{"collection":"scripture-revelation","full_text_available":true,"graph_url":"https://unchartedknowledge.5gfusion.net/v2/api/page/gutenberg_43070/graph","html_url":"https://unchartedknowledge.5gfusion.net/v2/page/gutenberg_43070","id":"gutenberg_43070","license":"Public Domain (US)","rights_basis":"gutenberg_metadata_copyright_false","source":"gutenberg","source_url":"https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/43070","summary":null,"tags":["Bible -- Antiquities","Category: Archaeology & Anthropology","Category: Religion/Spirituality","Egypt -- Antiquities","Middle East -- Antiquities"],"text":"ARCH\u00c6OLOGY AND THE BIBLE\n\n\n\n\n[Illustration: A HILLSIDE STREET IN ROMAN JERUSALEM ALONG WHICH JESUS AND\nTHE DISCIPLES MAY WELL HAVE WALKED (_after Germer-Durand_).\n\n--_Frontispiece._]\n\n\n\n\n Green Fund Book, No. 17\n\n\n ARCH\u00c6OLOGY AND THE BIBLE\n\n\n BY GEORGE A. BARTON, PH. D., LL. D.\n PROFESSOR OF BIBLICAL LITERATURE AND SEMITIC LANGUAGES\n IN BRYN MAWR COLLEGE; SOMETIME DIRECTOR OF THE\n AMERICAN SCHOOL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH IN JERUSALEM\n\n\n PART I\n\n THE BIBLE LANDS, THEIR EXPLORATION, AND THE RESULTANT\n LIGHT ON THE BIBLE AND HISTORY\n\n\n PART II\n\n TRANSLATIONS OF ANCIENT DOCUMENTS WHICH CONFIRM OR\n ILLUMINATE THE BIBLE\n\n\n PHILADELPHIA\n AMERICAN SUNDAY-SCHOOL UNION\n 1816 Chestnut Street\n\n\n\n\n Copyright, 1916, by\n AMERICAN SUNDAY-SCHOOL UNION\n\n All rights vested in and reserved by\n AMERICAN SUNDAY-SCHOOL UNION\n\n First Edition, May, 1916.\n Second Edition, June, 1917.\n\n\n\n\n To\n CAROLINE B. D. BARTON\n Faithful Comrade in\n the Campaign of Life\n\n\n\n\nPREFACE\n\n\nFor a hundred years or more the explorer and the excavator have been busy\nin many parts of the world. They have brought to light monuments and texts\nthat have in many cases revolutionized our conceptions of history and have\nin other cases thrown much new light on what was previously known.\n\nIn no part of the world have these labors been more fruitful than in the\nlands of the Bible. In Egypt and Babylonia vistas of history have been\nopened to view that were undreamed of before exploration began. The same\nis true for that part of the history of Palestine which antedates the\ncoming of Israel. Information has also been obtained which illumines later\nportions of the history, and makes the Biblical narrative seem much more\nvivid. It is now possible to make real to oneself the details of the life\nof the Biblical heroes, and to understand the problems of their world as\nformerly one could not do. Exploration has also brought to light many\ninscriptions in the various countries that confirm or illuminate the\ntraditions, history, poetry, and prophecy of the Bible. The sands of Egypt\nhave even yielded us some reputed new sayings of our Lord.\n\nIt is the purpose of this book to gather into one volume the most valuable\ninformation of all sorts that the excavations in Bible lands have\nafforded, and to put it in such form that it may be of service to the\npastor and Sunday-school teacher. An attempt has been made so to present\nthe material that one may not only have the wealth of illumination for\nBiblical study that exploration has produced, but also that he may possess\nan outline of the history of the exploration and of the countries\nsufficient to enable him to place each item in its proper perspective.\nWhether in handling so large a mass of data the writer has achieved his\naim, the reader must judge. The preparation of the volume was undertaken\nat the request of the Board of Managers of the American Sunday-School\nUnion, for publication under the John C. Green Income Fund,--a fund\nfounded in 1877 \u201cfor the purpose of aiding ... in securing a\nSunday-school literature of the highest order of merit ... by procuring\nworks ... germane to the objects of the Society.\u201d The foundation requires\nthat the manuscripts procured by the fund shall become the exclusive\nproperty of the American Sunday-School Union, and, that the selling price\nmay be reduced, the Society is prohibited from including the cost of the\nmanuscript in the price of the book.\n\nThis work is confined to those phases of arch\u00e6ology upon which light has\nbeen thrown by exploration. No attempt is made, for example, to treat the\nconstitution of the Hebrew family, or the dress worn in ancient Palestine,\nfor these are subjects to which exploration has contributed no new\nknowledge.\n\nThe texts published in Part II have, with few exceptions, been freshly\ntranslated by the writer especially for this work. This is true of all\nexcept the majority of the Egyptian texts and two Greek papyri which were\nnot accessible in the original. Translations of these were taken from the\nworks of well-known scholars, to each of whom credit is given in\nconnection with the passage quoted from his work. The quotations of\nPalestinian place names from the inscriptions of the Egyptian kings, of\nwhich the writer has made a special study, are based on his own\ntranslations of the originals.\n\nAn arch\u00e6ological fact, or a text brought to light by excavation, is often\nof little significance apart from its interpretation, and the\ninterpretation of such data frequently varies according to the point of\nview occupied by the interpreter. As stated in the foreword of Part II, it\nhas been the writer\u2019s aim throughout to maintain a neutral attitude on\ncontroverted points.\n\nNot the least service that arch\u00e6ology has rendered has been the\npresentation of a new background against which the inspiration of the\nBiblical writers stands out in striking vividness. Often one finds\ntraditions in Babylonia identical with those embodied in the Old\nTestament, but they are so narrated that no such conception of God shines\nthrough them as shines through the Biblical narrative. Babylonians and\nEgyptians pour out their hearts in psalms with something of the same\nfervor and pathos as the Hebrews, but no such vital conception of God and\nhis oneness gives shape to their faith and brings the longed-for strength\nto the spirit. Egyptian sages developed a social conscience comparable in\nmany respects with that of the Hebrew prophets, but they lacked the vital\ntouch of religious devotion which took the conceptions of the prophets\nout of the realm of individual speculation and made them the working\nethics of a whole people. Arch\u00e6ology thus reinforces to the modern man\nwith unmistakable emphasis the ancient words, \u201cMen spake from God, being\nmoved by the Holy Spirit\u201d (2 Peter 1:21).\n\nThe writer is under obligation to all his predecessors. Endeavor has been\nmade in the footnotes to acknowledge each individual obligation. Lest any\noversight may have occurred there, he would here express both his\nindebtedness and his gratitude to all who by their various explorations\nand studies have preceded him and been his teachers.\n\nOf these, Prof. R. A. Stewart Macalister should, perhaps, be singled out\nfor an especial word of gratitude, for in Chapters VI-XI of Part I his\nwork of excavation has been quoted more frequently than any other. This\napparent partiality is due to the fact that Gezer was excavated more\ncompletely than any other Palestinian site; that, because of its early and\nlong-continued occupation in ancient times, it reveals a great variety of\ncivilizations; and that, in _The Excavation of Gezer_, Prof. Macalister\nhas presented the results of his work with a completeness and a degree of\nintelligibility that no other excavator in Palestine has approached. He\nhas made his work a model of what such a publication should be, and has\nthereby made us all his debtors.\n\nEspecial thanks are due to Dr. George B. Gordon, Director of the\nUniversity Museum, Philadelphia, for his kindness in furnishing an advance\ncopy of the proof-sheets of Volume X of the _Publications of the\nBabylonian Section_ of the museum, from which the material embodied in\nChapter VIII of Part II was translated, and to Prof. Morris Jastrow, Jr.,\nand Dr. Edward Chiera for the benefit of their fresh collation of the\ntext. This was of considerable importance, since Dr. Langdon\u2019s copy of\nlarge portions of it had been made from photographs, rather than from the\noriginal tablet. The writer is also indebted to Prof. W. R. Arnold, of\nAndover Theological Seminary, for helpful suggestions concerning the\ninterpretation of a passage in the temple-papyrus from Elephantine which\nhas hitherto baffled translators. Thanks are also due to the following\nauthors and publishers for permission to reproduce illustrations contained\nin books written or published by them: The Palestine Exploration Fund, for\npermission relating to Warren\u2019s _Jerusalem_; Bliss and Macalister\u2019s\n_Excavations in Palestine, 1898-1900_; Macalister\u2019s _Excavation of\nGezer_, and Peters and Thiersch\u2019s _Painted Tombs of Marissa_; Rev. Prof.\nC. J. Ball, of Oxford, _Light from the East_; J. C. Hinrichs\u2019sche\nBuchhandlung, Koldewey\u2019s _Das Wieder Erstehende Babylon_; Dr. I. Benzinger\nand Herr Paul Siebeck, _Hebr\u00e4ische Arch\u00e4ologie_; Monsieur J. Gabalda,\nVincent\u2019s _J\u00e9rusalem_; Prof. A. T. Clay, of Yale, _Light on the Old\nTestament from Babel_; Prof. Paul Haupt, of Johns Hopkins, _The Psalms_ in\nhis _Sacred Books of the Old Testament_; Rev. J. P. Peters and G. P.\nPutnam\u2019s Sons, Peters\u2019 _Nippur_; Prof. C. C. Torrey, of Yale, _Journal of\nthe American Oriental Society_; George H. Doran Co., Ramsay\u2019s _Letters to\nthe Seven Churches of Asia_; Dr. Mitchell Carroll, _American Journal of\nArch\u00e6ology_ and _Art and Arch\u00e6ology_; Rev. A. E. Breen, _Diary of My Life\nin the Holy Land_; Thomas Nelson and Sons, _The Illustrated Teachers\u2019\nBible_; and to Ferris and Leach, for permission to use again a number of\nphotographs published in the writer\u2019s _A Year\u2019s Wandering in Bible Lands_.\nDr. R. E. Br\u00fcnnow not only granted permission to reproduce illustrations\nfrom Br\u00fcnnow and Domaszewski\u2019s _Provincia Arabia_, but generously loaned\nthe original photographs and drawings. Prof. Harold N. Fowler, Editor of\nthe _American Journal of Arch\u00e6ology_, also kindly loaned an original\nphotograph of the excavation at Sardis. The source of each illustration,\nwhen not the writer\u2019s own, is indicated in the list of illustrations by\nmentioning the name of the author of the book or article from which it is\ntaken.\n\nGrateful acknowledgment should also be made to Rev. Edwin Wilbur Rice, D.\nD., Litt. D., Honorary Editor of the Publications of the American\nSunday-School Union, who carefully read the book in manuscript and made\nmany valuable criticisms and suggestions.\n\nThe table of contents and the chapter-headings were prepared by James\nMcConaughy, Litt. D., Editor of the Publications of the American\nSunday-School Union; the indices, by A. J. R. Schumaker, M. A., Assistant\nEditor. The writer is grateful to them, not only for this service, but for\nmany helpful criticisms and courtesies while the book has been passing\nthrough the press. Valuable suggestions have also been made by Mrs.\nBarton, who has carefully read the proofs. Miss Bertha V. Dreisbach has\ngiven intelligent and painstaking service in preparing the manuscript for\nthe press, and in proof-reading; Mr. V. Winfield Challenger and Miss Laura\nG. Leach have rendered a like valuable service in assembling and arranging\nthe illustrations.\n\nThe quotations of Scripture passages throughout are from the American\nStandard Revised Version.\n\nIf this volume should bring to some remote worker or secluded young person\na tithe of the inspiration and joy that such a book would have brought the\nwriter in the rural home of his boyhood, he would ask no higher reward for\nthe labor it has cost.\n\nGEORGE A. BARTON.\n\n BRYN MAWR, PA.\n MAY, 1916.\n\n\n\n\nPREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION\n\n\nIt is gratifying to know that this book has been found useful by so many\nstudents of the Bible and that a second edition is necessary. Minor\nerrors, especially typographical, have been corrected throughout the\nvolume. The chief feature of this edition is the addition of an Appendix,\nin which will be found some material that has come to light in the last\nyear, and one or two items that were overlooked when the first edition was\nwritten.\n\nGEORGE A. BARTON.\n\n BRYN MAWR, PA.\n JUNE, 1917.\n\n\n\n\nCONTENTS\n\n\n PART I\n\n CHAPTER PAGE\n\n LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS 1\n\n TABLE OF SIGNS 9\n\n INTRODUCTION 11\n\n I. EGYPT 17\n\n The Land. The Preservation of Antiquities. Egyptian\n Discoveries. Decipherment. Chronology. Outline of the\n History. Egyptian Discoveries which bear on the Bible.\n\n II. BABYLONIA AND ASSYRIA 40\n\n The Land. The Preservation of Antiquities. The Discovery of\n Antiquities. The Decipherment of the Inscriptions.\n Chronology. Outline of the History. Discoveries which\n illumine the Bible.\n\n III. THE HITTITES 68\n\n A Forgotten Empire. Hittite Monuments. Hittite Decipherment.\n Hittite History.\n\n IV. PALESTINE AND ITS EXPLORATION 83\n\n The Land. Early Exploration. Early American Explorations.\n Palestine Exploration Fund. The German Palestine Society.\n The American School at Jerusalem. Samaria. Parker\u2019s\n Excavations at Jerusalem. Latest Excavations.\n\n V. OUTLINE OF PALESTINE\u2019S ARCH\u00c6OLOGICAL HISTORY 103\n\n The Early Stone Age. The Late Stone Age. The Amorites. The\n Canaanites. Egyptian Domination. The Philistines. The\n Hebrews. Philistine Civilization. The Hebrew Kingdoms. The\n Exile and After. The Coming of Rome. Later History.\n\n VI. THE CITIES OF PALESTINE 123\n\n Their Sites. The Walls. The Stone Work. Houses. Palaces.\n Foundation Sacrifices. City Gates. Water Supply.\n\n VII. ROADS AND AGRICULTURE 132\n\n VIII. POTTERY 141\n\n Importance of Pottery. Pre-Semitic Pottery. First Semitic\n Pottery to 1800 B. C. Pottery of Second Semitic Period.\n Third Semitic Period. Israelitish or Fourth Semitic Period.\n Hellenistic Period.\n\n IX. UTENSILS AND PERSONAL ORNAMENTS 149\n\n X. MEASURES, WEIGHTS, AND MONEY 158\n\n Measures. Weights. Inscribed Weights. Money.\n\n XI. HIGH PLACES AND TEMPLES 167\n\n A Sanctuary of the Pre-Semitic Cave-Dwellers. A Rock-Altar\n at Megiddo. A Rock-Altar at Jerusalem. High Place at Tell\n es-Safi. High Place at Gezer. At Taanach. High Places at\n Petra. A Supposed Philistine Temple. At Megiddo. The Temple\n to Augustus at Samaria.\n\n XII. THE TOMBS OF PALESTINE 179\n\n Burning the Dead. Cave Burials. Cistern Burial. Burial under\n Menhirs. Earth-Graves. Rock-Hewn Shaft Tombs. Doorway Tombs.\n Tombs with a Rolling-Stone.\n\n XIII. JERUSALEM 185\n\n Situation. Gihon. Cave-Dwellers. The El-Amarna Period.\n Jebusite Jerusalem. The City of David. Solomon\u2019s Jerusalem.\n From Solomon to Hezekiah. Hezekiah. From Hezekiah to the\n Exile. The Destruction of 586 B. C. The Second Temple.\n Nehemiah and the Walls. Late Persian and Early Greek\n Periods. In the Time of the Maccabees. Asmon\u00e6an Jerusalem.\n Herod the Great. The Pool of Bethesda. Gethsemane. Calvary.\n Agrippa I and the Third Wall.\n\n XIV. THE DECAPOLIS 213\n\n Origin. Damascus. Scythopolis. Cities East of the Sea of\n Galilee. Gadara. Pella and Dion. Gerasa. Philadelphia. Jesus\n in the Decapolis.\n\n XV. ATHENS, CORINTH, AND THE CHURCHES OF ASIA 219\n\n\n PART II\n\n I. AN EPIC OF THE CREATION WHICH CIRCULATED IN BABYLON AND\n ASSYRIA IN THE SEVENTH CENTURY B. C. 235\n\n Text of the Epic. Comparison of the Epic with the First\n Chapter of Genesis. The Epic and Other Parts of the Bible.\n\n II. ANOTHER ACCOUNT OF THE CREATION FOUND AT BABYLON 255\n\n Text of the Account. Comparison of it with Genesis 2.\n\n III. THE BABYLONIAN SABBATH 258\n\n Feast of Marduk and Zarpanit. A Day called Shabatum. A Day\n in Some Tablets at Yale.\n\n IV. THE LEGEND OF ADAPA AND THE FALL OF MAN 260\n\n Comparison with Genesis 3. The Adapa Myth.\n\n V. THE PATRIARCHS BEFORE THE FLOOD 264\n\n Babylonian Long-Lived Kings. Comparison with Genesis 5.\n Comparison with Genesis 4. Comparison with the List of\n Berossos.\n\n VI. A BABYLONIAN ACCOUNT OF THE FLOOD, FROM A TABLET WRITTEN\n AT NINEVEH IN THE SEVENTH CENTURY B. C. 273\n\n Translation of the Text. Comparison with Genesis 6-9.\n Another Babylonian Version.\n\n VII. AN ACCOUNT OF THE CREATION AND FLOOD, FROM A TABLET\n WRITTEN AT NIPPUR BEFORE 2000 B. C. 278\n\n Translation. Comparison with the Other Version.\n\n VIII. AN ACCOUNT OF THE ORIGIN OF A CITY AND THE BEGINNING OF\n AGRICULTURE, FROM A TABLET WRITTEN AT NIPPUR BEFORE 2000 B. C. 283\n\n Translation. Comparison with Biblical Material.\n\n IX. ABRAHAM AND ARCH\u00c6OLOGY 290\n\n Abraham hired an Ox. Abraham leased a Farm. Abraham paid his\n Rent. Who was this Abraham? Travel between Babylonia and\n Palestine. Hammurapi, King of the Westland. Kadur-Mabug.\n Kings supposed by some to be those of Genesis 14.\n\n X. JACOB AND JOSEPH 299\n\n Appearances of these Names in Babylonian and Egyptian\n Records. \u201cThe Tale of the Two Brothers\u201d; its Bearing on the\n Story of Joseph in Genesis. Letters to a Ruler like Joseph.\n The Seven Years of Famine. Inscription showing Preparation\n for Famine.\n\n XI. PALESTINE IN THE PATRIARCHAL AGE 307\n\n The Tale of Sinuhe. Communication between Egypt and\n Palestine.\n\n XII. MOSES AND THE EXODUS 310\n\n The Legend of Sargon of Agade; its Resemblance to the Story\n of Moses. The Pillar of Merneptah; the Only Appearance of\n the Name \u201cIsrael\u201d outside of the Bible.\n\n XIII. THE CODE OF HAMMURAPI AND THE PENTATEUCH 313\n\n The Text of the Code; Resemblance to and Contrast with the\n Mosaic Code. The Mosaic Code not borrowed from the\n Babylonian; Different Underlying Conceptions.\n\n XIV. AN ALLEGED PARALLEL TO LEVITICUS--A CARTHAGINIAN LAW\n CONCERNING SACRIFICES 342\n\n The Text of the Carthaginian Law. Comparison with the\n Levitical Law.\n\n XV. SOME LETTERS FROM PALESTINE 344\n\n Letters of Rib-Adda of Gebal. Of Ebed-Hepa of Jerusalem.\n Their Light on Conditions in the Period of the Egyptian\n Domination of Palestine.\n\n XVI. DOCUMENTS FROM THE TIME OF ISRAEL\u2019S JUDGES 352\n\n Report of Wenamon. Its Illustration of Certain Points of\n Biblical History about the Time of Deborah or Gideon.\n Reference to the Philistines.\n\n XVII. ARCH\u00c6OLOGICAL LIGHT ON THE BOOKS OF KINGS 358\n\n Gudea and Cedar-Wood for his Palace. The Eponym Canon. The\n Seal of Shema. Shishak\u2019s List of Conquered Asiatic Cities.\n Ashurnasirpal\u2019s Description of his Expedition to\n Mediterranean Lands. Shalmaneser III\u2019s Claims regarding\n Tribute from the Kings of Israel. The Moabite Stone.\n Adadnirari IV\u2019s Mention of the \u201cLand of Omri.\u201d Inscription\n describing Tiglathpileser IV\u2019s Campaign. Sargon\u2019s Conquests.\n Sennacherib\u2019s Western Campaigns. The Siloam Inscription.\n Esarhaddon\u2019s List of Conquered Kings. Ashurbanipal\u2019s\n Assyrian Campaign. Necho of Egypt. Nebuchadrezzar II.\n Evil-Merodach. Discoveries in Sheba.\n\n XVIII. THE END OF THE BABYLONIAN EXILE 382\n\n Inscriptions of Nabuna\u2019id; their Bearing on Biblical\n Statements regarding Belshazzar. Account of the Capture of\n Babylon bearing on the Book of Daniel. Inscription of Cyrus\n bearing on the Capture of Babylon. Cyrus\u2019s Permission for\n the Return to Jerusalem.\n\n XIX. A JEWISH COLONY IN EGYPT DURING THE TIME OF NEHEMIAH 387\n\n Papyri Witness to the Existence of a Colony at Elephantine.\n Translation of a Petition relating to their Temple. Reply of\n Persian Governor. Historical Bearings of these Documents. A\n Letter relating to the Passover. A Letter showing that the\n Jews were Unpopular at Elephantine.\n\n XX. A BABYLONIAN JOB 392\n\n Translation of a Poem relating to the Afflictions of a Good\n Man. Comparison with the Book of Job. A Fragment of Another\n Similar Poem.\n\n XXI. PSALMS FROM BABYLONIA AND EGYPT 398\n\n Character of their Psalms. Babylonian Prayers to the Goddess\n Ishtar. Comparison with the Psalter. A Babylonian Hymn to\n the Moon-God. A Babylonian Hymn to Bel. An Egyptian Hymn to\n the Sun-God. Is the Hymn Monotheistic? An Egyptian Hymn in\n Praise of Aton. Comparison with the Psalter.\n\n XXII. PARALLELS TO PROVERBS AND ECCLESIASTES 407\n\n The Nature of the Book of Proverbs and the Parallels.\n Babylonian Proverbs from the Library of Ashurbanipal.\n Precepts from the Library of Ashurbanipal. Comparison with\n the Bible. Egyptian Precepts of Ptahhotep. Comparison with\n the Bible. Parallel to Ecclesiastes from the Gilgamesh Epic.\n\n XXIII. EGYPTIAN PARALLELS TO THE SONG OF SONGS 413\n\n Nature of the Song of Songs. Translation of Some Egyptian\n Love-Poems. Comparison with Biblical Passages.\n\n XXIV. ILLUSTRATIONS OF PASSAGES IN THE PROPHETS 417\n\n Uniqueness of the Prophetic Books. An Assyrian Prophetic\n Vision. Comparison with the Bible. The Egyptian Social\n Conscience. Tale of the Eloquent Peasant. Comparison with\n the Bible. An Ideal King; Extract from the Admonitions of\n Ipuwer. Comparison with Messianic Expectations. Sheol.\n Ishtar\u2019s Descent to the Underworld. Comparison with\n Prophetic Passages. A Lamentation for Tammuz.\n\n XXV. REPUTED SAYINGS OF JESUS FOUND IN EGYPT 428\n\n Early Collections of the Words of Jesus. Translation of\n Sayings found in 1897. Comments. Translation of a Leaf found\n in 1904. Comments. Opinions as to these Sayings.\n\n XXVI. ARCH\u00c6OLOGICAL LIGHT ON THE ENROLMENT OF QUIRINIUS 432\n\n Translation of a Papyrus showing that in the Second Century\n Enrolment was made Every Fourteen Years. Comments.\n Translation referring to an Enrolment in the Reign of Nero.\n Fragment from the Reign of Tiberius. Enrolments probably\n inaugurated by Augustus. Document showing that People went\n to their own towns for Enrolment. Inscription supposed to\n refer to Quirinius. Inscription from Asia Minor referring to\n Quirinius. Discussion. Conclusions.\n\n XXVII. ARCH\u00c6OLOGICAL LIGHT ON THE ACTS AND EPISTLES 438\n\n The Politarchs of Thessalonica. An Altar to Unknown Gods. An\n Inscription from Delphi and the Date of Paul\u2019s Contact with\n Gallio. Some Epistles from Egypt. Inscriptions mentioning\n Aretas, King of Arabia.\n\n APPENDIX 445\n\n Discoveries at Carchemish. Hrozny\u2019s Decipherment of Hittite.\n Discoveries at Jerusalem and Balata. A New Babylonian\n Account of the Creation of Man. Reports of Commanders of\n Egyptian Frontier-Fortresses Relating to the Entrance of\n Asiatics into Egypt in Time of Famine. Supposed Trace of the\n Ten Lost Tribes in Mesopotamia.\n\n INDEX OF SCRIPTURE PASSAGES 453\n\n INDEX 459\n\n ILLUSTRATIONS: Plates 1-114.\n\n\n\n\nLIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS\n\n\n A Hillside Street in Roman Jerusalem along which Jesus\n and the Disciples may well have walked _Frontispiece._\n\n FIGURE PLATE\n\n 1 Syrian Traders in Egypt, from a Tomb at Beni Hasan (_after\n Ball_) 1\n\n 2 Crown of Lower Egypt 1\n\n 3 Crown of Upper Egypt 1\n\n 4 Crown of United Egypt 1\n\n 5 Sphinx and Pyramid of Khafre 1\n\n 6 Pyramids of Khufu and Khafre 2\n\n 7 Step Pyramid of Zoser 2\n\n 8 Body from a Pre-dynastic Tomb 3\n\n 9 Head of the Mummy of Ramses II 3\n\n 10 A Store-Chamber at Pithom (_after Naville_) 4\n\n 11 Ancient and Modern Brick-Making (_after Petrie_) 4\n\n 12 Plan of City and Temple of Leontopolis (_after Petrie_) 5\n\n 13 A Passover-Oven (_after Petrie_) 5\n\n 14 The Rosetta Stone (_after Thomas Nelson and Sons_) 6\n\n 15 The \u201cIsrael\u201d Inscription of Merneptah 6\n\n 16 Mounds of Nuffar (_after Clay_) 7\n\n 17 Excavation at Nuffar (_after Clay_) 7\n\n 18 Gate of Ishtar, Babylon (_after Koldewey_) 8\n\n 19 Phalanx of Soldiers from Eannatum\u2019s \u201cStele of Vultures\u201d 8\n\n 20 Inscribed Column from Persepolis 9\n\n 21 Silver Vase of Entemena 9\n\n 22 Mound of Birs Nimr\u00fbd (_after Peters_) 9\n\n 23 Hittite Gates at Boghaz Koi (_after Puchstein_) 10\n\n 24 Hittite Types from Egyptian Monuments (_after Garstang_) 10\n\n 25 A Hittite King (_after Puchstein_) 11\n\n 26 The Boss of Tarkondemos 11\n\n 27 The Seal of Shema, Servant of Jeroboam 11\n\n 28 Tell el-Hesy after Excavation 12\n\n 29 The Site of the Old Testament Jericho 12\n\n 30 Excavation of Gezer 13\n\n 31 Remains of a Colonnaded Street at Samaria 13\n\n 32 Excavation at Tell Hum 14\n\n 33 Egyptians Attacking a Palestinian City (_after Perrot and\n Chipiez_) 14\n\n 34 Israelitish Jericho (_after Sellin_) 15\n\n 35 Israelitish Houses at Jericho (_after Sellin_) 15\n\n 36 Philistines from the Palace of Ramses III 16\n\n 37 Canaanitish Fortress at Jericho (_after Sellin_) 16\n\n 38 Inscribed Disc from Ph\u00e6stos (one-fourth actual size) 17\n\n 39 Gebel Fureidis 17\n\n 40 Bastion for the Protection of an Inserted Tower (_after\n Macalister_) 18\n\n 41 Remains of Walls of Megiddo (_after Schumacher_) 18\n\n 42 Walls of Buildings at Samaria (_after Reisner_) 19\n\n 43 Specimens of Stone-Work at Gezer (_after Macalister_) 19\n\n 44 Building-Bricks from Gezer (_after Macalister_) 19\n\n 45 Plan of Palace at Taanach (_after Sellin_) 20\n\n 46 The Great City Wall at Gezer (_after Macalister_) 20\n\n 47 Israelitish Houses at Gezer 21\n\n 48 Specimens of Mosaic Floors (_after Macalister_) 21\n\n 49 A Doorway at Gezer (_after Macalister_) 22\n\n 50 Door-Sockets from Gezer (_after Macalister_) 22\n\n 51 Supposed House of Hiel, Jericho (_after Sellin_) 23\n\n 52 Foundation of the Palace of Omri, Samaria (_after Reisner_) 23\n\n 53 Hebrew Palace at Megiddo (_after Schumacher_) 23\n\n 54 Plan of the Maccab\u00e6an Castle at Gezer (_after Macalister_) 24\n\n 55 Stone-Work of the Maccab\u00e6an Castle (_after Macalister_) 24\n\n 56 A Foundation-Deposit, Gezer (_after Macalister_) 24\n\n 57 A City Gate at Megiddo (_after Schumacher_) 25\n\n 58 The South Gate at Gezer (_after Macalister_) 25\n\n 59 The South Gate at Beth-shemesh (_after Mackenzie_) 25\n\n 60 Entrance to the Underground Tunnel at Gezer (_after\n Macalister_) 26\n\n 61 The North Gate at Gezer (_after Macalister_) 26\n\n 62 Plans of the Underground Tunnel at Gezer (_after Macalister_) 27\n\n 63 Plan of Underground Tunnel at Gibeon (_after Abel_) 28\n\n 64 One of Solomon\u2019s Pools 28\n\n 65 Post of City Gate, Samaria (_after Reisner_) 29\n\n 66 Part of City Wall and Gate, Samaria (_after Reisner_) 29\n\n 67 Road South of Gerizim 30\n\n 68 Lines of Roman Roads at Tell el-Ful 30\n\n 69 Roman Road North of Amman 30\n\n 70 A Granary at Gezer (_after Macalister_) 31\n\n 71 Some Roman Mile-Stones 31\n\n 72 Plan of a Granary at Gezer (_after Macalister_) 31\n\n 73 A Hoe (_after Macalister_) 32\n\n 74 An Egyptian Reaping (_after Wreszinski_) 32\n\n 75 A Sickle (_after Wreszinski_) 32\n\n 76 Plowshares from Megiddo (_after Schumacher_) 32\n\n 77 Egyptian Plowing (_after Wilkinson_) 33\n\n 78 A Modern Threshing-Floor 33\n\n 79 Egyptians Threshing and Winnowing (_after Wilkinson_) 33\n\n 80 Egyptian Threshing-Sledge (_after Wilkinson_) 33\n\n 81 A Saddle-Quern from Megiddo (_after Schumacher_) 34\n\n 82 A Rotary-Quern (_after Macalister_) 34\n\n 83 A Mortar and Pestle (_after Macalister_) 34\n\n 84 Two Women Grinding at a Mill (_after Schumacher_) 34\n\n 85 An Ancient Olive-Press (_after Macalister_) 35\n\n 86 A Modern Olive-Press (_after Macalister_) 35\n\n 87 A Wine Vat (_after Macalister_) 36\n\n 88 An Olive-Press at Work (_after Macalister_) 36\n\n 89 Cows\u2019 Horns from Gezer (_after Macalister_) 37\n\n 90 Animals\u2019 Heads from Gezer (_after Macalister_) 37\n\n 91 A Horse\u2019s Bit from Gezer (_after Macalister_) 37\n\n 92 Drawings of Horses from Gezer (_after Macalister_) 37\n\n 93 A Clay Bird from Gezer (_after Macalister_) 38\n\n 94 A Cock from Marissa (_after Peters and Thiersch_) 38\n\n 95 A Bee-Hive from Gezer (_after Macalister_) 38\n\n 96 Pre-Semitic Jars (_after Macalister_) 39\n\n 97 Pre-Semitic Pottery (_after Macalister_) 39\n\n 98 Four Pitchers from the First Semitic Stratum (_after\n Macalister_) 39\n\n 99 Three Pitchers from the First Semitic Stratum (_after\n Macalister_) 39\n\n 100 A Jar from the First Semitic Stratum (_after Macalister_) 39\n\n 101 Jugs from the Second Semitic Stratum (_after Macalister_) 40\n\n 102 A Jug from the Second Semitic Stratum (_after Macalister_) 40\n\n 103 A Jar from the Second Semitic Stratum (_after Macalister_) 40\n\n 104 Some Fine Pottery from the First Semitic Stratum (_after\n Macalister_) 41\n\n 105 \u201cEar\u201d and \u201cButton\u201d Jar-Handles (_after Macalister_) 41\n\n 106 A \u201cPillar\u201d Handle (_after Macalister_) 41\n\n 107 A Flat-bottomed Jug (_after Macalister_) 41\n\n 108 A Painted Philistine Vase from Beth-shemesh (_after Mackenzie_) 42\n\n 109 War-Scene on Potsherd from Megiddo (_after Schumacher_) 42\n\n 110 Jars of Third Semitic Stratum from Beth-shemesh (_after\n Mackenzie_) 42\n\n 111 Hebrew Pottery from Megiddo (_after Schumacher_) 42\n\n 112 Hebrew Jars and Pitchers from Jericho (_after Sellin_) 43\n\n 113 Hebrew Pitchers and Bowls from Jericho (_after Sellin_) 43\n\n 114 A Funnel from Gezer (_after Macalister_) 44\n\n 115 A Potter\u2019s Seal from Gezer (_after Macalister_) 44\n\n 116 An Inscribed Hebrew Jar-Stamp from the Shephelah (_after\n Bliss and Macalister_) 44\n\n 117 Hebrew Pottery from Gezer (_after Macalister_) 44\n\n 118 A Scarab used as a Jar-Stamp (_after Macalister_) 45\n\n 119 A Jar-Handle Stamped with a Scarab (_after Macalister_) 45\n\n 120 A Jar with Tapering Base from Gezer (_after Macalister_) 45\n\n 121 Hellenistic Filter from Gezer (_after Macalister_) 45\n\n 122 Hellenistic Pottery from Gezer (_after Macalister_) 45\n\n 123 Hellenistic Strainer from Gezer (_after Macalister_) 46\n\n 124 Roman Pots from Gezer (_after Macalister_) 46\n\n 125 Hellenistic Jar from Gezer (_after Macalister_) 46\n\n 126 A Lamp of the First Semitic Period, Megiddo (_after\n Schumacher_) 46\n\n 127 Lamps from the Second Semitic Period, Gezer (_after\n Macalister_) 47\n\n 128 Lamps from the Israelitish Period, Gezer (_after Macalister_) 47\n\n 129 A Byzantine Lamp from Jericho (_after Sellin_) 47\n\n 130 A Lamp bearing a Christian Legend (_after Macalister_) 47\n\n 131 Hellenistic Lamps from Gezer (_after Macalister_) 48\n\n 132 Hebrew Lamps from Jericho (_after Sellin_) 48\n\n 133 Ovens found at Gezer (_after Macalister_) 49\n\n 134 A Baking-Tray from Gezer (_after Macalister_) 49\n\n 135 Bronze Dishes from Gezer (_after Macalister_) 49\n\n 136 Shell Spoons from Gezer (_after Macalister_) 49\n\n 137 Silver Dishes from a Philistine Grave at Gezer (_after\n Macalister_) 50\n\n 138 Glass Ointment Vessels from Gezer (_after Macalister_) 50\n\n 139 Feeding-Bottles (?), Gezer (_after Macalister_) 51\n\n 140 Forks from Gezer (_after Macalister_) 51\n\n 141 Philistine Silver Ladle, Gezer (_after Macalister_) 51\n\n 142 Bronze Needles and Pins from Gezer (_after Macalister_) 51\n\n 143 Bone Needles from Gezer (_after Macalister_) 52\n\n 144 Modern Woman Spinning 52\n\n 145 Spindle Whorls from Gezer (_after Macalister_) 52\n\n 146 A Large Key from Gezer (_after Macalister_) 52\n\n 147 A Smaller Key from Gezer (_after Macalister_) 52\n\n 148 Lamp-Stands from Megiddo (_after Schumacher_) 53\n\n 149 Flint Knives from Jericho (_after Sellin_) 53\n\n 150 Iron Knives from Gezer (_after Macalister_) 54\n\n 151 Bronze Knives from Gezer (_after Macalister_) 54\n\n 152 A Chisel from Gezer (_after Macalister_) 55\n\n 153 A File from Gezer (_after Macalister_) 55\n\n 154 A Cone of Flint for making Knives, Gezer (_after Macalister_) 55\n\n 155 A Bronze Hammer-Head, Gezer (_after Macalister_) 55\n\n 156 A Fish-Hook, Gezer (_after Macalister_) 55\n\n 157 A Bone Awl-Handle from Gezer (_after Macalister_) 55\n\n 158 Whetstones from Jericho (_after Sellin_) 55\n\n 159 Nails from Gezer (_after Macalister_) 55\n\n 160 Axe-Heads from Gezer (_after Macalister_) 56\n\n 161 Carpenters\u2019 Tools from Gezer (_after Macalister_) 56\n\n 162 A Scimitar from Gezer (_after Macalister_) 57\n\n 163 Impression of a Basket on Mud, Gezer (_after Macalister_) 57\n\n 164 Flint Arrow-Heads from Gezer (_after Macalister_) 57\n\n 165 Bronze Arrow-Heads from Gezer (_after Macalister_) 57\n\n 166 Bronze Swords from Gezer (_after Macalister_) 58\n\n 167 Bronze Spear-Heads, Gezer (_after Macalister_) 58\n\n 168 A Pipe from Gezer (_after Macalister_) 59\n\n 169 An Egyptian Harp (_after Haupt_) 59\n\n 170 An Assyrian Upright Harp (_after Haupt_) 59\n\n 171 An Assyrian Horizontal Harp (_after Haupt_) 59\n\n 172 A Babylonian Harp (_after Haupt_) 59\n\n 173 Jewish Harps on Coins of Bar Cocheba, 132-135 A. D. (_after\n Madden_) 59\n\n 174 Assyrian Dulcimer (_after Haupt_) 59\n\n 175 Seals from Gezer (_after Macalister_) 60\n\n 176 A Comb from Gezer (_after Macalister_) 60\n\n 177 Toys from Gezer (_after Macalister_) 60\n\n 178 Styli from Gezer (_after Macalister_) 60\n\n 179 Children\u2019s Rattles from Gezer (_after Macalister_) 60\n\n 180 A Perfume-Box, Gezer (_after Macalister_) 61\n\n 181 A Necklace from Gezer (_after Macalister_) 61\n\n 182 Bracelets from Gezer (_after Macalister_) 61\n\n 183 Spatul\u00e6 from Gezer (_after Macalister_) 61\n\n 184 Rings from Gezer (_after Macalister_) 61\n\n 185 Supposed Hebrew Measures from Jerusalem (_after Germer-Durand_) 62\n\n 186 A _Neseph_ Weight 63\n\n 187 A _Payim_ Weight belonging to Haverford College 63\n\n 188 A _Beqa_ Weight (_after Torrey_) 63\n\n 189 A \u201cDaric\u201d of Darius (_after Benzinger_) 63\n\n 190 A Tetradrachma of Alexander the Great (_after Benzinger_) 63\n\n 191 A Coin of Ptolemy Lagi (_after Benzinger_) 63\n\n 192 Half-Shekel of Simon the Maccabee (_after Benzinger_) 64\n\n 193 A Coin of John Hyrcanus (_after Madden_) 64\n\n 194 Tetradrachma of Lysimachus 64\n\n 195 A Coin of Augustus 64\n\n 196 A Denarius of Tiberius 64\n\n 197 A Coin of Claudius 64\n\n 198 A Coin of Herod the Great 64\n\n 199 A Roman Quadrans (?) 64\n\n 200 A Coin of Herod Agrippa I 64\n\n 201 A Shekel of the Revolt of A. D. 70 64\n\n 202 Cave-Dwellers\u2019 Place of Sacrifice, Gezer (_after Macalister_) 65\n\n 203 Plan of Caves at Semitic High Place, Gezer (_after Macalister_) 65\n\n 204 \u201cPillars\u201d of the High Place at Gezer 65\n\n 205 Rock-Altar at Megiddo (_after Schumacher_) 66\n\n 206 The \u201cBeth-el\u201d of Gezer (_after Macalister_) 66\n\n 207 The Supposed Serpent-Pen at Gezer (_after Macalister_) 66\n\n 208 The Rock-Altar at Jerusalem (_after Dalman_) 67\n\n 209 The Laver at Gezer (_after Macalister_) 67\n\n 210 The Terra-cotta Altar from Taanach (_after Sellin_) 68\n\n 211 Supposed High Place at Taanach (_after Sellin_) 68\n\n 212 High Place at Tell es-Safi (_after Bliss and Macalister_) 69\n\n 213 Libation Bowl from Taanach (_after Sellin_) 69\n\n 214 An Astarte Plaque from Gezer (_after Macalister_) 69\n\n 215 Plan of the High Place at Petra (_after Br\u00fcnnow_) 70\n\n 216 Plan of Herod\u2019s Temple at Samaria (_after Lyon_) 70\n\n 217 The Altar at Petra (_after Br\u00fcnnow_) 71\n\n 218 The \u201cRound Altar\u201d at Petra (_after Br\u00fcnnow_) 71\n\n 219 Supposed \u201cPillars\u201d at Petra (_after Br\u00fcnnow_) 71\n\n 219_a_ A Brazen Serpent from Gezer (_after Macalister_) 72\n\n 220 Plan of Supposed Semitic Temple at Gezer (_after Macalister_) 72\n\n 221 Walls of Herod\u2019s Temple, Samaria (_after Reisner_) 72\n\n 222 \u201cPillars\u201d of a Supposed Temple, Gezer (_after Macalister_) 73\n\n 223 Chapel of the Palace at Megiddo (_after Schumacher_) 73\n\n 224 Voluted Capital (probably Philistine) from Megiddo (_after\n Schumacher_) 74\n\n 225 Incense-Burner from Megiddo (_after Schumacher_) 74\n\n 226 Philistine Graves, Gezer (_after Macalister_) 75\n\n 227 A Rock-hewn Tomb at Siloam (_after Benzinger_) 75\n\n 228 A Shaft-Tomb (_after Bliss and Macalister_) 75\n\n 229 A Cistern-Burial at Gezer (_after Macalister_) 75\n\n 230 A Columbarium at Petra (_after Dalman_) 76\n\n 231 Entrance to the Tomb of the Judges 76\n\n 232 A Sunken-Door Tomb (_after Mitt. u. Nach. d. Deutsch.\n Pal\u00e4stina-Vereins_) 77\n\n 233 _Kokim_ in the Tomb of the Judges 77\n\n 234 Plan of a Hellenistic Tomb at Marissa (_after Peters and\n Thiersch_) 78\n\n 235 A Cross-Section of the Tomb of the Judges 78\n\n 236 Architectural Decoration of a Hellenistic Tomb at Marissa\n (_after Peters and Thiersch_) 79\n\n 237 Plan of the Upper Floor of the Tomb of the Judges 79\n\n 238 A Tomb with a Rolling-Stone at Beit Jibrin (_after Moulton_) 80\n\n 239 Interior of a Hellenistic Tomb at Marissa (_after Peters and\n Thiersch_) 80\n\n 240 The Hills and Valleys of Jerusalem (_after Vincent_) 81\n\n 241 Underground Jebusite Tunnel at Gihon, Jerusalem (_after\n Vincent_) 82\n\n 242 Maudsley\u2019s Scarp, Jerusalem 82\n\n 243 Plan of Solomon\u2019s Buildings, Jerusalem (_after Stade_) 83\n\n 244 Phoenician Quarry-Marks, Jerusalem (_after Warren_) 83\n\n 245 Shaft at the Southeast Corner of the Temple Area (_after\n Warren_) 84\n\n 246 Examining Ancient Walls in an Underground Tunnel (_after\n Warren_) 84\n\n 247 Front Views of Solomon\u2019s Temple (_after Stade_) 85\n\n 248 Side Views of Solomon\u2019s Temple (_after Stade_) 85\n\n 249 Plan of Solomon\u2019s Temple (_after Stade_) 86\n\n 250 The Seven-branched Lamp-Stand from the Arch of Titus 86\n\n 251 The Brazen Laver of Solomon\u2019s Temple (_after Stade_) 87\n\n 252 A Portable Laver of Solomon\u2019s Temple (_after Stade_) 87\n\n 253 Stone-Work of a Wall of Jerusalem built in the Fifth Century\n A. D. 88\n\n 254 Stone-Work in Nehemiah\u2019s Wall, Jerusalem 88\n\n 255 Restoration of the Asmon\u00e6an Bridge over the Tyropoeon Valley\n (_after Hanauer_) 89\n\n 256 Front of \u201cDavid\u2019s Tower\u201d (Herod\u2019s Palace) Today (_after Breen_) 89\n\n 257 Reconstruction of Herod\u2019s Temple (_after Caldecott_) 90\n\n 258 \u201cSolomon\u2019s Stables\u201d 90\n\n 259 One of the Supposed Pools of Bethesda (_after Hanauer_) 91\n\n 260 Front of the Church of the Holy Sepulcher 91\n\n 261 \u201cGordon\u2019s Calvary,\u201d looking toward Jerusalem (_after Breen_) 92\n\n 262 \u201cGordon\u2019s Calvary,\u201d from the City Wall (_after Breen_) 92\n\n 263 Outside of \u201cGordon\u2019s Holy Sepulcher\u201d (_after Breen_) 93\n\n 264 Inside of \u201cGordon\u2019s Holy Sepulcher\u201d (_after Breen_) 93\n\n 265 The Barada (Abana), Damascus 94\n\n 266 The Street Called Straight, Damascus 94\n\n 267 Palace at Kanatha (_after Br\u00fcnnow_) 95\n\n 268 Circular Forum and Colonnaded Street, Gerasa 95\n\n 269 Temple of the Sun, Gerasa 96\n\n 270 Site of Rabbah Ammon 96\n\n 271 Theater at Amman (Palestinian Philadelphia) 97\n\n 272 Roman Forum at Athens 97\n\n 273 Mars\u2019 Hill, Athens 98\n\n 274 Fountain in the Agora, Corinth 98\n\n 275 Lintel of Jewish Synagogue, Corinth (_after Richardson_) 99\n\n 276 Lech\u00e6um Road, Corinth (_after Richardson_) 99\n\n 277 Parthenon, Athens, from the East 100\n\n 278 Main Street at Ephesus 100\n\n 279 Site of the Temple of Diana, Ephesus, in 1902 101\n\n 280 The Theater, Ephesus 101\n\n 281 The Amphitheater, Ephesus 102\n\n 282 The Stadium, Ephesus 102\n\n 283 Pergamum (_after Ramsay_) 103\n\n 284 The Acropolis and partly Excavated Temple, Sardis (_after\n Butler_) 103\n\n 285 Excavated Temple, Sardis, looking toward the Hermus Valley\n (_after Butler_) 104\n\n 286 A Christian Church at Sardis (_after Butler_) 105\n\n 287 Smyrna (_after Ramsay_) 105\n\n 288 A Ruin at Laodicea (_after Ramsay_) 106\n\n 289 A Bridge over the Jordan on the Line of a Roman Road 106\n\n 290 Fragment of a Creation-Tablet 107\n\n 291 Assyrian Sacred Tree Conventionalized 107\n\n 292 Hammurapi Receiving the Laws from the Sun-God 107\n\n 293 The So-called Adam and Eve Seal 107\n\n 294 A Tablet from Nippur, Relating the Beginnings of Irrigation\n and Agriculture (_after Langdon_) 108\n\n 295 Top of the Black Obelisk of Shalmaneser 108\n\n 296 Jehu of Israel Doing Homage to Shalmaneser 108\n\n 297 The Siloam Inscription 109\n\n 298 Sennacherib Receiving Tribute at Lachish (_after Ball_) 109\n\n 299 An Altar to Unknown Gods (_after Deissmann_) 110\n\n 300 The Moabite Stone 110\n\n 301 Papyrus Containing Sayings of Jesus (_after Grenfell and Hunt_) 111\n\n\n MAPS\n\n Map of Egypt to First Cataract _Facing page_ 18\n\n Map of the Ancient World _Facing page_ 40\n\n Map of Palestine _Facing page_ 104\n\n PLATE\n\n Map of Jerusalem in the Time of the Jebusites and David 112\n\n Map of Solomon\u2019s Jerusalem 112\n\n Map of Jerusalem from Hezekiah to the Exile 113\n\n Map of Nehemiah\u2019s Jerusalem 113\n\n Map of Asmon\u00e6an Jerusalem 114\n\n Map of Herodian Jerusalem 114\n\n\n\n\nEXPLANATION OF SIGNS\n\n\n \u00a7 = section.\n\n ibid. = the same.\n\n op. cit. = work cited.\n\n f. = and following page.\n\n ff. = and following pages.\n\n cf. = compare.\n\n v. = verse.\n\n col. = column.\n\n p. = page.\n\n [ ] in translations of tablets indicate words supplied where not\n decipherable.\n\n ..... in translations of tablets indicate missing line or words which\n cannot be supplied.\n\n\n\n\nINTRODUCTION\n\n\nOne who would write on arch\u00e6ology and the Bible must at the outset define\nthe scope of his undertaking, for the word arch\u00e6ology conveys different\nmeanings to different people. Judgments also differ as to how things\nancient can best serve the interests of the Biblical student. To many the\nword arch\u00e6ology calls up visions of ancient pottery, jewelry, swords,\nutensils, etc., which are valued as objects of curiosity simply because\nthey are old. Others, when they think of arch\u00e6ology, call to mind\nexcavations, in which the walls of ancient temples and cities are laid\nbare, so that we may see how men lived in other days. To such, arch\u00e6ology\nis identical with antiquarianism. A book on arch\u00e6ology and the Bible\nwritten from this point of view would confine itself to the way in which\ntexts of Scripture are illustrated or illumined by antiquarian objects.\n\nTo still others the word arch\u00e6ology calls up ancient tablets or papyri,\ninscribed with hieroglyphics or some other strange characters, from which\nthe initiated can decipher texts that prove the truth of one\u2019s views of\nScripture. According to this view, arch\u00e6ology is the science of ancient\ndocuments, and a book dealing with arch\u00e6ology and the Bible should confine\nitself to the discussion of documents which confirm or illustrate the\nBiblical text.\n\nThose who hold either of these views of arch\u00e6ology will find in this book\nmuch that will accord with their expectations, but much also that will\nseem to them irrelevant. In Part I, Chapters IV, VI-XII deal with\nantiquities, their discovery, and the light which these shed upon the\ninspired page, for antiquarianism is a part of arch\u00e6ology. Portions of\nPart I are devoted to the discovery of inscribed objects; in Part II the\nreader will find a full presentation of the bearing of these upon the\ndifferent parts of the Sacred Volume. Those who hold the second of the\nviews mentioned above will not, therefore, be disappointed.\n\nNeither of the views mentioned corresponds, however, with the limits of\narch\u00e6ology. Arch\u00e6ology is \u201cthat branch of knowledge which takes cognizance\nof past civilizations, and investigates their history in all fields, by\nmeans of the remains of art, architecture, monuments, inscriptions,\nliterature, language, implements, customs, and all other examples which\nhave survived.\u201d[1] This definition is accepted by the writer of this work\nand has guided him in the preparation of the following pages. It has, of\ncourse, been impossible in one volume to deal adequately with the\nantiquities and the ancient documents and to treat fully the history of\nthe civilizations of the Biblical countries, but an endeavor has been made\nto place the reader in possession of an intelligent point of view with\nreference to these things. As the physical structure of a country\ndetermines to a large degree the nature of its buildings, the utensils\nemployed by its inhabitants, their writing materials, and their relations\nwith other peoples,--as well as the way the objects were preserved from\nancient to modern times,--brief descriptions of the physical features of\nEgypt, Mesopotamia, and Palestine, the three most prominent of Biblical\ncountries, have been introduced.\n\nOur knowledge of the early history of Egypt and Babylonia has come almost\nwholly from arch\u00e6ological exploration; it has seemed fitting, therefore,\nto introduce in Part I, Chapter I, \u00a7 6, and Chapter II, \u00a7 6, brief\nsketches of the history of these countries. This appeared all the more\nnecessary since the inhabitants of these two countries worked out, in\nadvance of any other peoples, the initial problems of civilization.\nPalestine borrowed from them both, so that it is impossible to understand\nthe history and arch\u00e6ology of Palestine apart from Egyptian and Babylonian\nantecedents. Whenever it is possible the reader should supplement these\nsketches by reference to the larger works cited in the notes.\n\nSimilarly in Part I, Chapter V, an outline of the history of Palestine\nfrom the earliest times is presented. To some this may seem unnecessary,\nsince centuries of that history passed before the Hebrew people came to\nthe country, but it is hoped that every reader will be glad to know the\nvarious vicissitudes through which passed the land that was chosen by God\nas the home of the religious leaders of the human race. This history also\ngives emphasis to the promise \u201cto give thee great and goodly cities, which\nthou buildedst not, and houses full of all good things, which thou\nfilledst not, and cisterns hewn out, which thou hewedst not, vineyards and\nolive-trees, which thou plantedst not\u201d (Deut. 6:10, 11).\n\nSome, too, may be surprised that the chronologies of Egypt and Babylonia\nand Assyria should be treated as fully as they are in Part I, Chapter I, \u00a7\n5, and Chapter II, \u00a7 5, but in the writer\u2019s view this treatment was\nnecessary and appropriate for several reasons: (1) The data on which these\nchronologies are built up are for the most part the fruits of\narch\u00e6ological research. (2) They are our only means of measuring the\nantiquity of civilization, since the Bible itself affords no continuous\nsystem of chronology.[2] If the student of the Bible is to have any\nintelligent idea of what \u201cthe fulness of time\u201d (Gal. 4:4) means, he should\nknow what the sources of our chronology are and how they are rightly used.\n(3) Such a presentation seemed all the more necessary because in many\nbooks, especially those of some English Egyptologists, the materials are\nemployed uncritically, and civilization is made to appear much older than\nit really is.\n\nTo accomplish all these aims the writer has adopted the following plan: In\nthree chapters the arch\u00e6ology, history, and civilization of Egypt,\nBabylonia and Assyria, and the Hittites are briefly treated, together with\nthe discoveries which especially interest the Biblical student. These are\nthe three great civilizations which preceded the Israelitish. A much more\ndetailed treatment is given to Palestine, to which Chapters IV-XIV of Part\nI are devoted. In the last chapter of Part I an attempt has been made to\npresent the discoveries in Greece and Asia Minor which throw light on the\nNew Testament. In Part II the texts, Babylonian, Assyrian, Egyptian,\nHebrew, Moabitish, Ph\u0153nician, Aramaic, Greek, and Latin, which bear on the\nBible, are translated. They are arranged in the order of the Biblical\nbooks which they illuminate. Each translation is accompanied by a brief\ndiscussion in which its chief bearing on the Bible is pointed out.\n\nIn conclusion it may not be out of place to offer a word of guidance to\ntwo or three classes of readers. Those who are not interested in the\nhistory of Babylonia and Egypt, but wish simply to know what has been\ndiscovered in those countries which throws light on the Scriptures, should\nturn at once to Part I, Chapter I, \u00a7 7, and Chapter II, \u00a7 7, and to the\ntranslations of the various texts in Part II. A reader that is interested\nespecially in Palestine, rather than in the ancient civilizations to which\nthe Hebrews were indebted, should begin Part I at Chapter IV. Possibly\nafter he has read that which the Holy Land has contributed to the\nunderstanding of the Bible, he may be ready to give a little attention to\nsuch outlying peoples as the Egyptians, Babylonians, and Hittites. In that\ncase he will turn back and read Chapters I-III.\n\nPastors or Sunday-school teachers who wish to employ the book as a tool by\nmeans of which to study certain texts or lessons should follow a different\ncourse. These will be able with the aid of the full index of Scripture\nreferences to turn at once to all the material bearing on the passage in\nquestion. If the use of this index does not afford all the information\ndesired, reference should then be made to the analytical table of contents\nat the beginning, or to the index of subjects at the end, or to both.\n\nIt is the writer\u2019s hope that, in addition to its use as a book of\nreference for the elucidation or illustration of individual texts, there\nmay be some who will enjoy reading the whole work, and who will find, as\nhe himself has found, that every scrap of knowledge of ancient life in\nBible lands serves to make the Bible story and the lives of Biblical\ncharacters so much more real, or puts them or their words in a perspective\nso much more clear, that the eternal message comes with new power and can\nbe transmitted with greater efficiency.\n\n\n\n\nPART I\n\nTHE BIBLE LANDS, THEIR EXPLORATION, AND THE RESULTANT LIGHT ON THE BIBLE\nAND HISTORY\n\n\n\n\nARCH\u00c6OLOGY AND THE BIBLE\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER I\n\nEGYPT\n\n THE LAND. THE PRESERVATION OF ANTIQUITIES. EGYPTIAN DISCOVERIES.\n DECIPHERMENT. CHRONOLOGY. OUTLINE OF THE HISTORY: The pre-dynastic\n period. The archaic period. The old kingdom. The first period of\n disintegration. The middle kingdom. Second period of disintegration.\n The empire period. The period of foreign dynasties. The lower empire.\n The Persian period. The Ptolemaic period. The Roman period. EGYPTIAN\n DISCOVERIES WHICH BEAR ON THE BIBLE: Texts bearing on the story of\n Joseph. The Invasion of Egypt by the Hyksos. The El-Amarna letters.\n Period of the Oppression and the Exodus. Campaign of Sheshonk I.\n Papyri discovered at Elephantine. The palace of Hophra. The castle at\n Tahpanhes. The Jewish temple at Leontopolis. Papyri from Oxyrhynchus.\n Discoveries in Nubia.\n\n\n=1. The Land.=--Egypt is in many ways unique among the countries of the\nworld. One of these unique features is its form. If we omit the Delta, it\nhas but one dimension,--length. From Cairo to the First Cataract is a\ndistance of 583 miles, while the breadth of the valley, including the\nbarren lands on each side of it, varies from 12\u00bd to 31 miles. If we\ninclude Nubia to the Fourth Cataract, which the Egyptians ultimately\nconquered, the length is much greater, being about 1,100 miles. In Nubia\nthe banks are much more precipitous, the valley varying from 5 to 9\u00bd\nmiles. The verdant portion is, however, often not more than a mile in\nwidth.\n\nThis land is flanked on each side by extensive barren deserts on which\nthere is almost no rainfall. Egypt itself would be a part of this desert,\nwere it not for the overflow of the Nile. This overflow is caused by the\npeculiar formation of this marvelous river.\n\nThe upper part of the Nile consists of two main branches, called,\nrespectively, the White and the Blue Nile. The White Nile rises 3 degrees\nsouth of the equator, some 4,000 miles south of the Mediterranean, to the\nsouth of Lake Victoria Nyanza. This region is watered by tropical rains,\nwhich fall almost daily. This steady water supply gives to the Nile its\nconstant volume. At Khartum, 1,350 miles from the Mediterranean in a\ndirect line, and 1,650 miles as the river winds, the White Nile is joined\nby the Blue Nile. This branch of the river drains a large part of\nAbyssinia, an upland and mountainous region which has a dry and a rainy\nseason. In the dry season this stream dwindles almost to nothing; in the\nrainy season it is a turbid mountain torrent, which rushes impetuously\nonward, laden with loose soil from all the land which it drains. For this\nreason it is called the Blue, _i. e._, the Dark or Turbid, Nile.\n\nAt a distance of 140 miles north of the union of the two Niles the river\nreceives its only other tributary, the Atbara, which also flows in from\nthe eastern side. The Atbara, like the Blue Nile, is an insignificant\nstream except in the rainy season, when it is a torrent.\n\nIt is the variation of the water supply from the Blue Nile and Atbara\nwhich causes the overflow of the river in Egypt. At the beginning of June\nthe river begins slowly to swell; between the 15th and the 20th of July\nthe increase becomes very rapid; toward the end of September the water\nceases to rise and remains at the same height for twenty to thirty days.\nIn October it rises again, attaining its greatest height. It then\ndecreases, and in January, February, and March the fields gradually dry\noff. This overflow prepares the soil of Egypt for cultivation, first by\nsoftening it and then by fertilizing it. It was easy, under these\nconditions, to develop agriculture there.\n\nIndeed, the width of productive Egypt is determined by the lateral extent\nof this overflow. For the last 1,500 miles of its course the Nile receives\nno tributary. It plows its way through regions of desert which, but for\nthe Nile itself, are unbroken. At six points, beginning at Khartum and\nending at Assuan, the river makes its way over granite ridges, through\nwhich it has never succeeded in cutting a smooth channel. These are called\nthe Cataracts. As civilized man discovered these from the north, that at\nAssuan is known as the First Cataract, and that at Khartum as the Sixth.\nThe calendar of ancient Egypt was shaped in part by the Nile. The year was\ndivided into three seasons of four months each. Beginning with the rise of\nthe water about July 19th, there was the season of the inundation, which\nwas followed by four months of winter and four months of summer.\n\n[Illustration: MAP OF EGYPT.]\n\nIn late geologic time all Egypt north of Cairo was a bay of the\nMediterranean. In the course of the centuries the sea has been driven out\nby deposits of detritus brought down by the Nile. As the mud was deposited\nin this level region, the water continued to make its way through it here\nand there. Several mouths were kept open, and thus the Delta was formed.\nThis Delta is called Lower Egypt. Upper Egypt extends from Cairo to the\nFirst Cataract; Nubia, from the First Cataract to the Sixth.\n\n=2. The Preservation of Antiquities.=--Rain in Egypt is very, very rare.\nOne might almost say that it never rains. The country lies in a latitude\nso far south that frost is rarely known. These two conditions have united\nto preserve the ruins of many ancient buildings in both Egypt and Nubia in\na state of perfection which is rare in other countries. It was the custom\nof the ancient Egyptians to bury their dead in the dry land beyond the\nreach of the Nile\u2019s overflow. Like many other peoples, they placed in the\ntombs of their dead many objects used by the departed in life. Further,\ntheir peculiar beliefs concerning immortality led them to mummify the\nbodies of the departed; _i. e._, they fortified them against decay. Thus\narch\u00e6ological objects have been preserved in Egypt in an abundance and a\nperfection without parallel. So many of these are massive temples of\nstone, which, through all the ages, have stood unconcealed as silent\nwitnesses of a past greatness, that from Cairo to the First Cataract Egypt\nis one great arch\u00e6ological museum.\n\n=3. Egyptian Discoveries.=--Although many Egyptian antiquities have always\nbeen visible, they attracted little attention until modern times. Egyptian\ntemple walls are covered with hieroglyphic writing, but the art of reading\nit had long been lost. Coptic, a language descended from the ancient\nEgyptian, was still preserved as the sacred language of the Egyptian\nChurch, as Latin is the ecclesiastical language of Roman Catholics, but no\none realized that Coptic was simply late Egyptian.\n\nIn the seventeenth century European travelers began to bring home Egyptian\nantiquities. In 1683 a specimen of Egyptian art was presented to the\nAshmolean Museum at Oxford. In the eighteenth century R. Pococke\n(1704-1765) and F. L. Norden (1704-1742) described a number of Egyptian\nruins and identified a number of the sites mentioned by classical authors.\nPococke was an Englishman and Norden a Dane. Others, like the explorer\nBruce, who was seeking the sources of the Nile (1768-1773), participated\nto some extent in the work.\n\nNo systematic examination of the antiquities was made, however, until the\ntime of Napoleon I. When Napoleon invaded Egypt in 1798, he was\naccompanied by an army of eminent scholars and artists, nearly a hundred\nstrong, and although in the settlement with England, which followed in\n1802, the French were compelled to surrender their arch\u00e6ological treasures\nto Great Britain, they were permitted to publish the results of their\nobservations and explorations. The publication of these advanced slowly,\nbut between 1809 and 1822 the great work, consisting of one volume of\nintroduction, three volumes of plates, and three volumes of texts, was\ngiven to the world. In these volumes the antiquities from the First\nCataract to Alexandria were systematically described, and many of them\nwere reproduced in magnificent water-color illustrations. As the\nnineteenth century progressed, additional discoveries were made, partly by\nthe labors of such scientists as Lepsius and Mariette, and partly through\nthe rifling of tombs by natives, who often sold their finds to Europeans.\nSince Egypt passed under English control, exploration has been fostered by\nthe government, and English, French, German, Italian, and American\nexplorers have taken part in it. The tombs of many of the ancient\nPharaohs, the mummies of a considerable number of them, all sorts of\nimplements and household furniture, have been discovered, as well as a\ngreat variety of historical, literary, religious, and business documents.\n\nWithin the last twenty years a series of tombs of a previously unknown\ntype has been discovered. The bodies buried in these tombs did not lie on\nthe back as the ordinary Egyptian mummy does, but on the side, with the\nknees drawn up to the chin. It was at first thought that these tombs were\nthe work of a new race of men who had invaded Egypt at some time in the\nhistorical period, but further study indicates that they are the tombs of\nthe early Egyptians from whom the Egyptians known to history were\ndescended.\n\n=4. Decipherment.=--One of the objects found by the French at the time of\nNapoleon\u2019s expedition was the \u201cRosetta Stone,\u201d so called because found at\nRosetta (_Ar-Rashid_), a town near the mouth of the westernmost of the\nlarge branches of the Nile. This stone was set up about 200 B. C. by some\npriests, who expressed, through the inscription which it bore, their\nthanks to the young king, Ptolemy V, because certain taxes formerly\nimposed on them had been remitted. The inscription was written in three\nkinds of writing--hieroglyphic Egyptian (picture-writing), demotic\nEgyptian (developed from picture-writing), and Greek; (see Fig. 14). It\nwas among the objects which the English took in 1802, and had been placed\nin the British Museum. Although the Greek portion of the inscription could\nbe easily read, the attempts of various scholars, through a period of\ntwenty years, had succeeded in establishing the values of only a few\ncharacters of the Egyptian. In 1818 Jean Fran\u00e7ois Champollion, a French\nscholar, who before this had busied himself with the study of Coptic and\nEgyptian geography, began the study of the Rosetta Stone. He assumed that\nthe language of the upper registers must be an older form of the Coptic\ntongue. By a most painstaking comparison of the characters in the upper\nregisters with the Coptic equivalents of the words in the lower or Greek\nregister, he succeeded in deciphering the long-forgotten writing of\nancient Egypt. He published his discovery in 1822. Thus the door to the\nhistorical and literary treasures of ancient Egypt was unlocked, and from\nthat time to this the study of Egyptian inscriptions and documents has\ngone steadily forward. Many universities now maintain chairs of\nEgyptology. The ability to read Egyptian has opened up vistas of history\nof which men had hitherto no conception.\n\n=5. Chronology.=--We are dependent for our main outline of Egyptian\nchronology upon the work of Manetho, an Egyptian priest, who lived about\n250 B. C., and wrote a chronicle of his native land in the Greek language.\nHe grouped the kings of Egypt from the time of Menes (or Mena) to the\nconquest of Alexander the Great (332 B. C.) into thirty-one dynasties.\nManetho\u2019s dynasties enable scholars to determine the relative order of the\nkings, and thus form the backbone of our chronology. Around his statements\nthe discoveries of the excavators and explorers are grouped. Manetho\u2019s\nwork has not, however, come down to us. We know it only through quotations\nin the _Chronographiai_ of Julius Africanus (221 A. D.) and the\n_Chronicon_ of Eusebius of Cesarea (265-340 A. D.). The number of years\nassigned to each king, and consequently the length of time covered by the\ndynasties, differ in these two copies, so that, while the work of Manetho\nforms the backbone of our chronology, it gives us no absolutely reliable\nchronology. It is for this reason that the chronological schemes of modern\nscholars have differed so widely.\n\nAnother source of chronological information is the so-called \u201cPalermo\nStone,\u201d which is preserved in the Museum of Palermo, Sicily. This stone is\na hard diorite, and is but a fragment of the original. It was inscribed\nabout the middle of the fifth dynasty, and originally contained a list of\nthe kings of Egypt from a time long before Mena to the middle of the fifth\ndynasty. Though now but a fragment, it is still of great value for the\nperiod which it covers. In addition to this, we also have the King List of\nKarnak, set up by Thothmes III, of the eighteenth dynasty, the King List\nof Abydos, inscribed by Seti I and Ramses II, of the nineteenth dynasty,\nand the King List of Sakkarah, inscribed by Ramses II. As these are all\nsimply selections from the list of the predecessors of their authors, they\nare of secondary importance. The \u201cTurin Papyrus\u201d would be of value\nchronologically, but for its unfortunate history. This papyrus originally\ncontained the most complete list of Egyptian kings that has come down to\nus, with the exception of Manetho\u2019s chronology. It formed part of the\ncollection of M. Drovetti, the French Consul-General in Egypt. The\ncollection was offered to the French government in 1818, but was finally\npurchased by the king of Sardinia. When the collection arrived in Turin,\nit was found that this papyrus was broken into small fragments in the\nbottom of the box in which it had been shipped. The fragments were\nafterward (1824) examined by Champollion the younger, who discovered their\ntrue character. In 1826 another Egyptologist went to Turin and joined the\nfragments; but the science of Egyptology was then in its infancy, and he\nin his ignorance joined pieces which did not naturally belong together.\nFor this reason it is only occasionally that the document yields us any\nchronological data.\n\nThe greatest aid in fixing Egyptian chronology is the \u201cSothic Cycle.\u201d At\nan early date the Egyptians adopted a calendar which made up a year of 365\ndays. Their year originally began when the rapid rising of the Nile\ncoincided with the rising of the star Sirius, called by them Sothis. These\nevents coincided on July 19th. As their calendar made no allowance for\nleap year, in four years their new year began a day too soon, in eight\nyears two days too soon, and so on. In 1,460 years (_i. e._, 365 \u00d7 4)\ntheir New Year\u2019s Day would make a complete circuit of the year. These\nperiods of 1,460 years are called Sothic Cycles. Censorinus, in Chapters\nXVIII and XXI of his _De Die Natali_, written in 238 A. D., tells us that\na new Sothic cycle began at some time between 140 and 144 A. D. If a new\ncycle began in 140 A. D., the previous one began in 1320 B. C.; the one\nbefore that, in 2780 B. C.; and the one before that,--if they had their\ncalendar so early,--in 4240 B. C. Reisner holds that the Egyptians adopted\ntheir calendar in 2780 B. C., but Meyer and Breasted hold that it is\nunthinkable that they should have been without a calendar until that time,\nas by that date the civilization of the pyramid builders was at its\nheight; they accordingly maintain that the Egyptian calendar was adopted\nin 4240 B. C.\n\nAn illustration will show how the Sothic cycle helps in determining dates.\nA priest in the 120th year of the twelfth dynasty wrote a letter to his\nsubordinates, to inform them that the rising of Sothis would occur on the\nfifteenth day of the eighth month. As there were thirty days in each\nmonth, the year diverged at this time 225 days. This date, then, was just\n900 years after the beginning of the cycle in 2780 B. C.; _i. e._, the\nletter was written in the year 1880 B. C. It proves that the twelfth\ndynasty began in 2000 B. C., and fixes for us all the dates of that\ndynasty. The calendar in the so-called _Papyrus Ebers_ shows that in the\ntenth year of Amenophis I, of the eighteenth dynasty, the divergence had\nincreased to 308 days. This must have been 1,232 years after the beginning\nof the cycle, which was the year 1548 B. C. Data gained from these sources\nare supplemented by what is called dead reckoning; _i. e._, by adding\ntogether all the specific dates of the length of reigns which are given in\nthe inscriptions, and testing them by collateral references. Meyer and\nBreasted have worked out the chronology from these data in this way. Meyer\nplaces the accession of Mena at 3200 B. C., while Breasted places it at\n3400 B. C. This difference is slight when compared with the differences in\nthe chronologies of the older Egyptologists.\n\n=6. Outline of History.=[3]--The history of Egypt, as it concerns our\nsubject, extends over a period of five thousand years. It falls into\ntwelve periods:\n\n(1) _The Pre-Dynastic Period_, which we suppose extended from about 5000\nB. C., or earlier, until about 3400 B. C., is the period before that\ncovered by Manetho\u2019s dynasties. At the beginning of this period Egypt was\ndivided into 42 districts, which the Egyptians called _spt_ or _\u1e25sp_, and\nwhich the Greeks afterwards called _nomes_. Each nome was occupied by a\ndifferent tribe, which at the first lived in isolation from the other\ntribes. Each tribe had its god, to which an animal was sacred. This\ncondition prevailed for so many centuries that the customs of this time\nbecame permanently fixed. The sacredness of these animals continued right\ndown to Roman times. During this period the dead were buried on their\nsides with the knees drawn up to the chin; (see Fig. 8). The Egyptians of\nthis period lived partly by hunting, partly by fishing, and partly by\nagriculture. From objects found in their tombs we infer that they used\nstone implements, wore a great many beads, made implements and combs of\nbone, made decorated pottery, constructed boats for use on the Nile and\nfitted sails to them, and each tribe had its own standard or emblem. Of\ncourse, during the centuries when Egypt was so politically divided there\nwere many wars between nome and nome.\n\nAfter some centuries, through the conquest of one nome by another, these\n42 nomes were consolidated into two kingdoms. The 20 nomes of the Delta\nformed the kingdom of Lower Egypt; the 22 nomes, which were ranged along\nthe Nile from Cairo to the First Cataract, formed the kingdom of Upper\nEgypt. The symbol of Upper Egypt was a papyrus plant; that of Lower Egypt,\nthe bee. The crown of Upper Egypt was a kind of tall helmet; that of Lower\nEgypt, a diadem of openwork; (see Figs. 2, 3, and 4).\n\nAt what period this union of the nomes into two kingdoms occurred, we can\nonly conjecture. Probably it was as early as 4200 or 4300 B. C. At all\nevents, the two kingdoms existed separately for so long a time that their\nmemory was ever afterward preserved. To the end of Egyptian history the\nkings bore the title, \u201cking of Upper Egypt and Lower Egypt.\u201d Even in the\nHebrew of the Old Testament the name for Egypt is literally \u201cThe two\nEgypts.\u201d In this long pre-dynastic period the people were gradually\nemerging from savagery toward civilization. They were solving the initial\nproblems of civilized life. According to Meyer and Breasted the people of\nLower Egypt had progressed far enough before 4200 B. C. to invent a\ncalendar which approximately coincided with the solar year.\n\n(2) _The Archaic Period._--The history of united Egypt begins with the\nreign of Menes or Mena, who in some way, whether by conquest or marriage\nis uncertain, united the two crowns. He came from the nome of This, of\nwhich the city of Abydos, sacred to the worship of Osiris, was the chief\ntown. He and his successors continued to administer the two parts of Egypt\nas separate countries. Mena founded the first dynasty, and the second\ndynasty seems to have been connected with his house; it was, at all\nevents, from the nome of This. These two dynasties ruled Egypt for 420\nyears, from 3400 to 2980 B. C. This is known as the _archaic period_ of\nEgyptian history. Men were, during this time, gradually developing the art\nof expressing thought by means of picture-writing. At some time during the\nfirst dynasty the Egyptians began to work the turquoise mines in the Wady\nMaghara in the peninsula of Sinai. The tombs of this period were low, flat\nhouses of brick. The Arabs call them _mastabas_ or \u201cbenches.\u201d During the\nsecond dynasty the Egyptians began to conceive of their gods in human\nform. They preserved the continuity of the earlier animal and bird forms\nby putting the old heads on human bodies.\n\n(3) _The Old Kingdom_ embraces dynasties three to six, and extended from\n2980 to 2475 B. C., a period of more than 500 years. During the third and\nfourth dynasties the power of the king was supreme and the first great\nculmination of Egypt\u2019s civilization occurred. It was in this period that\nthe pyramids developed. Zoser, the first king of the third dynasty, built\nas his tomb the so-called Step Pyramid; (see Fig. 7). It consists of five\nstages which vary from 29\u00bd to 36 feet in height. It is not, therefore, a\ntrue pyramid. At the base it is 352 \u00d7 396 feet. Seneferu, the last king of\nthe third dynasty, built a similar tomb, but, as he made the stages lower\nand more numerous, it approached more nearly the pyramidal form.\n\nKhufu or Cheops, the founder of the fourth dynasty, improving upon the\nwork of his predecessors, constructed the first real pyramid and the\ngreatest of them all. The blocks with which he built were about three feet\nhigh, and he made a step with each course of stones. A covering, which has\nnow been removed, was originally placed over the whole, thus securing a\nperfect pyramidal form. This pyramid is now 750 (originally 768) feet on\neach side, and 451 (originally 482) feet high. It contains some 2,300,000\nblocks of stone, each weighing on the average two and a half tons; (see\nFig. 6). The stone was quarried from the Mokattam hills on the other side\nof the Nile, more than twelve miles away.\n\nKhafre, the next king but one after Khufu, built the second pyramid, which\nis almost as high as that of Khufu, being 447\u00bd feet, but measures on the\nsides but 690\u00bd feet. Within and under the pyramids are the tomb chambers.\nKhafre also carved out of the native rock, not far from these two\npyramids, the great Sphinx, the head of which bore a portrait of himself.\nFrom the top of the head to the pavement under the paws is 66 feet; the\nbreadth of the face is 13 feet 8 inches, and the other parts are in\nproportion. Near the Sphinx stands a temple, built of polished granite,\nwhich is connected by an underground passage with the pyramid of Khafre.\nAll these are silent but eloquent witnesses to the skill of the Egyptians\nof this period in stone work, and to the absolute power of the Pharaoh;\n(see Figs. 5 and 6).\n\nMenkaure, the next king, constructed a smaller pyramid, the side of its\nbase being 356\u00bd feet and its height 204 (originally 219) feet. Either his\npower was less or the resources of the kingdom were becoming exhausted.\nThough the pyramidal form of tombs continued for several centuries, no\nothers were ever built that approached these in size.\n\nThe fifth dynasty was founded by a priest of On. During its rule the power\nof the king was not so absolute, and a powerful nobility began to develop.\nThese nobles had themselves buried in tombs of the old mastaba type, and\nadorned the walls with pictures of the industries which were carried on\nupon their country estates. One of the most famous of these is the tomb of\na certain Ti, from the pictures in which much has been learned of the\nvarious industries of ancient Egypt.\n\nBy the time of the sixth dynasty a strong nobility had been developed in\nthe different nomes, so that the monarchy was thoroughly feudal. The\nabsolute power that the kings of the first four dynasties had exercised\nhad passed away. During the sixth dynasty the conquest of northern Nubia\nwas begun, an expedition was sent to the far-away land of Punt, a country\nfar to the south. It was probably the region on both sides of the straits\nof Bab-el-Mandeb, comprising southwestern Arabia and Somaliland. An\nexpedition was also sent over sea to Palestine, to chastise the\ninhabitants of the southern portion of that country for invading Egypt.\nThe capital of Egypt during the whole of the Old Kingdom was Memphis. The\ncity thus gained a prominence which made it ever afterward famous. In\nearly times it had been called the White Wall, but after the sixth dynasty\nit was called _Men-nofer_, of which Memphis (Hosea 9:6) is a corruption.\nIt is in the Old Testament more often called Noph, a corruption of the\nlast part of the name. (See Isa. 19:13; Jer. 2:16; 44:1; 46:14, 19; Ezek.\n30:13, 16.)\n\n(4) _The First Period of Disintegration_ covers dynasties seven to ten of\nManetho\u2019s list, a period lasting from 2475 to 2160 B. C. At the beginning\nof this period the powerful nobles in the different nomes seem, many of\nthem, to have set up each a government of his own. Thus Egypt was once\nmore resolved into many contending kingdoms. Through a cycle of 2,500\nyears a whole circle of political evolution had been completed. Starting\nwith 42 chiefs or kinglets, the country had first become two kingdoms,\nthen one kingdom. In this struggle the local nobility had been eliminated.\nThrough nine hundred years the central monarchy was supreme, then slowly a\nnew nobility developed, which finally overthrew the kingdom and once more\nmade Egypt a group of weak and contending states.\n\nDuring the last two hundred and fifty years of this period of darkness we\ngain some glimpses of a feudal monarchy which had its residence at\nHeracleopolis in central Egypt and controlled a good part of the land with\nvarying degrees of success. These kings were apparently the ninth and\ntenth dynasties of Manetho.\n\n(5) _The Middle Kingdom._--About 2160 B. C. an eleventh dynasty arose and\nbegan to struggle for the supremacy, finally achieving it. This family\nbelonged to the nome of Thebes, which had hitherto been of no particular\nimportance. It now became the seat of government, and remained for 1,500\nyears one of the most important cities of Egypt.\n\nAbout the year 2000 this dynasty was followed by the twelfth, a powerful\nline of kings which ruled from 2000 to 1788 B. C. This was the period of\nthe great Middle Kingdom. The nobles were still strong, and the monarchy\nwas thoroughly feudal in its organization. Three of these monarchs bore\nthe name Sesostris. They raised Egypt to a high degree of prosperity and\npower. Trade with Punt was resumed, Nubia was conquered to the Second\nCataract, which was made the southern frontier of the realm, the mines of\nSinai were worked, and one of the kings, Amenemhet III, built a large\ntemple there, at a point now called Sarbut el-Khadem. This temple was\nexplored a few years ago by Petrie.\n\nTrade with Palestine and Syria flourished during this period. A noble of\nmiddle Egypt pictured in his tomb some of those who came to trade with\nhim. When the pictures were first discovered, it was thought that they\nwere the sons of Jacob, come to buy corn in Egypt; (see Fig. 1).\n\nSesostris III invaded Palestine before 1850 B. C. and captured a city\nwhich was apparently Shechem, though the spelling of the name is peculiar.\nThe kings of this period were buried in tombs of pyramidal form, though\nthe pyramids were not large. One of them built a great administration\nbuilding at Hawara, which was known to the Greeks as the Labyrinth and was\nregarded as one of the wonders of the world.\n\nDuring this and the preceding period a social conscience was developed in\nEgypt which found expression in a remarkable literature. Extracts from two\nexamples of this, \u201cThe Eloquent Peasant\u201d and \u201cThe Admonitions of Ipuwer,\u201d\nare published in Part II, p. 418, ff., 421, ff.\n\n(6) _Second Period of Disintegration._--The thirteenth dynasty, which\nbegan in 1788 B. C., had not been long upon the throne, when powerful\nrebellions again broke up the kingdom. Petty kinglets ruled once more in\nmany parts of the land. These kings comprise Manetho\u2019s thirteenth and\nfourteenth dynasties. The land, disunited, became an easy prey to an\ninvader. Such an invader came. For more than 3,000 years Egypt, protected\nby her deserts, had lived her life unmolested. The uncivilized Nubians on\nthe south, the Lybians on the west of the Delta, and the uncivilized\ntribes of Sinai had been easily held in check. But now a powerful invader\ncame from Asia with a well organized, though barbaric army. They conquered\nEgypt and imposed upon her two dynasties of kings, who ruled for about a\nhundred years, until they were driven out about 1580 B. C. These kings\nwere Manetho\u2019s fifteenth and sixteenth dynasties. He calls them Hyksos,\nwhich has been held to mean \u201cShepherd Kings,\u201d but which probably meant\n\u201cRuler of Countries.\u201d They have been generally believed to be Semitic,\nthough some scholars now think they may have been of Hittite origin. In\nany event, large numbers of Semites came to Egypt with them, and left many\nSemitic names in the Delta. Some of these will be discussed below. This\ninvasion broke up Egypt\u2019s splendid isolation and brought her into the\ncurrent of world events, from which she was never afterward to free\nherself.\n\n(7) _The Empire Period._--At some time before 1600 B. C. a seventeenth\ndynasty arose at Thebes and began the struggle to expel the foreign kings.\nThis was not accomplished until the founder of the eighteenth dynasty,\nAmosis I (1580-1577), achieved it. In order to secure freedom from\ninvasion the kings of this dynasty were compelled to follow the invaders\ninto Asia, and in time Thothmes III (1501-1447) conquered Palestine,\nPh\u0153nicia, and Syria to the Euphrates, and organized it into a compact\nempire, which held together until about 1360. The kings of this dynasty\nalso carried the conquest of Nubia to Napata, at the Fourth Cataract. They\nworked the mines of Sinai, traded with Punt, and inaugurated the \u201cempire\nperiod,\u201d which lasted in reality till well into the twentieth dynasty,\nabout 1165, and which, for convenience, we count as extending to the fall\nof the twenty-first dynasty in 945 B. C.\n\nThe foreign conquests brought many immigrants to Egypt and also took many\nEgyptians for longer or shorter periods to foreign lands. Egyptian customs\nin dress as well as the Egyptian language changed rapidly during this\ntime. The Asiatic conquests of Thothmes III brought Egypt into relations\nwith Asiatic kings, and in time his successors, Amenophis III and\nAmenophis IV, had an interesting exchange of letters with kings of\nBabylon, Assyria, Mitanni, and Alashia (or Cyprus), as well as with\nEgyptian viceroys in Syria and Palestine. Some of these letters are\ntranslated in Part II, p. 344, ff.\n\nAmenophis IV made the first attempt known in history to establish a\nmonotheistic religion. Although it was unsuccessful, it produced a\nbeautiful hymn, which is translated in Part II, p. 403, ff. The kings of\nthis period were buried in tombs of a new type. These were excavated out\nof the solid rock, cut deep into the mountain-side. They were all in the\nfamous Valley of the Tombs of the Kings back of Thebes.\n\nThe nineteenth dynasty succeeded the eighteenth about 1350 B. C. During a\nperiod of weakness between the two, the Asiatic dominions had been lost.\nThese were in large part reconquered by Seti I and Ramses II. The\nlast-mentioned king ruled 67 years, from 1292 to 1225 B. C. He did much\nbuilding in all parts of Egypt and Nubia. Among his enterprises were the\ncities of Pithom and Raamses in the Delta. He has long been thought to\nhave been the Pharaoh who oppressed the Hebrews. Early in his reign he\nfought with the Hittites, but afterward made a treaty of peace with their\nking and married his daughter. The text of this treaty has been preserved.\nIt is the earliest extant international treaty, and it contained an\nextradition clause, though this applied to political offenders only. (For\nhead of Ramses, see Fig. 9.)\n\nMerneptah, the son and successor of Ramses II, has been supposed to be the\nPharaoh of the Exodus. His hymn of victory over his enemies is translated\nin Part II, p. 311.\n\nIn the reign of Ramses III, of the twentieth dynasty (1198-1167 B. C.),\nthe Philistines and other tribes, coming from across the sea, from Crete\nand Asia Minor, invaded Egypt. Repulsed by him, they invaded Palestine,\nwhere they secured a foothold. Ramses IV, his successor, was the last\nPharaoh to work the mines in Sinai. By the reign of Ramses IX (1142-1123\nB. C.), Egypt\u2019s Asiatic empire was gone and her prosperity had so declined\nthat the natives of Thebes took to robbing the tombs of kings for a\nliving. The records of the trials of some of these have survived. In the\nreign of Ramses XII (1118-1090 B. C.), Wenamon made his famous expedition\nto Ph\u0153nicia, a part of which is narrated in Part II, p. 352, ff.\n\nThe twenty-first dynasty (1090-945 B. C.) was a line of weak monarchs, who\nsimply held Egypt together. During their rule David built up Israel\u2019s\nempire. One of them, either Siamon or Pesibkhenno II, was the Pharaoh\nwhose daughter Solomon married. (See 1 Kings 3:1, f.; 9:16.)\n\n(8) _The Period of Foreign Dynasties_ (945-663 B. C.).--During the time of\nthe twenty-first dynasty the Lybians, who for centuries had made\nunsuccessful attempts to invade Egypt, settled in large numbers in\ndifferent parts of the country, and adopted Egyptian customs, while some\nof them became wealthy and powerful. In 945 B. C. one of these, named\nSheshonk, founded the twenty-second dynasty. This king is the Shishak of\nthe Bible. It was he who gave asylum to Jeroboam, when he fled from\nSolomon (1 Kings 11:40), and who in the days of Rehoboam invaded\nPalestine. (See 1 Kings 14:25-28.) The dynasty founded by Shishak lasted\nfor two hundred years. During the first century of this time it was very\nflourishing. One of its kings, Osorkon II, was apparently an ally of\nAhab; at all events, a vase bearing Osorkon\u2019s name was found at Samaria in\nAhab\u2019s palace. This dynasty made its capital at Bubastis in the Egyptian\nDelta, called Pi-beseth in Ezekiel 30:17.\n\nDuring the last century of this dynasty\u2019s rule Nubia, which had been for\nmany centuries under Egyptian sway, gained her independence under a\npowerful dynasty which made Napata, at the Fourth Cataract, its capital.\nIn 745 B. C. the twenty-second dynasty was succeeded by the twenty-third,\nwhich held a precarious existence until 718, when it was succeeded by the\none king of the twenty-fourth. Egypt was during this period in great\ndisorder, and in 712 the Nubian kings swept down from the south and\nconquered the country, establishing the twenty-fifth dynasty. The control\nthus passed from the Lybians to the Nubians. Tirhakah, the third king of\nthis dynasty, took part in the wars against Sennacherib in Palestine. (See\n2 Kings 19:9; Isa. 37:9, and Part II, p. 375, ff.) In 670 Esarhaddon, King\nof Assyria, invaded Egypt, defeated Tirhakah and made all the Delta as far\nas Memphis an Assyrian province. Some years later, when Tanut-amon, the\nsuccessor of Tirhakah, endeavored to regain the Delta, Assurbanipal, of\nAssyria, marched up the Nile, took Thebes, that for 1,500 years had been\nmistress of Egypt, and during much of that time mistress of a large part\nof the then known world, and barbarously sacked it. This was in 661 B. C.\nThis event made a great impression on surrounding nations. It is referred\nto in Nahum 3:8, where Thebes is called No-amon, or the city of the god\nAmon.\n\n(9) _The Lower Empire_ is the name given by scholars to the period of the\ntwenty-sixth dynasty, 663-525 B. C. This dynasty was founded by Psammetik\nI, who became the viceroy of Egypt under Assurbanipal, of Assyria, in 663\nB. C. Psammetik was descended from a native Egyptian family of the city of\nSais in the western Delta, and a number of his ancestors had been\nprominent in the history of Egypt during the preceding century. At first\nhe was a vassal of Assyria, but soon troubles in the eastern part of the\nAssyrian dominions enabled him to make Egypt independent. The Egyptians,\nfinding themselves once more free under a native dynasty, experienced a\ngreat revival of national feeling. Everything Egyptian interested them.