the celebration of the Saturnalia among the Roman soldiers is\ntrustworthy.\n\n(M241) This account sets in a new and lurid light the office of the King\nof the Saturnalia, the ancient Lord of Misrule, who presided over the\nwinter revels at Rome in the time of Horace and of Tacitus. It seems to\nprove that his business had not always been that of a mere harlequin or\nmerry-andrew whose only care was that the revelry should run high and the\nfun grow fast and furious, while the fire blazed and crackled on the\nhearth, while the streets swarmed with festive crowds, and through the\nclear frosty air, far away to the north, Soracte shewed his coronal of\nsnow. When we compare this comic monarch of the gay, the civilized\nmetropolis with his grim counterpart of the rude camp on the Danube, and\nwhen we remember the long array of similar figures, ludicrous yet tragic,\nwho in other ages and in other lands, wearing mock crowns and wrapped in\nsceptred palls, have played their little pranks for a few brief hours or\ndays, then passed before their time to a violent death, we can hardly\ndoubt that in the King of the Saturnalia at Rome, as he is depicted by\nclassical writers, we see only a feeble emasculated copy of that original,\nwhose strong features have been fortunately preserved for us by the\nobscure author of the _Martyrdom of St. Dasius_. In other words, the\nmartyrologist\u2019s account of the Saturnalia agrees so closely with the\naccounts of similar rites elsewhere, which could not possibly have been\nknown to him, that the substantial accuracy of his description may be\nregarded as established; and further, since the custom of putting a mock\nking to death as a representative of a god cannot have grown out of a\npractice of appointing him to preside over a holiday revel, whereas the\nreverse may very well have happened, we are justified in assuming that in\nan earlier and more barbarous age it was the universal practice in ancient\nItaly, wherever the worship of Saturn prevailed, to choose a man who\nplayed the part and enjoyed all the traditionary privileges of Saturn for\na season, and then died, whether by his own or another\u2019s hand, whether by\nthe knife or the fire or on the gallows-tree, in the character of the good\ngod who gave his life for the world. In Rome itself and other great towns\nthe growth of civilization had probably mitigated this cruel custom long\nbefore the Augustan age, and transformed it into the innocent shape it\nwears in the writings of the few classical writers who bestow a passing\nnotice on the holiday King of the Saturnalia. But in remoter districts the\nolder and sterner practice may long have survived; and even if after the\nunification of Italy the barbarous usage was suppressed by the Roman\ngovernment, the memory of it would be handed down by the peasants and\nwould tend from time to time, as still happens with the lowest forms of\nsuperstition among ourselves, to lead to a recrudescence of the practice,\nespecially among the rude soldiery on the outskirts of the empire over\nwhom the once iron hand of Rome was beginning to relax its grasp.(713)\n\n(M242) The resemblance between the Saturnalia of ancient and the Carnival\nof modern Italy has often been remarked; but in the light of all the facts\nthat have come before us, we may well ask whether the resemblance does not\namount to identity. We have seen that in Italy, Spain, and France, that\nis, in the countries where the influence of Rome has been deepest and most\nlasting, a conspicuous feature of the Carnival is a burlesque figure\npersonifying the festive season, which after a short career of glory and\ndissipation is publicly shot, burnt, or otherwise destroyed, to the\nfeigned grief or genuine delight of the populace.(714) If the view here\nsuggested of the Carnival is correct, this grotesque personage is no other\nthan a direct successor of the old King of the Saturnalia, the master of\nthe revels, the real man who personated Saturn and, when the revels were\nover, suffered a real death in his assumed character. The King of the Bean\non Twelfth Night and the mediaeval Bishop of Fools, Abbot of Unreason, or\nLord of Misrule are figures of the same sort and may perhaps have had a\nsimilar origin. We will consider them in the following section.\n\n\n\n\n\u00a7 2. The King of the Bean and the Festival of Fools.\n\n\n(M243) The custom of electing by lot a King and often also a Queen of the\nBean on Twelfth Night (Epiphany, the sixth of January) or on the eve of\nthat festival used to prevail in France, Belgium, Germany, and England,\nand it is still kept up in some parts of France. It may be traced back to\nthe first half of the sixteenth century at least, and no doubt dates from\na very much more remote antiquity. At the French court the Kings\nthemselves did not disdain to countenance the mock royalty, and Louis XIV.\neven supported with courtly grace the shadowy dignity in his own person.\nEvery family as a rule elected its own King. On the eve of the festival a\ngreat cake was baked with a bean in it; the cake was divided in portions,\none for each member of the family, together with one for God, one for the\nVirgin, and sometimes one also for the poor. The person who obtained the\nportion containing the bean was proclaimed King of the Bean. Where a Queen\nof the Bean was elected as well as a King, a second bean was sometimes\nbaked in the cake for the Queen. Thus at Blankenheim, near Neuerburg, in\nthe Eifel, a black and a white bean were baked in the cake; he who drew\nthe piece with the black bean was King, and she who drew the white bean\nwas Queen. In Franche-Comt\u00e9, at the beginning of the nineteenth century,\nthey used to put as many white haricot beans in a hat as there were\npersons present, and two coloured beans were added; the beans were drawn\nat haphazard from the hat by a child, and they who got the coloured beans\nwere King and Queen. In England and perhaps elsewhere the practice was to\nput a bean in the cake for the King and a pea for the Queen. But in some\nplaces only the King was elected by lot, and after his election he chose\nhis Queen for himself. Sometimes a coin was substituted for the bean in\nthe cake; but though this usage was followed in southern Germany as early\nas the first half of the sixteenth century, it is probably an innovation\non the older custom of employing a bean as the lot. In France the\ndistribution of the pieces of the cake among the persons present was made\nin accordance with the directions of a child, the youngest boy present,\nwho was placed under or on the table and addressed by the name of \u201cPhoebe\u201d\nor \u201cT\u00e9b\u00e9\u201d; he answered in Latin \u201c_Domine_.\u201d The master of the house,\nholding a piece of the cake in his hand, asked the child to whom he should\ngive it, and the child named any person he pleased. Sometimes the first\nslice of cake was regularly assigned to \u201cthe good God\u201d and set aside for\nthe poor. In the name \u201cPhoebe\u201d or \u201cT\u00e9b\u00e9,\u201d by which the child was\naddressed, learned antiquaries have detected a reference to the oracle of\nApollo; but more probably the name is a simple corruption of the Latin or\nFrench word for bean (Latin _faba_, French _f\u00e8ve_). Immediately on his\nelection the King of the Bean was enthroned, saluted by all, and thrice\nlifted up, while he made crosses with chalk on the beams and rafters of\nthe ceiling. Great virtue was attributed to these white crosses. They were\nsupposed to protect the house for the whole year against\n\n\n                                \u201c_all injuryes and harmes_\n    _Of cursed devils, sprites, and bugges, of conjurings and\n                charmes._\u201d\n\n\nThen feasting and revelry began and were kept up merrily without respect\nof persons. Every time the King or Queen drank, the whole company was\nexpected to cry, \u201cThe King drinks!\u201d or \u201cThe Queen drinks!\u201d Any person who\nfailed to join in the cry was punished by having his face blackened with\nsoot or a burned cork or smeared with the lees of wine. In some parts of\nthe Ardennes the custom was to fasten great horns of paper in the hair of\nthe delinquent and to put a huge pair of spectacles on his nose; and he\nhad to wear these badges of infamy till the end of the festival.(715) The\ncustom of electing a King and Queen of the Bean on Twelfth Day is still\nkept up all over the north of France. A miniature porcelain figure of a\nchild is sometimes substituted for the bean in the cake. If the lot,\nwhether bean or doll, falls to a boy he becomes King and chooses his\nQueen; if it falls to a girl she becomes Queen and chooses her King.(716)\n\n(M244) So far, apart from the crosses chalked up to ban hobgoblins,\nwitches, and bugs, the King and Queen of the Bean might seem to be merely\nplayful personages appointed at a season of festivity to lead the revels.\nHowever, a more serious significance was sometimes attached to the office\nand to the ceremonies of Twelfth Day in general. Thus in Lorraine the\nheight of the hemp crop in the coming year was prognosticated from the\nheight of the King and Queen; if the King was the taller of the two, it\nwas supposed that the male hemp would be higher than the female, but that\nthe contrary would happen if the Queen were taller than the King.(717)\nAgain, in the Vosges Mountains, on the borders of Franche-Comt\u00e9, it is\ncustomary on Twelfth Day for people to dance on the roofs in order to make\nthe hemp grow tall.(718) Further, in many places the beans used in the\ncake were carried to the church to be blessed by the clergy, and people\ndrew omens from the cake as to the good or ill that would befall them\nthroughout the year. Moreover, certain forms of divination were resorted\nto on Twelfth Night for the purpose of ascertaining in which month of the\nyear wheat would be dearest.(719)\n\n(M245) In Franche-Comt\u00e9, particularly in the Montagne du Doubs, it is\nstill the custom on the Eve of Twelfth Night (the fifth of January) to\nlight bonfires, which appear to have, in the popular mind, some reference\nto the crops. The whole population takes part in the festivity. In the\nafternoon the young folk draw a cart about the street collecting fuel.\nSome people contribute faggots, others bundles of straw or of dry hemp\nstalks. Towards evening the whole of the fuel thus collected is piled up a\nlittle way from the houses and set on fire. While it blazes, the people\ndance round it, crying, \u201cGood year, come back! Bread and wine, come back!\u201d\nIn the district of Pontarlier the young folk carry lighted torches about\nthe fields, shaking sparks over the sowed lands and shouting, \u201c_Couaille,\ncouaille, blanconnie!_\u201d\u2014words of which the meaning has been\nforgotten.(720) A similar custom is commonly observed on the same day (the\nEve of Twelfth Night, the fifth of January) in the Bocage of Normandy,\nexcept that it is the fruit-trees rather than the sowed fields to which\nthe fire is applied. When the evening shadows have fallen on the\nlandscape, the darkness begins to be illuminated here and there by\ntwinkling points of fire, which multiply as the night grows late, till\nthey appear as numerous on earth as the stars in the sky. About every\nvillage, in the fields and orchards, on the crests of the hills, wandering\nlights may be discerned, vanishing and suddenly reappearing, gathering\ntogether and then dispersing, pursuing each other capriciously, and\ntracing broken lines, sparkling arabesques of fire in the gloom of night\nThe peasants are observing the ceremony of the \u201cMoles and Field-mice\u201d\n(_Taupes et Mulots_); and that evening there is not a hamlet, not a farm,\nhardly a solitary cottage that does not contribute its flame to the\ngeneral illumination, till the whole horizon seems in a blaze, and houses,\nwoods, and hills stand out in dark relief against the glow of the sky. The\nvillages vie with each other in the number and brilliancy of the fires\nthey can exhibit on this occasion. Woods and hedges are scoured to provide\nthe materials for the blaze. Torches of straw wound about poles are\nprovided in abundance; and armed with them men and women, lads and lasses,\nboys and girls, pour forth from the houses at nightfall into the fields\nand orchards. There they run about among the trees, waving the lighted\ntorches under the branches and striking the trunks with them so that the\nsparks fly out in showers. And as they do so they sing or scream at the\ntop of their voices certain traditional curses against the animals and\ninsects that injure the fruit-trees. They bid the moles and field-mice to\ndepart from their orchards, threatening to break their bones and burn\ntheir beards if they tarry. The more they do this, the larger, they\nbelieve, will be the crop of fruit in the following autumn. When everybody\nhas rushed about his own orchard, meadow or pasture in this fashion, they\nall assemble on a height or crest of a hill, where they picnic, each\nbringing his share of provisions, cider, or brandy to the feast. There,\ntoo, they kindle a huge bonfire, and dance round it, capering and\nbrandishing their torches in wild enthusiasm.(721) Customs of the same\nsort used to be observed on the same day (the Eve of Epiphany, the fifth\nof January) in the Ardennes. People ran about with burning torches,\ncommanding the moles and field-mice to go forth. Then they threw the\ntorches on the ground, and believed that by this proceeding they purified\nthe earth and made it fruitful.(722)\n\n(M246) This ceremony appears to be intended to ensure a good crop of fruit\nby burning out the animals and insects that harm the fruit-trees. In some\nparts of England it used to be customary to light fires at the same season\nfor the purpose, apparently, of procuring a plentiful crop of wheat in the\nensuing autumn. Thus, \u201cin the parish of Pauntley, a village on the borders\nof the county of Gloucester, next Worcestershire, and in the\nneighbourhood, a custom prevails, which is intended to prevent the smut in\nwheat. On the Eve of Twelfth-day, all the servants of every farmer\nassemble together in one of the fields that has been sown with wheat. At\nthe end of twelve lands, they make twelve fires in a row with straw,\naround one of which, much larger than the rest, they drink a cheerful\nglass of cider to their master\u2019s health, and success to the future\nharvest; then, returning home, they feast on cakes soaked in cider, which\nthey claim as a reward for their past labours in sowing the grain.\u201d(723)\nSimilarly in Herefordshire, \u201con the Eve of Twelfth Day, at the approach of\nevening, the farmers, their friends, servants, etc., all assemble, and,\nnear six o\u2019clock, all walk together to a field where wheat is growing. The\nhighest part of the ground is always chosen, where twelve small fires, and\none large one are lighted up. The attendants, headed by the master of the\nfamily, pledge the company in old cyder, which circulates freely on these\noccasions. A circle is formed round the large fire, when a general shout\nand hallooing takes place, which you hear answered from all the villages\nand fields near; as I have myself counted fifty or sixty fires burning at\nthe same time, which are generally placed on some eminence. This being\nfinished, the company all return to the house, where the good housewife\nand her maids are preparing a good supper, which on this occasion is very\nplentiful. A large cake is always provided, with a hole in the middle.\nAfter supper, the company all attend the bailiff (or head of the oxen) to\nthe wain-house, where the following particulars are observed. The master,\nat the head of his friends, fills the cup (generally of strong ale), and\nstands opposite the first or finest of the oxen (twenty-four of which I\nhave often seen tied up in their stalls together); he then pledges him in\na curious toast; the company then follow his example with all the other\noxen, addressing each by their name. This being over, the large cake is\nproduced, and is, with much ceremony, put on the horn of the first ox,\nthrough the hole in the cake; he is then tickled to make him toss his\nhead: if he throws the cake behind, it is the mistress\u2019s perquisite; if\nbefore (in what is termed the _boosy_), the bailiff claims this prize.\nThis ended, the company all return to the house, the doors of which are in\nthe meantime locked, and not opened till some joyous songs are sung. On\nentering, a scene of mirth and jollity commences, and reigns thro\u2019 the\nhouse till a late, or rather an early, hour, the next morning.\u201d(724)\n\n(M247) The custom was known as Wassailing and it was believed to have a\nbeneficial effect on the crops.(725) According to one Herefordshire\ninformant, \u201con Twelfth Day they make twelve fires of straw and one large\none to burn the old witch; they sing, drink, and dance round it; without\nthis festival they think they should have no crop.\u201d(726) This explanation\nof the large fire on Twelfth Day is remarkable and may supply the key to\nthe whole custom of kindling fires on the fields or in the orchards on\nthat day. We have seen that witches and fiends of various sorts are\nbelieved to be let loose during the Twelve Days and that in some places\nthey are formally driven away on Twelfth Night.(727) It may well be that\nthe fires lighted on that day were everywhere primarily intended to burn\nthe witches and other maleficent beings swarming invisible in the\nmischief-laden air, and that the benefit supposed to be conferred by the\nfires on the crops was not so much the positive one of quickening the\ngrowth of vegetation by genial warmth as the negative one of destroying\nthe baleful influences which would otherwise blast the fruits of the earth\nand of the trees. This interpretation of the English and French custom of\nlighting fires in fields and orchards on Twelfth Night is confirmed by a\nparallel custom observed by Macedonian peasants for the express purpose of\nburning up certain malicious fiends, who are believed to be abroad at this\nseason. These noxious beings are known as _Karkantzari_ or _Skatsantzari_.\nThey are thought to be living people, whether men or women, who during the\nTwelve Days are transformed into horrible monsters, with long nails, red\nfaces, bloodshot eyes, snottering noses, and slobbering mouths. In this\nhideous guise they roam about by night haunting houses and making the\npeasant\u2019s life well-nigh unbearable; they knock at the doors and should\nthey be refused admittance they will scramble down the chimney and pinch,\nworry, and defile the sleepers in their beds. The only way to escape from\nthese tormenters is to seize and bind them fast with a straw rope. If you\nhave no such rope or your heart fails you, there is nothing for it but to\nshut yourself up in the house before dark, fasten the door tight, block up\nthe chimney, and wait for daylight; for it is only at night that the\nmonsters are on the prowl, during the day they resume their ordinary human\nshape. However, in some places strenuous efforts are made during the\nTwelve Days to destroy these hateful nocturnal goblins by fire. For\nexample, on Christmas Eve some people burn the _Karkantzari_ by lighting\nfaggots of holm-oak and throwing them out into the streets at early dawn.\nIn other places, notably at Melenik, they scald the fiends to death on New\nYear\u2019s Eve by means of pancakes frizzling and hissing in a pan. While the\ngoodwife is baking the cakes, the goodman disguises himself as one of the\nfiends in a fur coat turned inside out, and in his assumed character\ndances and sings outside the door, while he invites his wife to join him\nin the dance. In other districts people collect faggots during the whole\nof the Twelve Days and lay them up on the hearth. Then on the Eve of\nTwelfth Night they set fire to the pile in order that the goblins, who are\nsupposed to be lurking under the ashes, may utterly perish.(728) Thus the\nview that the large fire in Herefordshire on Twelfth Night is intended \u201cto\nburn the old witch\u201d is far more probable than the opinion that it\nrepresents the Virgin Mary, and that the other twelve fires stand for the\ntwelve apostles.(729) This latter interpretation is in all probability\nnothing more than a Christian gloss put upon an old heathen custom of\nwhich the meaning was forgotten.\n\n(M248) The Gloucestershire custom was described by the English traveller\nThomas Pennant in the latter part of the eighteenth century. He says: \u201cA\ncustom savouring of the Scotch Bel-tien prevales in Gloucestershire,\nparticularly about Newent and the neighbouring parishes, on the twelfth\nday, or on the Epiphany, in the evening. All the servants of every\nparticular farmer assemble together in one of the fields that has been\nsown with wheat; on the border of which, in the most conspicuous or most\nelevated place, they make twelve fires of straw, in a row; around one of\nwhich, made larger than the rest, they drink a cheerful glass of cyder to\ntheir master\u2019s health, success to the future harvest, and then returning\nhome, they feast on cakes made of carraways, etc., soaked in cyder, which\nthey claim as a reward for their past labours in sowing the grain.\u201d(730)\nIn Shropshire also it used to be customary to kindle festal fires on the\ntops of hills and other high places on Twelfth Night.(731) Again, in\nIreland \u201con Twelfth-Eve in Christmas, they use to set up as high as they\ncan a sieve of oats, and in it a dozen of candles set round, and in the\ncentre one larger, all lighted. This in memory of our Saviour and his\nApostles, lights of the world.\u201d(732) Down to the present time, apparently,\nin the county of Roscommon, \u201cTwelfth Night, which is Old Christmas Day, is\na greater day than Christmas Day itself. Thirteen rushlights are made in\nremembrance of the numbers at the Last Supper, and each is named after\nsome member of the family. If there are not enough in the household other\nrelations\u2019 names are added. The candles are stuck in a cake of cow-dung\nand lighted, and as each burns out, so will be the length of each person\u2019s\nlife. Rushlights are only used for this occasion.\u201d(733)\n\n(M249) In these English and Irish customs observed on Twelfth Night the\ntwelve fires or candles probably refer either to the twelve days from\nChristmas to Epiphany or to the twelve months of the year. In favour of\nthis view it may be said that according to a popular opinion, which has\nbeen reported in England(734) and is widely diffused in Germany and the\nGerman provinces of Austria, the weather of the twelve days in question\ndetermines the weather of the twelve following months, so that from the\nweather on each of these days it is possible to predict the weather of the\ncorresponding month in the ensuing year.(735) Hence in Swabia the days are\ncalled \u201cthe Twelve Lot Days\u201d; and many people seek to pry into the future\nwith scientific precision by means of twelve circles, each subdivided into\nfour quadrants, which they chalk up over the parlour door or inscribe on\npaper. Each circle represents a month, and each quadrant represents a\nquarter of a month; and according as the sky is overcast or clear during\neach quarter of a day from Christmas to Epiphany, you shade the\ncorresponding quadrant of a circle or leave it a blank. By this\ncontrivance, as simple as it is ingenious, you may forecast the weather\nfor the whole year with more or less of accuracy.(736) At Hosskirch in\nSwabia they say that you can predict the weather for the twelve months\nfrom the weather of the twelve hours of Twelfth Day alone.(737) A somewhat\ndifferent system of meteorology is adopted in various parts of\nSwitzerland, Germany, and Austria. On Christmas, New Year\u2019s Day, or\nanother of the twelve days you take an onion, slice it in two, peel off\ntwelve coats, and sprinkle a pinch of salt in each of them. The twelve\ncoats of the onion stand for the twelve months of the year, and from the\namount of moisture which has gathered in each of them next morning you may\nforetell the amount of rain that will fall in the corresponding\nmonth.(738)\n\n(M250) But the belief that the weather of the twelve months can be\npredicted from the weather of the twelve days is not confined to the\nGermanic peoples. It occurs also in France and among the Celts of Brittany\nand Scotland. Thus in the Bocage of Normandy \u201cthe village old wives have a\nvery simple means of divining the general temperature of the coming\nseason. According to them, the twelve days between Christmas and Epiphany,\nincluding Epiphany, represent the twelve months of the year. So the thing\nto do is to mark the temperature of each of these days, for the\ntemperature of the corresponding month will be relatively the same. Some\npeople say that this experience is rarely at fault, and more trust is put\nin it than in the predictions of the _Double-Li\u00e9gois_.\u201d(739) In\nCornouaille, Brittany, it is popularly believed that the weather of the\nlast six days of December and the first six of January prognosticates the\nweather of the twelve months; but in other parts of Brittany it is the\nfirst twelve days of January that are supposed to be ominous of the\nweather for the year. These days are called _gour-deziou_, which is\ncommonly interpreted \u201cmale days,\u201d but is said to mean properly \u201cadditional\nor supplementary days.\u201d(740) Again, in the Highlands of Scotland the\ntwelve days of Christmas (_Da latha dheug na Nollaig_) \u201cwere the twelve\ndays commencing from the Nativity or Big _Nollaig_, and were deemed to\nrepresent, in respect of weather, the twelve months of the year. Some say\nthe days should be calculated from New Year\u2019s Day.\u201d(741) Others again\nreckon the Twelve Days from the thirty-first of December. Thus Pennant\ntells us that \u201cthe Highlanders form a sort of almanack or presage of the\nweather of the ensuing year in the following manner: they make observation\non twelve days, beginning at the last of December, and hold as an\ninfallible rule, that whatsoever weather happens on each of those days,\nthe same will prove to agree in the correspondent months. Thus, January is\nto answer to the weather of December 31st; February to that of January\n1st; and so with the rest. Old people still pay great attention to this\naugury.\u201d(742) It is interesting to observe that in the Celtic regions of\nScotland and France popular opinion hesitates as to the exact date of the\ntwelve days, some people dating them from Christmas, others from the New\nYear, and others again from the thirty-first of December. This hesitation\nhas an important bearing on the question of the origin of the twelve days\u2019\nperiod, as I shall point out immediately.\n\n(M251) Thus in the popular mind the twelve days from Christmas to Epiphany\nare conceived as a miniature of the whole year, the character of each\nparticular day answering to the character of a particular month. The\nconception appears to be very ancient, for it meets us again among the\nAryans of the Vedic age in India. They, too, appear to have invested\ntwelve days in midwinter with a sacred character as a time when the three\nRibhus or genii of the seasons rested from their labours in the home of\nthe sun-god; and these twelve rest-days they called \u201can image or copy of\nthe year.\u201d(743)\n\n(M252) This curious coincidence, if such it is, between the winter\nfestivals of the ancient Aryans of India and their modern kinsfolk in\nEurope seems to be best explained on the theory that the twelve days in\nquestion derive their sanctity from the position which they occupied in\nthe calendar of the primitive Aryans. The coincidence of the name for\nmonth with the name for moon in the various Aryan languages(744) points to\nthe conclusion that the year of our remote ancestors was primarily based\non observation of the moon rather than of the sun; but as a year of twelve\nlunar months or three hundred and fifty-four days (reckoning the months at\ntwenty-nine and thirty days alternately) falls short of the solar year of\nthree hundred and sixty-five and a quarter days by roundly twelve days,\nthe discrepancy could not fail to attract the attention of an intelligent\npeople, such as the primitive Aryans must be supposed to have been, who\nhad made some progress in the arts of life; and the most obvious way of\nremoving the discrepancy and equating the lunar with the solar year is to\nadd twelve days at the end of each period of twelve lunar months so as to\nbring the total days of the year up to three hundred and sixty-six. The\nequation is not indeed perfectly exact, but it may well have been\nsufficiently so for the rudimentary science of the primitive Aryans.(745)\nAs many savage races in modern times have observed the discrepancy between\nsolar and lunar time and have essayed to correct it by observations of the\nsun or the constellations, especially the Pleiades,(746) there seems no\nreason to doubt that the ancestors of the Indo-European peoples in\nprehistoric times were able to make similar observations, and that they\nwere not, as has been suggested, reduced to the necessity of borrowing the\nknowledge of such simple and obvious facts from the star-gazers of ancient\nBabylonia. Learned men who make little use of their eyes except to read\nbooks are too apt to underrate the observational powers of the savage, who\nlives under totally different conditions from us, spending most of his\ntime in the open air and depending for his very existence on the accuracy\nwith which he notes the varied and changing aspects of nature.\n\n(M253) It has been proposed to explain the manifold superstitions which\ncluster round the Twelve Days, or rather the Twelve Nights, as they are\nmore popularly called,(747) by reference to the place which they occupy in\nthe Christian calendar, beginning as they do immediately after Christmas\nand ending with Epiphany.(748) But, in the first place, it is difficult to\nsee why the interval between these two particular festivals should have\nattracted to itself a greater mass of superstitious belief and custom than\nthe interval between any other two Christian festivals in the calendar; if\nit really did so, the ground of its special attraction is still to seek,\nand on this essential point the advocates of the Christian origin of the\nTwelve Nights throw no light. In the second place, the superstitious\nbeliefs and customs themselves appear to have no relation to Christianity\nbut to be purely pagan in character. Lastly, a fatal objection to the\ntheory in question is that the place of the Twelve Days in the calendar is\nnot uniformly fixed to the interval between Christmas and Epiphany; it\nvaries considerably in popular opinion in different places, but it is\nsignificant that the variations never exceed certain comparatively narrow\nlimits. The twelve-days\u2019 festival, so to speak, oscillates to and fro\nabout a fixed point, which is either the end of the year or the winter\nsolstice. Thus in Silesia the Twelve Days are usually reckoned to fall\nbefore Christmas instead of after it; though in the Polish districts and\nthe mountainous region of the country the ordinary German opinion prevails\nthat the days immediately follow Christmas.(749) In some parts of Bavaria\nthe Twelve Days are counted from St. Thomas\u2019s Day (the twenty-first of\nDecember) to New Year\u2019s Day; while in parts of Mecklenburg they begin with\nNew Year\u2019s Day and so coincide with the first twelve days of January,(750)\nand this last mode of reckoning finds favour, as we saw, with some Celts\nof Brittany and Scotland.(751) These variations in the dating of the\nTwelve Days seem irreconcilable with the theory that they derive their\nsuperstitious character purely from the accident that they fall between\nChristmas and Epiphany; accordingly we may safely dismiss the theory of\ntheir Christian origin and recognize, with many good authorities,(752) in\nthe Twelve Days the relics of a purely pagan festival, which was probably\ncelebrated long before the foundation of Christianity. In truth the\nhypothesis of the Christian derivation of the Twelve Days in all\nprobability exactly inverts the historical order of the facts. On the\nwhole the evidence goes to shew that the great Christian festivals were\narbitrarily timed by the church so as to coincide with previously existing\npagan festivals for the sake of weaning the heathen from their old faith\nand bringing them over to the new religion. To make the transition as easy\nas possible the ecclesiastical authorities, in abolishing the ancient\nrites, appointed ceremonies of somewhat similar character on the same\ndays, or nearly so, thus filling up the spiritual void by a new creation\nwhich the worshipper might accept as an adequate substitute for what he\nhad lost. Christmas and Easter, the two pivots on which the Christian\ncalendar revolves, appear both to have been instituted with this\nintention: the one superseded a midwinter festival of the birth of the\nsun-god, the other superseded a vernal festival of the death and\nresurrection of the vegetation-god.(753)\n\n(M254) If the twelve days from Christmas to Epiphany were indeed an\nancient intercalary period inserted for the purpose of equating the lunar\nto the solar year, we can better understand the curious superstitions that\nhave clustered round them and the quaint customs that have been annually\nobserved during their continuance. To the primitive mind it might well\nseem that an intercalary period stands outside of the regular order of\nthings, forming part neither of the lunar nor of the solar system; it is\nan excrescence, inevitable but unaccountable, which breaks the smooth\nsurface of ordinary existence, an eddy which interrupts the even flow of\nmonths and years. Hence it may be inferred that the ordinary rules of\nconduct do not apply to such extraordinary periods, and that accordingly\nmen may do in them what they would never dream of doing at other times.\nThus intercalary days tend to degenerate into seasons of unbridled\nlicense; they form an interregnum during which the customary restraints of\nlaw and morality are suspended and the ordinary rulers abdicate their\nauthority in favour of a temporary regent, a sort of puppet king, who\nbears a more or less indefinite, capricious, and precarious sway over a\ncommunity given up for a time to riot, turbulence, and disorder. If that\nis so\u2014though it must be confessed that the view here suggested is to a\ngreat extent conjectural\u2014we may perhaps detect the last surviving\nrepresentatives of such puppet kings in the King of the Bean and other\ngrotesque figures of the same sort who used to parade with the mimic pomp\nof sovereignty on one or other of the twelve days between Christmas and\nEpiphany. For the King of the Bean was by no means the only such ruler of\nthe festive season, nor was Twelfth Night the only day on which he and his\ncolleagues played their pranks. We will conclude this part of our subject\nwith a brief notice of some of these mummers.\n\n(M255) In the first place it deserves to be noticed that in many parts of\nthe continent, such as France, Spain, Belgium, Germany, and Austria,\nTwelfth Day is regularly associated with three mythical kings named\nCaspar, Melchior, and Balthasar, and derives its popular appellation from\nthem, being known in Germany and Austria as the Day of the Three Kings\n(_Dreik\u00f6nigstag_) and in France as the Festival of the Kings (_F\u00eate des\nRois_). Further, it has been customary in many places to represent the\nthree kings by mummers, who go about arrayed in royal costume from door to\ndoor, singing songs and collecting contributions from the households which\nthey visit.(754) The custom may very well be older than Christianity,\nthough it has received a Christian colouring; for the mythical kings are\ncommonly identified with the wise men of the East, who are said to have\nbeen attracted to the infant Christ at Bethlehem by the sight of his star\nin the sky.(755) Yet there is no Biblical authority for regarding these\nwise men as kings or for fixing their number at three. In Franche-Comt\u00e9\nthe old custom is still observed, or at all events it was so down to\nrecent years. The Three Kings are personated by three boys dressed in long\nwhite shirts with coloured sashes round their waists; on their heads they\nwear pointed mitres of pasteboard decorated with a gilt star and floating\nribbons. Each carries a long wand topped by a star, which he keeps\nconstantly turning. The one who personates Melchior has his face blackened\nwith soot, because Melchior is supposed to have been a negro king. When\nthey enter a house, they sing a song, setting forth that they are three\nkings who have come from three different countries, led by a star, to\nadore the infant Jesus at Bethlehem. After the song the negro king\nsolicits contributions by shaking his money-box or holding out a basket,\nin which the inmates of the house deposit eggs, nuts, apples and so forth.\nBy way of thanks for this liberality the three kings chant a stave in\nwhich they call down the blessing of God on the household.(756) The custom\nis similar in the Vosges Mountains, where the Three Kings are held in\ngreat veneration and invoked by hedge doctors to effect various cures. For\nexample, if a man drops to the ground with the falling sickness, you need\nonly whisper in his right ear, \u201c_Gaspard fert myrrham, thus Melchior,\nBalthasar aurum_,\u201d and he will get up at once. But to make the cure\ncomplete you must knock three nails into the earth on the precise spot\nwhere he fell; each nail must be exactly of the length of the patient\u2019s\nlittle finger, and as you knock it in you must take care to utter the\nsufferer\u2019s name.(757) In many Czech villages of Bohemia the children who\nplay the part of the Three Kings assimilate themselves to the wise men of\nthe East in the gospel by carrying gilt paper, incense, and myrrh with\nthem on their rounds, which they distribute as gifts in the houses they\nvisit, receiving in return money or presents in kind. Moreover they\nfumigate and sprinkle the houses and describe crosses and letters on the\ndoors. Amongst the Germans of West Bohemia it is the schoolmaster who,\naccompanied by some boys, goes the round of the village on Twelfth Day. He\nchalks up the letters C. M. B. (the initials of Caspar, Melchior, and\nBalthasar), together with three crosses, on every door, and fumigates the\nhouse with a burning censer in order to guard it from evil influences and\ninfectious diseases.(758) Some people used to wear as an amulet a picture\nrepresenting the adoration of the Three Kings with a Latin inscription to\nthe following effect: \u201cHoly three kings, Caspar, Melchior, Balthasar, pray\nfor us, now and in the hour of our death.\u201d The picture was thought to\nprotect the wearer not only from epilepsy, headache, and fever, but also\nfrom the perils of the roads, from the bite of mad dogs, from sudden\ndeath, from sorcery and witchcraft.(759) Whatever its origin, the festival\nof the Three Kings goes back to the middle ages, for it is known to have\nbeen celebrated with great pomp at Milan in 1336. On that occasion the\nThree Kings appeared wearing crowns, riding richly caparisoned horses, and\nsurrounded by pages, bodyguards, and a great retinue of followers. Before\nthem was carried a golden star, and they offered gifts of gold,\nfrankincense, and myrrh to the infant Christ cradled in a manger beside\nthe high altar of the church of St. Eustorgius.(760)\n\n(M256) In our own country a popular figure during the Christmas holidays\nused to be the Lord of Misrule, or, as he was called in Scotland, the\nAbbot of Unreason, who led the revels at that merry season in the halls of\ncolleges, the Inns of Court, the palace of the king, and the mansions of\nnobles.(761) Writing at the end of the sixteenth century, the antiquary\nJohn Stow tells us that, \u201cin the feast of Christmas, there was in the\nKing\u2019s house, wheresoever he was lodged, a Lord of Misrule, or Master of\nMerry Disports; and the like had ye in the house of every nobleman of\nhonour or good worship, were he spiritual or temporal. Amongst the which\nthe Mayor of London, and either of the Sheriffs, had their several Lords\nof Misrule, ever contending, without quarrel or offence, who should make\nthe rarest pastimes to delight the beholders. These Lords beginning their\nrule on Alhollon eve, continued the same til the morrow after the Feast of\nthe Purification, commonly called Candlemas day. In all which space there\nwere fine and subtle disguisings, masks and mummeries, with playing at\ncards for counters, nails, and points, in every house, more for pastime\nthan for gain.\u201d(762) Again, in the seventeenth century the ardent royalist\nSir Thomas Urquhart wrote that \u201cthey may be likewise said to use their\nking ... as about Christmas we do the King of Misrule; whom we invest with\nthat title to no other end, but to countenance the Bacchanalian riots and\npreposterous disorders of the family, where he is installed.\u201d(763) From\nthe former passage it appears that the Lords of Misrule often or even\ngenerally reigned for more than three months in winter, namely from\nAllhallow Even (the thirty-first of October, the Eve of All Saints\u2019 Day)\ntill Candlemas (the second of February). Sometimes, however, their reign\nseems to have been restricted to the Twelve Nights. Thus we are told that\nGeorge Ferrers of Lincoln\u2019s Inn was Lord of Misrule for twelve days one\nyear when King Edward VI. kept his Christmas with open house at\nGreenwich.(764) At Trinity College, Cambridge, a Master of Arts used to be\nappointed to this honourable office, which he held for the twelve days\nfrom Christmas to Twelfth Day, and he resumed office on Candlemas Day. His\nduty was to regulate the games and diversions of the students,\nparticularly the plays which were acted in the college hall. Similar\nmasters of the revels were commonly instituted in the colleges at Oxford;\nfor example, at Merton College the fellows annually elected about St.\nEdmund\u2019s Day, in November a Lord of Misrule or, as he was called in the\nregisters, a King of the Bean (_Rex Fabarum_), who held office till\nCandlemas and sometimes assumed a number of ridiculous titles. In the\nInner Temple a Lord of Misrule used to be appointed on St. Stephen\u2019s Day\n(the twenty-sixth of December); surrounded by his courtiers, who were\ndubbed by various derogatory or ribald names, he presided at the dancing,\nfeasting, and minstrelsy in the hall. Of the mock monarch who in the\nChristmas holidays of 1635 held office in the Middle Temple the\njurisdiction, privileges, and parade have been minutely described. He was\nattended by his lord keeper, lord treasurer, with eight white staves, a\nband of gentleman pensioners with poleaxes, and two chaplains. He dined\nunder a canopy of state both in the hall and in his own chambers. He\nreceived many petitions, which he passed on in regal style to his Master\nof Requests; and he attended service in the Temple church, where his\nchaplains preached before him and did him reverence. His expenses,\ndefrayed from his own purse, amounted to no less than two thousand\npounds.(765) \u201cI remember to have heard a Bencher of the Temple tell a\nstory of a tradition in their house, where they had formerly a custom of\nchoosing kings for such a season, and allowing him his expences at the\ncharge of the society: One of our kings, said my friend, carried his royal\ninclination a little too far, and there was a committee ordered to look\ninto the management of his treasury. Among other things it appeared, that\nhis Majesty walking _incog._ in the cloister, had overheard a poor man say\nto another, Such a small sum would make me the happiest man in the world.\nThe king out of his royal compassion privately inquired into his\ncharacter, and finding him a proper object of charity, sent him the money.\nWhen the committee read the report, the house passed his accounts with a\nplaudite without further examination, upon the recital of this article in\nthem, \u2018For making a man happy, \u00a310:0:0.\u2019 \u201d(766)\n\n(M257) At the English court the annual Lord of Misrule is not to be\nconfounded with the Master of the Revels, who was a permanent official and\nprobably despised the temporary Lord as an upstart rival and intruder.\nCertainly there seems to have been at times bad blood between them. Some\ncorrespondence which passed between the two merry monarchs in the reign of\nEdward VI. has been preserved, and from it we learn that on one occasion\nthe Lord of Misrule had much difficulty in extracting from the Master of\nthe Revels the fool\u2019s coat, hobby-horses, and other trumpery paraphernalia\nwhich he required for the proper support of his dignity. Indeed the\ncostumes furnished by his rival were so shabby that his lordship returned\nthem with a note, in which he informed the Master of the Revels that the\ngentlemen of rank and position who were to wear these liveries stood too\nmuch on their dignity to be seen prancing about the streets of London\nrigged out in such old slops. The Lords of Council had actually to\ninterpose in the petty squabble between the two potentates.(767)\n\n(M258) In France the counterparts of these English Lords of Misrule\nmasqueraded in clerical attire as mock Bishops, Archbishops, Popes, or\nAbbots. The festival at which they disported themselves was known as the\nFestival of Fools (_F\u00eate des Fous_), which fell in different places at\ndifferent dates, sometimes on Christmas Day, sometimes on St. Stephen\u2019s\nDay (the twenty-sixth of December), sometimes on New Year\u2019s Day, and\nsometimes on Twelfth Day. According to one account \u201con the first day,\nwhich was the festival of Christmas, the lower orders of clergy and monks\ncried in unison _No\u00ebl_ (Christmas) and gave themselves up to jollity. On\nthe morrow, St. Stephen\u2019s Day, the deacons held a council to elect a Pope\nor Patriarch of Fools, a Bishop or Archbishop of Innocents, an Abbot of\nNinnies; next day, the festival of St. John, the subdeacons began the\ndance in his honour; afterwards, on the fourth day, the festival of the\nHoly Innocents, the choristers and minor clergy claimed the Pope or Bishop\nor Abbot elect, who made his triumphal entry into the church on\nCircumcision Day (the first of January) and sat enthroned pontifically\ntill the evening of Epiphany. It was then the joyous reign of this Pope or\nthis Bishop or this Abbot of Folly which constituted the Festival of Fools\nand dominated its whimsical phases, the grotesque and sometimes impious\nmasquerades, the merry and often disgusting scenes, the furious orgies,\nthe dances, the games, the profane songs, the impudent parodies of the\ncatholic liturgy.\u201d(768) At these parodies of the most solemn rites of the\nchurch the priests, wearing grotesque masks and sometimes dressed as\nwomen, danced in the choir and sang obscene chants: laymen disguised as\nmonks and nuns mingled with the clergy: the altar was transformed into a\ntavern, where the deacons and subdeacons ate sausages and black-puddings\nor played at dice and cards under the nose of the celebrant; and the\ncensers smoked with bits of old shoes instead of incense, filling the\nchurch with a foul stench. After playing these pranks and running,\nleaping, and cutting capers through the whole church, they rode about the\ntown in mean carts, exchanging scurrilities with the crowds of laughing\nand jeering spectators.(769)\n\n(M259) Amongst the buffooneries of the Festival of Fools one of the most\nremarkable was the introduction of an ass into the church, where various\npranks were played with the animal. At Autun the ass was led with great\nceremony to the church under a cloth of gold, the corners of which were\nheld by four canons; and on entering the sacred edifice the animal was\nwrapt in a rich cope, while a parody of the mass was performed. A regular\nLatin liturgy in glorification of the ass was chanted on these occasions,\nand the celebrant priest imitated the braying of an ass. At Beauvais the\nceremony was performed every year on the fourteenth of January. A young\ngirl with a child in her arms rode on the back of the ass in imitation of\nthe Flight into Egypt. Escorted by the clergy and the people she was led\nin triumph from the cathedral to the parish church of St. Stephen. There\nshe and her ass were introduced into the chancel and stationed on the left\nside of the altar; and a long mass was performed which consisted of scraps\nborrowed indiscriminately from the services of many church festivals\nthroughout the year. In the intervals the singers quenched their thirst:\nthe congregation imitated their example; and the ass was fed and watered.\nThe services over, the animal was brought from the chancel into the nave,\nwhere the whole congregation, clergy and laity mixed up together, danced\nround the animal and brayed like asses. Finally, after vespers and\ncompline, the merry procession, led by the precentor and preceded by a\nhuge lantern, defiled through the streets to wind up the day with indecent\nfarces in a great theatre erected opposite the church.(770)\n\n(M260) A pale reflection or diminutive copy of the Festival of Fools was\nthe Festival of the Innocents, which was celebrated on Childermas or Holy\nInnocents\u2019 Day, the twenty-eighth of December. The custom was widely\nobserved both in France and England. In France on Childermas or the eve of\nthe festival the choristers assembled in the church and chose one of their\nnumber to be a Boy Bishop, who officiated in that character with mock\nsolemnity. Such burlesques of ecclesiastical ritual appear to have been\ncommon on that day in monasteries and convents, where the offices\nperformed by the clergy and laity were inverted for the occasion. At the\nFranciscan monastery of Antibes, for example, the lay brothers, who\nusually worked in the kitchen and the garden, took the place of the\npriests on Childermas and celebrated mass in church, clad in tattered\nsacerdotal vestments turned inside out, holding the books upside down,\nwearing spectacles made of orange peel, mumbling an unintelligible jargon,\nand uttering frightful cries. These buffooneries were kept up certainly as\nlate as the eighteenth century,(771) and probably later. In the great\nconvent of the Congr\u00e9gation de Notre Dame at Paris down to the latter part\nof the nineteenth century the nuns and their girl pupils regularly\nexchanged parts on Holy Innocents\u2019 Day. The pupils pretended to be nuns\nand a select few of them were attired as such, while the nuns made believe\nto be pupils, without however changing their dress.(772)\n\n(M261) In England the Boy Bishop was widely popular during the later\nMiddle Ages and only succumbed to the austerity of the Reformation. He is\nknown, for example, to have officiated in St. Paul\u2019s, London, in the\ncathedrals of Salisbury, Exeter, Hereford, Gloucester, Lichfield, Norwich,\nLincoln, and York, in great collegiate churches such as Beverley minster,\nSt. Peter\u2019s, Canterbury, and Ottery St. Mary\u2019s, in college chapels such as\nMagdalen and All Souls\u2019 at Oxford, in the private chapels of the king, and\nin many parish churches throughout the country. The election was usually\nmade on St. Nicholas\u2019s Day (the sixth of December), but the office and\nauthority lasted till Holy Innocents\u2019 Day (the twenty-eighth of December).\nBoth days were appropriate, for St. Nicholas was the patron saint of\nschool children, and Holy Innocents\u2019 Day commemorates the slaughter of the\nyoung children by Herod. In cathedrals the Bishop was chosen from among\nthe choir boys. After his election he was completely apparelled in the\nepiscopal vestments, with a mitre and crosier, bore the title and\ndisplayed the state of a Bishop, and exacted ceremonial obedience from his\nfellows, who were dressed like priests. They took possession of the church\nand, with the exception of mass, performed all the ceremonies and offices.\nThe Boy Bishop preached from the pulpit. At Salisbury the ceremonies at\nwhich he presided are elaborately regulated by the statutes of Roger de\nMortival, enacted in 1319; and two of the great service-books of the Sarum\nuse, the Breviary and the Processional, furnish full details of the\nministrations of the Boy Bishop and his fellows. He is even said to have\nenjoyed the right of disposing of such prebends as happened to fall vacant\nduring the days of his episcopacy. But the pranks of the mock bishop were\nnot confined to the church. Arrayed in full canonicals he was led about\nwith songs and dances from house to house, blessing the grinning people\nand collecting money in return for his benedictions. At York in the year\n1396 the Boy Bishop is known to have gone on his rounds to places so far\ndistant as Bridlington, Leeds, Beverley, Fountains Abbey, and Allerton;\nand the profits which he made were considerable. William of Wykeham\nordained in 1400 that a Boy Bishop should be chosen at Winchester College\nand another at New College, Oxford, and that he should recite the office\nat the Feast of the Innocents. His example was followed some forty years\nafterwards in the statutes of the royal foundations of Eton College and of\nKing\u2019s College, Cambridge. From being elected on St. Nicholas\u2019s Day the\nBoy Bishop was sometimes called a Nicholas Bishop (_Episcopus\nNicholatensis_).(773) In Spanish cathedrals, also, it appears to have been\ncustomary on St. Nicholas\u2019s Day to elect a chorister to the office of\nBishop. He exercised a certain jurisdiction till Holy Innocents\u2019 Day, and\nhis prebendaries took secular offices, acting in the capacity of\nalguazils, catchpoles, dog-whippers, and sweepers.(774)\n\n(M262) On the whole it seems difficult to suppose that the a curious\nsuperstitions and quaint ceremonies, the outbursts of profanity and the\ninversions of ranks, which characterize the popular celebration of the\ntwelve days from Christmas to Epiphany, have any connexion with the\nepisodes of Christian history believed to be commemorated by these two\nfestivals. More probably they are relics of an old heathen festival\ncelebrated during the twelve intercalary days which our forefathers\nannually inserted in their calendar at midwinter in order to equalize the\nshort lunar year of twelve months with the longer solar year of three\nhundred and sixty-five or sixty-six days. We need not assume that the\nlicense and buffooneries of the festive season were borrowed from the\nRoman Saturnalia; both celebrations may well have been parallel and\nindependent deductions from a like primitive philosophy of nature. There\nis not indeed, so far as I am aware, any direct evidence that the\nSaturnalia at Rome was an intercalary festival; but the license which\ncharacterized it, and the temporary reign of a mock king, who personated\nSaturn, suggest that it may have been so. If we were better acquainted\nwith the intercalary periods of peoples at a comparatively low level of\nculture, we might find that they are commonly marked by similar outbreaks\nof lawlessness and similar reigns of more or less nominal and farcical\nrulers. But unfortunately we know too little about the observance of such\nperiods among primitive peoples to be warranted in making any positive\naffirmation on the subject.\n\n(M263) However, there are grounds for thinking that intercalary periods\nhave commonly been esteemed unlucky. The Aztecs certainly regarded as very\nunlucky the five supplementary days which they added at the end of every\nyear in order to make up a total of three hundred and sixty-five\ndays.(775) These five supplementary days, corresponding to the last four\nof January and the first of February, were called _nemontemi_, which means\n\u201cvacant,\u201d \u201csuperfluous,\u201d or \u201cuseless.\u201d Being dedicated to no god, they\nwere deemed inauspicious, equally unfit for the services of religion and\nthe transaction of civil business. During their continuance no sacrifices\nwere offered by the priests and no worshippers frequented the temples. No\ncases were tried in the courts of justice. The houses were not swept.\nPeople abstained from all actions of importance and confined themselves to\nperforming such as could not be avoided, or spent the time in paying\nvisits to each other. In particular they were careful during these fatal\ndays not to fall asleep in the daytime, not to quarrel, and not to\nstumble; because they thought that if they did such things at that time\nthey would continue to do so for ever. Persons born on any of these days\nwere deemed unfortunate, destined to fail in their undertakings and to\nlive in wretchedness and poverty all their time on earth.(776) The Mayas\nof Yucatan employed a calendar like that of the Aztecs, and they too\nlooked upon the five supplementary days at the end of the year as unlucky\nand of evil omen; hence they gave no names to these days, and while they\nlasted the people stayed for the most part at home; they neither washed\nthemselves, nor combed their hair, nor loused each other; and they did no\nservile or fatiguing work lest some evil should befall them.(777)\n\n(M264) The ancient Egyptians like the Aztecs considered a year to consist\nof three hundred and sixty ordinary days divided into months and eked out\nwith five supplementary days so as to bring the total number of days in\nthe year up to three hundred and sixty-five; but whereas the Aztecs\ndivided the three hundred and sixty ordinary days into eighteen arbitrary\ndivisions or months of twenty days each, the Egyptians, keeping much\ncloser to the natural periods marked by the phases of the moon, divided\nthese days into twelve months of thirty days each.(778) This mode of\nregulating the calendar appears to be exceedingly ancient in Egypt and may\neven date from the prehistoric period; for the five days over and above\nthe year (_haru dua\u00eft hiru ronpit_) are expressly mentioned in the texts\nof the pyramids.(779) The myth told to explain their origin was as\nfollows. Once on a time the earth-god Keb lay secretly with the\nsky-goddess Nut, and the sun-god Ra in his anger cursed the goddess,\nsaying that she should give birth to her offspring neither in any month\nnor in any year. He thought, no doubt, by this imprecation to prevent her\nfrom bringing forth the fruit of her womb. But he was outwitted by the\nwily Thoth, who engaged the goddess of the moon in a game of draughts and\nhaving won the game took as a forfeit from her the seventieth part of\nevery day in the year, and out of the fractions thus abstracted he made up\nfive new days, which he added to the old year of three hundred and sixty\ndays. As these days formed no part either of a month or of a year, the\ngoddess Nut might be delivered in them without rendering the sun-god\u2019s\ncurse void and of no effect. Accordingly she bore Osiris on the first of\nthe days, Horus on the second, Set or Typhon on the third, Isis on the\nfourth, and Nephthys on the fifth. Of these five supplementary or\nintercalary days the third, as the birthday of the evil deity Set or\nTyphon, was deemed unlucky, and the Egyptian kings neither transacted\nbusiness on it nor attended to their persons till nightfall.(780) Thus it\nappears that the ancient Egyptians regarded the five supplementary or\nintercalary days as belonging neither to a month nor to a year, but as\nstanding outside of both and forming an extraordinary period quite apart\nand distinct from the ordinary course of time. It is probable, though we\ncannot prove it, that in all countries intercalary days or months have\nbeen so considered by the primitive astronomers who first observed the\ndiscrepancy between solar and lunar time and attempted to reconcile it by\nthe expedient of intercalation.\n\n(M265) Thus we infer with some probability that the sacred Twelve Days or\nNights at midwinter derive their peculiar character in popular custom and\nsuperstition from the circumstance that they were originally an\nintercalary period inserted annually at the end of a lunar year of three\nhundred and fifty-four days for the purpose of equating it to a solar year\nreckoned at three hundred and sixty-six days. However, there are grounds\nfor thinking that at a very early time the Aryan peoples sought to correct\ntheir lunar year, not by inserting twelve supplementary days every year,\nbut by allowing the annual deficiency to accumulate for several years and\nthen supplying it by a whole intercalary month. In India the Aryans of the\nVedic age appear to have adopted a year of three hundred and sixty days,\ndivided into twelve months of thirty days each, and to have remedied the\nannual deficiency of five days by intercalating a whole month of thirty\ndays every fifth year, thus regulating their calendar according to a five\nyears\u2019 cycle.(781) The Celts of Gaul, as we learn from the Coligny\ncalendar, also adopted a five years\u2019 cycle, but they managed it\ndifferently. They retained the old lunar year of three hundred and\nfifty-four days divided into twelve months, six of thirty days and six of\ntwenty-nine days; but instead of intercalating twelve days every year to\nrestore the balance between lunar and solar time they intercalated a month\nof thirty days every two and a half years, so that in each cycle of five\nyears the total number of intercalary days was sixty, which was equivalent\nto intercalating twelve days annually. Thus the result at the end of each\ncycle of five years was precisely the same as it would have been if they\nhad followed the old system of annual intercalation.(782) Why they\nabandoned the simple and obvious expedient of annually intercalating\ntwelve days, and adopted instead the more recondite system of\nintercalating a month of thirty days every two and a half years, is not\nplain. It may be that religious or political motives unknown to us\nconcurred with practical considerations to recommend the change. One\nresult of the reform would be the abolition of the temporary king who, if\nI am right, used to bear a somewhat tumultuary sway over the community\nduring the saturnalia of the Twelve Days. Perhaps the annually recurring\ndisorders which attended that period of license were not the least urgent\nof the reasons which moved the rulers to strike the twelve intercalary\ndays out of the year and to replace them by an intercalary month at longer\nintervals.\n\n(M266) However that may be, the equivalence of the new intercalary month\nto the old intercalary Twelve Days multiplied by two and a half is\nstrongly suggested by a remarkable feature of the Coligny calendar; for in\nit the thirty days of the intercalary month, which bore the name of\nCiallos, are named after the ordinary twelve months of the year. Thus the\nfirst day of the intercalary month is called Samon, which is the name of\nthe first month of the year; the second day of the month is called\nDumannos, which is the name of the second month of the year; the third day\nof the month is called Rivros, which is the name of the third month of the\nyear; the fourth day of the month is called Anacan, which is the name of\nthe fourth month of the year; and so on with all the rest, so that the\nthirty days of the intercalary month bear the names of the twelve months\nof the year repeated two and a half times.(783) This seems to shew that,\njust as our modern peasants regard the Twelve Days as representing each a\nmonth of the year in their chronological order, so the old Celts of Gaul\nwho drew up the Coligny calendar regarded the thirty days of the\nintercalary month as representing the thirty ordinary months which were to\nfollow it till the next intercalation took place. And we may conjecture\nthat just as our modern peasants still draw omens from the Twelve Days for\nthe twelve succeeding months, so the old Celts drew omens from the thirty\ndays of the intercalary month for the thirty months of the two and a half\nsucceeding years. Indeed we may suppose that the reformers of the calendar\ntransferred, or attempted to transfer, to the new intercalary month the\nwhole of the quaint customs and superstitions which from time immemorial\nhad clustered round the twelve intercalary days of the old year. Thus,\nlike the old Twelve Days of midwinter, the thirty days of the new\nintercalary month may have formed an interregnum or break in the ordinary\ncourse of government, a tumultuary period of general license, during which\nthe ordinary rules of law and morality were suspended and the direction of\naffairs committed to a temporary and more or less farcical ruler or King\nof the Bean, who may possibly have had to pay with his life for his brief\nreign of thirty days. The floating traditions of such merry monarchs and\nof the careless happy-go-lucky life under them may have crystallized in\nafter ages into the legend of Saturn and the Golden Age. If that was\nso\u2014and I put forward the hypothesis for no more than a web of conjectures\nwoven from the gossamer threads of popular superstition\u2014we can understand\nwhy the Twelve Days, intercalated every year in the old calendar, should\nhave survived to the present day in the memory of the people, whereas the\nthirty days, intercalated every two and a half years in the new calendar,\nhave long been forgotten. It is the simplest ideas that live longest in\nthe simple minds of the peasantry; and since the intercalation of twelve\ndays in every year to allow the lagging moon to keep pace with the longer\nstride of the sun is certainly an easier and more obvious expedient than\nto wait for two and a half years till he has outrun her by thirty days, we\nneed not wonder that this ancient mode of harmonizing lunar and solar time\nshould have lingered in the recollection and in the usages of the people\nages after the more roundabout method, which reflective minds had devised\nfor accomplishing the same end, had faded alike from the memory of the\npeasant and the page of the historian.\n\n\n\n\n\u00a7 3. The Saturnalia and Lent.\n\n\n(M267) As the Carnival is always held on the last three days before the\nbeginning of Lent, its date shifts somewhat from year to year, but it\ninvariably falls either in February or March. Hence it does not coincide\nwith the date of the Saturnalia, which within historical times seems to\nhave been always celebrated in December even in the old days, before\nCaesar\u2019s reform of the calendar, when the Roman year ended with February\ninstead of December.(784) Yet if the Saturnalia, like many other seasons\nof license, was originally celebrated as a sort of public purification at\nthe end of the old year or the beginning of the new one, it may at a still\nmore remote period, when the Roman year began with March, have been\nregularly held either in February or March and therefore at approximately\nthe same date as the modern Carnival. So strong and persistent are the\nconservative instincts of the peasantry in respect to old custom, that it\nwould be no matter for surprise if, in rural districts of Italy, the\nancient festival continued to be celebrated at the ancient time long after\nthe official celebration of the Saturnalia in the towns had been shifted\nfrom February to December. Latin Christianity, which struck at the root of\nofficial or civic paganism, has always been tolerant of its rustic\ncousins, the popular festivals and ceremonies which, unaffected by\npolitical and religious revolutions, by the passing of empires and of\ngods, have been carried on by the people with but little change from time\nimmemorial, and represent in fact the original stock from which the state\nreligions of classical antiquity were comparatively late offshoots. Thus\nit may very well have come about that while the new faith stamped out the\nSaturnalia in the towns, it suffered the original festival, disguised by a\ndifference of date, to linger unmolested in the country; and so the old\nfeast of Saturn, under the modern name of the Carnival, has reconquered\nthe cities, and goes on merrily under the eye and with the sanction of the\nCatholic Church.\n\n(M268) The opinion that the Saturnalia originally fell in February or the\nbeginning of March receives some support from the circumstance that the\nfestival of the Matronalia, at which mistresses feasted their slaves just\nas masters did theirs at the Saturnalia, always continued to be held on\nthe first of March, even when the Roman year began with January.(785) It\nis further not a little recommended by the consideration that this date\nwould be eminently appropriate for the festival of Saturn, the old Italian\ngod of sowing and planting. It has always been a puzzle to explain why\nsuch a festival should have been held at midwinter; but on the present\nhypothesis the mystery vanishes. With the Italian farmer February and\nMarch were the great season of the spring sowing and planting;(786)\nnothing could be more natural than that the husbandman should inaugurate\nthe season with the worship of the deity to whom he ascribed the function\nof quickening the seed. It is no small confirmation of this theory that\nthe last day of the Carnival, namely Shrove Tuesday, is still, or was down\nto recent times, the customary season in Central Europe for promoting the\ngrowth of the crops by means of leaps and dances.(787) The custom fits in\nvery well with the view which derives the Carnival from an old festival of\nsowing such as the Saturnalia probably was in its origin. Further, the\norgiastic character of the festival is readily explained by the help of\nfacts which met us in a former part of our investigation. We have seen\nthat between the sower and the seed there is commonly supposed to exist a\nsympathetic connexion of such a nature that his conduct directly affects\nand can promote or retard the growth of the crops.(788) What wonder then\nif the simple husbandman imagined that by cramming his belly, by swilling\nand guzzling just before he proceeded to sow his fields, he thereby\nimparted additional vigour to the seed?(789)\n\n(M269) But while his crude philosophy may thus have painted gluttony and\nintoxication in the agreeable colours of duties which he owed to himself,\nto his family, and to the commonwealth, it is possible that the zest with\nwhich he acquitted himself of his obligations may have been whetted by a\nless comfortable reflection. In modern times the indulgence of the\nCarnival is immediately followed by the abstinence of Lent; and if the\nCarnival is the direct descendant of the Saturnalia, may not Lent in like\nmanner be merely the continuation, under a thin disguise, of a period of\ntemperance which was annually observed, from superstitious motives, by\nItalian farmers long before the Christian era? Direct evidence of this, so\nfar as I am aware, is not forthcoming; but we have seen that a practice of\nabstinence from fleshly lusts has been observed by various peoples as a\nsympathetic charm to foster the growth of the seed;(790) and such an\nobservance would be an appropriate sequel to the Saturnalia, if that\nfestival was indeed, as I conjecture it to have been, originally held in\nspring as a religious or magical preparation for sowing and planting. When\nwe consider how widely diffused is the belief in the sympathetic influence\nwhich human conduct, and especially the intercourse of the sexes, exerts\non the fruits of the earth, we may be allowed to conjecture that the\nLenten fast, with the rule of continence which is recommended, if not\nstrictly enjoined, by the Catholic and Coptic churches during that\nseason,(791) was in its origin intended, not so much to commemorate the\nsufferings of a dying god, as to foster the growth of the seed, which in\nthe bleak days of early spring the husbandman commits with anxious care\nand misgiving to the bosom of the naked earth. Ecclesiastical historians\nhave been puzzled to say why after much hesitation and great diversity of\nusage in different places the Christian church finally adopted forty days\nas the proper period for the mournful celebration of Lent.(792) Perhaps in\ncoming to this decision the authorities were guided, as so often, by a\nregard for an existing pagan celebration of similar character and duration\nwhich they hoped by a change of name to convert into a Christian\nsolemnity. Such a heathen Lent they may have found to hand in the rites of\nPersephone, the Greek goddess of the corn, whose image, carved out of a\ntree, was annually brought into the cities and mourned for forty nights,\nafter which it was burned.(793) The time of year when these lamentations\ntook place is not mentioned by the old Christian writer who records them;\nbut they would fall most appropriately at the season when the seed was\nsown or, in mythical language, when the corn-goddess was buried, which in\nancient Italy, as we saw, was done above all in the months of February and\nMarch. We know that at the time of the autumnal sowing Greek women held a\nsad and serious festival because the Corn-goddess Persephone or the\nMaiden, as they called her, then went down into the earth with the sown\ngrain, and Demeter fondly mourned her daughter\u2019s absence; hence in\nsympathy with the sorrowful mother the women likewise mourned and observed\na solemn fast and abstained from the marriage bed.(794) It is reasonable,\ntherefore, to suppose that they practised similar rules of mourning and\nabstinence for a like reason at the time of the spring sowing, and that\nthe ancient ritual survives in the modern Lent, which preserves the memory\nof the _Mater Dolorosa_, though it has substituted a dead Son for a dead\nDaughter.\n\n(M270) Be that as it may, it is worthy of note that in Burma a similar\nfast, which English writers call the Buddhist Lent, is observed for three\nmonths every year while the ploughing and sowing of the fields go forward;\nand the custom is believed to be far older than Buddhism, which has merely\ngiven it a superficial tinge like the veneer of Christianity which, if I\nam right, has overlaid an old heathen observance in Lent. This Burmese\nLent, we are told, covers the rainy season from the full moon of July to\nthe full moon of October. \u201cThis is the time to plough, this is the time to\nsow; on the villagers\u2019 exertions in these months depends all their\nmaintenance for the rest of the year. Every man, every woman, every child,\nhas hard work of some kind or another. And so, what with the difficulties\nof travelling, what with the work there is to do, and what with the custom\nof Lent, every one stays at home. It is the time for prayer, for fasting,\nfor improving the soul. Many men during these months will live even as the\nmonks live, will eat but before midday, will abstain from tobacco. There\nare no plays during Lent, and there are no marriages. It is the time for\npreparing the land for the crop; it is the time for preparing the soul for\neternity. The congregations on the Sundays will be far greater at this\ntime than at any other; there will be more thought of the serious things\nof life.\u201d(795)\n\n\n\n\n\u00a7 4. Saturnalia in Ancient Greece.\n\n\n(M271) Beyond the limits of Italy festivals of the same general character\nas the Saturnalia appear to have been held over a considerable area of the\nancient world. A characteristic feature of the Saturnalia, as we saw, was\nan inversion of social ranks, masters changing places with their slaves\nand waiting upon them, while slaves were indulged with a semblance not\nmerely of freedom but even of power and office. In various parts of Greece\nthe same hollow show of granting liberty to slaves was made at certain\nfestivals. Thus at a Cretan festival of Hermes the servants feasted and\ntheir masters waited upon them. In the month of Geraestius the Troezenians\nobserved a certain solemnity lasting many days, on one of which the slaves\nplayed at dice with the citizens and were treated to a banquet by their\nlords. The Thessalians held a great festival called Peloria, which Baton\nof Sinope identified with the Saturnalia, and of which the antiquity is\nvouched for by a tradition that it originated with the Pelasgians. At this\nfestival sacrifices were offered to Pelorian Zeus, tables splendidly\nadorned were set out, all strangers were invited to the feast, all\nprisoners released, and the slaves sat down to the banquet, enjoyed full\nfreedom of speech, and were served by their masters.(796)\n\n(M272) But the Greek festival which appears to have corresponded most\nclosely to the Italian Saturnalia was the Cronia or festival of Cronus, a\ngod whose barbarous myth and cruel ritual clearly belong to a very early\nstratum of Greek religion, and who was by the unanimous voice of antiquity\nidentified with Saturn. We are told that his festival was celebrated in\nmost parts of Greece, but especially at Athens, where the old god and his\nwife Rhea had a shrine near the stately, but far more modern, temple of\nOlympian Zeus. A joyous feast, at which masters and slaves sat down\ntogether, formed a leading feature of the solemnity. At Athens the\nfestival fell in the height of summer, on the twelfth day of the month\nHecatombaeon, formerly called the month of Cronus, which answered nearly\nto July; and tradition ran that Cecrops, the first king of Attica, had\nfounded an altar in honour of Cronus and Rhea, and had ordained that\nmaster and man should share a common meal when the harvest was got\nin.(797) Yet there are indications that at Athens the Cronia may once have\nbeen a spring festival. For a cake with twelve knobs, which perhaps\nreferred to the twelve months of the year, was offered to Cronus by the\nAthenians on the fifteenth day of the month Elaphebolion, which\ncorresponded roughly to March,(798) and there are traces of a license\naccorded to slaves at the Dionysiac festival of the opening of the\nwine-jars, which fell on the eleventh day of the preceding month\nAnthesterion.(799) At Olympia the festival of Cronus undoubtedly occurred\nin spring; for here a low but steep hill, now covered with a tangled\ngrowth of dark holly-oaks and firs, was sacred to him, and on its top\ncertain magistrates, who bore the title of kings, offered sacrifice to the\nold god at the vernal equinox in the Elean month Elaphius.(800)\n\n(M273) In this last ceremony, which probably went on year by year long\nbefore the upstart Zeus had a temple built for himself at the foot of the\nhill, there are two points of special interest, first the date of the\nceremony, and second the title of the celebrants. First, as to the date,\nthe spring equinox, or the twenty-first of March, must have fallen so near\nthe fifteenth day of the Athenian month Elaphebolion, that we may fairly\nask whether the Athenian custom of offering a cake to Cronus on that day\nmay not also have been an equinoctial ceremony. In the second place, the\ntitle of kings borne by the magistrates who sacrificed to Cronus renders\nit probable that, like magistrates with similar high-sounding titles\nelsewhere in republican Greece, they were the lineal descendants of sacred\nkings whom the superstition of their subjects invested with the attributes\nof divinity.(801) If that was so, it would be natural enough that one of\nthese nominal kings should pose as the god Cronus in person. For, like his\nItalian counterpart Saturn, the Greek Cronus was believed to have been a\nking who reigned in heaven or on earth during the blissful Golden Age,\nwhen men passed their days like gods without toil or sorrow, when life was\na long round of festivity, and death came like sleep, sudden but gentle,\nannounced by none of his sad forerunners, the ailments and infirmities of\nage.(802) Thus the analogy of the Olympian Cronia, probably one of the\noldest of Greek festivals, to the Italian Saturnalia would be very close\nif originally, as I conjecture, the Saturnalia fell in spring and Saturn\nwas personated at it, as we have good reason to believe, by a man dressed\nas a king. May we go a step further and suppose that, just as the man who\nacted King Saturn at the Saturnalia was formerly slain in that character,\nso one of the kings who celebrated the Cronia at Olympia not only played\nthe part of Cronus, but was sacrificed, as god and victim in one, on the\ntop of the hill? Cronus certainly bore a sinister reputation in antiquity.\nHe passed for an unnatural parent who had devoured his own offspring, and\nhe was regularly identified by the Greeks with the cruel Semitic Baals who\ndelighted in the sacrifice of human victims, especially of children.(803)\nA legend which savours strongly of infant sacrifice is reported of a\nshrine that stood at the very foot of the god\u2019s own hill at Olympia;(804)\nand a quite unambiguous story was told of the sacrifice of a babe to\nLycaean Zeus on Mount Lycaeus in Arcadia, where the worship of Zeus was\nprobably nothing but a continuation, under a new name, of the old worship\nof Cronus, and where human victims appear to have been regularly offered\ndown to the Christian era.(805) The Rhodians annually sacrificed a man to\nCronus in the month Metageitnion; at a later time they kept a condemned\ncriminal in prison till the festival of the Cronia was come, then led him\nforth outside the gates, made him drunk with wine, and cut his\nthroat.(806) With the parallel of the Saturnalia before our eyes, we may\nsurmise that the victim who thus ended his life in a state of intoxication\nat the Cronia perhaps personated King Cronus himself, the god who reigned\nin the happy days of old when men had nothing to do but to eat and drink\nand make merry. At least the Rhodian custom lends some countenance to the\nconjecture that formerly a human victim may have figured at the sacrifice\nwhich the so-called kings offered to Cronus on his hill at Olympia. In\nthis connexion it is to be remembered that we have already found\nwell-attested examples of a custom of sacrificing the scions of royal\nhouses in ancient Greece.(807) If the god to whom, or perhaps rather in\nwhose character, the princes were sacrificed, was Cronus, it would be\nnatural that the Greeks of a later age should identify him with Baal or\nMoloch, to whom in like manner Semitic kings offered up their children.\nThe Laphystian Zeus of Thessaly and Boeotia, whom tradition associated\nwith these human sacrifices, was probably, like the Lycaean Zeus of\nArcadia, nothing but the aboriginal deity, commonly known as Cronus, whose\ngloomy rites the Greek invaders suffered the priests of the vanquished\nrace to continue after the ancient manner, while they quieted their\nscruples of conscience or satisfied their pride as conquerors by investing\nthe bloodthirsty old savage with the name, if not with the character, of\ntheir own milder deity, the humane and gracious Zeus.\n\n\n\n\n\u00a7 5. Saturnalia in Western Asia.\n\n\n(M274) When we pass from Europe to western Asia, from ancient Greece to\nancient Babylon and the regions where Babylonian influence penetrated, we\nare still met with festivals which bear the closest resemblance to the\noldest form of the Italian Saturnalia. The reader may remember the\nfestival of the Sacaea, on which I had occasion to touch in an earlier\npart of this work.(808) It was held at Babylon during five days of the\nmonth Lous, beginning with the sixteenth day of the month. During its\ncontinuance, just as at the Saturnalia, masters and servants changed\nplaces, the servants issuing orders and the masters obeying them; and in\neach house one of the servants, dressed as a king and bearing the title of\nZoganes, bore rule over the household. Further, just as at the Saturnalia\nin its original form a man was dressed as King Saturn in royal robes,\nallowed to indulge his passions and caprices to the full, and then put to\ndeath, so at the Sacaea a condemned prisoner, who probably also bore for\nthe time being the title of Zoganes, was arrayed in the king\u2019s attire and\nsuffered to play the despot, to use the king\u2019s concubines, and to give\nhimself up to feasting and debauchery without restraint, only however in\nthe end to be stript of his borrowed finery, scourged, and hanged or\ncrucified.