\nThey looked with particular affection upon the age of the pyramid\nbuilders, who lived more than two thousand years before them. They revived\nold names and old titles, and emulated the art of the olden days. They\nmanifested such vigor and originality withal, that the art of the lower\nempire rivals that of the best periods of Egyptian history.\n\nNecho, the son and successor of Psammetichus, endeavored, as Assyria was\ndeclining to her fall, to regain an Asiatic empire. Josiah, of Judah, who\nsought to thwart him, was defeated by Necho and killed at the battle of\nMegiddo in 608 B. C. (2 Kings 23:29). Necho afterward deposed Jehoahaz and\ntook him captive to Egypt (2 Kings 23:34). Four years later, when Necho\nmade a second campaign into Asia, he was defeated by Nebuchadrezzar at\nCharchemish on the Euphrates, and compelled to hastily retreat to Egypt,\nhotly pursued by the Babylonians. Jeremiah, who perhaps caught sight of\nthe rapidly moving armies from the Jud\u00e6an hills, has given a vivid account\nof the flight in Jeremiah 46. Jeremiah considered this event so important\nthat he began then to commit his prophecies to writing. (See Jeremiah 36.)\nAfter this Necho devoted himself to the internal government of Egypt,\nthough he became the patron of an enterprise for the circumnavigation of\nAfrica, which was carried out by some Ph\u0153nicians. (See Herodotus, IV, 42.)\nHophra, a later king of this dynasty (588-569 B. C.), in order to gain\ninfluence in Asia, tempted King Zedekiah to rebel against Babylon, and\nthus lured the little state of Judah to its destruction. During the reign\nof Hophra\u2019s successor, Amosis II, Cyrus the Great founded the Persian\nempire, and in 525 B. C. Cambyses, the son of Cyrus, overthrew the\ntwenty-sixth dynasty, and made Egypt a Persian province.\n\n(10) _The Persian Period._--Cambyses, after conquering Egypt, attempted in\nvain to conquer Nubia. The Nubian monarchs at this time moved their\ncapital from Napata, at the Fourth Cataract, to Meroe, at the Sixth\nCataract. Darius (521-485 B. C.) ruled Egypt with great wisdom and tact,\nbut under his successors there were frequent rebellions. Finally, in 406\nB. C., the Egyptians actually gained their independence, which they\nmaintained until 342 B. C. During this period three native dynasties, the\ntwenty-eighth, the twenty-ninth, and the thirtieth, successively occupied\nthe throne. Manetho counts the Persians as the twenty-seventh dynasty. In\n342 B. C. the Persians reconquered the country and held it for ten years\nuntil it was taken by Alexander the Great. This ten years of Persian rule\nconstitutes Manetho\u2019s thirty-first dynasty.\n\n(11) _The Ptolemaic Period_ (332-31 B. C.).--For eleven years Egypt\nformed a part of Alexander\u2019s empire. Upon his death, in 323 B. C., it fell\nto the control of his general, Ptolemy Lagi, who founded a line of\nPtolemies that ruled until overthrown by Augustus in 31 B. C. With the\naccession of the Ptolemies many Greeks settled in Egypt; Greek became one\nof the languages of commerce, and had a considerable influence in\ntransforming the Egyptian language into Coptic. Until the year 198 B. C.\nthe Ptolemies controlled Palestine. Philadelphus, the second of the line,\nrebuilt in the Greek style the city of Rabbah Ammon east of the Jordan,\nand named it Philadelphia. He, like his father, encouraged many Jews to\nsettle in Alexandria, and, according to tradition, became the patron of\nthe translation of the Old Testament Scriptures into Greek. At all events,\nthe Pentateuch was translated in his time, and the translation of the\nother books followed. This translation is known as the \u201cSeptuagint\u201d\nbecause of the legend that Ptolemy Philadelphus set 72 men to translate\nit. By the beginning of the Christian era there were so many Jews in\nAlexandria that it had become a second Judah.\n\n(12) _The Roman Period._--The Romans, upon conquering Egypt, disturbed in\nno way the internal affairs of the country. They gave it good government\nand fostered its internal institutions. Many old Egyptian customs\npersisted among the people; it is in regard to some of these that\ndiscoveries of interest to Biblical scholars have been made. From tombs\nand the places in the dry sands of the desert, where waste-baskets were\nemptied, many records have been discovered, some of which are translated\nin Part II, p. 432, ff., 440, ff.\n\nMeantime, a state had developed out of the old monarchy of Nubia,\ndescribed above, which was ruled by a woman, whose official title was\nCandace. It was an officer of hers to whom Philip preached, as described\nin Acts 8:27-39. Recent excavations in Nubia have recovered some of the\nart of these people, who became Christian in the second or third century,\nas well as some inscriptions of theirs in a script that is not yet\ndeciphered.\n\n=7. Egyptian Discoveries which Bear on the Bible.=\n\n(1) _Texts Bearing on the Story of Joseph._--A number of texts from the\nMiddle Kingdom and other periods present features similar to parts of the\nstory of Joseph and afford somewhat faint parallels to certain conceptions\nof the Hebrew Prophets. These are translated in Part II, p. 300, ff., and\np. 418, ff.\n\nThe name of Joseph\u2019s wife, Asenath (in Egyptian _As-Neit_, \u201cfavorite of\nthe goddess Neith\u201d), occurs from the eighteenth dynasty onward. Such names\nas Potiphar, the master of Joseph (Gen. 39:1), and Potiphera, Joseph\u2019s\nfather-in-law (Gen. 41:45), in Egyptian _Pedefre_, \u201che whom the god Re\ngives,\u201d as well as the name given to Joseph, Zaphenath-paneah (Gen.\n41:45), in Egyptian _De-pnute-ef-\u2018onkh_, \u201cthe god speaks and he lives,\u201d\nare common in Egypt from the beginning of the twenty-second dynasty, 945\nB. C.\n\n(2) _The Invasion of Egypt by the Hyksos._--This took many Semites to\nEgypt. The very name Hyksos is held by Breasted to mean \u201cruler of\ncountries.\u201d It was probably a title by which these kings called\nthemselves, for they evidently ruled a considerable portion of western\nAsia, as well as Egypt. \u201cRuler of countries\u201d is just the\nSemitic-Babylonian and Assyrian _shar-mat\u00e2ti_, a title which Mesopotamian\nkings gave to themselves through much of their history. It had been\nemployed by the Sumerians before them, being the familiar Sumerian _lugal\nkurkurra_, \u201cking of countries.\u201d If the Hyksos were Amorites, kinsmen of\ntheirs had ruled in Babylonia long before their invasion of Egypt, and\nthat these may have been Amorites is indicated by the name Jacob-her,\nwhich was borne by one of their kings. This is an Egyptian form of the\nBabylonian _Yagub-ilu_, or _Jacob-el_, an Amorite name found on business\ndocuments in Babylonia three or four hundred years earlier. In the time of\nThothmes III this name was, Thothmes tells us, borne by a Palestinian\ncity, to which it had apparently been given by some Amorite from\nBabylonia. Whether the Hyksos were Amorites or not, a number of Semitic\nnames were given to places in Lower Egypt at the time of their occupation.\nSuch was the name Magdol, or Migdol. The Egyptian name of Tanis was Zar,\nwhich Brugsch claims as Semitic. Thakut, an old name of Pithom, is the\nsame as the Semitic Succoth, \u201cbooths.\u201d\n\nIn the winter of 1905-1906 Petrie, excavating at Tell el-Ye-hudiyeh,[4]\nabout 20 miles north of Cairo, discovered what he believes to have been\none of the original encampments of the Hyksos in Egypt. This encampment\nconsisted of a large space, averaging about 1,500 feet in each direction,\nsurrounded by a wall of sloping sand and mud. This wall, varying from 80\nto 140 feet wide at the top and from 130 to 200 feet wide at the bottom,\npresented on the outer side a long slope, and is quite unlike any\nstructure of the native Egyptians. From the nature of the wall and the\nsmall objects found near it, Petrie infers that it was the rampart of a\npeople who defended themselves with bows and arrows. A cemetery of the\nsame level yielded to the explorer a considerable amount of black pottery,\nnot at all like pottery of native Egyptian manufacture, and a number of\ncrude scarabs. These objects Petrie believes are products of the art of\nthe Hyksos before they had been in Egypt long enough to adopt Egyptian\ncivilization. In 1912 Petrie discovered a similar Hyksos camp at the site\nof Heliopolis, the Biblical On.\n\nIt has been held by many that Abraham, Joseph, and Jacob all went to Egypt\nduring the reign of the Hyksos dynasty. It would be natural for Semites to\nenter such a country, if it were ruled by a dynasty of the same blood as\nthemselves. Egypt has, however, furnished no positive arch\u00e6ological\nevidence of this view. The Semitic names just alluded to, which are\nsometimes cited as evidence of it, in reality only prove that many Semites\ncame with the Hyksos. They make it probable, indeed, that some of the\nHyksos were Semites, but give us no positive evidence concerning the\npatriarchs. On the other hand, nothing has been discovered in Egypt to\ndisprove this view.\n\n(3) _The El-Amarna Letters._--In the winter of 1887-1888 a native Egyptian\nwoman, according to one account, accidentally discovered some clay tablets\nin the soil at Tell el-Amarna, about 200 miles south of Cairo on the east\nbank of the Nile. She is said to have sold her rights in the discovery for\nabout 50 cents. It was thus that nearly four hundred clay tablets,\ninscribed in the Babylonian language and characters, which opened an\nentirely unknown vista in the history of Palestine and the surrounding\ncountries, were found. These were letters written to Kings Amenophis III\nand Amenophis IV, of the eighteenth dynasty. (See \u00a7 6 (7).) Seven of them\nwere written by Ebed-hepa, King of Jerusalem, about 1360 B. C., and give\nus a glimpse of that city more than 350 years before David conquered it\nfor Israel. Others of the letters came from other cities of Palestine and\nPh\u0153nicia, and reveal to us through contemporary documents the conditions\nthere in the patriarchal age. Some of these are translated in Part II, p.\n344, ff.\n\n(4) _Period of the Oppression and the Exodus._--The statement in Exodus\n1:11 that the Pharaoh who oppressed the Egyptians built the store-cities\nof Pithom and Raamses, indicates that this Pharaoh was Ramses II, for\nNaville, who excavated the site of Pithom (Egyptian _Pi-tum_, \u201cHouse of\nthe god Tum\u201d) in 1883, found much work of Ramses II there, including\ncolossal statues of this king, and also found no evidence that there had\nbeen any town of importance on the site before.[5] The name of the other\ncity, Raamses, also points to the same king, since Ramses I, the only\nother king of the name Egypt had known, reigned less than two years--a\ntime insufficient for the building of a city. The Bible evidently refers,\nthen, to Ramses II. Concerning Ramses II and his reign much is now known,\nas has been pointed out in \u00a7 6 (7); (see Fig. 10).\n\nAll through the nineteenth dynasty peoples from Syria were employed by the\nkings on public works. Among these was a people called _\u2018prw_ = Aperu or\nApuri, which some have thought to be Hebrews. Whether the Hebrews are\nreally mentioned in this way is doubted by others, for references to the\n_\u2018prw_ do not cease at the time the Exodus of Israel must have occurred.\nThey were employed by Ramses IV, of the twentieth dynasty, as late as 1165\nB. C.\n\nMuch has been learned from arch\u00e6ology about Egyptian brick-making, and it\ncorresponds to the description of it given in Exodus. We have pictures of\nmen at the work. No one thought of burning bricks in Egypt. The clay was\nmoulded and dried in the sun. Straw was mixed with the clay to increase\nits adhesive quality. Naville says that some of the corners of some of the\nbuildings at Pithom were actually built of _bricks without straw_. (See\nExod. 5:7-18; and Fig. 11.)\n\nThe name Pithom continued as one of the names of this store-city or\nfortress until at least 250 B. C., for it is found on a pillar which\nPtolemy Philadelphus set up there, but side by side with this name the\nplace, all through its history, bore the name Thakut, which is\nphilologically the Egyptian equivalent of the Hebrew Succoth. As this was\nthe first station of the Hebrews when they left Egypt (Exod. 12:37; 13:20;\nNum. 33:5, 6), Naville holds that the Hebrews, after leaving the land of\nGoshen, must have passed out on the south side of the Isthmus of Suez.\n\nPetrie believes that in the winter of 1905-1906 he discovered the city of\nRaamses[6] at Tell el-Retabeh, eight miles west of the site of Pithom, on\nthe Wady Tumilat. The objects found here show that the site was occupied\nin the time of the Old Kingdom and onward, but as Ramses II and Ramses III\nboth set up here statues of themselves, and erected important buildings,\nand as the location is the only one that fulfils the conditions of the\ncity Raamses, Petrie feels confident that this was the site. This view\nreceives some confirmation from the title of an officer who served here\nunder Ramses III, and who is called: \u201cChief archer, keeper of the\ngranaries, keeper of the palace; chief archer, keeper of the granaries of\nArabia (or Syria).\u201d\n\nMerneptah, who is generally supposed to have been the Pharaoh under whom\nthe Exodus occurred, was not drowned in the Red Sea, as some have wrongly\ninferred from Exod. 14:23-28, but was duly buried like his predecessors.\nHis mummy has been found and is now in the Gizeh Museum at Cairo.\n\nMerneptah in the fifth year of his reign set up a hymn of victory on a\npillar in a temple erected by his father, Ramses II. This hymn, discovered\nby Petrie in 1896, is famous as the only writing outside the Bible that\nmentions Israel by name. A part of it is translated in Part II, p. 311,\nwhere its bearing on the Exodus is discussed; (see Fig. 15).\n\n(5) _Campaign of Sheshonk I._--The record on a wall of the temple of\nKarnak in Egypt by Sheshonk I, the Shishak of 1 Kings 14:25, of his\ncampaign in Palestine, confirms the statement of Kings and puts the whole\ncampaign in a new perspective. It is treated in detail in Part II, p. 359,\nf.\n\n(6) _Papyri Discovered at Elephantine._--In recent years papyri discovered\nat Elephantine, an island in the First Cataract, reveal the existence of a\nJewish colony there, which had a Jewish temple on the island. This colony\nwas established there at some time during the twenty-sixth dynasty, and\nwas thus one of the earliest of those Jewish settlements in foreign\ncountries which formed the dispersion. A number of the records of these\npapyri, which relate the fortunes of this temple, the relations of this\ncolony to their Egyptian neighbors and their knowledge of the law, are\ntranslated in Part II, p. 387, ff. The origin of the colony is also\ndiscussed there.\n\n(7) _The Palace of Hophra._--Hophra, of the twenty-sixth dynasty, was, as\nnoted in \u00a7 6 (9), the king who lured Judah to her ruin. Petrie in 1907\ndiscovered his palace at Memphis. The discovery makes Hophra seem a little\nmore real.[7]\n\n(8) _The Castle at Tahpanhes._--We learn from Jer. 43:7, 8 and 44:1 that,\nafter the destruction of Jerusalem, Jeremiah with many other Jews fled to\nTahpanhes in Egypt and established a Jewish colony there. Jeremiah, as a\nsymbolical act, was directed to hide some stones in the cement of the\ntiled area of the court of Pharaoh\u2019s house there (Jer. 43:8). Tahpanhes\nwas the Daphne of the Greeks. It was on the site of the modern Tell\nDefenneh. This was in ancient times the easternmost city of the northern\nDelta. A hundred and fifty miles of desert stretched away to the east of\nit, until one came to the gardens of Gaza in Palestine. Petrie excavated\nTell Defenneh in 1883-1884, and discovered the large castle there, which\nis probably the building in which Jeremiah buried his stones. This was the\nlast act of Jeremiah\u2019s life of which we have any record. He was then an\nold man and apparently died soon afterward, probably at Tahpanhes,\ncertainly in Egypt.\n\n(9) _The Jewish Temple at Leontopolis._--Josephus tells us twice, once in\nhis _Antiquities of the Jews_, Book XIII, Chapter III, and again in his\n_Wars of the Jews_, Book VII, Chapter X, that, when Jonathan, the\nMaccabee, was made high priest of the Jews, about 153 B. C., Onias, the\nson of Onias III, the deposed high priest, went to Egypt and obtained a\ngrant of land and permission to build a Jewish temple. This land was in\nthe region of the city of Bubastis, the nome where the cat goddess was\nsacred, and was accordingly called by the Greeks Leontopolis. There were\nat this time about as many Jews in Egypt as in Palestine, and doubtless\nPtolemy VII thought to keep them more loyal by granting them a temple. He\ngave to Onias the revenues of a considerable territory for the support of\nthe temple. Josephus tells us that Onias urged as a reason for the\nconstruction of this temple that it would be in fulfilment of the prophecy\nin Isa. 19:19-22. Josephus goes on to say that this temple was built as an\nexact reproduction of the temple at Jerusalem and that it continued to\nexist as a place of worship until after the destruction of Jerusalem by\nTitus, when troubles caused by Jewish zealots led the Roman government to\nclose the temple at Leontopolis and discontinue its worship; (see Fig.\n12).\n\nThe site of this temple was at Tell el-Yehudiyeh, the \u201cTell of the\nJewess,\u201d about 20 miles north of Cairo. This tell was excavated by Petrie\nin 1905-1906. He found there remains of the Jewish temple, which fully\nconfirm the statements of Josephus. Not only the temple, but the form of\nthe Jewish settlement, was made as far as possible a replica of the city\nof Jerusalem. One of the most interesting discoveries was a series of\novens for the roasting of Paschal lambs. Others of a similar character\nwere found higher up in the mound, but this first series was most\nnumerous. Petrie infers that the temple was dedicated by a great Passover\nFeast, to which Jews came in large numbers from throughout Egypt;[8] (see\nFig. 13).\n\n(10) _Papyri from Oxyrhynchus._--About 123 miles south of Cairo and nine\nmiles to the west of the Nile lies the town of Behnesa, which the Greeks\ncalled Oxyrhynchus, from a sharp-nosed fish which was sacred there. Since\n1897 Grenfell and Hunt, two English explorers, have been season after\nseason exploring the rubbish heaps of the old town. The inhabitants\ncommitted the contents of their waste-baskets to the sands, and on account\nof the dry climate these have never decayed. Here were found the \u201cSayings\nof Jesus,\u201d some of the documents concerning the Roman census, and some of\nthe letters translated in Part II, pp. 432, ff., 440, ff., as well as many\nremains of the works of classical authors. Similar documents have been\nfound in other parts of Egypt, but no other site has yielded as many as\nOxyrhynchus.\n\n(11) _Discoveries in Nubia._--During the winter of 1908-1909 MacIver\nexplored at Karanog in Nubia for the University of Pennsylvania. He found\nin a cemetery many remains of the civilization of the Christian Nubians.\nThey still called their queen Candace (see Acts 8:27), fed her on milk,\nand regarded obesity as an attribute of royalty. More will be known of the\nNubians of this period when the inscriptions discovered at Karanog and at\nShablul, deciphered by Mr. Griffith, have been more completely studied.\nThe explorations of the English at Meroe have afforded a connected view of\nthe development of this Nubian civilization. They found there the remains\nof an early period extending from about 650-400 B. C., which was followed\nby about a century when the royal residence was elsewhere, a middle period\nfrom 300 to 1 B. C., during the latter part of which Hellenic influences\nwere felt, and a late period, from 1 to 350 A. D., during which Roman\nforms of art penetrated the country.[9]\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER II\n\nBABYLONIA AND ASSYRIA\n\n THE LAND. THE PRESERVATION OF ANTIQUITIES. THE DISCOVERY OF\n ANTIQUITIES: By Benjamin of Tudela. By Rich. By Botta and Place. By\n Layard. By Loftus and Rawlinson. By Oppert and Rassam. By George\n Smith. By Sarzec. By Peters, Ward, and Haynes. By Koldeway. By Andrae.\n By de Morgan. By Harper and Banks. By Genouillac. THE DECIPHERMENT OF\n THE INSCRIPTIONS: By Niebuhr. By Grotefend, De Sacy, and Rawlinson.\n Babylonian column. Babylonian-Semitic. CHRONOLOGY. OUTLINE OF THE\n HISTORY: The prehistoric period. Sumerians. The Pre-Babylonian period.\n \u201cStele of the Vultures.\u201d The early Babylonian period. Kassites. Pashe\n dynasty. The early Assyrian period. The second Assyrian period. The\n Neo-Babylonian period. The Persian period. The Greek and Parthian\n periods. DISCOVERIES WHICH ILLUMINE THE BIBLE.\n\n\n=1. The Land.=--The Mesopotamian Valley, as the great region watered by\nthe Tigris and the Euphrates Rivers is called, in many respects resembles\nEgypt, although in other respects it differs strikingly from Egypt. The\ncountry is like Egypt in that it is formed by rivers; it differs from\nEgypt in that it has two rivers instead of one. In late geologic time the\nPersian Gulf extended far up toward the Mediterranean. All of what was\nBabylonia has been formed by detritus (silt) brought down by the Tigris\nand the Euphrates. The process of forming land is still going on. At the\nhead of the Persian Gulf about seventy feet a year is still formed in this\nway, or a mile in about seventy-five years.\n\nBoth the Tigris and the Euphrates rise in the mountainous regions of\nArmenia, on opposite sides of the same range of mountains. The melting of\nthe snows on these mountains gives both rivers, like the Nile, a period of\noverflow. As the source of the Tigris is on the south side of the\nmountains, it begins to rise first. Its rise begins about the first of\nMarch, its overflow is at its height in May, and the water recedes in June\nor July. The Euphrates begins to rise about the middle of March, continues\nto rise until June, and does not recede to its ordinary level until\nSeptember. The soil thus formed is of rich materials, and the retreating\nflood leaves it each year well watered and softened for agriculture. Here,\nas in Egypt, one of the earliest civilizations of the world developed.\nIt was quite independent of that in Egypt, and consequently differed\nfrom the Egyptian in many respects. Unlike Egypt, Babylonia had a rainy\nseason; nevertheless she was mainly dependent upon the overflow of the\nrivers for her irrigation and her fertility. As she possessed two rivers,\nher breadth was greater than that of Egypt, but she lacked the contiguity\nof protecting deserts, such as Egypt possessed. All through her history\nher fertile plains attracted the mountain dwellers of the East and the\npeoples of the West. Subject to frequent invasion by these, Babylonia had\nno long peaceful development such as Egypt enjoyed before the Hyksos\ninvasion. From before the beginning of written history race mingled with\nrace in this great valley, invasions were frequent, and the construction\nof permanent empires difficult.\n\n[Illustration: MAP OF BIBLE LANDS]\n\nThe breadth of the Mesopotamian Valley affected also the building\nmaterials and the character of the art. Stone was much more difficult to\nobtain than in Egypt. Clay only was abundant. All buildings were\nconsequently of brick. These structures were far less enduring than those\nin Egypt; their upper parts have disintegrated and buried the lower\nportions. Babylonian ruins are accordingly all under ground. The abundant\nclay was also used by the Babylonians as writing material. When baked, it\nproved far more enduring than the Egyptian papyrus. Thus, notwithstanding\nthe general similarities which the Mesopotamian Valley presents to Egypt,\nits differences profoundly affected Babylonian history and Babylonian art.\n\n=2. The Preservation of Antiquities.=--Babylonian cities were usually\nbuilt on terraces of brick. The walls of the cities and their buildings\nwere constructed of the same material. Refuse from the houses in these\ntowns was always thrown out into the streets, so that, as the centuries\npassed, the streets were gradually elevated. The walls of the brick houses\ngradually became unstable in the lapse of time, and as the houses were\nrepaired they were brought up to the level of the street. Consequently\neven in peaceful times the mounds on which the cities were built gradually\ngrew higher. Most of these cities were at various times destroyed in\nwarfare. Sometimes all the houses would be partially demolished and the\nsite would be for a time practically uninhabited. When at length the place\nwas repeopled, the top of the mound would be smoothed off and taken as the\nbase of a new city. In this way through the many centuries of Babylonian\nhistory the sites of her cities have become great mounds. When these\ncities finally fell into ruin, the clay of the upper part of the walls\ngradually disintegrated in the weather and formed a coating of earth over\nthe whole, which preserved the foundations of the walls both of cities and\nhouses, as well as the inscribed clay, stone tablets, and the works of art\nburied underneath.\n\nConnected with each Babylonian and Assyrian temple was a kind of staged\ntower, shaped in a general way like the stepped pyramid of Zoser at\nSakkarah in Egypt. The Babylonians called these towers _Ziggurats_. As the\nbricks of these towers decayed, they formed in connection with the city\nmound a kind of hillock or peak, which varied in accordance with the\nheight of the tower. The ruin of the _Ziggurat_ at Birs Nimr\u00fbd, the\nancient Borsippa, is one of the most imposing to be seen in ancient\nBabylonia; it was long thought to be the original of the Tower of Babel\n(Gen. 11:9). It thus came about that no ancient temple of Babylonia, like\nsome of those in Egypt, has remained above ground. Explorers have had to\ndig to discover antiquities; (see Fig. 22).\n\n=3. The Discovery of Antiquities:= _By Benjamin of Tudela_.--The first man\nfrom western Europe who traveled through Babylonia and Assyria and noted\ntheir ruins was a Jew, Benjamin of Tudela, in the kingdom of Navarre.\nLeaving home about 1160 A. D., he traveled through Palestine, crossed the\ndesert by way of Tadmor, visited Mosul opposite ancient Nineveh, and went\nsouthward to the site of Babylon. He also saw the ruin of Birs Nimr\u00fbd, and\nbelieved it to be the Tower of Babel. Between the sixteenth and eighteenth\ncenturies many other travelers visited the Mesopotamian Valley and\ndescribed what they saw. Some of these, toward the close of the eighteenth\ncentury, described curious inscriptions which they had seen there on\nbricks. This information led the British East India Company in 1797 to\ninstruct its resident at Bussorah, in southern Babylonia, to try to secure\nsome of these inscriptions. This he did, and early in 1801 the first case\nof inscribed bricks arrived at the East India House in London, where they\nare still preserved.\n\n_By Rich._--Early in the nineteenth century Claude James Rich became\nresident of the East India Company at Bagdad. In his travels through the\nregion he visited the mounds of Hillah (Babylon), Kouyunjik (Nineveh), and\nothers, where he made some slight excavations, and found many\ninscriptions. The smaller ones he added to his collection, but many of\nthem were of too monumental a character to be removed. Through these\nefforts a wide-spread interest was aroused.\n\n_By Botta and Place._--In 1842 the French government created a\nvice-consulate at Mosul, opposite the site of ancient Nineveh, and\nappointed to the position Paul Emil Botta, who had served as French consul\nat Alexandria in Egypt. Botta\u2019s mission was made in part arch\u00e6ological. In\nDecember, 1842, Botta began digging in the mound of Kouyunjik, the site of\nancient Nineveh. Here he worked for three months. As he found only a few\ninscribed bricks and the fragments of some bas-reliefs, he became\ndiscouraged, and changed the field of his operations to a mound called\nKhorsabad, situated about fourteen miles to the northeast of Kouyunjik.\nHere he discovered a palace filled with interesting inscribed bas-reliefs\nmade of alabaster, as well as a city about a mile in circumference. Under\nthe corners of the palace and under the city gates were many inscribed\ncylinders of clay. This proved to be the palace and city built by Sargon,\nKing of Assyria (722-705 B. C.), as his new capital. He named it\nDur-Sharrukin, or Sargonsburgh. His name had so entirely disappeared from\nancient literature that only one reference to him has survived, that in\nIsaiah 20:1, but here was his palace arising from the dust together with\nabundant annals of his reign. (See Part II, p. 369, ff.)\n\nBotta and his successor, Victor Place, excavated intermittently at\nKhorsabad for ten years, uncovering the palace and making a plan of it,\nexcavating the city walls and gates, studying the drainage of the ancient\ntown, and fully describing the whole. Although a part of the antiquities\nfound were lost in the Tigris by the wreck of a raft on which they were\nbeing floated down the river, a large collection reached France, where\nthey are preserved in the Louvre.\n\n_By Layard._--The success of Botta fired the enthusiasm of Austen Henry\nLayard, a young Englishman of Huguenot descent, who began to excavate in\n1845 at Nimr\u00fbd, a mound further down the Tigris than Mosul, and the site\nof the Biblical Calah (Gen. 10:11). His money was at first furnished by a\nfew friends, but as he soon discovered a royal palace there similar to the\none Botta had unearthed at Khorsabad, the trustees of the British Museum\ncommissioned him to excavate for them. He thus continued the work\nintermittently until 1849. During this time he spent most of his energy\nupon the mound of Kouyunjik, where he discovered another royal palace.\nThis palace proved to be the work of Sennacherib, the son of Sargon (named\nin 2 Kings 18:13; Isa. 36), who built the one at Khorsabad, while the\npalace at Calah was, in its final form, the work of Esarhaddon, the son of\nSennacherib. (See 2 Kings 19:37.) The palace at Nineveh had in turn been\nrepaired by Esarhaddon\u2019s son, Assurbanipal.\n\n_By Loftus and Rawlinson._--As these excavations progressed, others were\nstimulated to make minor explorations. Thus in 1850 William Kennett Loftus\ncarried on small excavations at the mound of Warka, the site of the\nBiblical Erech (Gen. 10:10), in southern Babylonia, from which he\nrecovered important antiquities. From 1851-1855 the oversight of English\nexcavations was entrusted to Sir Henry C. Rawlinson, the British\nconsul-general at Bagdad. Under his direction J. E. Taylor, British\nvice-consul at Bassorah, made an excavation at the mound of Mugheir, the\nsite of Ur of the Chaldees, where he unearthed important inscriptions. At\nthe same time Loftus was traveling about Babylonia collecting antiquities.\n\n_By Oppert and Rassam._--In 1852 a French expedition under the direction\nof Jules Oppert reached Babylonia. Oppert made important excavations at\nHillah, the site of the city of Babylon, and at Birs Nimr\u00fbd, the ancient\nBorsippa. In 1852 Hormuzd Rassam, who had been one of Layard\u2019s helpers,\ncontinued under Rawlinson\u2019s direction the excavation at Nineveh. This work\ncontinued until 1854; Rassam had the good fortune to find, in a part of\nthe mound previously untouched, still another palace. This was the palace\nof Assurbanipal, the last of Assyria\u2019s great kings, who ruled from 668 to\n626 B. C., and who collected here a great library. This library Rassam\ndiscovered, and as it contained every variety of Babylonian and Assyrian\nliterature, including dictionaries and grammatical exercises, it was one\nof the most important arch\u00e6ological discoveries ever made. During the last\npart of the time Rassam was succeeded by Loftus. Finally, in the autumn of\n1854, Rawlinson himself undertook an excavation at Birs Nimr\u00fbd, and\nunearthed some important inscriptions of Nebuchadrezzar II, King of\nBabylon, 604-562 B. C. (See 2 Kings 24, 25.)\n\nAfter this the interest in excavation waned for a time, while scholars\nwere busy reading the tablets already found.\n\n_By George Smith._--In December, 1872, George Smith, an employee of the\nBritish Museum, announced that among the tablets from Nineveh he had\nfound an account of the flood which closely resembled that in the Bible.\nThis aroused so much interest that the proprietors of the London _Daily\nTelegraph_ contributed money to send George Smith to Assyria to explore\nfurther the mounds there. George Smith thus led two expeditions of\nexploration, one in 1873 and the other in 1874. He extended the trenches\nof his predecessors at Nineveh and discovered many more important\ninscriptions. In 1876 he was on his way to Mesopotamia for the third time,\nwhen he died of fever at Aleppo. The British Museum immediately secured\nthe services of Rassam again, who during that year and 1877 extended the\nwork at Kouyunjik (Nineveh) and also found a palace of Shalmaneser III,\nKing of Assyria, 860-824 B. C., at a mound called Balawat, situated to the\neast of Kouyunjik.\n\n_By Sarzec._--Meantime, the interest of France was again aroused, and in\n1877 her consul at Bassorah, Ernest de Sarzec, began the excavation of\nTelloh, a mound in southern Babylonia, which turned out to be the site of\nShirpurla or Lagash, one of the oldest and most important of the ancient\ncities of Babylonia. Work was carried on at intervals here by Sarzec until\nhis death in 1901, and has since been continued by Gaston Cros. The\nresults have not received the popular acclaim accorded to the discoveries\nof Botta and Layard, but scientifically they are far more important. Some\nof the oldest examples of Babylonian art have been discovered, as well as\nmany thousands of tablets. One room alone contained an archive of business\ndocuments estimated at thirty thousand. Much of our knowledge of the\nhistory of early Babylonia is derived from material found at Telloh.\n\n_By Peters, Ward, and Haynes._--In 1884 America began to take an interest\nin Babylonian exploration. This was due largely to the initiative of Dr.\nJohn P. Peters, then Professor of Hebrew in the University of\nPennsylvania, now Rector of St. Michael\u2019s Church, New York. Through his\nefforts Miss Catherine L. Wolfe, of New York, contributed the money to\ndefray the expenses of an expedition to Babylonia for a preliminary\nsurvey. This expedition was led by Dr. William Hayes Ward, Editor of the\nNew York _Independent_. It spent the winter of 1884-1885 in Mesopotamia,\nmade many observations of the various mounds, and collected some\narch\u00e6ological material. Dr. Peters continued his efforts, and as a result\na fund was raised in Philadelphia to defray the expenses of an excavation\nin the interest of the University of Pennsylvania. This expedition set out\nin 1888 under the direction of Dr. Peters. The site chosen for the\nexploration was Nuffar, about sixty miles to the southeast of Babylon. The\nwork was continued for two seasons under the direct control of Dr. Peters.\nAfter an interruption of three years the work was resumed under the\ngeneral direction of Dr. Peters, with Dr. John H. Haynes as Field\nDirector. Dr. Haynes, in the most self-sacrificing and heroic manner,\ncontinued the work both summer and winter until February, 1896, laying\nbare many of the features of the ancient city of Nippur, which had\noccupied the site, and discovering many inscribed tablets. While this work\nwas in progress Prof. Herman V. Hilprecht became nominal head of the\nexpedition on account of the removal of Dr. Peters to New York. A fourth\nexpedition under the guidance of Dr. Haynes began work at Nuffar (Nippur)\nin February, 1899, and worked until March, 1900. During this work Dr.\nHaynes discovered a large archive of tablets, the exact number of which is\nvariously estimated. The find was similar to that made by Sarzec at\nTelloh; (see Figs. 16 and 17).\n\nNuffar, the ancient Nippur, was one of the oldest centers of Babylonian\ncivilization, and the work of the Americans there is, for our knowledge of\nthe history of ancient Babylonia, next in importance to that done by the\nFrench at Telloh. A large number of the tablets discovered at Nippur are\nnow in the University Museum in Philadelphia. Meantime, the Turkish\ngovernment had undertaken on its own account an excavation at Abu Haba,\nthe site of the ancient Sippar in northern Babylonia. The direction of the\nwork was committed to the oversight of the French Assyriologist P\u00e8re\nScheil, and the work was carried on in the early part of the year 1894.\nMuch interesting material was brought to light.\n\n_By Koldewey._--Also during this decade a new Society, the\n_Orient-Gesellschaft_, had been formed in Berlin for the purpose of\nexcavation. This Society began in 1899 the excavation of the great mound\nwhich covered the ruins of the ancient city of Babylon. The work was\ncommitted to the direction of Dr. Robert Koldewey, who has carried it\nsteadily forward until the present time. Koldewey has laid bare at Babylon\na number of the great works of King Nebuchadrezzar--the magnificent walls\nwith which he surrounded Babylon, and the palace and temples with which he\nadorned it. As the work at Babylon has progressed, Koldewey has made a\nnumber of minor excavations in smaller mounds of Babylonia. During the\nseason of 1912-1913 Dr. Julius Jordan undertook, under Dr. Koldewey\u2019s\ngeneral direction, an excavation at Warka, the Biblical Erech, where\nLoftus had dug sixty years before. A part of the great temple of Ishtar\nhas been uncovered by Dr. Jordan, together with a portion of the city wall\nand many houses. Many tablets have also been found, some of them having\nbeen written as late as the Seleucid and Parthian periods, 312-50 B. C.;\n(see Fig. 18).\n\n_By Andrae._--While the excavation at Babylon has been in progress, the\n_Orient-Gesellschaft_ has also conducted another at Kalah-Sherghat, on the\nTigris, in ancient Assyria. This is the site of the city of Ashur, from\nwhich the country of Assyria took its name. (Cf. Gen. 10:10, 11.) The work\nhas been under the direction of Dr. Andrae and has been in progress from\n1902 to the present time. Temples and palaces have been uncovered, and\ninscriptions from every period of Assyrian history have been found. The\nlatest reports of the work at Ashur tell of the discovery of objects which\nconnect the founding of the city with immigrants from Lagash in southern\nBabylonia.\n\n_By de Morgan._--In 1900 a French expedition began the excavation of Susa,\nin ancient Elam, the Shushan of the Bible. (See Neh. 1:1; Esther 1:2,\netc., and Dan. 8:2.) This work was under the direction of J. de Morgan.\nWhile Susa is not in Babylonia, the excavations here added greatly to our\nknowledge of Babylonian history and life, for during the first two seasons\nof the excavation, two inscribed stone pillars were discovered, which the\nancient Elamites had at some time taken as trophies of war from the\nBabylonians. One of these was an inscription of Manishtusu, King of Kish,\nwho ruled about 2700 B. C., and the other the pillar which contained the\nlaws of Hammurapi, the most important single document relating to\nBabylonian life that is known to us. (See Part II, Chapter XIII.)\n\n_By Harper and Banks._--During the year 1903-1904 the University of\nChicago sent an expedition to Babylonia. The expenses were borne by a\ncontribution from John D. Rockefeller. The late Prof. Robert Harper was\nScientific Director of the expedition, and Dr. Edgar J. Banks, Field\nDirector. The work was conducted at the mound of Bismya, which proved to\nbe the site of the ancient city of Adab, one of the oldest Babylonian\ncities, which seems not to have been occupied since about 2600 B. C. Many\ninteresting finds were made, including a statue of a king, Lugaldaudu, and\nmany tablets. Friction with the Turkish government brought the expedition\nto an untimely close, and owing to the same cause the tablets discovered\nare hoarded at Constantinople and have not been given to the world.\n\n_By Genouillac._--During the early part of the year 1914 a French\nexpedition, under the direction of H. de Genouillac, excavated at\nUkhaimir, the site of ancient Kish. They have discovered the great\n_Ziggurat_ of the temple of Zamama, the god of Kish, and are said to have\nmade other important finds, but the details are not yet published.\n\n=4. The Decipherment of the Inscriptions.=--The task of learning to read\nthe inscriptions of Babylonia and Assyria was much more difficult than the\ndecipherment of the Egyptian hieroglyphs, for no such simple key as the\nRosetta Stone was at hand. The key that finally unlocked the mystery came\nnot from Babylonia, but from Persepolis in Persia. When Cyrus the Great\nconquered Babylon in 538 B. C. the Persians had not developed a system of\nwriting. They accordingly adapted to their language the characters of the\nBabylonian script. The Babylonian script had begun, like the Egyptian\nhieroglyphs, as a system of picture-writing, in which each picture\nrepresented an idea. These had gone through a long development, in which\nthe original picture-forms had been supplanted by conventional characters\nderived therefrom. In making these characters on clay, one end of a line\nwas always wider than the other, hence the characters are called\n\u201cwedge-shaped\u201d or \u201ccuneiform.\u201d In the course of the ages the Babylonians\nhad come to use the characters to express both syllables and whole words,\nand a scribe might mingle these uses of a sign at will in writing a\ncomposition. Many of the signs might also express any one of several\nsyllables. In adapting this complicated system, the Persians had the\nwisdom to simplify it. They selected or constructed a character for each\nsound, making a real alphabet. Three of the Persian kings, Darius\n(521-485), Xerxes (456-465), and Artaxerxes II (405-359), wrote their\ninscriptions in three languages,--Babylonian, Elamite, and\nPersian,--employing wedge-shaped scripts for all of them.\n\n_By Niebuhr._--In the ruins of the great palace of the Persian kings at\nPersepolis many of these inscriptions in three languages were preserved.\nThese ruins attracted the notice of many travelers from the time that\nOdoric, a monk, saw them in 1320 A. D., and a number of travelers had made\ncopies of some of them and brought them back to Europe. The inscriptions\nwere a great puzzle. After Alexander the Great (331-323 B. C.) Persia had\nbeen subject to foreign powers until 220 A. D., when the Sassanian dynasty\n(220-641 A. D.) made Persia again an independent kingdom. In the revival\nof Persian letters that occurred in Sassanian times, a form of the\nPh\u0153nician alphabet was used, because the old characters of these\ninscriptions had been forgotten. In 1765 Carsten Niebuhr, a Dane, visited\nPersepolis and made accurate copies of a large number of these\ninscriptions. The first correct reading of any of these inscriptions was\ndone from Niebuhr\u2019s copies; (see Fig. 20).\n\n_By Grotefend_, _de Sacy_, and _Rawlinson_.--A number of scholars had\nstudied Niebuhr\u2019s copies, but the first to read any of them correctly was\nGeorg Friedrich Grotefend, a German scholar. He began with the assumption\nthat the three groups of lines in the inscriptions contained respectively\nthree languages, and that the first of these was the Persian of Cyrus and\nhis successors. In the years 1787-1791 Sylvestre de Sacy, a French\nOriental scholar, had studied and in part expounded some Sassanian\nalphabetic inscriptions from Persia, which had also long attracted the\nnotice of scholars. These Sassanian inscriptions were many of them cast in\nthe same mould. They ran thus:\n\n \u201cX the great king, king of kings, the king of Iran and Aniran, son of\n Y, the great king,\u201d etc.\n\nGrotefend had these inscriptions before him, and compared this formula\nwith the inscriptions from Persepolis. He noted that as often as the\nformula contained the word \u201cking\u201d the inscriptions from Persepolis\ncontained the same group of signs, and that as often as it had \u201cof kings,\u201d\nthey reproduced the group with a different ending. He therefore rightly\nconcluded that these signs were the old Persian spelling of the Persian\nword for \u201cking\u201d with its genitive plural. Taking from the Sassanian\ninscriptions the word for king, he proceeded to parcel out its sounds\namong the characters with which the word was spelled in the Persepolis\ninscriptions. He also found a king, who was the son of a man not a king.\nThis, he rightly held, could be none other than Darius, the son of\nHystaspes. Apportioning the proper groups of signs among the sounds of\nthese names, he obtained still further alphabetical values. Thus a\nbeginning was made. Grotefend was, however, unable to carry the work far,\nand in the years that followed Eug\u00e8ne Burnouf, Christian Lassen, Isidore\nLowenstern, Henry C. Rawlinson, and Edward Hincks all made contributions\nto the subject. The honor of having first correctly read and interpreted a\nlong inscription belongs to Rawlinson. Rawlinson was a young army officer,\nwho as a boy had been in India, where he learned Persian and several of\nthe dialects of India. In 1833 he was sent to Persia with other British\nofficers to assist in the reorganization of the Persian army. Here his\nattention was attracted by the great Persian inscriptions in the mountains\nnear Hamadan, the ancient Ecbatana, and in the intervals of military\nduties he copied and studied several of them. He was, in the early stages\nof his work, quite unaware of the work done by Grotefend and others, but\nhit independently upon the method followed by Grotefend. Owing to the fact\nthat the inscriptions on which Rawlinson worked were longer than those\naccessible to Grotefend, and also contained more proper names, Rawlinson\nattained greater success than any of his predecessors. He did not publish\nhis results, however, until he had become thoroughly familiar with all\nthat others had done. It was not until 1846 that he published a full\ninterpretation of the Persian column of the great Behistun[10] inscription\nof Darius I.\n\n_Babylonian Column._--This successful achievement related, however, only\nto the Persian column. The mysteries of the Babylonian column had not yet\nbeen solved. This task, as will be evident from the complicated nature of\nthe writing mentioned above, was a much more difficult one. The\ndecipherment of the Persian had, however, taught the sound of many\ncuneiform signs. These sounds were carried over to the Babylonian column\nas a nucleus of information. Excavations were all the time also bringing\nnew material to light, and a comparison of inscriptions, in many of which\nthe same words were written in different ways, sometimes ideographically\nand sometimes syllabically, helped on the general stock of knowledge.\nRawlinson, Hincks, Jules Oppert, and Fox Talbot were the men who at this\nstage of the work were still wrestling with the problem. Again Rawlinson\nwas the man to achieve the first distinguished success. In 1851 he\npublished one hundred and twelve lines of the Babylonian portion of the\nBehistun inscription with transliteration and translation, and accompanied\nthe whole with copious notes in which the principles of the grammar were\nset forth. A list of the signs and their values was also added. From that\nday to this the study has steadily gone forward.\n\n_Babylonian-Semitic._--The work of Rawlinson and his co-laborers proved\nthat the language of the ancient Babylonians was a Semitic language,\nclosely akin to Hebrew, Aramaic, Arabic, and Ethiopic. Within the next few\nyears after he had found the key to the cuneiform writing, Rawlinson\nannounced that the inscriptions from Babylonia contained material in\nanother and very different language. The researches of later years have\nfully confirmed this, and scholars call this language Sumerian. The people\nwho spoke it were the inventors of many elements in the civilization of\nearly Babylonia, and for many centuries at the dawn of history divided the\ncountry with the Semites.\n\n=5. Chronology.=--The materials for constructing the chronology of\nBabylonian and Assyrian history are as follows:\n\n(1) Claudius Ptolemy, an Egyptian astronomer who flourished in the second\ncentury A. D., made a list of the kings of Egypt, Persia, and Babylonia\nback to the accession of the Babylonian king, Nabonassar, in 747 B. C.\nThis list was compiled as an astronomical aid, and is very accurate.\n\n(2) The Assyrian kings kept lists of years and of principal events, to\nwhich scholars have given the name \u201cEponym Lists,\u201d because each year was\nnamed after the king or some officer. Tablets containing these lists have\nbeen recovered on which we can still read the chronology from 893 to 666\nB. C. This list accordingly overlaps the list or \u201ccanon\u201d of Ptolemy. Some\nof these Assyrian kings were also kings of Babylon, and where the lists\noverlap they agree. One of these lists mentions an eclipse which occurred\nat Nineveh in the month Sivan (May-June), 763 B. C. This eclipse has been\ncalculated and verified by modern astronomers, so that the chronology\ncovered by these lists rests upon a secure scientific basis.\n\n(3) For dates in Assyrian history anterior to 893 B. C. we have to depend\nupon incidental notices in the inscriptions. Thus Sennacherib, whose date\nis fixed by the Eponym Lists as 705-681 B. C., relates that during his\nreign he recovered from Babylon the images of two gods that had been taken\nas booty by Marduknadinakhi, King of Babylon, from Tiglath-pileser, King\nof Assyria, 418 years before Sennacherib brought them back. It follows\nfrom this that Tiglath-pileser I of Assyria and Marduknadinakhi of\nBabylon were ruling from about 1120 to 1100 B. C.\n\nWe also have a long inscription from the Tiglath-pileser mentioned here,\nwho relates that in his reign he restored a temple, which had been built\nby Shamshi-Adad, ruler of Assyria, son of Ishmi-Dagan, ruler of Assyria,\n641 years before the time of Ashur-dan, King of Assyria. Ashur-dan had, he\ntells us, pulled the temple down and it had lain in ruins 60 years until\nhe (Tiglath-pileser) rebuilt it. By adding these numbers we reach 1819 or\n1820 B. C. as the accession of Shamshi-Adad.\n\nAgain Sennacherib found at Babylon a seal which bore the following\ninscription:\n\n \u201cTukulti-Ninib, king of the world, son of Shalmaneser, King of\n Assyria, conqueror of the land of Chald\u00e6a. Whoever changes the writing\n of my name, may Ashur and Adad destroy his name. This seal was\n presented by the land of Assyria to the land of Akkad\u201d (Babylonia).\n\nTo this Sennacherib added the following inscription:\n\n \u201cI, Sennacherib, after 600 years conquered Babylon, and from its\n treasures brought it out and took it.\u201d\n\nWe learn from this that Tukulti-Ninib was ruling in Assyria from about\n1300 to 1290 B. C.\n\nAndrae has recently (1914) published an inscription of Tukulti-Ninib in\nwhich he states that he repaired a temple which had been built by his\nancestor, Ilu-shumma, King of Assyria, 720 years before. Ilu-shumma was,\naccordingly, ruling in Assyria about 2020 to 2010 B. C.\n\n(4) Among the tablets in the British Museum are two so-called \u201cdynastic\ntablets\u201d which contain lists of the kings of Babylon from the time that\nBabylon became the leading city of the country to its capture by the\nPersians. The kings are divided into eight dynasties, the length of the\nreign of each king was originally given, and at the end of each dynasty a\nstatement was given of the number of kings in that dynasty and the total\nlength of their reigns. These tablets are unfortunately much broken, so\nthat they afford us little help after the year 1000 B. C. We learn from\nthem, however, that Marduknadinakhi, the king mentioned by Sennacherib as\nruling about 1100 B. C., belonged to the fourth Babylonian dynasty, and,\nif we add together the years given for the previous dynasties, we are\ntaken back nearly to the year 2400 B. C. for the accession of the first\ndynasty of Babylon. Evidence has, however, come to light in recent years\nwhich proves that the first and second of these dynasties overlapped, one\nruling in the north while the other ruled in the south. A reliable\nchronology cannot, therefore, be obtained by adding these numbers\ntogether. In order to correct them recourse must be had to other evidence.\n\n(5) Franz Xaver Kugler, who is both an astronomer and an Assyriologist,\nhas recently shown that an astronomical tablet which was published as long\nago as 1870, and which notes for a series of years when Venus was the\nevening and when the morning star, contains a date formula which fixes its\ncompilation in the reign of Ammi-zadugga, the tenth of the eleven kings of\nthe first dynasty of Babylon. From mathematical calculations of the\nposition of the planet Venus, Kugler is accordingly able to fix the\naccession year of Ammi-zadugga as either 2040, 1976, or 1857 B. C. As the\nfirst of these dates is too early, and the third is, in the judgment of\nmost scholars, too late, it follows that his accession year was in 1976.\nFrom the lengths of the reigns of the various kings of this dynasty as\ngiven in the dynastic tablets, it follows that the first dynasty of\nBabylon began its rule in 2206 B. C.\n\n(6) Under Adad-nirari III, King of Assyria (810-782 B. C.), a so-called\nsynchronistic history of Assyria and Babylonia was compiled. It covered\nabout 600 years, beginning with a treaty of peace between Karaindash, King\nof Babylon, and Ashur-rim-nishishu, King of Assyria. It aids in filling\ngaps left by breaks in other lists.\n\n(7) A chronological tablet in the Babylonian collection of Yale University\ncontains a list of the kings of Larsa. This city was conquered by\nHammurapi, of the first dynasty of Babylon, in the 31st year of his reign.\nThe tablet, therefore, counts Hammurapi one of the kings of Larsa,\nascribing to him twelve years of rule. The tablet was apparently compiled\nin the twelfth year of Samsuiluna, Hammurapi\u2019s successor, to whom twelve\nyears are also ascribed. It gives the total length of the dynasty of Larsa\nas 289 years. That dynasty, accordingly, began its rule in 2358 B. C.\n\n(8) In a chronological list of the kings of Ur and Nisin on a tablet in\nthe University Museum, Philadelphia,[11] it is stated that the kings of\nUr ruled 117 years and the kings of Nisin 225 years and 6 months. A tablet\nhas now been discovered which shows that the dynasty of Nisin was not\noverthrown until 2117 or 2116 B. C. Its 225 years, therefore, were all\nparallel to the time of the dynasty of Larsa. As the dynasty of Nisin rose\nupon the ruins of the kingdom of Ur, the dates of the kingdom of Ur are,\ntherefore, fixed as 2458-2341 B. C.\n\n(9) A chronological tablet published by Scheil in the _Comptes rendus_ of\nthe French Academy for 1911 gives a list of five early dynasties of\nBabylonia: a dynasty of Opis, one of Kish, one of Agade, and two of Erech.\n\n(10) A group of chronological tablets in the University Museum in\nPhiladelphia,[12] which assign several dynasties to each of several\nwell-known Babylonian cities, ascribe to their kings incredibly long\nreigns. One of these is translated in Part II, Chapter IV.\n\n(11) Fragments of a work of Berossos, a Babylonian priest who lived after\nthe time of Alexander the Great, contain a list of Babylonian kings. He\nbased his work on such tablets as those in the University Museum. His\nstatements abound accordingly in incredible numbers.\n\nFrom these tablets it appears that the dynasty of Ur was preceded by the\ndynasty of Gutium, which ruled for 159 years; the dynasty of Gutium was\npreceded by a dynasty of Erech for 26 years; that, by a dynasty of Agade\nfor 197 years; that, by one king of Erech, Lugalzaggisi, who ruled 25\nyears; he was apparently preceded by a dynasty of Kish for 106 years;\nthat, by a dynasty of Opis for 99 years. These figures take us back to\n3070 B. C., though the arrangement for the time before Lugalzaggisi is in\npart conjectural. Four dynasties of what are known to have been historical\nkings existed before this time, so that we are led to place the beginning\nof the historical period in Babylonia about 3200 B. C. or earlier.\n\n(12) Nabuna\u2019id, King of Babylon, 555-538 B. C., states that he found, in\nrepairing the temple at Sippar (Agade), the temple-platform of Naram-Sin,\nson of Sargon, which no one had seen for 3,200 years. As he made this\nstatement about 550 B. C., it was long supposed that this fixed the date\nof Naram-Sin as 3750 B. C., and that of his father, Sargon, at about 3800\nB. C. These dates will be found in many of the older books, but they are\nincredible. They would, if true, leave long gaps in the history that we\nhave no information to fill. Since it has been clearly proved that the\ndynasties overlapped, it seems that Nabuna\u2019id reached his date by adding\ntogether the totals of dynasties, some of which were contemporary. It now\nseems probable that he placed Naram-Sin about 1,100 years too early.\n\nThe sources here enumerated afford us a tolerably accurate chronology back\nto about 2450 B. C. All dates earlier than this have to be estimated by\ncombining statements of early dynastic tablets with arch\u00e6ological and\npal\u00e6ographic considerations.\n\n=6. Outline of the History.=--The history of Babylonia and Assyria falls\ninto eight different periods. Our information is not yet sufficiently\ncomplete to enable us to write the history of any one of them, but we can\ndiscern in outline a most fascinating course of events.\n\n(1) _The Prehistoric Period_, or the period before the rise of written\nhistory, during which we can ascertain from various inferences the general\ncourse of events. This period must have begun about 4500 or 5000 B. C. and\nlasted down to about 3200 B. C. The Semites from Arabia[13] were the first\nto pour into the fertile valley of Mesopotamia. They came up from the\nsouth, establishing the city of Eridu on the shore of the Persian Gulf,\nthen the cities of Ur, Erech, Lagash, Nippur, etc. They carried with them\nthe culture of the palm-tree, and learned to raise grain in the alluvial\nsoil of the rivers, but they had no system of writing. The early cities of\nBabylonia were the fortified residences of different tribes, which were\nfrequently at war with one another. One city would subjugate its neighbors\nfor a time and establish a small empire. As long as it continued to rule,\na certain degree of homage was paid to its god by all the cities over\nwhich it ruled. In prehistoric times there were kingdoms of this sort\nruled at one time by Eridu, at another by Erech, and at another by Nippur,\nfor Ea, the god of Eridu, Anu, the god of Erech, and Enlil or Bel, god of\nNippur, were ever after worshiped as the supreme gods of Babylonia.\n\n_Sumerians._--At some time before the dawn of history a people whom we\ncall Sumerians moved into Babylonia from the East. These people spoke a\nlanguage which possesses some features in common with Finnish and Turkish.\nThey were neither Aryans nor Semites. The Semites wore thick hair and long\nbeards; the Sumerians shaved both their heads and faces. These Sumerians\noverran southern Babylonia as far north as Nippur and in this region\nbecame the ruling race. They grafted the worship of their own gods upon\nthe worship of the deities of the cities which they conquered, but the\nSemitic elements of these local deities persisted even in Sumerian\nthought. It thus came about that the bald and beardless Sumerians picture\ntheir gods with hair and beards. After settling in Babylonia, the\nSumerians developed a system of writing. It was at first hieroglyphic,\nlike the Egyptian system. Afterward the Semites, who still retained the\nsupremacy in the cities of Kish and Agade in the north, and who had\nprobably been reinforced there by fresh migrations from Arabia, adapted\nthis system of writing to their own language. As clay was the usual\nwriting material and it was difficult to make good pictures on it, the\npictographic form of the writing was soon lost. The pictures degenerated\ninto those conventional symbols which are today known as the \u201ccuneiform\u201d\ncharacters.\n\n(2) _The Pre-Babylonian Period_ of the history includes the period from\nabout 3200 B. C. down to the rise of the city of Babylon, about 2100 B. C.\nThis period, like the preceding, was a time of successive city kingdoms.\nOne city would establish an empire for a while, then another, having\nbecome more powerful, would take the leadership. When first our written\nrecords enable us to trace the course of events, Lagash in the south and\nKish in the north were the rival cities. Lagash was ruled by a king,\nEnkhegal. A little later Meselim, King of Kish, conquered all of southern\nBabylonia, including Lagash. After Meselim had passed away, Ur-Nina\nfounded a new dynasty at Lagash and gained his independence. Ur-Nina\u2019s\ngrandson, Eannatum, raised the power of Lagash to its greatest height,\nconquering all the cities of Babylonia, even Kish. The Elamites were\nalways invading the fertile plains of Babylonia, so Eannatum ascended the\neastern mountains and subjugated Elam.\n\n\u201c_Stele of the Vultures._\u201d--He celebrated his victories by the erection of\none of the most remarkable monuments which the ancient world produced, the\nso-called \u201cstele of the vultures.\u201d From the pictures on the monument we\nlearn that the soldiers of Lagash, about 2950 B. C., waged their battles\nin a solid phalanx protected by shields. The Greeks were formerly supposed\nto have invented this form of attack, but were anticipated by 2,500 years;\n(see Fig. 19).\n\nAlthough this dynasty furnished several other rulers, the leadership of\nall Babylonia was lost after the death of Eannatum. It passed first to\nOpis and then again to Kish. Lagash continued to flourish, however, during\n200 years, while these cities were the overlords of its rulers. Its wars\nhad made it rich, and all the arts flourished there. Our best specimens of\nterra-cotta and stone work come from this period of this city. Under\nEntemena, the successor of Eannatum, a silver vase of exquisite\nworkmanship and ornamentation was made; (see Fig. 21). After a century or\nmore of wealth and luxury, during which priests and officials became\ncorrupt, a new king, Urkagina, seized the throne and endeavored to reform\nthe administration. Naturally, his reforms were unpopular with the\npriesthood and the army, and, though popular with the people, he\nunintentionally weakened the defensive power of his country.\n\nAt this juncture a new ruler named Lugalzaggisi arose in the city of Umma,\nwho ultimately overthrew Lagash and became king of all Babylonia. He made\nErech his capital. This was about 2800 B. C. Lugalzaggisi claims to have\noverrun the country from the Persian Gulf to the Mediterranean. If so, and\nthere is no good reason to doubt his claim, Babylonia and the Palestinian\ncoast-lands were under him brought together for the first time.\n\nAfter Lugalzaggisi the city of Agade came to the fore. Its great King\nSargon about 2775 B. C. founded a dynasty which ruled for nearly two\nhundred years. The kings of this line were Semitic and resided sometimes\nat Agade and sometimes at Kish. Sargon conquered Syria and a later\nchronicle says that he crossed the western sea. As a seal of this dynasty\nwas found in Cyprus, it is possibly true. Naram-Sin, one of the most\nfamous kings of this line, conquered the country of Magan, which some\nbelieve to be the peninsula of Sinai, but which others hold was situated\nin eastern Arabia.\n\nAbout the time of this dynasty, or a little before, King Lugaldaudu\nflourished at Adab, the modern Bismya, where Dr. Banks found his statue.\nIn this same general period a king named Anubanini ruled in a city to the\nnorthward, called Lulubi.\n\nPerhaps it was under the later kings of this dynasty of Agade, or under a\ndynasty of Erech which held sway for a brief period after them, that Gudea\nflourished at Lagash. This ruler does not claim to be a king, but his city\nenjoyed great prosperity under him, and he rebuilt it in fine style. He\nseems to have been on peaceful terms with much of the world, and brought\nfor his structures stone from Magan, cedar wood from Amanus on the\nMediterranean coast, and copper from Lebanon. After this time the land was\noverrun by hordes from Gutium, a region to the northeast beyond the\nTigris. They established a dynasty which lasted for 125 (or 159) years.\n\nIn 2458 B. C. a dynasty arose in the city of Ur, situated far to the\nsouth. These kings were Sumerians and under them a great Sumerian revival\noccurred. By this time northern Babylonia was called Akkad, from the city\nof Agade, and southern Babylonia was called Sumir, from a corruption of\nthe name of one of the quarters of Lagash. These kings combined with the\ntitle \u201cking of Ur\u201d the title \u201cking of Sumir and Akkad.\u201d Sumir is the\nBiblical \u201cShinar\u201d (Gen. 10:10; 11:2, etc.).\n\nDungi, the second king of this dynasty of Ur, reigned 58 years and\nestablished a wide empire, which included Elam and the city of Susa. He\nestablished a system of government posts to aid the royal officers of army\nand state in the performance of their duties.\n\nUpon the fall of the dynasty of Ur, the dominion of Babylonia was divided\nbetween two cities, Nisin and Larsa, each of which furnished a dynasty\nwhich flourished for more than two and a quarter centuries. Naturally,\nthese kings were continually struggling with each other for the supremacy,\nand sometimes one city was the more powerful, sometimes the other. The\nElamites, who during the whole period had occasionally swooped down into\nthe Mesopotamian Valley, overran Larsa and furnished the last two kings of\nits dynasty,--Arad-Sin and Rim-Sin. These kings have each been thought by\ndifferent scholars to be the Arioch of Gen. 14:1. (See Part II, Chapter\nIX.)\n\nAbout 2210 B. C. a dynasty of rulers was founded in the city of Babylon\nthat was destined to bring a new era into the history of the country.\nAfter a struggle of more than a century Hammurapi, the sixth king of this\nline, broke the power of Larsa and made Babylon the leading city of the\ncountry. Nisin had previously fallen. With the rise of Babylon another\nperiod of the life of the country was ended.\n\nThe above sketch calls attention to a few only of the more prominent\nfeatures and cities of Babylonia. There were many others which\nparticipated in her life during the millennium of the pre-Babylonian\nperiod. The recovery of more inscriptions will no doubt make this\nstatement more true even than we now dream. Each of these contributed its\nmite to the progress of civilization in this melting-pot of races in this\nfar-off time.\n\n(3) _The Early Babylonian Period_ began with the reign of Hammurapi and\ncontinued till about 1050 B. C. It includes the rule of the first four\ndynasties of Babylon. The period began gloriously under Hammurapi, who\nconquered all of Babylonia, and extended his sway also to the\nMediterranean. He was as great as an administrator as he was as a\nconqueror; he codified the laws of Babylonia and inscribed them on a stone\npillar, which was set up in the temple of Marduk in Babylon. These laws\nhave been recovered, and are one of the most valuable arch\u00e6ological\ndiscoveries of modern times. (See Part II, Chapter XIII.)\n\nSoon after the death of Hammurapi, a revolt occurred under one Ilumailu,\nwho established in the region near the Persian Gulf a dynasty known as the\n\u201cdynasty of the sea lands,\u201d which was afterward called the second dynasty\nof Babylon. Down to 1924 B. C. the two dynasties divided the country\nbetween them. In that year Babylonia was invaded by the Hittites, who came\nfrom the northwest, and the first dynasty of Babylon was overthrown. The\nHittites appear to have ruled the country for a short time, when they were\ndriven out by the \u201cdynasty of the sea lands,\u201d which, so far as we know,\ncontrolled the country for the next hundred and fifty years.\n\n_Kassites._--About 1750 B. C., or shortly before, Babylonia was once more\ninvaded by a race of barbarians from the east of the Tigris, called\nKassites or Coss\u00e6ans. They captured Babylon and founded the third dynasty\nof Babylon, which ruled for 576 years. The kings of this dynasty gradually\nabsorbed Babylonian culture. Soon after 1700 B. C. they expelled the kings\nof the sea lands from the south and ruled the whole country.\n\nAssyria, which under the first dynasty had been a Babylonian colony,\ngained her independence before 1400 B. C., so that after that the\nindependent histories of the two lands run on parallel lines. During the\nlong period of Kassite rule, Babylon experienced many vicissitudes.\nAssyria was at times friendly and at times hostile. In the reign of\nKurigalzu, Elam was successfully invaded and spoil formerly taken by the\nkings of Elam was brought back to Babylonia. Kadashman-turgu and\nBurnaburiash, kings of this dynasty, carried on friendly correspondence\nwith Amenophis III and Amenophis IV, kings of Egypt, 1400-1350 B. C.\n\n_Pashe Dynasty._--About 1175 B. C. the Kassite dynasty was superseded by\nthe Pashe dynasty, which ruled the country for more than a hundred and\nthirty years. The greatest king of this time was Nebuchadrezzar I, who\nreigned about 1150 B. C. He emulated with considerable success the career\nof his great predecessor, Hammurapi. After the fall of the fourth dynasty,\nthe country was divided and fell a prey to the Elamites, who overran it\nabout 1050. For the following 450 years Babylonia, though often\nindependent, was of little political importance.\n\n(4) _The Early Assyrian Period._--Assyria\u2019s empire grew out of the\ndomination of the city of Ashur, as that of Rome grew out of the\ndomination of the city of Rome. Ashur and Nineveh had been founded by\ncolonists from Lagash about 3000 or 2800 B. C. This is shown by\narch\u00e6ological remains found at Ashur, and by the name of Nineveh. We can\nfirst trace the names of Assyria\u2019s rulers shortly before the year 2000 B.\nC. They do not call themselves kings, and were, perhaps, then subject to\nBabylon.\n\nAbout 1430 B. C. we learn that Assyria had become an independent kingdom.\nHer king at that time, Ashur-rim-nishishu, was a contemporary of\nKaraindash, King of Babylon. Ashur-uballit about 1370-1343 was a\ncontemporary of Burnaburiash, King of Babylon, and shared in the\ncorrespondence with Egyptian kings contained in the El-Amarna letters.\nShalmaneser I about 1300 B. C. conquered the region to the west of Assyria\nextending across the Euphrates in the direction of the Mediterranean.\nAshur-nasirpal, a later king (884-860 B. C.), says that Shalmaneser \u201cmade\u201d\nthe city of Calah[14] as a new capital for his country. His son,\nTukulti-Ninib I, turned his arms to the southward and conquered Babylon,\nwhich he held for seven years. After him Assyria\u2019s power declined for a\ntime, but was revived by Tiglath-pileser I, who carried Assyria\u2019s\nconquests again across the Euphrates to the Mediterranean Sea and\nnorthward to the region of Lake Van. After the reign of Tiglath-pileser I,\nAssyria\u2019s power rapidly declined again, and the first period of Assyria\u2019s\nhistory was closed. Our sources almost fail us for a hundred years or\nmore.\n\n(5) _The Second Assyrian Period._--Assyria slowly emerged from the\nobscurity into which she had fallen after the death of Tiglathpileser I.\nThe progress went forward through the reigns of eleven different kings.\nFinally, in the reign of Ashur-nasirpal II, 884-860 B. C., a period of\nforeign conquest was once more inaugurated. This monarch again carried the\nconquests of his country northward and also to the Mediterranean. (See\nPart II, p. 360.) Under him Assyria became the best fighting machine in\nthe ancient world--a machine that was run with ruthless cruelty over all\nconquered peoples. This king set his successors the example of flaying and\nimpaling numbers of conquered peoples, and of boasting of such deeds in\nhis chronicles. Probably such deeds were not now committed for the first\ntime, but so far as we know they had not been so gloated over.\n\nAshur-nasirpal\u2019s successor, Shalmaneser III, 868-824 B. C., made, besides\ncampaigns into Armenia and elsewhere, six campaigns against the lands of\nSyria and Palestine. On his first campaign in 854 he was met at Qarqar by\na confederation of kings, among whom were Ahab of Israel and Ben-Hadad of\nDamascus. (See Part II, p. 360, ff.) On his fourth campaign in 842 B. C.\nJehu, who had in that year usurped the throne of Israel, hastened to make\nhis peace with Shalmaneser by giving him a heavy tribute. Thus Assyria\ngained a right to claim Israel as a vassal state. (See Part II, p. 362,\nf.)\n\nThe next two kings, Shamshi-Adad IV and Adad-nirari IV, controlled Assyria\nuntil 783 B. C., and maintained her power. The last-mentioned king made\nthree expeditions into the West, and claims to have received tribute not\nonly from Israel but from Philistia and Edom, but no details of his\ncampaigns have survived.\n\nAfter 783 the power of Assyria declined again, and the decline lasted\nuntil 745, when the reigning dynasty was overthrown, and an able general,\nwhose name was apparently Pul, gained the throne (cf. 2 Kings 15:19), and\ntook the great name of Tiglath-pileser. He reigned as the fourth king of\nthat name. Tiglath-pileser IV was great both as a warrior and as a\nstatesman. He broke for the time being the power of the kingdom of Urartu\nin Armenia, conquered parts of Media on the east, and also annexed Babylon\nto Assyria. Babylon during this later Assyrian period had usually been\npermitted to retain a king of her own, though the kingdom was of little\npolitical importance as compared with Assyria. Tiglath-pileser made his\npower dominant in Babylonia at the beginning of his reign, and during the\nlast two years of his life actually reigned there as king. The Babylonian\nscribes did not recognize his high-sounding name of Tiglath-pileser, but\nstill called him Pul.\n\nIn the first year of his reign Tiglath-pileser IV inaugurated a new policy\nwith reference to conquered peoples. This was the policy of transporting\nto a distant part of his empire the wealthy and influential members of a\nconquered nation, and of putting similar exiles from other lands in their\nplace. Individuals so transported would be unable longer to foment\nrebellion against him. It was a brutal policy, but it was a measure\ndesigned to build up a permanent empire.\n\nTiglath-pileser made four expeditions to the west, though the first two\ntouched northern Ph\u0153nicia only. In 739, when he made his appearance in\nPalestine, Menahem, King of Israel, hastened to pay him tribute (2 Kings\n15:19). Four years later, however, after Pekah had usurped the throne of\nIsrael, that king formed an alliance with Rezin of Damascus for the\npurpose of throwing off the Assyrian yoke, and tried to force Ahaz of\nJudah to join in the enterprise. (See Isa. 7:1, f.) This, Ahaz, supported\nby the prophet Isaiah, refused to do. In 733-732 Tiglath-pileser came\nagain into the West, overran the territory of the kingdom of Israel,\ndeported the chief inhabitants of Galilee to distant parts of his\ndominions (2 Kings 15:29, 30), and replaced Pekah, who had been killed, by\nKing Hoshea, who ruled over a greatly diminished territory and upon whom a\nheavy Assyrian tribute was imposed. Tiglath-pileser then turned eastward\nand conquered Damascus, which his predecessors since the days of\nShalmaneser III had been vainly trying to capture. While the Assyrian\nmonarch was at Damascus, King Ahaz of Judah went thither and became his\nvassal. (See 2 Kings 16:10, f.) Thus Judah also passed under the Assyrian\nyoke. (See Part II, p. 366.)\n\nTiglath-pileser IV was succeeded by Shalmaneser V, 727-722 B. C., and soon\nafter the death of Tiglath-pileser, Hoshea of Israel was persuaded to join\nseveral petty rulers of Philistia and Egypt in rebelling against Assyria.\nIn 725 an Assyrian army overran Hoshea\u2019s territory, and laid siege to\nSamaria. The military position of Samaria and its strong walls made it\nalmost impregnable, and the siege dragged on for three years (2 Kings\n17:5). Before the city fell, another king had ascended the throne of\nAssyria. He was a usurper, a general, who took the great name of Sargon,\nand who ruled from 722 to 705 B. C. Samaria succumbed in Sargon\u2019s first\nyear and 27,290 of its inhabitants were deported. The discontent of the\nwest was not at once quieted. Other states remained in rebellion and an\nAssyrian army finally defeated them at Raphia, southwest of Gaza, in 719\nB. C. Sargon then turned his arms in other directions, fighting at various\ntimes with the kingdom of Urartu in Armenia, overcoming Carchemish, a\nHittite kingdom on the Euphrates in 717 (see Isa. 10:9), and making an\nexpedition into Arabia in 715. In 711 Ashdod revolted and Sargon\u2019s Tartan\nor chief officer came to put the rebellion down (Isa. 20:1).\n\nAt the beginning of Sargon\u2019s reign his arms had been defeated in\nBabylonia, and Merodachbaladan, a Chald\u00e6an (see 2 Kings 20:12), seized the\nthrone of Babylon and held it from 721 to 709. Then he was defeated and\nSargon took over the control of Babylonia. Merodachbaladan, however,\nescaped to the marsh lands at the head of the Persian Gulf, and survived\nto make trouble later. In 705 Sargon died and was succeeded by his son,\nSennacherib, who ruled from 705 to 681 B. C. At the beginning of his reign\ntroubles broke out in Babylonia, which cannot here be followed in detail.\nThey lasted for years, and none of Sennacherib\u2019s measures gave the country\npermanent peace. At last Sennacherib became so incensed that he destroyed\nBabylon. Her buildings were burned and battered down, her walls\noverthrown, and the Euphrates turned through canals into the land on which\nshe had stood, to make it a marsh. One incident in the series of events\nwhich led up to this sad climax was the reappearance in 702 of\nMerodachbaladan, who seized the throne of Babylon and tried to stir up a\nrebellion against Assyria. He even sent letters to Hezekiah, King of\nJudah. (See 2 Kings 20:12.) At the beginning of Sennacherib\u2019s reign a\nnumber of the petty kings of Philistia had withheld their tribute. Into\nthis revolt Hezekiah, King of Judah, had been drawn. Busied with other\nwars, Sennacherib was unable to quell this rebellion until the year 701.\nIn that year his army met the forces of the confederated kingdoms at\nElteke in the valley of Aijalon and overcame them. Sennacherib then\nproceeded to Lachish, where he received the submission of the neighboring\nkinglets. From Lachish he sent a messenger who summoned Hezekiah of Judah\nto submit (cf. Isa. 36, 37). Hezekiah obeyed the summons and paid a heavy\ntribute. Space does not permit us to speak of the wars of Sennacherib\nagainst Elam and other countries.\n\nIt would seem that after Tirhakah ascended the throne of Egypt in 688 B.\nC., he persuaded the kingdoms of Palestine to rebel. The Assyrian came\nwest again and threatened to invade Egypt and to destroy Jerusalem. Isaiah\nthen predicted that Jerusalem would be delivered (Isa. 31:5), a prediction\nwhich was fulfilled. Sennacherib\u2019s army was attacked by bubonic plague and\nwas compelled to retire.[15]\n\nSennacherib was assassinated in 681 and was succeeded by his son,\nEsarhaddon, who ruled till 668. Esarhaddon rebuilt Babylon, which his\nfather had destroyed, and two years before his death conquered all of\nLower Egypt and made it an Assyrian province. During his reign a great\nhorde of Scythians poured into Asia through the Caucasus region from\nsouthern Russia. The Assyrian army prevented Assyria from being\noverwhelmed by this horde. The stream of invaders was divided, one part\nflowing east to Media, the other part westward to Asia Minor.\n\nEsarhaddon\u2019s son and successor, Ashurbanipal, ruled from 668 to 626. His\nreign was the Augustan age of Assyria. At the beginning he was called upon\nto put down a rebellion in Egypt, and as trouble there recurred several\ntimes, trouble which was fomented by emissaries from Thebes and Nubia, he\nfinally in 661 pushed up the Nile and conquered Thebes and gave it over to\nplunder. (See Nahum 3:8.) Space does not permit us to follow\nAshurbanipal\u2019s wars. About the middle of his reign his brother,\nShamash-shumukin, who was ruling Babylon, rebelled along with many other\nvassals, and although the rebels were finally put down, the seeds of the\ndecay of Assyria\u2019s power were sown. Manasseh, King of Judah, as long as he\nlived was a faithful vassal of Esarhaddon and Ashurbanipal. (Cf. 2 Kings\n19:37; 2 Chron. 33.)\n\nThe great work of Ashurbanipal was the collection of his library at\nNineveh. He sent to all the old temples of Babylonia and had copies made\nof their incantations, hymns, and epics. These, together with chronicles,\nmedical tablets, dictionaries, etc., he collected in his palace, where\nthey were found by Layard and Rassam, and form the basis of our knowledge\nof the Assyrian and Babylonian language, literature, and history. With the\ndeath of Ashurbanipal, the last Assyrian period had really closed. Though\nthe kingdom continued for twenty years more, they were but the years of a\nlingering death.\n\n(6) _The Neo-Babylonian Period._--In 625, the year after Ashurbanipal\u2019s\ndeath, Nabopolassar, the viceroy of Babylon, who appears to have been a\nChald\u00e6an,[16] gained his independence, and established the Neo-Babylonian,\nor Chald\u00e6an empire. Nabopolassar himself reigned till 604 B. C. During his\nreign the power of the city of Babylon gradually extended over all\nsouthern Babylonia, and up the Euphrates to Carchemish. During these years\nAssyria was gradually diminishing in territory. As Assyria had declined,\nMedia, which had long been in greater or less degree subject to Assyria,\nhad become free, and Median kings had little by little gained control of\nthe country toward Assyria. Nabopolassar finally made an alliance with the\nMedian king, and together they overthrew Nineveh in 606 B. C.\n\nIn 604 Necho of Egypt marched with an army to the Euphrates, and\nNabopolassar sent his son, Nebuchadrezzar II, to meet him. Nebuchadrezzar\ndefeated Necho at the battle of Carchemish, and hotly pursued him toward\nEgypt. (See Jer. 46.) The pursuit was, however, interrupted by the death\nof Nabopolassar, and the recall of Nebuchadrezzar to Babylon to be crowned\nas king. The defeat of Necho had made Judah a Babylonian vassal-state.\nNebuchadrezzar ruled until 562 B. C., and raised Babylon to a height of\npower which rivaled that attained under the great Hammurapi. He also\nrebuilt the city in great magnificence. The palaces, temples, and walls of\nthis period, unearthed by Koldewey, were most magnificent structures.\nOwing to rebellions, first of Jehoiakim and then of Zedekiah, kings of\nJudah, Nebuchadrezzar twice besieged Jerusalem, once in 597, and again in\n586 B. C., on both occasions capturing the city. In 586 he destroyed it.\n(2 Kings 24, 25.) Following the Assyrian practice, which had prevailed\nsince Tiglath-pileser IV, he transported considerable numbers of the more\ninfluential people of the city each time he took it. These were settled in\nBabylonia. One colony of them was stationed near Nippur. Among those who\nwere transported in 597 was a young priest, who afterward became the\nprophet Ezekiel. The colony with which he came was settled by the Khubur\ncanal near Nippur. (See Ezek. 1:1.) The young king, Jehoiachin, who was\nalso taken captive at that time, remained in confinement during the rest\nof Nebuchadrezzar\u2019s reign. He was only released by Amil-Marduk,\nNebuchadrezzar\u2019s son, who succeeded his father and reigned two years. (See\n2 Kings 25:27-30.)\n\nAfter Nebuchadrezzar the kingdom of Babylon rapidly declined through four\nreigns. Meantime, Cyrus, who in 553 had overthrown the kingdom of Media\nand erected the kingdom of Persia on its ruins, had been gradually\nextending his realm to the \u00c6gean Sea on the west, and to the borders of\nIndia on the east. In 538 B. C. Cyrus captured Babylon and overthrew\nNabuna\u2019id.\n\n(7) _The Persian Period_ lasted from 538 to 331 B. C. During this time\nBabylonia was but a province of the Persian empire, though the Persian\nkings made it one of their capitals. Cyrus reversed the policy of\ntransportation, which had been practised by the Assyrians and Babylonians\nfor two hundred years, and permitted subject peoples to return to their\nlands and restore their institutions and worship. He sought to attach them\nto his government by gratitude instead of fear. It was owing to this\npolicy that the Jewish state was once more established with Jerusalem as\nits capital, though still a Persian colony. Cambyses extended Persian\npower to Egypt in 525, and Darius I, 521-485 B. C., extended it to India\nand into Europe. Under Darius the temple at Jerusalem was rebuilt and the\nJews there tried unsuccessfully to regain their independence. This they\nattempted once more under Artaxerxes III about 350 B. C., but his general,\nBagoses, put down their rebellion with great severity. During the Persian\nperiod life in Babylonia went on as before. The old gods were worshiped,\nthe old culture was continued, the same language was used, and many\nbusiness documents written in it have come down to us. The earlier Persian\nkings employed it for their inscriptions, and in a short time the Persians\nmade from it an alphabet of their own.