(809) From Strabo we learn that this Asiatic counterpart of the\nSaturnalia was celebrated in Asia Minor wherever the worship of the\nPersian goddess Anaitis had established itself. He describes it as a\nBacchic orgy, at which the revellers were disguised as Scythians, and men\nand women drank and dallied together by day and night.(810)\n\n(M275) As the worship of Anaitis, though of Persian origin, appears to\nhave been deeply leavened with coarse elements which it derived from the\nreligion of Babylon,(811) we may perhaps regard Mesopotamia as the\noriginal home from which the Sacaean festival spread westward into other\nparts of Asia Minor. Now the Sacaean festival, described by the Babylonian\npriest Berosus in the first book of his history of Babylon, has been\nplausibly identified(812) with the great Babylonian festival of the New\nyear called Zakmuk, Zagmuk, Zakmuku, or Zagmuku, which has become known to\nus in recent times through inscriptions. The Babylonian year began with\nthe spring month of Nisan, which seems to have covered the second half of\nMarch and the first half of April. Thus the New Year festival, which\noccupied at least the first eleven days of Nisan, probably included the\nspring equinox. It was held in honour of Marduk or Merodach, the chief god\nof Babylon, whose great temple of Esagila in the city formed the religious\ncentre of the solemnity. For here, in a splendid chamber of the vast\nedifice, all the gods were believed to assemble at this season under the\npresidency of Marduk for the purpose of determining the fates for the new\nyear, especially the fate of the king\u2019s life. On this occasion the king of\nBabylon was bound annually to renew his regal power by grasping the hands\nof the image of Marduk in his temple, as if to signify that he received\nthe kingdom directly from the deity and was unable without the divine\nassistance and authority to retain it for more than a year. Unless he thus\nformally reinstated himself on the throne once a year, the king ceased to\nreign legitimately. When Babylonia was conquered by Assyria, the Assyrian\nmonarchs themselves used to come to Babylon and perform the ceremony of\ngrasping the god\u2019s hands in order to establish by this solemn act their\ntitle to the kingdom which they had won for themselves by the sword; until\nthey had done so, they were not recognized as kings by their Babylonian\nsubjects. Some of them indeed found the ceremony either so burdensome or\nso humiliating to their pride as conquerors, that rather than perform it\nthey renounced the title of king of Babylon altogether and contented\nthemselves with the more modest title of regent. Another notable feature\nof the Babylonian festival of the New Year appears to have been a\nceremonial marriage of the god Marduk; for in a hymn relating to the\nsolemnity it is said of the deity that \u201che hastened to his bridal.\u201d The\nfestival was of hoar antiquity, for it was known to Gudea, an old king of\nSouthern Babylonia who flourished between two and three thousand years\nbefore the beginning of our era, and it is mentioned in an early account\nof the Great Flood. At a much later period it is repeatedly referred to by\nKing Nebuchadnezzar and his successors. Nebuchadnezzar records how he\nbuilt of bricks and bitumen a chapel or altar, \u201ca thing of joy and\nrejoicing,\u201d for the great festival of Marduk, the lord of the gods; and we\nread of the rich and abundant offerings which were made by the high priest\nat this time.(813)\n\n(M276) Unfortunately the notices of this Babylonian festival of the New\nYear which have come down to us deal chiefly with its mythical aspect and\nthrow little light on the mode of its celebration. Hence its identity with\nthe Sacaea must remain for the present a more or less probable hypothesis.\nIn favour of the hypothesis may be alleged in the first place the\nresemblance of the names Sacaea and Zoganes to Zakmuk or Zagmuku, if that\nwas the real pronunciation of the name,(814) and in the second place the\nvery significant statement that the fate of the king\u2019s life was supposed\nto be determined by the gods, under the presidency of Marduk, at the\nZakmuk or New Year\u2019s festival.(815) When we remember that the central\nfeature of the Sacaea appears to have been the saving of the king\u2019s life\nfor another year by the vicarious sacrifice of a criminal on the cross or\nthe gallows, we can understand that the season was a critical one for the\nking, and that it may well have been regarded as determining his fate for\nthe ensuing twelve months. The annual ceremony of renewing the king\u2019s\npower by contact with the god\u2019s image, which formed a leading feature of\nthe Zakmuk festival, would be very appropriately performed immediately\nafter the execution or sacrifice of the temporary king who died in the\nroom of the real monarch.\n\n(M277) A difficulty, however, in the way of identifying the Sacaea with\nthe Zakmuk arises from the statement of Berosus that the Sacaea fell on\nthe sixteenth day of Lous, which was the tenth month of the\nSyro-Macedonian calendar and appears to have nearly coincided with July.\nThus if the Sacaea occurred in July and the Zakmuk in March, the theory of\ntheir identity could not be maintained. But the dating of the months of\nthe Syro-Macedonian calendar is a matter of some uncertainty; the month of\nLous in particular appears to have fallen at different times of the year\nin different places,(816) and until we have ascertained beyond the reach\nof doubt when Lous fell at Babylon in the time of Berosus, it would be\npremature to allow much weight to the seeming discrepancy in the dates of\nthe two festivals. At all events, whether the festivals were the same or\ndifferent, we are confronted with difficulties which in the present state\nof our knowledge may be pronounced insoluble. If the festivals were the\nsame, we cannot explain their apparent difference of date: if they were\ndifferent, we cannot explain their apparent similarity of character. In\nwhat follows I shall, with some eminent Oriental scholars,(817)\nprovisionally assume the identity of Zakmuk and Sacaea, but I would ask\nthe reader to bear clearly in mind that the hypothesis leaves the apparent\ndiscrepancy of their dates unexplained. Towards a solution of the problem\nI can only suggest conjecturally either that the date of the festival had\nbeen for some reason shifted in the time of Berosus, or that two different\nfestivals of the same type may have been held at different seasons of the\nyear, one in spring and one in summer, perhaps by two distinct but kindred\ntribes, who retained their separate religious rites after they had\ncoalesced in the Babylonian empire. Both conjectures might be supported by\nanalogies. On the one hand, for example, in the Jewish calendar New Year\u2019s\nDay was shifted under Babylonian influence from autumn to spring,(818) and\nin a later part of this work we shall see that the Chinese festival of new\nfire, at first celebrated in spring, was afterwards shifted to the summer\nsolstice, only however to be brought back at a later time to its original\ndate. On the other hand, the popular festivals of our European peasantry\nafford many examples of rites which appear to be similar in character,\nthough they fall at different times of the year; such, for instance, are\nthe ceremonies concerned with vegetation on May Day, Whitsuntide, and\nMidsummer Day,(819) and the fire festivals which are distributed at still\nwider intervals throughout the months.(820) Similarly in ancient Italy the\nagricultural festival of the Ambarvalia was celebrated by Italian farmers\nat different dates in different places.(821) These cases may warn us\nagainst the danger of hastily inferring an essential difference between\nZakmuk and Sacaea on the ground of a real or apparent difference in their\ndates.\n\n(M278) A fresh and powerful argument in favour of the identity of the two\nfestivals is furnished by the connexion which has been traced between both\nof them and the Jewish feast of Purim.(822) There are good grounds for\nbelieving that Purim was unknown to the Jews until after the exile, and\nthat they learned to observe it during their captivity in the East. The\nfestival is first mentioned in the book of Esther, which by the majority\nof critics is assigned to the fourth or third century B.C.,(823) and which\ncertainly cannot be older than the Persian period, since the scene of the\nnarrative is laid in Susa at the court of a Persian king Ahasuerus, whose\nname appears to be the Hebrew equivalent of Xerxes. The next reference to\nPurim occurs in the second book of Maccabees, a work written probably\nabout the beginning of our era.(824) Thus from the absence of all notice\nof Purim in the older books of the Bible, we may fairly conclude that the\nfestival was instituted or imported at a comparatively late date among the\nJews. The same conclusion is supported by the book of Esther itself, which\nwas manifestly written to explain the origin of the feast and to suggest\nmotives for its observance. For, according to the author of the book, the\nfestival was established to commemorate the deliverance of the Jews from a\ngreat danger which threatened them in Persia under the reign of King\nXerxes. Thus the opinion of modern scholars that the feast of Purim, as\ncelebrated by the Jews, was of late date and oriental origin, is borne out\nby the tradition of the Jews themselves. An examination of that tradition\nand the mode of celebrating the feast renders it probable that Purim is\nnothing but a more or less disguised form of the Babylonian festival of\nthe Sacaea or Zakmuk.\n\n(M279) In the first place, the feast of Purim was and is held on the\nfourteenth and fifteenth days of Adar, the last month of the Jewish year,\nwhich corresponds roughly to March.(825) Thus the date agrees nearly,\nthough not exactly, with the date of the Babylonian Zakmuk, which fell a\nfortnight later in the early days of the following month Nisan. A trace of\nthe original celebration of Purim in Nisan may perhaps be found in the\nstatement that \u201cthey cast Pur, that is, the lot, before Haman\u201d in Nisan,\nthe first month of the year.(826) It has been suggested with some\nplausibility that the Jews may have shifted the date of Purim in order\nthat the new and foreign festival might not clash with their own old\nfestival of the Passover, which began on the fourteenth day of Nisan.\nAnother circumstance which speaks at once for the alien origin of Purim\nand for its identity with Zakmuk is its name. The author of the book of\nEsther derives the name Purim from _pur_, \u201ca lot,\u201d(827) but no such word\nwith this signification exists in Hebrew, and hence we are driven to look\nfor the meaning and etymology of Purim in some other language. A specious\ntheory is that the name was derived from an Assyrian word _puvru_, \u201can\nassembly,\u201d and referred primarily to the great assembly of the gods which,\nas we have seen, formed a chief feature of the festival of Zakmuk, and was\nheld annually in the temple of Marduk at Babylon for the purpose of\ndetermining the fates or lots of the new year;(828) the august assembly\nappears to have been occasionally, if not regularly, designated by the\nvery name _puvru_.(829) On this hypothesis the traditional Jewish\nexplanation of the name Purim preserved a genuine kernel of historical\ntruth, or at least of mythical fancy, under the husk of a verbal error;\nfor the name, if this derivation of it is correct, really signified, not\n\u201cthe lots,\u201d but the assembly for drawing or otherwise determining the\nlots. Another explanation which has been offered is \u201cthat _p\u016br_ or _b\u016br_\nseems to be an old Assyrian word for \u2018stone,\u2019 and that therefore it is\npossible that the word was also used to signify \u2018lot,\u2019 like the Hebrew\n\u05d2\u05d5\u05e8\u05dc \u2018lot,\u2019 which originally, no doubt, meant \u2018little stone.\u2019 \u201d(830)\nEither of these explanations of the name Purim, by tracing it back to the\nNew Year assembly of the gods at Babylon for settling the lots, furnishes\nan adequate explanation of the traditional association of Purim with the\ncasting of lots\u2014an association all the more remarkable and all the more\nlikely to be ancient because there is nothing to justify it either in the\nHebrew language or in the Jewish mode of celebrating the festival. When to\nthis we add the joyous, nay, extravagant festivity which has always been\ncharacteristic of Purim, and is entirely in keeping with a New Year\ncelebration, we may perhaps be thought to have made out a fairly probable\ncase for holding that the Jewish feast is derived from the Babylonian New\nYear festival of Zakmuk. Whether the Jews borrowed the feast directly from\nthe Babylonians or indirectly through the Persian conquerors of Babylon is\na question which deserves to be considered; but the Persian colouring of\nthe book of Esther speaks strongly for the view that Purim came to Israel\nby way of Persia, or at all events from Babylon under Persian rule, and\nthis view is confirmed by other evidence, to which I shall have to ask the\nreader\u2019s attention a little later on.\n\n(M280) If the links which bind Purim to Zakmuk are reasonably strong, the\nchain of evidence which connects the Jewish festival with the Sacaea is\nmuch stronger. Nor is this surprising when we remember that, while the\npopular mode of celebrating Zakmuk is unknown, we possess important and\ntrustworthy details as to the manner of holding the Sacaea. We have seen\nthat the Sacaea was a wild Bacchanalian revel at which men and women\ndisguised themselves and drank and played together in a fashion that was\nmore gay than modest. Now this is, or used to be, precisely the nature of\nPurim. The two days of the festival, according to the author of the book\nof Esther, were to be kept for ever as \u201cdays of feasting and gladness, and\nof sending portions one to another, and gifts to the poor.\u201d(831) And this\njoyous character the festival seems always to have retained. The author of\na tract in the Talmud lays it down as a rule that at the feast of Purim\nevery Jew is bound to drink until he cannot distinguish between the words\n\u201cCursed be Haman\u201d and \u201cBlessed be Mordecai\u201d; and he tells how on one\noccasion a certain Rabba drank so deep at Purim that he murdered a rabbi\nwithout knowing what he was about. Indeed Purim has been described as the\nJewish Bacchanalia, and we are told that at this season everything is\nlawful which can contribute to the mirth and gaiety of the festival.(832)\nWriters of the seventeenth century assert that during the two days, and\nespecially on the evening of the second day, the Jews did nothing but\nfeast and drink to repletion, play, dance, sing, and make merry; in\nparticular they disguised themselves, men and women exchanging clothes,\nand thus attired ran about like mad, in open defiance of the Mosaic law,\nwhich expressly forbids men to dress as women and women as men.(833) Among\nthe Jews of Frankfort, who inhabited the squalid but quaint and\npicturesque old street known as the Judengasse, which many of us still\nremember, the revelry at Purim ran as high as ever in the eighteenth\ncentury. The gluttony and intoxication began punctually at three o\u2019clock\nin the afternoon of the first day and went on until the whole community\nseemed to have taken leave of their senses. They ate and drank, they\nfrolicked and cut capers, they reeled and staggered about, they shrieked,\nyelled, stamped, clattered, and broke each other\u2019s heads with wooden\nhammers till the blood flowed. On the evening of the first day the women\nwere allowed, as a special favour, to open their latticed window and look\ninto the men\u2019s synagogue, because the great deliverance of the Jews from\ntheir enemies in the time of King Ahasuerus was said to have been effected\nby a woman. A feature of the festival which should not be overlooked was\nthe acting of the story of Esther as a comedy, in which Esther, Ahasuerus,\nHaman, Mordecai, and others played their parts after a fashion that\nsometimes degenerated from farce into ribaldry.(834) Thus on the whole we\nmay take it that Purim has always been a Saturnalia, and therefore\ncorresponds in character to the Sacaea as that festival has been described\nfor us by Strabo.\n\n(M281) But further, when we examine the narrative which professes to\naccount for the institution of Purim, we discover in it not only the\nstrongest traces of Babylonian origin, but also certain singular analogies\nto those very features of the Sacaean festival with which we are here more\nimmediately concerned. The book of Esther turns upon the fortunes of two\nmen, the vizier Haman and the despised Jew Mordecai, at the court of a\nPersian king. Mordecai, we are told, had given mortal offence to the\nvizier, who accordingly prepares a tall gallows on which he hopes to see\nhis enemy hanged, while he himself expects to receive the highest mark of\nthe king\u2019s favour by being allowed to wear the royal crown and the royal\nrobes, and thus attired to parade the streets mounted on the king\u2019s own\nhorse and attended by one of the noblest princes, who should proclaim to\nthe multitude his temporary exaltation and glory. But the artful intrigues\nof the wicked vizier miscarried and resulted in precisely the opposite of\nwhat he had hoped and expected; for the royal honours which he had looked\nfor fell to his rival Mordecai, and he himself was hanged on the gallows\nwhich he had made ready for his foe. In this story we seem to detect a\nreminiscence, more or less confused, of the Zoganes of the Sacaea, in\nother words, of the custom of investing a private man with the insignia of\nroyalty for a few days and then putting him to death on the gallows or the\ncross. It is true that in the narrative the part of the Zoganes is divided\nbetween two actors, one of whom hopes to play the king but is hanged\ninstead, while the other acts the royal part and escapes the gallows to\nwhich he was destined by his enemy. But this bisection, so to say, of the\nZoganes may have been deliberately invented by the Jewish author of the\nbook of Esther for the sake of setting the origin of Purim, which it was\nhis purpose to explain, in a light that should reflect glory on his own\nnation. Or, perhaps more probably, it points back to a custom of\nappointing two mock kings at the Sacaea, one of whom was put to death at\nthe end of the festival, while the other was allowed to go free, at least\nfor a time. We shall be the more inclined to adopt the latter hypothesis\nwhen we observe that corresponding to the two rival aspirants to the\ntemporary kingship there appear in the Jewish narrative two rival queens,\nVashti and Esther, one of whom succeeds to the high estate from which the\nother has fallen. Further, it is to be noted that Mordecai, the successful\ncandidate for the mock kingship, and Esther, the successful candidate for\nthe queenship, are linked together by close ties both of interest and\nblood, the two being said to be cousins. This suggests that in the\noriginal story or the original custom there may have figured two pairs of\nkings and queens, of whom one pair is represented in the Jewish narrative\nby Mordecai and Esther and the other by Haman and Vashti.\n\n(M282) Some confirmation of this view is furnished by the names of two at\nleast out of the four personages. It seems to be now generally recognized\nby Biblical scholars that the name Mordecai, which has no meaning in\nHebrew, is nothing but a slightly altered form of Marduk or Merodach, the\nname of the chief god of Babylon, whose great festival was the Zakmuk; and\nfurther, it is generally admitted that Esther in like manner is equivalent\nto Ishtar, the great Babylonian goddess whom the Greeks called Astarte,\nand who is more familiar to English readers as Ashtaroth. The derivation\nof the names of Haman and Vashti is less certain, but some high\nauthorities are disposed to accept the view of Jensen that Haman is\nidentical with Humman or Homman, the national god of the Elamites, and\nthat Vashti is in like manner an Elamite goddess whose name Jensen read as\nMashti in inscriptions. Now, when we consider that the Elamites were from\ntime immemorial the hereditary foes of the Babylonians and had their\ncapital at Susa, the very place in which the scene of the book of Esther\nis laid, we can hardly deny the plausibility of the theory that Haman and\nVashti on the one side and Mordecai and Esther on the other represent the\nantagonism between the gods of Elam and the gods of Babylon, and the final\nvictory of the Babylonian deities in the very capital of their\nrivals.(835) \u201cIt is therefore possible,\u201d says Professor N\u00f6ldeke, \u201cthat we\nhere have to do with a feast whereby the Babylonians commemorated a\nvictory gained by their gods over the gods of their neighbours the\nElamites, against whom they had so often waged war. The Jewish feast of\nPurim is an annual merrymaking of a wholly secular kind, and it is known\nthat there were similar feasts among the Babylonians. That the Jews in\nBabylonia should have adopted a festival of this sort cannot be deemed\nimprobable, since in modern Germany, to cite an analogous case, many Jews\ncelebrate Christmas after the manner of their Christian fellow-countrymen,\nin so far at least as it is a secular institution. It is true that\nhitherto no Babylonian feast coinciding, like Purim, with the full moon of\nthe twelfth month has been discovered; but our knowledge of the Babylonian\nfeasts is derived from documents of an earlier period. Possibly the\ncalendar may have undergone some change by the time when the Jewish feast\nof Purim was established. Or it may be that the Jews intentionally shifted\nthe date of the festival which they borrowed from the heathen.\u201d(836)\n\n(M283) However, the theory of an opposition between the gods of Babylon\nand the gods of Elam at the festival appears to break down at a crucial\npoint; for the latest and most accurate reading of the Elamite\ninscriptions proves, I am informed, that the name of the goddess which\nJensen read as Mashti, and which on that assumption he legitimately\ncompared to the Hebrew Vashti,(837) must really be read as Parti, between\nwhich and Vashti there is no connexion. Accordingly, in a discussion of\nthe origin of Purim it is safer at present to lay no weight on the\nsupposed religious antagonism between the deities of Babylon and\nElam.(838)\n\n(M284) If we are right in tracing the origin of Purim to the Babylonian\nSacaea and in finding the counterpart of the Zoganes in Haman and\nMordecai, it would appear that the Zoganes during his five days of office\npersonated not merely a king but a god, whether that god was the\nBabylonian Marduk or some other deity not yet identified. The union of the\ndivine and royal characters in a single person is so common that we need\nnot be surprised at meeting with it in ancient Babylon. And the view that\nthe mock king of the Sacaea died as a god on the cross or the gallows is\nno novelty. The acute and learned Movers long ago observed that \u201cwe should\nbe overlooking the religious significance of oriental festivals and the\nconnexion of the Sacaea with the worship of Anaitis, if we were to treat\nas a mere jest the custom of disguising a slave as a king. We may take it\nfor certain that with the royal dignity the king of the Sacaea assumed\nalso the character of an oriental ruler as representative of the divinity,\nand that when he took his pleasure among the women of the king\u2019s harem, he\nplayed the part of Sandan or Sardanapalus himself. For according to\nancient oriental ideas the use of the king\u2019s concubines constituted a\nclaim to the throne, and we know from Dio that the five-days\u2019 king\nreceived full power over the harem. Perhaps he began his reign by publicly\ncohabiting with the king\u2019s concubines, just as Absalom went in to his\nfather\u2019s concubines in a tent spread on the roof of the palace before all\nIsrael, for the purpose of thereby making known and strengthening his\nclaim to the throne.\u201d(839)\n\n(M285) Whatever may be thought of this latter conjecture, there can be no\ndoubt that Movers is right in laying great stress both on the permission\ngiven to the mock king to invade the real king\u2019s harem, and on the\nintimate connexion of the Sacaea with the worship of Anaitis. That\nconnexion is vouched for by Strabo, and when we consider that in Strabo\u2019s\ntime the cult of the old Persian goddess Anaitis was thoroughly saturated\nwith Babylonian elements and had practically merged in the sensual worship\nof the Babylonian Ishtar or Astarte,(840) we shall incline to view with\nfavour Movers\u2019s further conjecture, that a female slave may have been\nappointed to play the divine queen to the part of the divine king\nsupported by the Zoganes, and that reminiscences of such a queen have\nsurvived in the myth or legend of Semiramis. According to tradition,\nSemiramis was a fair courtesan beloved by the king of Assyria, who took\nher to wife. She won the king\u2019s heart so far that she persuaded him to\nyield up to her the kingdom for five days, and having assumed the sceptre\nand the royal robes she made a great banquet on the first day, but on the\nsecond day she shut up her husband in prison or put him to death and\nthenceforward reigned alone.(841) Taken with Strabo\u2019s evidence as to the\nassociation of the Sacaea with the worship of Anaitis, this tradition\nseems clearly to point to a custom of giving the Zoganes, during his five\ndays\u2019 reign, a queen who represented the goddess Anaitis or Semiramis or\nAstarte, in short the great Asiatic goddess of love and fertility, by\nwhatever name she was called. For that in Eastern legend Semiramis was a\nreal queen of Assyria, who had absorbed many of the attributes of the\ngoddess Astarte, appears to be established by the researches of modern\nscholars; in particular it has been shewn by Robertson Smith that the\nworship of Anaitis is not only modelled on Astarte worship in general, but\ncorresponds to that particular type of it which was specially associated\nwith the name of Semiramis.(842) The identity of Anaitis and the mythical\nSemiramis is clearly proved by the circumstance that the great sanctuary\nof Anaitis at Zela in Pontus was actually built upon a mound of\nSemiramis;(843) probably the old worship of the Semitic goddess always\ncontinued there even after her Semitic name of Semiramis or Astarte had\nbeen exchanged for the Persian name of Anaitis, perhaps in obedience to a\ndecree of the Persian king Artaxerxes II., who first spread the worship of\nAnaitis in the west of Asia.(844) It is highly significant, not only that\nthe Sacaean festival was annually held at this ancient seat of the worship\nof Semiramis or Astarte; but further, that the whole city of Zela was\nformerly inhabited by sacred slaves and harlots, ruled over by a supreme\npontiff, who administered it as a sanctuary rather than as a city.(845)\nFormerly, we may suppose, this priestly king himself died a violent death\nat the Sacaea in the character of the divine lover of Semiramis, while the\npart of the goddess was played by one of the sacred prostitutes. The\nprobability of this is greatly strengthened by the existence of the\nso-called mound of Semiramis under the sanctuary. For the mounds of\nSemiramis, which were pointed out all over Western Asia,(846) were said to\nhave been the graves of her lovers whom she buried alive.(847) The\ntradition ran that the great and lustful queen Semiramis, fearing to\ncontract a lawful marriage lest her husband should deprive her of power,\nadmitted to her bed the handsomest of her soldiers, only, however, to\ndestroy them all afterwards.(848) Now this tradition is one of the surest\nindications of the identity of the mythical Semiramis with the Babylonian\ngoddess Ishtar or Astarte. For the famous Babylonian epic which recounts\nthe deeds of the hero Gilgamesh tells how, when he clothed himself in\nroyal robes and put his crown on his head, the goddess Ishtar was smitten\nwith love of him and wooed him to be her mate. But Gilgamesh rejected her\ninsidious advances, for he knew the sad fate that had overtaken all her\nlovers, and he reproached the cruel goddess, saying:\u2014\n\n\n    \u201c_Tammuz, the lover of thy youth,_\n    _Thou causest to weep every year._\n    _The bright-coloured_ allallu _bird thou didst love_.\n    _Thou didst crush him and break his pinions._\n    _In the woods he stands and laments, __\u2018__O my pinions!__\u2019_\n    _Thou didst love the lion of perfect strength,_\n    _Seven and seven times thou didst dig pit-falls for him._\n    _Thou didst love the horse that joyed in the fray,_\n    _With whip and spur and lash thou didst urge him on._\n    _Thou didst force him on for seven double hours,_\n    _Thou didst force him on when wearied and thirsty;_\n    _His mother the goddess Silili thou madest weep._\n    _Thou didst also love a shepherd of the flock,_\n    _Who continually poured out for thee the libation,_\n    _And daily slaughtered kids for thee;_\n    _But thou didst smite him, and didst change him into a wolf,_\n    _So that his own sheep-boys hunted him,_\n    _And his own hounds tore him to pieces._\u201d\n\n\n(M286) The hero also tells the miserable end of a gardener in the service\nof the goddess\u2019s father. The hapless swain had once been honoured with the\nlove of the goddess, but when she tired of him she changed him into a\ncripple so that he could not rise from his bed. Therefore Gilgamesh fears\nto share the fate of all her former lovers and spurns her proffered\nfavours.(849) But it is not merely that the myth of Ishtar thus tallies\nwith the legend of Semiramis; the worship of the goddess was marked by a\nprofligacy which has found its echo in the loose character ascribed by\ntradition to the queen. Inscriptions, which confirm and supplement the\nevidence of Herodotus, inform us that Ishtar was served by harlots of\nthree different classes all dedicated to her worship. Indeed, there is\nreason to think that these women personated the goddess herself, since one\nof the names given to them is applied also to her.(850)\n\n(M287) Thus we can hardly doubt that the mythical Semiramis is\nsubstantially a form of Ishtar or Astarte, the great Semitic goddess of\nlove and fertility; and if this is so, we may assume with at least a fair\ndegree of probability that the high pontiff of Zela or his deputy, who\nplayed the king of the Sacaea at the sanctuary of Semiramis, perished as\none of the unhappy lovers of the goddess, perhaps as Tammuz, whom she\ncaused \u201cto weep every year.\u201d When he had run his brief meteoric career of\npleasure and glory, his bones would be laid in the great mound which\ncovered the mouldering remains of many mortal gods, his predecessors, whom\nthe goddess had honoured with her fatal love.(851)\n\n(M288) Here then at the great sanctuary of the goddess in Zela it appears\nthat her myth was regularly translated into action; the story of her love\nand the death of her divine lover was performed year by year as a sort of\nmystery-play by men and women who lived for a season and sometimes died in\nthe character of the visionary beings whom they personated. The intention\nof these sacred dramas, we may be sure, was neither to amuse nor to\ninstruct an idle audience, and as little were they designed to gratify the\nactors, to whose baser passions they gave the reins for a time. They were\nsolemn rites which mimicked the doings of divine beings, because man\nfancied that by such mimicry he was able to arrogate to himself the divine\nfunctions and to exercise them for the good of his fellows. The operations\nof nature, to his thinking, were carried on by mythical personages very\nlike himself; and if he could only assimilate himself to them completely\nhe would be able to wield all their powers. This is probably the original\nmotive of most religious dramas or mysteries among rude peoples. The\ndramas are played, the mysteries are performed, not to teach the\nspectators the doctrines of their creed, still less to entertain them, but\nfor the purpose of bringing about those natural effects which they\nrepresent in mythical disguise; in a word, they are magical ceremonies and\ntheir mode of operation is mimicry or sympathy. We shall probably not err\nin assuming that many myths, which we now know only as myths, had once\ntheir counterpart in magic; in other words, that they used to be acted as\na means of producing in fact the events which they describe in figurative\nlanguage. Ceremonies often die out while myths survive, and thus we are\nleft to infer the dead ceremony from the living myth. If myths are, in a\nsense, the reflections or shadows of men cast upon the clouds, we may say\nthat these reflections continue to be visible in the sky and to inform us\nof the doings of the men who cast them, long after the men themselves are\nnot only beyond our range of vision but sunk beneath the horizon.\n\n(M289) The principle of mimicry is implanted so deep in human nature and\nhas exerted so far-reaching an influence on the development of religion as\nwell as of the arts that it may be well, even at the cost of a short\ndigression, to illustrate by example some of the modes in which primitive\nman has attempted to apply it to the satisfaction of his wants by means of\nreligious or magical dramas. For it seems probable that the masked dances\nand ceremonies, which have played a great part in the social life of\nsavages in many quarters of the world, were primarily designed to subserve\npractical purposes rather than simply to stir the emotions of the\nspectators and to while away the languor and tedium of idle hours. The\nactors sought to draw down blessings on the community by mimicking certain\npowerful superhuman beings and in their assumed character working those\nbeneficent miracles which in the capacity of mere men they would have\nconfessed themselves powerless to effect. In fact the aim of these\nelementary dramas, which contain in germ the tragedy and comedy of\ncivilized nations, was the acquisition of superhuman power for the public\ngood. That this is the real intention of at least many of these dramatic\nperformances will appear from the following accounts, which for the sake\nof accuracy I will quote for the most part in the words of the original\nobservers.\n\n(M290) A conspicuous feature in the social life of the Indian tribes of\nNorth-Western America are the elaborate masked dances or pantomimes in\nwhich the actors personate spirits or legendary animals. Most of them\nappear designed to bring before the eyes of the people the guardian\nspirits of the clans. \u201cOwing to the fact that these spirits are\nhereditary, their gifts are always contained in the legend detailing their\nacquisition by the ancestor of a clan. The principal gifts in these tales\nare the magic harpoon which insures success in sea-otter hunting; the\ndeath bringer which, when pointed against enemies, kills them; the water\nof life which resuscitates the dead; the burning fire which, when pointed\nagainst an object, burns it; and a dance, a song, and cries which are\npeculiar to the spirit. The gift of this dance means that the prot\u00e9g\u00e9 of\nthe spirit is to perform the same dances which have been shown to him. In\nthese dances he personates the spirit. He wears his mask and his\nornaments. Thus the dance must be considered a dramatic performance of the\nmyth relating to the acquisition of the spirit, and shows to the people\nthat the performer by his visit to the spirit has obtained his powers and\ndesires. When nowadays a spirit appears to a young Indian, he gives him\nthe same dance, and the youth also returns from the initiation filled with\nthe powers and desires of the spirit. He authenticates his initiation by\nhis dance in the same way as his mythical ancestor did. The obtaining of\nthe magical gifts from these spirits is called _lokoala_, while the person\nwho has obtained them becomes _naualaku_, supernatural, which is also the\nquality of the spirit himself. The ornaments of all these spirits are\ndescribed as made of cedar bark, which is dyed red in the juice of alder\nbark. They appear to their devotees only in winter, and therefore the\ndances are also performed only in winter.\u201d(852) In some of the dances the\nperformers imitate animals, and the explanation which the Indians give of\nthese dances is that \u201cthe ceremonial was instituted at the time when men\nhad still the form of animals; before the transformer had put everything\ninto its present shape. The present ceremonial is a repetition of the\nceremonial performed by the man animals or, as we may say, a dramatization\nof the myth. Therefore the people who do not represent spirits, represent\nthese animals.\u201d(853)\n\n(M291) Another observer of these Indians writes on the same subject as\nfollows: \u201cThe _dukwally_ (_i.e._, _lokoala_) and other _tamanawas_(854)\nperformances are exhibitions intended to represent incidents connected\nwith their mythological legends. There are a great variety, and they seem\nto take the place, in a measure, of theatrical performances or games\nduring the season of the religious festivals. There are no persons\nespecially set apart as priests for the performance of these ceremonies,\nalthough some, who seem more expert than others, are usually hired to give\nlife to the scenes, but these performers are quite as often found among\nthe slaves or common people as among the chiefs, and excepting during the\ncontinuance of the festivities are not looked on as of any particular\nimportance. On inquiring the origin of these ceremonies, I was informed\nthat they did not originate with the Indians, but were revelations of the\nguardian spirits, who made known what they wished to be performed. An\nIndian, for instance, who has been consulting with his guardian spirit,\nwhich is done by going through the washing and fasting process before\ndescribed, will imagine or think he is called upon to represent the owl.\nHe arranges in his mind the style of dress, the number of performers, the\nsongs and dances or other movements, and, having the plan perfected,\nannounces at a _tamanawas_ meeting that he has had a revelation which he\nwill impart to a select few. These are then taught and drilled in strict\nsecrecy, and when they have perfected themselves, will suddenly make their\nappearance and perform before the astonished tribe. Another Indian gets up\nthe representation of the whale, others do the same of birds, and in fact\nof everything that they can think of. If any performance is a success, it\nis repeated, and gradually comes to be looked upon as one of the regular\norder in the ceremonies; if it does not satisfy the audience, it is laid\naside. Thus they have performances that have been handed down from remote\nages, while others are of a more recent date.\u201d(855)\n\n(M292) Another writer, who travelled among the Indians of North-Western\nAmerica, has expressed himself on this subject as follows: \u201cThe task of\nrepresenting the gods is undertaken in every tribe by some intelligent\nand, according to their own account, inspired men; they form the Secret\nSocieties, in order that their secret arts and doctrines, their mummeries\nand masquerades may not be revealed to the uninitiated and to the public.\nThe intention of these exhibitions is to confirm the faith of the young\npeople and the women in the ancient traditions as to the intercourse of\nthe gods with men and as to their own intimate relations to the gods. In\norder to convince possible doubters, the members of the Secret Societies\nhave had recourse to all kinds of mysterious means, which to a civilized\nman must appear the height of savagery; for example, they mutilate their\nbodies, rend corpses in pieces and devour them, tear pieces out of the\nbodies of living men, and so on. Further, the almost morbid vanity of the\nNorth-Western Indians and their desire to win fame, respect, and\ndistinction may have served as a motive for joining the Secret Societies;\nsince every member of them enjoys great respect.\n\n\u201cThere were and still are hundreds of masks in use, every one of which\nrepresents a spirit who occurs in their legends. In the exhibitions they\nappear singly or in groups, according as the legend to be represented\nrequires, and the masked men are then looked upon by the astonished crowd,\nnot only as actors representing the gods, but as the very gods themselves\nwho have come down from heaven to earth. Hence every such representative\nmust do exactly what legend says the spirit did. If the representative\nwears no mask, as often happens with the _Hametzes_ (the Cannibals or\nBiters) or the _Pakwalla_ (Medicine-men), then the spirit whom he\nrepresents has passed into his body, and accordingly the man possessed by\nthe spirit is not responsible for what he does amiss in this condition. As\nthe use of masks throws a sort of mysterious glamour over the performance\nand at the same time allows the actor to remain unknown, the peculiarly\nsacred festivals are much oftener celebrated with masks than without them.\nIn every Secret Society there are definite rules as to how often and how\nlong a mask may be used. Amongst the Kwakiutl the masks may not, under the\nheaviest penalties, be disposed of for four winters, the season when such\nfestivals are usually celebrated. After that time they may be destroyed or\nhidden in the forest, that no uninitiated person may find them, or they\nmay be finally sold. The masks are made only in secret, generally in the\ndeep solitude of the woods, in order that no uninitiated person may detect\nthe maker at work....\n\n(M293) \u201cThe dance is accompanied by a song which celebrates in boastful\nwords the power of the gods and the mighty deeds represented in the\nperformance. At the main part of the performance all present join in the\nsong, for it is generally known to everybody and is repeated in recitative\nagain and again. It seems that new songs and new performances are\nconstantly springing up in one or other of the villages through the agency\nof some intelligent young man, hitherto without a song of his own, who\ntreats in a poetical fashion some legend which has been handed down orally\nfrom their forefathers. For every man who takes part in the performances\nand festivals must make his _d\u00e9but_ with a song composed by himself. In\nthis way new songs and dances are constantly originating, the material for\nthem being, of course, always taken from the tribal deities of the\nparticular singer and poet.\u201d(856)\n\n(M294) Similar masquerades are in vogue among the neighbours of these\nIndians, the Esquimaux of Bering Strait, and from the following account it\nwill appear that the performances are based on similar ideas and beliefs.\n\u201cShamans make masks representing grotesque faces of supernatural beings\nwhich they claim to have seen. These may be _yu-\u0103_, which are the spirits\nof the elements, of places, and of inanimate things in general; the\n_tungh\u00e4t_, or wandering genii, or the shades of people and animals. The\nfirst-named are seen in lonely places, on the plains and mountains or at\nsea, and more rarely about the villages, by the clairvoyant vision of the\nshamans. They are usually invisible to common eyes, but sometimes render\nthemselves visible to the people for various purposes.\n\n\u201cMany of them, especially among the _tungh\u00e4t_, are of evil character,\nbringing sickness and misfortune upon people from mere wantonness or for\nsome fancied injury. The Eskimo believe that everything, animate or\ninanimate, is possessed of a shade, having semihuman form and features,\nenjoying more or less freedom of motion; the shamans give form to their\nideas of them in masks, as well as of others which they claim inhabit the\nmoon and the sky-land. In their daily life, if the people witness some\nstrange occurrence, are curiously affected, or have a remarkable\nadventure, during which they seem to be influenced or aided in a\nsupernatural manner, the shamans interpret the meaning and describe the\nappearance of the being that exerted its power.\n\n(M295) \u201cCurious mythological beasts are also said to inhabit both land and\nsea, but to become visible only on special occasions. These ideas furnish\nmaterial upon which their fancy works, conjuring up strange forms that are\nusually modifications of known creatures. It is also believed that in\nearly days all animate beings had a dual existence, becoming at will\neither like man or the animal forms they now wear. In those early days\nthere were but few people; if an animal wished to assume its human form,\nthe forearm, wing, or other limb was raised and pushed up the muzzle or\nbeak as if it were a mask, and the creature became manlike in form and\nfeatures. This idea is still held, and it is believed that many animals\nnow possess this power. The manlike form thus appearing is called the\n_inua_, and is supposed to represent the thinking part of the creature,\nand at death becomes its shade. Shamans are believed to have the power of\nseeing through the animal mask to the manlike features behind. The ideas\nheld on this subject are well illustrated in the Raven legends, where the\nchanges are made repeatedly from one form to another.\n\n(M296) \u201cMasks may also represent totemic animals, and the wearers during\nthe festivals are believed actually to become the creature represented or\nat least to be endowed with its spiritual essence. Some of the masks of\nthe lower Yukon and the adjacent territory to the Kuskokwim are made with\ndouble faces. This is done by having the muzzle of the animal fitted over\nand concealing the face of the _inua_ below, the outer mask being held in\nplace by pegs so arranged that it can be removed quickly at a certain time\nin the ceremony, thus symbolizing the transformation. Another style of\nmask from the lower Kuskokwim has the under face concealed by a small\nhinged door on each side, which opens out at the proper time in a\nceremony, indicating the metamorphosis. When the mask represents a totemic\nanimal, the wearer needs no double face, since he represents in person the\nshade of the totemic animal.\n\n\u201cWhen worn in any ceremonial, either as a totem mask or as representing\nthe shade, _yu-\u0103_ or _tungh\u00e2k_, the wearer is believed to become\nmysteriously and unconsciously imbued with the spirit of the being which\nhis mask represents, just as the namesakes are entered into and possessed\nby the shades at certain parts of the Festival to the Dead....(857)\n\n\u201cMask festivals are usually held as a species of thanksgiving to the\nshades and powers of earth, air, and water for giving the hunter success.\nThe _inuas_ or shades of the powers and creatures of the earth are\nrepresented that they may be propitiated, thus insuring further\nsuccess.\u201d(858)\n\n(M297) The religious ritual of the Cora Indians of Mexico comprises\nelaborate dramatic ceremonies or dances, in which the actors or dancers\nidentify themselves with the gods, such as the god of the Morning Star,\nthe goddess of the Moon, and the divinities of the Rain. These dances form\nthe principal part of the Cora festivals and are accompanied by liturgical\nsongs, the words of which the Indians believe to have been revealed to\ntheir forefathers by the gods and to exercise a direct magical influence\nupon the deities themselves and through them upon nature.(859) The Kobeua\nand Kaua Indians of North-Western Brazil perform masked dances at their\nfestivals in honour of the dead. The maskers imitate the actions and the\nhabits of birds, beasts, and insects. For example, there is a large\nazure-blue butterfly which delights the eye with the splendour of its\ncolour, like a fallen fragment of the sky; and in the butterfly dance two\nmen represent the play of these brilliant insects in the sunshine,\nfluttering on the wing and settling on sandbanks and rocks. Again, the\nsloth is acted by a masker who holds on to a cross-beam of the house by\nmeans of a hooked stick, in imitation of the sluggish creature which will\nhang by its claws from the bough of a tree for hours together without\nstirring. Again, the darting of swallows, as they flit to and fro across a\nriver, is mimicked by masked men dancing side by side: the swarming of\nsandflies in the air is acted by a swarm of maskers; and so with the\nmovements of the black vulture, the owl, the jaguar, the _aracu_ fish, the\nhouse-spider, and the dung-beetle. Yet these representations are not\nsimple dramas designed to amuse and divert the mourners in their hour of\nsorrow; the Indian attributes to them a much deeper significance, for\nunder the outer husk of beasts and birds and insects he believes that\nthere lurk foul fiends and powerful spirits. \u201cAll these mimicries are\nbased on an idea of magical efficiency. They are intended to bring\nblessing and fertility to the village and its inhabitants, to the\nplantations, and to the whole of surrounding nature, thereby compensating,\nas it were, for the loss of the dead man in whose honour the festival is\nheld. By copying as faithfully as possible the movements and actions of\nthe being whom he personates, the actor identifies himself with him. The\nmysterious force which resides in the mask passes into the dancer, turns\nthe man himself into a mighty demon, and endows him with the power of\nbanning demons or earning their favour. Especially is it the intention by\nmeans of mimicry to obtain for man control over the demons of growth and\nthe spirits of game and fish.\u201d When the festival is over, the masks are\nburned, and the demons, which are thought to have animated them, take\nflight to their own place, it may be to the other world or to a mountain\ntop, or to the side of a thundering cascade.(860)\n\n(M298) The Monumbo of German New Guinea perform masked dances in which the\ndancers personate supernatural beings or animals, such as kangaroos, dogs,\nand cassowaries. They consecrate the masks by fumigating them with the\nsmoke of a certain creeper, and believe that by doing so they put life\ninto them. Accordingly they afterwards treat the masks with respect, talk\nto them as if they were alive, and refuse to part with them to Europeans.\nCertain of the masks they even regard as guardian spirits and appeal to\nthem for fine weather, help in the chase or in war, and so forth. Every\nclan owns some masks and the head man of the clan makes all the\narrangements for a masquerade. The dances are accompanied by songs of\nwhich the words are unintelligible even to the natives themselves.(861)\nAgain, the Kayans of Central Borneo perform masked dances for the purpose\nof ensuring abundant crops of rice. The actors personate demons, wearing\ngrotesque masks on their faces, their bodies swathed in cumbrous masses of\ngreen leaves. \u201cIn accordance with their belief that the spirits are more\npowerful than men, the Kayans assume that when they imitate the form of\nspirits and play their part, they acquire superhuman power. Hence just as\ntheir spirits can fetch back the souls of men, so they imagine that they\ncan lure to themselves the souls of the rice.\u201d(862)\n\n(M299) When the Sea Dyaks of Borneo have taken a human head, they hold a\nHead-feast (_Gaw\u00e8 Pala_) in honour of the war-god or bird-chief Singalang\nBurong, who lives far away above the sky. At this festival a long liturgy\ncalled _mengap_ is chanted, the god is invoked, and is believed to be\npresent in the person of an actor, who poses as the deity and blesses the\npeople in his name. \u201cBut the invocation is not made by the human performer\nin the manner of a prayer direct to this great being; it takes the form of\na story, setting forth how the mythical hero Kling or Klieng made a\nhead-feast and fetched Singalang Burong to it. This Kling, about whom\nthere are many fables, is a spirit, and is supposed to live somewhere or\nother not far from mankind, and to be able to confer benefits upon them.\nThe Dyak performer or performers then, as they walk up and down the long\nverandah of the house singing the _mengap_, in reality describe Kling\u2019s\n_Gaw\u00e8 Pala_ [head-feast], and how Singalang Burong was invited and came.\nIn thought the Dyaks identify themselves with Kling, and the resultant\nsignification is that the recitation of this story is an invocation to\nSingalang Burong, who is supposed to come not to Kling\u2019s house only, but\nto the actual Dyak house where the feast is celebrated; and he is received\nby a particular ceremony, and is offered food or sacrifice.\u201d At the close\nof the ceremony \u201cthe performer goes along the house, beginning with the\nhead man, touches each person in it, and pronounces an invocation upon\nhim. In this he is supposed to personate Singalang Burong and his\nsons-in-law, who are believed to be the real actors. Singalang Burong\nhimself _nenjangs_ the headmen, and his sons-in-law, the birds, bless the\nrest. The touch of the human performer, and the accompanying invocation\nare thought to effect a communication between these bird-spirits from the\nskies and each individual being. The great bird-chief and his dependants\ncome from above to give men their charms and their blessings. Upon the men\nthe performer invokes physical strength and bravery in war; and upon the\nwomen luck with paddy, cleverness in Dyak feminine accomplishments, and\nbeauty in form and complexion.\u201d(863)\n\n(M300) Thus the dramatic performances of these primitive peoples are in\nfact religious or oftener perhaps magical ceremonies, and the songs or\nrecitations which accompany them are spells or incantations, though the\nreal character of both is apt to be overlooked by civilized man,\naccustomed as he is to see in the drama nothing more than an agreeable\npastime or at best a vehicle of moral instruction. Yet if we could trace\nthe drama of the civilized nations back to its origin, we might find that\nit had its roots in magical or religious ideas like those which still\nmould and direct the masked dances of many savages. Certainly the\nAthenians in the heyday of their brilliant civilization retained a lively\nsense of the religious import of dramatic performances; for they\nassociated them directly with the worship of Dionysus and allowed them to\nbe enacted only during the festivals of the god.(864) In India, also, the\ndrama appears to have been developed out of religious dances or\npantomimes, in which the actors recited the deeds and played the parts of\nnational gods and heroes.(865) Hence it is at least a legitimate\nhypothesis that the criminal, who masqueraded as a king and perished in\nthat character at the Bacchanalian festival of the Sacaea, was only one of\na company of actors, who figured on that occasion in a sacred drama of\nwhich the substance has been preserved to us in the book of Esther.\n\n(M301) When once we perceive that the gods and goddesses, the heroes and\nheroines of mythology have been represented officially, so to say, by a\nlong succession of living men and women who bore the names and were\nsupposed to exercise the functions of these fabulous creatures, we have\nattained a point of vantage from which it seems possible to propose terms\nof peace between two rival schools of mythologists who have been waging\nfierce war on each other for ages. On the one hand it has been argued that\nmythical beings are nothing but personifications of natural objects and\nnatural processes; on the other hand, it has been maintained that they are\nnothing but notable men and women who in their lifetime, for one reason or\nanother, made a great impression on their fellows, but whose doings have\nbeen distorted and exaggerated by a false and credulous tradition. These\ntwo views, it is now easy to see, are not so mutually exclusive as their\nsupporters have imagined. The personages about whom all the marvels of\nmythology have been told may have been real human beings, as the\nEuhemerists allege; and yet they may have been at the same time\npersonifications of natural objects or processes, as the adversaries of\nEuhemerism assert. The doctrine of incarnation supplies the missing link\nthat was needed to unite the two seemingly inconsistent theories. If the\npowers of nature or a certain department of nature be conceived as\npersonified in a deity, and that deity can become incarnate in a man or\nwoman, it is obvious that the incarnate deity is at the same time a real\nhuman being and a personification of nature. To take the instance with\nwhich we are here concerned, Semiramis may have been the great Semitic\ngoddess of love, Ishtar or Astarte, and yet she may be supposed to have\nbeen incarnate in a woman or even in a series of real women, whether\nqueens or harlots, whose memory survives in ancient history. Saturn,\nagain, may have been the god of sowing and planting, and yet may have been\nrepresented on earth by a succession or dynasty of sacred kings, whose gay\nbut short lives may have contributed to build up the legend of the Golden\nAge. The longer the series of such human divinities, the greater,\nobviously, the chance of their myth or legend surviving; and when moreover\na deity of a uniform type was represented, whether under the same name or\nnot, over a great extent of country by many local dynasties of divine men\nor women, it is clear that the stories about him would tend still further\nto persist and be stereotyped.\n\n(M302) The conclusions which we have reached in regard to the legend of\nSemiramis and her lovers probably holds good of all the similar tales that\nwere current in antiquity throughout the East; in particular, it may be\nassumed to apply to the myths of Aphrodite and Adonis in Syria, of Cybele\nand Attis in Phrygia, and of Isis and Osiris in Egypt. If we could trace\nthese stories back to their origin, we might find that in every case a\nhuman couple acted year by year the parts of the loving goddess and the\ndying god. We know that down to Roman times Attis was personated by\npriests who bore his name;(866) and if within the period of which we have\nknowledge the dead Attis and the dead Adonis were represented only by\neffigies, we may surmise that it had not always been so, and that in both\ncases the dead god was once represented by a dead man. Further, the\nlicense accorded to the man who played the dying god at the Sacaea speaks\nstrongly in favour of the hypothesis that before the incarnate deity was\nput to a public death he was in all cases allowed, or rather required, to\nenjoy the embraces of a woman who played the goddess of love. The reason\nfor such an enforced union of the human god and goddess is not hard to\ndivine. If primitive man believes that the growth of the crops can be\nstimulated by the intercourse of common men and women,(867) what showers\nof blessings will he not anticipate from the commerce of a pair whom his\nfancy invests with all the dignity and powers of deities of fertility?\n\n(M303) Thus the theory of Movers, that at the Sacaea the Zoganes\nrepresented a god and paired with a woman who personated a goddess, turns\nout to rest on deeper and wider foundations than that able scholar was\naware of. He thought that the divine couple who figured by deputy at the\nceremony were Semiramis and Sandan or Sardanapalus. It now appears that he\nwas substantially right as to the goddess; but we have still to enquire\ninto the god. There seems to be no doubt that the name Sardanapalus is\nonly the Greek way of representing Ashurbanapal, the name of the greatest\nand nearly the last king of Assyria. But the records of the real monarch\nwhich have come to light within recent years give little support to the\nfables that attached to his name in classical tradition. For they prove\nthat, far from being the effeminate weakling he seemed to the Greeks of a\nlater age, he was a warlike and enlightened monarch, who carried the arms\nof Assyria to distant lands and fostered at home the growth of science and\nletters.(868) Still, though the historical reality of King Ashurbanapal is\nas well attested as that of Alexander or Charlemagne, it would be no\nwonder if myths gathered, like clouds, round the great figure that loomed\nlarge in the stormy sunset of Assyrian glory. Now the two features that\nstand out most prominently in the legends of Sardanapalus are his\nextravagant debauchery and his violent death in the flames of a great\npyre, on which he burned himself and his concubines to save them from\nfalling into the hands of his victorious enemies. It is said that the\nwomanish king, with painted face and arrayed in female attire, passed his\ndays in the seclusion of the harem, spinning purple wool among his\nconcubines and wallowing in sensual delights; and that in the epitaph\nwhich he caused to be carved on his tomb he recorded that all the days of\nhis life he ate and drank and toyed, remembering that life is short and\nfull of trouble, that fortune is uncertain, and that others would soon\nenjoy the good things which he must leave behind.(869) These traits bear\nlittle resemblance to the portrait of Ashurbanapal either in life or in\ndeath; for after a brilliant career of conquest the Assyrian king died in\nold age, at the height of human ambition, with peace at home and triumph\nabroad, the admiration of his subjects and the terror of his foes. But if\nthe traditional characteristics of Sardanapalus harmonize but ill with\nwhat we know of the real monarch of that name, they fit well enough with\nall that we know or can conjecture of the mock kings who led a short life\nand a merry during the revelry of the Sacaea, the Asiatic equivalent of\nthe Saturnalia. We can hardly doubt that for the most part such men, with\ndeath staring them in the face at the end of a few days, sought to drown\ncare and deaden fear by plunging madly into all the fleeting joys that\nstill offered themselves under the sun. When their brief pleasures and\nsharp sufferings were over, and their bones or ashes mingled with the\ndust, what more natural that on their tomb\u2014those mounds in which the\npeople saw, not untruly, the graves of the lovers of Semiramis\u2014there\nshould be carved some such lines as those which tradition placed in the\nmouth of the great Assyrian king, to remind the heedless passer-by of the\nshortness and vanity of life?\n\n(M304) When we turn to Sandan, the other legendary or mythical being whom\nMovers thought that the Zoganes may have personated, we find the arguments\nin support of his theory still stronger. The city of Tarsus in Cilicia is\nsaid to have been founded by a certain Sandan whom the Greeks identified\nwith Hercules; and at the festival of this god or hero an effigy of him\nwas burned on a great pyre.(870) This Sandan is doubtless the same with\nthe Sandes whom Agathias calls the old Persian Hercules. Professing to\ngive a list of the gods whom the Persians worshipped before the days of\nZoroaster, the Byzantine historian mentions Bel, Sandes, and Anaitis, whom\nhe identifies with Zeus, Hercules, and Aphrodite respectively.(871) As we\nknow that Bel was a Babylonian, not a Persian deity, and that in later\ntimes Anaitis was practically equivalent to the Babylonian Ishtar or\nAstarte, a strong presumption is raised that Sandes also was a Babylonian\nor at all events Semitic deity, and that in speaking of him as Persian the\nhistorian confused the ancient Persians with the Babylonians and perhaps\nother stocks of Western Asia. The presumption is strengthened when we find\nthat in Lydia the surname of Sandon, doubtless equivalent to Sandan, is\nsaid to have been borne by Hercules because he wore a woman\u2019s garment\ncalled a _sandyx_, fine and diaphanous as gossamer, at the bidding of\nQueen Omphale, whom the hero served for three years in the guise of a\nfemale slave, clad in purple, humbly carding wool and submitting to be\nslapped by the saucy queen with her golden slipper.(872) The familiar\nlegend that Hercules burned himself alive on a great pyre completes the\nparallel between the effeminate Hercules Sandon of Lydia and the Assyrian\nSardanapalus. So exact a parallel must surely rest on a common base of\ncustom as well as of myth. That base, according to the conjecture of the\nadmirable scholar K. O. M\u00fcller, may have been a custom of dressing up an\neffigy of an effeminate Asiatic deity in the semblance of a reveller, and\nthen publicly burning it on a pyre. Such a custom appears to have\nprevailed not only at Tarsus in Cilicia, but also in Lydia; for a coin of\nthe Lydian Philadelphia, a city which lay not far from the old royal\ncapital Sardes, exhibits a device like that on coins of Tarsus, consisting\nof a figure stretched on a pyre. \u201cWe may suppose,\u201d says M\u00fcller, \u201cthat in\nthe old Assyrian mythology a certain being called Sandan, or perhaps\nSardan, figured beside Baal and Mylitta or Astarte. The character of this\nmythical personage is one which often meets us in oriental religion\u2014the\nextreme of voluptuousness and sensuality combined with miraculous force\nand heroic strength. We may imagine that at the great festivals of Nineveh\nthis Sandan or Sardan was exhibited as a buxom figure with womanish\nfeatures, the pale face painted with white lead, the eyebrows and\neyelashes blackened with kohl, his person loaded with golden chains,\nrings, and earrings, arrayed in a bright red transparent garment, grasping\na goblet in one hand and perhaps, as a symbol of strength, a double axe in\nthe other, while he sat cross-legged and surrounded by women on a\nsplendidly adorned couch under a purple canopy, altogether not unlike the\nfigure of Adonis at the court festivals of Alexandria. Then the people of\n\u2018mad Nineveh,\u2019 as the poet Phocylides called it, \u2018the well-favoured\nharlot,\u2019 as the prophet Nahum has it, would rejoice and make merry with\nthis their darling hero. Afterwards there may have been another show, when\nthis gorgeous Sandan or Sardan was to be seen on a huge pyre of precious\nwood, draped in gold-embroidered tapestry and laden with incense and\nspices of every sort, which being set on fire, to the howling of a\ncountless multitude and the deafening din of shrill music, sent up a\nmonstrous pillar of fire whirling towards heaven and flooded half Nineveh\nwith smoke and smell.\u201d(873)\n\n(M305) The distinguished scholar whom I have just quoted does not fail to\nrecognize the part which imagination plays in the picture he has set\nbefore us; but he reminds us very properly that in historical enquiries\nimagination must always supply the cement that binds together the broken\nfragments of tradition. One thing, he thinks, emerges clearly from the\npresent investigation: the worship and legend of an effeminate hero like\nSandan appear to have spread, by means of an early diffusion of the\nSemitic stock, first to the neighbourhood of Tarsus in Cilicia and\nafterwards to Sardes in Lydia. In favour of the former prevalence of the\nrite in Lydia it may be added that the oldest dynasty of Lydian kings\ntraced their descent, not only from the mythical Assyrian hero Ninus, but\nalso from the Greek hero Hercules,(874) whose legendary death in the fire\nfinds at least a curious echo in the story that Croesus, the last king of\nLydia, was laid by his Persian conqueror Cyrus on a great pyre of wood,\nand was only saved at the last moment from being consumed in the\nflames.(875) May not this story embody a reminiscence of the manner in\nwhich the ancient kings of Lydia, as living embodiments of their god,\nformerly met their end? It was thus, as we have seen, that the old\nPrussian rulers used to burn themselves alive in front of the sacred\noak;(876) and by an odd coincidence, if it is nothing more, the Greek\nHercules directed that the pyre on which he was to be consumed should be\nmade of the wood of the oak and the wild olive.(877) Some grounds have\nalso been shewn for thinking that in certain South African tribes the\nchiefs may formerly have been burnt alive as a religious or magical\nceremony.(878) All these facts and indications tend to support the view of\nMovers that at the Sacaea also the man who played the god for five days\nwas originally burnt at the end of them.(879) Death by hanging or\ncrucifixion may have been a later mitigation of his sufferings, though it\nis quite possible that both forms of execution or rather of sacrifice may\nhave been combined by hanging or crucifying the victim first and burning\nhim afterwards,(880) much as our forefathers used to disembowel traitors\nafter suspending them for a few minutes on a gibbet. At Tarsus apparently\nthe custom was still further softened by burning an effigy instead of a\nman; but on this point the evidence is not explicit. It is worth observing\nthat as late as Lucian\u2019s time the principal festival of the year at\nHierapolis\u2014the great seat of the worship of Astarte\u2014fell at the beginning\nof spring and took its name of the Pyre or the Torch from the tall masts\nwhich were burnt in the court of the temple with sheep, goats, and other\nanimals hanging from them.(881) Here the season, the fire, and the\ngallows-tree all fit our hypothesis; only the man-god is wanting.\n\n(M306) If the Jewish festival of Purim was, as I have attempted to shew,\ndirectly descended either from the Sacaea or from some other Semitic\nfestival, of which the central feature was the sacrifice of a man in the\ncharacter of a god, we should expect to find traces of human sacrifice\nlingering about it in one or other of those mitigated forms to which I\nhave just referred. This expectation is fully borne out by the facts. For\nfrom an early time it has been customary with the Jews at the feast of\nPurim to burn or otherwise destroy effigies of Haman. The practice was\nwell known under the Roman empire, for in the year 408 A.D. the emperors\nHonorius and Theodosius issued a decree commanding the governors of the\nprovinces to take care that the Jews should not burn effigies of Haman on\na cross at one of their festivals.(882) We learn from the decree that the\ncustom gave great offence to the Christians, who regarded it as a\nblasphemous parody of the central mystery of their own religion, little\nsuspecting that it was nothing but a continuation, in a milder form, of a\nrite that had probably been celebrated in the East long ages before the\nbirth of Christ. Apparently the custom long survived the publication of\nthe edict, for in a form of abjuration which the Greek church imposed on\nJewish converts and which seems to date from the tenth century, the\nrenegade is made to speak as follows: \u201cI curse also those who celebrate\nthe festival of the so-called Mordecai on the first Sabbath (Saturday) of\nthe Christian fast, and who nail Haman forsooth to the tree, attaching to\nit the symbol of the cross and burning him along with it, while they heap\nall sorts of imprecations and curses on the Christians.\u201d(883) A Jewish\naccount of the custom as it was observed in Babylonia and Persia in the\ntenth century of our era runs as follows: \u201cIt is customary in Babylonia\nand Elam for boys to make an effigy resembling Haman; this they suspend on\ntheir roofs, four or five days before Purim. On Purim day they erect a\nbonfire, and cast the effigy into its midst, while the boys stand round\nabout it jesting and singing. And they have a ring suspended in the midst\nof the fire, which (ring) they hold and wave from one side of the fire to\nthe other.\u201d(884) Again, the Arab historian Alb\u00eer\u00fbn\u00ee, who wrote in the year\n1000 A.D., informs us that at Purim the Jews of his time rejoiced greatly\nover the death of Haman, and that they made figures which they beat and\nburned, \u201cimitating the burning of Haman.\u201d Hence one name for the festival\nwas H\u00e2m\u00e2n-S\u00fbr.(885) Another Arabic writer, Makr\u00eez\u00ee, who died in 1442 A.D.,\nsays that at the feast of Purim, which fell on the fifteenth day of the\nmonth Adar, some of the Jews used to make effigies of Haman which they\nfirst played with and then threw into the fire.(886) During the Middle\nAges the Italian Jews celebrated Purim in a lively fashion which has been\ncompared by their own historians to that of the Carnival. The children\nused to range themselves in rows opposite each other and pelt one another\nwith nuts, while grown-up people rode on horseback through the streets\nwith pine branches in their hands or blew trumpets and made merry round a\npuppet representing Haman, which was set on a platform or scaffold and\nthen solemnly burnt on a pyre.(887) In the eighteenth century the Jews of\nFrankfort used at Purim to make pyramids of thin wax candles, which they\nset on fire; also they fashioned images of Haman and his wife out of\ncandles and burned them on the reading-desk in the synagogue.(888)\n\n(M307) Now, when we consider the close correspondence in character as well\nas in date between the Jewish Purim and the Christian Carnival, and\nremember further that the effigy of Carnival, which is now destroyed at\nthis merry season, had probably its prototype in a living man who was put\nto a violent death in the character of Saturn at the Saturnalia, analogy\nof itself would suggest that in former times the Jews, like the\nBabylonians, from whom they appear to have derived their Purim, may at one\ntime have burned, hanged, or crucified a real man in the character of\nHaman. There are some positive grounds for thinking that this was so. The\nearly church historian Socrates informs us that at Inmestar, a town in\nSyria, the Jews were wont to observe certain sports among themselves, in\nthe course of which they played many foolish pranks. In the year 416 A.D.,\nbeing heated with wine, they carried these sports further than usual and\nbegan deriding Christians and even Christ himself, and to give the more\nzest to their mockery they seized a Christian child, bound him to a cross,\nand hung him up. At first they only laughed and jeered at him, but soon,\ntheir passions getting the better of them, they ill-treated the child so\nthat he died under their hands. The thing got noised abroad, and resulted\nin a serious brawl between the Jews and their Christian neighbours. The\nauthorities then stepped in, and the Jews had to pay dear for the crime\nthey had perpetrated in sport.(889) The Christian historian does not\nmention, and perhaps did not know, the name of the drunken and jovial\nfestival which ended so tragically; but we can hardly doubt that it was\nPurim, and that the boy who died on the cross represented Haman.(890) In\nmedi\u00e6val and modern times many accusations of ritual murders, as they are\ncalled, have been brought against the Jews, and the arguments for and\nagainst the charge have been discussed on both sides with a heat which,\nhowever natural, has tended rather to inflame the passions of the\ndisputants than to elicit the truth.(891) Into this troubled arena I\nprefer not to enter; I will only observe that, so far as I have looked\ninto the alleged cases, and these are reported in sufficient detail, the\nmajority of the victims are said to have been children and to have met\ntheir fate in spring, often in the week before Easter. This last\ncircumstance points, if there is any truth in the accusations, to a\nconnexion of the human sacrifice with the Passover, which falls in this\nweek, rather than with Purim, which falls a month earlier. Indeed it has\noften been made a part of the accusation that the blood of the youthful\nvictims was intended to be used at the Passover. If all the charges of\nritual murder which have been brought against the Jews in modern times are\nnot, as seems most probable, mere idle calumnies, the baneful fruit of\nbigotry, ignorance, and malice, the extraordinary tenacity of life\nexhibited by the lowest forms of superstition in the minds of ignorant\npeople, whether they are Jews or Gentiles, would suffice to account for an\noccasional recrudescence of primitive barbarity among the most degraded\npart of the Jewish community. To make the Jews as a nation responsible for\noutrages which, if they occur at all, are doubtless quite as repugnant to\nthem as they are to every humane mind, would be a monstrous injustice; it\nwould be as fair to charge Christians in general with complicity in the\nincalculably greater number of massacres and atrocities of every kind that\nhave been perpetrated by Christians in the name of Christianity, not\nmerely on Jews and heathen, but on men and women and children who\nprofessed\u2014and died for\u2014the same faith as their torturers and murderers. If\ndeeds of the sort alleged have been really done by Jews\u2014a question on\nwhich I must decline to pronounce an opinion\u2014they would interest the\nstudent of custom as isolated instances of reversion to an old and\nbarbarous ritual which once flourished commonly enough among the ancestors\nboth of Jews and Gentiles, but on which, as on a noxious monster, an\nenlightened humanity has long set its heel. Such customs die hard; it is\nnot the fault of society as a whole if sometimes the reptile has strength\nenough left to lift its venomous head and sting.\n\n(M308) But between the stage when human sacrifice goes on unabashed in the\nlight of common day, and the stage when it has been driven out of sight\ninto dark holes and corners, there intervenes a period during which the\ncustom is slowly dwindling away under the growing light of knowledge and\nphilanthropy. In this middle period many subterfuges are resorted to for\nthe sake of preserving the old ritual in a form which will not offend the\nnew morality. A common and successful device is to consummate the\nsacrifice on the person of a malefactor, whose death at the altar or\nelsewhere is little likely to excite pity or indignation, since it\npartakes of the character of a punishment, and people recognize that if\nthe miscreant had not been dealt with by the priest, it would have been\nneedful in the public interest to hand him over to the executioner. We\nhave seen that in the Rhodian sacrifices to Cronus a condemned criminal\nwas after a time substituted for an innocent victim;(892) and there can be\nlittle doubt that at Babylon the criminals, who perished in the character\nof gods at the Sacaea, enjoyed an honour which, at an earlier period, had\nbeen reserved for more respectable persons. It seems therefore by no means\nimpossible that the Jews, in borrowing the Sacaea from Babylon under the\nnew name of Purim, should have borrowed along with it the custom of\nputting to death a malefactor who, after masquerading as Mordecai in a\ncrown and royal robe, was hanged or crucified in the character of Haman.\nThere are some grounds for thinking that this or something of this sort\nwas done; but a consideration of them had better be deferred till we have\ncleared up some points which still remain obscure in Purim, and in the\naccount which the Jews give of its origin.\n\n(M309) In the first place, then, it deserves to be remarked that the\njoyous festival of Purim on the fourteenth and fifteenth days of the month\nAdar is invariably preceded by a fast, known as the fast of Esther, on the\nthirteenth; indeed, some Jews fast for several days before Purim.(893) In\nthe book of Esther the fast is traditionally explained as a commemoration\nof the mourning and lamentation excited among the Jews by the decree of\nKing Ahasuerus that they should all be massacred on the thirteenth day of\nthe month Adar; for \u201cin every province, whithersoever the king\u2019s\ncommandment and his decree came, there was great mourning among the Jews,\nand fasting, and weeping, and wailing; and many lay in sackcloth and\nashes.\u201d And Esther, before she went into the presence of the king to plead\nfor the lives of her people, \u201cbade them return answer unto Mordecai, Go,\ngather together all the Jews that are present in Shushan, and fast ye for\nme, and neither eat nor drink three days, night or day: I also and my\nmaidens will fast in like manner.\u201d Hence fasting and lamentation were\nordained as the proper preparation for the happy feast of Purim which\ncommemorated the great deliverance of the Jews from the destruction that\nhad threatened them on the thirteenth day of Adar.(894) Now we have seen\nthat, in the opinion of some eminent modern scholars, the basis of the\nbook of Esther is not history but a Babylonian myth, which celebrated the\ntriumphs and sufferings of deities rather than of men. On this hypothesis,\nhow is the fast that precedes Purim to be explained? The best solution\nappears to be that of Jensen, that the fasting and mourning were\noriginally for the supposed annual death of a Semitic god or hero of the\ntype of Tammuz or Adonis, whose resurrection on the following day\noccasioned that outburst of joy and gladness which is characteristic of\nPurim. The particular god or hero, whose death and resurrection thus\ntouched with sorrow and filled with joy the hearts of his worshippers, may\nhave been, according to Jensen, either the great hero Gilgamesh, or his\ncomrade and friend Eabani.(895) The doughty deeds and adventures of this\nmighty pair are the theme of the longest Babylonian poem that has been as\nyet discovered. It is recorded on twelve tablets, and this circumstance\nhas suggested to some scholars the view that the story may be a solar\nmyth, descriptive of the sun\u2019s annual course through the twelve months or\nthe twelve signs of the zodiac. However that may be, the scene of the poem\nis laid chiefly at the very ancient Babylonian city of Erech, the chief\nseat of the worship of the goddess Ishtar or Astarte, who plays an\nimportant part in the story. For the goddess is said to have been smitten\nwith the charms of Gilgamesh, and to have made love to him; but he spurned\nher proffered favours, and thereafter fell into a sore sickness, probably\nthrough the wrath of the offended goddess. His comrade Eabani also roused\nthe fury of Ishtar, and was wounded to death. For twelve days he lingered\non a bed of pain, and, when he died, his friend Gilgamesh mourned and\nlamented for him, and rested not until he had prevailed on the god of the\ndead to suffer the spirit of Eabani to return to the upper world. The\nresurrection of Eabani, recorded on the twelfth tablet, forms the\nconclusion of the long poem.(896) Jensen\u2019s theory is that the death and\nresurrection of a mythical being, who combined in himself the features of\na solar god and an ancient king of Erech, were celebrated at the\nBabylonian Zakmuk or festival of the New Year, and that the transference\nof the drama from Erech, its original seat, to Babylon led naturally to\nthe substitution of Marduk, the great god of Babylon, for Gilgamesh or\nEabani in the part of the hero. Although Jensen apparently does not\nidentify the Zakmuk with the Sacaea, a little consideration will shew how\nwell his general theory of Zakmuk fits in with those features of the\nSacaean festival which have emerged in the course of our enquiry. At the\nSacaean festival, if I am right, a man, who personated a god or hero of\nthe type of Tammuz or Adonis, enjoyed the favours of a woman, probably a\nsacred harlot, who represented the great Semitic goddess Ishtar or\nAstarte; and after he had thus done his part towards securing, by means of\nsympathetic magic, the revival of plant life in spring, he was put to\ndeath. We may suppose that the death of this divine man was mourned over\nby his worshippers, and especially by women, in much the same fashion as\nthe women of Jerusalem wept for Tammuz at the gate of the temple,(897) and\nas Syrian damsels mourned the dead Adonis, while the river ran red with\nhis blood. Such rites appear, in fact, to have been common all over\nWestern Asia; the particular name of the dying god varied in different\nplaces, but in substance the ritual was the same. Fundamentally, the\ncustom was a religious or rather magical ceremony intended to ensure the\nrevival and reproduction of life in spring.\n\n(M310) Now, if this interpretation of the Sacaea is correct, it is obvious\nthat one important feature of the ceremony is wanting in the brief notices\nof the festival that have come down to us. The death of the man-god at the\nfestival is recorded, but nothing is said of his resurrection. Yet if he\nreally personated a being of the Adonis or Attis type, we may feel pretty\nsure that his dramatic death was followed at a shorter or longer interval\nby his dramatic revival, just as at the festivals of Attis and Adonis the\nresurrection of the dead god quickly succeeded to his mimic death.(898)\nHere, however, a difficulty presents itself. At the Sacaea the man-god\ndied a real, not a mere mimic death; and in ordinary life the resurrection\neven of a man-god is at least not an everyday occurrence. What was to be\ndone? The man, or rather the god, was undoubtedly dead. How was he to come\nto life again? Obviously the best, if not the only way, was to set another\nand living man to support the character of the reviving god, and we may\nconjecture that this was done. We may suppose that the insignia of royalty\nwhich had adorned the dead man were transferred to his successor, who,\narrayed in them, would be presented to his rejoicing worshippers as their\ngod come to life again; and by his side would probably be displayed a\nwoman in the character of his divine consort, the goddess Ishtar or\nAstarte. In favour of this hypothesis it may be observed that it at once\nfurnishes a clear and intelligible explanation of a remarkable feature in\nthe book of Esther which has not yet, so far as I am aware, been\nadequately elucidated; I mean that apparent duplication of the principal\ncharacters to which I have already directed the reader\u2019s attention. If I\nam right, Haman represents the temporary king or mortal god who was put to\ndeath at the Sacaea; and his rival Mordecai represents the other temporary\nking who, on the death of his predecessor, was invested with his royal\ninsignia, and exhibited to the people as the god come to life again.\nSimilarly Vashti, the deposed queen in the narrative, corresponds to the\nwoman who played the part of queen and goddess to the first mock king, the\nHaman; and her successful rival, Esther or Ishtar, answers to the woman\nwho figured as the divine consort of the second mock king, the Mordecai or\nMarduk. A trace of the sexual license accorded to the mock king of the\nfestival seems to be preserved in the statement that King Ahasuerus found\nHaman fallen on the bed with Esther and asked, \u201cWill he even force the\nqueen before me in the house?\u201d(899) We have seen that the mock king of the\nSacaea did actually possess the right of using the real king\u2019s concubines,\nand there is much to be said for the view of Movers that he began his\nshort reign by exercising the right in public.(900) In the parallel ritual\nof Adonis the marriage of the goddess with her ill-fated lover was\npublicly celebrated the day before his mimic death.(901) A clear\nreminiscence of the time when the relation between Esther and Mordecai was\nconceived as much more intimate than mere cousinship appears to be\npreserved in some of the Jewish plays acted at Purim, in which Mordecai\nappears as the lover of Esther; and this significant indication is\nconfirmed by the teaching of the rabbis that King Ahasuerus never really\nknew Esther, but that a phantom in her likeness lay with him while the\nreal Esther sat on the lap of Mordecai.(902)\n\n(M311) The Persian setting, in which the Hebrew author of the book of\nEsther has framed his highly-coloured picture, naturally suggests that the\nJews derived their feast of Purim not directly from the old Babylonians,\nbut from their Persian conquerors. Even if this could be demonstrated, it\nwould in no way invalidate the theory that Purim originated in the\nBabylonian festival of the Sacaea, since we know that the Sacaea was\ncelebrated by the Persians.(903) Hence it becomes worth while to enquire\nwhether in the Persian religion we can detect any traces of a festival\nakin to the Sacaea or Purim. Here Lagarde has shewn the way by directing\nattention to the old Persian ceremony known as the \u201cRide of the Beardless\nOne.\u201d(904) This was a rite performed both in Persia and Babylonia at the\nbeginning of spring, on the first day of the first month, which in the\nmost ancient Persian calendar corresponded to March, so that the date of\nthe ceremony agrees with that of the Babylonian New Year festival of\nZakmuk. A beardless and, if possible, one-eyed buffoon was set naked on an\nass, a horse, or a mule, and conducted in a sort of mock triumph through\nthe streets of the city. In one hand he held a crow and in the other a\nfan, with which he fanned himself, complaining of the heat, while the\npeople pelted him with ice and snow and drenched him with cold water. He\nwas supposed to drive away the cold, and to aid him perhaps in discharging\nthis useful function he was fed with hot food, and hot stuffs were smeared\non his body. Riding on his ass and attended by all the king\u2019s household,\nif the city happened to be the capital, or, if it was not, by all the\nretainers of the governor, who were also mounted, he paraded the streets\nand extorted contributions. He stopped at the doors of the rich, and if\nthey did not give him what he asked for, he befouled their garments with\nmud or a mixture of red ochre and water, which he carried in an\nearthenware pot. If a shopkeeper hesitated a moment to respond to his\ndemands, the importunate beggar had the right to confiscate all the goods\nin the shop; so the tradesmen who saw him bearing down on them, not\nunnaturally hastened to anticipate his wants by contributing of their\nsubstance before he could board them. Everything that he thus collected\nfrom break of day to the time of morning prayers belonged to the king or\ngovernor of the city; but everything that he laid hands on between the\nfirst and the second hour of prayer he kept for himself. After the second\nprayers he disappeared, and if the people caught him later in the day they\nwere free to beat him to their heart\u2019s content. \u201cIn like manner,\u201d proceeds\none of the native writers who has described the custom, \u201cpeople at the\npresent time appoint a New Year Lord and make merry. And this they do\nbecause the season, which is the beginning of Azur or March, coincides\nwith the sun\u2019s entry into Aries, for on that day they disport themselves\nand rejoice because the winter is over.\u201d(905)\n\n(M312) Now in this harlequin, who rode through the streets attended by all\nthe king\u2019s men, and levying contributions which went either to the royal\ntreasury or to the pocket of the collector, we recognize the familiar\nfeatures of the mock or temporary king, who is invested for a short time\nwith the pomp and privileges of royalty for reasons which have been\nalready explained.(906) The abrupt disappearance of the Persian clown at a\ncertain hour of the day, coupled with the leave given to the populace to\nthrash him if they found him afterwards, points plainly enough to the\nharder fate that probably awaited him in former days, when he paid with\nhis life for his brief tenure of a kingly crown. The resemblance between\nhis burlesque progress and that of Mordecai through the streets of Susa is\nobvious; though the Jewish author of Esther has depicted in brighter\ncolours the pomp of his hero \u201cin royal apparel of blue and white, and with\na great crown of gold, and with a robe of fine linen and purple,\u201d riding\nthe king\u2019s own charger, and led through the city by one of the king\u2019s most\nnoble princes.(907) The difference between the two scenes is probably not\nto be explained simply by the desire of the Jewish writer to shed a halo\nof glory round the personage whom he regarded as the deliverer of his\npeople. So long as the temporary king was a real substitute for the\nreigning monarch, and had to die sooner or later in his stead, it was\nnatural that he should be treated with a greater show of deference, and\nshould simulate his royal brother more closely than a clown who had\nnothing worse than a beating to fear when he laid down his office. In\nshort, after the serious meaning of the custom had been forgotten, and the\nsubstitute was allowed to escape with his life, the high tragedy of the\nancient ceremony would rapidly degenerate into farce.\n\n(M313) But while the \u201cRide of the Beardless One\u201d is, from one point of\nview, a degenerate copy of the original, regarded from another point of\nview, it preserves some features which are almost certainly primitive,\nthough they do not appear in the kindred Babylonian and Jewish festivals.\nThe Persian custom bears the stamp of a popular festivity rather than of a\nstate ceremonial, and everywhere it seems as if popular festivals, when\nleft to propagate themselves freely among the folk, reveal their old\nmeaning and intention more transparently than when they have been adopted\ninto the official religion and enshrined in a ritual. The simple thoughts\nof our simple forefathers are better understood by their unlettered\ndescendants than by the majority of educated people; their rude rites are\nmore faithfully preserved and more truly interpreted by a rude peasantry\nthan by the priest, who wraps up their nakedness in the gorgeous pall of\nreligious pomp, or by the philosopher, who dissolves their crudities into\nthe thin air of allegory. In the present instance the purpose of the \u201cRide\nof the Beardless One\u201d at the beginning of spring is sufficiently obvious;\nit was meant to hasten the departure of winter and the approach of summer.\nWe are expressly told that the clown who went about fanning himself and\ncomplaining of the heat, while the populace snowballed him, was supposed\nto dispel the cold; and even without any such assurance we should be\njustified in inferring as much from his behaviour. On the principles of\nhomoeopathic or imitative magic, which is little more than an elaborate\nsystem of make-believe, you can make the weather warm by pretending that\nit is so; or if you cannot, you may be sure that there is some person\nwiser than yourself who can. Such a wizard, in the estimation of the\nPersians, was the beardless one-eyed man who went through the performance\nI have described; and no doubt his physical defects were believed to\ncontribute in some occult manner to the success of the rite. The ceremony\nwas thus, as Lagarde acutely perceived, the oriental equivalent of those\npopular European customs which celebrate the advent of spring by\nrepresenting in a dramatic form the expulsion or defeat of winter by the\nvictorious summer.(908) But whereas in Europe the two rival seasons are\noften, if not regularly, personated by two actors or two effigies, in\nPersia a single actor sufficed. Whether he definitely represented winter\nor summer is not quite clear; but his pretence of suffering from heat and\nhis final disappearance suggest that, if he personified either of the\nseasons, it was the departing winter rather than the coming summer.\n\n(M314) If there is any truth in the connexion thus traced between Purim\nand the \u201cRide of the Beardless One,\u201d we are now in a position finally to\nunmask the leading personages in the book of Esther. I have attempted to\nshew that Haman and Vashti are little more than doubles of Mordecai and\nEsther, who in turn conceal under a thin disguise the features of Marduk\nand Ishtar, the great god and goddess of Babylon. But why, the reader may\nask, should the divine pair be thus duplicated and the two pairs set in\nopposition to each other? The answer is suggested by the popular European\ncelebrations of spring to which I have just adverted. If my interpretation\nof these customs is right, the contrast between the summer and winter, or\nbetween the life and death, which figure in effigy or in the persons of\nliving representatives at the spring ceremonies of our peasantry, is\nfundamentally a contrast between the dying or dead vegetation of the old\nand the sprouting vegetation of the new year\u2014a contrast which would lose\nnothing of its point when, as in ancient Rome and Babylon and Persia, the\nbeginning of spring was also the beginning of the new year. In these and\nin all the ceremonies we have been examining the antagonism is not between\npowers of a different order, but between the same power viewed in\ndifferent aspects as old and young; it is, in short, nothing but the\neternal and pathetic contrast between youth and age. And as the power or\nspirit of vegetation is represented in religious ritual and popular custom\nby a human pair, whether they be called Ishtar and Tammuz, or Venus and\nAdonis, or the Queen and King of May, so we may expect to find the old\ndecrepit spirit of the past year personated by one pair, and the fresh\nyoung spirit of the new year by another. This, if my hypothesis is right,\nis the ultimate explanation of the struggle between Haman and Vashti on\nthe one side, and their doubles Mordecai and Esther on the other. In the\nlast analysis both pairs stood for the powers that make for the fertility\nof plants and perhaps also of animals;(909) but the one pair embodied the\nfailing energies of the past, and the other the vigorous and growing\nenergies of the coming year.(910) Both powers, on my hypothesis, were\npersonified not merely in myth, but in custom; for year by year a human\ncouple undertook to quicken the life of nature by a union in which, as in\na microcosm, the loves of tree and plant, of herb and flower, of bird and\nbeast were supposed in some mystic fashion to be summed up.(911)\nOriginally, we may conjecture, such couples exercised their functions for\na whole year, on the conclusion of which the male partner\u2014the divine\nking\u2014was put to death; but in historical times it seems that, as a rule,\nthe human god\u2014the Saturn, Zoganes, Tammuz, or whatever he was\ncalled\u2014enjoyed his divine privileges, and discharged his divine duties\nonly for a short part of the year. This curtailment of his reign on earth\nwas probably introduced at the time when the old hereditary divinities or\ndeified kings contrived to shift the most painful part of their duties to\na substitute, whether that substitute was a son or a slave or a\nmalefactor. Having to die as a king, it was necessary that the substitute\nshould also live as a king for a season; but the real monarch would\nnaturally restrict within the narrowest limits both of time and of power a\nreign which, so long as it lasted, necessarily encroached upon and indeed\nsuperseded his own.(912) What became of the divine king\u2019s female partner,\nthe human goddess who shared his bed and transmitted his beneficent\nenergies to the rest of nature, we cannot say. So far as I am aware, there\nis little or no evidence that she like him suffered death when her primary\nfunction was discharged.(913) The nature of maternity suggests an obvious\nreason for sparing her a little longer, till that mysterious law, which\nlinks together woman\u2019s life with the changing aspects of the nightly sky,\nhad been fulfilled by the birth of an infant god, who should in his turn,\nreared perhaps by her tender care, grow up to live and die for the world.\n\n\n\n\n\u00a7 6. Conclusion.\n\n\n(M315) We may now sum up the general results of the enquiry which we have\npursued in the present chapter. We have found evidence that festivals of\nthe type of the Saturnalia, characterized by an inversion of social ranks\nand the sacrifice of a man in the character of a god, were at one time\nheld all over the ancient world from Italy to Babylon. Such festivals seem\nto date from an early age in the history of agriculture, when people lived\nin small communities, each presided over by a sacred or divine king, whose\nprimary duty was to secure the orderly succession of the seasons, the\nfertility of the earth, and the fecundity both of cattle and of women.\nAssociated with him was his wife or other female consort, with whom he\nperformed some of the necessary ceremonies, and who therefore shared his\ndivine character. Originally his term of office appears to have been\nlimited to a year, on the conclusion of which he was put to death; but in\ntime he contrived by force or craft to extend his reign and sometimes to\nprocure a substitute, who after a short and more or less nominal tenure of\nthe crown was slain in his stead. At first the substitute for the divine\nfather was probably the divine son, but afterwards this rule was no longer\ninsisted on, and still later the growth of a humane feeling demanded that\nthe victim should always be a condemned criminal. In this advanced stage\nof degeneration it is no wonder if the light of divinity suffered eclipse,\nand many should fail to detect the god in the malefactor. Yet the downward\ncareer of fallen deity does not stop here; even a criminal comes to be\nthought too good to personate a god on the gallows or in the fire; and\nthen there is nothing left but to make up a more or less grotesque effigy,\nand so to hang, burn, or otherwise destroy the god in the person of this\nsorry representative. By this time the original meaning of the ceremony\nmay be so completely forgotten that the puppet is supposed to represent\nsome historical personage, who earned the hatred and contempt of his\nfellows in his life, and whose memory has ever since been held up to\neternal execration by the annual destruction of his effigy. The figures of\nHaman, of the Carnival, and of Winter or Death which are or used to be\nannually destroyed in spring by Jews, Catholics, and the peasants of\nCentral Europe respectively, appear to be all lineal descendants of those\nhuman incarnations of the powers of nature whose life and death were\ndeemed essential to the welfare of mankind. But of the three the only one\nwhich has preserved a clear trace of its original meaning is the effigy of\nWinter or Death. In the others the ancient significance of the custom as a\nmagical ceremony designed to direct the course of nature has been almost\nwholly obscured by a thick aftergrowth of legend and myth. The cause of\nthis distinction is that, whereas the practice of destroying an effigy of\nWinter or Death has been handed down from time immemorial through\ngenerations of simple peasants, the festivals of Purim and the Carnival,\nas well as their Babylonian and Italian prototypes, the Sacaea and the\nSaturnalia, were for centuries domesticated in cities, where they were\nnecessarily exposed to those thousand transforming and disintegrating\ncurrents of speculation and enquiry, of priestcraft and policy, which roll\ntheir turbid waters through the busy haunts of men, but leave undefiled\nthe limpid springs of mythic fancy in the country.\n\n(M316) If there is any truth in the analysis of the Saturnalia and kindred\nfestivals which I have now brought to a close, it seems to point to a\nremarkable homogeneity of civilization throughout Southern Europe and\nWestern Asia in prehistoric times. How far such homogeneity of\ncivilization may be taken as evidence of homogeneity of race is a question\nfor the ethnologist; it does not concern us here. But without discussing\nit, I may remind the reader that in the far east of Asia we have met with\ntemporary kings whose magical functions and intimate relation to\nagriculture stand out in the clearest light;(914) while India furnishes\nexamples of kings who have regularly been obliged to sacrifice themselves\nat the end of a term of years.(915) All these things appear to hang\ntogether; all of them may, perhaps, be regarded as the shattered remnants\nof a uniform zone of religion and society which at a remote era belted the\nOld World from the Mediterranean to the Pacific. Whether that was so or\nnot, I may at least claim to have made it probable that if the King of the\nWood at Aricia lived and died as an incarnation of a sylvan deity, the\nfunctions he thus discharged were by no means singular, and that for the\nnearest parallel to them we need not go beyond the bounds of Italy, where\nthe divine king Saturn\u2014the god of the sown and sprouting seed\u2014was annually\nslain in the person of a human representative at his ancient festival of\nthe Saturnalia.\n\n(M317) It is possible that such sacrifices of deified men, performed for\nthe salvation of the world, may have helped to beget the notion that the\nuniverse or some part of it was originally created out of the bodies of\ngods offered up in sacrifice. Certainly it is curious that notions of this\nsort meet us precisely in parts of the world where such sacrifices appear\nto have been regularly accomplished. Thus in ancient Mexico, where the\nsacrifice of human beings in the character of gods formed a conspicuous\nfeature of the national religion, it is said that in the beginning, when\nas yet the light of day was not, the gods created the sun to illumine the\nearth by voluntarily burning themselves in the fire, leaping one after the\nother into the flames of a great furnace.(916) Again, in the Babylonian\nGenesis the great god Bel created the world by cleaving the female monster\nTiamat in twain and using the severed halves of her body to form the\nheaven and the earth. Afterwards, perceiving that the earth was waste and\nvoid, he obligingly ordered one of the gods to cut off his, the Creator\u2019s,\nhead, and with the flowing blood mixed with clay he kneaded a paste out of\nwhich he moulded men and animals.(917) Similarly in a hymn of the Rig Veda\nwe read how the gods created the world out of the dismembered body of the\ngreat primordial giant Purushu. The sky was made out of his head, the\nearth out of his feet, the sun out of his eye, and the moon out of his\nmind; animals and men were also engendered from his dripping fat or his\nlimbs, and the great gods Indra and Agni sprang from his mouth.(918) The\ncrude, nay savage, account of creation thus set forth by the poet was\nretained by the Brahman doctors of a later age and refined by them into a\nsubtle theory of sacrifice in general. According to them the world was not\nonly created in the beginning by the sacrifice of the creator Prajapati,\nthe Lord of Creatures; to this day it is renewed and preserved solely by a\nrepetition of that mystic sacrifice in the daily sacrificial ritual\ncelebrated by the Brahmans. Every day the body of the Creator and Saviour\nis broken anew, and every day it is pieced together for the restoration\nand conservation of a universe which otherwise must dissolve and be\nshattered into fragments. Thus is the world continually created afresh by\nthe self-sacrifice of the deity; and, wonderful to relate, the priest who\noffers the sacrifice identifies himself with the Creator, and so by the\nvery act of sacrificing renews the universe and keeps up uninterrupted the\nrevolution of time and matter. All things depend on his beneficent, nay\ndivine activity, from the heaven above to the earth beneath, from the\ngreatest god to the meanest worm, from the sun and moon to the humblest\nblade of grass and the minutest particle of dust. Happily this grandiose\ntheory of sacrifice as a process essential to the salvation of the world\ndoes not oblige the priest to imitate his glorious prototype by\ndismembering his own body and shedding his blood on the altar; on the\ncontrary a comfortable corollary deduced from it holds out to him the\npleasing prospect of living for the unspeakable benefit of society to a\ngood old age, indeed of stretching out the brief span of human existence\nto a full hundred years.(919) Well is it, not only for the priest but for\nmankind, when with the slow progress of civilization and humanity the hard\nfacts of a cruel ritual have thus been softened and diluted into the\nnebulous abstractions of a mystical theology.\n\n\n\n\n\nNOTE. THE CRUCIFIXION OF CHRIST.(920)\n\n\n(M318) An eminent scholar has recently pointed out the remarkable\nresemblance between the treatment of Christ by the Roman soldiers at\nJerusalem and the treatment of the mock king of the Saturnalia by the\nRoman soldiers at Durostorum; and he would explain the similarity by\nsupposing that the soldiers ridiculed the claims of Christ to a divine\nkingdom by arraying him in the familiar garb of old King Saturn, whose\nquaint person figured so prominently at the winter revels.(921) Even if\nthe theory should prove to be right, we can hardly suppose that Christ\nplayed the part of the regular Saturn of the year, since at the beginning\nof our era the Saturnalia fell at midwinter, whereas Christ was crucified\nat the Passover in spring. There is, indeed, as I have pointed out, some\nreason to think that when the Roman year began in March the Saturnalia was\nheld in spring, and that in remote districts the festival always continued\nto be celebrated at the ancient date. If the Roman garrison of Jerusalem\nconformed to the old fashion in this respect, it seems not quite\nimpossible that their celebration of the Saturnalia may have coincided\nwith the Passover; and that thus Christ, as a condemned criminal, may have\nbeen given up to them to make sport with as the Saturn of the year. But on\nthe other hand it is rather unlikely that the officers, as representatives\nof the State, would have allowed their men to hold the festival at any but\nthe official date; even in the distant town of Durostorum we saw that the\nRoman soldiers celebrated the Saturnalia in December. Thus if the\nlegionaries at Jerusalem really intended to mock Christ by treating him\nlike the burlesque king of the Saturnalia, they probably did so only by\nway of a jest which was in more senses than one unseasonable.\n\n(M319) But closely as the passion of Christ resembles the treatment of the\nmock king of the Saturnalia, it resembles still more closely the treatment\nof the mock king of the Sacaea.(922) The description of the mockery by St.\nMatthew is the fullest. It runs thus: \u201cThen released he Barabbas unto\nthem: and when he had scourged Jesus, he delivered him to be crucified.\nThen the soldiers of the governor took Jesus into the common hall, and\ngathered unto him the whole band of soldiers. And they stripped him, and\nput on him a scarlet robe. And when they had platted a crown of thorns,\nthey put it upon his head, and a reed in his right hand: and they bowed\nthe knee before him, and mocked him, saying, Hail, King of the Jews! And\nthey spit upon him, and took the reed, and smote him on the head. And\nafter that they had mocked him, they took the robe off from him, and put\nhis own raiment on him, and led him away to crucify him.\u201d(923) Compare\nwith this the treatment of the mock king of the Sacaea, as it is described\nby Dio Chrysostom: \u201cThey take one of the prisoners condemned to death and\nseat him upon the king\u2019s throne, and give him the king\u2019s raiment, and let\nhim lord it and drink and run riot and use the king\u2019s concubines during\nthese days, and no man prevents him from doing just what he likes. But\nafterwards they strip and scourge and crucify him.\u201d(924) Now it is quite\npossible that this remarkable resemblance is after all a mere coincidence,\nand that Christ was executed in the ordinary way as a common malefactor;\nbut on the other hand there are so many scattered hints and indications of\nsomething unusual, so many broken lines seemingly converging towards the\ncross on Calvary, that it is worth while to follow them up and see where\nthey lead us. In attempting to draw these fragmentary data together, to\nbridge the chasms, and to restore the shattered whole, we must beware of\nmistaking hypothesis for the facts which it only professes to cement; yet\neven if our hypothesis should be thought to bear a somewhat undue\nproportion to the facts, the excess may perhaps be overlooked in\nconsideration of the obscurity and the importance of the enquiry. (M320)\nWe have seen reason to think that the Jewish festival of Purim is a\ncontinuation, under a changed name, of the Babylonian Sacaea, and that in\ncelebrating it by the destruction of an effigy of Haman the modern Jews\nhave kept up a reminiscence of the ancient custom of crucifying or hanging\na man in the character of a god at the festival. Is it not possible that\nat an earlier time they may, like the Babylonians themselves, have\nregularly compelled a condemned criminal to play the tragic part, and that\nChrist thus perished in the character of Haman? The resemblance between\nthe hanged Haman and the crucified Christ struck the early Christians\nthemselves; and whenever the Jews destroyed an effigy of Haman they were\naccused by their Christian neighbours of deriding the most sacred mystery\nof the new faith.(925) It is probable that on this painful subject the\nChristians were too sensitive; remembering the manner of their Founder\u2019s\ndeath it was natural that they should wince at any pointed allusion to a\ncross, a gallows, or a public execution, even when the shaft was not aimed\nat them. An objection to supposing that Christ died as the Haman of the\nyear is that according to the Gospel narrative the crucifixion occurred at\nthe Passover, on the fourteenth day of the month Nisan, whereas the feast\nof Purim, at which the hanging of Haman would naturally take place, fell\nexactly a month earlier, namely, on the fourteenth day of the month Adar.\nI have no wish to blink or extenuate the serious nature of the difficulty\narising from this discrepancy of dates, but I would suggest some\nconsiderations which may make us hesitate to decide that the discrepancy\nis fatal. In the first place, it is possible, though perhaps not probable,\nthat Christian tradition shifted the date of the crucifixion by a month in\norder to make the great sacrifice of the Lamb of God coincide with that\nannual sacrifice of the Passover lamb which in the belief of pious hearts\nhad so long foreshadowed it and was thenceforth to cease.(926) Instances\nof gentle pressure brought to bear, for purposes of edification, on\nstubborn facts are perhaps not wholly unknown in the annals of religion.\nBut the express testimony of history is never to be lightly set aside; and\nin the investigation of its problems a solution which assumes the veracity\nand accuracy of the historian is, on an even balance of probabilities,\nalways to be preferred to one which impugns them both. Now in the present\ncase we have seen reason to think that the Babylonian New Year festival,\nof which Purim was a continuation, did fall in Nisan at or near the time\nof the Passover, and that when the Jews borrowed the festival they altered\nthe date from Nisan to Adar in order to prevent the new feast from\nclashing with the old Passover. A reminiscence of the original date of\nPurim perhaps survives, as I have already pointed out, in the statement in\nthe book of Esther that Haman caused _pur_ or lots to be cast before him\nfrom the month of Nisan onward.(927) It thus seems not impossible that\noccasionally, for some special reason, the Jews should have celebrated the\nfeast of Purim, or at least the death of Haman, at or about the time of\nthe Passover. But there is another possibility which, remote and fanciful\nas it may appear, deserves at least to be mentioned. The mock king of the\nSaturnalia, whose resemblance to the dying Christ was first pointed out by\nMr. Wendland, was allowed a period of license of thirty days before he was\nput to death. If we could suppose that in like manner the Jews spared the\nhuman representative of Haman for one month from Purim, the date of his\nexecution would fall exactly on the Passover. Which, if any, of these\nconjectural solutions of the difficulty is the true one, I will not\nundertake to say. I am fully conscious of the doubt and uncertainty that\nhang round the whole subject; and if in this and what follows I throw out\nsome hints and suggestions, it is more in the hope of stimulating and\ndirecting further enquiry than with any expectation of reaching definite\nconclusions.\n\n(M321) It may be objected that the mockery of Christ was done, not by the\nJews, but by the Roman soldiers, who knew and cared nothing about Haman;\nhow then can we suppose that the purple or scarlet robe, the sceptre of\nreed, and the crown of thorns, which the soldiers thrust upon Christ, were\nthe regular insignia of the Haman of the year? To this we may reply, in\nthe first place, that even if the legions stationed in Syria were not\nrecruited in the country, they may have contracted some of the native\nsuperstitions and have fallen in with the local customs. This is not an\nidle conjecture. We know that the third legion during its stay in Syria\nlearned the Syrian custom of saluting the rising sun, and that this formal\nsalute, performed by the whole regiment as one man at a critical moment of\nthe great battle of Bedriacum, actually helped to turn the scale when the\nfortune of empire hung trembling in the balance.(928) But it is not\nnecessary to suppose that the garrison of Jerusalem really shared the\nbeliefs and prejudices of the mob whom they overawed; soldiers everywhere\nare ready to go with a crowd bent on sport, without asking any curious\nquestions as to the history or quality of the entertainment, and we should\nprobably do the humanity of Roman soldiers too much honour if we imagined\nthat they would be deterred by any qualm of conscience from joining in the\npastime, which is still so popular, of baiting a Jew to death. But in the\nsecond place it should be observed that, according to one of the\nEvangelists, it was not the soldiers of Pilate who mocked Jesus, but the\nsoldiers of Herod,(929) and we may fairly assume that Herod\u2019s guards were\nJews.\n\n(M322) The hypothesis that the crucifixion with all its cruel mockery was\nnot a punishment specially devised for Christ, but was merely the fate\nthat annually befell the malefactor who played Haman, appears to go some\nway towards relieving the Gospel narrative of certain difficulties which\notherwise beset it. If, as we read in the Gospels, Pilate was really\nanxious to save the innocent man whose fine bearing seems to have struck\nhim, what was to hinder him from doing so? He had the power of life and\ndeath; why should he not have exercised it on the side of mercy, if his\nown judgment inclined that way? His reluctant acquiescence in the\nimportunate demand of the rabble becomes easier to understand if we assume\nthat custom obliged him annually at this season to give up to them a\nprisoner on whom they might play their cruel pranks. On this assumption\nPilate had no power to prevent the sacrifice; the most he could do was to\nchoose the victim.\n\nAgain, consider the remarkable statement of the Evangelists that Pilate\nset up over the cross a superscription stating that the man who hung on it\nwas king of the Jews.(930) Is it likely that in the reign of Tiberius a\nRoman governor, with the fear of the jealous and suspicious old emperor\nbefore his eyes, would have ventured, even in mockery, to blazon forth a\nseditious claim of this sort unless it were the regular formula employed\non such occasions, recognized by custom, and therefore not liable to be\nmisconstrued into treason by the malignity of informers and the fears of a\ntyrant?\n\nBut if the tragedy of the ill-fated aspirant after royal honours was\nannually enacted at Jerusalem by a prisoner who perished on the cross, it\nbecomes probable that the part of his successful rival was also played by\nanother actor who paraded in the same kingly trappings but did not share\nthe same fate. If Jesus was the Haman of the year, where was the Mordecai?\nPerhaps we may find him in Barabbas.\n\n(M323) We are told by the Evangelists that at the feast which witnessed\nthe crucifixion of Christ it was the custom for the Roman governor to\nrelease one prisoner, whomsoever the people desired, and that Pilate,\nconvinced of the innocence of Jesus, attempted to persuade the multitude\nto choose him as the man who should go free. But, hounded on by the\npriests and elders who had marked out Jesus for destruction, the rabble\nwould not hear of this, and clamoured for the blood of Jesus, while they\ndemanded the release of a certain miscreant, by name Barabbas, who lay in\ngaol for murder and sedition. Accordingly Pilate had to give way: Christ\nwas crucified and Barabbas set at liberty.(931) Now what, we may ask, was\nthe reason for setting free a prisoner at this festival? In the absence of\npositive information, we may conjecture that the gaol-bird whose cage was\nthrown open at this time had to purchase his freedom by performing some\nservice from which decent people would shrink. Such a service may very\nwell have been that of going about the streets, rigged out in tawdry\nsplendour with a tinsel crown on his head and a sham sceptre in his hand,\npreceded and followed by all the tag-rag and bobtail of the town hooting,\njeering, and breaking coarse jests at his expense, while some pretended to\nsalaam his mock majesty, and others belaboured the donkey on which he\nrode. It was in this fashion, probably, that in Persia the beardless and\none-eyed man made his undignified progress through the town, to the\ndelight of ragamuffins and the terror of shopkeepers, whose goods he\nunceremoniously confiscated if they did not hasten to lay their\npeace-offerings at his feet. So, perhaps, the ruffian Barabbas, when his\nirons were knocked off and the prison door had grated on its hinges to let\nhim forth, tasted the first sweets of liberty in this public manner, even\nif he was not suffered, like his one-eyed brother, to make raids with\nimpunity on the stalls of the merchants and the tables of the\nmoney-changers. A curious confirmation of this conjecture is supplied by a\npassage in the writings of Philo the Jew, who lived at Alexandria in the\ntime of Christ. He tells us that when Agrippa, the grandson of Herod, had\nreceived the crown of Judaea from Caligula at Rome, the new king passed\nthrough Alexandria on his way to his own country. The disorderly populace\nof that great city, animated by a hearty dislike of his nation, seized the\nopportunity of venting their spite by publicly defaming and ridiculing the\nJewish monarch. Among other things they laid hold of a certain harmless\nlunatic named Carabas, who used to roam the streets stark naked, the butt\nand laughing-stock of urchins and idlers. This poor wretch they set up in\na public place, clapped a paper crown on his head, thrust a broken reed\ninto his hand by way of a sceptre, and having huddled a mat instead of a\nroyal robe about his naked body, and surrounded him with a guard of\nbludgeon-men, they did obeisance to him as to a king and made a show of\ntaking his opinion on questions of law and policy. To point the jest\nunmistakably at the Syrian king Agrippa, the bystanders raised cries of\n\u201cMarin! Marin!\u201d which they understood to be the Syrian word for\n\u201clord.\u201d(932) This mockery of the Jewish king closely resembles the mockery\nof Christ; and the joke, such as it was, would receive a keener edge if we\ncould suppose that the riff-raff of Alexandria were familiar with the\nJewish practice of setting up a sham king on certain occasions, and that\nthey meant by implication to ridicule the real King Agrippa by comparing\nhim to his holiday counterfeit. May we go a step further and conjecture\nthat one at least of the titles of the mock king of the Jews was regularly\nBarabbas? The poor imbecile who masqueraded in a paper crown at Alexandria\nwas probably a Jew, otherwise the jest would have lost much of its point;\nand his name, according to the Greek manuscripts of Philo, was Carabas.\nBut Carabas is meaningless in Hebrew, whereas Barabbas is a regularly\nformed Hebrew word meaning \u201cSon of the Father.\u201d The palaeographic\ndifference between the two forms is slight, and perhaps we shall hardly be\ndeemed very rash if we conjecture that in the passage in question Philo\nhimself wrote Barabbas, which a Greek copyist, ignorant of Hebrew,\nafterwards corrupted into Carabas. If this were granted, we should still\nhave to assume that both Philo and the authors of the Gospels fell into\nthe mistake of treating as the name of an individual what in fact was a\ntitle of office.\n\n(M324) Thus the hypothesis which, with great diffidence, I would put\nforward for consideration is this. It was customary, we may suppose, with\nthe Jews at Purim, or perhaps occasionally at Passover, to employ two\nprisoners to act the parts respectively of Haman and Mordecai in the\npassion-play which formed a central feature of the festival. Both men\nparaded for a short time in the insignia of royalty, but their fates were\ndifferent; for while at the end of the performance the one who played\nHaman was hanged or crucified, the one who personated Mordecai and bore in\npopular parlance the title of Barabbas was allowed to go free. Pilate,\nperceiving the trumpery nature of the charges brought against Jesus, tried\nto persuade the Jews to let him play the part of Barabbas, which would\nhave saved his life; but the merciful attempt failed and Jesus perished on\nthe cross in the character of Haman. The description of his last triumphal\nride into Jerusalem reads almost like an echo of that brilliant progress\nthrough the streets of Susa which Haman aspired to and Mordecai\naccomplished; and the account of the raid which he immediately afterwards\nmade upon the stalls of the hucksters and money-changers in the temple,\nmay raise a question whether we have not here a trace of those arbitrary\nrights over property which it has been customary on such occasions to\naccord to the temporary king.(933)\n\n(M325) If it be asked why one of these temporary kings should bear the\nremarkable title of Barabbas or \u201cSon of the Father,\u201d I can only surmise\nthat the title may perhaps be a relic of the time when the real king, the\ndeified man, used to redeem his own life by deputing his son to reign for\na short time and to die in his stead. We have seen that the custom of\nsacrificing the son for the father was common, if not universal, among\nSemitic peoples; and if we are right in our interpretation of the\nPassover, that festival\u2014the traditional date of the crucifixion\u2014was the\nvery season when the dreadful sacrifice of the first-born was\nconsummated.(934) Hence Barabbas or the \u201cSon of the Father\u201d would be a\nnatural enough title for the man or child who reigned and died as a\nsubstitute for his royal sire. Even in later times, when the father\nprovided a less precious substitute than his own offspring, it would be\nquite in accordance with the formal conservatism of religion that the old\ntitle should be retained after it had ceased to be appropriate; indeed the\nefficacy of the sacrifice might be thought to require and justify the\npious fiction that the substitute was the very son of that divine father\nwho should have died, but who preferred to live, for the good of his\npeople. If in the time of Christ, as I have conjectured, the title of\nBarabbas or Son of the Father was bestowed on the Mordecai, the mock king\nwho lived, rather than on the Haman, the mock king who died at the\nfestival, this distinction can hardly have been original; for at first, we\nmay suppose, the same man served in both capacities at different times, as\nthe Mordecai of one year and the Haman of the next. The two characters, as\nI have attempted to shew, are probably nothing but two different aspects\nof the same deity considered at one time as dead and at another as risen;\nhence the human being who personated the risen god would in due time,\nafter he had enjoyed his divine honours for a season, act the dead god by\ndying in good earnest in his own person; for it would be unreasonable to\nexpect of the ordinary man-god that he should play the two parts in the\nreverse order by dying first and coming to life afterwards. In both parts\nthe substitute would still be, whether in sober fact or in pious fiction,\nthe Barabbas or Son of that divine Father who generously gave his own son\nto die for the world.(935)\n\n(M326) To conclude this speculation, into which I have perhaps been led by\nthe interest and importance of the subject somewhat deeper than the\nevidence warrants, I venture to urge in its favour that it seems to shed\nfresh light on some of the causes which contributed to the remarkably\nrapid diffusion of Christianity in Asia Minor. We know from a famous\nletter of the younger Pliny addressed to the Emperor Trajan in the year\n112 A.D. that by the beginning of our era, less than a hundred years after\nthe Founder\u2019s death, Christianity had made such strides in Bithynia and\nPontus that not only cities but villages and rural districts were affected\nby it, and that multitudes of both sexes and of every age and every rank\nprofessed its tenets; indeed things had gone so far that the temples were\nalmost deserted, the sacred rites of the public religion discontinued, and\nhardly a purchaser could be found for the sacrificial victims.(936) It is\nobvious, therefore, that the new faith had elements in it which appealed\npowerfully to the Asiatic mind. What these elements were, the present\ninvestigation has perhaps to some extent disclosed. We have seen that the\nconception of the dying and risen god was no new one in these regions. All\nover Western Asia from time immemorial the mournful death and happy\nresurrection of a divine being appear to have been annually celebrated\nwith alternate rites of bitter lamentation and exultant joy; and through\nthe veil which mythic fancy has woven round this tragic figure we can\nstill detect the features of those great yearly changes in earth and sky\nwhich, under all distinctions of race and religion, must always touch the\nnatural human heart with alternate emotions of gladness and regret,\nbecause they exhibit on the vastest scale open to our observation the\nmysterious struggle between life and death. But man has not always been\nwilling to watch passively this momentous conflict; he has felt that he\nhas too great a stake in its issue to stand by with folded hands while it\nis being fought out; he has taken sides against the forces of death and\ndecay\u2014has flung into the trembling scale all the weight of his puny\nperson, and has exulted in his fancied strength when the great balance has\nslowly inclined towards the side of life, little knowing that for all his\nstrenuous efforts he can as little stir that balance by a hair\u2019s-breadth\nas can the primrose on a mossy bank in spring or the dead leaf blown by\nthe chilly breath of autumn. Nowhere do these efforts, vain and pitiful,\nyet pathetic, appear to have been made more persistently and\nsystematically than in Western Asia. In name they varied from place to\nplace, but in substance they were all alike. A man, whom the fond\nimagination of his worshippers invested with the attributes of a god, gave\nhis life for the life of the world; after infusing from his own body a\nfresh current of vital energy into the stagnant veins of nature, he was\ncut off from among the living before his failing strength should initiate\na universal decay, and his place was taken by another who played, like all\nhis predecessors, the ever-recurring drama of the divine resurrection and\ndeath. Such a drama, if our interpretation of it is right, was the\noriginal story of Esther and Mordecai or, to give them their older names,\nof Ishtar and Marduk. It was played in Babylonia, and from Babylonia the\nreturning captives brought it to Judaea, where it was acted, rather as an\nhistorical than a mythical piece, by players who, having to die in grim\nearnest on a cross or gallows, were naturally drawn rather from the gaol\nthan the green-room. A chain of causes which, because we cannot follow\nthem, might in the loose language of daily life be called an accident,\ndetermined that the part of the dying god in this annual play should be\nthrust upon Jesus of Nazareth, whom the enemies he had made in high places\nby his outspoken strictures were resolved to put out of the way. They\nsucceeded in ridding themselves of the popular and troublesome preacher;\nbut the very step by which they fancied they had simultaneously stamped\nout his revolutionary doctrines contributed more than anything else they\ncould have done to scatter them broadcast not only over Judaea but over\nAsia; for it impressed upon what had been hitherto mainly an ethical\nmission the character of a divine revelation culminating in the passion\nand death of the incarnate Son of a heavenly Father. In this form the\nstory of the life and death of Jesus exerted an influence which it could\nnever have had if the great teacher had died, as is commonly supposed, the\ndeath of a vulgar malefactor. It shed round the cross on Calvary a halo of\ndivinity which multitudes saw and worshipped afar off; the blow struck on\nGolgotha set a thousand expectant strings vibrating in unison wherever men\nhad heard the old, old story of the dying and risen god. Every year, as\nanother spring bloomed and another autumn faded across the earth, the\nfield had been ploughed and sown and borne fruit of a kind till it\nreceived that seed which was destined to spring up and overshadow the\nworld. In the great army of martyrs who in many ages and in many lands,\nnot in Asia only, have died a cruel death in the character of gods, the\ndevout Christian will doubtless discern types and forerunners of the\ncoming Saviour\u2014stars that heralded in the morning sky the advent of the\nSun of Righteousness\u2014earthen vessels wherein it pleased the divine wisdom\nto set before hungering souls the bread of heaven. The sceptic, on the\nother hand, with equal confidence, will reduce Jesus of Nazareth to the\nlevel of a multitude of other victims of a barbarous superstition, and\nwill see in him no more than a moral teacher, whom the fortunate accident\nof his execution invested with the crown, not merely of a martyr, but of a\ngod. The divergence between these views is wide and deep. Which of them is\nthe truer and will in the end prevail? Time will decide the question of\nprevalence, if not of truth. Yet we would fain believe that in this and in\nall things the old maxim will hold good\u2014_Magna est veritas et\npraevalebit._\n\n\n\n\n\nINDEX.\n\n\nAbbot of Folly in France, 334\n\n\u2014\u2014 of Unreason in Scotland, 331\n\nAbdera, human scapegoats at, 254\n\nAbeghian, Manuk, quoted, 107 _sq._\n\nAbjuration, form of, imposed on Jewish converts, 393\n\nAbonsam, an evil spirit on the Gold Coast, 132\n\nAbrahams, Israel, 393 _n._ 2\n\nAbruzzi, Epiphany in the, 167 _n._ 2\n\nAbsalom, his intercourse with his father\u2019s concubines, 368\n\nAbsrot, village of Bohemia, 161\n\nAbstinence as a charm to promote the growth of the seed, 347 _sqq._\n\nAbyssinian festival of Mascal or the Cross, 133 _sq._\n\nAccusations of ritual murders brought against the Jews, 394 _sqq._\n\nAcilisena, in Armenia, the worship of Anaitis at, 369 _n._ 1\n\nAcosta, J. de, quoted, 275 _sq._, 277\n\nAdaklu, Mount, in West Africa, 135 _sq._, 206 _sq._\n\nAdam and Eve, 259 _n._ 3\n\nAdar, a Jewish month, 361, 394, 397, 398, 415\n\nAdonis at Alexandria, 390;\n  annual death and resurrection of, 398;\n  his marriage with Ishtar (Aphrodite), 401.\n  _See also_ Tammuz\n\n\u2014\u2014 and Aphrodite, 386\n\nAegisthus and Agamemnon, 19\n\nAesculapius at Epidaurus, 47\n\nAfrica, Northern, cairns in, 21;\n  popular cure for toothache in, 62;\n  South, dread of demons in, 77 _sq._;\n  tribes of, their expulsion of demons, 110 _sq._;\n  West, demons in, 74 _sqq._\n\nAgamemnon and Aegisthus, 19\n\nAgathias on Sandes, 389\n\nAgni, creation of the great god, 410\n\n_Agnus castus_, used in ceremony of beating, 252, 257\n\nAgricultural year, expulsions of demons timed to coincide with seasons of\n            the, 225\n\nAgrippa, King of Judaea, his mockery at Alexandria, 418\n\nAgue, popular cures for, 56, 57 _sq._;\n  Suffolk cure for, 68\n\nAhasuerus, King, 397, 401;\n  the Hebrew equivalent of Xerxes, 360\n\nAit Sadden, the, of Morocco, 182\n\n\u2014\u2014 Warain, a Berber tribe, 178\n\nAitan, a goddess, 173\n\nAkamba, the, of British East Africa, riddles among the, 122 _n._\n\nAkikuyu of East Africa, 32\n\nAlaska, the Esquimaux of, 124\n\nAlbania, expulsion of Kore on Easter Eve in, 157\n\nAlbanian custom of beating men and beasts in March, 266\n\nAlbanians of the Caucasus, their use of human scapegoats, 218\n\nAlb\u00eer\u00fbn\u00ee, Arab historian, 393\n\nAlen\u00e7on, the Boy Bishop at, 337 _n._ 1\n\nAleutian Islands, 3, 16\n\nAlexandria, Adonis at, 390;\n  mockery of King Agrippa at, 418\n\nAlexandrian calendar, 395 _n._ 1\n\nAlfoors of Central Celebes, riddles among the, 122 _n._\n\n\u2014\u2014 of Halmahera, their expulsion of the devil, 112\n\nAlgeria, 31;\n  popular cure in, 60\n\nAll Souls\u2019 College, Oxford, the Boy Bishop at, 337\n\n_Allallu_ bird beloved by Ishtar, 371\n\nAllhallow Even, 332\n\nAlmora, in Kumaon, 197\n\nAltars, bloodless, 307\n\nAmbarvalia, the, 359\n\nAmboyna, belief in spirits in, 85;\n  disease-transference in, 187\n\nAmeret\u00e2t, a Persian archangel, 373 _n._ 1\n\nAmerica, Indian tribes of North-Western, their masked dances, 375 _sqq._\n\nAmoor, Gilyaks of the, 101\n\nAmshaspands, Persian archangels, 373 _n._ 1\n\nAmulets against demons, 95\n\nAnacan, a month of the Gallic calendar, 343\n\nAnadates, at Zela, 373 _n._ 1\n\nAnaitis, a Persian goddess, 355, 368, 369, 370, 389, 402 _n._ 1, 421 _n._\n            1\n\nAncestral spirits, propitiation of, 86\n\nAncona, sarcophagus of St. Dasius at, 310\n\nAndalusia, 173\n\nAnderson, J. D., 176 _n._ 3\n\nAnderson, Miss, of Barskimming, 169 _n._ 2\n\nAndree-Eysn, Mrs., quoted, 245 _sq._\n\nAnimals, transference of evil to, 31 _sqq._;\n  as scapegoats, 31 _sqq._, 190 _sqq._, 208 _sqq._, 216 _sq._;\n  guardian spirits of, 98;\n  prayed to, 236;\n  dances taught by, 237;\n  imitated in dances, 376, 377, 381, 382\n\n_Aninga_, aquatic plant in Brazil, 264\n\nAnnam, 33;\n  demon of cholera sent away on a raft from, 190;\n  explanation of human mortality in, 303\n\nAnthesteria, Athenian festival of the dead, 152 _sq._\n\nAnthesterion, an Athenian month, 352\n\nAntibes, Holy Innocents\u2019 Day at, 336 _sq._\n\nAntinmas, 167\n\nAntiquity, human scapegoats in classical, 229 _sqq._\n\nAntoninus, Marcus, plague in his reign, 64\n\nAnts, jealousy transferred to, 33;\n  stinging people with, 263\n\nAnu, Babylonian god, visit of Ishtar to, 399 _n._ 1\n\n_Apachitas_, heaps of stones, 9\n\nAphrodite and Adonis, 386\n\nAphrodite, the Oriental, 369 _n._ 1\n\nApis, sacred Egyptian bull, 217\n\nApollo, temple of, at the Lover\u2019s Leap, 254\n\n\u2014\u2014 and Artemis, cake with twelve knobs offered to, 351 _n._ 3\n\nApril, Siamese festival of the dead in, 150\n\nArab cure for melancholy, 4\n\nArabia, 33\n\nArabs, their custom as to widows, 35;\n  their custom in regard to murder, 63;\n  beat camels to deliver them from jinn, 260;\n  of Morocco, their custom at the Great Feast, 265\n\nAracan, 12 _n._ 1, 117;\n  dances for the crops in, 236\n\nAraucanians, the, of South America, 12\n\nArawaks of British Guiana, their explanation of human mortality, 302 _sq._\n\nArcadian custom of beating Pan\u2019s image, 256\n\nArch to shut out plague, 5;\n  creeping through, as a cure, 55\n\nArches made over paths at expulsion of demons, 113, 120 _sq._\n\nArctic regions, ceremonies at the reappearance of the sun in the, 124\n            _sq._, 125 _n._ 1\n\nArdennes, the King of the Bean in the, 314;\n  the Eve of Epiphany in the, 317\n\nArgentina, 9\n\nArgus, the murder of, 24\n\nAricia, 305;\n  the priest of, 273;\n  King of the Wood at, 409\n\nArician grove, the, 274, 305\n\n\u2014\u2014 priesthood, 305\n\nAries, the constellation, the sun in, 361 _n._ 1, 403\n\nArmenia, the worship of Anaitis in, 369 _n._ 1\n\nArmenians, their belief in demons, 107 _sq._\n\nArrows, invisible, of demons, 101, 126\n\nArtaxerxes II., his promotion of the worship of Anaitis, 370\n\n_Artemisia laciniata_, garlands of, 284\n\nAru Archipelago, 121 _n._ 3\n\nArval Brothers, the college of the, at Rome, 230, 232, 238\n\nAryan custom of counting by nights instead of days, 326 _n._ 2\n\n\u2014\u2014 languages, names for moon and month in, 325\n\n\u2014\u2014 peoples, their correction of the lunar year, 342\n\nAryans of the Vedic age, 324;\n  their calendar, 325, 342\n\nAscalon, Derceto at, 370 _n._ 1\n\nAscension Day, cures on Eve of, 54;\n  annual expulsion of the devil on, 214 _sq._;\n  ceremony at Rouen on, 215 _sq._;\n  bells rung to make flax grow on, 247 _sq._\n\nAsh-tree in popular cure, 57\n\nAshantee, annual period of license in, 226 _n._ 1\n\nAshtaroth, 366\n\nAshurbanapal and Sardanapalus, 387 _sq._\n\nAsia, Saturnalia in Western, 354 _sqq._\n\nAsia Minor, use of human scapegoats by the Greeks of, 255\n\nAsongtata, an annual ceremony, 208\n\nAspen in popular cure, 57\n\nAss in cure for scorpion\u2019s bite, 49 _sq._;\n  introduced into church at Festival of Fools, 335 _sq._;\n  triumphal ride of a buffoon on an, 402 _sq._\n\nAssam, the Kacharis of, 93;\n  the Lushais of, 94;\n  the Khasis of, 173;\n  the Nagas of, 177;\n  the Garos of, 208 _sq._\n\nAssembly of the gods at the New Year in Babylon, 356\n\nAssimilation of human victims to trees, 257, 259 _n._ 3\n\nAssyria, Ashurbanapal, king of, 387 _sq._\n\nAssyrian monarchs, conquerors of Babylonia, 356\n\nAssyrians, the ancient, their belief in demons, 102\n\nAstarte or Ishtar, a great Babylonian goddess, 365.\n  _See also_ Ishtar\n\n\u2014\u2014 and Semiramis, 369 _sqq._\n\nAston, W. G., quoted, 213 _n._ 1\n\nAswang, an evil spirit, exorcism of, 260\n\nAthenians, their use of human scapegoats, 253 _sq._;\n  their mode of reckoning a day, 326 _n._ 2;\n  their religious dramas, 384\n\nAthens, Cronus and the Cronia at, 351 _sq._\n\nAtkhans, the, of Aleutian Islands, 3\n\nAtlas, Berbers of the Great, 178\n\nAtlatatonan, Mexican goddess of lepers, 292;\n  woman annually sacrificed in the character of, 292\n\nAtonement, the Jewish Day of, 210\n\nAttis and Cybele, 386\n\nAubrey, John, on sin-eating, 43 _sq._\n\nAucas, the, of South America, 12\n\nAustralia, Central, 2\n\n\u2014\u2014, demons in, 74;\n  annual expulsion of ghosts in, 123 _sq._\n\nAustria, cure of warts in, 48\n\nAutumn, ceremony of the Esquimaux in late, 125\n\nAutun, the Festival of Fools at, 335\n\nAvestad in Sweden, 20\n\nAxim, on the Gold Coast, 131\n\nAymara Indians, their remedy for plague, 193\n\nAzazel, 210 _n._ 4\n\nAztecs, their custom of sacrificing human representatives of gods, 275;\n  their five supplementary days, 339\n\nAzur, the month of March, 403\n\nBaal, human sacrifices to, 353, 354\n\n_Babalawo_, priest, 212\n\nBabar Archipelago, 8;\n  sickness expelled in a boat from the, 187\n\nBaboons sent by evil spirits, 110 _sq._\n\nBaby, effigy of, used to fertilize women, 245, 249\n\nBabylon, festival of the Sacaea at, 354 _sqq._\n\nBabylonia, belief in demons in ancient, 102 _sq._;\n  conquered by Assyria, 356;\n  the feast of Purim in, 393\n\nBabylonian calendar, 398 _n._ 2\n\nBacchanalia, Purim a Jewish, 363\n\nBadagas, the, of the Neilgherry Hills, 36\n\nBadi, performer at a ceremony, 197\n\nBaffin Land, the Esquimaux of, 125\n\nBaganda, the, of Central Africa, 4, 7, 17 _sq._, 27, 32;\n  human scapegoats among the, 42\n\nBahima, the, of the Uganda Protectorate, 6, 32\n\nBaiga, aboriginal priest, 27\n\nBali, belief in demons in, 86;\n  periodical expulsion of demons in, 140\n\nBall, games of, played as a magical ceremony, 179 _sq._;\n  in Normandy, 183 _sq._\n\n_Balolo_, a sea-slug, 141\n\nBamboo-rat sacrificed for riddance of evils, 208 _sq._\n\nBananas, mode of fertilizing, 264;\n  the cause of human mortality, 303\n\nBangkok, 150\n\nBanishment of evil spirits, 86\n\nBanks\u2019 Islands, 9\n\nBanks\u2019 Islanders, their story of the origin of death, 304\n\nBanmanas of Senegambia, their custom at the death of an infant, 261 _sq._\n\nBanquets in honour of the spirits of disease, 119\n\nBantu tribes, 77\n\nBanyoro, the, 42, 194\n\nBarabbas and Christ, 417 _sqq._\n\n_Baraka_, blessed influence, 265\n\nBarat, a ceremony performed in Kumaon, 196\n\nBarito, river in Borneo, 87\n\nBaron, S., quoted, 148\n\nBarwan, river, 123\n\nBassa tribe, of the Cameroons, 120\n\nBassus, Roman officer, 309\n\nBasutos, the, 30 _n._ 2\n\nBatchelor, Rev. J., 261\n\nBaton of Sinope, 350\n\nBattas or Bataks of Sumatra, 34;\n  their belief in demons, 87 _sq._;\n  their use of human scapegoats, 213\n\nBattle, annual, among boys in Tumleo, 143\n\nBavaria, mode of reckoning the Twelve Days in, 327\n\n\u2014\u2014, Rhenish, 56\n\nBavarian cure for fever, 49\n\nBawenda, the, 30 _n._ 2\n\nBean, the King of the, 313 _sqq._;\n  the Queen of the, 313, 315\n\n\u2014\u2014 clan, the, 27\n\nBeans thrown about the house at the expulsion of demons, 143 _sq._;\n  thrown about the house at the expulsion of ghosts, 155\n\n\u201cBeardless One, the Ride of the,\u201d 402 _sq._\n\nBeating as a mode of purification, 262\n\n\u2014\u2014 human scapegoats, 196, 252, 255, 256 _sq._, 272 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 people as a mode of conveying good qualities, 262 _sqq._;\n  with skins of sacrificial victims, 265;\n  with green boughs, 270 _sqq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 persons, animals, or things to deliver them from demons and ghosts, 259\n            _sqq._\n\nBeating the air to drive away demons or ghosts, 109, 111, 115, 122, 131,\n            152, 156, 234\n\nBeauce and Perche, in France, 57, 62\n\nBeauvais, the Festival of Fools at, 335 _sq._\n\nBechuana king, cure of, 31 _sq._\n\nBedriacum, the battle of, 416\n\nBefana at Rome and elsewhere, 167\n\nBehar, 37 _n._ 4\n\nBekes, in Hungary, mode of fertilizing women in, 264\n\nBel, a Babylonian deity, 389\n\nBelethus, J., 270 _n._\n\nBelgium, the King of the Bean in, 313\n\nBella Coola Indians of N. W. America, their masked dances, 376 _n._ 2\n\nBells on animal used as scapegoat, 37;\n  rung to expel demons, 117;\n  rung as a protection against witches, 157, 158, 159, 161, 165, 166;\n  used in the expulsion of evils, 196, 200;\n  used at the expulsion of demons, 214, 246 _sq._, 251;\n  worn by dancers, 242, 243, 246 _sqq._, 250 _sq._;\n  rung to make grass and flax grow, 247 _sq._;\n  golden, worn by human representatives of gods in Mexico, 278, 280, 284\n\nBenin, time of the \u201cgrand devils\u201d in, 131 _sq._\n\nBergell in the Grisons, 247\n\nBerkhampstead, cure for ague in, 57 _sq._\n\nBerosus, Babylonian historian, 355, 358, 359\n\nBesisi of the Malay Peninsula, their carnival at rice-harvest, 226 _n._ 1\n\nBethlehem, the star of, 330\n\nBevan, Professor A. A., 367 _n._ 2\n\nBeverley minster, the Boy Bishop at, 337\n\nBhars of India, 190\n\nBhootan, cairns in, 26\n\nBhotiyas of Juhar, their use of a scapegoat, 209\n\nBiajas of Borneo, their expulsion of evils, 200\n\nBiggar, \u201cBurning out the Old Year\u201d at, 165\n\nBikol, in Luzon, 260\n\nBilaspur, 44\n\nBilda in Algeria, 60\n\nBirch, sprigs of, a protection against witches, 162;\n  used to beat people with at Easter and Christmas, 269, 270\n\n\u2014\u2014 -trees in popular cure for gout, 56 _sq._\n\nBird-chief of the Sea Dyaks, 383, 384\n\nBirds as scapegoats, 35 _sq._, 51 _sq._\n\nBishop, the Boy, on Holy Innocents\u2019 Day, 336 _sqq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 of Innocents, 333\n\nBishop, Mrs., quoted, 99 _sq._\n\nBismarck Archipelago, the Melanesians of the, their belief in demons, 83\n\nBithynia and Pontus, rapid spread of Christianity in, 420 _sq._\n\nBiyars of N. W. India, 230 _n._ 7\n\nBlack animals as scapegoats, 190, 192, 193\n\n\u2014\u2014 god and white god among the Slavs, 92\n\nBlack and white in relation to human scapegoats, 220, 253, 257, 272\n\n\u2014\u2014 Mountains in S. France, 166\n\nBlankenheim in the Eifel, the King of the Bean at, 313\n\nBlood, fatigue let out with, 12;\n  of children used to knead a paste, 129;\n  of pigs used in purificatory rites, 262;\n  drawn from ears as penance, 292\n\nBloodless altars, 307\n\nBlows to drive away ghosts, 260 _sqq._\n\nBoars, evil spirits transferred to, 31\n\nBoas, Franz, quoted, 375 _sq._\n\nBocage of Normandy, games of ball in the, 183 _sq._;\n  mode of forecasting the weather in, 323;\n  Eve of Twelfth Night in the, 316 _sq._\n\nBock, C., quoted, 97\n\nBogle, George, envoy to Tibet, 203\n\nBohemia, \u201cEaster Smacks\u201d in, 268, 269;\n  the Three Kings of Twelfth Day in, 330\n\n\u2014\u2014, the Germans of Western, their custom at Christmas, 270;\n  Twelfth Day among, 331\n\nBohemian cures for fever, 49, 51, 55 _sq._, 58, 59, 63;\n  remedy for jaundice, 52\n\nB\u00f6hmerwald Mountains, 159\n\nBolang Mongondo in Celebes, 85 _sq._, 121 _n._ 3\n\nBolbe in Macedonia, lake of, 142 _n._ 1\n\nBolivia, 9;\n  Indians of, 26, 193\n\nBoloki, the, of the Upper Congo, their fear of demons, 76 _sq._\n\nBonfires, leaping over, 156;\n  on the Eve of Twelfth Day, 316 _sqq._\n\n_Book of the Dead_, the Egyptian, 103\n\nBorneo, the Dyaks of, 14, 383;\n  belief in demons in, 87;\n  the Kayans of, 154 _n._, 236, 382 _sq._;\n  sickness expelled in a ship from, 187;\n  the Biajas and Dusuns of, 200\n\nBourlet, A., quoted, 97 _sqq._\n\nBoy Bishop on Holy Innocents\u2019 Day, 336 _sqq._\n\nBrahmanism, vestiges of, under Mohammedanism, 90 _n._ 1\n\nBrahmans, sacrificial custom of the, 25;\n  as human scapegoats, 42 _sq._, 44 _sq._;\n  their theory of sacrifice, 410 _sq._\n\nBranches, fatigue transferred to, 8;\n  sickness transferred to, 186\n\nBrandenburg, Mark of, cure for headache and giddiness in, 52, 53;\n  cure for toothache in, 60\n\nBras Basah, a village on the Perak river, 199\n\nBrass instrument sounded to frighten away demons, 147\n\nBrazil, Indians of North-Western, 236;\n  custom of, 264;\n  their masked dances, 381\n\nBreadalbane, use of a scapegoat in, 209\n\n\u201cBrethren of the Ploughed Fields,\u201d 232\n\nBride, the last, privilege of, 183\n\nBrittany, custom of sticking pins into a saint\u2019s image in, 70;\n  riddles in, 121 _sq._, _n._;\n  forecasting the weather in, 323 _sq._\n\nBrooms used to sweep misfortune out of house, 5\n\nBroomsticks, witches ride on, 162\n\nBrown, Dr. George, quoted, 142 _n._ 1\n\nBrugui\u00e8re, Mgr., quoted, 97, 150 _sq._\n\nBrunnen, Twelfth Night at, 165\n\nBuchanan, Francis, quoted, 175 _sq._\n\nBuckthorn chewed to keep off ghosts, 153;\n  as a charm against witchcraft, 153 _n._ 1, 163;\n  used to beat cattle, 266\n\nBuddha, transmigrations of, 41;\n  in relation to spirits, 97;\n  offerings to, 150\n\nBuddhism in Burma, 95 _sq._;\n  the pope of, 223\n\nBuddhist Lent, the, 349 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 monk, ceremony at the funeral of a, 175\n\n\u2014\u2014 priests expel demons, 116\n\nBuddhists of Ceylon, 90 _n._ 1;\n  nominal, 97\n\nBudge, E. A. Wallis, quoted, 103 _sq._\n\nBuffalo calf, sins of dead transferred to a, 36 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 dance to ensure a supply of buffaloes, 171\n\nBuffaloes as scapegoats, 190, 191\n\nBuffooneries at the Festival of Fools, 335 _sq._\n\nBukaua, the, of German New Guinea, their belief in demons, 83 _sq._\n\nBulgarian cure for fever, 55\n\nBulgarians, their way of keeping off ghosts, 153 _n._ 1\n\nBulls as scapegoats in ancient Egypt, 216 _sq._\n\nBunyoro, in Central Africa, 195\n\nBurial of infants, 45\n\nBurkitt, Professor F. C., 420 _n._ 1\n\nBurlesques of ecclesiastical ritual, 336 _sq._\n\nBurma, belief in demons in, 95 _sq._;\n  expulsion of demons in, 116 _sq._;\n  the tug-of-war in, 175 _sq._\n\nBurmese Lent, 349 _sq._\n\n\u201cBurning the Old Year,\u201d 230 _n._ 7;\n  at Biggar, 165\n\n\u2014\u2014 of Sandan and Hercules, 388 _sqq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 witches alive, 19, 319;\n  on May Day in the Tyrol, 158 _sq._;\n  on Walpurgis Night in Bohemia;\n  161, in Silesia and Saxony, 163\n\nBuru, demons of sickness expelled in a proa from, 186\n\nBurying the evil spirit, 110\n\nBushes, ailments transferred to, 54, 56\n\nBushmen, the, 16, 30\n\nButterflies, annual expulsion of, 159 _n._ 1\n\nButterfly dance, 381\n\nCaffres of South Africa, 11, 30, 31\n\nCairns to which every passer-by adds a stone, 9 _sqq._;\n  near shrines of saints, 21;\n  offerings at, 26 _sqq._\n  _See also_ Heaps\n\nCairo, cure for toothache and headache at, 63\n\nCake on Twelfth Night used to determine the King, 313 _sqq._;\n  put on horn of ox, 318 _sq._;\n  offered to Cronus, 351\n\nCakes, special, at New Year, 149 _sq._;\n  with twelve knobs offered to gods, 351 _n._ 3\n\nCalabar, Old, biennial expulsion of demons at, 203 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 River, 28\n\nCalabria, annual expulsion of witches in, 157\n\nCalendar of the Mayas of Yucatan, 171;\n  of the primitive Aryans, 325;\n  of the Celts of Gaul, 342 _sqq._;\n  the Coligny, 342 _sqq._;\n  the Alexandrian, 395 _n._ 1;\n  the Babylonian, 398 _n._ 2\n\nCalicut, ceremonies at sowing in, 235\n\nCalifornia, the Pomos of, 170 _sq._\n\nCambodia, annual expulsion of demons in, 149;\n  palace of the Kings of Cambodia purged of devils, 172\n\nCambridge, Lord of Misrule at, 330\n\nCamel, plague transferred to, 33\n\nCamels infested by jinn, 260\n\nCameroons, the, of West Africa, 120\n\nCandlemas, dances at, 238\n\n\u2014\u2014 Day, 332, 333\n\nCandles, twelve, on Twelfth Night, 321 _sq._;\n  burnt at the Feast of Purim, 394\n\nCannibal banquets, 279 _n._ 1, 283, 298\n\nCanton, the province of, 144\n\nCaprification, the artificial fertilization of fig-trees, 257\n\n_Caprificus_, the wild fig-tree, 258\n\nCar Nicobar, annual expulsion of devils in, 201 _sq._\n\nCarabas and Barabbas, 418 _sq._\n\nCarmona in Andalusia, 173\n\nCarnival, bell-ringing processions at the, 247;\n  Senseless Thursday in, 248;\n  in relation to the Saturnalia, 312, 345 _sqq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 and Purim, 394\n\n\u201cCarrying out Death,\u201d 227 _sq._, 230, 252\n\nCasablanca in Morocco, 21\n\nCaspar, Melchior, and Balthasar, the Three Kings of Twelfth Day, 329\n            _sqq._\n\nCastilian peasants, their dances in May, 280\n\nCasting the skin supposed to be a mode of renewing youth, 302 _sqq._\n\nCattle exposed to attacks of witches, 162;\n  beaten to do them good, 266 _sq._\n\nCaucasus, the Albanians of the, 218\n\nCaunians of Asia Minor, their expulsion of foreign gods, 116\n\nCecrops, first king of Attica, 351\n\nCedar-bark ornaments worn in dances, 376\n\nCelebes, Bolang Mongondo in, 85, 121;\n  Minahassa in, 111 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014, Central, 34, 122 _n._, 265\n\nCelts, their mode of forecasting the weather of the year, 323 _sq._;\n  of Gaul, their calendar, 342 _sqq._\n\nCeram, sicknesses expelled in a ship from, 185\n\nCeylon, fear of demons in, 94 _sq._\n\nChaeronea, the \u201cexpulsion of hunger\u201d at, 252\n\nChain used to expel demons, 260\n\nChains clanked as a protection against witches, 163;\n  clanked in masquerade, 244\n\nChaldeans, magic of, 64\n\nChalking up crosses as a protection against witches, 162 _sq._\n\nChamar caste, 196\n\nChamba in India, 45\n\nChambers, E. K., quoted, 336 _n._ 1\n\nChameleon, ceremony at killing a, 28\n\nChariots, epidemics sent away in toy, 193 _sq._\n\nCheremiss of Russia, their expulsion of Satan, 156\n\nCherokee Indians, annual expulsion of evils among the, 128\n\nCheshire, cure for thrush in, 50;\n  cure for warts in, 57\n\nChickens as scapegoats, 190\n\nChicomecohuatl, Mexican goddess of maize, 286 _n._ 1, 291, 292;\n  girl annually sacrificed in the character of, 292 _sqq._\n\nChildermas (Holy Innocents\u2019 Day), 336\n\nChildren personating spirits, 139\n\nChina, the Miotse of, 4;\n  belief in demons in, 98;\n  men possessed by spirits in, 117;\n  the Mossos of, 139;\n  the Shans of Southern, 141;\n  annual expulsion of demons in, 145 _sqq._\n\n\u2014\u2014, aboriginal tribes of, their use of a human scapegoat, 196;\n  their annual destruction of evils, 202\n\nChinese festival of new fire, 359\n\nChins of Burma, their way of keeping off cholera, 123\n\n_Chirouba_, festival in Manapur, 40\n\nChirus of Assam, 177 _n._ 3\n\nChitral, devil-driving in, 137\n\nChittagong, 63 _n._ 4\n\n\u2014\u2014 Hill Tracts, the Chukmas of the, 174\n\nChoerilus, historian, 388 _n._ 1\n\nCholera sent away in animal scapegoats, 190, 191 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014, demon of, 172;\n  expelled, 116, 117;\n  sent away on a raft, 190\n\n\u2014\u2014, goddess of, 194\n\nCholula, a city of Mexico, 281\n\nChota Nagpur in India, 19;\n  annual expulsion of disease in, 139\n\nChrist, the crucifixion of, 412 _sqq._\n\nChristian festivals, the great, timed by the Church to coincide with old\n            pagan festivals, 328\n\nChristianity, Latin, its tolerance of rustic paganism, 346\n\nChristmas, custom of young men and women beating each other at, 270;\n  an old midwinter festival of the sun-god, 328\n\n\u2014\u2014 Day, Mexican festival on, 287;\n  Old (Twelfth Night), 321\n\n\u2014\u2014 Eve, witches active on, 160\n\nChukmas, the tug-of-war among the, 174\n\nChurch bells a protection against witchcraft, 157, 158\n\nChurn-dashers ridden by witches, 160\n\nChwolsohn, D., on the worship of Haman, 366 _n._ 1\n\nCiallos, intercalary month of Gallic calendar, 343\n\nCilicia, Tarsus in, 388, 389, 391\n\nCingalese, the tug-of-war among the, 181;\n  devil-dancers, 38\n\nCinteotl or Centeotl, Mexican goddess of maize, 286 _n._ 1, 290\n\nCircumcision Day, 334\n\nClangour of metal used to dispel demons, 233\n\nClanking chains as a protection against witches, 163\n\nClark, J. V. H., 209\n\nClarke, E. D., quoted, 20 _sq._\n\nClashing of metal instruments a protection against witchcraft, 158;\n  used to dispel demons, 233\n\nClavigero, historian of Mexico, 286 _n._ 1\n\nClippings of nails in popular cures, 57, 58\n\nClowns in processions, 244 _sq._\n\nCochinchina, mode of disposing of ghosts in, 62\n\nCock, disease transferred to a white, 187;\n  white, as scapegoat, 210 _n._ 4\n\nCocks as scapegoats, 191 _sq._\n\nColigny calendar of Gaul, 342 _sqq._\n\nColumella on caprification, 258\n\nComana, sacred harlots at, 370 _n._ 1;\n  worship of Ma at, 421 _n._ 1\n\nComitium, dances of the Salii in the, 232\n\nCommunion by means of stones, 21 _sq._\n\nConcubines of a king taken by his successor, 368\n\nCond\u00e9 in Normandy, 183\n\nConfession of sins, 31, 36, 127\n\nConflicts, annual, at the New Year, old intention of, 184\n\nCongr\u00e9gation de Notre Dame at Paris, 337\n\nConsumption, cure for, 51\n\nCook, A. B., 246 _n._ 2\n\nCook, Captain James, 80\n\nCootchie, a demon, 110\n\nCora Indians of Mexico, their dance at sowing, 238;\n  their dramatic dances, 381\n\nCoran, the, 62\n\nCorea, 11, 27;\n  traps for demons in, 61 _sq._;\n  belief in demons in, 99 _sq._;\n  spirit of disease expelled in, 119;\n  annual expulsion of demons in, 147;\n  the tug-of-war in, 177 _sq._\n\nCoreans, their annual ceremonies for the riddance of evils, 202 _sq._\n\nCorn festivals of the Cora Indians, 381\n\n\u2014\u2014 -ears, wreath of, as badge of priestly office, 232\n\n\u2014\u2014 -sieve beaten at ceremony, 145\n\nCornel-tree in popular remedy, 55\n\nCornouaille in Brittany, 323\n\n\u201cCorpse-praying priest,\u201d 45\n\nCorpses devoured by members of Secret Societies, 377\n\nCos, custom of Greek peasants in, 266\n\nCosmogonies, primitive, perhaps influenced by human sacrifices, 409 _sqq._\n\nCosquin, E., on the book of Esther, 367 _n._ 3\n\nCoughs transferred to animals, 51, 52\n\nCoupp\u00e9, Mgr., quoted, 82\n\nCrabs change their skin, 303\n\nCrackers ignited to expel demons, 117, 146 _sq._\n\nCreation of the world, legends of, influenced by human sacrifices, 409\n            _sqq._\n\nCreator beheaded, 410;\n  sacrifices himself daily to create the world afresh, 411\n\nCreeping through an arch as a cure, 55\n\nCretan festival of Hermes, 350\n\nCrimes, sticks or stones piled on the scene of, 13 _sqq._\n\nCriminals sacrificed, 354, 396 _sq._, 408\n\nCroatia, Good Friday custom in, 268\n\nCroesus on the pyre, 391\n\nCronia, a Greek festival resembling the Saturnalia, 351;\n  at Olympia, 352 _sq._\n\nCronion, a Greek month, 351 _n._ 2\n\nCronus and the Cronia, 351 _sq._;\n  and the Golden Age, 353;\n  and human sacrifice, 353 _sq._, 397\n\nCross-roads, 6, 7, 10, 24;\n  offerings at, 140;\n  ceremonies at, 144, 159, 161, 196;\n  witches at, 162\n\nCrosses painted with tar as charms against ghosts and vampyres, 153 _n._\n            1;\n  chalked on doors as protection against witchcraft, 160, 162 _sq._;\n  white, made by the King of the Bean, 314\n\nCrow as scapegoat, 193\n\nCrucifixion of Christ, 412 _sqq._\n\nCumont, Franz, 309, 393 _n._ 1\n\nCuzco, its scenery, 128 _sq._\n\nCybele and Attis, 386\n\nCyrus and Croesus, 391\n\nDahomey, Porto Novo in, 205\n\nDalton, E. T., quoted, 92 _sq._\n\nDance at cairns, 29;\n  the buffalo dance to ensure a supply of buffaloes, 171;\n  to cause the grass to grow, 238\n\nDancers personate spirits, 375\n\nDances of the witches, 162;\n  of the Salii, 232;\n  to promote the growth of the crops, 232 _sqq._, 347;\n  at sowing, 234 _sqq._;\n  taught by animals, 237;\n  for rain, 236 _sq._, 238;\n  solemn Mexican, 280, 284, 286, 287, 288, 289;\n  of Castilian peasants in May, 280;\n  of salt-makers in Mexico, 284;\n  to make hemp grow tall, 315;\n  as dramatic performances of myths, 375 _sqq._;\n  bestowed on men by spirits, 375;\n  in imitation of animals, 376, 377, 381, 382\n\nDances, masked, to promote fertility, 236;\n  of savages, 374 _sqq._;\n  to ensure good crops, 382\n\nDancing to obtain the favour of the gods, 236\n\nDandaki, King, 41\n\n\u201cDark\u201d moon and \u201clight\u201d moon, 140, 141 _n._ 1\n\nDarwin, Sir Francis, 153 _n._ 1\n\nDasius, martyrdom of St., 308 _sqq._\n\nDassera festival in Nepaul, 226 _n._ 1\n\nDate palm, artificial fertilization of the, 272 _sq._\n\nDavies, T. Witton, 360 _n._ 2\n\nDead, disembodied souls of the, dreaded, 77;\n  worship of the, 97;\n  ghosts of the, periodically expelled, 123 _sq._;\n  souls of the, received by their relations once a year, 150 _sqq._\n\n\u2014\u2014, spirits of the, in the Philippine Islands, 82;\n  in Timor, 85\n\nDeath, the funeral of, 205;\n  the ceremony of carrying out, 227 _sq._, 230, 252;\n  savage tales of the origin of, 302 _sqq._\n\nDebang monastery at Lhasa, 218\n\nDecember, annual expulsion of demons in, 145;\n  custom of the heathen of Harran in, 263 _sq._;\n  the Saturnalia held in, 306, 307, 345\n\nDecle, L., 11 _n._ 1\n\nDe Goeje, M. J., 24 _n._ 1\n\nDeified men, sacrifices of, 409\n\nDelaware Indians, their remedies for sins, 263\n\nDemonophobia in India, 91\n\nDemon-worship, 94, 96.\n  _See also_ Propitiation\n\nDemons bunged up, 61 _sq._;\n  omnipresence of, 72 _sqq._;\n  propitiation of, 93, 94, 96, 100;\n  religious purification intended to ward off, 104;\n  cause sickness, failure of crops, etc., 109 _sqq._;\n  of cholera, 116, 117, 123;\n  men disguised as, 170 _sq._, 172, 173;\n  decoyed by a pig, 200, 201;\n  conjured into images, 171, 172, 173, 203, 204, 205;\n  put to flight by clangour of metal, 233;\n  banned by masks, 246;\n  exorcised by bells, 246 _sq._, 251.\n  _See also_ Devil _and_ Devils\n\nDe Mortival, Roger, 338\n\nDerceto, the fish goddess of Ascalon, 370 _n._ 1\n\nDe Ricci, S., 343 _n._\n\nDeslawen, village of Bohemia, 161\n\nDevil driven away by paper kites, 4\n\nDevil-driving in Chitral, 137\n\nDevil\u2019s Neck, the, 16, 30\n\nDevils personated by men, 235.\n  _See_ Demons\n\nDevonshire, cure for cough in, 51\n\nDharmi or Dharmesh, the Supreme God of the Oraons, 92 _sq._\n\nDice used in divination, 220;\n  played at festivals, 350\n\nDieri tribe of Central Australia, their expulsion of a demon, 110\n\nDinkas, their use of cows as scapegoats, 193\n\nDio Chrysostom on the Sacaea, 368;\n  his account of the treatment of the mock king of the Sacaea, 414\n\nDionysiac festival of the opening of the wine jars, 351 _sq._\n\nDionysus and the drama, 384\n\nDisease transferred to other people, 6 _sq._;\n  transferred to tree, 7;\n  caused by ghosts, 85;\n  annual expulsion of, 139;\n  sent away in little ships, 185 _sqq._\n\nDittmar, C. von, quoted, 100 _sq._\n\nDivination on Twelfth Night, 316\n\nDivine animals as scapegoats, 216 _sq._, 226 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 men as scapegoats, 217 _sqq._, 226 _sq._\n\nDog, sickness transferred to, 33;\n  as scapegoat, 51, 208 _sq._;\n  sacrifice of white, 127\n\nDog-demon of epilepsy, 69 _n._\n\nDoreh in Dutch New Guinea, the tug-of-war at, 178\n\nDoubs, Montagne de, 316\n\nDouglas, Alexander, victim of witchcraft, 39\n\nDoutt\u00e9, E., 22 _n._ 2\n\nDoves of Astarte, the sacred, 370 _n._ 1\n\n_Dracaena terminalis_, its leaves used to beat the sick, 265\n\nDramas, sacred, as magical rites, 373 _sqq._\n\nDravidian tribes of N. India, their cure for epilepsy, 259 _sq._\n\nDreams, festival of, among the Iroquois, 127\n\n_Dreik\u00f6nigstag_, Twelfth Day, 329\n\n\u201cDriving out the Witches,\u201d 162\n\n_Drowo_, gods, 74\n\nDrums beaten to expel demons, 111, 113, 116, 120, 126, 146, 204\n\nDubrowitschi, a Russian village, 173\n\nDuck as scapegoat, 50\n\nDudilaa, a spirit who lives in the sun, 186\n\nDumannos, a month of the Gallic calendar, 343\n\nDuran, Diego, Spanish historian of Mexico, 295 _n._ 1, 297, 300 _n._ 1\n\nDurostorum in Moesia, celebration of the Saturnalia at, 309\n\nDussaud, Ren\u00e9, 22 _n._ 2\n\nDusuns of Borneo, their annual expulsion of evils, 200 _sq._\n\nDyak priestesses, 5;\n  transference of evil, 5;\n  mode of neutralizing bad omens, 39\n\nDyaks, their \u201clying heaps,\u201d 14;\n  their Head Feast, 383\n\nDying god as scapegoat, 227\n\nEabani, Babylonian hero, 398 _sq._\n\nEars, blood drawn from, as penance, 292\n\nEarth, the Mistress of the, 85\n\n\u2014\u2014 -god, 28;\n  the Egyptian, 341\n\nEarthman, the, 61\n\nEast, the Wise Men of the, 330 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 Indian Islands, 2\n\n\u2014\u2014 Indies, the tug-of-war in the, 177\n\nEaster an old vernal festival of the vegetation-god, 328\n\n\u2014\u2014 eggs, 269\n\n\u2014\u2014 Eve in Albania, expulsion of Kore on, 157\n\n\u2014\u2014 Monday, \u201cEaster Smacks\u201d on, 268\n\n\u201c\u2014\u2014 Smacks\u201d in Germany and Austria, 268 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 Sunday, ceremony on the Eve of, 207 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 Tuesday, \u201cEaster Smacks\u201d on, 268\n\nEastertide, expulsion of evils at, in Calabria, 157\n\nEck, R. van, quoted, 86\n\nEdward VI., his Lord of Misrule, 332, 334\n\nEffigies, disease transferred to, 7;\n  demons conjured into, 204, 205;\n  substituted for human victims, 408\n\nEffigy of baby used to fertilize women, 245, 249\n\nEggs, red Easter, 269\n\nEgypt, mode of laying ghosts in, 63;\n  modern, belief in the jinn in, 104;\n  Isis and Osiris in, 386\n\nEgyptians, the ancient, their belief in spirits, 103 _sq._;\n  their use of bulls as scapegoats, 216 _sq._;\n  the five supplementary days of their year, 340 _sq._\n\nEifel, the King of the Bean in the, 313\n\nEight days, feast and license of, before expulsion of demons, 131\n\nEkoi, the, of West Africa, 28\n\nElamite deities in opposition to Babylonian deities, 366;\n  inscriptions, 367\n\nElamites, the hereditary foes of the Babylonians, 366\n\nElaphebolion, an Athenian month, 351\n\nElaphius, an Elean month, 352\n\nElder brother, the sin of marrying before an, 3\n\nElgon, Mount, 246\n\nElis, law of, 352 _n._ 2\n\nEllis, W., quoted, 80\n\nEmbodied evils, expulsion of, 170 _sqq._\n\nEmetics as remedies for sins, 263\n\nEndle, S., quoted, 93\n\nEngland, cure of warts in, 48;\n  the King of the Bean in, 313;\n  the Boy Bishop in, 337 _sq._\n\nEnigmas, ceremonial use of, 121 _n._ 3.\n  _See_ Riddles\n\nEntlebuch in Switzerland, expulsion of Posterli at, 214\n\nEpidaurus, Aesculapius at, 47\n\nEpidemics attributed to demons, 111 _sqq._;\n  kept off by means of a plough, 172 _sq._;\n  sent away in toy chariots, 193 _sq._\n\nEpilepsy, cure for, 2, 331;\n  Highland treatment of, 68 _n._ 2;\n  Roman cure for, 68;\n  Hindoo cure for, 69 _n._;\n  cured by beating, 260.