\n\n(8) _The Greek and Parthian Periods._--Alexander the Great overthrew\nDarius III, the last of the Persian kings, in 331 B. C., when Assyria and\nBabylonia passed under the sway of the Macedonian. When Alexander returned\nfrom his conquest of hither India in 325 B. C., he planned to extend his\nempire westward to the Atlantic Ocean, and to make Babylon its capital.\nPlans for the enlargement and beautifying of the city, so as to make it a\nworthy capital for such an empire, were under way when Alexander suddenly\ndied in June, 323 B. C. In the final division of the world among\nAlexander\u2019s successors, Babylonia fell to Seleucus, together with all the\nterritory from the Mediterranean to the borders of India. As Seleucus\ndesired a capital on the Mediterranean, so as to watch more successfully\nthe movements of his rivals, he built Antioch on the Orontes and made it\nhis residence. Babylon was, however, made the capital of the eastern half\nof the empire, and the king\u2019s son, as viceroy, made it his residence.\n\nSoon after 260 B. C. Bactria and Parthia, in the eastern part of the\nempire of the Seleucid\u00e6, gained their independence. In course of time\nParthia absorbed Bactria and became an empire, which lasted till 230 A. D.\nAbout 150 B. C. the Parthians conquered Babylonia, which remained with\nlittle interruption under their sway till the establishment of the\nSassanian kingdom of the Persians in 220 A. D. Babylonia was under the\ncontrol of this last dynasty until the coming of the Mohammedans in the\nyear 637 A. D. The old culture of the Babylonians, their religion,\nlanguage, and writing were maintained well down toward the Christian era.\nCopies of old Sumerian hymns have been found in Babylonia which bear dates\nas late as 81 B. C., and business documents in Semitic are numerous.[17]\n\n=7. Discoveries Which Illumine the Bible.=--Discoveries in Babylonia and\nAssyria which illumine the Biblical narratives are numerous. The sites of\nmany cities, such as Ur of the Chaldees, Erech, Babylon, Ashur, Nineveh,\nand Calah, have been excavated. The number of documents which have come to\nlight which in one way or another have a bearing on the Bible is too\nnumerous to mention here. An effort has been made in Part II to translate\nexamples of most of them. Indeed, the greater part of the material in Part\nII was recovered by excavations in these countries.\n\nTo Babylonia and to Egypt mankind owes the working out of the initial\nproblems of civilization, the processes of agriculture, the making of\nbricks, the working of stone, the manufacture and use of the ordinary\nimplements of life, the development of elementary mathematics and\nastronomy, etc. These problems were by slow processes independently worked\nout in each country through long ages. The higher spiritual concepts which\nhave now become the heritage of man neither Babylonia nor Egypt was fitted\nto contribute. These came through the agency of other peoples.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER III\n\nTHE HITTITES\n\n A FORGOTTEN EMPIRE. HITTITE MONUMENTS: Sendjirli. Boghaz Koi. Other\n recent excavations. HITTITE DECIPHERMENT: Sayce\u2019s early work. Peiser.\n Jensen. Conder. Sayce\u2019s later work. Thompson. Delitzsch. HITTITE\n HISTORY: First appearance. Hyksos possibly Hittites. The Mitanni.\n Kingdom of \u201cHittite City.\u201d Carchemish. Samal and Yadi. Hamath.\n\n\n=1. A Forgotten Empire.=--Among the peoples who are said to have been in\nPalestine in the Patriarchal age are the Hittites (Gen. 23:10; 26:34,\netc.). They are mentioned most often in the list of peoples whom the\nIsraelites drove out of the country when they conquered it: \u201cthe\nCanaanite, the Hittite, the Amorite, the Hivite, and the Jebusite,\u201d and\nthe man is still living who first suspected that anything more than this\ncould be known of them. This man was Prof. Sayce, of Oxford. In the\ninscriptions of the Egyptian kings of the eighteenth and nineteenth\ndynasties there is frequent mention of a people called _Kheta_. In the\ninscriptions of Assyrian kings there is also frequent mention of a people\ncalled _Kha-at-tu_. Slowly, too, during the nineteenth century\nrock-carvings, often accompanied by inscriptions in a peculiar hieroglyph,\nwere found scattered through northern Syria and Asia Minor. The figures of\ngods and men on these carvings usually wore caps of a peculiarly pointed\ntype and shoes turned far up at the toe. In 1876 it dawned upon Prof.\nSayce that these were all references to the Biblical Hittites. He\nproceeded to elaborate this view in two articles published in the\n_Transactions of the Society of Biblical Arch\u00e6ology_, Vols. V and VII.\n\nAbout the same time the Rev. William Wright independently started the same\nidea, and gave it expression in his book, _The Empire of the Hittites_,\n1884, 2d ed., 1885. At this period it was impossible to discern more than\nthat there had been a widely scattered Hittite civilization, which might\nhave been an empire.\n\n=2. Hittite Monuments.=--This civilization, it was seen, had left its\nmonuments at Hamath in Syria, at Carchemish on the Euphrates, at various\npoints in ancient Cappadocia, Lycaonia, and Phrygia, as well as near\nSmyrna in Asia Minor and on the Lydian mountains to the west of Sardis. In\n1891 Prof. W. Max M\u00fcller, of Philadelphia, reached the conclusion from a\nstudy of the Egyptian inscriptions that the Hittites had come into Syria\nfrom the northwest, and that their main strength was in Asia Minor. Among\nthe letters found at El-Amarna in Egypt in 1887-1888 were some from\nDushratta, a king of Mitanni. A study of these made it clear that the\nMitanni inhabited the region on both sides of the Euphrates north of\nCarchemish, and that they were of the same stock as the Hittites. Our\nsources of information indicate that the territory of the Mitanni lay east\nof the Euphrates, but scattered monuments of the Hittite type are found on\nthe west of that river.\n\n(1) _Sendjirli._--From 1888 to 1891 a German expedition excavated at\nSendjirli, near the head-waters of the Kara Su in northern Syria, and\nbrought to light most interesting remains of a civilization that was\nfundamentally Hittite. Inscriptions found here dated in the reigns of\nTiglath-pileser IV and Esarhaddon were in Aramaic. By this time there had\nbeen an influx of Aram\u00e6ans, but the art shows that Hittites held the place\nat an earlier time, and there is reason to believe that one of the kings\nmentioned here had, about 850 B. C., joined in a Hittite federation.\n\n(2) _Boghaz Koi._--Among the monuments known to Prof. Sayce at the\nbeginning of his brilliant studies of the Hittites, were some from Boghaz\nKoi, in Asia Minor. Different travelers had noted that here must have been\na somewhat extensive city, adorned with several large buildings, all of\nwhich were ornamented with carvings of the peculiar Hittite type. In 1906\nthe late Prof. Winckler, of Berlin, excavating here in connection with the\nauthorities of the Turkish Museum at Constantinople, discovered an archive\nof clay tablets inscribed in Babylonian characters. A group of similar\ntablets from Cappadocia had been previously purchased by the British\nMuseum. Winckler\u2019s discovery was important because he found some of the\ntablets inscribed in Hittite written in cuneiform characters. Of those\nwritten in the Babylonian language, one contained a copy of the great\ntreaty between Hattusil, a Hittite king, and Ramses II of Egypt. There\nwere also tablets containing Sumerian and Semitic equivalents of Hittite\nwords. Owing to the long illness of Winckler which followed these\ndiscoveries, an illness that terminated in death, the results of this\ndiscovery are only now being given to the world.\n\nIn 1907 Winckler and Puchstein, in conjunction with Makridy Bey of the\nTurkish Museum, made a thorough examination of the remains of walls and\nbuildings at Boghaz Koi. The results have since been published in a\nhandsome volume entitled _Boghaskoi, die Bauwerke_, Leipzig, 1912; (see\nFigs. 23 and 25).\n\n(3) _Other Recent Excavations._--An American expedition consisting of Drs.\nOlmstead, Charles, and Wrench, of Cornell University, explored in Asia\nMinor in 1907-1908. The members of this expedition collated all the known\nmonuments of the Hittites, but so far only their collation of the\ninscriptions has been published.\n\nThe Institute of Arch\u00e6ology of the University of Liverpool has also sent\none or more expeditions to explore the Hittite country. In 1910 they\nexcavated to some extent at Sakje-Geuze, not far from Sendjirli, but their\nresults are not yet published.\n\nSince 1911 the trustees of the British Museum have had an excavation in\nprogress at the site of ancient Carchemish on the Euphrates. Here most\nimportant Hittite remains have been discovered, though again the details\nof the work have not been given to the public. The expedition has also\nmade some minor excavations at several points in the neighborhood, and\nfind that Hittite remains are numerous in that region. In addition to\nthese places, Hittite remains have been observed at Yaila, Marash,\nGiaour-Kalesi, Karaburna, Kizil Dagh, Fraktin, Ivriz, Kara-Bel, Mount\nSypilus, Tashji, Asarjik, Bulghar-Maden, Gurun, and Kara Dagh. One who\nwill look up these places on a map of modern Turkey will see that Hittite\nmonuments are distributed from near the shores of the \u00c6gean Sea to the\nEuphrates at Carchemish and to Hamath in Syria. (_For addition to this\nsection, see Appendix._)\n\n=3. Hittite Decipherment.=\n\n(1) _Sayce\u2019s Early Work._--Prof. Sayce, whose insight first grasped the\nsignificance of the Hittite monuments, was also the first to attempt the\nsolution of the riddle which the inscriptions present. In 1880 he thought\nhe had found a key to the writing, such as the Rosetta Stone had been to\nEgyptian, in the so-called \u201cBoss of Tarkondemos\u201d; (see Fig. 26). This\n\u201cboss\u201d consisted of a round silver plate, in form like half an orange,\nwhich must have covered the knob of a staff or dagger. This had been\ndescribed by Dr. A. D. Mordtmann, in the Journal of the German Oriental\nSociety in 1872. The original was then in the possession of Alexander\nJovanoff, a numismatist of Constantinople, who had obtained it at Smyrna.\nThe \u201cboss\u201d bore in its center a figure of the peculiar Hittite form,\nflanked on both sides by writing in the Hittite characters, while around\nthe whole was an inscription in the cuneiform writing of Assyria. From\nthis Sayce tentatively determined the values of a number of Hittite signs.\nThe results were, however, attended with considerable uncertainty, since\nthe Assyrian characters were capable of being read in more than one way.\nUsing the key thus obtained, Sayce enlarged his list of supposed\nsign-values and in 1884 and 1885 published as known the values of\nthirty-two Hittite signs. In the years that followed Ball and Menant took\nup the discussion of the Hittite signs, but with no decisive result.\n\nIn 1889 Winckler and Abel published in one of the volumes of the Royal\nMuseum at Berlin the first instalment of the text of the El-Amarna\nletters, in which there were two from Dushratta, King of Mitanni, in the\nnative language of that country, though written in Babylonian characters.\nIn the following year, 1890, Profs. Jensen, Br\u00fcnnow, and Sayce all\npublished in the _Zeitschrift f\u00fcr Assyriologie_ studies of this language,\nSayce even venturing a translation of a part of the text. Each of these\nscholars had worked independently of the others, but none of them seems to\nhave suspected that the language had anything to do with Hittite.\n\n(2) _Peiser._--In 1892 Dr. Peiser, then of Breslau University, published\nhis book on the Hittite inscriptions, in which he essayed another method\nof decipherment. Layard had found four Hittite seals in the palace of\nSennacherib at Nineveh. Peiser inferred that these must be seals of four\nHittite kings mentioned in the inscriptions of that time, and proceeded to\nassign each seal to the name of a known Hittite king, and interpret the\nsigns on the seal by the name of that king as spelled out in the cuneiform\ncharacters of the Assyrian inscriptions. Having obtained in this way\ntentative values for several signs, he proceeded by inference to guess at\nother signs, and so tentatively read some inscriptions.\n\n(3) _Jensen._--Prof. Jensen, of Marburg, wrote in that same year an\nunfavorable review of Peiser\u2019s work. When reading the proofs of his review\nhe added a postscript to say that he believed he had himself discovered\nthe key to Hittite. Two years later, 1894, he published in the Journal of\nthe German Oriental Society his method of solving the problem. Jensen\u2019s\nstarting-point was gained from inscriptions from Jerabis, the site of\nancient Carchemish, Hamath, and other places. He inferred that a certain\nsign was the determinative for city, and that the names preceding this\nsign were names of places. Gaining in this way some values for signs, he\nread the names of some kings. He found that these names had nominatives\nending in _s_ and accusative cases ending in _m_; he accordingly leaped to\nthe conclusion that the Hittite language was a member of the Indo-European\ngroup of languages, as this is the only known group of tongues in which\nthis phenomenon occurs. This inference later research has in part\nconfirmed. Jensen, however, went further and endeavored to show that the\nHittites were the ancestors of the Armenians of later time. This theory\nled to the publication in 1898 of his book, _Hittiter und Armenier_. Of\nthe correctness of this view he has not been able to convince other\nscholars. By this time Jensen and others had begun to see that the\nMitannians and the Hittites were kindred peoples and worshiped the same\ngods. It is now recognized that Jensen correctly ascertained the value of\nsome signs, though many of his guesses, like those of his predecessors,\nhave proved incorrect.\n\n(4) _Conder._--In 1898 Lieut.-Col. C. R. Conder published _The Hittites\nand Their Language_, a work in which he presented still another\ndecipherment of the inscriptions. Conder\u2019s decipherment was based on a\ncomparison of the Hittite characters with the Sumerian pictographs on the\none hand and the syllabary which was used by Greeks in Cyprus, Caria, and\nLydia on the other. He assumed that if a picture had in Sumerian a certain\nsyllabic value, and if the Cypriotic syllabary presented a character\nsomewhat resembling it which had a similar value, the Hittite character\nwhich most closely resembled these must have the same value, since the\nHittites lived between the two peoples who used the other syllabaries.\nThis system of decipherment has attracted no adherents because it is based\non a fallacious inference. It does not follow because a nation lives\nbetween two other nations, that its institutions are kindred to those of\nits neighbors. One could not explain writings of the Indian tribes of\nArizona, for example, by comparing them with books printed in English in\nSt. Louis and in Spanish in Los Angeles! In 1899 Messerschmidt, who was\ncollecting in one body all the known Hittite inscriptions for publication,\npublished a study of the language of Mitanni,[18] which advanced our\nknowledge of the language of the letters of Dushratta. Messerschmidt\u2019s\nlater publication of the Hittite inscriptions[19] made it far easier for\nscholars to study the subject.\n\n(5) _Sayce\u2019s Later Work._--Stimulated by Jensen\u2019s efforts, Prof. Sayce\nreturned to the study of Hittite in 1903, and published in the\n_Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Arch\u00e6ology_ of that year (Vol.\nXXV) a new decipherment. He followed Jensen\u2019s method, accepting a number\nof Jensen\u2019s readings as proved, and with the originality and daring that\ncharacterize so much of his work, launched many new readings. Some of\nthese have commended themselves to his successors.\n\nIn 1909 Ferdinand Bork returned to the problem of the language of Mitanni,\nand published a pretty complete decipherment of the Mitannian tablets in\nthe El-Amarna letters. In 1911 Dr. B. B. Charles, the philologist of the\nCornell expedition to Asia Minor, published as Part II of Volume I of\n_Travels and Studies in the Nearer East_, which is to embody the results\nof the Cornell expedition, his collation of the Hittite inscriptions. This\npublication added some new texts to those previously known. In 1912 Prof.\nClay, of Yale, rendered the subject of Hittiteology a distinct service by\nincluding in his volume of _Personal Names from Cuneiform Inscriptions of\nthe Cassite Period_ a list of Hittite and Mitannian proper names, and a\nlist of the nominal and verbal elements which enter into the composition\nof such names.\n\n(6) _Thompson._--The latest attempt on a large scale to unravel the\nmystery of the Hittite inscriptions is that of R. Campbell Thompson, \u201cA\nNew Decipherment of the Hittite Hieroglyphs,\u201d published in _Arch\u00e6ologia_,\nsecond series, Vol. XIV, Oxford, 1913. Mr. Thompson was a member of the\nBritish expedition which excavated Carchemish, and gained the idea which\ngave him the starting-point for his decipherment from an inscription\nexcavated by that expedition. This inscription contained many proper\nnames, and, after passing it and looking at it every day for a long time,\nit occurred to Mr. Thompson that a certain elaborate sign which frequently\noccurred in it might be a part of the name of the Hittite King Sangar, who\nis frequently mentioned by Ashurnasirpal II and Shalmeneser III of\nAssyria. In seeking proof for this Mr. Thompson was led into a study of\nthe texts which resulted in a new interpretation of the Hittite signs. His\nwork is logical at every point, he makes no inference without first\nexamining all the occurrences in the known texts of the group of signs in\nquestion, and he tests his inferences wherever possible by the known\nresults of a study of Mitannian and cuneiform Hittite. It is too soon to\npronounce a final verdict, but it looks as though Thompson had materially\nadvanced the decipherment of Hittite.\n\n(7) _Delitzsch._--After the death of Prof. Winckler, the cuneiform tablets\nwhich he had discovered at Boghaz Koi were turned over to Ernst Weidner\nfor publication. That publication is soon to appear, but Prof. Friedrich\nDelitzsch, under whose general direction Weidner is working, published in\nMay, 1914, a study based on twenty-six fragments of lexicographical texts\nwhich are to appear in Weidner\u2019s work. These texts defined Hittite words\nin Sumerian and in Assyrian. Although the texts are very fragmentary,\nProf. Delitzsch has been able to gain in this way a vocabulary of about\n165 Hittite words, the meanings of most of which are known, and to\nascertain some facts about the grammar of Hittite.\n\nWe are, it would seem, just on the eve of a complete mastery of the\nsecrets of the Hittite inscriptions. The more our knowledge of the\nHittites grows, the less simple seems the problem of their racial\naffinities. Some features of their speech clearly resemble features of the\nIndo-European family of languages, but other features would seem to denote\nTartar affinities. In a number of instances the influence of the Assyrian\nlanguage can clearly be traced. The same confusion presents itself when we\nstudy the pictures of Hittites as they appear in Egyptian reliefs. Two\ndistinct types of face are there portrayed. One type has high cheek bones,\noblique eyes, and wears a pigtail, like the peoples of Mongolia and China;\nthe other has a clean-cut head and face which resemble somewhat the early\nGreeks. These may well have been Aryans. That there was a strain in the\nHittite composition that came from Turkestan or that came through that\ncountry is also indicated by the fact that the Hittites were the first of\nthe peoples of western Asia to use the horse. Evidence of the use of the\nhorse as a domestic animal by the people of Turkestan at an early date was\nbrought to light by the excavations of Prof. Pumpelly[20] in that land, so\nthat the presence of horses among the Hittites naturally suggests some\nconnection with that region. Among the Hittite allies Semitic Amorites are\nalso pictured. These have receding foreheads and projecting beards.\n\n=4. Hittite History.=\n\n(1) _First Appearance._--The earliest reference to the Hittites which we\nhave in any written record occurs in a Babylonian chronicle, which states\nthat \u201cagainst Shamsu-ditana the men of the country Khattu marched.\u201d[21]\nShamsu-ditana was the last king of the first dynasty of Babylon. His reign\nterminated in 1924 B. C. Khattu land, as will appear further on, was the\nname later given to the Hittite settlement in Cappadocia. One would\nnaturally suppose that the name would have the same significance here, but\nof this we cannot be certain. The tablet on which this chronicle was\nwritten was inscribed in the Persian or late Babylonian period, but there\nis evidence that it was copied from an earlier original. If its statement\nis true, the Hittites had made their appearance in history and were\nprepared to mingle in that _m\u00eal\u00e9e_ of the races which occurred when the\nfirst dynasty of Babylon was overthrown. Nothing is said in the chronicle\nas to the location of the land of Khattu, but there can be no doubt that\nthe Hittites approached Babylonia from the northwest. Their seat must have\nbeen in the region where we later find the Hittites, or Mitanni. At what\nperiod the Hittites came into this region we can only conjecture. The\nexcavations at Sakje-Geuze reveal a civilization there extending back to\nabout 3000 B. C., which resembled that found at Susa in Elam belonging to\nthe same period. This civilization may not have been Hittite in its\nbeginnings. Mr. Woolley, a member of the British expedition which has\nexcavated at Carchemish, in a study of the objects found in tombs at\nCarchemish and at other places near by, thinks it possible that the coming\nof the Hittites is marked by a transition period in the art--a period the\ntermination of which he marks by the date of the fall of the first dynasty\nof Babylon. It may well be that Indo-Europeans followed by Mongols came\nabout 2100 or 2000 into this region, or that the Mongols were there\nearlier and that the Indo-Europeans then came. In the resultant\ncivilization it would seem, from the information that we have, that there\nwas a mingling of the two races; (see Fig. 24).\n\n(2) _Hyksos Possibly Hittites._--Since the Hittites were able to help\noverthrow the first dynasty of Babylon, some scholars have recognized the\npossibility that those invaders of Egypt who established the dynasties\ncalled Hyksos may have been Hittites, or may have been led by Hittites.\nThere is much evidence that many Semites entered Egypt at that time, but\nas Syria and Palestine were peopled with Semites earlier than this, such\nan invasion would naturally have had many Semites among its camp\nfollowers, if not in its armies, even if the leaders were Hittites. At\npresent, however, this is but a possibility. Some slight evidence in favor\nof the possibility may be found in the name of the king of Jerusalem who\nwas a vassal of Amenophis IV, and who wrote the letters from Jerusalem\nwhich are in the El-Amarna collection. (See Part II, p. 345, ff.) His name\nwas Abdi-Hepa, and Hepa was a Hittite and Mitannian deity. Abdi-Hepa had\ngrown up a trusted subject of the Egyptians. His ancestors must,\ntherefore, have been in Palestine for some time. A settlement of Hittites\nthere in the Hyksos days would account for this. The twenty-third chapter\nof Genesis represents the city of Hebron as in the possession of the\nHittites when Abraham purchased the cave of Machpelah as a place of burial\nfor his dead, and, though many scholars regard Genesis 23, which gives\nthis account, as a late composition, its representation would receive some\nconfirmation from arch\u00e6ology, if the Hyksos were Hittites.\n\nThere is a possibility that the Hittites were in southern Palestine\nearlier than this. Brugsch[22] thought that he found in an inscription in\nthe Louvre, written by an officer of Amenemhet I, King of Egypt, 2000-1970\nB. C., a statement that this officer had destroyed the palaces of the\nHittites near the Egyptian frontier of Palestine. This reading is still\ndefended by Prof. Sayce,[23] though other Egyptologists, such as W. Max\nM\u00fcller[24] and Breasted,[25] claim that the word that was thought to be\nHittites is not a proper name, but a common noun meaning nomads. The text\nof the passage is uncertain, and no important inference can in any case be\nmade from it.\n\nDuring the period when we obtain glimpses of the history of the Hittites,\nthey were never united in one empire. Different kingdoms flourished here\nand there, such as that of the Mitanni in Mesopotamia, the Hittites at\nBoghaz Koi, the kingdoms of Carchemish, of Hamath, and Tyana. These\nflourished at different times all the way from 1400 to 700 B. C., and\nthere were doubtless other kingdoms also, for the Hittite sculptures near\nSmyrna and Manissia cannot have been made by any of these, unless\npossibly the great Hittite kingdom at Boghaz Koi may once have extended\nits power to the \u00c6gean.\n\n(3) _The Mitanni._--The earliest of these kingdoms which we can trace is\nthat of the Mitanni. When Thothmes III of Egypt extended his conquests to\nthe Euphrates in 1468 B. C., he came into contact with the Mitanni. The\nking of the country is not named, but it was claimed that her chiefs hid\nthemselves in caves.[26] There is some reason for believing that their\nchief city was at Haran[27] in Mesopotamia, the city where Abraham\nsojourned for a time (Gen. 11:31; 12:4). If this be true, it gives a new\nmeaning to Ezek. 16:3: \u201cThe Amorite was thy father and thy mother was a\nHittite.\u201d Thothmes evidently touched the kingdom of Mitanni on its western\nborder. He did not penetrate its heart or overcome its king. Although he\ntook tribute, he does not tell us the name of the king of the Mitanni\nwhose armies he fought.\n\nHalf a century later the king of the Mitanni was Artatama I. He was a\ncontemporary of Thothmes IV of Egypt, who ruled 1420-1411 B. C. Perhaps it\nwas their mutual fear of the rising power of the Hittite kingdom at Boghaz\nKoi that led Artatama and Thothmes IV to form an alliance. At all events,\nsuch an alliance was made, and Thothmes married a daughter of Artatama,\nthough Artatama\u2019s grandson says that the Egyptian king sent his request\nfor her hand seven times before Artatama yielded to his solicitations.\nArtatama I was succeeded by Shutarna I, whose reign overlapped a part of\nthat of Amenophis III of Egypt, 1411-1375 B. C. Among the queens of\nAmenophis III was a daughter of Shutarna I. Before the reign of Amenophis\nIII had ended Shutarna I had been succeeded by Dushratta, who continued\nthe friendly relations with Egypt. Dushratta\u2019s reign also overlapped in\npart that of Amenophis IV of Egypt, 1375-1357 B. C., and Dushratta wrote\nseveral letters to both of these Egyptian kings. It is from these letters\nthat we gain most of our information about Mitanni.\n\nMeanwhile the great kingdom of the Hittites at Boghaz Koi had entered upon\nits era of expansion under Subbiluliuma, who pushed his conquests first\neastward and then southward. Dushratta feared to meet the Hittite in\nbattle and retired to the eastward, allowing much of his country to be\noverrun. This land Subbiluliuma gave to one of his allies, and Dushratta\nwas murdered soon afterward by his son, Sutatarra, who usurped the crown.\nSoon after this the Assyrians invaded the lands of the Mitanni from the\neast, and the land, already distracted by its internal divisions, was\nthrown into a worse confusion. At this juncture Subbiluliuma crossed the\nEuphrates again and entered Mitannian territory. He was accompanied by\nsettlers who brought cattle, sheep, and horses to remain in the country.\nAdvised by an oracle, he deposed Sutatarra and placed upon the throne\nMattiuaza, a son of Dushratta, who had been heir-apparent and who had fled\nwhen his father was murdered. To Mattiuaza Subbiluliuma gave his daughter\nin marriage, and Mitanni became a vassal state of the Hittite realm. After\nthis our sources tell us no more of its history.\n\nNear the Mitanni were the Harri, who were probably of the same race, for\nin the time of Subbiluliuma they were ruled first by Artatama II, a\nbrother of Dushratta, and then by Sutarna II. This state also became a\npart of Subbiluliuma\u2019s kingdom.\n\n(4) _Kingdom of \u201cHittite City.\u201d_--The wave of migration from the northeast\nwhich brought the Mitanni into upper Mesopotamia had swept on westward\ninto Cappadocia, where the greatest Hittite state afterward developed. The\nmonuments erected by the Hittites were nearly all of a religious\ncharacter. In the earlier time they wrote few historical inscriptions.\nSuch inscriptions as we have in Hittite hieroglyphs seem to come from the\nlater periods and to record alliances. It is probable that in the\ndevelopment of the Hittite state in Cappadocia first one city and then\nanother had the upper hand. The Hittite monuments at Eyuk are of a more\nprimitive character than those at Boghaz Koi, and it is natural to suppose\nthat a Hittite state flourished here before the rise of the one at Boghaz\nKoi. Be that as it may, the most powerful Hittite monarchy of which we\nknow arose at Boghaz Koi, which they called \u201cHittite City.\u201d This monarchy\nemerged about 1400 B. C. Its first king was Hattusil I, of whom we know no\nmore than that he was the founder of the great dynasty which ruled from\nthe \u201cHittite City\u201d for two hundred years.\n\nThe king who laid the foundations of the greatness of this dynasty was\nSubbiluliuma, the next king, whose conquests over the Mitanni and Harri we\nhave already traced. He conquered also a number of neighboring states, and\ncompelled them to sign with him treaties of alliance which made them his\nvassals. Chronicles of these events were discovered by Winckler among the\nclay tablets found at Boghaz Koi. Subbiluliuma also turned his armies\nsouthward and conquered Syria down to the confines of Palestine. These\nconquests were in progress when some of the El-Amarna letters, written to\nAmenophis IV of Egypt and translated in Part II, p. 344, ff., were\nwritten. Here he pursued the same policy that he had pursued in\nMesopotamia, and compelled the conquered countries to enter into treaties\nwith him, which subjugated them to his will. Among the kings so treated\nwas the Amorite King Aziru, who at that time ruled Amorites living in the\nsouthern part of the valley between the Lebanon mountain ranges and in the\nregion afterward occupied by the tribe of Asher. They also held some of\nthe southern Ph\u0153nician cities. This represents the most southerly\nextension of Subbiluliuma\u2019s power.\n\nWhether Subbiluliuma also extended his conquests to the west of Asia\nMinor, we have no means of knowing. Some scholars suppose that he had done\nso before he began the conquest of Mitanni. Certain it is that Hittite\nrock sculptures of gigantic size exist in the mountains near Smyrna and\nManissia, to the west of Sardis. These sculptures represent the great\nHittite goddess. Near Smyrna there are also the remains of great\nbuildings. We know of no Hittite monarch who would be so likely to have\ncarried Hittite power to these parts as Subbiluliuma. If he did so,\npossibly in later time the Hittites here became independent. At all\nevents, some centuries later they were known to Ionian Greeks in this\nregion, for Homer\u2019s _Odyssey_, Book XI, line 521, records the tradition\nthat some Hittites were killed with Eurypylos.\n\nWhen Subbiluliuma died he was succeeded by his son, Arandas, whose\noccupation of the throne was brief, and who seems to have been without\neffective power. After a short time he was replaced by his brother,\nMursil, who appears to have enjoyed a long reign. Subbiluliuma, called by\nthe Egyptians Seplel, was reigning when Amenophis IV of Egypt came to the\nthrone in 1375 B. C., for he sent an embassy to congratulate him, and\nMursil appears to have reigned until after the year 1320 B. C. The two\nreigns, therefore, covered more than half a century. The first years of\nMursil\u2019s reign were apparently passed in peace, but soon after 1320\nShalmeneser I invaded the countries in the eastern part of the Hittite\nconfederacy, conquering all the territory east of the Euphrates, and a\nconsiderable territory to the west of that river. Meantime, Mursil had\nrenewed the treaty with the Amorites of Syria, whose king at this time was\nAbbi-Teshub, or Abi-Adda. Ere long, however, trouble arose for him on his\nsouthern border. Seti I of Egypt came to the throne in 1313 B. C., and\nbegan a series of vigorous campaigns for the conquest of Palestine. In\ntime he came face to face with the Hittite power in Syria.\n\nAt this juncture Mursil died and was succeeded by his son, Mutallu, who\nsoon met Seti I in battle and convinced that monarch that it was unwise to\nattempt to extend Egypt\u2019s empire in Asia to the Euphrates, as Thothmes III\nhad done. Owing to internal troubles in Assyria the eastern border of the\nHittite realm was left undisturbed for a considerable time, during which\nMutallu could devote himself to other matters. In 1292 B. C. Ramses II\nsucceeded Seti I as king of Egypt and soon began vigorously to push\nEgyptian conquests into northern Syria. Mutallu recognized the importance\nof the struggle and collected a large army from all his allies. These\nforces were drawn from all parts of Asia Minor; even the countries of the\nextreme west contributed their quota. Aleppo and states in that region\nalso contributed their share. A great battle was fought at Kadesh on the\nOrontes in 1287 B. C., in which Mutallu, by surprising his foe,\ndisorganized a part of the Egyptian forces and endangered the life of\nRamses himself. By the opportune arrival of reinforcements the Egyptians\nescaped entire defeat, so that the result was a drawn battle.\n\nThe battle had, however, cost the Hittites much. The slaughter of their\nforces had been enormous. Among the slain were many chieftains, including\nthe king of Aleppo. The Amorites at once threw off their allegiance to the\nHittites, and many of the other troops mutinied. Mutallu was assassinated.\nHe was succeeded by Hattusil II, the Khetasar of the Egyptian\ninscriptions.\n\nAssyria had become weak, so that Hattusil was no longer pressed upon his\neastern border. After a little he reduced the Amorites once more to\nsubmission, and compelled them to take back their king, Put-akhi, whom\nthey had driven out at the time of their rebellion against Mutallu. He\ngave Put-akhi a Hittite princess for a wife. Later, about 1271 B. C.,\nHattusil concluded an offensive and defensive alliance with Ramses II of\nEgypt. The treaty which guaranteed this alliance has come down to us, and\nis the first international treaty the details of which are known to us.\n(See Chapter I, p. 30.)\n\nHattusil II must have enjoyed a long reign, but we do not know the date of\nhis death. He had two successors, Dudkhalia and Arnuanta, whose reigns are\nknown to us, and who continued the sway of the dynasty down to about 1200\nB. C. They were respectively the son and grandson of Hattusil II. An edict\nof Dudkhalia concerning the vassal states has survived, in which the name\nof Eni-Teshub, King of Carchemish, appears. Carchemish would seem to have\nbeen the chief of the allied states. Of Arnuanta we have no details,\nthough two fragments of royal edicts and a seal of his have come down to\nus. He was called \u201cthe great king, the son of Dudkhalia.\u201d After him our\nsources fail, and the story ends in darkness. We know, however, that the\ndays of the power of this dynasty were over. Egyptian sources tell us that\ntribes from western Asia Minor and from beyond the sea swept over Cilicia\nand northern Syria soon after the year 1200 B. C., and there was then no\nHittite power there to restrain them.\n\n(5) _Carchemish._--Of the other Hittite kingdoms far less is known.\nCarchemish, which, as we have just seen, played an important part in the\nfederation of the great Hittite power, continued its existence for several\ncenturies. In the time of Ashurnasirpal II and Shalmeneser III the kingdom\nof Carchemish entered into alliance with these kings and preserved its\nexistence by becoming their vassal. Judging from the meager reports\nhitherto published of the British excavation at Carchemish, this was a\nflourishing period in the history of the city. A hundred years later, in\nthe reign of Sargon, Pisiris, who was then king of Carchemish, defied the\nAssyrian, who brought the kingdom to an end in 717 B. C. (Cf. Isa. 10:9.)\n\n(6) _Samal and Yadi._--When the Aram\u00e6ans swept westward about 1300 B. C.\nthey apparently dislodged the Hittites from a number of their sites and\noccupied their country. Among the places so occupied was the site of\nSendjirli mentioned above. All the carvings found among its architectural\nremains reveal the influence of Hittite art, but the inscriptions found\nthere are in Aramaic. These inscriptions show that there were in that\nregion two petty kingdoms named, respectively, Samal and Yadi. The names\nof several kings of these monarchies who ruled between 850 and 730 B. C.\nhave been recovered. They are all Aram\u00e6an.\n\n(7) _Hamath._--Farther to the south, at Hamath on the Orontes, a Hittite\nkingdom existed in the time of David. Its king was then called Toi or Tou,\nwho made an alliance with David (2 Sam. 8:9, f; 1 Chron. 18:9, f.). This\nkingdom was probably the outgrowth of the earlier occupation of the\nOrontes valley, three hundred years before, by the Hittites of the great\nempire. It continued until the time of Ahab. Its king was then Irhulina,\nwho along with Ahab, Ben-Hadad of Damascus, and several other kings made\nan alliance to resist the encroachments of Shalmaneser III of Assyria in\n854 B. C. (See Part II, p. 360, ff.) Irhulina caused several inscriptions\nto be made on stone, which survived at Hamath until our time. According to\nMr. Thompson\u2019s interpretation of them they are all records of his various\nalliances. By the next century, however, the Aram\u00e6ans had captured Hamath,\nfor in the reigns of Tiglath-pileser IV (745-727) and of Sargon (722-705\nB. C.) the names of its kings were Semitic. These names were,\nrespectively, Enu-ilu and Yau-bidi, or Ilu-bidi.\n\nWe gain glimpses also of a number of other Hittite states. There was, for\nexample, the state of Kummukh, which lay to the west of the Euphrates, and\nanother in western Cilicia, that had its center at Tyana, the modern Bor.\nThese states appear to have reached their zenith after the fall of the\ngreat Hittite dynasty which had its capital at Boghaz Koi. Doubtless as\ntime goes on we shall learn of the existence of many other small Hittite\nkingdoms which flourished at one time or another. At some time, either\nwhen the Hyksos were making their way into Egypt or when Subbiluliuma was\npushing southward into Syria, the Hittites mentioned in the Old Testament\nmust have made some small settlements in Palestine. Here the Hebrews came\ninto contact with them. They were really an unimportant outlying fringe of\nthe great Hittite people, but they had the good fortune to have their\nnames preserved in the most immortal literature in the world, the Bible,\nand so their memory was ever kept alive, while that of their more\nillustrious kinsmen was utterly forgotten. It is only arch\u00e6ological\nresearch that has restored something of the original perspective.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER IV\n\nPALESTINE AND ITS EXPLORATION\n\n THE LAND: Rainfall. EARLY EXPLORATION: Place names. EARLY AMERICAN\n EXPLORATIONS: Robinson and Smith. Lynch. American exploration\n societies. PALESTINE EXPLORATION FUND: Warren\u2019s excavations at\n Jerusalem. The survey of Palestine. Exploration of Lachish. Bliss\u2019s\n excavation at Jerusalem. Excavation at Azekah. At Tell es-Safi\n (Gath?). Tell el-Judeideh. At Marash (Moresheth-Gath). Gezer.\n Beth-shemesh. Exploring the Wilderness of Zin. THE GERMAN PALESTINE\n SOCIETY: Guthe\u2019s excavation at Jerusalem. Megiddo. Taanach. Capernaum.\n Jericho. THE AMERICAN SCHOOL AT JERUSALEM. SAMARIA. PARKER\u2019S\n EXCAVATIONS AT JERUSALEM. LATEST EXCAVATIONS.\n\n\n=1. The Land.=--Palestine is a very different land from either Egypt or\nMesopotamia. They are made by the irrigation of rivers. Palestine is\nfertilized by rain from heaven. In them the scenery is monotonous; they\nare river valleys each of which was once in part an arm of the sea, but\nnow filled up by the gradual deposit of mud. Palestine was formed in one\nof the greatest geological upheavals the earth ever experienced. This was\nnothing less than a great rift in the earth\u2019s crust extending from the\nLebanon mountains to the Indian Ocean. The strata on the west side of this\nrift slipped downward past those on its east side for a mile or more.\nThose on the west were bent at different points in this long course in\ndifferent ways, but the result of the rift itself was to form the Jordan\nvalley and the bed of the Dead Sea, the valley which runs from the Dead\nSea to the Gulf of Akaba, and that deep rift between Asia and Africa which\nforms the Red Sea itself.\n\nIn Palestine the strata on the west of this rift bent up into two parallel\nridges, to the west of which a narrow plain of varying width, ancient\nPhilistia, rises from the sea. To the east of this rift the land remained\nat approximately its old level. The various ridges of the country are, on\naccount of the birth-pangs of their origin, intersected with valleys\ninnumerable, so that in no country of the world can such variety of\nscenery and climate be found within such narrow limits.\n\n_Rainfall._--This land, with all its variety of form, is redeemed from the\ndesert by the moisture which the west winds drive in from the\nMediterranean Sea. These winds in the winter months bring clouds, which,\nwhen they come into contact with the colder air over the elevated hills,\ndeposit their moisture in rain. The Jordan valley is so warm that little\nrain falls upon it, but it drains the water from the rainfall on both\nsides of it. Just so far back as the clouds reach before their moisture is\nexhausted, just so far the fertile land extends; beyond that is the\nArabian Desert. When the rainfall during a winter is good, bountiful crops\nare raised the following season; when it is scant, the harvest fails and\nfamine follows. In Egypt and Babylonia a man could water his garden by\nkicking a hole in a dyke; they were lands which were watered \u201cwith thy\nfoot\u201d (Deut. 11:10); Palestine was dependent on heaven for its life, and\nwe cannot doubt that this fact was one of the instruments for the training\nof the Israelites for their great religious mission. In a land of such\nvariety--a land in which for nine months in the year snow-capped Hermon\nmay be seen from many an elevated point and from the whole stretch of the\ntropical Jordan valley, where oleanders are blooming and mustard seeds are\ngrowing into trees--it was possible to think of God in a way that was at\nleast more difficult in Egypt or in Mesopotamia.\n\nHere in this marvelous land, which formed a bridge between the two oldest\ncivilizations of the world, the men lived to whom God committed the task\nof writing most of the Bible. This was the earthly home of the Son of God.\n\nEven before the Hebrews came into it, many had crossed this bridge and\nsome had paused long upon it. Living here they had left the remains of\ntheir homes, their cities, and their civilizations. Arch\u00e6ology is now\nrecovering these. After the time of Christ various races and civilizations\ncontinued to pass over the bridge. Their remains buried those left by\nearlier men. The story of the recovery of these earlier remains is,\naccordingly, not only of great interest, but often of great value to the\nreader of the Bible.\n\n=2. Early Exploration.=--The misfortunes which overtook Jud\u00e6a in the years\n70 and 132-135 A. D., in consequence of the Jewish rebellions against\nRome, led to the paganizing of Jerusalem and the expulsion of the Jews\nfrom Jud\u00e6a. At this period Christianity was a struggling and a persecuted\nreligion, too busy working its way to take an active interest in the land\nof its birth. When Constantine early in the fourth century made\nChristianity the religion of the Roman Empire, all this was changed. Both\nConstantine and his mother, Helena, took the deepest interest in\nidentifying the holy places in Jerusalem, and a stream of pilgrims began\nat once to visit the land. The earliest of these to leave us an account of\nhis travels was a pilgrim from Bordeaux who visited Palestine in 333 A. D.\nAs he was anxious to see the principal places hallowed by the bodily\npresence of Christ and the heroes of Scripture, he visited places in\ndifferent parts of the country. He was followed by many others. The stream\nhas been almost continuous down to the present time. As the aim of these\ntravelers was devotional and they possessed little scholarly training or\ncritical faculty, their works are of secondary value to the modern\nstudent. They did, however, prevent that loss of knowledge of the country\nto which Babylonia was subjected for so many centuries.\n\n_Place Names._--At the very beginning of this period Eusebius of C\u00e6sarea,\na contemporary of Constantine, compiled a list of the place names of\nPalestine which are mentioned in the Bible. The names were arranged in\nalphabetical order, the events for which the places are celebrated were\ngiven, in many instances identifications with places existing in the\nfourth century were proposed, and the distances from other well-known\nplaces mentioned. In the next century this work was translated into Latin\nby Jerome, who lived many years at Bethlehem and traveled extensively in\nPalestine, and who died in 420 A. D. It is called the _Onomasticon_.\n\n=3. Early American Explorations.=--As the reader approaches modern times\nhe finds the works of some of the pilgrims assuming a more scientific\ncharacter. To some extent, too, these works were supplemented by those of\ntravelers like Ch\u00e2teaubriand,[28] Burckhardt,[29] and Lamartine.[30]\n\n(1) _Robinson and Smith._--The scientific study of the localities and\nantiquities of Palestine was, however, begun by an American, the late\nProf. Edward Robinson, of Union Seminary, New York. Robinson was fully\nequipped with Biblical knowledge, and was thoroughly familiar with\nJosephus and other works bearing on his subject. He possessed the critical\nfaculty in a high degree, and combined with it a keen constructive\nfaculty. In 1838 and again in 1852 he traveled through Palestine with Eli\nSmith, a missionary. They were equipped with compass, telescope,\nthermometer, and measuring tape. His knowledge of history enabled\nRobinson to look beneath many traditions. With keen penetration he\ndiscerned under the guise of many a modern Arabic name the form of a\nBiblical original, and accomplished more for the scientific study of\nBiblical Palestine than any of his predecessors. As he traveled he also\nnoted and briefly described such remains of antiquity as could be seen\nabove ground. The results of Robinson\u2019s first journey were embodied in his\n_Biblical Researches_, New York, 1841. In the second edition, London,\n1856, the results of the second journey were embodied, and the number of\nvolumes increased to three. The impetus given to the exploration of\nPalestine by the labors of Robinson was continued by Tobler, Gu\u00e9rin,\nRenan, and many others.[31]\n\n(2) _Lynch._--Meantime, another American, Lieut. W. F. Lynch, of the\nUnited States Navy, rendered an important service by the exploration in\n1848 of the Dead Sea. In April and May of that year about three weeks were\nspent in exploring that body of water. Lieut. Lynch was accompanied by Dr.\nAnderson, a geologist. The party traversed the sea back and forth in two\nmetal boats that had been launched on the Sea of Galilee and floated down\nthe Jordan. The fact that the Jordan valley is lower than the level of the\nsea had never been recognized until 1837, and, until the visit of Lynch\nand Anderson, the depth of the depression was only a matter of conjecture.\nBy this expedition it was scientifically determined that the surface of\nthe Dead Sea is 1,300 feet lower than that of the Mediterranean.[32]\n\n(3) _American Exploration Societies._--The work of American exploration\nwas later continued by the American Exploration Society, founded in 1870.\nUnder its auspices, Rev. John A. Paine, of Tarrytown, New York, visited\nthe Holy Land. One of the results of his visit was the identification of\nPisgah.[33]\n\nLater an American Palestine Exploration Society was organized. This\nSociety employed Mr. Rudolph Meyer, an engineer, to make a map of\nPalestine, and from 1875 to 1877 also employed Rev. Selah Merrill, who\nafterward was for many years the U. S. Consul at Jerusalem, as explorer.\nDr. Merrill gathered much arch\u00e6ological information, especially in the\ncountry east of the Jordan.[34]\n\n=4. Palestine Exploration Fund.=--As a result of the interest engendered\nby the work of Robinson, Lynch, and others, the Palestine Exploration Fund\nwas organized in London in 1865. By this act a permanent body was created\nto foster continuously the exploration of the Holy Land, and to rescue the\nwork from the fitful activities of individual enterprise. Such enterprise\ncould supplement the work of the Fund, but could no longer hope to compete\nwith it.\n\nWithin six months from the organization of the Palestine Exploration Fund\nits first expedition was sent out. This was led by Capt., now Gen. Sir\nCharles Warren, who had just completed a survey of Jerusalem as part of a\nplan for bringing water into the city. The chief object of this\nexpedition, which was in the field from December, 1865, to May, 1866, was\nto indicate spots for future excavation. It made a series of sketch maps\nof the country on the scale of one inch to the mile, studied some\nsynagogues in Galilee noted by Robinson, but not fully described by him,\nand laid bare on Mount Gerizim the remains of a church built on a rough\nplatform which may once have supported the Samaritan temple.\n\n(1) _Warren\u2019s Excavations at Jerusalem._--A second expedition under\nLieut.-Col., now Sir Charles Warren, made considerable excavations on the\ntemple-hill at Jerusalem. He sank a remarkable series of shafts to the\nbottom of the walls enclosing the temple area, and proved that in places\nthese walls rest on foundations from 80 to 125 feet below the present\nsurface. He laid bare solid masonry, which bore what are apparently\nPh\u0153nician quarry-marks and which he believed to go back to the time of\nSolomon. On the west side of the temple enclosure he found 80 feet below\nthe present surface the ruins of a bridge, which Robinson had conjectured\ncrossed the Tyrop\u0153on Valley from the temple enclosure at this point from\nan arch, the base of which is still visible outside of the temple\nwall.[35] Among many other discoveries made by Warren were a part of the\nancient city wall south of the temple area and an underground passage\nleading up from the ancient spring of Gihon, which was probably the\n\u201cgutter\u201d (R. V., \u201cwatercourse\u201d) of 2 Sam. 5:8.\n\n(2) _The Survey of Palestine._--After this the Palestine Exploration Fund\nundertook a survey of Palestine, the object of which was to make a\ncomplete and authoritative map of the country on the scale of one inch to\na mile, and also a description of all arch\u00e6ological remains of antiquity\nwhich were above ground. The work was undertaken in 1871 and the survey of\nwestern Palestine was completed in 1878. Owing to an outbreak of cholera,\nthe work was interrupted from 1874 to 1877. Among those who took part in\nit were Capt. C. R. Conder (now Lieut.-Col.), who was in charge of the\nwork from 1872 to 1874, and Capt. Kitchener (now Lord Kitchener). The\ngreat map was published in 1880, and covers an area of 6,000 square miles,\nfrom the Mediterranean to the Jordan and from the Egyptian desert to a\npoint near Tyre. The completion of this map was a monumental\naccomplishment, and must form the basis for all similar work. The\narch\u00e6ological remains noted on the map are described in three volumes of\n_Memoirs_, also published by the Exploration Fund.\n\nIn 1881 Capt. Conder was sent out to make a similar survey of the country\neast of the Jordan. He endeavored to work under the old permit from the\nTurkish government, but to this the Turks objected. After working for ten\nweeks, during which he surveyed about 500 square miles of territory, he\nwas compelled to desist. The results of his work, however, fill a stout\nvolume entitled _The Survey of Eastern Palestine_, London, 1889. The work\nundertaken by Conder has since been carried on by other agencies. Dr.\nGottlieb Schumacher, an engineer residing at Haifa, who was employed in\nsurveying the railway to Mecca, has published authoritative volumes on the\nregion to the east of the Sea of Galilee.[36] On a larger scale is the\nwork of Br\u00fcnnow and Domaszewsky on the Roman province of Arabia,[37] a\nwork which includes ancient Edom as far as Petra. The last-mentioned\nremarkable city has been described also in two excellent volumes by Gustaf\nH. Dalman, Director of the German Evangelical Institute in Jerusalem.[38]\n\nIn 1873-1874 the Palestine Exploration Fund entrusted an arch\u00e6ological\nmission of a general nature to the French scholar, Clermont-Ganneau, who\nseveral years before had been French Consul at Jerusalem. Clermont-Ganneau\nwas embarrassed by the failure of the Turkish government to grant him a\nfirman, but made numerous arch\u00e6ological discoveries in the country between\nJaffa and Jerusalem. These were published by the Fund in two large\nvolumes,[39] although they did not appear until 1896 and 1899,\nrespectively.\n\nIn the winter of 1883-1884, a complete geological survey was made of the\nvalley of the Dead Sea and the region to the south (Wady el-Arabah) by\nProf. Edward Hull, who afterward published a volume on the subject.[40]\nHull was accompanied by Major Kitchener, who made a complete triangulation\nof the district lying between Mount Sinai and the Wady el-Arabah.\n\n(3) _Exploration of Lachish._--In 1890 the Exploration Fund entered upon a\nnew phase of work or, rather, resumed one that had been interrupted for\ntwenty years,--that of excavation. The services of Prof. Petrie, the\nEgyptian explorer, were secured and the attempt to wrest from the soil of\nPalestine some of the buried secrets of the past was renewed. The site\nchosen was Tell el-Hesy, where stood in ancient times the city of Lachish\n(Josh. 10:3; 2 Kings 14:19; 18:14, etc.). This mound rose about 120 feet\nabove the bed of an intermittent stream. About 60 feet of this height\nconsisted of accumulated d\u00e9bris of the ancient city. The water in the\ncourse of centuries had so exposed some of the potsherds that Petrie was\nconfident before he began digging that rich discoveries awaited him. He\nworked here only about six weeks, running trenches into different parts of\nthe mound, but he found and classified such a variety of pottery that he\nfelt confident that he had unearthed a city which had been occupied from a\ntime anterior to the Hebrew conquest of Canaan down to about 350 B. C.[41]\n\nIn 1892 the work was continued under the direction of Dr. Frederick J.\nBliss, who cut away a considerable section from the northeast corner of\nthe mound, and found the stratified remains of eight different cities, one\nabove the other.[42] In the third of these cities from the bottom a\ncuneiform tablet was found, which mentions one of the men who figure in\nthe letters found at Tell el-Amarna in Egypt. This tablet would indicate\nthat this third city was flourishing during the period 1400-1350 B. C.\nThe two cities below this must, accordingly, belong to an earlier period.\nBliss supposed that the first city was built about 1700 B. C. Above the\nremains of the third city was a bed of ashes of some thickness, which\nshows, in Petrie\u2019s opinion, that after the destruction of this city the\nmound was used for a period of perhaps fifty years as a place for burning\nalkali. Near the top of the d\u00e9bris of the fourth city a glazed seal was\nfound similar to those made in Egypt in the time of the twenty-second\ndynasty (945-745 B. C.). This city, then, belonged to the early part of\nthe kingdom of Judah. In the seventh and eighth cities pottery of polished\nred and black types was found. This class of pottery is of Greek origin,\ndating from 550-350 B. C. These occupations of the mound must, then, be of\nthat period. The fifth and sixth cities would, accordingly, fall between\n750 and 550 B. C. This excavation thus shows how the stratification of the\nmounds of Palestine reveals the march of the peoples across the country;\n(see Fig. 28).\n\n(4) _Bliss\u2019s Excavation at Jerusalem._--From 1894 to 1897 Dr. Bliss was\nengaged in excavations at Jerusalem.[43] Here he devoted his attention to\nan endeavor to recover the line of the ancient wall on the south side of\nthe city. This he did, following it from \u201cMaudsley\u2019s Scarp\u201d[44] at the\nnorthwest corner of the westernmost of the two hills on which Jerusalem is\nsituated across the slope to the eastward and then across the Tyrop\u0153on\nValley. This was the wall rebuilt by Nehemiah on lines then already old\n(Neh. 3-6). It was destroyed by Titus in the year 70 A. D., and afterward\nrebuilt by the Empress Eudoxia in the fifth century A. D.\n\n(5) _Excavation at Azekah._--From 1898 to 1900 Dr. Bliss excavated for the\nFund at several sites in the Biblical Shephelah,[45] the low hills which\nformed the border-land between ancient Jud\u00e6a and Philistia. The work began\nat Tell Zakariya, the Biblical Azekah, situated above the lower part of\nthe Vale of Elah. Azekah was fortified by King Rehoboam (2 Chron.\n11:5-10). Here an important citadel or fortress was uncovered. While the\nmasonry of the top part was similar to that of Herodian buildings at\nJerusalem, the pottery found about the foundations indicated that the\nbeginnings of the structure go back to early Israelitish times. It may\nwell be one of Jeroboam\u2019s fortresses. Underneath it were remains from\nlate pre-Israelitish times. It appears that the hill was occupied as the\nsite of a city only shortly before the Hebrew conquest. The fortress was\nnot, however, built at the time of this earliest occupation.\n\n(6) _At Tell es-Safi (Gath?)._--Next the excavation was transferred to\nTell es-Safi, which was situated on the south side of the ancient Vale of\nElah at the point where it sweeps into the Philistine plain, and which was\nthought to be the site of the Biblical Gath (Josh. 11:22; 1 Sam. 5:8;\n17:4; 2 Kings 12:17). Here in 1144 A. D. the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem\nestablished by the Crusaders built a fortress, which they called\nBlanche-Garde, as an outpost against Ashkelon. It was hoped that the\nexcavation of Dr. Bliss would determine whether or not this was really the\nsite of Gath, but owing to the occupation of the tell by a Mohammedan\ncemetery and a wely, or sacred building, this was not possible. The\noutline of the city walls was, however, traced, the foundations of\nBlanche-Garde examined, and here and there trenches were sunk to the rock.\nThese trenches revealed in the various strata pottery and objects, first,\nof the period of the Crusaders; secondly, of the Seleucid period (312-65\nB. C.); thirdly, of the Jewish period, 700-350 B. C., and two\npre-Israelite strata. The mound had, then, been occupied from about 1700\nB. C. to the Seleucid times, and again in the period of the Latin Kingdom\nof Jerusalem.\n\nThe most interesting discovery at Tell es-Safi was that of an old\npre-Israelitish high place, which contained three pillars such as are\ndenounced in Deuteronomy. (See Deut. 7:5; 12:3, etc.) At the time of this\ndiscovery no similar discovery had been made. The foundations of this high\nplace were near the bottom of the last pre-Israelite stratum, so that it\nwas clearly constructed by the Amorites, or Canaanites, or whoever\noccupied this city before the Hebrews arrived.\n\n(7) _Tell el-Judeideh._--The excavations next moved to Tell el-Judeideh, a\nmound some distance to the south of Tell Zakariya. Here they traced the\noutlines of the city wall, found the remains of a Roman villa, and sunk a\nnumber of shafts to the rock. From the pottery found in these shafts they\ninferred that the mound had been occupied in the earliest period, but\ndeserted for a considerable time before the Hebrew conquest. It was then\nreoccupied in the latter part of the Jud\u00e6an monarchy, and was finally\nfortified in the Seleucid or Roman period. It seems to have been deserted\nsoon after the Roman period. It is not known what was the ancient name of\nthe city that stood there.\n\n(8) _At Marash (Moresheth-Gath)._--The last mound excavated in this region\nwas Tell Sandahanna, situated a mile to the south of Beit Jibrin. The\nmound takes its name from a church of St. Anne, the ruins of which may\nstill be seen near by. It occupies the site of the city of Marissa of the\nSeleucid period, and of the older Jewish Marash. It is probably the site\nof Moresheth-Gath, the home of the prophet Micah. (See Micah 1:14.) Here\nconsiderable portions of the Seleucid stratum of the mound were excavated,\nand a smaller portion of the Jewish stratum. The Jewish stratum rested\ndirectly on the rock; the site seems, therefore, not to have been\ninhabited in pre-Israelite times.\n\n(9) _Gezer._--The next undertaking of the Palestine Exploration Fund was\nthe excavation of Gezer. This work was entrusted to the direction of R. A.\nStewart Macalister, who had been Dr. Bliss\u2019s assistant from 1898 to 1900\nand who is now Professor of Celtic in the University of Dublin. Work was\nbegun on Tell el-Jazar, about six miles southeast of the town of Ramleh,\nwhich Clermont Ganneau[46] had, in June, 1902, identified as the site of\nGezer. (Josh. 10:33; Judges 1:27; 2 Sam. 5:25.) It continued, with such\ninterruptions as winter weather and an outbreak of cholera made necessary,\nuntil August, 1905. It was renewed in the spring of 1907 and carried on\nuntil early in 1909. During this time more than half of the mound was\nexcavated. No other mound in Palestine has been so fully explored.\nNaturally, therefore, Gezer has furnished us with more arch\u00e6ological\ninformation than any other excavation; (see Fig. 30).\n\nThe results of this excavation convinced Mr. Macalister that the\nclassification of the strata adopted by the excavators of Lachish and the\nmounds of the Shephelah was capable of improvement. He found that Gezer\nhad been occupied at first by a non-Semitic people, remains of whose bones\nindicate that they were about 5 feet 6 inches high, who lived in caves,\nand whose implements were wholly of stone. He estimated that these people\nprobably occupied the site from about 3000 to 2500 B. C. About 2500 B. C.\na Semitic race, probably Amorite, took possession of the city and occupied\nit to the end of the Hebrew monarchy.\n\nFour periods could be traced in the Semitic occupation, each represented\nby differences in walls, implements, and objects used. The first Semitic\nperiod ended with the fall of the twelfth Egyptian dynasty, about 1800 B.\nC. In this stratum scarabs of the period of the Egyptian \u201cmiddle kingdom\u201d\nwere found. The second Semitic stratum continued until about the end of\nthe eighteenth Egyptian dynasty, about 1350 B. C. The third Semitic\nstratum lasted till the establishment of the Hebrew monarchy, about 1000\nB. C.; the fourth was contemporaneous with the Hebrew kingdoms, 1000-586\nB. C. The mound was again occupied in the Hellenistic or Maccab\u00e6an\nperiod.[47] After the Maccab\u00e6an turmoils the inhabitants seem to have\ndeserted the tell. Under the modern village of Abu Shusheh, on the\nsouthwest slope of the mound, a Roman mosaic has been found, but nothing\nfrom Roman times was discovered on the mound itself. There were likewise\nno remains from the period of the Crusaders.\n\nIn the course of this excavation many important discoveries were made.\nMany of these will be mentioned in subsequent chapters. We need only\nmention here an old Semitic high place, which had its beginnings in the\nfirst Semitic stratum before 1800 B. C., and was used down to the end of\nthe fourth Semitic or Hebrew stratum, about 600 B. C. It began with two\n\u201cpillars,\u201d but others were added as time passed until there were ten in\nall.[48] In the third Semitic stratum (_i. e._, the one preceding the\nHebrew occupation) a building was found which Mr. Macalister thought might\nhave been a temple. In the middle of its largest hall were some stones\nwhich looked as though they might have supported wooden pillars, which, in\nturn, probably supported the roof. Mr. Macalister thought this was a\nstructure similar to that which Samson pulled down at Gaza[49] (Judges\n16:23-30).\n\nOne of the most important discoveries was a rock-cut tunnel leading down\nthrough the heart of the rock to a spring in a cave 94 feet below the\nsurface of the rock and 120 feet below the level of the present surface of\nthe ground.[50] This was to enable the people of the city to obtain water\nin time of siege. It was used for some 500 years and was apparently closed\nup about 1300-1200 B. C. Its beginnings go back accordingly to the first\nSemitic period. A palace of the Maccab\u00e6an time, apparently built by Simon\nthe Maccabee, 143-135 B. C., was also discovered.[51] (Cf. 1 Macc. 14:34.)\n\nVarious walls were discovered, which at different times encircled the\ncity. The most massive of these was apparently constructed during the\neighteenth Egyptian dynasty, and continued to be the city wall down to the\nBabylonian Exile. At some time after its construction towers had been\ninserted in the wall. These towers were shown to be a later insertion by\nthe fact that their stones touched the stones of the wall on each side,\nbut were not interlocked with them. Mr. Macalister thinks that these\ntowers may have been inserted by Solomon when he fortified the city (1\nKings 9:15-19). At some later time the weakness of such a tower had become\napparent, and a bastion had been built around it.[52] The excavation at\nGezer was fruitful in many directions. Other aspects of it will be taken\nup in future chapters in connection with other topics.\n\n(10) _Beth-shemesh._--The next task undertaken by the Palestine\nExploration Fund was the exploration of Ain Shems, the Biblical\nBeth-shemesh. (See Josh. 15:10; 2 Kings 14:8-14, etc.) Ain Shems, like\nGezer, is situated in what was in Biblical times the Shephelah. It is near\nthe station of Der Aban on the railway from Jaffa to Jerusalem.\nExcavations were carried on at this point in 1911 and 1912 under the\ndirection of Dr. Duncan Mackenzie, who had had ten years\u2019 experience on\nthe staff of Sir Arthur Evans, the explorer of Crete. At the bottom of the\nmound the remains of a very early settlement were discovered.[53] Above\nthis the ruins of a once prosperous city, which was for that time large,\nwere found. It was surrounded by strong walls and one of its rugged gates\nwas discovered on the south. In the upper strata of this city imitations\nof Cretan pottery were found. As it is probable that the Philistines came\nfrom Crete, or were intimately associated with people who were under\nCretan influence, this pottery is doubtless Philistine. The city which was\nencircled by this wall had passed through two periods of history. The\noriginal wall was built before the domination of Palestine by Egypt. As\nthis domination began about 1500 B. C., the earlier fortress of\nBeth-shemesh belongs to that period. The second period belongs in its\nearlier strata to the age of the El-Amarna letters, in which the city is\ncalled Beth-Ninib. The upper period of it belongs, as has been noted, to\nthe Philistine period.\n\nThis city was destroyed by a siege which resulted in the burning of the\ncity--a burning which left quite a bed of ashes. Dr. Mackenzie thought\nthat this was the siege by which the Israelites gained possession of\nBeth-shemesh. The city was occupied by the Hebrews apparently until the\ninvasion of Palestine by Sennacherib, King of Assyria, in 701 B. C. At all\nevents, it was in the possession of Judah in the days of King Amaziah (2\nKings 14:8-14). Corresponding to this, Israelitish pottery was found in\nthe stratum above the ashes. Dr. Mackenzie is of the opinion that during\nthis Hebrew period the city was without a wall. Apparently after the time\nof Sennacherib the site was abandoned for several centuries, for next\nabove the Israelitish stratum the remains of a monastery of the Byzantine\nperiod (325-636 A. D.) were found. This monastery apparently was not begun\nuntil just at the close of the Byzantine period, for it appears that it\nwas not finished at the time of the Mohammedan conquest.\n\n(11) _Exploring the Wilderness of Zin._--The most recent service of the\nPalestine Exploration Fund was the sending of two explorers, C. Leonard\nWoolley and T. E. Lawrence, in the winter of 1913-14, to explore the\nwilderness to the south of Palestine. The results of their work have been\npublished in the Fund\u2019s _Annual_, Vol. III, under the title _The\nWilderness of Zin_. The explorers identified a considerable part of the\n\u201cDarb es-Shur,\u201d or the \u201cway of Shur\u201d (Gen. 16:7, etc.). It was the caravan\nroad from Palestine to Egypt. They also adduce strong evidence against the\nidentification of Ain Kades with Kadesh-Barnea (Num. 32:8, etc.), and\nthink that Kossima, which lies nearer to the Egyptian road and is\nsurrounded by much more verdure, may have been Kadesh-Barnea. The\nidentification of Ain Kades with Kadesh-Barnea was made by the late Dr.\nHenry Clay Trumbull, after a very brief visit to the spot, and it has been\naccepted by many others.\n\nBetween 325 and 636 A. D. extensive settlements and cities of considerable\nsize existed in this wilderness. This was one of the facts that led\nEllsworth Huntington to believe that the rainfall in Palestine was much\ngreater at that time. With this view Woolley and Lawrence take issue. They\nsay that where the old wells have been kept open, the water still rises as\nhigh as ever it did. They hold that the cities mentioned were possible\nbecause of the great energy and skill of the people of that time in\nsinking wells.\n\n=5. The German Palestine Society.=--While the work of the Palestine\nExploration Fund, which has been outlined in detail, was going on, other\ncountries were aroused to similar activities. In 1877 a similar Society,\nthe Deutscher Pal\u00e4stina-Verein, was organized to foster the collection of\ninformation about the land of the Bible. Accurate scientific research in\nall branches of knowledge relating to Palestine was contemplated, and the\nco-operation of travelers and of the German colonies in Palestine was\ninvited. In 1878 this Society began the publication of a journal[54] which\nhas become a repository of information about the Holy Land.\n\n(1) _Guthe\u2019s Excavation at Jerusalem._--In 1880 Prof. Guthe excavated at\nvarious points on Ophel at Jerusalem, and followed the line of the ancient\nwall along the east side of the city of David.[55]\n\n(2) _Megiddo._--In 1903 this German Society undertook the excavation of\nTell el-Mutesellim, the site of the Biblical Megiddo[56] (Josh. 12:21; 2\nKings 23:29, etc.). This work was entrusted to the direction of Dr.\nGottlieb Schumacher, of Haifa. Work was begun on the 7th of February,\n1903, and continued at intervals until the 30th of November, 1905. In the\nlowest stratum of the mound Dr. Schumacher found traces of a settlement\nthe houses of which were constructed of mud-bricks. Over the ruins of\nthese a second series of houses had been built of stone. In the same\nstratum some tombs were found containing skeletons, some pottery of early\nforms, a bronze knife, and some scarabs set in gold. The walls of the city\nwere in part built of brick. The settlements represented by this stratum\nantedated 2000 B. C.\n\nIn the next stratum a large structure, probably a palace, was found, which\nhad been occupied through the periods represented by the stratum in which\nits foundations were laid and the stratum next above it. The building was\nof stone and was large. In one part of it was a \u201cpillar\u201d apparently used\nfor worship. Various types of pottery, knives of flint and bronze, many\nstone household utensils, an Astarte figure, and some scarabs of the\nperiod of the twelfth Egyptian dynasty were found. This stratum, then,\nbelonged to the period 2000-1800 B. C.\n\nNext above this stratum was one in which types of painted pottery similar\nto that of the Philistines came to light. In the fifth stratum from the\nbottom a palace of the Hebrew period was discovered. In this palace a seal\nwas found bearing a lion and the inscription \u201cbelonging to Shema, the\nservant of Jeroboam.\u201d It is impossible to tell whether the Jeroboam who\nwas Shema\u2019s master was Jeroboam I or Jeroboam II. In this same stratum a\ntemple was found containing three \u201cpillars\u201d; (see Fig. 27).\n\nIn another part of the mound in a sixth stratum, which seemed to be late\nHebrew, three \u201cpillars\u201d were found in an open space near the south gate, a\nstone religious emblem, and a decorated incense-burner. Elsewhere this\nsixth stratum yielded a blacksmith\u2019s shop. In a seventh stratum, just\nunder the soil, remains of the Greek period were found, among which was an\nAthenian coin. This was the last occupation of the tell, and was\npre-Christian. At the beginning of the Roman period the town was moved\nfrom the high land of the mound down nearer the water supply. On the slope\nof the hill a native-rock altar was found which had been used in\nprehistoric times.\n\n(3) _Taanach._--In 1899 Prof. Ernst Sellin, of Vienna, visited Palestine\nand became so deeply interested in its exploration that he induced several\nAustrian scientific bodies and individuals to contribute a fund for the\npurpose. The result was an excavation of Tell Taanek, the Biblical Taanach\n(Josh. 12:21; Judges 5:19), conducted by Sellin in 1902 and 1903. Sellin\ndid not excavate the mound in a systematic way and his results are not\nvery clearly presented in his book.[57] He traced in several places four\nstrata in the tell. An early stratum had its beginnings, he thought, as\nearly as 2500 B. C. This stratum represented probably an occupation of\nmore than a thousand years. In its later parts the remains of a large\npalace were found, and in a cave underneath it four cuneiform tablets,\nwritten in the script of the El-Amarna period. Originally there were more\ntablets in the archive, but it had been rifled in ancient times. Above\nthis was a stratum in which pottery of the Cypriote and Philistine type\nwas found. Next above this was a Hebrew stratum, which seems to have\nlasted, judging by objects found in it, down to the time of Psammetik I of\nEgypt, 663-609 B. C. In this stratum the remains of a high place with its\n\u201cpillars\u201d were found, as well as a terra-cotta incense-altar of wonderful\nconstruction. Above this there were in places a few remains from the\nSeleucid period, including some pottery, and at the top of the mound some\nremains of an Arabic settlement. This last seems to have been established\nhere about the time of the Crusaders. Sellin thinks Taanach was destroyed\nby the Scythian invasion, about 625 B. C., that in the Seleucid period the\nmain settlement here was not on the mound, and that it was then unoccupied\nuntil the time of the Crusaders.\n\n(4) _Capernaum._--The Deutsche Orient-Gesellschaft, which was carrying on\nexcavations in Egypt, Babylonia, and Assyria, undertook the investigation\nof the remains of ancient synagogues in Galilee and the Jaulan. Among\nthese they excavated the ruins of the synagogue at Tell Hum on the Sea of\nGalilee,[58] the probable site of Capernaum. Here they found the remains\nof a once beautiful synagogue which was probably built in the fourth\ncentury A. D. Beneath it is the floor of a still older building. This last\nis probably the synagogue in which so many of the incidents of the\nministry of Christ in Capernaum took place, the one built by a Roman\ncenturion. (See Luke 7:5 and Fig. 32.)\n\n(5) _Jericho._--This same Society undertook, in the years 1907-1909, the\nexcavation of Jericho; (see Fig. 29). The work was entrusted to the\ndirection of Prof. Sellin, of Vienna. The digging occupied about three\nweeks in the spring of 1907, and about three months of the early part of\neach of the years 1908 and 1909.[59] At the bottom of the mound traces of\na prehistoric occupation of the site were uncovered, but as these were\nunder the foundations of a Canaanitish fortress, which were not\ndemolished, nothing further was ascertained about them. Above this\nprehistoric city were the remains of an Amorite or Canaanite city. A jar\nhandle found in the lower half of this Canaanite stratum was stamped with\na scarab of the time of the twelfth Egyptian dynasty, which indicates that\nthis occupation goes back to about 2000 B. C. The walls of this early city\nwere traced on all sides of the tell except the east. On this side, where\nthe Ain es-Sultan is (otherwise called Elisha\u2019s Fountain, from the\nincident of 2 Kings 2:19-22), the wall had entirely disappeared. This\nearly city was small. The whole of it could have been put into the\nColosseum at Rome. All early Palestinian cities were, however, small. In\nthe city was a citadel with a double wall. Each wall represented a\ndifferent period of history. Both were built of brick, as were the houses\nof the time. The outer wall was between four and five feet thick and\nappeared to be the older; the inner one was about ten feet thick. They\nwere joined here and there by transverse walls; (see Fig. 37). The city\nhad been burned apparently about 1300-1200 B. C., perhaps at the time of\nthe Hebrew conquest.\n\nAbove the ruins of this pre-Israelitish city were the remains of the\nHebrew town. The earliest of these remains seems to date from the ninth\ncentury B. C.; (see 1 Kings 16:34), as it was rebuilt in the days of Ahab;\n(see Fig. 34). The Israelites, in Sellin\u2019s judgment, made the city\nconsiderably larger than it had been in the earlier time. A wall, which he\nbelieved to be the wall of the Hebrew period, was found on all sides\nexcept the east, considerably outside the older wall. P\u00e8re Vincent, of the\nFrench _\u00c9cole Biblique_ at Jerusalem, believes this wall to have been\nbuilt in the Canaanite period also, but his reasons do not seem\nconvincing. On the eastern edge of the Israelitish stratum the remains of\na large stone building were found. Sellin thinks this may be the palace\nand fortress built by Hiel in the time of Ahab (1 Kings 16:34). This\nIsraelitish city seems to have flourished only about two hundred years. It\nwas probably destroyed in the time of Sennacherib, about 700 B. C. Sellin\nthought he found traces of another rebuilding which must soon have\nfollowed the destruction, but this Jericho was also destroyed by\nNebuchadrezzar in 586 B. C. At some time after the Babylonian Exile the\ncity was rebuilt and flourished until destroyed by Vespasian in 70 A. D.\nIt was rebuilt after 325 A. D. and continued until destroyed by the\ninvasion of the Persian King Chosroes II, in 614 A. D. Some slight\nsettlements have existed on the mound in Moslem times, but the Jericho of\ntoday is more than a mile distant.\n\n=6. The American School at Jerusalem.=--In the year 1900 the American\nSchool of Oriental Research in Palestine was opened at Jerusalem under the\n\u00e6gis of the Arch\u00e6ological Institute of America. It is one of the purposes\nof this school, when its funds will permit, to carry on excavations as\nwell as explorations. Hitherto it has not had money sufficient to enable\nit to undertake extensive excavations. In addition to the investigation of\nmany matters not strictly arch\u00e6ological, the School has conducted a number\nof minor explorations. When the present writer was Director, 1902-1903, he\ncleared the so-called Tomb of the Judges and found the ruins of a\ncaravansary of the Crusading period near the Damascus Gate. Under L. B.\nPaton, 1903-1904, an excavation was made on the supposed line of the\n\u201cThird Wall\u201d of Jerusalem. Under Nathaniel Schmidt, 1904-1905, the Dead\nSea was explored and some discoveries made in the Valley of the Arnon and\nthe Wady Suweil.[60] Under D. G. Lyon, 1906-1907, some pre-Israelitish\npottery was recovered from tombs of Samieh east of Et-Taiyibeh.[61] Under\nW. J. Moulton, 1912-1913, some painted tombs of the Seleucid time were\nexplored at Beit Jibrin.\n\n=7. Samaria.=--Although the American School at Jerusalem has not yet been\nable to undertake extensive excavations, through the generosity of Mr.\nJacob Schiff, of New York, Harvard University was able to excavate at\nSebastiyeh, the site of ancient Samaria, during parts of three\nseasons--1908, 1909, and 1910. During the first season the work was under\nthe direction of Prof. D. G. Lyon; during 1909 and 1910, under the\ndirection of Prof. G. A. Reisner, who has had large experience in such\nwork in Egypt, and who, in addition to many arch\u00e6ological triumphs there,\nhas solved the riddle of the Sphinx. At Samaria[62] a large palace was\nfound built upon the native rock. This is believed to be the remains of\nthe palace of Omri (1 Kings 16:24). Above this were the ruins of a larger\npalace, the wall of which was faced with white marble. This is believed to\nhave been the palace of Ahab, who is said to have built an \u201civory house\u201d\n(1 Kings 22:39). In a building on a level with this palace a considerable\nnumber of inscribed potsherds were found. They were receipts for wine and\noil stored there. At the western edge of the hill the old city gate was\nuncovered. It had been rebuilt at different times. The foundations were\nclearly laid in the Israelitish period. On these now rests a\nsuperstructure of Herodian workmanship. Above the ruins of the Hebrew city\nwere the remains of a city built by the Assyrians. (See 2 Kings 17:24-34.)\nThis was inferred by the character of the building materials employed, and\nby the fragment of a clay tablet found there. Still above this were\nremains of a city of the Seleucid time--the city destroyed by John\nHyrcanus[63] in 109 B. C. Still above this were remains of the temple\nbuilt by Herod the Great, when he rebuilt Samaria and named it Sebaste,\nthe Greek for Augusta, in honor of the Emperor Augustus. This temple had\nbeen repaired in the third century A. D.\n\n=8. Parker\u2019s Excavations at Jerusalem.=--In the years 1909, 1910, and 1911\nan English expedition under Capt., the Hon. Montague Parker, a retired\nofficer of the British army, made extensive explorations upon Ophel, the\nslope of the eastern hill south of the present city walls at Jerusalem.\nParker was not an arch\u00e6ologist and the motive for the exploration is not\nyet disclosed. The party is said to have been abundantly supplied with\nmoney, and to have come to Palestine in a private yacht, which was\nanchored off Jaffa while they were at work. In 1911 the hostility of the\nMoslems became so excited by the rumor that they had attempted to excavate\nunder the Mosque of Omar that the expedition came to an abrupt close, and\nthe explorers escaped on their yacht. Through the descriptions of two\nresidents of Jerusalem, Prof. Hughes Vincent[64] and Dr. E. W. G.\nMasterman,[65] we have some knowledge of the value of Parker\u2019s work. He\ncleared the silt out of the Siloam tunnel so as to reveal its real depth,\nwhich seems to have been between five and six feet. It had been so silted\nup that it appeared to be only about half that depth. He also explored\nmore fully the caves about Ain Sitti Miriam (the Biblical Gihon, 1 Kings\n1:33), which had been partially explored by Sir Charles Warren, so that\nthe nature and probable use of these are now known much better. More will\nbe said of this in a future chapter.\n\n=9. Latest Excavations.=--Within the last few years the Assumptionist\nFathers have been excavating on a tract of land purchased by them on the\neastern slope of the western hill to the south of the present city wall.\nThey believe that they have discovered the house of Caiaphas, to which\nChrist was led in the course of his trial (Matt. 26:57; John 18:24).\nPossibly they have found the house which, after the time of Constantine,\nwas pointed out to Christian pilgrims as that of Caiaphas. However this\nmay be, they have unearthed several streets of Roman and Jewish Jerusalem,\nand are keeping them uncovered. These streets, like the ruins of Pompeii,\ndisclose pavements and house-foundations that may go back to the time of\nChrist. Here, possibly, one may look upon pavements which his feet\nactually trod.