\n  _See also_ Falling Sickness\n\nEpiphany, annual expulsion of the powers of evil at, 165 _sqq._;\n  the King of the Bean on, 313 _sqq._\n  _See also_ Twelfth Night\n\nEponyms, annual, as scapegoats, 39 _sqq._\n\nEquinox, the vernal, festival of Cronus at, 352;\n  Persian marriages at the, 406 _n._ 3\n\nEquos, a Gallic month, 343 _n._\n\nErech, Babylonian city, Ishtar at, 398, 399\n\nErz-gebirge, the Saxon, 271\n\nEsagila, temple at Babylon, 356\n\nEsquimaux of Labrador, their fear of demons, 79 _sq._;\n  of Point Barrow, their expulsion of Lu\u00f1a, 124 _sq._;\n  of Baffin Land, their expulsion of Sedna, 125 _sq._;\n  the Central, the tug-of-war among the, 174;\n  of Bering Strait, their masquerades, 379 _sq._\n\nEsther, fast of, 397 _sq._;\n  the story of, acted as a comedy at Purim, 364\n\n\u2014\u2014, the book of, its date and purpose, 360;\n  its Persian colouring, 362, 401;\n  duplication of the personages in, 400 _sq._;\n  the personages unmasked, 405 _sqq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 and Mordecai equivalent to Ishtar and Marduk, 405;\n  the duplicates of Vashti and Haman, 406\n\n\u2014\u2014 and Vashti, temporary queens, 401\n\nEsthonian mode of transferring bad luck to trees, 54;\n  expulsion of the devil, 173\n\nEton College, Boy Bishop at, 338\n\nEuhemerism, 385\n\nEuripides, 19\n\nEurope, transference of evil in, 47 _sqq._;\n  annual expulsion of demons and witches in, 155 _sqq._;\n  annual expulsion of evils in, 207 _sqq._;\n  masquerades in modern, 251 _sq._\n\nEuropean folk-custom of \u201ccarrying out Death,\u201d 227 _sq._\n\nEve and Adam, 259 _n._ 3\n\nEvening Star, the goddess of the, 369 _n._ 1\n\nEvessen, in Brunswick, 60\n\nEvil, the transference of, 1 _sqq._;\n  transferred to other people, 5 _sqq._;\n  transferred to sticks and stones, 8 _sqq._;\n  transferred to animals, 31 _sqq._;\n  transferred to men, 38 _sqq._;\n  transference of, in Europe, 47 _sqq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 spirits, banishment of, 86.\n  _See_ Demons\n\nEvil-Merodach, Babylonian king, 367 _n._ 2\n\nEvils transferred to trees, 54 _sqq._;\n  nailed into trees, walls, etc., 59 _sqq._;\n  occasional expulsion of, 109 _sqq._, 185 _sqq._;\n  periodic expulsion of, 123 _sqq._, 198 _sqq._;\n  expulsion of embodied, 170 _sqq._;\n  expulsion of, in a material vehicle, 185 _sqq._\n  _See also_ Expulsion\n\nEwe, white-footed, as scapegoat, 192 _sq._\n\nEwe-speaking negroes of the Slave Coast, 74\n\nExcommunication of human scapegoat, 254\n\nExecution by stoning, 24 _n._ 2\n\nExeter, the Boy Bishop at, 337\n\nExorcising spirits at sowing the seed, 235\n\nExorcism of devils in Morocco, 63;\n  annual, of the evil spirit in Japan, 143 _sq._;\n  Nicobarese ceremony of, 262\n\nExorcists, 2 _sq._, 33\n\nExpiation for sin, 39\n\nExpulsion of evils, 109 _sqq._;\n  the direct or immediate and the indirect or mediate, 109, 224;\n  occasional, 109 _sqq._, 185 _sqq._;\n  periodic, 123 _sqq._, 198 _sqq._;\n  of embodied evils, 170 _sqq._;\n  of evils in a material vehicle, 185 _sqq._;\n  annual, of demons and witches in Europe, 155 _sqq._;\n  of Trows in Shetland, 168 _sq._;\n  of hunger at Chaeronea, 252;\n  of winter, ceremony of the, 404 _sq._\n\n_Faditras_ among the Malagasy, 33 _sq._\n\nFaiths of the world, the great, their little influence on common men, 89\n\nFalling sickness, cure for, 52, 330.\n  _See also_ Epilepsy\n\nFans, the, of West Africa, 30 _n._ 2\n\n\u201cFast of Esther\u201d before Purim, 397 _sq._\n\nFatigue transferred to stones or sticks, 8 _sqq._;\n  let out with blood, 12\n\nFawckner, Captain James, quoted, 131 _sq._\n\nFear as a source of religion, 93\n\nFeast, the Great, in Morocco, 180, 182, 265\n\n\u2014\u2014 of Lanterns in Japan, 151 _sq._\n\nFebruary and March, the season of the spring sowing in Italy, 346\n\nFerghana in Turkestan, 184\n\nFerrers, George, a Lord of Misrule, 332\n\nFertility of the ground, magical ceremony to promote the, 177\n\nFertilization, artificial, of fig-trees, 257 _sqq._, 272 _sq._;\n  of the date palm, 272\n\nFertilizing virtue attributed to certain sticks, 264\n\n\u201cFestival of dreams\u201d among the Iroquois, 127\n\n\u2014\u2014 of the Flaying of Men, Mexican, 296 _sqq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 of Fools in France, 334 _sqq._;\n  in Germany, Bohemia, and England, 336 _n._ 1\n\n\u2014\u2014 of the Innocents, 336 _sqq._\n\nFestivals, the great Christian, timed by the Church to coincide with old\n            pagan festivals, 328\n\n_F\u00eate des Fous_ in France, 334 _sqq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 _des Rois_, Twelfth Day, 329\n\nFever, remedy for, 38;\n  Roman cure for, 47;\n  popular cures for, 47, 49, 51, 53, 55, 56, 58, 59, 63;\n  driven away by firing guns, etc., 121\n\nFielding, H., quoted, 349 _sq._\n\nFiends burnt in fire, 320\n\nFig, the wild, human scapegoats beaten with branches of, 255\n\nFig-tree, sacred, 61\n\n\u2014\u2014 -trees artificially fertilized, 257 _sqq._, 272 _sq._;\n  personated by human victims, 257\n\nFights, annual, at the New Year, old intention of, 184\n\nFigs, black and white, worn by human scapegoats, 253, 257, 272\n\nFiji, 15;\n  annual ceremony at appearance of sea-slug in, 141 _sq._\n\nFir used to beat people with at Christmas, 270, 271\n\n\u2014\u2014 -trees in popular cure, 56\n\nFire, Mexican god of, 300;\n  human sacrifices to, 300 _sqq._;\n  to burn witches, 319\n\n\u2014\u2014 new, at New Year, 209;\n  Chinese festival of the, 359\n\n\u2014\u2014 sacred, of King of Uganda, 195;\n  kindled by friction, 391 _n._ 4\n\n\u2014\u2014 -spirit, annual expulsion of the, 141\n\nFires extinguished during ceremony, 172;\n  ceremonial, on Eve of Twelfth Day, 316 _sqq._;\n  to burn fiends, 320.\n  _See also_ Bonfires\n\nFive days\u2019 duration of mock king\u2019s reign, 407 _n._ 1\n\n\u2014\u2014 days\u2019 reign of mock king at the Sacaea, 355, 357;\n  of Semiramis, 369\n\nFlax, giddiness transferred to, 53;\n  bells rung to make flax grow, 247 _sq._\n\nFlaying of Men, Mexican festival of the, 296 _sqq._\n\nFlemish cure for ague, 56\n\nFlight from the demons of disease, 122 _sq._\n\nFlint, holed, a protection against witches, 162\n\nFlood, the great, 399 _n._ 1\n\nFlowers, the goddess of, 278\n\nFlying Spirits, the, at Lhasa, 197 _sq._\n\nFood set out for ghosts, 154\n\nFools in processions of maskers, 243\n\n\u2014\u2014, festival of, in France, 334 _sqq._;\n  in Germany, Bohemia, and England, 336 _n._ 1\n\nFootball, suggested origin of, 184\n\nFords, offerings and prayers at, 27 _sq._\n\nFormosa, 33\n\nForty days, man treated as a god during, 281;\n  man personating god during, 297\n\n\u2014\u2014 nights of mourning for Persephone, 348\n\nFoucart, G., quoted, 341 _n._ 1\n\nFountains Abbey, 338\n\nFowler, W. Warde, 67 _n._ 2, 229 _n._ 1\n\nFowls as scapegoats, 31, 33, 36, 52 _sq._\n\nFrance, cure of warts in, 48;\n  cure for toothache in, 59;\n  the King of the Bean in, 313 _sqq._;\n  Festival of Fools in, 334 _sqq._\n\nFranche-Comt\u00e9, the King of the Bean in, 313;\n  bonfires on the Eve of Twelfth Night in, 316;\n  the Three Kings of Twelfth Day in, 330;\n  Lent in, 348 _n._ 1\n\nFrankenwald Mountains, 160\n\nFrankfort, the feast of Purim at, 394\n\n_Fratres Arvales_, 232\n\n\u201cFrench and English\u201d or the \u201cTug-of-war\u201d as a religious or magical rite,\n            174 _sqq._\n\nFrench cure for fever, 55\n\nFresh and green, beating people, 270 _sq._\n\nFrogs, malady transferred to, 50, 53\n\nFruit-trees, fire applied to, on Eve of Twelfth Night, 317\n\nFruitful tree, use of stick cut from a, 264\n\nFumigation with juniper and rue as a precaution against witches, 158\n\nFuneral, relations whipped at a, 260 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 of Death, 205\n\n\u2014\u2014 ceremony in Uganda, 45 _n._ 2;\n  of a Buddhist monk, 175\n\nFurrow drawn round village as protection against epidemic, 172\n\nGallas, their mode of expelling fever, 121;\n  annual period of license among the, 226 _n._ 1;\n  their story of the origin of death, 304\n\nGallows-hill, witches at, 162\n\nGambling allowed during three days of the year, 150\n\nGames of ball played to produce rain or dry weather, 179 _sq._\n\nGarcilasso de la Vega, 130 _n._ 1\n\nGaros of Assam, their annual use of a scapegoat, 208 _sq._\n\nGatto, in Benin, 131\n\nGaul, the Celts of, their calendar, 342 _sqq._\n\nGazelle Peninsula in New Britain, 82, 303\n\nGe-lug-pa, a Lamaist sect, 94\n\nGeraestius, a Greek month, 350\n\nGerard, E., quoted, 106 _sq._\n\nGermany, cure for toothache in, 59;\n  the King of the Bean in, 313\n\nGhansyam Deo, a deity of the Gonds, 217\n\nGhats, the Eastern, use of scapegoats in the, 191\n\nGhosts of suicides feared, 17 _sq._;\n  impregnation of women by, 18;\n  shut up in wood, 60 _sq._;\n  modes of laying, 63;\n  diseases caused by, 85;\n  of the dead periodically expelled, 123 _sq._;\n  Roman festival of, in May, 154 _sq._;\n  driven off by blows, 260 _sqq._\n\nGiddiness, cure for, 53\n\nGilgamesh, the epic of, 371, 398 _sq._;\n  his name formerly read as Izdubar, 372 _n._ 1;\n  a Babylonian hero, beloved by the goddess Ishtar, 371 _sq._, 398 _sq._\n\nGilgamus, a Babylonian king, 372 _n._ 1\n\nGilgenburg in Masuren, 269\n\nGilyaks of the Amoor, their belief in demons, 101 _sq._\n\nGlamorganshire, cure for warts in, 53\n\nGlen Mor, in Islay, 62\n\nGloucester, the Boy Bishop at, 337\n\nGloucestershire, Eve of Twelfth Day in, 318, 321\n\nGoat\u2019s Marsh at Rome, 258\n\nGoats, evil transferred to, 31, 32;\n  as scapegoats, 190, 191, 192\n\nGobi, the desert of, 13\n\nGod, killing the, 1;\n  the black and the white, 92;\n  dying, as scapegoat, 227;\n  the killing of the, in Mexico, 275 _sqq._;\n  resurrection of the, 400\n\nGods and goddesses represented by living men and women, 385 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014, Mexican, burn themselves to create the sun, 410;\n  Mother of the, 289;\n  woman annually sacrificed in the character of the Mother of the, 289\n              _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 shut up in wood, 61;\n  of the Maoris, 81;\n  of the Pelew Islanders, 81 _sq._;\n  personated by priests, 287;\n  represented in masquerades, 377\n\nGoitre, popular cure for, 54\n\nGold Coast of West Africa, expulsion of demons on the, 120, 131 _sqq._\n\nGolden Age, the, 353, 386;\n  the reign of Saturn, 306, 344\n\nGolden bells worn by human representatives of gods in Mexico, 278, 280,\n            284\n\nGomes, E. H., on the head-feast of the Sea Dyaks, 384 _n._ 1\n\nGonds of India, human scapegoats among the, 217 _sq._\n\nGongs beaten to expel demons, 113, 117, 147\n\nGood Friday, 214;\n  expulsion of witches in Silesia on, 157;\n  cattle beaten on, 266;\n  custom of beating each other with rods on, 268\n\nGoudie, Mr. Gilbert, 169 _n._ 2\n\n_Gour-deziou_, \u201cSupplementary Days,\u201d in Brittany, 324\n\nGout, popular cures for, 56 _sq._\n\nGraetz, H., 395 _n._ 1\n\nGran Chaco, Indians of the, 122, 262\n\nGrass to grow, dances to cause the, 238;\n  bells rung to cause the, 247\n\nGrasshoppers, sacrifice of, 35\n\n\u201cGrass-ringers,\u201d 247\n\nGraub\u00fcnden (the Grisons), 239\n\nGraves, heaps of sticks or stones on, 15 _sqq._\n\nGreat Bassam in Guinea, exorcism of evil spirit at, 120\n\n\u2014\u2014 Feast, the, in Morocco, 180, 182, 265\n\n\u201c\u2014\u2014 Purification,\u201d Japanese ceremony, 213 _n._ 1\n\nGreece, ancient, custom of stone-throwing in, 24 _sq._;\n  human scapegoats in, 252 _sqq._;\n  Saturnalia in, 350 _sqq._\n\nGreek use of swallows as scapegoats, 35;\n  of laurel in purification, 262\n\nGreek women, their mourning for Persephone, 349\n\nGreeks, the ancient, their cure for love, 3\n\n\u2014\u2014 of Asia Minor, their use of human scapegoats, 255\n\nGreen boughs, custom of beating young people with, at Christmas, 270\n\nGrisons, masquerades in the, 239\n\nGroot, J. J. M. de, quoted, 99\n\nGrove, the Arician, 305\n\nGrub in the Grisons, masquerade at, 239\n\nGrubb, W. Barbrooke, quoted, 78 _sq._\n\nGr\u00fcnberg in Silesia, 163\n\nGuardian spirits of animals, 98\n\nGuatemala, 10;\n  Indians of, 26\n\nGuaycurus, Indian nation, their ceremony at appearance of the Pleiades,\n            262\n\nGudea, king of Southern Babylonia, 356\n\nGuessing dreams, 127\n\nGuiana, British, the Arawaks of, 302\n\n\u2014\u2014, French, the Roocooyen Indians of, 181, 263;\n  their fear of demons, 78 _sq._\n\nGuinea, annual expulsion of the devil in, 131\n\n\u2014\u2014, French, 235\n\n\u2014\u2014 negroes, 31\n\nGuns fired to expel demons, 116 _sq._, 119, 120, 121, 125, 132, 133, 137,\n            147, 148, 149, 150, 203, 204, 221 _n._ 1;\n  against witches, 160, 161, 164\n\nGypsies, annual ceremony performed by the, 207 _sq._\n\nHagen, B., quoted, 87 _sq._\n\nHair of patient inserted in oak, 57 _sq._\n\nHak-Ka, the, a native race in the province of Canton, 144\n\nHalberstadt in Th\u00fcringen, annual ceremony at, 214\n\nHall in the Tyrol, 248\n\nHalmahera, the Alfoors of, 112;\n  ceremonies at a funeral in, 260 _sq._\n\nHaman, effigies of, burnt at Purim, 392 _sqq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 and Mordecai, 364 _sqq._;\n  as temporary kings, 400 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 and Vashti the duplicates of Mordecai and Vashti, 406\n\nHaman, a god worshipped by the heathen of Harran, 366 _n._ 1\n\nH\u00e2m\u00e2n-S\u00fbr, a name for Purim, 393\n\nHammedatha, father of Haman, 373 _n._ 1\n\nHammer, sick people struck with a, 259 _n._ 4\n\nHands of deity, ceremony of grasping the, 356\n\n_Hantoes_, spirits, 87\n\nHare as scapegoat, 50 _sq._\n\nHarlots, sacred, 370, 371, 372;\n  at Comana, 421 _n._ 1\n\nHarpooning a spirit, 126\n\nHarran, the heathen of, their custom in December, 263 _sq._;\n  their marriage festival of all the gods, 273 _n._ 1;\n  worship a god Haman, 366 _n._ 1\n\nHarrison, Miss J. E., 153 _n._ 1\n\nHarthoorn, S. E., quoted, 86 _sq._\n\nHartland, E. S., 22 _n._ 2, 69 _n._ 1\n\nHarvest, annual expulsion of demons at or after, 137 _sq._, 225\n\nHasselt, J. L. van, quoted, 83\n\nHastings, Warren, 203\n\nHaupt, P., 406 _n._ 2\n\nHawk, omens from, 384 _n._ 1\n\nHawthorn a charm against ghosts, 153 _n._ 1\n\nHeadache, cure for, 2, 52, 58, 63, 64\n\nHead-feast of the Sea Dyaks, 383, 384 _n._ 1\n\nHeadman sacred, 177 _n._ 3\n\nHeaps of stones, sticks, or leaves, to which every passer-by adds, 9\n            _sqq._;\n  on the scene of crimes, 13 _sqq._;\n  on graves, 15 _sqq._;\n  \u201clying heaps,\u201d 14\n\nHearn, Lafcadio, 144\n\nHearts of human victims offered to the sun, 279, 298\n\nHebrews, their custom as to leprosy, 35\n\nHebron, 21\n\nHecatombaeon, an Athenian month, 351\n\nHecquard, H., 120\n\nHeitsi-eibib, Hottentot god or hero, 16\n\nHemp, augury as to the height of the, 315;\n  dances to make hemp grow tall, 315\n\nHercules, cake with twelve knobs offered to, 351 _n._ 3;\n  identified with Sandan, 388;\n  his death on a pyre, 391\n\n\u2014\u2014 and Omphale, 389\n\nHereford, the Boy Bishop at, 337\n\nHerefordshire, the sin-eater in, 43;\n  Eve of Twelfth Day in, 318 _sqq._\n\nHermes, wayside images of, 24;\n  Cretan festival of, 350\n\n\u2014\u2014 and Argus, 24\n\nHerodotus on the worship of Ishtar (Astarte), 372\n\nHide beaten with rods, 231\n\nHierapolis, festival of the Pyre at, 392\n\nHighlands of Scotland, 20;\n  the Twelve Days in the, 324\n\nHildesheim, bell-ringing at, on Ascension Day, 247 _sq._\n\nHimalayan districts of N. W. India, 29\n\nHindoo Koosh, expulsion of demons in the, 225\n\n\u2014\u2014 tribes, their annual expulsion of demons after harvest, 137\n\nHindoos, transference of evil among the, 38;\n  their fear of demons, 91 _sq._\n\nHirt, H., 325 _n._ 3\n\nHobby-horse to carry away spirit of smallpox, 119\n\nHochofen, village of Bohemia, 161\n\nHockey played as a ceremony, 174\n\nHoled flint a protection against witches, 162\n\nHoly Innocents\u2019 Day, 336, 337, 338;\n  young people beat each other on, 270, 271\n\nHomoeopathic or imitative magic, 177\n\nHomogeneity of civilization in prehistoric times in Southern Europe and\n            Western Asia, 409\n\nHonorius and Theodosius, decree of, 392\n\nHood Bay in New Guinea, 84\n\nHorns blown to expel demons, 111, 117, 204, 214;\n  to ban witches, 160, 161, 165, 166;\n  at Penzance on eve of May Day, 163 _sq._;\n  by maskers, 243, 244\n\n\u2014\u2014 of straw worn to keep off demons, 118;\n  of goat a protection against witches, 162\n\nHorse sacrificed to Mars, 230;\n  beloved by Ishtar, 371, 407 _n._ 2;\n  beloved by Semiramis, 407 _n._ 2\n\n\u2014\u2014 -shoes a protection against witches, 162\n\nHorus, the birth of, 341\n\nHos of N. E. India, their annual expulsion of demons at harvest, 136 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 of Togoland, their annual expulsion of evils, 134 _sqq._, 206 _sq._\n\nHosskirch in Swabia, 323\n\nHottentots, the, 16, 29\n\nHoyerswerda in Silesia, 163\n\n_Huddler_ or _Huttler_ in the Tyrol, 248\n\n_Hudel_-running in the Tyrol, 248\n\nHuichol Indians of Mexico, 10, 347 _n._ 3\n\nHuitzilopochtli, great Mexican god, 280, 300;\n  young man sacrificed in the character of, 280 _sq._;\n  temple of, 287, 290, 297;\n  hall of, 294\n\nHuixtocihuatl, Mexican goddess of Salt, 283;\n  woman annually sacrificed in the character of, 283 _sq._\n\nHuman god and goddess, their enforced union, 386 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 representatives of gods sacrificed in Mexico, 275 _sqq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 sacrifice, successive mitigations of, 396 _sq._, 408\n\n\u2014\u2014 sacrifices, their influence on cosmogonical theories, 409 _sqq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 scapegoats, 38 _sqq._, 194 _sqq._, 210 _sqq._;\n  in ancient Rome, 229 _sqq._;\n  in classical antiquity, 229 _sqq._;\n  in ancient Greece, 252 _sqq._;\n  reason for beating the, 256 _sq._;\n  victims, men clad in the skins of, 265 _sq._\n\nHunger, expulsion of, at Chaeronea, 252\n\nHurons, their way of expelling sickness, 121\n\nHusbandman, the Roman, his prayers to Mars, 229\n\nHuss, John, 336 _n._ 1\n\n_Huttler_ or _Huddler_ in the Tyrol, 248\n\nHuzuls, the, of the Carpathians, 32 _sq._, 35\n\nHyginus on the death of Semiramis, 407 _n._ 2\n\nHysteria cured by beating, 260\n\nIdentification of girl with Maize Goddess, 295\n\nIdols, nails knocked into, 69 _sq._\n\nIgbodu, a sacred grove, 212\n\nIgliwa, a Berber tribe, 178\n\nIlamatecutli, Mexican goddess, 287;\n  woman sacrificed in the character of, 287 _sq._\n\nIll Luck embodied in an ascetic, 41;\n  the casting away of, 144\n\nIm Thurn, Sir Everard F., quoted, 78\n\nImages, demons conjured into, 171, 172, 173, 203\n\nImmestar in Syria, 394\n\nImmortality, how men lost the boon of, 302 _sqq._\n\nImpregnation of women by ghosts, 18\n\nInanimate objects, transference of evil to, 1 _sqq._\n\n_Inao_, sacred whittled sticks, 261\n\nInauguration of a king in ancient India, 263\n\nIncas of Peru, their annual expulsion of evils, 128 _sqq._\n\nIncense used against witches, 158, 159\n\nIndia, fear of demons in, 89 _sqq._;\n  epidemics sent away in toy chariots in, 193 _sq._;\n  Dravidian tribes of Northern, 259;\n  inauguration of a king in ancient, 263;\n  the Twelve Days in ancient, 324 _sq._;\n  origin of the drama in, 384 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014, the Central Provinces of, 7;\n  expulsion of disease in the, 190\n\n\u2014\u2014, the North-Western Provinces of, 61;\n  the tug-of-war in, 181\n\nIndian Archipelago, expulsion of diseases in the, 199\n\n\u2014\u2014 tribes of N. W. America, their masked dances, 375 _sqq._\n\nIndians, mutual scourgings of South American, 262\n\nIndo-China, worship of spirits in, 97 _sq._\n\nIndra, creation of the great god, 410\n\nInfant, children whipt at death of an, 261 _sq._\n\nInfants, burial of, 45\n\nInfertility, evil spirits of, 250\n\nInfluenza expelled by scapegoat, 191, 193\n\nInitiation by spirits, 375\n\nInnocents, Bishop of, in France, 334;\n  Festival of the, 336 _sqq._\n\nInnocents\u2019 Day, 336, 337, 338;\n  young people beat each other on, 270, 271\n\nInspired men in China, 117\n\nIntercalary month, 342 _sqq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 period of five days, 407 _n._ 1\n\n\u2014\u2014 periods, customs and superstitions attaching to, 328 _sq._;\n  deemed unlucky, 339 _sqq._\n\nIntercalation, rudimentary, to equate lunar and solar years, 325 _sqq._\n\nInterregnum on intercalary days, 328 _sq._\n\nInversion of social ranks at the Saturnalia and kindred festivals, 308,\n            350, 407\n\nIreland, Twelfth Night in, 321 _sq._\n\nIroquois, their \u201cfestival of dreams,\u201d 127;\n  their use of scapegoats, 209 _sq._, 233\n\nIser Mountains in Silesia, 163\n\nIserlohn in Westphalia, 266\n\nIshtar, a great Babylonian goddess, 365;\n  associated with Sirius, 359 _n._ 1;\n  at Erech, 398;\n  her visit to Anu, 399 _n._ 1;\n  goddess of fertility in animals, 406 _n._ 1\n  _See also_ Astarte\n\n\u2014\u2014 and Gilgamesh, 371 _sq._, 398 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 and Semiramis, 369 _sqq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 and Tammuz, 399, 406\n\nIsis, the birth of, 341\n\n\u2014\u2014 and Osiris, 386\n\nItalian cure for fever, 55;\n  season of sowing in spring, 346\n\nItaly, cure of warts in, 48\n\nIzdubar. _See_ Gilgamesh\n\nJackson, Professor Henry, 35 _n._ 3\n\nJacobsen, J. Adrian, on the Secret Societies of N. W. America, 377 _sqq._\n\nJalno, temporary ruler at Lhasa, 218, 220, 221, 222\n\nJames, M. R., 395 _notes_  2 and  3\n\nJamieson, J., on Trows, 168 _n._ 1, 169 _n._ 2\n\nJapan, cure for toothache in, 71;\n  expulsion of demons in, 118 _sq._, 143 _sq._;\n  Feast of Lanterns in, 151 _sq._;\n  annual expulsion of evil in, 212 _sq._\n\nJastrow, M., on the epic of Gilgamesh, 399 _n._ 1\n\n_Jataka_, the, 41\n\nJaundice, cure for, 52\n\nJava, belief in demons in, 86 _sq._;\n  the Tenggerese of, 184\n\nJay, blue, as scapegoat, 51\n\nJealousy, cure for, 33\n\nJensen, P., 362 _n._ 1;\n  his theory of Haman and Vashti as Elamite deities, 366 _sq._;\n  on Anaitis, 369 _n._ 1;\n  on the fast of Esther, 398 _sq._\n\nJepur in India, use of scapegoat at, 191\n\nJerusalem, the weeping for Tammuz at, 400\n\nJewish calendar, New Year\u2019s Day of the, 359\n\n\u2014\u2014 converts, form of abjuration used by, 393\n\n\u2014\u2014 Day of Atonement, 210\n\n\u2014\u2014 festival of Purim, 360 _sqq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 use of scapegoats, 210\n\nJews accused of ritual murders, 394 _sqq._;\n  the great deliverance of the, at Purim, 398\n\nJinn, belief in the, 104;\n  infesting camels, 260\n\nJochelson, W., quoted, 101\n\nJohns, Rev. C. H. W., 357 _n._ 2, 367 _notes_ 2 and 3\n\nJoustra, M., quoted, 88\n\nJuhar, the Bhotiyas of, 209\n\nJuly, the _Nonae Caprotinae_ in, 258\n\nJune, Mexican human sacrifice in, 283\n\nJungle Mother, the, 27\n\nJuniper burned to keep out ghosts, 154 _n._;\n  used to beat people with, 271\n\n\u2014\u2014 berries, fumigation with, as a precaution against witches, 158\n\nJuno Caprotina, 258\n\nJupiter, temple of Capitoline, 66\n\nKabyle cure for jealousy, 33\n\nKacharis, the, of Assam, their fear of demons, 93\n\nKachins of Burma, their belief in demons, 96\n\nKai, the, of German New Guinea, 264\n\n_Kalau_, demons, 101\n\n_Kaliths_, gods of the Pelew Islanders, 81 _sq._\n\nKamtchatka, the tug-of-war in, 178\n\nKamtchatkans, their fear of demons, 89\n\nKanagra in India, 45\n\nKanhar river, 60\n\nKarens of Burma, their belief in demons, 96\n\n_Karkantzari_, fiends or monsters in Macedonia, 320\n\nKarpathos, a Greek island, 55\n\nKasan Government in Russia, the Wotyaks of the, 156\n\nKaua Indians of N. W. Brazil, 236;\n  their masked dances, 381\n\nKaumpuli, god of plague, 4\n\n_Kausika Sutra_, Indian book of magic, 192\n\nKayans, the, of Borneo, 19, 154 _n._;\n  their masked dances, 236, 382 _sq._\n\nKeb, the Egyptian Earth-god, 341\n\nKei Islands, expulsion of demons in the, 112 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 river, 11\n\nKengtung in Burma, 116\n\nKennedy, Prof. A. R. S., quoted, 210 _n._ 4\n\nKharwars of N. India, their use of scapegoats, 192\n\nKhasis of Assam, their annual expulsion of demon of plague, 173\n\nKhonds, their annual expulsion of demons at seed-time, 138, 234;\n  their treatment of human victims, 259\n\nKilling the god, 1;\n  in Mexico, 275 _sqq._\n\nKing, temporary, in Siam, 151;\n  in ancient India, inauguration of a, 263;\n  assembly for determining the fate of the, 356;\n  mock or temporary, 403 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 and Queen of May, 406\n\n\u2014\u2014 of the Bean, 313 _sqq._;\n  at Merton College, Oxford, 332\n\n\u2014\u2014 of the Saturnalia, 308, 311, 312\n\n\u2014\u2014 of the Years at Lhasa, 220, 221\n\nKing\u2019s College, Cambridge, Boy Bishop at, 338\n\nKings, the Three, on Twelfth Day, 329 _sqq._;\n  magistrates at Olympia called, 352;\n  marry the wives and concubines of their predecessors, 368\n\nKingsley, Mary H., quoted, 74\n\nKioga Lake, 246\n\nKiriwina, in S. E. New Guinea, 134\n\nKirkland, Rev. Mr., 210\n\nKitching, A. L., quoted, 246 _sq._\n\nKites, artificial, used to drive away the devil, 4;\n  paper, flown as scapegoats, 203\n\nKleintitschen, P. A., quoted, 82 _sq._\n\nKleptomania, cure for, 34\n\nKling or Klieng, a mythical hero of the Dyaks, 383, 384 _n._ 1\n\nKnives under the threshold, a protection against witches, 162\n\nKnots tied in branches of trees as remedies, 56 _sq._\n\nKnotted thread in magic, 48\n\nKobeua Indians of N. W. Brazil, their masked dances, 236, 381\n\nKore, expulsion of, on Easter Eve in Albania, 157\n\nKorkus, the, of India, 7\n\nKorwas of Mirzapur, their use of scapegoats, 192\n\nKoryaks, the, of N. E. Asia, their belief in demons, 100 _sq._;\n  expulsion of demons among the, 126 _sq._\n\nKubary, J., quoted, 81 _sq._\n\nKumaon, in N. W. India, 37;\n  sliding down a rope in, 196 _sq._\n\nKumis, the, of S. E. India, 117\n\nKurmis of India, 190\n\nKururumany, the Arawak creator, 302\n\nKuskokwin River, 380\n\nKwakiutl Indians of N. W. America, their masked dances, 376 _n._ 2, 378\n\nLabrador, fear of demons in, 79 _sq._\n\nLabrugui\u00e8re, in S. France, 166\n\nLagarde, on the \u201cRide of the Beardless One,\u201d 402, 405\n\nLakor, island of, 199\n\nLama of Tibet, the Grand, 197, 220, 221, 222\n\n\u2014\u2014, the Teshu, 203\n\nLamaist sects, 94\n\n_Lanchang_, a Malay craft, 187\n\nLande-Patry in Normandy, 183\n\nLane, E. W., quoted, 104\n\nLanterns, feast of, in Japan, 151 _sq._\n\nLaos, 29\n\nLaosians of Siam, their belief in demons, 97\n\nLast day of the year, annual expulsion of demons on the, 145 _sqq._\n\nLatin Christianity, its tolerance of rustic paganism, 346\n\nLaurel in purification, 262\n\nLaurels, ceremony of renewing the, 346 _n._ 1\n\nLawes, W. G., quoted, 84 _sq._\n\nLead, melted, in cure, 4\n\nLeafman, the, 61\n\nLeaping over bonfires, 156\n\nLeaps to promote the growth of the crops, 232, 238 _sqq._\n\nLeaves, disease transferred to, 2;\n  fatigue transferred to, 8 _sqq._;\n  used to expel demons, 201, 206;\n  sickness transferred to, 259;\n  used in exorcism, 262\n\nLehmann-Haupt, C. F., 412 _n._ 1, 415 _n._ 1\n\nLehner, Stefan, quoted, 83 _sq._\n\nLeith Links, witches burnt on, 165\n\nLeme, the river, 182\n\nLengua Indians, 78\n\nLent, ceremony at Halberstadt in, 214;\n  perhaps derived from an old pagan period of abstinence observed for the\n              growth of the seed, 347 _sqq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 and the Saturnalia, 345 _sqq._\n\nLenten fast, its origin, 348\n\nLeobsch\u00fctz district of Silesia, 268\n\nLeprosy, Hebrew custom as to, 35;\n  Mexican goddess of, 292\n\nLerwick, ceremony of Up-helly-a\u2019 at, 169\n\nLeti, island of, 199\n\nLeucadians, their use of human scapegoats, 254\n\nLhasa, ceremony of the Tibetan New Year at, 197 _sq._, 218 _sqq._\n\n\u201cLiar\u2019s mound, the,\u201d in Borneo, 14\n\nLicense, month of general, 148;\n  periods of, preceding or following the annual expulsion of demons, 225\n              _sq._, 306, 328 _sq._, 343, 344;\n  granted to slaves at the Saturnalia, 307 _sq._, 350 _sq._, 351 _sq._\n\nLicentious rites for the fertilization of the ground, 177\n\nLichfield, the Boy Bishop at, 337\n\nLicorice root used to beat people with at Easter, 269\n\nLiebrecht, F., 392 _n._ 1\n\nLienz in the Tyrol, masquerade at, 242, 245\n\nLime-tree in popular cure, 59 _sq._\n\nLimewood used at expulsion of demons, 156\n\nLincoln, the Boy Bishop at, 337\n\nLion beloved by Ishtar, 371\n\n\u201c\u2014\u2014 with the Sheepskins,\u201d 265\n\nLivuans, the, of New Britain, 82\n\nLivy on the annual custom of knocking a nail, 66;\n  on the Saturnalia, 345 _n._ 1\n\nLizard or snake in annual ceremony for the riddance of evils, 208\n\nLizards and serpents supposed to renew their youth by casting their skins,\n            302 _sqq._\n\nLlama, black, as scapegoat, 193\n\nLoango, practice of knocking nails into idols in, 69 _sq._\n\n_Lokoala_, initiation by spirits, 376\n\nLord of the Diamond, 29\n\n\u2014\u2014 of Misrule, 251;\n  in England, 331 _sqq._\n\nLorraine, King and Queen of the Bean in, 315\n\nLoth, J., 325 _n._ 3\n\nLots cast at Purim, 361 _sq._\n\nLouis XIV. as King of the Bean, 313\n\nLous, a Babylonian month, 355, 358\n\nLove, cure for, 3\n\nLover\u2019s Leap, 254\n\nLovers of Semiramis and Ishtar, their sad fate, 371 _sq._\n\nLucian, as to the rites of Hierapolis, 392\n\nLudlow in Shropshire, the tug-of-war at, 182\n\nLugg, river, 183\n\nLules or Tonocotes of the Gran Chaco, their behaviour in an epidemic, 122\n            _sq._\n\nLumholtz, C., quoted, 10, 347 _n._ 3\n\nLunar year equated to solar year by intercalation, 325, 342 _sq._\n\nLusatia, the \u201cWitch-burning\u201d in, 163\n\nLushais of Assam, their belief in demons, 94\n\nLuzon, exorcism in, 260\n\nLycaeus, Mount, in Arcadia, human sacrifice on, 353\n\nLydia, the burning of kings in, 391\n\nLydus, Joannes, 229 _n._ 1\n\nMa, goddess worshipped at Comana, 421 _n._ 1\n\nMacCulloch, J. A., 326 _n._\n\nMacdonald, Rev. James, 111 _n._ 1\n\nMacdonell, Lady Agnes, 164 _n._ 1\n\nMacedonian superstitions as to the Twelve Days, 320\n\nMachindranath temple at Lhasa, 219\n\nMackenzie, Sheriff David J., 169 _n._ 2\n\nMacrobius on institution of the Saturnalia, 345 _n._ 1\n\nMadagascar, 19\n\nMadis, the, of Central Africa, 217\n\nMagdalen College, Oxford, the Boy Bishop at, 337\n\nMagic in ancient India, 91;\n  and witchcraft, permanence of the belief in, 89;\n  homoeopathic or imitative, 177, 232, 257\n\nMagnesia on the Maeander, 397 _n._ 2\n\nMahadeva, propitiation of, 197\n\nMaize, the goddess of the Young, 278;\n  Mexican goddesses of, 285 _sq._, 286 _n._ 1, 290, 291, 292, 294, 295\n\nMajhwars, Dravidian race of Mirzapur, 36, 60\n\nMakr\u00eez\u00ee, Arabic writer, 393\n\nMalabar, use of cows as scapegoats in, 216\n\nMalagasy, _faditras_ among the, 33 _sq._\n\nMalay Peninsula, the Besisi of the, 226 _n._ 1\n\nMalays, their use of birds as scapegoats, 35;\n  stratification of religious beliefs among the, 90 _n._ 1\n\nMallans of India, 190\n\nMamurius Veturius in ancient Rome, 229 _sqq._, 252, 257\n\nMan-god in China, 117 _sq._\n\nMandan Indians, their annual expulsion of the devil, 171\n\nManipur, Rajah of, 39 _sq._;\n  annual eponyms in, 39 _sq._\n\nMannhardt, W., on processions of maskers, 250;\n  on beating human scapegoats, 255, 272\n\nMantras, the, of the Malay Peninsula, their fear of demons, 88 _sq._\n\nMaori gods, 81\n\nMaraves, the, of South Africa, 19\n\nMarcellus of Bordeaux, 48, 50\n\nMarch, annual expulsion of demons in, 149;\n  annual expulsion of witches in, 157;\n  annual expulsion of evils in, 199;\n  ceremony of Mamurius Veturius in, 229, 231;\n  old Roman year began in, 231, 345;\n  dances of the Salii in, 232;\n  bell-ringing procession on the first of, 247;\n  custom of beating people and cattle in, 266;\n  marriage festival of all the gods in, 373 _n._ 1;\n  festival of the Matronalia in, 346\n\nMarduk or Merodach, Babylonian god, 356, 357, 399;\n  as a deliverer from demons, 103;\n  his ceremonial marriage at New Year, 356;\n  the votaries of, 372 _n._ 2\n\nMarjoram a protection against witchcraft, 160\n\nMar-na, a Philistine deity, 418 _n._ 1\n\nMarriage of the god Marduk, 356\n\n\u2014\u2014, mock or real, of human victims, 257 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 festival of all the gods, 273 _n._ 1\n\nMars a god of vegetation, 229 _sq._;\n  the Old, at Rome, 229, 231, 252\n\n\u2014\u2014 Silvanus, 230\n\n_Marsaba_, a demon, 109\n\nMarseilles, human scapegoats at, 253\n\nMarsh-marigolds a protection against witches, 163\n\nMartin, Rev. John, quoted, 132 _sq._\n\nMartyrdom of St. Dasius, 308 _sqq._\n\nMascal or Festival of the Cross in Abyssinia, 133 _sq._\n\nMashti, supposed name of Elamite goddess, 366 _sq._\n\nMask, two-faced, worn by image of goddess, 287.\n  _See also_ Masks\n\nMasked dances and ceremonies of savages, 374 _sqq._;\n  to promote fertility, 236\n\nMaskers in the Tyrol and Salzburg, 242 _sqq._;\n  as bestowers of fertility, 249;\n  supposed to be inspired by the spirits whom they represent, 380, 382,\n              383\n\nMasks worn at expulsion of demons, 111, 127, 145, 213;\n  intended to ban demons, 246;\n  worn at ceremonies to promote the growth of the crops, 236, 240, 242\n              _sqq._, 247, 248 _sq._;\n  worn by the _Perchten_, 242, 243, 245, 247;\n  worn by priests who personate gods, 287;\n  worn in religious dances and performances, 375, 376 _n._ 2, 378, 379,\n              380, 382;\n  burned at end of masquerade, 382;\n  treated as animate 382\n\nMasquerades in modern Europe, intention of certain, 251 _sq._\n\nMaster of the Revels, 333 _sq._\n\nMasuren, \u201cEaster Smacks\u201d in, 269\n\nMateer, S., quoted, 94\n\n_Mater Dolorosa_, the ancient and the modern, 349\n\nMaterial vehicles of immaterial things (fear, misfortune, disease, etc.),\n            1 _sqq._, 22 _n._ 2, 23 _sqq._\n\nMaterialization of prayer, 22 _n._ 2\n\nMatronalia, festival of the, in March, 346\n\nMatse negroes of Togoland, 3\n\nMawu, Supreme Being of Ewe negroes, 74 _sq._\n\nMaxwell, W. E., quoted, 90 _n._ 1\n\nMay, Mexican human sacrifices in, 276, 280;\n  dances of Castilian peasants in, 280;\n  the King and Queen of, 406\n\n\u2014\u2014 Day, 359;\n  Eve of, witches abroad on, 158 _sqq._;\n  in the Tyrol, \u201cBurning out of the Witches\u201d on, 158 _sq._;\n  witches rob cows of milk on, 267\n\n\u2014\u2014 morning, custom of herdsmen on, 266\n\nMayas of Yucatan, their annual expulsion of the demon, 171;\n  their calendar, 171;\n  their five supplementary days, 340\n\nMecca, stone-throwing at, 24\n\nMecklenburg, custom on Good Friday in, 266;\n  mode of reckoning the Twelve Days in, 327\n\nMedicine-man, need of, 76\n\nMelanesia, belief in demons in, 82\n\nMelenik in Macedonia, 320\n\nMen, evil transferred to, 38 _sqq._;\n  possessed by spirits in China, 117;\n  divine, as scapegoats, 217 _sqq._;\n  sacrifices of deified, 409\n\n\u2014\u2014 and women forbidden by Mosaic law to interchange dress, 363\n\n_Mengap_, a Dyak liturgy, 383\n\nMerodach or Marduk, Babylonian deity, 356\n\nMerton College, Oxford, King of the Bean at, 332\n\nMetageitnion, a Greek month, 354\n\nMexican temples, their form, 279\n\nMexico, Indians of, 10;\n  the Cora Indians of, 238, 381;\n  the Tarahumare Indians of, 236 _sq._;\n  use of skins of human victims in ancient, 265 _sq._;\n  killing the god in, 275 _sqq._;\n  story of the creation of the sun in, 410\n\nMeyer, Eduard, 349 _n._ 4\n\nMidsummer Day, 359\n\n\u2014\u2014 Eve, witches active on, 158, 160\n\nMilan, festival of the Three Kings of Twelfth Day at, 331\n\nMilk, heifers beaten to make them yield, 266 _sq._\n\nMilky juice of wild fig-tree in religious rite, 258\n\nMimicry the principle of religious or magical dramas, 374\n\nMinahassa in Celebes, expulsion of demons in, 111 _sq._\n\n_Mingoli_, spirits of the dead, 77\n\nMiotse, the, of China, 4\n\nMirzapur, 6, 27, 36;\n  the Korwas and Pataris of, 192\n\nMisfortune swept out of house with brooms, 5\n\nMisrule, the Lord of, 251;\n  in England, 331 _sqq._\n\nMissiles hurled at dangerous ghosts or spirits, 17 _sqq._\n\nMistress of the Earth, 85\n\nMitigations of human sacrifice, 396 _sq._, 408\n\nMnevis, sacred Egyptian bull, 217\n\nMoa, island of, 199\n\nMock king, 403 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 marriage of human victims, 257 _sq._\n\nMockery of Christ, 412 _sqq._\n\n_Modai_, invisible spirits, 93\n\nMoesia, Durostorum in Lower, 309\n\nMogador, 63\n\nMohammed and the devil, 24\n\nMohammedan custom of raising cairns, 21\n\n\u2014\u2014 saints, 21, 22\n\n\u201cMoles and Field-mice,\u201d fire ceremony on Eve of Twelfth Night, 317\n\nMolina, Spanish historian, 130 _n._ 1\n\nMolonga, a demon, 172\n\nMommsen, August, 153 _n._ 1\n\nMongol transference of evil, 7 _sq._\n\nMonkey sacrificed for riddance of evils, 208 _sq._\n\nMontagne du Doubs, 316\n\nMonth during which men disguised as devils go about, 132;\n  of general license before expulsion of demons, 148;\n  intercalary, 342 _sqq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 and moon, names for, in Aryan languages, 325\n\nMonumbo, the, of German New Guinea, their masked dances, 382\n\nMoon, bodily ailments transferred to the, 53 _sq._;\n  the waning, 60;\n  the \u201cdark\u201d and the \u201clight,\u201d 140, 141 _n._ 1;\n  temple of the, 218;\n  hearts of human victims offered to the, 282;\n  the goddess of the, 341, 381\n\n\u2014\u2014 and month, names for, in Aryan languages, 325\n\nMoors of Morocco, 31\n\nMoravia, precautions against witchcraft in, 162;\n  \u201cEaster Smacks\u201d in, 268, 269\n\nMordecai, his triumphal ride in Susa, 403\n\n\u2014\u2014 and Esther equivalent to Marduk and Ishtar, 405;\n  the duplicates of Haman and Vashti, 406\n\n\u2014\u2014 and Haman, 364 _sqq._;\n  as temporary kings, 400 _sq._\n\nMorning Star, personated by a man, 238;\n  the god of the, 381\n\nMorocco, 21, 31;\n  exorcism in, 63;\n  the tug-of-war in, 178 _sq._, 182;\n  custom of beating people in, 265, 266\n\nMorris-dancers, 250 _sq._\n\nMortality, savage explanations of human, 302 _sqq._\n\nMortlock Islanders, their belief in spirits, 82\n\nMosaic law forbids interchange of dress between men and women, 363\n\nMoses, the tomb of, 21\n\nMoslem custom of raising cairns, 21\n\nMossos of China, their annual expulsion of demons, 139\n\nMosul, cure for headache at, 64\n\nMother of the Gods, Mexican goddess, 289;\n  woman annually sacrificed in the character of the, 289 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 -kin in royal families, 368 _n._ 1\n\nMoulton, Professor J. H., 325 _n._ 3, 373 _n._ 1\n\nMounds of Semiramis, 370, 371, 373\n\nMountain of Parting, 279\n\nMovers, F. C., on the Sacaea, 368, 387, 388, 391\n\nMowat in British New Guinea, 265\n\nMrus, the, of Aracan, 12 _n._ 1\n\nMule as scapegoat, 50\n\nM\u00fcller, K. O., on Sandan, 389 _sq._\n\nMundaris, the, of N. E. India, their annual saturnalia at harvest, 137\n\nMunich, annual expulsion of the devil at, 214 _sq._\n\nMunzerabad in S. India, 172\n\nMuota Valley in Switzerland, 166\n\nMurder, heaps of sticks or stones on scenes of, 15\n\nMylitta, Babylonian goddess, 372 _n._ 2, 390\n\nMysore in S. India, 172\n\nMysteries as magical ceremonies, 374\n\nMythical beings represented by men and women, 385 _sq._\n\nMyths in relation to magic, 374;\n  performed dramatically in dances, 375 _sqq._\n\nNabu, Babylonian god, 358 _n._\n\nNagas of Assam, the tug-of-war among the, 177\n\nNahum, the prophet, on Nineveh, 390\n\nNahunt\u00ed, an Elamite goddess, 369 _n._ 1\n\nNailing evils into trees, walls, etc., 59 _sqq._\n\nNails, clippings of, in popular cures, 57, 58;\n  knocked into trees, walls, etc., as remedy, 59 _sqq._;\n  knocked into idols or fetishes, 69 _sq._;\n  knocked in ground as cure for epilepsy, 330\n\nNakiza, the river, 27\n\n_Nat_ superstition in Burma, 90 _n._ 1\n\n_Nats_, spirits in Burma, 175 _sq._;\n  propitiation of, 96\n\nNavona, Piazza, at Rome, ceremony of Befana on the, 166 _sq._\n\nNebuchadnezzar, his record of the festival of Marduk, 357\n\nNegritos, religion of the, 82\n\nNeilgherry Hills, 36, 37\n\nNelson, E. W., on the masquerades of the Esquimaux, 379 _sqq._\n\n_Nemontemi_, the five supplementary days of the Aztec calendar, 339\n\nNepaul, Dassera festival in, 226 _n._ 1\n\nNephthys, the birth of, 341\n\nNettles, whipping with, 263\n\nNeugramatin in Bohemia, 270\n\nNeumann, J. B., quoted, 87\n\nNew Britain, the Melanesians of, their belief in demons, 82 _sq._;\n  expulsion of devils in, 109 _sq._;\n  Gazelle Peninsula in, 303\n\n\u2014\u2014 Caledonia, burying the evil spirit in, 110;\n  mode of promoting growth of taros in, 264\n\n\u2014\u2014 College, Oxford, Boy Bishop at, 338\n\n\u2014\u2014 Guinea, annual expulsion of demons in, 134\n\n\u2014\u2014 Guinea, British, 265;\n  belief in ghosts in, 84 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 Guinea, Dutch, 178;\n  the Papuans of, their belief in demons, 83\n\n\u2014\u2014 Guinea, German, the Yabim of, 188;\n  the Bukaua of, their belief in demons, 83 _sq._;\n  the Kai of, 264;\n  the Monumbo of, 382\n\n\u2014\u2014 Hebrideans, their story of the origin of death, 304\n\n\u2014\u2014 yams, ceremonies before eating the, 134 _sqq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 Year, expulsion of evils at the, 127, 133, 149 _sq._, 155;\n  not reckoned from first month, 149 _n._ 2;\n  sham fight at the, 184;\n  ceremony at the Tibetan, 197 _sq._;\n  festival among the Iroquois, 209 _sq._;\n  the Tibetan, 218;\n  festival at Babylon, 356 _sqq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 Year\u2019s Day in Corea, annual riddance of evil on, 202;\n  in Tibet, ceremony on, 203;\n  among the Swahili, 226 _n._ 1;\n  young women beat young men on, 271;\n  of the Jewish calendar, 359\n\n\u2014\u2014 Zealand, human scapegoats in, 39\n\n_Nganga_, medicine-man, 76\n\nNgoc hoang, his message to men, 303\n\nNias, expulsion of demons in, 113 _sqq._;\n  explanation of human mortality in, 303\n\nNicaragua, 9\n\nNicholas Bishop, 338\n\nNicobar Islanders, their belief in demons, 88;\n  their annual expulsion of demons, 201 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 Islands, demon of disease sent away in a boat from the, 189 _sq._\n\nNicobarese ceremony of exorcism, 262\n\nNights, custom of reckoning by, 326 _n._ 2\n\nNineveh, tomb of Sardanapalus at, 388 _n._ 1;\n  the burning of Sandan at, 390\n\nNinus, Assyrian hero, 391\n\nNirriti, goddess of evil, 25\n\nNisan, Jewish month, 356, 361, 415\n\n_No_, annual expulsion of demons in China, 145 _sq._\n\nNoises made to expel demons, 109 _sqq._, 147\n\nN\u00f6ldeke, Professor Th., on Purim and Esther, 366, 367 _n._ 1, 368 _n._;\n  on Omanos and Anadates, 373 _n._ 1\n\n_Nonae Caprotinae_, Roman celebration of the, 258\n\nNormandy, the Bocage of, 183 _sq._, 316, 323\n\nNorthamptonshire cure for cough, 51\n\nNortia, Etruscan goddess, 67\n\nNorwegian sailors, their use of rowan, 267\n\nNorwich, the Boy Bishop at, 337\n\nNovember, annual ceremony in, at catching sea-slug, 143;\n  expulsion of demons in, 204\n\nNut, the Egyptian sky-goddess, 341\n\nNyassa, Lake, 10\n\nOak and wild olive, pyre of Hercules made of, 391\n\n\u2014\u2014 -trees in popular cures, 57, 60\n\nObassi Nsi, earth-god, 28\n\nOctober, annual expulsion of demons in, 226 _n._ 1;\n  Roman sacrifice of horse in, 230\n\nOels, in Silesia, 157\n\nOesel, Esthonian island, 14\n\nOfferings at cairns, 26 _sqq._;\n  to demons, 96\n\n_Oho-harahi_, a Japanese ceremony, 213\n\nOld Christmas Day (Twelfth Night), 321\n\nOldenberg, H., quoted, 90 _sq._\n\nOldenburg, popular cures in, 49, 51, 52, 53-58\n\nOldfield, H. A., quoted, 226 _n._ 1\n\nOlive, wild, and oak, pyre of Hercules made of, 391\n\n\u2014\u2014 -tree in popular remedy, 60\n\nOlympia, festival of Cronus at, 352 _sq._\n\nOlynthiac, river, 142 _n._ 1\n\nOlynthus, tomb of, 143 _n._\n\nOmanos at Zela, 373 _n._ 1\n\nOmens, mode of neutralizing bad, 39\n\nOmnipresence of demons, 72 _sqq._\n\nOmphale and Hercules, 389\n\nOne-eyed buffoon in New Year ceremony, 402\n\nOnions used to foretell weather of the year, 323\n\nOnitsha, on the Niger, annual expulsion of evils at, 133;\n  use of human scapegoats at, 210 _sq._\n\nOpening of the Wine-jars, Dionysiac festival of the, 352\n\nOraons, the, of Bengal, their belief in demons, 93 _sq._;\n  their use of a human scapegoat, 196\n\nOrchards, fire applied to, on Eve of Twelfth Day, 317, 319, 320\n\nOrestes, purification of, 262\n\nOrigin of death, savage tales of the, 302 _sqq._\n\nOrinoco, Indians of the, 303\n\nOrkney Islands, 29;\n  transference of sickness in the, 49\n\nOrlagau in Th\u00fcringen, 271\n\nOscans, the enemies of Rome, 231\n\nOsiris, the birth of, 341\n\n\u2014\u2014 and Isis, 386\n\nOttery St. Mary\u2019s, the Boy Bishop at, 337\n\nOude, burial of infants in, 45\n\n\u201cOur Mother among the Water,\u201d Mexican goddess, 278\n\nOwl represented dramatically as a mystery, 377\n\nOx, disease transferred to, 31 _sq._\n\nOxen pledged on Eve of Twelfth Day, 319\n\nOxford, Lords of Misrule at, 332\n\nPairing dogs, stick that has beaten, 264\n\nPalm Sunday, Russian custom on, 268\n\nPan\u2019s image beaten by the Arcadians, 256\n\nPancakes to scald fiends on New Year\u2019s Eve, 320\n\nPandarus, tattoo marks of, 47 _sq._\n\nPapa Westray, one of the Orkney Islands, 29\n\nPapuans, their belief in demons, 83\n\nParkinson, R., quoted, 83\n\nParti, name of an Elamite deity, 367\n\nPassover, accusations of murders at, 395 _sq._;\n  the crucifixion of Christ at, 414 _sqq._\n\nPatagonians, their remedy for smallpox, 122\n\nPataris of Mirzapur, their use of scapegoats, 192\n\nPathian, a beneficent spirit, 94\n\nPaton, L. B., 360 _n._ 1\n\nPaton, W. R., on human scapegoats in ancient Greece, 257 _sq._, 259, 272;\n  on Adam and Eve, 259 _n._ 3;\n  on the crucifixion, 413 _n._ 2\n\nPauntley, parish of, Eve of Twelfth Day in, 318\n\nPawnees, their human sacrifice, 296\n\nPayne, E. J., 286 _n._ 1\n\nPeach-tree in popular remedy, 54\n\n_Peaiman_, sorcerer, 78\n\nPeg used to transfer disease to tree, 7\n\nPegging ailments into trees, 58 _sqq._\n\nPelew Islanders, their gods, 81 _sq._\n\nPeloria, a Thessalian festival resembling the Saturnalia, 350\n\nPelorian Zeus, 350\n\n_Pemali_, taboo, 39\n\nPembrokeshire, cure for warts in, 53\n\nPenance by drawing blood from ears, 292\n\nPennant, Thomas, quoted, 321, 324\n\nPenzance, horn-blowing at, on the Eve of May Day, 163 _sq._\n\nPerak, periodic expulsion of evils in, 198 _sqq._;\n  the rajah of, 198 _sq._\n\nPerche and Beauce, in France, 57, 62\n\nPerchta, Frau, 240 _sq._\n\nPerchta\u2019s Day, 240, 242, 244\n\n_Perchten_, maskers in Salzburg and the Tyrol, 240, 242 _sqq._\n\nPercival, R., quoted, 94 _sq._\n\nPerham, Rev. J., on the Head-feast of the Sea Dyaks, 383 _sq._\n\nPeriodic expulsion of evils in a material vehicle, 198 _sqq._\n\nPeriods of license preceding or following the annual expulsion of demons,\n            225 _sq._\n\n\u03a0\u03b5\u03c1\u03af\u03c8\u03b7\u03bc\u03b1, 255 _n._ 1\n\nPersephone, mourning for, 348 _sq._\n\nPersia, cure for toothache in, 59;\n  the feast of Purim in, 393\n\nPersian framework of the book of Esther, 362, 401\n\n\u2014\u2014 kings married the wives of their predecessors, 368 _n._ 1\n\n\u2014\u2014 marriages at the vernal equinox, 406 _n._ 3\n\nPersians annually expel demons, 145;\n  the Sacaea celebrated by the, 402\n\nPeru, Indians of, 3;\n  Incas of, 128;\n  Aymara Indians of, 193;\n  autumn festival in, 262\n\nPeruvian Indians, 9, 27\n\n_Phees_ (_phi_), evil spirits, 97\n\nPhiladelphia in Lydia, coin of, 389\n\nPhilippine Islands, spirits of the dead in the, 82\n\nPhilippines, the Tagbanuas of the, 189\n\nPhilo of Alexandria, on the mockery of King Agrippa, 418\n\nPhocylides, the poet, on Nineveh, 390\n\nPhrygia, Cybele and Attis in, 386\n\nPiazza Navona at Rome, Befana on the, 166 _sq._\n\nPig used to decoy demons, 200, 201\n\nPig\u2019s blood used in purificatory rites, 262\n\nPilate and Christ, 416 _sq._\n\nPiles of sticks or stones. _See_ Heaps\n\nPillar, fever transferred to a, 53\n\nPine-resin burnt as a protection against witches, 164\n\nPins stuck into saint\u2019s image, 70 _sq._\n\nPinzgau district of Salzburg, 244\n\nPitch smeared on doors to keep out ghosts, 153\n\nPitchforks ridden by witches, 160, 162\n\nPithoria, village in India, 191\n\nPitteri Pennu, the god of increase, 138\n\nPlague transferred to plantain-tree, 4 _sq._;\n  god of, 4;\n  transferred to camel, 33;\n  preventive of, 64;\n  demon of, expelled, 173;\n  sent away in scapegoat, 193\n\nPlato on parricide, etc., 24 _sq._;\n  on poets, 35 _n._ 3;\n  on sorcery, 47\n\nPlayfair, Major A., quoted, 208 _sq._\n\nPleiades, ceremony at the appearance of the, 262;\n  observed by savages, 326\n\nPliny on cure of warts, 48 _n._ 2;\n  on cure for epilepsy, 68\n\nPliny\u2019s letter to Trajan, 420\n\nPlough drawn round village to keep off epidemic, 172 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 Monday, the rites of, 250 _sq._\n\nPloughing, ceremonies at, 235\n\nPlutarch on \u201cthe expulsion of hunger,\u201d 252\n\nPo Then, a great spirit, 97\n\nPoint Barrow, the Esquimaux of, 124\n\nPollution caused by murder, 25\n\nPolynesia, demons in, 80 _sq._\n\nPomerania, 17\n\nPomos of California, their expulsion of devils, 170 _sq._\n\nPongau district of Salzburg, 244\n\nPontarlier, Eve of Twelfth Day in, 316\n\nPontiff of Zela in Pontus, 370, 372\n\nPontus, rapid spread of Christianity in, 420 _sq._\n\nPorphyry on demons, 104\n\nPort Charlotte in Islay, 62\n\n\u2014\u2014 Moresby in New Guinea, 84\n\nPorto Novo, annual expulsion of demons at, 205\n\nPoseidon, cake with twelve knobs offered to, 351\n\nPosterli, expulsion of, 214\n\nPotala Hill at Lhasa, 197\n\nPoverty, annual expulsion of, 144 _sq._\n\nPowers, Stephen, quoted, 170 _sq._\n\nPrajapati, the sacrifice of the creator, 411\n\nPrayer, the materialization of, 22 _n._ 2;\n  at sowing, 138\n\nPrayers at cairns or heaps of sticks or leaves, 26, 28, 29 _sq._\n\nPresteign in Radnorshire, the tug-of-war at, 182 _sq._\n\nPriest, the corpse-praying, 45\n\nPriests personating gods, 287\n\nProa, demons of sickness expelled in a, 185 _sqq._;\n  diseases sent away in a, 199 _sq._\n\nProcessions for the expulsion of demons, 117, 233;\n  bell-ringing, at the Carnival, 247;\n  to drive away demons of infertility, 245;\n  of maskers, W. Mannhardt on, 250\n\nProcopius, quoted, 125 _n._ 1\n\nPropertius, 19\n\nPropitiation of ancestral spirits, 86;\n  of demons, 93, 94, 96, 100\n\nPrussia, \u201cEaster Smacks\u201d in, 268\n\n\u2014\u2014, West, 17\n\nPrussian rulers, formerly burnt, 391\n\nPublic expulsion of evils, 109 _sqq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 scapegoats, 170 _sqq._\n\n_Pu\u1e2bru_, \u201cassembly,\u201d 361\n\n_Puithiam_, sorcerer, 94\n\nPuna Indians, 9\n\nPunjaub, human scapegoats in the, 196\n\nPuppy, blind, as scapegoat, 50\n\n_Pur_ in the sense of \u201clot,\u201d 361\n\nPurification by bathing or washing, 3 _sq._;\n  by means of stone-throwing, 23 _sqq._;\n  religious, intended to keep off demons, 104 _sq._;\n  the Great, a Japanese ceremony, 213 _n._ 1;\n  by beating, 262;\n  Feast of the, (Candlemas), 332\n\n\u2014\u2014 festival among the Cherokee Indians, 128\n\nPurim, the Jewish festival of, 360 _sqq._;\n  custom of burning effigies of Haman at, 392 _sqq._;\n  compared to the Carnival, 394;\n  its relation to Persia, 401 _sqq._\n\nPurushu, great primordial giant, 410\n\nPyre, traditionary death of Asiatic kings and heroes on a, 387, 388, 389\n            _sqq._;\n  festival of the, at Hierapolis, 392\n\nPythagoras, his saying as to swallows, 35 _n._ 3\n\nQuauhtitlan, city in Mexico, 301\n\nQueen of the Bean, 313, 315\n\nQueensland, tribes of Central, their expulsion of a demon, 172\n\nQuetzalcoatl, a Mexican god, 281, 300;\n  man sacrificed in the character of, 281 _sq._\n\n\u201cQuickening\u201d heifers with a branch of rowan, 266 _sq._\n\nQuixos, Indians of the, 263\n\nRa, the Egyptian Sun-god, 341\n\nRaces to ensure good crops, 249\n\nRadnorshire, 182\n\nRafts, evils expelled in, 199, 200 _sq._\n\nRain, charms to produce, 175 _sq._, 178 _sq._;\n  or drought, games of ball played to produce, 179 _sq._;\n  dances to obtain, 236 _sq._, 238;\n  festival to procure, 277;\n  divinities of the, 381\n\n\u2014\u2014 gods of Mexico, 283\n\nRainy season, expulsion of demons at the beginning of the, 225\n\nRajah of Manipur, 39 _sq._;\n  of Travancore, 42 _sq._;\n  of Tanjore, 44\n\nRamsay, Sir W. M., 421 _n._ 1\n\nRanchi, in Chota Nagpur, 139\n\nRattles to keep out ghosts, 154 _n._\n\nRaven legends among the Esquimaux, 380\n\nRed thread in popular cure, 55\n\n\u2014\u2014 and yellow paint on human to represent colours of maize, 285\n\nReed, W. A., quoted, 82\n\nReinach, Salomon, 420 _n._ 1\n\nRenan, Ernest, 70\n\nRenewal, annual, of king\u2019s power at Babylon, 356, 358\n\nResurrection, the divine, in Mexican ritual, 288, 296, 302;\n  of the dead god, 400\n\nRevelry at Purim, 363 _sq._\n\nRevels, Master of the, 333 _sq._\n\nRhea, wife of Cronus, 351\n\nRhodians, their annual sacrifice of a man to Cronus, 353 _sq._, 397\n\nRhys, Sir John, 343 _n._;\n  quoted, 70 _sq._\n\nRibhus, Vedic genii of the seasons, 325\n\nRice-harvest, carnival at the, 226 _n._ 1\n\nRichalm, Abbot, his fear of devils, 105 _sq._\n\nRiddles asked at certain seasons or on certain occasions, 120 _sq._, _n._\n\n\u201cRide of the Beardless One,\u201d a Persian New Year ceremony, 402 _sq._\n\nRidgeway, W., 353 _n._ 4;\n  on the origin of Greek tragedy, 384 _n._ 2\n\nRidley, Rev. W., quoted, 123 _sq._\n\nRiedel, J. G. F., quoted, 85\n\nRig Veda, story of creation in the, 410\n\nRing suspended in Purim bonfire, 393\n\nRings, headache transferred to, 2\n\nRitual murder, accusations of, brought against the Jews, 394 _sqq._\n\nRiver of Good Fortune, 28\n\nRivers used to sweep away evils, 3 _sq._, 5;\n  offerings and prayers to, 27 _sq._\n\nRivros, a month of the Gallic calendar, 343\n\nRockhill, W. W., 220 _n._ 1\n\nRogations, 277\n\nRoman cure for fever, 47;\n  for epilepsy, 68\n\n\u2014\u2014 festival in honour of ghosts, 154 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 husbandman, his prayers to Mars, 229\n\n\u2014\u2014 seasons of sowing, 232\n\n\u2014\u2014 soldiers, celebration of the Saturnalia by, 308 _sq._\n\nRomans, their mode of reckoning a day, 326 _n._ 2\n\nRome, the knocking of nails in ancient, 64 _sqq._;\n  Piazza Navona at, 166 _sq._;\n  ancient, human scapegoats in, 229 _sqq._;\n  the Saturnalia at, 307 _sq._\n\nRomulus, disappearance of, 258\n\nRoocooyen Indians of French Guiana, 263;\n  their tug-of-war, 181\n\nRoof, dances on the, 315\n\nRook, expulsion of devil in island of, 109\n\nRope, ceremony of sliding down a, 196 _sqq._\n\nRopes used to keep off demons, 120, 149;\n  used to exclude ghosts, 152 _sq._, 154 _n._\n\nRoscher, W. H., on the Salii, 231 _n._ 3\n\nRoscommon, Twelfth Night in, 321 _sq._\n\nRosemary, used to beat people with, 270, 271\n\nRouen, ceremony on Ascension Day at, 215 _sq._\n\nRoumanians of Transylvania, 16;\n  their belief in demons, 106 _sq._\n\nRowan-tree, cattle beaten with branches of, on May Day, 266 _sq._;\n  used to keep witches from cows, 267\n\nRue, fumigation with, as a precaution against witches, 158\n\nRupture, popular cures for, 52, 60\n\nRussia, the Wotyaks of, 155 _sq._\n\nRussian custom on Palm Sunday, 268\n\n\u2014\u2014 villagers, their precautions against epidemics, 172 _sq._\n\n_Rutuburi_, a dance of the Tarahumare Indians, 237\n\nSacaea, a Babylonian festival, 354 _sqq._;\n  in relation to Purim, 359 _sqq._;\n  and Zakmuk, 399;\n  celebrated by the Persians, 402\n\nSacred dramas, as magical rites, 373 _sqq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 harlots, 370, 371, 372\n\n\u2014\u2014 slaves, 370\n\nSacrifice, human, successive mitigations of, 396 _sq._, 408;\n  the Brahmanical theory of, 410 _sq._\n\nSacrifices, human, their influence on cosmogonical theories, 409 _sqq._;\n  of deified men, 409\n\nSacrificial victims, beating people with the skins of, 265\n\nSagar in India, use of scapegoat at, 190 _sq._\n\nSahagun, B. de, 276, 280, 300 _n._ 1, 301 _n._ 1\n\n\u201cSaining,\u201d a protection against spirits, 168\n\nSt. Barbara\u2019s Day, custom of putting rods in pickle on, 270\n\nSt. Dasius, martyrdom of, 308 _sqq._\n\nSt. Edmund\u2019s Day in November, 332\n\nSt. Eustorgius, church of, at Milan, 331\n\nSt. George, Eve of, witches active on the, 158\n\nSt. George\u2019s Day among the South Slavs, 54\n\nSt. Guirec, 70\n\nSt. Hiztibouzit, 413 _n._ 2\n\nSt. John the Baptist, 53\n\nSt. John (the Evangelist), festival of, 334\n\nSt. John\u2019s Day in Abyssinia, 133\n\nSt. John\u2019s wort a protection against witchcraft, 160\n\nSt. Joseph, feast of, 297\n\nSt. Nicholas Day, 337, 338\n\nSt. Paul\u2019s, London, the Boy Bishop at 337\n\nSt. Peter\u2019s, Canterbury, the Boy Bishop at, 337\n\nSt. Peter\u2019s Day (22nd February), ceremony on, 159 _n._ 1\n\nSt. Pierre d\u2019Entremont in Normandy, 183\n\nSt. Romain, the shrine of, at Rouen, 216\n\nSt. Stephen\u2019s Day, 333, 334;\n  custom of beating young women on, 270\n\nSt. Sylvester\u2019s Day (New Year\u2019s Eve), precautions against witches on, 164\n            _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 Eve at Trieste, 165\n\nSt. Tecla, 52\n\nSt. Thomas\u2019s Eve, witches active on, 160\n\nSaints, cairns near shrines of, 21;\n  Mohammedan, 21, 22\n\nSalii, the dancing priests of Mars, 231 _sqq._\n\nSalisbury, the Boy Bishop at, 337, 338\n\nSalt, the goddess of, 278, 283\n\n\u2014\u2014 -makers worship the goddess of Salt, 283;\n  their dance, 284\n\nSaluting the rising sun, a Syrian custom, 416\n\nSalzburg, the _Perchten_ in, 240, 242 _sqq._\n\nSamon, a month of the Gallic calendar, 343\n\nSampson, Agnes, a witch, 38\n\nSamsi-Adad, king of Assyria, 370 _n._ 1\n\nSamyas monastery near Lhasa, 220\n\nSan Pellegrino, church of, at Ancona, 310\n\nSandan, 368;\n  legendary or mythical hero of Western Asia, 388 _sqq._\n\nSandes, the Persian Hercules, 389.\n  _See_ Sandan\n\nSantiago Tepehuacan, Indians of, 4, 347. 4\n\nSarawak, the Sea Dyaks of, 154\n\nSardan or Sandan, the burning of, 389 _sq._\n\nSardanapalus, 368; the epitaph of, 388\n\n\u2014\u2014 and Ashurbanapal, 387 _sq._\n\nSardes in Lydia, 389, 391\n\nSarn, valley of the, in Salzburg, 245\n\nSarum use, service-books of the, 338\n\nSatan annually expelled by the Wotyaks, 155 _sq._;\n  by the Cheremiss, 156\n\nSaturn, the Roman god of sowing, 232, 306, 307 _n._ 1;\n  his festival the Saturnalia, 306 _sqq._;\n  and the Golden Age, 306, 344, 386;\n  man put to death in the character of, 309;\n  dedication of the temple of, 345 _n._ 1;\n  the old Italian god of sowing, 346\n\nSaturnalia among the Hos and Mundaris of N. E. India, 136 _sq._;\n  and kindred festivals, 306 _sqq._;\n  the Roman, 306 _sqq._;\n  as celebrated by Roman soldiers, 308 _sq._;\n  the King of the, 308, 311, 312;\n  its relation to the Carnival, 312, 345 _sqq._;\n  and Lent, 345 _sqq._;\n  in ancient Greece, 350 _sqq._;\n  in Western Asia, 354 _sqq._;\n  wide prevalence of festivals like the, 407 _sqq._\n\nSavages, their regulation of the calendar, 326\n\nSaxon cure for rupture, 52\n\nScapegoat, plantain-tree as a, 5;\n  decked with women\u2019s ornaments, 192;\n  Jewish use of, 210;\n  a material vehicle for the expulsion of evils, 224\n\nScapegoats, immaterial objects as, 1 _sqq._;\n  animals as, 31 _sqq._, 190 _sqq._, 208 _sqq._;\n  birds as, 35 _sq._;\n  human beings as, 38 _sqq._, 210 _sqq._;\n  public, 170 _sqq._;\n  divine animals as, 216 _sq._, 226 _sq._;\n  divine men as, 217 _sqq._, 226 _sq._;\n  in general, 224 _sqq._\n\n\u2014\u2014, human, 194 _sqq._;\n  in classical antiquity, 229 _sqq._;\n  in ancient Greece, 252 _sqq._;\n  beaten, 252, 255;\n  stoned, 253, 254;\n  cast into the sea, 254 _sq._;\n  reason for beating the, 256 _sq._\n\n\u201cScaring away the devil\u201d at Penzance on the Eve of May Day, 163 _sq._\n\nScarlet thread in charm against witchcraft, 267\n\nSchechter, Dr. S., 364 _n._ 1\n\nScheil, Father, on Elamite inscriptions, 367 _n._ 3\n\n_Schmeckostern_ in Germany and Austria, 268 _sq._\n\nSch\u00f6nthal, the abbot of, 105\n\nSch\u00f6nwert, village of Bohemia, 161\n\nSchrader, O., 326 _n._\n\nSchuyler, E., 45\n\nSchwaz, on the Inn, the \u201cgrass-ringers\u201d at, 247\n\nScorpion\u2019s bite, cure for, 49 _sq._\n\nScotch witch, 38 _sq._\n\nScotland, the Highlands of, 20;\n  cure of warts in, 48;\n  witches burnt in, 165;\n  Abbot of Unreason in, 331.\n  _See also_ Highlands\n\nScourgings, mutual, of South American Indians, 262\n\nScythian kings married the wives of their predecessors, 368 _n._ 1\n\nScythians, revellers disguised as, 355\n\nSea, scapegoats cast into the, 254 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 Dyaks of Sarawak, their Festival of Departed Spirits, 154\n\nSea-god, sacrifice to, 255\n\n\u2014\u2014 -slugs, ceremonies at the annual appearance of, 141 _sqq._\n\nSecret Societies in North-Western America, 377 _sq._\n\nSedna, Mistress of the Nether World, among the Esquimaux, 125 _sq._\n\nSeed-time, annual expulsion of demons at, 138\n\nSelangor, demons of disease expelled in a ship from, 187 _sq._\n\nSelemnus, the river, 3\n\nSeler, E., 277\n\nSeleucia, 64\n\nSemiramis, mythical and historical, 369 _sqq._;\n  the mounds of, 370, 371, 373, 388 _n._ 1;\n  the sad fate of her lovers, 371;\n  burnt herself on a pyre, 407 _n._ 2\n\nSena-speaking people, 7\n\nSenegambia, 16;\n  the Banmanas of, 261\n\nSenseless Thursday in Carnival, 248\n\nSeptember, expulsion of evils by the Incas of Peru in, 128\n\nSerpents and lizards supposed to renew their youth by casting their skins,\n            302 _sqq._\n\nServians, their precaution against vampyres, 153 _n._ 1\n\nSet, the birth of, 341\n\nSham fight at New Year, 184;\n  as religious rite, 289\n\nShaman, function of the, 79 _sq._\n\nShamans, necessity of, 99, 100;\n  expel demons, 126;\n  among the Esquimaux, 379, 380\n\nShammuramat and Semiramis, 370 _n._ 1\n\nShampoo, the fatal, 42\n\nShans of Kengtung, their expulsion of demons, 116 _sq._;\n  of Southern China, their annual expulsion of the fire-spirit, 141\n\nShawms blown to ban witches, 160\n\nSheepskins, people beaten with, 265\n\nShepherd beloved by Ishtar, 371\n\nShetland Islands, Yule in the, 167 _sqq._\n\nShinto priest, 116\n\nShip, sicknesses expelled in a, 185 _sqq._;\n  demons expelled in a, 201 _sq._\n\nShogun\u2019s palace in Japan, 144\n\n\u201cShooting the Witches,\u201d 164\n\nShropshire, 182;\n  the sin-eater in, 44;\n  fires on Twelfth Night in, 321\n\nShrove Tuesday, the tug-of-war on, 182 _sq._;\n  dances to promote the growth of the crops on, 239, 347\n\nSiam, the Laosians of, 97;\n  annual expulsion of demons in, 149 _sqq._;\n  human scapegoats in, 212\n\nSiamese year of twelve lunar months, 149 _n._ 2\n\nSicily, Ascension Day in, 54\n\nSickness transferred to animals in Europe, 49 _sqq._;\n  ascribed to demons, 109 _sqq._\n\nSicknesses expelled in a ship, 185 _sqq._\n\nSihanaka, the, of Madagascar, 2\n\nSikhim, cairns in, 26;\n  demonolatry in, 94\n\nSilence, compulsory, to deceive demons, 132 _sq._, 140.\n  _Compare_ 142\n\nSilesia, expulsion of witches on Good Friday in, 157;\n  precautions against witches in, 162 _sq._, 164;\n  \u201cEaster Smacks\u201d in, 268, 269;\n  mode of reckoning the Twelve Days in, 327\n\nSilili, a Babylonian goddess, 371\n\nSin-eater, the, 43 _sq._\n\nSin-eating in Wales, 43 _sq._\n\nSingalang Burong, a Dyak war-god, 383\n\nSins, confession of, 36, 127;\n  transferred to a buffalo calf, 36 _sq._;\n  transferred vicariously to human beings, 39 _sqq._;\n  of people transferred to animals, 210;\n  Delaware Indian remedies for, 263\n\nSirius associated with Ishtar, 359 _n._ 1\n\nSitua, annual festival of the Incas, 128\n\nSiyins, of N. E. India, their belief in demons, 93\n\nSkin disease, supposed remedy for, 266;\n  Mexican remedy for, 298\n\nSkins, creatures that slough their, supposed to renew their youth, 302\n            _sqq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 of human victims, worn by men in Mexico, 265 _sq._, 288, 290, 294\n            _sq._, 296 _sqq._, 301 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 of sacrificial victims used to beat people, 265\n\nSky-goddess, the Egyptian, 341\n\nSladen, Colonel, 141\n\nSlave Coast, 74\n\n\u2014\u2014 women, religious ceremony performed by, 258\n\nSlaves, license granted to, at the Saturnalia, 307 _sq._, 350 _sq._, 351\n            _sq._;\n  feasted by their masters, 308, 350 _sq._;\n  feasted by their mistresses, 346\n\nSlavonia, Good Friday custom in, 268\n\nSlavonic custom of \u201ccarrying out Death,\u201d 230\n\n\u2014\u2014 peoples, \u201cEaster Smacks\u201d among the, 268\n\n\u2014\u2014 year, the beginning of the, 228\n\nSlavs, black god and white god among the, 92\n\nSleeman, General Sir William, 191\n\nSloth, the animal, imitated by masker, 381\n\nSloughing the skin supposed to be a mode of renewing youth, 302 _sqq._\n\nSmallpox, cure for, 6;\n  attributed to a devil, 117, 119, 120, 123;\n  expelled in a proa, 186\n\n\u2014\u2014, demon of, 172;\n  sent away in a canoe, 188 _sq._\n\nSmell, foul, used to drive demons away, 112\n\nSmith, W. Robertson, on Semiramis, 369 _sq._\n\nSmut in wheat, ceremony to prevent, 318\n\nSnails as scapegoats, 52, 53\n\nSnake or lizard in annual ceremony for the riddance of evils, 208\n\nSnipe as scapegoat, 51\n\nSocial ranks, inversion of, at festivals, 350, 407\n\nSocrates, church historian, 394\n\nSods, freshly cut, a protection against witches, 163\n\nSoldiers, Roman, celebration of the Saturnalia by, 308 _sq._\n\nSolomon Islanders, their expulsion of demons, 116\n\n\u2014\u2014 Islands, 9\n\nSolstice, the winter, ceremony after the, 127\n\nSoma, worship of, 90\n\nSongs, liturgical, revealed by gods, 381\n\n\u2014\u2014 and dances, how they originate, 378 _sq._\n\nSonnenberg, popular cure for gout in, 56\n\nSoracte, Mount, 311\n\nSorcerers as protectors against demons, 94;\n  exorcise demons, 113\n\n_Soule_, a ball contended for in Normandy, 183\n\nSouls of the dead received once a year by their relations, 150 _sqq._\n\nSouth American Indians, 12, 20\n\nSow as scapegoat, 33\n\nSowing, prayer at, 138;\n  expulsion of demons at, 225;\n  the god of, 232;\n  dances at, 234 _sqq._;\n  Saturn the god of, 346;\n  in Italy, season of the spring, 346\n\nSown fields, fire applied to, on Eve of Twelfth Night, 316, 318, 321\n\nSpain, the Boy Bishop in, 338\n\nSpear, sacred, 218\n\nSpears used to expel demons, 115, 116\n\nSpirits, retreat of the army of, 72 _sq._;\n  guardian, 98;\n  good and evil, personated by children, 139;\n  Festival of Departed, 154\n\nSpitting as a mode of transferring evil, 3, 10, 11;\n  as a mode of transferring disease, 187;\n  at ceremony for expulsion of evils, 208\n\nSpittle as a protection against demons, 118\n\nSpring, rites to ensure the revival of life in, 400\n\nSquills used to beat human scapegoats, etc., 255 _sq._\n\nStar, the Morning, personated by a man, 238;\n  of Bethlehem, 330\n\nSteele, Sir Richard, quoted, 333\n\nSternberg, L., quoted, 101 _sq._\n\nSticks, fertilizing virtue attributed to certain, 264 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 and stones, evils transferred to, 8 _sqq._;\n  piled on the scene of crimes, 13 _sqq._\n  _See also_ Throwing\n\nStinging young people with ants and wasps, custom of, 263\n\nStone-throwing at Mecca, rite of, 24;\n  in ancient Greece, 24 _sq._\n\nStones heaped up near shrines of saints, 21;\n  communion by means of, 21 _sq._;\n  thrown at demons, 131, 146, 152\n\n\u2014\u2014 and sticks, evil transferred to, 8 _sqq._;\n  piled on the scene of crimes, 13 _sqq._\n  _See also_ Throwing\n\nStoning, execution by, 24 _n._ 2\n\n\u2014\u2014 human scapegoats, 253, 254\n\n_Stopfer_, maskers in Switzerland, 239\n\nStow, John, on Lords of Misrule, quoted, 331 _sq._\n\nStrabo, on the Sacaea, 355, 369;\n  on the worship at Zela, 370 _n._ 4;\n  on the sanctuary at Zela, 421 _n._ 1\n\nStrack, H. L., 395 _n._ 3\n\nStratification of religious beliefs among the Malays, 90 _n._ 1\n\nStraw wrapt round fruit-trees as a protection against evil spirits, 164\n\nStrehlitz, in Silesia, 157\n\nStrudeli and Str\u00e4tteli, 165\n\nSubstitutes in human sacrifice, 396 _sq._, 408\n\nSucla-Tirtha in India, expulsion of sins in, 202\n\nSuffering, principle of vicarious, 1 _sq._\n\nSuffolk cure for ague, 68\n\nSuicides, ghosts of, feared, 17 _sq._\n\nSukandar river, 60\n\nSumatra, the Battas or Bataks of, 87, 213\n\nSun, appeal to the, 3;\n  charm to prevent the sun from setting, 30 _n._ 2;\n  reappearance of, in the Arctic regions, ceremonies at, 124 _sq._, 125\n              _n._ 1;\n  temple of the, at Cuzco, 129;\n  spirit who lives in the, 186;\n  hearts of human victims offered to the, 279, 298;\n  Mexican story of the creation of the, 410;\n  Syrian custom of saluting the rising, 416\n\n\u2014\u2014 -god, Christmas, an old pagan festival of the, 328;\n  the Egyptian, 341\n\nSunderland, cure for cough in, 52\n\n_S\u00fcntev\u00f6gel_ or _Sunnenv\u00f6gel_, 159 _n._ 1\n\nSuperhuman power supposed to be acquired by actors in sacred dramas, 382,\n            383\n\nSupplementary days of the year, 171\n\nSupreme Being in West Africa, 74 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 God of the Oraons, 92 _sq._\n\nSusa, capital of the Elamites, 366\n\nSwabia, the \u201cTwelve Lot Days\u201d in, 322\n\nSwahili, the, of East Africa, their New Year\u2019s Day, 226 _n._ 1\n\nSwallow dance, 381\n\nSwallows as scapegoats, 35\n\nSweden, 14, 20, 27\n\nSweeping misfortune out of house with brooms, 5\n\n\u2014\u2014 out the town, annual ceremony of, 135\n\nSwords used to ward off or expel demons, 113, 118, 119, 120, 123, 203;\n  carried by mummers, 245\n\nSyria, 17, 21;\n  Aphrodite and Adonis in, 386\n\nSyro-Macedonian calendar, 358 _n._ 1\n\nTagbanuas of the Philippines, their custom of sending spirits of disease\n            away in little ships, 189\n\nTahiti, transference of sins in, 45 _sq._\n\nTahitians, the, 80\n\nTaigonos Peninsula, 126\n\nTaleins, the, of Burma, their worship of demons, 96\n\nTalmud, the, on Purim, 363\n\nTamanachiers, Indian tribe of the Orinoco, 303\n\n_Tamanawas_, dramatic performances of myths, 376, 377\n\nTamarisk branches used to beat people ceremonially, 263\n\n_Tambaran_, demons, 82, 83\n\nTammuz, the lover of Ishtar, 371, 373;\n  annual death and resurrection of, 398;\n  at Jerusalem, the weeping for, 400.\n  _See also_ Adonis\n\n\u2014\u2014 and Ishtar, 399, 406\n\nTanganyika, Lake, 10\n\nTangkhuls of Assam, 177\n\nTanjore, Rajah of, 44\n\nTaoism, 99\n\nTar to keep out ghosts and witches, 153 _n._ 1\n\n\u2014\u2014 -barrels burnt, 169\n\nTarahumares, the, of Mexico, 10;\n  their dances for the crops, 236 _sqq._\n\nTaros, mode of fertilizing, 264\n\nTarsus in Cilicia, Sandan at, 388, 389, 391, 392\n\n_Taupes et Mulots_, fire ceremony on Eve of Twelfth Night, 317\n\nTavernier, J. B., quoted, 148 _n._ 1\n\nTaylor, Rev. J. C., quoted, 133, 211\n\nTaylor, Rev. R., quoted, 81\n\nTellemarken in Norway, 14\n\nTelugu remedy for a fever, 38\n\nTemple, Sir Richard C., quoted, 88\n\nTemple, the Inner and the Middle, Lords of Misrule in the, 333\n\n\u2014\u2014 church, Lord of Misrule in the, 333\n\nTemporary king, 403 _sq._;\n  in Siam, 151\n\nTench as scapegoat, 52\n\nTenggerese of Java, their sham fight at New Year, 184\n\nTepehuanes, the, of Mexico, 10\n\nTeshu Lama, the, 203\n\n\u2014\u2014 Lumbo in Tibet, 203\n\nTeso people of Central Africa, their use of bells to exorcise fiends, 246\n            _sq._\n\nTezcatlipoca, great Mexican god, 276;\n  young man annually sacrificed in the character of, 276 _sqq._\n\nThales on spirits, 104\n\nThargelia, human scapegoats at the festival of the, 254, 255, 256, 257,\n            259, 272, 273\n\nThay, the, of Indo-China, their worship of spirits, 97 _sq._\n\nTheal, G. McCall, on fear of demons, 77 _sq._\n\n_Theckydaw_, expulsion of demons, 147 _sq._\n\n_Then_, spirits, 97\n\nTheodosius and Honorius, decree of, 392\n\nTheory of sacrifice, the Brahmanical, 410 _sq._\n\nThompson Indians of British Columbia, their charms against ghosts, 154\n            _n._\n\nThorns, wreaths of, 140\n\nThrace, Abdera in, 254\n\nThrashing people to do them good, 262 _sqq._\n  _See also_ Beating _and_ Whipping\n\nThread, red, in popular cure, 55\n\nThree Kings on Twelfth Day, 329 _sqq._\n\nThreshold protected against witches by knives, 162;\n  by sods, 163\n\nThrowing of sticks or stones interpreted as an offering or token of\n            respect, 20 _sqq._, 25 _sqq._;\n  as a mode of riddance of evil, 23 _sqq._\n\nThule, ceremony in Thule at the annual reappearance of the sun, 125 _n._ 1\n\nThunder, the first peal heard in spring, 144;\n  demon of, exorcised by bells, 246 _sq._\n\nTh\u00fcringen, expulsion of witches in, 160;\n  custom of beating people on Holy Innocents\u2019 Day in, 271\n\nTiamat, mythical Babylonian monster, 410\n\nTibet, demonolatry in, 94;\n  human scapegoats in, 218 _sqq._\n\nTiger-spirits, 199\n\nTikopia, island of, 189\n\nTimbo in French Guinea, 235\n\nTime, personification of periods of, 230\n\nTimor, the island of, 8;\n  belief in the spirits of the dead in, 85\n\n_Timor fecit deos_, 93\n\nTimor-laut Islands, the tug-of-war in the, 176;\n  demons of sicknesses expelled in a proa from, 185 _sq._\n\nTinchebray in Normandy, 183\n\nTjingilli tribe of Central Australia, 2\n\nTlacaxipeualiztli, Mexican festival, 296\n\nTlaloc, temple of, in Mexico, 284, 292\n\nTlemcen in Algeria, 31\n\nToad as scapegoat, 193, 206 _sq._\n\nToboongkoo, the, of Central Celebes, riddles among the, 112 _n._\n\nToci, Mexican goddess, 289\n\nTodas, the, of the Neilgherry Hills, 37\n\nTogoland, 3; the Hos of, 134, 206;\n  the negroes of, their remedy for influenza, 193\n\nTokio, annual expulsion of demons at, 213\n\nTomb of Moses, 21\n\nTonan, Mexican goddess, 287;\n  woman sacrificed in the character of, 287 _sq._\n\nTonocotes. _See_ Lules\n\nTonquin, demon of sickness expelled in, 119;\n  annual expulsion of demons in, 147 _sq._\n\nToothache, cure for, 6, 57, 58, 59 _sq._, 62, 63, 71\n\nToradjas, the, of Central Celebes, 34;\n  their cure by beating, 265\n\nTorches used in the expulsion of demons, 110, 117, 120, 130, 131, 132, 133\n            _sq._, 139, 140, 146, 157, 171;\n  used in the expulsion of witches, etc., 156, 157, 158, 159, 160, 163,\n              165, 166;\n  carried in procession by maskers, 243;\n  applied to fruit-trees on Eve of Twelfth Night, 316 _sq._\n\nTorquemada, J. de, Spanish historian of Mexico, 279 _n._ 1, 286 _n._ 1,\n            300 _n._ 1\n\nTotec, Mexican god, 297, 298;\n  personated by a man wearing the skin of a human victim, 300\n\nTotonacs, their worship of the corn-spirit, 286 _n._ 1\n\nTototectin, men clad in skins of human victims, 298\n\nToxcatl, fifth month of old Mexican year, 149 _n._ 2;\n  Mexican festival, 276\n\nTrajan, Pliny\u2019s letter to, 420\n\nTransference of evil, 1 _sqq._;\n  to other people, 5 _sqq._;\n  to sticks and stones, 8 _sqq._;\n  to animals, 31 _sqq._;\n  to men, 38 _sqq._;\n  in Europe, 47 _sqq._\n\nTransformation of animals into men, 380\n\nTransylvania, the Roumanians of, 16, 106 _sq._\n\nTravancore, Rajah of, 42 _sq._;\n  demon-worship in, 94\n\nTree, disease transferred to, 6;\n  use of stick cut from a fruitful, 264\n\nTrees, evils transferred to, 52, 54 _sqq._\n\nTrieste, St. Sylvester\u2019s Eve at, 165\n\nTrinity, the Batta, 88 _n._ 1\n\n\u2014\u2014 College, Cambridge, Lord of Misrule at, 332\n\n_Trinouxtion_, 343 _n._\n\nTripoli, mode of laying ghosts in, 63\n\nTroezenians, their festival resembling the Saturnalia, 350\n\nTrows in Shetland, 168 _sq._\n\nTrumpets blown to expel demons, 116, 117, 156;\n  blown at the feast of Purim, 394\n\n_Tsuina_, expulsion of demons in Japan, 212 _sq._\n\nTs\u00fbl, a Berber tribe, 179\n\nTuaran district of British North Borneo, 200\n\nTug-of-war as a religious or magical rite, 173 _sqq._;\n  as a charm to produce rain, 175 _sq._, 178 _sq._\n\nTul-ya\u2019s e\u2019en in Shetland, 168\n\nTullus Hostilius, 345 _n._ 1\n\nTumleo, annual fight in, 142 _sq._\n\nTuna, a spirit, expulsion of, 124 _sq._\n\nTung ak, a powerful spirit, 79, 80\n\nTurkestan, 45;\n  Ferghana in, 184\n\nTurkish tribes of Central Asia, riddles among the, 122 _n._\n\nTurner, L. M., quoted, 79 _sq._\n\nTuscan Romagna, the, 167\n\nTwelfth Day, serious significance of, 315;\n  the Three Kings on, 329 _sqq._\n  _See also_ Twelfth Night\n\n\u2014\u2014 Day, Eve of, 318;\n  expulsion of witches, etc., on, 166 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 Night, expulsion of the powers of evil on, 165 _sqq._;\n  dances on, 238;\n  Perchta\u2019s Day, 244;\n  (Epiphany), the King of the Bean on, 313 _sqq._\n  _See also_ Twelfth Day\n\n\u2014\u2014 Night, Eve of, 316;\n  old Mrs. Perchta on, 240, 241;\n  ceremonial fires on, 316 _sqq._\n\nTwelve Days, weather of the twelve months supposed to be determined by the\n            weather of the, 322 _sqq._;\n  in Macedonia, superstitions as to the, 320;\n  in ancient India, 324 _sq._;\n  accounted a miniature of the year, 324;\n  in the Highlands of Scotland, 324;\n  difference of opinion as to the date of the, 324, 327;\n  probably an old intercalary period at midwinter, 338 _sq._, 342\n\n\u2014\u2014 Days from Christmas to Twelfth Night (Epiphany), precautions against\n            witches during the, 158 _sqq._, 164 _sqq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 Days or Twelve Nights not of Christian origin, 326 _sqq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 fires on Eve of Twelfth Day, 318 _sq._, 321 _sq._\n\nTwo-faced mask worn by image of goddess, 287\n\nTyphon, the birth of, 341\n\nTyre and Sidon, 17\n\nTyrol, annual \u201cBurning out of the Witches\u201d in the, 159 _sq._;\n  the _Perchten_ in the, 240, 242 _sq._;\n  Senseless Thursday in the, 248\n\nUganda Protectorate, 6, 42;\n  funeral ceremony in, 45 _n,_ 2;\n  human scapegoats in, 194 _sq._\n  _See also_ Baganda\n\nUnalashka, one of the Aleutian Islands, 16\n\nUnkareshwar, the goddess of cholera at, 194\n\nUnreason, Abbot of, in Scotland, 331\n\nUp-helly-a\u2019 in Shetland, 168 _sq._\n\nUrquhart, Sir Thomas, quoted, 332\n\nUsener, H., 167 _n._ 1, 229 _n._ 2\n\nUtch Kurgan, in Turkestan, 45\n\nVampyres, charms against, 153 _n._ 1\n\nVashti and Esther, temporary queens, 401\n\n\u2014\u2014 and Haman the duplicates of Esther and Mordecai, 406\n\nVedic times, 3;\n  cure for consumption in, 51;\n  the creed of the, 90;\n  riddles in, 122 _n._;\n  the Aryans of the, 324\n\nVegetation, Mars a deity of, 229 _sq._;\n  out-worn deity of, 231;\n  processions representing spirits of, 250\n\n\u2014\u2014 -god, Easter an old vernal festival of the, 328\n\nVehicle, expulsion of evils in a material, 185 _sqq._, 198 _sqq._, 224\n\nVehicles, material, of immaterial things (fear, misfortune, disease,\n            etc.), 1 _sqq._, 22 _n._ 2, 23 _sqq._\n\nVenus and Adonis, 406.\n  _See also_ Adonis, Aphrodite\n\nVerrall, A. W., 391 _n._ 4\n\nVicarious suffering, principle of, 1 _sq._\n\nVienne, the Boy Bishop at, 337 _n._ 1\n\nVieux-Pont, in Orne, 183 _n._ 3\n\nVitzilopochtli, great Mexican god, 280;\n  young man annually sacrificed in the character of, 280 _sq._\n\nVohumano or Vohu Manah, a Persian archangel, 373 _n._ 1\n\nVoigtland, cure for toothache in, 59;\n  belief in witchcraft in, 160;\n  \u201cEaster Smacks\u201d in, 268;\n  young people beat each other at Christmas in, 271\n\nVosges, cure for toothache in the, 59\n\n\u2014\u2014 Mountains, dances on Twelfth Day in the, 315;\n  the Three Kings of Twelfth Day in the, 330\n\nVulsinii in Etruria, 67\n\nWagogo, the, of German East Africa, 6\n\nWalpurgis Night, witches abroad on, 158 _sqq._;\n  annual expulsion of witches on, 159 _sqq._;\n  dances on, 238\n\nWarramunga tribe of Central Australia, 2\n\nWarts, transference of, 48 _sq._;\n  popular cures for, 54, 57\n\nWashamba, the, of German East Africa, 29\n\nWasps, stinging people with, 263\n\nWassailing on Eve of Twelfth Day, 319\n\nWax figures in magic, 47\n\nWeapons turned against spiritual foes, 233\n\nWeariness transferred to stones or sticks, 8 _sqq._\n\nWeather of the twelve months determined by the weather of the Twelve Days,\n            322 _sqq._\n\nWeber, A., on origin of the Twelve Days, 325 _n._ 3\n\nWeeks, Rev. John H., quoted, 76 _sq._\n\nWeights and measures, false, corrected in time of epidemic, 115\n\nWeinhold, K., 327 _n._ 4\n\nWelsh cure for cough, 51\n\n\u2014\u2014 custom of sin-eating, 43 _sq._\n\nWendland, P., on the crucifixion of Christ, 412 _sq._, 418 _n._ 1\n\nWends of Saxony, their precautions against witches, 163\n\nWestermarck, Dr. Edward, 180\n\nWestphalia, 266\n\nWestphalian form of the expulsion of evil, 159 _n._ 1\n\nWhale represented dramatically as a mystery, 377\n\nWhipping people to rid them of ghosts, 260 _sqq._\n\nWhips used in the expulsion of demons and witches, 156, 159, 160, 161,\n            165, 214;\n  used by maskers, 243, 244\n\nWhite as a colour to repel demons, 115\n\n\u2014\u2014 and black in relation to human scapegoats, 220;\n  figs worn by human scapegoats, 253, 257, 272\n\n\u2014\u2014 cock, disease transferred to, 187;\n  as scapegoat, 210 _n._ 4\n\n\u2014\u2014 crosses made by the King of the Bean, 314\n\n\u2014\u2014 dog, sacrifice of, 127;\n  as scapegoat, 209 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 god and black god among the Slavs, 92\n\n\u2014\u2014 Nile, the Dinkas of the, 193\n\nWhitsuntide, 359\n\nWhydah, the King of, 234\n\nWidow, bald-headed, in cure, 38\n\nWidows, cleansing of, 35 _sq._\n\nWild Huntsman, 164, 241\n\nWillcock, Dr. J., 169 _n._ 2\n\nWilliam of Wykeham, 338\n\nWilliams, Monier, quoted, 91 _sq._\n\nWillow used to beat people with at Easter and Christmas, 269, 270\n\n\u2014\u2014 -trees in popular remedies, 56, 58, 59\n\nWillow-wood used against witches, 160\n\nWinchester College, Boy Bishop at, 338\n\nWind, charm to produce a rainy or dry, 176, 178 _sq._\n\nWinnowing-basket beaten at ceremony, 145\n\nWinter, ceremony at the end of, 124;\n  dances performed only in, 376;\n  ceremony of the expulsion of, 404 _sq._;\n  effigies of, destroyed, 408 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 solstice, ceremony after the, 126\n\nWitch, fire to burn old, on Twelfth Day, 319\n\nWitchcraft in Scotland, 38 _sq._;\n  on the Congo, dread of, 77 _n._ 2;\n  permanence of the belief in, 89;\n  in Moravia, precautions against, 162\n\nWitches burnt alive, 19;\n  the burning out of the, in the Tyrol, 158 _sq._;\n  in Bohemia, 161;\n  in Silesia and Saxony, 163;\n  special precautions against, at certain seasons of the year, 157 _sqq._;\n  annually expelled in Calabria, Silesia, and other parts of Europe, 157\n              _sqq._;\n  active during the Twelve Days from Christmas to Twelfth Night, 158\n              _sqq._;\n  shooting the, 164;\n  driving out the, 164;\n  burnt in Scotland, 165;\n  beaten with buckthorn, 266;\n  rob cows of milk on May Day, 267\n\nWives of a king taken by his successor, 368 _n._ 1\n\nWoman\u2019s ornaments, scapegoat decked with, 192\n\nWomen impregnated by ghosts, 18;\n  fertilized by effigy of a baby, 245, 249;\n  mode of fertilizing, 264;\n  put to death in the character of goddesses in Mexico, 283 _sqq._\n\nWood, King of the, at Aricia, 409\n\nWorld conceived as animated, 90 _sq._;\n  daily created afresh by the self-sacrifice of the deity, 411\n\nWorship of the dead, 97;\n  paid to human representatives of gods in Mexico, 278, 282, 289, 293\n\nWotyaks of Russia, annual expulsion of Satan among the, 155 _sq._\n\nWuttke, A., 327 _n._ 4\n\nXerxes identified with Ahasuerus, 360\n\nXilonen, Mexican goddess of the Young Maize, 285;\n  woman annually sacrificed in the character of, 285 _sq._\n\nXipe, Mexican god, 297, 298, 299;\n  statuette of, 291 _n._ 1;\n  his festival, 296 _sqq._;\n  his image, 297\n\nXixipeme, men clad in skins of human victims, 298, 299\n\nYabim of German New Guinea, their custom of sending disease away in a\n            small canoe, 188 _sq._\n\nYams, ceremonies before eating the new, 134\n\nYear, burning out the Old, 165, 230 _n._ 7;\n  the old Roman, began in March, 229;\n  supposed representatives of the old, 230.\n  _See also_ New Year\n\n\u2014\u2014, lunar, of old Roman calendar, 232;\n  equated to solar year by intercalation, 325, 342 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014, solar, intercalation of the, 407 _n._ 1\n\n\u2014\u2014 -man, the, in Japan, 144\n\nYears named after eponymous magistrates, 39 _sq._\n\n\u2014\u2014, the King of the, 220, 221\n\nYellow the royal colour among the Malays, 187\n\nYopico, temple in Mexico, 299\n\nYork, the Boy Bishop at, 337, 338\n\nYoruba negroes of West Africa, their use of human scapegoats, 211 _sq._\n\nYounghusband, Sir Francis, 13\n\nYouth supposed to be renewed by sloughing of skin, 302 _sqq._\n\nYucatan, the Mayas of, 171, 340\n\nYukon River, the Lower, 380\n\nYules, the, in Shetland, 168\n\n_Yumari_, a dance of the Tarahumare Indians, 237 _sq._\n\nZakmuk or Zagmuk, the Babylonian festival of the New Year, 356 _sqq._\n\n\u2014\u2014 and the Sacaea, 399\n\nZambesi, the river, 7, 11\n\nZela in Pontus, Anaitis and the Sacaea at, 370, 372, 373, 421 _n._ 1;\n  Omanos and Anadates at, 373 _n._ 1\n\nZeus, cake with twelve knobs offered to, 351;\n  an upstart at Olympia, 352;\n  identified with the Babylonian Bel, 389\n\n\u2014\u2014, Laphystian, associated with human sacrifices, 354\n\n\u2014\u2014, Lycaean, human sacrifices to, 353, 354\n\n\u2014\u2014, Olympian, his temple at Athens, 351\n\n\u2014\u2014, Pelorian, 350\n\nZimmern, H., 358 _n._, 359 _n._ 1, 361 _n._ 4, 406 _n._ 2\n\nZoganes, a mock king at Babylon, 355, 357, 365, 368, 369, 387, 388, 406\n\nZoroaster, 389\n\nZ\u00fcndel, G., on demonolatry in West Africa, 74 _sqq._\n\nZuni sacrifice of turtle, 217\n\n\n\n\n\n\nFOOTNOTES\n\n\n   M1 The principle of vicarious suffering.\n   M2 Transference of evil to things. Evils swept away by rivers.\n\n    1 J. G. F. Riedel, _De sluik- en kroesharige rassen tusschen Selebes\n      en Papua_ (The Hague, 1886), pp. 266 _sq._, 305, 357 _sq._; compare\n      _id._, pp. 141, 340.\n\n    2 Baldwin Spencer and F. J. Gillen, _The Northern Tribes of Central\n      Australia_ (London, 1904), p. 474.\n\n    3 J. Pearse, \u201cCustoms connected with Death and Burial among the\n      Sihanaka,\u201d _The Antananarivo Annual and Madagascar Magazine_, vol.\n      ii., _Reprint of the Second four Numbers_ (Antananarivo, 1896), pp.\n      146 _sq._\n\n    4 Ivan Petroff, _Report on the Population, Industries, and Resources\n      of Alaska_, p. 158.\n\n    5 H. Oldenberg, _Die Religion des Veda_ (Berlin, 1894), p. 322.\n\n    6 J. Spieth, _Die Ewe-St\u00e4mme_ (Berlin, 1906), p. 800.\n\n    7 Pausanias, vii. 23. 3.\n\n    8 P. J. de Arriaga, _Extirpacion de la Idolatria del Piru_ (Lima,\n      1621), p. 29.\n\n   M3 Transference of evil to things.\n\n    9 This I learned from my friend W. Robertson Smith, who mentioned as\n      his authority David of Antioch, _Tazyin_, in the story \u201cOrwa.\u201d\n\n   10 R. Andree, _Ethnographische Parallele und Vergleiche_ (Stuttgart,\n      1878), pp. 29 _sq._\n\n   11 \u201cLettre du cur\u00e9 de Santiago Tepehuacan \u00e0 son \u00e9v\u00eaque sur les m\u0153urs et\n      coutumes des Indiens soumis \u00e0 ses soins,\u201d _Bulletin de la Soci\u00e9t\u00e9 de\n      G\u00e9ographie_ (Paris), Deuxi\u00e8me S\u00e9rie, ii. (1834) p. 182.\n\n   12 Rev. J. Roscoe, _The Baganda_ (London, 1911), pp. 309 _sq._\n\n   M4 Dyak transference of evil to things.\n\n   13 C. Hupe, \u201cKorte Verhandeling over de Godsdienst, Zeden enz. der\n      Dajakkers,\u201d _Tijdschrift voor Ne\u00earlands Indi\u00eb_, 1846, dl. iii. pp.\n      149 _sq._; F. Grabowsky, \u201cDie Theogonie der Dajaken auf Borneo,\u201d\n      _Internationales Archiv f\u00fcr Ethnographie_, v. (1892) p. 131.\n\n   M5 Evils transferred to other persons through the medium of things.\n\n   14 J. Dawson, _Australian Aborigines_ (Melbourne, Sydney, and Adelaide,\n      1881), p. 59.\n\n   15 W. Crooke, _Popular Religion and Folk-lore of Northern India_\n      (Westminster, 1896), i. 164 _sq._\n\n   16 Rev. J. Roscoe, \u201cThe Bahima, a Cow Tribe of Enkole,\u201d _Journal of the\n      Royal Anthropological Institute_, xxxvii. (1907) p. 103.\n\n   17 Rev. J. Cole, \u201cNotes on the Wagogo of German East Africa,\u201d _Journal\n      of the Anthropological Institute_, xxxiii. (1902) p. 313.\n\n   M6 Evils transferred to images. Mongol transference of evil to things.\n\n   18 Rev. J. Roscoe, _The Baganda_ (London, 1911), pp. 343 _sq._\n\n   19 Dudley Kidd, _The Essential Kafir_ (London, 1904), p. 146.\n\n_   20 Central Provinces, Ethnographic Survey_, iii., _Draft Articles on\n      Forest Tribes_ (Allahabad, 1907), p. 63.\n\n   21 M. v. Beguelin, \u201cReligi\u00f6se Volksbr\u00e4uche der Mongolen,\u201d _Globus_,\n      lvii. (1890) pp. 209 _sq._\n\n   M7 Fatigue transferred to stones, sticks, or leaves.\n\n   22 J. G. F. Riedel, \u201cDie Landschaft Dawan oder West-Timor,\u201d _Deutsche\n      geographische Bl\u00e4tter_, x. 231.\n\n   23 J. G. F. Riedel, _De sluik- en kroesharige rassen tusschen Selebes\n      en Papua_ (The Hague, 1886), p. 340.\n\n   24 R. H. Codrington, D.D., _The Melanesians_ (Oxford, 1891), p. 186.\n\n   M8 Heaps of stones or sticks among the American Indians.\n\n   25 G. F. de Oviedo, _Histoire du Nicaragua_ (Paris, 1840), pp. 42 _sq._\n      (Ternaux-Compans, _Voyages, Relations et M\u00e9moires originaux, pour\n      servir \u00e0 l\u2019Histoire de la D\u00e9couverte de l\u2019Am\u00e9rique_).\n\n   26 P. J. de Arriaga, _Extirpacion de la Idolatria del Piru_ (Lima,\n      1621), pp. 37, 130. As to the custom compare J. J. von Tschudi,\n      _Peru_ (St. Gallen, 1846), ii. 77 _sq._; H. A. Weddell, _Voyage dans\n      le Nord de la Bolivia et dans les parties voisines du P\u00e9rou_ (Paris\n      and London, 1853), pp. 74 _sq._ These latter writers interpret the\n      stones as offerings.\n\n   27 Baron E. Nordenski\u00f6ld, \u201cTravels on the Boundaries of Bolivia and\n      Argentina,\u201d _The Geographical Journal_, xxi. (1903) p. 518.\n\n   28 C. Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_ (London, 1903), ii. 282.\n\n   29 Brasseur de Bourbourg, _Histoire des Nations civilis\u00e9es du Mexique\n      et de l\u2019Am\u00e9rique-Centrale_ (Paris, 1857-1859), ii. 564; compare iii.\n      486. Indians of Guatemala, when they cross a pass for the first\n      time, still commonly add a stone to the cairn which marks the spot.\n      See C. Sapper, \u201cDie Gebr\u00e4uche und religi\u00f6sen Anschauungen der\n      Kekchi-Indianer,\u201d _Internationales Archiv f\u00fcr Ethnographie_, viii.\n      (1895) p. 197.\n\n   M9 Heaps of stones or sticks among the natives of Africa.\n\n   30 F. F. R. Boileau, \u201cThe Nyasa-Tanganyika Plateau,\u201d _The Geographical\n      Journal_, xiii. (1899) p. 589. In the same region Mr. L. Decle\n      observed many trees or rocks on which were placed little heaps of\n      stones or bits of wood, to which in passing each of his men added a\n      fresh stone or bit of wood or a tuft of grass. \u201cThis,\u201d says Mr. L.\n      Decle, \u201cis a tribute to the spirits, the general precaution to\n      ensure a safe return\u201d (_Three Years in Savage Africa_, London, 1898,\n      p. 289). A similar practice prevails among the Wanyamwezi (_ibid._\n      p. 345). Compare J. A. Grant, _A Walk across Africa_ (Edinburgh and\n      London, 1864), pp. 133 _sq._\n\n   31 Cowper Rose, _Four Years in Southern Africa_ (London, 1829), p. 147.\n\n   32 Dudley Kidd, _The Essential Kafir_ (London, 1904), p. 264.\n\n  M10 The heaps of stones or sticks generally on the tops of mountains or\n      passes.\n\n   33 S. Kay, _Travels and Researches in Caffraria_ (London, 1833), pp.\n      211 _sq._; Rev. H. Callaway, _Religious System of the Amazulu_, i.\n      66; D. Leslie, _Among the Zulus and Amatongas_ (Edinburgh, 1875),\n      pp. 146 _sq._ Compare H. Lichtenstein, _Reisen im s\u00fcdlichen Africa_\n      (Berlin, 1811-1812), i. 411.\n\n   34 W. Gowland, \u201cDolmens and other Antiquities of Corea,\u201d _Journal of\n      the Anthropological Institute_, xxiv. (1895) pp. 328 _sq._; Mrs.\n      Bishop, _Korea and her Neighbours_ (London, 1898), i. 147, ii. 223.\n      Both writers speak as if the practice were to spit on the cairn\n      rather than on the particular stone which the traveller adds to it;\n      indeed, Mrs. Bishop omits to notice the custom of adding to the\n      cairns. Mr. Gowland says that almost every traveller carries up at\n      least one stone from the valley and lays it on the pile.\n\n   35 D. Forbes, \u201cOn the Aymara Indians of Peru and Bolivia,\u201d _Journal of\n      the Ethnological Society of London_, ii. (1870) pp. 237 _sq._; G. C.\n      Musters, \u201cNotes on Bolivia,\u201d _Journal of the Royal Geographical\n      Society_, xlvii. (1877) p. 211; T. T. Cooper, _Travels of a Pioneer\n      of Commerce_ (London, 1871), p. 275; J. A. H. Louis, _The Gates of\n      Thibet, a Bird\u2019s Eye View of Independent Sikkhim, British Bhootan,\n      and the Dooars_ (Calcutta, 1894), pp. 111 _sq._; A. Bastian, _Die\n      V\u00f6lker des \u00f6stlichen Asien_, ii. (Leipsic, 1866) p. 483. So among\n      the Mrus of Aracan, every man who crosses a hill, on reaching the\n      crest, plucks a fresh young shoot of grass and lays it on a pile of\n      the withered deposits of former travellers (T. H. Lewin, _Wild Races\n      of South-Eastern India_, London, 1870, pp. 232 _sq._).\n\n  M11 Fatigue let out with the blood.\n\n   36 A. d\u2019Orbigny, _Voyage dans l\u2019Am\u00e9rique M\u00e9ridionale_, ii. (Paris and\n      Strasburg, 1839-1843) pp. 92 _sq._\n\n  M12 Piles of stones or sticks on the scene of crimes. The Liar\u2019s Heap.\n\n   37 (Sir) F. E. Younghusband, \u201cA Journey across Central Asia,\u201d\n      _Proceedings of the Royal Geographical Society_, x. (1888) p. 494.\n\n   38 F. Liebrecht, _Zur Volkskunde_ (Heilbronn, 1879), pp. 274 _sq._\n\n   39 F. Liebrecht, _Zur Volkskunde_, p. 274; J. B. Holzmayer, \u201cOsiliana,\u201d\n      _Verhandlungen der gelehrten Estnischen Gesellschaft zu Dorpat_,\n      vii. (1872) p. 73.\n\n   40 Spenser St. John, _Life in the Forests of the Far East_2 (London,\n      1863), i. 88.\n\n   41 E. H. Gomes, _Seventeen Years among the Sea Dyaks of Borneo_\n      (London, 1911), pp. 66 _sq._\n\n   42 Ch. Hose and W. McDougall, _The Pagan Tribes of Borneo_ (London,\n      1912), i. 123.\n\n  M13 Heaps of stones, sticks, or leaves on scenes of murder. Heaps of\n      stones or sticks on graves.\n\n   43 A. C. Haddon, \u201cA Batch of Irish Folk-lore,\u201d _Folk-lore_, iv. (1893)\n      pp. 357, 360; Laisnel de la Salle, _Croyances et L\u00e9gendes du Centre\n      de la France_ (Paris, 1875), ii. 75, 77; J. Brand, _Popular\n      Antiquities_, ii. 309; Hylten-Cavallius, quoted by F. Liebrecht,\n      _Zur Volkskunde_, p. 274; K. Haupt, _Sagenbuch der Lausitz_\n      (Leipsic, 1862-1863), ii. 65; K. M\u00fcllenhoff, _Sagen, M\u00e4rchen und\n      Lieder der Herzogth\u00fcmer Schleswig, Holstein und Lauenburg_ (Kiel,\n      1845), p. 125; A. Kuhn, _M\u00e4rkische Sagen und M\u00e4rchen_ (Berlin,\n      1843), p. 113; A. Kuhn und W. Schwartz, _Norddeutsche Sagen, M\u00e4rchen\n      und Gebr\u00e4uche_ (Leipsic, 1848), p. 85; A. Treichel, \u201cReisigh\u00e4ufung\n      und Steinh\u00e4ufung an Mordstellen,\u201d _Am Ur-Quelle_, vi. (1896) p. 220;\n      Georgeakis et Pineau, _Folk-lore de Lesbos_, p. 323; A. Leared,\n      _Morocco and the Moors_ (London, 1876), pp. 105 _sq._; E. Doutt\u00e9,\n      \u201cFiguig,\u201d _La G\u00e9ographie, Bulletin de la Soci\u00e9t\u00e9 de G\u00e9ographie_\n      (Paris), vii. (1903) p. 197; _id._, _Magie et Religion dans\n      l\u2019Afrique du Nord_ (Algiers, 1908), pp. 424 _sq._; A. von\n      Haxthausen, _Transkaukasia_ (Leipsic, 1856), i. 222; C. T. Wilson,\n      _Peasant Life in the Holy Land_ (London, 1906), p. 285; W. Crooke,\n      _Popular Religion and Folk-lore of Northern India_ (Westminster,\n      1896), i. 267 _sq._; J. Bricknell, _The Natural History of North\n      Carolina_ (Dublin, 1737), p. 380; J. Adair, _History of the American\n      Indians_ (London, 1775), p. 184; K. Martin, _Bericht \u00fcber eine Reise\n      nach Nederlandsch West-Indien_, Erster Theil (Leyden, 1887), p. 166;\n      G. C. Musters, \u201cNotes on Bolivia,\u201d _Journal of the Royal\n      Geographical Society_, xlvii. (1877) p. 211; B. F. Matthes, _Einige\n      Eigenth\u00fcmlichkeiten in den Festen und Gewohnheiten der Makassaren\n      und B\u00fcginesen_, p. 25 (separate reprint from _Travaux de la 6e\n      Session du Congr\u00e8s International des Orientalistes \u00e0 Leide_, vol.\n      ii.); R. A. Cruise, _Journal of a Ten Months\u2019 Residence in New\n      Zealand_ (London, 1823), p. 186.\n\n   44 Ch. Wilkes, _Narrative of the United States Exploring Expedition_,\n      New Edition (New York, 1851), iii. 50.\n\n   45 Captain James Cook, _Voyages_ (London, 1809), vi. 479.\n\n   46 E. Gerard, _The Land beyond the Forest_ (Edinburgh and London,\n      1888), i. 311, 318.\n\n   47 H. Lichtenstein, _Reisen im S\u00fcdlichen Africa_ (Berlin, 1811-1812),\n      i. 349 _sq._; Sir James E. Alexander, _Expedition of Discovery into\n      the Interior of Africa_ (London, 1838), i. 166; C. J. Andersson,\n      _Lake Ngami_, Second Edition (London, 1856), p. 327; W. H. I. Bleek,\n      _Reynard the Fox in South Africa_ (London, 1864), p. 76; Th. Hahn,\n      _Tsuni-Goam, the Supreme Being of the Khoi-Khoi_ (London, 1881), p.\n      56. Compare _The Dying God_, p. 3.\n\n   48 Th. Hahn, \u201cDie Buschm\u00e4nner,\u201d _Globus_, xviii. 141.\n\n   49 Th. Waitz, _Anthropologie der Naturv\u00f6lker_, ii. (Leipsic, 1860) p.\n      195, referring to Raffenel, _Nouveau Voyage dans le pays des n\u00e8gres_\n      (Paris, 1856), i. 93 _sq._\n\n   50 Eij\u016bb Ab\u0113la, \u201cBeitr\u00e4ge zur Kenntniss abergl\u00e4ubischer Gebr\u00e4uche in\n      Syrien,\u201d _Zeitschrift des Deutschen Palaestina-Vereins_, vii. (1884)\n      p. 102.\n\n   51 Note by G. P. Badger, on _The Travels of Ludovico di Varthema_,\n      translated by J. W. Jones (Hakluyt Society, 1863), p. 45. For more\n      evidence of the custom in Syria see W. M. Thomson, _The Land and the\n      Book_ (London, 1859), p. 490; F. Sessions, \u201cSome Syrian Folklore\n      Notes,\u201d _Folk-lore_, ix. (1898) p. 15; A. Jaussen, _Coutumes des\n      Arabes au pays de Moab_ (Paris, 1908), p. 336.\n\n  M14 Stones and sticks hurled as missiles at dangerous ghosts and demons.\n      Missiles to ward off dangerous ghosts.\n\n   52 A. Treichel, \u201cReisig- und Steinh\u00e4ufung bei Ermordeten oder\n      Selbstm\u00f6rdern,\u201d _Verhandlungen der Berliner Gesellschaft f\u00fcr\n      Anthropologie, Ethnologie und Urgeschichte, 1888_, p. (569) (bound\n      up with _Zeitschrift f\u00fcr Ethnologie_, xx. 1888).\n\n   53 Rev. J. Roscoe, _The Baganda_ (London, 1911), pp. 20 _sq._, 46\n      _sq._, 124 _sq._, 126 _sq._, 289 _sq._ Stones are not mentioned\n      among the missiles hurled at ghosts, probably because stones are\n      scarce in Uganda. See J. Roscoe, _op. cit._ p. 5.\n\n   54 Father Finaz, S.J., in _Les Missions Catholiques_, vii. (1875) p.\n      328.\n\n   55 \u201cDer Muata Cazembe und die V\u00f6lkerst\u00e4mme der Maraves, Chevas,\n      Muembas, Lundas, und andere von S\u00fcd-Afrika,\u201d _Zeitschrift f\u00fcr\n      allgemeine Erdkunde_, vi. (1856) p. 287.\n\n_   56 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal_, lxxii. Part iii.\n      (Calcutta, 1904) p. 87.\n\n   57 A. W. Nieuwenhuis, _In Centraal Borneo_ (Leyden, 1900), i. 146.\n\n   58 Euripides, _Electra_, 327 _sq._\n\n   59 Propertius, v. 5. 77 _sq._\n\n  M15 But the stones and sticks thrown on heaps cannot always be explained\n      as missiles discharged at spiritual foes. Cairns raised in honour of\n      Moslem saints.\n\n   60 M. Merker, _Die Masai_ (Berlin, 1904), p. 193.\n\n   61 A. C. Hollis, _The Masai_ (Oxford, 1905), pp. 305 _sq._\n\n   62 E. D. Clarke, _Travels in various Countries of Europe and Asia_, vi.\n      (London, 1823) p. 165.\n\n   63 W. H. D. Rouse, \u201cNotes from Syria,\u201d _Folk-lore_, vi. (1895) p. 173.\n      Compare F. Sessions, \u201cSome Syrian Folklore Notes, gathered on Mount\n      Lebanon,\u201d _Folk-lore_, ix. (1898) p. 15.\n\n   64 E. Doutt\u00e9, _Magie et Religion dans l\u2019 Afrique du Nord_ (Algiers,\n      1908), pp. 420-422.\n\n  M16 Stones as channels of communication with saints, living or dead.\n\n   65 E. Doutt\u00e9, _Magie et Religion dans l\u2019Afrique du Nord_, p. 440,\n      quoting De S\u00e9gonzac, _Voyage au Maroc_, p. 82.\n\n   66 I follow the exposition of E. Doutt\u00e9, whose account of the sanctity\n      or magical influence (_baraka_) ascribed to the persons of living\n      Mohammedan saints (marabouts) is very instructive. See his _Magie et\n      Religion dans l\u2019Afrique du Nord_, pp. 438 _sqq._ Mr. E. S. Hartland\n      had previously explained the custom of throwing stones and sticks on\n      cairns as acts of ceremonial union with the spirit who is supposed\n      to reside in the cairn. See his _Legend of Perseus_, ii. (London,\n      1895) p. 128. While this theory offers a plausible explanation of\n      some cases of the custom, I do not think that it will cover them\n      all. M. Ren\u00e9 Dussaud argues that the stones deposited at shrines of\n      holy men are simply material embodiments of the prayers which at the\n      same time the suppliants address to the saints; and he holds that\n      the practice of depositing stones at such places rests on a\n      principle entirely different from that of throwing stones for the\n      purpose of repelling evil spirits. See Ren\u00e9 Dussaud, \u201cLa\n      mat\u00e9rialisation de la pri\u00e8re en Orient,\u201d _Bulletins et M\u00e9moires de\n      la Soci\u00e9t\u00e9 d\u2019 Anthropologie de Paris_, V. S\u00e9rie, vii. (1906) pp.\n      213-220. If I am right, the fundamental idea in these customs is\n      neither that the stones or sticks are offerings presented to good\n      spirits nor that they are missiles hurled at bad ones, but that they\n      embody the evil, whether disease, misfortune, fear, horror, or what\n      not, of which the person attempts to rid himself by transferring it\n      to a material vehicle. But I am far from confident that this\n      explanation applies to all cases. In particular it is difficult to\n      reconcile it with the custom, described in the text, of throwing a\n      marked stone at a holy man and then recovering it. Are we to suppose\n      that the stone carries away the evil to the good man and brings back\n      his blessing instead? The idea is perhaps too subtle and\n      far-fetched.\n\n      The word _baraka_, which in North Africa describes the powerful and\n      in general beneficent, yet dangerous, influence which emanates from\n      holy persons and things, is no doubt identical with the Hebrew\n      _b\u0115rakhah_ (\u05d1\u05e8\u05db\u05d4) \u201cblessing.\u201d The importance which the ancient\n      Hebrews ascribed to the blessing or the curse of a holy man is\n      familiar to us from many passages in the Old Testament. See, for\n      example, Genesis xxvii., xlviii. 8 _sqq._; Deuteronomy xxvii. 11\n      _sqq._, xxviii. 1 _sqq._\n\n  M17 The rite of throwing sticks or stones is perhaps best explained as a\n      mode of purification, the evil being thought to be embodied in the\n      missile which is thrown away.\n\n   67 E. Doutt\u00e9, _Magie et Religion dans l\u2019Afrique du Nord_ (Algiers,\n      1908), pp. 430 sq.; J. Wellhausen, _Reste arabischen Heidentums_2\n      (Berlin, 1897), p. 111. The explanation given in the text is\n      regarded as probable by Professor M. J. de Goeje (_Internationales\n      Archiv f\u00fcr Ethnographie_, xvi. ,1904, p. 42.)\n\n  M18 This interpretation of stone-throwing agrees with ancient Greek and\n      Indian tradition and custom.\n\n_   68 Etymologicum Magnum_, _s.v._ \u1f19\u03c1\u03bc\u03b1\u1fd6\u03bf\u03bd, pp. 375 _sq._; Eustathius on\n      Homer, _Odyssey_, xvi. 471. As to the heaps of stones see Cornutus,\n      _Theologiae Graecae Compendium_, 16; Babrius, _Fabulae_, xlviii. 1\n      _sq._; Suidas, _s.v._ \u1f19\u03c1\u03bc\u03b1\u1fd6\u03bf\u03bd; Scholiast on Nicander, _Ther._ 150;\n      M. P. Nilsson, _Griechische Feste_ (Leipsic, 1906), pp. 388 _sqq._\n      The method of execution by stoning may perhaps have been resorted to\n      in order to avoid the pollution which would be entailed by contact\n      with the guilty and dying man.\n\n   69 Plato, _Laws_, ix. 12, p. 873 A-C \u03bb\u03af\u03b8\u03bf\u03bd \u1f15\u03ba\u03b1\u03c3\u03c4\u03bf\u03c2 \u03c6\u03ad\u03c1\u03c9\u03bd \u1f10\u03c0\u1f76 \u03c4\u1f74\u03bd\n      \u03ba\u03b5\u03c6\u03b1\u03bb\u1f74\u03bd \u03c4\u03bf\u1fe6 \u03bd\u03b5\u03ba\u03c1\u03bf\u1fe6 \u03b2\u03ac\u03bb\u03bb\u03c9\u03bd \u1f00\u03c6\u03bf\u03c3\u03b9\u03bf\u03cd\u03c4\u03c9 \u03c4\u1f74\u03bd \u03c0\u03cc\u03bb\u03b9\u03bd \u1f45\u03bb\u03b7\u03bd.\n\n_   70 Satapatha Brahmana_, ix. 1. 2. 9-12, Part iv. p. 171 of J.\n      Eggeling\u2019s translation (_Sacred Books of the East_, vol. xliii.,\n      Oxford, 1897). As to Nirriti, the Goddess of Destruction, see H.\n      Oldenberg, _Die Religion des Veda_ (Berlin, 1894), pp. 323, 351,\n      354, 489 note 3.\n\n  M19 The throwing of sticks or stones on piles is sometimes explained as\n      a sacrifice. Certainly the throwing of stones is sometimes\n      accompanied by sacrifices. Heaps of sticks at the fords of rivers in\n      Africa.\n\n   71 See, for example, O. Baumann, _Durch Massailand zur Nilquelle_\n      (Berlin, 1894), p. 214; G. M. Dawson, \u201cNotes on the Shuswap People\n      of British Columbia,\u201d _Transactions of the Royal Society of Canada_,\n      ix. (1891) section ii. p. 38; F. Liebrecht, _Zur Volkskunde_\n      (Heilbronn, 1879), pp. 267 _sq._, 273 _sq._, 276, 278 _sq._; R.\n      Andree, _Ethnographische Parallelen und Vergleiche_ (Stuttgart,\n      1878), p. 48; Catat, in _Le Tour du Monde_, lxv. (1893), p. 40. Some\n      of these writers have made a special study of the practices in\n      question. See F. Liebrecht, \u201cDie geworfenen Steine,\u201d _Zur\n      Volkskunde_, pp. 267-284; R. Andree, \u201cSteinhaufen,\u201d _Ethnographische\n      Parallelen und Vergleiche_, pp. 46-58; E. S. Hartland, _The Legend\n      of Perseus_, ii. (London, 1895) pp. 204 _sqq._; E. Doutt\u00e9, _Magie et\n      Religion dans l\u2019Afrique du Nord_ (Algiers, 1908), pp. 419 _sqq._\n      With the views of the last of these writers I am in general\n      agreement.\n\n   72 However, at the waterfall of Kriml, in the Tyrol, it is customary\n      for every passer-by to throw a stone into the water; and this\n      attention is said to put the water-spirits in high good humour; for\n      they follow the wayfarer who has complied with the custom and guard\n      him from all the perils of the dangerous path. See F. Panzer,\n      _Beitrag zur deutschen Mythologie_ (Munich, 1848-1855), ii. 236\n      _sq._\n\n   73 J. A. H. Louis, _The Gates of Thibet_, Second Edition (Calcutta,\n      1894), pp. 111 _sq._\n\n   74 L. A. Waddell, _Among the Himalayas_ (Westminster, 1899), pp. 115,\n      188.\n\n   75 Brasseur de Bourbourg, _Histoire des nations civilis\u00e9es du Mexique\n      et de l\u2019Am\u00e9rique-Centrale_, ii. 564.\n\n   76 C. Sapper, \u201cDie Gebr\u00e4uche und religi\u00f6sen Anschauungen der\n      Kekch\u00ed-Indianer,\u201d _Internationales Archiv f\u00fcr Ethnographie_, viii.\n      (1895) pp. 197 _sq._\n\n   77 D. Forbes, \u201cOn the Aymara Indians of Bolivia and Peru,\u201d _Journal of\n      the Ethnological Society of London_, ii. (1870) pp. 237 _sq._; G. C.\n      Musters, \u201cNotes on Bolivia,\u201d _Journal of the Royal Geographical\n      Society_, xlvii. (1877) p. 211; Baron E. Nordenski\u00f6ld, \u201cTravels on\n      the Boundaries of Bolivia and Argentina,\u201d _The Geographical\n      Journal_, xxi. (1903) p. 518.\n\n   78 P. J. de Arriaga, _Extirpacion de la Idolatria del Piru_ (Lima,\n      1621), pp. 37, 130.\n\n   79 F. Liebrecht, _Zur Volkskunde_, p. 274; Brett, \u201cDans la Cor\u00e9e\n      Septentrionale,\u201d _Les Missions Catholiques_, xxxi. (1899) p. 237.\n\n   80 W. Crooke, _Popular Religion and Folk-lore of Northern India_\n      (Westminster, 1896), i. 115. \u201cIn some parts of Bilaspore there may\n      be seen heaps of stones, which are known as _kuriy\u0101_, from the word\n      _kurhon\u0101_, meaning to heap or pile-up. Just how and why the practice\n      was started the people cannot explain; but to this day every one who\n      passes a _kuriy\u0101_ will take up a stone and throw it on the pile.\n      This, they say, has been done as long as they can remember\u201d (E. M.\n      Gordon, _Indian Folk Tales_, London, 1908, p. 14).\n\n   81 W. Crooke, _Popular Religion and Folk-lore of Northern India_\n      (Westminster, 1896), i. 267 _sq._\n\n   82 Rev. J. Roscoe, _The Baganda_ (London, 1911), p. 163.\n\n   83 P. Amaury Talbot, _In the Shadow of the Bush_ (London, 1912), p.\n      242. As to the goddess Nimm, see _id._, pp. 2 _sq._\n\n   84 P. Amaury Talbot, _op. cit._ p. 91.\n\n   85 A. Karasek, \u201cBeitr\u00e4ge zur Kenntniss der Waschambaa,\u201d\n      _Baessler-Archiv_, i. (1911) p. 194.\n\n   86 M. Martin, \u201cA Description of the Western Islands of Scotland,\u201d in\n      John Pinkerton\u2019s _Voyages and Travels_ (London, 1808-1814), iii.\n      691.\n\n  M20 The throwing of stones and sticks is sometimes accompanied by\n      prayers. Gradual transformation of an old magical ceremony into a\n      religious rite.\n\n   87 E. Aymonier, _Notes sur le Laos_ (Saigon, 1885), p. 198.\n\n   88 E. T. Atkinson, _The Himalayan Districts of the North-Western\n      Provinces of India_, ii. (Allahabad, 1884) p. 832.\n\n   89 T. T. Cooper, _Travels of a Pioneer of Commerce_ (London, 1871), p.\n      275. Compare W. W. Rockhill, _The Land of the Lamas_ (London, 1891),\n      pp. 126 _sq._\n\n   90 Rev. J. Macdonald, \u201cManners, Customs, Superstitions, and Religions\n      of South African Tribes,\u201d _Journal of the Anthropological\n      Institute_, xx. (1891) p. 126.\n\n   91 Sir James E. Alexander, _Expedition of Discovery into the Interior\n      of Africa_ (London, 1838), i. 166.\n\n   92 S. Kay, _Travels and Researches in Caffraria_ (London, 1833), pp.\n      211 _sq._ When the Bishop of Capetown once passed a heap of stones\n      on the top of a mountain in the Amapondo country he was told that\n      \u201cit was customary for every traveller to add one to the heap that it\n      might have a favourable influence on his journey, and enable him to\n      arrive at some kraal while the pot is yet boiling\u201d (J. Shooter, _The\n      Kaffirs of Natal_, London, 1857, p. 217). Here there is no mention\n      of a prayer. Similarly a Basuto on a journey, when he fears that the\n      friend with whom he is going to stay may have eaten up all the food\n      before his guest\u2019s arrival, places a stone on a cairn to avert the\n      danger (E. Casalis, _The Basutos_, London, 1861, p. 272). The reason\n      alleged for the practice in these cases is perhaps equivalent to the\n      one assigned by the Melanesians and others; by ridding the traveller\n      of his fatigue it enables him to journey faster and so to reach his\n      destination before supper is over. But sometimes a travelling\n      Mowenda will place a stone, not on a cairn, but in the fork of a\n      tree, saying, \u201cMay the sun not set before I reach my destination.\u201d\n      See Rev. E. Gottschling, \u201cThe Bawenda,\u201d _Journal of the\n      Anthropological Institute_, xxxv. (1905) p. 381. This last custom is\n      a charm to prevent the sun from setting. See _The Magic Art and the\n      Evolution of Kings_, i. 318. In Senegal the custom of throwing\n      stones on cairns by the wayside is said to be observed \u201cin order to\n      ensure a speedy and prosperous return.\u201d See Dr. Bellamy, \u201cNotes\n      ethnographiques recueillies dans le Haut-S\u00e9n\u00e9gal,\u201d _Revue d\u2019\n      Ethnographie_, v. (1886) p. 83. In the Fan country of West Africa\n      the custom of adding a leafy branch to a heap of such branches in\n      the forest was explained by a native, who said that it was done to\n      prevent the trees and branches from falling on the traveller\u2019s head,\n      and their roots from wounding his feet. See Father Trilles, \u201cMille\n      lieues dans l\u2019inconnu,\u201d _Les Missions Catholiques_, xxxiv. (1902) p.\n      142.\n\n   93 Th. Hahn, \u201cDie Buschm\u00e4nner,\u201d _Globus_, xviii. 141. As to the cairn\n      in question, see above, p. 16.\n\n  M21 Evils transferred to animals in Africa.\n\n   94 J. Smith, _Trade and Travels in the Gulph of Guinea_ (London, 1851),\n      p. 77.\n\n   95 O. Dapper, _Description de l\u2019Afrique_ (Amsterdam, 1686), p. 117.\n\n   96 A. Leared, _Morocco and the Moors_ (London, 1876), p. 301. Compare\n      E. Doutt\u00e9, _Magie et Religion dans l\u2019Afrique du Nord_ (Algiers,\n      1908), p. 454.\n\n   97 E. Doutt\u00e9, _op. cit._ pp. 454 _sq._\n\n   98 Dudley Kidd, _The Essential Kafir_ (London, 1904), p. 261.\n\n   99 Rev. John Campbell, _Travels in South Africa_ (London, 1822), ii.\n      207 _sq._\n\n  100 Rev. J. Roscoe, _The Baganda_ (London, 1911), pp. 342 _sq._\n\n  101 P. Cayzac, \u201cLa religion des Kikuyu,\u201d _Anthropos_, v. (1910) p. 311.\n\n  102 Rev. J. Roscoe, \u201cThe Bahima, a Cow Tribe of Enkole,\u201d _Journal of the\n      Royal Anthropological Institute_, xxxvii. (1907) p. 111.\n\n  M22 Evils transferred to animals in various parts of the world.\n\n  103 Dr. R. F. Kaindl, \u201cZauberglaube bei den Huzulen,\u201d _Globus_, lxxvi.\n      (1899) p. 254.\n\n  104 J. Goldziher, _Muhammedanische Studien_ (Halle a. S., 1888-1890), i.\n      34.\n\n  105 E. Diguet, _Les Annamites_ (Paris, 1906), pp. 283 _sq._\n\n  106 W. M\u00fcller, \u201c\u00dcber die Wildenst\u00e4mme der Insel Formosa,\u201d _Zeitschrift\n      f\u00fcr Ethnologie_, xlii. (1910) p. 237. The writer\u2019s use of the\n      pronoun (_sie_) is ambiguous.\n\n  107 Father E. Amat, in _Annales de la Propagation de la Foi_, lxx.\n      (1898) pp. 266 _sq._\n\n  M23 Vehicles for the transference of evils in Madagascar.\n\n  108 Rev. W. Ellis, _History of Madagascar_ (London, N.D.), i. 422 _sq._;\n      compare _id._, pp. 232, 435, 436 _sq._; Rev. J. Sibree, _The Great\n      African Island_ (London, 1880), pp. 303 _sq._ As to divination by\n      the _sikidy_, see J. Sibree, \u201cDivination among the Malagasy,\u201d\n      _Folk-lore_, iii. (1892) pp. 193-226.\n\n  109 W. Ellis, _op. cit._ i. 374; J. Sibree, _The Great African Island_,\n      p. 304; J. Cameron, in _Antananarivo Annual and Madagascar Magazine,\n      Reprint of the First Four Numbers_ (Antananarivo, 1885), p. 263.\n\n  M24 Extraction of kleptomania by spiders and crabs. Evils transferred to\n      birds, which fly away with them.\n\n  110 N. Adriani en Alb. C. Kruijt, _De Bare\u2019e-sprekende Toradja\u2019s van\n      Midden-Celebes_, i. (Batavia, 1912) p. 399.\n\n  111 W. K\u00f6dding, \u201cDie Batakschen G\u00f6tter,\u201d _Allgemeine\n      Missions-Zeitschrift_, xii. (1885) p. 478; Dr. R. R\u00f6mer, \u201cBijdrage\n      tot de Geneeskunst der Karo-Batak\u2019s,\u201d _Tijdschrift voor Indische\n      Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde_, l. (1908) p. 223.\n\n  112 W. E. Maxwell, \u201cThe Folklore of the Malays,\u201d _Journal of the Straits\n      Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society_, No. 7 (June, 1881), p. 27; W.\n      W. Skeat, _Malay Magic_ (London, 1900), pp. 534 _sq._\n\n  113 Dio Chrysostom, _Orat._ liii. vol. ii. pp. 164 _sq._ ed. L. Dindorf\n      (Leipsic, 1857). Compare Plato, _Republic_, iii. 9, p. 398 A, who\n      ironically proposes to dismiss poets from his ideal state in the\n      same manner. These passages of Plato and Dio Chrysostom were pointed\n      out to me by my friend Professor Henry Jackson. There was a Greek\n      saying, attributed to Pythagoras, that swallows should not be\n      allowed to enter a house (Plutarch, _Quaest. Conviv._ viii. 7, 1).\n\n  114 Dr. R. F. Kaindl, \u201cZauberglaube bei den Huzulen,\u201d _Globus_, lxxvi.\n      (1899) pp. 255 _sq._\n\n  115 Leviticus xiv. 7, 53.\n\n  116 J. Wellhausen, _Reste arabischen Heidentumes_ (Berlin, 1887), p.\n      156; W. Robertson Smith, _Religion of the Semites_, New Edition\n      (London, 1894), pp. 422, 428.\n\n  M25 Evils transferred to animals in India.\n\n  117 W. Crooke, _Tribes and Castes of the North-Western Provinces and\n      Oudh_ (Calcutta, 1896), iii. 434.\n\n  118 E. Thurston, _Castes and Tribes of Southern India_ (Madras, 1909),\n      i. 113-117; _id._, _Ethnographic Notes in Southern India_ (Madras,\n      1906), pp. 192-196; Captain H. Harkness, _Description of a Singular\n      Aboriginal Race inhabiting the Summit of the Neilgherry Hills_\n      (London, 1832), p. 133; F. Metz, _The Tribes inhabiting the\n      Neilgherry Hills_, Second Edition (Mangalore, 1864), p. 78; Jagor,\n      \u201cUeber die Badagas im Nilgiri-Gebirge,\u201d _Verhandlungen der Berliner\n      Gesellschaft f\u00fcr Anthropologie_ (1876), pp. 196 _sq._ At the Badaga\n      funerals witnessed by Mr. E. Thurston \u201cno calf was brought near the\n      corpse, and the celebrants of the rites were satisfied with the mere\n      mention by name of a calf, which is male or female according to the\n      sex of the deceased.\u201d\n\n  119 H. Harkness, _l.c._\n\n  120 J. W. Breeks, _An Account of the Primitive Tribes and Monuments of\n      the N\u012blagiris_ (London, 1873), pp. 23 _sq._; W. H. R. Rivers, _The\n      Todas_ (London, 1906), pp. 376 _sq._\n\n  121 E. T. Atkinson, _The Himalayan Districts of the North-Western\n      Provinces of India_, ii. (Allahabad, 1884) pp. 927 _sq._ In other\n      parts of North-Western India on the eleventh day after a death a\n      bull calf is let loose with a trident branded on its shoulder or\n      quarter \u201cto become a pest.\u201d See (Sir) Denzil C. J. Ibbetson, _Report\n      on the Revision of Settlement of the Panipat Tahsil and Karnal\n      Parganah of the Karnal District_ (Allahabad, 1883), p. 137. In\n      Behar, a district of Bengal, a bullock is also let loose on the\n      eleventh day of mourning for a near relative. See G. A. Grierson,\n      _Bih\u0101r Peasant Life_ (Calcutta, 1885), p. 409.\n\n  M26 Evils transferred to human beings in India and elsewhere.\n\n  122 W. Caland, _Altindisches Zauberritual_ (Amsterdam, 1900), p. 83;\n      _Hymns of the Atharva-Veda_, translated by Maurice Bloomfield\n      (Oxford, 1897), pp. 308 _sq._ (_Sacred Books of the East_, vol.\n      xlii.).\n\n  123 M. N. Venketswami, \u201cTelugu Superstitions,\u201d _The Indian Antiquary_,\n      xxiv. (1895) p. 359.\n\n  124 A. Gr\u00fcnwedel, \u201cSinhalesische Masken,\u201d _Internationales Archiv f\u00fcr\n      Ethnographie_, vi. (1893) pp. 85 _sq._\n\n  125 J. G. Dalyell, _Darker Superstitions of Scotland_ (Edinburgh, 1834),\n      pp. 104 _sq._ I have modernised the spelling.\n\n  126 J. Perham, \u201cSea Dyak Religion,\u201d _Journal of the Straits Branch of\n      the Royal Asiatic Society_, No. 10 (December 1882), p. 232.\n\n  M27 Sins and misfortunes transferred to human scapegoats in New Zealand\n      and Manipur. Annual eponyms in Manipur. Eponymous magistrates as\n      public scapegoats.\n\n  127 Rev. Richard Taylor, _Te Ika A Maui, or New Zealand and its\n      Inhabitants_, Second Edition (London, 1870), p. 101.\n\n  128 T. C. Hodson, \u201cThe Native Tribes of Manipur,\u201d _Journal of the\n      Anthropological Institute_, xxxi. (1901) p. 302; _id._, _The\n      Meitheis_ (London, 1908), pp. 106 _sq._\n\n  129 T. C. Hodson, \u201cThe Native Tribes of Manipur,\u201d _Journal of the\n      Anthropological Institute_, xxxi. (1901) p. 302.\n\n  130 T. C. Hodson, _The Meitheis_ (London, 1908), pp. 104-106.\n\n  131 Compare _The Dying God_, pp. 116 _sq._\n\n  M28 Indian story of the transference of sins to a holy man.\n\n_  132 The Jataha or Stories of the Buddha\u2019s former Births_, vol. v.,\n      translated by H. T. Francis (Cambridge, 1905), pp. 71 _sq._\n\n  M29 Transference of evils to human scapegoats in Uganda.\n\n  133 Rev. J. Roscoe, _The Baganda_ (London, 1911), p. 342.\n\n  M30 Transference of sins to a Brahman in Travancore. Transference of\n      sins to a Sin-eater in England.\n\n  134 Rev. S. Mateer, _Native Life in Travancore_ (London, 1883), p. 136.\n\n  135 J. Aubrey, _Remaines of Gentilisme and Judaisme_ (Folk-lore Society,\n      London, 1881), pp. 35 _sq._\n\n  136 Bagford\u2019s letter in Leland\u2019s _Collectanea_, i. 76, quoted by J.\n      Brand, _Popular Antiquities_, ii. 246 _sq._, Bohn\u2019s edition (London,\n      1882-1883).\n\n  137 In _The Academy_, 13th Nov. 1875, p. 505, Mr. D. Silvan Evans stated\n      that he knew of no such custom anywhere in Wales; and the custom\n      seems to be now quite unknown in Shropshire. See C. S. Burne and G.\n      F. Jackson, _Shropshire Folk-lore_ (London, 1883), pp. 307 _sq._\n\n  138 The authority for the statement is a Mr. Moggridge, reported in\n      _Archaeologia Cambrensis_, second series, iii. 330. But Mr.\n      Moggridge did not speak from personal knowledge, and as he appears\n      to have taken it for granted that the practice of placing bread and\n      salt upon the breast of a corpse was a survival of the custom of\n      \u201csin-eating,\u201d his evidence must be received with caution. He\n      repeated his statement, in somewhat vaguer terms, at a meeting of\n      the Anthropological Institute, 14th December 1875. See _Journal of\n      the Anthropological Institute_, v. (1876) pp. 423 _sq._\n\n  M31 Transference of sins to a sin-eater in India.\n\n  139 J. A. Dubois, _M\u0153urs des Peuples de l\u2019Inde_ (Paris, 1825), ii. 32\n      _sq._\n\n  140 R. Richardson, in _Panjab Notes and Queries_, i. p. 86, \u00a7 674 (May,\n      1884).\n\n_  141 Panjab Notes and Queries_, i. p. 86, \u00a7 674, ii. p. 93, \u00a7 559\n      (March, 1885). Some of these customs have been already referred to\n      in a different connexion. See _The Dying God_, p. 154. In Uganda the\n      eldest son used to perform a funeral ceremony, which consisted in\n      chewing some seeds which he took with his lips from the hand of his\n      dead father; some of these seeds he then blew over the corpse and\n      the rest over one of the childless widows who thereafter became his\n      wife. The meaning of the ceremony is obscure. The eldest son in\n      Uganda never inherited his father\u2019s property. See the Rev. J.\n      Roscoe, _The Baganda_ (London, 1911), p. 117.\n\n_  142 Panjab Notes and Queries_, iii. p. 179, \u00a7 745 (July, 1886).\n\n  143 E. Schuyler, _Turkistan_ (London, 1876), ii. 28.\n\n  M32 Transference of sins in Tahiti.\n\n  144 W. Ellis, _Polynesian Researches_, Second Edition (London,\n      1832-1836), i. 401 _sqq._\n\n  145 The Welsh custom of \u201csin-eating\u201d has been interpreted by Mr. E. S.\n      Hartland as a modification of an older custom of eating the corpse.\n      See his article, \u201cThe Sin-eater,\u201d _Folk-lore_, iii. (1892) 145-157;\n      _The Legend of Perseus_, ii. 291 _sqq._, iii. p. ix. I cannot think\n      his interpretation probable or borne out by the evidence. The Badaga\n      custom of transferring the sins of the dead to a calf which is then\n      let loose and never used again (above, pp. 36 _sq._), the Tahitian\n      custom of burying the sins of a person whose body is carefully\n      preserved by being embalmed, and the Manipur and Travancore customs\n      of transferring the sins of a Rajah before his death (pp. 39, 42\n      _sq._) establish the practice of transferring sins in cases where\n      there can be no question of eating the corpse. The original\n      intention of such practices was perhaps not so much to take away the\n      sins of the deceased as to rid the survivors of the dangerous\n      pollution of death. This comes out to some extent in the Tahitian\n      custom.\n\n  M33 Transference of evils in ancient Greece. The transference of warts.\n      Transference of sickness in Scotland, Germany, and Austria.\n\n  146 Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ xxviii. 86.\n\n  147 Plato, _Laws_, xi. 12, p. 933 B.\n\n  148 \u1f18\u03c6\u03b7\u03bc\u03b5\u03c1\u1f76\u03c2 \u1f00\u03c1\u03c7\u03b1\u03b9\u03bf\u03bb\u03bf\u03b3\u03b9\u03ba\u03ae, 1883, col. 213, 214; G. Dittenberger,\n      _Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum_,2 No. 802, lines 48 _sqq._ (vol.\n      ii. pp. 652 _sq._).\n\n  149 Marcellus, _De medicamentis_, xxxiv. 102. A similar cure is\n      described by Pliny (_Nat. Hist._ xxii. 149); you are to touch the\n      warts with chick-peas on the first day of the moon, wrap the peas in\n      a cloth, and throw them away behind you. But Pliny does not say that\n      the warts will be transferred to the person who picks up the peas.\n      On this subject see further J. Hardy, \u201cWart and Wen Cures,\u201d\n      _Folk-lore Record_, i. (1878) pp. 216-228.\n\n  150 Z. Zanetti, _La Medicina delle nostre donne_ (Citt\u00e0 di Castello,\n      1892), pp. 224 _sq._; J. B. Thiers, _Trait\u00e9 des Superstitions_\n      (Paris, 1679), p. 321; B. Souch\u00e9, _Croyances, pr\u00e9sages et traditions\n      diverses_ (Niort, 1880), p. 19; J. W. Wolf, _Beitr\u00e4ge zur deutschen\n      Mythologie_ (G\u00f6ttingen, 1852-1857), i. 248, \u00a7 576; Dr. R. F. Kaindl,\n      \u201cAus dem Volksglauben der Rutenen in Galizien,\u201d _Globus_, lxiv.\n      (1893) p. 93; J. Harland and T. T. Wilkinson, _Lancashire Folk-lore_\n      (Manchester and London, 1882), p. 157; G. W. Black, _Folk-medicine_\n      (London, 1883), p. 41; W. Gregor, _Folk-lore of the North-East of\n      Scotland_ (London, 1881), p. 49; J. G. Campbell, _Witchcraft and\n      Second Sight in the Highlands and Islands of Scotland_ (Glasgow,\n      1902), pp. 94 _sq._\n\n  151 L. Strackerjan, _Aberglaube und Sagen aus dem Herzogthum Oldenburg_\n      (Oldenburg, 1867), ii. 71, \u00a7 85; E. Monseur, _Le Folklore Wallon_\n      (Brussels, N.D.), p. 29; H. Zahler, _Die Krankheit im Volksglauben\n      des Simmenthals_ (Bern, 1898), p. 93; R. Andree, _Braunschweiger\n      Volkskunde_ (Brunswick, 1896), p. 306.\n\n  152 A. Birlinger, _Volksth\u00fcmliches aus Schwaben_ (Freiburg im Breisgau,\n      1861-1862), i. 483.\n\n  153 Thiers, Souch\u00e9, Strackerjan, Monseur, _ll.cc._; J. G. Campbell,\n      _Witchcraft and Second Sight in the Highlands and Islands of\n      Scotland_ (Glasgow, 1902), p. 95.\n\n  154 Ch. Rogers, _Social Life in Scotland_ (Edinburgh, 1884-1886), iii.\n      226.\n\n  155 G. Lammert, _Volksmedizin und medizinischer Aberglaube in Bayern_\n      (W\u00fcrzburg, 1869), p. 264.\n\n_  156 Ibid._ p. 263.\n\n  157 J. V. Grohmann, _Aberglauben und Gebr\u00e4uche aus B\u00f6hmen und M\u00e4hren_\n      (Prague and Leipsic, 1864), p. 167, \u00a7 1180.\n\n  158 L. Strackerjan, _Aberglaube und Sagen aus dem Herzogthum Oldenburg_\n      (Oldenburg, 1867), i. 71, \u00a7 85.\n\n  M34 Sickness transferred to asses, frogs, dogs, and other animals.\n\n_  159 Geoponica_, xiii. 9, xv. 1; Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ xxviii. 155. The\n      authorities for these cures are respectively Apuleius and\n      Democritus. The latter is probably not the atomic philosopher. See\n      J. G. Frazer, \u201cThe Language of Animals,\u201d _The Arch\u00e6ological Review_,\n      vol. i. (May, 1888) p. 180, note 140.\n\n  160 Marcellus, _De medicamentis_, xii. 24.\n\n  161 W. G. Black, _Folk-medicine_ (London, 1883), pp. 35 _sq._\n\n  162 Marcellus, _De medicamentis_, xvii. 18.\n\n  163 Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ xxx. 61; Marcellus, _De medicamentis_, xxvii.\n      33. The latter writer mentions (_op. cit._ xxviii. 123) that the\n      same malady might similarly be transferred to a live frog.\n\n  164 Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ xxx. 64; Marcellus, _De medicamentis_, xxviii.\n      132.\n\n  165 Marcellus, _De medicamentis_, xxix. 35.\n\n  166 W. Henderson, _Folk-lore of the Northern Counties_ (London, 1879),\n      p. 143; W. G. Black, _Folk-medicine_, p. 35; Marie Trevelyan,\n      _Folk-lore and Folk-stories of Wales_ (London, 1909), p. 226.\n\n  167 L. Strackerjan, _Aberglaube und Sagen aus dem Herzogthum Oldenburg_\n      (Oldenburg, 1867), i. 72, \u00a7 86.\n\n  M35 Sickness transferred to birds, snails, fish, and fowls.\n\n  168 J. V. Grohmann, _Aberglauben und Gebr\u00e4uche aus B\u00f6hmen und M\u00e4hren_\n      (Prague and Leipsic, 1864), p. 166, \u00a7 1173, quoting Kuhn\u2019s\n      translation of _Rig-veda_, x. 97. 13. A slightly different\n      translation of the verse is given by H. Grassmann, who here follows\n      R. Roth (_Rig-veda \u00fcbersetzt_, vol. ii. p. 379). Compare _Hymns of\n      the Rigveda_, translated by R. T. H. Griffith (Benares, 1889-1892),\n      iv. 312.\n\n  169 L. Strackerjan, _op. cit._ i. 72, \u00a7 87.\n\n  170 W. Henderson, _Folk-lore of the Northern Counties_ (London, 1879),\n      p. 143.\n\n  171 J. D. H. Temme, _Die Volkssagen der Altmark_ (Berlin, 1839), p. 83;\n      A. Kuhn, _M\u00e4rkische Sagen und M\u00e4rchen_ (Berlin, 1843), p. 384, \u00a7 62.\n\n  172 R. Wuttke, _S\u00e4chsische Volkskunde_2 (Dresden, 1901), p. 372.\n\n  173 J. V. Grohmann, _op. cit._ p. 230, \u00a7 1663. A similar remedy is\n      prescribed in Bavaria. See G. Lammert, _Volksmedizin und\n      medizinischer Aberglaube in Bayern_ (W\u00fcrzburg, 1869), p. 249.\n\n  174 J. Brand, _Popular Antiquities_, ii. 375; W. G. Black,\n      _Folk-medicine_, p. 46.\n\n  175 Marie Trevelyan, _Folk-lore and Folk-stories of Wales_ (London,\n      1909), pp. 229 _sq._\n\n  M36 Sickness and ill-luck transferred to inanimate objects.\n\n  176 B. Schmidt, _Das Volksleben der Neugriechen_ (Leipsic, 1871), p. 82.\n\n  177 A. Kuhn, _M\u00e4rkische Sagen und M\u00e4rchen_ (Berlin, 1843), p. 386.\n\n  178 L. Strackerjan, _Aberglaube und Sagen aus dem Herzogthum Oldenburg_\n      (Oldenburg, 1867), i. 74, \u00a7 91.\n\n  M37 Sickness and trouble transferred to trees and bushes.\n\n  179 F. J. Wiedemann, _Aus dem inneren und \u00e4ussern Leben der Ehsten_ (St.\n      Petersburg, 1876), pp. 451 _sq._\n\n_  180 Le Tour du Monde_, lxvii. (1894) p. 308; _id._, Nouvelle S\u00e9rie, v.\n      (1899) p. 521.\n\n  181 F. S. Krauss, _Volksglaube und religi\u00f6ser Brauch der S\u00fcdslaven_\n      (M\u00fcnster i. W., 1890), pp. 35 _sq._\n\n  182 F. S. Krauss, _op. cit._ p. 39.\n\n  183 A. Strausz, _Die Bulgaren_ (Leipsic, 1898), p. 400, compare p. 401.\n\n_  184 Blackwood\u2019s Magazine_, February 1886, p. 239.\n\n  185 Z. Zanetti, _La medicina delle nostre donne_ (Citt\u00e0 di Castello,\n      1892), p. 73.\n\n  186 J. B. Thiers, _Trait\u00e9 des Superstitions_ (Paris, 1679), pp. 323\n      _sq._\n\n  187 J. V. Grohmann, _Aberglauben und Gebr\u00e4uche aus B\u00f6hmen und M\u00e4hren_\n      (Prague and Leipsic, 1864), p. 167, \u00a7 1178. A Belgian cure of the\n      same sort is reported by J. W. Wolf (_Beitr\u00e4ge zur deutschen\n      Mythologie_, G\u00f6ttingen, 1852-1857, i. 223 (wrongly numbered 219), \u00a7\n      256).\n\n  M38 Sickness transferred to trees by means of knots.\n\n  188 L. Strackerjan, _Aberglaube und Sagen aus dem Herzogthum Oldenburg_\n      (Oldenburg, 1867), i. 74, \u00a7 90.\n\n  189 J. Grimm, _Deutsche Mythologie_4 (Berlin, 1875-1878), ii. 979.\n\n_  190 Bavaria, Landes- und Volkskunde des K\u00f6nigreichs Bayern_, iv. 2\n      (Munich, 1867), p. 406.\n\n  191 A. Schleicher, _Volkst\u00fcmliches aus Sonnenberg_ (Weimar, 1858), p.\n      150; A. Witschel, _Sagen, Sitten und Gebr\u00e4uche aus Th\u00fcringen_\n      (Vienna, 1878), p. 283, \u00a7 82.\n\n  192 W. Kolbe, _Hessische Volks-Sitten und Gebrauche_2 (Marburg, 1888),\n      pp. 88 _sq._\n\n  M39 Sickness transferred to trees by means of the patient\u2019s hair or\n      nails.\n\n  193 C. Meyer, _Der Aberglaube des Mittelalters_ (B\u00e2le, 1884), p. 104.\n\n  194 H. Zahler, _Die Krankheit im Volksglauben des Simmenthals_ (Bern,\n      1898), p. 94.\n\n  195 W. G. Black, _Folk-medicine_, p. 38.\n\n  196 F. Chapiseau, _Le Folk-lore de la Beauce et du Perche_ (Paris,\n      1902), i. 213.\n\n  197 W. G. Black, _Folk-medicine_, p. 39.\n\n  M40 Toothache, headache, and fevers plugged up in trees.\n\n  198 A. Wuttke, _Der deutsche Volksaberglaube_2 (Berlin, 1869), p. 310, \u00a7\n      490.\n\n  199 J. V. Grohmann, _Aberglauben und Gebr\u00e4uche aus B\u00f6hmen und M\u00e4hren_,\n      p. 165, \u00a7 1160.\n\n  200 L. Strackerjan, _Aberglaube und Sagen aus dem Herzogthum Oldenburg_,\n      ii. 74 _sq._, \u00a7 89.\n\n  201 J. Grimm, _Deutsche Mythologie_,4 ii. 979.\n\n  202 T. J. Pettigrew, _On Superstitions connected with the History and\n      Practice of Medicine and Surgery_ (London, 1844), p. 77; W. G.\n      Black, _Folk-medicine_, p. 37.\n\n  M41 Sickness and pain pegged or nailed into trees.\n\n  203 J. V. Grohmann, _Aberglauben und Gebr\u00e4uche aus B\u00f6hmen und M\u00e4hren_,\n      p. 167, \u00a7 1182.\n\n  204 L. Strackerjan, _Aberglaube und Sagen aus dem Herzogthum Oldenburg_,\n      i. 73, \u00a7 89; A. Wuttke, _Der deutsche Volksaberglaube_,2 pp. 309\n      _sq._, \u00a7 490.\n\n  205 L. F. Sauv\u00e9, _Le Folk-lore des Hautes-Vosges_ (Paris, 1889), p. 40;\n      A. Meyrac, _Traditions, Coutumes, L\u00e9gendes et Contes des Ardennes_\n      (Charleville, 1890), p. 174; A. Schleicher, _Volkst\u00fcmliches aus\n      Sonnenberg_ (Weimer, 1858), p. 149; J. A. E. K\u00f6hler, _Volksbrauch,\n      Aberglauben, Sagen und andre alte Ueberlieferungen im Voigtlande_\n      (Leipsic, 1867), p. 414; A. Witzschel, _Sagen, Sitten und Gebr\u00e4uche\n      aus Th\u00fcringen_ (Vienna, 1878), p. 283, \u00a7 79; H. Zahler, _Die\n      Krankheit im Volksglauben des Simmenthals_ (Bern, 1898), p. 93.\n\n  206 R. Andree, _Braunschweiger Volkskunde_ (Brunswick, 1896), p. 307.\n\n  207 A. Kuhn, _M\u00e4rkische Sagen und M\u00e4rchen_ (Berlin, 1843), p. 384, \u00a7 66.\n\n  208 H. Zahler, _loc. cit._\n\n  209 P. Wagler, _Die Eiche in alter und neuer Zeit_, i. (Wurzen, N.D.) p.\n      23.\n\n  M42 Ghosts and gods bunged up in India. Demon plugged up and ghost\n      nailed down.\n\n  210 E. Doutt\u00e9, _Magie et Religion dans l\u2019Afrique du Nord_ (Algiers,\n      1908), p. 436.\n\n  211 W. Crooke, _The Tribes and Castes of the North-Western Provinces and\n      Oudh_ (Calcutta, 1896), iii. 436 _sq._; compare _id._, _Popular\n      Religion and Folk-lore of Northern India_ (Westminster, 1896), i.\n      43, 162. Compare E. Thurston, _Ethnographic Notes in Southern India_\n      (Madras, 1906), pp. 313, 331.\n\n  212 W. Crooke, _Popular Religion and Folk-lore of Northern India_\n      (Westminster, 1896), i. 102 _sq._\n\n  213 Mrs. Bishop, _Korea and her Neighbours_ (London, 1898), ii. 143\n      _sq._\n\n  214 P. Giran, _Magie et Religion Annamites_ (Paris, 1912), pp. 132 _sq._\n\n  M43 Evils nailed into stones, walls, door-posts, and so on.\n\n  215 R. C. Maclagan, \u201cNotes on folk-lore Objects collected in\n      Argyleshire,\u201d _Folk-lore_, vi. (1895) p. 158.\n\n  216 R. Andree, _Braunschweiger Volkskunde_ (Brunswick, 1896), p. 307.\n\n  217 F. Chapiseau, _Le Folk-lore de la Beauce et du Perche_ (Paris,\n      1902), i. 170.\n\n  218 E. Doutt\u00e9, _Magie et Religion dans l\u2019Afrique du Nord_ (Algiers,\n      1908), pp. 228 _sq._\n\n  219 J. V. Grohmann, _Aberglauben und Gebr\u00e4uche aus B\u00f6hmen und M\u00e4hren_,\n      p. 116, \u00a7 1172.\n\n  M44 Devils and ghosts nailed down in Morocco, Tunis, and Egypt. Headache\n      nailed into a door or a wall. Plague pegged into a hole.\n\n  220 A. Leared, _Morocco and the Moors_ (London, 1876), pp. 275 _sqq._\n\n  221 R. C. Thompson, _Semitic Magic_ (London, 1908), p. 17. It would seem\n      that in Macedonia demons and ghosts can be hammered into walls. See\n      G. F. Abbott, _Macedonian Folklore_ (Cambridge, 1903), p. 221. In\n      Chittagong, as soon as a coffin has been carried out of the house, a\n      nail is knocked into the threshold \u201cto prevent death from entering\n      the dwelling, at least for a time.\u201d See Th. B\u00e9rengier, \u201cLes\n      fun\u00e9railles \u00e0 Chittagong,\u201d _Les Missions Catholiques_, xiii. (1881)\n      p. 504.\n\n  222 E. W. Lane, _Manners and Customs of the Modern Egyptians_ (Paisley\n      and London, 1895), ch. x. p. 240.\n\n  223 R. C. Thompson, _Semitic Magic_ (London, 1908), p. 18.\n\n  224 L. Strackerjan, _Aberglaube und Sagen aus dem Herzogthum Oldenburg_,\n      ii. 120, \u00a7 428 _a_. A similar story is told of a house in Neuenburg\n      (_op. cit._ ii. 182, \u00a7 512 _c_).\n\n  225 Ammianus Marcellinus, xxiii. 6. 24.\n\n  M45 Plague nailed down in ancient Rome.\n\n  226 Livy, vii. 1-3. The plague raged from 365 to 363 B.C., when it was\n      happily stayed in the manner described in the text.\n\n  M46 Pestilence and civil discord nailed into a wall in Rome.\n\n  227 Livy, ix. 28. This happened in the year 313 B.C.\n\n  228 Livy, viii. 18. These events took place in 331 B.C.\n\n  M47 The annual ceremony of knocking in a nail at Rome.\n\n  229 Livy, vii. 3. Livy says nothing as to the place where the nails were\n      affixed; but from Festus (p. 56 ed. C. O. M\u00fcller) we learn that it\n      was the wall of a temple, and as the date of the ceremony was also\n      the date of the dedication of the temple of Jupiter on the Capitol\n      (Plutarch, _Publicola_, 14), we may fairly conjecture that this\n      temple was the scene of the rite. It is the more necessary to call\n      attention to the uncertainty which exists on this point because\n      modern writers, perhaps misunderstanding the words of Livy, have\n      commonly stated as a fact what is at best only a more or less\n      probable hypothesis. Octavian seems to have provided for the\n      knocking of a nail into the temple of Mars by men who had held the\n      office of censor. See Dio Cassius, lv. 10, \u1f27\u03bb\u03cc\u03bd \u03c4\u03b5 \u03b1\u1f50\u03c4\u1ff7 \u1f51\u03c0\u1f78 \u03c4\u1ff6\u03bd\n      \u03c4\u03b9\u03bc\u03b7\u03c4\u03b5\u03c5\u03c3\u03ac\u03bd\u03c4\u03c9\u03bd \u03c0\u03c1\u03bf\u03c3\u03c0\u03ae\u03b3\u03bd\u03c5\u03c3\u03b8\u03b1\u03b9.\n\n  M48 The ceremony was probably a purificatory rite designed to disarm and\n      disable all evils that might threaten the Roman state in the course\n      of the year. Roman cure for epilepsy.\n\n  230 Livy, vii. 3. Festus speaks (p. 56 ed. C. O. M\u00fcller) of \u201cthe annual\n      nail, which was fixed in the walls of temples for the purpose of\n      numbering the years,\u201d as if the practice were common. From Cicero\u2019s\n      passing reference to the custom (\u201c_Ex hoc die clavum anni movebis_,\u201d\n      _Epist. ad Atticum_, v. 15. 1) we see that it was matter of\n      notoriety. Hence we may safely reject Mommsen\u2019s theory, which Mr. W.\n      Warde Fowler is disposed to accept (_The Roman Festivals of the\n      period of the Republic_, London, 1899, pp. 234 _sq._), that the\n      supposed annual custom never existed except in the brains of Roman\n      Dryasdusts.\n\n  231 See Livy and Festus, _ll.cc._\n\n  232 Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ xxviii. 63.\n\n_  233 County Folk-lore, Suffolk_, edited by Lady E. C. Gurdon (London,\n      1893), p. 14. In the north-west Highlands of Scotland it used to be\n      customary to bury a black cock alive on the spot where an epileptic\n      patient fell down. Along with the cock were buried parings of the\n      patient\u2019s nails and a lock of his hair. See (Sir) Arthur Mitchell,\n      _On various Superstitions in the North-West Highlands and Islands of\n      Scotland_ (Edinburgh, 1862), p. 26; J. G. Campbell, _Witchcraft and\n      Second Sight in the Highlands and Islands of Scotland_ (Glasgow,\n      1902), p. 97. Probably the disease was supposed to be buried with\n      the cock in the ground. The ancient Hindoos imagined that epilepsy\n      was caused by a dog-demon. When a boy fell down in a fit, his father\n      or other competent person used to wrap the sufferer in a net, and\n      carry him into the hall, not through the door, but through an\n      opening made for the purpose in the roof. Then taking up some earth\n      in the middle of the hall, at the place where people gambled, he\n      sprinkled the spot with water, cast dice on it, and laid the boy on\n      his back on the dice. After that he prayed to the dog-demon, saying,\n      \u201cDoggy, let him loose! Reverence be to thee, barker, bender! Doggy,\n      let him loose! Reverence be to thee, barker, bender!\u201d See _The\n      Grihya Sutras_, translated by H. Oldenberg, Part i. (Oxford, 1886)\n      pp. 296 _sq._; _id._ Part ii. (Oxford, 1892) pp. 219 _sq._, 286\n      _sq._ (_Sacred Books of the East_, vols. xxix. and xxx.). Apparently\n      the place where people gambled was for some reason supposed to be a\n      spot where an epileptic could divest himself most readily of his\n      malady. But the connexion of thought is obscure.\n\n  234 The analogy of the Roman custom to modern superstitious practices\n      has been rightly pointed out by Mr. E. S. Hartland (_Folk-lore_, iv.\n      (1893) pp. 457, 464; _Legend of Perseus_, ii. 188), but I am unable\n      to accept his general explanation of these and some other practices\n      as modes of communion with a divinity.\n\n  M49 Knocking nails into idols as a means of attracting the attention of\n      the deity or spirit.\n\n  235 A. Bastian, _Die deutsche Expedition an der Loango-K\u00fcste_ (Jena,\n      1874-1875), ii. 176.\n\n  236 A. Bastian, _op. cit._ ii. 175-178. Compare Father Campana, \u201cCongo,\n      Mission Catholique de Landana,\u201d _Les Missions Catholiques_, xxvii.\n      (1895) p. 93; _Notes Analytiques sur les Collections Ethnographiques\n      du Mus\u00e9e du Congo_, i. (Brussels, 1902-1906) pp. 153, 246; B. H.\n      Mullen, \u201cFetishes from Landana, South-West Africa,\u201d _Man_, v. (1905)\n      pp. 102-104; R. E. Dennett, \u201cBavili Notes,\u201d _Folk-lore_, xvi. (1905)\n      pp. 382 _sqq._; _id._, _At the Back of the Black Man\u2019s Mind_\n      (London, 1906), pp. 85 _sqq._, 91 _sqq._ The Ethnological Museum at\n      Berlin possesses a number of rude images from Loango and Congo,\n      which are thickly studded with nails hammered into their bodies. The\n      intention of the custom, as explained to me by Professor von\n      Luschan, is to pain the fetish and so to refresh his memory, lest he\n      should forget to do his duty.\n\n  237 Sir John Rhys, \u201cCeltae and Galli,\u201d _Proceedings of the British\n      Academy_, ii. (1905-1906) pp. 114 _sq._\n\n  238 Lafcadio Hearn, _Glimpses of Unfamiliar Japan_ (London, 1894), ii.\n      598 _sq._, note.\n\n  M50 Two different spiritual applications of nails or pins.\n  M51 Attempts to get rid of the accumulated sorrows of a whole people.\n  M52 Sorrows conceived of as the work of demons.\n  M53 Primitive belief in the omnipresence of demons.\n  M54 Demons in Australia and West Africa.\n\n  239 A. Oldfield, \u201cThe Aborigines of Australia,\u201d _Transactions of the\n      Ethnological Society of London_, N.S., iii. (1865) p. 228.\n\n  240 J. B\u00fcttikoffer, \u201cEiniges \u00fcber die Eingebornen von Liberia,\u201d\n      _Internationales Archiv f\u00fcr Ethnographie_, i. (1888) p. 85.\n\n  241 Mary H. Kingsley, _Travels in West Africa_ (London, 1897) pp. 442\n      _sq._\n\n  242 G. Z\u00fcndel, \u201cLand und Volk der Eweer auf der Sclavenk\u00fcste in\n      Westafrika,\u201d _Zeitschrift der Gesellschaft f\u00fcr Erdkunde zu Berlin_,\n      xii. (1877) pp. 412-414. Full details as to the religious creed of\n      the Ewes, including their belief in a Supreme Being (_Mawu_), are\n      given, to a great extent in the words of the natives themselves, by\n      the German missionary Jakob Spieth in his elaborate and valuable\n      works _Die Ewe-St\u00e4mme_ (Berlin, 1906) and _Die Religion der Eweer in\n      S\u00fcd-Togo_ (Leipsic, 1911). As to _Mawu_ in particular, the meaning\n      of whose name is somewhat uncertain, see J. Spieth, _Die\n      Ewe-St\u00e4mme_, pp. 421 _sqq._; _Die Religion der Eweer in S\u00fcd-Togo_,\n      pp. 15 _sqq._\n\n  M55 Demons on the Congo. Demons in South Africa.\n\n  243 Rev. J. H. Weeks, \u201cAnthropological Notes on the Bangala of the Upper\n      Congo River,\u201d _Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute_, xl.\n      (1910) p. 377.\n\n  244 Rev. John H. Weeks, _Among Congo Cannibals_ (London, 1913), p. 261.\n\n  245 Rev. J. H. Weeks, \u201cAnthropological Notes on the Bangala of the Upper\n      Congo River,\u201d _Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute_, xl.\n      (1910) pp. 368, 370. The singular form of _mingoli_ is _mongoli_, \u201ca\n      disembodied spirit.\u201d Compare _id._, _Among Congo Cannibals_ (London,\n      1913), p. 252; and again _ibid._ p. 275. But great as is the fear of\n      evil spirits among the natives of the Congo, their dread of\n      witchcraft seems to be still more intense. See Rev. J. H. Weeks,\n      \u201cNotes on some Customs of the Lower Congo People,\u201d _Folk-lore_, xx.\n      (1909) pp. 51 _sq._: \u201cThe belief in witchcraft affects their lives\n      in a vast number of ways, and touches them socially at a hundred\n      different points. It regulates their actions, modifies their mode of\n      thought and speech, controls their conduct towards each other,\n      causes cruelty and callousness in a people not naturally cruel, and\n      sets the various members of a family against each other. A man may\n      believe any theory he likes about creation, about God, and about the\n      abode of departed spirits, but he must believe in witches and their\n      influence for evil, and must in unmistakable terms give expression\n      to that belief, or be accused of witchcraft himself.... But for\n      witchcraft no one would die, and the earnest longing of all\n      right-minded men and women is to clear it out of the country by\n      killing every discovered witch. It is an act of\n      self-preservation.... Belief in witches is interwoved into the very\n      fibre of every Bantu-speaking man and woman, and the person who does\n      not believe in them is a monster, a witch, to be killed as soon as\n      possible.\u201d Could we weigh against each other the two great terrors\n      which beset the minds of savages all over the world, it seems\n      probable that the dread of witches would be found far to outweigh\n      the dread of evil spirits. However, it is the fear of evil spirits\n      with which we are at present concerned.\n\n  246 G. McCall Theal, _Records of South-Eastern Africa_, vii. (1901) pp.\n      405 _sq._\n\n  247 On this subject Mr. Dudley Kidd has made some judicious observations\n      (_Savage Childhood_, London, 1906, pp. 131 _sq._). He says: \u201cThe\n      Kafirs certainly do not live in everlasting dread of spirits, for\n      the chief part of their life is not spent in thinking at all. A\n      merrier set of people it would be hard to find. They are so\n      easy-going that it would seem to them too much burden to be for ever\n      thinking of spirits.\u201d\n\n  M56 Demons in South America.\n\n  248 (Sir) E. F. im Thurn, _Among the Indians of Guiana_. (London, 1883),\n      pp. 356 _sq._ As to the dread which the Brazilian Indians entertain\n      of demons, see J. B. von Spix and C. F. Ph. von Martius, _Reise in\n      Brasilien_ (Munich, 1823-1831), iii. 1108-1111.\n\n  249 W. Barbrooke Grubb, _An Unknown People in an Unknown Land_ (London,\n      1911), pp. 118, 119.\n\n  M57 Demons in Labrador.\n\n  250 L. M. Turner, \u201cEthnology of the Ungava District, Hudson Bay\n      Territory,\u201d _Eleventh Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology_\n      (Washington, 1894), pp. 193 _sq._\n\n  M58 Demons in Polynesia. Demons in New Zealand.\n\n  251 W. Ellis, _Polynesian Researches_, Second Edition (London,\n      1832-1836), i. 331.\n\n  252 W. Ellis, _op. cit._ i. 406.\n\n_  253 The Voyages of Captain James Cook round the World_ (London, 1809),\n      vi. 152.\n\n  254 R. Taylor, _Te Ika a Maui, or New Zealand and its Inhabitants_,\n      Second Edition (London, 1870), p. 104.\n\n  M59 Demons in the Pelew Islands.\n\n  255 J. Kubary, \u201cDie Religion der Pelauer,\u201d in A. Bastian\u2019s _Allerlei aus\n      Volks- und Menschenkunde_ (Berlin, 1888), i. 46.\n\n  256 J. Kubary, \u201cDie Bewohner der Mortlock-Inseln,\u201d _Mittheilungen der\n      geographischen Gesellschaft in Hamburg_, 1878-79, p. 36.\n\n  M60 Demons in the Philippines and in Melanesia.\n\n  257 W. A. Reed, _Negritos of Zambales_ (Manilla, 1904), p. 65\n      (_Ethnological Survey Publications_, vol. ii. Part i.).\n\n  258 Mgr. Coupp\u00e9 \u201cEn Nouvelle-Pom\u00e9ranie,\u201d _Les Missions Catholiques_,\n      xxiii. (1891) pp. 355 _sq._\n\n  259 P. A. Kleintitschen, _Die K\u00fcstenbewohner der Gazellehalbinsel_\n      (Hiltrup bei M\u00fcnster, preface dated 1906), pp. 336 _sq._ Compare\n      Joachim Graf Pfeil, _Studien und Beobachtungen aus der S\u00fcdsee_\n      (Brunswick, 1899), p. 159; _id._, in _Journal of the Anthropological\n      Institute_, xxvii. (1898) pp. 183 _sq._\n\n  260 R. Parkinson, _Dreissig Jahre in der S\u00fcdsee_ (Stuttgart, 1907), pp.\n      120, 121.\n\n  M61 Demons in Dutch New Guinea and German New Guinea.\n\n  261 J. L. van Hasselt, \u201cDie Papuast\u00e4mme an der Geelvinkbai\n      (Neu-guinea),\u201d _Mitteilungen der Geographischen Gesellschaft zu\n      Jena_, ix. (1891) p. 98. As to Mr. van Hasselt\u2019s twenty-five years\u2019\n      residence among these savages, see _id._, p. 22.\n\n  262 Stefan Lehner, \u201cBukaua,\u201d in R. Neuhauss\u2019s _Deutsch Neu-Guinea_, iii.\n      (Berlin, 1911) pp. 414-416.\n\n  M62 Demons in British New Guinea.\n\n  263 W. G. Lawes, \u201cNotes on New Guinea and its Inhabitants,\u201d _Proceedings\n      of the Royal Geographical Society_, 1880, p. 615.\n\n  M63 Demons in Timor and Celebes.\n\n  264 J. G. F. Riedel, \u201cDie Landschaft Dawan oder West-Timor,\u201d _Deutsche\n      geographische Bl\u00e4tter_, x. 278 _sq._\n\n  265 G. W. W. C. Baron van Ho\u00ebvell, _Ambon en meer bepaaldelijk de\n      Oeliasers_ (Dordrecht, 1875), p. 148.\n\n  266 N. P. Wilken en J. A. Schwarz, \u201cHet heidendom en de Islam in Bolaang\n      Mongondou,\u201d _Mededeelingen van wege het Nederlandsche\n      Zendelinggenootschap_, xi. (1867) p. 259.\n\n  M64 Demons in Bali and Java.\n\n  267 R. van Eck, \u201cSchetsen van het eiland Bali,\u201d _Tijdschrift voor\n      Nederlandsch Indi\u00eb_, August, 1880, p. 83.\n\n  268 S. E. Harthoorn, \u201cDe Zending op Java en meer bepaald die van\n      Malang,\u201d _Mededeelingen van wege het Nederlandsche\n      Zendelinggenootschap_, iv. (1860) pp. 116 _sq._\n\n  M65 Demons in Borneo and Sumatra.\n\n  269 C. A. L. M. Schwaner, _Borneo, Beschrijving van het stroomgebied van\n      den Barito_ (Amsterdam, 1853-54), i. 176.\n\n  270 J. B. Neumann, \u201cHet Pane- en Bila-stroomgebied,\u201d _Tijdschrift van\n      het Nederlandsch Aardrijkskundig Genootschap_, Tweede Serie, iii.\n      Afdeeling, meer uitgebreide artikelen, No. 2 (Amsterdam, 1886), p.\n      287.\n\n  271 B. Hagen, \u201cBeitr\u00e4ge zur Kenntniss der Battareligion,\u201d _Tijdschrift\n      voor Indische Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde_, xxviii. (1883) p. 508.\n      The persons of the Batta Trinity are Bataraguru, Sori, and\n      Balabulan. The most fundamental distinction between the persons of\n      the Trinity appears to be that one of them is allowed to eat pork,\n      while the others are not (_ibid._ p. 505).\n\n  272 M. Joustra, \u201cHet leven, de zeden en gewoonten der Bataks,\u201d\n      _Mededeelingen van wege het Nederlandsche Zendelinggenootschap_,\n      xlvi. (1902) p. 412.\n\n  M66 Demons in the Nicobars, in the Malay Peninsula, and in Kamtchatka..\n\n_  273 The Census of India, 1901_, vol. iii. _The Andaman and Nicobar\n      Islands_, by Lieut.-Colonel Sir Richard C. Temple (Calcutta, 1903),\n      p. 206.\n\n  274 Borie, \u201cNotice sur les Mantras, tribu sauvage de la p\u00e9ninsule\n      Malaise,\u201d _Tijdschrift voor Indische Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde_, x.\n      (1860) p. 434.\n\n  275 S. Krascheninnikow, _Beschreibung des Landes Kamtschatka_ (Lemgo,\n      1766), p. 215.\n\n  M67 Demons in India. The high gods come and go, but demons remain.\n\n  276 We may compare the instructive remarks made by Mr. W. E. Maxwell on\n      the stratification of religious beliefs among the Malays (\u201cThe\n      Folk-lore of the Malays,\u201d _Journal of the Straits Branch of the\n      Royal Asiatic Society_, No. 7, June, 1881, pp. 11 _sq._). He says:\n      \u201cTwo successive religious changes have taken place among them, and\n      when we have succeeded in identifying the vestiges of Brahmanism\n      which underly the external forms of the faith of Muhammed, long\n      established in all Malay kingdoms, we are only half-way through our\n      task. There yet remain the powerful influences of the still earlier\n      indigenous faith to be noted and accounted for. Just as the\n      Buddhists of Ceylon turn, in times of sickness and danger, not to\n      the consolations offered by the creed of Buddha, but to the\n      propitiation of the demons feared and reverenced by their early\n      progenitors, and just as the Burmese and Talaings, though Buddhists,\n      retain in full force the whole of the _Nat_ superstition, so among\n      the Malays, in spite of centuries which have passed since the\n      establishment of an alien worship, the Muhammedan peasant may be\n      found invoking the protection of Hindu gods against the spirits of\n      evil with which his primitive faith has peopled all natural\n      objects.\u201d\n\n  M68 Demons in ancient India.\n\n  277 H. Oldenberg, _Die Religion des Veda_ (Berlin, 1894), pp. 39 _sq._\n\n  M69 Demons in modern India.\n\n  278 Monier Williams, _Religious Thought and Life in India_ (London,\n      1883), pp. 210 _sq._\n\n  279 Monier Williams, _op. cit._ pp. 230 _sq._ The views here expressed\n      by the late Professor Monier Williams are confirmed from personal\n      knowledge by Mr. E. T. Atkinson, _The Himalayan Districts of the\n      North-Western Provinces of India_, ii. (Allahabad, 1884) p. 840.\n\n  M70 Demons in Bengal, Assam, the Chin Hills Sikhim, Tibet, and\n      Travancore.\n\n  280 E. T. Dalton, _Descriptive Ethnology of Bengal_ (Calcutta, 1872),\n      pp. 256, 257, 258.\n\n  281 Rev. S. Endle, _The Kacharis_ (London, 1911), p. 33.\n\n  282 Bertram S. Carey and H. N. Tuck, _The Chin Hills_, i. (Rangoon,\n      1896) p. 196.\n\n  283 L. A. Waddell, \u201cDemonolatry in Sikhim Lamaism,\u201d _The Indian\n      Antiquary_, xxiii. (1894) p. 197.\n\n  284 L. A. Waddell, _The Buddhism of Tibet_ (London, 1895), p. 152.\n\n  285 Lt.-Colonel J. Shakespear, _The Lushei Kuki Clans_ (London, 1912),\n      pp. 61, 65 _sq._, 67.\n\n  286 Rev. S. Mateer, _The Land of Charity_ (London, 1883), p. 207.\n\n  M71 Demons in Ceylon.\n\n  287 R. Percival, _Account of the Island of Ceylon_, Second Edition\n      (London, 1805), pp. 211-213.\n\n  M72 Demons in Burma.\n\n  288 C. J. F. S. Forbes, _British Burma_ (London, 1878), pp. 221 _sq._\n\n  289 Shway Yoe, _The Burman, his Life and Notions_ (London, 1882), i. 276\n      _sq._\n\n  290 Shway Yoe, _op. cit._ i. 278. \u201cTo the Burman,\u201d says A. Bastian, \u201cthe\n      whole world is filled with nats. Mountains, rivers, waters, the\n      earth, etc., have all their nat.\u201d (_Die V\u00f6lker des \u00f6stlichen Asien_,\n      ii. 497).\n\n  M73 Demons in Siam and Indo-China.\n\n  291 Mgr. Pallegoix, _Description du royaume Thai ou Siam_ (Paris, 1854),\n      i. 42.\n\n  292 C. Bock, _Temples and Elephants_ (London, 1884), p. 198.\n\n  293 Mgr. Brugui\u00e8re, in _Annales de l\u2019Association de la Propagation de la\n      Foi_, v. (1831) p. 128.\n\n  294 J. Deniker, _The Races of Man_ (London, 1900), pp. 400 _sqq._\n\n  295 A. Bourlet, \u201cLes Thay,\u201d _Anthropos_, ii. (1907) p. 619.\n\n  296 A. Bourlet, _op. cit._ p. 632.\n\n  M74 Demons in China.\n\n  297 J. J. M. de Groot, _The Religious System of China_, v. (Leyden,\n      1907) p. 470.\n\n  298 J. J. M. de Groot, _op. cit._ vi. (Leyden, 1910) pp. 930-932. This\n      sixth volume of Professor de Groot\u2019s great work is mainly devoted to\n      an account of the ceaseless war waged by the Chinese people on\n      demons or spectres (_kwei_). A more summary notice of this curious\n      national delusion will be found in his work _The Religion of the\n      Chinese_ (New York, 1910), chapter ii., \u201cThe Struggle against\n      Spectres,\u201d pp. 33-61.\n\n  M75 Demons in Corea.\n\n  299 Mrs. Bishop (Isabella L. Bird), _Korea and her Neighbours_ (London,\n      1898), ii. 227 _sq._, 229. I have taken the liberty of changing the\n      writer\u2019s \u201cdaemon\u201d and \u201cdaemoniacal\u201d into \u201cdemon\u201d and \u201cdemoniacal.\u201d\n\n  M76 Demons among the Koryaks.\n\n  300 C. von Dittmar, \u201c\u00dcber die Kor\u00e4ken und die ihnen sehr nahe verwandten\n      Tschuktschen,\u201d _Bulletin de la Classe Historico-philologique de\n      l\u2019Acad\u00e9mie Imp\u00e9riale des Sciences de St. P\u00e9tersbourg_, xiii. (1856)\n      coll. 123 _sq._\n\n  301 W. Jochelson, _The Koryak_ (Leyden and New York, 1908), p. 28 (_The\n      Jesup North Pacific Expedition, Memoir of the American Museum of\n      Natural History_).\n\n  M77 Demons among the Gilyaks.\n\n  302 L. Sternberg, \u201cDie Religion der Giljaken,\u201d _Archiv f\u00fcr\n      Religionswissenschaft_, viii. (1905) pp. 460 _sq._\n\n  M78 Demons in ancient Babylonia and Assyria.\n\n  303 M. Jastrow, _The Religion of Babylonia and Assyria_ (Boston, 1898),\n      pp. 260 _sqq._; _id._, _Die Religion Babyloniens und Assyriens_, i.\n      (Giessen, 1905) pp. 278 _sqq._; C. Fossey, _La Magie Assyrienne_\n      (Paris, 1902), pp. 27-30, 34; E. Schrader, _Die Keilinschriften und\n      das Alte Testament_, Dritte Auflage, neu bearbeitet von H. Zimmern\n      und H. Winckler (Berlin, 1902), pp. 458 _sqq._\n\n  M79 Demons in ancient and modern Egypt.\n\n  304 E. A. Wallis Budge, _Osiris and the Egyptian Resurrection_ (London,\n      1911), ii. 150.\n\n  305 E. W. Lane, _Manners and Customs of the Modern Egyptians_ (Paisley\n      and London, 1895), chap. x. pp. 231 _sq._\n\n  306 C. B. Klunzinger, _Bilder aus Ober\u00e4gypten, der W\u00fcste und dem Rothen\n      Meere_ (Stuttgart, 1877), p. 382; compare _ibid._ pp. 374 _sq._\n\n  M80 Demons in ancient Greece and mediaeval Europe.\n\n  307 Aristotle, _De anima_, i. 5. 17; Diogenes Laertius, i. 1. 27.\n\n  308 Porphyry, quoted by Eusebius, _Praeparatio Evangelii_, iv. 23.\n\n  309 Elsewhere I have attempted to shew that a particular class of\n      purifications\u2014those observed by mourners\u2014is intended to protect the\n      living from the disembodied spirits of the dead (\u201cOn certain Burial\n      Customs as illustrative of the Primitive Theory of the Soul,\u201d\n      _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xv. (1886) pp. 64\n      _sqq._).\n\n  310 C. Meyer, _Der Aberglaube des Mittelalters_ (B\u00e2le, 1884), pp.\n      109-111, 191 _sq._\n\n  M81 Demons in modern Europe.\n\n  311 E. Gerard, _The Land beyond the Forest_ (Edinburgh and London,\n      1888), i. 328. The superstitions of the Roumanians of Transylvania\n      have been collected by W. Schmidt in his tract _Das Jahr und seine\n      Tage in Meinung und Brauch der Rom\u00e4nen Siebenb\u00fcrgens_ (Hermannstadt,\n      1866).\n\n  M82 Demons in modern Armenia.\n\n  312 Manuk Abeghian, _Der armenische Volksglaube_ (Leipsic, 1899), pp. 31\n      _sq._\n\n  M83 General clearances of evils take the form of expulsions of demons.\n  M84 General expulsions of demons in Melanesia, Australia and South\n      Africa.\n\n  313 Paul Reina, \u201c\u00dcber die Bewohner der Insel Rook,\u201d _Zeitschrift f\u00fcr\n      allgemeine Erdkunde_, N.F., iv. (1858) p. 356.\n\n  314 R. Parkinson, _Im Bismarck-Archipel_ (Leipsic, 1887), p. 142; _id._,\n      _Dreissig Jahre in der S\u00fcdsee_ (Stuttgart, 1907), p. 119.\n\n  315 O. Opigez, \u201cAper\u00e7u g\u00e9n\u00e9ral sur la Nouvelle-Cal\u00e9donie,\u201d _Bulletin de\n      la Soci\u00e9t\u00e9 de G\u00e9ographie_ (Paris), VII. S\u00e9rie, vii. (1886) p. 443.\n\n  316 S. Gason, in _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xxiv.\n      (1895) p. 170.\n\n  317 Rev. James Macdonald, _Religion and Myth_ (London, 1893), pp.\n      100-102. The writer, who describes the ceremony at first hand,\n      remarks that \u201cthere is no periodic purging of devils, nor are more\n      spirits than one expelled at a time.\u201d He adds: \u201cI have noticed\n      frequently a connection between the quantity of grain that could be\n      spared for making beer, and the frequency of gatherings for the\n      purging of evils.\u201d\n\n  M85 General expulsion of demons in Minahassa, Halmahera, and the Kei\n      Islands.\n\n  318 [P. N. Wilken], \u201cDe godsdienst en godsdienstplegtigheden der\n      Alfoeren in de Menahassa op het eiland Celebes,\u201d _Tijdschrift voor\n      Nederlandsch Indi\u00eb_, December 1849, pp. 392-394; _id._, \u201cBijdragen\n      tot de kennis van de zeden en gewoonten der Alfoeren in de\n      Minahassa,\u201d _Mededeelingen van wege het Nederlandsche\n      Zendelinggenootschap_, vii. (1863) pp. 149 _sqq._; J. G. F. Riedel,\n      \u201cDe Minahasa in 1825,\u201d _Tijdschrift voor Indische Taal- Land- en\n      Volkenkunde_, xviii. (1872) pp. 521 _sq._ Wilken\u2019s first and fuller\n      account is reprinted in N. Graafland\u2019s _De Minahassa_ (Rotterdam,\n      1869), i. 117-120. A German translation of Wilken\u2019s earlier article\n      is printed in _Zeitschrift f\u00fcr allgemeine Erdkunde_, N.F., x. (1861)\n      pp. 43-61.\n\n  319 J. G. F. Riedel, \u201cGalela und Tobeloresen,\u201d _Zeitschrift f\u00fcr\n      Ethnologie_, xvii. (1885) p. 82; G. A. Wilken, \u201cHet Shamanisme bij\n      de Volken van de Indischen Archipel,\u201d _Bijdragen tot de Taal- Land-\n      en Volkenkunde van Nederlandsch Indie_, xxxvi. (1887) p. 484; _id._,\n      _Verspreide Geschriften_ (The Hague, 1912), iii. 383. When smallpox\n      is raging, the Toradjas of Central Celebes abandon the village and\n      live in the bush for seven days in order to make the spirit of\n      smallpox believe that they are all dead. But it does not appear that\n      they forcibly expel him from the village. See N. Adriani en Alb. C.\n      Kruijt, _De Bare\u2019e-sprekende Toradja\u2019s van Midden-Celebes_, i.\n      (Batavia, 1912) p. 417.\n\n  320 C. M. Pleyte, \u201cEthnographische Beschrijving der Kei-eilanden,\u201d\n      _Tijdschrift van het Nederlandsch Aardrijkskundig Genootschap_,\n      Tweede Serie, x. (1893) pp. 834 _sq._ A briefer account of the\n      custom had previously been given by J. G. F. Riedel (_De sluik- en\n      kroesharige rassen tusschen Selebes en Papua_, The Hague, 1886, p.\n      239).\n\n  M86 Demons of sickness expelled in Nias.\n\n  321 J. T. Nieuwenhuisen en H. C. B. von Rosenberg, \u201cVerslag omtrent het\n      eiland Nias,\u201d _Verhandelingen van het Bataviaasch Genootschap van\n      Kunsten en Wetenschapen_, xxx. (Batavia, 1863) pp. 116 _sq._; H. von\n      Rosenberg, _Der Malayische Archipel_ (Leipsic, 1878), pp. 174 _sq._\n      Compare L. N. H. A. Chatelin, \u201cGodsdienst en Bijgeloof der\n      Niassers,\u201d _Tijdschrift voor Indische Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde_,\n      xxvi. (1880) p. 139; E. Modigliani, _Un Viaggio a N\u00edas_ (Milan,\n      1890), pp. 195, 382. The Dyaks also drive the devil at the point of\n      the sword from a house where there is sickness. See C. Hupe, \u201cKorte\n      verhandeling over de godsdienst, zeden, enz. der Dajakkers,\u201d\n      _Tijdschrift voor Ne\u00e9rlands Indi\u00eb_, 1846, dl. iii. p. 149.\n\n  M87 Spiritual quarantine against demons of sickness in Nias.\n\n  322 Fr. Kramer, \u201cDer G\u00f6tzendienst der Niasser,\u201d _Tijdschrift voor\n      Indische Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde_, xxxiii. (1890) pp. 486-488.\n\n  323 Herodotus, i. 172.\n\n  M88 Demons of sickness expelled in the Solomon Islands, Burma, India,\n      China.\n\n  324 G. C. Wheeler, \u201cSketch of the Totemism and Religion of the People of\n      the Islands in the Bougainville Straits (Western Solomon Islands),\u201d\n      _Archiv f\u00fcr Religionswissenschaft_, xv. (1912) pp. 49, 51 _sq._\n\n  325 C. J. F. S. Forbes, _British Burma_ (London, 1878), p. 233; Shway\n      Yoe, _The Burman, his Life and Notions_ (London, 1882), i. 282, ii.\n      105 _sqq._; A. Bastian, _Die V\u00f6lker des \u00f6stlichen Asien_, ii. 98;\n      Max and Bertha Ferrars, _Burma_ (London, 1900), p. 128.\n\n  326 (Sir) J. George Scott and J. P. Hardiman, _Gazetteer of Upper Burma\n      and the Shan States_, Part ii. vol. i. (Rangoon, 1901) p. 440.\n\n  327 T. H. Lewin, _Wild Tribes of South-Eastern India_ (London, 1870), p.\n      226.\n\n  328 J. J. M. de Groot, _The Religious System of China_, vi. (Leyden,\n      1910) pp. 981 _sqq._; _id._, _The Religion of the Chinese_ (New\n      York, 1910), pp. 40 _sqq._\n\n  M89 Demons of sickness expelled in Japan, Corea and Tonquin.\n\n  329 This description is taken from a newspaper-cutting, which was sent\n      to me from the west of Scotland in October 1890, but without the\n      name or date of the paper. The account, which is headed \u201cExorcism of\n      the Pest Demon in Japan,\u201d purports to be derived from a series of\n      notes on medical customs of the Japanese, which were contributed by\n      Dr. C. H. H. Hall, of the U.S. Navy, to the _Sei-I Kwai Medical\n      Journal_. Compare Lafcadio Hearn, _Glimpses of Unfamiliar Japan_\n      (London, 1894), i. 147.\n\n  330 Masanao Koike, \u201cZwei Jahren in Korea,\u201d _Internationales Archiv f\u00fcr\n      Ethnographie_, iv. (1891) p. 10; Mrs. Bishop, _Korea and her\n      Neighbours_ (London, 1898), ii. 240.\n\n_  331 Lettres \u00e9difiantes et curieuses_, Nouvelle \u00c9dition (Paris,\n      1780-1783), xvi. 206. It will be noticed that in this and the\n      preceding case the principle of expulsion is applied for the benefit\n      of an individual, not of a whole community. Yet the method of\n      procedure in both is so similar to that adopted in the cases under\n      consideration that I have allowed myself to cite them.\n\n  M90 Demons of sickness expelled in Africa, America.\n\n  332 G. Z\u00fcndel, \u201cLand und Volk der Eweer auf der Sclavenk\u00fcste in\n      Westafrika,\u201d _Zeitschrift der Gesellschaft f\u00fcr Erdkunde zu Berlin_,\n      xii. (1877) pp. 414 _sq._\n\n  333 H. Hecquard, _Reise an die K\u00fcste und in das Innere von West-Afrika_\n      (Leipsic, 1854), p. 43.\n\n  334 Dr. A. Plehn, \u201cBeobachtungen in Kamerun, \u00fcber die Anschauungen und\n      Gebr\u00e4uche einiger Negerst\u00e4mme,\u201d _Zeitschrift f\u00fcr Ethnologie_, xxxvi.\n      (1904) pp. 717 _sq._\n\n  335 Ph. Paulitschke, _Ethnographie Nordost-Afrikas: die materielle\n      Cultur der Dan\u00e2kil, Galla und Som\u00e2l_ (Berlin, 1893), p. 177.\n\n  336 F. Gabriel Sagard, _Le Grand Voyage du Pays des Hurons_, pp. 279\n      _sqq._ (195 _sq._ of the reprint, Paris, Libraire Tross, 1865).\n      Compare _Relations des J\u00e9suites_, 1639, pp. 88-92 (Canadian reprint,\n      Quebec, 1858), from which it appears that each man demanded the\n      subject of his dream in the form of a riddle, which the hearers\n      tried to solve. The custom of asking riddles at certain seasons or\n      on certain special occasions is curious and has not yet, so far as I\n      know, been explained. Perhaps enigmas were originally\n      circumlocutions adopted at times when for certain reasons the\n      speaker was forbidden the use of direct terms. They appear to be\n      especially employed in the neighbourhood of a dead body. Thus in\n      Bolang Mongondo (Celebes) riddles may never be asked except when\n      there is a corpse in the village. See N. P. Wilken en J. A. Schwarz,\n      \u201cAllerlei over het land en volk van Bola\u00e4ng Mongondou,\u201d\n      _Mededeelingen van wege het Nederlandsche Zendelinggenootschap_, xi.\n      (1867) p. 357. In the Aru archipelago, while a corpse is uncoffined,\n      the watchers propound riddles to each other, or rather they think of\n      things which the others have to guess. See J. G. F. Riedel, _De\n      sluik- en kroesharige rassen tusschen Selebes en Papua_, pp. 267\n      _sq._ In Brittany after a burial, when the rest have gone to partake\n      of the funeral banquet, old men remain behind in the graveyard, and\n      having seated themselves on mallows, ask each other riddles. See A.