[66]\n\nIn 1914 some excavations were made on Ophel at Jerusalem under the\ndirection of Capt. Weil for a Jewish organization, and at the mound\nBalata, near Nablous, the Biblical Shechem, by the Germans. The work at\nBalata was under the direction of Prof. Sellin. Both are said to have made\ndiscoveries. At Balata it is said that the city gate of ancient Shechem\nwas uncovered. Nothing has, however, been published concerning these, and\nthe great war of 1914 brought all such work to a stop. The preparation of\nfoundations of a new Jewish hospital near the Dung Gate has laid bare the\naqueducts which conveyed the water from \u201cSolomon\u2019s Pools\u201d into the\ncity.[67]\n\nIn this account only the principal explorations have been mentioned. In\nall parts of Palestine, and especially at Jerusalem, important\narch\u00e6ological discoveries are frequently made when people are digging to\nlay the foundations of buildings, to construct a cistern, or for other\npurposes. Other important discoveries, as, for instance, the rock-cut high\nplace at Petra,[68] and the painted tombs at Beit Jibrin,[69] have been\nmade by people traveling through the land. Many discoveries made in this\nway are recorded in the Quarterly Statement of the Palestine Exploration\nFund, the _Zeitschrift des deutschen Pal\u00e4stina-Vereins_, and the _Revue\nbiblique_. Lack of space forbids the attempt to chronicle these.[70]\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER V\n\nOUTLINE OF PALESTINE\u2019S ARCH\u00c6OLOGICAL HISTORY\n\n THE EARLY STONE AGE. THE LATE STONE AGE. THE AMORITES. THE CANAANITES.\n EGYPTIAN DOMINATION: Thothmes III. Palestine in the El-Amarna Letters.\n Seti I. Ramses II. Merneptah. Ramses III. THE PHILISTINES. THE\n HEBREWS. PHILISTINE CIVILIZATION. THE HEBREW KINGDOMS. THE EXILE AND\n AFTER: The Samaritans. Alexander the Great and his successors. The\n Maccabees. The Asmon\u00e6ans. THE COMING OF ROME: The Herods. The\n destruction of Jerusalem in 70 A. D. LATER HISTORY.\n\n\n=1. The Early Stone Age.=--Palestine appears to have been inhabited at a\nvery remote period. Scholars divide the races of prehistoric men, who used\nstone implements, into two classes--Pal\u00e6olithic and Neolithic. Pal\u00e6olithic\nmen did not shape their stone implements. If they chanced to find a stone\nshaped like an axe, they used it as such; if they found a long, thin one\nwith a sharp edge, they used it for a knife. Neolithic man had learned to\nshape his stone tools. He could make knives for himself out of flint and\nform other tools from stone. The earliest inhabitants of Palestine\nbelonged to the pal\u00e6olithic period. Unshaped stone implements have been\nfound in many parts of the country. They have been picked up in the\nmaritime plain, in still larger numbers on the elevated land south of\nJerusalem, and again to the south of Amman, the Biblical Rabbah Ammon, on\nthe east of the Jordan. The Assumptionist Fathers of Notre Dame de France\nat Jerusalem have a fine collection of flint implements in their Museum.\n\nThese pal\u00e6olithic men lived in caves in which they left traces of their\noccupation. Several of these caves in Ph\u0153nicia have been explored by P\u00e8re\nZumoffen, of the Catholic University of St. Joseph, Beirut.[71] It has\nbeen estimated that these cave-dwellers may have been in Palestine as\nearly as 10,000 B. C.\n\n=2. The Late Stone Age.=--Of neolithic men in Palestine much more is\nknown. This knowledge comes in part from the numerous cromlechs, menhirs,\ndolmens, and \u201cgilgals\u201d which are scattered over eastern Palestine. A\ncromlech is a heap of stones roughly resembling a pyramid;[72] a menhir is\na group of unhewn stones so set in the earth as to stand upright like\ncolumns;[73] a dolmen consists of a large unhewn stone which rests on two\nothers which separate it from the earth;[74] and a \u201cgilgal\u201d is a group of\nmenhirs set in a circle.[73] These monuments are the remains of men of the\nstone age who dwelt here before the dawn of history. They were probably\nerected by some of those peoples whom the Hebrews called Rephaim[75] or\n\u201cshades\u201d--people who, having lived long before, were dead at the time of\nthe Hebrew occupation.\n\nSimilar monuments of the stone age have been found in Japan, India,\nPersia, the Caucasus, the Crimea, Bulgaria; also in Tripoli,[76] Tunis,\nAlgeria, Morocco, Malta, southern Italy, Sardinia, Corsica, the Belearic\nIsles, Spain, Portugal, France, the British Isles, Scandinavia, and the\nGerman shores of the Baltic. Some scholars hold that all these monuments\nwere made by one race of men, who migrated from country to country. As the\nmonuments are not found at very great distances from the sea, the\nmigrations are supposed to have followed the sea coasts.[77] Others scout\nthe idea of a migration over such long distances at such an early epoch of\nthe world\u2019s history, and believe that the fashion of making such monuments\nwas adopted from people to people by imitation. Be this as it may, these\nmonuments seem to have been in Egypt and Palestine before the Semites and\nHamites developed into the Egyptians, Amorites, and Hebrews, for they were\nadopted by them as the \u201cpillars\u201d which are so often denounced in the Old\nTestament, and in Egypt were gradually shaped and prolonged into the\nobelisks.\n\n[Illustration: MAP OF PALESTINE]\n\nOf the men of this stone age the excavations have furnished us with some\nfurther information. At Gezer the native rock below all the cities was\nfound to contain caves,[78] some natural and some artificial, which had\nformed the dwellings of men of the stone age. They, like men today, were\nlazy. If one found a cave that would protect him from heat, cold, and\nrain, he would occupy it and save himself the trouble of making one.\nBut there were not enough caves to go around, so some of the men of\nancient Gezer cut caves for themselves out of the soft limestone rock. It\nmust have been a difficult task with the stone implements at their\ndisposal, but they accomplished it, sometimes cutting stairs by which to\ndescend into them. One such cave seems to have been used by them as a\ntemple. In it were found a quantity of pig bones, which were apparently\nthe remains of their sacrifices. If they offered the pig in sacrifice,\nthey were certainly not Semitic, for Semites abhorred swine. These early\nmen sometimes adorned the sides of their dwellings by scratching pictures\non the walls. Several pictures of cattle were found. One cow seemed to\nhave knobs on her horns to keep her from goring! One drawing represented a\nstag that was being killed with a bow and arrow.[79] These early men\nburned their dead, and one of the caves in the eastern end of the hill was\nused as their crematory. Steps in the rock led down to its entrance. The\ncave itself was 31 feet long, 24 feet 6 inches wide, and the height varied\nfrom 2 to 5 feet. Near one end a hole had been cut to the upper air to act\nas a flue. Below this the fires that burned their dead had been kindled;\ncinders and charred bones of these far-off men were found as grim tokens\nof their funeral rites. Shortly after these bones were found the\nanatomist, Prof. Alexander Macalister, of Cambridge University, father of\nthe excavator, visited the camp at Gezer and made a study of the bones. He\nfound that they represented a non-Semitic race. The peculiar modifications\nof the bones caused by the squatting so universally practised by Semites\nwere absent. The men whose bones these were could not have been more than\n5 feet 6 inches in height, and many of the women must have been as short\nas 5 feet 3 inches. A pottery head found in one of the caves, which may be\na rude portrait of the type of face seen in Gezer in this period, has a\nsloping forehead, which afforded little brain-space, and a prominent lower\njaw. These people used flint knives, crushed their grain in hollow stones\nwith rounded stones, employed a variety of stone implements, and made\npottery of a rude type, which will be described in a later chapter.\n\nThe city of Gezer in this cave-dwelling period was surrounded by a unique\nwall or rampart.[80] This consisted of a stone wall about 6 feet high and\n2 feet thick, on the outer side of which was a rampart of packed earth\nabout 6 feet 6 inches at the base and sloping toward the top. This bank of\nearth was protected by a covering of small stones about 8 inches in depth.\nThis rampart never could have been of much value in warfare, and was,\nperhaps, meant as a protection against incursions of wild animals.\n\nIn the hillsides around Gezer there are many caves which were probably\nhuman habitations during this period, but as they have been open during\nmany centuries, traces of their early occupation have long since been\ndestroyed. At Beit Jibrin, six or eight hours to the south of Gezer, there\nare also many caves in the rock, numbers of which are artificial. At\nvarious periods these have been employed as residences. It is altogether\nprobable that the use of some of them goes back to the time of the\ncave-dwellers of Gezer.\n\nMr. Macalister has suggested a connection between these cave-dwellers of\nGezer and the Biblical Horites,[81] since Horite means \u201ccave-dweller.\u201d In\nthe Bible the Horites are said to have dwelt to the east of the Jordan,\nand more especially in Edom (Gen. 14:6; 36:20, 21, 29; Deut. 2:12, 22). It\nseems probable that the reason why the Bible places them all beyond Jordan\nis that the cave-dwellers had disappeared from western Palestine centuries\nbefore the Hebrews came, while to the east of the Jordan they lingered on\nuntil displaced by those who were more nearly contemporary with the\nHebrews. On the west of the Jordan megalithic monuments were probably once\nnumerous, since traces of them still survive in Galilee and Jud\u00e6a,[82] but\nlater divergent civilizations have removed most of them. In the time of\nAmos one of these \u201cgilgals\u201d was used by the Hebrews as a place of worship,\nof which the prophet did not approve.[83]\n\nIt seems probable that there was a settlement of these cave-dwellers at\nJerusalem. The excavations of Capt. Parker brought to light an extensive\nsystem of caves around the Virgin\u2019s Fountain, Ain Sitti Miriam, as the\nArabs call it, which is the Biblical Gihon.[84] These caves are far below\nthe present surface of the ground. It was found, too, that there would be\nno spring at this point at all, if some early men had not walled up the\nnatural channel in the rock down which the water originally ran. These\nmen, judging by the fragments of pottery and the depth of the d\u00e9bris,\nbelonged to about the same period as the cave-dwellers of Gezer. They\napparently settled at this point because of the water, and one of the\ncaves may have been a sanctuary to their god. A new vista is thus added to\nthe history of that city, which was later the scene of so much Biblical\nlife.\n\nFrom various arch\u00e6ological considerations Mr. Macalister estimated that\nthe diminutive cave-dwelling men lived at Gezer for about 500 years, from\n3000 to 2500 B. C., when they were displaced by a Semitic people.\n\n=3. The Amorites.=--We are accustomed to call this Semitic people\nAmorites, and it is probable that this is right. About 2800 B. C., under a\ngreat king named Sargon,[85] a city of Babylonia called Uru, or\nAmurru,[86] and Agade conquered all of Babylonia. The dynasty founded by\nSargon was Semitic and ruled Babylonia for 197 years.[87] Even before\nSargon conquered Babylonia, Lugalzaggisi, King of Erech, had penetrated to\nthe Mediterranean coast. Sargon and two of his successors, Naram-Sin and\nShargali-sharri, carried their conquests to the Mediterranean lands. A\nseal of the last-mentioned king was found in Cyprus. It is probable that\nthe coming of the Amorites began in the north with the conquests of these\nkings. To the east of the Lebanon the Princeton expedition found stone\nstructures similar to Babylonian _Ziggurats_, which they attribute to the\nAmorites, and hold to indicate the prevalence of Babylonian influence in\nthis region. It is probable that the Amorites slowly worked southward,\noccupying different cities as they went. Mr. Macalister\u2019s estimate that\nthey reached Gezer about 2500 B. C. is not, therefore, unreasonable,\nthough they may have arrived there a century earlier than that. This was\nthe beginning of that long intercourse with Babylonia which resulted in\nthe employment of the Babylonian language and script for the purpose of\nexpressing written thought in Palestine long after the Egyptians had\nconquered the country. This intercourse was the more natural because the\nSemites who came to Palestine were of the same race as those who were\ndominant in Babylonia.\n\nMeantime, the Egyptians had begun to take notice of Palestine. Uni, an\nofficer of Pepi I of the sixth Egyptian dynasty, relates that he crossed\nthe sea in ships to the back of the height of the ridge north of the\n\u201csand-dwellers\u201d and punished the inhabitants.[88] This refers to the coast\nof Palestine in the neighborhood of the Philistine cities or Gezer. The\ntime was between 2600 and 2570 B. C. Egypt was at this time only anxious\nto make her own borders secure; she had no desire to occupy this Asiatic\nland.\n\nAgain, between 2300 and 2200 B. C., a fresh migration of Semites,\napparently also of the Amorite branch, invaded Babylonia and in time made\nthe city of Babylon the head of a great empire. This race furnished the\nfirst dynasty of Babylon, which ruled from 2210 to 1924 B. C. Its greatest\nking, Hammurapi,[89] who gave to Babylonia a code of laws in the\nvernacular language,[90] conquered the \u201cwest land,\u201d which means the\nMediterranean coast. It was probably under his successor, Shamsu-iluna,\nbut certainly under one of the kings of this period, that a man in Sippar,\nin leasing a wagon for a year, stipulated that it should not be driven to\nthe Mediterranean coast, because, apparently, travel between that coast\nand northern Babylonia was so frequent.[91] In this same period there\nlived in Babylonia an Abraham, the records of some of whose business\ndocuments have come down to us.[92] We also find there men who bore the\nnames Yagubilu (Jacobel) and Yashubilu (Josephel), and one who was called\nsimply Yagub, or Jacob. Palestinian evidence from a later time leads us to\nbelieve that men bearing all these names migrated during this period to\nPalestine and gave their names to cities which they either built or\noccupied.[93]\n\nEgyptians also came to Palestine during this period. The tale of\nSinuhe[94] relates the adventures of a man who fled to Palestine in the\nyear 1970 B. C., and who reached the land of Kedem, or the East, which\napparently lay to the east of the Jordan.[95] It is referred to several\ntimes in the old Testament. (See Gen. 29:1; Judges 6:3, 33; 7:12; 8:10;\nJob 1:3, etc.) Sinuhe there entered the service of an Amorite chieftain,\nAmmienshi, married his eldest daughter, became ruler of a portion of his\nland, and lived there for many years. He finally returned to Egypt and\nwrote an account of his adventures. This region was also called by Sinuhe\nand other Egyptians Upper Retenu, a name which they also applied to all\nthe higher parts of Syria and Palestine. Retenu is philologically\nequivalent to Lotan (Gen. 36:20, 22, 29; 1 Chron. 1:38, 39) and Lot (Gen.\n11:27; 12:4, etc.). When Sinuhe arrived in Kedem he found other Egyptians\nalready there. Ammienshi was well acquainted with Egyptians. There was\napparently considerable trade with Egypt at this time. Men from Palestine\noften went there for this purpose. Such traders are pictured on an\nEgyptian tomb of this period. Trade with Egypt is also shown to have\nexisted by the discovery of Egyptian scarabs of the time of the Middle\nKingdom in the excavation of Gezer, Jericho, Taanach, and Megiddo. As\nEgypt was nearer and commerce with it easier, its art affected the art of\nPalestine during this period more than did the art of Babylon, although\nthe people were akin to the Babylonians. In the reign of Sesostris III,\n1887-1849 B. C., the Egyptian king sent an expedition into Palestine, and\ncaptured a place, called in Egyptian Sekmem, which is thought by some to\nbe a misspelling of Shechem.[96] This expedition probably stimulated\nEgyptian influence in the country, though the Egyptians established no\npermanent control over the land at this time.\n\nWhen the Amorites occupied Palestinian cities they at once erected\nfortifications. The inmost of the three walls of Gezer is their work. It\nwas a wall about 13 feet in thickness, in which were towers 41 feet long\nand 24 feet thick and about 90 feet apart. It contained at least two\ngates.[97] At Megiddo the city was surrounded by a wall, parts of which\nwere made of brick,[98] while at Jericho the older of the walls of the\ncentral citadel dates from this time.[99]\n\n=4. The Canaanites.=--Between 1800 and 1750 B. C. a migration occurred\nwhich greatly disturbed all western Asia. There moved into Babylonia from\nthe east a people called Kassites. They conquered Babylonia and\nestablished a dynasty which reigned for 576 years.[100] Coincident with\nthis movement into Babylonia there was a migration across the whole of\nAsia to the westward, which caused an invasion of Egypt and the\nestablishment of the Hyksos dynasties there.[101] As pointed out\npreviously,[102] it is possible that this movement, in so far as the\nleadership of the invasion of Egypt was concerned, was Hittite. In any\nevent, however, many Semites were involved in it, as the Semitic names in\nthe Egyptian Delta at this time prove. It is customary to assume that it\nwas in connection with this migration that the Canaanites came into\nPalestine. This cannot, in the present state of our knowledge, be clearly\nproved, but such evidence as we have points in this direction. There began\nat this time a new period of culture at Gezer, which is quite\ndistinguishable from that which had preceded. This indicates the coming of\nnew influences. Moreover, there was apparently an augmentation of the\npopulation of Palestine at this time. New cities were founded at Tell\nel-Hesy and Tell es-Safi,[103] and elsewhere. We thus feel sure that there\nwas an increase of population and, when next our written sources reveal to\nus the location of the nations, the Canaanites were dwelling in Ph\u0153nicia.\nThe Egyptian scribes of a later time called the entire western part of\nSyria and Palestine \u201cThe Canaan.\u201d[104] Probably, therefore, the Canaanites\nsettled along the sea coast. We, therefore, infer that they came into this\nregion at this time. With the coming of an increased population, the\nAmorites appear to have been in part subjugated and absorbed, and in part\nforced into narrower limits. A powerful group of them maintained their\nintegrity in the region afterward occupied by the tribe of Asher and in\nthe valley between the Lebanon and Anti-Lebanon mountains, where they\nafterward formed a kingdom. Another group of them survived to the east of\nthe Jordan, where they maintained a kingdom until overthrown by the\nHebrews. (See Num. 21 and Deut. 1-3.)\n\nAfter the coming of the Canaanites our information concerning the history\nof Palestine fails us for nearly three hundred years. All that we know of\nthe history of the country is what can be inferred from the accumulated\nd\u00e9bris of the \u201csecond Semitic\u201d strata of the different mounds that have\nbeen excavated. During these centuries Egypt was invaded by the Hyksos,\nwhose course was run, and under the great eighteenth dynasty the Hyksos\nwere expelled, chased into Asia, and the conquest of Asia undertaken.\n\n=5. Egyptian Domination.=--Ahmose I, 1580-1557 B. C., besieged Sharuhen\n(Josh. 19:6) in southern Palestine for six years and captured it, while\nboth Amenophis I and Thothmes I between 1557 and 1501 B. C. made raids\nthrough Palestine and Syria to the Euphrates. Of their deeds in Palestine\nno records have survived.\n\n(1) _Thothmes III._--It is not until the reign of Thothmes III that\ndetailed information begins. Between 1478 and 1447 B. C. this king made no\nless than seventeen expeditions into Palestine, Ph\u0153nicia, and Syria. At\nthe beginning of his reign this country was dotted with petty kingdoms;\nbefore its close he had so thoroughly amalgamated it with Egypt that it\nremained an integral part of the Egyptian dominion for 100 years. Before\nhis death Thothmes inscribed on the walls of the temple of Amon at Thebes\na list of the places in Asia which he had conquered. Many of these were in\nPalestine and in Syria, and we learn in this way what towns were already\nplaces of importance a century or two before the Hebrew conquest. Among\nplaces that are mentioned in the Old Testament he names[105] Kedesh (Josh.\n19:37), Megiddo, Lebonah (Judges 21:19), Addar (Josh. 15:3), two different\ncities named Abel; see Judges 7:22 (which mentions one situated in the\nJordan valley), and 2 Sam. 20:14 (which refers to one near Dan), Damascus,\nHammath[106] (Josh. 19:35), situated on the Sea of Galilee (where there\nare still hot springs), Beeroth (Josh. 9:17), Sharon, Tob (Judges 11:3,\n5), Kanah (Josh. 19:28), Ashtaroth (Deut. 1:4; Josh. 9:20), Makkedah\n(Josh. 15:41), Laish (Judges 18:7, 18), Hazor (Josh. 11:1; Judges 4:2),\nChinneroth (Josh. 11:2), Shunem (Josh. 19:18; 1 Sam. 28:41; 2 Kings 4:8),\nAchshaph (Josh. 11:1), Taanach, Ibleam (Josh. 17:11; Judges 1:27), Ijon (1\nKings 15:20), Accho, Anaharath (Josh. 19:19), Ophra (Judges 6:11), Joppa,\nGath, Lod (Neh. 7:37) or Lydda (Acts 9:32), Ono (1 Chron. 8:12), Aphik (1\nSam. 4:1), Migdol, Ephes-dammim (1 Sam. 17:1), Rakkath (Josh. 19:35),\nGerar (Gen. 20:1, etc.), Rabbith (Josh. 19:20), Namaah (Josh. 15:41),\nRehob (Josh. 19:28), Edrei (Deut. 1:4; Josh. 12:4), Daiban (Neh. 11:25),\nBethshean (Josh. 17:11), Beth-anoth (Josh. 15:59), Helkath (Josh. 19:25),\nGeba (Josh. 18:24), Zererah (Judges 7:22), and Zephath (Judges 1:17). In\naddition to these towns which are mentioned in the Bible, the list of\nThothmes III contains many other names which we cannot yet identify. Among\nthese are the names of two cities, Josephel and Jacobel, which are\ndiscussed in Part II, p. 300. These names, as already noted, are the same\nas the names of two Babylonian Amorites of the time of the first dynasty.\nIt seems probable that two important Amorites had migrated to Palestine\nand had either founded new cities, or had been men of such consequence\nthat their names were attached to cities previously in existence. A\nparallel to this is found in the name of Abu Gosh. He was a sheik of the\nnineteenth century, but his name displaced the name of the village\npreviously called Karyet el-Ineb, between Jaffa and Jerusalem, and it is\nnow called Abu Gosh. Conjectures differ as to the part of Palestine in\nwhich the cities Jacobel and Josephel were situated. We have in reality no\ncertain clue as to this.\n\nIt is probable also that something similar had occurred in the case of\nAbraham. It has been pointed out previously that Abraham is known to have\nbeen a Babylonian name at the time of the first Babylonian dynasty. The\nBiblical records tell of the coming of Abraham from Mesopotamia (Gen.\n11:31-12:5), and the inscriptions of Sheshonk, the Biblical Shishak, tell\nus some centuries later of the existence of a place, apparently in\nsouthern Judah, called \u201cThe Field of Abram.\u201d See Part II, p. 360.\n\n(2) _Palestine in the El-Amarna Letters._--During the 100 years of\nEgyptian supremacy in Palestine which Thothmes III inaugurated, the\nfortifications of certain strategic cities were greatly strengthened. At\nGezer, for example, an entirely new wall was built. This was the \u201couter\u201d\nwall of Mr. Macalister\u2019s classification, a substantial structure fourteen\nfeet wide, which completely encircled the city. This massive wall remained\nthe city\u2019s defence down to the Babylonian Exile.\n\nFrom the El-Amarna letters we gain another glimpse of Palestine about a\nhundred years after the death of Thothmes III. The Biblical cities which\nare mentioned in these letters are Accho (Judges 1:31), Ashkelon, Arvad\n(Ezek. 27:8), Aroer (Num. 32:34), Ashtaroth (Deut. 1:4, etc.), Gebal\n(Ezek. 27:9), Gezer (Josh. 10:33, 1 Kings 9:15, etc.), Gath, Gaza,\nJerusalem, Joppa, Keilah (1 Sam. 23:1), Lachish (Josh. 10:3, etc.),\nMegiddo, Sidon, Tyre, Shechem, Sharon, Taanach, and Zorah (Judges 13:2).\nOne city, called in these letters Beth-Ninib, is, in all probability,\nBethshemesh (Josh. 15:10, etc.). Many other towns are mentioned in the\nletters, but as they are not mentioned in the Bible they are not\nenumerated here. These letters were written just as the Egyptian dominion\nin Asia was breaking up, owing to the fact that King Amenophis IV was much\nmore deeply interested in religious reform than in politics.[107] The\ndisintegration of the empire produced great disorder. The power which\nEgypt had exerted in the past made the Asiatics still fear to come out\nopenly against her, but the correspondence shows that several petty states\nwere plotting against one another, frequently encroaching upon one\nanother, and yet all the time professing to be loyal to Egypt. The largest\nnumber of these states were in the north in Ph\u0153nicia. The principal states\nwere the city kingdoms of Gebal, Beirut, Tyre, Jerusalem, and the\nAmorites.[108] Jerusalem at this time ruled a considerable territory,[109]\nbut its history will be discussed connectedly in a future chapter.[110]\nThe kings of the Amorites during this period were Ebed-Ashera and Aziru.\nWhile these small kingdoms of Palestine and Ph\u0153nicia were contending with\none another, and the king of Egypt was giving no attention to them, the\nland was invaded from the north by the Hittites under the great King\nSubbiluliuma,[111] who gradually conquered the Amorites and the Orontes\nValley. It was at the same time invaded from the east by the Habiri, who\nwere probably the Hebrews.[112]\n\nWith this movement of peoples there came into the west a third wave of\nSemitic migration, the Aram\u00e6an. We hear nothing of the Aramaic-speaking\npeoples in earlier time, but about 1300 B. C. they are mentioned by both\nShalmaneser I, of Assyria, and Ramses II, of Egypt, as though they were in\nSyria and Palestine. In later time they formed the basis of the population\nfrom the east of the Euphrates to the Mediterranean coast and southward to\nDamascus. In Deut. 26:5 Israelites are told to say \u201cA wandering Aram\u00e6an\nwas my father\u201d (R. V., margin). The reference seems to be to Jacob, though\npossibly Abraham is intended. In either case, it shows that the Hebrews\nrecognized that there was an Aram\u00e6an strain in their ancestry. Perhaps the\nHabiri were Aram\u00e6ans, or were allied with Aram\u00e6ans.\n\nAt all events, in the struggles that ensued, little by little all\nallegiance to Egypt was thrown off by the Palestinians. Letters to Egypt\nceased to be written, our sources fail us, and for more than forty years\nwe can only conjecture what was happening in Palestine.\n\n(3) _Seti I._--With the accession of Seti I of the nineteenth Egyptian\ndynasty, who ruled from 1313 to 1292 B. C., some knowledge of events in\nPalestine begins once more to come to us. Seti in his first year entered\nAsia, captured an unnamed walled town on the border of the desert, pushed\nnorthward and took the towns in the Plain of Jezreel, crossed the Jordan\nand conquered cities in the Hauran, where he set up a pillar, discovered\nthere a few years since by Principal George Adam Smith; he then turned\nwest and conquered a city on the slopes of the Lebanon mountains.[113]\nThis campaign regained for Egypt all of Palestine and southern Ph\u0153nicia.\nIn his third year Seti was again in Asia. On this campaign he overthrew\nthe kingdom of the Amorites in northern Galilee. They occupied the city of\nKedesh in Naphtali (Josh. 19:37). This city Seti besieged and took.\n\n(4) _Ramses II._--Thus at the beginning of the reign of Ramses II, who\nruled from 1292-1225 B. C., all Palestine was subject to Egypt. The\npractical defeat of Ramses by the Hittites at Kadesh on the Orontes in his\nfifth year, however, caused all Palestine to revolt, and Ramses was\ncompelled to undertake the reconquest of the land. This he accomplished\nbetween his fifth and eighth years, beginning with the Philistine cities\nand overrunning the whole country to the Hauran, where he set up a pillar,\nas his father had previously done.[114] So far as we know, Palestine\nremained quietly under the rule of Ramses during the remainder of his long\nreign.\n\nRamses II, like Thothmes III, left on record a long list of cities\nconquered by him in Asia. Of these the following are Palestinian towns\nmentioned in the Bible:[115] Hammath (Josh. 19:35), Beth-shean (Josh.\n17:11), Beth-anath (Josh. 19:38), and Hadasha (Josh. 15:37). Pella, a town\nin the Jordan valley not mentioned in the Bible, also occurs in his list,\nand there is also a possible mention of Jacobel in a corrupted form.\n\n(5) _Merneptah._--After the accession of Merneptah, the successor of\nRamses II, a rebellion broke out. This was about 1223 B. C. Merneptah put\ndown the rebellion, but in the struggle caused by it, he was compelled to\nreduce Gezer by siege. It was on this campaign that he came into contact\nwith Israel and defeated her.[116] Some think the Israelites whom he\nmentioned were those who more than a century and a quarter before had been\nbattling against Jerusalem; others, that they were those who had just\nescaped from Egypt.\n\nThe reign of Merneptah was followed by some years of unstable government\nin Egypt, but this does not appear to have been a sufficiently long period\nfor great changes to occur in Palestine. Order was restored in Egypt by\nSetnakht about 1200 B. C., and his son and successor, Ramses III,\n1198-1167 B. C., reasserted his sovereignty over Palestine and Ph\u0153nicia.\n\n(6) _Ramses III._--Ramses III found himself confronted with a peculiar\nsituation. The Egyptian Delta and the coasts of Palestine were invaded by\nhordes of people from over the sea. As early as the reign of Ramses II the\nEgyptians had employed men from the island of Sardinia as mercenaries;\nthere must then have been intercourse with distant islands across the sea.\n\n=6. The Philistines.=--Now, however, hordes of Sicilians, Danaoi, Peleset\n(Philistines), Thekel, and many other tribes came from over the sea. These\ntribes came in part from islands, such as Sicily and Crete, and in part\nfrom the coasts of Asia Minor. Ramses III was compelled to fight with\nthem, both in the Delta and in Ph\u0153nicia. On the walls of his temple at\nMedinet Habu he has left us pictures of the Philistines. A remarkable\ninscribed disc was found a few years since at Ph\u00e6stos in Crete. It is\nprinted with a sort of movable type, and each character is a pictograph or\nhieroglyph. Prof. Macalister has shown that it is, in all probability, a\ncontract tablet.[117] When the tablet was first published Eduard Meyer\npointed out[118] that a frequently recurring sign, which is apparently the\ndeterminative for \u201cman\u201d or \u201cperson,\u201d has the same sort of upstanding hair\nas the Philistines pictured by Ramses III on the walls of Medinet Habu.\nThis tablet, accordingly, was written by Philistines or their near\nkindred. In this view there is general agreement among scholars. Amos\ndeclared that the Lord brought the Philistines from Caphtor (Amos 9:7).\nIf this disc was written in Crete, it would follow that Caphtor was Crete.\nIt is thought possible by some that the disc was written in Asia Minor,\nwhence it was carried to Crete; in that case Caphtor would be a name for\nAsia Minor.[119] At all events, this inscription makes it clear that the\nPhilistines came from over the sea, and that their point of departure was\neither Crete or Asia Minor. Ramses III reveals to us through his\ninscriptions the Philistines in the act of migrating into Palestine. With\nthem were the Thekel, who afterward were absorbed by the Philistines; (see\nFigs. 36 and 38).\n\nIn his struggle with these tribes Ramses III was compelled to carry the\nwar into Asia, where he overcame and defeated them. In commemoration of\nthis event he has left a list of places which he conquered in Asia. Most\nof them, so far as they can be identified, were further north than\nPalestine, but the following are names of places mentioned in the\nBible:[120] Seir (Gen. 14:6, etc.), Caineh (Amos 6:2), or Calno (Isa.\n10:9), Tyre, Carchemish, Beth-Dagon (Josh. 15:41), Kir-Bezek, probably the\nsame as Bezek (Judges 1:5), Hadashah (Josh. 15:37), Ardon (1 Chron. 2:18),\nBeer (cf. Num. 21:16), Senir (Deut. 3:9), Zobebah (1 Chron. 4:8), Gether\n(Gen. 10:23), and Ar (Num. 21:15; Isa. 15:1, etc.).\n\nAfter Ramses III the Egyptian empire became too weak to interfere in\nPalestinian affairs. In the chronology followed by many scholars today it\nwas about this time that the Hebrews completed their conquest of the\ncountry and the age of the Judges began.\n\n=7. The Hebrews.=--On their way into Palestine the Hebrews, as already\nnoted, invaded and conquered a kingdom of the Amorites which lay to the\neast of the Jordan and had its capital at Heshbon. (See Num. 21:21 and\nDeut. 1:4, etc.). This kingdom was a survival of the ancient Amorite\noccupation of the land. The Amorites composing it had not been absorbed or\ndisplaced by more recent pre-Hebrew invaders.\n\nIt is stated in Judges 1:27-36 that there were a number of cities from\nwhich the Israelites did not, at the time of their conquest, drive out the\ninhabitants. The principal excavations in Palestine have had to do with\ncities which were not conquered by Hebrews at this time--Taanach, Megiddo,\nand Gezer. We are told in Josh. 10:33 that when Horam, King of Gezer,\ncame to the aid of the king of Lachish, Joshua \u201csmote him and his people\ntill he left none remaining.\u201d As nothing is said of the capture of Gezer,\nthis must refer only to the force which went to the aid of Lachish. This\nview is confirmed by the fact that in the time of David, Gezer was in the\nhands of the Philistines. (See 1 Chron. 20:4.) Gezer did not come into the\nhands of the Hebrews until the time of Solomon, when Solomon\u2019s Egyptian\nfather-in-law conquered it and gave it to him. Mr. Macalister found\nevidence that at about this time there was a considerable increase of the\npopulation of Gezer, which seems to confirm the statement of Judges 1:29\nthat Canaanites and Israelites dwelt together there. This evidence\nconsisted in the crowding together of houses, so that, as many new ones\nwere built, they became smaller. New houses also encroached upon the land\nof the \u201chigh place.\u201d[121] There was evidently an increase of the\npopulation such as an influx of Hebrews would account for. Evidence of\nHebrew conquest seems also to have come to light in the capture and\nburning of Jericho[122] and Bethshemesh,[123] which the excavations have\nrevealed.\n\n=8. Philistine Civilization.=--The next source of information which\narch\u00e6ology furnishes us concerning Palestine is the report of Wenamon,\ntranslated in Part II, p. 352, ff. Wenamon visited Dor and Gebal about\n1100 B. C. He found a king of the Thekel established in Dor, so that the\nPhilistines were probably by this time established in the whole maritime\nplain.\n\nWith the coming of the Philistines into Palestine, new influences were\nintroduced into the country. These are most apparent in the pottery that\nhas come down to us. (See Chapter VIII.) The Philistines, whether they\ncame from Crete or from the coasts of the \u00c6gean Sea, had been influenced\nby those higher forms of art which were in later times developed into the\nsuperb Greek forms. Just at the time when history tells us the Philistines\ncame into Palestine, we begin to find in its mounds the remains of a more\nornate pottery.\n\n=9. The Hebrew Kingdoms.=--As the Philistines filled the maritime plain,\nand began to push into the hill country, the Israelites formed a kingdom\nby which to oppose them. The kingdom of Saul accomplished little, but that\nof David, which began about 1000 B. C., overcame the Philistines and all\nother peoples adjacent to the Hebrews and established an Israelitish\nempire.[124] This was possible because just at that time both Egypt and\nAssyria were weak. Before the end of the reign of Solomon this empire\nbegan to disintegrate (1 Kings 11:14-25), and at his death, about 937 B.\nC., it faded entirely away and the kingdom was divided into the kingdoms\nof Israel and Judah. The history of these kingdoms is given in outline in\nthe Bible and is probably familiar to every reader of this book.\n\nThese kingdoms, frequently at war with each other, were first invaded by\nSheshonk (Shishak) of Egypt (1 Kings 14:25), who made them his vassals\n(see Part II, p. 359, f.), and in later centuries were made subject to\nAssyria. Israel suffered this fate first in 842 B. C., and Judah in 732.\nOn account of her rebellions, the kingdom of Israel was overthrown by\nAssyria in the year 722 B. C. After Assyria became weak, Judah was made\nsubject to Egypt in 608 B. C., but passed under the sway of Babylon in the\nyear 604. Because she repeatedly rebelled against Babylon, the prominent\nJud\u00e6ans were carried captive partly in 597 B. C. and partly in 586, and in\nthe year last mentioned Jerusalem was overthrown and its temple destroyed.\n\nExcavations have brought to light much evidence as to the houses, high\nplaces, and the mode of life of this time,[125] as well as evidence of how\nShishak fought against Rehoboam, Shalmaneser III against Ahab and Jehu,\nTiglath-pileser IV against Menahem and Pekah, Shalmaneser V and Sargon\nagainst Hoshea, and Sennacherib against Judah. It has also told us much\nabout Nebuchadrezzar.[126]\n\n=10. The Exile and After.=--The Babylonian Exile was brought by Cyrus to a\npossible end in 538 B. C. This is also illuminated by that which\nexploration has brought to light.[127] The temple was rebuilt through the\nefforts of Haggai and Zechariah during the years 520-517 B. C. In 444 B.\nC. Nehemiah rebuilt the walls of Jerusalem, as related in Neh. 1-7. Thus\nunder the Persian empire Judah was re-established. It consisted of a\nlittle country around Jerusalem; it was poor and weak, but was aided by\nmoney sent from Babylonia by Jews who were still resident there.\n\n(1) _The Samaritans._--In the neighborhood of Samaria was a people who\nwere descended in part from Hebrews whom Sargon did not carry away and in\npart from the Gentiles whom he brought in. These people worshiped Jehovah.\n(See 2 Kings 17:24-34.) When the little Jewish state had been\nre-established at Jerusalem, they wished to participate in Jewish worship\nand to be recognized as good Jews. Since they were not of pure Hebrew\ndescent, the Jews would not permit this, so they at last desisted, built a\ntemple to Jehovah on Mount Gerizim (see John 4:20), and became a large and\nflourishing sect.[128] They based their worship on the Pentateuch, and\nwere so much like the Jews that there was constant friction between them.\nThis friction is reflected in Luke 9:51-54, John 4:9, and in many passages\nof the Talmud. It was this sect that occupied Samaria in the time of\nChrist and made it in his day a distinct division of the country.\n\n(2) _Alexander the Great and His Successors._--In 332 B. C. Palestine\npassed from Persian rule to that of Alexander the Great. After his death\nin 323 it came under the rule of his general, Ptolemy Lagi, who ultimately\nbecame king of Egypt. Later, 220-198 B. C., there was a struggle for the\npossession of Palestine between the descendants of Ptolemy and the house\nof Seleucus, another general of Alexander, who had established a kingdom\nwith its capital at Antioch. During these wars the Jews suffered greatly.\nFinally the Seleucid king won, and Palestine passed definitely under the\ncontrol of Syria. With the coming of Alexander new cultural influences had\nentered Palestine from the Hellenic world, and down to 168 B. C. such\ninfluences were eagerly welcomed by a portion of the Jews.\n\n(3) _The Maccabees._--In that year, however, Antiochus IV undertook to\nforcibly Hellenize the Jews and to blot out their religion. This the more\nfaithful Jews resented, and a great revolt ensued. This revolt had as its\nfirst successful general Judas, son of Mattathias, who, because of his\nvictories, was surnamed _makkab_, or the Hammer; it is, therefore, known\nas the Maccab\u00e6an revolt. With varying fortunes the struggle dragged on for\n25 years.[129] It finally succeeded because of civil wars in Syria. On\naccount of these each faction favored the Jews, and Syria became\ncontinually weaker. In 143 B. C. the Jews once more achieved their\nindependence under Simon, brother of Judas, whom they ordained should be\nPrince and High Priest forever.[130]\n\n(4) _The Asmon\u00e6ans._--The attaining of independence was accompanied by a\ngreat wave of racial and religious enthusiasm. Not since the days of Ahaz,\nin 733 B. C., had Judah been free of foreign domination. At the beginning\nof the reign of Simon, it was still but a small territory around\nJerusalem. Hebron and all to the south of it was in the hands of the\nEdomites, who three centuries before had been driven out of Edom by the\nNabath\u00e6ans Simon began to enlarge their territory. He won Gezer and Joppa.\nJohn Hyrcanus, his son and successor, 135-105 B. C., conquered the\nEdomites, and compelled them to become Jews; he also conquered and\ndestroyed Samaria in 109 B. C. He began the conquest of Galilee. His son,\nAristobulus I 105-104 B. C., assumed the title of king. A regal dynasty\nwas thus founded, which is known as the Asmon\u00e6an or Hasmon\u00e6an dynasty, _i.\ne._, the \u201cSimonites\u201d or descendants of Simon.\n\nAlexander Jann\u00e6us, 104-79 B. C., completed the conquest of Galilee and the\nregion to the east of the Jordan, and extended the bounds of the kingdom\nof the Asmon\u00e6ans to practically the same limits as those of the kingdom of\nDavid. The Galileans were also Judaized, as the Edomites had been. This\nperiod of Jewish prosperity continued to 69 B. C. Through it all, in spite\nof the religious zeal of the Jews, Hellenic influences made themselves\nfelt in many aspects of the country\u2019s life.\n\n=11. The Coming of Rome.=--On the death of Queen Alexandra in 69 B. C.,\nher sons, John Hyrcanus II and Aristobulus II, both aspired to the supreme\npower, and till 63 B. C. civil war ensued. In 65 B. C. the Romans had\nterminated the independence of Syria and made it a Roman province. In 63\nB. C. both the Jewish brothers appealed to Pompey, who had come to\nDamascus. Aristobulus, however, acted treacherously, and Pompey marched\nupon Jerusalem and took it by siege. Jewish independence was thus forever\nlost, and Palestine passed under the yoke of Rome. Down to 37 B. C. the\ncountry experienced many vicissitudes, as the struggles of the Roman\ntriumvirs were reflected in it. These vicissitudes culminated in the year\n40 B. C., when Orodes I, King of Parthia, captured Jerusalem and placed\nAntigonus, a son of Aristobulus II, on the throne. Antigonus was king and\na vassal of Parthia for three years.\n\n(1) _The Herods._--In 37 B. C. Herod the Great, whose father had served\nunder the Romans, by the aid of a Roman army furnished him by Mark\nAntony, drove Antigonous out and began his notable reign. Herod was a man\nof great energy, an Edomite by descent, whose ancestors had become Jews by\ncompulsion. While professedly a Jew, he was deeply enamored of the\nGr\u00e6co-Roman culture. He wrung taxes from the people in order to beautify\nPalestine with cities and temples built on Hellenic models. He rebuilt,\namong other undertakings, the Jewish temple at Jerusalem and the city of\nSamaria. This last he named Sebaste, the Greek for Augusta, naming it in\nhonor of the Emperor Augustus. He built a heathen temple there, surrounded\nthe city with a colonnaded street, many of the columns of which are still\nstanding, and otherwise adorned it. He built for himself a palace at\nJericho, and another on the top of a hill to the southeast of Bethlehem,\ntoday called Gebel Fureidis; (see Figs. 31 and 39).\n\nUpon his death, in 4 B. C., his kingdom was divided, Archelaus receiving\nJudah and Samaria; Antipas, Galilee and Per\u00e6a, and Philip, Iturea and\nTrachonitis. None of his sons was permitted by the Romans to be called\nking, but all bore the title of \u201ctetrarch.\u201d The rule of Archelaus proved\nso unbearable that in 6 A. D. Augustus banished him to Gaul and placed\nJud\u00e6a and Samaria under Procurators, who were responsible to the\nProconsuls of the province of Syria. Pontius Pilate was the fifth of these\nProcurators. After the death of Herod Antipas in 39 A. D., the Emperor\nCaligula made Herod Agrippa I, a grandson of Herod the Great, king of the\ndominions over which that monarch had ruled. Agrippa assumed control in 41\nand ruled till his death in 44 A. D. His death is described in Acts 12:23.\nAfter his death the whole country was governed by Procurators.\n\n(2) _The Destruction of Jerusalem in 70 A. D._--Roman rule was always\ndistasteful to the Jews, and as the years passed they became more and more\nrestive. These smouldering fires broke into the flame of open rebellion in\nthe year 66 A. D., and after four years of terrible warfare Jerusalem was\ncaptured and destroyed in 70 A. D. The temple, also razed to the ground,\nhas never been rebuilt. The country about Jerusalem was peopled by some of\nthe poorer of the peasantry, and the tenth Roman legion remained in the\ncity for a long time to keep order in that region.\n\n=12. Later History.=--In 132 A. D., in the reign of Hadrian, a man called\nBar Chocaba, or the \u201cSon of the Star,\u201d came forward, claiming to be the\nMessiah, and headed a Jewish revolt. So fiercely did the Jews fight that\nthe insurrection was not quelled by Rome until 135 A. D. When it was\nfinally put down, Hadrian determined to blot the name of Jerusalem from\nthe map. He rebuilt Jerusalem, making it a Roman colony, named it \u00c6lia\nCapitolina, and built a temple to Jupiter on the spot where the temple of\nJehovah had formerly stood. No Jew was permitted to come near the city.\nJerusalem as built by Hadrian continued until the time of Constantine, and\nthe form thus imposed upon it lasted much longer.\n\nWhen Constantine made Christianity the religion of the empire, both he and\nhis mother began to take an interest in the Holy City and the Holy Land.\nOther Christians followed them. The Church of the Holy Sepulcher was\nbuilt, and the temple of Jupiter built by Hadrian was turned into a\nChristian church. Pilgrimages to the Holy Land began, and monasteries,\nchurches, and bishoprics in time sprang up over all the country. Thus for\nthree hundred years the influences which were felt in Palestine emanated\nfrom Byzantium or Constantinople. In 615 A. D. the land was overrun by\nChosroes II of Persia, who captured Jerusalem and destroyed many of its\nchurches. The Persians held it until 628, when the Byzantine kings\nregained it. The control of Jerusalem by the Christians was, however, of\nshort duration, for in 636 Palestine was captured by the Mohammedans, and\nwith the exception of 89 years has ever since been under Mohammedan\ncontrol.[131] During these long centuries the country was ruled by the\nCaliphs of Medina, Damascus, and Bagdad; by the Buvide Sultans, the\nFatimite Caliphs of Egypt, and the Seljuk Turks. The cruelties inflicted\nby these last rulers upon Christians led to the Crusades, the first of\nwhich established the Latin kingdom of Jerusalem,[132] which continued\nfrom 1099 to 1188 A. D. This kingdom, organized on the feudal basis then\nexisting in western Europe, extended over all of Palestine and Syria,\nincluding Antioch, and for nearly half the time, Edessa beyond the\nEuphrates. Its existence marks an epoch in the arch\u00e6ology of the country.\n\nSince the fall of this Latin kingdom, Palestine has remained under Moslem\ncontrol. First the Eyyubide Sultans of Egypt, then the Mamelukes of that\nsame land held sway. In 1517 the Ottoman Turks captured it, and have since\ninflicted their misrule upon it. What fortunes the great war now raging\nmay bring to this land of sacred associations, we await with intense\ninterest.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER VI\n\nTHE CITIES OF PALESTINE\n\n THEIR SITES. THE WALLS. THE STONE WORK. HOUSES. PALACES: At Taanach.\n At Samaria. At Jericho. At Megiddo. FOUNDATION SACRIFICES. CITY GATES.\n WATER SUPPLY: Springs. Underground tunnels. Reservoirs.\n\n\n=1. Their Sites.=--The cities of Palestine were usually built on hills.\nThese elevations, surmounted as they were by walls, created a natural\nmeans of defence from attack; (see Fig. 33). Even more important than an\nelevated situation was a water supply, hence all Palestinian cities of\nimportance are near springs. The necessity of being near a spring led, in\nsome cases, to the erection of a city on a level plain. This was the case\nwith Jericho; the only mound at its site is that created by the city\nitself.\n\nThe hills on which the cities were erected varied in height. That at\nMegiddo rose to a height of but 45 to 90 feet above the surrounding land,\nbut even this elevation was a great protection from the simple methods of\nattack known to ancient warfare. The hill Ophel, the site of Jebusite\nJerusalem, rises today from 60 to 150 feet above the valley of the Kidron,\nand in ancient times that valley was from 20 to 50 feet deeper than it is\nnow. The same hill was separated from the land on the west by a valley the\nbed of which in ancient times was from 50 to 100 feet below the top of the\nhill. The hill on which Samaria was situated rose some 300 feet above the\nsurrounding valley on all sides except the east, and when fortified\npresented such an impregnable front that it took even an Assyrian army\nthree years to capture it. (2 Kings 17:5.) In the Seleucid and Roman\nperiods, when some cities expanded in size, the hilltops were sometimes\nabandoned and they spread out over the plain. This was the case with\nGerasa and Philadelphia (Rabbah Ammon).[133] But \u201ca city set on a hill\u201d\n(Matt. 5:14) was a common feature of the Palestinian landscape.\n\n=2. The Walls.=--The walls by which the cities were surrounded varied\naccording to the advancement of the different periods, and according to\nthe importance of the place. As has already been pointed out in Chapter V,\nthe first wall at Gezer was but 6 feet high and 2 feet thick, and had a\nsloping bank of earth packed against it on the outside. This bank was 6\nfeet 6 inches thick at the base and was covered with a facing of stone. In\nthe Amorite period a wall 13 feet thick was erected at Gezer, in which\ntowers were constructed about every 90 feet. These towers were 24 \u00d7 41\nfeet. Their height is, of course, unknown. This wall was probably built\nabout 2500 B. C. and formed the defense of the city for a thousand years.\nBy that time the tops of the houses probably protruded above the wall, and\nthe population had increased so that more space was needed. This wall was,\naccordingly, replaced by another built outside of it. Much of the material\nof which the old wall was constructed went into the new wall, which was\napproximately 14 feet thick and contained occasional towers. At some time\na part of this wall had been destroyed, and then rebuilt. Probably at the\ntime of this rebuilding, additional towers had been inserted at different\npoints. The stones of these towers touched those of the wall without being\narticulated with them. It has been conjectured[134] that these towers were\na part of the repairs made by King Solomon after the town had been\ncaptured by his Egyptian father-in-law and presented to Solomon. (See 1\nKings 9:16, 17.) Still later an attempt was made to strengthen the\nweakness caused by the unclosed seam between the towers and the wall by\nconstructing around the towers rude bastions. (See Figs. 40, 46.) Mr.\nMacalister conjectures that this was done by the Syrian General Bacchides\nwhen he hastily fortified Gezer and occupied it in 160 B. C.[135] (1 Macc.\n9:52.)\n\nAt Lachish, Petrie found massive city walls, though he did not describe\nthem in detail.[136] At Taanach, Sellin found a strong city wall, but did\nnot attempt to trace it about the tell.[137] Schumacher devoted\nconsiderable attention to the city walls of Megiddo, a part of which were\nbuilt of bricks.[138] At Tell es-Safi (Gath?) the outlines of the city\nwalls were traced, as they were at Tell el-Judeideh.[139] At Samaria a\npart of the Roman wall of the time of Herod was found; lower down in the\nmound remains of a Babylonian wall (see 2 Kings 17:24), beneath which the\nexcavators recognized the Hebrew wall.[140] City walls were found, too, at\nBethshemesh,[141] but of especial interest to the student of the Bible are\nthe walls of Jericho. Here, as at Megiddo, the walls were constructed in\npart of brick. They had an average thickness of 13 feet. The Canaanitish\nwall was traced around three sides of the mound. It was strengthened by\noccasional towers.[142] On the east, next to the spring, they had entirely\ndisappeared. This must not be pressed into a confirmation of Josh. 6:20,\nthat the walls fell down flat, for the later Israelitish wall has\ndisappeared on that side of the mound also. Later, when in the days of\nAhab the Israelites rebuilt the city (1 Kings 16:34), they did not place\nthe wall on the old line, but enclosed a considerably larger space. This\nwall was constructed partly of bricks, but mostly of stone.[143] The walls\nof Jerusalem will be treated in Chapter XIII. At the northwest corner of\nthe Canaanitish wall was a tower enclosed by two brick walls; the outer\nwall was a little more than 4 feet thick; the inner, about 10 feet.\n\n=3. The Stone Work.=--The kind of stones used in city walls varied with\nthe circumstances and the degree of civilization. The walls of the stone\nage were naturally made of small undressed stones. The Amorites began the\nuse of cut stone. Their blocks are often fairly smooth and regular. The\nAmorite wall of Gezer was made of more regular stones than the wall of the\nEgyptian period.[144] In the Israelitish and Jewish periods a stone with\nan embossed edge was often used. It is found in the wall of Nehemiah,\nexcavated by Bliss,--a wall made of stones that some pre-exilic king had\nused before,--and appears also in the structures of Herod the Great. In\nthe structures of Constantine and later Byzantine builders, this type of\nstone is replaced by a stone with a perfectly smooth surface--much more\nsmooth than anything found in the early walls. This type of stone work\ncontinued through the crusading period; (see Figs. 253, 254.) While these\ntypes can be traced, their use was not altogether regular.[145]\n\nThe areas of Palestinian cities in the early time were very small. All of\nCanaanite Jericho could be put in the Colosseum at Rome! Megiddo, one of\nthe largest of these early cities, was built on a mound that contained\nonly about eleven acres, and Jebusite Jerusalem was built on a ridge that\nin ancient times contained not less than nine or more than thirteen acres.\n\n=4. Houses.=--Within these small areas the houses were crowded together,\nas in the modern native villages of Palestine, separated only by narrow,\ncrooked lanes. One may see in Hebron or in some parts of Jerusalem similar\nconditions to this day. There was no drainage; refuse was thrown into the\nstreets. The cities were ill-smelling places. The wonder is that the\nmortality was not greater. The houses in the central, elevated portion of\nPalestine were usually of stone, though at Gezer, Jericho, and places in\nthe lower-lying portions of the country they were sometimes of brick. The\nwalls of the stone houses were constructed of rough stones of a great\nvariety of sizes, from small pebbles to large boulders. Mortar and cement\nwere never used. The stones were set in mud. They were not dressed except\nwith a hammer in the roughest way. The joints between them were wide and\nirregular. Into the crevices serpents and scorpions might crawl. It was of\nsuch a house that Amos says, \u201ca man ... leaned his hand on the wall and a\nserpent bit him\u201d; (5:19). The bricks were rarely burned; they were simply\nsun-dried, and had no more cohesion than the earth in which they were\nembedded. The houses generally had no floor except the earth, which was\nsmoothed off and packed hard. Sometimes this was varied by mixing lime\nwith the mud and letting it harden, and sometimes floors of cobblestones\nor stone chippings mixed with lime were found. In the Roman period mosaic\nfloors, made by embedding small smoothly cut squares of stone in the\nearth, were introduced. By employing stones of different colors the\nmosaics were often worked into beautiful patterns; (see Figs. 35, 42, 43,\n44, 47, and 48). Sometimes pictures of birds and animals were formed in\nthe floors.\n\nThe doorways were usually simply an opening made by the vertical sides\nleft in the masonry. In the later time they were sometimes lined with\nstanding stones. The doors themselves have long since disappeared, but\nthere is evidence that, like many houses still to be seen in Palestine,\nthey were made fast to a post, the lower end of which was set in a hollow\nor perforated stone. When the door swung the whole post turned in this\nstone. Some of these stones were found. In a few houses at Gezer\nenclosures of stones on end were sometimes found in the middle or the\ncorners of dwelling houses. Perhaps these were hearths.[146] Some houses\nbuilt after the time of Alexander the Great had a kind of piazza running\nalong the side. The remains of the pillars which supported the roofs of\nthese were discovered. Beginning with the Hellenistic period, some of the\nbetter houses had baths. (On doors, see Figs. 49, 50.)\n\n=5. Palaces.=--In the excavation of different sites the outlines of\nseveral larger buildings or palaces were uncovered. A few of these are of\ninterest to the student of the Bible.\n\n(1) _At Taanach._--In the northeast of the mound at Taanach[147] the\nremains of a building about 75 \u00d7 77 feet were found. It was in existence\nin the fourteenth century before Christ. This building contained several\nrooms, as the plan will make clear; (see Fig. 45). The remains of the wall\nstill showed one layer of hewn stones, some of which were very large. In a\nvault underneath the building four cuneiform tablets were found. They had\nbeen placed there for safety in time of siege, and these four tablets had\nbeen overlooked when the rest of the archive was rifled. These tablets\nproved to be letters written at the same time as those found at\nEl-Amarna.[148] The building was the palace of a Canaanite king.\n\n(2) _At Samaria._--Of especial interest to the student of the Bible are\nthe palaces of the Hebrew period. At Samaria Reisner discovered massive\nwalls, which were probably the remains of the palaces of Omri and Ahab.\nThat of Omri was built of large stones and rested on the native rock. As\nOmri was the founder of the city (1 Kings 16:24), there can be little\ndoubt that this was his palace. An enlargement of this consisted of walls\nthe construction of which was finer. They were faced with white marble. In\nthis palace an alabaster vase was found, inscribed with the name of\nOsorkon II, King of Egypt, who was a contemporary of King Ahab. This is,\ntherefore, believed to be the palace of Ahab--perhaps the \u201chouse of ivory\u201d\nwhich Ahab built (1 Kings 22:39). As the volume on the excavation at\nSamaria is not yet published, it is impossible to give detailed plans of\nthese buildings. The accompanying picture (Fig. 52) shows some of their\nwalls.\n\n(3) _At Jericho._--Another building of this period, which the excavators\nbelieved might have been built by Hiel, the rebuilder of Jericho, in the\ndays of Ahab (1 Kings 16:34), was uncovered by Sellin. It is the most\npretentious building of the Hebrew time at Jericho and may well have been\nthe residence of the governor of the place. It consisted of a number of\nlarge rooms, and was throughout constructed of fairly large but irregular\nstones; (see Fig. 51).\n\n(4) _At Megiddo._--Another residence of an Israelitish governor was found\nat Megiddo. This was a large, irregular building, constructed around a\ncourtyard. Some of the work was of dressed stones of considerable size, in\nevery way superior to the stone-work of the earlier buildings of that\ncity. In this palace a seal of a man named Shema was found, which bore the\ninscription, \u201cBelonging to Shema, the servant of Jeroboam.\u201d We do not know\nwhether this man served under Jeroboam I or Jeroboam II. The fine\ncharacter of the stone-work leads one to think the reign of Jeroboam II\nthe more probable date; (see Figs. 53 and 27).\n\nOne more palace should be noticed, that of Simon the Maccabee (143-135 B.\nC.), at Gezer. This palace is clearly of the Hellenistic type, and was\nidentified as the dwelling-place that Simon built for himself (1 Macc.\n13:48), by the discovery of an ancient curse against Simon\u2019s palace\nscrawled in Greek on a block of stone. This building was constructed of\nrather finely cut stone, was of irregular shape (see Figs. 54, 55), had an\nimposing gate which admitted into a courtyard, and was supplied with a\ngood system of drainage.\n\n=6. Foundation Sacrifices.=--When a house was built it was customary to\nconsecrate it by a sacrifice. In early times in Palestine this was often a\nhuman sacrifice. In Gezer the skeleton of a woman was found built into the\nwalls of a house. Numerous skeletons of children were also found under the\ncorners of houses. Such sacrificial offerings were more often made under\nthe corners of buildings, since the corners were considered sacred. In\nBabylonia and Egypt the sacrifice was accompanied with the burial under\nthe corner-stone of inscriptions and other deposits, though in Egypt, as\nin Palestine, the deposit was not always under the corners.[149] Similar\nsacrifices were found at Taanach[150] and Megiddo.[151] These sacrifices\nillustrate, some think, 1 Kings 16:34, where Hiel laid the foundation of\nJericho with the loss of his first-born, and set up its gates with the\nloss of his youngest son; (see Fig. 56).\n\n=7. City Gates.=--The city gate was in Palestine an important part of the\ntown. Gateways were constructed in different ways at different times. At\nGezer the northern gate consisted of a protruding tower, into which one\nentered at the side, then turned a right angle to gain entrance to the\ncity; (see Fig. 58). Gates of this type are still common in the East. The\npassageway in this gate at Gezer was 40 feet wide.[152] The southern gate\nof Gezer consisted simply of a straight passageway, 42 feet long and 9\nfeet wide, between two brick towers; (see Fig. 61). Often, as in the case\nof the gate found at Bethshemesh (Fig. 59), there were rooms on each side\nof the passageway through the tower. One with still more space within its\ntower was uncovered at Megiddo; (Fig. 57).\n\nThe city gates usually remained at the same points in the wall through the\nsuccessive reconstructions of the city. Thus at Samaria the remains of\nround Herodian towers which flanked the gateway were found resting on\nlarger square bases of the Seleucid period, beneath which the outline of\nthe earlier Israelitish towers was still visible; (see Figs. 65, 66).\n\nThe form of these gates illuminates many Biblical passages. Lot sat in the\ngate of Sodom (Gen. 19:1). Joab took Abner aside in the gate to speak to\nhim (2 Sam. 3:27). The gate was the place of conference for the elders of\na city (Gen. 34:20). To be praised in the \u201cgates,\u201d where the city\u2019s\naffairs were settled (Prov. 31:31), was to have desired fame.\n\n=8. Water Supply.=\n\n(1) _Springs._--The water supply of Palestinian cities came in part from\nthe never-failing springs near which they were built. This supply was,\nhowever, seldom sufficient, so that from the early days cisterns were\nbuilt to catch the water of the rainy season and conserve it for use\nduring the summer months. These cisterns were often excavated in the solid\nrock, but sometimes were simple pits in the earth, over the bottom of\nwhich a coating of lime or cement had been spread.\n\n(2) _Underground Tunnels._--In time of war, when a city might be shut up\nfor years, cities were often compelled to yield for want of water. This\nwas especially the case if the spring lay outside the city walls. In\nseveral Palestinian cities means were taken to secure access to a spring\nwithout exposing oneself to the enemy outside the wall. One of the\ngreatest of these undertakings was discovered at Gezer. This was a tunnel\ncut in the solid rock, which was entered by a long flight of rock-cut\nsteps. At the entrance the rock formed an imposing archway 23 feet high\nand 13 feet 10 inches broad. These dimensions were maintained throughout\nabout two-thirds of the length of the tunnel. The whole passage was about\n130 feet long. The last third of it had to be cut through a much harder\nrock, where the work was much more difficult, and its workmanship was here\nnot so good as above. The tunnel also became appreciably smaller. The\npassage terminated in a large cave, in the bottom of which was a spring,\nand was evidently constructed to enable the inhabitants to reach a water\nsupply in time of siege. The floor of the cave is 94 feet 6 inches below\nthe level of the rock surface under the ancient city. The whole tunnel is\na remarkable piece of engineering for an early people; (see Figs. 60 and\n62).\n\nThe earth with which the mouth of the tunnel was closed contained objects\nwhich belonged to the time 1450-1250 B. C. The steps in the passageway had\nbeen before this deeply worn by many feet--so deeply worn that Mr.\nMacalister estimated that they must have been in use for 500 years. For\nthese reasons he supposes that this water-passage was excavated about 2000\nB. C. or soon after that date. It had ceased to be used before the\nIsraelites conquered the place.\n\nA similar underground tunnel leading to a spring has been found at El-Gib,\nGibeon, (Fig. 63), and one made in Jebusite times also existed at\nJerusalem. It is mentioned in 2 Sam. 5:8, and will be described in\nconnection with Jerusalem (p. 188). At Rabbah Ammon an underground passage\nconnected the old city situated on the hill with a large cistern which was\nroofed over so as to be concealed. To this cistern in time of siege the\ninhabitants could go through the passage and obtain water. It was this\ncistern[153] which Joab had captured (2 Sam. 12:27) when he sent to David\nto come and take the city. Antiochus III of Syria in the same way\ncompelled the city to surrender in the year 218 B. C.,[154] and Herod the\nGreat did the same thing before 30 B. C.[155]\n\n(3) _Reservoirs._--Among the sources of water supply for the cities of\nPalestine the so-called Pools of Solomon to the south of Bethlehem are\nunique. They consist of three reservoirs, partly rock-cut and in part\nconstructed of walls of masonry, in the Wady Artas, about a mile and a\nhalf to the southwest of Bethlehem. The highest of these pools is 127\nyards long and 76 yards wide, and 25 feet deep at its lower end. The\ncentral pool is 141 yards long, from 53 to 83 yards wide, and 38 feet\ndeep. The lowest and finest of the three is 194 yards long, 49 to 69 yards\nwide, and 48 feet at its deepest part. In these reservoirs water from\nneighboring springs was collected and stored. Two aqueducts at different\ntimes conveyed it to Jerusalem as it was needed. These aqueducts are now\nknown respectively as the Low Level Aqueduct and the High Level Aqueduct.\nThe High Level Aqueduct appears to be the older. In recent years the Low\nLevel Aqueduct has been repaired, so that these \u201cpools\u201d still contribute\nto the water supply of Jerusalem.\n\nThere is no evidence that Solomon built these. His name has been attached\nto them solely on account of Eccl. 2:6: \u201cI made me pools of water.\u201d The\nwhole structure of these and their aqueducts seems rather to be Greek or\nRoman work; (see Fig. 64).\n\nEvidence for the dates is not conclusive,[156] but there is some\nprobability that the pools were constructed by John Hyrcanus I, 135-105 B.\nC., who made the High Level Aqueduct, and that the Low Level Aqueduct was\nconstructed by Herod the Great. This is much longer than the High Level\nAqueduct, as it makes a detour toward Gebel Fureidis, where Herod\nconstructed a palace, to which he conveyed water. This Low Level Aqueduct\nis probably the one afterward repaired by Pontius Pilate.[157]\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER VII\n\nROADS AND AGRICULTURE\n\n ROADS: Early paths. Roman roads. AGRICULTURE: Granaries. Hoes and\n plows. Sickles. Threshing. Winnowing. Grinding. Mortars. Fruits.\n Vineyards and wine-vats. Olive-presses. The agricultural calendar.\n Domestic animals. Bees. Birds. Hens.\n\n\n=1. Roads.=--From the time cities were established in Palestine there was\nmore or less communication between them. Probably in a small way commerce\nwas carried on among some of them, but no effort was made to construct\nroads, in the modern sense of the term, until the Roman period.\n\n(1) _Early Paths._--Before that time all traveling was done on foot or on\nthe backs of donkeys and camels, and for such travel a simple foot-path,\nmade by continuous use, was all that was considered necessary. The roads\nconstructed by the Romans have long since fallen into a state of utter\ndisrepair, so that, with the exception of two or three roads that have\nbeen built in recent years, the simple, rough foot-paths that have existed\nfrom time immemorial still suffice for Palestinian travel. These paths are\noften exceedingly rough. They were never surveyed and never repaired. They\nwere simply devoted to public use by immemorial custom. If a landowner\nwished to raise grain in a field through which one of these paths ran, he\nplowed up to the very edge of the narrow path and put in his seed. There\nwere neither fences nor ditches to separate the road from the field.\nFields traversed by such roads are still very common in Palestine. It was\nalong such a road that Jesus and the disciples were traveling when they\nplucked the ears of wheat on the Sabbath (Matt. 12:1; Mark 2:23; Luke\n6:1). It was such a road to which Jesus alluded in the Parable of the\nSower: \u201cSome seed fell by the wayside\u201d (Matt. 13:4; Mark 4:4; Luke 8:5). A\nrough path is shown in Fig. 67.\n\n(2) _Roman Roads._--After Palestine passed under the sway of Rome in 63 B.\nC. a system of roads was built to connect the most important places. We\nhave no definite information about these from a source earlier than the\n_Onomasticon_ of Eusebius,[158] which was compiled before 340 A. D., but\nin all probability those on the west of the Jordan were constructed before\nthe time of Christ. There were three main roads in this part of\nPalestine.[159] One ran down the sea-coast. Starting at Sidon, it passed\nsouthward through Tyre, Sarepta (Zarephath, 1 Kings 17:10; Luke 4:26),\nPtolemais (Accho), Dor, C\u00e6sarea, Joppa, Lydda, Azotus (Ashdod), and\nAskelon to Gaza. A branch road ran eastward from Tyre over the hills of\nGalilee through Kedesh in Naphtali (Josh. 12:22; 20:7; Judges 4:6), to\nC\u00e6sarea Philippi (Matt. 16:13; Mark 8:27), which was near the ancient Dan\n(Judges 18:29).\n\nFrom C\u00e6sarea, on the sea-coast south of Dor, another branch road ran\nsoutheastward through the valley of Aijalon up to the site of Gibeah of\nSaul (1 Sam. 10:26; 11:4, etc.), where it joined the road along the\ncentral ridge of the country; (see Fig. 68).\n\nStarting from Damascus another road ran southward to Hyppos, one of the\ncities of the Decapolis, which lay southeast of the Sea of Galilee,[160]\ncrossed the Jordan on a bridge below the Sea of Galilee (shown in Fig.\n289), passed through Scythopolis, the Beth-shean of the Old Testament\n(Josh. 17:11; 1 Sam. 31:10), through Sychar (John 4:5), then southward\nalong the central ridge of the country, through Bethel and Ramah to\nJerusalem. South of Jerusalem it was continued to Bethlehem and Hebron.\nFour miles north of Jerusalem it was joined by the road from C\u00e6sarea, so\nthat travelers from the coast and from the north entered Jerusalem over\nthe same road. One can in many places still trace the lines of Roman\npaving-stones which mark their courses. Thus the juncture of the two roads\njust mentioned is still visible, and one may stand on the hillside and\nfeel sure that he is looking at the very way over which Paul was taken to\nC\u00e6sarea by the Roman soldiers the night after his arrest in Jerusalem\n(Acts 23:23, 24).\n\nFrom Scythopolis (Beth-shean) another road ran southward through the\nJordan valley to Jericho. This was probably continued to Jerusalem. From\nSebaste (Samaria) another road ran northwestward through Dothan (Gen.\n37:17; 2 Kings 6:13), to Taanach, Megiddo, and the coast.\n\nAfter Trajan overthrew the kingdom of the Nabath\u00e6ans, in 106 A. D., he\nbuilt a road on the east of the Jordan, southward from Damascus to the Red\nSea. The Roman government kept these roads in good order. They marked the\ndistances by milestones, some of which have survived to modern times;\n(Figs. 69, 71).\n\n=2. Agriculture= was the chief occupation of the inhabitants of Palestine.\nThe cities were throughout its history simply the walled residences of\nfarmers. Such trade as developed at different periods was always\nsubordinate to agricultural pursuits. We cannot expect exploration to\nfurnish us with a complete view of ancient Palestinian agriculture, but\nsuch glimpses as it does afford us are most illuminating.\n\n(1) _Granaries._--In the excavation of Gezer[161] it was found that\ngranaries formed an important class of buildings. Some of these were\nconnected with private houses and evidently belonged to individuals, but\nsome of them were so large and so much grain was found in them that it was\nrightly held that they must have been public granaries. Some of these\nbuildings had been destroyed by fire, and the charred grain, retaining its\noriginal shape, was easily recognized. Most of the granaries were circular\nstructures, such as are seen today dotting the fields of the maritime\nplain of Palestine. They varied greatly in size. One was but 2 feet 8\ninches in diameter; another was 4 feet 9 inches across and 6 feet 9 inches\ndeep. One granary from the second Semitic stratum (1700-1350 B. C.) was\nconnected with a house, and contained several kinds of grain, each stored\nin a separate chamber; (Figs. 70, 72).\n\nFrom such receptacles wheat, barley, oats, and beans were recovered, as\nwell as three varieties of vetch, one of which was probably the \u201clentils\u201d\nof Gen. 25:34; 2 Sam. 17:28; 23:11; and Ezek. 4:9. Barley is often\nmentioned in the Bible; the wheat is usually there called \u201ccorn.\u201d Piles of\nstraw and chaff, such as the modern Palestinians call _tibn_, were also\nfound.\n\n(2). _Hoes and Plows._--Naturally, the implements with which the grain was\ncultivated have nearly all perished. In the first place the ground had to\nbe broken and prepared to receive the seed. Remains of two different kinds\nof hoes were found at Gezer, though the preparation of a sufficiently\nlarge area of ground to bear grain to support cities cannot have been made\nwith such instruments; (see Fig. 73). From an early time the plow, which\nis frequently mentioned in the Bible (see, for example, 1 Kings 19:19),\nwas in use in Palestine. A number of plowshares were found at Megiddo in\nthe ruins of a blacksmith\u2019s shop, and a diamond-shaped iron ring, from\nGezer, may have been used to attach oxen to a plow, and the points of\nseveral ox-goads were found. The ox-goad consisted, as it does today, of a\nlong stick into the end of which a sharp iron point was fixed. It is\nalluded to in Acts 26:14. As this goad was used in driving the oxen in\nplowing, it indicates that plows were used. These plows were probably\nsimilar to those used at the time in Egypt; (see Figs. 76, 77).\n\n(3) _Sickles._--When the grain was ripe it was reaped with a sickle (Deut.\n16:9; Jer. 50:16; Joel 3:13). In the earlier periods these were of flint;\nlater they were made of bronze, and iron. Sickles of metal are, however,\nrarely found. They were expensive, while flint was abundant and cheap.\nFlint sickle-teeth were numerous, therefore, in all periods. The earliest\nsickles were flints set in an animal\u2019s jaw-bone, or in a curved piece of\nwood similar to the Egyptian sickle shown in Figs. 74, 75.\n\n(4) _Threshing._--After the grain was cut it was taken to the\nthreshing-floor to be threshed. These floors were often a comparatively\nlevel portion of rock which formed a part of a high place or sanctuary.\nSuch was the threshing-floor of Araunah, the Jebusite, in 2 Sam. 24:18. It\ntook several days to complete a threshing, and as no one would think of\nstealing from a sacred place, the whole community was protected by doing\nthe threshing in its precincts. Sometimes the cattle were driven about\nover the grain, as in ancient Egypt (see Fig. 79), and as is done in\nmodern Palestine still; (see Fig. 78). This is the kind of threshing\ncontemplated in Deut. 25:4. At other times a kind of sledge drawn by\ncattle was driven about over the grain. Ornan (Araunah) was threshing with\nsuch an instrument (1 Chron. 21:23; 2 Sam. 24:22), and allusion is made to\none in Isa. 41:15; (see Fig. 80).\n\n(5) _Winnowing._--The grain was winnowed or cleansed of chaff by being\nthrown up, as in Fig. 79. As it fell the wind blew the chaff away. It is\nthis process that John the Baptist used as an illustration of the purging\nwork of Christ (Matt. 3:12; Luke 3:17).\n\n(6) _Grinding._--When the grain was cut, threshed, and winnowed, there\nwere no mills to which it could be taken for grinding. This process had to\nbe done in each home, and the labor of doing it fell to the women of the\nhousehold. (See Exod. 11:5; Matt. 24:41.) Grain was reduced to flour\neither by rubbing or by pounding. The process of rubbing or grinding was\naccomplished either by a flat saddle-shaped stone over which another was\nrubbed (see Figs. 81, 84), or by crushing between two stones, the top one\nof which was revolved somewhat as a modern millstone (Fig. 82). It\nrequired two women, as Jesus said, to grind at such a mill--one to feed\nit, while the other manipulated the rubbing stone. Such stones were made\nof hard igneous rock procured from the region east of the Sea of Galilee,\nand are called \u201cquerns.\u201d In the different periods of the history of\nPalestine they varied in size and shape, becoming round in the Seleucid\nperiod (323-63 B. C.). The upper stone was apparently rotated by twisting\nthe wrist. It could be thus turned half-way round and then back again. No\nround millstones, with the topmost of the pair perforated, as in the\nmodern millstone, were found before the Arabic period, 637 A. D. Pictures\nof modern Syrian women turning this perforated type of millstone do not,\ntherefore, really illustrate, as is often assumed, the women of the Bible\nas they ground at the mill.\n\nProbably the millstone which crushed the head of Abimelech at Thebez\n(Judges 9:53) was the upper stone of a \u201csaddle quern.\u201d The importance of\nthese millstones is recognized in Deut. 24:6, which prohibits the taking\nof a mill or the upper millstone of a poor man as security, on the ground\nthat that was the same as taking a man\u2019s life as security. The lower\nmillstone was always made of the harder stone. Because of this and of the\ngrinding and pounding to which it was subjected it became a symbol of\nfirmness (Job 41:24).\n\n(7) _Mortars._--Apparently the grain was also frequently crushed by\npounding it with a pestle in a mortar. So many of these made of stone were\nfound at Gezer that it is thought that these may have been used more often\nthan the millstones; (see Fig. 83).\n\n(8) _Fruits._--In the course of the excavation of Gezer dried figs,\ngrapes, pomegranates, and olives were found. All of these are mentioned in\nthe Bible, as, for example, in Cant. 2:13; Rev. 6:13; Gen. 40:11; Num.\n13:23; Micah 6:15. In one trench what appeared to be a pile of charred\npistachio nuts was found. Acorns, terebinth, and apricot seeds were also\ndiscovered.[162] Of these fruits, those which left the most arch\u00e6ological\nevidence of their existence are just those that are most frequently\nmentioned in the Bible,--the grape and the olive.\n\n(9) _Vineyards and Wine-vats._--The grape is often alluded to in the\nBible, and directions are given as to how one may conduct himself in a\nvineyard (Deut. 23:24) and as to how thoroughly one might glean his vines\n(Lev. 25:5). The most complete description of a vineyard is in Isa. 5:1-8.\nThe one feature of that description that would survive for an arch\u00e6ologist\nto discover is the wine-vat. These vats were often cut in the solid rock,\nand many of them have been found, both in excavating and in traveling over\nthe country. The vats for pressing grapes and other fruits may be\ndistinguished from olive-presses because they lack all arrangements for\nmechanical pressing. The grapes were trodden with the feet, and as the\njuice was pressed out it ran down into a deeper portion of the vat. Some\nof these vats are surrounded by \u201ccup-marks\u201d or hollow places cut in the\nstone in order to hold pointed-bottomed jars upright. Sometimes the\ncup-marks are connected with the main vat by tiny channels, through which\nany of the grape-juice that might drain from the outside of the jar, after\nthe jar had been dipped in the vat, might run back; (see Fig. 87).\n\n(10) _Olive-presses._--Similarly, olive-presses are very numerous in\nPalestine. Presses were found in the stratum of the cave-dwellers of\nGezer. The olive industry is, accordingly, very old. Olive-presses\ncomprised, in addition to the vat, an upright stone with a large hole in\nit. In this hole a beam was inserted. This beam rested on the olives which\nwere to be pressed, extending far beyond the receptacle containing the\nolives, and weights were hung on the end farthest from the stone; (see\nFig. 88). Palestine in ancient times, as now, was covered with olive\norchards, many of which had oil-presses. Such an orchard was called a\n\u201cgarden.\u201d The Garden of Gethsemane, the scene of one of the most sacred\nincidents of the life of Christ (Matt. 26:36; Mark 14:32), was an olive\norchard and took its name from the oil-press. Gethsemane means\n\u201coil-press.\u201d Wine-vats and oil-presses were of various types, but into\ntheir forms there is not space to enter here[163]; (see Figs. 85, 86).\n\nThe prominent place held by wine and oil among the agricultural products\nof the country is indicated by the receipts for the storage of various\nquantities of these articles which were found at Samaria.\n\n(11) _The Agricultural Calendar._--In the books of the old Testament the\nnames applied to the months are, for the most part, names derived from\nBabylonia, but it appears that at Gezer they had a series of names for the\nmonths based on their agricultural year. In the stratum which contained\nremains from the time of the Hebrew monarchy, 1000-550 B. C., an\ninscription was found which, though the end was broken away, contained the\nfollowing names for the months:\n\n 1. Month of ingathering. (See Exod. 23:16; 34:22.)\n\n 2. Month of sowing.\n\n 3. Month of the late [sowing?].\n\n 4. Month of the flax-harvest.\n\n 5. Month of the barley-harvest. (See Ruth 2:23; 2 Sam. 21:9.)\n\n 6. Month of the harvest of all [other grains?].\n\n 7. Month of pruning [vines].\n\n 8. Month of summer-fruit [figs].\n\nThis calendar, beginning in October, still conforms to the agricultural\npursuits of the year. It also gives us arch\u00e6ological evidence of the\nculture of flax by the ancient Israelites. (See Josh. 2:6; Prov. 31:13;\nHosea 2:5, 9.)\n\n(12) _Domestic Animals._--The domestic animals of ancient Palestine may be\ntraced in part by their bones found in various excavations, and in part by\nthe pictures of them drawn in caves and tombs. The domestic animals most\noften mentioned in the Bible are asses, cattle, sheep, goats, and camels.\nBones, pictures, or models of these were found in all the strata of\nGezer.[164] There seem to have been a variety of cows; the breeds varied\nin the different periods. No horse bones were found until the third\nSemitic period (1350-1000 B. C.). It was, perhaps, during that period that\nthe horse was introduced by the Hittites, who appear to have brought it\nfrom Turkestan, where its bones have been found in much earlier\nstrata.[165] The ass was, however, the common beast of burden in\nPalestine, and bones of horses are rare until the Greek period. A number\nof figures of horses\u2019 heads with their bridles were found, as well as a\nhorse\u2019s bit, and the picture of a horse and his rider. The pig was a\ndomesticated animal of the primitive cave-dwellers of Gezer, who appear to\nhave offered swine in sacrifice, but pig-bones are rarely found in the\nSemitic strata. As swine were unclean to all Semites, this is not strange.\nThe dog appears to have been half-domesticated, as the Bible implies, as\nhis bones were employed for making prickers and similar tools, but no\npictures or models of dogs are known to the writer. Probably they were of\nthe half-wild pariah type. Certainly they were not held in high esteem.\n(See 1 Sam. 17:43; 2 Sam. 16:9.) For illustrations, see Figs. 89-92.\n\n(13) _Bees._--A number of inverted jars, each pierced with a number of\ncircular holes, were found. It seems probable that these were rude\nbeehives. Before the Israelites settled in Palestine they knew it as \u201ca\nland flowing with milk and honey\u201d (Exod. 3:8, 17; Num. 14:8; 16:13, 14;\nDeut. 6:3), and their view was, we are told, shared by others (2 Kings\n18:32). It is not surprising, therefore, to find evidences of bee culture;\n(see Fig. 95).\n\n(14) _Birds._--As to birds, it is doubtful whether they had any\ndomesticated ones before the Babylonian Exile. A rude picture of an\nostrich painted on a potsherd was found at Gezer, as well as some painted\nfragments of ostrich-egg shell. The ostrich is mentioned in the Old\nTestament (Job 39:13; Lam. 4:3), but as a wild bird. The Palestinians knew\nit as a bird that might be hunted. They sometimes gathered the eggs of\nwild birds to eat (Deut. 22:6; Isa. 10:14). These were, perhaps, sometimes\nostrich-eggs. The modern Arabs make a kind of omelette of ostrich-eggs.\nThe ostrich was certainly not a domestic bird.\n\nAt Gezer, too, a clay bird was found, or, rather, a small jar made in the\nform of a bird. The object was so realistic that holes were left in the\nclay wings for the insertion of feathers; (Fig. 93). The bird bears some\nresemblance to a duck, figures of which were found at Megiddo,[166] but\nthe duck may have been wild. One clay head of a goose or swan was also\nfound, but had the bird been domesticated there would probably have been\nmore traces of it.\n\n(15) _Hens._--The one domestic bird that can be traced in Palestine is the\nhen, and hens were not introduced until after the Exile. Hens seem to have\nbeen first domesticated in India. They are not mentioned in the Rig Veda,\nbut the Aryans seem to have come into contact with them when they settled\nin the valley of the Ganges about 1000 B. C. The Yajur and Atharva Vedas\nmention the cock. The hen is a domesticated Bankiva fowl, which also\nexists in a wild state in India. From India the hen was domesticated\neastward to China, and westward to Persia. There is a possible picture of\na cock on a sculpture of Sennacherib, which would indicate that the bird\nwas known in Assyria at the beginning of the seventh century before\nChrist. Another is pictured on some Babylonian gems from the time of\nNabuna\u2019id, about 550 B. C. Pictures of cocks, three of them somewhat\ndoubtful, are found on Babylonian seals of the Persian period.[167] The\ndomesticated hen, traveling by way of the Black Sea, reached Asia Minor as\nearly as the eighth century B. C.[168]\n\nThere is, however, no evidence of the presence of the hen in Palestine\nbefore the Greek period. Neither hen nor cock is mentioned in the Old\nTestament. In a tomb discovered by Peters and Thiersch in 1902, near Tell\nSandahanna, the Marissa of the Seleucid period and the Moresheth-gath of\nMicah 1:14, a number of cocks are pictured; (Fig. 94). The tomb,\nconstructed about 200 B. C., contains a number of Greek inscriptions.[169]\nIn agreement with this evidence is also the fact that at Taanach there was\nfound in a late pre-Arabic stratum the skeleton of a hen with an egg.[170]\nBefore New Testament times, then, the hen had become a domestic fowl in\nPalestine. Every one would accordingly understand the lament of Christ,\n\u201cHow often would I have gathered thy children together, even as a hen\ngathereth her chickens under her wings, and ye would not!\u201d (Matt. 23:37).\nThe cock was so universally kept at this time that one of the divisions of\nthe night was called the \u201ccock-crowing\u201d (Mark 13:35). It was the mark of\nthe progress of the night afforded by the habits of the cock that was used\nby Jesus in predicting Peter\u2019s denial (Matt. 26:34; Mark 14:30; Luke\n22:34; John 13:38), and it was the recalling of this prediction by the\ncrowing of the cock that brought Peter to repentant tears (Matt. 26:74;\nMark 14:68, 72; Luke 22:60; John 18:27).\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER VIII\n\nPOTTERY\n\n IMPORTANCE OF POTTERY. PRE-SEMITIC POTTERY. FIRST SEMITIC POTTERY TO\n 1800 B. C. POTTERY OF SECOND SEMITIC PERIOD. THIRD SEMITIC PERIOD.\n ISRAELITISH OR FOURTH SEMITIC PERIOD. HELLENISTIC PERIOD.\n\n\n=1. Importance of Pottery.=--In all parts of the world the making of clay\njars and receptacles is one of the earliest arts to be discovered, and\nPalestine was no exception to the rule. In Palestine such jars were\nparticularly useful, as the water for each family had to be carried from\nthe nearest spring to the house. It was natural that, in a country which\nhad so long a history as Palestine, and over which the influences of so\nmany diverse civilizations swept, there should be a considerable variety\nin the types of pottery in different periods. Indeed, it is now recognized\nthat the differences in these types are so marked that in the absence of\nother criteria it is possible approximately to date a stratum of the\nremains of any ancient city by the type of pottery found in it. Since this\nis so, a brief outline of the different types is not out of place here,\nalthough these differences have little or no bearing upon the\ninterpretation of the Bible. Only a brief statement is here attempted.\nThose who wish to study the subject more fully are referred to more\nextended works.[171] The classifications of pottery made by the leading\nexperts differ, as they have been written at different times and as the\nexcavations have continually enlarged the material. The classification\npresented in the following pages is mainly that of Macalister, based on\nthe work at Gezer and on previous excavations.\n\n=2. Pre-Semitic Pottery.=--There is first, then, the pottery of the\npre-Semitic cave-dwellers. This pottery is made out of clay that was in no\nway cleansed or refined. It was made by hand, the larger jars having been\nbuilt up little by little. The vessel, after receiving such ornament as\nthe potter desired, was usually fired, though sometimes simply sun-dried.\nIn firing the heat was often distributed very irregularly, so that the\nsurface was not all of the same color. The jars were of moderate size,\nflat on the bottom, globular, conical, or cylindrical in shape. They had\nconcave necks and handles. The handles were of two kinds--\u201cledge\u201d handles\nand \u201cloop\u201d handles. A \u201cledge\u201d handle consists of a piece of clay pinched\ninto a flat projecting ledge and then baked hard. A \u201cloop\u201d handle is one\nfastened to the jar at both ends, similar to the handle of a pitcher.\nBowls or saucers were also sometimes made with \u201cledge\u201d handles; (see Fig.\n97).\n\nThe most common ornamentation of the pottery of this period was made by\ncombing the clay with wooden combs notched with teeth of greater or less\nfineness. Sometimes the marks left by the comb were perpendicular,\nsometimes horizontal, and sometimes diagonal. One other type of ornament\nwas exhibited in the pottery of the cave-dwellers. That was either an\nincised representation of a rope or cord, or a moulded imitation of one of\nthese. This ornamentation was probably suggested by the ropes or cords\nwhich were bound about the vessel before it was fired, to prevent its\nfalling apart. At first the only coloring was a line of brick-red around\nthe rims of jugs and saucers. The most advanced stage is reached in Fig.\n96, where a network of red lines cross each other diagonally. The tint of\nthe red varies a good deal, but this may be due to the unequal firing\nalready mentioned.\n\nA few specimens of burnished pottery were found in the caves. This\nburnishing consisted in rubbing the surface of the vessel with strokes of\na smooth bone or stone. In some cases the vessel was dipped in a whitish\nwash after it was fired. This adhered to it everywhere except on the\nbottom.\n\n=3. First Semitic Pottery to 1800 B. C.=--The pottery of the first Semitic\nperiod, which terminated about 1800 B. C., is of a finer type. The larger\npieces were made on a wheel, as were many of the smaller ones. The wheel\nwas rotated with the left hand, while the potter moulded the vessel with\nthe right. The result was a much more shapely type of work than in the\nprevious period. In the pre-Semitic period limestone clays were employed;\nin this period, sandstone clays. Many of the objects, like those of the\npreceding period, were of a drab color, though the tints of some of them\nranged from a rich brownish red to orange. The patches of color in these\nvessels were probably due to unequal heat in firing.\n\nIn size and shape the vessels presented a great variety. There were large\njars with flat bottoms, inverted conical bodies, and more or less abruptly\nrounded shoulders; (see Fig. 100). The mouth was wide and circular and\nsurrounded by a flat, widely expanding rim. These jars averaged about two\nfeet in height. There were many pitchers made in this period. They were\nlarge and small and of a great variety of shapes. Such pitchers present\nsimilar characteristics, whether found at Gezer or Megiddo; (see Figs. 98,\n99). Ledge and loop handles were common on the pitchers of this period,\nbut \u201cpillar\u201d and \u201cbutton\u201d[172] handles were also sometimes found; (see\nFigs. 105, 106). The ornamentation of pottery showed some advance over the\npreceding period. In addition to the rope motifs, decoration formed by\ncombinations of lines was also found. One particularly fine type of\npottery belonging to this period was found at Gezer. It was never found in\nthe caves or in the higher strata. Vessels of this ware were usually found\nin groups, indicating that they were the possessions of the rich. The clay\nwas well cleaned, the shapes distinctive (see Fig. 104), and the ware was\nalways covered with a cream-like coating. Saucers and bowls were common in\nthis period. The comb was still used in ornamenting pottery, though\nsometimes it produced only a series of dots. All surfaces were usually\nburnished, though naturally this was much more thoroughly done in the\nexpensive than in the cheaper wares.\n\n=4. Pottery of Second Semitic Period.=--During the second Semitic period,\n1800-1400 B. C., trade was carried on with countries beyond the sea,\nespecially with Cyprus. There was probably also some trade with Egypt and\nCrete, but the influence of Cyprus was most potent in the pottery. In this\nperiod, probably owing to foreign influence, the potters\u2019 wheel worked by\nfoot was introduced. This left both hands of the workman free and resulted\nin a great improvement of the ware. There was in this period a great\nvariety in the material used. The cheaper vessels were made of a rough\nclay, full of grits of black colored sand or flints, which burned black in\nthe middle of the clay and a reddish or yellowish drab on the surface. At\nleast seven other finer types of ware were found at Gezer.[173] One of\nthese was a ware made of a brilliant saffron-yellow clay, which was\nenriched with painted decoration in bold black lines. This was probably of\nforeign origin. In this period the jar with pointed bottom, long conical\nbody, well rounded shoulders, short concave neck, continuous circular\nmouth, with an expanded rim, though much narrower than in the preceding\nperiod, is the most common type. Jugs with pointed bottoms also became\ncommon, though there was a great variety in the shapes of jugs. Ledge\nhandles had almost entirely disappeared in this period. Jars generally had\ntwo loop handles, and sometimes four, though occasionally they had none at\nall. \u201cButton\u201d handles are comparatively uncommon; the loop handle is the\nstyle most generally used. \u201cEar\u201d handles, both vertical and transverse,\nare also common; (see Figs. 101-103, and 105).\n\nThe most striking feature of the pottery of this period is the increase in\nthe variety of ornamentation and the introduction of the pictures of\nanimals and birds as ornamental motifs. This was due, no doubt, to foreign\ninfluence. The best specimens of this type of ornamentation so far\npublished are from Gezer, though it is found elsewhere.\n\nAll kinds of vessels were made of clay during this period: jars, jugs,\npitchers, bowls, saucers, drinking-cups, etc., etc. Many of the potters\nsigned their work with a peculiar mark. This mark was sometimes an\nimpression of the potter\u2019s finger, sometimes linear devices of various\nkinds scratched on the handle, and sometimes the impression of an\ninscribed Egyptian scarab, usually of the period of the Middle Kingdom or\nthe Hyksos time. Jar handles marked with scarabs were also found at\nJericho; (Figs. 118, 119).\n\n=5. Third Semitic Period.=--The third Semitic period, 1400 to 1000 B. C.,\nwhile its wares sometimes differed in form from those of the preceding\nperiod, is mainly marked off from the second period by a general\ndegeneration in style. No great differences are noticeable in the kinds of\nclay employed. The jars have, as a rule, a less pointed bottom than in the\npreceding period; (Fig. 110). The combed decoration is rare, and the\nburnishing of the jars is both less frequent and less skilful than in the\npreceding period. There is an increase in the tendency to use painted\nornamentation, which frequently consists of zigzag lines. Rough,\nconventionalized representations of palm trees are also common. In the\nlast part of the period Cretan influences are traceable. This was probably\ndue to the coming of the Philistines.[174] Potters\u2019 marks continue, but\nscarabs are less often used in making them than in the preceding period.\nThe various kinds of vessels made seem to have been as great as in the\npreceding period. A clay funnel or bottle-filler was also found in this\nperiod; (see Fig. 114).\n\n=6. Israelitish or Fourth Semitic Period.=--In the fourth Semitic, or the\nIsraelitish period, 1000-600 B. C., the method of manufacture remained the\nsame as before, and but little difference can be discerned in the clays\nemployed. There seems, however, to have been a steady decline in\nexcellence. The large jar with pointed bottom is still found, but there is\na tendency to broaden the bottom, while retaining the convex form. Thus\ntoward the close of the period a type of jar, conical in form, but with\nthe apex of the cone at the top instead of at the bottom, is found. The\ntypes of pottery of this time may be seen by examining the forms found in\nthe Hebrew stratum at Jericho (Figs. 107, 112, 113), and from a temple at\nMegiddo of the same period. (Fig. 111.) The forms and kinds of vessels\nfound in this period are numerous. Painted ornamentation consists, as a\nrule, merely of rings around the vessel, though sometimes zigzags made\nvery carelessly are also found. Bird ornamentation, so frequent in the\nthird period, entirely disappears in this. The potters still employed\nmarks. These are of the same general character as in the earlier period,\nthough the scarab stamp entirely disappeared from Gezer and the use of\nother seals became common. These were most often a simple device of stars,\nor names written in the old Hebrew script. At Jericho the scarab stamp was\nstill employed; (see Figs. 115, 117).\n\nSome jar handles inscribed with Hebrew letters were found at Gezer in a\nstratum that was pre-exilic. A series of them was also found at the tells\nexcavated by Bliss and Macalister in the Shephelah in the years\n1898-1900--Es-Safi, Judeideh, and Zakariyeh. These handles, in addition to\nthe impression of a seal, contained the words, \u201cto the king,\u201d in Hebrew\nletters, and the names of the cities, Hebron, Socho, Ziph, and Mamsheth.\nThe first three of these are well-known Jud\u00e6an towns; the last is\nunidentified. Sir Charles Warren found some similar stamps near the temple\narea at Jerusalem. There has been much discussion as to the date of the\nhandles bearing these stamps. Since nothing of the kind was found at\nMegiddo and Taanach, it has been inferred that this kind of jar handle\ncame into existence after the overthrow of the kingdom of Israel in the\nyear 722 B. C. It may be that the \u201cking\u201d referred to is the king of Judah,\nand that these stamps come from the last days of the kingdom of Judah.\nScholarly opinion is, however, divided, some authorities contending that\nthey come from the time after the Exile. The date is not entirely certain;\n(see Fig. 116).[175]\n\n=7. Hellenistic Period.=--In the time after the Exile there is not much\nchange in the character of the pottery until after the conquest of\nAlexander the Great. The influx of influences from the Gr\u00e6co-Macedonian\nworld affected the whole life of the land, and was reflected also in its\npottery. As in the second and third Semitic periods, there were\nimportations of pottery from abroad, though at this time the importations\nwere from regions affected by Greek art. The Palestinian potters of this\nperiod had, therefore, the best models. The use of the potters\u2019 wheel was\nall but universal, and the wares were burned hard. A pile of these\npotsherds, when struck with a stick, emits a distinct musical \u201cclink,\u201d\nwhich is not the case with potsherds from the earlier periods. The clay\nemployed was the finest and most homogeneous of any used in Palestinian\npottery, and there is a general tendency, especially in the cities near\nthe coast, to follow classical models; (see Figs. 122, 125).\n\nJars have rounded or bluntly pointed bases, vertical sides, flattened or\noblique shoulders, and round mouths. There are two loop handles just under\nthe shoulders. Another form, probably suggested by Rhodian amphor\u00e6, has a\nlong, tapering base; (see Fig. 120).\n\nIt is impossible in the space that can be devoted to this topic to\nenumerate all the kinds of vessels that were made in this period or the\nvariety of their forms. Only a few characteristic features can be noted.\nThe cooking pots of this time have a very distinctive form. They have a\nglobular base, globular body, short, wide neck, and a rounded continuous\nmouth; (see Fig. 122{5a}). The body of the vessel is often ribbed with\nhorizontal flutings. Small jugs and vases were very common; some of them\nhad very characteristic forms. Jugs of this period found at Jericho had a\nfunnel at the side through which liquid could be poured into them.\n\nAs in the preceding period, jar handles were frequently stamped with the\nmark of the potter. These were now often Greek letters, though those so\nstamped were apparently imported from foreign countries. At Jericho ten\njar handles were found stamped with the name \u201cJah\u201d and three stamped with\nthe name \u201cJahu.\u201d[176] Both Jah (see Psa. 68:4) and Jahu are abbreviations\nof the name Jehovah, and probably are so to be understood here. They often\nformed part of a personal name--thus Elijah, \u201cMy God is Jah.\u201d\n\nFrom the second Semitic period onward, filters were made by piercing the\nbottom of a jug with holes. These became more common in the third Semitic\nperiod, but this sort of device reached its full development in the\nHellenistic period, which we are now considering. Various forms of\nstrainers were found, as shown in Fig. 123, and one very elaborate filter;\n(see Fig. 121).\n\nWith the coming of the Romans in 63 B. C., new influences were introduced\ninto the civilization of Palestine. In time these influences modified the\npottery, but it is doubtful whether they had an appreciable effect until\nafter the New Testament times. Pots from the Roman period found at Gezer\n(see Fig. 124) differ from those of the Hellenistic period chiefly in\nhaving bottoms that are more nearly flat. By the time of the Emperor\nConstantine a change can be noted, so that pottery of the Byzantine period\n(325-637 A. D.) has characteristics of its own. That period, however, lies\nbeyond the range of Biblical history.\n\nIn the study of pottery one of the most interesting topics is the\nevolution of the lamp. The earliest lamps were simply wicks stuck into a\nsaucer of oil and ignited. Of course, the wick would easily fall down into\nthe oil and the light would be extinguished. The earliest device to\nprevent this was to make the saucer of irregular shape, with a slight\nnotch in one side in which the wick could lie. (See the right-hand lamp in\nFig. 127.) As time went on this resting-place for the wick developed more\nand more into a spout. (See Fig. 126 and the left-hand lamp in Fig. 127.)\n\nThis form of lamp was known as early as the first Semitic period, and\npersisted with slight development down through the Israelitish time; (see\nFig. 128). Its development was not, however, uniform in all parts of the\ncountry. Israelitish lamps found at Jericho appear to be simply saucers\nwith two or more indentations in the rim; (see Fig. 132). Perhaps in these\nmore than one wick was used. In the Hellenistic period two improvements in\nthe making of lamps occurred. The first consisted in a still further\ndevelopment of the spout until its sides almost met and formed nearly a\nclosed vessel. The second improvement was, perhaps, due to outside\ninfluences. It consisted in making the saucer small and covered. In the\nmiddle of the cover was a small round hole into which the oil was poured;\nat one side a spout protruded and the wick came out through this; (see\nFig. 131). The top of such lamps was ornamented with various designs.\n\nIn the Byzantine and Arabic periods the same general style of lamp was\nused, but the shape and ornamentation of each period were different, so\nthat they can easily be distinguished; (see Fig. 129). After the country\nbecame Christian the ornamentation on the lamps was often made with Greek\nletters. These were made in ornamental forms and usually expressed some\nChristian sentiment. One of the most popular legends for these Christian\nlamps was: \u201cThe light of Christ shines for all\u201d; (see Fig. 130).\n\nIt was lamps such as these, probably of the Hellenistic type, to which\nChrist alluded in the parable of the wise and foolish virgins (Matt.\n25:1-12). Such a lamp would not contain oil enough to burn all night, so\nthat to carry it to a prolonged wedding-feast without a supply of oil was\na powerful example of improvidence.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER IX\n\nUTENSILS AND PERSONAL ORNAMENTS\n\n UTENSILS: Ovens. Baking-trays. Bowls, etc. Feeding-bottles. Glassware.\n Spoons. Forks or Flesh-hooks. Needles. Spinning \u201cWhorls.\u201d Lamp-stands.\n Keys. Knives. Saws. Chisels. Awls. Axes. Adzes. Whetstones. Files.\n Hammers. Nails. Baskets. Arrows. Spears. Swords. Fish-hooks. Styli.\n Seals. The \u201cPipe.\u201d Harps. The Dulcimer. Lyres. Children\u2019s toys.\n PERSONAL ORNAMENTS: Combs. Perfume-boxes. Spatul\u00e6 for eye-paint, etc.\n Fibul\u00e6. Beads. Necklaces. Bracelets. Anklets. Rings.\n\n\n=1. Utensils.=--The term \u201cutensil\u201d is of wide application. The utensils of\nagriculture and the hand-mills for grinding grain have been described in\nChapter VII. Among the devices used in connection with Palestinian houses\none of the most important was the oven.\n\n(1) _Ovens._--The ovens of ancient Palestine were of the same kind as\nthose used by the peasantry of that country today. Each consists of a\ncylinder of baked earth about 2 feet in diameter and 1\u00bd inches thick. It\nis closed by a cover of the same material, in which a stone or lump of\nclay has been embedded as a handle. There is rarely any bottom except the\nbare earth. The loaves, which were flat discs, were usually placed inside,\neither on the ground covered with clean pebbles or on a baking-tray.\nSometimes the loaves were plastered over the outside of the oven. In this\ncase the fire was built inside and might consist of grass (Matt. 6:30;\nLuke 12:28). The fire was usually heaped about the outside of the oven,\nand often consisted of dried manure. It is this use of manure as fuel that\nis alluded to in Ezek. 4:12-15--a passage that has sometimes been greatly\nmisunderstood. Such ovens were frequently found in all the strata. In Fig.\n133 two varieties of ovens are shown. The one at the left hand is made of\nplain tile; the other is covered over with potsherds, to make it retain\nthe heat longer. Sometimes in large houses groups of several ovens were\nfound together.\n\nOvens are frequently referred to in the Bible, sometimes as symbols of\nthings that are hot. (See Lev. 11:35; 26:26; Psa. 21:9; Hosea 7:4, 6, 7.)\nOnce a much-used oven is a symbol of blackness (Lam. 5:10).\n\n(2) _Baking-trays_, consisting of discs of baked clay about 10 inches in\ndiameter, were also found. These were usually turned up at the edges, and\nfrequently perforated in order better to admit the heat to the under side\nof the loaf. One specimen was found burnt through with constant use. These\ntrays were most numerous at Gezer in the second and third Semitic periods.\nThey were found at Jericho in the Jewish stratum; (see Fig. 134).\n\n(3) _Bowls, etc._--In Chapter VIII, under the head of Pottery, the jars,\npitchers, clay bowls, saucers, and cups which were used about Palestinian\nhomes have already been described. Bowls and saucers of stone were also\nemployed from the earliest times. They were far less fragile, though more\nexpensive. Probably the dishes used by the common people were in all\nperiods made of clay. After the introduction of metal, however, the\nwealthy often had dishes of bronze (see Fig. 135), and sometimes of\nsilver. A Philistine grave at Gezer yielded some silver dishes of\nbeautiful workmanship; (see Figs. 137, 141).\n\n(4) _Feeding-bottles._--A number of curiously shaped jars with spouts were\nfound at Gezer; (see Fig. 139). Mr. Macalister was at a loss to explain\ntheir use unless they were feeding-bottles. The only other suggestion that\nhe makes is that they were lamps, but they are so different from the lamps\nof the time, that that possibility seems to be excluded. Sellin thought\nsimilar objects found by him were vessels for pouring oil. This may have\nbeen their purpose.\n\n(5) _Glassware._--Vessels of glass are very rare in Palestine until Roman\ntimes. In the remains of the third Semitic period at Gezer fragments of\nornamented glass vessels, which had been imported from Egypt, were found.\nThe ornamentation consisted of zigzag lines. Clear glass first appears in\nthe Israelitish period, but it was rare and inartistic. After the coming\nof the Romans it became more common. For examples of its use, see the\nointment vessels in Fig. 138.\n\n(6) _Spoons._--The spoons of the poor were in all periods apparently\nadapted from shells, as shown in Fig. 136, but the more wealthy,\nespecially when under the influence of more artistic foreigners, had\nladles of metal that seem very modern; (see Fig. 141). These objects are\nfrom a Philistine tomb.\n\n(7) _Forks or Flesh-hooks._--Forks were in existence, as shown in Fig.\n140, but were used not to eat with, but to handle meat when it was\ncooking. The one with three prongs in Fig. 143 reminds one of the\n\u201cflesh-hook of three teeth\u201d that the servant of Hophni and Phinehas, sons\nof Eli, thrust into the caldron of seething sacrificial flesh, in order to\nobtain the priest\u2019s portion (1 Sam. 2:13, 14).\n\n(8) _Needles_, both of bone and bronze, were found. They were employed\nfrom the earliest times in such sewing as was necessary. The way the eyes\nwere made may be seen in Fig. 142. These give vivid reality to the saying\nof Christ \u201cIt is easier for a camel to go through a needle\u2019s eye than for\na rich man to enter into the kingdom of God\u201d (Matt. 19:24; Mark 10:25;\nLuke 18:25).\n\n(9) _Spinning \u201cWhorls.\u201d_--Spinning in ancient Palestine, as now, was done\nin the simplest possible manner. A tapering spindle was made of wood. To\nthis was attached a \u201cwhorl\u201d--either a stone or a lump of baked clay--in\norder to give the spindle momentum when whirled. The wool was held in the\nhand, a bit of it twisted into a thread with the fingers and attached to\nthe spindle. Then more of the wool was pulled out and held in the hand\nwhile the spindle and whorl were given a twist with the other hand and\nallowed to twist the wool into thread. The process was repeated again and\nagain. The writer has seen women in the East spinning while on a journey.\nMany of the spindle whorls, made both of stone and of clay, have been\nfound by excavators; (see Figs. 144, 145).\n\n(10) _Lamp-stands._--In one of the palaces at Megiddo a number of bronze\ntripods of various sorts were found; (see Fig. 148). The tallest of these\nwere 13\u00bc and 14 inches in height. They were intended to support either\nbowls or lamps. They are the kind of \u201cstand\u201d mentioned in Matt. 5:15 (R.\nV.--the King James Version called it a \u201ccandlestick\u201d), on which men, when\nthey lighted a lamp, placed it so that it might \u201cgive light to all that\nare in the house.\u201d Probably the poor had some less expensive form of\nlamp-stand.\n\n(11) _Keys_ in Palestine were often large, clumsy affairs. They were\nprobably most often made of wood, and were much better fitted to be\ncarried on the shoulder, as a wood-chopper often carries his axe, than to\nbe carried in a pocket. This is why Isaiah (22:22) speaks of laying the\nkey of the house of David on the shoulder of Eliakim. Of course, all\nwooden keys of the Biblical time have decayed. Iron keys from the\nHellenistic time were found at Gezer, two of which are shown in Figs. 146,\n147.\n\n(12) _Knives._--One of the first implements made by man as he emerges from\nsavagery is the knife. The earliest knives of Palestine were of flint,\nwhich is in that country very abundant. Flint knives are made by taking a\ncone of flint that will easily flake, and skilfully striking the top of it\nsuch a blow that a ribbon having a sharp edge is split off. At Gezer one\nof these cones, left by an ancient flint knife-maker, was found; (see Fig.\n154). After the introduction of bronze in the first Semitic period,\n2500-1800 B. C., knives were often made of that; (see Fig. 151). When,\nabout 1000 B. C., iron came in, it, too, was employed for knife-making;\n(see Fig. 150). Flint knives were always cheaper than those of metal and\nwere probably always employed by the common people. Knives are referred to\nin the Bible as the implements for slaying sacrifices (Gen. 22:6, 10), and\nin various other connections. (See, for example, Ezek. 5:1, 2.) Flint\nknives were preferred for the rite of circumcision (Exod. 4:25 and Josh.\n5:2, 3); (see Fig. 149).\n\n(13) _Saws._--Ribbon-flint knives easily pass into saws when the edge is\nirregular. A number of these came to light in the course of the excavation\nof Gezer. Saws are referred to in 2 Sam. 12:31 and in 1 Kings 7:9. Saws\nmade of thin, flexible strips of metal existed. These were set in wooden\nframes. Very meager fragments of these have been found.\n\n(14) _Chisels_ were fairly common at Gezer in all strata after the\nintroduction of bronze. They were made usually of bronze, even after the\nintroduction of iron, although iron chisels were found. As the chisel is\none of the most necessary tools of a carpenter, our Lord must often have\nused one in the days before his ministry; (see Fig. 152).\n\n(15) _Awls._--The awl is also a very useful tool. In ancient Gezer they\nwere often set in bone handles. Modern Palestinian carpenters employ a\nheated awl to make a hole in timber without splitting it. As ancient\ncarpenters probably had the same custom, the awl was also one of the\nimplements often used by Christ; (Fig. 157).\n\n(16) _Axes_ were found from the second Semitic stratum onward. Those from\nthe earlier time were made, of course, of bronze; the later ones of iron.\nIn a few the butt of the axe-head was perforated to receive a thong to\nlash it to the helve. How necessary this was is shown by such passages as\nDeut. 19:5 and 2 Kings 6:5. A bronze double-edged axe was also found in\nthe second Semitic stratum; (see Fig. 160).\n\n(17) _Adzes._--A few specimens of the adze were also found; (see Fig.\n161). One of these was of bone.\n\n(18) _Whetstones._--Tools, of course, needed sharpening, and various\nspecimens of whetstones were found; (see Fig. 158). It is difficult to\ndistinguish these from \u201crubbing-stones,\u201d which were used when bathing to\nrub hardened skin from the body. The same stone may at times have served\nboth purposes.\n\n(19) _Files._--A bronze file was made by perforating a tube of bronze with\nholes and leaving the rough edges made in the perforation protruding; (see\nFig. 153). These were probably used, however, for crumbing bread, and not\nfor sharpening tools.\n\n(20) _Hammers._--Many stone hammers from every period of Palestinian\nhistory have been found. The stone hammer seems to have persisted even\nafter the introduction of metal. Bronze hammers are rare. Probably the\nhammer with which Jael killed Sisera (Judges 4:21; 5:26) was of stone;\nalso the one referred to in Jer. 23:29; (see Fig. 155).\n\n(21) _Nails_ have been found in profusion, made both of bronze and of\niron; (see Fig. 159). As soon as iron was introduced into the country it\nwas generally employed in making nails. Christ, as a carpenter, must have\nemployed a hammer, and often have driven nails.\n\n(22) _Baskets_ are used in Palestine, as in other countries, for all sorts\nof purposes. They are frequently referred to in the Bible. (See Deut.\n26:2, 4; 28:5, 17; Judges 6:19; Amos 8:1, 2.) The basket of the modern\nPalestinian peasant is usually made by sewing together a coil of rope made\nof straw or reeds. After the mat thus formed has become large enough for\nthe bottom of the basket, it is given an upward turn to form the sides. In\nexcavating the water-passage at Gezer interesting evidence came to light\nof the existence of such baskets in ancient times. One of them had been\nleft on some soft earth in the tunnel, and, although the basket itself had\nlong ago decayed, the form of it was still visible on the hardened clod on\nwhich it had rested; (see Fig. 163).\n\n(23) _Arrows._--Of implements of warfare some portions have survived. One\nof these was the arrow, which is mentioned more than fifty times in the\nBible, and is employed in many metaphors. Arrows were made of a light\nperishable shaft to which an arrowhead of flint or bronze was attached.\nThis head terminated in a point, which inflicted the wound. Arrow-heads\nwere found in the Palestinian strata later than the cave-dwellers; (Figs.\n164, 165, 166).\n\n(24) _Spears._--The spear consisted of a long shaft with a metal head,\nthat could be thrown at an enemy. It is often called a javelin. Such\nweapons are alluded to in the Bible almost as often as arrows. The\nexcavations have yielded a good variety of bronze spear-heads; (see Fig.\n167).\n\n(25) _Swords._--The swords of ancient Palestine were used for thrusting\nrather than for cutting. (See 1 Sam. 31:5; 2 Sam. 2:16.) The blades are,\ntherefore, short and pointed; (see Fig. 166). Sometimes the edges are\nactually thickened. A fine scimitar, found in a tomb in which other\nobjects revealed Mycenean influence, is a great exception to the ordinary\nform of sword found in Palestine; (see Fig. 162).\n\n(26) _Fish-hooks._--Spears and arrows could, of course, be used in hunting\nas well as in war, but a fish-hook found at Gezer (see Fig. 156) is of\nespecial interest to the student of the Bible, since some of the most\nprominent apostles, Peter, Andrew, James, and John, were fishermen. The\nfishing on the Sea of Galilee seems to have been done usually with nets.\nNevertheless, perhaps even there a hook was sometimes employed.\n\n(27) _Styli._--The implements of the scribe which have survived are all\nspecimens of a stylus for writing on clay or wax; (see Fig. 178). The\nusual length of these styli was 3\u00bd to 4\u00bd inches. In the Hellenistic\nstratum at Gezer, however, one was found as short as 2\u00bd inches; also one\nas long as 12 inches. It was a stylus of the average kind found at Gezer\nthat Isaiah was directed to use as recorded in Isa. 8:1.\n\n(28) _Seals._--Closely connected with the work of the scribe are the seals\nwhich are found wherever a mound is thoroughly excavated. These were\nsometimes Egyptian scarabs, but more often, especially in the later\nperiods, various figures and devices carved on a stone; (see Fig. 175).\nThey might or might not contain the name of the owner. The famous seal of\nShema, mentioned on p. 97, contained his name, but often they appear\nsimply to have been a kind of mark of their owners. They might be\nimpressed on clay or wax, and, as we have seen (p. 144), potters used them\nto identify their work. If the writing was on a clay tablet the seals were\nrolled over its edge (see Job 38:14), or over any unwritten portion of\nits surface. This took the place of the signature of the writer. On the\nuse of seals in Bible times, see 1 Kings 21:8.\n\n(29) _The \u201cPipe.\u201d_--The people of Palestine have always been fond of\nmusic, though in modern times their music is of a rude and primitive sort.\nProbably in ancient times it did not rise to anything like modern\nstandards. At least one musical instrument has been brought to light by\nthe excavations. It is a part of a stone whistle or \u201cpipe\u201d found in the\nthird Semitic stratum--the period just before the coming of Israel. It is\nconical in shape, and about 4 inches long, 1\u215b inches wide at one end, and\nabout \u00bd inch wide at the mouthpiece. It was perforated at the side by two\nholes; (see Fig. 168). Probably a mouthpiece of reed was fitted into it.\nIt was possible to make several notes on it. This is probably a rude\nexample of the \u201cpipe,\u201d said to have been invented by Jubal (Gen. 4:21),\nand often mentioned in the Bible. (See 1 Sam. 10:5; 1 Kings 1:40; Isa.\n5:12; 1 Cor. 14:7.) The Hebrew word for pipe means \u201ca pierced\u201d or\n\u201cperforated thing,\u201d and this stone whistle answers the description well.\n\n(30) _Harps._--Other musical instruments were not made of material that\ncould survive; nevertheless from the Babylonian, Assyrian, and Egyptian\nsculptures we have some idea of their form. Of these, the harp is\nmentioned more than forty times in the Bible. For the forms of ancient\nharps, see Figs. 169-172.\n\n(31) _The Dulcimer._--This musical instrument is mentioned in Dan. 3:5,\n15. An Assyrian dulcimer is shown in Fig. 174.\n\n(32) _Lyres._--A kind of lyre is pictured on certain Jewish coins; (see\nFig. 173).\n\n(33) _Children\u2019s Toys._--A touch of nature that links the ancient world\nwith ours is found in the toys of children. Both from Babylonia and\nPalestine clay rattles have been recovered. A series found at Gezer is\nshown in Fig. 179. In addition to these rattles many grotesque animal\nfigures came to light through the various excavations; these figures were\nprobably made for children to play with. One or two had a hole drilled\nthrough a leg, apparently for the insertion of a string by which a child\ncould drag it. The workmen who removed the earth sometimes begged for\npermission to take them home for their own children to play with[177];\n(see Fig. 177).\n\n=2. Personal Ornaments.=\n\n(1) _Combs._--Of toilet articles the most universal is the comb. These\nwere made of bone or ivory. They were both straight and curved, ornamented\nand unornamented. A fragment of one from Gezer is shown in Fig. 176.\n\n(2) _Perfume-boxes._--The ancients were fond of perfume. \u201cPerfumed with\nmyrrh and frankincense, with all powders of the merchant\u201d is a Hebrew\npoet\u2019s description of an elegantly dressed man. (See Cant. 3:6.)\nPerfume-boxes, in which the various kinds of perfume were kept, frequently\nare found in excavating; (see, for example, Fig. 180). Women\u2019s\nperfume-boxes are denounced in Isa. 3:20.\n\n(3) _Spatul\u00e6 for Eye-paint, etc._--Little spatul\u00e6, or tools for lifting\nsmall quantities of cosmetics, were also found; (see Fig. 183). These were\nprobably most often used to apply _kohl_ to the eyelids--a practice that\nwas thought to enhance the beauty of women (see Ezek. 23:40) and which is\nstill followed in the East.\n\n(4) _Fibul\u00e6._--Another article of the toilet which is found in abundance\nin all ancient excavations was the fibula--a rude kind of safety-pin. The\ngarments were held together by these. They consisted of a kind of\nperforated bow through which a pin could be thrust. In the earlier periods\nthe bow and the pin were not fastened together.\n\nThe dress of the ancient Palestinians was much like that of the modern\npeasants of the country. It was not, however, made of materials that would\nlast when buried in a mound. All that has survived of it are some articles\nof personal adornment.\n\n(5) _Beads_ were highly valued from the earliest times and are found in\nall strata. In the earlier periods they were made of various colored\nstones; it is only in the later strata that some glass beads are found.\n\n(6) _Necklaces._--Beads, cylinders, and irregularly shaped pendants were\nstrung so as to form necklaces. One found at Jericho is shown in Fig. 181.\nThey are called \u201cchains\u201d in Isa. 3:19; Prov. 1:9, and \u201cstrings of jewels\u201d\nin Cant. 1:10.\n\n(7) _Bracelets_ and armlets have been found in abundance from nearly all\nperiods. They were made of bronze, iron, ivory, glass, silver, and gold.\nFor some of their forms, see Fig. 182. They are frequently mentioned in\nthe Bible. (See, for example, Gen. 24:30; Exod. 35:22; 2 Sam. 1:10; Ezek.\n16:11.)\n\n(8) _Anklets_ of bronze and silver have also been found in various places.\nThey are like bracelets, only larger. In a country where the ankles were\nusually left bare, it was as natural to wear ornaments on them as on the\narms. These, too, are denounced along with the other ornaments of women in\nIsa. 3:18.\n\n(9) _Rings_, too, of various kinds have been found in profusion. Most of\nthe finger rings were simple circles of metal; usually they were of\nbronze; sometimes of iron. Silver and gold rings were comparatively few in\nnumber and of small size. Several signet rings were found at Gezer. Finger\nrings are not often mentioned in the Bible. (See, however, Num. 31:50.)\nThey evidently were highly regarded by well-to-do people, for in the\nParable of the Prodigal Son Jesus tells us that the father \u201cput a ring on\nhis hand\u201d (Luke 15:22). Signet rings were the possessions of the great and\nof kings. (See Gen. 41:42 and Esther 3:10, 12, and Fig. 184.)\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER X\n\nMEASURES, WEIGHTS, AND MONEY\n\n MEASURES. WEIGHTS. INSCRIBED WEIGHTS. MONEY: Who invented coinage?\n Darics. Maccab\u00e6an coins. Asmon\u00e6an coins. Herodian coins. Roman coins.\n The Widow\u2019s Mite. The Piece of Silver. Coinage of the Revolt of 66-70\n A. D.\n\n\n=1. Measures.=--The Hebrew units of dry measure were: 1. The Homer (or\nCor), which contained 10 Ephahs (Ezek. 45:11, 14). 2. The Ephah, which\ncontained 3 Seahs (Isa. 40:12) or 10 Omers (Exod. 16:36) or 18 Cabs (2\nKings 6:25, and Josephus, _Antiquities_, IX, iv, 4).\n\nCorresponding to these were the units of liquid measure: 1. The Homer (or\nCor), which contained 10 Baths (Ezek. 45:11, 14). 2. The Bath, which,\naccording to Josephus and Jerome, contained 6 Hins (see Exod. 29:40). 3.\nThe Hin, which contained 3 Cabs, or, according to the Talmud, 12 Logs.\n\nThese two systems have the Homer as their major unit. The Homer had the\nsame capacity in each system. The Ephah of dry measure equalled the Bath\nof liquid measure, and the Cab was the same in each. If, then, the\ncapacity of one unit in either measure could be determined, we should know\nthe capacity of all the others.\n\nIt has been the custom of arch\u00e6ologists to strike a kind of average of the\nconfused statements of Josephus and Epiphanius[178] and correct these by\nestimates based on Babylonian measures.\n\nCalculations based on this method will be found in recent works on Hebrew\narch\u00e6ology and dictionaries of the Bible. It has been impossible, however,\nto reach certainty. Three systems will be found in the books referred to:\none based on the supposition that the Log = 9/10 of a pint; one based on\nthe supposition that the Log = 91/100 of a pint; the third on the\nsupposition that the Log = 1 pint. The estimates of the Homer vary\naccordingly from 80 gallons to 81.25 gallons, and 89.28 gallons.[179]\n\nUnder these circumstances some discoveries of the Augustinians of the\nAssumption, in the grounds of their monastery in Jerusalem, appear to be\nof importance.[180] They found at various times in excavating for building\npurposes four vessels, which seem to have been a series of measures.\nTaking the larger one as the unit, the capacity of the one next smaller is\nthree-quarters of the capacity of the first; the third was just half the\nfirst; the fourth, a quarter of it. These vessels all appear to have been\nin a building which had a Hebrew inscription over its door. Although the\ninscription was broken, the word \u201cCorban\u201d[181] was still legible. P\u00e8re\nGermer-Durand assumes, accordingly, that the building was used as a place\nwhere temple tithes were paid, and that this series of vessels were\nstandard measures employed in collecting tithes. The quantities of\nmaterial contained by these vessels are as follows:\n\n Largest, 21.25 litres or 19.6 quarts.\n Second, 15.937 litres or 14.7 quarts.\n Third, 10.625 litres or 9.8 quarts.\n Fourth, 5.312 litres or 4.9 quarts.\n\nP\u00e8re Germer-Durand thinks from a study of Josephus and Epiphanius that the\nlargest of his vessels represents the Ephah of dry measure or the Bath of\nliquid measure. If this assumption is right, it gives a series of measures\nwhich are each about 7/12 smaller than the smallest of the series referred\nto above.\n\nOn this basis Hebrew dry measures become:\n\n Homer or Cor = 196 quarts or 6 bushels and \u00bd peck.\n Ephah = 19.6 quarts or 2 pecks, 3.6 quarts.\n Seah = 6.533+ quarts.\n Omer = 1.96 quarts.\n Cab = 1.888+ quarts.\n\nLiquid measure becomes:\n\n Homer or Cor = 196 quarts or 49 gallons.\n Bath = 19.6 quarts or 4.9 gallons.\n Seah = 6.533+ quarts.\n Hin = 3.266+ quarts.\n Cab = 1.888+ quarts.\n Log = .272 quarts or approximately \u00bd pint.\n\nIt is not certain that the vessels found by the Augustinians represent the\nmeasures that Germer-Durand supposes, but it is as likely that they do as\nthat the confused statements of Josephus and Epiphanius afford an accurate\nbasis for calculations.\n\nIt is probable that in actual business there was in ancient times a great\ndeal of variation allowed from the ordinary standard of measures. We know\nof no rigid regulation of the matter by a central authority.\n\n=2. Weights.=--The two weights most often mentioned in the Bible are the\ntalent and the shekel. The Bible nowhere tells us of how many shekels a\ntalent was composed. In Babylonia the talent consisted of 60 manas,[182]\nand each mana of 60 shekels, so that the talent consisted of 3600 shekels.\nThe Ph\u0153nicians divided the mana into 50 shekels, and it is thought by\nscholars that the Hebrews did the same, though we have no positive\nevidence on the point. Manas are not mentioned in the Bible, unless in\nDan. 5:25.[183]\n\nIn the course of the excavations by Bliss in the Shephelah a number of\nweights were found, some of which were inscribed. Macalister also found a\nlarge number of weights at Gezer, a few of which bore inscriptions. Some\nothers have been found by natives and purchased by travelers. The writer\nhad the pleasure of discovering two weights in this way.\n\n=3. Inscribed Weights.=--These inscribed weights are of the greatest\ninterest to the students of the Bible. Five weights are known that are\ninscribed in old Hebrew characters with the word _neseph_, \u201chalf\u201d; see\nFig. 186. These are undoubtedly half-shekels. Two of the three are broken,\nand one is perforated. The other two weigh, respectively, 157.56 grains\nand 153.6 grains. The average of these is 155.5 grains, which would make\nthe shekel 311 grains.\n\nAnother weight, said to have come from Samaria, was described some years\nago by Dr. Chaplin. It bears the inscription _roba neseph_, \u201cthe quarter\nof a half,\u201d and weighs 39.2 grains. Another weight from Samaria is in the\npossession of Mr. Herbert Clark, of Jerusalem. It is made in the form of a\nturtle and bears the inscription _homesh_, \u201ca fifth,\u201d and weighs 38.58\ngrains. Probably it was intended as the fifth part of a shekel.\n\nAnother series of inscribed weights, of which three examples are known,\nbears the inscription _beqa_. The word comes from a root that means\n\u201ccleave\u201d or \u201csplit.\u201d This word occurs twice in the Old Testament, in Gen.\n24:22 and Exod. 38:26. In the passage last mentioned it is defined as half\na shekel; (see Fig. 188).\n\nA third variety of weight bears the inscription _payim_. The first of\nthese to be discovered was found by the writer in the hands of a dealer in\nJerusalem. On one side it bore the word _payim_ and on the other\n_lezekaryahu yaer_, \u201cbelonging to Zechariah son of Jaer.\u201d This weight is\ncubic in form (see Fig. 187) and weighs 117.431 grains.[184] Macalister\nfound another of similar shape, which bore only the inscription _payim_.\nIt weighed 114.81 grains. The word _payim_ is very puzzling. It has been\ninterpreted by Clermont-Ganneau as meaning \u201ctwo-thirds,\u201d and as\ndesignating two-thirds of a shekel. Possibly this is right. This weight is\nmentioned in 1 Sam. 13:20, 21, and its discovery has explained a Hebrew\nphrase which has puzzled all translators. We now know that these verses\nshould be rendered: \u201cBut all the Israelites went down to the Philistines,\nto sharpen every man his plowshare, and his axe, and his adze, and his\nhoe, and the price was a _pim_ (or _payim_) for the plowshares, and for\nthe axes, and for the three-tined forks, and for the adzes, and for the\nsetting of the goads.\u201d The name of the weight here expresses the price,\njust as shekel, the name of another weight, does elsewhere.[185] One\nbronze weight found at Gezer bore words meaning \u201cbelonging to the king,\u201d\nbut it is not clear to what king it referred.\n\nA glance at the weights here described makes it evident that the standards\nof the ancient Hebrews were not exact. If these are representative\nweights, the shekel must have varied from 200 to more than 300 grains\nTroy. This is what one acquainted with the Palestine of today would\nexpect. The peasants still use field-stone as weights, selecting one that\nis approximately of the weight they desire. Even among the merchants of\nmodern Jerusalem, where one would expect more exact standards than among\nthe peasantry, odd scraps of old iron are used for weights.[186]\n\nA large number of uninscribed weights of the same general size and shape\nof those described[187] were found at Gezer. Whether larger weights or\nmultiples of a shekel were discovered is uncertain. A number of stones\nmight have been used for weights, but they were not inscribed and may have\nbeen used for other purposes. A large bronze weight found at Tell\nSandahanna is just sixty times the weight of a 311-grain shekel, and may\nbe a mana.[188]\n\nWhere weights and measures differed so, the words of Amos (8:5), \u201cmaking\nthe ephah small and the shekel great,\u201d gain an added significance, and we\nunderstand why the wise man denounced \u201cfalse balances\u201d (Prov. 11:1;\n20:23). Indeed, of the weights found at Gezer so many were under the\naverage standard, and so many above it, that the inference lay close at\nhand that many men had one set of weights by which to purchase and another\nset by which to sell.[189]\n\n=4. Money.=--Down to the seventh century before Christ money was not\ncoined. Whenever it was employed as a medium of exchange, it was weighed.\nIn western Asia and Egypt our sources show that in the period from 1500 to\n1300 B. C. gold and silver were prepared for commercial use by being\nformed into rings.[190] These rings were of no standard weight; they were\nweighed in the mass by scales. Probably the rings were small, so that the\nweight could, at the will of the merchant, be increased by very slight\namounts. The ring-form was probably selected because this shape would\npresent no corners that would rapidly wear away. This type of commercial\nring can be traced in the inscriptions of Ashurnasirpal II of\nAssyria,[191] 884-860 B. C. It was used, then, in Egypt, Syria, Ph\u0153nicia,\nby the Hittites, the Aram\u00e6ans, and the Assyrians.\n\n(1) _Who Invented Coinage?_--The oldest coins yet found were made by the\nLydians, and on this account it is usually said that the Lydians were the\nfirst to coin money. The date of these coins is uncertain. They bear the\nname of no king, but are usually assigned to the seventh century B. C. Mr.\nHead, of the British Museum, dated them tentatively at 700 B. C. They\nprobably were made under the Lydian dynasty founded by Gyges in 697 B. C.,\nthe last king of which, the famous Cr\u0153sus, was overthrown by Cyrus the\nGreat, in 546 B. C. It is improbable that these coins were invented\nearlier than the reign of Gyges, and they may not have been put into\ncirculation until he had been some years on the throne. It is recognized\nthat the weight of these coins conforms to a Babylonian standard.\n\nThere seems to be evidence that coined money was employed by the Assyrians\nin the reign of Esarhaddon. None of the coins have been found, but a\nseries of loans and payments, dated in the years 676-671 B. C., designate\nthe amounts of money in \u201cshekels of silver-heads of Ishtar.\u201d[192] As has\nbeen noted by Menant and Johns, this can hardly mean anything else than\nsilver made into coins of the value of a shekel and stamped with the head\nof Ishtar. As Gyges was a contemporary of Esarhaddon, it seems probable\nthat Lydia borrowed the idea of coinage from the Mesopotamian Valley.\n\nBe this as it may, the coinage of money was a great step forward. To have\nthe value of a piece of metal determined beforehand and guaranteed by an\nofficial stamp greatly facilitated the transaction of business. It\neliminated the delays incident to weighing the metal, and the disputes\nthat were sure to ensue as to the correctness of the weights which were\nput into the balances.\n\n(2) _Darics._--The invention of coined money first affected Palestine\nduring the Persian period. Darius I of Persia, 521-486 B. C., organized\nthe coinage of that realm. The gold coins issued by him were of the weight\nof a Babylonian shekel. They weighed from 125 to 130 grains Troy. One in\nthe British Museum weighs 129 grains. They bore on the face a picture of\nDarius with a bow to the left; (see Fig. 189). Because of this picture\nthey were called \u201cdarics,\u201d just as the French 20-franc piece is called a\n\u201cnapoleon.\u201d The daric is mentioned in several Biblical books that were\nwritten after the beginning of the Persian period. (See 1 Chron. 29:7;\nEzra 2:69; 8:27; Neh. 7:70-72.) It is wrongly translated \u201cdram\u201d in the\nAuthorized Version.\n\nAfter the Persian period the coinage of all the nations to whom the Jews\nbecame subject circulated in turn in Palestine. Foreign coins also found\ntheir way into the country. Many of these ultimately were lost and buried\nin the soil, so that many, many coins have been brought to light by\narch\u00e6ological research. We have space here to mention only those that are\nof the greatest interest to students of the Bible.\n\nPalestine passed under the sway of Alexander the Great in 332 B. C., and\nafter his death in 323 it was attached to the territory of Ptolemy Lagi of\nEgypt and his successors. In 199 B. C. Antiochus III wrested it from the\nPtolemies and the Jews passed under the sway of the Syrians. During this\ntime the coins of these rulers circulated in the country and are still\nfrequently dug up there, although they are not mentioned in the Bible.\nSamples of these coins are shown in Figs. 190, 195. Not until the Jews had\ngained their independence under Simon the Maccabee, in the year 143 B. C.,\ndid they issue any coinage of their own. Indeed, it now seems clear that\nno coins were issued by Simon until after the year 139-138 B. C., when the\nSyrian king by an especial grant accorded him that liberty. The coins then\nissued appear to have been made of bronze only.[193] A silver coinage\nformerly attributed to Simon the Maccabee is now regarded as belonging to\nthe time of the Jewish revolt of 66-70 A. D.\n\n(3) _Maccab\u00e6an Coins._--The coins of Simon consist of bronze half-shekels\nand quarter-shekels all dated in the year four. Antiochus VII of Syria\napparently prevented the issue of others during the reign of Simon. His\ncoins bear on their face the picture of a citron between two bundles of\ntwigs. Around the border runs the inscription in old Hebrew characters,\n\u201cyear four; one-half.\u201d On the other side is a palm-tree with two bunches\nof fruit between two baskets filled with fruits, and around the border\nruns the inscription, \u201cbelonging to the redemption of Zion;\u201d (see Fig.\n192). The weights of these coins vary from 232.6 to 237 grains. The\nlighter ones are considerably worn.\n\nThe quarter-shekels have on one side two bundles of twigs, around which\nrun the words, \u201cyear four; one-fourth.\u201d On the other side is pictured a\ncitron with the stalk upward, around which runs the inscription,\n\u201cbelonging to the redemption of Zion.\u201d The weights of the known coins of\nthis denomination vary from 113.7 to 192.3 grains. The form of the letters\non these coins shows that they are older than other Jewish coins.\n\n(4) _Asmon\u00e6an Coins._--There are many coins from the reign of John\nHyrcanus, the son and successor of Simon, but they are all of copper; (see\nFig. 193). They bear on their face the inscription: \u201cJohanan, the high\npriest and the congregation of the Jews\u201d; on the reverse is a poppy head\nbetween two cornucopias. Similar coins were issued by the other Asmon\u00e6an\nprinces.\n\n(5) _Herodian Coins._--As Herod the Great was a vassal of Rome, he was\npermitted to issue copper coins only. These exist in considerable variety.\nFigure 198 shows one, the face of which is stamped with the image of a\nvessel with a bell-shaped cover, above which are two palm-branches; on the\nreverse the words meaning \u201cof King Herod\u201d run around the edge, while a\ntripod occupies the center. At the left of the tripod is an abbreviation\nfor \u201cyear 3\u201d; at the right is a monogram. Several other patterns are\nknown.\n\nCoins of Arch\u00e6laus, Antipas, Herod Philip (Matt. 14:3; Mark 6:17; Luke\n3:19), and of Herod Agrippa I are known. One is shown in Fig. 200.\n\n(6) _Roman Coins._--The most common silver Roman coin was the denarius,\nrendered in the Authorized Version \u201cpenny\u201d and in the Revised Version\n\u201cshilling.\u201d Its weight varied at different times. In the time of Christ it\nweighed about 61.3 grains Troy, and was worth 16\u2154 cents of American money.\nAs the ministry of Christ occurred in the reign of Tiberius, the tribute\nmoney shown to Christ (Matt. 22:19; Mark 12:15-17) was probably a denarius\nof Tiberius, such as is shown in Fig. 196. The denarius was so named\nbecause it originally was equivalent to ten _asses_ or small copper coins,\nbut the _as_ was afterward reduced to 1/16 of the denarius. The _as_ is\nmentioned in Matt. 10:29; Luke 12:6, where A. V. renders it \u201cfarthing\u201d and\nR. V. \u201cpenny.\u201d It was worth about a cent. The Roman coin _quadrans_, or\nthe fourth part of an _as_, worth about \u00bc of a cent, is mentioned in Matt.\n5:26; Mark 12:42. It is translated \u201cfarthing\u201d; (see Fig. 199).\n\n(7) _The Widow\u2019s Mite._--Another coin, translated \u201cmite,\u201d is in Greek\n_lepton_, \u201cthe small one\u201d or the \u201cbit.\u201d It was two of these that the widow\ncast into the treasury, Mark 12:42,[194] where it is said that two of them\nequaled a _quadrans_. The \u201cmite\u201d was, then, of the value of \u215b of a cent.\nIt was doubtless the smallest coin in circulation, but it has not yet been\nidentified with certainty with any coin that arch\u00e6ology has discovered.\n\n(8) _The Piece of Silver._--In Luke 15:8 the Greek _drachma_ is\nmentioned. It is translated \u201cpiece of silver.\u201d The _drachma_ corresponded\nroughly in value to the denarius. Drachmas had been issued by many\ndifferent cities and many different kings, and were still in circulation\nin Palestine in the time of Christ. One still sees in that country today\ncoins of the first Napoleon, and of many other sovereigns who have been\nlong dead, passing from hand to hand as media of value; (see Fig. 194).\n\n(9) _Coinage of the Revolt of 66-70 A. D._--Two silver coins, a shekel and\na half-shekel (see Fig. 201), were formerly attributed to Simon the\nMaccabee. The shekels weigh 212.3 to 217.9 grains and bear on their face\nabove a cup or chalice the legend \u201cshekel of Israel\u201d and a numeral. The\nnumeral stands for the first year. Examples are known which carry the\nenumeration up to the year \u201cfive.\u201d On the reverse a triple lily is\npictured, and in similar Hebrew characters the words \u201cJerusalem, the holy\u201d\nare inscribed. The half-shekel is smaller and has the same markings except\nthat the legend on its face is simply \u201chalf-shekel.\u201d On the coins issued\nafter the first year a Hebrew _sh_ precedes the number of the year. The\n_sh_ is an abbreviation of the Hebrew word _shana_, year. For various\nreasons the consensus of expert opinion now is that these coins were\nissued during the Jewish war of 66-70 A. D., which, according to Jewish\nreckoning, extended into the fifth year.\n\nCoins of the Roman Emperors, Augustus and Claudius, are shown in Figs.\n195, 197.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER XI\n\nHIGH PLACES AND TEMPLES[195]\n\n A SANCTUARY OF THE PRE-SEMITIC CAVE-DWELLERS. A ROCK-ALTAR AT MEGIDDO.\n A ROCK-ALTAR AT JERUSALEM. HIGH PLACE AT TELL ES-SAFI. HIGH PLACE AT\n GEZER: Choice of site. Child-sacrifice. Corrupt worship. AT TAANACH:\n Pillars. An altar of incense. HIGH PLACES AT PETRA. A SUPPOSED\n PHILISTINE TEMPLE. AT MEGIDDO: A Hebrew temple. A palace chapel.\n Another chapel. THE TEMPLE TO AUGUSTUS AT SAMARIA.\n\n\n=1. A Sanctuary of the Pre-Semitic Cave-dwellers.=--The oldest sanctuary\nwhich we can trace in Palestine appears to have been one of the caves at\nGezer. This cave was 32 feet long, 20 feet broad, and 7 feet 11 inches at\nits maximum height. There were two entrances: one on the east, a tall,\nnarrow doorway, was approached by a passage sloping downward; the other,\non the west, was a low, narrow passage, just wide enough to admit a\nperson. At the northern end there was a projection in the form of an apse,\nthe floor of which was about 2 feet higher than that of the rest of the\ncave. In the roof of this apse there was an opening, about 1 foot wide at\nthe bottom, leading to the upper air. The rock of the roof here was 3 feet\n5\u00bd inches thick. This opening was 2 feet 8 inches in diameter at the top,\nand a channel 4 feet 6 inches long cut in the surface of the rock was\nconnected with it. On the surface of the rock above the cave and about\nthis channel there were a number of \u201ccup-marks\u201d similar to those found\nnear ancient sacred places. Some of these were, perhaps, intended for\nplaces to set jars, but some of them were connected with the channel which\nemptied into the opening in the roof of the cave[196]; (see Fig. 202).\n\nThe suggestion which the excavator, Prof. Macalister, makes is that this\nwas a sanctuary of the cave-dwellers, that they killed their victims on\nthe surface of the rock above, and let the blood run through the channel\nand the opening into the cave underneath, where their deity was supposed\nto dwell. They lived in caves themselves, and it was natural for them to\nthink their deity did the same. This suggestion received some\nconfirmation from the fact that on the floor of the apse under this\nopening there were found, upon removing a layer of earth, a number of pig\nbones. The presence of these might be accounted for on the supposition\nthat they were offered in sacrifice by the cave-dwellers to their deity.\nSwine were unclean to all Semites, and, no doubt, the later Semitic\ninhabitants would have thrown the bones away, if they had ever cleaned out\nthe cave sufficiently to discover them.\n\n=2. A Rock-altar at Megiddo.=--Another rock-altar of high antiquity was\ndiscovered on the slope of the mound of Tell el-Mutesellim, the ancient\nMegiddo.[197] It was situated on the slope of the tell, about half-way\ndown. Its surface was covered with \u201ccup-marks,\u201d like those on the altar at\nGezer, and an opening about 2\u00bd feet wide at the top and 1\u00bd feet wide at\nthe bottom made it possible for blood to trickle down through 3 feet of\nrock into a cave below. This cave contained several rooms, the largest of\nwhich was about 18 feet 6 inches long, 7 feet 8 inches wide, and 8 feet 6\ninches high. In the most northerly of the rooms were found various\nimplements of black flint, potsherds, coals of a wood-fire, the bones of\nsheep and goats, olive-stones, and ashes. In the midst of the central room\nthere lay a heap of human bones, the skulls of which were badly destroyed.\nThese human bones show that after the cave had been used as a sanctuary it\nwas employed as a sepulcher. The same thing happened at Gezer and\nelsewhere; (see Fig. 205).\n\n=3. A Rock-altar at Jerusalem.=--We are told in Gen. 22:2 that Abraham\nwent to the land of Moriah to offer up Isaac, and in 2 Chron. 3:1, ff.\nthat Solomon built the temple on Mount Moriah on the threshing floor which\nDavid acquired from Ornan (Araunah) the Jebusite. Just to the east of the\nsite of Solomon\u2019s temple in the open court where the altar of\nburnt-offering stood, there was a rock surface similar to the two\nrock-altars described above. It is still visible in Jerusalem and is now\nenclosed in the Mosque of Omar. The Mohammedans regard it as a sacred\nrock. One can still trace on it the channels which conducted the blood to\nan opening which in turn conducted it to a cave underneath. This cave is\nstill regarded by the Mohammedans as sacred. There is little doubt that\nthe sacrificial victims offered in the temples of Solomon and Herod were\nslain on this stone, and that that part of the blood not used in\nsprinkling drained into the cave underneath. This rock-altar is on the\nhill to which we are told Abraham came for the sacrifice of Isaac[198];\n(see Fig. 208).\n\n=4. High Place of Tell es-Safi.=--In the Old Testament the \u201chigh place\u201d is\nfrequently mentioned as a place of worship. (See 1 Sam. 9:12, f.; 1 Kings\n3:2; 2 Kings 23:5, 8, etc.) It follows from 2 Kings 23:14 that these high\nplaces contained \u201cpillars\u201d and \u201casherim.\u201d The pillars were made of stone,\nand the asherim of wood.\n\nRecent exploration has brought to light a number of these high places, and\nthe revelations made by these discoveries greatly illuminate the Old\nTestament narrative. The first of these was discovered by Bliss and\nMacalister at Tell es-Safi.[199] The high place was enclosed by walls,\nbut, as the upper courses of these had been destroyed, the original height\nof the walls could not be determined. Within the largest enclosure stood\nthree monoliths or \u201cpillars.\u201d These rested on bases of stone. The pillars\nthemselves were, respectively, 5 feet 10 inches, 6 feet 5 inches, and 7\nfeet 1 inch high. One of them was pointed, and one of them almost flat on\nthe top. No tool-mark was discernible on any of them. All showed signs of\nhaving been rubbed. The fat and the blood of sacrifices were smeared over\nsuch stones, and the rubbing was probably produced by this. The walls\nenclosing these pillars formed an approximate square 30 feet from east to\nwest and 32 feet from north to south. On the north a fairly large room was\nwalled in, as shown in Fig. 212, and on the south three smaller rooms. In\nthe wall to the north of the three pillars was a semicircular apse. Facing\nthis apse was a low semicircle of stones 3 feet 7 inches in diameter,\nwhich is situated much nearer the \u201cpillars.\u201d The purpose of this\nsemicircle is unknown. In the east wall of the court of the high place\nthere was a \u201cskewed\u201d opening, or an opening which ran diagonally through\nthe wall. The purpose of this is obscure. It has been suggested by Prof.\nMacalister that it was made to permit the rising sun to shine on a certain\nspot of the interior on a certain day of the year, but of this there is no\nproof.\n\n=5. High Place of Gezer.=--The foundations of this high place were in the\nsecond stratum below that which contained Israelitish pottery. It was one\nof the high places of the Canaanites, therefore, or of one of the tribes\nthat were in Palestine before the coming of Israel. This is the most\ninteresting of the high places which have been discovered in\nPalestine.[200] It contained ten monoliths or upright \u201cpillars,\u201d the\ntallest of which was 10 feet 9 inches in height, and the shortest 5 feet 5\ninches. These pillars ran in a curved line the general direction of which\nwas from north to south. This was in striking contrast to the high place\nof Tell es-Safi, where the line of pillars ran from east to west. The\ncenter of the curved line of the pillars of Gezer was toward the east. All\nof these pillars except one were of the kind of stone abundant about\nGezer. They had been found near by. None of them bore the mark of a tool.\nThey had not been shaped by working. One of them (the one that was _the_\nsacred stone, as the smooth spots on it showed) was a different kind of\nstone--the kind found at Jerusalem and elsewhere, but not near Gezer.\nThere were on it traces of an indentation, as though a rope for dragging\nit might have been fitted around it; (Fig. 206). As Mesha, King of Moab,\ntells us twice in his inscription that he dragged altar-hearths of other\ndeities away from their original locations into the presence of his god\nChemosh,[201] it seems likely that this stone was dragged to Gezer from\nsome other sanctuary--possibly from Jerusalem. Perhaps it was its capture\nthat first suggested to the inhabitants of Gezer the establishment of this\nhigh place. The other stones of the series were erected to keep this one\ncompany and to do it honor. These were probably not all set up at once.\nThey were added from time to time by different rulers of Gezer, and we\nhave no means of knowing when the latest of the pillars was erected; (see\nFig. 204).\n\n(1) _Choice of Site._--Judging from the scarabs found about the\nfoundations of the high place, its beginnings date from 2000 B. C. or\nearlier, and it continued in use down to the Babylonian Exile. Curiously\nenough, this high place is not situated on the highest part of the hill.\nThe land is higher both to the east and to the west of it. It is situated\nin a sort of saddle to the east of the middle of the mound. Why was this\nspot chosen for it? Two considerations, perhaps, led to the choice of the\nsite. A great ramifying cave on a higher part of the hill had already been\nappropriated by Semites as a sepulcher, and was, therefore, unclean. The\ncave which the earlier inhabitants had used as a crematorium was for the\nsame reason unacceptable. Why the high place was not built near the cave\nthat the cave-dwellers had used as a temple, we cannot now conjecture.\nPerhaps in some way the memory that that had been a sacred spot had faded\nfrom men\u2019s minds. Macalister thinks that the choice of the site was\ndetermined by the presence at this point of the two caves shown in Fig.\n203. These caves had been dwellings of cave-men in the pre-Semitic time.\nThey were now connected by a narrow, crooked passage, so that they could\nbe utilized for the giving of oracles. Macalister conjectures that a\npriest or priestess would go into one, while the devotee who wished to\ninquire of the god was sent into the other, and that the inquirer would\nhear his oracle through this passage. This theory is plausible, though\nincapable of full proof.\n\nJust back of one of the pillars a square stone was found with a deep hole\ncut in its upper side; (see Fig. 209). Several theories as to the use of\nthis have been put forward; the most probable one is that it was a laver.\n\nThe area of the high place seems to have been approximately 150 feet from\nnorth to south and 120 feet from east to west. Some few walls were found\nof the same date as the high place, but it was impossible to tell their\npurpose. There seem to have been no buildings that could be regarded as a\npart of the sanctuary. It seems to have been entirely open to the air. Two\ncircular structures, one at the north and the other to the south of the\nsacred stones, were found. The one at the south was badly ruined; that to\nthe north was in a good state of preservation. This structure had a\npavement of stones on a level with the bottom of the sacred pillars. It\nwas entirely surrounded by a wall 2 feet thick at the bottom and 1 foot 6\ninches thick at the top and 6 feet high. There was no doorway. The wall\nleaned outward. The diameter of the structure was 13 feet 8 inches at the\nbottom and 16 feet 6 inches at the top; (see Fig. 207). On the pavement in\nthis enclosure were the fragments of many clay bowls, of a type found in\nCyprus, but common at Gezer from 1400-800 B. C., and among these fragments\na brazen serpent, evidently the model of a cobra. This discovery suggests\nthe possibility that the structure may have been a pen in which sacred\nserpents were kept. The practice of venerating serpents as sacred is found\nin many parts of the world.[202] This brazen serpent reminds one of\nNehushtan, the brazen serpent worshiped by the Jud\u00e6ans until it was\ndestroyed by King Hezekiah. (See 2 Kings 18:4, and Fig. 219_a_.)\n\n(2) _Child-sacrifice._--The whole area of the high place was found to be a\ncemetery of new-born infants. These were in all probability first-born\nchildren who had been sacrificed to the deity of the high place. Two of\nthem displayed marks of fire, but most of them had been simply enclosed in\nlarge jars. The body was usually put in head first. Two or three smaller\nvessels were put in with them. These generally included a bowl and a jug.\nThey were usually inside the jar between the body and the jar\u2019s mouth;\nsometimes they were outside near the mouth of the jar. That these were\nsacrifices is shown by the fact that they were children. It was not,\ntherefore, a general place of burial. Indeed, had these children not been\nsacrificial, they could not have been buried in the sanctuary, as dead\nbodies were unclean.\n\nThe Semites generally believed that the first-born were sacred to deity\nand must be sacrificed to it. This sort of human sacrifice persisted for a\nlong time among the Ph\u0153nicians. It was said that God called Abraham to\nsacrifice Isaac, and that he then permitted him to offer a ram instead\n(Gen. 22). The law provided for the redemption of Hebrew first-born by the\nsacrifice of a lamb (Exod. 34:20), but in the time of King Manasseh the\nold custom was revived and men \u201cmade their children pass through the\nfire.\u201d (See 2 Kings 21:6; 23:10; Jer. 7:31; 32:35.) The gruesome\ndiscoveries of this high place have made very real these horrible\npractices and the inhuman fate from which Isaac and other Hebrew children\nwere delivered.\n\nWith the exception of a little unhewn stone about 18 inches square, found\nin one of the caves connected with the high place, and which might\npossibly have served as an altar, no altar was found. Possibly none was\nneeded in the rites practised there, but it is more likely that the altar\nwas simply a mound of earth such as is prescribed in Exod. 20:24--a mound\nwhich could not be distinguished, in excavating, from the common earth.\n\n(3) _Corrupt Worship._--Of the nature of some of the services that went on\nin this high place in the name of Ashtoreth eloquent testimony was borne\nby unnumbered Ashtoreth-plaques that had been presented as votive\nofferings by the worshipers. These varied in form and in artistic merit,\nbut were all designed to foster in the worshiper that type of debasing\nservice described in Isa. 57:3, ff., as Fig. 214 shows. Symbols of this\nnature were abundant during all the period while the high place was in\nuse. No one who was not, like the writer, at Gezer during the excavation,\ncan realize how demoralizing the whole atmosphere of such worship must\nhave been. Arch\u00e6ology has here revealed to us in a most vivid way the\ntremendous power of those corrupting religious influences which the Hebrew\nprophets so vigorously denounced. These practices were deeply rooted in\nthe customs of the Canaanites; they were sanctified by a supposed divine\nsanction of immemorial antiquity, and they made an all-powerful appeal to\nthe animal instincts in human nature. We can realize now as never before\nthe social and religious task which confronted the prophets. That Israel\nwas by prophetic teaching purged of this cult is due to the power of God!\n\n=6. At Taanach.=\n\n(1) _Pillars._--Sellin[203] discovered two monoliths which he believed to\nbe the pillars of a high place. These stones had, however, been hewn,\nwhich does not accord with the general Semitic requirement that no tool\nshould be lifted up upon such stones; (see Fig. 211). However, the\nindentation in one of the sacred stones of Gezer, apparently made to keep\na rope from slipping, shows that exceptions to the rule against cutting a\nsacred stone were allowed. The two pillars at Taanach were situated over a\ncave and figures of Ashtoreth were found in connection with them, so that\nthey probably constituted another high place. The stratum in which this\nwas found proves that it belongs to the same period as the high place at\nGezer. In connection with this high place an interesting libation bowl was\nfound which is shown in Fig. 213.\n\n(2) _An Altar of Incense._--In another part of the mound at Taanach Sellin\ndiscovered a remarkable incense altar of terra-cotta, 3 feet in height,\nand 18 inches in diameter at the base, adorned with protruding animal\nheads, which remind one of shortened gargoyles. On one side of it was the\nfigure of a palm-tree, with two ibexes descending a mountain. Part of an\nAshtoreth figure and fragments of another altar were found near. Sellin\nthought that the building that contained these was a private house, and,\nif so, we have in these objects some of the implements of private worship\nemployed by Israelites; (see Fig. 210).\n\n=7. High Places at Petra.=--One of the most interesting high places is cut\nout of the solid rock at Petra. Petra may possibly be the Sela of 2 Kings\n14:7, since Sela means \u201ccrag\u201d or \u201crock\u201d in Hebrew, and Petra has the same\nmeaning in Greek. The identity of Petra with Sela is not, however,\ncertain. Petra lies in the southeastern part of ancient Edom, and was,\nbefore the end of the fourth century B. C., occupied by the Nabath\u00e6ans, a\nSemitic tribe. These Nabath\u00e6ans established a kingdom which continued\nuntil 106 A. D. One of its kings, Haretat IV, is called Aretas in 2 Cor.\n11:32.[204] When the Roman Emperor Trajan overthrew this kingdom he\norganized its territory into the Province of Arabia, and the beautiful\nbuildings, the remains of which make Petra such an interesting ruin today,\ndate mostly from the Roman period of its history. During the Nabath\u00e6an\nperiod of Petra they constructed three high places, which are high places\nindeed, since they are perched on ledges of rock above the ancient town.\nThe largest of these high places is still in an excellent state of\npreservation. It is a little to the north of the citadel on a ledge which\nrises about 700 feet above the town. The ledge is 520 feet long by 90 feet\nwide; it runs nearly north and south with a slight inclination to the\neast.[205] The principal features of this ancient place of worship are an\naltar on the west side of the ledge, a platform immediately south of this,\na large sunken area directly in front of the altar, and a little to the\nsouth of this area a vat or laver.\n\nThis high place is approached by a flight of steps cut in the solid rock;\n(see Fig. 215). The main area, which corresponds to the enclosure of the\nhigh place at Tell es-Safi, is 47 feet 4 inches long, 24 feet 4 inches\nwide, and 15 to 18 inches deep, though this depth is not uniform. In some\nparts it falls to 10 inches. About midway of the length of this area and 5\nfeet from its west side, there is a rock platform 5 feet in length, 2 feet\n7\u00bd inches wide, and 4 inches high. It has been suggested that this\nplatform was intended for the offerer of a victim to stand upon, in order\nthat he might be distinguished from other worshipers who were crowding the\narea. Another possible view is that the sacred \u201cpillars\u201d stood upon this\nplatform. No pillars were found in connection with it. Probably such\npillars were not cut out of the solid rock, but were, like the sacred\nstone of Gezer, brought from elsewhere. The arrangement of other high\nplaces would indicate that they stood on or near this platform. As this\nhigh place was not buried, but exposed on the mountain top, such pillars\nhave in the course of the ages disappeared. The altar is separated from\nthe adjoining rock by a passageway which was cut on its north, south, and\nwest sides. It is of the same height as the adjoining rock. On the east\nthe ledge has been cut down to the level of the foot of the altar. The\naltar is 9 feet 1 inch in length from north to south and 6 feet 2 inches\nwide. It is 3 feet high at its highest point. On the top of the altar is a\nhollow pan, perhaps to receive the fire. This is 3 feet 8 inches long, 1\nfoot 2 inches wide, and 3\u00bd inches deep. Ascent to the altar was made by a\nflight of steps leading up to its top on the east side. The top step is\nwider than the others and forms a platform on which the officiating priest\nmight stand; (see Fig. 217).\n\nJust south of the altar and separated from it by the passageway was the\nplace where the victims were slain. This has been called the round altar;\n(see Fig. 218). This consists of a platform 16 feet 6 inches long from\neast to west, 11 feet 9 inches wide. It is approached by a flight of\nsteps. Near its center are two circular and concentric pans, the larger 3\nfeet 8 inches in diameter with a depth of 3 inches, the smaller 1 foot 5\ninches in diameter with a depth of 2 inches. From this inner basin a\nconduit 3 feet 2 inches long, 2 inches wide, and 3 inches deep conducted\nthe blood to the edge of the platform. This platform was undoubtedly\nintended for the place of slaughter. The Samaritans, when they assemble on\nMount Gerizim for the celebration of the Passover, still dig a round hole\nin the turf, over which to slay the victim. This hole is about 18 inches\nin diameter and 10 inches deep. From it a conduit is dug, through which\nthe blood flows off to be absorbed by the earth.[206]\n\nThe supposed laver at Petra is to the south of the area of the high place.\nIt is 9 feet 9 inches in length and 8 feet 6 inches in width. It is now\npartially filled with earth, and has above the earth an average depth of 3\nfeet.\n\nThe remains of three other supposed high places have been found at Petra,\nbut lack of space forbids their description here.[207] The pillars\nsupposed to have been connected with one of them are shown in Fig. 219.\n\n=8. A Supposed Philistine Temple.=--Turning now to Palestinian temples:\nMacalister discovered the remains of a building at Gezer which he thinks\nmay have been a temple.[208] This building belonged to the third Semitic\nstratum; in other words, to the period just before the coming of the\nIsraelites. A general plan of its walls is shown in Fig. 220. In a court\nin one part of the structure were five pillars which may have had the same\nreligious significance as the pillars of the high place. The two circular\nstructures _f f_ remind one of the circular structures of the high place\nof Gezer. These were filled with the fragments of the bones of sheep and\ngoats. As these bore no marks of cooking, they could not have been mere\ndomestic ash-pits, and it is plausible to think of them as receptacles for\nthe bodies of slaughtered victims. In a forecourt of the structure a line\nof bases, apparently intended for the support of columns, was found.\nMacalister conjectured that these supported a roof over a part of the\nportico, and it reminded him of the story of Samson in the temple of\nDagon. (See Judges 16:23-30.) It is quite possible that the feast of Dagon\ndescribed in Judges 16 may have been held in a structure similar to this,\nthat the lords of the Philistines may have been gathered in such a porch,\nand that Samson may have pulled such pillars as rested upon these bases\nfrom under the roof that sheltered them, and caused their destruction and\nhis own death. It is all possible, but conjectural.\n\n=9. At Megiddo.=\n\n(1) _A Hebrew Temple._--In the course of the excavation at Megiddo a\ntemple was found concerning the sacred nature of which there can be no\nsuch doubts as in the case of the building just mentioned[209]; (Fig.\n222). This temple was in the Israelitish stratum, and so is of especial\ninterest to the students of the Bible. It was situated in the highest part\nof the city. The whole space was not excavated, but the portion uncovered\nwas 131 feet long and 115 wide. It was of the same period as the palace in\nwhich the seal of Shema the servant of Jeroboam was found, and contained\nmore drafted stones than the walls of that palace. In one of the rooms of\nthe temple stood two stones that were certainly \u201cpillars\u201d such as are\ndenounced in Deuteronomy. One of these was 7 feet 8 inches high; the\nother, 7 feet high. The room in which these pillars stood was 30 feet long\nand 10 feet 7 inches wide. In building the wall of this temple a stone was\nused that had once formed the voluted capital of a column; (Fig. 224).