\n      de Nore, _Coutumes, Mythes et Traditions des Provinces de France_\n      (Paris and Lyons, 1846), p. 199. Among the Akamba of British East\n      Africa boys and girls at circumcision have to interpret certain\n      pictographs cut on sticks: these pictographs are called \u201criddles.\u201d\n      See C. W. Hobley, _Ethnology of A-Kamba and other East African\n      Tribes_ (Cambridge, 1910), pp. 71 _sq._ In Vedic times the priests\n      proposed enigmas to each other at the great sacrifice of a horse.\n      See _The Satapatha Brahmana_, translated by J. Eggeling, Part v.\n      (Oxford, 1900), pp. 314-316 (_Sacred Books of the East_, vol.\n      xliv.); H. Oldenberg, _Die Religion des Veda_ (Berlin, 1894), p.\n      475. Compare O. Schrader, _Reallexikon der indogermanischen\n      Altertumskunde_ (Strasburg, 1901), pp. 647 _sq._ Among Turkish\n      tribes of Central Asia girls publicly propound riddles to their\n      wooers, who are punished if they cannot read them. See H. Vambery,\n      _Das T\u00fcrkenvolk_ (Leipsic, 1885), pp. 232 _sq._ Among the Alfoors of\n      Central Celebes riddles may only be asked during the season when the\n      fields are being tilled and the crops are growing. People meeting\n      together at this time occupy themselves with asking riddles and\n      telling stories. As soon as some one has found the answer to a\n      riddle, they all cry out, \u201cMake our rice to grow, make fat ears to\n      grow both in the valleys and on the heights.\u201d But during the months\n      which elapse between harvest and the preparation of new land for\n      tillage the propounding of enigmas is strictly forbidden. The writer\n      who reports the custom conjectures that the cry \u201cMake our rice to\n      grow\u201d is addressed to the souls of the ancestors. See A. C. Kruijt,\n      \u201cEen en ander aangaande het geestelijk en maatschappelijk leven van\n      den Poso-Alfoer,\u201d _Mededeelingen van wege het Nederlandsche\n      Zendelinggenootschap_, xxxix. (1895) pp. 142 _sq._ Amongst the\n      Toboongkoo of Central Celebes riddles are propounded at harvest and\n      by watchers over a corpse. See A. C. Kruijt, \u201cEenige ethnografische\n      aanteekeningen omtrent de Toboengkoe en de Tomori,\u201d _Mededeelingen\n      van wege het Nederlandsche Zendelinggenootschap_, xliv. (1900) pp.\n      223, 228.\n\n  M91 Flight from the demons of sickness.\n\n  337 A. d\u2019Orbigny, _Voyage dans l\u2019Am\u00e9rique M\u00e9ridionale_, ii. (Paris and\n      Strasburg, 1839-1843) p. 190.\n\n  338 Pedro Lozano, _Description Chorographica del Terreno, Rios, Arboles,\n      y Animales de las dilatadissimas Provincias del Gran Chaco,\n      Gualamba_, etc. (Cordova, 1733) p. 100.\n\n  339 H. H. Bancroft, _Natives Races of the Pacific States_ (London,\n      1875-1876), i. 589 note 259, quoting Arlegui, _Chr\u00f3n. de Zacatecas_,\n      pp. 152-3, 182.\n\n  340 Bertram S. Carey and H. N. Tuck, _The Chin Hills_, i. (Rangoon,\n      1896) p. 198.\n\n  M92 The periodic expulsion of evils. Annual expulsion of ghosts in\n      Australia.\n\n  341 Rev. W. Ridley, in J. D. Lang\u2019s _Queensland_ (London, 1861), p. 441.\n      Compare Rev. W. Ridley, _Kamilaroi_ (Sydney, 1875), p. 149.\n\n  M93 Annual expulsion of Tu\u00f1a among the Esquimaux of Alaska.\n\n_  342 Report of the International Polar Expedition to Point Barrow,\n      Alaska_ (Washington, 1885), pp. 42 _sq._ It is said that in Thule,\n      where the sun disappeared below the horizon for forty days every\n      winter, the greatest festival of the year was held when the luminary\n      reappeared. \u201cIt seems to me,\u201d says Procopius, who records the fact,\n      \u201cthat though the same thing happens every year, these islanders are\n      very much afraid lest the sun should fail them altogether.\u201d See\n      Procopius, _De bello Gothico_, ii. 15.\n\n  M94 Annual expulsion of Sedna among the Esquimaux of Baffin Land.\n\n  343 Fr. Boas, \u201cThe Eskimo,\u201d _Proceedings and Transactions of the Royal\n      Society of Canada for 1887_, vol. v. (Montreal, 1888) sect. ii. 36\n      _sq._; _id._, \u201cThe Central Eskimo,\u201d _Sixth Annual Report of the\n      Bureau of Ethnology_ (Washington, 1888), pp. 603 _sq._ Elsewhere,\n      however, the writer mentions a different explanation of the custom\n      of harpooning Sedna. He says: \u201cSedna feels kindly towards the people\n      if they have succeeded in cutting her. If there is no blood on the\n      knife, it is an ill omen. As to the reason why Sedna must be cut,\n      the people say that it is an old custom, and that it makes her feel\n      better, that it is the same as giving a thirsty person drink.\u201d See\n      Fr. Boas, \u201cThe Eskimo of Baffin Land and Hudson Bay,\u201d _Bulletin of\n      the American Museum of Natural History_, xv. (New York, 1901) p.\n      139. However, this explanation may well be an afterthought devised\n      to throw light on an old custom of which the original meaning had\n      been forgotten.\n\n  M95 Annual expulsion of demons among the Koryaks.\n\n  344 W. Jochelson, _The Koryak_ (Leyden and New York, 1908), p. 88 (_The\n      Jesup North Pacific Expedition_, vol. vi., _Memoir of the American\n      Museum of Natural History_).\n\n  M96 Annual expulsion of demons among the Iroquois and the Cherokees..\n\n  345 Above, p. 121.\n\n_  346 Relations des J\u00e9suites_, 1656, pp. 26-28 (Canadian reprint, Quebec,\n      1858); J. F. Lafitau, _M\u0153urs des Sauvages Ameriquains_ (Paris,\n      1724), i. 367-369; Charlevoix, _Histoire de la Nouvelle France_, vi.\n      82 _sqq._; Timothy Dwight, _Travels in New England and New York_\n      (London, 1823), iv. 201 _sq._; L. H. Morgan, _League of the\n      Iroquois_ (Rochester, 1851), pp. 207 _sqq._; Mrs. E. A. Smith,\n      \u201cMyths of the Iroquois,\u201d _Second Annual Report of the Bureau of\n      Ethnology_ (Washington, 1883), pp. 112 _sqq._; Horatio Hale,\n      \u201cIroquois Sacrifice of the White Dog,\u201d _American Antiquarian_, vii.\n      (1885) pp. 7 _sqq._; W. M. Beauchamp, \u201cIroquois White Dog Feast,\u201d\n      _ibid._ pp. 235 _sqq._ \u201cThey had one day in the year which might be\n      called the Festival of Fools; for in fact they pretended to be mad,\n      rushing from hut to hut, so that if they ill-treated any one or\n      carried off anything, they would say next day, \u2018I was mad; I had not\n      my senses about me.\u2019 And the others would accept this explanation\n      and exact no vengeance\u201d (L. Hennepin, _Description de la Louisiane_,\n      Paris, 1683, pp. 71 _sq._).\n\n  347 J. H. Payne, quoted in \u201cObservations on the Creek and Cherokee\n      Indians, by W. Bartram, 1789, with prefatory and supplementary notes\n      by E. G. Squier,\u201d _Transactions of the American Ethnological\n      Society_, vol. iii. Part i. (1853) p. 78.\n\n  M97 Annual expulsion of evils among the Incas of Peru.\n\n  348 C. Gay, \u201cFragment d\u2019un voyage dans le Chili et au Cusco patrie des\n      anciens Incas,\u201d _Bulletin de la Soci\u00e9t\u00e9 de G\u00e9ographie_ (Paris), ii.\n      S\u00e9rie, xix. (1843) pp. 29 _sq._\n\n  349 Garcilasso de la Vega, _Royal Commentaries of the Yncas_, translated\n      by (Sir) Clements R. Markham (Hakluyt Society, London, 1869-1871),\n      Part i. bk. vii. ch. 6, vol. ii. pp. 228 _sqq._; Molina, \u201cFables and\n      Rites of the Yncas,\u201d in _Rites and Laws of the Yncas_ (Hakluyt\n      Society, 1873), pp. 20 _sqq._; J. de Acosta, _History of the\n      Indies_, bk. v. ch. 28, vol. ii. pp. 375 _sq._ (Hakluyt Society,\n      London, 1880). The accounts of Garcilasso and Molina are somewhat\n      discrepant, but this may be explained by the statement of the latter\n      that \u201cin one year they added, and in another they reduced the number\n      of ceremonies, according to circumstances.\u201d Molina places the\n      festival in August, Garcilasso and Acosta in September. According to\n      Garcilasso there were only four runners in Cuzco; according to\n      Molina there were four hundred. Acosta\u2019s account is very brief. In\n      the description given in the text features have been borrowed from\n      all three accounts, where these seemed consistent with each other.\n\n  M98 Annual expulsion of demons among the negroes of Guinea.\n\n  350 W. Bosman, \u201cDescription of the Coast of Guinea,\u201d in J. Pinkerton\u2019s\n      _Voyages and Travels_, xvi. (London, 1814) p. 402; Pierre Bouche,\n      _La C\u00f4te des Esclaves_ (Paris, 1885), p. 395.\n\n  351 Rev. J. Leighton Wilson, _Western Africa_ (London, 1856), p. 217.\n\n  M99 Annual expulsion of demons in Benin.\n\n_  352 Narrative of Captain James Fawckner\u2019s Travels on the Coast of\n      Benin, West Africa_ (London, 1837), pp. 102 _sq._\n\n M100 Annual expulsion of demons at Cape Coast Castle.\n\n  353 \u201cExtracts from Diary of the late Rev. John Martin, Wesleyan\n      Missionary in West Africa, 1843-1848,\u201d _Man_, xii. (1912) pp. 138\n      _sq._ Compare Major A. J. N. Tremearne, _The Tailed Head-hunters of\n      Nigeria_ (London, 1912), pp. 202 _sq._\n\n M101 Annual expulsion of evils on the Niger and in Abyssinia.\n\n  354 S. Crowther and J. C. Taylor, _The Gospel on the Banks of the Niger_\n      (London, 1859), p. 320.\n\n  355 Mansfield Parkyns, _Life in Abyssinia_, Second Edition (London,\n      1868), pp. 285 _sq._\n\n M102 Annual expulsion of spirits at the yam harvest in New Guinea. Annual\n      expulsion of demons among the Hos of West Africa before eating the\n      new yams.\n\n  356 George Brown, D.D., _Melanesians and Polynesian_ (London, 1910), pp.\n      413 _sq._\n\n  357 As to the ceremony of eating the new yams, see _Spirits of the Corn\n      and of the Wild_, ii. 58 _sqq._\n\n  358 J. Spieth, _Die Ewe-St\u00e4mme_ (Berlin, 1906), pp. 305-307. At\n      Kotedougou a French officer saw a number of disguised men called\n      _dou_ dancing and performing various antics about the houses, under\n      the trees, and in the fields. Hemp and palm leaves were sewn on\n      their garments and they wore caps of hemp surmounted by a crest of\n      red-ochred wood, sometimes by a wooden beak of a bird. He gathered\n      that the ceremony takes place at the beginning of winter, and he\n      thought that the processions \u201care perhaps intended to drive away the\n      evil spirits at the season of tillage or perhaps also to procure\n      rain.\u201d See Le Capitaine Binger, _Du Niger au Golfe de Guin\u00e9e par le\n      pays de Kong et le Mossi_ (Paris, 1892), pp. 378-380.\n\n M103 Annual expulsion of demons among the Hos of North-Eastern India at\n      harvest.\n\n  359 E. T. Dalton, _Descriptive Ethnology of Bengal_ (Calcutta, 1872),\n      pp. 196 _sq._ We have seen that among the Pondos of South Africa the\n      harvest festival of first-fruits is in like manner a period of\n      licence and debauchery. See _Spirits of the Corn and of the Wild_,\n      ii. 66 _sq._\n\n M104 Annual expulsion of demons among the Hindoo Koosh tribes at harvest.\n      Annual expulsion of demons among the Khonds at sowing.\n\n  360 Major J. Biddulph, _Tribes of the Hindoo Koosh_ (Calcutta, 1880), p.\n      103.\n\n  361 W. Macpherson, _Memorials of Service in India from the\n      Correspondence of the late Major S. C. Macpherson_ (London, 1865),\n      pp. 357 _sq._ Possibly this case belongs more strictly to the class\n      of mediate expulsions, the devils being driven out upon the car.\n      Perhaps, however, the car with its contents is regarded rather as a\n      bribe to induce them to go than as a vehicle in which they are\n      actually carted away. Anyhow it is convenient to take this case\n      along with those other expulsions of demons which are the\n      accompaniment of an agricultural festival.\n\n M105 Annual expulsion of disease in Chota Nagpur. Annual expulsion of\n      demons among the Mossos of China.\n\n  362 H. C. Streatfield, \u201cRanchi,\u201d _Journal of the Asiatic Society of\n      Bengal_, lxxii. Part iii. (Calcutta, 1904) p. 36.\n\n_  363 Le Tour du Monde_, iii. (Paris, 1897) pp. 227 _sq._, quoting _Aux\n      sources de l\u2019Irraouaddi, d\u2019Hano\u00ef \u00e0 Calcutta par terre_, par M. E.\n      Roux, Troisi\u00e8me Partie.\n\n M106 Periodical expulsion of demons in Bali.\n\n  364 R. van Eck, \u201cSchetsen van het eiland Bali,\u201d _Tijdschrift voor\n      Nederlandsch Indi\u00eb_, N.S., viii. (1879) pp. 58-60. Van Eck\u2019s account\n      is reprinted in J. Jacobs\u2019s _Eenigen tijd onder de Bali\u00ebrs_\n      (Batavia, 1883), pp. 190 _sqq._ According to another writer, each\n      village may choose its own day for expelling the devils, but the\n      ceremony must always be performed at the new moon. A necessary\n      preliminary is to mark exactly the boundaries of the village\n      territory, and this is done by stretching the leaves of a certain\n      palm across the roads at the boundaries. See F. A. Liefrinck,\n      \u201cBijdrage tot de kennis van het eiland Bali,\u201d _Tijdschrift voor\n      Indische Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde_, xxxiii. (1890) pp. 246 _sq._\n      As to the \u201cdark moon\u201d it is to be observed that some eastern\n      nations, particularly the Hindoos and the Burmese, divide the\n      monthly cycle of the moon into two parts, which they call the light\n      moon and the dark moon respectively. The light moon is the first\n      half of the month, when the luminary is waxing; the dark moon is the\n      second half of the month, when the luminary is waning. See Francis\n      Buchanan, \u201cOn the Religion and Literature of the Burmas,\u201d _Asiatick\n      Researches_, vi. (London, 1801) p. 171. The Balinese have no doubt\n      derived the distinction, like much else, from the Hindoos.\n\n M107 Annual expulsion of the fire-spirit among the Shans. Annual ceremony\n      in Fiji. Annual ceremony in Tumleo.\n\n  365 J. Anderson, _Mandalay to Momien_ (London, 1876), p. 308.\n\n_  366 United States Exploring Expedition, Ethnography and Philology_, by\n      H. Hale (Philadelphia, 1846), pp. 67 _sq._; Ch. Wilkes, _Narrative\n      of the U.S. Exploring Expedition_, New Edition (New York, 1851),\n      iii. 90 _sq._, 342. According to the latter writer, the sea-slug was\n      eaten by the men alone, who lived during the four days in the\n      temple, while the women and boys remained shut up in their houses.\n      As to the annual appearance and catch of the sea-slug in the seas of\n      Fiji, see further B. Seeman, _Viti, an Account of a Government\n      Mission to the Vitian or Fijian Islands in the Years 1860-1862_\n      (Cambridge, 1862), pp. 59-61; Basil Thomson, _The Fijians_ (London,\n      1908), pp. 324-327. A somewhat different account of the appearance\n      of the slug (_Palolo veridis_) in the Samoan Sea is given from\n      personal observation by Dr. George Brown. He says: \u201cThis annelid, as\n      far as I can remember, is about 8 or 12 inches long, and somewhat\n      thicker than ordinary piping-cord. It is found only on two mornings\n      in the year, and the time when it will appear and disappear can be\n      accurately predicted. As a general rule only a few _palolo_ are\n      found on the first day, though occasionally the large quantity may\n      appear first; but, as a rule, the large quantity appears on the\n      second morning. And it is only found on these mornings for a very\n      limited period, viz. from early dawn to about seven o\u2019clock, _i.e._\n      for about two hours. It then disappears until the following year,\n      except in some rare instances, when it is found for the same limited\n      period in the following month after its first appearance. I kept\n      records of the time, and of the state of the moon, for some years,\n      with the following result: that it always appeared on two out of the\n      following three days, viz. the day before, the day of, and the day\n      after the last quarter of the October moon.\u201d See George Brown, D.D.,\n      _Melanesians and Polynesians_ (London, 1910), pp. 135 _sq._ The slug\n      is also caught in the sea off Samoa, according to one account, at\n      intervals of six months. One of its appearances takes place on the\n      eighth day after the new moon of October. So regular are the\n      appearances of the creature that the Samoans reckon their time by\n      them. See E. Boisse, \u201cLes \u00eeles Samoa, Nukunono, Fakaafo, Wallis et\n      Hoorn,\u201d _Bulletin de la Soci\u00e9t\u00e9 de G\u00e9ographie_ (Paris), vi. S\u00e9rie,\n      x. (1875) pp. 430 _sq._ In antiquity every year vast shoals of a\n      small fish used to ascend the river Olynthiac from the lake of Bolbe\n      in Macedonia, and all the people of the neighbourhood caught and\n      salted great store of them. They thought that the fish were sent to\n      them by Bolbe, the mother of Olynthus, and they noted it as a\n      curious fact that the fish never swam higher up than the tomb of\n      Olynthus, which stood on the bank of the river Olynthiac. The shoals\n      always made their appearance in the months of Anthesterion and\n      Elaphebolion, and as the people of Apollonia (a city on the bank of\n      the lake) celebrated their festival of the dead at that season,\n      formerly in the month of Elaphebolion, but afterwards in the month\n      of Anthesterion, they imagined that the fish came at that time on\n      purpose. See Athenaeus, viii. 11, p. 334 F.\n\n  367 M. J. Erdweg, \u201cDie Bewohner der Insel Tumleo Berlinhafen,\n      Deutsch-New-Guinea,\u201d _Mittheilungen der anthropologischen\n      Gesellschaft in Wien_, xxxii. (1902) pp. 329 _sq._\n\n M108 Annual expulsion of demons in Japan.\n\n  368 A. Humbert, _Le Japon illustr\u00e9_ (Paris, 1870), ii. 326.\n\n  369 A. Bastian, _Die V\u00f6lker des \u00f6stlichen Asien_, v. (Jena, 1869) p.\n      367.\n\n  370 W. G. Aston, _Shinto_ (London, 1905), p. 309.\n\n  371 Lafcadio Hearn, _Glimpses of Unfamiliar Japan_ (London, 1894), ii.\n      498 _sq._ The writer agrees with Mr. Aston as to the formula of\n      exorcism\u2014\u201c_Oni wa soto! fuku wa uchi_\u201d, \u201cDevils out! Good fortune\n      in!\u201d\n\n M109 Annual expulsion of poverty and demons in China, India, and Persia.\n\n  372 Eitel, \u201cLes Hak-ka,\u201d _L\u2019Anthropologie_, iv. (1893) pp. 175 _sq._\n\n_  373 Panjab Notes and Queries_, ii. pp. 146 _sq._, \u00a7 792 (June, 1885);\n      D. C. J. Ibbetson, _Outlines of Panjab Ethnography_ (Calcutta,\n      1883), p. 119; W. Crooke, _Popular Religion and Folklore of Northern\n      India_ (Westminster, 1896), ii. 188, 295 _sq._\n\n  374 John Richardson, _Dictionary of Persian, Arabic, and English_, New\n      Edition (London, 1829), p. liii.\n\n M110 Annual expulsion of demons in China at the end of the year.\n\n  375 J. J. M. de Groot, _The Religious System of China_, vi. (Leyden,\n      1910) pp. 977 _sq._\n\n  376 J. J. M. de Groot, _op. cit._ vi. 978.\n\n  377 J. J. M. de Groot, _op. cit._ vi. 979.\n\n  378 J. J. M. de Groot, _The Religious System of China_, vi. 944 _sqq._;\n      _id._, _The Religion of China_ (New York, 1910), pp. 38 _sq._; J. H.\n      Gray, _China_ (London, 1878), i. 251 _sq._\n\n  379 W. Woodville Rockhill, \u201cNotes on some of the Laws, Customs, and\n      Superstitions of Korea,\u201d _The American Anthropologist_, iv. (1891)\n      p. 185.\n\n M111 Annual expulsion of demons in Tonquin.\n\n  380 S. Baron, \u201cDescription of the Kingdom of Tonqueen,\u201d in J.\n      Pinkerton\u2019s _Voyages and Travels_, ix. (London, 1811) pp. 673, 695\n      _sq._; compare Richard, \u201cHistory of Tonquin,\u201d _ibid._ p. 746. The\n      account of the ceremony by Tavernier (whom Baron criticises very\n      unfavourably) is somewhat different. According to him, the expulsion\n      of wicked souls at the New Year is combined with sacrifice to the\n      honoured dead. \u201cAt the beginning of every year they have a great\n      solemnity in honour of the dead, who were in their lives renowned\n      for their noble actions and valour, reckoning rebels among them.\n      They set up several altars, some for sacrifices, others for the\n      names of the persons they design to honour; and the king, princes,\n      and mandarins are present at them, and make three profound\n      reverences to the altars when the sacrifices are finished; but the\n      king shoots five times against the altars where the rebels\u2019 names\n      are; then the great guns are let off, and the soldiers give vollies\n      of small shot, to put the souls to flight. The altars and papers\n      made use of at the sacrifices are burnt, and the bonzes and sages go\n      to eat the meat made use of at the sacrifice\u201d (Tavernier, in John\n      Harris\u2019s _Collection of Voyages and Travels_, vol. i. (London, 1744)\n      p. 823). The translation is somewhat abridged. For the French\n      original, see J. B. Tavernier, _Voyages en Turquie, en Perse, et aux\n      Indes_ (The Hague, 1718), iii. 230 _sq._\n\n M112 Annual expulsion of demons in Cambodia and Siam.\n\n  381 \u00c9. Aymonier, _Notice sur le Cambodge_ (Paris, 1875), p. 62.\n\n  382 A. Bastian, _Die V\u00f6lker des \u00f6stlichen Asien_, iii. (Jena, 1867) pp.\n      237, 298, 314, 529 _sq._; Mgr. Pallegoix, _Description du Royaume\n      Thai ou Siam_ (Paris, 1854), i. 252. Bastian (p. 314), with whom\n      Pallegoix seems to agree, distinctly states that the expulsion takes\n      place on the last day of the year. Yet both say that it occurs in\n      the fourth month of the year. According to Pallegoix (i. 253) the\n      Siamese year is composed of twelve lunar months, and the first month\n      usually begins in December. Hence the expulsion of devils would\n      commonly take place in March, as in Cambodia. In Laos the year\n      begins in the fifth month and it ends in the fifth month of the\n      following year. See Lieutenant-Colonel Tournier, _Notice sur le Laos\n      Fran\u00e7ais_ (Hanoi, 1900), p. 187. According to Professor E. Seler the\n      festival of Toxcatl, celebrated in the fifth month, was the old\n      Mexican festival of the New Year. See E. Seler, _Altmexikanische\n      Studien_, ii. (Berlin, 1899) pp. 153, 166 _sq._ (_Ver\u00f6ffentlichungen\n      aus dem k\u00f6niglichen Museum f\u00fcr V\u00f6lkerkunde_, vi. Heft 2/4). Hence it\n      appears that in some calendars the year is not reckoned to begin\n      with the first month.\n\n  383 Ernest Young, _The Kingdom of the Yellow Robe_ (Westminster, 1898),\n      pp. 135 _sq._\n\n  384 \u201cLettre de Mgr. Brugui\u00e8re, \u00e9v\u00eaque de Capse, \u00e0 M. Bousquet,\n      vicaire-g\u00e9n\u00e9ral d\u2019Aire,\u201d _Annales de l\u2019Association de la Propagation\n      de la Foi_, v. (Paris and Lyons, 1831) p. 188. As to the temporary\n      king of Siam, his privileges and the ceremony of ploughing which he\n      performs, see _The Dying God_, pp. 149-151.\n\n M113 Annual reception and expulsion of the spirits of the dead in Japan.\n\n  385 Charlevoix, _Histoire et description generale du Japon_ (Paris,\n      1736), i. 128 _sq._; C. P. Thunberg, _Voyages au Japon_ (Paris,\n      1796), iv. 18-20; A. Bastian, _Die V\u00f6lker des \u00f6stlichen Asien_, v.\n      (Jena, 1869) p. 364; Beaufort, in _Journal of the Anthropological\n      Institute_, xv. (1886) p. 102; A. Morgan, in _Journal of American\n      Folk-lore_, x. (1897) pp. 244 _sq._; Lafcadio Hearn, _Glimpses of\n      Unfamiliar Japan_ (London, 1894), i. 106-110, ii. 504 _sq._ The\n      custom of welcoming the souls of the dead back to their old homes\n      once a year has been observed in many lands. See _Adonis, Attis,\n      Osiris_, Second Edition, pp. 301 _sqq._\n\n M114 Annual reception and expulsion of the spirits of the dead in ancient\n      Greece and Rome.\n\n  386 Above, pp. 123 _sq._\n\n  387 Hesychius, _s.v._ \u03bc\u03b9\u03b1\u03c1\u03b1\u1f76 \u1f21\u03bc\u03ad\u03c1\u03b1\u03b9; \u03c4\u03bf\u1fe6 \u1f08\u03bd\u03b8\u03b5\u03c3\u03c4\u03b7\u03c1\u03b9\u1ff6\u03bd\u03bf\u03c2 \u03bc\u03b7\u03bd\u03cc\u03c2, \u1f10\u03bd \u03b1\u1f36\u03c2 \u03c4\u1f70\u03c2\n      \u03c8\u03c5\u03c7\u1f70\u03c2 \u03c4\u1ff6\u03bd \u03ba\u03b1\u03c4\u03bf\u03b9\u03c7\u03bf\u03bc\u03ad\u03bd\u03c9\u03bd \u1f00\u03bd\u03b9\u03ad\u03bd\u03b1\u03b9 \u1f10\u03b4\u03cc\u03ba\u03bf\u03c5\u03bd. Photius, _Lexicon_, _s.vv._\n      \u0398\u03cd\u03c1\u03b1\u03b6\u03b5 \u039a\u1fb6\u03c1\u03b5\u03c2; \u03bf\u1f50\u03ba\u03ad\u03c4\u1fbd \u1f08\u03bd\u03b8\u03b5\u03c3\u03c4\u03ae\u03c1\u03b9\u03b1 ... \u03c4\u03b9\u03bd\u1f72\u03c2 \u03b4\u1f72 \u03bf\u1f55\u03c4\u03c9\u03c2 \u03c4\u1f74\u03bd \u03c0\u03b1\u03c1\u03bf\u03b9\u03bc\u03af\u03b1\u03bd\n      \u03c6\u03b1\u03c3\u03af; \u0398\u03cd\u03c1\u03b1\u03b6\u03b5 \u039a\u1fc6\u03c1\u03b5\u03c2 \u03bf\u1f50\u03ba\u03ad\u03c4\u1fbd \u1f08\u03bd\u03b8\u03b5\u03c3\u03c4\u03ae\u03c1\u03b9\u03b1; \u1f61\u03c2 \u03ba\u03b1\u03c4\u1f70 \u03c4\u1f74\u03bd \u03c0\u03cc\u03bb\u03b9\u03bd \u03c4\u03bf\u1fd6\u03c2\n      \u1f08\u03bd\u03b8\u03b5\u03c3\u03c4\u03b7\u03c1\u03af\u03bf\u03b9\u03c2 \u03c4\u1ff6\u03bd \u03c8\u03c5\u03c7\u1ff6\u03bd \u03c0\u03b5\u03c1\u03b9\u03b5\u03c1\u03c7\u03bf\u03bc\u03ad\u03bd\u03c9\u03bd. _Id._, _s.vv._ \u03bc\u03b9\u03b1\u03c1\u1f70 \u1f21\u03bc\u03ad\u03c1\u03b1; \u1f10\u03bd\n      \u03c4\u03bf\u1fd6\u03c2 \u03a7\u03bf\u03c5\u03c3\u1f76\u03bd \u1f08\u03bd\u03b8\u03b5\u03c3\u03c4\u03b7\u03c1\u03b9\u1ff6\u03bd\u03bf\u03c2 \u03bc\u03b7\u03bd\u03cc\u03c2, \u1f10\u03bd \u1fa7 \u03b4\u03bf\u03ba\u03bf\u1fe6\u03c3\u03b9\u03bd \u03b1\u1f31 \u03c8\u03c5\u03c7\u03b1\u1f76 \u03c4\u1ff6\u03bd\n      \u03c4\u03b5\u03bb\u03b5\u03c5\u03c4\u03b7\u03c3\u03ac\u03bd\u03c4\u03c9\u03bd \u1f00\u03bd\u03b9\u03ad\u03bd\u03b1\u03b9, \u1fe5\u03ac\u03bc\u03bd\u1ff3 \u1f15\u03c9\u03b8\u03b5\u03bd \u1f10\u03bc\u03b1\u03c3\u1ff6\u03bd\u03c4\u03bf \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u03c0\u03af\u03c4\u03c4\u1fc3 \u03c4\u1f70\u03c2 \u03b8\u03cd\u03c1\u03b1\u03c2\n      \u1f14\u03c7\u03c1\u03b9\u03bf\u03bd. Pollux, viii. 141: \u03c0\u03b5\u03c1\u03b9\u03c3\u03c7\u03bf\u03b9\u03bd\u03af\u03c3\u03b1\u03b9 \u03c4\u1f70 \u1f31\u03b5\u03c1\u1f70 \u1f14\u03bb\u03b5\u03b3\u03bf\u03bd \u1f10\u03bd \u03c4\u03b1\u1fd6\u03c2\n      \u1f00\u03c0\u03bf\u03c6\u03c1\u03ac\u03c3\u03b9 \u03ba\u03b1\u03af \u03c4\u1f78 \u03c0\u03b1\u03c1\u03b1\u03c6\u03c1\u03ac\u03be\u03b1\u03b9. As to the closing of the temples, see\n      further Athenaeus, x. 49, p. 447 C. As to the Anthesteria in\n      general, see E. Rohde, _Psyche_3 (T\u00fcbingen and Leipsic, 1903), i.\n      236 _sqq._, who rightly adopts Hesychius\u2019s second explanation of\n      \u039a\u1fc6\u03c1\u03b5\u03c2. The reasons given by August Mommsen for rejecting that\n      explanation betray an imperfect acquaintance with popular\n      superstition (_Feste der Stadt Athen im Altertum_, Leipsic, 1898, p.\n      386, note 1). Compare Miss J. E. Harrison, _Prolegomena to the Study\n      of Greek Religion_, Second Edition (Cambridge, 1908), pp. 32 _sqq._\n      The Greeks thought that branches of buckthorn (_rhamnus_) fastened\n      to doors or windows kept out witches (Dioscorides, _De materia\n      medica_, i. 119). A similar virtue was attributed to buckthorn or\n      hawthorn by the ancient Romans and modern European peasants. See A.\n      Kuhn, _Die Herabkunft des Feuers und des G\u00f6ttertranks_2 (G\u00fctersl\u00f6h,\n      1886), pp. 209 _sq._; J. Murr, _Pflanzenwelt in der griechischen\n      Mythologie_ (Innsbruck, 1890), pp. 104-106; _The Magic Art and the\n      Evolution of Kings_, ii. 54 _sq._, 191. According to Mr. Murr,\n      _rhamnus_ is _Lycium europaeum_ L. I learn from Miss J. E. Harrison\n      that Sir Francis Darwin believes it to be buckthorn (_Rhamnus\n      catharticus_). In some parts of Bosnia, when peasant women go to pay\n      a visit in a house where a death has occurred they put a little\n      hawthorn (_Weissdorn_) behind their headcloth, and on returning from\n      the house they throw it away on the street. They think that if the\n      deceased has turned into a vampyre, he will be so occupied in\n      picking up the hawthorn, that he will not be able to follow them to\n      their homes. See F. S. Krauss, \u201cVampyre im s\u00fcdslavischen\n      Volksglauben,\u201d _Globus_, lxi. (1892) p. 326. At childbirth also the\n      Greeks smeared pitch on their houses to keep out the demons (\u03b5\u1f30\u03c2\n      \u1f00\u03c0\u03ad\u03bb\u03b1\u03c3\u03b9\u03bd \u03c4\u1ff6\u03bd \u03b4\u03b1\u03b9\u03bc\u03cc\u03bd\u03c9\u03bd) who attack women at such times (Photius,\n      _Lexicon_, _s.v._ \u1fe5\u03ac\u03bc\u03bd\u03bf\u03c2). To this day the Bulgarians try to keep\n      wandering ghosts from their houses by painting crosses with tar on\n      the outside of their doors, while on the inside they hang a tangled\n      skein composed of countless broken threads. The ghost cannot enter\n      until he has counted all the threads, and before he has done the sum\n      the cock crows and the poor soul must return to the grave. See A.\n      Strausz, _Die Bulgaren_ (Leipsic, 1898), p. 454. The Servians paint\n      crosses with tar on the doors of houses and barns to keep out\n      vampyres. See F. S. Krauss, \u201cVampyre im s\u00fcdslavischen Volksglauben,\u201d\n      _Globus_, lxi. (1892) p. 326. In the Highlands of Scotland it was\n      believed that tar put on a door kept witches away. See J. G.\n      Campbell, _Witchcraft and Second Sight in the Highlands and Islands\n      of Scotland_ (Glasgow, 1902), p. 13. The Thompson Indians of British\n      Columbia used to bar their houses against ghosts by means not unlike\n      those adopted by the Athenians at the Anthesteria. When a death had\n      happened, they hung a string of deer-hoofs across the inside of the\n      house, and an old woman often pulled at the string to make the hoofs\n      rattle. This kept the ghost out. They also placed branches of\n      juniper at the door or burned them in the fire for the same purpose.\n      See James Teit, \u201cThe Thompson Indians of British Columbia\u201d (April\n      1900), p. 332 (_The Jesup North Pacific Expedition, Memoir of the\n      American Museum of Natural History_). With the Athenian use of ropes\n      to keep ghosts out of the temples at the Anthesteria we may compare\n      the Siamese custom of roping demons out of the city at the New Year\n      (above, p. 149). Ropes of rice-straw, which are supposed to repel\n      demoniacal and evil influences, are hung by the Japanese in front of\n      shrines, and at the New Year they hang them also before ordinary\n      houses. See W. G. Aston, _Shinto_ (London, 1905), pp. 335 _sq._ Some\n      of the Kayans of Borneo stretch ropes round their houses to keep out\n      demons of disease; in order to do so more effectually leaves of a\n      certain plant or tree are fastened to the rope. See A. W.\n      Nieuwenhuis, _Quer durch Borneo_, i. (Leyden, 1904) p. 448.\n\n  388 Scholiast on Aristophanes, _Frogs_, 218.\n\n  389 J. Perham, \u201cSea Dyak Religion,\u201d _Journal of the Straits Branch of\n      the Royal Asiatic Society_, No. 14, December 1884, pp. 296-298.\n\n  390 Ovid, _Fasti_, v. 419-486; Varro, quoted by Nonius Marcellus, p. 135\n      (p. 142 ed. Quicherat), _s.v._ \u201cLemures\u201d; Festus, p. 87 ed. C. O.\n      M\u00fcller, _s.v._ \u201cFabam.\u201d Ovid, who is our chief authority for the\n      ceremony, speaks as if the festival lasted only one day (the ninth\n      of May). But we know from the inscribed calendars that it lasted\n      three days. See W. Warde Fowler, _The Roman Festivals of the period\n      of the Republic_ (London, 1899), pp. 106 _sqq._\n\n M115 Annual expulsion of Satan among the Wotyaks and Cheremiss of Russia.\n\n  391 Max Buch, _Die Wotj\u00e4ken_ (Stuttgart, 1882), pp. 153 _sq._\n\n  392 A. Bastian, _Der Mensch in der Geschichte_ (Leipsic, 1860), ii. 94;\n      P. v. Stenin, \u201cEin neuer Beitrag zur Ethnographie der\n      Tscheremissen,\u201d _Globus_, lviii. (1890) p. 204.\n\n M116 Annual expulsion of witches and other powers of evil in Christian\n      Europe.\n\n  393 Vincenzo Dorsa, _La tradizione greco-latina negli usi e nelle\n      credenze popolari della Calabria Citeriore_ (Cosenza, 1884), pp. 42\n      _sq._\n\n  394 Vincenzo Dorsa, _La tradizione greco-latina negli usi e nelle\n      credenze popolari della Calabria Citeriore_, p. 48.\n\n  395 J. G. von Hahn, _Albanesische Studien_ (Jena, 1854), i. 160. Compare\n      _The Dying God_, pp. 264 _sq._\n\n  396 P. Drechsler, _Sitte, Brauch und Volksglaube in Schlesien_ (Leipsic,\n      1903-1906), i. 86.\n\n M117 Widespread fear of witches and wizards in Europe.\n\n  397 As to the activity of the evil powers on the twelve days from\n      Christmas to Twelfth Night, see Gustav Bilfinger, _Das germanische\n      Julfest_ (Stuttgart, 1901), pp. 74 _sqq._; as to witches on St.\n      George\u2019s Eve, May Eve, and Midsummer Eve, see _The Magic Art and the\n      Evolution of Kings_, ii. 52 _sqq._, 127, 334 _sqq._\n\n M118 Annual expulsion of witches on Walpurgis Night (the Eve of May Day),\n      on May Day in the Tyrol.\n\n  398 G. Bilfinger, _Das germanische Julfest_ (Stuttgart, 1901), p. 76.\n\n  399 J. M. Ritter von Alpenburg, _Mythen und Sagen Tirols_ (Zurich,\n      1857), pp. 260 _sq._ Compare J. E. Waldfreund, \u201cVolksgebr\u00e4uche und\n      Aberglauben,\u201d _Zeitschrift f\u00fcr deutsche Mythologie und Sittenkunde_,\n      iii. (1855) p. 339. A Westphalian form of the expulsion of evil is\n      the driving out the _S\u00fcntev\u00f6gel_, _Sunnenv\u00f6gel_, or _Sommerv\u00f6gel_,\n      that is, the butterfly. On St. Peter\u2019s Day, 22nd February, children\n      go from house to house knocking on them with hammers and singing\n      doggerel rhymes in which they bid the _Sommerv\u00f6gel_ to depart.\n      Presents are given to them at every house. Or the people of the\n      house themselves go through all the rooms, knocking on all the\n      doors, to drive away the _Sunnenv\u00f6gel_. If this ceremony is omitted,\n      it is thought that various misfortunes will be the consequence. The\n      house will swarm with rats, mice, and other vermin, the cattle will\n      be sick, the butterflies will multiply at the milk-bowls, etc. See\n      J. F. L. Woeste, _Volks\u00fcberlieferungen in der Grafschaft Mark_\n      (Iserlohn, 1848), p. 24; J. W. Wolf, _Beitr\u00e4ge zur deutschen\n      Mythologie_, i. (G\u00f6ttingen and Leipsic, 1852) p. 87; A. Kuhn,\n      _Westf\u00e4lische Sagen, Gebr\u00e4uche und M\u00e4rchen_ (Leipsic, 1859), ii. pp.\n      119-121, \u00a7\u00a7 366-374; Montanus, _Die deutschen Volksfeste,\n      Volksbr\u00e4uche, und deutscher Volksglaube_ (Iserlohn, N.D.), pp. 21\n      _sq._; U. Jahn, _Die deutschen Opfergebr\u00e4uche bei Ackerbau und\n      Viehzucht_ (Breslau, 1884), pp. 94-96.\n\n M119 Annual expulsion of witches on Walpurgis Night in Bavaria and\n      Voigtland.\n\n_  400 Bavaria, Landes- und Volkskunde des K\u00f6nigreichs Bayern_ (Munich,\n      1860-1866), ii. 272, iii. 302 _sq._, 934; O. Freiherr von\n      Reinsberg-D\u00fcringsfeld, _Das festliche Jahr_ (Leipsic, 1863), p. 137.\n\n_  401 Encyclopaedia Britannica_, Ninth Edition, xx. 493.\n\n  402 R. Eisel, _Sagenbuch des Voigtlandes_ (Gera, 1871), p. 210.\n\n  403 August Witzschel, _Sitten, Sagen und Gebr\u00e4uche aus Th\u00fcringen_\n      (Vienna, 1878), pp. 262 _sq._\n\n M120 Annual \u201cBurning of the Witches\u201d on Walpurgis Night in Bohemia.\n\n  404 O. Freiherr von Reinsberg-D\u00fcringsfeld, _Fest-Kalender aus B\u00f6hmen_\n      (Prague, preface dated 1861), pp. 210-212; _id._, _Das festliche\n      Jahr_ (Leipsic, 1863), p. 137; Alois John, _Sitte, Brauch und\n      Volksglaube im deutschen Westb\u00f6hmen_ (Prague, 1905), pp. 70-73.\n\n  405 Alois John, _op. cit._ p. 71.\n\n  406 Willibald M\u00fcller, _Beitr\u00e4ge zur Volkskunde der Deutschen in M\u00e4hren_\n      (Vienna and Olmutz, 1893), p. 324.\n\n M121 Annual \u201cBurning of the Witches\u201d on Walpurgis Night in Silesia.\n\n  407 P. Drechsler, _Sitte, Brauch und Volksglaube in Schlesien_ (Leipsic,\n      1903-1906), i. 108-110. With regard to the dance of the witches in\n      the snow, it is a common saying in the northern district of the Harz\n      Mountains that the witches must dance the snow away on the top of\n      the Blocksberg on the first of May. See A. Kuhn und W. Schwartz,\n      _Norddeutsche Sagen, M\u00e4rchen und Gebr\u00e4uche_ (Leipsic, 1848), p. 376.\n      At Dabelow in Mecklenburg all utensils are removed from the\n      fireplace on Walpurgis Night, lest the witches should ride on them\n      to the Blocksberg. See A. Kuhn and W. Schwartz, _l.c._\n\n M122 Annual \u201cBurning of the Witches\u201d on Walpurgis Night among the Wends\n      of Saxony.\n\n  408 R. Wuttke, _S\u00e4chsische Volkskunde_ (Dresden, 1901), p. 359.\n\n  409 Lady Agnes Macdonell, in _The Times_, May 3rd, 1913, p. 6. In a\n      letter to me (dated 31, Kensington Park Gardens, May 5th [1913])\n      Lady Macdonell was kind enough to give me some further particulars\n      as to the custom. It seems that the boys use their horns on May Day\n      as well as on the thirtieth of April. Processions of boys and girls\n      decorated with flowers and leaves, and carrying flags and horns,\n      went about Penzance on May Day of the present year (1913). The horns\n      are straight; some of them terminate in a bell-shaped opening,\n      others have no such appendage. The latter and plainer are the older\n      pattern.\n\n M123 Annual expulsion of witches during the Twelve Days from Christmas to\n      Epiphany. \u201cBurning out the Old Year\u201d at Biggar.\n\n  410 P. Drechsler, _Sitte, Brauch und Volksglaube in Schlesien_ (Leipsic,\n      1903-1906), i. 15-18. With regard to the superstitions attached to\n      these twelve days or twelve nights, as the Germans call them, see\n      further A. Kuhn und W. Schwartz, _Norddeutsche Sagen, M\u00e4rchen und\n      Gebr\u00e4uche_ (Leipsic, 1848), pp. 408-418; A. Kuhn, _Sagen, Gebr\u00e4uche\n      und M\u00e4rchen aus Westfalen_ (Leipsic, 1859), ii. 111-117; L.\n      Strackerjan, _Aberglaube und Sagen aus dem Herzogthum Oldenburg_\n      (Oldenburg, 1867), ii. 28 _sqq._; M. Toeppen, _Aberglauben aus\n      Masuren_2 (Danzig, 1867), pp. 61 _sqq._; A. Wuttke, _Der deutsche\n      Volksaberglaube_2 (Berlin, 1869), pp. 61 _sqq._, \u00a7 74; E. Mogk,\n      \u201cMythologie,\u201d in H. Paul\u2019s _Grundriss der germanischen Philologie_,2\n      iii. (Strasburg, 1900) pp. 260 _sq._; Alois John, _Sitte, Brauch und\n      Volksglaube im deutschen Westb\u00f6hmen_ (Prague, 1905), pp. 11 _sqq._\n\n  411 O. Freiherr von Reinsberg-D\u00fcringsfeld, _Fest-Kalender aus B\u00f6hmen_\n      (Prague, preface dated 1861), p. 602.\n\n  412 W. G. Aston, _Shinto_ (London, 1905), p. 312, referring to Lady\n      Burton\u2019s life of her husband.\n\n  413 T. Thiselton Dyer, _British Popular Customs_ (London, 1876), p. 506.\n\n  414 J. G. Dalyell, _The Darker Superstitions of Scotland_ (Edinburgh,\n      1834), p. 670.\n\n M124 Annual expulsion of witches and demons in Switzerland and France.\n\n  415 H. Usener, \u201cItalische Mythen,\u201d _Rheinisches Museum_, N.F., xxx.\n      (1875) p. 198; _id._, _Kleine Schriften_, iv. (Leipzic and Berlin,\n      1913), p. 109; E. Hoffmann-Krayer, _Feste und Br\u00e4uche des\n      Schweizervolkes_ (Zurich, 1913), p. 101.\n\n  416 H. Herzog, _Schweizerische Volksfeste, Sitten und Gebr\u00e4uche_ (Aaran,\n      1884), pp. 212 _sq._\n\n  417 A. de Nore, _Coutumes, Mythes, et Traditions des Provinces de\n      France_ (Paris and Lyons, 1846), pp. 81, 85.\n\n M125 Befana in the Piazza Navona at Rome, in the Tuscan Romagna.\n\n  418 As to Befana and her connexion with Epiphany, see J. Grimm,\n      _Deutsche Mythologie_,4 i. 234. The personified Befana, an ugly but\n      good-natured old woman, is known in Sicily as well as Italy. See G.\n      Pitr\u00e8, _Spettacoli e Feste Popolari Siciliane_ (Palermo, 1881), p.\n      167. As to the ceremony in the Piazza Navona, see H. Usener,\n      \u201cItalische Mythen,\u201d _Kleine Schriften_, iv. (Leipsic and Berlin,\n      1913) pp. 108 _sqq._, who rightly compares it to the Swiss\n      ceremonies observed at and near Brunnen on Twelfth Night. I\n      witnessed the noisy scene in the Piazza Navona in January, 1901.\n\n  419 P. Fabbri, \u201cCanti popolari raccolti sui monti della\n      Romagna-Toscana,\u201d _Archivio per lo Studio delle Tradizioni\n      Popolari_, xxii. (1903) pp. 356 _sq._; H. Usener, _Kleine\n      Schriften_, iv. 108 note 62. In the Abruzzi, on the evening before\n      Epiphany, musicians go from house to house serenading the inmates\n      with songs and the strains of fiddles, guitars, organs, and so\n      forth. They are accompanied by others carrying lanterns, torches, or\n      burning branches of juniper. See Antonio de Nino, _Usi e Costumi\n      Abruzzesi_ (Florence, 1879-1883), ii. 178-180; G. Finamore,\n      _Credenze, Usi e Costumi Abruzzesi_ (Palermo, 1890), pp. 88 _sq._\n      Such house to house visitations may be a relic of an old expulsion\n      of witches and demons.\n\n M126 Expulsion of the Trows in Shetland on Up-helly-a\u2019, the twenty-fourth\n      day after Christmas.\n\n  420 Rev. Biot Edmondston and Jessie M. E. Saxby, _The Home of a\n      Naturalist_ (London, 1888), p. 136. Compare _County Folk-lore_, vol.\n      iii. _Orkney and Shetland Islands_, collected by G. F. Black\n      (London, 1903), p. 196. As to the Trows, whose name is doubtless\n      identical with the Norse Trolls (Swedish _troll_, Norwegian\n      _trold_), see Edmondston and Saxby, _op. cit._ pp. 189 _sqq._; John\n      Jamieson, _Etymological Dictionary of the Scottish Language_, New\n      Edition, edited by J. Longmuir and D. Donaldson (Paisley,\n      1879-1882), iv. 630 _sq._, who observes that \u201cwhile the Fairies are\n      uniformly represented as social, cheerful, and benevolent beings,\n      the _Trows_ are described as gloomy and malignant, ever prone to\n      injure men.\u201d\n\n  421 Rev. Biot Edmondston and Jessie M. E. Saxby, _The Home of a\n      Naturalist_ (London, 1888), p. 146. Compare _County Folk-lore_, vol.\n      iii. _Orkney and Shetland Islands_, collected by G. F. Black\n      (London, 1903), pp. 202 _sq._\n\n_  422 The Shetland News_, February 1st, 1913, p. 5. As January 5th is\n      reckoned Christmas in Shetland, the celebration of Up-helly-a\u2019 falls\n      on January 29th. See J. Nicolson, in _The World\u2019s Work and Play_,\n      February, 1906, pp. 283 _sqq._ For further information relating to\n      the ceremony I am indebted to the kindness of Sheriff-Substitute\n      David J. Mackenzie (formerly of Lerwick, now of Kilmarnock).\n      According to one of his correspondents, the Rev. Dr. J. Willcock of\n      Lerwick, the present elaborate form of the ceremony dates only from\n      1882, when the Duke of Edinburgh visited Lerwick on naval business,\n      and Up-helly-a\u2019 was celebrated in his honour on a grander scale than\n      ever before. Yet Dr. Willcock apparently does not deny the antiquity\n      of the festival in a simpler form, for in his letter he says: \u201cIn\n      former times an old boat filled with tar was set on fire and dragged\n      about, as were also lighted tar-barrels.\u201d Another authority on\n      Shetland antiquities, Mr. Gilbert Goudie, writes to Sheriff\n      Mackenzie that \u201cthe kicking about and burning a tar-barrel is very\n      old in Lerwick.\u201d Compare _County Folk-lore_, iii. _Orkney and\n      Shetland Islands_, collected by G. F. Black (London, 1903), p. 205:\n      \u201cFormerly, blazing tar-barrels were dragged about the town, and\n      afterwards, with the first break of morning, dashed over the knab\n      into the sea.\u201d Up-helly-a\u2019, the Shetland name for Antinmas, is no\n      doubt the same with Uphalyday, which Dr. J. Jamieson (_Dictionary of\n      the Scottish Language_, New Edition, iv. 676) defines as \u201cthe first\n      day after the termination of the Christmas holidays,\u201d quoting two\n      official documents of A.D. 1494 and 1541 respectively.\n\n      I have to thank my friend Miss Anderson of Barskimming, Mauchline,\n      Ayrshire, for kindly calling my attention to this interesting relic\n      of the past.\n\n M127 Annual expulsion of witches and demons in Europe.\n M128 The expulsion of embodied evils.\n M129 Expulsion of demons personified by men among the American Indians.\n      Expulsion of a demon embodied in an image among the Mayas of\n      Yucatan.\n\n  423 Stephen Powers, _Tribes of California_ (Washington, 1877), p. 159.\n\n  424 G. Catlin, _North American Indians_, Fourth Edition (London, 1844),\n      i. 166 _sqq._; _id._, _O-kee-pa, a Religious Ceremony, and other\n      Customs of the Mandans_ (London, 1867).\n\n  425 Diego de Landa, _Relation des Choses de Yucatan_ (Paris, 1864), pp.\n      203-205, 211-215; E. Seler, \u201cThe Mexican Chronology,\u201d _Bureau of\n      American Ethnology, Bulletin 28_ (Washington, 1904), p. 17. As to\n      the Maya calendar see further Cyrus Thomas, _The Maya Year_\n      (Washington, 1894), pp. 19 _sqq._ (_Smithsonian Institution, Bureau\n      of Ethnology_).\n\n M130 Expulsion of a demon personified by a man among the aborigines of\n      Queensland. Expulsion of demons embodied in effigies in India and\n      Russia. Expulsion of demons embodied in animals or boys in Esthonia\n      and Spain.\n\n  426 W. E. Roth, _Ethnological Studies among the North-West-Central\n      Queensland Aborigines_ (Brisbane and London, 1897), pp. 120-125.\n\n  427 J. Moura, _Le Royaume du Cambodge_ (Paris, 1883), i. 172. Compare\n      above, p. 149.\n\n  428 R. H. Elliot, _Experiences of a Planter in the Jungles of Mysore_\n      (London, 1871), i. 60 _sq._\n\n  429 A. C. Winter, \u201cRussische Volksbr\u00e4uche bei Seuchen,\u201d _Globus_, lxxix.\n      (1901) p. 302. For the Russian ceremony of drawing a plough round a\n      village to keep out the cattle plague, see also W. R. S. Ralston,\n      _Songs of the Russian People_, Second Edition (London, 1872), pp.\n      396 _sqq._\n\n  430 J. G. Kohl, _Die deutsch-russischen Ostseeprovinzen_ (Dresden and\n      Leipsic, 1841), ii. 278.\n\n_  431 Folk-lore Journal_, vii. (1889) p. 174.\n\n M131 Annual expulsion of the demon of plague among the Khasis of Assam.\n      The Tug of War probably a contest with demons represented by human\n      beings. The Tug of War at funerals in Chittagong and Burma.\n\n  432 Major P. R. T. Gurdon, _The Khasis_ (London, 1907), p. 157; A.\n      Bastian, in _Verhandlungen der Berliner Gesellschaft f\u00fcr\n      Anthropologie, Ethnologie, und Urgeschichte_, 1881, p. 151; _id._,\n      _V\u00f6lkerst\u00e4mme am Brahmaputra_ (Berlin, 1883), pp. 6 _sq._\n\n  433 Fr. Boas, \u201cThe Central Eskimo,\u201d _Sixth Annual Report of the Bureau\n      of Ethnology_ (Washington, 1888), p. 605. See _The Dying God_, p.\n      259.\n\n  434 Capt. T. H. Lewin, _Wild Races of South-Eastern India_ (London,\n      1870), p. 185.\n\n  435 Father Sangermano, _Description of the Burmese Empire_ (Rangoon,\n      1885), p. 98; Capt. C. J. F. S. Forbes, _British Burma_ (London,\n      1878), pp. 216 _sq._; Shway Yoe, _The Burman, his Life and Notions_\n      (London, 1882), ii. 334 _sq._, 342.\n\n M132 The Tug of War as a rain-making ceremony in Burma and else where.\n\n  436 F. E. Sawyer, \u201cS. Swithin and Rainmakers,\u201d _The Folk-lore Journal_,\n      i. (1883) p. 214.\n\n  437 Francis Buchanan, \u201cOn the Religion and Literature of the Burmas,\u201d\n      _Asiatick Researches_, vi. (London, 1801) pp. 193 _sq._ Compare\n      Lieut.-General A. Fytche, _Burma Past and Present_ (London, 1878),\n      i. 248 note 1; Max and Bertha Ferrars, _Burma_ (London, 1900), p.\n      184; (Sir) J. G. Scott and J. P. Hardiman, _Gazetteer of Upper Burma\n      and the Shan States_ (Rangoon, 1900-1901), Part ii. vol. ii. pp. 95,\n      279.\n\n  438 J. G. F. Riedel, _De sluik- en kroesharige rassen tusschen Celebes\n      en Papua_ (The Hague, 1886), p. 282.\n\n  439 For particulars as to the winds of Assam I am indebted to my friend\n      Mr. J. D. Anderson, formerly of the Indian Civil Service, who\n      resided many years in that country.\n\n M133 The Tug of War between the sexes. The Tug of War in Kamtchatka and\n      New Guinea.\n\n_  440 The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, ii. 98 _sq._\n\n  441 G. W. W. C. Baron van Hoevell, \u201cLeti-eilanden,\u201d _Tijdschrift voor\n      Indische Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde_, xxxiii. (1890) p. 207.\n      However, it is not quite clear from the writer\u2019s words (\u201c_Immers de\n      mannen en vrouwen in twee partijeen verdeelt en elk een stuk van de\n      roten in de hande houdende bootsen toch ook door\u2019t voor- en\n      achteroverbuigen van\u2019t lichaam de bewegingen van cohabitie na_\u201d)\n      whether the men and women take opposite sides or are distributed\n      between the two.\n\n  442 T. C. Hodson, _The Naga Tribes of Manipur_ (London, 1911), p. 168;\n      compare 64. \u201cThe Chirus have six crop festivals, one of which, that\n      before the crops are cut, is marked by a rope-pulling ceremony of\n      the same nature as that observed among the Tangkhuls\u201d (_op. cit._ p.\n      172). The headman (_khull\u0101kpa_) \u201cis a sacrosanct person, the\n      representative of the village in all religious rites, and surrounded\n      by special alimentary, social and conjugal _gennas_\u201d or taboos (_op.\n      cit._ p. 110).\n\n  443 Stewart Culin, _Korean Games_ (Philadelphia, 1895), p. 35; A. C.\n      Haddon, _The Study of Man_ (London and New York, 1898), p. 274.\n\n  444 G. W. Steller, _Beschreibung von dem Lande Kamtschatka_ (Frankfort\n      and Leipsic, 1774), pp. 327 _sq._\n\n  445 H. von Rosenberg, _Der malayisch Archipel_ (Leipsic, 1878), p. 462.\n\n M134 The Tug of War in Morocco to procure rain or sunshine.\n\n  446 Edward Westermarck, \u201cThe Popular Ritual of the Great Feast in\n      Morocco,\u201d _Folk-lore_, xxii. (1911) pp. 158 _sq._; _id._,\n      _Ceremonies and Beliefs connected with Agriculture, Certain Dates of\n      the Solar Year, and the Weather in Morocco_ (Helsingfors, 1913), p.\n      122.\n\n M135 Games of ball in Morocco to procure rain or sunshine.\n\n  447 E. Westermarck, _Ceremonies and Beliefs connected with Agriculture,\n      Certain Dates of the Solar Year, and the Weather in Morocco_\n      (Helsingfors, 1913). pp. 121 _sq._\n\n M136 The Tug of War in Morocco to ensure prosperity.\n\n  448 E. Westermarck, \u201cThe Popular Ritual of the Great Feast in Morocco,\u201d\n      _Folk-lore_, xxii. (1911) p. 159.\n\n M137 Spiritual significance of the Tug of War. The Tug of War in French\n      Guiana, in North-Western India.\n\n  449 H. Coudreau, _Chez nos Indiens, Quatre Ann\u00e9es dans la Guayane\n      Fran\u00e7aise_ (Paris, 1895), p. 234.\n\n  450 Major Forbes, _Eleven Years in Ceylon_ (London, 1840), i. 358.\n\n  451 Sir Henry M. Elliot, _Memoirs on the History, Folk-lore, and\n      Distribution of the Races of the North-Western Provinces of India_,\n      edited, revised, and re-arranged by John Beames (London, 1869), i.\n      235.\n\n  452 W. Crooke, _Popular Religion and Folk-lore of Northern India_\n      (Westminster, 1896), ii. 321.\n\n  453 E. Westermarck, \u201cThe Popular Ritual of the Great Feast in Morocco,\u201d\n      _Folk-lore_, xxii. (1911) p. 158.\n\n M138 The Tug of War in Shropshire and Radnorshire. Contests for a ball\n      (_soule_) in Normandy.\n\n  454 John Brand, _Popular Antiquities of Great Britain_, New Edition\n      (London, 1883), i. 92; Miss C. S. Burne and Miss G. F. Jackson,\n      _Shropshire Folk-lore_ (London, 1883), pp. 319-321.\n\n  455 C. S. Burne and G. F. Jackson, _op. cit._ p. 321.\n\n  456 Jules Lec\u0153ur, _Esquisses du Bocage Normand_ (Cond\u00e9-sur-Noireau,\n      1883-1887), i. 13, ii. 153-165. Compare Laisnel de la Salle,\n      _Croyances et L\u00e9gendes du Centre de la France_ (Paris, 1875), i. 86\n      _sqq._; and as to the game of _soule_, see Guerry, in _M\u00e9moires des\n      Antiquaires de France_, viii. (1829) pp. 459-461.\n\n  457 In the parish of Vieux-Pont, in the department of Orne, the man who\n      is last married before the first Sunday in Lent must throw a ball\n      from the foot of the cross. The village lads compete with each other\n      for its possession. To win it the lad must carry it through three\n      parishes without being overtaken by his rivals. See A. de Nore,\n      _Coutumes, Mythes, et Traditions des Provinces de France_ (Paris and\n      Lyons, 1846), pp. 244 _sq._\n\n M139 Annual sham fights may represent contests with demons.\n\n  458 J. H. F. Kohlbrugge, \u201cDie Tenggeresen, ein alter Javanischer\n      Volksstamm,\u201d _Bijdragen tot de Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde van\n      Nederlandsch-Indi\u00eb_, liii. (1901) pp. 140 _sq._\n\n  459 Edouard Chavannes, _Documents sur les Tou-Kiue (Turcs) Occidentaux_\n      (St. Petersburg, 1903), p. 148.\n\n M140 Demons of sickness expelled in a small ship in Ceram.\n\n  460 Fran\u00e7ois Valentyn, _Oud- en nieuw Ost-Indi\u00ebn_ (Dordrecht and\n      Amsterdam, 1724-1726), iii. 14. L. de Backer (_L\u2019Archipel Indien_,\n      Paris, 1874, pp. 377 _sq._) copies from Valentyn.\n\n M141 Demons of sickness expelled in a small ship in Timor-laut, in a ship\n      in Buru, removed from the persons of the sufferers.\n\n  461 J. G. F. Riedel, _De sluik- en kroesharige rassen tusschen Selebes\n      en Papua_ (The Hague, 1886), pp. 304 _sq._\n\n  462 J. G. F. Riedel, _op. cit._ pp. 25 _sq._\n\n_  463 Ibid._ p. 141.\n\n  464 See above, p. 155.\n\n  465 J. G. F. Riedel, _op. cit._ p. 78.\n\n_  466 Ibid._ p. 357.\n\n_  467 Ibid._ pp. 266, 304 _sq._, 327, 357; H. Ling Roth, _Natives of\n      Sarawak and British North Borneo_ (London, 1896), i. 284.\n\n  468 Ch. Hose and W. McDougall, _The Pagan Tribes of Borneo_ (London,\n      1912), ii. 122 _sq._\n\n M142 Demons of disease expelled in a ship in Selangor.\n\n  469 W. W. Skeat, _Malay Magic_ (London, 1900), pp. 433-435. For other\n      examples of sending away plague-laden boats in the Malay region see\n      J. G. F. Riedel, _op. cit._ pp. 181, 210; R. van Eck, \u201cSchetsen van\n      het eiland Bali,\u201d _Tijdschrift voor Nederlandsch Indi\u00eb_, N.S., viii.\n      (1879) p. 104; A. Bastian, _Indonesien_, i. 147; C. Hupe, \u201cKorte\n      verhandeling over de godsdienst, zeden, enz. der Dajakkers,\u201d\n      _Tijdschrift voor Ne\u00earlands Indi\u00eb_, 1846, dl. iii. 150; C. F. H.\n      Campen, \u201cDe godsdienstbegrippen der Halmaherasche Alfoeren,\u201d\n      _Tijdschrift voor Indische Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde_, xxvii.\n      (1882) p. 441; _Journal of the Straits Branch of the Royal Asiatic\n      Society_, No. 12, pp. 229-231; A. L. van Hasselt, _Volksbeschrijving\n      van Midden-Sumatra_ (Leyden, 1882), p. 98; C. M. Pleyte,\n      \u201cEthnographische Beschrijving der Kei-Eilanden,\u201d _Tijdschrift van\n      het Nederlandsch Aardrijkskundig Genootschap_, Tweede Serie, x.\n      (1893) p. 835; H. Ling Roth, \u201cLow\u2019s Natives of Sarawak,\u201d _Journal of\n      the Anthropological Institute_, xxii, (1893) p. 25; C. Snouck\n      Hurgronje, _De Atjehers_ (Batavia and Leyden, 1893-1894), i. 461\n      _sq._; J. A. Jacobsen, _Reisen in der Inselwelt des Banda-Meeres_\n      (Berlin, 1896), p. 110.\n\n M143 Demons of sickness expelled in small ships in New Guinea, the\n      Philippines, Tikopia, and the Nicobar Islands.\n\n  470 H. Zahn, \u201cDie Jabim,\u201d in R. Neuhauss\u2019s _Deutsch Neu-Guinea_, iii.\n      (1911) pp. 329 _sq._\n\n  471 F. Blumentritt, \u201c\u00dcber die Eingeborenen der Insel Palawan und der\n      Inselgruppe der Talamianen,\u201d _Globus_, lix. (1891) p. 183.\n\n  472 J. Dumont D\u2019Urville, _Voyage autour du monde et \u00e0 la recherche de La\n      P\u00e9rouse, sur la corvette Astrolabe_ (Paris, 1832-1833), v. 311.\n\n  473 Roepstorff, \u201cEin Geisterboot der Nicobaresen,\u201d _Verhandlungen der\n      Berliner Gesellschaft f\u00fcr Anthropologie, Ethnologie und\n      Urgeschichte_ (1881), p. 401; W. Svoboda, \u201cDie Bewohner des\n      Nikobaren-Archipels,\u201d _Internationales Archiv f\u00fcr Ethnographie_, vi.\n      (1893) pp. 10 _sq._\n\n  474 P. Denjoy, \u201cAn-nam, M\u00e9decins et Sorciers, Rem\u00e8des et Superstitions,\u201d\n      etc., _Bulletins de la Soci\u00e9t\u00e9 d\u2019Anthropologie de Paris_, v. (1894)\n      pp. 409 _sq._ Compare \u00c9. Aymonier, _Voyage dans le Laos_ (Paris,\n      1895-1897), i. 121. For Siamese applications of the same principle\n      to the cure of individuals, see A. Bastian, _Die V\u00f6lker des\n      \u00f6stlichen Asien_, iii. (Jena, 1867) pp. 295 _sq._, 485 _sq._\n\n M144 Demons of sickness expelled in the form of animals in India.\n\n_  475 Panjab Notes and Queries_, i. p. 48, \u00a7 418 (January, 1884).\n\n_  476 Id._, iii. p. 81, \u00a7 373 (February 1886).\n\n  477 W. Crooke, _Popular Religion and Folk-lore of Northern India_\n      (Westminster, 1896), i. 142. Bulls are used as scapegoats for\n      cholera in Cashmeer (H. G. M. Murray-Aynsley, in _Folk-lore_, iv.\n      (1893) pp. 398 _sq._).\n\n  478 Major-General Sir W. H. Sleeman, _Rambles and Recollections of\n      Indian Official_, New Edition (Westminster, 1893), i. 203.\n\n  479 Major-General Sir W. H. Sleeman, _op. cit._ i. 198.\n\n M145 Goats and cocks employed as scapegoats in various parts of India.\n\n  480 F. Fawcett, \u201cOn the Saoras (or Savaras), an Aboriginal Hill People\n      of the Eastern Ghats,\u201d _Journal of the Anthropological Society of\n      Bombay_, i. 213, note.\n\n  481 Mr. Y. V. Athalye, in _Journal of the Anthropological Society of\n      Bombay_, i. 37.\n\n  482 W. Crooke, _Popular Religion and Folk-lore of Northern India_\n      (Westminster, 1896), i. 169 _sq._; _id._, _Tribes and Castes of the\n      North-Western Provinces and Oudh_ (Calcutta, 1896), iii. 445.\n\n_  483 Kausika Sutra_, xiv. 22 (W. Caland, _Altindisches Zauberritual_,\n      Amsterdam, 1900, p. 29); H. Oldenberg, _Die Religion des Veda_\n      (Berlin, 1894), p. 498.\n\n_  484 Kausika Sutra_, xviii. 16 (W. Caland, _Altindisches Zauberritual_,\n      pp. 44 _sq._).\n\n M146 Cows, toads, and llamas as scapegoats in Africa and America.\n\n  485 Dom Daniel Sour Dharim Dena (a Dinka convert), in _Annales de la\n      Propagation de la Foi_, lx. (1888) pp. 57 _sq._\n\n  486 H. Seidel, \u201cKrankheit, Tod, und Begr\u00e4bnis bei den Togonegern,\u201d\n      _Globus_, lxxii. (1897) p. 24.\n\n  487 D. Forbes, \u201cOn the Aymara Indians of Bolivia and Peru,\u201d _Journal of\n      the Ethnological Society of London_, vol. ii. No. 3 (October, 1870),\n      p. 237.\n\n M147 Goddess of disease expelled in a toy chariot.\n\n  488 Jivangi Jimshedji Modi, B.A., \u201cOn the Chariot of the Goddess, a\n      Supposed Remedy for driving out an Epidemic,\u201d _Journal of the\n      Anthropological Society of Bombay_, vol. iv. No. 8 (Bombay, 1899),\n      pp. 420-424; Captain C. Eckford Luard, in _Census of India, 1901_,\n      vol. xix., _Central India_ (Lucknow, 1902), p. 78.\n\n M148 Human scapegoats in Uganda.\n\n  489 Rev. J. Roscoe, _The Baganda_ (London, 1911), p. 342.\n\n  490 Rev. J. Roscoe, _The Baganda_, pp. 109, 200. As to the perpetual\n      fire at the entrance to a king\u2019s enclosure, see _id._ pp. 103, 197,\n      202 _sq._\n\n M149 Human scapegoats in China and India. Indian ceremony of sliding down\n      a rope.\n\n  491 J. H. Gray, _China_ (London, 1878), ii. 306.\n\n_  492 Panjab Notes and Queries_, i. p. 75, \u00a7 598 (April, 1884); W.\n      Crooke, _Popular Religion and Folk-lore of Northern India_\n      (Westminster, 1896), i. 170.\n\n  493 Rev. F. Hahn, \u201cSome Notes on the Religion and Superstitions of the\n      Or\u0101\u014ds\u201d _Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal_, lxxii. Part iii.\n      (Calcutta, 1904) p. 17; compare H. C. Streatfield, _ibid._ p. 37.\n\n_  494 North Indian Notes and Queries_, i. pp. 55, 74 _sq._, 77, \u00a7\u00a7 417,\n      499, 516 (July and August, 1891), quoting G. W. Traill, _Statistical\n      Sketch of Kumaun_, pp. 68 sq., and Moorcroft and Trebeck, _Travels\n      in the Himalayan Provinces of Hindustan and the Panj\u00e1b_, i. 17 _sq._\n      Compare E. T. Atkinson, _The Himalayan Districts of the\n      North-Western Provinces of India_, ii. (Allahabad, 1884), pp. 834\n      _sq._\n\n M150 Tibetan New Year ceremony of sliding down a rope.\n\n  495 W. Woodville Rockhill, \u201cTibet, A Geographical, Ethnographical, and\n      Historical Sketch, derived from Chinese Sources,\u201d _Journal of the\n      Royal Asiatic Society for 1891_ (London, 1891), p. 209. Compare Hue,\n      _Souvenirs d\u2019un Voyage dans la Tartarie et le Thibet_, Sixi\u00e8me\n      \u00c9dition (Paris, 1878), ii. 379 _sq._ For a description of Potala\n      Hill and its grand palace, see L. Austine Waddell, _Lhasa and its\n      Mysteries_ (London, 1905), pp. 330 _sqq._, 387 _sqq._\n\n M151 Periodic expulsion of evils in a material vehicle. Periodic\n      expulsion of spirits in rafts from Perak.\n\n_  496 Straits Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Notes and Queries_,\n      No. 3 (Singapore, 1886), pp. 80 _sq._\n\n M152 Annual expulsion of evils in small ships in the Indian Archipelago.\n\n  497 J. G. F. Riedel, _De sluik- en kroesharige rassen tusschen Selebes\n      en Papua_ (The Hague, 1886), p. 393.\n\n  498 A. Bastian, _Der Mensch in der Geschichte_ (Leipsic, 1860), ii. 93.\n\n  499 Ivor H. N. Evans, \u201cNotes on the Religious Beliefs, Superstitions,\n      Ceremonies and Tabus of the Dusuns of the Tuaran and Tempassuk\n      Districts, British North Borneo,\u201d _Journal of the Royal\n      Anthropological Institute_, xlii. (1912) pp. 382-384.\n\n M153 Annual expulsion of demons in little ships in the Nicobar Islands.\n\n  500 A. Bastian, _op. cit._ ii. 91.\n\n  501 V. Solomon, \u201cExtracts from Diaries kept in Car Nicobar,\u201d _Journal of\n      the Anthropological Institute_, xxxii. (1902) pp. 228 _sq._\n\n M154 Annual expulsion of embodied evils in India, China, and Corea.\n      Annual expulsion or destruction of demons embodied in images in\n      Tibet.\n\n  502 Captain F. Wilford, \u201cAn Essay on the Sacred Isles in the West,\u201d\n      _Asiatic Researches_, ix. (London, 1809) pp. 96 _sq._\n\n  503 J. H. Gray, _China_ (London, 1878), ii. 306 _sq._\n\n  504 W. Woodville Rockhill, \u201cNotes on some of the Laws, Customs, and\n      Superstitions of Corea,\u201d _The American Anthropologist_, iv. (1891)\n      p. 185; Mrs. Bishop, _Korea and her Neighbours_ (London, 1898), ii.\n      56.\n\n  505 Stewart Culin, _Korean Games_ (Philadelphia, 1895), p. 12.\n\n_  506 Narratives of the Mission of George Bogle to Tibet and of the\n      Journey of Thomas Manning to Lhasa_, edited by (Sir) Clements R.\n      Markham (London, 1876), pp. 106 _sq._ Compare Sarat Chandra Das,\n      _Journey to Lhasa and Central Tibet_ (London, 1902), p. 116.\n\n  507 Missionary Fage, in _Annales de la Propagation de la Foi_, xxix.\n      (1857) p. 321.\n\n M155 Biennial expulsion of demons embodied in effigies at Old Calabar.\n\n  508 T. J. Hutchinson, _Impressions of Western Africa_ (London, 1858), p.\n      162; Rev. J. Macdonald, _Religion and Myth_ (London, 1893), pp.\n      105-107; Hugh Goldie, _Calabar and its Mission_, New Edition\n      (Edinburgh and London, 1901), pp. 49 _sq._; Miss Mary H. Kingsley,\n      _Travels in West Africa_ (London, 1897), p. 495; Major A. G.\n      Leonard, _The Lower Niger and its Tribes_ (London, 1906), pp.\n      449-451. The ceremony takes place both in Creek Town and Duke Town.\n      The date of it, according to Miss Kingsley, is either every November\n      or every second November; but with the exception of Mr. Macdonald,\n      who does not mention the period, the other authorities agree in\n      describing the ceremony as biennial. According to Major Leonard it\n      is celebrated usually towards the end of the year. Miss Kingsley\n      speaks of the effigies being set up in the houses themselves; but\n      all the other writers say or imply that they are set up at the doors\n      of the houses in the streets. According to Mr. Goldie the spirits\n      expelled are \u201call the ghosts of those who have died since the last\n      lustration.\u201d He makes no mention of devils.\n\n M156 Annual expulsion of demons embodied in effigies at Porto Novo.\n\n  509 Missionary F. Terrien, in _Annales de la Propagation de la Foi_,\n      liv. (1882) pp. 375-377.\n\n M157 Annual expulsion of embodied evils among the Hos of Togoland.\n\n_  510 Spirits of the Corn and of the Wild_, ii. 58 _sqq._\n\n  511 Jakob Spieth, _Die Ewe-St\u00e4mme_ (Berlin, 1906), pp. 305-307. We have\n      seen (above, p. 193) that these people used a toad as a scapegoat to\n      free them from the influenza.\n\n M158 Annual expulsion of embodied evils among the gypsies.\n\n  512 H. von Wlislocki, _Volksglaube und religi\u00f6ser Brauch der Zigeuner_\n      (M\u00fcnster i. W., 1891), pp. 65 _sq._\n\n M159 Annual expulsion of evils in an animal scapegoat among the Garos of\n      Assam.\n\n  513 Major A. Playfair, _The Garos_ (London, 1909), p. 92.\n\n M160 Dogs as scapegoats in India, Scotland and America. The Jewish\n      scapegoat.\n\n  514 E. T. Atkinson, \u201cNotes on the History of Religion in the Himalaya of\n      the North-West Provinces,\u201d _Journal of the Asiatic Society of\n      Bengal_, liii. Pt. i. (1884) p. 62; _id._, _The Himalayan Districts\n      of the North-Western Provinces of India_, ii. (Allahabad, 1884) p.\n      871.\n\n_  515 Scotland and Scotsmen in the Eighteenth Century_, from the MSS. of\n      John Ramsay of Ochtertyre, edited by Alex. Allardyce (Edinburgh,\n      1888), ii. 439.\n\n  516 W. M. Beauchamp, \u201cThe Iroquois White Dog Feast,\u201d _American\n      Antiquarian_, vii. (1885) p. 237.\n\n_  517 Ibid._ p. 236; T. Dwight, _Travels in New England and New York_\n      (London, 1823), iv. 202.\n\n  518 Above, p. 127.\n\n  519 Leviticus xvi. The word translated \u201cscapegoat\u201d in the Authorised\n      Version is Azazel, which appears rather to be the name of a bad\n      angel or demon, to whom the goat was sent away. \u201cIn later Jewish\n      literature (Book of Enoch) Azazel appears as the prince of the\n      fallen angels, the offspring of the unions described in Gen. vi. 1\n      ff. The familiar rendering \u2018scapegoat,\u2019 _i.e._ the goat which is\n      allowed to escape, goes back to the _caper emissarius_ of the\n      Vulgate, and is based on an untenable etymology\u201d (Professor A. R. S.\n      Kennedy, in his commentary on Leviticus xvi. 8, in the _Century\n      Bible_). There is some ground for thinking that the animal was\n      killed by being thrown over a certain crag that overhangs a rocky\n      chasm not far from Jerusalem. See _Encyclop\u00e6dia Biblica_, ed. T. K.\n      Cheyne and J. S. Black, vol. i. (London, 1899) coll. 394 _sqq._,\n      _s.v._ \u201cAzazel.\u201d Modern Jews sacrifice a white cock on the eve of\n      the Day of Atonement, nine days after the beginning of their New\n      Year. The father of the family knocks the cock thrice against his\n      own head, saying, \u201cLet this cock be a substitute for me, let it take\n      my place, let death be laid upon this cock, but a happy life\n      bestowed on me and on all Israel.\u201d Then he cuts its throat and\n      dashes the bird violently on the ground. The intestines are thrown\n      on the roof of the house. The flesh of the cock was formerly given\n      to the poor. See J. Buxtorf, _Synagoga Judaica_ (B\u00e2le, 1661), ch.\n      xxv. pp. 508 _sqq._\n\n M161 Human scapegoats formerly put to death every year in Africa.\n\n  520 S. Crowther and J. C. Taylor, _The Gospel on the Banks of the Niger_\n      (London, 1859), pp. 343-345. Compare J. F. Sch\u00f6n and S. Crowther,\n      _Journals_ (London, 1848), pp. 48 _sq._ The account of the custom by\n      J. Africanus B. Horton (_West African Countries and Peoples_, pp.\n      185 _sq._) is taken entirely from Taylor.\n\n  521 Major A. G. Leonard, _The Lower Niger and its Tribes_ (London,\n      1906), pp. 446 _sqq._\n\n  522 An Igbodu is a sacred grove in which oracles are given. It is\n      divided into three compartments by fences of palm branches and the\n      _omu_ shrub. Into the first compartment women and uninitiated men\n      may enter; into the other two only priestly officials are permitted,\n      according to their rank in the hierarchy, to enter. See Bishop James\n      Johnson, \u201cYoruba Heathenism,\u201d quoted by R. E. Dennett, _At the Back\n      of the Black Man\u2019s Mind_ (London, 1906), p. 254.\n\n  523 Bishop James Johnson, _op. cit._ p. 263. Bishop Johnson is a native\n      African. It does not appear whether the sacrifice which he describes\n      is occasional or periodical.\n\n M162 Human scapegoats formerly put to death every year in Siam. Annual\n      human scapegoats in Japan and Sumatra.\n\n  524 Turpin, \u201cHistory of Siam,\u201d in J. Pinkerton\u2019s _Voyages and Travels_\n      (London, 1808-1814), ix. 579.\n\n  525 The _oho-harahi_ or \u201cGreat Purification\u201d is a ceremony, which used\n      to be performed in the Japanese capital twice every year, namely on\n      the last days of the sixth and twelfth month. It included a\n      preliminary lustration, expiatory offerings, and the recital of a\n      _norito_ or formula (not a prayer), in which the Mikado, by virtue\n      of an authority transmitted to him from the Sun-goddess, pronounced\n      to his ministers and people the absolution and remission of their\n      sins. See W. G. Aston, _Shinto_ (London, 1905), pp. 294 _sqq._ The\n      writer adds (p. 295): \u201cThe Chinese had an _oho-harahi_, defined by\n      Mr. Giles in his _Chinese Dictionary_ as \u2018a religious ceremony of\n      purification performed in spring and autumn, with a view to secure\n      divine protection for agricultural interests.\u2019 \u201d The popular\n      celebrations of the first of May and the first of November in Europe\n      seem to be relics of similar biennial purifications.\n\n  526 W. G. Aston, _Shinto_, pp. 308 _sq._\n\n  527 W. K\u00f6dding, \u201cDie Batakschen G\u00f6tter und ihr Verh\u00e4ltnis zum\n      Brahmanismus,\u201d _Allgemeine Missions-Zeitschrift_, xii. (1885) pp.\n      476, 478.\n\n M163 Annual human scapegoats in Europe. The expulsion of Posterli in\n      Switzerland.\n\n  528 Aeneas Sylvius, _Opera_ (B\u00e2le, 1571), pp. 423 _sq._\n\n  529 H. Usener, \u201cItalische Mythen,\u201d _Rheinisches Museum_, N.F., xxx.\n      (1875) p. 198; _id._, _Kleine Schriften_, iv. (Leipsic and Berlin,\n      1913) pp. 109 _sq._ The custom seems to have been revived in the\n      latter part of the nineteenth century; perhaps it may still be\n      observed. See H. Herzog, _Schweizerische Volksfeste, Sitten und\n      Gebr\u00e4uche_ (Aarau, 1884), pp. 293 _sq._; E. Hoffmann-Krayer, _Feste\n      und Br\u00e4uche des Schweizervolkes_ (Zurich, 1913), p. 101.\n\n M164 Annual expulsion of the devil, personified by a man, from Munich on\n      Ascension Day.\n\n  530 L. Curtius, \u201cChristi Himmelfahrt,\u201d _Archiv f\u00fcr\n      Religionswissenschaft_, xiv. (1911) p. 307, quoting the _M\u00fcnchener\n      Neuesten Nachrichten_, No. 235, May 21st, 1909.\n\n M165 The pardoned criminal at Rouen on Ascension Day may have been a\n      public scapegoat.\n\n_  531 The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, ii. 164 _sqq._\n\n  532 On the use of eponymous magistrates as annual scapegoats see above,\n      pp. 39-41.\n\n M166 Divine animals as scapegoats in India and ancient Egypt.\n\n  533 J. Thomas Phillips, _Account of the Religion, Manners, and Learning\n      of the People of Malabar_ (London, 1717), pp. 6, 12 _sq._\n\n  534 Herodotus, ii. 39.\n\n  535 Herodotus, ii. 38-41; Sir J. Gardner Wilkinson, _Manners and Customs\n      of the Ancient Egyptians_, New Edition (London, 1878), iii. 403\n      _sqq._\n\n  536 Herodotus, _l.c._ As to the worship of sacred bulls in ancient\n      Egypt, see further _Spirits of the Corn and of the Wild_, ii. 34\n      _sqq._\n\n_  537 Spirits of the Corn and of the Wild_, ii. 175 _sqq._, 314 _sq._\n\n M167 Divine men as scapegoats among the Gonds of India and the Albanians\n      of the Caucasus.\n\n_  538 Panjab Notes and Queries_, ii. p. 54, \u00a7 335 (December, 1884).\n\n  539 Strabo, xi. 4. 7, p. 503. For the custom of standing upon a\n      sacrificed victim, compare Demosthenes, _Or._ xxiii. 68, p. 642;\n      Pausanias, iii. 20. 9.\n\n M168 Annual human scapegoats in Tibet. The Jalno, the temporary ruler of\n      Lhasa.\n M169 The Jalno and the King of the Years. Expulsion of the King of the\n      Years.\n\n  540 The ceremony referred to is perhaps the one performed on the tenth\n      day, as described in the text.\n\n  541 \u201cReport of a Route Survey by Pundit\u2014from Nepal to Lhasa,\u201d etc.,\n      _Journal of the Royal Geographical Society_, xxxviii. (1868) pp.\n      167, 170 _sq._; \u201cFour Years Journeying through Great Tibet, by one\n      of the Trans-Himalayan Explorers,\u201d _Proceedings of the Royal\n      Geographical Society_, N.S. vii. (1885) pp. 67 _sq._; W. Woodville\n      Rockhill, \u201cTibet, a Geographical, Ethnographical, and Historical\n      Sketch, derived from Chinese Sources,\u201d _Journal of the Royal Asiatic\n      Society for 1891_ (London, 1891), pp. 211 _sq._; L. A. Waddell, _The\n      Buddhism of Tibet_ (London, 1895), pp. 504 _sqq._, 512 _sq._; J. L.\n      Dutreuil de Rhins, _Mission Scientifique dans la Haute Asie\n      1890-1895: R\u00e9cit du Voyage_ (Paris, 1897), pp. 257 _sq._ The\n      accounts supplement each other, though they differ in some\n      particulars. I have endeavoured to combine them. According to Mr.\n      Rockhill\u2019s account, which is drawn from Chinese sources, at one\n      point of the ceremonies the troops march thrice round the temple and\n      fire volleys of musketry to drive away the devil. With the like\n      intent they discharge a great old cannon, which bears the\n      inscription, \u201cMy power breaks up and destroys rebellion.\u201d The same\n      account speaks of a fencing with battle-axes by a troop of\n      boy-dancers, a great illumination of the cathedral with lanterns,\n      and its decoration with figures made out of butter and flour to\n      represent men, animals, dragons, etc.; also it makes mention of a\n      horse-race and a foot-race, both run by boys. The clerical invasion\n      of the capital at this season is graphically described by an\n      eye-witness. See Huc, _Souvenirs d\u2019un Voyage dans la Tartarie et le\n      Thibet_, Sixi\u00e8me \u00c9dition (Paris, 1878), ii. 380 _sq_.\n\n M170 The Grand Lama, the Jalno, and the King of the Years in their\n      relations to each other. Probability that of old the Tibetan\n      scapegoat was put to death as a substitute for the Grand Lama.\n M171 General remarks.\n M172 First, the immediate and the mediate expulsions of evil are\n      identical in intention.\n M173 Second, the annual expulsion of evil generally coincides with some\n      well-marked change of season, such as the beginning or end of\n      winter, the beginning or end of the rainy season, etc.\n M174 Third, the annual expulsion of evil is commonly preceded or followed\n      by a period of general license.\n\n  542 In the Dassera festival, as celebrated in Nepaul, we seem to have\n      another instance of the annual expulsion of demons preceded by a\n      time of license. The festival occurs at the beginning of October and\n      lasts ten days. \u201cDuring its continuance there is a general holiday\n      among all classes of the people. The city of Kathmandu at this time\n      is required to be purified, but the purification is effected rather\n      by prayer than by water-cleansing. All the courts of law are closed,\n      and all prisoners in jail are removed from the precincts of the\n      city.... The Kalendar is cleared, or there is a jail-delivery always\n      at the Dassera of all prisoners.\u201d This seems a trace of a period of\n      license. At this time \u201cit is a general custom for masters to make an\n      annual present, either of money, clothes, buffaloes, goats, etc., to\n      such servants as have given satisfaction during the past year. It is\n      in this respect, as well as in the feasting and drinking which goes\n      on, something like our \u2018boxing-time\u2019 at Christmas.\u201d On the seventh\n      day at sunset there is a parade of all the troops in the capital,\n      including the artillery. At a given signal the regiments begin to\n      fire, the artillery takes it up, and a general firing goes on for\n      about twenty minutes, when it suddenly ceases. This probably\n      represents the expulsion of the demons. \u201cThe grand cutting of the\n      rice-crops is always postponed till the Dassera is over, and\n      commences all over the valley the very day afterwards.\u201d See the\n      description of the festival in H. A. Oldfield\u2019s _Sketches from\n      Nipal_ (London, 1880), ii. 342-351. On the Dassera in India, see J.\n      A. Dubois, _M\u0153urs, Institutions et C\u00e9r\u00e9monies des Peuples de l\u2019Inde_\n      (Paris, 1825), ii. 329 _sqq._ The Besisi of the Malay Peninsula hold\n      a regular carnival at the end of the rice-harvest, when they are\n      said to be allowed to exchange wives. See W. W. Skeat and C. O.\n      Blagden, _Pagan Races of the Malay Peninsula_ (London, 1906), ii.\n      70, 76, 145, compare 120 _sq._ Amongst the Swahili of East Africa\n      New Year\u2019s Day was formerly a day of general license, \u201cevery man did\n      as he pleased. Old quarrels were settled, men were found dead on the\n      following day, and no inquiry was instituted about the matter.\u201d See\n      Ch. New, _Life, Wanderings, and Labours in Eastern Africa_ (London,\n      1873), p. 65; and _The Golden Bough_,2 iii. 250. An annual period of\n      anarchy and license, lasting three days, is reported by Borelli to\n      be observed by some of the Gallas. See Ph. Paulitschke,\n      _Ethnographie Nordost-Afrikas: die geistige Cultur der Dan\u00e2kil,\n      Galla und Somal_ (Berlin, 1896), p. 158. In Ashantee the annual\n      festival of the new yams is a time of general license. See _Spirits\n      of the Corn and of the Wild_, ii. 62.\n\n M175 Fourth, the use of a divine man or animal as a scapegoat is\n      remarkable.\n M176 Why a dying god should serve as a scapegoat.\n M177 The use of a divinity as scapegoat explains an ambiguity in the\n      ceremony of \u201cCarrying out Death.\u201d\n\n  543 See _The Dying God_, pp. 233 _sqq._, 264.\n\n  544 Above, pp. 186, 189, 201.\n\n  545 H. Usener, \u201cItalische Mythen,\u201d _Rheinisches Museum_, N.F. (1875)\n      xxx. 194; _id._, _Kleine Schriften_, iv. (Leipsic and Berlin, 1913)\n      p. 105.\n\n M178 Annual expulsion of \u201cthe Old Mars\u201d in the month of March in ancient\n      Rome.\n\n  546 Joannes Lydus, _De mensibus_, iii. 29, iv. 36. Lydus places the\n      expulsion on the Ides of March, that is 15th March. But this seems\n      to be a mistake. See H. Usener, \u201cItalische Mythen,\u201d _Rheinisches\n      Museum_, xxx. (1875) pp. 209 _sqq._; _id._, _Kleine Schriften_, iv.\n      (Leipsic and Berlin, 1913) pp. 122 _sqq._ Again, Lydus does not\n      expressly say that Mamurius Veturius was driven out of the city, but\n      he implies it by mentioning the legend that his mythical prototype\n      was beaten with rods and expelled the city. Lastly, Lydus only\n      mentions the name Mamurius. But the full name Mamurius Veturius is\n      preserved by Varro, _De lingua latina_, vi. 45; Festus, ed. C. O.\n      M\u00fcller, p. 131; Plutarch, _Numa_, 13. Mr. W. Warde Fowler is\n      disposed to be sceptical as to the antiquity of the ceremony of\n      expelling Mamurius. See his _Roman Festivals of the period of the\n      Republic_ (London, 1899), pp. 44-50.\n\n  547 H. Usener, \u201cItalische Mythen,\u201d pp. 212 _sq._; _id._, _Kleine\n      Schriften_, iv. 125 _sq._; W. H. Roscher, _Apollon und Mars_\n      (Leipsic, 1873), p. 27; L. Preller, _R\u00f6mische Mythologie_3 (Berlin,\n      1881-1883), i. 360; A. Vani\u010dek, _Griechisch-lateinisches\n      etymologisches W\u00f6rterbuch_ (Leipsic, 1877), p. 715. The three latter\n      scholars take Veturius as = _annuus_, because _vetus_ is\n      etymologically equivalent to \u1f14\u03c4\u03bf\u03c2. But, as Usener argues, it seems\n      quite unallowable to take the Greek meaning of the word instead of\n      the Latin.\n\n  548 Cato, _De agri cultura_, 141.\n\n  549 Varro, _De lingua latina_, v. 85.\n\n  550 See the song of the Arval Brothers in _Acta Fratrum Arvalium_, ed.\n      G. Henzen (Berlin, 1874), pp. 26 _sq._; J. Wordsworth, _Fragments\n      and Specimens of Early Latin_ (Oxford, 1874), p. 158; H. Dessau,\n      _Inscriptiones Latinae Selectae_, ii. Pars i. (Berlin, 1902) p. 276.\n\n_  551 Spirits of the Corn and of the Wild_, ii. 42 _sqq._\n\n  552 Cato, _De agri cultura_, 83.\n\n_  553 The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, ii. 50 _sq._, 55, 124\n      _sq._\n\n  554 L. Preller, _R\u00f6mische Mythologie_,3 i. 360; W. H. Roscher, _Apollon\n      und Mars_, p. 49; _id._, _Lexikon der griech. und r\u00f6m. Mythologie_,\n      ii. 2408 _sq._; H. Usener, _op. cit._ The ceremony also closely\n      resembles the Highland New Year ceremony already described. See\n      _Spirits of the Corn and of the Wild_, ii. 322 _sqq._\n\n  555 But the Biy\u00e2rs, a mixed tribe of North-Western India, observe an\n      annual ceremony which they call \u201cburning the old year.\u201d The old year\n      is represented by a stake of the wood of the cotton-tree, which is\n      planted in the ground at an appointed place outside of the village,\n      and then burned on the day of the full moon in the month of P\u00fbs.\n      Fire is first put to it by the village priest, and then all the\n      people follow his example, parch stalks of barley in the fire, and\n      afterwards eat them. Next day they throw the ashes of the burnt wood\n      in the air; and on the morrow the festival ends with a regular\n      saturnalia, at which decency and order are forgotten. See W. Crooke,\n      _Tribes and Castes of the North-Western Provinces and Oudh_\n      (Calcutta, 1896), ii. 137 _sq._ Compare _id._, _Popular Religion and\n      Folk-lore of Northern India_ (Westminster, 1896), ii. 319.\n\n  556 Propertius, v. 2. 61 _sq._; H. Usener, \u201cItalische Mythen,\u201d p. 210;\n      _id._, _Kleine Schriften_, iv. 123.\n\n M179 \u201cThe Old Mars\u201d seems to have been beaten by the Salii, the dancing\n      priests of Mars. The dances of the Salii in spring and autumn were\n      perhaps intended to quicken the growth of the corn sown at these\n      seasons. The armed processions of the Salii may have been intended\n      to rout out and expel the demons lurking in the city.\n\n  557 Varro, _De lingua latina_, vi. 45 ed. C. O. M\u00fcller; Festus, _s.v._\n      \u201cMamuri Veturi,\u201d p. 131 ed. C. O. M\u00fcller; Ovid, _Fasti_, iii. 389\n      _sqq._; Plutarch, _Numa_, 13.\n\n  558 Servius, on Virgil, _Aen._ vii. 188, \u201c_Cui [scil. Mamurio] et diem\n      consecrarunt, quo pellem virgis feriunt_\u201d; Minucius Felix,\n      _Octavius_, 24, \u201c_Nudi cruda hieme discurrunt, alii incedunt\n      pilleati, scuta vetera circumferunt, pelles caedunt_.\u201d Neither\n      Servius nor Minucius Felix expressly mentions the Salii, but the\n      description given by the latter writer (\u201c_pilleati, scuta vetera\n      circumferunt_\u201d) proves that he alludes to them. The expression of\n      Minucius Felix _pelles caedunt_ is conclusive in favour of _pellem_\n      in the passage of Servius, where some would wrongly substitute\n      _peltam_, the reading of a single MS. That the beating of the\n      skin-clad representative of Mamurius was done by the Salii was long\n      ago rightly pointed out by Dr. W. H. Roscher (_Apollon und Mars_, p.