\nProbably this stone was taken from an earlier Philistine building.\n\nIn the grounds of the temple, which were once regarded as holy, several\njars containing the skeletons of children were unearthed. These had\napparently been offered in sacrifice and buried like those found in the\nhigh place of Gezer.\n\nWhile the walls of this temple were built of larger and more carefully cut\nstones than most of the other walls in the city, no effort seems to have\nbeen made to give the temple a definite architectural plan. Large towers\nwere found near it, but, as the temple was at the east end of the city,\nthese formed part of fortifications. The fortifications and other\nbuildings crowded upon the temple, so that, had an effort been made to\nmake it architecturally imposing, the effect would have been lost.\n\n(2) _A Palace Chapel._--The people of Megiddo seem to have been\nparticularly fond of the type of worship represented by this temple, for\nin a room to the east of the palace of the Hebrew governor was a room\ncontaining three \u201cpillars,\u201d in which the remains of a number of\nterra-cotta goddesses were found.[210] This was apparently the private\nchapel of the palace. This room was almost 40 feet long and 32 feet 10\ninches wide; (Fig. 223). Its beginnings antedate the Israelitish period,\nsince they come from the stratum before the conquest.\n\n(3) _Another Chapel._--What seems to have been still another place of\nworship equipped with the necessary \u201cpillars\u201d was found in the Hebrew\nstratum between the governor\u2019s palace and the southern gate of the\ncity.[211] It would appear from the connecting walls that this sacred\nplace may also have been intended for the special use of the occupants of\nthe palace. This room was not quite 30 feet long and a little less than 20\nfeet wide. It contained six stones which Dr. Schumacher took to be\n\u201cpillars.\u201d Like those at Petra and Taanach, they had evidently been shaped\nwith tools. They did not stand in a row or in any regular relation to one\nanother. This might throw some doubt upon the religious significance of\nthe stones. Could they not have been columns used in supporting the roof\nof the building? Since a small stone object that had religious\nsignificance in the high places was found in this room, together with a\nmost remarkable incense burner, it is probable that these were religious\n\u201cpillars\u201d and that the room was a little chapel. The object was of\nlimestone and about 7 inches long. It was lying at the foot of one of the\n\u201cpillars.\u201d The incense burner was made of a greyish soft limestone. It was\na little over 9 inches in height. The diameter of the bowl was 6\u215c inches.\nThe stone was cut so that the bowl rested on a pedestal, which was divided\nby rings into two portions, each of which was cut so as to represent a\ncircle of overhanging leaves; (see Fig. 225). The whole was decorated with\nreddish-brown and cobalt-blue paints. The decoration of the rim of the\nbowl is a geometrical design, that on the bowl itself represents a sort of\nconventionalized lily blossom, while the leaves suggest those of the palm.\n\nThese discoveries make it plain that the Canaanite temples of Palestine,\nwhich the Hebrews took over, were simply high places in miniature,\nenclosed in walls and probably roofed over, though the roofs have\ndisappeared. The feeling that led to the change from the open air high\nplace was the same as that underlying the saying of David: \u201cI dwell in a\nhouse of cedar, but the ark of God dwelleth within curtains\u201d (2 Sam. 7:2).\n\n=10. The Temple to Augustus at Samaria.=--The excavations at Samaria[212]\nhave brought to light the foundation of the temple erected by Herod the\nGreat in honor of Augustus.[213] This was a temple of a very different\ntype. It was patterned on Gr\u00e6co-Roman models and everything was done to\nmake it architecturally impressive. Unfortunately, the results of the\nHarvard expedition have not yet been given to the public in detail, but\nfrom the imposing stairway, discovered during the first season of the\nexcavation, together with the partial plan of the building as then\nuncovered, and the outlines of its walls as a later season\u2019s work\ndisclosed them, one can form some idea of the imposing appearance of this\nstructure. A massive stairway led up to a large platform surrounded by\nlarge pillars. This formed the portico. Back of this stretched the walls\nof the temple. The general form of the building seems to have been similar\nto that of the large temple at Jerash, which will be described in Chapter\nXIV.[214] At the foot of the stairway leading up to the temple was found a\nlarge altar, and near this a fallen statue of Augustus. For outlines of\nthe temple, see Figs. 216 and 221.\n\nThese ancient places of worship which arch\u00e6ology has brought to light are\neloquent witnesses of the pathetic way the men of Palestine \u201cfelt after\nGod, if haply they might find him\u201d (Acts 17:27), and the pathos is not\nlessened by the fact that they thus continued to grope, even after the\nclearer light was shining about them.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER XII\n\nTHE TOMBS OF PALESTINE\n\n BURNING THE DEAD. CAVE BURIALS. CISTERN BURIAL. BURIAL UNDER MENHIRS.\n EARTH-GRAVES. ROCK-HEWN SHAFT TOMBS. DOORWAY TOMBS. TOMBS WITH A\n ROLLING-STONE.\n\n\n=1. Burning the Dead.=--As noted in a previous chapter,[215] the\ncave-dwellers of Gezer burned their dead. The Semitic inhabitants of\nPalestine did not follow this custom, but buried theirs. At Gezer the\ncaves that had formed the dwellings of the first inhabitants were put by\nthe Semites to various uses. Sometimes they, too, lived in them; sometimes\nthey made cisterns of them; and sometimes they utilized them as places of\nburial for their dead.\n\n=2. Cave Burials.=--A cave that became a tomb after the Semitic occupation\nwas the one that had been the crematorium of the pre-Semitic\ninhabitants.[216] All over the floor of the cave above the burned bones\nwas another stratum of bones that had never been burned. These were\nscattered over the floor of the cave, and, although they had been much\ndisturbed by rats, it appeared that they belonged to that early type of\nburial in which the body is placed on its side with the knees drawn up\ntoward the chin. These bodies had apparently been deposited in all parts\nof the cave. Ranged around the sides of the cave was a series of\nenclosures marked off from the floor by lines of stones. In these,\nportions of various skeletons were found. These enclosures seem to have\nbeen reservations made for persons of distinction. For a time, therefore,\nthe cave seems to have been used as a general place of burial. In some of\nthe other caves of Gezer evidence was found that they had been used as\ntombs.[217] Beautiful pottery and alabaster vessels were found with the\nbones. Wine and possibly food for the dead had been placed in these.\nUnderneath the pottery in one cave a considerable number of scarabs were\nfound, some of them mounted in gold. This must have been, accordingly,\nthe burial place of persons of comparative wealth. Similar cave burials\nwere found by Mackenzie at Beth-shemesh.[218]\n\nSuch cave burials as these at once recall Abraham\u2019s purchase of the cave\nof Machpelah as recorded in Gen. 23. The kind of burial presupposed in\nthat chapter is just that found at Gezer. The mouth of the cave could be\nclosed up and opened at will for later burials. (See Gen. 50:13.)\n\nThe custom of placing food or drink or both in the sepulcher was all but\nuniversal in Palestine. It is silent testimony to a faith in a kind of\nafter-life. That that life as they conceived it was of a shadowy and an\nunsatisfactory nature is shown by the references to it in Isa. 14:9-11 and\nEzek. 32:22-32.[219] Nevertheless, these evidences that the mourners who\nstood by every ancient tomb provided food for their loved ones to eat in\nthe after-life is eloquent testimony to the fact that even in that age the\nloving heart found it impossible to believe that the life of its dear ones\nhad been altogether terminated.\n\n=3. Cistern Burial.=--Another burial at Gezer that must have been\nconnected with some unusual circumstance led to the deposit of fifteen\nbodies in a cistern,[220] and a number of spear heads were found with\nthem. The skeletons were all males except one, which was that of a girl\nabout sixteen years old, whose spine had been severed and only the upper\npart of the skeleton deposited in the cistern; (see Fig. 229). The cistern\nis too deep to favor the supposition that the bodies had been deposited at\nsuccessive times. Macalister hazards the conjecture that the men died of\nplague and that the girl was offered as a sacrifice to propitiate the\ndeity. A plague, however, would have attacked women as well as men.\nPerhaps the men were slain in defending Gezer from the attack of an enemy\nthat had succeeded in severing the body of the girl. The real cause of the\ntragedy is, however, unknown to us.\n\n=4. Burial under Menhirs.=--A very old form of burial, still practised by\nthe half-nomadic tribes east of the Jordan, is to place the dead in the\nearth within one of the prehistoric _gilgals_ or menhirs. How old this\nform of burial is, it is impossible to tell. It is assumed by some\nwriters that it was practised by the neolithic people who erected these\nmonuments, and who are believed by such writers to have been ancestor\nworshipers. If, however, these neolithic men were akin to the neolithic\ncave-dwellers of Gezer, they burned their dead. Another explanation is,\naccordingly, more probable. All through the history of Palestine the\nsanctity of certain spots has persisted. A place once considered as holy,\nif not so regarded by the next wave of conquerors, nevertheless often has\nenough sanctity clinging to it to make it taboo. No thief will disturb\nobjects left within its precincts, lest the spirit of the place bring\ndisaster upon him. It seems probable that the wandering tribes on the\nborder of the Arabian Desert have utilized the sacred places of these\nprehistoric men for the burial of their dead, in order that the fear of\nviolating the taboo pertaining to these places may secure the bodies from\ndisturbance. Whatever the reason may be, they still bury their dead in\nsuch precincts and place their tribal _wasms_ or marks on such\nstones.[221]\n\n=5. Earth-graves.=--The simplest form of burial was to place the body in\nthe ground without accessory of any kind. In the course of the excavation\nof Gezer a few burials of this sort came to light.[222] The skeleton was\nin these cases stretched out; sometimes it was lying on its back;\nsometimes on its side. As these bodies were buried without accessories, so\ncontrary to the custom of the Palestinians who placed food or drink by the\ndead, the excavator thought that they were probably the graves of murdered\npersons, who had been hastily concealed in the earth.\n\nAnother form of burial, when the interment occurred within a city, is\nillustrated by the five \u201cPhilistine\u201d graves found at Gezer.[223] These\ngraves were excavations in the earth, lined with cement, and, after the\ninterment, covered with four or five massive stones and earth; (Fig. 226).\nIn these graves the usual deposits of food and drink had been made in\nbeautiful bronze and silver vessels, which show kinship to the art of\nCyprus; (see Fig. 137). They are probably, therefore, Philistine.\n\n=6. Rock-hewn Shaft Tombs.=--A form of tomb of which many examples are to\nbe found in all parts of Palestine is the rock-hewn tomb. The limestone of\nthe country is easily cut, and lends itself readily to the construction\nof this kind of burial-place. Such tombs are of two kinds--\u201cshaft\u201d tombs\nand \u201cdoorway\u201d tombs.\n\nThe structure of a shaft tomb is as follows:[224] The tomb chamber or\nchambers are cut in the rock and are approached by a perpendicular\nrock-hewn shaft, which is usually rectangular. This shaft is closed at the\nbottom with slabs and then the shaft is filled with earth. Such tombs are\nusually constructed in ledges covered over with soil, so that, when the\nhole leading to the rock-cut shaft is filled, the tomb is effectually\nconcealed. Such tombs are very numerous all the way from pre-Israelitish\ntimes to the Greek period. For a plan of one, see Fig. 228.\n\n=7. Doorway Tombs.=--The \u201cdoorway\u201d tombs are sometimes cut in a ledge that\nis altogether under ground. In that case a flight of steps is excavated\nleading down to the door; (Fig. 232). Often the tomb is cut in a ledge on\nthe slope of a hill, so that the doorway is approached from the level of\nthe ground; (see Fig. 227). Doors were, no doubt, fitted into the\ndoorways. The places cut in the rock for the latches or bars of such doors\nare sometimes still visible. These tombs consisted sometimes of one room,\nsometimes of several. Sometimes the bodies were laid on the floor of the\ntomb; sometimes elevated benches or shelves were cut in the rock on which\nbodies might be placed. Quite as often shafts or niches were cut into the\nrock, into which a body or a sarcophagus could be shoved endwise. Such a\nshaft is called technically a _k\u00f4k_, in the plural, _k\u00f4kim_. For examples\nof them, see Figs. 233, 237. The date at which this kind of tomb was\nintroduced has not been satisfactorily determined.\n\nSometimes numerous small tombs, each one resembling somewhat a _k\u00f4k_, were\ncut in a hillside. Arch\u00e6ologists call such a group of tombs a\n\u201ccolumbarium\u201d; (see Fig. 230).\n\nIn the Hellenistic and Roman periods efforts were made to give adornment\nto such tombs. The so-called \u201cTombs of the Judges\u201d[225] near Jerusalem, of\nwhich the writer was the first to make a scientific examination, is a good\nexample of this kind of tomb[226]; (see Fig. 231). This tomb consisted of\nthree rooms in its upper level and three in its lower level; (see Fig.\n235). The ledges and _k\u00f4kim_ in it made provision for seventy bodies, and\na rough chamber opening out of room D was evidently used for the deposit\nof the bones of those who had been long dead, when a niche or _k\u00f4k_ was\nneeded for the reception of another body. Sometimes the pillars of a porch\nwere carved out of the solid rock. A number of such tombs are to be found\nnear Jerusalem. There is one in the Kidron Valley near Gethsemane, cut\nwholly out of the rock and finished to a spire at the top. This is the\nso-called \u201cAbsalom\u2019s pillar.\u201d\n\nIn the time of Christ the tombs of Israel\u2019s heroes were adorned and\nvenerated. Jesus alludes to this in Luke 11:47, 48. Elisha must have been\nburied in a doorway tomb, into which by opening the door the body of a man\ncould be easily thrown. (See 2 Kings 13:20, 21.) It was, no doubt, the\nmemory of such narratives as this that led to the reverence paid to the\ntombs of the prophets in the time of Christ.\n\nAnother tomb at Jerusalem, called the \u201cTombs of the Kings,\u201d has a large\nopen court cut down into the rock, from the different sides of which\nentrances lead to the other tomb chambers. This tomb was built for Queen\nHelena of Adiabene, the ancient Assyria, who, in the days of Herod the\nGreat, was converted to Judaism and removed to Jerusalem. She died and was\nburied there.[227]\n\nSometimes in the Seleucid period the interior of the tombs was also made\nvery ornate. Such were the tombs, discovered in 1902,[228] of some wealthy\nGreek-speaking citizens of Marissa. A plan of one of them is shown in Fig.\n234, and examples of its inner ornamentation in Fig. 236. These tombs were\nalso adorned with pictures of vases, trees, animals, etc.; (see Fig. 239).\nThe figures, as well as the interior generally, were decorated with red,\nyellow, and brown paints. One of them was that of Apollophanes, chief of\nthe Sidonians at Marissa. Over the different niches in the tombs the names\nof the persons buried were inscribed in Greek letters.\n\nRock-cut tombs, whether large or small, were regarded as important\npossessions, and the people who might be buried in them were frequently\ncarefully specified by their builders. An example of this may be found in\nPart II of the present work, p. 442.\n\n=8. Tombs with a Rolling-stone.=--One other type of tomb must be noticed\neven in this hasty sketch. To close a \u201cdoorway\u201d tomb securely must always\nhave been a matter of difficulty in Palestine. It was not easy with the\nkind of locks they had to keep intruders out of tombs. This led to the\ncutting of a large groove by the side of the doorway into which a\nrolling-stone was fitted. When it was desired to open the tomb, the stone\ncould be rolled back. The stones were too heavy to be easily disturbed. It\nwas in a new tomb of this type that the body of Jesus was laid, and it was\nsuch a stone that the women found rolled away on the resurrection morning.\n(See Matt. 28:2; Mark 16:3, 4; Luke 24:2; John 20:1, and Fig. 238.)\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER XIII\n\nJERUSALEM[229]\n\n SITUATION. GIHON. CAVE-DWELLERS. THE EL-AMARNA PERIOD. JEBUSITE\n JERUSALEM. THE CITY OF DAVID: Millo. David\u2019s reign. SOLOMON\u2019S\n JERUSALEM: Site of Solomon\u2019s buildings. Solomon\u2019s temple. Solomon\u2019s\n palace. FROM SOLOMON TO HEZEKIAH. HEZEKIAH. FROM HEZEKIAH TO THE\n EXILE. THE DESTRUCTION OF 586 B. C. THE SECOND TEMPLE. NEHEMIAH AND\n THE WALLS. LATE PERSIAN AND EARLY GREEK PERIODS. IN THE TIME OF THE\n MACCABEES. ASMON\u00c6AN JERUSALEM. HEROD THE GREAT: Herod\u2019s palace.\n Herod\u2019s theater. Herod\u2019s temple. THE POOL OF BETHESDA. GETHSEMANE.\n CALVARY. AGRIPPA I AND THE THIRD WALL.\n\n\n=1. Situation.=--Since 1867 excavations have been made at Jerusalem from\ntime to time. The most important of these were mentioned in Chapter IV. An\nattempt will be made here to set before the reader the growth and\ndevelopment of Jerusalem from period to period, as that growth is now\nunderstood by foremost scholars. Our knowledge of the situation and form\nof the city in the different periods is based partly on formal\nexcavations, partly on remains that have been accidentally found, and\npartly on a study of the references to Jerusalem in the Bible and other\nancient writings. These references are interpreted in the light of the\ntopography and of the arch\u00e6ological remains.\n\nJerusalem is situated on the central ridge of Palestine, where the ridge\nbroadens out to a small plateau. The plateau at this point is\napproximately 2,500 feet above the level of the Mediterranean Sea. In a\nnarrower sense the site of the city is two rocky promontories which run\nsouth from the plateau with the valley El-Wad (in Roman times the\nTyrop\u0153on) between them. On the north these promontories merge into the\nplateau, but on the east, south, and west the valleys of Hinnom and the\nKidron sharply separate them from the surrounding land. The steep sides of\nthese valleys made fortification easy in ancient times. The highest point\nof the western hill is about 400 feet higher than the bottom of the Kidron\nvalley, which in ancient times was 20 to 40 feet deeper than now; (see\nFig. 240). Indeed, the position was almost impregnable. Only on the north\nwas the city vulnerable.\n\nWest of the city hills gently rise to a slight elevation and shut out the\nview. The easternmost of the two promontories is lower than the western,\nwhich in its turn slopes to the east. Just south of the Mount of Olives,\nto the east of Jerusalem, there is a rift in the hills through which the\ndistant mountains of Moab can be seen. From elevated buildings in the city\nthe Dead Sea is also visible. The slope of the hills of Jerusalem and her\nbroader outlook to the eastward are significant of the influences that\nmoulded her earlier history. During the centuries that Israel was an\nindependent nation the Philistine plain was nearly always in the hands of\na hostile people. Jerusalem was thus cut off from influences that might\notherwise have reached her from across the Mediterranean, and was shut up\nto influences that reached her through kindred tribes and nations to the\neast. Thus in intellectual kinship, as well as in physical outlook, the\ngaze of Jerusalem was directed toward the Orient.\n\nAll Palestinian cities of importance were situated near perpetual springs.\nThere are at Jerusalem but two unfailing sources of water--the Ain Sitti\nMiriam (the ancient Gihon) and the Bir Eyyub (Biblical En-rogel). These\nare both in the Kidron valley, the former just under the brow of the\neastern hill some 400 yards from the southern point of the hill, the\nlatter at the point where the valley of Hinnom and the Kidron unite. Of\nthese two sources of supply, the Gihon is pre-eminently fitted to attract\nan early settlement. It is almost under the hill, whereas the other is out\nin the midst of the open valley. Gihon, too, is at the base of a hill that\ncan be defended easily on three sides, whereas a town built on a hillside\nabove En-rogel, as the modern Silwan is, could be easily attacked from\nabove. These conditions determined the situation of the earliest\nsettlement, which was near Gihon.\n\n=2. Gihon.=--The Parker expedition of 1909-1911 revealed by its\nexcavations the fact that the source of the spring of Gihon is a great\ncrack in the rock in the bottom of the valley far below the present\napparent source.[230] This crack is about 16 feet long, is of great depth,\nand runs east and west. The western end of it just enters the mouth of the\ncave where the apparent source is today, but the eastern end passes out\ninto the bed of the valley. All the water would discharge into the valley\nbut for a wall at the eastern end of the rift, built in very ancient\ntimes, which confines the water and compels it to flow into the cave. This\nwall was constructed by some of the earliest inhabitants of the place. The\nspring thus produced is intermittent. Its flow is not ceaseless. The water\nbreaks from the hole in the rainy season, three to five times a day; in\nthe summer but twice a day; and after the failure of the spring rains,\nless than once a day. This fact indicates that the waters collect in some\nunderground cavern from which they are drained by a siphon-like tunnel.\nThe \u201ctroubling\u201d of the Pool of Bethesda (John 5:4) is thought by some\nscholars to have been due to the action of such a siphon-like spring.\n\n=3. Cave-dwellers.=--About this spring the Parker expedition found large\ncaves and rooms excavated in the rock, and indications that these had once\nbeen inhabited. A great deal of pre-Israelite pottery was also found\naround the spring. These indications seem to show that the site was\ninhabited for at least a thousand years before David, and perhaps for two\nthousand, and that its first inhabitants were cave-dwellers. One naturally\nthinks in this connection of the cave-dwellers of Gezer. It is possible\nthat the first Jerusalemites belonged to the same period and were of the\nsame race. One thinks, too, of the sacred cave and the stone altar on the\nnext peak of the eastern ridge to the north, where the temple afterward\nstood, and wonders whether it may not have been the sanctuary of this\nearly cave-dwelling race. A definite answer cannot be given to this\nquestion. One can only recognize that it may possibly be true.\n\n=4. The El-Amarna Period.=--The next knowledge we have of Jerusalem comes\nfrom the letters of Ebed-Hepa, which were written to Amenophis IV of Egypt\nbetween 1375 and 1357 B. C. At that time it was already a walled city, for\nEbed-Hepa speaks of \u201cthrowing it open.\u201d[231]\n\nThe fortified city of Ebed-Hepa was, no doubt, identical with the later\nJebusite city. It was situated on the eastern hill just above the spring\nof Gihon. Probably in the period just before this time it had, like Gezer,\nbeen surrounded by a massive wall. In connection with this fortification\nthe rock near Gihon had been scarped (cut to a perpendicular surface) in\norder to increase the difficulty of scaling the wall.[232] As the wall of\nGezer lasted for a thousand years, so this Egyptian wall continued to the\nreign of David.\n\nIt is privately reported that Weil in his excavation in 1913-14 found on\nthe eastern hill remains of a wall with a sloping glacis similar to that\nbelonging to the earliest period of Megiddo. This would not only confirm\nour inference that Jerusalem was a walled city in the time of Ebed-Hepa,\nbut indicate that its wall had been built at a much earlier time. It was\nalso in the fourteenth century B. C. the capital of a considerable kingdom\nwhich Ebed-Hepa ruled as a vassal of the king of Egypt. This kingdom\nextended as far west as Beth-shemesh and Keilah (1 Sam. 23:1), including,\nperhaps, Gezer. Aijalon seems to have been included in it on the north,\nand Carmel in Judah (1 Sam. 25:2) on the south.\n\nWhen the letters of Ebed-Hepa were written, his kingdom was being attacked\nand apparently overcome by the Habiri, a people who may have been the\nfirst wave of the Hebrew conquest.[233] The letters of Ebed-Hepa cease\nwithout telling us whether or not the Habiri captured his city. If they\ndid and they were really Hebrews, they did not hold it long, for, when the\nBiblical records lift the veil that hides so much of the past, Jerusalem\nwas in the hands of the Jebusites. (See Josh. 15:63; Judges 1:21.)\n\n=5. Jebusite Jerusalem.=--The Jebusites held it all through the period of\nthe Judges (Judges 19:10, 11). Israel did not capture it until the reign\nof David. (See 2 Sam. 5:6-8.) At some earlier period of the history of\nJerusalem an underground rock-cut passage similar to the one at Gezer[234]\nhad been made, so as to permit the inhabitants in case of siege to descend\nto the spring for water without going outside the walls; (see Fig. 241).\nThe natural slope of the hill had been reinforced at this point by the\nescarpment of the rock, and the Jebusites felt so secure that they taunted\nthe Hebrews from the top of the walls. Joab, however, discovered the way\nto this underground passage through the cave back of the spring, Gihon,\nand, leading a band of men up through it, appeared suddenly within the\ncity, taking the Jebusites by surprise, and captured it.\n\n=6. The City of David.=--David then took up his residence at Jerusalem,\nthus making it the capital of the kingdom of Israel. Thus the city of the\nJebusites, situated on the eastern hill, which was called Zion, became the\n\u201ccity of David.\u201d\n\nA few modern writers still insist that the \u201ccity of David\u201d was on the\nwestern hill, which since 333 A. D. has been called Zion. This, as most\nscholars have seen, is an impossible view. Solomon built a palace for\nPharaoh\u2019s daughter near his own on the temple hill, and, when she moved\ninto it, she went _up_ out of the city of David (1 Kings 9:24). As the\nwestern hill is higher than the eastern, she must have gone from a point\non the eastern hill lower than the temple. When the temple was completed,\nSolomon brought the ark _up_ from the city of David to the holy of holies\nin the new temple (2 Chron. 5:2). Scripture thus confirms the inferences\nfrom the pottery and the water supply, that the \u201ccity of David\u201d was on the\neastern hill, and that that hill was Zion. It was a small town, since the\nspace it could occupy was not more than thirteen acres, and may have been\nless.\n\n(1) _Millo._--After occupying his new capital David \u201cbuilt round about\nfrom Millo and inward\u201d (2 Sam. 5:9). What was Millo? This is a great\npuzzle, and there are many varying opinions about it. The word literally\nmeans a \u201cfilling,\u201d and is employed in Assyrian for the building up of a\nterrace on which a building may be erected. It may have been a \u201cfilling\u201d\non the line of the valley that separated the hill of the citadel of David\nfrom Moriah or the temple hill. It would seem to have been on the edge of\nthe city, since David built from there \u201cinward.\u201d Some have supposed it to\nbe a fortress, and the Septuagint translated it by \u201cakra,\u201d which means\n\u201ccitadel.\u201d Some have thought of it as a fort, others as a solid tower. If\non the line of the valley mentioned, it may have been at the northeast\ncorner, or at the northwest corner of the town. Some have supposed that it\nwas at the southern end of the eastern hill in order to protect a pool\nthere. Just below the southern end of the eastern hill in the valley of\nthe Kidron lay the \u201cKing\u2019s Gardens,\u201d and just across the valley, the\nvillage of Siloah. In 2 Kings 12:20 it is said that Joash was killed in\nMillo, leading down to Silla. We know of no Silla. Is it a corruption of\nthe Hebrew word for \u201cshade\u201d or is it a corruption of Siloah? In the former\ncase the reference might be to the King\u2019s Gardens, in the latter to the\nvillage of Siloah. Either of these suppositions would favor a site for\nMillo at the south end of the hill, but the words \u201cleading down to Silla\u201d\nmay have had quite a different origin and meaning.[235] We must,\ntherefore, confess that the location of Millo cannot at present be\ndetermined.\n\n(2) _David\u2019s Reign._--As David\u2019s reign advanced and his success in war\ncompelled neighboring nations to pay tribute, probably the population of\nJerusalem increased. Such an increase would naturally lead to the erection\nof houses outside the walls, as it has in recent times. It is altogether\nprobable that a settlement on the western hill was thus begun in the reign\nof David. There is no hint, however, that he took any steps to enclose\nsuch a settlement within a wall. The phrase \u201cthe way of the gate\u201d in 2\nSam. 15:2 implies that there was still but one gate in the walls. This is\nin striking contrast to the number of gates in later times. The only\nrecord that we have of further action on David\u2019s part that affected the\nfuture growth of Jerusalem refers to the way in which he took over the\nrock on Mount Moriah and the sacred cave under it and made a sanctuary to\nJehovah. (See 2 Sam. 24.) This action, at a later time, determined the\nsite of the temple.\n\n=7. Solomon\u2019s Jerusalem.=--David left Jerusalem a military fortress;\nSolomon transformed it into a city with imposing buildings. This creation\nof a more imposing city was in accord with the general character of\nSolomon\u2019s reign. He established a large harem, made marriage alliances\nwith many neighboring kings, maintained such an establishment that it was\nnecessary to make a regular levy on a different portion of the country\neach month for supplies, and endeavored to make his capital as splendid as\nthe capital of a rich commercial Ph\u0153nician monarch. Such a policy\nnecessitated, probably, the enlargement of Jerusalem. David, who began\nlife as a shepherd-boy, was content to live the simple life to the end;\nSolomon, born to the purple, desired to surround himself with a pomp\nbefitting his rank. The Biblical writers were more interested in the\nconstruction of the temple and of Solomon\u2019s palace than in any other phase\nof his work, but they have left us some hints of his activities in other\ndirections.\n\nThey tell us that he \u201cbuilt Millo and the wall of Jerusalem\u201d (1 Kings\n9:15), that he \u201cbuilt the wall of Jerusalem round about\u201d (1 Kings 3:1),\nand that he \u201cbuilt Millo and repaired the breach in the city of David, his\nfather\u201d (1 Kings 11:27). Evidently Millo had fallen into disrepair since\nDavid rebuilt it, and the walls of the city of David on the eastern hill\nwere also in need of repairs. These repairs he made, but did he go\nfurther? It is intrinsically probable that he did. The king who fortified\nHazor in Naphtali, Megiddo, Gezer, Beth-horon, Baalath, and Tamar would\nhardly leave a large suburb of his capital on the western hill\nunfortified. The statement that he \u201cbuilt the wall of Jerusalem round\nabout,\u201d while it does not clearly state that he did more than fortify the\n\u201ccity of David\u201d on Zion, seems to imply that he did. This view is\nstrengthened by Bliss\u2019s discovery on the western hill of some walls that\nconnected once with a great fortress at the southwest corner of the\nwestern hill, which he believed to be the work of Solomon.\n\nThe site of this fortress is now occupied by \u201cBishop Gobat\u2019s School,\u201d an\nEnglish foundation for the education of native boys. When the school was\nrebuilt in 1874 Mr. Henry Maudsley examined the surface of the rock, which\nis escarped, or cut perpendicularly, for about 100 feet to the southeast\nof the school and 43 feet north of it. The scarp is about 40 feet high at\nthe highest point; (Fig. 242). The school is built on a large projection\nof the scarp 45 feet square and 20 feet high. The surface of the rock\nunder the school bears unmistakable signs that there was once an ancient\ntower there. To the eastward of this Bliss discovered the foundations of\nan ancient tower. Beyond this to the east there was a deep rock-cut ditch.\nThe tower on its northeast corner fitted into another rock-scarp which ran\nnorthward into land on which they could not excavate.[236] The deep\nrock-cut ditch or moat at the east of the scarp suggests that at the\nperiod of the Latin kingdom of Jerusalem, 1099-1188 A. D., this fortress\nformed the fortification of the southwest corner of the city, from which\nthe wall ran off sharply in a direction a little east of north. This view\nis confirmed by the discovery which Bliss made of a wall, apparently built\nby the Crusaders, that ran in a north-easterly direction by an irregular\ncourse along the high part of the western hill toward the temple area. As\nthis wall rested on remains of the Roman time it cannot well have belonged\nto a time earlier than the crusading period. May not, then, Maudsley\u2019s\nscarp itself have been cut by the Crusaders who were most energetic and\nmasterly builders? This seems hardly probable, for Josephus, in describing\nthe course of the wall on the west side of the western hill, says that\nbeginning at Herod\u2019s palace (the modern Turkish fortress) the wall ran\nsouthward through a place called \u201cBethso.\u201d[237] Bethso is a corruption of\nBeth-zur, which means rock-fortress--an apt description of the tower on\nMaudsley\u2019s scarp. As Josephus makes no mention of the construction of a\nfortress at this point by Herod, it was probably built at an earlier\nperiod. The writer holds with Bliss that it is probable that the original\nfortress on the site of Bishop Gobat\u2019s School was constructed by Solomon\nand that he enclosed the top of the western hill with a wall. Whether that\nwall simply enclosed the top of the hill and followed something of the\nsame course as the wall of the Crusaders mentioned above (so Bliss\nthinks), or whether it ran down the eastern slope of the western hill to\nthe southern point of the \u201cCity of David,\u201d it is impossible now to\ndetermine.\n\nThe view that Solomon extended the city to the western hill cannot be\nproved, since there is no definite reference in the Bible to the western\nhill in the time of Solomon, and there is no inscription on the masonry\nfound definitely to connect it with him. In consideration of all the\nconditions it seems probable that Solomon enclosed a part of the western\nhill. If so, the wall built by Solomon on the north side of the western\nhill was probably on the line of what Josephus called the \u201cfirst wall.\u201d\nThis wall, was rebuilt from time to time. The d\u00e9bris of a part of it seems\nstill to be in place at the east end of \u201cDavid Street\u201d in modern\nJerusalem. A short street, high above the surrounding levels, now runs on\nthe top of this d\u00e9bris.[238]\n\n(1) _Site of Solomon\u2019s Buildings._--Concerning the building of Solomon\u2019s\npalace and the temple there can be no doubt, for the Bible contains\naccounts of the construction of these. Their general location is also well\nknown. They were across the little valley which separated the part of Zion\ncalled Ophel (where the city of David was situated) from the part\nsometimes called Moriah.[239] This hill-top included the threshing-floor\nof Araunah, the Jebusite (2 Sam. 24), and Solomon now enclosed this with a\nwall. Sir Charles Warren believed that he found portions of this wall at\nthe southeast angle of the ancient temple area, 80 feet below the present\nsurface of the ground. During his excavations in the years 1867-1870 he\nsunk at this point a shaft to the native rock, from the bottom of which a\ntunnel was carried inward to the base of the wall. He found twenty-one\ncourses of drafted stones below the surface at this point, and the stones\nin the lower courses bore quarry marks which resemble old Hebrew or\nPh\u0153nician characters.[240] The lower courses of stones were from 3 feet 6\ninches to 4 feet 3\u00bd inches in height. Some of the characters were cut in\nthe stones; some painted on them. It is most probable that these were\nremains of the work of Solomon; (see Figs. 244, 245, and 246).\n\nThe enclosure of this hill-top with a wall set it apart from the rest of\nJerusalem. It was a kind of separate fortress. At the time it emphasized\nthe majesty of Solomon--his apartness from his people. This separate\nenclosure of the temple hill was perpetuated through the whole history of\nJerusalem and is maintained today. In all periods the temple hill has been\na fortress that could be defended apart from the city.\n\n(2) _Solomon\u2019s Temple._--Of the form and situation of the buildings of\nSolomon on the hill that was enclosed by this new wall, there is a wide\ndiversity of opinion. This diversity arises in part from the fact that\nsome scholars take at their face value statements of Josephus, the Talmud,\nand other late sources concerning Solomon\u2019s temple, while others attribute\nless weight to the statements of those sources which were written long\nafter this temple was destroyed, and base their views rather on the\nearlier documents. The last is the only sound method of study, and is the\ncourse followed here. We shall take as evidence of the plan and situation\nof the buildings the Biblical writers who had seen them.\n\nWe are at the start confronted, however, with a difficulty, since no\nBiblical writer has given us an exact statement as to what part of the\nhill Solomon\u2019s temple occupied. Most modern scholars hold, nevertheless,\nthat it was built at the highest point of the hill just west of the sacred\ncave, which has already been mentioned,[241] and the old rock-altar above\nit. This view is confirmed by Josephus[242] and is undoubtedly correct,\nalthough three or four modern scholars have doubted it. The temple would\nnaturally be built near the spot where the angel is said to have appeared\nto David (2 Sam. 24:16), and as angels are frequently represented in the\nOld Testament as appearing upon rocks (see Judges 6:11, f.; 13:19)[243] it\nis altogether probable that the appearance to David was on the rock-altar\nat the top of the hill. On this rock the animals for sacrifice were slain,\nas the conduits for blood still visible on its top indicate. Near it,\nthen, or on it the altar of burnt-offerings stood. We learn from Ezekiel,\nwho had served as a priest in the temple of Solomon, that the temple faced\nthe east, that it stood to the west of the altar, and that there was room\nbetween the temple and the altar for twenty-five men. (See Ezek. 8:16.)\nThe temple was a rectangular building with its greatest length running\neast and west. Its measurements were 124 feet for the length, 50 for the\nbreadth, and 55 for the height. It was constructed of stones and cedar\nbeams. The outer temple, afterward called the holy place, was 70 feet\nlong, 34\u00bd feet wide, and 52 feet high. Back of it was the holy of holies,\nwhere the ark was placed. It was a cube 34\u00bd feet each way. Apparently\nthere was a chamber above it.[244] This room was adorned with carvings of\ncherubim, palms, and open flowers (1 Kings 6:29, 32, 35). It had no\nwindow. According to 2 Chron. 3:14, it was separated from the holy place\nby a veil. The holy place contained the table of show-bread and ten golden\nlamp-stands (1 Kings 7:49).[245] The lattice work high up in the walls of\nthis room (1 Kings 6:4) can have admitted only an uncertain light. The\nbuilding was richly adorned with cedar and gold. It consisted of three\nstories, and the walls were of varying thickness, since ledges were built\nin them to receive the beams of the different stories. Each story\ncontained a series of chambers for storage or the use of the priests.\nThose of the first story were five cubits wide, those of the second six,\nand those of the third seven; (see Figs. 247-249).\n\nIn front of the temple was a porch of unknown height, and before this were\ntwo bronze pillars with ornamented tops, named Jachin and Boaz. A little\nto the southeast of the temple in the open air was a brazen laver\nsupported by twelve brazen oxen (1 Kings 7:23-26, 39). Before the temple\nSolomon also placed a brazen altar (2 Chron. 1:5, 6; 2 Kings 16:14).\nAnother article of temple furniture is described as a \u201cbase.\u201d It was\napparently a portable holder for a laver. It was made of bronze, provided\nwith wheels, and ornamented with figures of lions, cherubim, and\npalm-trees (1 Kings 7:27-37); (see Figs. 251, 252).\n\nIt is clear that the temple was not, like a modern church, intended for\nthe accommodation of the people. It was simply Jehovah\u2019s dwelling. Hither\nthe priests might come to bring the offerings of the people, and to\npropitiate him. Solomon surrounded the temple with a court enclosed by a\nwall of three courses of hewn stones and cedar beams (1 Kings 6:36). This\ncourt became in later time the auditorium of the nation. Outside of this\nwas a larger court with walls of similar construction (1 Kings 7:12); (see\nFig. 243).\n\n(3) _Solomon\u2019s Palace._--Just to the south of the temple court, separated\nfrom it only by a wall, was a middle court in which was Solomon\u2019s own\npalace and the palace of Pharaoh\u2019s daughter (1 Kings 7:8). These palaces\nwere a little lower down the hill than the temple, and Solomon had a\nprivate \u201cascent\u201d by which he could go up into the temple (1 Kings 10:5).\nThe royal palaces were so near that a shout in the court around the altar\ncould be heard in the palace (2 Kings 11:12, 13). These palaces were built\nof hewn stone and cedar. South of this court was still another, separated\nfrom it by a wall. In this most southerly and lowest of the courts stood\nthe hall of state, in which was the throne room, where Solomon sat in\njudgment. This hall was paneled with cedar from floor to roof. The throne\nwas of ivory, was approached by six steps, and flanked on each side by\nlions (1 Kings 10:18-20). South of this and probably intended as its\nvestibule was the \u201cporch of pillars,\u201d 86 by 52 feet (1 Kings 7:6). Still\nsouth of this stood the \u201chouse of the forest of Lebanon\u201d (1 Kings 7:2), so\ncalled because its four rows of cedar pillars were poetically suggestive\nof a Lebanon forest. This was the largest of all the buildings, being 172\nfeet long, 86 feet wide, and 52 feet high. There seem to have been two\nstories, the uppermost of which was supported by 45 pillars in three rows.\nJosephus says that the upper room of this hall was designed to \u201ccontain a\ngreat body of men, who would come together to have their causes\ndetermined.\u201d[246] He may have been influenced, however, in making the\nstatement by the customs of his own time.\n\nAs one went northward, then, up the hill from the \u201ccity of David,\u201d he\npassed through a gateway into the large court. In this court he came first\nto the \u201chouse of the forest of Lebanon.\u201d Beyond this he would enter\nthrough the \u201cporch of pillars\u201d into the splendid hall of judgment with its\nimposing throne. If he were a favored servant or an honored guest of the\nking, he might be admitted to the inner court, in which case he would\nbehold the imposing palaces of Solomon and his principal queen. A\npassageway to the eastward of this more private court led the person not\nso favored to the sacred court about the temple.\n\nIn the construction of these buildings Solomon employed Ph\u0153nician\narchitects and workmen. His buildings were, therefore, more imposing than\nthose ordinarily erected in Palestine. The Ph\u0153nicians were the\nintermediaries of the ancient world, and were the recipients of influences\nfrom Babylonia, Egypt, the Hittites, Cyprus, and the Mycenean world.\nThrough them something of the world\u2019s architectural culture touched the\nbuildings of Solomon.\n\n=8. From Solomon to Hezekiah.=--Between the time of Solomon and Hezekiah,\nthe Bible furnishes us with but little information about Jerusalem. One\ntopographical fact is given us in the narrative of the war between Amaziah\nof Judah and Jehoash of Israel, before 782 B. C. After Jehoash had been\nvictorious in the battle at Beth-shemesh, he came up to Jerusalem and\n\u201cbrake down the wall of Jerusalem from the gate of Ephraim unto the corner\ngate, four hundred cubits\u201d (2 Kings 14:13); (see Fig. 304). This wall was\nafterward repaired by Uzziah, who strengthened it with towers.\n\nIndeed, it seems probable that Uzziah\u2019s work was more extensive and that,\nin order to render the city more impregnable, he added a second wall on\nthe north. Certainly a wall existed here before the Exile, for when\nNehemiah rebuilt the walls, this wall joined the temple area at its\nnorthwest corner, and we know of no king after Uzziah who would be likely\nto construct such a defence unless it was Hezekiah. As the city easily\nwithstood the attack of Pekah and Rezin in 735 (Isa. 7:1, ff.), it seems\nprobable that Uzziah was the builder.\n\nThis wall by whomsoever it was built was in all probability on the line of\nthe so-called \u201csecond wall\u201d of Josephus. As to just what its course was we\ncannot now tell, further than that it started from near the Corner Gate,\nnear where the modern Turkish fortress now stands, and terminated at the\ntemple area. Some have supposed that after leaving the Corner Gate it ran\nas far northward as the line on which the northern wall of the modern city\nruns, then eastward from there to a point near the present Damascus Gate,\nand then turned southward to the temple area. This seems improbable,\nhowever, since in the time of Zechariah the tower of Hananel, which stood\nnear the northwest corner of the present area of the Mosque of Omar, was\nthe most northerly point of the city. It is thus possible that this second\nwall may have run south of the site of the Church of the Holy Sepulcher.\nIts whole course accordingly lies underneath the present city. None of\nthis has been excavated except a short part of the course near the ancient\nCorner Gate. In 1885, when digging was in progress for the foundations of\nthe Grand New Hotel, just inside the Jaffa Gate and north of the Turkish\nfortress, a course of large Jewish stones was laid bare which the late Dr.\nMerrill and others believed to be a part of this second wall. The nature\nof the digging did not, however, disclose its course for any great\ndistance; the part revealed ran nearly north and south.\n\nUnless Solomon built the wall which ran from Maudsley\u2019s scarp at the\nnorthwest corner of the western hill eastward down the slope of that hill\nto the southern point of the eastern hill, it must have been built by some\nking of this period. No hint is given us as to who built this wall. It may\nhave been done in the reign of Jehoshaphat, which was a period of\nprosperity and expansion (2 Kings 3:4-12), or in the reign of Uzziah,\nwhich was also a very prosperous time. The need of stronger defenses\ncreated by the advance of the Assyrians into western Asia in the ninth\nand eighth centuries B. C. makes it probable that Uzziah was the builder.\nAt all events it was accomplished by the time of Hezekiah.\n\nIn the reign of Ahaz there was a conduit (Isa. 7:3) leading from the\n\u201cupper pool,\u201d or Gihon, to a lower pool, which probably lay somewhere near\nthe mouth of the Tyrop\u0153on valley. This conduit has been discovered. It was\ndesigned partly to conduct water from Gihon out into the valley of the\nKidron for the irrigation of the king\u2019s gardens, and partly to fill the\nlower pool so that cattle could come and drink. Isaiah refers to the\nwaters of this conduit as \u201cthe waters of Shiloah that go softly\u201d (Isa.\n8:6). Of course, this conduit was in Isaiah\u2019s time an old one. It is\nimpossible to tell when it was first constructed. It may have been made as\nearly as the time of Solomon or David, or even in Jebusite times.\n\nIn the reign of Ahaz a change was made in the nature of the altar of\nburnt-offerings in the temple. When Ahaz went to Damascus to do homage to\nTiglath-pileser IV of Assyria, he saw an altar that pleased him, and sent\na pattern of it home to the high priest, Urijah, with directions to have\none made like it for the temple. This Urijah did. This altar was\napparently constructed of stone. It displaced the brazen altar of Solomon,\nwhich was henceforth kept for the king\u2019s private use (2 Kings 16:10-16).\nIt is thought by some that the measurements of this stone altar are\nreproduced in Ezekiel 43:13-17. The brazen altar had always been out of\naccord with the Hebrew law. (See Exod. 20:24-26.)\n\n=9. Hezekiah.=--Apart from his reform (2 Kings 18:1-6) and the invasions\nof Sennacherib (2 Kings 18:9, ff.), the event of especial interest\nmentioned in connection with Hezekiah is that \u201che made the pool and the\nconduit and brought the water into the city\u201d (2 Kings 20:20). Scholars are\nagreed that this refers to the rock-cut aqueduct in which the Siloam\ninscription was found.[247] This was for the time of its construction a\nnotable engineering achievement, though recent exploration of the tunnel\nshows that the workers frequently went astray and cut in directions that\nthey did not intend. Indeed, it is probable that the great bends in the\ntunnel were made on account of such mistakes and not as Clermont-Ganneau\nformerly thought in order to avoid the tombs of the kings. Up to the\npresent, search for these tombs has been vain. They must have been\nsomewhere on the eastern hill, but there is no reason to believe that they\nwere at the great depth at which this tunnel was cut through the rock.\n\nIf the supposition made above as to the walls of Uzziah is correct, it was\nHezekiah who built the first wall across the mouth of the Tyrop\u0153on valley\nso as to enclose within the city his new pool. This wall was found by\nBliss. It formed the dam of the pool. It was strongly buttressed and had\nbeen rebuilt from time to time. Bliss detected five periods in its\nhistory.[248]\n\n=10. From Hezekiah to the Exile.=--After Hezekiah, the general features of\nJerusalem remained the same down to the time of the Babylonian Exile in\n586 B. C. We hear of a Fish Gate, probably where it was at a later time,\nat the north of the city in the wall built by Uzziah. Zephaniah mentions\nin connection with it \u201cthe second quarter\u201d of the city (Zeph. 1:10), which\nwas probably the part of the town between the north wall of Uzziah and the\nolder north wall of Solomon on the western hill. The prophetess Huldah\nlived there in the time of Josiah (2 Kings 22:14). Zephaniah also mentions\na part of the city called _Maktesh_ or the Mortar (Zeph. 1:11). This was a\npart of Jerusalem occupied by Ph\u0153nician traders and craftsmen. It was\nprobably in the hollow between the two hills, _i. e._, in the Tyrop\u0153on\nvalley.\n\nIn the reign of Manasseh we hear of the sacrifice of children. For this\npurpose a pit was excavated on the floor of the valley of Hinnom, to the\nsouth of the city, and arrangements were made to burn the victims. This\nwas called Topheth (Jer. 7:31). Later it was defiled (2 Kings 23:10), and\nto perpetuate the defilement refuse from the city seems to have been\nburned there. The valley of Hinnom is in Hebrew _gai hinnom_. Later\ngenerations conceived that the heavenly Jerusalem had also its valley of\nHinnom for the consumption of its refuse, hence _gai hinnom_ is used in\nthe New Testament in the form Gehenna as a name of hell. (See Matt. 5:29;\n10:28.)\n\n=11. The Destruction of 586 B. C.=--Toward the end of the siege of\nJerusalem by Nebuchadrezzar in the year 586 it is said that the men of war\nfled by the way of the gate between the two walls which was by the king\u2019s\ngarden (2 Kings 25:4). This was evidently a gate by the Pool of Siloam,\nwhere the two walls of the eastern hill and the wall which came down the\nwestern hill and crossed the mouth of the Tyrop\u0153on valley all came\ntogether.[249]\n\nIn August of the year 586 B. C. Jerusalem was destroyed by Nebuchadrezzar.\nThe temple, the royal palace, and the residences of the principal men were\nburned and the walls of the city were broken down (2 Kings 25:9, 10). All\nthat was combustible was burned, including the city gates (Neh. 1:3). All\nportable things of value were carried away. Jerusalem now entered on a\nperiod of desolation. The city was probably not entirely deserted. Some of\nthe poor who still managed to extract a subsistence from the desolate\nhills still found shelter in her ruins. All the well-to-do inhabitants\nwere transported to Babylonia.\n\nIt is often assumed that the site of the temple was unused during the\nExile and that no offerings were made there, but Jer. 41:4, 5 shows that\nthis was not the case. Probably an altar was repaired very soon, and the\npoor people still went through their most indispensable religious\nceremonies amid the desolation, for men came from Samaria two months after\nthe destruction of the city to celebrate there the Feast of Tabernacles.\n\nThis destruction of the city and the deportation of its population made a\nvery deep impression on the Jews. How their affections clung to the\ndesolate and defaced city is touchingly depicted in the book of\nLamentations and in the 137th Psalm. Indeed, the destruction of the real\nJerusalem was the beginning of that ideal Jerusalem which has been so\ninfluential in the religious history of the world.[250]\n\n=12. The Second Temple.=--Beyond the erection of an altar, already\nmentioned, the first steps toward the rebuilding of the temple were taken,\nso many scholars think, in the second year of King Darius of Persia, _i.\ne._, in 520 B. C. Eighteen years earlier Cyrus had made it possible for\nthis to be done,[251] but for various reasons it had not been\nundertaken.[252] The man whose preaching moved the people to begin the\nrebuilding was Haggai, and the circumstances under which he did it are\nrecounted in his book. Haggai\u2019s persuasion was later seconded by the\nefforts of Zechariah. Through four years the house slowly rose, and was\nfinally completed in March of the sixth year of Darius (516 B. C.), five\nmonths less than 70 years after it was destroyed.\n\nThere is no doubt that the second temple was built on the lines of the\nfirst, which were probably still traceable in the d\u00e9bris. It was also\nconstructed of stone which still lay about the top of the hill--stone that\nhad been used in the work of Solomon. It was not because it was smaller\nthan the first temple that old men who had seen that wept as they looked\non the new one (Ezra 3:12), but because it was less ornate. It was\nprobably without ornament. Josephus (_Contra Apion_, i, 22) says that the\ntemple court was enclosed by a wall a plethra in length and 100 Greek\ncubits in breadth, _i. e._, 485\u00bd by 145\u00bd feet. It was not, then, very\nlarge. It is uncertain whether there was at this time more than one court;\n1 Macc. 4:48 speaks of \u201ccourts,\u201d but Josephus tells[253] how the people\npelted Alexander Jann\u00e6us with citrons while he was officiating at the\naltar during the Feast of Tabernacles, so that it is probable that the\ncourts were not separated by a wall, but by a difference of elevation. The\ninner court was probably higher than the other, as it is around the Mosque\nof Omar today.\n\nWithin this court was an altar of unhewn stones. The temple itself\nconsisted as before of the holy place and the holy of holies. Before the\nholy place was a porch, and around the building there were many small\nchambers as formerly. The holy of holies was separated from the holy place\nby a veil (1 Macc. 1:22), but now it contained no ark of the covenant, as\nthat had been lost in 586 B. C. The holy of holies in the second temple\nwas empty except for the \u201cstone of foundation\u201d on which the high priest\nplaced his censer on the day of atonement.[254] In the holy place the\ntable of show-bread stood in front of the veil. Instead of the ten golden\nlamp-stands of Solomon\u2019s temple there now stood there the lamp with seven\nbranches (see Zech. 4). A golden altar of incense replaced it (1 Macc.\n1:21) in the time of the Maccabees, though it may not have been placed\nthere before the time of Ezra.\n\nSuch was the temple as reconstructed after the Exile. In one important\nrespect its perspective was changed. The royal palace and the\nadministrative buildings, which before the Exile had shared the crest of\nthe northern spur of Zion with the temple, were not rebuilt. The temple\nstood there alone. Little by little the part of the hill to the south of\nthe temple was cleared of the d\u00e9bris and the ground became a temple court.\nThis was significant of the religious condition of the post-exilic time.\nKings had vanished; the worship of Jehovah held the supreme place in the\nthought of the people.\n\n=13. Nehemiah and the Walls.=--For seventy-two years after the temple was\nrebuilt, the walls of the city still lay in ruins. That they were at last\nrestored was due to the patriotism and energy of a noble young Jew,\nNehemiah, who had been a cup-bearer to Artaxerxes I of Persia. The story\nof how he obtained the royal permission to return to Jerusalem as\ngovernor, with authority to rebuild the walls, how upon his arrival he\ntraced by their ruins the lines of the old walls, with what energy and\namid what difficulties he pushed their rebuilding to completion in the\ncourse of three months in the year 444 B. C., is told in detail in\nNehemiah 1-7 and need not be repeated here.\n\nAt the northwest corner of the western hill there was placed in the wall\nat this time a gate called the Valley Gate (Neh. 3:13). This was the gate\ndiscovered by Bliss[255] a little to the east of the old fortress on\nMaudsley\u2019s scarp. When the wall was completed, a ceremony of dedication\nwas held. At this festival two processions started from this Valley Gate;\none of these went around the south side of the city, the other around the\nnorth side (Neh. 12:31-40). They met at the temple. The procession that\nwent around the south side of the city passed by the Dung Gate, which was\nsituated in the southern wall well down the hill, then by the Fountain\nGate, near the Pool of Siloam, then up the \u201cascent of the wall\u201d by the\nstairs of the \u201cCity of David,\u201d and passed the Water Gate somewhere above\nthe spring of Gihon. Still above this, probably just to the east of the\ntemple area, was the Horse Gate (Neh. 3:28). The other company, starting\nfrom the Valley Gate at the southwest corner of the city, passed northward\nby the \u201cTower of the Furnaces\u201d unto the broad wall, above the Gate of\nEphraim, by the Old Gate, and by the Fish Gate, past the Tower of Hananel\nand the Tower of Hammeah, unto the Sheep Gate. This description, together\nwith the line of the previous wall, enables us approximately to determine\nthe outline of post-exilic Jerusalem; (see Fig. 305). The one point of\ndoubt has to do with the line of the second wall on the north of the city,\nlaid out probably by Uzziah. As that line is directly under the present\ncity it has never been possible to follow it by excavations. We can only\nconjecture what its course may have been. The towers of Hananel and\nHammeah were clearly north of the temple area. They probably fortified the\nwall along the edge of a shallow valley which separated Moriah from the\nhill north of it. This hill was later called Bezetha.\n\n=14. Late Persian and Early Greek Periods.=--After the time of Ezra and\nNehemiah, we have no clear topographical references to Jerusalem until the\nsecond century B. C. It seems probable that Jerusalem and Judah rebelled\nagainst one of the later Persian kings and that the city suffered.[256] We\nhear that Ptolemy I of Egypt also captured Jerusalem,[257] but whether\nthese experiences led to any modification in the form of the city, we do\nnot know. The _Wisdom of Jesus, the Son of Sirach_, often called\n_Ecclesiasticus_, which was written about 180 B. C., indicates that\nJerusalem was a carefully organized city. Many professions and much\ncommerce were represented in it, as well as many human sins and\nfoibles.[258] The author declares[259] that a high priest, Simon, the son\nof Onias (probably Simon II, 218-198 B. C.), repaired the temple and\nfortified the city. What the nature of either work was, we do not know. So\nfar as can be ascertained, he confined himself to the strengthening of old\ndefenses, and did not change the topography.\n\nIn the early part of the reign of Antiochus IV, while many Jews were\nkindly inclined to Greek culture and to Greek ways, an outdoor gymnasium\nwas established in Jerusalem.[260] This was in a hollow just above the\nTyrop\u0153on valley to the west of the south end of the temple enclosure.[261]\nJosephus calls it the Xystus, a Greek name that reveals its character.\nSome reminder that it was once a gymnasium perhaps lingers in _Maidan_,\nthe modern Arabic name for the locality, which means hippodrome, or place\nof combat.\n\n=15. In the Time of the Maccabees.=--In the Maccab\u00e6an period the city was\ndivided into three parts--the city proper, the temple, and the Akra or\ncitadel. As to the situation of the Akra, there is a wide difference of\nopinion. Into the different theories it is impossible to go.[262] The\nwriter agrees with George Adam Smith, that in all probability the Akra\nwas the \u201cCity of David\u201d of the earlier time, as 1 Maccabees states (1:33;\n7:32, 33; 14:36). We first hear of this Akra in 198 B. C., when an\nEgyptian garrison held out in it against Antiochus III.[263] It was so\nshut off from the rest of Jerusalem that, though, after the onslaught of\nAntiochus IV on the Jews in 168 B. C., Judas Maccab\u00e6us recovered the city\nand temple as early as 165 B. C., the Syrians kept possession of the Akra\nfor twenty-three years more, until they were finally dislodged by Simon\nthe Maccabee in 142 B. C.[264]\n\n=16. Asmon\u00e6an Jerusalem.=--During the Asmon\u00e6an dynasty which grew out of\nthe Maccab\u00e6an struggle,[265] three new features were added to Jerusalem.\nOne was a castle, to the northward of the temple area built by John\nHyrcanus I, 135-105 B. C.[266] This was known to Greek-speaking Jews as\nBaris, which is a corruption of the Hebrew _Birah_, a fortress. Its walls\nare massive and high. It commanded the approach to the temple area from\nthe north, and greatly strengthened the effectiveness of the temple\nfortification.\n\nOne of the Asmon\u00e6ans, probably John Hyrcanus I, built a palace in\nJerusalem.[267] This palace apparently stood on the site now occupied by\nthe Synagogue of the German Jews in Jerusalem.[268] It was connected with\nthe temple area by a bridge,[269] of which a remnant of the easternmost\nspan, now called \u201cRobinson\u2019s Arch,\u201d[270] is still visible on the western\nwall of the temple enclosure. This bridge was destroyed by Pompey when he\ncaptured Jerusalem in 63 B. C.,[271] and its remains were found by Warren\nin the bottom of the Tyrop\u0153on valley, 80 feet below the present surface of\nthe ground.[272] As the Asmon\u00e6ans were high priests as well as kings, this\nbridge gave them easy access to the temple from their palace. The palace\nitself, situated on a part of the western hill that overtopped the temple\nhill, was so placed that the royal priest could sit in his palace and\nwatch what was transpiring in the temple courts and in the valley below.\n\nThe third accomplishment of the Asmon\u00e6ans was probably the construction of\nSolomon\u2019s Pools and the High Level Aqueduct by which the water was brought\ninto Jerusalem.[273] This work appears also to have been accomplished by\nJohn Hyrcanus I, for Timarchus, the biographer of Antiochus VII, who was a\ncontemporary of Hyrcanus I, says of Jerusalem that \u201cthe whole city runs\ndown with waters, so that even the gardens are irrigated by the water\nwhich flows off from it.\u201d[274] Such a description would be quite\nunfitting, if all the water had been supplied by Gihon, En-rogel, and the\ncisterns about Jerusalem. It implies that a perpetual stream of water,\nsuch as came through one of the aqueducts, flowed into the city.\n\nOne other structure is attributed to an Asmon\u00e6an. Alexander Jann\u00e6us was\nvery unpopular with the Pharisees, and once, as already noted, he was\npelted by the people with citrons. He thereupon erected a wooden barrier\naround the temple and the altar, thus excluding the laity from a close\napproach to the temple,[275] and creating a court for the priests alone.\n\nJerusalem suffered from four sieges in the troublous days when the\nAsmon\u00e6an power was waning and that of Rome was being established. The\nfirst was by Haretat, King of the Nabath\u00e6ans, in 65 B. C., but was lifted\nwithout result.[276] The second was that of Pompey in 63 B. C. It resulted\nin the capture of the city and in considerable damage. The bridge across\nthe Tyrop\u0153on to the royal palace was broken down.[277] The third was that\nof the Partisans in 40 B. C., when they captured the city and placed\nAntigonus, son of Aristobulus II, on the throne.[278] The fourth was that\nby which Herod the Great became master of Jerusalem in 37 B. C. At this\ntime a part of the two northern walls were broken down.[279] The\ntopography of the city was in no way changed until after the conquest by\nHerod, who changed the face of Jerusalem in many ways.\n\n=17. Herod the Great.=--The first work of Herod was to rebuild and\nstrengthen the fortress to the north of the temple. This he did at the\nbeginning of his reign while Mark Antony was still in power in the East.\nHe accordingly renamed the castle Antonia.[280] Herod also rebuilt and\nstrengthened the walls which he had battered down in taking Jerusalem,\nadding towers to make them more impregnable. At the southwest corner of\nthe city he erected three new towers,--Hippacus, Phasael, and\nMariamne.[281] These all probably stood in or near the space now covered\nby the Turkish fortress at the Jaffa Gate. Hippacus was apparently the\nnorthwest tower of the present citadel, Phasael the easternmost of the\ntowers in the same structure, which still bears the name \u201cTower of David\u201d;\nMariamne lay to the east of these. Hippacus was 80 cubits high, Phasael\n90, and Mariamne 50. On the north of these, perhaps near the point where\nthe northwest corner of the present city wall is, stood Psephinus, an\noctagonal tower 70 cubits high.\n\n(1) _Herod\u2019s Palace._--In connection with the towers Hippacus and Phasael\nand on the site of the present Turkish citadel, Herod built a new and\nsplendid royal palace.[282] Its walls on the west and north were the same\nas the old city walls; on the east and south, walls of the same\nmassiveness were erected. It contained two halls, each the size of the\nsanctuary, with couches within for a hundred guests. There were many other\nrichly furnished chambers. The towers and the palace were faced with\nmarble. Stretching to the southward, of the palace were colonnades which\nbordered on open courts, in which shrubberies, fountains, and long walks\nabounded. These fountains were fed by the High Level Aqueduct.\n\nThis palace commanded the highest point of the southwestern hill. Its\nconstruction finally transferred the controlling power to the western\nhill, or as Josephus calls it, the \u201cUpper City.\u201d Ever after this the\nwestern hill was the seat of political power. When Procurators ruled Jud\u00e6a\nthis palace became the pr\u00e6torium.[283] It was to this castle that our\nSaviour was brought to be tried by Pontius Pilate. It was to its entrance,\nprobably on the east, that Pilate brought Jesus and offered to release\nhim, when the people cried: \u201cAway with this man ... crucify him\u201d (Luke 23:\n18, 21). This palace, built by one of the ablest and most unscrupulous of\nmen, is thus associated with one of the most sacred and tragic moments of\nhistory. From that day to this it has remained the seat of political\nauthority in Jerusalem. Its presence on the western hill has gradually\ndrawn the name Zion from the original city of David to the western hill,\nand so distorted the Old Testament traditions that even several modern\nscholars[284] still refuse to give credence to the clear voice of the Old\nTestament as to the site of the original Zion. The palace, battered down\nand rebuilt again and again, still retains in its walls many of the\nmassive stones of Herod. This palace was completed about 23 B. C.\n\n(2) _Herod\u2019s Theater._--About 25 B. C. Herod founded an athletic gathering\nto be celebrated every five years in honor of Augustus.[285] Josephus, in\nspeaking of this fact, says that Herod built a theater in Jerusalem, and\nalso a very great amphitheater in the plain. If he actually built a\ntheater in the city, all traces of it have disappeared. To the south of\nthe city on a hill considerably beyond the Valley of Hinnom, the remains\nof a great theater were discovered some years ago by the late Dr.\nSchick.[286] This theater faced the north, its diameter was more than 130\nfeet, and spectators seated in it could see Jerusalem in the distance. It\nis thought by some scholars that this is the theater to which Josephus\nalludes, as Herod would hardly have ventured to outrage Jewish feeling by\nplacing such a structure in the sacred city. If the discovery of Dr.\nSchick represents Herod\u2019s theater, it is quite unknown where the\n\u201camphitheater in the plain,\u201d to which Josephus makes reference, was\nsituated.\n\n(3) _Herod\u2019s Temple._--When the palace of Herod was completed, the\nsplendid structures of Antonia and the palace quite overshadowed the old\ndingy temple. The temple had frequently been repaired by the high priests,\nand perhaps during the Maccab\u00e6an time had been somewhat embellished, but\nit nevertheless remained essentially as it had been rebuilt after the\nExile. Herod had built Sebaste on the site of ancient Samaria in 27 B. C.,\nand began about 22 B. C. to build C\u00e6sarea. In these and other cities he\nhad erected splendid temples to heathen deities; naturally he desired to\nmake the temple of his capital city worthy to stand beside them. He had\ndifficulty in persuading the Jews to let him touch the sacred house, but\nyielding in many things to their scruples, work was finally begun in the\nyear 20-19 B. C. Some of the priests became carpenters and stone-cutters,\nso that no profane hands need touch the sacred shrine.[287] The old temple\nwas taken down and the new one erected in the space of eighteen months.\nBut much remained to be done and the work dragged along until after\nHerod\u2019s death. In the time of Christ \u201cforty and six years was this temple\nin building\u201d (John 2:20), and it was not then completed. It was finished\nonly in 64 A. D., six years before it was finally destroyed.[288] The\ntemple itself occupied the site of its predecessor, and was of the same\nplan and dimensions. These Herod did not dare to change. They were\nconsecrated by nearly a thousand years of sacred associations. If he could\nnot enlarge it, however, he could make it higher, and he made its\nelevation a hundred cubits or 172 feet. He also enlarged the porch, making\nit 120 feet broad. The whole was built of huge blocks of white stone, with\nplates of gold upon the front.[289] The holy of holies consisted, as\nbefore, of a dark, empty room, 35 feet in each dimension. It was separated\nfrom the holy place by curtains, an outer and an inner, which were a foot\napart. The holy place was still 40 by 20 cubits, but was now made 40\ninstead of 30 cubits high.[290] Its furniture was the same as in the\nsecond temple: the table of show-bread, the altar of incense, and the lamp\nwith seven branches; (Fig. 250). The entrance to the holy place, 15 cubits\nwide and 70 cubits high, was not closed by doors. Josephus declares that\nit was left open to set forth the \u201cunobstructed openness of heaven.\u201d[291]\n\nOn the top of the temple, spikes with sharp points were arranged to\nprevent birds from lighting upon it and defiling it. Twelve broad steps\nled down from the temple to the court of the priests.[292] These steps\noccupied nearly all the 22 cubits of space between the porch and the\naltar. Not far from the steps at the south stood the great laver, which\nhad replaced the brazen sea of Solomon\u2019s temple. The altar of unhewn\nstones rose upon the sacred rock--sacred since the days of the Jebusites\n(and possibly since the stone age), to which it was fitted by masonry. The\nbase of the altar was 32 cubits square and 1 high. On this rose a\nstructure 30 cubits square and 5 cubits high. On this was a ledge 1 cubit\nbroad, to which the horns of the altar were attached. Not far above was\nanother ledge, also a cubit broad, on which the officiating priests might\nstand. Above this was the altar hearth itself, which was 24 cubits square.\nSouth of the altar was a structure of masonry on which priests could\nstand; north of it, the place for the slaughter of the victims. Here the\nvictims to be slain were tied to rings in the pavement. There were tables\nof marble on which they could be washed and flayed. Beams supported by\npillars also contained hooks on which they could be hung for quartering.\nHerod, as noted above,[293] probably constructed the Low Level Aqueduct.\nBy means of this he brought a larger supply of water into the temple area,\nso that there was an abundance of water with which to flush the holy\nplace, and wash away the blood and refuse with which the place must often\nhave reeked, especially on festal days.\n\nA low wall a cubit in height marked off the court of the priests from the\ncourt of Israel. Accounts differ as to whether this wall was on the east\nonly or whether it ran around the whole temple. The court of Israel lay to\nthe east of the court of the priests. Again our sources of information\ndiffer as to its exact size. Here the \u201ccongregation of Israel\u201d could\nassemble to witness the sacred sacrifices. To the east of the court of\nIsrael lay the court of the women. These were separated by a wall, but,\nowing to the downward slope of the hill, the court of the women was\nfifteen steps lower than that of Israel. Indeed, the level of the court of\nIsrael was only maintained by a series of arches which supported a\npavement. Perhaps the idea of a court for the women had been a gradual\ndevelopment of the post-exilic time, in which they had been permitted to\nwatch the sacrifices from a definitely defined position in the rear of the\nmen. At all events, this court became a prominent feature in the temple of\nHerod, and from elevated seats on its eastern side women could still watch\nthe sacred ceremonies of the temple. With the exception of this gallery,\nthe court of the women was open to men. It was 135 cubits square and so\nwas relatively large. Apparently the temple treasury was situated in this\ncourt, together with the money boxes, for women had access to these. Here\nprobably Christ was sitting when he saw the poor widow cast into the\ntreasury her two mites (Mark 12:41, f.; Luke 21:1, f). Around these courts\nran a wall 43 feet high. This wall was pierced by nine gates, four on the\nnorth, four on the south, and one on the east. A gate also separated the\ncourt of the women from the court of Israel. Either the gate that opened\nout of the court of the women to the eastward, or the one between the\ncourt of the women and the court of Israel (it is uncertain which one)\nhad been given by one Nicanor and was of fine Corinthian bronze. It was\nsometimes called \u201cthe gate beautiful\u201d and sometimes \u201cNicanor\u2019s gate.\u201d It\nwas by this gate, and so near the treasury where people were devoting\ntheir money to religion, that Peter and John found the lame man begging\n(Acts 3:2, f.).\n\nOutside all these courts lay the court of the Gentiles. This was separated\nfrom the courts described above by a _Soreg_ or ritual wall, which no\nGentile might pass. Herod placed inscriptions in Greek at the various\ngates in this ritual wall, which warned Gentiles on pain of death not to\nenter. The court of the Gentiles surrounded the other courts on the north,\neast, and south; it was, however, most extensive on the east and south;\n(Fig. 257). To obtain a greater area for this court on the south, Herod\nextended the level of the hill by erecting great arches which supported a\npavement. This structure still remains; it is now called \u201cSolomon\u2019s\nstables\u201d; (Fig. 258). In the Crusading period horses were stabled there.\nAround the court thus enlarged ran a beautiful colonnade. The pillars for\nthis and for Herod\u2019s palace were quarried from the rock around Jerusalem.\nOne pillar which had a defect and was accordingly never moved from the\nquarry was found a few years since in front of the Russian cathedral north\nof the city.\n\nAlthough the temple has passed away and other sacred buildings have since\nthe second century been erected in succession near its site, the expanse\nof the court of the Gentiles remains, and as the devout Christian visits\nit he seems almost to hear the footfalls of Christ and of Paul!\n\n=18. The Pool of Bethesda.=--Another spot connected with the life of\nChrist lay not far from the temple on the north; it was the Pool of\nBethesda. It was situated near the Sheep Gate, which was just northeast of\nthe temple. Since the thirteenth century the _Birket Israin_[294] which\nlies between the temple area and the modern St. Stephen\u2019s Gate has been\nidentified by some with Bethesda. Since 1889 it has been thought by many\nthat two pools discovered in that year, now far under ground, in the land\nof the Church of St. Anne, just north of St. Stephen\u2019s Gate, constituted\nthe Pool of Bethesda; (see Fig. 259). It is really impossible to decide\nbetween the two possibilities on the evidence we have. Both are in the\nregion where we should look for the Pool of Bethesda.\n\n=19. Gethsemane.=--Two other spots near Jerusalem are of the deepest\ninterest to the Christian student--the Garden of Gethsemane and Golgotha.\nThe fact is certain that the Garden of Gethsemane lay on the western slope\nof the Mount of Olives. (See Luke 22:39; John 18:1; Mark 14:26, 32.) Since\nthe sixteenth century the Roman Catholics have shown a little garden,\nwhich lies just above the Kidron, as the Garden of Gethsemane. More\nrecently the Russian Church has walled in the space next above it as the\nreal garden. There is no certainty that the garden was on either site. To\nthe Jews of the first century a garden was not a place for flower-beds,\nbut an olive orchard, and such an orchard may have extended widely over\nthe hillside. We cannot now identify the spot made sacred by the Master\u2019s\nagony, but we know as we look at this hillside that it was somewhere on\nit.\n\n=20. Calvary.=--The site of Calvary or Golgotha is not so easily\ndiscerned. Since the year 326 A. D., when Helena, the mother of the\nEmperor Constantine, visited Jerusalem, there has been a continuous\ntradition in favor of the site on which the Church of the Holy Sepulcher\nstands. We know from Hebrews 13:12 that the crucifixion took place outside\nthe city walls. Unfortunately, we cannot tell whether the second wall of\nthis period ran north or south of the spot on which the Church of the Holy\nSepulcher stands, for the whole region lies under the modern city, where\nexcavation has been impossible. If the second wall turned eastward before\nit had gone as far north as this spot, it may well be that the crucifixion\noccurred where the church now stands. Pilate condemned Jesus at the palace\nof Herod near the gate Gennath at the northwest corner of the city of that\nday. Doubtless the mob swept along with Jesus through the gate Gennath to\nthe spot called Golgotha. If the Church of the Holy Sepulcher was on that\nspot, the walk was not a long one; (see Fig. 260).\n\nIn 1849 Otto Thenius suggested that the hill north of the modern Damascus\nGate above \u201cJeremiah\u2019s Grotto\u201d was the real Golgotha; (Figs. 261, 262).\nThis was also suggested by Fisher Howe in 1871, and advocated by Gen. C.\nE. Gordon in 1881. Near it is a garden in which is a rock-hewn tomb;\n(Figs. 263, 264). Since the days of Gordon a kind of Protestant tradition\nand cult has grown up about this spot that in certain quarters evokes some\nof the devotion called forth among Catholics and Oriental Christians by\nthe Church of the Holy Sepulcher. It must be said that the tomb in the\ngarden is, like many similar tombs in the neighborhood, probably not\nearlier than the third or fourth century A. D., and there is really no\nmore reason for regarding this spot as Golgotha than any other hill-top\nnear the city. The exact spot where our Lord suffered is not certainly\nknown.\n\nEcclesiastical tradition has fixed upon many other spots in Jerusalem as\nthe places where certain events in the life of Christ occurred, but none\nof these has a sufficient degree of probability in its favor to merit a\nmention in an arch\u00e6ological work.\n\n=21. Agrippa I and the Third Wall.=--In the reign of Herod Agrippa I\n(41-44 A. D.), Jerusalem was again enlarged. Agrippa built a third wall on\nthe north. Its course is described by Josephus,[295] but as most of the\nlandmarks mentioned by him are unknown, opinions differ as to its course.\nIt is certain that it started at the tower Hippacus and went northward to\nthe tower Psephinus, that it enclosed the hill Bezetha, and that it ran\nalong the edge of the Kidron valley to join the old wall. Some scholars\nsuppose that it ran about on the line of the present northern Turkish wall\nof the city; others, as Robinson and Merrill, thought it ran much further\nnorth so that its northeastern corner was near the \u201cTombs of the Kings.\u201d\nWhile there is not decisive evidence in the matter, the first view, that\nthe third wall ran near the line of the modern wall, seems the more\nprobable. This wall was begun by Agrippa, who did not dare to finish it\nlest Claudius should suspect him of an intention to rebel. It was,\nhowever, completed by the Jews before the last tragic struggle of the\nyears 66-70, and formed one of the features of Jerusalem when Paul made\nhis later visits to the city.\n\nWe have not space to follow the fortunes of Jerusalem further. The history\nof the \u201cVirgin Daughter of Zion\u201d since 70 A. D., when the walls were\nbroken down and the temple destroyed never to be rebuilt, has been no less\ncheckered and tragic than in the centuries that preceded,[296] but the\nhearts of all Christians as well as of Jews and Mohammedans turn to her\nwith sympathy and affection, because of their debt to the holy men who at\nvarious times, from David to Paul, lived in her and walked her streets,\nand because of her tragic associations with the life and death of One who\nwas more than man.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER XIV\n\nTHE DECAPOLIS\n\n ORIGIN. DAMASCUS. SCYTHOPOLIS. CITIES EAST OF THE SEA OF GALILEE.\n GADARA. PELLA AND DION. GERASA. PHILADELPHIA. JESUS IN THE DECAPOLIS.\n\n\n=1. Origin.=--Three times in the Gospels the Decapolis is mentioned: Matt.\n4:25; Mark 5:20 and 7:31. Decapolis is a Greek name and means \u201cthe ten\ncity\u201d (region). The ancient writers who mention it agree that it\noriginally consisted of ten cities in which Greek population was dominant\nand which were federated together. Pliny[297] gives the ten cities as\nDamascus, Philadelphia, Raphana, Scythopolis, Gadara, Hippos, Dion, Pella,\nGerasa, and Kanatha. Ptolemy, the astronomer and geographer, in the second\ncentury A. D. enumerated eighteen cities as belonging to it. In the time\nof Christ it probably consisted of but ten. The Decapolis apparently was\ncreated by the Roman General Pompey, when he conquered this region for\nRome in 65-63 B. C. These cities with Greek populations appear to have\nappealed to him and he granted them certain privileges, including a degree\nof autonomy. They were, however, subject to the Legate of Syria. Hippos,\nScythopolis, and Pella were released by him at this time from the Jewish\nyoke.[298] Josephus, at the end of the first century A. D., does not\nreckon Damascus in the Decapolis, but before the time of Paul, Damascus\nhad been captured by the Nabath\u00e6ans or Arabians, and may not, when retaken\nby Rome, have been again accorded the privileges of the cities of the\nDecapolis.