\n      49).\n\n  559 Varro, _De lingua latina_, v. 85, \u201c_Saliia salitando, quod facere in\n      comitio in sacris quotannis et solent et debent_.\u201d Compare Ovid,\n      _Fasti_, iii. 387, \u201c_Iam dederat Saliis a saltu nomina dicta_\u201d;\n      Plutarch, _Numa_, 13; Dionysius Halicarnasensis, _Antiquitates\n      Romanae_, ii. 70.\n\n  560 J. Marquardt, _R\u00f6mische Staatsverwaltung_, iii.2 (Leipsic, 1885) p.\n      431; G. Wissowa, _Religion und Kultus der R\u00f6mer_2 (Munich, 1912), p.\n      144; W. Warde Fowler, _The Religious Experience of the Roman People_\n      (London, 1911), pp. 96 _sq._\n\n  561 Festus, ed. C. O. M\u00fcller, p. 325, \u201c_Qui deus in saliaribus Saturnus\n      nominatur, videlicet a sationibus_.\u201d In this passage Ritschl reads\n      _Saeturnus_ for _Saturnus_. The best MSS. of the epitome read\n      _Sateurnus_. See J. Wordsworth, _Fragments and Specimens of Early\n      Latin_ (Oxford, 1884), p. 405. As to Saturn in this capacity see\n      below, p. 306.\n\n  562 Columella, _De re rustica_, ii. 9. 6 _sq._\n\n_  563 The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, i. 137 _sqq._\n\n  564 J. Marquardt, _R\u00f6mische Staatsverwaltung_, iii.2 (Leipsic, 1885) pp.\n      427 _sq._\n\n  565 L. Preller, _R\u00f6mische Mythologie_3 (Berlin, 1881-1883), i. 359. As\n      to the lunar year of the old Roman Calendar see L. Ideler, _Handbuch\n      der mathematischen und technischen Chronologie_ (Berlin, 1825-1826),\n      ii. 38 _sqq._\n\n  566 As to their number and badge see Aulus Gellius, vi. (vii., ed. M.\n      Hertz) 7. 8; as to their function see Varro, _De lingua latina_, v.\n      85, \u201c_Fratres Arvales dicti sunt, qui sacra publica faciunt\n      propterea ut fruges ferant arva, a ferendo et arvis fratres arvales\n      dicti_.\u201d\n\n  567 Livy, i. 20. 4; Plutarch, _Numa_, 13; Dionysius Halicarnasensis,\n      _Antiquitates Romanae_, ii. 70. Livy only mentions the shields. From\n      an ancient relief we learn that the staves of the Salii terminated\n      in a knob at each end. Hence we may correct the statement of\n      Dionysius, who describes the weapon doubtfully as \u03bb\u03cc\u03b3\u03c7\u03b7\u03bd \u1f23 \u1fe5\u03ac\u03b2\u03b4\u03bf\u03bd \u1f24\n      \u03c4\u03b9 \u03c4\u03bf\u03b9\u03bf\u1fe6\u03b8 \u1f15\u03c4\u03b5\u03c1\u03bf\u03bd. See J. Marquardt, _R\u00f6mische Staatsverwaltung_,\n      iii.2 432, note 6.\n\n  568 See above, pp. 113, 116, 117, 132, 139, 141, 147, 158, 159, 161,\n      163, 165, 166, 186, 191, 196, 200, 204, 214.\n\n  569 Livy, i. 20. 4; J. Marquardt, _op. cit._ iii.2 432 _sq._; W. Smith,\n      _Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities_, Third Edition (London,\n      1891), vol. ii. p. 590, _s.v._ \u201cSalii.\u201d\n\n  570 See above, pp. 111 _sqq._\n\n M180 The demons expelled by the Salii may have been above all the demons\n      of blight and infertility. This conjecture is supported by analogous\n      ceremonies performed by savages for the purpose of driving off the\n      demons that would harm the crops.\n\n  571 See above, p. 138.\n\n  572 Labat, _Voyage du Chevalier Des Marchais en Guin\u00e9e, Isles voisines,\n      et \u00e0 Cayenne_ (Amsterdam, 1731), ii. 80 (p. 99 of the Paris\n      edition).\n\n  573 Olivier de Sanderval, _De l\u2019Atlantique au Niger par le\n      Foutah-Djallon_ (Paris, 1883), p. 230. The phrase which I have\n      translated \u201cfor exorcising the spirits\u201d is \u201c_pour conjurer les\n      esprits_.\u201d\n\n M181 Dances of masked men in India, Borneo, and South America to promote\n      the growth of the crops.\n\n  574 Ludovico di Varthema, _Travels in Egypt, Syria_, etc., translated by\n      J. W. Jones (Hakluyt Society, London, 1863), pp. 166 _sq._\n\n_  575 Spirits of the Corn and of the Wild_, i. 95, 186 _sq._\n\n_  576 Spirits of the Corn and of the Wild_, i. 111 _sq._\n\n M182 Dances in Aracan for the sake of the crops. Dances of the Tarahumare\n      Indians of Mexico to procure rain for their crops.\n\n_  577 Annales de la Propagation de la Foi_, liii. (1881) p. 178.\n\n  578 C. Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_ (London, 1903), i. 330 _sq._\n\n M183 Dances of the Tarahumare Indians to cause rain to fall, corn to\n      sprout, grass to grow, and animals to multiply.\n\n  579 C. Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_ (London, 1903), i. 335 _sqq._, 352\n      _sq._\n\n M184 Dance of the Cora Indians at the sowing festival.\n\n  580 K. Th. Preuss, _Die Nayarit-Expedition_, I. _Die Religion der\n      Cora-Indianer_ (Leipsic, 1912), pp. xcviii. _sq._, 61-63. As to the\n      sowing festival of the Mexican Indians, compare K. Th. Preuss, \u201cDie\n      religi\u00f6sen Ges\u00e4nge und Mythen einiger St\u00e4mme der mexikanischen\n      Sierra Madre,\u201d _Archiv f\u00fcr Religionswissenschaft_, xi. (1908) pp.\n      374 _sqq._\n\n M185 Dances and leaps of European peasants to make the corn grow tall.\n\n_  581 The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, i. 137-139.\n\n  582 Dr. F. J. Vonbun, _Beitr\u00e4ge zur deutschen Mythologie gesammelt in\n      Churrhaetien_ (Chur, 1862), p. 21, quoting J. Stumpf and Ulr.\n      Campell. As the passage is curious and the work probably rare, I\n      will quote the original in full: \u201c_Sicherlich auch im zusammenhange\n      mit Donarcultus war ein brauch der leute in der Grub (in\n      Graub\u00fcnden)._ \u2018_Die landleute in der Grub haben noch etwas anererbte\n      br\u00e4uche, indem dass sie sich zu etlichen jahren (meistens zur zeit\n      der sonnenwende) besammelten, verbutzten (sich als masken\n      vermummten) und einander unbekannt machten, legten harnisch und\n      geweer an, und nahm jeder ein grossen kolben oder kn\u00fcttel, zugen in\n      einer rott mit einander von einem dorf zum andern, triben hohe\n      spr\u00fcnge und seltsame abentheur.\u2014Sie luffen gestracks laufs\n      aneinander, stiessen mit kr\u00e4ften je einer den andern, dass es\n      erhillt, stiessen laut mit ihren gr\u00f6ssen st\u00f6cken und kn\u00fctteln,\n      deswegen sie vom landvolk genannt werden die Stopfer. Diese\n      thorechte abentheuer triben sie zum aberglauben, dass ihnen das korn\n      destobas gerathen s\u00f6lle, haben aber anjetzo abgelassen, und sind\n      diese Stopfer in keiner achtung mehr_.\u2019 (Joh. Stumpf). _Auch Ulr.\n      Campell erw\u00e4hnt dieses volksbrauch (s. 11) und bemerkt_: \u2018_mit\n      diesem gebrauche hing fr\u00fcher der glaube zusammen, dass dessen\n      aus\u00fcbung ein fruchtbares jahr bringe._\u2019 \u201d The word _Stopfer_ means\n      \u201cstopper,\u201d \u201crammer,\u201d \u201ccrammer,\u201d etc.\n\n M186 Dances of mummers called _Perchten_ in Austria for the good of the\n      crops. The mythical old woman called Perchta.\n\n  583 J. Grimm, _Deutsche Mythologie_4 (Berlin, 1875-1878), i. 226 _sqq._,\n      iii. 88 _sq._; Fr. Panzer, _Beitrag zur deutschen Mythologie_\n      (Munich, 1848-1855), i. 247 _sq._, ii. 381; I. V. Zingerle, \u201cPerahta\n      in Tirol,\u201d _Zeitschrift f\u00fcr deutsche Mythologie_, iii. (G\u00f6ttingen,\n      1855), pp. 203-206; _id._, _Sitten, Br\u00e4uche und Meinungen des\n      Tiroler Volkes_2 (Innsbruck, 1871), pp. 128 _sq._, 138 _sq_.; J. M.\n      Ritter von Alpenburg, _Mythen und Sagen Tirols_ (Z\u00fcrich, 1857), pp.\n      46-51, 63-65; _Bavaria, Landes- und Volkskunde des K\u00f6nigreichs\n      Bayern_ (Munich, 1860-1867), i. 365; A. Wuttke, _Der deutsche\n      Volksaberglaube_2 (Berlin, 1869), \u00a7 25, pp. 25-27; W. Mannhardt,\n      _Der Baumkultus der Germanen und ihrer Nachbarst\u00e4mme_ (Berlin,\n      1875), pp. 542 _sq._; Karl Weinhold, _Weinacht-Spiele und Lieder aus\n      S\u00fcddeutschland und Schlesien_ (Vienna, 1875), pp. 19 _sqq._; E.\n      Mogk, in H. Paul\u2019s _Grundriss der germanischen Philologie_,2 iii.\n      (Strasburg, 1900), pp. 280 _sq_. (where it is said that Perchta\n      \u201c_spendet dem Acker Fruchtbarkeit und l\u00e4sst das Vieh gedeihen_\u201d); E.\n      H. Meyer, _Mythologie der Germanen_ (Strasburg, 1903), pp. 424\n      _sqq._; P. Herrmann, _Deutsche Mythologie_ (Leipsic, 1906), pp. 303\n      _sqq._; M. Andree-Eysen, _Volkskundliches aus dem\n      bayrisch-\u00f6sterreichischen Alpengebiet_ (Brunswick, 1910), pp. 156\n      _sqq._; E. Hoffmann-Krayer, _Feste und Br\u00e4uche des Schweizervolkes_\n      (Z\u00fcrich, 1913), pp. 118 _sqq._\n\n M187 The running and leaping of the _Perchten_ mummers on Twelfth Night.\n      The Beautiful _Perchten_ and the Ugly _Perchten_.\n\n  584 J. Grimm, _Deutsche Mythologie_,4 i. 231; I. V. Zingerle, _Sitten,\n      Br\u00e4uche und Meinungen des Tiroler Volkes_2 (Innsbruck, 1871), pp.\n      138 _sq._; W. Mannhardt, _Baumkultus_, pp. 542 _sq._; J. M. Ritter\n      von Alpenburg, _Mythen und Sagen Tirols_ (Z\u00fcrich, 1857), pp. 50\n      _sq._; K. Weinhold, _Weinacht-Spiele und Lieder aus S\u00fcddeutschland\n      und Schlesien_ (Vienna, 1875), pp. 21 _sqq._\n\n M188 The Ugly _Perchten_ in Salzburg.\n M189 The Beautiful _Perchten_ in Salzburg.\n\n  585 Marie Andree-Eysn, _Volkskundliches aus dem\n      bayrisch-\u00f6sterreichischen Alpengebiet_ (Brunswick, 1910), pp.\n      156-175.\n\n M190 Mrs. Andree-Eysn on the _Perchten_; according to her, the\n      processions of Perchten are intended to promote fertility by\n      banishing the demons that would thwart it.\n\n  586 Marie Andree-Eysn, _Volkskundliches aus dem\n      bayrisch-\u00f6sterreichischen Alpengebiet_ (Brunswick, 1910), pp. 179\n      _sq._ The authoress kindly presented me with a copy of her valuable\n      work in May 1910, when I had the pleasure of visiting her and her\n      husband, the eminent anthropologist, the late Dr. Richard Andree, in\n      their home at Munich.\n\n M191 The bells worn by the _Perchten_ mummers may be intended to ban\n      demons. Bells rung to make the grass grow in spring. Bells rung to\n      make the flax grow. Whips cracked to make the flax grow.\n\n  587 See P. Sartori, \u201cGlockensagen und Glockenaberglaube,\u201d _Zeitschrift\n      des Vereins f\u00fcr Volkskunde_, vii. (1897) pp. 360 _sqq._ The use in\n      classical antiquity of bells, gongs, and the clash of bronze\n      generally to ban the demon host has been learnedly illustrated by\n      Mr. A. B. Cook in his article, \u201cThe Gong at Dodona,\u201d _Journal of\n      Hellenic Studies_, xxii. (1902) pp. 14 _sqq._\n\n  588 Rev. A. L. Kitching, _On the Backwaters of the Nile_ (London, 1912),\n      p. 264. As to the country of the Teso people, who do not belong to\n      the Bantu stock, see _id._, pp. 26 _sq._\n\n  589 Marie Andree-Eysn, _op. cit._ pp. 180-182. As to the custom of\n      \u201cringing-out the grass,\u201d see further W. Mannhardt, _Baumkultus_, p.\n      540; _The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, ii. 343 _sq._\n\n  590 Marie Andree-Eysn, _op. cit._ p. 182.\n\n  591 Marie Andree-Eysn, _l.c._\n\n  592 K. Seifart, _Sagen, M\u00e4rchen, Schw\u00e4nke und Gebr\u00e4uche aus Stadt und\n      Stift Hildesheim_2 (Hildesheim, 1889), p. 180. For more evidence of\n      the supposed fertilizing influence of bells, see P. Sartori,\n      \u201cGlockensagen und Glockenaberglaube,\u201d _Zeitschrift des Vereins f\u00fcr\n      Volkskunde_, vii. (1897) pp. 363 _sq._\n\n  593 I. V. Zingerle, Sitten, _Br\u00e4uche und Meinungen des Tiroler Volkes_2\n      (Innsbruck, 1871), pp. 135 _sq._, 139, \u00a7 1196, 1211, 1212.\n\n  594 W. Mannhardt, _Baumkultus_, pp. 268 _sq._\n\n M192 Certain features in these processions or races of mummers seem to\n      shew that the mummers represent beneficent spirits of fertility, who\n      quicken the seed in the ground and offspring in the wombs of women.\n      The view of W. Mannhardt.\n\n  595 Marie Andree-Eysn, _op. cit._ pp. 182 _sq._\n\n  596 W. Mannhardt, _Baumkultus_, p. 548.\n\n  597 W. Mannhardt, _l.c._\n\n M193 Confirmations of this view. The use of bells and swords in these\n      ceremonies.\n\n  598 See above, p. 236.\n\n_  599 Spirits of the Corn and of the Wild_, ii. 325 _sqq._\n\n  600 T. F. Thiselton Dyer, _British Popular Customs_ (London, 1876), p.\n      32; _County Folk-lore, Printed Extracts, No. 3, Leicestershire and\n      Rutlandshire_, collected and edited by C. J. Billson (London, 1895),\n      pp. 93 _sq._\n\n  601 Mrs. Lilly Grove (Mrs. J. G. Frazer), _Dancing_ (London, 1895), pp.\n      147 _sqq._; E. K. Chambers, _The Mediaeval Stage_ (Oxford, 1903), i.\n      195 _sqq._\n\n  602 As to the swords carried by the _Perchten_ see above, p. 245; as to\n      those carried by the dancers on Plough Monday, see J. Brand,\n      _Popular Antiquities of Great Britain_ (London, 1882-1883), i. 505.\n      As to the sword-dance in general, see K. M\u00fcllenhoff, \u201c\u00dcber den\n      Schwerttanz,\u201d in _Festgaben f\u00fcr Gustav Homeyer_ (Berlin, 1871), pp.\n      111-147 (who compares the dances of the Salii); Mrs. Lilly Grove,\n      _op. cit._ pp. 189 _sqq._, 211 _sqq._; E. K. Chambers, _op. cit._ i.\n      182 _sqq._\n\n  603 See below, pp. 331 _sqq._\n\n M194 These masquerades originally intended both to stimulate vegetation\n      in spring and to expel demons.\n M195 Application of these conclusions to the expulsion of \u201cthe Old Mars\u201d\n      in ancient Rome.\n M196 Human scapegoats in ancient Greece. The \u201cExpulsion of Hunger\u201d at\n      Chaeronea.\n\n  604 Plutarch, _Quaest. conviv._ vi. 8.\n\n  605 See above, pp. 143 _sqq._, 209.\n\n M197 Human scapegoats at Marseilles. Human scapegoats put to death at\n      Athens. Human scapegoats annually stoned to death at Abdera.\n\n  606 Servius on Virgil, _Aen._ iii. 57, following Petronius; Lactantius\n      Placidius, _Commentarii in Statii Thebaida_ x. 793, p. 452, ed. R.\n      Jahnke (Leipsic, 1898). According to the former writer, the\n      scapegoat was cast out (\u201c_projiciebatur_\u201d); according to the latter,\n      he was stoned to death by the people outside of the walls (\u201c_extra\n      pomeria saxis occidebatur a populo_\u201d). The statement of some modern\n      writers that he was killed by being hurled from a height rests on a\n      reading (\u201c_praecipitabatur_\u201d for \u201c_projiciebatur_\u201d) in the text of\n      Servius, which appears to have no manuscript authority and to be\n      merely a conjecture of R. Stephan\u2019s. Yet the conjecture has been\n      inserted in the text by F. Buecheler in his edition of Petronius\n      (Third Edition, Berlin, 1882, p. 109) without any intimation that\n      all the MSS. present a different reading. See the critical edition\n      of Servius edited by G. Thilo and H. Hagen, vol. i. (Leipsic, 1881),\n      p. 346.\n\n  607 Helladius, in Photius, _Bibliotheca_, p. 534 A, ed. Im. Bekker\n      (Berlin, 1824); Scholiast on Aristophanes, _Frogs_, 734, and on\n      _Knights_, 1136; Hesychius, _Lexicon_, _s.v._ \u03c6\u03b1\u03c1\u03bc\u03b1\u03ba\u03bf\u1f76; compare\n      Suidas, _Lexicon_, _s.vv._ \u03ba\u03ac\u03b8\u03b1\u03c1\u03bc\u03b1, \u03c6\u03b1\u03c1\u03bc\u03b1\u03ba\u03cc\u03c2, and \u03c6\u03b1\u03c1\u03bc\u03b1\u03ba\u03bf\u03cd\u03c2; Lysias,\n      _Orat._ vi. 53. That they were stoned is an inference from\n      Harpocration. See next note. When the people of Cyrene sacrificed to\n      Saturn (Cronus), they wore crowns of fresh figs on their heads. See\n      Macrobius, _Saturn_, i. 7. 25.\n\n  608 Harpocration, _Lexicon_, _s.v._ \u03c6\u03b1\u03c1\u03bc\u03b1\u03ba\u03cc\u03c2, who says \u03b4\u03cd\u03bf \u1f04\u03bd\u03b4\u03c1\u03b1\u03c2\n      \u1fbd\u0391\u03b8\u03ae\u03bd\u03b7\u03c3\u03b9\u03bd \u1f10\u03be\u1fc6\u03b3\u03bf\u03bd \u03ba\u03b1\u03b8\u03ac\u03c1\u03c3\u03b9\u03b1 \u1f10\u03c3\u03bf\u03bc\u03ad\u03bd\u03bf\u03c5\u03c2 \u03c4\u1fc6\u03c2 \u03c0\u03cc\u03bb\u03b5\u03c9\u03c2 \u1f10\u03bd \u03c4\u03bf\u1fd6\u03c2 \u0398\u03b1\u03c1\u03b3\u03b7\u03bb\u03af\u03bf\u03b9\u03c2,\n      \u1f15\u03bd\u03b1 \u03bc\u1f72\u03bd \u1f51\u03c0\u1f72\u03c1 \u03c4\u1ff6\u03bd \u1f00\u03bd\u03b4\u03c1\u1ff6\u03bd, \u1f15\u03bd\u03b1 \u03b4\u1f72 \u1f51\u03c0\u1f72\u03c1 \u03c4\u1ff6\u03bd \u03b3\u03c5\u03bd\u03b1\u03b9\u03ba\u1ff6\u03bd. He does not\n      expressly state that they were put to death; but as he says that the\n      ceremony was an imitation of the execution of a mythical Pharmacus\n      who was stoned to death, we may infer that the victims were killed\n      by being stoned. Suidas (_s.v._ \u03c6\u03b1\u03c1\u03bc\u03b1\u03ba\u03cc\u03c2) copies Harpocration. As to\n      the human scapegoats employed by the Greeks at the Thargelia and on\n      other occasions see W. Mannhardt, _Mythologische Forschungen_\n      (Strasburg, 1884), pp. 124 _sqq._; J. T\u00f6pffer, _Beitr\u00e4ge zur\n      griechischen Altertumswissenschaft_ (Berlin, 1897), pp. 130 _sqq._;\n      August Mommsen, _Feste der Stadt Athen im Altertum_ (Leipsic, 1898),\n      pp. 468 _sqq._; Miss J. E. Harrison, _Prolegomena to the Study of\n      Greek Religion_, Second Edition (Cambridge, 1908), pp. 95 _sqq._; M.\n      P. Nilsson, _Griechische Feste_ (Leipsic, 1906), pp. 105 _sqq._; W.\n      R. Paton, \u201cThe \u03c6\u03b1\u03c1\u03bc\u03b1\u03ba\u03bf\u03af and the Story of the Fall,\u201d _Revue\n      Arch\u00e9ologique_, iv. S\u00e9rie ix. (1907) pp. 51-57.\n\n  609 Ovid, _Ibis_, 467 _sq._:\n\n      \u201c_Aut te devoveat certis Abdera diebus_\n      _ Saxaque devotum grandine plura petant_,\u201d\n\n      with the two scholia quoted respectively by M. P. Nilsson,\n      _Griechische Feste_, p. 108 note 6, and by O. Schneider, in his\n      _Callimachea_ (Leipsic, 1870-1873), ii. 684. The scholiast refers to\n      Callimachus as his authority.\n\n M198 Annual human scapegoats in Leucadia. Human scapegoats annually put\n      to death at the festival of the Thargelia in Asia Minor.\n\n  610 Strabo, x. 2. 9, p. 542; Photius, _Lexicon_, _s.v._ \u039b\u03b5\u03c5\u03ba\u03ac\u03c4\u03b7\u03c2; L.\n      Ampelius, _Liber Memorialis_, viii. 4; Servius, on Virgil, _Aen._\n      iii. 279; Ptolemaeus Hephaest., _Nov. Histor._ in Photius,\n      _Bibliotheca_, cod. 190, p. 153, ed. Im. Bekker; _Mythographi\n      Graeci_, ed. A. Westermann (Brunswick, 1843), pp. 198 _sq._\n      According to the manuscript reading in Photius, _l.c._, the priests\n      flung themselves into the sea; but the reading has been altered by\n      the editors. As to the Kumaon ceremony see above, pp. 196 _sq._\n\n  611 Suidas and Photius, _Lexicon_, _s.v._ \u03c0\u03b5\u03c1\u03af\u03c8\u03b7\u03bc\u03b1. The word which I\n      have translated \u201coffscouring\u201d (\u03c0\u03b5\u03c1\u03af\u03c8\u03b7\u03bc\u03b1) occurs in 1 Corinthians iv.\n      13, where it is similarly translated in the English version. It\n      means properly that on which something is wiped off, like a sponge\n      or a duster.\n\n  612 J. Tzetzes, _Chiliades_, v. 726-761 (ed. Th. Kiesseling, Leipsic,\n      1826). Tzetzes\u2019s authority is the satirical poet Hipponax. The tune\n      which was played by the flutes while the man was being beaten is\n      mentioned by Hesychius, _s.v._ \u039a\u03c1\u03b1\u03b4\u03af\u03b7\u03c2 \u03bd\u03cc\u03bc\u03bf\u03c2. Compare _id._, _s.v._\n      \u039a\u03c1\u03b1\u03b4\u03b7\u03c3\u03af\u03c4\u03b7\u03c2; Plutarch, _De musica_, 8.\n\n  613 This may be inferred from the verse of Hipponax, quoted by\n      Athenaeus, ix. 9, p. 370 B, where for \u03c6\u03b1\u03c1\u03bc\u03ac\u03ba\u03bf\u03c5 we should perhaps\n      read \u03c6\u03b1\u03c1\u03bc\u03b1\u03ba\u03bf\u1fe6 with Schneidewin (_Poetae lyrici Graeci_,3 ed. Th.\n      Bergk, ii. 763).\n\n M199 Mannhardt\u2019s interpretation of the custom of beating the human\n      scapegoat on the genitals: it was intended to free his reproductive\n      energies from any restraint laid on them by demoniacal or other\n      malignant agency.\n\n  614 W. Mannhardt, _Mythologische Forschungen_ (Strasburg, 1884), pp. 113\n      _sqq._, especially 123 _sq._, 133.\n\n  615 Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ xx. 101; Dioscorides, _De materia medica_, ii.\n      202; Lucian, _Necyom._ 7; _id._, Alexander, 47; Theophrastus,\n      _Superstitious Man_.\n\n  616 Theocritus, vii. 106 _sqq._ with the scholiast.\n\n  617 Compare Aug. Mommsen, _Heortologie_ (Leipsic, 1864), pp. 414 _sqq._,\n      _id._, _Feste der Stadt Athen im Altertum_ (Leipsic, 1898), pp. 468\n      _sq._, 479 _sqq._; M. P. Nilsson, _Griechische Feste_ (Leipsic,\n      1906), pp. 105, iii _sqq._; W. Mannhardt, _Antike Wald- und\n      Feldkulte_ (Berlin, 1877), p. 215.\n\n  618 At certain sacrifices in Yucatan blood was drawn from the genitals\n      of a human victim and smeared on the face of the idol. See Diego de\n      Landa, _Relation des choses de Yucatan_, texte espagnol et\n      traduction fran\u00e7aise par l\u2019Abb\u00e9 Brasseur de Bourbourg (Paris, 1864),\n      p. 167. Was the original intention of this rite to transfuse into\n      the god a fresh supply of reproductive energy?\n\n  619 Aelian, _Nat. Anim._ ix. 26.\n\n_  620 The Dying God_, pp. 239 _sq._\n\n_  621 The Dying God_, p. 114.\n\n M200 W. R. Paton\u2019s view that the human scapegoats at the Thargelia\n      personated the spirits of fig-trees, and that the ceremony was a\n      magical rite for the fertilization of fig-trees, being copied from\n      the process of caprification.\n\n  622 On the other hand, W. Mannhardt regarded the victims as representing\n      the demons of infertility, dearth, and sickness, who in the persons\n      of their representatives were thus hounded with blows out of the\n      city. See his _Mythologische Forschungen_, p. 129.\n\n  623 W. R. Paton, \u201cThe \u03c6\u03b1\u03c1\u03bc\u03b1\u03ba\u03bf\u03af and the Story of the Fall,\u201d _Revue\n      Arch\u00e9ologique_, iv. S\u00e9rie, ix. (1907) pp. 51 _sqq._\n\n M201 This theory is confirmed by a comparison with the Roman rites of the\n      _Nonae Caprotinae_.\n\n_  624 The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, ii. 313 _sqq._\n\n  625 Dionysius Halicarnasensis, _Antiquitates Romanae_, ii. 56. 4.\n      Compare Livy, i. 16. 4; Plutarch, _Romulus_, 27.\n\n_  626 Spirits of the Corn and of the Wild_, i. 248. Compare _Adonis,\n      Attis, Osiris_, Second Edition, pp. 331 _sqq._\n\n  627 See, for example, Helladius, cited by Photius, _Bibliotheca_, p. 534\n      _a_, ed. Im. Bekker, \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u1f10\u03ba\u03c1\u03ac\u03c4\u03b5\u03b9 \u03c4\u1f78 \u1f14\u03b8\u03bf\u03c2 \u1f00\u03b5\u1f76 \u03ba\u03b1\u03b8\u03b1\u03af\u03c1\u03b5\u03b9\u03bd \u03c4\u1f74\u03bd \u03c0\u03cc\u03bb\u03b9\u03bd\n      \u03c4\u03bf\u1fd6\u03c2 \u03c6\u03b1\u03c1\u03bc\u03b1\u03ba\u03bf\u1fd6\u03c2; Harpocration, _s.v._ \u03c6\u03b1\u03c1\u03bc\u03b1\u03ba\u03cc\u03c2 (vol. i. p. 298, ed.\n      G. Dindorf), \u03b4\u03cd\u03bf \u1f04\u03bd\u03b4\u03c1\u03b1\u03c2 \u1f08\u03b8\u03ae\u03bd\u03b7\u03c3\u03b9\u03bd \u1f10\u03be\u1fc6\u03b3\u03bf\u03bd \u03ba\u03b1\u03b8\u03ac\u03c1\u03c3\u03b9\u03b1 \u1f10\u03c3\u03bf\u03bc\u03ad\u03bd\u03bf\u03c5\u03c2 \u03c4\u1fc6\u03c2\n      \u03c0\u03cc\u03bb\u03b5\u03c9\u03c2; Scholiast on Aristophanes, _Knights_, 1136, \u03b4\u03b7\u03bc\u03bf\u03c3\u03af\u03bf\u03c5\u03c2 \u03b4\u03ad,\n      \u03c4\u03bf\u1f7a\u03c2 \u03bb\u03b5\u03b3\u03bf\u03bc\u03ad\u03bd\u03bf\u03c5\u03c2 \u03c6\u03b1\u03c1\u03bc\u03b1\u03ba\u03bf\u03cd\u03c2, \u03bf\u1f35\u03c0\u03b5\u03c1 \u03ba\u03b1\u03b8\u03b1\u03af\u03c1\u03bf\u03c5\u03c3\u03b9 \u03c4\u1f70\u03c2 \u03c0\u03cc\u03bb\u03b5\u03b9\u03c2 \u03c4\u1ff7 \u1f11\u03b1\u03c5\u03c4\u1ff6\u03bd\n      \u03c6\u03cc\u03bd\u1ff3.\n\n  628 Mr. Paton ingeniously suggests that in the Biblical narrative of\n      Adam and Eve, who for eating a particular fruit were condemned to\n      death and driven out of the happy garden with aprons of fig-leaves\n      about their loins (Genesis iii.), we have a reminiscence of a custom\n      of fertilizing fig-trees by a pair of human scapegoats, who, like\n      the victims at the Thargelia, assimilated themselves to the tree by\n      wearing its foliage or fruit. See W. R. Paton, \u201cThe \u03c6\u03b1\u03c1\u03bc\u03b1\u03ba\u03bf\u03af and the\n      Story of the Fall,\u201d _Revue Arch\u00e9ologique_, iv. S\u00e9rie, ix. (1907) pp.\n      55 _sq._\n\n M202 Beating as a mode of dispelling evil influences.\n\n  629 Above, pp. 2, 186. Compare Plutarch, _Parallela_, 35, where a woman\n      is represented as going from house to house striking sick people\n      with a hammer and bidding them be whole.\n\n  630 W. Crooke, _Popular Religion and Folk-lore of Northern India_\n      (Westminster, 1896), i. 99, 155; _id._, _Tribes and Castes of the\n      North-Western Provinces and Oudh_ (Calcutta, 1896), iii. 333, 441,\n      445.\n\n  631 A. Certeux et E. H. Carnoy, _L\u2019Alg\u00e9rie Traditionnelle_ (Paris and\n      Algiers, 1884), p. 189.\n\n  632 H. Kern, \u201cEen Spanisch schrijver over den godsdienst der heidensche\n      Bikollers,\u201d _Bijdragen tot de Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde van\n      Nederlandsch-Indi\u00eb_, xlvii. (1897) pp. 232 _sq._ The Spanish\n      authority is Father Jos\u00e9 Casta\u00f1o. An ancient Egyptian relief from\n      Saqqarah represents a mummy at the entrance of the tomb, while the\n      women tear out their hair and the men wave palm-branches, apparently\n      to drive evil spirits away. The custom has been inherited by the\n      modern Arabs, who similarly beat off the invisible foes with\n      palm-branches. See A. Wiedemann, _Herodots Zweites Buch_ (Leipsic,\n      1890), p. 347. However, in these cases the blows seem to be\n      administered to the demons and not to the corpse.\n\n M203 Beating people to rid them of clinging ghosts. Exorcism of ghosts by\n      means of leaves and pig\u2019s blood.\n\n  633 J. M. van Baarda, \u201cIle de Halmaheira,\u201d _Bulletins de la Soci\u00e9t\u00e9\n      d\u2019Anthropologie de Paris_, Quatri\u00e8me S\u00e9rie, iii. (1892) p. 545. As\n      to throwing a banana-trunk into the grave, see _Spirits of the Corn\n      and of the Wild_, ii. 97.\n\n  634 Rev. J. Batchelor, _The Ainu and their Folk-lore_ (London, 1901), p.\n      550.\n\n_  635 Revue d\u2019Ethnographie_, iii. (1885) pp. 395 _sq._\n\n  636 R. Schomburgk, _Reisen in Britisch-Guiana_ (Leipsic, 1847-1848), ii.\n      457 _sqq._; Rev. J. H. Bernau, _Missionary Labours in British\n      Guiana_ (London, 1847), p. 52; C. F. Ph. von Martius, _Zur\n      Ethnographie Amerika\u2019s, zumal Brasiliens_ (Leipsic, 1867), pp. 694\n      _sq._; J. Crevaux, _Voyages dans l\u2019Am\u00e9rique du Sud_ (Paris, 1883),\n      p. 548.\n\n  637 Servius, on Virgil, _Aen._ i. 329. For more evidence see C.\n      Boetticher, _Der Baumkultus der Hellenen_ (Berlin, 1856), pp. 369\n      _sqq._\n\n  638 See my note on Pausanias, ii. 31. 8, vol. ii. pp. 276 _sqq._\n\n  639 V. Solomon, \u201cExtracts from Diaries kept in Car Nicobar,\u201d _Journal of\n      the Anthropological Institute_, xxxii. (1902) p. 227.\n\n M204 Beating practised by South American Indians and others as a mode of\n      conveying good qualities.\n\n  640 J. de Acosta, _History of the Indies_, vol. ii. p. 375 (Hakluyt\n      Society, London, 1880). See above, pp. 128 _sqq._\n\n  641 P. Lozano, _Descripcion Chorographica del terreno, rios, arboles, y\n      animales de las dilatadissimas provincias del Gran Chaco, Gualamba_,\n      etc. (Cordova, 1733), p. 67. The reappearance of the Pleiades\n      probably marked the beginning of the year for these people. See\n      _Spirits of the Corn and of the Wild_, i. 307 _sqq._\n\n  642 G. Osculati, _Esplorazione delle regioni equatoriali lungo il Napo\n      ed il fiume delle Amazzoni_ (Milan, 1850), p. 118.\n\n  643 H. Coudreau, _Chez nos Indiens: quatre ann\u00e9es dans la Guyane\n      Fran\u00e7aise_ (Paris, 1895), p. 544.\n\n  644 G. H. Loskiel, _History of the Mission of the United Brethren among\n      the Indians in North America_ (London, 1794), Part i. p. 37.\n\n  645 The _Satapatha Brahmana_, v. 4. 4. 7, translated by J. Eggeling,\n      Part iii. (Oxford, 1894) p. 108 (_Sacred Books of the East_, vol.\n      xli.).\n\n  646 D. Chwolsohn, _Die Ssabier und der Ssabismus_ (St. Petersburg,\n      1856), ii. 34.\n\n M205 Beating people with instruments which possess and impart special\n      virtues.\n\n  647 On the positive benefits supposed in certain cases to flow from a\n      beating compare S. Reinach, \u201cLa flagellation rituelle,\u201d _Cultes,\n      Mythes et Religions_, i. (Paris, 1905) pp. 180 _sqq._; E. S.\n      Hartland, _Primitive Paternity_ (London, 1909-1910), i. 102 _sqq._\n\n  648 Ch. Keysser, \u201cAus dem Leben der Kaileute,\u201d in R. Neuhauss\u2019s _Deutsch\n      Neu-Guinea_, iii. (Berlin, 1911) p. 124.\n\n  649 Father Lambert, \u201cM\u0153urs et Superstitions de la tribu B\u00e9lep,\u201d _Les\n      Missions Catholique_, xii. (1880) p. 273; _id._, _M\u0153urs et\n      Superstitions des N\u00e9o-Cal\u00e9doniens_ (Noum\u00e9a, 1900), p. 218.\n\n  650 F. J. de Santa-Anna Nery, _Folk-lore Br\u00e9silien_ (Paris, 1889), p.\n      253.\n\n  651 R. Temesv\u00e1ry, _Volksbr\u00e4uche und Aberglauben in der Geburtshilfe und\n      der Pflege des Neugeborenen in Ungarn_ (Leipsic, 1900), p. 8.\n      Compare E. S. Hartland, _Primitive Paternity_ (London, 1909-1910),\n      i. 106.\n\n  652 A. C. Kruyt, \u201cHet koppensnellen der Toradja\u2019s van Midden-Celebes, en\n      zijne beteekenis,\u201d _Verslagen en Mededeelingen der Koninklijke\n      Akademie van Wetenschappen_, Afdeeling Letterkunde, iv. Reeks, iii.\n      (Amsterdam, 1899) p. 199.\n\n  653 E. Beardmore, \u201cThe Natives of Mowat, Daudai, New Guinea,\u201d _Journal\n      of the Anthropological Institute_, xix. (1890) p. 464.\n\n M206 Custom in Morocco of beating people with the skins of sacrificed\n      sheep or goats.\n\n  654 E. Westermarck, \u201cThe Popular Ritual of the Great Feast in Morocco,\u201d\n      _Folk-lore_, xxii. (1911) pp. 163-165.\n\n  655 See below, pp. 298, 302, 304.\n\n  656 E. Westermarck, _op. cit._ pp. 165 _sq._, 170, 178. The purificatory\n      character of the rite is duly recognised by Dr. Westermarck (_op.\n      cit._ p. 178).\n\n M207 European custom of beating cattle with branches to make them healthy\n      or drive away the witches from them. The rowan-tree as a protection\n      against witchcraft.\n\n  657 J. G. v. Hahn, _Albanesische Studien_ (Jena, 1854), i. 155.\n\n  658 W. H. D. Rouse, \u201cFolk-lore from the Southern Sporades,\u201d _Folk-lore_,\n      x. (1899) p. 179.\n\n  659 K. Bartsch, _Sagen, M\u00e4rchen und Gebr\u00e4uche aus Mecklenburg_ (Vienna,\n      1879-1880), ii. p. 258, \u00a7 1348.\n\n  660 J. F. L. Woeste, _Volks\u00fcberlieferungen in der Grafschaft Mark_\n      (Iserlohn, 1848), pp. 25 _sq._; A. Kuhn, _Die Herabkunft des Feuers\n      und des G\u00f6ttertranks_2 (G\u00fctersloh, 1886), pp. 161 _sqq._ The\n      ceremony takes its name of \u201cquickening\u201d from _Quieke_ or\n      _Quickenbaum_, a German name for the rowan-tree. Quicken-tree is\n      also an English name for the rowan.\n\n_  661 The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, ii. 52 _sqq._\n\n  662 Rev. W. Gregor, _Notes on the Folk-lore of the North-east of\n      Scotland_ (London, 1881), p. 188.\n\n  663 A. Wuttke, _Der deutsche Volksaberglaube_2 (Berlin, 1869), p. 106, \u00a7\n      145.\n\n  664 J. F. L. Woeste, _Volks\u00fcberlieferungen in der Grafschaft Mark_\n      (Iserlohn, 1848), p. 26. Compare A. Kuhn, _Die Herabkunft des Feuers\n      und des G\u00f6ttertranks_2 (G\u00fctersloh, 1886), p. 179.\n\n M208 European custom of beating people with branches at Easter to do them\n      good: \u201cEaster Smacks.\u201d\n\n  665 F. S. Krauss, _Kroatien und Slavonien_ (Vienna, 1889), p. 108.\n\n  666 W. Mannhardt, _Baumkultus_, p. 257.\n\n  667 Th. Vernaleken, _Mythen und Br\u00e4uche des Volkes in \u00d6sterreich_\n      (Vienna, 1859), pp. 300 _sq._; O. Freiherr von\n      Reinsberg-D\u00fcringsfeld, _Fest-Kalender aus B\u00f6hmen_ (Prague, preface\n      dated 1861), pp. 163-167; A. Peter, _Volksth\u00fcmliches aus\n      \u00d6sterreichisch-Schlesien_ (Troppau, 1865-1867), ii. 285; J. A. E.\n      K\u00f6hler, _Volksbrauch, Aberglauben, Sagen und andre alte\n      \u00dcberlieferungen im Voigtlande_ (Leipsic, 1867), pp. 173 _sq._; M.\n      Toeppen, _Aberglauben aus Masuren_2, (Danzig, 1867), pp. 69 _sq._;\n      A. Wuttke, _Der deutsche Volksaberglaube_2 (Berlin, 1869), p. 70, \u00a7\n      83; W. Mannhardt, _Der Baumkultus_ (Berlin, 1875), pp. 258-263; W.\n      M\u00fcller, _Beitr\u00e4ge zur Volkskunde der Deutschen in M\u00e4hren_ (Vienna\n      and Olm\u00fctz, 1893), pp. 322, 399 _sq._; Dr. F. Tetzner, \u201cDie\n      Tschechen und M\u00e4hrer in Schlesien,\u201d _Globus_, lxxviii. (1900) p.\n      340; P. Drechsler, _Sitte, Brauch und Volksglaube in Schlesien_\n      (Leipsic, 1903-1906), pp. 100 _sq._; Alois John, _Sitte, Brauche und\n      Volksglaube im deutschen Westb\u00f6hmen_ (Prague, 1905), pp. 67 _sq._\n      Mannhardt\u2019s whole discussion of what he calls \u201cthe Blow with the Rod\n      of Life\u201d (\u201c_Der Schlag mit der Lebensrute_\u201d) deserves to be studied.\n      See his _Baumkultus_, pp. 251-303; and compare his treatment of the\n      same theme, \u201cDer Schlag mit dem Februum,\u201d _Mythologische\n      Forschungen_ (Strasburg, 1884), pp. 113-153. The custom of \u201cEaster\n      Smacks\u201d can be traced back to the twelfth century, when the practice\n      was for women to beat their husbands on Easter Monday and for\n      husbands to retaliate on their wives on Easter Tuesday. See J.\n      Belethus, _Rationale Divinorum Officiorum_, cap. 120, appended to G.\n      Durandus\u2019s _Rationale Divinorum Officiorum_ (Lyons, 1584), p. 546\n      recto: \u201c_Notandum quoque est in plerisque regionibus secundo die\n      post Pascha mulieres maritos suos verberare, ac vicissim viros eas\n      tertio die quemadmodum licebat servis in Decembri dominos suos\n      impune accusare._\u201d\n\n M209 European custom of beating people with branches in the Christmas\n      holidays (Holy Innocents\u2019 Day, etc.) to do them good.\n\n  668 Alois John, _Sitte, Brauch und Volksglaube im deutschen Westb\u00f6hmen_\n      (Prague, 1905), pp. 5, 23 _sq._, 25, 28. Compare Th. Vernaleken,\n      _Mythen und Br\u00e4uche des Volkes in \u00d6sterreich_ (Vienna, 1859), pp.\n      301 _sq._\n\n  669 J. A. E. K\u00f6hler, _Volksbrauch, Aberglauben, Sagen und andre alte\n      \u00dcberlieferungen im Voigtlande_ (Leipsic, 1867), p. 174; W.\n      Mannhardt, _Baumkultus_, pp. 264 _sq._\n\n  670 August Witzschel, _Sagen, Sitten und Gebr\u00e4uche aus Th\u00fcringen_\n      (Vienna, 1878), pp. 181 _sq._; W. Mannhardt, _Baumkultus_, p. 265.\n      Compare G. Bilfinger, _Unterschungen \u00fcber die Zeitrechnung der alten\n      Germanen_, ii., _Das Germanische Julfest_ (Stuttgart, 1901), pp. 85\n      _sq._\n\n M210 The intention of beating people with fresh green leaves is to renew\n      their life and vigour.\n M211 Hence the custom of beating the human victims at the Thargelia with\n      fig-branches and squills was probably a charm to increase their\n      reproductive energies.\n\n_  671 The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, ii. 24 sq. It is highly\n      significant that the heathen of Harran celebrated the marriage\n      festival of all the gods and goddesses in the very month (March) in\n      which the artificial fertilization of the date-palm was effected (D.\n      Chwolsohn, _Die Ssabier und der Ssabismus_, St. Petersburg, 1856,\n      ii. 36, 251). The frequency with which the artificial fertilization\n      of the palm-tree by a mythical winged figure is represented on\n      Assyrian monuments furnishes strong evidence of the religious and\n      economic importance of the ceremony.\n\n M212 Hence the human victims at the Thargelia may have primarily\n      represented spirits of vegetation.\n M213 Parallel between the human sacrifices at the Thargelia and the\n      bloody ritual of the Arician Grove.\n\n_  672 The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, i. 40 _sqq._, ii. 376\n      _sqq._\n\n M214 The custom of sacrificing human representatives of the gods among\n      the Aztecs of Mexico.\n\n  673 J. de Acosta, _The Natural and Moral History of the Indies_ (London,\n      Hakluyt Society, 1880), ii. 323. I have modernized the spelling of\n      the old English translator, whose version was originally published\n      in 1604. Acosta resided both in Peru and Mexico, and published his\n      work at Seville in 1590. It was reprinted in a convenient form at\n      Madrid in 1894. Compare A. de Herrera, _General History of the Vast\n      Continent and Islands of America_, translated by Captain John\n      Stevens (London, 1725-1726), iii. 207 _sq._\n\n M215 Sacrifice of a man in the character of the great god Tezcatlipoca at\n      the festival of Toxcatl in the fifth Aztec month.\n\n  674 B. de Sahagun, _Histoire G\u00e9n\u00e9rale des Choses de la\n      Nouvelle-Espagne_, traduite par D. Jourdanet et R. Sim\u00e9on (Paris,\n      1880), pp. 61 _sq._: \u201c_On appelait le cinqui\u00e8me moi_ toxcatl. _Au\n      premier jour on faisait une grande f\u00eate en l\u2019honneur du dieu appel\u00e9_\n      Titlacauan, _autrement dit_ Tezcatlipoca, _que l\u2019on croyait \u00eatre le\n      dieu des dieux. C\u2019\u00e9tait en son honneur que l\u2019on tuait, le jour de sa\n      f\u00eate, un jeune homme choisi.... Cette f\u00eate \u00e9tait la principale de\n      toutes, comme qui dirait la P\u00e2que, et, en r\u00e9alit\u00e9, elle se c\u00e9l\u00e9brait\n      aux environs de la P\u00e2que de r\u00e9surrection, ou quelques jours apr\u00e8s_.\u201d\n      Compare J. de Torquemada, _Monarquia Indiana_, lib. x. cap. 14, vol.\n      ii. p. 256 (Madrid, 1723). As to Tezcatlipoca, the greatest of the\n      Mexican gods, see J. G. M\u00fcller, _Geschichte der amerikanischen\n      Urreligionen_ (B\u00e2le, 1867), pp. 613 _sqq._; H. H. Bancroft, _The\n      Native Races of the Pacific States_ (London, 1875-1876), iii. 199\n      _sqq._, 237 _sqq._; E. Seler, _Altmexikanische Studien_, ii.\n      (Berlin, 1899) pp. 125 _sqq._ (_Ver\u00f6ffentlichungen aus dem\n      k\u00f6niglichen Museum f\u00fcr V\u00f6lkerkunde_, vol. vi. Heft 2/4).\n\n  675 On the twenty-third of April according to the Spanish text of\n      Sahagun\u2019s work as translated in French by D. Jourdanet and R. Simeon\n      (p. 52); the twenty-seventh of April according to the Aztec text of\n      Sahagun\u2019s work as translated into German by Professor E. Seler\n      (_Altmexikanische Studien_, ii. 194).\n\n  676 J. de Acosta, _Natural and Moral History of the Indies_ (Hakluyt\n      Society, London, 1880), ii. 378, 380; Diego Duran, _Historia de las\n      Indias de Nueva Espa\u00f1a_ (Mexico, 1867-1880), ii. 99, 101; _Manuscrit\n      Ramirez, Histoire de l\u2019Origine des Indiens qui habitent la Nouvelle\n      Espagne selon leurs traditions_, publi\u00e9 par D. Charnay (Paris,\n      1903), pp. 159, 160 _sq._ According to Clavigero, the fifth Mexican\n      month, in which the sacrifice of the human representative of\n      Tezcatlipoca took place, began on the 17th of May (_History of\n      Mexico_, translated by C. Cullen, London, 1807, i. 299); but this\n      must be an error.\n\n  677 E. Seler, _Altmexikanische Studien_, ii. (Berlin, 1899) pp. 117 note\n      1, 121-125, 153 _sq._, 166 _sq._ (_Ver\u00f6ffentlichungen aus dem\n      k\u00f6niglichen Museum f\u00fcr V\u00f6lkerkunde_, vol. vi. Heft 2/4).\n\n  678 J. de Acosta, _op. cit._ ii. 380; Diego Duran, _op. cit._ ii. 101;\n      _Manuscrit Ramirez, Histoire de l\u2019Origine des Indiens qui habitent\n      la Nouvelle Espagne selon leurs traditions_, publi\u00e9 par D. Charnay\n      (Paris, 1903), p. 160; J. de Torquemada, _Monarquia Indiana_, lib.\n      x. cap. 14, vol. ii. p. 257 (Madrid, 1723). I have modernized the\n      spelling of Acosta\u2019s old translator (Edward Grimston).\n\n M216 The training and equipment of the human god. The manner of the\n      sacrifice.\n\n  679 B. de Sahagun, _Histoire G\u00e9n\u00e9rale des Choses de la Nouvelle\n      Espagne_, traduite par D. Jourdanet, et R. Sim\u00e9on (Paris, 1880), pp.\n      61 _sq._, 96-99, 103; E. Seler, _Altmexikanische Studien_, ii.\n      (Berlin, 1899), pp. 116-165, 194-209 (the latter passage contains\n      the Aztec text of Sahagun\u2019s account with a German translation); J.\n      de Acosta, _The Natural and Moral History of the Indies_ (Hakluyt\n      Society, London, 1880), pp. 350 _sq._; _Manuscrit Ramirez, Histoire\n      de l\u2019Origine des Indiens qui habitent la Nouvelle Espagne selon\n      leurs traditions_, publi\u00e9 par D. Charnay (Paris, 1903), pp. 157\n      _sqq._, 180 _sq._; Diego Duran, _Historia de las Indias de Nueva\n      Espa\u00f1a_ (Mexico, 1867-1880), ii. 98-105; J. de Torquemada,\n      _Monarquia Indiana_, lib. x. cap. 14, vol. ii. pp. 256 _sqq._\n      (Madrid, 1723); F. S. Clavigero, _History of Mexico_, translated by\n      Charles Cullen, Second Edition (London, 1807), i. 300; Brasseur de\n      Bourbourg, _Histoire des Nations civilis\u00e9es du Mexique et de\n      l\u2019Am\u00e9rique-Centrale_ (Paris, 1857-1859), iii. 510-512; H. H.\n      Bancroft, _The Native Races of the Pacific States_ (London,\n      1875-1876), iii. 319 _sq._ According to Torquemada the flesh of the\n      human victim was eaten by the elders \u201cas a sacred and divine flesh\u201d;\n      but this is not mentioned by the other authorities of the sixteenth\n      century cited above. Elsewhere (_Spirits of the Corn and of the\n      Wild_, ii. 92 _sq._) I cited this cannibal banquet as an example of\n      a sacramental communion with the deity; but the silence of most\n      early writers on the point makes it doubtful whether the custom has\n      been correctly reported by Torquemada and later writers.\n\n M217 Sacrifice of a man in the character of the great Mexican god\n      Vitzilopochtli (Huitzilopochtli) in the month of May.\n\n  680 B. de Sahagun, _Histoire G\u00e9n\u00e9rale des Choses de la Nouvelle\n      Espagne_, traduite par D. Jourdanet et R. Sim\u00e9on (Paris, 1880), pp.\n      99-104; E. Seler, _Altmexikanische Studien_, ii. (Berlin, 1899) pp.\n      159-165, 202-209; F. S. Clavigero, _History of Mexico_, translated\n      by Ch. Cullen, Second Edition (London, 1807), i. 301-303; Brasseur\n      de Bourbourg, _Histoire des Nations civilis\u00e9es du Mexique et de\n      l\u2019Am\u00e9rique-Centrale_, iii. 512-516; H. H. Bancroft, _The Native\n      Races of the Pacific States_, ii. 321-324. As to the dances of the\n      maidens wearing garlands of maize, see also J. de Acosta, _Natural\n      and Moral History of the Indies_ (London, 1880), ii. 380.\n\n M218 Sacrifice of a man in the character of the great Mexican god\n      Quetzalcoatl in the month of February.\n\n  681 J. de Acosta, _The Natural and Moral History of the Indies_ (Hakluyt\n      Society, London, 1880), ii. 321; Diego Duran, _Historia de las\n      Indias de Nueva Espa\u00f1a_ (Mexico, 1867-1880), ii. 118-120; _Manuscrit\n      Ramirez, Histoire de l\u2019Origine des Indiens qui habitent la Nouvelle\n      Espagne selon leurs traditions_, publi\u00e9 par D. Charnay (Paris,\n      1903), pp. 182 _sq._ Acosta\u2019s description of the idol is abridged.\n      As to the Mexican god Quetzalcoatl, worshipped especially by the\n      people of Cholula, see J. G. M\u00fcller, _Geschichte der amerikanischen\n      Urreligionen_ (B\u00e2le, 1867), pp. 577 _sqq._; H. H. Bancroft, _The\n      Native Races of the Pacific States_ (London, 1875-1876), iii. 248\n      _sqq._\n\n  682 J. de Acosta, _The Natural and Moral History of the Indies_ (Hakluyt\n      Society, London, 1880), ii. 384-386. I have modernized the old\n      translator\u2019s spelling. The accounts of Duran and the anonymous\n      author of the Ramirez manuscript agree verbally with that of Acosta.\n      It is plain that Acosta and Duran drew on the same source, which may\n      be the Ramirez manuscript. However, Duran is the only one of the\n      three who gives the date of the festival (the third of February).\n      See Diego Duran, _Historia de las Indias de Nueva Espa\u00f1a_ (Mexico,\n      1867-1880), ii. 120 _sq._; _Manuscrit Ramirez, Histoire de l\u2019Origine\n      des Indiens qui habitent la Nouvelle Espagne selon leurs\n      traditions_, publi\u00e9 par de Charnay (Paris, 1903), pp. 182 _sqq._\n      Compare A. de Herrera, _The General History of the Vast Continent\n      and Islands of America_, translated by Captain John Stevens (London,\n      1725-1726), iii. 218 _sq._; J. G. M\u00fcller, _Geschichte der\n      amerikanischen Urreligionen_ (B\u00e2le, 1867), pp. 589 _sq._; H. H.\n      Bancroft, _The Native Races of the Pacific States_ (London,\n      1875-1876), iii. 286.\n\n M219 Sacrifice of a woman in the character of the Mexican Goddess of Salt\n      in the month of June.\n\n  683 B. de Sahagun, _Histoire G\u00e9n\u00e9rale des Choses de la Nouvelle\n      Espagne_, traduite par D. Jourdanet et R. Sim\u00e9on (Paris, 1880), pp.\n      64, 115-117; J. de Torquemada, _Monarquia Indiana_ (Madrid, 1723),\n      lib. x. cap. 18, vol. ii. p. 268. Compare F. S. Clavigero, _History\n      of Mexico_, translated by C. Cullen (London, 1807), i. 305; Brasseur\n      de Bourbourg, _Histoire des Nations Civilis\u00e9es du Mexique et de\n      l\u2019Am\u00e9rique-Centrale_, iii. 517 _sq._; H. H. Bancroft, _The Native\n      Races of the Pacific States_, ii. 325-327.\n\n M220 Sacrifice of a woman in the character of the Mexican Goddess of the\n      Young Maize about Mid-summer.\n\n  684 B. de Sahagun, _Histoire G\u00e9n\u00e9rale des Choses de la Nouvelle\n      Espagne_, traduite par D. Jourdanet R. Sim\u00e9on (Paris, 1880), pp. 65\n      _sq._, 118-126; J. de Torquemada, _Monarquia Indiana_ (Madrid,\n      1723), lib. x. cap. 19, vol. ii. pp. 269-271; E. J. Payne, _History\n      of the New World called America_, i. (Oxford, 1892) pp. 421-423.\n      Compare Brasseur de Bourbourg, _Histoire des Nations civilis\u00e9es du\n      Mexique et de l\u2019Am\u00e9rique-Centrale_, iii. 518-520; H. H. Bancroft,\n      _The Native Races of the Pacific States_, ii. 326 _sq._ I have\n      followed Torquemada (vol. ii. p. 269) and the French translators of\n      Sahagun (p. 65, note 2) in deriving the name of Xilonen from\n      _xilotl_ in the sense of \u201cyoung cobs of maize.\u201d But according to E.\n      J. Payne, the word _xilotl_ means \u201chair,\u201d and Xilonen is \u201cHairy\n      Mother\u201d (_Mater comata_) with reference to the hair-like fibres or\n      tassels that shoot from the maize-cobs. See E. J. Payne, _op. cit._\n      i. 417. On either interpretation the goddess is a personification of\n      the young maize. The goddess of the maize in general was called\n      Cinteotl or Centeotl (Centeutl), a name which, according to\n      Torquemada, is derived from _centli_, \u201cmaize-cob\u201d (_Monarquia\n      Indiana_, lib. vi. cap. 25, vol. ii. p. 52). But E. J. Payne, while\n      he regards Cinteotl as the maize-goddess, explains her name\n      differently. He says (_op. cit._ i. 416 _sq._): \u201cThe Totonacs\n      worshipped the corn-spirit under names which were translated into\n      Mexican as Tzinteotl (goddess of beginning or origin) and\n      Tonacayohua (provider of our food). They considered her to be the\n      wife of the sun, their supreme god. Theoretically subordinated to\n      him, the maize-goddess was in practice the chief deity of the\n      Totonacs: it was to her service that the principal warriors,\n      quitting their wives and children, dedicated themselves in their old\n      age.\u201d Similarly Clavigero, who lived many years in Mexico and\n      learned the Mexican language, explains Cinteotl (Tzinteotl) to mean\n      \u201coriginal goddess\u201d; he adds that the Maize Goddess changed her name\n      \u201caccording to the different states of the grain in the progress of\n      its growth\u201d (_History of Mexico_, translated by C. Cullen, i. 253\n      note p). Another name applied to the Maize Goddess Cinteotl was\n      Chicomecohuatl or \u201cSeven Snakes.\u201d See J. de Torquemada, _Monarquia\n      Indiana_, lib. x. cap. 13, vol. ii. p. 255; J. G. M\u00fcller,\n      _Geschichte der amerikanischen Urreligionen_ (B\u00e2le, 1867), pp. 491\n      _sqq._; E. Seler, _Altmexikanische Studien_, ii. (Berlin, 1899) pp.\n      108 _sq._, 112. Some have held that Cinteotl was a Maize God rather\n      than a Maize Goddess. See H. H. Bancroft, _The Native Races of the\n      Pacific States_, iii. 349 _sqq._\n\n M221 Sacrifice of a woman in the character of the Mexican goddess \u201cOur\n      Mother\u201d on Christmas Day.\n\n  685 The Mexican year of three hundred and sixty-five days was divided\n      into eighteen months of twenty days each, with five supplementary\n      days over. See J. de Torquemada, _Monarquia Indiana_, lib. x. cap.\n      36, vol. ii. p. 300 (Madrid, 1723); B. de Sahagun, _Histoire\n      G\u00e9n\u00e9rale des Choses de la Nouvelle Espagne_, traduite par D.\n      Jourdanet et R. Simeon (Paris, 1880), p. lxvii.; F. S. Clavigero,\n      _History of Mexico_, translated by C. Cullen (London, 1807), i. 290\n      _sq._\n\n  686 B. de Sahagun, _Histoire G\u00e9n\u00e9rale des Choses de la Nouvelle\n      Espagne_, traduite par D. Jourdanet et R. Simeon (Paris, 1880), pp.\n      75, 158-160; J. de Torquemada, _Monarquia Indiana_, lib. x. cap. 29,\n      vol. ii. pp. 284 _sq._ (Madrid, 1723). Compare F. S. Clavigero,\n      _History of Mexico_, translated by C. Cullen (London, 1807), i. 312;\n      Brasseur de Bourbourg, _Histoire des Nations Civilis\u00e9es du Mexique\n      et de l\u2019 Am\u00e9rique-Centrale_, iii. 535 _sq._; H. H. Bancroft, _The\n      Native Races of the Pacific States_, ii. 337 _sq._\n\n M222 Sacrifice of a woman in the character of the Mexican goddess the\n      Mother of the Gods at the end of August or beginning of September.\n M223 The farewell to the market. The skin of the sacrificed woman flayed\n      and worn by a man who personated the goddess.\n\n  687 B. de Sahagun, _Histoire G\u00e9n\u00e9rale des Choses de la Nouvelle\n      Espagne_, traduite par D. Jourdanet et R. Simeon (Paris, 1880), pp.\n      18 _sq._, 68 _sq._, 133-139: J. de Torquemada, _Monarquia Indiana_\n      (Madrid, 1723), lib. x. cap. 23, vol. ii. pp. 275 _sq._; Diego\n      Duran, _Historia de las Indias de Nueva Espa\u00f1a_ (Mexico, 1867-1880),\n      ii. 185-191. Compare Brasseur de Bourbourg, _Histoire des Nations\n      civilis\u00e9es du Mexique et de l\u2019Am\u00e9rique-Centrale_, iii. 523-525; H.\n      H. Bancroft, _The Native Races of the Pacific States_, iii. 353-359;\n      E. J. Payne, _History of the New World called America_, i. (Oxford,\n      1892), pp. 470 _sq._ A statue of basalt, about half the size of\n      life, said to have come from Tezcuco, represents a man clothed in a\n      human skin which he wears on his body, his arms, and his face; his\n      own skin is painted bright red, the other skin a dirty white. See H.\n      H. Bancroft, _op. cit._ iv. 522; Marquis de Nadaillac, _L\u2019Am\u00e9rique\n      Pr\u00e9historique_ (Paris, 1883), p. 295, fig. 119. In the Art Museum\n      (_Kunst-Museum_) at B\u00e2le there is a statuette of the same sort. It\n      is labelled: \u201c_Xipe. Der in einer Menschenhaut gekleidete Gott.\n      Gesch. v. H. Luk. Vischer (1828-1837)._\u201d The figure is about\n      eighteen inches high and appears to be made of a porous stone. It\n      represents a man seated on his haunches with his feet crossed in\n      front of him and his hands resting on his knees. His own skin, of\n      which the legs, feet, hands, wrists, neck and part of the face are\n      visible, is coloured a terra-cotta red. The rest of his body is\n      covered by the representation of the skin of a human victim, of a\n      greyish colour, quite distinct from that of the wearer, and this\n      skin is also worn like a mask on his face. At his back the jacket of\n      human skin only partially meets, displaying the wearer\u2019s red skin\n      under it for some distance; it is as if the skin of the human victim\n      had been split up the back and then drawn together and fastened at\n      the back of the wearer like an ill-fitting and imperfectly buttoned\n      coat. The hands of the human victim are represented dangling at the\n      wrists of the seated figure. I saw this remarkable statuette in the\n      Museum at B\u00e2le on July 25th, 1912, but I was not able to remove it\n      from the case for closer examination. As to Xipe, the Mexican god\n      clad in a human skin, whom the statuette represents, see below, pp.\n      296 _sqq._\n\n M224 Young girl chosen to personate the Mexican Goddess of the Maize,\n      Chicomecohuatl.\n\n  688 As to this name for the Maize Goddess, see above, p. 286, note 1.\n\n M225 Adoration of the girl who personated the Goddess of the Maize.\n M226 The girl who personated the Goddess of the Maize carried in\n      procession and worshipped with offerings of human blood. The human\n      representative of the Maize Goddess put to death on a heap of corn\n      and her skin flayed and worn by a priest.\n\n  689 Diego Duran, _Historia de las Indias de Nueva Espa\u00f1a_ (Mexico,\n      1867-1880), ii. 179-184. This remarkable festival appears not to be\n      noticed by the other early Spanish writers such as Sahagun, Acosta,\n      and Torquemada, who have given us detailed descriptions of the\n      Mexican festivals. It might perhaps have been conjectured that Duran\n      was here describing the similar festival of the Mother of the Gods\n      (see above, pp. 288 _sqq._), which fell about the same time of the\n      year. But the conjecture is excluded by the simple fact that Duran\n      describes both festivals, the one immediately after the other,\n      assigning as their dates the fifteenth and sixteenth of September\n      respectively (_op. cit._ ii. 180, 185 _sq._). Almost nothing is\n      known about Duran except that he was a Spanish monk, apparently a\n      native of Mexico, who had weak health and died in 1588. His work\n      remained in manuscript till it was edited at Mexico in 1867-1880 by\n      Jos\u00e9 F. Ramirez. The original manuscript is preserved in the\n      Nat\u00econal Library at Madrid. The accounts contained in his history\n      bear internal marks of authenticity and are in general supported by\n      the independent testimony of the other early Spanish authorities.\n\n M227 Identification of the human victim with the Goddess of Maize whom\n      she personated.\n\n_  690 Spirits of the Corn and of the Wild_, i. 236 _sqq._\n\n M228 The resurrection of the Maize Goddess set forth by the wearing of\n      the skin of her human representative.\n M229 Xipe, the Flayed God, and the Mexican festival of the Flaying of\n      Men.\n M230 The human shambles. The holy beggars clad in the skins of the flayed\n      human victims.\n M231 Various Mexican gods personated by the men clad in the skins of the\n      human victims.\n\n  691 B. de Sahagun, _Histoire G\u00e9n\u00e9rale des Choses de la Nouvelle\n      Espagne_, traduite par D. Jourdanet et R. Simeon (Paris, 1880), pp.\n      37 _sq._, 58-60, 87-94, 584 _sq._; E. Seler, _Altmexikanische\n      Studien_, ii. (Berlin, 1899) pp. 76-100, 171-188 (the latter passage\n      gives the Aztec text of Sahagun\u2019s account with a German\n      translation); Diego Duran, _Historia de las Indias de Nueva Espa\u00f1a_\n      (Mexico, 1867-1880), ii. 147-155; J. de Torquemada, _Monarquia\n      Indiana_, lib. x. cap. 11, vol. ii. pp. 252 _sq._ (Madrid, 1723).\n      Compare F. S. Clavigero, _History of Mexico_, translated by C.\n      Cullen, Second Edition (London, 1807), i. 297 _sq._; Brasseur de\n      Bourbourg, _Histoire des Nations civilis\u00e9es du Mexique et de\n      l\u2019Am\u00e9rique-Centrale_ (Paris, 1857-1859), iii. 503 _sq._; H. H.\n      Bancroft, _The Native Races of the Pacific States_ (London,\n      1875-1876), ii. 306 _sqq._ According to Torquemada, the prisoners\n      were flayed alive, but this statement is not, so far as I know,\n      supported by the other early Spanish authorities. It is Duran who\n      gives the 20th of March as the date of the festival at which the\n      captives were killed and skinned; but this is inconsistent with the\n      evidence of Sahagun, according to whom the second Aztec month, in\n      which the festival fell, ended with the 13th of March. See B. de\n      Sahagun, _Histoire G\u00e9n\u00e9rale des Choses de la Nouvelle Espagne_, p.\n      51.\n\n M232 Men roasted alive as images of the Fire-god.\n\n  692 J. de Torquemada, _Monarquia Indiana_, lib. x. cap. 30, vol. ii. pp.\n      285 _sq._ (Mexico, 1723); B. de Sahagun, _Histoire G\u00e9n\u00e9rale des\n      Choses de la Nouvelle Espagne_, traduite par D. Jourdanet et R.\n      Simeon (Paris, 1880), pp. 164 _sq._ The latter writer does not\n      describe the mode in which the victims were sacrificed at this\n      quadriennial festival; but he describes as in the text the annual\n      sacrifice of victims in honour of the fire-god in the tenth month of\n      the Mexican year (_op. cit._ pp. 67 _sq._, 129 _sqq._). Compare F.\n      S. Clavigero, _History of Mexico_, translated by C. Cullen, Second\n      Edition (London, 1807), i. 306 _sq._; H. H. Bancroft, _The Native\n      Races of the Pacific States_, ii. 329 _sq._\n\n M233 Women flayed in honour of the Fire-god and their skins worn by men\n      who personated gods.\n\n  693 J. de Torquemada, _Monarquia Indiana_, lib. x. cap. 30, vol. ii. p.\n      286 (Madrid, 1723). Compare F. S. Clavigero, _History of Mexico_,\n      translated by C. Cullen, Second Edition (London, 1807), i. 283\n      _sq._; Brasseur de Bourbourg, _Histoire des Nations civilis\u00e9es du\n      Mexique et de l\u2019Am\u00e9rique-Centrale_, iii. 539 _sq._\n\n M234 The personation of a god by a man wearing the skin of a human victim\n      is probably intended to represent and ensure the resurrection of the\n      deity. The idea of resurrection from the dead is suggested by the\n      observation of snakes and other creatures that cast their skins.\n\n  694 B. de Sahagun, _Histoire G\u00e9n\u00e9rale des Choses de la Nouvelle\n      Espagne_, traduite par D. Jourdanet et R. Simeon, pp. 37, 93; E.\n      Seler, _Altmexikanische Studien_, ii. (Berlin. 1889) pp. 96, 185\n      (quoting the Aztec text of Sahagun).\n\n  695 R. Schomburgk, _Reisen in Britisch-Guiana_ (Leipsic, 1847-1848), ii.\n      319. I have already noticed this and the following stories of the\n      origin of death in _The Belief in Immortality_, i. 69 _sqq._\n\n  696 R. Schomburgk, _op. cit._ ii. 320.\n\n M235 Savage notion that men would have been immortal, if only they could\n      have cast their skins like serpents and crabs.\n\n  697 A. Landes, \u201cContes et L\u00e9gendes Annamites,\u201d _Cochinchine fran\u00e7aise,\n      Excursions et Reconnaissances_, No. 25 (Saigon, 1886), pp. 108 _sq._\n\n  698 H. Sundermann, \u201cDie Insel Nias und die Mission daselbst,\u201d\n      _Allgemeine Missions-Zeitschrift_, xi. (1884) p. 451; _id._, _Die\n      Insel Nias und die Mission daselbst_ (Barmen, 1905), p. 68; E.\n      Modigliani, _Un Viaggio a Nias_ (Milan, 1890), p. 295; A. Fehr, _Der\n      Niasser im Leben und Sterben_ (Barmen, 1901), p. 8.\n\n  699 P. Kleintitschen, _Die K\u00fcstenbewohner der Gazellehalbinsel_ (Hiltrup\n      bei M\u00fcnster, preface dated Christmas, 1906), p. 334.\n\n  700 R. H. Codrington, _The Melanesians_ (Oxford, 1891), pp. 260, 265; W.\n      Gray, \u201cSome Notes on the Tannese,\u201d _Internationales Archiv f\u00fcr\n      Ethnographie_, vii. (1894) p. 232. The same story of the origin of\n      death has been recorded in the Shortlands Islands and among the Kai\n      of German New Guinea. See C. Ribbe, _Zwei Jahre unter den Kannibalen\n      der Salomo-Inseln_ (Dresden-Blasowitz, 1903), p. 148; Ch. Keysser,\n      \u201cAus dem Leben der Kaileute,\u201d in R. Neuhauss\u2019s _Deutsch Neu-Guinea_,\n      iii. (Berlin, 1911) pp. 161 _sq._ It is also told with some\n      variations by the natives of the Admiralty Islands. See Josef Meier,\n      \u201cMythen und Sagen der Admiralit\u00e4tsinsulaner,\u201d _Anthropos_, iii.\n      (1908) p. 193.\n\n  701 Miss A. Werner, \u201cTwo Galla Legends,\u201d _Man_, xiii. (1913) pp. 90\n      _sq._\n\n M236 Hence the Mexicans apparently thought that they could renew their\n      own skins by putting on those of other people.\n M237 General conclusion: the custom of putting human beings to death in\n      the character of gods has prevailed in many parts of the world.\n\n_  702 The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, i. 40 _sqq._, ii. 376\n      _sqq._\n\n M238 Annual periods of license. The Roman Saturnalia.\n\n  703 Virgil, _Georg._ ii. 536-540, _Aen._ viii. 319-327, with the\n      comments of Servius; Tibullus, i. 3. 35-48; Ovid, _Fasti_, i. 233\n      _sqq._; Lucian, _Saturnalia_, 7; Macrobius, _Saturn._ i. 7. 21-26;\n      Justin, xliii. 1. 3-5; Aurelius Victor, _Origo gentis Romanae_, 3;\n      Dionysius Halicarnasensis, _Antiquit. Rom._ i. 34. On Saturn and the\n      Saturnalia see especially L. Preller, _R\u00f6mische Mythologie_,3 ii. 10\n      _sqq._ Compare J. Marquardt, _R\u00f6mische Staatsverwaltung_, iii.2\n      (Leipsic, 1885) pp. 586 _sqq._; W. Warde Fowler, _The Roman\n      Festivals of the Period of the Republic_ (London, 1899), pp.\n      268-273; G. Wissowa, _Religion und Kultus der R\u00f6mer_2 (Munich,\n      1912), pp. 204 _sqq._; _id._, in W. H. Roscher\u2019s _Ausf\u00fchrliches\n      Lexikon der griech. und r\u00f6m. Mythologie_, iv. 427 _sqq._ A good\n      account of the Saturnalia, based on the texts of the classical\n      writers, is given by Dezobry (_Rome au si\u00e8cle d\u2019Auguste_,3 iii. 143\n      _sqq._). The name Saturn seems to be etymologically akin to _satus_\n      and _satio_, \u201ca sowing\u201d or \u201cplanting.\u201d Compare Varro, _De lingua\n      Latina_, v. 64, \u201c_Ab satu est dictus Saturnus_\u201d; Festus, _s.v._\n      \u201cOpima spolia,\u201d p. 186 ed. C. O. M\u00fcller: \u201c_ipse [Saturnus] agrorum\n      cultor habetur, nominatus a satu, tenensque falcem effingitur, quae\n      est insigne agricolae_.\u201d Compare Tertullian, _Ad Nationes_, ii. 12;\n      Arnobius, _Adversus Nationes_, iv. 9; Augustine, _De civitate Dei_,\n      vii. 2, 3, 13, 15, 18, 19. The god\u2019s name appears in the form\n      Saeturnus inscribed on an ancient bowl (H. Dessau, _Inscriptiones\n      Latinae Selectae_, vol. ii. pars i. p. 2, No. 2966).\n\n  704 Dionysius Halicarnasensis, _Ant. Rom._ i. 38; Macrobius, _Saturn._\n      i. 7. 31; Lactantius, _Divin. Inst._ i. 21; Arnobius, _Adversus\n      Nationes_, ii. 68.\n\n  705 For the general dissipation of the Saturnalia see Seneca, _Epist._\n      18; for the seven days of the popular festival see Martial, xiv. 72.\n      2; Macrobius, _Sat._ i. 10. 2; Lucian, _Saturnalia_, 21.\n\n M239 The license granted to slaves at the Saturnalia. The mock King of\n      the Saturnalia.\n\n  706 Horace, _Sat._ ii. 7. 4 _sq._; Macrobius, _Saturn._ i. 7. 26;\n      Justin, xliii. 1. 4; Plutarch, _Sulla_, 18; Lucian, _Saturnalia_, 5,\n      7; Porphyry, _De antro nympharum_, 23.\n\n  707 Macrobius, _Saturn._ i. 12. 7, i. 24. 23; Solinus, i. 35; Joannes\n      Lydus, _De mensibus_, iii. 15; Athenaeus, xiv. 44, p. 639 B; Dio\n      Cassius, lx. 19.\n\n  708 Seneca, _Epist._ 47. 14. Compare Porphyry, _De abstinentia_, ii. 23.\n\n  709 Tacitus, _Annals_, xiii. 15; Arrian, _Epicteti Dissert._ i. 25. 8;\n      Lucian, _Saturnalia_, 4.\n\n M240 Personation of Saturn at the Saturnalia by a soldier who afterwards\n      suffered death. The sarcophagus of St. Dasius, the martyr on whom\n      the lot fell to play the part of Saturn.\n\n  710 \u201cLes Actes de S. Dasius,\u201d _Analecta Bollandiana_, xvi. (1897) pp.\n      5-16. I have to thank Prof. Cumont for courteously sending me a copy\n      of this important paper. The bearing of the new evidence on the\n      Saturnalia has been further discussed by Messrs. Parmentier and\n      Cumont (\u201cLe roi des Saturnales,\u201d _Revue de Philologie_, xxi. (1897)\n      pp. 143-153).\n\n  711 The phrase of the Paris MS. is ambiguous (\u03c4\u03bf\u1fd6\u03c2 \u1f00\u03bd\u03c9\u03bd\u03cd\u03bc\u03bf\u03b9\u03c2 \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76\n      \u03bc\u03c5\u03c3\u03b1\u03c1\u03bf\u1fd6\u03c2 \u03b5\u1f30\u03b4\u03ce\u03bb\u03bf\u03b9\u03c2 \u03c0\u03c1\u03bf\u03c3\u03b5\u03ba\u03cc\u03bc\u03b9\u03b6\u03b5\u03bd \u1f11\u03b1\u03c5\u03c4\u1f78\u03bd \u03c3\u03c0\u03bf\u03bd\u03b4\u03ae\u03bd, \u1f00\u03bd\u03b1\u03b9\u03c1\u03bf\u03cd\u03bc\u03b5\u03bd\u03bf\u03c2 \u1f51\u03c0\u1f78\n      \u03bc\u03b1\u03c7\u03b1\u03af\u03c1\u03b1\u03c2); but the other two versions say plainly that the mock king\n      perished by his own hand (\u03bc\u03ad\u03bb\u03bb\u03bf\u03bd\u03c4\u03b1 \u1f11\u03b1\u03c5\u03c4\u1f78\u03bd \u1f10\u03c0\u03b9\u03c3\u03c6\u03ac\u03be\u03b1\u03b9 \u03c4\u1ff7 \u03b2\u03c9\u03bc\u1ff7 \u03c4\u03bf\u1fe6\n      \u039a\u03c1\u03cc\u03bd\u03bf\u03c5, Berlin MS.; \u1f11\u03b1\u03c5\u03c4\u1f78\u03bd \u1f10\u03c0\u03b9\u03c3\u03c6\u03ac\u03be\u03b1\u03b9 \u03b1\u1f50\u03c4\u03bf\u03c7\u03b5\u03af\u03c1\u03c9\u03c2 \u03c4\u1ff7 \u039a\u03c1\u03cc\u03bd\u1ff3, Milan\n      MS.).\n\n  712 Franz Cumont, \u201cLe tombeau de S. Dasius de Durostorum,\u201d _Analecta\n      Bollandiana_, xxvii. (Brussels, 1908) pp. 369-372. The inscription\n      on the sarcophagus runs thus: \u1f18\u03bd\u03c4\u03b1\u1fe6\u03b8\u03b1 \u03ba\u03b1\u03c4\u03b1\u03ba\u03b5\u1fd6\u03c4\u03b1\u03b9 \u1f41 \u1f05\u03b3\u03b9\u03bf\u03c2 \u03bc\u03ac\u03c1\u03c4\u03c5\u03c2\n      \u0394\u03ac\u03c3\u03b9\u03bf\u03c2 \u1f10\u03bd\u03b5\u03c7\u03b8\u03b5\u1f76\u03c2 \u1f00\u03c0\u1f78 \u0394\u03c9\u03c1\u03bf\u03c3\u03c4\u03cc\u03bb\u03bf\u03c5. The inscription on the altar runs\n      thus: \u201c_Vetere diruta nobiliorem FF. Karmelitani excalciati aram\n      extruxerunt subter qua sanctorum martyrum Peregrini Flaviani Dasii\n      corpora et infantium ab Herode necatorum ossa minus decenter\n      antiquitus recondita honorificentius et populo spectanda reponi\n      curaverunt die virgini et matri Theresiae sacro anno MDCCCIV._\u201d\n\n M241 The mock King of the Saturnalia may have been the degenerate\n      successor of a series of temporary kings who personated Saturn at\n      the Saturnalia and were put to death in the character of the god.\n\n  713 The opinion that at Rome a man used to be sacrificed at the\n      Saturnalia cannot be regarded as in itself improbable, when we\n      remember that down apparently to the establishment of Christianity a\n      human victim was slaughtered every year at Rome in honour of Latian\n      Jupiter. See Tertullian, _Apologeticus_, 9, _Contra Gnosticos\n      Scorpiace_, 7; Minucius Felix, _Octavius_, 22 and 30; Lactantius,\n      _Divin. Instit._ i. 21; Porphyry, _De abstinentia_, ii. 56. We may\n      conjecture that at first the sacrifice took place on the top of the\n      Alban Mountain, and was offered to Saturn, to whom, as we have seen,\n      high places were sacred.\n\n M242 The modern Carnival perhaps the equivalent of the ancient\n      Saturnalia.\n\n_  714 The Dying God_, pp. 220 _sqq._\n\n M243 The King of the Bean on Twelfth Night. Crosses made by the King of\n      the Bean to protect the house against demons and witchcraft.\n\n  715 Joannes Boemus, _Mores, Leges, et Ritus Omnium Gentium_ (Lyons,\n      1541), p. 122; _The Popish Kingdome or reigne of Antichrist, written\n      in Latin verse by Thomas Naogeorgus and Englyshed by Barnabe Googe,\n      1570_, edited by R. C. Hope (London, 1880), pp. 45 _sq._; E.\n      Pasquier, _Recherches de la France_ (Paris, 1633), pp. 375 _sq._; R.\n      Herrick, \u201cTwelfth Night, or King and Queene,\u201d _The Works of Robert\n      Herrick_ (Edinburgh, 1823), ii. 171 _sq._; J. Brand, _Popular\n      Antiquities of Great Britain_ (London, 1883), i. 21 _sqq._; T. F.\n      Thiselton Dyer, _British Popular Customs_ (London, 1876), pp. 24-28;\n      R. Chambers, _The Book of Days_ (London and Edinburgh, 1886), i. 61\n      _sqq._; Desgranges, \u201cUsages du Canton de Bonneval,\u201d _M\u00e9moires de la\n      Soci\u00e9t\u00e9 Royale des Antiquaires de France_, i. (Paris, 1817) pp.\n      233-236; L. Beaulieu, _Arch\u00e9ologie de la Lorraine_ (Paris,\n      1840-1843), i. 255 _sq._; Reinsberg-D\u00fcringsfeld, _Calendrier Belge_\n      (Brussels, 1861-1862), i. 23 _sqq._; _id._, _Das festliche Jahr_\n      (Leipsic, 1863), pp. 20-23; E. Cortet, _Essai sur les F\u00eates\n      religieuses_ (Paris, 1867), pp. 29-50; J. H. Schmitz, _Sitten und\n      Sagen, Lieder, Spr\u00fcchw\u00f6rter und R\u00e4thsel des Eifler Volkes_ (Tr\u00e8ves,\n      1856-1858), i. 6; Laisnel de la Salle, _Croyances et L\u00e9gendes du\n      Centre de la France_ (Paris, 1875), i. 19-29; J. Lec\u0153ur, _Esquisses\n      du Bocage Normand_ (Cond\u00e9-sur-Noireau, 1883-1887), ii. 125; L.\n      Bonnem\u00e8re, \u201cLe Jour des Rois en Normandie,\u201d _Revue des Traditions\n      populaires_, ii. (1887) pp. 55 _sq._; P. S\u00e9billot, \u201cLa F\u00eate des\n      Rois,\u201d _Revue des Traditions populaires_, iii. (1888) pp. 7-12; A.\n      Meyrac, _Traditions, Coutumes, L\u00e9gendes et Contes des Ardennes_\n      (Charleville, 1890), pp. 74 _sq._; J. L. M. Nogu\u00e8s, _Les M\u0153urs\n      d\u2019autrefois en Saintonge et en Aunis_ (Saintes, 1891), pp. 49\n      _sqq._; L. F. Sauv\u00e9, _Le Folk-lore des Hautes-Vosges_ (Paris, 1889),\n      pp. 16 _sq._; Ch. Beauquier, _Les Mois en Franche-Comt\u00e9_ (Paris,\n      1900), pp. 16 _sq._; F. Chapiseau, _Le Folk-lore de la Beauce et du\n      Perche_ (Paris, 1902), i. 312-315; Anatole France, \u201cLe roy boit,\u201d\n      _Annales Politiques et Litt\u00e9raires_, 5 Janvier, 1902, pp. 4 _sq._;\n      _La Bresse Louhannaise_, Janvier, 1906, pp. 42-46. The custom of\n      making white crosses on the ceiling is reported for Germany and\n      Switzerland, but apparently not for France. It is mentioned in the\n      earliest of the works cited above, namely that of Joannes Boemus,\n      whose description applies especially to Franconia (Franken).\n\n  716 This I learn from my friend M. L\u00e9on Chouville of Rouen and\n      Cambridge. The custom is also kept up in Bresse (_La Bresse\n      Louhannaise_, Janvier, 1906, pp. 44-46).\n\n M244 Serious significance of the King of the Bean and Twelfth Night.\n      Divination on Twelfth Night.\n\n  717 L. Beaulieu, _Arch\u00e9ologie de la Lorraine_ (Paris, 1840-1843), i. 256\n      note 1; E. Cortet, _Essai stir les F\u00eates religieuses_ (Paris, 1867),\n      p. 43.\n\n  718 L. F. Sauv\u00e9, _op. cit._ pp. 17 _sq._\n\n  719 Anatole France, \u201cLe roy boit,\u201d _Annales Politiques et Litt\u00e9raires_,\n      5 Janvier, 1902, p. 5. In some parts of France divination was\n      practised for this purpose on Christmas Day. Twelve grains of wheat,\n      each representing a month of the year, were placed, one after the\n      other, on a hot fire-shovel; if the grain bounced up from the\n      shovel, wheat would be dear in the corresponding month, but it would\n      be cheap if the grain remained still. See J. B. Thiers, _Trait\u00e9 des\n      Superstitions_ (Paris, 1679), p. 268. See further P. S\u00e9billot, _Le\n      Folk-lore de France_, iii. (Paris, 1906) pp. 510 _sq._\n\n M245 Bonfires on the Eve of Twelfth Night. Fire applied to the\n      fruit-trees on the Eve of Twelfth Night in Normandy and the\n      Ardennes.\n\n  720 Ch. Beauquier, _Les Mois en Franche-Comt\u00e9_ (Paris, 1900), p. 12.\n\n  721 J. Lec\u0153ur, _Esquisses du Bocage Normand_ (Cond\u00e9-sur-Noireau,\n      1883-1887), ii. 126-129. Compare Am\u00e9lie Bosquet, _La Normandie\n      Romanesque et Merveilleuse_ (Paris and Rouen, 1845), pp. 295 _sq._;\n      W. Mannhardt, _Der Baumkultus_ (Berlin, 1875), pp. 536 _sqq._\n\n  722 A. Meyrac, _Traditions, Coutumes, L\u00e9gendes et Contes des Ardennes_\n      (Charleville, 1890), pp. 75 _sq._\n\n M246 Fires kindled on Twelfth Night or the Eve of Twelfth Night in\n      England for the sake of the crops.\n\n  723 J. Brand, _Popular Antiquities of Great Britain_, New Edition\n      (London, 1883), i. 33. In many parishes of Gloucestershire it used\n      to be customary on Twelfth Day to light twelve small fires and one\n      large one (J. Brand, _op. cit._ i. 28).\n\n_  724 The Gentleman\u2019s Magazine_, vol. lxi., February, 1791, p. 116. The\n      article is signed J. W. and dated \u201cHereford, Jan. 24.\u201d The passage\n      is quoted, correctly in substance, but with many verbal changes, by\n      J. Brand, _Popular Antiquities of Great Britain_, i. 30 _sq._, and\n      by (Mrs.) E. M. Leather, _The Folk-lore of Herefordshire_ (Hereford\n      and London, 1912), p. 93.\n\n M247 One of the fires on Twelfth Day said to be intended \u201cto burn the old\n      witch.\u201d Parallel custom observed in Macedonia on the Eve of Twelfth\n      Night.\n\n  725 (Mrs.) Ella Mary Leather, _The Folk-lore of Herefordshire_ (Hereford\n      and London, 1912), pp. 93 _sq._\n\n  726 (Mrs.) E. M. Leather, _op. cit._ pp. 94 _sq._\n\n  727 See above, pp. 164 _sqq._\n\n  728 G. F. Abbott. _Macedonian Folk-lore_ (Cambridge, 1903), pp. 73-75.\n\n  729 This opinion is mentioned by (Mrs.) E. M. Leather, _The Folk-lore of\n      Herefordshire_, p. 95.\n\n M248 Other accounts of the fires on Twelfth Night in England and Ireland.\n\n  730 Thomas Pennant, \u201cA Tour in Scotland, 1769,\u201d in John Pinkerton\u2019s\n      _Voyages and Travels_ (London, 1808-1814), iii. 49.\n\n  731 Thomas Hyde, _Historia religionis veterum Persarum_ (Oxford, 1700),\n      p. 257.\n\n  732 Sir Henry Piers, _Description of the County of Westmeath_, quoted by\n      J. Brand, _Popular Antiquities of Great Britain_ (London, 1883), i.\n      25.\n\n  733 H. J. Byrne, \u201cAll Hallows Eve and other Festivals in Connaught,\u201d\n      _Folk-lore_, xviii. (1907) p. 439.\n\n M249 Belief of the Germanic peoples that the weather for the twelve\n      months of the year is determined by the weather of the Twelve Days.\n\n  734 C. S. Burne and G. F. Jackson, _Shropshire Folk-lore_ (London,\n      1883), p. 408.\n\n_  735 The Popish Kingdome or reigne of Antichrist, written in Latin verse\n      by Thomas Naogeorgus and Englyshed by Barnabe Googe, 1570_, edited\n      by R. C. Hope (London, 1880), p. 46; E. Meier, _Deutsche Sagen,\n      Sitten und Gebr\u00e4uche aus Schwaben_ (Stuttgart, 1852), p. 473, \u00a7 237;\n      A. Birlinger, _Volksth\u00fcmliches aus Schwaben_ (Freiburg im Breisgau,\n      1861-1862), i. 468, \u00a7 696; A. Kuhn und W. Schwartz, _Norddeutsche\n      Sagen, M\u00e4rchen und Gebr\u00e4uche_ (Leipsic, 1848), p. 411; A. Kuhn,\n      _Sagen, Gebr\u00e4uche und M\u00e4rchen aus Westfalen_ (Leipsic, 1859), ii.\n      115, \u00a7 354; A. Wuttke, _Der deutsche Volksaberglaube_2 (Berlin,\n      1869), p. 61, \u00a7 74; Montanus, _Die deutschen Volksfeste,\n      Volksbr\u00e4uche und deutscher Volksglaube_ (Iserlohn, N.D.), p. 18; M.\n      Toeppen, _Aberglauben aus Masuren_2 (Danzig, 1867), p. 61; L.\n      Strackerjan, _Aberglaube und Sagen aus dem Herzogthum Oldenburg_\n      (Oldenburg, 1867), ii. 29, \u00a7 294; August Witzschel, _Sagen, Sitten\n      und Gebr\u00e4uche aus Th\u00fcringen_ (Vienna, 1878), p. 175; K. Bartsch,\n      _Sagen, M\u00e4rchen und Gebr\u00e4uche aus Mecklenburg_ (Vienna, 1880), p.\n      250, \u00a7 1292; Christian Schneller, _M\u00e4rchen und Sagen aus\n      W\u00e4lschtirol_ (Innsbruck, 1867), p. 231; J. Haltrich, _Zur Volkskunde\n      der Siebenb\u00fcrger Sachsen_ (Vienna, 1885), p. 282; Willibald M\u00fcller,\n      _Beitr\u00e4ge zur Volkskunde der Deutschen in M\u00e4hren_ (Vienna and\n      Olmutz, 1893), p. 317; Alois John, _Sitte, Brauch und Volksglaube im\n      deutschen Westb\u00f6hmen_ (Prague, 1905), p. 12; P. Drechsler, _Sitte,\n      Brauch und Volksglaube in Schlesien_ (Leipsic, 1903-1906), i. 16\n      _sq._\n\n  736 E. Meier, _Deutsche Sagen, Sitten und Gebr\u00e4uche aus Schwaben_\n      (Stuttgart, 1852), p. 473, \u00a7 237; A. Birlinger, _Volksth\u00fcmliches aus\n      Schwaben_ (Freiburg im Breisgau, 1861-1862), i. 468, \u00a7 696.\n\n  737 A. Birlinger, _op. cit._ i. 470.\n\n  738 F. J. Vonbun, _Beitr\u00e4ge zur deutschen Mythologie_ (Chur, 1862), p.\n      131; A. Birlinger, _Volksth\u00fcmliches aus Schwaben_, i. 469; Chr.\n      Schneller, _M\u00e4rchen und Sagen aus W\u00e4lschtirol_ (Innsbruck, 1867), p.\n      231.\n\n M250 Belief of the Celtic peoples that the weather for the twelve months\n      of the year is determined by the weather of the Twelve Days.\n\n  739 Jules Lecoeur, _Esquisses du Bocage Normand_ (Cond\u00e9-sur-Noireau,\n      1883-1887), ii. 20 _sq._\n\n  740 J. Loth, \u201cLes douze jours suppl\u00e9mentaires (_gourdeziou_) des Bretons\n      et les douze jours des Germains et des Indous,\u201d _Revue Celtique_,\n      xxiv. (1903) pp. 310 _sq._\n\n  741 J. G. Campbell, _Witchcraft and Second Sight in the Highlands and\n      Islands of Scotland_ (Glasgow, 1902), p. 243.\n\n  742 Thomas Pennant, \u201cA Tour in Scotland and Voyage to the Hebrides in\n      1772,\u201d in John Pinkerton\u2019s _Voyages and Travels_ (London,\n      1808-1814), iii. 384.\n\n M251 The Twelve Nights among the ancient Aryans of India.\n\n_  743 The Hymns of the Rigveda_, translated by R. T. H. Griffith\n      (Benares, 1889-1892), book iv. hymn 33, vol. ii. pp. 150 _sqq._; H.\n      Zimmer, _Altindisches Leben_ (Berlin, 1879), pp. 365-367; A.\n      Hillebrandt, _Ritual-Litteratur, Vedische Opfer und Zauber_\n      (Strasburg, 1897), pp. 5 _sq._ However, the Ribhus are very obscure\n      figures in Vedic mythology. Compare H. Oldenberg, _Die Religion des\n      Veda_ (Berlin, 1894), pp. 235 _sq._; A. A. Macdonnell, _Vedic\n      Mythology_ (Strasburg, 1897), pp. 131 _sqq._\n\n M252 The Twelve Nights are probably an ancient intercalary period\n      introduced to equate twelve lunar months to the solar year.\n\n  744 F. Max M\u00fcller, _Lectures on the Science of Language_, Sixth Edition\n      (London, 1871), i. 6 _sqq._; O. Schrader, _Reallexikon der\n      indogermanischen Altertumskunde_ (Strasburg, 1901), p. 547; _id._,\n      _Sprachvergleichung und Urgeschichte_3 (Jena, 1906-1907), ii. 228.\n\n  745 This explanation of the sacredness of the twelve days among the\n      Indo-European peoples of the East and West is due to A. Weber. See\n      O. Schrader, _Reallexikon der indogermanischen Altertumskunde_\n      (Strasburg, 1901), pp. 391-394; _id._, _Sprachvergleichung und\n      Urgeschichte_3 (Jena, 1906-1907), ii. 2. pp. 228-234. It is accepted\n      by J. Loth (in _Revue Celtique_, xxiv. 1903, pp. 311 _sq._),\n      Professor H. Hirt (_Die Indogermanen_, Strasburg, 1905-1907, ii.\n      537, 544), Professor J. H. Moulton (_Two Lectures on the Science of\n      Language_, Cambridge, 1903, pp. 47 _sq._), and J. A. MacCulloch (in\n      Dr. J. Hastings\u2019s _Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics_, iii. 81\n      _sq._), but is rejected on what seem to me insufficient grounds by\n      Professor O. Schrader (_ll.cc._).\n\n_  746 Spirits of the Corn and of the Wild_, i. 307 _sqq._\n\n M253 The superstitions attaching to the Twelve Nights are not of\n      Christian origin.\n\n_  747 Die gestriegelte Rockenphilosophie_ (Chemnitz, 1759), pp. 860, 861;\n      _Bavaria, Landes- und Volkskunde des K\u00f6nigreichs Bayern_ (Munich,\n      1860-1867), i. 365; A. Wuttke, _Der deutsche Volksaberglaube_2\n      (Berlin, 1869), p. 61; P. Drechsler, _Sitte, Brauch und Volksglaube\n      in Schlesien_ (Leipsic, 1903-1906), i. 15; A. John, _Sitte, Brauch\n      und Volksglaube im deutschen Westb\u00f6hmen_ (Prague, 1905), p. 11. The\n      phrase \u201cthe Twelve Nights\u201d in the sense of \u201cthe Twelve Days and\n      Nights\u201d is doubtless derived from the ancient Aryan custom of\n      counting by nights instead of by days and of regarding the period of\n      the earth\u2019s revolution on its axis as beginning with the night\n      rather than with the day. See Caesar, _De bello Gallico_, vi. 18;\n      Tacitus, _Germania_, 11; O. Schrader, _Reallexikon der\n      indogermanischen Altertumskunde_ (Strasburg, 1901), pp. 844 _sqq._;\n      J. Loth, \u201cL\u2019Ann\u00e9e celtique,\u201d _Revue Celtique_, xxv. (1904) pp. 115\n      _sqq._ The Athenians reckoned a day from sunset to sunset, and the\n      Romans reckoned it from midnight to midnight (Censorinus, _De die\n      natali_, xxiii. 3).\n\n  748 A. Tille, _Die Geschichte der deutschen Weihnacht_ (Leipsic, preface\n      dated 1893), pp. 3 _sq._, 281 _sqq._; O. Schrader, _Reallexikon der\n      indogermanischen Altertumskunde_ (Strasburg, 1901), p. 392.\n\n  749 P. Drechsler, _Sitte, Brauch und Volksglaube in Schlesien_ (Leipsic,\n      1903-1906), i. 15.\n\n  750 A. Wuttke, _Der deutsche Volksaberglaube_2 (Berlin, 1869), p. 61, \u00a7\n      74. As to the varying dates of the Twelve Nights see further E.\n      Mogk, \u201cMythologie,\u201d in H. Paul\u2019s _Grundriss der germanischen\n      Philologie_, iii.2 (Strasburg, 1900), p. 260.\n\n  751 See above, p. 324.\n\n  752 Thus A. Wuttke observes that by far the greater part of the\n      superstitions attaching to the Twelve Nights are of purely heathen\n      origin (_Der deutsche Volksaberglaube_,2 p. 61); and K. Weinhold\n      similarly remarks that the superstitions in question cannot have\n      originated in Christian dogmas, and that they point to the\n      sacredness of the winter solstice among the heathen tribes of\n      Germany (_Weinacht-Spiele und Lieder aus S\u00fcddeutschland und\n      Schlesien_, Vienna, 1875, p. 4).\n\n  753 See _Adonis, Attis, Osiris_, Second Edition, pp. 254 _sqq._; and for\n      Easter in particular see my letter \u201cAttis and Christ,\u201d _The\n      Athenaeum_, No. 4184, January 4th, 1908, pp. 19 _sq._; Franz Cumont,\n      _Les Religions orientales dans le Paganisme romain_2 (Paris, 1909),\n      pp. 106 _sq._, 333 _sq._\n\n M254 An intercalary period a natural subject of superstition to primitive\n      peoples.\n M255 The Three Kings of Twelfth Night.\n\n  754 J. Brand, _Popular Antiquities of Great Britain_ (London, 1883), i.\n      21 _sq._; E. Cortet, _Essai sur les F\u00eates religieuses_ (Paris,\n      1867), pp. 32, 38, 39-42; Reinsberg-D\u00fcringsfeld, _Calendrier Belge_\n      (Brussels, 1861-1862), i. 21 _sq._, 30 _sq._; _id._, _Fest-Kalender\n      aus B\u00f6hmen_ (Prague, N.D.), p. 18; _id._, _Das festliche Jahr_\n      (Leipsic, 1863), pp. 23-26; _Bavaria, Landes- und Volkskunde des\n      K\u00f6nigreichs Bayern_ (Munich, 1860-1867), ii. 262 _sq._; L. F. Sauv\u00e9,\n      _Le Folk-lore des Hautes-Vosges_ (Paris, 1889), pp. 15-18; Ch.\n      Beauquier, _Les Mois en Franche-Comt\u00e9_ (Paris, 1900), pp. 13-15; _La\n      Bresse Louhannaise_, Janvier, 1906, p. 42; P. Drechsler, _Sitte,\n      Brauch und Volksglaube in Schlesien_ (Leipsic, 1903-1906), i. 51; A.\n      John, _Sitte, Brauch und Volksglaube im deutschen Westb\u00f6hmen_\n      (Prague, 1905), pp. 32-34; E. Hoffmann-Krayer, _Feste und Br\u00e4uche\n      des Schweizervolkes_ (Z\u00fcrich, 1913), pp. 104, 121.\n\n  755 Matthew ii. 1-12.\n\n  756 Ch. Beauquier, _Les Mois en Franche-Comt\u00e9_ (Paris, 1900), pp. 13-16.\n\n  757 L. F. Sauv\u00e9, _Le Folk-lore des Hautes-Vosges_ (Paris, 1889), pp.\n      15-17. Compare the old Roman cure for the falling sickness (above,\n      p. 68).\n\n  758 O. Freiherr von Reinsberg-D\u00fcringsfeld, _Fest-Kalender aus B\u00f6hmen_\n      (Prague, N.D.), pp. 17 _sq._\n\n  759 Reinsberg-D\u00fcringsfeld, _Calendrier Belge_ (Brussels, 1861-1862), i.\n      22. The mere names of the three kings worn on the person were\n      believed to be a cure for epilepsy. See J. B. Thiers, _Trait\u00e9 des\n      Superstitions_ (Paris, 1679), pp. 350 _sq._\n\n  760 R. Chambers, _The Book of Days_ (London and Edinburgh, 1886), i. 62,\n      referring to Warton\u2019s _History of English Poetry_.\n\n M256 The Lord of Misrule in England. Reign of the Lord of Misrule during\n      the Twelve Days. Lord of Misrule in the Temple.\n\n  761 J. Brand, _Popular Antiquities of Great Britain_ (London, 1883), i.\n      497 _sqq._; E. K. Chambers, _The Mediaeval Stage_ (Oxford, 1903), i.\n      403 _sqq._\n\n  762 John Stow, _A Survey of London, written in the year 1598_, edited by\n      William J. Thoms (London, 1876), p. 37.\n\n  763 Sir Thomas Urquhart, _The Discovery of a most Exquisite Jewel, more\n      precious than Diamonds inchased in Gold_ (Edinburgh, 1774), p. 146.\n\n  764 J. Brand, _op. cit._ i. 499.\n\n  765 J. Brand, _Popular Antiquities of Great Britain_ (London, 1883), i.\n      497 _sqq._ As to the Lords of Misrule in colleges and the Inns of\n      Court see further E. K. Chambers, _The Mediaeval Stage_, i. 407\n      _sqq._\n\n  766 Sir Richard Steele, in _The Spectator_, Friday, 14th December 1711.\n\n M257 Lord of Misrule at the English Court.\n\n  767 E. K. Chambers, _The Mediaeval Stage_, i. 405-407.\n\n M258 The Festival of Fools in France.\n\n  768 L. J. B. B\u00e9renger-Feraud, _Superstitions et Survivances_, iv.\n      (Paris, 1896) pp. 4 _sq._, quoting Jacob, _M\u0153urs et Coutumes du\n      Moyen-Age_. Compare E. Cortet, _Essai sur les F\u00eates religieuses_\n      (Paris, 1867), pp. 50 _sqq._ In some places the festival was held on\n      the octave of Epiphany. See E. K. Chambers, _The Mediaeval Stage_\n      (Oxford, 1903), i. 323.\n\n  769 E. Cortet, _op. cit._ p. 51; Papon, _Histoire G\u00e9n\u00e9rale de la\n      Provence_, iii. p. 212, quoted by L. J. B. B\u00e9renger-Feraud, _op.\n      cit._ iv. 9 _sq._; E. K. Chambers, _The Mediaeval Stage_ (Oxford,\n      1903), i. 293 _sq._, quoting a circular letter which was addressed\n      by the Faculty of Theology at Paris to the bishops and chapters of\n      France on March 12th, 1445. Many details as to the mode of\n      celebrating the Festival of Fools in different parts of France are\n      on record. See A. de Nore, _Coutumes, Mythes, et Traditions des\n      Provinces de France_ (Paris and Lyons, 1846), pp. 293-295; E.\n      Cortet, _op. cit._ pp. 52 _sqq._; L. J. B. B\u00e9renger-Feraud, _op.\n      cit._ iv. 5 _sqq._; G. Bilfinger, _Untersuchungen \u00fcber die\n      Zeitrechnung der alten Germanen_, ii. _Das germanische Julfest_\n      (Stuttgart, 1901), pp. 72 _sq._; and especially E. K. Chambers, _The\n      Mediaeval Stage_, i. 274 _sqq._\n\n M259 Buffooneries in the churches at the Festival of Fools.\n\n  770 E. Cortet, _Essai sur les F\u00eates religieuses_ (Paris, 1867), pp.\n      53-56; L. J. B. B\u00e9renger-Feraud, _Superstitions et Survivances_, iv.\n      28-41; E. K. Chambers, _The Mediaeval Stage_ (Oxford, 1903), i.\n      330-334. While the Festival of Fools appears to have been most\n      popular in France, it is known to have been celebrated also in\n      Germany, Bohemia, and England. See E. K. Chambers, _op. cit._ i. 318\n      _sqq._ In his youth the Bohemian reformer John Huss took part in\n      these mummeries. The revellers wore masks. \u201cA clerk, grotesquely\n      vested, was dubbed \u2018bishop,\u2019 set on an ass with his face to the\n      tail, and led to mass in the church. He was regaled on a platter of\n      broth and a bowl of beer, and Huss recalls the unseemly revel which\n      took place. Torches were borne instead of candles, and the clergy\n      turned their garments inside out and danced\u201d (E. K. Chambers, _op.\n      cit._ i. 320 _sq._).\n\n M260 Festival of the Innocents and the Boy Bishop in France.\n\n  771 E. Cortet, _Essai sur les F\u00eates religieuses_, p. 58; E. K. Chambers,\n      _The Mediaeval Stage_ (Oxford, 1903), i. 317 _sq._, 336 _sqq._\n      Compare L. J. B. B\u00e9renger-Feraud, _Superstitions et Survivances_,\n      iv. 25-28. From the evidence collected by the latter writer it\n      appears that in some places the election of the Boy Bishop took\n      place on other days than Childermas. At Alen\u00e7on the election took\n      place on the sixth of December; at Vienne, in Dauphin\u00e9, on the\n      fifteenth, and at Soissons on St. Thomas\u2019s Day (the twenty-first of\n      December).\n\n  772 This I learn from my wife, who as a girl was educated in the\n      convent.\n\n M261 The Boy Bishop in England.\n\n  773 J. Brand, _Popular Antiquities of Great Britain_ (London, 1883), i.\n      421-431; E. K. Chambers, _The Mediaeval Stage_ (Oxford, 1903), i.\n      352 _sqq._; (Mrs.) Ella Mary Leather, _The Folk-lore of\n      Herefordshire_ (Hereford and London, 1912), pp. 138 _sq._; _County\n      Folk-lore_, II. _North Riding of Yorkshire, York and the Ainsty_,\n      edited by Mrs. Gutch (London, 1901), pp. 352 _sq._\n\n  774 J. Brand, _op. cit._ i. 426.\n\n M262 The customs and superstitions associated with the Twelve Days or\n      Nights are probably relics of an old heathen festival of\n      intercalation at midwinter.\n M263 Superstitions associated with intercalary periods among the Aztecs\n      of Mexico and the Mayas of Yucatan.\n\n  775 As to the Aztec year see above, p. 287 note 1.\n\n  776 B. de Sahagun, _Histoire G\u00e9n\u00e9rale des Choses de la Nouvelle\n      Espagne_, traduite par D. Jourdanet et R. Simeon (Paris, 1880), pp.\n      77, 283; E. Seler, \u201cThe Mexican Chronology,\u201d in _Bureau of American\n      Ethnology, Bulletin No. 28_ (Washington, 1904), p. 16 (where some\n      extracts from the Aztec text of Sahagun are quoted and translated);\n      J. de Acosta, _Natural and Moral History of the Indies_ (Hakluyt\n      Society, London, 1880), ii. 392.\n\n  777 Diego de Landa, _Relation des Choses de Yucatan_ (Paris, 1864), pp.\n      204 _sq._, 276 _sq._\n\n M264 The five supplementary days of the year in ancient Egypt.\n\n  778 Geminus, _Elementa Astronomiae_, viii. 18, p. 106, ed. C. Manitius\n      (Leipsic, 1898).\n\n  779 G. Foucart, in Dr. J. Hastings\u2019s _Encyclopaedia of Religion and\n      Ethics_, iii. (1910) p. 93. Professor Ed. Meyer adduces astronomical\n      and other grounds for thinking that the ancient Egyptian calendar,\n      as we know it, began on the 19th of July, 4241 B.C., which\n      accordingly he calls \u201cthe oldest sure date in the history of the\n      world.\u201d See Ed. Meyer, _Geschichte des Altertums_2, i. 2. (Stuttgart\n      and Berlin, 1909), pp. 101 _sq._, \u00a7 197; and against this view C. F.\n      Lehmann-Haupt, in the _English Historical Review_, April 1913, p.\n      348.\n\n  780 Plutarch, _Isis et Osiris_, 12. Compare Diodorus Siculus, i. 13. 4\n      _sq._ As to Keb and Nut, the parents of Osiris, Isis, and the rest,\n      see A. Erman, _Die \u00e4gyptische Religion_ (Berlin, 1905), p. 29. The\n      Egyptian deities Keb, Nut, and Thoth are called by Plutarch by the\n      Greek names of Cronus, Rhea, and Hermes. On account of these Greek\n      names the myth was long thought to be of comparatively recent date;\n      \u201cbut the Leyden Papyrus (i. 346) has shown that the legend existed\n      in its essential features in the time of the Thebans, and the Texts\n      of the Pyramids have carried it back to the very beginnings of\n      Egyptian mythology\u201d (G. Foucart, _l.c._). As five days are the\n      seventy-second, not the seventieth, part of three hundred and sixty\n      days, it was proposed by Wyttenbach to read \u03c4\u1f78 \u1f11\u03b2\u03b4\u03bf\u03bc\u03b7\u03ba\u03bf\u03c3\u03c4\u1f78\u03bd \u03b4\u03b5\u03cd\u03c4\u03b5\u03c1\u03bf\u03bd\n      instead of \u03c4\u1f78 \u1f11\u03b2\u03b4\u03bf\u03bc\u03b7\u03ba\u03bf\u03c3\u03c4\u1f78\u03bd in Plutarch\u2019s text. See D. Wyttenbachius,\n      _Animadversiones in Plutarchi Moralia_ (Leipsic, 1820-1834), iii.\n      143 _sq._\n\n M265 Early attempts of the Aryan peoples to correct the lunar year by\n      intercalating a month at intervals of several years instead of\n      intercalating twelve days in every year.\n\n  781 H. Zimmer, _Altindisches Leben_ (Berlin, 1879), pp. 365-370. Compare\n      _The Hymns of the Rigveda_, translated by R. T. H. Griffith\n      (Benares, 1889-1892), Book i. Hymn 164, stanza 48 (vol. i. p. 293),\n      Book iii. Hymn 55, stanza 18 (vol. ii. pp. 76 _sq._).\n\n  782 J. A. MacCulloch, in Dr. J. Hastings\u2019s _Encyclopaedia of Religion\n      and Ethics_, iii. (Edinburgh, 1910) pp. 78 _sqq._ Compare S. de\n      Ricci, \u201cLe calendrier Gaulois de Coligny,\u201d _Revue Celtique_, xix.\n      (1898) pp. 213-223; _id._, \u201cLe calendrier Celtique de Coligny,\u201d\n      _Revue Celtique_, xxi. (1900) pp. 10-27; _id._, \u201cUn passage\n      remarquable du calendrier de Coligny,\u201d _Revue Celtique_, xxiv.\n      (1903) pp. 313-316; J. Loth, \u201cL\u2019ann\u00e9e Celtique,\u201d _Revue Celtique_,\n      xxv. (1904) pp. 113-162; Sir John Rhys, \u201cThe Coligny Calendar\u201d,\n      _Proceedings of the British Academy, 1909-1910_, pp. 207 _sqq._ As\n      the calendar stands, the number of days in the ordinary year is 355,\n      not 354, seven of the months having thirty days and five of them\n      twenty-nine days. But the month Equos has attached to it the sign\n      ANM, which is attached to all the months of twenty-nine days but to\n      none of the months of thirty days except Equos, all of which, except\n      Equos, are marked with the sign MAT. Hence, following a suggestion\n      of M. S. de Ricci (_Revue Celtique_, xxi. 25), I suppose that the\n      month Equos had regularly twenty-nine days instead of thirty, and\n      that the attribution of thirty days to it is an error of the scribe\n      or mason who engraved the calendar.\n\n      In the Coligny calendar the summer solstice seems to be marked by\n      the word _trinouxtion_ affixed to the seventeenth day of the first\n      month (Samonios, nearly equivalent to our June). As interpreted by\n      Sir John Rhys (_op. cit._ p. 217), the word means \u201ca period of three\n      nights of equal length.\u201d If he is right, it follows that the Celts\n      who constructed the calendar had observed the summer solstice.\n\n M266 Equivalence of the new intercalary month to the old intercalary\n      Twelve Days multiplied by two and a half. The intercalary month may\n      have been a period of license, during which the reins of government\n      were held by a temporary king.\n\n  783 J. A. MacCulloch, in Dr. J. Hastings\u2019s _Encyclopaedia of Religion\n      and Ethics_, iii. 79. Compare Sir J. Rhys, \u201cThe Coligny Calendar,\u201d\n      _Proceedings of the British Academy, 1909-1910_, pp. 292 _sq._\n\n M267 The modern Carnival is perhaps the equivalent of the ancient\n      Saturnalia.\n\n  784 We know from Livy (xxii. i. 19 _sq._) that the Saturnalia was\n      celebrated in December as early as the year 217 B.C.; and in his\n      learned discussion of the proper date of the festival the antiquary\n      Macrobius gives no hint that it ever fell at any other time than in\n      December (_Saturnal._ i. 10). It would be a mistake to infer from\n      Livy\u2019s account of the Saturnalia in the year 217 B.C. that he\n      supposed the festival to have been first instituted in that year;\n      for elsewhere (ii. 21. 1) he tells us that it was established at the\n      time when the temple of Saturn was dedicated, namely in the year 497\n      B.C. Macrobius (_Saturn._ i. 8. 1) refers the institution of the\n      Saturnalia to King Tullus Hostilius. More probably the festival was\n      of immemorial antiquity.\n\n M268 The Saturnalia may have originally fallen at the end of February,\n      which would be an appropriate time for a festival of sowing.\n\n  785 Macrobius, _Sat._ i. 12. 7; Solinus, i. 35, p. 13 ed. Th. Mommsen\n      (Berlin, 1864); Joannes Lydus, _De Mensibus_, iii. 15. On the other\n      hand, we know that the ceremony of renewing the laurels, which\n      originally took place on the first of March, was long afterwards\n      transferred to the first of January. See Ovid, _Fasti_, iii. 135\n      _sqq._, and Macrobius, _Saturn._ i. 12. 6, compared with\n      _Geoponica_, xi. 2. 6, where the note of the commentator Niclas may\n      be consulted. This transference is strictly analogous to the change\n      which I conjecture to have been made in the date of celebrating the\n      Saturnalia.\n\n  786 Palladius, _De re rustica_, books iii. and iv. _passim._\n\n_  787 The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, i. 137-139.\n\n_  788 The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, i. 136-144, ii. 97\n      _sqq._\n\n  789 Compare C. Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_ (London, 1903), ii. 268: \u201cTo\n      the Huichol so closely are corn, deer, and hikuli associated that by\n      consuming the broth of the deer-meat and the hikuli they think the\n      same effect is produced\u2014namely, making the corn grow. Therefore when\n      clearing the fields they eat hikuli before starting the day\u2019s work.\u201d\n\n M269 The Lenten fast in spring may be an old heathen period of abstinence\n      intended to promote the growth of the seed. Autumnal rites of\n      mourning and fasting for the sake of the seed.\n\n_  790 The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, ii. 104 _sqq._ The\n      Indians of Santiago Tepehuacan abstain from flesh, eggs, and grease\n      while they are engaged in sowing cotton and chilis, because they\n      believe that were they to partake of these viands at that time, the\n      blossoms would fall and the crop would suffer. See \u201cLettre du cur\u00e9\n      de Santiago Tepehuacan \u00e0 son \u00e9v\u00eaque sur les m\u0153urs et coutumes des\n      Indiens,\u201d _Bulletin de la Soci\u00e9t\u00e9 de G\u00e9ographie_ (Paris), Deuxi\u00e8me\n      S\u00e9rie, ii. (1834) p. 181.\n\n  791 In Franche-Comt\u00e9 not only husbands and wives were expected to be\n      continent from the first Sunday of Lent to the first Sunday after\n      Easter, but even sweethearts separated during that time, bidding\n      each other a formal farewell on the first of these days and meeting\n      again with similar formality on the last. See C. Beauquier, _Les\n      Mois en Franche-Comt\u00e9_ (Paris, 1900), p. 35. I am informed that the\n      observance of chastity during Lent is enjoined generally by the\n      Catholic church. As to its injunction by the Coptic church see F.\n      W\u00fcstenfeld, _Macrizi\u2019s Geschichte der Copten_ (G\u00f6ttingen, 1845), p.\n      84; _Il_ Fetha Nagast, _o Legislazione dei Re, codice ecclesiastico\n      e civile di Abissinia, tradotto e annotato da_ Ignazio Guidi (Rome,\n      1899), p. 164.\n\n  792 Socrates, _Historia Ecclesiastica_, v. 22; Sozomenus, _Historia\n      Ecclesiastica_, vii. 19 (Migne, _Patrologia Graeca_, lxvii. coll.\n      632-636, 1477); W. Smith and S. Cheetham, _Dictionary of Christian\n      Antiquities_, _s.v._ \u201cLent,\u201d vol. ii. pp. 972 _sq._; Mgr. L.\n      Duchesne, _Origines du Culte Chr\u00e9tien_ (Paris, 1903), pp. 241-243.\n\n  793 Firmicus Maternus, _De errore profanarum religionum_, 27.\n\n  794 Plutarch, _Isis et Osiris_, 69: \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u03b3\u1f70\u03c1 \u1f08\u03b8\u03ae\u03bd\u1fc3\u03c3\u03b9 \u03bd\u03b7\u03c3\u03c4\u03b5\u03cd\u03bf\u03c5\u03c3\u03b9\u03bd \u03b1\u1f31\n      \u03b3\u03c5\u03bd\u03b1\u1fd6\u03ba\u03b5\u03c2 \u1f10\u03bd \u03b8\u03b5\u03c3\u03bc\u03bf\u03c6\u03bf\u03c1\u03af\u03bf\u03b9\u03c2 \u03c7\u03b1\u03bc\u03b1\u1f76 \u03ba\u03b1\u03b8\u03ae\u03bc\u03b5\u03bd\u03b1\u03b9, \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u0392\u03bf\u03b9\u03c9\u03c4\u03bf\u1f76 \u03c4\u1f70 \u03c4\u1fc6\u03c2 \u1f08\u03c7\u03b1\u03b9\u1fb6\u03c2\n      \u03bc\u03ad\u03b3\u03b1\u03c1\u03b1 \u03ba\u03b9\u03bd\u03bf\u1fe6\u03c3\u03b9\u03bd, \u1f10\u03c0\u03b1\u03c7\u03b8\u1fc6 \u03c4\u1f74\u03bd \u1f11\u03bf\u03c1\u03c4\u1f74\u03bd \u1f10\u03ba\u03b5\u03af\u03bd\u03b7\u03bd \u1f40\u03bd\u03bf\u03bc\u03ac\u03b6\u03bf\u03bd\u03c4\u03b5\u03c2, \u1f61\u03c2 \u03b4\u03b9\u1f70 \u03c4\u1f74\u03bd\n      \u03c4\u1fc6\u03c2 \u039a\u03cc\u03c1\u03b7\u03c2 \u03ba\u03ac\u03b8\u03bf\u03b4\u03bf\u03bd \u1f10\u03bd \u1f04\u03c7\u03b5\u03b9 \u03c4\u1fc6\u03c2 \u0394\u03ae\u03bc\u03b7\u03c4\u03c1\u03bf\u03c2 \u03bf\u1f55\u03c3\u03b7\u03c2. \u1f1c\u03c3\u03c4\u03b9 \u03b4\u1f72 \u1f41 \u03bc\u1f74\u03bd \u03bf\u1f57\u03c4\u03bf\u03c2\n      \u03c0\u03b5\u03c1\u1f76 \u03c0\u03bb\u03b5\u03b9\u03ac\u03b4\u03b1 \u03c3\u03c0\u03cc\u03c1\u03b9\u03bc\u03bf\u03c2, \u1f42\u03bd \u1f08\u03b8\u1f7a\u03c1 \u0391\u1f30\u03b3\u03cd\u03c0\u03c4\u03b9\u03bf\u03b9, \u03a0\u03c5\u03b1\u03bd\u03b5\u03c8\u03b9\u1ff6\u03bd\u03b1 \u03b4\u1fbd \u1f08\u03b8\u03b7\u03bd\u03b1\u1fd6\u03bf\u03b9,\n      \u0392\u03bf\u03b9\u03c9\u03c4\u03bf\u1f76 \u03b4\u1f72 \u0394\u03b1\u03bc\u03ac\u03c4\u03c1\u03b9\u03bf\u03bd \u03ba\u03b1\u03bb\u03bf\u1fe6\u03c3\u03b9. As to the festival and the rule of\n      chastity observed at it, see further _Spirits of the Corn and of the\n      Wild_, i. 116, ii. 17 _sq._\n\n M270 The Buddhist Lent.\n\n  795 H. Fielding, _The Soul of a People_ (London, 1898), pp. 172 _sq._\n      The orthodox explanation of the custom is that during these three\n      months the Buddha retired to a monastery. But \u201cthe custom was far\n      older even than that\u2014so old that we do not know how it arose. Its\n      origin is lost in the mists of far-away time.\u201d Compare C. J. F. S.\n      Forbes, _British Burma_ (London, 1878), pp. 170 _sq._; Shway Yoe,\n      _The Burman, his Life and Notions_ (London, 1882), i. 257, 262\n      _sqq._\n\n M271 Inversion of social ranks at ancient Greek festivals held in Crete,\n      Troezen, and Thessaly.\n\n  796 Athenaeus, xiv. 44 _sq._, pp. 639 B-640 A.\n\n M272 The Greek festival of the Cronia compared to the Roman Saturnalia.\n      The Olympian Cronia held at the spring equinox.\n\n  797 Macrobius, _Saturn._ i. 7. 37 and i. 10. 22; Demosthenes, _Or._\n      xxiv. 26, p. 708. As to the temple of Cronus and Rhea, see\n      Pausanias, i. 18. 7; Im. Bekker\u2019s _Anecdota Graeca_ (Berlin,\n      1814-1821), i. p. 273, lines 20 _sq._ That the Attic month\n      Hecatombaeon was formerly called Cronius is mentioned by Plutarch\n      (_Theseus_, 12). Other Greek states, including Samos, Amorgos,\n      Perinthus, and Patmos, had a month called Cronion, that is, the\n      month of Cronus, which seems to have coincided with June or July.\n      See G. Dittenberger, _Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum_2 (Leipsic,\n      1898-1901), Nos. 644 and 645; E. Bischoff, \u201cDe fastis Graecorum\n      antiquioribus,\u201d _Leipziger Studien f\u00fcr classischen Philologie_, vii.\n      (1884) p. 400. At Magnesia on the Maeander the month of Cronion was\n      the time of sowing (Dittenberger, _op. cit._ No. 553, lines 15\n      _sq._), which cannot have fallen in the height of summer. Compare\n      _Spirits of the Corn and of the Wild_, ii. 8.\n\n_  798 Corpus Inscriptionum Atticarum_, iii. No. 77; Ch. Michel, _Recueil\n      d\u2019Inscriptions Grecques_ (Brussels, 1900), No. 692, pp. 595 _sq._;\n      I. de Prott et L. Ziehen, _Leges Graecorum Sacrae_, i. (Leipsic,\n      1896), No. 3, pp. 7 _sq._; E. S. Roberts and E. A. Gardner,\n      _Introduction to Greek Epigraphy_, Part II. (Cambridge, 1905), No.\n      142, pp. 387 _sq._ From the same inscription we learn that cakes\n      with twelve knobs were offered to other deities, including Apollo\n      and Artemis, Zeus, Poseidon, and Hercules.\n\n  799 Scholiast on Hesiod, _Works and Days_, 370 (p. 170 ed. E. Vollbehr,\n      Kiel, 1844): \u039a\u03b1\u1f76 \u1f10\u03bd \u03c4\u03bf\u1fd6\u03c2 \u03c0\u03b1\u03c4\u03c1\u03af\u03bf\u03b9\u03c2 \u1f10\u03c3\u03c4\u03b9\u03bd \u1f11\u03bf\u03c1\u03c4\u1f74 \u03a0\u03b9\u03b8\u03bf\u03b9\u03b3\u03af\u03b1, \u03ba\u03b1\u03b8\u1fbd \u1f23\u03bd \u03bf\u1f52\u03c4\u03b5\n      \u03bf\u1f30\u03ba\u03ad\u03c4\u03b7\u03bd \u03bf\u1f54\u03c4\u03b5 \u03bc\u03b9\u03c3\u03b8\u03c9\u03c4\u1f78\u03bd \u03b5\u1f34\u03c1\u03b3\u03b5\u03b9\u03bd \u03c4\u1fc6\u03c2 \u1f00\u03c0\u03bf\u03bb\u03b1\u03cd\u03c3\u03b5\u03c9\u03c2 \u03c4\u03bf\u1fe6 \u03bf\u1f34\u03bd\u03bf\u03c5 \u03b8\u03b5\u03bc\u03b9\u03c4\u1f78\u03bd \u1f26\u03bd,\n      \u1f00\u03bb\u03bb\u1f70 \u03b8\u03cd\u03c3\u03b1\u03bd\u03c4\u03b1\u03c2 \u03c0\u1fb6\u03c3\u03b9 \u03bc\u03b5\u03c4\u03b1\u03b4\u03b9\u03b4\u03cc\u03bd\u03b1\u03b9 \u03c4\u03bf\u1fe6 \u03b4\u03ce\u03c1\u03bf\u03c5 \u03c4\u03bf\u1fe6 \u0394\u03b9\u03bf\u03bd\u03cd\u03c3\u03bf\u03c5. As to the\n      festival of the opening of the wine-jars see August Mommsen,\n      _Heortologie_ (Leipsic, 1864), pp. 349 _sqq._; _id._, _Feste der\n      Stadt Athen im Altertum_ (Leipsic, 1898), pp. 384 _sqq._ \u201cWhen the\n      slaves,\u201d says Plutarch, \u201cfeast at the Cronia or go about celebrating\n      the festival of Dionysus in the country, the shouts they raise and\n      the tumult they make in their rude merriment are intolerable\u201d (_Non\n      posse suaviter vivi secundum Epicurum_, 26). That the original\n      festival of Cronus fell at Athens in Anthesterion is the view of\n      Aug. Mommsen (_Heortologie_, pp. 22, 79; _Feste der Stadt Athen_, p.\n      402).\n\n  800 Pausanias, vi. 20. 1. Compare Dionysius Halicarnasensis, _Antiquit.\n      Rom._ i. 34. The magistrates called \u201ckings\u201d (\u03b2\u03b1\u03c3\u03af\u03bb\u03b1\u03b9) by Pausanias\n      are doubtless identical with \u201cthe kings\u201d (\u03c4\u03bf\u1f76 \u03b2\u03b1\u03c3\u03b9\u03bb\u1fb6\u03b5\u03c2) mentioned in\n      a law of Elis, which was found inscribed on a bronze plate at\n      Olympia. See H. Roehl, _Inscriptiones Graecae Antiquissimae_\n      (Berlin, 1882), No. 112, p. 39; C. Cauer, _Delectus Inscriptionum\n      Graecarum propter dialectum memorabilium_2 (Leipsic, 1883), No. 253,\n      p. 175; H. Collitz, _Sammlung der griechischen Dialekt-Inschriften_,\n      No. 1152 (vol. i. G\u00f6ttingen, 1884, p. 321); Ch. Michel, _Recueil\n      d\u2019Inscriptions Grecques_, No. 195, p. 179.\n\n M273 The magistrates called Kings who celebrated the Cronia at Olympia\n      may have personated King Cronus himself. Perhaps the man who\n      annually personated King Cronus was put to death. A man annually\n      sacrificed to Cronus at the Cronia in Rhodes.\n\n  801 See _The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, i. 44 _sqq._, ii.\n      177, 361.\n\n  802 Hesiod, _Works and Days_, 111, 169; Plato, _Politicus_, p. 269 A;\n      Diodorus Siculus, iii. 61, v. 66; Julian, _Epistola ad Themistium_,\n      p. 258 C (pp. 334 _sq._, ed. F. C. Hertlein, Leipsic, 1875-1876);\n      \u201cAnonymi Chronologica,\u201d printed in L. Dindorf\u2019s edition of J.\n      Malalas (Bonn, 1831), p. 17. See further M. Mayer\u2019s article\n      \u201cKronos,\u201d in W. H. Roscher\u2019s _Lexikon der griech. und r\u00f6m.\n      Mythologie_, ii. (Leipsic, 1890-1897) col. 1458.\n\n  803 See M. Mayer, _op. cit._ ii. 1501 _sqq._\n\n  804 Pausanias, vi. 20. 4 _sq._\n\n  805 Plato, _Republic_, ix. p. 565 D E; pseudo-Plato, _Minos_, p. 315 C;\n      Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ viii. 81; Pausanias, viii. 2 and 38; Porphyry,\n      _De abstinentia_, ii. 27; Augustine, _De civitate Dei_, xviii. 17.\n      The suggestion that Lycaean Zeus may have been merely a successor of\n      Cronus is due to my friend Professor W. Ridgeway.\n\n  806 Porphyry, _De abstinentia_, ii. 54.\n\n_  807 The Dying God_, pp. 161 _sqq._\n\n M274 The Babylonian festival of the Sacaea.\n\n_  808 The Dying God_, pp. 113 _sqq._\n\n  809 Athenaeus, xiv. 44, p. 639 C; Dio Chrysostom, _Or._ iv. 69 _sq._\n      (vol. i. p. 76 ed. L. Dindorf, Leipsic, 1857). From Athenaeus we\n      learn that the festival was described or mentioned by Berosus in his\n      first book and by Ctesias in his second.\n\n  810 Strabo, xi. 8. 5, p. 512.\n\n M275 The Sacaea by some identified with Zakmuk or Zagmuk, the Babylonian\n      festival of the New Year, which was held about the spring equinox in\n      March. Annual renewal of the king of Babylon\u2019s power at the Zakmuk\n      festival.\n\n  811 Strabo, xi. 14. 16, pp. 532 _sq._; Ed. Meyer\u2019s article \u201cAnaitis,\u201d in\n      W. H. Roscher\u2019s _Lexikon der griech. und r\u00f6m. Mythologie_, i.\n      (Leipsic, 1884-1890) pp. 330 _sqq._\n\n  812 By A. H. Sayce, _Religion of the Ancient Babylonians_ (London and\n      Edinburgh, 1887), p. 68; Bruno Meissner, \u201cZur Entstehungsgeschichte\n      des Purimfestes,\u201d _Zeitschrift der deutschen morgenl\u00e4ndischen\n      Gesellschaft_, l. (1896) pp. 296-301; H. Winckler, _Altorientalische\n      Forschungen_, Zweite Reihe, ii. Heft 3 (Leipsic, 1900), p. 345; C.\n      Brockelmann, \u201cWesen und Ursprung des Eponymats in Assyrien,\u201d\n      _Zeitschrift f\u00fcr Assyriologie_, xvi. (1902) pp. 391 _sq._\n\n  813 P. Jensen, _Die Kosmologie der Babylonier_ (Strasburg, 1890), pp. 84\n      _sqq._; H. Zimmern, \u201cZur Frage nach dem Ursprunge des Purimfestes,\u201d\n      _Zeitschrift f\u00fcr die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft_, xi. (1891) pp.\n      159 _sqq._; A. Jeremias, _s.v._ \u201cMarduk,\u201d in W. H. Roscher\u2019s\n      _Lexicon der griech. und r\u00f6m. Mythologie_, ii. 2347 _sq._; M.\n      Jastrow, _Religion of Babylonia and Assyria_ (Boston, U.S.A., 1898),\n      pp. 186, 677 _sqq._; R. F. Harper, _Assyrian and Babylonian\n      Literature_ (New York, 1901), pp. 136 _sq._, 137, 140, 149; C.\n      Brocklemann, \u201cWesen und Ursprung des Eponymats in Assyrien,\u201d\n      _Zeitschrift f\u00fcr Assyriologie_, xvi. (1902) pp. 391 _sqq._; H.\n      Zimmern, in E. Schrader\u2019s _Die Keilinschriften und das Alte\n      Testament_3 (Berlin, 1902), pp. 370 _sq._, 374, 384 _n._4, 402, 514\n      _sqq._; _id._, \u201cZum Babylonischen Neujahrsfest,\u201d _Berichte \u00fcber die\n      Verhandlungen der k\u00f6niglich S\u00e4chsischen Gesellschaft der\n      Wissenschaften zu Leipzig, Philologisch-historische Klasse_, lviii.\n      (1906) pp. 126-156; M. J. Lagrange, _\u00c9tudes sur les Religions\n      S\u00e9mitiques_2 (Paris, 1905); pp. 285 _sqq._ King Gudea is thought to\n      have flourished about 2340 B.C. See Ed. Meyer, _Geschichte des\n      Altertums_,2 i. 2. (Stuttgart and Berlin, 1909) pp. 488 _sq._ As to\n      the ceremony of grasping the hands of Marduk\u2019s image, see also C. F.\n      Lehmann (-Haupt), _\u0160ama\u0161\u0161umukin, K\u00f6nig von Babylonien_ (Leipsic,\n      1892), pp. 50 _sqq._; Sir G. Maspero, _Histoire Ancienne des Peuples\n      de l\u2019Orient Classique_, iii. _Les Empires_ (Paris, 1899). pp. 381\n      _sq._\n\n M276 Reasons for identifying the Sacaea with Zakmuk.\n\n  814 On this subject the Master of St. Catharine\u2019s College, Cambridge\n      (the Rev. C. H. W. Johns), has kindly furnished me with the\n      following note: \u201cZAG is the name of the ideogram meaning \u2018head or\n      beginning.\u2019 MU is the sign for \u2018year.\u2019 When put together ZAG-MU\n      means \u2018beginning of year.\u2019 But ZAG-MU-KU means ZAG MU-d, _i.e._ ZAG\n      with MU suffixed. Therefore it is the name of the ideogram, and\n      there is as yet no _proof_ that it was ever read Zakmuk. Hence any\n      similarity of sound with either Sacaea or Zoganes is precarious. I\n      cannot prove that the signs were _never_ read Zakmuku, but that is\n      not a Semitic word nor a Sumerian word.\u201d\n\n  815 The statement occurs in an inscription of Nebuchadnezzar. See P.\n      Jensen, _Die Kosmologie der Babylonier_, p. 85; H. Zimmern, in E.\n      Schrader\u2019s _Die Keilinschriften und das Alte Testament_3 (Berlin,\n      1902), p. 402. The title of the president of the divine synod, \u201cking\n      of the gods of heaven and earth,\u201d is believed by Professor Zimmern\n      to have originally referred to the god Nabu, though at a later time\n      it was applied to Marduk.\n\n M277 A difficulty in identifying the Sacaea with Zakmuk is that the two\n      festivals seem to have been celebrated at different times of the\n      year, Zakmuk falling in March and the Sacaea in July. Suggested ways\n      of meeting the difficulty.\n\n_  816 See The Dying God_, p. 116 note 1. In Egypt the Macedonian calendar\n      seems to have fallen into great confusion. See W. Dittenberger,\n      _Orientis Graeci Inscriptiones Selectae_ (Leipsic, 1903-1905), ii.\n      pp. 649 _sq._ I would remind the reader that while the _dates_ of\n      the Syro-Macedonian months varied in different places, their _order_\n      was the same everywhere.\n\n  817 See above, p. 355, note 5. On the other hand Prof. H. Zimmern\n      prefers to suppose that the Sacaea was quite distinct from Zakmuk,\n      and that it fell in July at the time of the heliacal rising of\n      Sirius, which seems to have been associated with the goddess Ishtar.\n      See H. Zimmern, in E. Schrader\u2019s _Die Keilinschriften und das Alte\n      Testament_3 (Berlin, 1902), pp. 426 _sq._\n\n_  818 Encyclopaedia Biblica_, _s.v._ \u201cYear,\u201d vol. iv. (London, 1903)\n      coll. 5365 _sqq._\n\n_  819 The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, ii. 59 _sqq._\n\n_  820 The Golden Bough_, Second Edition, iii. 237 _sqq._\n\n  821 J. Marquardt, _R\u00f6mische Staatsverwaltung_2 (Leipsic, 1885), pp. 200\n      _sq._\n\n M278 An argument for identifying Sacaea and Zakmuk is the apparent\n      connexion of both with the Jewish festival of Purim.\n\n  822 H. Zimmern, \u201cZur Frage nach dem Ursprunge des Purimfestes,\u201d\n      _Zeitschrift f\u00fcr die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft_, xi. (1891) pp.\n      157-169; W. Nowack, _Lehrbuch der hebr\u00e4ischen Arch\u00e4ologie_ (Freiburg\n      i. B. and Leipsic, 1894), ii. 198 _sqq._; Br. Meissner, \u201cZur\n      Entstehungsgeschichte des Purimfestes,\u201d _Zeitschrift der deutschen\n      morgenl\u00e4ndischen Gesellschaft_, l. (1896) pp. 296-301; Fr. Cumont,\n      \u201cLe roi des Saturnales,\u201d _Revue de Philologie_, xxi. (1897) p. 150;\n      P. Haupt, _Purim_ (Leipsic, 1906). The various theories which have\n      been propounded as to the origin of Purim are stated and discussed\n      by Prof. L. B. Paton in his _Commentary on the Book of Esther_\n      (Edinburgh, 1908), pp. 77-94. See also _Encyclopaedia Biblica_,\n      _s.v._ \u201cPurim,\u201d vol. iii. (London, 1902) coll. 3976 _sqq._\n\n  823 S. R. Driver, _Introduction to the Literature of the Old Testament_8\n      (Edinburgh, 1909), p. 484. Professor T. Witton Davies would date the\n      book about 130 B.C. See _Ezra, Nehemiah and Esther_, edited by Rev.\n      T. Witton Davies (Edinburgh and London, N.D.), pp. 299-301 (_The\n      Century Bible_).\n\n  824 2 Maccabees xv. 36. As to the date of this book, see S. R. Driver,\n      _op. cit._ p. 481.\n\n M279 The Jewish festival of Purim seems to be derived from the Babylonian\n      festival of Zakmuk.\n\n  825 We know from Josephus (_Antiquit._ iii. 10. 5) that in the month\n      Nisan, the first month of the Jewish year, the sun was in Aries. Now\n      the sun is in Aries from March 20th or 21st to April 19th or 20th;\n      hence Nisan answers approximately to April, and Adar to March.\n\n  826 Esther iii. 7.\n\n  827 Esther iii. 7, ix. 26.\n\n  828 This is the view of H. Zimmern (_Zeitschrift f\u00fcr die\n      alttestamentliche Wissenschaft_, xi. (1891) pp. 157 _sqq._), and it\n      is favoured by W. Nowack (_Lehrbuch der hebr\u00e4ischen Arch\u00e4ologie_,\n      ii. 198 _sq._). Compare H. Zimmern, in E. Schrader\u2019s _Die\n      Keilinschriften und das Alte Testament_3 (Berlin, 1902), p. 518.\n\n  829 P. Jensen, _Die Kosmologie der Babylonier_, pp. 240 _sq._\n\n  830 The explanation is that of P. Jensen, quoted by Th. N\u00f6ldeke in\n      _Encyclopaedia Biblica_, _s.v._ \u201cEsther,\u201d vol. ii. (London, 1901)\n      col. 1404 note 1. In Greek, for a similar reason, the word for\n      \u201cpebble\u201d and \u201cvote\u201d is identical (\u03c8\u1fc6\u03c6\u03bf\u03c2). As to this etymology see\n      also C. H. W. Johns, _s.v._ \u201cPurim,\u201d _Encyclopaedia Biblica_, iii.\n      (London, 1902) coll. 3979 _sq._\n\n M280 Connexion of Purim with the Sacaea. The joyous nature of Purim.\n\n  831 Esther x. 22.\n\n  832 J. Buxtorf, _Synagoga Judaica_ (B\u00e2le, 1661), pp. 554 _sq._, 559\n      _sq._\n\n  833 J. Buxtorf, _op. cit._ p. 559; Schickard, quoted by Lagarde,\n      \u201cPurim,\u201d _Abhandlungen der k\u00f6n. Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften zu\n      G\u00f6ttingen_, xxxiv. (1887) pp. 54 _sq._ Compare J. Chr. G.\n      Bodenschatz, _Kirchliche Verfassung der heutigen Juden_ (Erlangen,\n      1748), ii. 256. For the rule forbidding men and women to exchange\n      garments, see Deuteronomy xxii. 5.\n\n  834 J. J. Schudt, _J\u00fcdische Merkw\u00fcrdigkeiten_ (Frankfort and Leipsic,\n      1714), ii. Theil, pp. 309, 314, 316, iv. Theiles die ii.\n      Continuation, p. 347; I. Abrahams, _Jewish Life in the Middle Ages_\n      (London, 1896), pp. 261 _sqq._ I have to thank my learned friend Dr.\n      S. Schechter for bringing both these works to my notice.\n\n M281 The origin of Purim according to the book of Esther. The rival pairs\n      Mordecai and Esther on the one side, Haman and Vashti on the other.\n M282 Analysis of the names Mordecai and Esther, Haman and Vashti.\n      Jensen\u2019s theory that Haman and Vashti were Elamite deities in\n      opposition to the Babylonian deities Mordecai (Marduk) and Esther\n      (Ishtar).\n\n  835 P. Jensen, \u201cElamitische Eigennamen,\u201d _Wiener Zeitschrift f\u00fcr die\n      Kunde des Morgenlandes_, vi. (1892) pp. 47-70; compare _ib._ pp.\n      209-212. All Jensen\u2019s etymologies are accepted by W. Nowack\n      (_Lehrbuch der hebr\u00e4ischen Arch\u00e4ologie_, Freiburg i. Baden and\n      Leipsic, 1894, ii. 199 _sq._); H. Gunkel (_Sch\u00f6pfung und Chaos_,\n      G\u00f6ttingen, 1895, pp. 310 _sq._); D. G. Wildeboer (in his commentary\n      on Esther, pp. 173 _sqq._, forming part of K. Marti\u2019s _Kurzer\n      Hand-Commentar zum alten Testament_, Freiburg i. B. 1898); Th.\n      N\u00f6ldeke (_s.v._ \u201cEsther,\u201d _Encyclopaedia Biblica_, vol. ii. coll.\n      1404 _sq._); and H. Zimmern (in E. Schrader\u2019s _Die Keilinschriften\n      und das Alte Testament_,3 Berlin, 1902, pp. 485, 516 _sq._). On the\n      other hand, Br. Meissner (_Zeitschrift der deutschen\n      morgenl\u00e4ndischen Gesellschaft_, I. (1896) p. 301) and M. Jastrow\n      (_The Religion of Babylonia and Assyria_, p. 686, note 2) suspend\n      their judgment as to the identification of Haman and Vashti with\n      Elamite deities, though they apparently regard the identification of\n      Mordecai and Esther with Marduk and Ishtar as quite certain. The\n      doubt which these scholars felt as to the derivation of one at least\n      of these names (Vashti) is now known to be well founded. See below,\n      p. 367, note 3.\n\n      It deserves to be noted that on the twenty-seventh day of the month\n      Tammuz the heathen of Harran used to sacrifice nine male lambs to\n      Haman, \u201cthe supreme God, the father of the gods,\u201d and they ate and\n      drank on that day. Chwolsohn suggests a comparison of the festival\n      with the Athenian Cronia. See D. Chwolsohn, _Die Ssabier und der\n      Ssabismus_ (St. Petersburg, 1856), ii. 27 _sq._, 211 _sqq._\n\n  836 Th. N\u00f6ldeke, _s.v._ \u201cEsther,\u201d in _Encyclopaedia Biblica_, vol. ii.\n      (London, 1901) coll. 1405. But in a letter, written to me (20th May\n      1901) since the publication of the last edition of this book,\n      Professor N\u00f6ldeke expresses a doubt whether he has not followed\n      Jensen\u2019s mythological identifications in the book of Esther too far.\n\n M283 But the proposed etymology of Vashti is untenable.\n\n  837 \u201cThe change of _m_ to _w_ or _v_ (the Hebrew \u05d5 = _waw_) is frequent\n      and certain\u201d (the Rev. C. H. W. Johns in a letter to me, May 19th,\n      1913). The change is vouched for also by my friend Professor A. A.\n      Bevan, who cites as an instance the name of the Babylonian king\n      Amel-Marduk, which in Hebrew is changed into Evil-Merodach (2 Kings\n      xxv. 27; Jeremiah lii. 31). See E. Schrader, _Die Keilinschriften\n      und das Alte Testament_3 (Berlin, 1902), p. 396.\n\n  838 The name of the Elamite goddess is read as Parti by the Rev. Father\n      Scheil. See E. Cosquin, _Le Prologue-cadre des Mille et Une Nuits,\n      les L\u00e9gendes Perses, et le Livre d\u2019Esther_ (Paris, 1909), p. 68\n      (extract from the _Revue Biblique Internationale_, Janvier et Avril,\n      1909, published by the Dominicans of Jerusalem). The Master of St.\n      Catharine\u2019s College, Cambridge (the Rev. C. H. W. Johns), has kindly\n      examined the facsimile of the inscriptions for me. He informs me\n      that Father Scheil\u2019s reading is correct and that the reading Mashti\n      is quite wrong. He further tells me that Jensen was misled by an\n      incorrect edition of the inscriptions to which alone he had access.\n      The signs for _par_ (or _bar_) and _mash_ in the inscriptions\n      resemble each other and therefore might easily be confused by a\n      copyist. All Jensen\u2019s etymologies, except that of Mordecai, are\n      adversely criticized by M. Emile Cosquin in the work to which I have\n      referred (pp. 67 _sqq._). He prefers with Oppert to derive all the\n      names except Mordecai (the identity of which with Marduk he does not\n      dispute) from the old Persian. However, these derivations from the\n      Persian are rejected by Professor Th. N\u00f6ldeke, whose opinion on such\n      a point is entitled to carry great weight. See _Encyclopaedia\n      Biblica_, ii. (London, 1901) col. 1402, _s.v._ \u201cEsther.\u201d\n\n M284 The mock king of the Sacaea seems to have personated a god. The view\n      of Movers.\n\n  839 F. C. Movers, _Die Phoenizier_, i. (Bonn, 1841) pp. 490 _sq._; 2\n      Samuel xvi. 21 _sq._, compare xii. 8. It was a well-attested custom\n      of the Assyrian kings, when they had conquered a city, to take into\n      their harem the daughters of the vanquished princes and rulers. See\n      C. F. Lehmann (-Haupt), _\u0160ama\u0161\u0161umutk\u00een K\u00f6nig von Babylonien_\n      (Leipsic, 1892), p. 31. The Persian and Scythian kings seem also to\n      have married the wives of their predecessors. See Herodotus, iii. 68\n      and 88, iv. 78; K. Neumann, _Die Hellenen im Skythenlande_, i.\n      (Berlin, 1855) p. 301. Such a custom points to an old system of\n      mother-kin under which the royal dignity was transmitted through\n      women. See _The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, ii. 268\n      _sqq._\n\n M285 The mock king of the Sacaea may have mated with a woman who played\n      the part of a goddess, whether Anaitis, Astarte, or Semiramis.\n      Identity of the mythical Semiramis with Astarte. The lovers of\n      Semiramis and Ishtar (Astarte).\n\n  840 Ed. Meyer, _s.v._ \u201cAnaitis,\u201d in W. H. Roscher\u2019s _Lexikon der griech.\n      und r\u00f6m. Mythologie_, i. (Leipsic, 1884-1890) coll. 352 _sq._ At the\n      temple of Anaitis in Acilisena, a city of Armenia, the daughters of\n      the noblest families regularly prostituted themselves for a long\n      time before marriage (Strabo, xi. 14. 16, p. 532). Agathias\n      identified Anaitis with Aphrodite (_Hist._ ii. 24), and when the\n      Greeks spoke of the Oriental Aphrodite, they meant Astarte or one of\n      her equivalents. Jensen proposes to identify Anaitis with an Elamite\n      goddess Nahunt\u00ed, whom he takes to have been equivalent to Ishtar or\n      Astarte, especially in her quality of the Evening Star. See his\n      article, \u201cElamitische Eigennamen,\u201d _Wiener Zeitschrift f\u00fcr die Kunde\n      des Morgenlandes_, vi. (1892) pp. 64-67, 70.\n\n  841 Diodorus Siculus, ii. 20; Aelian, _Var. Hist._ vii. 1.\n\n  842 W. Robertson Smith, \u201cCtesias and the Semiramis Legend,\u201d _English\n      Historical Review_, ii. (1887) pp. 303-317. Amongst other evidence,\n      Smith refers to Diodorus Siculus, from whose account (ii. 4) of the\n      birth of Semiramis he infers that she \u201cis the daughter of Derceto,\n      the fish goddess of Ascalon, and is herself the Astarte whose sacred\n      doves were honoured at Ascalon and throughout Syria.\u201d It seems\n      probable that the legendary Semiramis is to be identified with\n      Shammuramat, the \u201cpalace wife\u201d of Samsi-Adad, king of Assyria, and\n      mother of King Adad-Nirari; she lived towards the end of the ninth\n      century B.C., and is known to us from Assyrian inscriptions. See C.\n      F. Lehmann-Haupt, _Die historische Semiramis und ihre Zeit_\n      (T\u00fcbingen, 1910), pp. 1 _sqq._; _id._, _s.v._ \u201cSemiramis,\u201d in W. H.\n      Roscher\u2019s _Lexicon der griech. und r\u00f6m. Mythologie_, iv. coll. 678\n      _sqq._\n\n  843 Strabo, xii. 3. 37, p. 559, compare xi. 8. 4, p. 512. Zela is the\n      modern Zileh, a town of about 20,000 inhabitants clustered at the\n      foot of the so-called mound of Semiramis, which is an inconsiderable\n      protuberance of natural rock crowned by the walls of an old citadel.\n      The place is singularly destitute of ancient remains, but every year\n      in the first fortnight of December a fair is held in the town, to\n      which merchants come not only from the whole of Asia Minor, but also\n      from the Caucasus, Armenia, and Persia. This fair may very well be a\n      direct descendant of a great festival held in honour of Anaitis or\n      Astarte. See G. Perrot et Ch. Chipiez, _Histoire de l\u2019Art dans\n      l\u2019Antiquit\u00e9_, iv. (Paris, 1887) p. 649; F. Cumont et E. Cumont,\n      _Voyage d\u2019Exploration arch\u00e9ologique dans le Pont et la Petite\n      Arm\u00e9nie_ (Brussels, 1906), pp. 188 _sqq._\n\n  844 Berosus, cited by Clement of Alexandria, _Protrept._ v. 65, p. 57\n      ed. Potter (where for \u03a4\u03b1\u03bd\u03b1\u0390\u03b4\u03bf\u03c2 we should read \u1f08\u03bd\u03b1\u0390\u03c4\u03b9\u03b4\u03bf\u03c2, as is done\n      by C. M\u00fcller, _Fragmenta Historicorum Graecorum_, ii. 509).\n\n  845 Strabo, xi. 8. 4, p. 512, xii. 3. 37, p. 559. The nature of the\n      \u1f31\u03b5\u03c1\u03cc\u03b4\u03bf\u03c5\u03bb\u03bf\u03b9 at Zela is indicated by Strabo in a passage (xii. 3. 36)\n      where he describes a similar state of things at Comana, a city not\n      far from Zela. His words are \u03c0\u03bb\u1fc6\u03b8\u03bf\u03c2 \u03b3\u03c5\u03bd\u03b1\u03b9\u03ba\u1ff6\u03bd \u03c4\u1ff6\u03bd \u1f10\u03c1\u03b3\u03b1\u03b6\u03bf\u03bc\u03ad\u03bd\u03c9\u03bd \u1f00\u03c0\u1f78 \u03c4\u03bf\u1fe6\n      \u03c3\u03ce\u03bc\u03b1\u03c4\u03bf\u03c2, \u1f66\u03bd \u03b1\u1f30 \u03c0\u03bb\u03b5\u03af\u03bf\u03c5\u03c2 \u03b5\u1f30\u03c3\u1f76\u03bd \u1f30\u03b5\u03c1\u03b1\u03af.\n\n  846 Herodotus, i. 184; Strabo, xvi. i. 2, p. 737; Diodorus Siculus, ii.\n      14.\n\n  847 Ctesias, cited by John of Antioch, in C. M\u00fcller\u2019s _Fragmenta\n      Historicorum Graecorum_, iv. 539.\n\n  848 Diodorus Siculus, ii. 13. Note that the first husband of Semiramis\n      is said to have hanged himself (Diodorus Siculus, ii. 6).\n\n M286 The sacred harlots of Ishtar.\n\n  849 A. Jeremias, _Izdubar-Nimrod_, (Leipsic, 1891), pp. 23 _sqq._; M.\n      Jastrow, _The Religion of Babylonia and Assyria_ (Boston, U.S.A.,\n      1898), p. 482; L. W. King, _Babylonian Religion and Mythology_\n      (London, 1899), pp. 159 _sqq._; P. Jensen, _Assyrisch-Babylonische\n      Mythen und Epen_ (Berlin, 1900), pp. 169, 171; R. F. Harper,\n      _Assyrian and Babylonian Literature_ (New York, 1901), pp. 338\n      _sq._; _Das Gilgamesch-Epos, neu \u00fcbersetzt von_ Arthur Ungnad _und\n      gemeinverst\u00e4ndlich erkl\u00e4rt von_ Hugo Gressmann (G\u00f6ttingen, 1911),\n      pp. 31 _sq._ The true name of the Babylonian hero, which used to be\n      read as Izdubar, has been found to be Gilgamesh. See M. Jastrow,\n      _op. cit._ pp. 468 _sq._; H. Zimmern, in E. Schrader\u2019s _Die\n      Keilinschriften und das Alte Testament_3 (Berlin, 1902), p. 566 note\n      4; A. Ungnad, _Das Gilgamesch-Epos_, pp. 76 _sq._ Aelian mentions\n      (_De natura animalium_, xii. 21) a Babylonian king, Gilgamus, whose\n      name is doubtless identical with that of the hero.\n\n  850 A. Jeremias, _op. cit._ pp. 59 _sq._; M. Jastrow, _op. cit._ pp. 475\n      _sq._, 484 _sq._; Herodotus, i. 199. The name which Herodotus gives\n      to the goddess is Mylitta, but this is only a corruption of one of\n      her Semitic titles, whether Baalath (Hebrew \u05d1\u05e2\u05dc\u05ea) \u201cmistress,\u201d or\n      perhaps rather _Mullittu_, from _Mu\u2019allidtu_ (Hebrew \u05de\u05d9\u05dc\u05d3\u05ea), \u201cshe\n      who helps to the birth.\u201d See E. Meyer, _s.v._ \u201cAstarte,\u201d in W. H.\n      Roscher\u2019s _Lexicon der griech. und r\u00f6m. Mythologie_, i. 648; H.\n      Zimmern, in E. Schrader\u2019s _Die Keilinschriften und das Alte\n      Testament_3 (Berlin, 1902), p. 423 note 7. The female \u201cvotaries of\n      Marduk\u201d are repeatedly mentioned in the code of Hammurabi. See C. H.\n      W. Johns, _Babylonian and Assyrian Laws, Contracts, and Letters_\n      (Edinburgh, 1904), pp. 54, 55, 59, 60, 61; _Adonis, Attis, Osiris_,\n      Second Edition, p. 63.\n\n M287 The myth of Ishtar (Astarte) and her lovers acted at the Sacaea in\n      Zela.\n\n  851 Along with Anaitis at Zela there were worshipped two deities named\n      Omanos and Anadates; Strabo says that they were Persian divinities,\n      and certainly their ritual as described by him was purely Persian.\n      See Strabo, xi. 8. 4, p. 512, xv. 3. 15, p. 733; Franz Cumont, _Les\n      Religions orientales dans le Paganisme romain_2 (Paris, 1909), pp.\n      214 _sq._ It has been proposed to identify their names, first, with\n      those of the two Persian archangels (Amshaspands), Vohumano or Vohu\n      Manah (\u201cGood Thought\u201d) and Ameret\u00e2t (\u201cImmortality\u201d), and, second,\n      with those of Haman and his father Hammedatha in the book of Esther\n      (iii. 1). In order to support the identification of Anadates with\n      Ameret\u00e2t and Hammedatha it has been further proposed to alter\n      Anadates into Amadates or Amardates in the text of Strabo, which\n      would assimilate the name to Amurd\u00e2d, a late form of Ameret\u00e2t. See\n      P. Jensen, _Hittiter und Armenier_ (Strasburg, 1898), p. 181; Franz\n      Cumont, _Textes et Monuments figur\u00e9s relatifs aux Myst\u00e8res de\n      Mithra_, i. (Brussels, 1899) pp. 130, 131; H. Winckler,\n      _Altorientalische Forschungen_, Dritte Reihe, i. (Leipsic, 1901) p.\n      4; H. Zimmern, in E. Schrader\u2019s _Die Keilinschriften und das Alte\n      Testament_3 (Berlin, 1902), p. 516 note 3; P. Haupt, _Purim_\n      (Leipsic, 1906), p. 26; L. B. Paton, _Critical and Exegetical\n      Commentary on the Book of Esther_ (Edinburgh, 1908), pp. 88, 92. As\n      to the Persian archangels (Amshaspands) see C. P. Tiele, _Geschichte\n      der Religion im Altertum_ (Gotha, 1896-1903), ii. 200 _sqq._; L. H.\n      Gray, \u201cThe Double Nature of the Iranian Archangels,\u201d _Archiv f\u00fcr\n      Religionswissenschaft_, vii. (1904) pp. 345 _sqq._; J. H. Moulton,\n      _Early Religious Poetry of Persia_ (Cambridge, 1911), pp. 58 _sqq._\n      But apart from the philological difficulty created by the forcible\n      alteration of Strabo\u2019s text in order to bring it into conformity\n      with the theory, it is difficult to see how the highly abstract\n      conceptions of the archangels \u201cGood Thought\u201d and \u201cImmortality\u201d could\n      have passed into the highly concrete and by no means angelic figures\n      of Haman and Hammedatha. This latter difficulty has been pointed out\n      to me in a letter (8th June, 1901) by my friend the Rev. Professor\n      J. H. Moulton, who further informs me that in Persian religion Vohu\n      Manah is never linked with Ameret\u00e2t, whereas Ameret\u00e2t is constantly\n      linked with another archangel Haurvat\u00e2t (\u201cHealth\u201d). Professor\n      Theodor N\u00f6ldeke in a letter to me (20th May, 1901) also expresses\n      himself sceptical as to the proposed identifications; he tells me\n      that the name of a Persian god cannot end in _data_, just as the\n      name of a Greek god cannot end in -\u03b4\u03c9\u03c1\u03bf\u03c2 or -\u03b4\u03bf\u03c4\u03bf\u03c2. On the whole it\n      seems better to leave Omanos and Anadates out of the present\n      discussion.\n\n M288 Such sacred dramas are magical rites intended to influence the\n      course of nature.\n M289 Magical intention of sacred dramas and masked dances among savages.\n M290 Masked dances among the Indians of North-West America.\n\n  852 Franz Boas, \u201cThe Social Organization and the Secret Societies of the\n      Kwakiutl Indians,\u201d _Report of the United States National Museum for\n      1895_ (Washington, 1897), p. 396.\n\n  853 Franz Boas, _op. cit._ pp. 420 _sq._ The description applies\n      specially to the masked dances of the Kwakiutl tribe, but probably\n      it holds good for the similar dances of the other Indian tribes on\n      the same coast. Thus among the Bella Coola Indians \u201cthe masks used\n      in the dances represent mythical personages, and the dances are\n      pantomimic representations of myths. Among others, the thunder bird\n      and his servant ... appear in the dances\u201d (F. Boas, _op. cit._ p.\n      651).\n\n M291 These masked dances represent mythical incidents and are supposed to\n      have been revealed to the Indians by their guardian spirits.\n\n_  854 Tamanawas_ or _tamanous_ is a Chinook term signifying \u201cguardian\n      spirits.\u201d See _Totemism and Exogamy_, iii. 405 _sqq._\n\n  855 James G. Swan, _The Indians of Cape Flattery_, p. 66, quoted by\n      Franz Boas, _op. cit._ pp. 637 _sq._\n\n M292 Gods or spirits personated by the actors in the masked dances.\n M293 The dances accompanied by songs.\n\n  856 J. Adrian Jacobsen, \u201cGeheimb\u00fcnde der K\u00fcstenbewohner\n      Nordwest-America\u2019s,\u201d _Verhandlungen der Berliner Gesellschaft f\u00fcr\n      Anthropologie, Ethnologie und Urgeschichte_ (1891), pp. 384 _sq._\n      The passage has been already quoted by me in _Totemism and Exogamy_,\n      iii. 500-502.\n\n M294 Spirits personated by masked performers among the Esquimaux of\n      Bering Strait.\n M295 The animal masks worn by the actors.\n M296 Identification of the masked actor with the mythical being whom he\n      represents.\n\n  857 As to the belief of these Esquimaux that at the Festival of the Dead\n      the spirits of the departed enter into and animate their human\n      namesakes, see _Taboo and the Perils of the Soul_, p. 371.\n\n  858 E. W. Nelson, \u201cThe Eskimo about Bering Strait,\u201d _Eighteenth Annual\n      Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology_, Part i. (Washington,\n      1899) pp. 394 _sq._\n\n M297 Dramatic ceremonies of the Cora Indians of Mexico in which the\n      actors personate gods. Masked dances of the Brazilian Indians to\n      ensure fertility and abundance.\n\n  859 K. Th. Preuss, _Die Nayarit Expedition_, I. _Die Religion der Cora\n      Indianer_ (Leipsic, 1912), pp. xcii. _sqq._, xcv. _sqq._\n\n  860 Th. Koch-Gr\u00fcnberg, _Zwei Jahre unter den Indianern_ (Berlin,\n      1909-1910), i. 130-140, ii. 169-201. The passage translated in the\n      text occurs in vol. ii. p. 196.\n\n M298 Masked dances of the Monumbo in German New Guinea. Masked dances of\n      the Kayans of Borneo.\n\n  861 F. Vormann, \u201cT\u00e4nze und Tanzfestlichkeiten der Monumbo-Papua\n      (Deutsch-Neuguinea),\u201d _Anthropos_, vi. (1911) pp. 415 _sq._, 418\n      _sqq._, 426 _sq._\n\n  862 A. W. Nieuwenhuis, _Quer durch Borneo_ (Leyden, 1904-1907), i. 324.\n      As to these masquerades of the Kayans see _Spirits of the Corn and\n      of the Wild_, i. 95 _sq._, 186 _sq._\n\n M299 Dramatic performances of the Sea Dyaks of Borneo, in which the actor\n      personates a god.\n\n  863 Rev. J. Perham, \u201cMengap, the Song of the Dyak Sea Feast,\u201d _Journal\n      of the Straits Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society_, No. 2\n      (Singapore, December, 1878), pp. 123 _sq._, 134; H. Ling Roth, _The\n      Natives of Sarawak and British North Borneo_ (London, 1896), ii. 174\n      _sq._, 183. Compare E. H. Gomes, _Seventeen Years among the Sea\n      Dyaks of Borneo_ (London, 1911), pp. 213 _sq._: \u201cThis song of the\n      head feast takes the form of a story setting forth how the mythical\n      hero Klieng held a head feast on his return from the warpath, and\n      invited the god of war, Singalang Burong, to attend it. It describes\n      at great length all that happened on that occasion. The singing of\n      this song takes up the whole night. It begins before 8 P.M., and\n      lasts till next morning. Except for a short interval for rest in the\n      middle of the night, the performers are marching and singing all the\n      time.\u201d On the third day of the festival the people go out on the\n      open-air platform in front of the house and sacrifice a pig. \u201cThe\n      people shout together (_manjong_) at short intervals until a hawk is\n      seen flying in the heavens. That hawk is Singalang Burong, who has\n      taken that form to manifest himself to them. He has accepted their\n      offerings and has heard their cry\u201d (E. H. Gomes, _op. cit._ p. 214).\n\n M300 Religious or magical origin of the drama.\n\n  864 A. E. Haigh, _The Attic Theatre_ (Oxford, 1889), pp. 4 _sqq,_ The\n      religious origin of Greek tragedy is maintained by Professor W.\n      Ridgeway (_The Origin of Tragedy_, Cambridge, 1910), but he finds\n      its immediate inspiration in the worship of the dead rather than in\n      the worship of Dionysus.\n\n  865 H. Oldenberg, _Die Literatur des alten Indien_ (Stuttgart and\n      Berlin, 1903), pp. 236 _sqq._ Professor Oldenberg holds that the\n      evolution of the Indian drama was probably not influenced by that of\n      Greece.\n\n M301 The representation of mythical beings by living men and women may\n      furnish a common ground where two rival schools of mythology can\n      meet and be reconciled.\n M302 The legend of Semiramis and her lovers a duplicate of the myth of\n      Aphrodite and Adonis, of Cybele and Attis, of Isis and Osiris.\n\n_  866 Adonis, Attis, Osiris_, Second Edition, pp. 239 _sq._\n\n_  867 The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, ii. 97 _sqq._\n\n M303 Sardanapalus and Ashurbanapal. The legendary death of Sardanapalus\n      in the fire.\n\n  868 C. P. Tiele, _Babylonisch-Assyrische Geschichte_ (Gotha, 1886-1888),\n      pp. 351 _sqq._; M. Jastrow, _Religion of Babylonia and Assyria_\n      (Boston, U.S.A., 1898), p. 43; Sir G. Maspero, _Histoire Ancienne\n      des Peuples de l\u2019Orient Classique_, iii. _Les Empires_ (Paris,\n      1899), pp. 378 _sqq._; C. F. Harper, _Assyrian and Babylonian\n      Literature_ (New York, 1901), pp. 94 _sqq._\n\n  869 Athenaeus, xii. 38 _sq._, pp. 528 F-530 C; Diodorus Siculus, ii. 23\n      and 27; Justin, i. 3. Several different versions of the king\u2019s\n      epitaph have come down to us. I have followed the version of\n      Choerilus, the original of which is said to have been carved in\n      Chaldean letters on a tombstone that surmounted a great barrow at\n      Nineveh. This barrow may, as I suggest in the text, have been one of\n      the so-called mounds of Semiramis.\n\n M304 The burning of Sandan, a mythical god or hero of Western Asia. K. O.\n      M\u00fcller\u2019s description of the burning of Sandan.\n\n  870 Ammianus Marcellinus, xiv. 8; Dio Chrysostom, _Or._ xxxiii. p. 408\n      (vol. ii. p. 16 ed. L. Dindorf, Leipsic, 1857). Coins of Tarsus\n      exhibit the effigy on the pyre, which seems to be composed of a\n      pyramid of great beams resting on a cubical base. See K. O. M\u00fcller,\n      \u201cSandon und Sardanapal,\u201d _Kunstarch\u00e4ologische Werke_ (Berlin, 1873),\n      iii. 8 _sqq._, whose valuable essay I follow. For fuller details see\n      _Adonis, Attis, Osiris_, Second Edition, pp. 91 _sqq._, 139 _sqq._\n\n  871 Agathias, _Hist._ ii. 24.\n\n  872 Joannes Lydus, _De magistratibus_, iii. 64; Apollodorus,\n      _Bibliotheca_, ii. 6. 2 _sq._; Lucian, _Dial. deorum_, xiii. 2.\n\n  873 K. O. M\u00fcller, \u201cSandon und Sardanapal,\u201d _Kunstarch\u00e4ologische Werke_\n      (Berlin, 1873), iii. 16 _sq._ The writer adds that there is\n      authority for every stroke in the picture. His principal source is\n      the sixty-second speech of Dio Chrysostom (vol. ii. p. 202 ed. L.\n      Dindorf), where the unmanly Sardanapalus, seated cross-legged on a\n      gilded couch with purple hangings, is compared to \u201cthe Adonis for\n      whom the women wail.\u201d\n\n M305 Death in the fire of men who personate gods or heroes.\n\n  874 Herodotus, i. 7.\n\n  875 Herodotus, i. 86 _sq._, with J. C. F. B\u00e4hr\u2019s note. According to\n      another and perhaps more probable tradition the king sought a\n      voluntary death in the flames. See Bacchylides, iii. 24-62; _Adonis,\n      Attis, Osiris_, Second Edition, pp. 141 _sqq._\n\n_  876 The Dying God_, pp. 41 _sq._\n\n  877 Sophocles, _Trachiniae_, 1195 _sqq._:\n\n      \u03c0\u03bf\u03bb\u03bb\u1f74\u03bd \u03bc\u1f72\u03bd \u1f55\u03bb\u03b7\u03bd \u03c4\u1fc6\u03c2 \u03b2\u03b1\u03b8\u03c5\u03c1\u03c1\u03af\u03b6\u03bf\u03c5 \u03b4\u03c1\u03c5\u1f78\u03c2 \u03ba\u03b5\u03af\u03c1\u03b1\u03bd\u03c4\u03b1 \u03c0\u03bf\u03bb\u03bb\u1f78\u03bd \u03b4\u1fbd \u1f04\u03c1\u03c3\u03b5\u03bd\n      \u1f10\u03ba\u03c4\u03b5\u03bc\u03cc\u03bd\u03b8\u1fbd \u1f41\u03bc\u03bf\u1fe6 \u1f04\u03b3\u03c1\u03b9\u03bf\u03bd \u1f14\u03bb\u03b1\u03b9\u03bf\u03bd, \u03c3\u1ff6\u03bc\u03b1 \u03c4\u03bf\u03c5\u03bc\u1f78\u03bd \u1f10\u03bc\u03b2\u03b1\u03bb\u03b5\u1fd6\u03bd.\n\n      The passage was pointed out to me by my friend the late Dr. A. W.\n      Verrall. The poet\u2019s language suggests that of old a sacred fire was\n      kindled by the friction of oak and wild olive wood, and that in\n      accordance with a notion common among rude peoples, one of the\n      pieces of wood (in this case the wild olive) was regarded as male\n      and the other (the oak) as female. On this hypothesis, the fire was\n      kindled by drilling a hole in a piece of oak with a stick of wild\n      olive. As to the different sorts of wood used by the ancients in\n      making fire by friction, see A. Kuhn, _Die Herabkunft des Feuers und\n      des G\u00f6ttertranks_2 (G\u00fctersloh, 1886), pp. 35 _sqq._; _The Magic Art\n      and the Evolution of Kings_, ii. 249 _sqq._ In South Africa a\n      special fire is procured for sacrifices by the friction of two\n      pieces of the _Uzwati_ tree, which are known respectively as husband\n      and wife. See _Spirits of the Corn and of the Wild_, ii. 65.\n\n_  878 Spirits of the Corn and of the Wild_, ii. 68.\n\n  879 F. C. Movers, _Die Phoenizier_, i. (Bonn, 1841) p. 496.\n\n  880 This suggestion was made by F. Liebrecht, _Zur Volkskunde_\n      (Heilbronn, 1879), p. 9. It occurred to me independently.\n\n  881 Lucian, _De dea Syria_, 49.\n\n M306 Traces of human sacrifice in the Jewish festival of Purim; effigies\n      of Haman burnt.\n\n  882 Codex Theodosianus, Lib. XVI. Tit. viii. \u00a7 18: \u201c_Judaeos quodam\n      festivitatis suae solleni Aman ad poenae quondam recordationem\n      incendere, et sanctae crucis adsimulatam speciem in contemptu\n      Christianae fidei sacrilega mente exurere provinciarum rectores\n      prohibeant: ne locis suis fidei nostrae signum immisceant, sed ritus\n      suos infra contemptum Christianae legis retineant: amissuri sine\n      dubio permissa hactenus, nisi ab inlicitis temperaverint._\u201d The\n      decree is dated at Constantinople, in the consulship of Bassus and\n      Philip. For _locis_ we should probably read _jocis_ with Mommsen.\n\n  883 Fr. Cumont, \u201cUne formule grecque de renonciation au juda\u00efsme,\u201d\n      _Wiener Studien_, xxiv. (1902) p. 468. The \u201cChristian fast\u201d referred\n      to in the formula is no doubt Lent. The mention of the Jewish\n      Sabbath (the Christian Saturday) raises a difficulty, which has been\n      pointed out by the editor, Franz Cumont, in a note (p. 470): \u201cThe\n      festival of Purim was celebrated on the 14th of Adar, that is, in\n      February or March, about the beginning of the Christian Lent; but\n      that festival, the date of which is fixed in the Jewish calendar,\n      does not always fall on a Saturday. Either the author made a mistake\n      or the civil authority obliged the Jews to transfer their rejoicings\n      to a Sabbath\u201d (Saturday).\n\n  884 Israel Abrahams, _The Book of Delight and other Papers_\n      (Philadelphia, 1912), pp. 266 _sq._ Mr. Abrahams ingeniously\n      suggests (_op. cit._ pp. 267 _sq._) that the ring waved over the\n      fire was an emblem of the sun, and that the kindling of the Purim\n      fires was originally a ceremony of imitative magic to ensure a\n      supply of solar light and heat.\n\n  885 Alb\u00eer\u00fbn\u00ee, _The Chronology of Ancient Nations_, translated and edited\n      by Dr. C. Edward Sachau (London, 1879), pp. 273 _sq._\n\n  886 Quoted by Lagarde, \u201cPurim,\u201d p. 13 (_Abhandlungen der k\u00f6niglichen\n      Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften zu G\u00f6ttingen_, xxxiv. 1887).\n\n  887 M. G\u00fcdemann, _Geschichte des Erziehungswesens und der Cultur der\n      abendl\u00e4ndischen Juden_ (Vienna, 1880-1888), ii. 211 _sq._; I.\n      Abrahams, _Jewish Life in the Middle Ages_ (London, 1896), pp. 260\n      _sq._\n\n  888 J. J. Schudt, _J\u00fcdische Merkw\u00fcrdigkeiten_ (Frankfort and Leipsic,\n      1714), ii. Theil, p. 309.\n\n M307 Accusations of ritual murder brought against the Jews. The\n      accusations probably false.\n\n  889 Socrates, _Historia Ecclesiastica_, vii. 16; Theophanes,\n      _Chronographia_, ed. J. Classen (Bonn, 1839-1841), vol. i. p. 129.\n      Theophanes places the event in the year 408 A.D. From a note in\n      Migne\u2019s edition of Socrates, I learn that in the Alexandrian\n      calendar, which Theophanes used, the year 408 corresponded to the\n      year which in our reckoning began on the first of September 415.\n      Hence if the murder was perpetrated in spring at Purim it must have\n      taken place in 416.\n\n  890 This is the view of H. Graetz (_Geschichte der Juden_,2 iv. Leipsic,\n      1866, pp. 393 _sq._) and Dr. M. R. James (_Life and Miracles of St.\n      William of Norwich_ (Cambridge, 1896), by A. Jessopp and M. R.\n      James, pp. lxiii. _sq._).\n\n  891 For an examination of some of these reported murders, see M. R.\n      James, _op. cit._ pp. lxii. _sqq._; H. L. Strack, _Das Blut im\n      Glauben und Aberglauben der Menschheit_ (Munich, 1900), pp. 121\n      _sqq._ Both writers incline to dismiss the charges as groundless.\n\n M308 Mitigation of human sacrifice by the substitution of a criminal for\n      the victim.\n\n  892 Above, pp. 353 _sq._\n\n M309 The \u201cfast of Esther\u201d before Purim. Jensen\u2019s theory that the \u201cfast of\n      Esther\u201d was originally a mourning for the annual death of a deity\n      like Tammuz.\n\n  893 J. Buxtorf, _Synagoga Judaica_ (B\u00e2le, 1661), cap. xxix. p. 554; J.\n      Chr. G. Bodenschatz, _Kirchliche Verfassung der heutigen Juden_\n      (Erlangen, 1748), ii. 253 _sq._\n\n  894 Esther iv. 3 and 16, ix. 31.\n\n  895 So far as I know, Professor Jensen has not yet published his theory,\n      but he has stated it in letters to correspondents. See W. Nowack,\n      _Lehrbuch der hebr\u00e4ischen Arch\u00e4ologie_ (Freiburg i. Baden and\n      Leipsic, 1894), ii. 200; H. G\u00fcnkel, _Sch\u00f6pfung und Chaos_\n      (G\u00f6ttingen, 1895), pp. 311 _sqq._; D. G. Wildeboer, in his\n      commentary on Esther, pp. 174 _sq._ (_Kurzer Hand-Commentar zum\n      Alten Testament_, herausgegeben von D. K. Marti, Lieferung 6,\n      Freiburg i. B., 1898). In the Babylonian calendar the 13th of Adar\n      was so far a fast day that on it no fish or fowl might be eaten. In\n      one tablet the 13th of Adar is marked \u201cnot good,\u201d while the 14th and\n      15th are marked \u201cgood.\u201d See C. H. W. Johns, _s.v._ \u201cPurim,\u201d\n      _Encyclopaedia Biblica_, iii. (London, 1902) col. 3980.\n\n  896 M. Jastrow, _The Religion of Babylonia and Assyria_ (Boston, U.S.A.,\n      1898), pp. 471 _sq._, 475 _sq._, 481-486, 510-512; L. W. King,\n      _Babylonian Religion and Mythology_ (London, 1899), pp. 146 _sqq._;\n      P. Jensen, _Assyrisch-Babylonische Mythen und Epen_ (Berlin, 1900),\n      pp. 116-273; R. F. Harper, _Assyrian and Babylonian Literature_ (New\n      York, 1901), pp. 324-368; H. Zimmern, in E. Schrader\u2019s _Die\n      Keilinschriften und das Alte Testament_3 (Berlin, 1902), pp.\n      566-582; _Das Gilgamesch-Epos, neu \u00fcbersetzt von_ Arthur Ungnad _und\n      gemeinverst\u00e4ndlich erkl\u00e4rt von_ Hugo Gressmann (G\u00f6ttingen, 1911).\n      Professor Jastrow points out that though a relation cannot be traced\n      between each of the tablets of the poem and the corresponding month\n      of the year, such a relation appears undoubtedly to exist between\n      some of the tablets and the months. Thus, for example, the sixth\n      tablet describes the affection of Ishtar for Gilgamesh, and the\n      visit which she paid to Anu, her father in heaven, to complain of\n      the hero\u2019s contemptuous rejection of her love. Now the sixth\n      Babylonian month was called the \u201cMission of Ishtar,\u201d and in it was\n      held the festival of Tammuz, the hapless lover of the goddess.\n      Again, the story of the great flood is told in the eleventh tablet,\n      and the eleventh month was called the \u201cmonth of rain.\u201d See M.\n      Jastrow, _op. cit._ pp. 484, 510.\n\n  897 Ezekiel viii. 14.\n\n M310 The resurrection of the dead god perhaps represented by a living man\n      who afterwards died in earnest in the character of the god. This\n      would explain the apparent duplication of the principal characters\n      in the book of Esther: Haman and Vashti would represent the gods\n      dying, while Mordecai and Esther would represent the gods rising\n      from the dead.\n\n_  898 Adonis, Attis, Osiris_, Second Edition, pp. 183 _sq._, 227.\n\n  899 Esther vii. 8.\n\n  900 See above, p. 368.\n\n_  901 Adonis, Attis, Osiris_, Second Edition, p. 183.\n\n  902 J. J. Schudt, _J\u00fcdische Merkw\u00fcrdigkeiten_ (Frankfort and Leipsic,\n      1714), ii. Theil, p. 316.\n\n M311 The Persian setting of the book of Esther. The Persian ceremony of\n      the \u201cRide of the Beardless One\u201d in spring.\n\n  903 Dio Chrysostom makes Diogenes say to Alexander the Great, \u03bf\u1f50\u03ba\n      \u1f10\u03bd\u03bd\u03b5\u03bd\u03cc\u03b7\u03ba\u03b1\u03c2 \u03c4\u1f74\u03bd \u03c4\u1ff6\u03bd \u03a3\u03b1\u03ba\u03b1\u03af\u03c9\u03bd \u1f11\u03bf\u03c1\u03c4\u03ae\u03bd, \u1f22\u03bd \u03a0\u03ad\u03c1\u03c3\u03b1\u03b9 \u1f04\u03b3\u03bf\u03c5\u03c3\u03b9\u03bd (_Or._ iv. vol.\n      i. p. 76 ed. L. Dindorf). The festival was mentioned by Ctesias in\n      the second book of his Persian history (Athenaeus, xiv. 44 p. 639\n      C); and down to the time of Strabo it was associated with the\n      nominal worship of the Persian goddess Anaitis (Strabo, xi. 8. 4 and\n      5, p. 512).\n\n  904 Lagarde, \u201cPurim,\u201d pp. 51 _sqq._ (_Abhandlungen der k\u00f6nigl.\n      Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften zu G\u00f6ttingen_, xxxiv. 1887).\n\n  905 Th. Hyde, _Historia religionis veterum Persarum_ (Oxford, 1700), pp.\n      183, 249-251; Alb\u00eer\u00fbn\u00ee, _The Chronology of Ancient Nations_,\n      translated and edited by Dr. C. Edward Sachau (London, 1879), p.\n      211.\n\n M312 The \u201cBeardless One\u201d in the Persian ceremony is apparently the\n      degenerate successor of a temporary king.\n\n_  906 The Dying God_, pp. 148 _sqq._\n\n  907 Esther vi. 8 _sq._, viii. 15.\n\n M313 The \u201cRide of the Beardless One\u201d seems to be a magical ceremony for\n      the expulsion of winter.\n\n_  908 The Dying God_, pp. 254 _sqq._\n\n M314 The opposition of Haman and Vashti to Mordecai and Esther seems to\n      be a contrast between the annual death of nature in winter and its\n      revival in spring.\n\n  909 The goddess Ishtar certainly seems to have embodied the principle of\n      fertility in animals as well as in plants; for in the poem which\n      describes her descent into the world of the dead it is said that\n\n      \u201c_After the mistress Ishtar had descended to the land of\n      No-Return,_\n      _ The bull did not mount the cow, nor did the ass leap upon the\n      she-ass,_\n      _ The man did not approach the maid in the street,_\n      _ The man lay down to sleep upon his own couch,_\n      _ While the maid slept by herself._\u201d\n\n      See C. F. Harper, _Assyrian and Babylonian Literature_ (New York,\n      1901), pp. 410 _sq._; P. Jensen, _Assyrisch-Babylonische Mythen und\n      Epen_ (Berlin, 1900), p. 87.\n\n  910 The interpretation here given of the four principal personages in\n      the book of Esther was suggested by me in the second edition of this\n      book (1900). It agrees substantially with the one which has since\n      been adopted by Professor H. Zimmern (in E. Schrader\u2019s _Die\n      Keilinschriften und das Alte Testament_,3 Berlin, 1902, p. 519), and\n      by Professor P. Haupt (_Purim_, Leipsic, 1906, pp. 21 _sq._).\n\n  911 In this connexion it deserves to be noted that among the ancient\n      Persians marriages are said to have been usually celebrated at the\n      vernal equinox (Strabo, xv. 3. 17, p. 733).\n\n  912 The five days\u2019 duration of the mock king\u2019s reign may possibly have\n      been an intercalary period introduced, as in ancient Egypt and\n      Mexico, for the purpose of equalizing a year of 360 days (twelve\n      months of 30 days each) to a solar year reckoned at 365 days. See\n      above, pp. 339 _sqq._\n\n  913 However, the legend that Semiramis burned herself on a pyre in\n      Babylon for grief at the loss of a favourite horse (Hyginus, _Fab._\n      243; compare Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ viii. 155) may perhaps point to an\n      old custom of compelling the human representative of the goddess to\n      perish in the flames. We have seen (above, p. 371) that one of the\n      lovers of Ishtar had the form of a horse. Hence the legend recorded\n      by Hyginus is a fresh link in the chain of evidence which binds\n      Semiramis to Ishtar.\n\n M315 Wide prevalence of festivals like the Saturnalia in antiquity. Such\n      festivals seem to have been held by agricultural communities for the\n      good of the crops, and at them the king or his substitute appears to\n      have personated the god of fertility, and to have been put to death\n      in that character in order to ensure that the god should rise from\n      the dead with renewed youth and vigour.\n M316 The festivals point to a remarkable homogeneity of civilization over\n      a great part of the Old World in antiquity.\n\n_  914 The Dying God_, pp. 148 _sqq._\n\n_  915 The Dying God_, pp. 46 _sqq._\n\n M317 The periodical sacrifice of deified men for the sake of maintaining\n      the course of nature perhaps helps to explain traditions which\n      represent the world or parts of it as created out of the bodies of\n      gods. The Brahmanical theory of the perpetual renewal of the\n      creation in the daily sacrifice.\n\n  916 B. de Sahagun, _Histoire G\u00e9n\u00e9rale des Choses de la Nouvelle\n      Espagne_, traduite par D. Jourdanet et R. Simeon (Paris, 1880), pp.\n      478-480. Compare E. Seler, _Altmexikanische Studien_, ii. (Berlin,\n      1899) p. 117.\n\n  917 Berosus, quoted by Eusebius, _Chronicorum liber prior_, ed. A.\n      Schoene (Berlin, 1875), coll. 14-18; _id._, in _Fragmenta\n      Historicorum Graecorum_, ed. C. Muller, ii. 497 _sq._; P. Jensen,\n      _Assyrisch-Babylonische Mythen und Epen_ (Berlin, 1900), pp. 2\n      _sqq._; L. W. King, _Babylonian Religion and Mythology_ (London,\n      1899), pp. 54 _sqq._; M. Jastrow, _The Religion of Babylonia and\n      Assyria_ (Boston, U.S.A., 1898), pp. 408 _sqq._; H. Zimmern, in E.\n      Schrader\u2019s _Die Keilinschriften und das Alte Testament_3 (Berlin,\n      1902), pp. 488 _sqq._; M. J. Lagrange, _\u00c9tudes sur les Religions\n      S\u00e9mitiques_2 (Paris, 1905), pp. 366 _sqq._; R. W. Rogers, _Cuneiform\n      Parallels to the Old Testament_ (Oxford, preface dated 1911), pp. 31\n      _sq._, 36. In the Hebrew account of the creation (Genesis i. 2) \u201cthe\n      deep\u201d (\u05ea\u05d4\u05d5\u05dd _t\u0115hom_) is a reminiscence of the Babylonian mythical\n      monster Tiamat.\n\n_  918 Hymns of the Rig Veda_, x. 90 (vol. iv. pp. 289-293 of R. T. H.\n      Griffith\u2019s translation, Benares, 1889-1892). Compare A. A.\n      Macdonell, _Vedic Mythology_ (Strasburg, 1897), pp. 12 _sq._\n\n_  919 The Satapatha Br\u00e2hmana_, translated by Julius Eggeling, Part iv.\n      (Oxford, 1897) pp. xiv.-xxiv. (_The Sacred Books of the East_, vol.\n      xliii.). Compare Sylvain L\u00e9vi, _La doctrine du sacrifice dans les\n      Br\u00e2hmanas_ (Paris, 1898), pp. 13 _sqq._\n\n  920 [The following Note formed part of the text in the Second Edition of\n      _The Golden Bough_ (London, 1900), vol. iii. pp. 186-198. The\n      hypothesis which it sets forth has not been confirmed by subsequent\n      research, and is admittedly in a high degree speculative and\n      uncertain. Hence I have removed it from the text but preserved it as\n      an appendix on the chance that, under a pile of conjectures, it\n      contains some grains of truth which may ultimately contribute to a\n      solution of the problem. As my views on this subject appear to have\n      been strangely misunderstood, I desire to point out explicitly that\n      my theory assumes the historical reality of Jesus of Nazareth as a\n      great religious and moral teacher, who founded Christianity and was\n      crucified at Jerusalem under the governorship of Pontius Pilate. The\n      testimony of the Gospels, confirmed by the hostile evidence of\n      Tacitus (_Annals_, xv. 44) and the younger Pliny (_Epist._ x. 96),\n      appears amply sufficient to establish these facts to the\n      satisfaction of all unprejudiced enquirers. It is only the details\n      of the life and death of Christ that remain, and will probably\n      always remain, shrouded in the mists of uncertainty. The doubts\n      which have been cast on the historical reality of Jesus are in my\n      judgment unworthy of serious attention. Quite apart from the\n      positive evidence of history and tradition, the origin of a great\n      religious and moral reform is inexplicable without the personal\n      existence of a great reformer. To dissolve the founder of\n      Christianity into a myth, as some would do, is hardly less absurd\n      than it would be to do the same for Mohammed, Luther, and Calvin.\n      Such dissolving views are for the most part the dreams of students\n      who know the great world chiefly through its pale reflection in\n      books. These extravagances of scepticism have been well exposed by\n      Professor C. F. Lehmann-Haupt in his _Israel, seine Entwicklung im\n      Rahmen der Weltgeschichte_ (T\u00fcbingen, 1911), pp. 275-285. In\n      reprinting the statement of my theory I have added a few notes,\n      which are distinguished by being enclosed in square brackets.]\n\n M318 The mockery of Christ compared to the mockery of the King of the\n      Saturnalia.\n\n  921 P. Wendland, \u201cJesus als Saturnalien-K\u00f6nig,\u201d _Hermes_, xxxiii. (1898)\n      pp. 175-179.\n\n M319 The mockery of Christ compared to the mockery of the King of the\n      Sacaea.\n\n  922 The resemblance had struck me when I wrote this book originally\n      [1889-1890], but as I could not definitely explain it I preferred to\n      leave it unnoticed. [The first in recent years to call attention to\n      the resemblance seems to have been Mr. W. R. Paton, who further\n      conjectured that the crucifixion of Christ between two malefactors\n      was not accidental, but had a ritual significance \u201cas an expiatory\n      sacrifice to a triple god.\u201d See F. C. Conybeare, _The Apology and\n      Acts of Apollonius and other Monuments of Early Christianity_\n      (London, 1894), pp. 257 _sqq._; W. R. Paton, \u201cDie Kreuzigung Jesu,\u201d\n      _Zeitschrift f\u00fcr die neutestamentliche Wissenschaft_, ii. (1901) pp.\n      339-341. The grounds for the conjecture are somewhat slender. It is\n      true that a Persian martyr, S. Hiztibouzit, is said to have been\n      crucified between two malefactors on a hill top, opposite the sun\n      (F. C. Conybeare, _op. cit._ p. 270), but the narrator of the\n      martyrdom gives no hint of any sacred significance attaching to the\n      triple crucifixion.]\n\n  923 Matthew xxvii. 26-31. Mark\u2019s description (xv. 15-20) is nearly\n      identical.\n\n  924 Dio Chrysostom, _Or._ iv. vol. i. p. 76 ed. L. Dindorf. As I have\n      already mentioned, the Greek word which describes the execution\n      (\u1f10\u03ba\u03c1\u03ad\u03bc\u03b1\u03c3\u03b1\u03bd) leaves it uncertain whether the man was crucified or\n      hanged.\n\n M320 At Purim the Jews may have annually put to death a man in the\n      character of Haman, and Christ may have perished in that character.\n      But the Passover, at which Christ was crucified, fell a month after\n      Purim. Perhaps the annual Haman, like the annual Saturn, was allowed\n      a month\u2019s license before being put to death.\n\n  925 See above, p. 392.\n\n  926 [The extreme improbability involved in the suggested transference of\n      the date of the Crucifixion is rightly emphasized by my colleague\n      and friend Professor C. F. Lehmann-Haupt in some observations and\n      criticisms with which he has favoured me. He writes: \u201cI regard it as\n      out of the question that \u2018Christian tradition shifted the date of\n      the Crucifixion by a month.\u2019 You yourself regard it as improbable;\n      but in my opinion it is impossible. All that we hear of the Passion\n      is only explicable by the Passover festival and by the circumstance\n      that at that time every believing Jew had to make a pilgrimage to\n      Jerusalem. Without the background of the festival all that we know\n      of the Crucifixion and of what led up to it is totally\n      unintelligible.\u201d]\n\n  927 Esther iii. 7.\n\n M321 The part taken by the soldiers in the mockery of Christ.\n\n  928 Tacitus, _Hist._ iii. 24 _sq._, compared with ii. 74.\n\n  929 Luke xxiii. 11.\n\n M322 The theory that Christ died, not as a malefactor, but in the\n      character of Haman helps to explain both Pilate\u2019s reluctance to put\n      him to death, and it also explains the remarkable superscription on\n      the cross.\n\n  930 Matthew xxvii. 37; Mark xv. 26; Luke xxiii. 38; John xix. 19.\n\n M323 The part of Mordecai in the annual drama in which Christ died as\n      Haman may have been played by Barabbas. The mock King Carabas in\n      Egypt.\n\n  931 Matthew xxvii. 15-26; Mark xv. 6-15; Luke xxiii. 16-25; John xviii.\n      38-40.\n\n  932 Philo Judaeus, _Adversus Flaccum_, vol. ii. pp. 520-523 ed. Th.\n      Mangey (London, 1742). The first to call attention to this passage\n      was Mr. P. Wendland (\u201cJesus als Saturnalien-K\u00f6nig,\u201d _Hermes_,\n      xxxiii. (1898) pp. 175 _sq._). [Mar-na, \u201cOur Lord,\u201d was the title of\n      a Philistine deity worshipped at Gaza and elsewhere. See C. P.\n      Tiele, _Geschichte der Religion im Altertum_ (Gotha, 1896-1903), i.\n      258. Compare _Hebrew and English Lexicon_, edited by F. Brown, S. R.\n      Driver, and Ch. A. Briggs (Oxford, 1906), p. 1101.]\n\n M324 Hypothesis that every spring at Purim or Passover the Jews paraded\n      two prisoners in the characters of Haman and Mordecai, of whom one\n      was put to death and the other released.\n\n  933 Matthew xxi. 1-13; Mark xi. 1-17; Luke xix. 28-46; John xii. 12-15.\n      [As to the license accorded to temporary kings, see _The Dying God_,\n      pp. 56 _sq._, 148 _sqq_.]\n\n M325 Barabbas (\u201cSon of the Father\u201d) may have been the regular title of\n      the prisoner who was released in the character of Mordecai.\n\n  934 [_The Dying God_, pp. 166 _sqq._]\n\n  935 [In favour of the theory in the text, which supposes that in the\n      tragic drama of the crucifixion Jesus and Barabbas played parts\n      which were the complements, if not the duplicates, of each other, it\n      might, as M. Salomon Reinach has pointed out, be alleged that in the\n      Armenian and old Syriac versions of Matthew xxvii. 16 and 17, as\n      well as in some Greek cursive manuscripts, the name of the prisoner\n      whom Pilate proposed to release is given as Jesus Barabbas, a\n      reading which was also known to Origen and was not absolutely\n      rejected by him. See _Encyclopaedia Biblica_ (London, 1899-1903),\n      _s.v._ \u201cBarabbas,\u201d vol. i. col. 477; _Evangelion da-Mepharreshe_,\n      edited by F. C. Burkitt (Cambridge, 1904), i. 165, ii. 277 _sq._ In\n      the latter passage Prof. Burkitt argues that Jesus Barabbas was\n      probably the original reading in the Greek text, though the name\n      Jesus is omitted in nearly all our existing manuscripts. Compare S.\n      Reinach, \u201cLe roi supplici\u00e9,\u201d _Cultes, Mythes, et Religions_, i.\n      (Paris, 1905) pp. 339 _sq._]\n\n M326 The theory that Christ was put to death, not as a criminal, but as\n      the annual representative of a god, whose counterparts were well\n      known all over Western Asia, may help to explain his early\n      deification and the rapid spread of his worship.\n\n  936 Pliny, _Epist._ x. 96. The province which Pliny governed was known\n      officially as Bithynia and Pontus, and extended from the river\n      Rhyndacos on the west to beyond Amisus on the east. See Professor\n      [Sir] W. M. Ramsay, _The Church in the Roman Empire_ (London, 1893),\n      p. 224. Professor Ramsay is of opinion \u201cthat the description of the\n      great power acquired by the new religion in the province applies to\n      Eastern Pontus at least.\u201d The chief religious centre of this\n      district appears to have been the great sanctuary of Anaitis or\n      Semiramis at Zela, to which I have already had occasion to call the\n      reader\u2019s attention. Strabo tells us (xii. 3. 37) that all the people\n      of Pontus took their most solemn oaths at this shrine. In the same\n      district there was another very popular sanctuary of a similar type\n      at Comana, where the worship of a native goddess called Ma was\n      carried on by a host of sacred harlots and by a high priest, who\n      wore a diadem and was second only to the king in rank. At the\n      festivals of the goddess crowds of men and women flocked into Comana\n      from all the region round about, from the country as well as from\n      the cities. The luxury and debauchery of this holy town suggest to\n      Strabo a comparison with the famous or rather infamous Corinth. See\n      Strabo, xii. 3. 32 and 36, compared with xii. 2. 3. Such were some\n      of the hot-beds in which the seeds of Christianity first struck\n      root.","title":"The Golden Bough: A Study in Magic and Religion (Third Edition, Vol. 09 of 12)","tradition":"myth-cosmogony","translated_text":null,"word_count":207751}