\n\n=2. Damascus=, which is mentioned in the annals of Thothmes III before\n1447 B. C., and in the accounts of Abraham (Gen. 14:15; 15:2), has been\ncontinuously in existence as a city ever since, and is one of the most\nflourishing cities of Syria at the present time. It was occupied in the\nthirteenth or fourteenth century B. C. by Aram\u00e6ans who held it all through\nthe Old Testament period. Kings of Damascus frequently fought with Israel.\nFrom the time of Alexander the Great it came under Hellenic influences.\nAfter his death it was first possessed by the Ptolemies of Egypt, but was\ntaken by the Seleucid kings of Antioch before 261 B. C. It is situated in\none of the most fertile oases of the world--an oasis that Arabian poets\ndelighted to compare to Paradise. Probably Alexander\u2019s successors, who, as\nwe shall see, built many Hellenic cities, beautified this oasis with one\nof them, but as the site has been occupied continuously, no buildings from\nthis time remain. One feature at Damascus that still recalls Biblical\ntimes is the street called Straight, which runs westward from the eastern\ngate into the heart of the city. It was in a house on the ancient\nforerunner of this street that Paul first lodged at the time of his\nconversion (Acts 9:11); (see Fig. 265).\n\nOne other part of Damascus recalls a Biblical narrative. This is the river\nBarada which still runs through the heart of the city. It is the river\ncalled Abana in 2 Kings 5:12, and was said by Naaman to be \u201cbetter than\nall the waters of Israel\u201d; (see Fig. 266).\n\n=3. Scythopolis= was the only one of the cities of the Decapolis west of\nthe Jordan. It was on the site of the Beth-shean of the Old Testament\n(Josh. 17:11; 1 Sam. 31:10, 12; 2 Sam. 21:12; 1 Kings 4:12). Beth-shean\nwas already a city at the time Palestine was conquered by Thothmes\nIII[299] and there has apparently been a town near this spot ever since.\nIt seems to have been called Scythopolis by the successors of Alexander\nthe Great, probably because a group of Scythians had taken the city and\nsettled there. When it came into the possession of Scythians we can only\nconjecture, but it was probably at the time of the great Scythian invasion\nof Palestine, about 625-615 B. C. This invasion called forth the dark\nprophecies of the book of Zephaniah. Scythopolis appears from certain\ncoins[300] to have become a Hellenic city in the time of Alexander the\nGreat. In the time of Ptolemy Euergetes I, 247-222 B. C., it was subject\nto Egypt,[301] but it passed to the dominions of the Seleucid\u00e6 of Antioch\nin 198 B. C. Upon the break-up of the Syrian empire in 65-63 B. C., Pompey\nmade it one of the cities of the Decapolis.\n\nThe remains of the Hellenic city have now entirely disappeared with the\nexception of the great stone amphitheater. This may still be seen[302] in\nthe valley on the south side of the mound which covers the ruins of the\nancient Beth-shean, where it is overgrown with briers. The name\nScythopolis has long since disappeared, and the old Hebrew name for the\nplace still survives in the name of the modern town Beisan. This modern\ntown is situated on the south side of the valley mentioned above, a little\ndistance from the mound which covers the ancient city. Scythopolis was\nsituated at the point where the plain of Jezreel or Esdraelon joins the\nJordan valley. In the time of Christ the Jews from Nazareth and its\nvicinity, when going to the three annual festivals at Jerusalem, came down\nthe plain and then followed the Jordan valley down to Jericho (see Luke\n19:1), in order to avoid going through Samaria. From the time that Jesus\nwas twelve years old he must, therefore, have often passed by Scythopolis\non his way to Jerusalem. As it was a Gentile town, however, neither he nor\nhis companions would enter it on such occasions, as they would thereby be\nrendered unclean.\n\n=4. Cities East of the Sea of Galilee.=--To the east of the Sea of Galilee\nlay three of the cities of the Decapolis. Hippos was comparatively near\nthe sea, where Susiye now lies. The Jews of the Talmudic period called the\nplace Susitha.[303] Hippos is the Greek for horse. Susitha is a Hebrew\ntranslation of this and Susiye is an Arabic corruption of the Hebrew. All\ntraces of the ancient Hippos except the name have disappeared.\n\nWhere Raphana was situated has not yet been definitely determined. It is\nprobably the same as Raphon mentioned in 1 Macc. 5:37, which was near to\nAshteroth-karnaim[304] (Gen. 14:5). Ashteroth-karnaim was situated either\nat Tell Ashtara or at Tell Ashary, both of which are between twenty and\ntwenty-five miles east of the Sea of Galilee. Raphana, then, probably lay\nabout twenty miles due east from Hippos.\n\nStill eastward of this lay the city of Kanatha, though scholars are\ndivided in opinion as to whether its site is to be identified with\nEl-Kerak or with Kanawat. If its site was at El-Kerak it was about forty\nmiles east of the Sea of Galilee; if at Kanawat it was about fifty-five\nmiles distant from the sea. As there are at Kanawat abundant ruins of a\nbeautiful Hellenic city,[305] Kanatha was probably situated here rather\nthan at El-Kerak. This was the Kenath of Num. 32:42.\n\n=5. Gadara.=--A little to the south of the southern end of the Sea of\nGalilee on the east of the Jordan and south of the Yarmuk lay the city of\nGadara, another member of the Decapolis. Its site is now marked by the\nruins of Umm Keis or Muk\u00eas. Here ruins of the Hellenic city are still to\nbe seen, including a great theater cut out of the black basaltic rock.\nGadara was a strong fortress as early as the time of Antiochus the Great\nin 218 B. C.,[306] and was afterward besieged by Alexander Jann\u00e6us,[307]\n104-79 B. C.\n\n=6. Pella and Dion.=--On the east of the Jordan, a little further south\nthan Scythopolis or Beth-shean, but in the deep depression of the river\nvalley, Pella, another city of the Decapolis, was situated. The site now\nbears the name Fahl. The city is mentioned in the list of Thothmes III,\n1503-1447 B. C., as Pahul. Pella is a Greek form of this name. The Greek\ncity of Pella is said by Stephen of Byzantium[308] to have been founded by\nAlexander the Great. In the Talmud it is called Pahal,[309] and the modern\nname Fahl is an Arabian form of this. Extensive ruins of the Hellenic city\nare still visible at Fahl.[310]\n\nDion is also said to have been founded by Alexander the Great and was\napparently not far from Pella. It is thought by Merrill[311] and G. A.\nSmith to have been situated on the site of the modern Eidun, about twenty\nmiles east of Pella, though this is doubted by others.[312] If Dion was at\nthis point few, if any, antiquities remain to bear witness to the fact.\n\n=7. Gerasa=, the modern Jerash, lay on one of the tributaries of the\nJabbok about fifty miles southeast of Pella. We do not know what the name\nof the place was in Old Testament times. It is first mentioned in the time\nof Alexander Jann\u00e6us (104-79 B. C.).[313] It was then called Gerasa and\nwas probably already at that time a Hellenic city. By whom it was built,\nwe do not know, but it was probably one of the early Ptolemies of Egypt.\nFrom 100 B. C. till the Mohammedan conquest in 637 A. D., it flourished as\na beautiful city, and later it was a city of some importance. It probably\nwas overtaken by some calamity and the site of the Hellenic city\nabandoned soon after the year 637, as there are no Arabic remains above\nthe Gr\u00e6co-Roman material. In the year 1121 Baldwin II, of the Latin\nkingdom of Jerusalem, made a campaign against Gerasa, where the ruler of\nDamascus had caused a castle to be built. In the next century the Arabian\ngeographer, Yakut, describes it as deserted. It appears to have been\nruined by an earthquake.\n\nApparently the Hellenic city at Gerasa lasted longer than any of the other\ncities of the Decapolis unless it be Kanatha. One can, accordingly, gain\nfrom the ruins of Gerasa an excellent idea of the general appearance of\none of these cities.[314] The writer has never seen more beautiful ruins\nthan those at Jerash except the ruins at Athens. As one approached the\nsite from the south he faced a beautiful arched gateway. After passing\nthis gateway one looked northward down a long colonnaded street, which at\na little distance from the gate broadened out into a circular forum. At\ndistances approximately equal from one another this main street was\ncrossed by other colonnaded streets. A number of these columns are\nstanding in different parts of the town. The remains of two imposing\ntemples, of two theaters, of a large Christian basilica, and of various\nother buildings, impress one with the former glory of the city. A number\nof the buildings at Gerasa were built in the second century A. D. in the\nreign of the Antonines; (see Figs. 268, 269).\n\n=8. Philadelphia=, the most southerly of the cities of the Decapolis, was\non the site of Rabbah Ammon (Deut. 3:11; Josh. 13:25; 2 Sam. 11:1, etc.).\nThis was situated on the upper Jabbok about twenty miles east of the\nJordan valley, where Amman now lies. The Hellenic city here was built by\nPtolemy Philadelphus of Egypt, who reigned from 283-247 B. C. It was named\nPhiladelphia from him. In 218 B. C. the city was taken by Antiochus III,\nwho captured the cistern to which in time of siege the Philadelphians went\nfor water by an underground passage,[315] after which thirst compelled\nthem to surrender. Joab centuries before had captured the city for David\nby the same method,[316] and in 30 B. C. Herod the Great again took it in\nthe same way.[317] The remains of the Hellenic temple, of the theater,\nand of other buildings, including a Christian basilica, are still to be\nseen at Amman.[318] In the fourth century A. D. Philadelphia was one of\nthe prominent cities of the Roman province of Arabia; (see Figs. 270,\n271).\n\nThese cities of the Decapolis appear to have been built on a similar plan.\nEach had a colonnaded street through the center of the town, each had at\nleast one temple and one theater, and some of them more. All were\narchitecturally beautiful. They all possessed a similar government also,\nand each appears to have controlled the villages in its district.\n\n=9. Jesus in the Decapolis.=--The prevailing influences in the Decapolis\nwere pagan, and yet there were Jews living in it, for multitudes of them\nfrom the Decapolis followed Jesus (Matt. 4:25). On at least two occasions\nour Lord himself went into the territory of the Decapolis. We read in Mark\n5:1 that Jesus and his disciples \u201ccame to the other side of the sea to the\ncountry of the Gerasenes.\u201d The Authorized Version reads \u201cto the country of\nthe Gadarenes.\u201d The country to which Jesus came at this time cannot have\nbeen that of the Decapolitan city Gerasa, for, as we have seen, that lay\nfar to the south. It was in a direct line nearly fifty miles from the Sea\nof Galilee. Neither can it have been to the region of Gadara that he came,\nfor Gadara lay at least five miles to the south across the deep valley of\nthe Yarmuk. There was, however, on the east shore of the Sea of Galilee a\ntown called Gergesa, the modern Kursi. This place was near the city of\nHippos, and possibly one of the towns subordinate to Hippos. As Jesus and\nthe disciples walked back from the sea they met the demoniac, whom Jesus\nhealed. It was in connection with this healing that the herd of swine was\ndestroyed--an incident that could happen in no part of Palestine except\nDecapolis or Philistia, for swine were unclean to Jews and they never kept\nthem. The demoniac, when cured, went and preached Jesus in the Decapolis\n(Mark 5:20).\n\nAgain, toward the end of the ministry of Jesus, after he had withdrawn for\na time to Ph\u0153nicia, he returned by crossing the high lands of northern\nGalilee and coming down east of the Jordan \u201cthrough the midst of the\nborders of Decapolis\u201d (Mark 7:31).\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER XV\n\nATHENS, CORINTH, AND THE CHURCHES OF ASIA\n\n ATHENS. CORINTH. THE CHURCHES OF ASIA: Ephesus. Pergamum. Thyatira.\n Sardis. Philadelphia. Smyrna. Laodicea.\n\n\nThe greater part of Biblical history was enacted in Palestine and the\ngreat valleys of Mesopotamia and the Nile. The Apostle Paul, however,\nbroke the Jewish bonds of primitive Christianity and carried the Gospel to\nthe coasts of the \u00c6gean Sea. In cities of this region he spent years of\nhis active missionary life; to churches of this region most of his\nepistles were sent, and to churches of this part of the world the seven\nmessages to the churches were addressed. We cannot, therefore, conclude\nthis sketch of what arch\u00e6ology has done to throw light upon the Bible\nwithout saying a few words concerning exploration and excavations in\ncertain parts of Greece and Asia Minor. It will be impossible for lack of\nspace to go thoroughly into the history of this region, but as these lands\nwere not, like Egypt, Babylonia, Assyria, and Palestine, closely connected\nwith Biblical history for a long period, detailed history of them before\nthe Apostolic age will not be missed by the student of the Bible.\n\nThe results of scattered discoveries at Thessalonica and elsewhere will be\npresented in Part II, Chapter XXVII. At this point attention will be\ndirected to a few important cities.\n\n=1. Athens=, the chief city of Attica, one of the least productive parts\nof Greece, is the far-famed mistress of the world\u2019s culture and art.\nEmerging from obscurity in the seventh century before Christ, gaining a\nposition of leadership in the Persian wars after 500 B. C., Athens\nestablished a considerable empire. In this period fell the age of\nPericles, 460-429 B. C., when the artistic and literary genius of Athens\nreached a height never equaled in human history. Socrates was born here in\n469 and lived till 399 B. C. Here Plato, who was born about 428, became a\npupil of Socrates and afterward taught. Hither came Aristotle, after the\nyear 367, to sit at Plato\u2019s feet. Here from the age of Pericles the\nacropolis was crowned with those architectural creations that are at once\nthe admiration and the despair of the world; (see Fig. 277). It stirs the\nimagination to think of Paul in such a city.\n\nIn the time of Paul, Athens was a Roman city, though still one of the\ngreat artistic and philosophical centers of the world. At a little\ndistance from the acropolis on its northern side, a forum of the Roman\nperiod was laid bare in 1891; (see Fig. 272). Possibly this is the\nmarket-place in which Paul, during his stay there, reasoned every day with\nthem that met him (Acts 17:17), though of this we cannot be certain, for,\nwhile this was a market-place in the Roman period, the older market of the\nAthenian people lay to the westward of it.\n\nTo the west of the acropolis lies the old Areopagus, or Mars\u2019 Hill (Fig.\n273), from which it was long supposed that Paul made the address recorded\nin Acts 17:22-31. Ramsay,[319] following Curtius, has made it probable\nthat the address was delivered to the city-fathers of Athens, not because\nthey were putting Paul to a judicial trial, but because they wished to see\nwhether he was to be allowed to teach Christianity, which they took for a\nnew philosophy, in the university of Athens--for Athens itself was a kind\nof university. It seems probable that the meetings of the city-fathers,\nwho were collectively called the Areopagus (Acts 17:22), were held not on\nthe top of the rock, but in the market-place. The Athenian altar \u201cto an\nunknown god\u201d is treated in Part II, Chapter XXVII, \u00a7 2.\n\n=2. Corinth.=--From Athens, Paul went to Corinth, where he spent a year\nand a half (Acts 18:1, 11). Corinth was one of the old cities of Greece.\nIn Homeric and earlier times it appears to have been subject to Argos.\nSituated on the isthmus between northern Greece and the Peloponnesus, the\nsea-trade of Corinth made it an important city. It rose to prominence in\nthe seventh century before Christ. At some early time foreigners from the\neast, probably Ph\u0153nicians, had settled in Corinth and established the\nworship of the Semitic goddess Astarte on Acro-Corinthus, a hill that\nrises some five hundred feet above the city. The goddess was here known as\nAphrodite,[320] and the debasing character of her worship tended to foster\nthat lack of sensitiveness in matters of social morality with which Paul\ndeals in his First Epistle to the Corinthians. The trade of Corinth made\nit rich and its riches excited the enmity of Rome. It was accordingly\ndestroyed by the Romans in 146 B. C., but a century later was rebuilt by\nJulius C\u00e6sar. Ancient Corinth has now entirely vanished.\n\nExcavations were begun at Corinth by the American School of Classical\nStudies at Athens in 1896 under the direction of the late Prof. Rufus B.\nRichardson. The work has been carried forward season by season ever\nsince.[321] Although there were no topographical indications to help the\nexcavators at the start, the theater, the Agora or market-place, a Roman\nstreet, the road to Lech\u00e6um, and the temple of Apollo have been\ndiscovered; (Figs. 274, 276).\n\nOf greatest interest to the student of the Bible is a stone discovered in\n1898 on the Lech\u00e6um road near the propyl\u00e6a, or gateway leading to the\nmarket-place. This stone once formed the lintel of a door and bore an\ninscription in Greek letters. Although the beginning and the end of the\ntwo words written on it are broken away, it is clear that the inscription\nwas \u201cSynagogue of the Hebrews.\u201d[322] The cutting of the letters was poorly\ndone, and the block was a second-hand one, adapted from some other use. It\nseems probable, therefore, that the Jewish community at Corinth was not\nwealthy. The block was of considerable size and so was probably found not\nfar from where the synagogue stood. If so, this synagogue, which is\nprobably identical with the one in which Paul preached (Acts 18:4), stood\non the Lech\u00e6um road not far from the market-place. Other discoveries in\nthe neighborhood indicate that this was a residence quarter of the city,\nand we learn from Acts 18:7 that the house of Titus Justus, where\napparently Paul organized the first church in Corinth, \u201cjoined hard to the\nsynagogue.\u201d The house of Justus must, then, have been here, and the\nLech\u00e6um road often echoed to the footsteps of Paul. Probably the\njudgment-seat to which the Jews dragged Paul for the hearing before Gallio\n(Acts 18:12) was in the market-place, so that the excavations have\nrevealed to us the parts of Corinth of special interest to a reader of the\nBible.\n\n=3. The Churches of Asia.=\n\n(1) _Ephesus_ was situated on the Cayster river in western Asia Minor,\nabout three miles from the sea, but in ancient times the sea was navigable\nup as far as the city. Cities which form the point of contact between\nland and sea traffic become in most countries populous and wealthy. In\nwestern Asia Minor four cities, situated at the mouths of the four river\nvalleys through which caravans could proceed into the interior, became\npopulous and important. These were Miletus (see Acts 20:15, 17, f.) at the\nmouth of the M\u00e6ander, Ephesus at the mouth of the Cayster, Smyrna at the\nmouth of the Hermus, and Pergamum on the Caicus. In the earliest times\nknown to us Ephesus was eclipsed in importance by Miletus, but before the\nbeginning of the Christian era Ephesus had outstripped her rival. This was\ndue to several causes, one of which was the partial silting up of the\nharbor of Miletus. In Roman times Ephesus lay on the great line of\ncommunication between Rome and the East in general.[323] In later\ncenturies the harbor of Ephesus was in its turn silted up, and the site is\nnow deserted except for a neighboring wretched Turkish village.\n\nIn Homer\u2019s _Iliad_[324] the Carians are called the \u201cbarbarous-speaking\nCarians.\u201d This would indicate that they were not Greek, and it is thought\nby some that they may at this time have been of Hittite stock. Miletus was\nin Caria, and at that time Ephesus also. It is certain that the earliest\ninhabitants of Ephesus were not Greek, but of Asiatic origin. They\nestablished here, either on a mountain top about five miles from the sea,\njust above the modern railway station of Ayassuluk, or on a mountain a\nlittle to the south, the worship of an Asiatic goddess, probably Hittite.\nLater, in the seventh century before Christ, the Ionian Greeks came and\nsettled among the Asiatics. They identified the goddess with their own\nArtemis (Authorized Version, Diana), and moved her temple down into the\nplain,[325] where it continued to stand far into Christian times. In the\nsixth century B. C. Ephesus was conquered by the Lydians, and then by the\nPersians. In later centuries it passed under the control of Alexander the\nGreat, of the Seleucid\u00e6 of Syria, and of the kings of Pergamum. In 133 B.\nC. it passed with the rest of the kingdom of Pergamum into the hands of\nRome and became a part of the Roman Province of Asia. Because of its\nsituation it quickly became the most important city of the province. It\nwas noted for its wealth and its commerce. Rome became the patron of\nHellenic culture in the East, so Ephesus was, of course, made an\narchitecturally beautiful city.\n\nAt first Pergamum was the capital of the Province of Asia. In the second\nand third centuries of the Christian era Ephesus had become the capital.\nBuchner[326] thinks that this transfer was made in the reign of Claudius,\n41-54 A. D. If this were true, Ephesus was the capital of the province at\nthe time of Paul\u2019s residence there, but there is considerable doubt about\nthe facts, and in the beginning of the second century A. D. Pergamum still\nranked as the official capital.[327]\n\nThe temple of Artemis lay about two miles to the northeast of the ancient\ncity. Its site was determined in 1869 by the English explorer, J. T. Wood,\nwho partially excavated it (1869-1874).[328] Wood brought to light various\nmarble fragments which are preserved in the British Museum, but he was\nmore interested in making conjectural restorations of the temple than in\ntelling what he found. As he was not an expert in ancient architecture his\nwork is, accordingly, unsatisfactory. In 1904-1905, the British Museum\nemployed Mr. Hogarth to complete the excavation of the site. Hogarth\ncarried the excavation down to the virgin soil, and, being a skilled\narch\u00e6ologist, he was able to reconstruct the history of the building.[329]\n\nThere seems to have been a small tree shrine on the site of the temple\nbefore the Ionians came. Between the seventh century and the fifth, three\ndifferent structures were erected on the spot. The last of these was\ncalled the temple of Cr\u0153sus, because this king of Lydia presented some\nbeautiful columns to it, though the structure was not completed till a\ncentury after his time, or 430 B. C. This structure was burned in 356 B.\nC. on the night that Alexander the Great was born. Later a larger temple,\n425 by 220 feet, was built on the site, with the help of contributions\nfrom the whole of Asia. This was standing until long after Paul\u2019s time. It\nwas very beautiful. Some of the porphyry columns now in Santa Sophia at\nConstantinople are said to have been taken from it. It has been thought by\nsome that this beautiful temple suggested to Paul his figure in 1 Cor.\n3:10-17, since the words were written from Ephesus.\n\nThis temple was venerated over all of western Asia Minor. To it came many\npilgrims every year, to whom Ephesian silversmiths sold little replicas of\nthe temple. It was because Christianity became so popular through the\npreaching of Paul that the profitable sale of these shrines was\ninterfered with, that the riot in Ephesus occurred as described in Acts\n19:23-41.\n\nBefore Mr. Wood had discovered the site of the temple he had discovered\nthe theater within the limits of the ancient city. This has been examined\nmore thoroughly by the Austrian, Dr. Wiberg, who, beginning in 1894,\nconducted excavations at Ephesus for many years. All the lower parts of\nthis theater still remain (see Figs. 280, 281) and bring vividly to the\nimagination the assembly held in it on the occasion of the riot just\nreferred to. (See Acts 19:29-41.) The Austrians have also laid bare a\nconsiderable part of the central street of the Ephesus of Roman times;\n(see Fig. 278).\n\nA little to the north of the theater is the ancient stadium. Some scholars\nthink that when Paul says in 1 Cor. 15:32, \u201cIf after the manner of men I\nfought with beasts at Ephesus,\u201d he is speaking of an incident that\nliterally occurred, and suppose that he was actually condemned to be\nthrown to the beasts in the stadium, to make a spectacle for the Ephesian\npopulace, and that in some way he escaped alive. It is possible that this\nmay be true. If so, this stadium (see Fig. 282) presents to the eye a spot\nwhich is of great interest to every Christian.\n\nEphesus, as the mother-church of the churches of Asia, is the first one to\nwhich in the book of Revelation a letter is addressed. By the time\nRevelation was written the first glow of Christian enthusiasm had worn\noff, gnostic heresy had found a place in the Church, and its \u201cfirst love\u201d\nwas gone.\n\n(2) _Pergamum_, the modern Bergama, lay in the valley of the Caicus in\nMysia, about fifteen miles from the sea. The city was built on a hill\nabout three miles north of the river. It was apparently a place of some\nimportance at a comparatively early date, but its chief importance began\nwith the reign of Philet\u00e6rus, who made it an independent kingdom and ruled\nit from 284-263 B. C. Philet\u00e6rus had been a trusted servant of Lysimachus,\nKing of Thrace, one of the trusted generals of Alexander the Great. Under\nthe dynasty founded by Philet\u00e6rus, Pergamum became one of the chief seats\nof Hellenic culture. Eumenes I (263-241 B. C.) endeavored to make Pergamum\na rival of Alexandria as a literary center, and when the king of Egypt\nforbade the exportation of papyrus in order to check the literary\naspirations of Pergamum, the servants of Eumenes invented a prepared kind\nof skin on which to write. It was called _pergamena_, but time has\ncorrupted it to \u201cparchment.\u201d\n\nIn the course of the second century before Christ the kingdom of Pergamum\nincluded all of western Asia Minor north of the Taurus. When in 133 B. C.\nAttalus III, the last of the kings of Pergamum, died, he left his kingdom\nby will to the Roman republic, with which Pergamum had long been in\nalliance. Rome thus came into possession of her Province of Asia, the\nfirst of her Oriental provinces. Pergamum was its capital, certainly until\nthe reign of Claudius, and probably until the second century A. D. The\nRomans regarded themselves as the patrons of Hellenic culture in the East\nand for centuries kept Pergamum the beautiful city which the Pergamene\nkings had made it. Bergama, the squalid modern Turkish city, lies apart\nfrom the splendid ruins of the ancient town; (see Fig. 283).\n\nMore than thirty years ago the Germans began to explore and to excavate at\nPergamum,[330] and the Museum at Berlin is enriched with many beautiful\nobjects found there. The visitor to Pergamum may still see, however, the\ngreat gymnasium with many graceful columns still standing. Above it, on a\nhigher slope, are the sites of theaters and temples, and the great altar\nof Zeus. Farther up the hill stood the temple of Athen\u00e6 Polias, which was\nalso a library, and above this the temple of Rome and of Augustus.\n\nIn Rev. 2:13 the church at Pergamum is said to dwell where \u201cSatan\u2019s throne\nis.\u201d Interpreters have been divided in opinion as to whether this is a\nreference to the worship of \u00c6sculapius, or to the presence of the great\nthrone-like altar of Zeus, or to the fact that Pergamum was the seat of\nthe worship of the Roman emperor.[331] On the whole, it seems probable\nthat \u201cSatan\u2019s throne\u201d is a reference to the fact that Pergamum was the\nseat of the government and of the worship of the emperor of Rome. When\nAugustus inaugurated emperor-worship in order to give the empire a bond of\ncommon sentiment, the first temple of the cult was erected at Pergamum.\nThis was in 29 B. C. Under Vespasian and his successors it became a test\nof one\u2019s Christianity whether he would or would not[332] offer incense to\nthe statue of the emperor, and Christians were often persecuted because\nthey would not. It is probable that in the remains of the temple to the\nemperor arch\u00e6ologists have brought to light Satan\u2019s throne. If, however,\nthat throne were the altar of Zeus, it has nevertheless been brought to\nlight.\n\n(3) _Thyatira_, the modern Ak-Hissar, lay in a valley which joined the\nvalley of the Hermus to the valley of the Caicus. The general direction of\nthis valley was north and south. It was made an important city by Seleucus\nI of Syria (312-282 B. C.) in the latter part of his reign. Before this it\nhad been an obscure village. Josephus declares[333] that Seleucus made\nJews citizens of the cities which he founded in Asia, and apparently\nThyatira was one of these, for there appears to have been a flourishing\nJewish colony there. A little later than Seleucus, Thyatira became a city\nof Pergamum, and passed in 133 B. C. with the territories of that realm\nunder the dominion of Rome. Thyatira was noted for its dyeing. Madder\nroot, with which they dyed a Turkey-red, grows abundantly in the\nneighborhood.[334] As the ancients employed the names of colors with great\nlaxity, this was often termed purple. Lydia, an enterprising seller of\nthis purple, a Jewess from Thyatira, was present at Philippi when Paul and\nSilas preached there (Acts 16:14). Lydia was converted, and perhaps it was\nshe who carried the Gospel back to Thyatira. Nothing has been discovered\nat Thyatira that throws light on the message to its church in Rev.\n2:18-29.\n\n(4) _Sardis_ was one of the oldest cities of western Asia. It is situated\non the south side of the great valley of the Hermus, just at the point\nwhere the river Pactolus issues from the Tmolus mountains. Pottery found\nin the course of excavations there carries its history back to\nsub-Mycen\u00e6an, if not to Mycen\u00e6an, times.[335] It was the seat of the\nworship of Atys or Cybele, a goddess that seems to have been kindred to\nthe mother-goddess of the Hittites. It is probable that, could we\npenetrate back far enough, we should find that the place was once occupied\nby Hittites. Herodotus traces the descent of the first dynasty that ruled\nover the country to the goddess just mentioned.[336] Following this\ndynasty was, he says, another of twenty-one kings who ruled before the\ndynasty founded by Gyges. The Lydian kingdom of which we know began with\nGyges in 697 B. C. and ended with Cr\u0153sus in 546 B. C. Lydian inscriptions\nfound at Sardis are written in the same alphabet as Etruscan inscriptions\nfound in Italy. This indicates that the Lydians and Etruscans were closely\nakin, but, as the inscriptions have not yet been deciphered, they do not\nthrow much light on either people.[337] It is possible that both peoples\nwere related to the Hittites, but that is at present only a hypothesis.\n\nThe mountains to the south of Sardis are composed largely of gravel\ndeposits left there by the melting of the glaciers at the end of the last\nglacial period. From these gravels the Pactolus brought down gold in\nancient times. This was one of the sources of the wealth of the Lydian\nkings, and contributed to those riches which are still celebrated in the\nsaying: \u201cAs rich as Cr\u0153sus.\u201d\n\nThe Lydian kingdom fell when Cyrus captured Sardis in 546 B. C. With the\nfall of the Persian empire the city passed into the hands of Alexander the\nGreat, and subsequently into the hands of his general, Antigonous, then to\nthe Seleucid\u00e6 of Syria, then to the kings of Pergamum, and so to the\ndominion of Rome.\n\nIn 17 A. D. Sardis was shaken by a great earthquake which nearly destroyed\nthe city. A mass of gravel and conglomerate rock was then hurled from the\nhill of the Acropolis of Sardis down into the city toward the temple,\nwhere the work of the excavator shows that it still lies.[338] A part of\nthe city must have been buried under it. The city recovered from this\ndisaster and by the end of the first century a Christian church existed\nthere (Rev. 3:1-6). Sardis continued to be a city of importance until\n1400-1403 A. D., when the Tartar conqueror, Timur or Tamerlane, swept over\nthe country destroying everything before him. From this destruction Sardis\nnever recovered. Two or three tiny wretched Turkish villages are now all\nthat occupy the spot.[339]\n\nThe Acropolis of Sardis was composed of gravel and a comparatively soft\nconglomerate rock. It looks imposing and in ancient times looked far more\nimposing than now. It has been gradually crumbling away through the\ncenturies. Ramsay thinks that this instability on the part of the city\nitself is alluded to in the words, \u201cthou hast a name that thou livest, and\nthou art dead\u201d and in the exhortation to be watchful and to strengthen the\nthings that remain, which follows it (Rev. 3:1, 2); (see Fig. 284).\n\nExcavations were begun at Sardis by Princeton University under the\ndirection of Prof. Howard Crosby Butler in 1909, and the digging continued\nfor five seasons until interrupted by the great war.[340] The work began\nat the point where two columns of the ancient temple of Cybele were still\nprotruding from the soil. The temple has been cleared and a considerable\narea around it has been examined. It appears that the temple was built in\nthe fourth century B. C., that it suffered greatly in the earthquake of 17\nA. D., and never was as splendid afterwards, though it was still in use in\nthe second century A. D.[341] Many objects have been discovered which\nthrow light upon the history and art of Lydia, and two bi-lingual\ninscriptions, one Lydian and Aramaic, the other Lydian and Greek, were\nfound. These may afford the key to the decipherment of both Lydian and\nEtruscan. Jewelry resembling Etruscan jewelry found in Italy was also\ndiscovered.[342]\n\nTo the student of the Bible the most interesting discovery at Sardis was a\nlittle Christian church built at the southeast corner of the temple.[343]\nThe entrance to this church was from the temple platform itself. The\nstructure was entirely of brick and was in a remarkably good state of\npreservation. The building had apparently lost only its wooden roof. The\napse of the church was toward the east, and still contained its primitive\naltar. It is uncertain at what date altars became a part of Christian\nworship. Origen in the third century A. D. admits the charge of Celsus\nthat the Christians had no visible altar,[344] but Eusebius[345] in the\nnext century speaks as though altars existed throughout the Christian\nworld. This church at Sardis was built after the temple of Cybele had\nfallen into disuse, and even if not earlier than the fourth century of our\nera, this little structure is evidence that the name of the church had not\nbeen blotted out of the book of life (Rev. 3:5), but that it had rather\nappropriated to itself the once splendid precincts of the ancient heathen\ngoddess.\n\n(5) _Philadelphia_ was situated twenty-eight miles east of Sardis, and lay\nin the valley of the Cogamis, a tributary of the Hermus. It is still a\nflourishing city of about 15,000 inhabitants. It is now called\nAla-Sheher.[346] It is not to be confounded with the Philadelphia of the\nDecapolis in Palestine.[347]\n\nPhiladelphia was founded by Attalus II, King of Pergamum, 159-138 B. C.,\nwho was called Philadelphus because of his devotion to his predecessor and\nbrother, Eumenes II. Hence the city was named Philadelphia. It was founded\nfor the purpose of spreading Hellenism in the eastern part of Lydia, and\nso was a missionary city from the first. With the other Pergamene\nterritories it became a dependency of Rome in 133 B. C. In 17 A. D. it\nsuffered severely from the same earthquake that destroyed Sardis. Indeed,\nat Philadelphia the quakings were even more severe. The trembling of the\nearth lasted for a long time. When Strabo wrote in 20 A. D. earthquake\nshocks at Philadelphia were an every-day occurrence. Few people lived in\nthe city; most of the inhabitants spent their time outside.[348] Allusion\nto this is, perhaps, made in Rev. 3:12: \u201che shall go out thence no more.\u201d\n\nAfter the earthquake the city appealed to Rome for help. Tiberius granted\nit and also permitted the city to change its name to Neoc\u00e6sarea, or the\ncity of the young C\u00e6sar.[349] This, too, seems to be alluded to in Rev.\n3:12, where another new name is to be conferred.\n\nAt Ala-Sheher a part of the city wall of Philadelphia may still be traced,\nand the sites of the acropolis, the theater, and the stadium may also be\nseen, as well as the ruins of an old Christian church.[350]\n\n(6) _Smyrna_, at the mouth of the Hermus, is one of the very old cities of\nAsia Minor. A colony of \u00c6olian Greeks founded a city here more than a\nthousand years before Christ. A little later the place was captured by\nIonian Greeks, who held it till about 600 B. C., when it was conquered by\nthe kings of Lydia and destroyed.[351] For three hundred years the name\ndesignated a district rather than a city. Lysimachus, the general of\nAlexander the Great who became king of Thrace (301-282 B. C.), refounded\nSmyrna as a Greek city about three miles southwest of the old site, and it\nhas continued ever since to be an important seaport of Asia Minor. It\npassed with the other cities of the region successively under the sway of\nthe kings of Syria, the kings of Pergamum, and of Rome. Smyrna is today\none of the largest cities of the East with a population of between two and\nthree hundred thousand.\n\nSmyrna claimed to be the birthplace of Homer. \u00c6lius Aristides (born 117 A.\nD.), who lived at Smyrna, several times likens the city to a crown, and\napparently the crown was in some way associated with Smyrna; (see Fig.\n287). The goddess of the place, who was a kind of Cybele, is pictured as\nwearing a crown.[352] This is, no doubt, the reason why in Rev. 2:10 a\ncrown of life is promised to the church of Smyrna if she is faithful. No\nexcavations have been made at Smyrna, but above the city the tomb of\nPolycarp,[353] said in tradition to have been a disciple of the Apostle\nJohn, is shown. Polycarp was martyred in 155 A. D. in one of those times\nof tribulation predicted in Rev. 2:10.\n\n(7) _Laodicea_ is situated a hundred miles east of Ephesus, in the valley\nof the Lycus, where the Lycus empties into the M\u00e6ander. It was founded by\nAntiochus II of Syria, 261-246 B. C.,[354] and named for his wife. Like\nPhiladelphia, it was designed to be a missionary of Hellenism to the\ncountry of the region. Like the other Hellenic cities it was beautified\nwith temples, theaters, and colonnaded streets. Later Laodicea passed\nunder the control of Pergamum, and with that kingdom fell to Rome in 133\nB. C. An influential element in its population was Jewish, and before\nPaul\u2019s imprisonment in Rome a Christian church had been founded there\n(Col. 4:13). The city of Laodicea appears to have been devoted to commerce\nand to material things. In Rev. 3:15 its church is said to have been\nlukewarm. Except that its lukewarmness may have come from its commercial\nspirit, there is nothing in the history or arch\u00e6ology of the city that\nillustrates the letter[355] to it in Rev. 3:14-22.\n\nThe site of Laodicea is now almost deserted. Only the wretched Turkish\nvillage of Eski Hissar represents habitation, but hundreds of acres are\ncovered with the ruins of the once splendid city. For hundreds of years\nthe villagers of neighboring hamlets have used the place as a quarry, but\nnevertheless its ruins are impressive. Two theaters are in a fairly good\nstate of preservation; the seats are still in place.[356] The stadium is\nin a similar condition of preservation. Its aqueduct and its gates are\nstill imposing in their dilapidation, but the desolation of Laodicea\nrecalls the words: \u201cI will spew thee out of my mouth\u201d (Rev. 3:16); (see\nFig. 288).\n\n\n\n\nPART II\n\nTRANSLATIONS OF ANCIENT DOCUMENTS WHICH CONFIRM OR ILLUMINATE THE BIBLE\n\n\n\n\nFOREWORD\n\n\nAs noted in the Preface, the inferences drawn by different scholars, when\nthey compare the Bible with the records brought to light by exploration,\ndiverge according as their critical and theological views differ. In the\ncomments made throughout Part II, as in Part I, the writer has endeavored\nto maintain a neutral attitude and impartially to report in each case the\nprincipal inferences drawn by the most important groups of scholars, that\nthe reader may know something of the latitude of opinion that prevails. To\nhave recorded every opinion would have expanded the work far beyond the\nlimits prescribed, and would have burdened the reader with many views that\nare mere vagaries. The temptation is always strong to declare that the\ninterpretation of an ancient record which accords with one\u2019s own views\nmust be right, but unfortunately problems in ancient history that are thus\ndogmatically settled do not remain settled. A deeper faith, confident in\nthe ultimate triumph of truth, patiently awaits further light.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER I\n\nAN EPIC OF THE CREATION WHICH CIRCULATED IN BABYLON AND ASSYRIA IN THE\nSEVENTH CENTURY BEFORE CHRIST[357]\n\n TEXT OF THE EPIC. COMPARISON OF THE EPIC WITH THE FIRST CHAPTER OF\n GENESIS. THE EPIC AND OTHER PARTS OF THE BIBLE.\n\n\n=I. Text of the Epic.=\n\nTablet I\n\n\n 1. Time was when above heaven was not named\n\n 2. Below to the earth no name was given.\n\n 3. Then the primeval Abyss their begetter,\n\n 4. The roaring Sea who bore them,--\n\n 5. Their waters together were mingled;\n\n 6. No field had been formed, no marshland seen.\n\n 7. Time was when gods had not been made,\n\n 8. No name was named, no destiny [determined];\n\n 9. Then were created the gods in the midst [of heaven].\n\n 10. Lakhmu and Lakhamu were formed [together].\n\n 11. Ages multiplied, .......................\n\n 12. Anshar and Kishar were created, and over them ......\n\n 13. Days were prolonged, there came forth ......\n\n 14. Anu, their son ...................................\n\n 15. Anshar and Anu ...................................\n\n 16. And the god Anu ..................................\n\n 17. Nudimmud whose fathers, his begetters ....................\n\n 18. Abounding in wisdom, understanding ...............\n\n 19. He was strong exceedingly ................................\n\n 20. And he had no rival ......................................\n\n 21. They were established and ................................\n\n 22. In confusion were T[i\u00e2mat and Apsu][358] ...................\n\n 23. They were troubled .................................\n\n 24. In sin (?) .........................................\n\n 25. Apsu was not diminished ............................\n\n 26. Ti\u00e2mat roared ......................................\n\n 27. She smote and their deeds ..........................\n\n 28. Their way was not good; they themselves prospered.\n\n 29. Then Apsu, the begetter of the great gods,\n\n 30. Cried to Mummu, his minister, and said,\n\n 31. O Mummu, my minister, who delightest my heart,\n\n 32. Come, unto Ti\u00e2mat [let us go].\n\n 33. They went, before Ti\u00e2mat they lay down,\n\n 34. A plan they formed against the gods [their offspring].\n\n 35. [Apsu] opened his mouth, [he said to her],\n\n 36. Unto Ti\u00e2mat, the brilliant, a word he spoke:\n\n 37. \u201c[Intolerable to me] is their advancement,\n\n 38. By day I have no rest, at night, no peace.\n\n 39. But I will destroy their way, an end will I make.\n\n 40. Let there be a cry, then we may be at peace!\u201d\n\n 41. When Ti\u00e2mat heard these words,\n\n 42. She was angry and spoke against them [a curse];\n\n 43. [She was] grievously [pained] she raged ....................\n\n 44. A curse she let fall, unto [Apsu she spoke]:\n\n 45. \u201cWhat are we that we [should perish]!\n\n 46. Let their way become difficult.\u201d ...........................\n\n 47. Mummu answered, Apsu [he counseled]\n\n 48. .... not favorable was the counsel of the Roarer:\n\n 49. \u201cTheir way is strong, but do thou confound [it],\n\n 50. By day thou shalt be calm, by night thou shalt lie down.\u201d\n\n 51. Apsu heard and his face brightened,\n\n 52. [Since] he planned evil against the gods, his sons,\n\n 53. ............... [clasped his neck],\n\n 54. [He took him on] his knees and kissed him.\n\n 55. [They undertook the evil which] together they had planned.\n\n 56. .................................. they ....................\n\n 57. ............................................................\n\n 58. A cry; a cry ........ in stillness they sat\n\n 59. ............................................................\n\n 60. Ea the wise went up, he saw their horrors (?),\n\n (More than thirty lines here are too broken for connected\n translation.)\n\n 93. ....................... thy ......... they subjugated,\n\n 94. ....................... weeps (?) and sits wailing.\n\n 95. .................................. of fear,\n\n 96. ..................... not shall we ourselves rest.\n\n 97. ......................... Apsu laid waste,\n\n 98. He and Mummu who were bound in ............\n\n 99. .................. quickly thou shalt go\n\n 100. ....................... we ourselves may rest.\n\n 101. ..........................................................\n\n 102. ..................... we ourselves may rest.\n\n 103. ..................... their mercy avenge!\n\n 104. ................................ to the storm .............\n\n 105. ..................... the word of the bright god,\n\n 106. .................. what thou givest, we will indeed do!\n\n 107. ..................... the gods in .........................\n\n 108. ............................... the gods [she] created.\n\n 109. They separated themselves, to the side of Ti\u00e2mat they came;\n\n 110. They raged, they planned, they rested not night or day.\n\n 111. They prepared for battle, fuming, raging;\n\n 112. Their assemblage was formed and they began war.\n\n 113. Mother Khubur, who formed all things,\n\n 114. Made unrivaled weapons, spawned great serpents,\n\n 115. Sharp of tooth, unsparing of fang;\n\n 116. With poison instead of blood their bodies she filled.\n\n 117. Fierce dragons with terror she clothed,\n\n 118. Luster she made abundant, to loftiness made them equal.\n\n 119. Whoever beheld them, terror (?) overcame him;\n\n 120. Their bodies they reared up without turning their breast.\n\n 121. She established vipers, serpents, and Lakhami,[359]\n\n 122. Hurricanes, raging hounds, scorpion-men,\n\n 123. Mighty storms, fish-men, and rams (?);\n\n 124. They bore merciless weapons, fearless of battle.\n\n 125. Her behests were mighty; without rival were they.\n\n 126. Moreover eleven such as these she created.\n\n 127. Among the gods, her firstborn, who at her side gathered,\n\n 128. She exalted Kingu, made him great in their midst,\n\n 129. To march before the forces, to lead the host,\n\n 130. To raise the conquering weapon, to lead the attack,\n\n 131. To direct the battle, as commander-in-chief;\n\n 132. To him she entrusted it, made him sit in purple (?):\n\n 133. \u201cThy spell I have uttered; in the assembly of gods I have made\n thee great.\n\n 134. The sovereignty of all the gods, I have placed in thy hand\n\n 135. Surely thou art exalted, my only spouse!\n\n 136. May they magnify thy name over all the Anunnaki.\u201d\n\n 137. She gave him the tablets of destiny, on his breast she laid them:\n\n 138. \u201cThy command shall be unalterable, established, thy word.\u201d\n\n 139. Now Kingu was exalted, he received the highest rank,\n\n 140. Among the gods, his sons, he fixed fate:\n\n 141. \u201cThe opening of your mouth shall quench the fire-god;\n\n 142. Who so is exalted in excellence, let him increase in might.\u201d\n\nTablet II\n\n 1. Ti\u00e2mat made mighty her work\n\n 2. [Evil] she cherished against the gods, her offspring.\n\n 3. [To avenge] Apsu, Ti\u00e2mat planned evil.\n\n 4. Her [forces] how she joined, to Ea was divulged.\n\n 5. Ea [hearkened] to this thing,\n\n 6. He was thrown into [great] straits, he sat in silence.\n\n 7. [The days] went by; his anger was appeased,\n\n 8. [To the place] of Anshar, his father, he proceeded.\n\n 9. [He went] before the father who begat him, Anshar,\n\n 10. [All that] Ti\u00e2mat had planned he repeated unto him.\n\n 11. \u201cTi\u00e2mat, our mother, has come to hate us;\n\n 12. Her assembly is set; with rage she is hot;\n\n 13. Turned unto her are the gods, all of them,\n\n 14. With those ye created, they walk at her side.\n\n 15. They have separated themselves; at the side of Ti\u00e2mat they go;\n\n 16. They rage, they plan; they rest not day or night.\u201d\n\n(Lines 17-48 continue the literal repetition of lines 109-142 of the first\ntablet which was begun in lines 15, 16. After this the narrative\ncontinues:)\n\n 49. [When Anshar heard how Ti\u00e2mat] was greatly in disorder,\n\n 50. [He smote his breast], he bit his lip,\n\n 51. [His mind was disturbed], his heart was not at rest,\n\n 52. ................................ his cry was wrung from him.\n\n 53. [Away Ea, my son, go forth to] battle!\n\n 54. ............................ my work (?) thou shalt establish!\n\n 55. [Mummu and] Apsu thou hast already struck down.\n\n 56. [Kill also Kin]gu who comes up before her\n\n 57. ................................ deliberation.\n\n 58. ............................ gods Nudimmud.\n\n(A break of ten or twelve lines occurs at this point in the tablet.)\n\n 72. [Anshar] spoke to his son [a word]:\n\n 73. \u201cThou, this [son of mine], my warrior,\n\n 74. [Whose strength is mighty], whose attack irresistible,\n\n 75. [Go], stand before Ti\u00e2mat,\n\n 76. [That] her wrath [may be appeased], her heart softened,\n\n 77. [But if] she will not hearken to thy word,\n\n 78. Our [word] shalt thou speak to her, that she may be appeased.\u201d\n\n 79. [He heard] the utterance of his father Anshar,\n\n 80. He took the straight path to her, he entered the way.\n\n 81. Anu [drew near], he beheld the terror (?) of Ti\u00e2mat,\n\n 82. [He did not ascend to her presence], but turned back,\n\n 83. [Then turned he to Ea and called] him, he, Anshar,\n\n 84. [Opened his mouth] and spoke to him,\n\n 85. [\u201cHateful are the ways of Ti\u00e2mat] to me.\u201d\n\n(Some twenty lines here are too fragmentary for translation.)\n\n 108. [Ea opened his mouth (?)] and spoke to him:\n\n 109. [\u201cMarduk, my son, hear the word of] thy father.\n\n 110. Thou art he, my son, who canst enlarge his heart.\n\n 111. ................................ to the battle draw nigh,\n\n 112. ............................ [to] Emarukka[360] give peace.\u201d\n\n 113. Then the lord rejoiced at the words of his father;\n\n 114. He drew near and stood before Anshar.\n\n 115. Anshar beheld him and his heart was filled with joy,\n\n 116. He kissed his lips and his fear departed from him.\n\n 117. ............ is not hidden; open thy lips.\n\n 118. Verily I will go, I will attain the wish of thy heart.\n\n 119. .......... is not concealed; open thy lips.\n\n 120. Verily I will go, I will attain the wish of thy heart.\n\n 121. Who is the man, who would bring thee out to his battle?\n\n 122. [And now] shall Ti\u00e2mat, a woman, come against thee with weapons?\n\n 123. ................................ rejoice and exult;\n\n 124. On the neck of Ti\u00e2mat thou shalt shortly tread.\n\n 125. ................................ rejoice and exult;\n\n 126. On the neck of Ti\u00e2mat thou shalt shortly tread.\u201d\n\n 127. \u201cMy son, who knows all wisdom,\n\n 128. Ti\u00e2mat pacify with thy pure incantation.\n\n 129. Thy way speedily take;\n\n 130. .......... thou shalt not fear, thou shalt use a spell\n afterward.\u201d\n\n 131. Then the lord rejoiced at the word of his father,\n\n 132. His heart exulted and to his father he spoke:\n\n 133. \u201cO Lord of the gods, fate of the great gods,\n\n 134. If I accomplish your preservation,\n\n 135. Take Ti\u00e2mat captive and save your lives,\n\n 136. Appoint an assembly, make my fate strong, let it come in.\n\n 137. In Upshukkunnaku seat yourselves joyfully together,\n\n 138. The word of my mouth shall determine fate instead of you.\n\n 139. Let there not be changed whatever I create,\n\n 140. May the command of my lips not be altered or opposed.\u201d\n\nTablet III\n\n 1. Anshar opened his mouth and said,\n\n 2. [To Gaga] his [messenger] a word he spoke:\n\n 3. \u201c[O Gaga, thou messen]ger, thou rejoicest my heart.\n\n 4. [To Lakhmu and Lakh]amu will I send thee;\n\n 5. [The desire of my heart] mayest thou attain.\n\n 6. ................................ bring (?) before me.\n\n 7. [May there come] the gods, all of them,\n\n 8. [Let them prepare for converse], at banquets let them sit,\n\n 9. [Bread may they eat], wine may they prepare,\n\n 10. [For Marduk], their [avenger], let them decree the fate.\n\n 11. [Go, Ga]ga, before them stand,\n\n 12. [And all that] I tell thee repeat unto them\n\n 13. [Anshar], your son, hath sent me,\n\n 14. [The purpose of his heart he] hath disclosed to me,\n\n 15. [Saying]: Ti\u00e2mat, who bore us, hates us,\n\n 16. An assemblage is appointed, angrily she rages,\n\n 17. Turned to her are the gods, all of them,\n\n 18. With those whom ye created, they march at her side,\n\n 19. They are rebellious, at Ti\u00e2mat\u2019s side they come,\n\n 20. They rage, they plot, they rest not day nor night,\n\n 21. They prepare for battle, fuming and raging,\n\n 22. An assembly is made, they start a revolt.\n\n 23. Mother Khubur, who formed all things,\n\n 24. Has made weapons without rival, has spawned monster-serpents,\n\n 25. Sharp of tooth, unsparing of fang,\n\n 26. With poison like blood their bodies she has filled;\n\n 27. Fierce dragons with terror she has clothed,\n\n 28. Luster has made abundant, to loftiness made equal.\n\n 29. Whoever beholds them, terror (?) overcomes him.\n\n 30. Their bodies they raise up without turning their breasts.\n\n 31. She has established vipers, serpents, Lakhami,\n\n 32. Hurricanes, raging hounds, scorpion-men,\n\n 33. Mighty storms, fish-men, and rams;\n\n 34. They bear merciless weapons, fearless of battle.\n\n 35. Her behests are mighty, without rival are they.\n\n 36. Moreover eleven such as these she has created.\n\n 37. Among the gods, her firstborn, who are gathered at her side,\n\n 38. She has exalted Kingu, made him great in their midst,\n\n 39. To march before the forces, to lead the host,\n\n 40. To raise the conquering weapon, to lead the attack,\n\n 41. To direct the battle as commander-in-chief;\n\n 42. To him she has entrusted it, made him sit in purple, [saying,]\n\n 43. \u2018Thy spell I have uttered, in the assembly of gods I have made\n thee great,\n\n 44. The sovereignty of all the gods I have placed in thy hand,\n\n 45. Surely thou art exalted, O my spouse!\n\n 46. May they magnify thy name over all the Anunnaki.\u2019\n\n 47. She has given him the tablets of destiny, on his breast has laid\n them, [saying,]\n\n 48. \u2018Thy command shall be unalterable, established be thy word.\u2019\n\n 49. Now Kingu has been exalted, has received highest rank,\n\n 50. Among the gods, her sons, he fixes fate, [saying]:\n\n 51. \u2018The opening of your mouth shall quench the fire-god,\n\n 52. Whoso is exalted in excellence, let him increase in might.\u2019\n\n 53. I sent Anu; he had no power before her,\n\n 54. Nudimmud feared and turned back,\n\n 55. Marduk has set forth, the leader of the gods, your son,\n\n 56. As a foe of Ti\u00e2mat his heart prompts him to go.\n\n 57. He opened his mouth and spake to me, [saying]:\n\n 58. \u2018If I accomplish your preservation,\n\n 59. Take Ti\u00e2mat captive, and save your lives,\n\n 60. Appoint an assembly, make my fate strong, let it come in.\n\n 61. In Upshukkunaku seat yourselves joyfully together,\n\n 62. The word of my mouth shall determine fate instead of you.\n\n 63. Let there not be changed whatever I create,\n\n 64. May there not be altered or opposed the command of my lips.\u2019\n\n 65. Hasten, therefore, and quickly decree your fate,\n\n 66. That he may go and fight your strong enemy.\u201d\n\n 67. Then Gaga went, his way he pursued,\n\n 68. To the place of Lakhmu and Lakhamu, the gods, his fathers;\n\n 69. He kissed the ground at their feet,\n\n 70. He bowed himself; he stood up, he addressed them, [saying]:\n\n 71. \u201cAnshar, your son, hath sent me,\n\n 72. The purpose of his heart he has disclosed to me\n\n 73. Saying: Ti\u00e2mat, who bore us, hates us;\n\n 74. An assemblage is appointed, angrily she rages,\n\n 75. Turned to her are the gods, all of them,\n\n 76. With those whom you created, they march at her side,\n\n 77. They are rebellious, at Ti\u00e2mat\u2019s side they come.\n\n 78. They rage, they plot, they rest not day nor night,\n\n 79. They prepare for battle, fuming and raging,\n\n 80. An assembly is made, they start a revolt.\n\n 81. Mother Khubur, who formed all things,\n\n 82. Has made weapons without rival, has spawned monster-serpents,\n\n 83. Sharp of tooth, unsparing of fang,\n\n 84. With poison like blood their bodies she has filled;\n\n 85. Fierce dragons with terror she has clothed;\n\n 86. Luster has been made abundant, to loftiness made equal.\n\n 87. Whoever beholds them, terror (?) overcomes him.\n\n 88. Their bodies they raise up without turning their breasts.\n\n 89. She has established vipers, serpents, Lakhami,\n\n 90. Hurricanes, raging hounds, scorpion-men,\n\n 91. Mighty storms, fish-men, rams;\n\n 92. They bear merciless weapons, fearless of battle.\n\n 93. Her behests are mighty, without rival are they.\n\n 94. Moreover eleven such as these she has created.\n\n 95. Among the gods, her firstborn, who are gathered at her side,\n\n 96. She has exalted Kingu, made him great in their midst,\n\n 97. To march before the forces, to lead the host,\n\n 98. To raise the conquering weapon, to lead the attack,\n\n 99. To direct the battle as commander-in-chief;\n\n 100. To him she has entrusted it, made him sit in purple, [saying]:\n\n 101. \u2018Thy spell I have uttered, in the assembly of the gods I have\n made thee great;\n\n 102. The sovereignty of all the gods I have placed in thy hand\n\n 103. Surely thou art exalted, O my spouse!\n\n 104. May they magnify thy name over all the Anunnaki.\u2019\n\n 105. She has given him the tablets of destiny, on his breast has laid\n them, [saying]:\n\n 106. \u2018Thy command shall be unalterable, established be thy word.\u2019\n\n 107. Now Kingu has been exalted, has received highest rank,\n\n 108. Among the gods, her sons, he fixes fate, [saying:]\n\n 109. \u2018The opening of your mouth shall quench the fire-god,\n\n 110. Whoso is exalted in excellence, let him increase in might.\u2019\n\n 111. I sent Anu, he had no power before her,\n\n 112. Nudimmud feared and turned back,\n\n 113. Marduk has set forth, the leader of the gods, your son,\n\n 114. As a foe of Ti\u00e2mat his heart prompts him to go.\n\n 115. He opened his mouth and spake to me, [saying:]\n\n 116. \u2018If I accomplish your preservation,\n\n 117. Take Ti\u00e2mat captive and save your lives,\n\n 118. Appoint an assembly, make my fate strong, let it come in.\n\n 119. In Upshukkunaku seat yourselves joyfully together,\n\n 120. The word of my mouth shall determine fate instead of you,\n\n 121. Let there not be changed whatever I create,\n\n 122. May there not be altered or opposed the command of my lips.\u2019\n\n 123. Hasten, therefore, and quickly decree your fate,\n\n 124. That he may go and fight your strong enemy.\u201d\n\n 125. Lakhmu and Lakhamu heard, they cried aloud;\n\n 126. The Igigi, all of them, wailed bitterly, [saying:]\n\n 127. \u201cWhat has changed that they should desire to take us (?)\n\n 128. We do not understand what Ti\u00e2mat has done.\u201d\n\n 129. Then they massed themselves together, they went,\n\n 130. The great gods, all of them, who decree fate.\n\n 131. They entered in before Anshar, they filled, [Upshukkunaku].\n\n 132. Brother kissed brother in the assembly .................\n\n 133. They prepared for converse, sat down to the banquet,\n\n 134. Bread they ate; wine they prepared.\n\n 135. The sweet drink confused their minds (?),\n\n 136. Drunk were they with drink, their bodies were filled (?),\n\n 137. They became very unsteady, their hearts were exalted,\n\n 138. For Marduk, their deliverer, they decreed the fate.\n\nTablet IV\n\n 1. They prepared for him a princely chamber:\n\n 2. In the presence of his fathers for sovereignty he became mighty.\n [They said:]\n\n 3. \u201cThou art most honored among the great gods,\n\n 4. Thy destiny is without rival, thy command is Anu\u2019s!\n\n 5. O Marduk, thou art most honored among the great gods,\n\n 6. Thy destiny is without rival, thy command is Anu\u2019s!\n\n 7. From today without opposition shall be thy command;\n\n 8. To exalt and to abase is verily in thy power;\n\n 9. Established is thy utterance, irresistible thy command.\n\n 10. None among the gods shall invade thy province.\n\n 11. Sustenance, the desire of shrines of the gods,\n\n 12. While they are in need, shall be certain in thy sanctuary!\n\n 13. O Marduk, thou art the preserver of our lives!\n\n 14. We give thee sovereignty over the totality of all the world.\n\n 15. Sit thou in the assembly, thy word shall be exalted!\n\n 16. Thy weapon shall never be o\u2019ercome, may it destroy (?) thy foe!\n\n 17. O lord, he who trusts thee--his life save!\n\n 18. But the god that is wed to evil, its life pour out!\u201d\n\n 19. Then they placed in the midst a garment,\n\n 20. And unto Marduk, their firstborn, they spoke,\n\n 21. \u201cThy fate, O Lord, let it be first among the gods!\n\n 22. To destroy and to create--speak, let it be established!\n\n 23. At thy command let a garment perish!\n\n 24. Again at thy command let the garment re-appear!\u201d\n\n 25. Then he spake with his mouth, the garment perished;\n\n 26. Again he commanded and the garment was recreated.\n\n 27. As the utterance of his mouth the gods, his fathers, saw,\n\n 28. They rejoiced, they uttered blessing: \u201cMarduk is king!\u201d\n\n 29. They bestowed upon him the scepter, the throne, and the\n battle-axe;\n\n 30. They gave him an unrivaled weapon, which turns back (?) the foe.\n\n 31. \u201cGo, Ti\u00e2mat\u2019s life cut off;\n\n 32. May the winds bear her blood to secret places!\u201d\n\n 33. When the gods, his fathers had fixed Bel\u2019s fate,\n\n 34. The way of prosperity and success they caused him to take.\n\n 35. His bow he prepared, his weapon he chose,\n\n 36. A spear he bound on him at his waist,\n\n 37. He raised the heavenly weapon, with his right hand grasped it,\n\n 38. His bow and quiver at his side he hung,\n\n 39. He placed the lightning before his face,\n\n 40. With quivering flame his body he filled.\n\n 41. He made a net to enclose Ti\u00e2mat\u2019s body,\n\n 42. He caused the four winds to seize so that nothing of her could\n escape;\n\n 43. The south wind, the north wind, the east wind, the west wind,\n\n 44. He brought to the side of the net, the gift of his father Anu,\n\n 45. He made the evil wind, the bad wind, the tempest and the\n hurricane,\n\n 46. The four winds, the seven winds, the whirlwind (?), the unhealthy\n wind;\n\n 47. He brought forth the winds which he had made, the seven of them,\n\n 48. To trouble the inward parts of Ti\u00e2mat, they came after him.\n\n 49. The lord raised up the tornado, his mighty weapon,\n\n 50. As a chariot, a storm unrivaled for terror he mounted,\n\n 51. He harnessed for himself and attached to it four steeds,\n\n 52. \u201cDestroyer,\u201d \u201cUnmerciful,\u201d \u201cOverwhelmer,\u201d \u201cFleet-footed.\u201d\n\n 53. [Foam-covered (?)] were their teeth, filled with poison,\n\n 54. Skilled were they [to run down], taught to destroy.\n\n 55. ................................... mighty in battle,\n\n 56. Left and right they opened (?) ...............\n\n 57. His garment was [rage], with terror was he clad,\n\n 58. With his overpowering brightness his head was crowned.\n\n 59. He made straight the way, he took his path,\n\n 60. To the place of Ti\u00e2mat, the raging (?), his face he set.\n\n 61. With his lip .............................. he cursed (?),\n\n 62. A plant of magical power (?)--he seized with his hand.\n\n 63. On that day they exalted (?) him, the gods exalted (?) him;\n\n 64. The gods, his fathers, exalted (?) him, the gods exalted (?) him.\n\n 65. The lord approached, the waist of Ti\u00e2mat he scanned,\n\n 66. Of Kingu, her spouse--he beheld his terrifying-glance (?).\n\n 67. As Marduk gazed, Kingu\u2019s progress was impeded,\n\n 68. Destroyed was his purpose, frustrated his deed,\n\n 69. And the gods his helpers, who marched at his side,\n\n 70. Saw the warrior and leader; their look (?) was troubled.\n\n 71. Ti\u00e2mat perceived it (?); she did not turn her neck.\n\n 72. With proud (?) lips she uttered words of defiance:\n\n 73. \u201cWho decreed (?) that thou shouldst come as lord of the gods?\n\n 74. Have they assembled from their places, are they to serve thee?\u201d\n\n 75. The lord raised the tornado, his mighty weapon,\n\n 76. [Against] Ti\u00e2mat who was raging, thus he spoke:\n\n 77. \u201c[Why hast thou] made thyself great? Exalted thyself on high?\n\n 78. [Why does thy heart] prompt thee to battle (?)\n\n 79. [How can thy helpers] defy (?) the gods, their fathers?\n\n 80. [Why] dost thou hate their [command], their ru[le despise]?\n\n 81. [Why hast thou exalted Kingu] to be thy spouse?\n\n 82. [Hast given] him the functions of deity?\n\n 83. [How] canst thou seek after evil?\n\n 84. [And against] the gods, my fathers, thy evil plan devise?\n\n 85. [Let] thy forces be joined, girded on thy weapons!\n\n 86. Stand! I and thou--come let us fight!\u201d\n\n 87. Ti\u00e2mat, when she heard this,\n\n 88. Was like one possessed; she lost her reason.\n\n 89. Ti\u00e2mat cried out vehemently with high voice,\n\n 90. Like roots divided in twain her legs trembled.\n\n 91. She uttered an incantation, she cast a charm,\n\n 92. And the gods of battle demanded their weapons.\n\n 93. Then took their stand Ti\u00e2mat and the leader of the gods, Marduk;\n\n 94. For the fight they approached, for the battle they drew near.\n\n 95. The lord spread out his net and enclosed her,\n\n 96. The evil wind from behind he thrust into her face.\n\n 97. As Ti\u00e2mat opened her mouth to its full extent,\n\n 98. The evil wind he drove in, so that her lips could not close.\n\n 99. With the mighty winds he filled her belly;\n\n 100. Her courage was taken away, and she opened her mouth.\n\n 101. He let fall the spear, he burst open her belly,\n\n 102. He cut through her inward parts, he pierced her heart,\n\n 103. He bound her and her life destroyed;\n\n 104. Her body he cast down, upon it he stood.\n\n 105. After Ti\u00e2mat, the leader, he had slain,\n\n 106. Her army he broke, her host was scattered,\n\n 107. And the gods, her helpers, who marched by her side,\n\n 108. Trembled, feared, they turned their backs;\n\n 109. They sought an exit, to save their lives;\n\n 110. With a cordon they were encompassed; escape was not possible.\n\n 111. He caught them, their weapons he broke,\n\n 112. Into the net they fell, in the snare they remained.\n\n 113. All quarters of the world they filled with lamentation.\n\n 114. His wrath they endured; they were held in bondage.\n\n 115. And the eleven creatures, whom she had filled with terribleness,\n\n 116. The troop of demons who marched as her helpers (?),\n\n 117. He threw into fetters, their power he [broke];\n\n 118. Along with their opposition he trampled them under his feet.\n\n 119. And Kingu who had been exalted over them,\n\n 120. He took captive, as the god Dugga he counted him.\n\n 121. He took from him the tablets of destiny, not rightly his,\n\n 122. He sealed them with a seal, in his own breast he laid them.\n\n 123. After his enemies he had seized and destroyed,\n\n 124. His arrogant foe had completely humiliated (?),\n\n 125. The triumph of Anshar over the foe had fully established,\n\n 126. The wish of Nudimmud had accomplished, Marduk, the warrior\n\n 127. Over the bound gods strengthened his hold,\n\n 128. Unto Ti\u00e2mat, whom he had bound, he turned back.\n\n 129. The lord trod upon Ti\u00e2mat\u2019s feet\n\n 130. And with his unsparing weapon crushed her head.\n\n 131. He cut through the veins of her blood,\n\n 132. He caused the north wind to bear it to secret places.\n\n 133. His fathers saw it; they rejoiced, they exulted,\n\n 134. Gifts and presents they brought unto him.\n\n 135. Then the lord rested; he gazed upon her body,\n\n 136. The flesh of the monster he divided; he formed a cunning plan.\n\n 137. He split her open like a flat fish into two halves,\n\n 138. One half of her he established and made a covering of the\n heavens,\n\n 139. He drew a bolt, he established a guard,\n\n 140. And not to let her waters come out, he commanded.\n\n 141. He passed through the heavens, he surveyed the regions,\n\n 142. Over against the deep he set the dwelling of Nudimmud.\n\n 143. The structures of the deep the lord measured,\n\n 144. As a palace like unto it he founded Esharra.\n\n 145. In the palace Esharra which he built in the heavens,\n\n 146. He caused Anu, Ellil, and Ea at their stations to dwell.\n\nTablet V\n\n 1. He [Marduk] ordained the stations of the great gods;\n\n 2. As stars their likenesses as constellations of the zodiac he\n placed.\n\n 3. He ordained the year, into parts he divided it,\n\n 4. For the twelve months he established three stars.\n\n 5. After the days of the year he had fashioned as images,\n\n 6. He founded the station of Jupiter, to determine their bounds;\n\n 7. That none might go wrong or err,\n\n 8. The station of Bel he established, and Ea by his side.\n\n 9. He opened gates on both sides.\n\n 10. A lock he made strong on the left and the right,\n\n 11. In the midst thereof he placed the zenith;\n\n 12. The moon-god he caused to shine; the night he entrusted to him.\n\n 13. He appointed him a being of the night, to determine the days;\n\n 14. Monthly, without ceasing, into a crown he made him, [saying:]\n\n 15. \u201cAt the beginning of the month shine upon the lands,\n\n 16. Horns exhibit, to determine six days;\n\n 17. On the seventh day let the tiara disappear;\n\n 18. On the fourteenth day thou shalt stand over against the [two]\n halves.\n\n 19. When the sun-god on the horizon ........... thee,\n\n 20. Thou ......... to be resplendent, and thou shalt turn (?) backward\n (?)\n\n 21. [Fourteen days] unto the path of the sun-god thou shalt approach,\n\n 22. [On the 28th day] thou shalt approach the sun-god ...........\n\n 23. .............................. signs (?), seek (?) her way!\n\n 24. ................ approach ye and judge justice!\n\n 25. .................................... to destroy,\n\n 26. ........................................................ me.\u201d\n\n(Some lines are lost at this point. It is estimated that forty of them are\nlacking.)\n\n 67. After .................................\n\n 68. In Esagila[361] .................................\n\n 69. To establish ................................\n\n 70. The station of .............................\n\n 71. The great gods ................................\n\n 72. The gods ...........................\n\n 73. He received .........................\n\n 74. The net which he had made the [great] gods saw,\n\n 75. Saw the bow, how skillful [its workmanship];\n\n 76. The work which he had done, they [loudly] praised.\n\n 77. Then arose Anu in the assembly of the [great] gods,\n\n 78. The bow he kissed it .............................\n\n 79. \u201cLong-wood shall be one name, and a second .................\n\n 80. Its third name shall be Bow-star in the heavens.\u201d\n\n 81. He fixed its position [unto distant days].\n\n 82. After the destiny of ..............................\n\n 83. [He set] a throne ......................................\n\n 84. ......................... in the heavens ...................\n\n(Practically all the remainder of Tablet V is as yet undiscovered. From a\nvery broken fragment, preserved in the British Museum, it appears that\nwhen the gods saw the work of Marduk in adorning the heavens with\nconstellations, they broke into rapturous praise of him. It is these words\nto which reference is made at the beginning of Tablet VI.)\n\nTablet VI\n\n 1. Marduk, the word of the gods, when he heard it,\n\n 2. His heart was stirred, he formed a brilliant plan.\n\n 3. He opened his mouth, to Ea he spoke,\n\n 4. What in his heart he had conceived he made known to him:\n\n 5. \u201cMy blood will I divide, bone will I [fashion],\n\n 6. I will make man, yes, man ...................\n\n 7. I will create man who shall dwell on the [earth];\n\n 8. Truly shall the service of the gods be established--of them and\n their shrines.\n\n 9. I will alter the ways of the gods, and will change [their paths],\n\n 10. Together shall they be honored, and unto evil shall [they]\u201d ......\n\n 11. Then Ea answered him and said:\n\n 12. ........ the ......... of the gods have I changed,\n\n 13. ................... one .....................\n\n 14. ........ shall be destroyed, and people will I .............\n\n 15. ............. and the gods ................\n\n 16. ........... give and they ..............\n\n 17. ......... shall assemble (?) and the gods .............\n\n 18. ............................................................\n\n 19. .............. the gods ................................\n\n 20. .................. the Anunnaki ..................\n\n(The rest of Tablet VI is still unrecovered, except a few lines at the\nend.)\n\n 140. When ......................................\n\n 141. They rejoiced ....................................\n\n 142. In Upshukkunnaku they set [their assembly].\n\n 143. Of their heroic son, their savior they [cried]:\n\n 144. \u201cWe whom he succored.\u201d ..................\n\n 145. They seated themselves, in the assembly they named him ........\n\n 146. They all cried aloud (?), they exalted him ..........\n\nTablet VII\n\n 1. \u201cO Asharu, bestower of harvests, founder of agriculture,\n\n 2. Creator of grain and plants, who made green herbs to grow,\n\n 3. O honored Asharu, revered in the house of counsel, rich in counsel,\n\n 4. Whom the gods honor, fearing [laid hold upon them]\n\n 5. O honored Asharu, powerful prince, the light [of the fathers who\n begat him],\n\n 6. Who directs the decrees of Anu, Bel, [and Ea].\n\n 7. He was their preserver, who ordained ..........\n\n 8. He whose provision is abundance, he goeth forth ..........\n\n 9. Tutu, the creator of their renewal is he.\n\n 10. If their want be pure, then are [they satisfied];\n\n 11. If he make an incantation, then are the gods [appeased];\n\n 12. Should they attack him in anger, he will repulse their array;\n\n 13. Let him therefore be exalted in the assembly of the gods.\n\n 14. None among the gods is like unto him!\n\n 15. Tutu-Ziukinna is the life of the host of the gods.\n\n 16. Who established for the gods the bright heavens.\n\n 17. Their way he received, [their path] ordained.\n\n 18. Never forgotten among men shall be his [mighty] deeds.\n\n 19. Tutu as Zi-azag thirdly they named, bringer of purification,\n\n 20. God of the favoring breeze, the lord who hears and is merciful,\n\n 21. Who creates fulness and plenty, who establishes abundance,\n\n 22. Who turns whatever is small into something great.\n\n 23. \u201cIn sore distress we caught his favoring breeze,\u201d\n\n 24. Let them honor him, praise him, bow humbly before him.\n\n 25. Tutu as Aga-azag may the mighty ones praise,\n\n 26. The lord of the pure incantation, who makes the dead to live,\n\n 27. Who to the captive gods showed abundant compassion,\n\n 28. The oppressive yoke he laid upon the gods, his enemies,\n\n 29. For their[362] release he created mankind,\n\n 30. The merciful one, with whom is life!\n\n 31. Established and never forgotten be his word\n\n 32. In the mouth of the black-headed race,[363] whom his hand created.\n\n 33. Tutu as Mu-azag, fifthly, his pure incantation may their mouth\n proclaim,\n\n 34. Who through his pure incantation destroys all evil ones,\n\n 35. Shagzu, who knows the hearts of the gods, who sees through the\n innermost parts.\n\n 36. The evil doer he permits not to go out with him (?).\n\n 37. Founder of the assembly of the gods [who gladdens] their heart.\n\n 38. Who subdues the disobedient ..........\n\n 39. Director of righteousness ......\n\n(The tablet is too broken for connected translation, until nearly the end,\nwhere it continues:)\n\n 107. Truly he holds their beginning and ending ..........\n\n 108. Saying, \u201cHe who passed through the midst of Ti\u00e2mat [without\n resting],\n\n 109. Let his name be Neberu, who seizes the midst,\n\n 110. Who the stars of heaven--their ways he upholds;\n\n 111. As a flock verily the gods pasture, all of them.\u201d\n\n 112. He bound Ti\u00e2mat, her life he apportioned, he ended.\n\n 113. In the future, people, old in years,\n\n 114. Shall renew unceasingly, \u201clet him be lord forever!\u201d\n\n 115. Because he created the places and fashioned the fastnesses\n\n 116. \u201cLord of countries\u201d Bel, his father, named him.\n\n 117. The names the Igigi named, all of them,\n\n 118. Ea heard, and his heart rejoiced:\n\n 119. \u201cHe whose name his fathers have magnified\n\n 120. He, even like me, shall be named Ea.\n\n 121. The binding of all my commands shall he control,\n\n 122. All my decrees shall he proclaim!\u201d\n\n 123. By the name \u201cFifty\u201d did the great gods\n\n 124. His fifty names make known, they made his path pre-eminent.\n\n 125. May they be held fast and the first men reveal them,\n\n 126. The wise, the understanding shall consider them together;\n\n 127. May the father repeat them and the son lay hold upon them,\n\n 128. So that shepherd and herdsman may open their ears,\n\n 129. And may rejoice in Marduk, the lord of the gods,\n\n 130. That his land may be fertile, that he may have prosperity.\n\n 131. His word is established, his command unfailing,\n\n 132. The word of his mouth, no god hath annulled.\n\n 133. He casts his glance without turning his neck,\n\n 134. When he roars, no god can face his anger.\n\n 135. Wide is his heart, great his goodness;\n\n 136. The sinner and transgressor in his presence ..........\n\n 137. They received instruction, they spake before him.\n\n(The concluding lines are too broken for connected translation.)\n\n=2. The First Chapter of Genesis and the Foregoing Creation Epic.=\n\nThe Babylonian Creation Epic, in the form in which we know it, took shape\nin the city of Babylon. Naturally, therefore, the god Marduk is made the\ncentral figure. It is he only who was sufficiently powerful to overcome\nthe primeval dragon, it was he who created the heavens and the earth, it\nwas he whom at the end gods and men adored.\n\nA Babylonian priest, Berossos, in a work composed after the time of\nAlexander the Great, gives an account of Babylonian ideas of the creation\nof the world, which is but the tradition of the epic in a slightly\ndifferent form. A neoplatonic philosopher, Damascius, who lived about 560\nA. D., has also preserved a part of the tradition in a form almost\nidentical with that of the epic.\n\nScholars of all shades of opinion agree that there is some connection\nbetween this Babylonian tradition and the first chapter of Genesis, though\nthey differ as to whether the Biblical writer was acquainted with the\nBabylonian tradition as we have it in the epic, or whether he knew an\nearlier form of the story.\n\nThe points of similarity which have been urged between Genesis and the\nBabylonian epic are the following: 1. They begin somewhat similarly,\nGenesis with the words \u201cIn the beginning,\u201d the epic with the words:\n\n \u201cTime was when above heaven was not named;\n Below to the earth no name was given.\u201d\n\n2. Both accounts assume that primeval chaos consisted of a mass of waters,\nand to this mass of waters they give the same name. The Hebrews called it\n_t{e}h\u014dm_, \u201cdeep\u201d; the Babylonians, _Ti\u00e2mat_. These are really the same\nword in the two closely related languages, just as _day_ and _Tag_ are the\nsame word in an English and a German form. In Genesis we are told that\n\u201cThe Spirit of God moved (R. V. margin, was brooding) upon the face of the\nwaters\u201d; in the Babylonian epic, the waters, which were thought to be of\ntwo genders, were embosomed. In both the result is the beginning of the\ncreative process.\n\nThe two accounts agree that the heavens and the earth were created by the\ndivision of the primeval ocean by a firmament (the Babylonian calls it a\ncovering), which held up a part of the waters, so that the earth could be\nformed beneath. They accordingly agree in the conception that there is a\nsuper-celestial ocean, _i. e._, \u201cthe waters which are above the firmament\u201d\n(Gen. 1:7).\n\nAnother striking similarity is found in the arrangement by sevens: the\nBabylonian epic is arranged in seven tablets, or cantos, the Hebrew\naccount, in seven days. The Babylonian series culminates in the praise of\nMarduk by all the gods; the Hebrew, in the institution of the sabbath. The\ntwo series agree in connecting the heavens with the fourth epoch of\ncreation, and the creation of man with the sixth.\n\nIn other respects the order differs. In the Babylonian account the moon\nand stars are created on the fifth day, instead of on the fourth. As\nMarduk is identified with the sun, that orb is assumed; its creation is\nnot described. The creation of animals is not described in any text which\nwe can attach to a definite tablet of the Babylonian series. It is,\nhowever, given in a fragment which reads as follows:\n\n 1. When the gods in their assembly had made [the heavens],\n\n 2. The firmament had established and bound [fast],\n\n 3. Living things of all kinds had created,\n\n 4. Cattle of the field, beasts of the field, and moving things of the\n city.\n\n 5. After .......... unto all kinds of living things ..........\n\n 6. [Between beasts] of the field and moving things of the city had\n divided...\n\n 7. .......... all creatures, the whole creation ..........\n\n 8. ............ that which in the whole of my family ..........\n\n 9. [Then arose] Nin-igi-azag, two small creatures [he created],\n\n 10. In the assembly of the beasts he made [their form] brilliant,\n\n 11. .......... the goddess Gula ..........\n\n 12. ................ one white and one black ..........\n\n 13. ............ one white and one black ..........\n\nThe Babylonian account, then, contained somewhere the story of the\ncreation of the animals, though, like the other parts of the Babylonian\naccount, its order and atmosphere differ widely from the Biblical\nnarrative.\n\nSome of these resemblances are of no great significance. The fact that the\ntwo accounts are arranged by sevens may be due simply to the fact that\nthat number was sacred among both peoples. It is thought by some scholars\nthat its use in Genesis was consciously adopted in order to lead up to the\nsabbath and glorify it. This might be true, even if the writer of the\nchapter knew of the Babylonian arrangement by sevens.\n\nThe features of the two narratives, which have convinced some scholars of\nall shades of opinion that there is a real kinship between the two\naccounts, are their agreement as to the nature of primeval chaos, and the\ndivision of the primeval ocean by a firmament for the creation of the\nheavens and the earth. Both writers had, so to speak, the same raw\nmaterial of objective conceptions.\n\nThe differences between the accounts are, however, most marked. To speak\nfirst of that which is least important, the Hebrew order is in many\nrespects different from the Babylonian. In the Babylonian the gods are\ngenerated in the first tablet, the world is not created till the fourth,\nand the creation of all other things is told in tablets four, five, and\nsix. In other words, creation is divided into two parts, each of which is\ntold in three tablets. The first three tablets deal with gods, the second\nthree with the world and living things.\n\nThis twofold division is found in the first chapter of Genesis. Here the\ncreative process is divided into two stages, each embracing four works,\nand occupying three days. The distribution of these works is strikingly\ndifferent from the Babylonian. On the first day, light and darkness were\ncreated; on the second, the firmament; on the third, the earth and\nvegetation; on the fourth, the heavenly bodies; on the fifth, fishes and\nbirds; on the sixth, animals and men. The first series of three days\nprepared the heavens and the earth; the second series studded the sky with\norbs and the earth with living beings. There is a striking parallelism\nbetween the two series. The first begins with the creation of light; the\nsecond, with light-giving bodies. To the third and sixth days two creative\nacts each are assigned. On the second day the seas are isolated; on the\nfifth they are stocked with fishes. On the third day dry land emerges, on\nthe sixth terrestrial animals are made. On the third also herbs began to\ngrow; on the sixth they are assigned to animals and men for food. The\nclassification of the acts of creation in Genesis is clear and consistent,\nand thoroughly independent of that in the Babylonian account.\n\nA more important difference lies in the religious conceptions of the two.\nThe Babylonian poem is mythological and polytheistic. Its conception of\ndeity is by no means exalted. Its gods love and hate, they scheme and\nplot, fight and destroy. Marduk, the champion, conquers only after a\nfierce struggle, which taxes his powers to the utmost. Genesis, on the\nother hand, reflects the most exalted monotheism. God is so thoroughly the\nmaster of all the elements of the universe, that they obey his slightest\nword. He controls all without effort. He speaks and it is done. Granting,\nas most scholars do, that there is a connection between the two\nnarratives, there is no better measure of the inspiration of the Biblical\naccount than to put it side by side with the Babylonian. As we read the\nchapter in Genesis today, it still reveals to us the majesty and power of\nthe one God, and creates in the modern man, as it did in the ancient\nHebrew, a worshipful attitude toward the Creator.\n\n=3. The Babylonian Creation Epic and Other Parts of the Bible.=\n\nThe Babylonian poem, crude though it seems to us, had a powerful\nfascination for the imagination. With more or less distinctness parts of\nit seem to have been known to various Hebrew writers, who, attributing to\ntheir own God, Jehovah, the r\u00f4le ascribed in the epic to Marduk, used\nthese stories as poetic illustrations. At least this is the view of a\nconsiderable group of scholars. Some object that, if this were true, it\nwould degrade Jehovah to the level of Marduk, but the objection does not\nseem well founded. The Hebrews might well have been such ardent\nmonotheists as to believe that each and every mighty manifestation of\npower had been the work of Jehovah, without in any way lowering Jehovah to\nthe level of a heathen god. The most important parallels which have been\ncited are here given, so that the reader may judge for himself as to which\nview is the more probable.\n\nIn Job 9:13, 14 we read:\n\n God will not withdraw his anger;\n The helpers of Rahab do stoop under him.\n How much less shall I answer him,\n And choose out my words to reason with him?\n\nRahab is believed by many to be here an epithet of Ti\u00e2mat. It means \u201cthe\none who acts boisterously\u201d or \u201cproudly.\u201d Those who thus think believe the\nlines in Job to refer to the overcoming of Ti\u00e2mat\u2019s helpers in Tablet IV,\nlines 105-118, of the Babylonian creation epic, which read as follows:\n\n After Ti\u00e2mat the leader he had slain,\n Her army he broke, her host was scattered,\n And the gods, her helpers, who marched at her side,\n Trembled, feared, they turned their backs;\n They sought an exit, to save their lives;\n With a cordon they were encompassed, escape was not possible.\n He caught them, their weapons he broke,\n Into the net they fell, in the snare they remained.\n All the quarters of the world they filled with their lamentation.\n His wrath they endured, they were held in bondage.\n And the eleven creatures, whom she had filled with terribleness,\n The troop of demons who marched as her helpers,\n He threw into fetters, their power he broke;\n Along with their opposition he trampled them under his feet.\n\nThis would seem to suit the reference in Job, and to give point to Job\u2019s\nwords. As our Saviour used stories in his parables, so this poet may have\nused this well-known story to illustrate his point.\n\nAgain Job 26:12, 13 reads:\n\n He stirreth up the sea with his power,\n And by his understanding he smiteth through Rahab.\n By his Spirit the heavens are garnished;\n His hand hath pierced the swift serpent.\n\nFour of the ancient versions of the Old Testament, with a very slight\nchange in the Hebrew letters, read Job 26:13:\n\n The bars of heaven fear him;\n His hand hath pierced the swift serpent.\n\nInto comparison with v. 12 and the last line of 13, scholars have brought\nTablet IV, line 93, ff., which runs:\n\n Then took their stand, Ti\u00e2mat and the leader of the gods, Marduk;\n For the fight they approached, for the battle drew near.\n The lord spread out his net and enclosed her,\n The evil wind from behind he thrust into her face.\n As Ti\u00e2mat opened her mouth to its full extent,\n The evil wind he drove in, so that her lips could not close.\n With the mighty winds he filled her belly.\n Her courage was taken away, and she opened her mouth.\n He let fall the spear, he burst open her belly,\n He cut through her inward parts, he pierced her heart,\n He bound her and her life destroyed;\n Her body he cast down and stood upon it.\n\nInto comparison with the first line of v. 13, as the versions give it,\nscholars have brought line 135, and ff., of the same tablet:\n\n Then the lord rested, he gazed upon her body,\n The flesh of the monster he divided; he formed a cunning plan.\n He split her open like a flat fish into two halves;\n One half of her he established and made a covering of the heavens.\n He drew a bolt, he established a guard,\n And not to let her waters come out, he commanded.\n\nWith the passages quoted above Psa. 74:13, 14 has also been compared:\n\n Thou didst divide the sea by thy strength:\n Thou brakest the heads of the sea-monsters in the waters.\n Thou brakest the heads of leviathan in pieces;\n Thou gavest him to be food to the people inhabiting the wilderness.\n\nVerses 16, 17 of the same Psalm continue the theme with the words:\n\n The day is thine, the night also is thine:\n Thou hast prepared the light and the sun.\n Thou hast set all the borders of the earth:\n Thou hast made summer and winter.\n\nThe theme is the same as that of the epic, viz.: the creation of the\nworld. It would appear from v. 14 that as the Hebrews called Ti\u00e2mat\nRahab, so they called Kingu leviathan. Those who so think find another\nreference to the Babylonian creation epic in Job 3:8:\n\n Let them curse it that curse the day,\n Who are ready to rouse up leviathan.\n\nApparently there were magicians who professed to be able to arouse such a\nmonster.\n\nOther references to leviathan are thought to employ the same illustrative\nmaterial. Thus in Isa. 27:1 we read:\n\n In that day Jehovah with his hard and great and strong sword will\n punish leviathan the swift serpent, and leviathan the crooked serpent;\n and he will slay the monster that is in the sea.\n\nIn Job 41 there is a long description of the crocodile under the name\nleviathan. In verses 19-21 some things are said of him that do not suit a\nreal crocodile, and some scholars have thought that the language was\ninfluenced by the Babylonian material. These verses are:\n\n Out of his mouth go burning torches,\n And sparks of fire leap forth.\n Out of his nostrils a smoke goeth,\n As of a boiling pot and burning rushes.\n His breath kindleth coals,\n And a flame goeth forth from his mouth.\n\nOther references to Rahab, which have been thought to use the same\nillustration, are Psalm 89:10:\n\n Thou hast broken Rahab in pieces as one that is slain;\n Thou hast scattered thine enemies with the arm of thy strength.\n\nAlso, Isaiah 51:9:\n\n Is it not thou that didst cut Rahab in pieces,\n That didst pierce the monster?\n\nAs to whether these sacred writers really employed the material of the\nBabylonian epic to give force to their illustrations, the judgments of men\nwill differ in accordance with their views of what is possible for an\ninspired writer.\n\nIn the following passages Rahab is used to denote Egypt as a proud and\nimperious country. These uses are clearly figurative and metaphorical.\n\nIsa. 30:7:\n\n For Egypt helpeth in vain and to no purpose:\n Therefore have I called her Rahab that sitteth still.\n\nPsa. 87:4:\n\n Rahab and Babylon I proclaim my votaries.\n\nA fragmentary account of an Assyrian version of the creation epic has been\nfound. It agrees with the Babylonian account in beginning with Ti\u00e2mat,\nthough the course of creation appears to have been different. The tablets\nknown to us present it, however, in a form too fragmentary for us to\nfollow the course of the narrative.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER II\n\nANOTHER ACCOUNT OF THE CREATION FOUND AT BABYLON.[364]\n\n TEXT OF THE ACCOUNT. COMPARISON OF IT WITH GENESIS 2.\n\n\n=1. Text of the Account.=\n\n 1. A holy house, a house of the gods, in a holy place had not been\n made;\n\n 2. No reed had sprung up, no tree had been created.\n\n 3. No brick had been made, no foundation had been built,\n\n 4. No house had been constructed, no city had been built;\n\n 5. No city had been built, thrones had not been established;\n\n 6. Nippur had not been constructed, Ekur had not been built;\n\n 7. Erech had not been constructed, Eanna had not been built;\n\n 8. The deep had not been formed, Eridu had not been built;\n\n 9. The holy house, the house of the gods, the dwelling had not been\n made,--\n\n 10. All lands were sea,--\n\n 11. Then in the midst of the sea was a water-course;\n\n 12. In those days Eridu was constructed, Esagila was built,\n\n 13. Esagila where, in the midst of the deep, the god Lugal-dul-azaga\n abode,\n\n 14. (Babylon was made, Esagila was completed).\n\n 15. The gods and the Anunaki he made at one time.\n\n 16. (The holy city, the dwelling of their hearts\u2019 desire, they named\n as first),\n\n 17. Marduk bound a structure of reeds upon the face of the waters,\n\n 18. He formed dust, he poured it out beside the reed-structure.\n\n 19. To cause the gods to dwell in the habitation of their hearts\u2019\n desire,\n\n 20. He formed mankind.\n\n 21. The goddess Aruru with him created mankind,\n\n 22. Cattle of the field, in whom is breath of life, he created.\n\n 23. He formed the Tigris and Euphrates and set them in their places,\n\n 24. Their names he did well declare.\n\n 25. The grass, marsh-grass, the reed and brushwood (?) he created,\n\n 26. The green grass of the field he created,\n\n 27. The land, the marshes, and the swamps;\n\n 28. The wild cow and her young, the wild calf; the ewe and her young,\n the lamb of the fold;\n\n 29. Gardens and forests;\n\n 30. The wild goat, the mountain goat, (who) cares for himself (?).\n\n 31. The lord Marduk filled a terrace by the seaside,\n\n 32. ............ a marsh, reeds he set,\n\n 33. .................. he caused to exist.\n\n 34. [Reeds he creat]ed; trees he created;\n\n 35. In their ........... in their place he made;\n\n 36. [Bricks he laid, a founda]tion he constructed;\n\n 37. [Houses he made], a city he built;\n\n 38. [A city he built, a throne] he established;\n\n 39. [Nuppur he constructed], Ekur he built;\n\n 40. [Erech he constructed], Eanna he built.\n\n(At this point the tablet is broken. When it again becomes legible, it is\nin the midst of an incantation.)\n\n=2. Comparison with Genesis 2.=\n\nThis account of the creation has sometimes been compared with Genesis 2:4,\nff., which describes a time when there was no grass or vegetation on the\nearth, and then goes on to describe the creation of man and animals,\nspeaking of the Tigris and Euphrates rivers.\n\nIn this account of the creation it is stated (line 21) that the goddess\nAruru with Marduk created mankind.\n\nIn another Babylonian poem, the Gilgamesh epic, which contains the\nBabylonian story of the flood, there is an account of the creation of man\nwhich accords much more closely with Gen. 2:7 than that which we are\nconsidering. It runs:\n\n The goddess Aruru, when she heard this,\n A man like Anu she formed in her heart.\n Aruru washed her hands;\n Clay she pinched off and spat upon it;\n Eabani, a hero she created,\n An exalted offspring, with the might of Ninib.\n\nHere is clearly a tradition, similar to Genesis, that God formed man from\nthe dust of the ground. The allusion to Aruru indicates that this formed a\npart of the early Babylonian tradition. There is considerable evidence\nthat in an earlier form of the Babylonian account Marduk had no place. He\nwas introduced into it later by the priests of Babylon. Aruru was in that\nearlier form the creator of man, and probably was said to have formed him\nfrom clay, as in the Gilgamesh epic.\n\nWhile these points of likeness are evident, there are great differences\nbetween the two narratives. The Babylonian account speaks not only of\ngrass and reeds as non-existent, but of cities and temples also, which, it\ntells us, were created later. It has no picture of Eden; its thought\ncenters in well-known Babylonian cities. While Marduk appears as supreme\nin the Babylonian poem, the gods and Anunaki, or spirits of earth, are\nrecognized, so that the polytheistic view is not entirely absent. In the\nBiblical picture, on the other hand, Jehovah is supreme. Opinions of\nscholars differ as to whether there was any real connection between the\ntwo narratives. Whatever opinion one may hold on this point, there can be\nno question but that the second chapter of Genesis is dominated by those\nreligious conceptions which were so uniquely manifested in Israel, while\nthey are absent from the Babylonian narrative.\n\n(_For a new Babylonian account of the creation of man, see Appendix._)\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER III\n\nTHE BABYLONIAN SABBATH\n\n FEAST OF MARDUK AND ZARPANIT. A DAY CALLED SHABATUM. A DAY IN SOME\n TABLETS AT YALE.\n\n\n=1. Feast of Marduk and Zarpanit.=\n\n The seventh day is the feast of Marduk and Zarpanit. It is an evil\n day. The shepherd of the great people shall not eat flesh cooked on\n the coals which is smoked. The garment of his body he shall not\n change; a clean one he shall not put on. A sacrifice he shall not\n offer. The king in a chariot shall not ride. In triumph he shall not\n speak. In the secret place a seer shall not give an oracle. The\n physician shall not lay his hand on the sick. It is not fitting to\n utter a malediction. At night before Marduk and Ishtar the king shall\n bring his offering; a libation he shall pour out. The lifting up of\n his hands shall then be pleasing to the gods.[365]\n\nThis passage occurs in a tablet which describes the nature of all the days\nof a month. The same prohibitions are recorded for the fourteenth,\nnineteenth, twenty-first, and twenty-eighth days. The tablet has often\nbeen brought into comparison with the Hebrew sabbath, partly because the\nseventh, fourteenth, twenty-first, and twenty-eighth days are involved,\npartly because the prohibitions remind the reader of Exodus 20:8-11 and\nDeut. 5:12-15.\n\n Exod. 20:8-11. Remember the sabbath day, to keep it holy. Six days\n shalt thou labor, and do all thy work: but the seventh day is a\n sabbath unto the Lord thy God: _in it_ thou shalt not do any work,\n thou, nor thy son, nor thy daughter, thy manservant, nor thy\n maidservant, nor thy cattle, nor thy stranger that is within thy\n gates: for in six days the Lord made heaven and earth, the sea, and\n all that in them is, and rested the seventh day: wherefore the Lord\n blessed the sabbath day, and hallowed it.\n\n Deut. 5:12-15. Observe the sabbath day, to keep it holy, as the Lord\n thy God commanded thee. Six days shalt thou labor, and do all thy\n work: but the seventh day is a sabbath unto the Lord thy God: _in it_\n thou shalt not do any work, thou, nor thy son, nor thy daughter, nor\n thy manservant, nor thy maidservant, nor thine ox, nor thine ass, nor\n any of thy cattle, nor thy stranger that is within thy gates; that thy\n manservant and thy maidservant may rest as well as thou. And thou\n shalt remember that thou wast a servant in the land of Egypt, and the\n Lord thy God brought thee out thence by a mighty hand and by a\n stretched out arm: therefore the Lord thy God commanded thee to keep\n the sabbath day.\n\nIn reality the Babylonian prohibitions apply to certain classes of people\nonly, and not to the whole population. A study of the contract literature\nshows that there was no cessation of business upon these days of the\nmonth, so that resemblance to the Hebrew sabbath is really quite slight.\n\n=2. A Day Called Shabatum.=\n\nThese days were not, so far as we know, called _shabatum_, but another\ntablet[366] tells us that the fifteenth day of each month was so called.\n_Shabatum_ is etymologically the same as the Hebrew sabbath. As the\nBabylonian months were lunar, the fifteenth was the time of the full moon,\nso that in Babylonian the day denoted the completion of the moon\u2019s growth.\nIn the Old Testament \u201csabbath\u201d is sometimes coupled with \u201cnew moon,\u201d as\nthough it may also have designated a similar day. (See 2 Kings 4:23; Amos\n8:5; Hosea 2:11; Isa. 1:13; 66:23, and Ezek. 46:3.) This Babylonian\n_shabatum_ can, in any event, have no direct relationship to the Hebrew\nsabbath as a day of rest once a week.\n\n=3. A Day in Some Tablets at Yale.=\n\nA series of tablets in the Yale Babylonian Collection, a portion of which\nhas been published by Prof. Clay,[367] shows that special sacrifices were\noffered on the seventh, fourteenth, twenty-first, and twenty-eighth of\neach month. These sacrifices show that these days were thought to have\nsome peculiar significance, but, whatever that significance may have been,\nthe evidence cited shows that it was not the same as that of the Hebrew\nsabbath.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER IV\n\nTHE LEGEND OF ADAPA AND THE FALL OF MAN\n\n COMPARISON WITH GENESIS 3. THE ADAPA MYTH.\n\n\nFour fragments of the Adapa myth have been found. They really present but\nthree parts of the story, as two of them cover the same ground. These\nthree parts of the story are translated in this chapter. It will be noted\nthat the fragments do not present the entire story. Between fragments I\nand II, as well as between fragments II and III, some lines have fallen\nout, and the last fragment is broken away before the end of the account is\nreached. Nevertheless, from the parts which we have it is clear that the\nBabylonians shared with the Hebrews some of the traditions recorded in the\nthird chapter of Genesis.\n\n=1. Comparison with Genesis 3.=\n\nIn the first place, Adapa, like Adam, had gained knowledge. This knowledge\ncarried with it a power hitherto regarded as an attribute of divinity. It\nenabled Adapa to break the wing of the south wind; it tempted Adam and Eve\n\u201cto become like God, knowing good and evil\u201d (Gen. 3:5). As in Genesis,\nknowledge did not carry with it immortality. Ea, the god who had permitted\nAdapa to become wise, feared that he might gain immortality, as Jehovah\nthought that Adam might \u201cput forth his hand and take of the tree of life\nand eat and live forever\u201d (Gen. 3:22). (For Babylonian and Assyrian\nconceptions of the tree of life, see Figs. 291, 293.)\n\nEa accordingly told Adapa a falsehood when he was about to go into the\npresence of the supreme god, Anu, in order to prevent him from eating the\nfood that would make him immortal; Jehovah drove man from the garden where\nthe tree of life grew. The two accounts agree in the thought that\nimmortality could be obtained by eating a certain kind of food. The lines\nat the end of the Adapa story are much broken, but they make it clear that\nas a punishment for what he had done, Adapa was subjected to sickness,\ndisease, and restlessness. This corresponds to the toil inflicted upon man\n(Gen. 3:17-19), and the pangs of childbirth imposed upon woman (Gen.\n3:16). It appears also that as Adam and Eve were clothed with skins in\nconsequence of their deed (Gen. 3:21), so Adapa was clothed by Anu in a\nspecial clothing.\n\nThese similarities indicate that the Babylonians possessed the same\ngeneral ideas of the connection of increasing knowledge, with the\nattributes of divinity on the one hand, and with suffering and clothing on\nthe other, which are presented in Genesis. An increasing number of modern\nscholars regard the Babylonian story as an earlier form of a narrative\nwhich the Hebrew writer took and purified. Others hold that it is a\nsomewhat degenerate form of the Biblical narrative. In any event, the\nBabylonian story proves the Biblical conceptions to be very ancient, and,\nby its contrasts to that of Genesis, it exhibits the dignity and religious\nvalue of the Biblical narrative. In the Babylonian myth, the gods, Ea and\nAnu, are divided and work at cross purposes; Ea tells a falsehood to\naccomplish his end. Genesis, while it represents Jehovah as feeling and\nacting in a much more human way than some parts of the Bible do, still\nportrays him as a consistently righteous, omnipotent God, who demands\nobedience, and whose punishments are the reasonable recompense for\ntransgressions. The superiority of the Old Testament stands out in\nstriking contrast.\n\n=2. The Adapa Myth.=[368]\n\nI\n\n 1. He possessed intelligence ..........\n\n 2. His command like the command of Anu ..........\n\n 3. Wide intelligence he (Ea) made perfect for him, the destiny of the\n country to reveal.\n\n 4. Unto him wisdom he gave; eternal life he did not grant him.\n\n 5. In those days, in those years the wise man of Eridu,--\n\n 6. Ea as a chief (?) among men had created him,--\n\n 7. A wise man whose command no one could restrain,\n\n 8. The prudent, the most wise among the Anunnaki was he,\n\n 9. Blameless, clean of hands, anointed, the observer of divine\n commands,\n\n 10. With the bakers he made bread,\n\n 11. With the bakers of Eridu he made bread,\n\n 12. The food and water of Eridu he prepared daily,\n\n 13. With his clean hands he prepared the table,\n\n 14. And without him the table was not cleared.\n\n 15. The ship he steered; fishing and hunting for Eridu he did.\n\n 16. Then Adapa of Eridu,\n\n 17. While Ea lay upon a bed in a chamber (?),\n\n 18. Daily the closing of Eridu he made right.\n\n 19. At the pure quay, the quay of the new-moon, he embarked upon the\n ship,\n\n 20. The wind blew, his ship sailed,\n\n 21. With the rudder he steered the ship\n\n 22. Upon the broad sea.\n\n ........................................................\n\nII\n\n 1. ....................................\n\n 2. The south wind [blew and capsized him],\n\n 3. To the house [of the fishes] it made him sink,\n\n 4. \u201cO south wind [increase] thy rage as much as [thou art able],\n\n 5. Thy wing I will break.\u201d As he spoke with his mouth,\n\n 6. The wing of the south wind was broken, seven days\n\n 7. The south wind blew not on the land. Anu\n\n 8. To his messenger, Ilabrat, said:\n\n 9. \u201cWhy has the south wind not blown upon the land for seven days?\u201d\n\n 10. His messenger Ilabrat answered him, \u201cMy lord\n\n 11. Adapa, the son of Ea, the wing of the south wind\n\n 12. Has broken.\u201d Anu, when he heard this,\n\n 13. Cried \u201cHelp!\u201d He ascended his throne: \u201cLet some one bring him to\n me.\n\n 14. Likewise Ea, who knows the heavens, summon him,\n\n 14a. To King Ea to come.\u201d[369]\n\n 14b. To him he caused word to be borne,\n\n 14c. .......... To him, to King Ea,\n\n 14d. He sent a messenger.\n\n 14e. He is of great understanding, he knows the hearts of the great\n gods,\n\n 14f. .......... of the heavens, he establishes it.\n\n 15. [A soiled garment he made] him wear; with a mourning garment clad\n him,\n\n 16. He clothed him and gave him counsel,\n\n 17. Saying: \u201cAdapa, into the presence of Anu, the king, thou art\n going,\n\n 18. Fail not the order, my word keep,\n\n 19. When thou goest up to heaven and approachest the gate of Anu,\n\n 20. At the gate of Anu, Tammuz and Gishzida\n\n 21. Stand, they will see thee, they will ask: \u2018Lord,\n\n 22. For whose sake art thou thus, Adapa? For whom\n\n 23. Art thou clad in a mourning garment?\u2019 \u2018In our country two gods\n have vanished, therefore\n\n 24. Am I thus.\u2019 \u2018Who are the two gods who in the land\n\n 25. Have vanished?\u2019 \u2018Tammuz and Gishzida.\u2019 They will look at one\n another and\n\n 26. Be astonished. Favorable words\n\n 27. To Anu they will speak. A joyful countenance of Anu\n\n 28. They will reveal to thee. When thou standest in the presence of\n Anu,\n\n 29. Food of death they will offer thee to eat;\n\n 30. Thou shalt not eat. Water of death they will offer thee to drink;\n\n 31. Thou shalt not drink. A garment will they show thee;\n\n 32. Put it on. Oil they will set before thee; anoint thyself.\n\n 33. The command which I give thee, forget not. The word\n\n 34. Which I have spoken hold fast.\u201d The messenger\n\n 35. Of Anu came: \u201cAdapa of the south wind\n\n 36. The wing has broken. Into my presence bring him.\u201d\n\n 37. The road to heaven he made him take and to heaven he ascended.\n\n 38. When to heaven he ascended, when he approached the gate of Anu,\n\n 39. At the gate of Anu, Tammuz and Gishzida were standing.\n\n 40. When they saw him they cried: \u201cAdapa, help!\n\n 41. Lord, for whose sake art thou thus?\n\n 42. For whom art thou clad in a mourning garment?\n\n 43. In the country two gods have vanished; therefore in a mourning\n garment\n\n 44. Am I clad. Who are the two gods who from the land have vanished?\u201d\n\n 45. \u201cTammuz and Gishzida.\u201d They looked at one another and\n\n 46. Were astonished. When Adapa before Anu the king,\n\n 47. Approached, Anu saw him and cried:\n\n 48. \u201cCome, Adapa, why of the south wind the wing\n\n 49. Hast thou broken?\u201d Adapa answered: \u201cAnu, my lord,\n\n 50. For the house of my lord in the midst of the sea\n\n 51. I was catching fish. As I was midway of the voyage\n\n 52. The south wind blew and capsized me;\n\n 53. To the house of the fishes it made me sink. In the anger of my\n heart\n\n 54. [The south wind] I cursed. At my side answered Tammuz\n\n 55. And Gishzida: \u2018The heart should be toward Anu.\u2019\n\n 56. They spoke, he was appeased, his heart was won (?).\n\n 57. \u201cWhy has Ea, to impure man, of the heavens\n\n 58. And the earth revealed the heart?\n\n 59. Strong (?) has he made him (Adapa); a name he has given him.\n\n 60. We--what can we do to him? Food of life\n\n 61. Bring him, that he may eat.\u201d Food of life\n\n 62. They brought him; he ate it not. Water of life\n\n 63. They brought him; he drank it not. A garment\n\n 64. They brought him; he clothed himself. Oil\n\n 65. They brought him; he anointed himself.\n\n 66. Anu looked at him; he wondered (?) at him.\n\n 67. \u201cCome, Adapa, why dost thou not eat nor drink?\n\n 68. Now thou shalt not live; men are mortal (?).\u201d \u201cEa my lord\n\n 69. Said: Thou shalt not eat, thou shalt not drink.\u201d\n\n 70. Take him and bring him back to earth.\n\n 71. ............ looked upon him.\n\nIII\n\n 1. ........................\n\n 2. He commanded him and he ...........\n\n 3. The garment, he commanded him and he clothed himself.\n\n 4. ...... Anu wondered greatly at the deed of Ea.\n\n 5. The gods of heaven and earth, as many as there are: \u201cWho is thus\n mighty (?)?\n\n 6. His command is the command of Anu. Who can surpass [him]?\u201d\n\n 7. As now Adapa from the horizon to the zenith of the heavens\n\n 8. ...... looked, he saw his terror ...... (_i. e._, the terror he\n inspired)\n\n 9. [Which] Anu concerning Adapa upon him ...... had placed.\n\n 10. [The service (?)] of Ea he made his satisfaction.\n\n 11. Anu fixed as his lot his lordship in brilliance to the distant\n future.\n\n 12. .......... Adapa, the seed of mankind,\n\n 13. [Who] victoriously broke the wing of the south wind,\n\n 14. And to heaven he ascended. \u201cThus let it be!\u201d\n\n 15. ...... that which he in evil ways imposed on the people,\n\n 16. .......... sickness which he placed in the bodies of people.\n\n 17. ........ Ninkarrak appeased.\n\n 18. Sickness [shall co]me, his disease be violent,\n\n 19. .......... destruction shall fall upon him,\n\n 20. [In] good sleep he shall not rest,\n\n 21. .... shall overturn (?) the joy of people\u2019s hearts.\n\n(The remainder is broken away.)\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER V\n\nTHE PATRIARCHS BEFORE THE FLOOD\n\n BABYLONIAN LONG-LIVED KINGS. COMPARISON WITH GENESIS 5. COMPARISON\n WITH GENESIS 4. COMPARISON WITH THE LIST OF BEROSSOS.\n\n\nA Biblical narrative that challenges attention is that in Genesis 5, which\ncontains the list of long-lived patriarchs who flourished before the\nflood. This narrative finds a striking parallel in the following tablet\nwhich tells of long-lived kings who are said to have ruled in ancient\nBabylonia. The beginnings of all the columns of the tablet are broken\naway.[370]\n\n\n=1. Babylonian Long-lived Kings=\n\n_Column I_\n\n 2. ...... ruled 900 (?) years;\n\n ......................\n\n 7. Galumum\n\n 8. ruled 900 (?) years;\n\n 9. Zugagib\n\n 10. ruled 840 (?) years;\n\n 11. A-ri-pi, son of Mashgag,\n\n 12. ruled 720 years;\n\n 13. Etana, the shepherd,\n\n 14. who ascended to heaven,\n\n 15. who subdued all lands,\n\n 16. ruled 635 years;\n\n 17. Pilikam,\n\n 18. son of Etana,\n\n 19. ruled 350 years;\n\n 20. Enmenunna\n\n 21. reigned 611 years;\n\n 22. Melam-Kish,\n\n 23. son of Enmenunna,\n\n 24. ruled 900 years;\n\n 25. Barsalnunna,\n\n 26. son of Enmenunna,\n\n 27. ruled 1200 years;\n\n 28. Mes (?) zamu, son of Barsalnunna,\n\n 29. ruled ...... years;\n\n 30. ...... son of Barsalnunna;\n\n_Column II_\n\n .........................\n\n 1. from Kish\n\n 2. the kingdom\n\n 3. passed to Eanna.\n\n 4. In Eanna\n\n 5. Meskingashir,\n\n 6. son of Shamash,[371]\n\n 7. as lord,\n\n 8. as king,\n\n 9. ruled 325 years.\n\n 10. Meskingashir\n\n 11. entered into\n\n 12. and went out from ......\n\n 13. Enmeirgan,\n\n 14, 15. son of Meskingashir,\n\n 16. king of Erech,\n\n 17. the people of Erech\n\n 18. strengthened,\n\n 19. as king\n\n 20. ruled 420 years.\n\n 21. Lugalbanda, the shepherd,\n\n 22. ruled 1200 years.\n\n 23. Dumuzi, the hunter[372] (?),\n\n 24. Whose city is among fishes,\n\n 25. ruled 100 years.\n\n 26. Gilgamesh,\n\n 27. whose father\n\n 28. was lord of Kullab,\n\n 29. ruled 126 years.\n\n_Column III_\n\n (The kingdom)\n\n 1. of Erech\n\n 2. passed to Ur.\n\n 3. In Ur\n\n 4. Mesannipada\n\n 5. was king;\n\n 6. he ruled 80 years.\n\n 7. Meskiagnunna,\n\n 8. son of Mesannipada,\n\n 9. ruled 30 years.\n\n 10. Elu ........\n\n 11. ruled 25 years.\n\n 12. Balu .......\n\n 13. 36 years.\n\n 14. 4 kings\n\n 15. ruled 171 years.\n\n 16. As to Ur\n\n 17. the kingdom\n\n 18. passed to Awan.[373]\n\n_Column IV_[374]\n\n 1. ruled 21 years.\n\n 2. Ishme-Dagan,\n\n 3. son of Idin-Dagan,\n\n 4. ruled 21 years.\n\n 5. Libit-Ishtar,\n\n 6. son of Idin-Dagan,\n\n 7. ruled 11 years.\n\n 8. Ur-Ninib,\n\n 9. son of Im .......,\n\n ....................\n\n_Column V_\n\n 1. Total 51 kings--\n\n 2. their years were 18000 ...+\n\n 3. 9 years ....... months .......\n\n 4. Four times\n\n 5. in Kish:\n\n 6. total 22 kings--\n\n 7. their years were 2610+\n\n 8. 6 months, 15 days.\n\n 9. Five times\n\n 10. in Erech:\n\n 11. total 13 kings--\n\n 12. their years were 396--\n\n 13. ruled.\n\n 14. Three times\n\n 15. in Ur:\n\n 16. total 3 kings--\n\n 17. their years were 356--\n\n 18. ruled.\n\n 19. Once\n\n 20. in Awan:\n\n 21. total 1 king--\n\n 22. his rule was 7 years.\n\n 23. Once\n\n 24. in[375] .......\n\n_Column VI_\n\n 1. (total .......) kings--\n\n 2. (their years) were 196--\n\n 3. ruled.\n\n 4. Twice in Agade:\n\n 5. total 21 kings--\n\n 6. their years were 125 years\n\n 7. 40 days--ruled.\n\n 8. Once\n\n 9. in the people\n\n 10. of Gutium:\n\n 11. total 11 kings--\n\n 12. their years were 159 years--\n\n 13. ruled\n\n 14. in Isin (?).\n\n 15. Eleven\n\n 16. royal cities\n\n 17. ruled.\n\n 18. Total 134 kings.\n\n 19. Grand total 28876+\n\n 20. years,\n\n 21. ...... months.[375]\n\nThis interesting document does not stand alone. Three other tablets\npublished in the same volume[376] contain similar material, though all\nthat would have a bearing on our present topic is too broken for\nconnected translation. It is clear from the translation here given that\nthe Babylonians ascribed to some early kings reigns as long, and even\nlonger in some cases, than those ascribed to the antediluvian patriarchs\nin Genesis 5.\n\nThe peculiar spelling of Galumum and Zugagib in the Babylonian characters,\ntogether with the meaning of the words, shows that they are animal names.\nZugagib means \u201cscorpion\u201d and Galumum, \u201clamb.\u201d In the lines which preceded,\nprobably similar animal names were recorded. Perhaps this expresses the\nidea that animals were made before men, as is stated in Gen. 1:24-26.\n\n=2. Comparison with Genesis 5.=--The next name, Aripi,[377] may also have\nbeen read Adim\u00ea, and perhaps was so read by the Sumerians themselves. If\nit came to the Hebrews in this form they would naturally equate it with\nthe Hebrew Adam, which means \u201cman.\u201d\n\nEtana, the shepherd, is said in this list to have gone to heaven. This at\nonce suggests the fate of Enoch, who \u201cwas not; for God took him\u201d (Gen.\n5:24). In the Sumerian the words \u201cto heaven\u201d are AN-\u0160U, which may also be\nread AN-KU. If these words were not fully understood by the Hebrews, to\nwhom Sumerian was not only a foreign language but a dead language, they\nmight easily be mistaken for a proper name, and would in Hebrew give us\nEnoch.[378] Another suggestion as to the method of borrowing is also\npossible. Later traditions cherished the name of a king, Enmeduranki, whom\nthey called a king of Sippar or Agade.[379] Enmeduranki means \u201cthe hero\nwho binds together heaven and earth.\u201d Etana is in our list of kings called\na king of Kish, but in later times kings of Kish were also called kings of\nAgade. It is altogether probable, therefore, that the \u201chero who binds\ntogether heaven and earth\u201d is simply another designation of Etana who went\nto heaven. The last two syllables of Enmeduranki, _i. e._, AN-KI, \u201cheaven\nand earth,\u201d would, if taken over into Hebrew, also give Enoch. If we\nassume that Etana and Enoch are the same, we may at a later point be able\nto determine by which of these processes the name is most likely to have\ncome into Hebrew. In an old poem, fragments of which have been found on\nsome broken tablets from Nineveh, the fortunes of Etana were given in\ndetail. He is said to have been carried to heaven on the back of an eagle.\nIf he be really the prototype of Enoch, this lends a touch of realism to\nthe narrative.\n\nThe Sumerian name Enmenunna means \u201cexalted hero\u201d or \u201cexalted man.\u201d A\nnatural translation of this into Semitic Babylonian about 2000 B. C. would\nbe _Mutu-elu_,[380] or, in one word, _amelu_, and an equally natural\ntranslation of this into Hebrew would give us Enosh.\n\nPilikam,[381] the next name, means in Sumerian \u201cwith intelligence to\nbuild.\u201d In Babylonian Semitic it would be literally _Ina-uzni-er\u00ea\u0161u_, or,\nrendered in one word, _ummanu_, \u201cartificer.\u201d The Hebrew translation of\nthis is Kenan, which means \u201cartificer.\u201d Melamkish gives us the Hebrew\nLamech by the simple elision of the first and last consonants. All people\nare lazy and words sometimes wear away both at the beginning and at the\nend.[382]\n\nBarsalnunna, translated into Semitic Babylonian, becomes\n_Shit\u1e2bu-elu_.[383] Seth may well be a transfer of a part of this name to\nHebrew. The final radical of the first part of the name may have worn away\nor have been accidentally omitted.\n\nMeskingashir is resolvable into four elements, MES-KI-INGA[384]-SHIR,[385]\n\u201cthe hero\u201d or \u201cman who is great\u201d or \u201cexalted.\u201d Translate this into Semitic\nBabylonian and it becomes _Mutu-\u0161a-elu_, which is almost exactly\nMethuselah.\n\nEnmeirgan becomes when translated into Semitic Mutu-\u0161alal-eqla,[386] and\nMahalalel is a much closer transfer of the first two elements of this to\nHebrew than are Sennacherib, Esar-haddon, Merodach-baladan, and\nEvil-merodach of the names Sin-akhi-irba, Ashur-akhi-iddina,\nMarduk-apal-iddin, and Amel-Marduk. Finally Dumuzi means \u201cson of life,\u201d or\n\u201cliving son,\u201d and Jared[387] means \u201cdescendant.\u201d\n\nThe equivalent of Noah does not appear in this list, but there is no doubt\nthat he was Ziugiddu, otherwise called Ut-napishtim, of the Babylonian\naccounts of the flood.\n\nWe have then the following equivalents, four of which are Hebrew\ntranslations of Sumerian names; three, transfers into Hebrew of the whole\nor of parts of Semitic Babylonian equivalents of these Sumerian names, two\nof which are transfers to Hebrew of portions of a Sumerian original, and\none of which, Noah, is still unexplained.\n\n Sumerian Semitic Babylonian Hebrew\n\n Adim\u00ea Adam\n Barsalnunna Shit\u1e2bu-elu Seth\n Enmenunna Mutu-elu (or amelu) Enosh\n Pelikam Ina-uzni-ereshu (or ummanu) Kenan\n Enmeirgan Mutu-\u0161alal-gan Mahalalel\n Dumuzi Apal-napi\u0161ti Jared\n Etana Enoch\n Meskingashir Mutu-\u0161a-elu Methuselah\n Melamkish Lamech\n Ziugiddu Noah\n\nOf course, it may be objected that our list of kings did not furnish the\noriginals of these patriarchs, since there are more kings than patriarchs,\neven though some of the names of kings have been lost by the breaking of\nthe tablet. In this connection, however, one should remember that in 1\nChron. 1-9, many names which appear in the earlier books of the Bible are\nomitted, and that in Matt. 1:8, three kings--Ahaziah, Joash, and\nAmaziah--are omitted from the genealogy of Christ. (Compare 2 Kings\n11-15.) It appears, then, that Biblical writers did not always copy a full\nlist.\n\nIt thus seems that the tablet translated above may be related to the text\nof Genesis 5 in the names of the patriarchs as well as in the matter of\ntheir ages. When we recall that the tablet was apparently written in the\nyear 2170 B. C., it seems probable that it may be a source from which the\nBiblical names came.\n\n=3. Comparison with Genesis 4.=\n\nBut our examination of the matter cannot stop here. In Gen. 4:16-23 there\nis a list of the descendants of Cain strikingly similar to the list of the\ndescendants of Seth in Genesis 5. If the names of Adam and Abel be\nsupplied from Gen. 4:1,2, the two lists appear as follows:\n\n Genesis 4 Genesis 5\n\n Adam Adam\n |\n +----+------+\n | | |\n | Abel Seth Seth\n | |\n | |\n | Enosh Enosh\n Cain (Hebrew \u05e7\u05d9\u05df) Kenan (Hebrew \u05e7\u05d9\u05e0\u05df)\n Enoch Mahalalel\n Irad (Hebrew \u05e2\u05d9\u05e8\u05d3) Jared (Hebrew \u05d9\u05d3\u05d3)\n Mehujael Enoch\n Methushael Methuselah\n Lamech Lamech\n Noah\n\nThe close parallelism of these two lists of names is really greater than\nit appears to the English reader to be. Cain, which means \u201cartificer,\u201d is\nin Hebrew the same word as Kenan, lacking only one formative letter at the\nend. Irad and Jared differ in Hebrew only by the wearing away of one\nconsonant. Mehujael is as much like Mahalalel, and Methushael as much like\nMethuselah as the Assyrian name of Tiglath-pileser, Tukultu-apal-esharra,\nis like Tiglath-pileser, while Enoch and Lamech are the same.\n\nThe importance of this likeness arises from the fact that the so-called\ncritical scholars claim that these two lists of names are in reality the\nsame original list as it came through two lines of tradition and was\nworked up differently by two writers. This view has been vigorously\nopposed by some conservative scholars, notably by the late Professor\nGreen, of Princeton.[388]\n\nBetween rival critical hypotheses it is not the function of arch\u00e6ology to\ndecide. It must be admitted, however, that the names of the descendants of\nGenesis 4 can be equated with those of our Babylonian kings, as well as\nthose of Gen. 5. Adam, Seth, Enosh, Cain, Enoch, Mehujael, and Methushael\nwould be derived exactly as it has been explained that the corresponding\nnames of Genesis 5 could be derived. It only remains to explain the names\nAbel and Irad. It will be noticed that Abel occupies in the list a\nposition next to Adam and Cain; Abel is also said to have been a\nshepherd. In the list of Babylonian kings Etana the shepherd comes in\nbetween Adim\u00ea (Aripi) and Pilikam, the equivalent of Cain. It is probable,\ntherefore, that Etana is the king that corresponds to Abel. Etana is\ndescribed in the Sumerian as \u201cthe shepherd who went to heaven,\u201d SIBA L\u00d9\nAN-\u0160U NI-IB-E-DA. If the two words SIBA L\u00d9 became detached and\nmisunderstood as a proper name, the _s_ at the beginning, according to a\nwell known phonetic law, could become _h_ and give us the Hebrew Abel.\nIrad may also be _ir-tu_, a corruption of ZI-IR-TU, a name of the mother\nof Dumuzi, who may at times have been referred to as the son of\nZI-IR-TU.[389] These possibilities are not proof that the names arose as\nsuggested, but are not without weight.\n\nIf Abel arose from the traditions of Etana and Enoch did also, and if the\nnames of Genesis 4 are derived from the list of Babylonian kings, then\nEtana figures twice in the fourth chapter of Genesis. If Enoch is a\nfragment of the name Enmeduranki, a possibility already recognized, it is\nnot difficult to understand how Etana came into the tradition twice.\n\n=4. Comparison with the List of Berossos.=\n\nAnother list of names awaits comparison. Berossos, a Babylonian priest who\ndied about 260 B. C., compiled a list of kings who lived before the flood,\nand attributed to them incredibly long reigns. His work has not survived,\nbut his list is quoted by two early Christian writers, Eusebius and\nSyncellus, and Hommel[390] and Sayce[391] have claimed that his names are,\nmany of them, identical with the patriarchs of Genesis 5.\n\nThe list of Berossos is as follows:\n\n Kings Length of reign\n\n Alorus 36,000 years\n Alaparos 10,800 \"\n Am\u0113lon 46,800 \"\n Ammenon 43,200 \"\n Megalaros 64,800 \"\n Daonos or Daos 36,000 \"\n Euedorachos 64,800 \"\n Amempsinos 36,000 \"\n Otiartes 28,800 \"\n Xisouthros 64,800 \"\n --------------\n Total 432,000 years.\n\nIt has long been recognized that Am\u0113lon is the Semitic Babylonian word\n_amelu_, \u201cman.\u201d It is a Babylonian synonym of Mutu-elu, the equivalent of\nEnosh, and is also a translation of Enmenunna. Ammenon has also been\nrecognized as the Semitic Babylonian _ummanu_, \u201cartisan.\u201d It is a\ntranslation in one word of the Sumerian Pilikam.\n\nDaonos or Daos has, too, been seen to be the phonetic transliteration into\nGreek letters of the Sumerian Dumu, the first part of the name Dumuzi.\n\nEuedorachos has also been thought to be the Sumerian Enmeduranki, whom we\nhave recognized as another name for Etana. Four of the names of Berossos\nare thus easily connected with names in the new list of kings.\n\nThe fifth one, Megalaros, might be a corruption either of Mutu-shalal or\nof Mutu-\u0161a-elu, and so go back ultimately either to Enmeirgan or to\nMeskingashir. Xisouthros is clearly the same person as Ziugiddu. He had no\nconnection with this list of kings, but is, like Noah in Genesis 5,\nattached to it on account of the flood. Hommel long ago saw that Otiartes\nis the same as Ubara-tutu, who is said in the account of the deluge which\nwas found at Nineveh to have been the father of Utnapishtim, the hero of\nthe deluge.[392] Berossos has, accordingly, not only added the hero of the\ndeluge, but has displaced one of the names from the king list in order to\nfind a place for the father of Xisouthros.\n\nThe other names are puzzling. Poebel has suggested[393] that Alorus may be\na Greek corruption of the Sumerian name Laluralim, who is said to have\nbeen a king of Nippur. An old text which contains this name[394] is\naccompanied by a gloss _zugagib_, \u201cscorpion,\u201d[395] and the first king in\nthe list translated above is Zugagib. If, therefore, this suggestion is\ntrue, the name may go back to the same source as the others, after all.\n\nAmempsinos has been thought by some to be a corruption of the well known\nBabylonian name Amil-Sin. There was an Amil-Sin in the first dynasty of\nBabylon, but why the name should be inserted here cannot at present be\nexplained; nor has a satisfactory explanation been suggested for\nAlaparos.\n\nThe above discussion may be summed up in a few words. The Babylonian list\nof kings with which this chapter begins makes no reference to the flood,\nneither does the fourth chapter of Genesis. All the names in Genesis 4 may\nbe found in the Babylonian list, though Etana seems to have been inserted\ntwice under different names. As Genesis 5 omits Abel, it has Etana only\nonce. All the other names of Genesis 5, except Noah, are found in the\nBabylonian list. Noah has been added to connect the list with the flood.\nThe ages of the patriarchs in Genesis 5 correspond approximately to the\ngeneral lengths of the reigns assigned to the kings in the tablet.\nBerossos seems to have exercised much greater freedom, inserting several\nnames, the origin of some of which cannot now be made out. He also greatly\nexaggerated the lengths of the kings\u2019 reigns.\n\nThese correspondences are simply noted. It is but a few months since the\nwriter discovered them, and he was the first to do so. It is too early to\ncorrectly estimate their ultimate significance. It should, however, be\nobserved that the Biblical numbers (Gen. 5) lack the gross exaggerations\nof Berossos, and that, if the correspondences here pointed out are real,\nthe tradition embodied in Genesis is carried back to a time from 800 to\n1000 years earlier than Moses.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER VI\n\nA BABYLONIAN ACCOUNT OF THE FLOOD, FROM A TABLET WRITTEN AT NINEVEH IN THE\nSEVENTH CENTURY B. C.[396]\n\n TRANSLATION OF THE TEXT. COMPARISON WITH GENESIS 6-9. ANOTHER\n BABYLONIAN VERSION.\n\n\n=1. Translation of the Text.=\n\n 1. Gilgamesh said to him, to Utnapishtim, the far-away:\n\n 2. \u201cI look upon thee, O Utnapishtim,\n\n 3. Thy appearance is unchanged; thou are like me;\n\n 4. Thou art not at all different, thou art like me.\n\n 5. Thy courage is unbroken, to make combat,\n\n 6. On thy side thou liest down--on thy back.\n\n 7. [Tell me] how hast thou advanced and in the assembly of the gods\n hast found life?\u201d\n\n 8. Utnapishtim spoke to him, to Gilgamesh:\n\n 9. I will reveal to thee, O Gilgamesh, the secret story,\n\n 10. And the decision of the gods to thee will I relate.\n\n 11. Shurippak, a city which thou knowest,\n\n 12. Is situated on the bank of the Euphrates.\n\n 13. That city was old and the gods in it--\n\n 14. Their hearts prompted them--the great gods--to make a deluge.\n\n 15. [There drew near] their father Anu,\n\n 16. Their councillor, the warrior Ellil,\n\n 17. Their herald, Enmashtu,\n\n 18. Their hero, Ennugi.\n\n 19. The lord of wisdom, Ea, counselled with them;\n\n 20. Their words he repeated to the reed-hut:\n\n 21. \u201cO reed-hut, reed-hut, O wall, wall,\n\n 22. O reed-hut, hearken; O wall, give heed!\n\n 23. O man of Shurippak, son of Ubaratutu,\n\n 24. Pull down thy house, build a ship,\n\n 25. Leave thy possessions, take thought for thy life,\n\n 26. Leave thy gods, thy life save!\n\n 27. Embark seed of life of all kinds on a ship!\n\n 28. The ship which thou shalt build,\n\n 29. Measure well its dimensions,\n\n 30. Make to correspond its breadth and its length;\n\n 31. Upon the ocean thou shalt launch it.\u201d\n\n 32. I understood and spoke to Ea, my lord:\n\n 33. \u201c[I understand], my lord; what thou hast thus commanded\n\n 34. I will honor and will do.\n\n 35. [But] what shall I say to the city, the people, and the elders?\u201d\n\n 36. Ea opened his mouth and spake,\n\n 37. He said unto me, his servant:\n\n 38. \u201cThus shalt thou say unto them:\n\n 39. Know that me--Ellil hates me.\n\n 40. I may not dwell in your city,\n\n 41. On Ellil\u2019s soil I may not lift my face.\n\n 42. I must go down to the ocean with Ea, my lord, to dwell.\n\n 43. Upon you will he (Ellil) then rain abundance--\n\n 44. [A catch] of birds, a catch of fishes,\n\n 45. ................ a rich (?) harvest.\n\n 46. [A time Shamash[397] appointed, at evening] the senders of rain\n\n 47. [Shall rain upon] you a mighty rainstorm.\n\n 48. When the grey of dawn brightens,\n\n(Lines 49-55 are broken away.)\n\n 56. The strong ...... brought what was needed.\n\n 57. On the fifth day I raised its frame.\n\n 58. According to its plan (?) its walls were 120 cubits high;\n\n 59. 120 cubits correspondingly was the extent of its roof.\n\n 60. I laid down its hull; I enclosed it.\n\n 61. I constructed it in storys, up to six;\n\n 62. I divided it [without (?)] into seven parts.\n\n 63. Its interior I divided into nine parts.\n\n 64. .......... I fastened in its midst.\n\n 65. I looked out a rudder, and prepared what was necessary.\n\n 66. 6 _sars_ of bitumen I poured over its outside (?);\n\n 67. 3 _sars_ of bitumen I poured over its interior.\n\n 68. 3 _sars_ of oil the people who carry jars brought.\n\n 69. Besides a _sar_ of oil which was used as a libation,\n\n 70. 2 _sars_ of oil the ship\u2019s captain stowed away.\n\n 71. For the people I slaughtered bullocks.\n\n 72. I slaughtered lambs daily.\n\n 73. Must, beer, oil, and wine,\n\n 74. I gave the people to drink like river-water.\n\n 75. I made a feast, like a new year\u2019s festival.\n\n 76. I opened (?) [a box of ointment]; I put ointment in my hand.\n\n 77. [By the setting] of great Shamash, the ship was finished.\n\n 78. [To move it from the stocks] was difficult.\n\n 79. The men cleared the ship\u2019s ways above and below.\n\n 80. .............................. two-thirds of it.\n\n 81. With all that I had I laded it (the ship);\n\n 82. With all the silver I had I laded it.\n\n 83. With all the gold I had I laded it.\n\n 84. With all the living things I had I laded it.\n\n 85. I embarked on the ship all my family and kindred.\n\n 86. Cattle of the field, beasts of the field, craftsmen, all, I\n embarked.\n\n 87. A fixed time Shamash had appointed, [saying]:\n\n 88. \u201cWhen the senders of rain shall rain upon you a mighty rainstorm\n at evening,\n\n 89. Embark upon the ship and close thy door.\u201d\n\n 90. The appointed time approached,\n\n 91. The senders of rain sent at evening a heavy rainstorm.\n\n 92. I observed the appearance of the day,\n\n 93. The day was terrible to look upon.\n\n 94. I embarked upon the ship, I closed my door.\n\n 95. To the master of the ship, to Puzur-Amurru, the sailor,\n\n 96. I entrusted the structure together with its contents.\n\n 97. When dew-dawn began to brighten,\n\n 98. There arose from the horizon a black cloud;\n\n 99. The god Adad thundered in its midst,\n\n 100. While Nebo and Sharru marched before;\n\n 101. They went as heralds over mountain and country.\n\n 102. Nergal tore away the anchor,\n\n 103. Enmashtu advanced, the floods he poured down;\n\n 104. The Anunnaki raised their torches,\n\n 105. At their brightness the land trembled.\n\n 106. The raging of Adad reached to heaven;\n\n 107. All light was turned to darkness\n\n 108. .......... the land like ...............\n\n 109. One day [raged the storm (?)]\n\n 110. Swiftly it raged [and the waters covered] the mountains,\n\n 111. Like a battle array over the people it swept.\n\n 112. No one could see his fellow;\n\n 113. No more were people recognized in heaven;\n\n 114. The gods were frightened at the deluge,\n\n 115. They fled, they climbed to the highest heaven;\n\n 116. The gods crouched like dogs, they lay down by the walls.\n\n 117. Ishtar cried like a woman in travail,\n\n 118. Wailed the queen of the gods with her beautiful voice:\n\n 119. \u201cThose creatures are turned to clay,\n\n 120. Since I commanded evil in the assembly of the gods;\n\n 121. Because I commanded evil in the assembly of the gods,\n\n 122. For the destruction of my people I commanded battle.\n\n 123. I alone bore my people;\n\n 124. Like spawn of fishes they fill the sea.\u201d\n\n 125. The gods along with the Anunnaki wept with her,\n\n 126. The gods bowed, sat as they wept;\n\n 127. Closed were their lips; [silent their] assembly.\n\n 128. Six days and seven nights\n\n 129. Blew the wind, the deluge the flood overpowered.\n\n 130. When the seventh day approached, the deluge was prolonging the\n battle\n\n 131. Which, like an army, it had waged.\n\n 132. The sea calmed, the destruction abated, the flood ceased.\n\n 133. I looked upon the sea, the roaring was stilled\n\n 134. And all mankind was turned to clay;\n\n 135. Like logs all were floating about.\n\n 136. I opened the window, the light fell on my cheek;\n\n 137. I was overcome, I sat down, I wept;\n\n 138. Over my cheek streamed the tears.\n\n 139. I looked in all directions--a fearful sea!\n\n 140. After twelve days an island appeared;\n\n 141. Toward mount Nizir the ship stood off;\n\n 142. Mount Nizir held it fast, that it moved not.\n\n 143. One day, two days, mount Nizir held it that it moved not,\n\n 144. Three days, four days, mount Nizir held it that it moved not,\n\n 145. Five days, six days, mount Nizir held it that it moved not,\n\n 146. When the seventh day approached,\n\n 147. I brought out a dove and let her go;\n\n 148. The dove went out and returned;\n\n 149. There was no resting-place and she came back.\n\n 150. I brought out a swallow and let it go;\n\n 151. The swallow went out and returned.\n\n 152. There was no resting-place and it came back.\n\n 153. I brought out a raven and let it go;\n\n 154. The raven went out, the diminution of the waters it saw;\n\n 155. It alighted, it waded about, it croaked, it did not come back.\n\n 156. I disembarked [all]; to the four winds I poured a libation.\n\n 157. I appointed a sacrifice on the top of the mountain peak;\n\n 158. Seven by seven I arranged the sacrificial vessels;\n\n 159. Beneath them I piled reeds, cedar wood, and myrtle.\n\n 160. The gods smelled the savor,\n\n 161. The gods smelled the sweet savor,\n\n 162. The gods above the sacrificer collected like flies.\n\n 163. When at length the queen of the gods drew near,\n\n 164. She raised the great bows (?) which Anu at her wish had made.\n\n 165. \u201cO ye gods, as I shall not forget the jewel of my neck\n\n 166. These days I shall not forget--to eternity I shall remember!\n\n 167. Let the gods come to the sacrifice,\n\n 168. But let Ellil not come to the sacrifice,\n\n 169. For he was not wise; he sent the deluge,\n\n 170. And numbered my people for destruction.\u201d\n\n 171. When at last Ellil drew near,\n\n 172. He saw the ship, Ellil was angry,\n\n 173. His heart was filled against the gods and the Igigi.[398]\n\n 174. \u201cWho then has come out alive?\n\n 175. No man must escape from destruction.\u201d\n\n 176. Then Enmashtu opened his mouth and spake,\n\n 177. He said to the warrior Ellil:\n\n 178. \u201cWho but Ea accomplished the thing?\n\n 179. Even Ea knows every undertaking.\u201d\n\n 180. Ea opened his mouth and spake,\n\n 181. He said to the warrior Ellil:\n\n 182. \u201cO thou, leader of the gods, warrior,\n\n 183. How, how couldst thou without thought send a deluge?\n\n 184. On the sinner let his sin rest,\n\n 185. On the wrongdoer rest his misdeed.\n\n 186. Forbear, let it not be done, have mercy, [that men perish not].\n\n 187. Instead of thy sending a deluge\n\n 188. Had the lion come and diminished the people!\n\n 189. Instead of thy sending a deluge\n\n 190. Had a wolf come and diminished the people!\n\n 191. Instead of thy sending a deluge\n\n 192. Had a famine come and the land [depopulated!]\n\n 193. Instead of thy sending a deluge\n\n 194. Had a pestilence come and the land [depopulated!]\n\n 195. I have not divulged the decisions of the great gods.\n\n 196. I caused Adrakhasis to see a dream and the decisions of the gods\n he heard.\n\n 197. Now take counsel concerning him.\u201d\n\n 198. Then went Ea on board the ship,\n\n 199. He took my hand and brought me forth,\n\n 200. He brought forth my wife and made her kneel at my side;\n\n 201. He turned us toward each other and stood between us; he blessed\n us:\n\n 202. \u201cIn former time Utnapishtim was a man;\n\n 203. Now let Utnapishtim and his wife be like gods--even like us;\n\n 204. Let Utnapishtim dwell afar off at the mouth of the rivers!\u201d\n\n 205. He took me and caused me to dwell afar off at the mouth of the\n rivers.\n\n=2. Comparison with Genesis 6-9.=\n\nThe above account of the deluge so closely resembles that in the Bible\n(Gen. 6:9-9:19), that nearly all scholars recognize that they are two\nversions of the same narrative.[399] In each case there is a divine\nrevelation to the hero of the deluge that a catastrophe is coming of which\nevery one else is ignorant. They both relate the building of the vessel,\nthe \u201cpitching it within and without with pitch,\u201d the embarkation, the\nflood in which other men are destroyed, the resting of the ship on a\nmountain, the sending out of the birds, the disembarkation, the sacrifice,\nand the intimation that in future a deluge shall not be.\n\nWhen the Babylonian account is compared with the Biblical, there are two\nstriking differences. 1. The Babylonian story makes the flood local; the\nBiblical, general. 2. The Babylonian story, fascinating poetry though it\nis, has a conception of deity in strong contrast with the dignity of the\nBiblical monotheism. The Babylonian gods disagree; they blame each other;\nthey crouch with fear like dogs; they come swarming about the sacrifice\nlike hungry flies! Nothing could more strikingly illustrate the\ninspiration of the Biblical story than to measure it against the\nbackground of this Babylonian poem, which is clearly a variant version of\nit.\n\n=3. Another Babylonian Version.=\n\nFrom the library of Ashurbanipal there has come another version of the\ndeluge, which represents the purpose of its coming as different. According\nto this version, men had sinned and had been afflicted with famine, after\nwhich they reformed for a time. The famine was removed, but soon,\napparently, they sinned again. Pestilence was then sent upon them. An\nappeal brought mitigation of their sufferings, but soon they plunged into\nsin again. This time they were punished with unfruitfulness of the land\nand of their race, but soon sinned as before. When all other punishments\nhad failed, as a last resort the flood was sent.\n\nAs this account does not so closely resemble that in Genesis, it is not\ntranslated here. Those who wish to read it are referred to Rogers,\n_Cuneiform Parallels to the Old Testament_, New York, 1912, p. 114, ff.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER VII\n\nAN ACCOUNT OF THE CREATION AND FLOOD, FROM A TABLET WRITTEN AT NIPPUR\nBEFORE 2000 B. C.\n\n TRANSLATION. COMPARISON WITH THE OTHER VERSION.\n\n\n=1. Translation.=\n\nThis tablet was published by Dr. Arno Poebel, of Breslau. It was\napparently written in the time of the dynasty of Nisin, but at any rate\nnot later than the period of the first dynasty of Babylon. Only a part of\nthe tablet has been found, so that the narrative is incomplete both at the\nbeginning and at the end. Possibly the remaining portion may some time be\nfound in the museum at Constantinople. The tablet is inscribed on both\nsides, and there are three columns to the side. The portions that are\nstill extant read as follows:[400]\n\n_Column I (about three-fourths of the column missing)_\n\n ..........................................\n ..........................................\n \u201cMy human-kind from its destruction I will [raise up];\n With the aid of Nintu my creation .......... I will raise up;\n The people in their settlements I will establish;\n The city, wherever man creates one--indeed its protection--therein I\n will give him rest.\n Our house--its brick may he cast in a clean spot!\n Our places in a clean place may he establish!\u201d\n Its brilliant splendor, the temple platform, he made straight,\n The exalted regulations he completed for it;\n The land he divided; a favorable plan he established.\n After Anu, Enlil,[401] Enki,[402] and Ninkharsag\n The black-headed[403] race had created,\n All that is from the earth, from the earth they caused to spring,\n Cattle and beasts of the field suitably they brought into being.\n\nHere the first column ends. The passage opens in the midst of the speech\nof some deity--perhaps Ninkharsag (a Sumerian name of Ishtar) or possibly\nEnlil, the god of Nippur. First the deity tells how mankind, which has\nbeen overthrown, shall be raised up again. Then we are told how he\nperfected plans for the accomplishment of this purpose, and lastly how\nfour deities called into being men and animals.\n\n_Column II (about three-fifths of the text is missing)_\n\n ......................................................\n ................. I will ...............................\n ............. I will turn my eye upon him .............\n The ......... creator of the land ...............................\n ................ of royalty ......................\n ................ of royalty by him was determined;\n The exalted palace of the royal throne was by him set apart,\n The exalted precepts .......... he made perfect,\n In clean places .......... cities .......... he founded,\n Their names were named, they were allotted to guardian-spirits (?)\n Of these cities Eridu--the chief command to Nudimmud he gave,\n Unto the second the _nisag_-priests of Umma (?) he gave,\n Thirdly, Larak to Pabilkharsag he gave,\n Fourthly, Sippar as the dwelling of Shamash he gave,\n Fifthly, Shurippak unto _Lamkurru_ he gave.\n Their names were assigned; to guardian-spirits (?) they were allotted;\n Its rampart (?), a wall (?) he raised up, he established;\n Small rivers, canals (?), and water-courses (?) he established.\n\nThe last part of this column relates how five cities were established by\nsome deity. Of what the first part treated we cannot make out from the few\nfragments of lines that are still legible.\n\n_Column III_\n\n ..........................................\n ..........................................\n The land the sway of Anu ..................\n The people ....................\n A deluge ........................\n .........................................\n Their land (?) it entered ....................\n Then Nintu [cried out] like [a woman in travail] ..........\n The brilliant Ishtar [uttered] a groan on account of her people.\n Enki with himself held communion in his wisdom;\n Anu, Enlil, Enki, and Ninkharsag,\n The gods of heaven and earth, invoked the names of Anu and Enlil,\n At that time Ziugiddu was king, the priest of ..........\n The chief deity he made of wood ..........\n In humility prostrating himself, in reverence ..........\n Daily at all times was he present in person ..........\n Increasing dreams which had not come [before],\n Conjuring by the name of heaven and earth ..........\n\nIn this column the narrative has passed to the story of the deluge. The\ngods have determined to send a deluge; Ziugiddu in consequence constructed\nan idol from wood (compare Isa. 40:20), and earnestly worshiped it,\nseeking oracles for his guidance.\n\n_Column IV_\n\n For the settlement (?) the gods a wall (?) ..........\n Ziugiddu stood by its side, he heard ..........\n \u201cAt the wall at my left side stand ..........\n At the wall I will speak a word to thee\n O my brilliant one, let there enter thy ear ..........\n By our hand a deluge .......... will be sent.\n The seed of mankind to destroy ..........\n Is the momentous decision of the assembly (of the gods);\n The words of Anu and Enlil ..........\n Their kingdom, their rule ..........\n To them ....................\u201d\n\nIt is clear from these fragmentary lines that Ziugiddu is being informed\nof the approaching deluge. It is also clear that some of the elements of\nthe narrative are identical with some of the elements of the one discussed\nin Chapter VI. Ziugiddu is commanded to stand by a wall, where some deity\nwill speak to him. This appears in the other version in the form:\n\n \u201cO reed-hut, reed-hut, O wall, wall,[404]\n O reed-hut, hearken; O wall, give heed!\n O man of Shurippak, son of Ubartutu,\n Pull down thy house, build a ship,\u201d etc.\n\nIn that account, too, the assembly of the gods is also referred to in line\n120, ff. These are examples of the way the same theme, differently\ntreated, turns up in different forms.\n\n_Column V_\n\n The evil winds, the wind that is hostile, came; all of them descended,\n The deluge .......... came on with them\n Seven days and seven nights\n The deluge swept over the land,\n The evil wind made the huge boat tremble.\n Shamash[405] came forth, on heaven and earth he shone;\n Ziugiddu the ship at the top uncovered,\n The peace of Shamash, his light, entered into the boat.\n Ziugiddu, the king\n Before Shamash bowed his face to the earth.\n The king--an ox he sacrificed, a sheep offered as oblation.\n .........................................\n\nIn this column we have a fragment which relates some details similar to\nthose told in lines 128, 129, and 136-138 of the account given in Chapter\nVI.\n\n_Column VI_\n\n By the life of heaven and the life of earth ye shall conjure him,\n That he may raise up from you;\n Anu and Enlil by the soul of heaven and the soul of earth ye shall\n conjure,\n That they may raise up from you\n The curse that has come upon the land, that they may remove it.\n Ziugiddu the king\n Before Anu and Enlil bowed his face to the earth.\n Life like a god\u2019s he gave to him,\n An immortal spirit like a god\u2019s he brought to him.\n Then Ziugiddu the king,\n Of the seed that was cursed, lord of mankind he made;\n In the fruitful land, the land of Dilmun .......... they made him dwell\n .........................................\n\nAt this point the last column is hopelessly broken. It is clear, however,\nfrom the part which remains that Ziugiddu is in this narrative translated\nto the Isle of the Blest as was Utnapishtim in the account translated in\nChapter VI, lines 202-205.[406] Indeed there is reason to believe that the\ntwo accounts of the flood are divergent versions of the same story. In\naddition to the likenesses already mentioned, the names of the two heroes,\nthough they appear so different, are the same in meaning. Utnapishtim (or\nUnapishtim) means \u201cday of life,\u201d or \u201cday-life,\u201d while Ziugiddu means\n\u201cLife-day prolonged.\u201d\n\n=2. Comparison with the Other Version.=\n\nAlthough this tablet is much broken, so that we have not the whole of the\nstory, it is clear from the parts that we have that in this version\npreserved at Nippur the story was much shorter than in the form translated\nin Chapter VI, which was preserved in the library of Ashurbanipal. It was\nalso combined with a briefer account of the creation than that translated\nin Chapter I from Ashurbanipal\u2019s library.\n\nOf this Nippurian version of the creation story we have in this tablet\nonly the small fragments preserved in Columns I and II. It is, however,\nprobable that the Nippurian version of the creation was in its main\nfeatures similar to that preserved in the library at Nineveh, only more\nbrief.\n\nIf this be so, the conquest of the dragon Ti\u00e2mat is here attributed to\nEnlil of Nippur, as in the other version it is attributed to Marduk of\nBabylon, and as in Psa. 74:13, 14, it is attributed to Jehovah. This\nolder account from Nippur agrees in one respect more nearly with the\nBiblical account than the one from the library at Nineveh does, for it\nrepresents Ziugiddu as a very pious man, who was apparently saved from\ndestruction on account of his piety, and in blessing him God removed the\ncurse as Jehovah did in Gen. 8:21.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER VIII\n\nAN ACCOUNT OF THE ORIGIN OF A CITY AND THE BEGINNING OF AGRICULTURE, FROM\nA TABLET WRITTEN AT NIPPUR BEFORE 2000 B. C.\n\n TRANSLATION. COMPARISON WITH BIBLICAL MATERIAL.\n\n\nThis tablet begins with a description of a place the name of which is not\nidentified; it is, accordingly, indicated in the translation by X.\nPossibly it was Eridu; possibly Dilmun.\n\n=1. Translation.=\n\n_Column I_[407]\n\n 1. They that are lofty, they that are lofty are ye,\n\n 2. O X, pure;\n\n 3. They that are holy, they that are lofty are ye.\n\n 4. O X, pure,\n\n 5. X is pure, X is bright,\n\n 6. X is splendid, X is resplendent.\n\n 7. Alone were they in X; they lay down.\n\n 8. Where Enki and his consort lay,\n\n 9. That place is splendid, that place is pure.\n\n 10. Alone [in X they lay down].\n\n 11. Where Enki with Ninella lay down,\n\n 12. That place is splendid, [that place is pure].\n\n 13. In X the raven cried not,\n\n 14. The kite gave not his kite-call,\n\n 15. The deadly lion destroyed not,\n\n 16. The wolf a lamb seized not,\n\n 17. The dog the weak kid worried not,\n\n 18. The ewes the food-grain destroyed not,\n\n 19. Offspring increased not ..........\n\n 20. The birds of heaven their offspring ..... not;\n\n 21. The doves were not put to flight (?).\n\n 22. Of eye-disease, \u201cit is eye-disease,\u201d one said not;\n\n 23. Of headache, \u201cit is headache,\u201d one said not.\n\n 24. To a mother, \u201cmother,\u201d one said not,\n\n 25. To a father, \u201cfather,\u201d one said not.\n\n 26. In the holy place a libation was poured not; in the city one drank\n not;\n\n 27. The river-man \u201ccross it?\u201d said not;\n\n 28. Fear one\u2019s couch troubled not;\n\n 29. The musician \u201csing,\u201d said not;\n\n 30. The prince of the city spoke not.\n\n 31. Ninella to her father Enki said:\n\n 32. \u201cA city thou hast founded, a city thou hast founded, its destiny\n thou hast fixed;\n\n 33. In X a city thou hast founded,\n\n 34. .......... thou hast founded a city,\n\n 35. ............ a canal there is not\n\n 36. .............. thou hast founded a city.\u201d\n\nThe rest of the first column is broken away; probably about nine lines are\nmissing.\n\nAll the first column is descriptive of a place inhabited only by a god and\ngoddess. Many activities are absent, because there is no one there to\ncarry them on. Lines 16-21 remind one a little of Isa. 11:6-9.\n\nAfter the break the text continues:\n\n_Column II_\n\n 1. \u201cFrom the bright covering of thy great heaven may the waters flow,\n\n 2. May thy city be refreshed with water, may it drink,\n\n 3. May X be refreshed with water, may it drink,\n\n 4. May thy well of bitter water flow as a well of sweet water.\n\n 5. May thy city be a resting, an abode of the people,\n\n 6. May X be a resting, an abode of the people.\n\n 7. Now, O sun-god, shine forth,\n\n 8. O sun-god, stand in heaven;\n\n 9. Bring the festal-grain from its place\n\n 10. [And] fish, O moon-god, from the water.\n\n 11. Along the face of the earth on the road with earth\u2019s sweet water\n come.\u201d\n\n 12. From the bright covering of the great heavens the waters flowed,\n\n 13. His city was refreshed with water, it drank;\n\n 14. X was refreshed with water, it drank,\n\n 15. His well of bitter water became a well of sweet water.\n\n 16. The fields and meadows with moisture caused grain to sprout (?);\n\n 17. His city was a resting, an abode of the people;\n\n 18. X was a resting, an abode of the people.\n\n 19. Then the sun-god shone forth; this verily was so,\n\n 20. The brilliant one, creator of intelligence.\n\n 21. To Nintu, the mother of the people\n\n(Lines 22-30 describe with a frankness common among primitive people a\nmarital union of the god and goddess. In many parts of the world it has\nbeen thought that acts of creation proceed from such unions.)\n\n 31. Enki, the father of Damgalnunna, his word spoke.\n\n 32. Ninkharsag flooded the fields,\n\n 33. The fields received the waters of Enki.\n\n 34. It was the first day whose month is first;\n\n 35. It was the second day whose month is second;\n\n 36. It was the third day whose month is third;\n\n 37. It was the fourth day whose month is fourth;\n\n 38. It was the fifth day whose month is fifth;\n\n 39. It was the sixth day whose month is sixth;\n\n 40. It was the seventh day whose month is seventh;\n\n 41. It was the eighth day [whose month is eighth];\n\n 42. It was the ninth day whose month is ninth, the month of fertility.\n\n 43. Like fat, like fat, like abundant sweet oil,\n\n 44. [Nintu], mother of the land,\n\n 45. .......... had brought them forth.\n\nIn the first part of the above column the description of the city is\ncontinued. As a consequence of the union of the gods, water flowed to\nirrigate the land. Lines 34-42 tell in a quaint way how the waters\ncontinued to come for nine months and nine days.\n\n_Column III_\n\n 1. Ninshar on the bank of the river cried (?):\n\n 2. \u201cO Enki, for me are they filled! they are filled!\u201d\n\n 3. His messenger, Usmu himself the word repeated.\n\n 4. The sons of men his favor did not understand,\n\n 5. Ninshar his favor did not understand.\n\n 6. His messenger, Usmu himself, answered;\n\n 7. The sons of men his favor did not understand,\n\n 8. Ninshar his favor did not understand.\n\n 9. \u201cMy king, a storm-cloud! A storm-cloud!\u201d\n\n 10. With his foot on the boat he stepped,\n\n 11. Two strong men as watchers he stationed,\n\n 12. The command they received, they took.\n\n 13. Enki flooded the fields,\n\n 14. The fields received the waters of Enki.\n\n 15. It was the first day whose month is first;\n\n 16. It was the second day whose month is second;\n\n 17. It was the ninth day whose month is ninth, the month of the height\n of the waters.\n\n 18. Like fat, like fat, like abundant sweet oil,\n\n 19. [Ninshar] like fat,\n\n 20. Ninshar had brought them forth.\n\n 21. Ninkurra[408] [on the bank of the river] c[ried (?)]\n\n 22. \u201cO Enki, for me they are filled! they are filled!\u201d\n\n 23. His messenger, Usmu, the word repeated.\n\n 24. The sons of men his favor did not understand,\n\n 25. Ninkurra his favor did not understand.\n\n 26. His messenger, Usmu himself answered;\n\n 27. The sons of men did not understand,\n\n 28. Ninkurra did not understand.\n\n 29. \u201cMy king, a storm-cloud! A storm-cloud!\u201d\n\n 30. With his foot on the boat he stepped,\n\n 31. Two strong men as watchers he stationed;\n\n 32. The command they received, they took.\n\n 33. Enki flooded the fields\n\n 34. The fields received the waters of Enki.\n\n 35. It was the first day whose month is first;\n\n 36. It was the ninth day whose month is ninth, the month of the height\n of the waters.\n\n 37. Like fat, like fat, like abundant sweet oil,\n\n 38. Ninkurra like fat had brought them forth.\n\n 39. The god Tagtug and his wife she received;\n\n 40. Ninkurra to Tagtug [and his wife] spoke:\n\n 41. \u201cVerily I will help (?) thee, my upright one, ..........\n\n 42. With favorable words I speak ..........\n\n 43. One man for me shall be counted ..........\n\n 44. Enki for me shall ..........\n\nThe rest of the column, consisting of two or three lines, is missing. The\nrepetition in this column is characteristic of early poetry. Primitive\npeoples are fond of iteration, and in the description of the way the\nwaters came it was to them very effective.\n\n_Column IV (about twelve lines are broken from the tablet at the\nbeginning)_\n\n 13. [To Tagtug and] his wife spoke ..........\n\n 14. ........................................\n\n 15. ......................................\n\n 16. ................ in the garden ....................\n\n 17. ........................................\n\n 18. [Eba]raguldu let him found,\n\n 19. Erabgaran let him found,\n\n 20. At the temple let my fettered oxen stand,\n\n 21. For Enki let my fettered oxen be sacrificed,\n\n 22. Let two strong men pour out water,\n\n 23. Abundant water let them pour out,\n\n 24. Reservoir-water let them pour out,\n\n 25. The barren land let them irrigate,\n\n 26. As gardeners for the little plants let them go forth,\n\n 27. On the bank, along the bank let them (_i. e._, the plants) extend.\n\n 28. Who art thou? The garden ....................\n\n 29. For Enki the gardener ............................\n\n(Five lines are here broken away.)\n\n 35. Ebaraguldu he founded,\n\n 36. Erabgaran he founded, on its foundation he set it.\n\n 37. Enki turned his eyes unto him; his scepter he lifted up;\n\n 38. Enki to Tagtug directed the way.\n\n 39. At the temple he cried: \u201cOpen the door, open the door;\u201d\n\n 40. \u201cWho is it that thou art?\u201d\n\n 41. \u201cI am a gardener, with gladness ..........\n\n 42. With .......... the price (?) of milk will I present thee.\u201d\n\n 43. Tagtug with joyful heart at the temple opened the door,\n\n 44. Enki spoke to Tagtug and his wife,\n\n 45. With joy his possessions he gave to him;\n\n 46. That Ebaraguldu he gave him;\n\n 47. That Erabgaran he gave him.\n\n 48. Tagtug and his wife bowed down; with the left hand they covered\n the mouth; with the right they did obeisance.\n\nFrom the parts of Column IV, which are still legible, it appears that the\nmessenger was revealing to Tagtug the secrets of agriculture. This\ncorresponds to the statement in Gen. 9:20, that \u201cNoah began to be a\nhusbandman.\u201d\n\nAt the beginning of Column V some seven lines have crumbled away, and the\nbeginnings of eight more have also become illegible.\n\n_Column V_\n\n ...........................................\n\n ...........................................\n\n 8. [The .......... plant] was green,\n\n 9. [The .......... plant] was green,\n\n 10. [The .......... plant] was green,\n\n 11. [The .......... plant] was green,\n\n 12. [The .......... plant] was green,\n\n 13. [The .......... plant] was green,\n\n 14. [The .......... plant] was green.\n\n 15. \u201cO Enki, for me they are counted,\u201d\n\n 16. His messenger, Usmu himself, the word repeated;\n\n 17. \u201cPlants I have called forth, their abundance ordained,\n\n 18. The water shall make them bright, the water shall make them\n bright;\u201d\n\n 19. His messenger, Usmu himself, answered:\n\n 20. \u201cMy king, as to the woody plants,\u201d he said,\n\n 21. \u201cHe shall prune, he shall [eat].\u201d\n\n 22. \u201cAs to the tall plants,\u201d he said,\n\n 23. \u201cHe shall pluck, he shall eat.\u201d\n\n 24. \u201cMy king, as to the .......... plants,\u201d he said,\n\n 25. \u201cHe shall prune, he shall eat.\u201d\n\n 26. \u201cAs to the plants of the watered garden (?),\u201d he said,\n\n 27. \u201cHe shall pluck, he shall eat.\u201d\n\n 28. \u201c[My king], as to the .......... plants,\u201d he said,\n\n 29. \u201c[He shall prune], he shall eat.\u201d\n\n 30. \u201c[My king, as to the .......... plants],\u201d he said,\n\n 31. \u201c[He shall pluck, he shall eat].\u201d\n\n 32. [\u201cMy king, as to the .......... plants\u201d], he said,\n\n 33. \u201c[He shall prune, he shall] eat.\u201d\n\n 34. [\u201cMy king, as] to the cassia plant,\u201d he said,\n\n 35. \u201cHe [shall pluck] ........ he shall eat.\u201d\n\n 36. [\u201cEnki] for [me] the plant of his wisdom has plucked, his heart\n has spoken.\u201d\n\n 37. Of Ninkharsag the name Enki uttered in curse:\n\n 38. \u201cThe face of life when he dies he shall not see.\u201d\n\n 39. Then Anunnaki in the dust sat down.\n\n 40. The rebellious one to Enlil said:\n\n 41. \u201cI, Ninkharsag, brought forth for thee people; what is my reward?\u201d\n\n 42. Enlil, the begetter, answered the rebellious one:\n\n 43. \u201cThou, Ninkharsag, hast brought forth people,\u201d\n\n 44. \u201c\u2018In my city let two creatures be made,\u2019 shall thy name be\n called.\u201d\n\n 45. As a dignitary his head alone he exalted,\n\n 46. His heart (?) alone he made impetuous,\n\n 47. His eye alone he filled with fire (?).\n\nLangdon takes the portion of the narrative which we find in this column to\nbe an account of the fall of man, since line 36, as he rendered it, speaks\nof Tagtug\u2019s plucking and eating, and the next line speaks of the uttering\nof a curse. This view the writer does not share. If the above translation\nis correct, there is no allusion to anything of the kind.\n\n_Column VI (perhaps five lines are broken away)_\n\n 6. .......... the lord Enlil ..........\n\n 7. ........ the lord of life ..........\n\n 8. To .......... they went, ..........\n\n 9. To .......... they went, the lord of the gods ..........\n\n 10. Spoke to him, the water of life ..........\n\n 11. ..............................\n\n 12. Ninkharsag ....................\n\n 13. ..............................\n\n 14. ..................................\n\n 15. ..............................\n\n 16. ..........................\n\n 17. ............................\n\n 18. Ninkharsag ....................\n\n 19. Enlil ...... his .......... they founded,\n\n 20. Priests (?) they ordained,\n\n 21. Fate they determined,\n\n 22. With power established it.\n\n 23. Ninkharsag in her temple granted his life to him:\n\n 24. \u201cMy brother, what of thee is ill?\u201d\n\n 25. \u201cMy herd (?) is ill.\u201d\n\n 26. \u201cThe god Absham have I brought forth for thee.\u201d\n\n 27. \u201cMy brother, what of thee is ill?\u201d\n\n 28. \u201cMy herd is ill.\u201d\n\n 29. \u201cThe goddess \u2018Queen of the herd\u2019[409] have I brought forth for\n thee.\u201d\n\n 30. \u201cMy brother, what of thee is ill?\u201d \u201cMy face is ill.\u201d\n\n 31. \u201cThe goddess Ninkautu have I brought forth for thee.\u201d\n\n 32. \u201cMy brother, what of thee is ill?\u201d \u201cMy mouth is ill.\u201d\n\n 33. \u201cThe goddess \u2018Queen who fills the mouth\u2019[410] have I brought forth\n for thee.\u201d\n\n 34. \u201cMy brother, what of thee is ill?\u201d [\u201cMy ...... is ill\u201d].\n\n 35. \u201cThe goddess Nazi have I brought forth for thee.\u201d\n\n 36. \u201cMy brother, what of thee is ill?\u201d \u201cMy hand [is ill.\u201d]\n\n 37. \u201cMy goddess \u2018Living hand\u2019[411] have I brought forth for thee.\u201d\n\n 38. \u201cMy brother, what of thee is ill?\u201d \u201cMy health is ill.\u201d\n\n 39. \u201cThe goddess \u2018Queen of health\u2019[412] have I brought forth for\n thee.\u201d\n\n 40. \u201cMy brother, what of thee is ill?\u201d \u201cMy intelligence is ill.\u201d\n\n 41. \u201cThe god who makes the intelligence clear[413] have I brought\n forth for thee.\u201d\n\n 42. \u201cGrandly are they brought forth, they are created.\n\n 43. Let Absham be lord of vegetation,\n\n 44. Let Nintulla be lord of Magan,\n\n 45. Let Ninkautu choose Ninazu as a spouse,\n\n 46. May Ninkasi be the full heart\u2019s possession,\n\n 47. May Nazi become mistress of weaving (?),\n\n 48. May Dazima the house of strong life take,\n\n 49. May Nintil become mistress of the month,\n\n 50. May Enshagme become lord of X.\n\n 51. Glory!\u201d\n\n=2. Comparison with the Bible.=\n\nHere the tablet concludes. This last column, which tells how the goddess\nNinkharsag came to favor the hero and to create a number of divine helpers\nfor him, has no parallel in the Biblical account. As Tagtug received the\nespecial protection of Ninkharsag who created for him all these divine\nhelpers, it seems certain that this tablet had no reference to the fall of\nman, as Langdon supposes. It appears rather to be a mythical account of\nthe beginnings of agriculture and the medicinal use of plants in\nBabylonia. Agriculture implies irrigation. \u201cFrom the first day whose month\nis first\u201d to the ninth month, is the period when Babylonia is watered. The\nTigris begins to rise in March, the first month, the overflow of the\nEuphrates does not subside till the sixth month, and the winter rains are\nat their height in the ninth month.\n\nAs Adam was driven from Eden to eat of the fruits of the earth (Gen. 3:18,\n24; compare Gen. 1:29), and Noah became a husbandman (Gen. 9:20), the\nstory of Tagtug presents a remote similarity to both of them. Langdon[414]\ncompares the list of divine beings with which the tablet ends with the\nantediluvian patriarchs of Gen. 4 and 5, and suggests the possibility that\nhere we have the original names of those patriarchs. Beyond the fact that\nAbsham somewhat resembles the name Abel and was, like Abel, an\nagriculturist, there is no apparent connection. The names in no way\ncorrespond. It is more probable that we have the names of those patriarchs\nin the list of kings translated in Chapter V.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER IX\n\nABRAHAM AND ARCH\u00c6OLOGY\n\n ABRAHAM HIRED AN OX. ABRAHAM LEASED A FARM. ABRAHAM PAID HIS RENT. WHO\n WAS THIS ABRAHAM? TRAVEL BETWEEN BABYLONIA AND PALESTINE. HAMMURAPI,\n KING OF THE WESTLAND. KUDUR-MABUG. KINGS SUPPOSED BY SOME TO BE THOSE\n OF GENESIS 14.\n\n\nArch\u00e6ological investigation has brought to light a number of texts\nbelieved by scholars to illumine the Biblical accounts of Abraham. It is\nthe purpose of this chapter to translate and discuss these.\n\nThe documents which naturally attract us first are some contracts from\nBabylonia in which an Abraham was one of the contracting parties. They are\nas follows:\n\n=1. Abraham Hired an Ox.=[415]\n\n 1. One ox broken to the yoke,\n\n 2. an ox from Ibni-Sin, son of Sin-imgurani,\n\n 3. from Ibni-Sin\n\n 4. through the agency of Kishti-Nabium,\n\n 5. son of Eteru,\n\n 6. Abarama, son of Awel-Ishtar,\n\n 7. for one month has hired.\n\n 8. For one month\n\n 9. one shekel of silver\n\n 10. he will pay.\n\n 11. Of it \u00bd shekel of silver\n\n 12. from the hand of\n\n 13. Abarama\n\n 14. Kishti-Nabium\n\n 15. has received.\n\n 16. In the presence of Idin-Urash, son of Idin-Labibaal,\n\n 17. in the presence of Aw\u00eal\u00ea, son of Urri-bani,\n\n 18. in the presence of Beliyatum, scribe.\n\n 19. Month of the mission of Ishtar (_i. e._, Ulul), day 20th,\n\n 20. The year Ammizadugga, the king (built)\n\n 21. the wall of Ammizadugga, (_i. e._, Ammizadugga\u2019s 11th year).\n\n 22. Tablet of Kishti-Nabium.\n\nThis tablet shows how Abarama (Abraham), a farmer, hired an ox for a\nmonth. The tablet, as the last line shows, is the copy made for\nKishti-Nabium, the agent. In such business transactions three copies were\noften made, one for each of the contracting parties and one for the\nscribe. The date of this tablet is 1965 B. C. Ammizadugga was the tenth\nking of that first dynasty of Babylon, of which Hammurapi was the sixth.\n\n=2. Abraham Leased a Farm.=[416]\n\n 1. To the patrician\n\n 2. speak,\n\n 3. saying, Gimil-Marduk (wishes that)\n\n 4. Shamash and Marduk may give thee health!\n\n 5. Mayest thou have peace, mayest thou have health!\n\n 6. May the god who protects thee thy head in luck\n\n 7. hold!\n\n 8. (To enquire) concerning thy health I am sending.\n\n 9. May thy welfare before Shamash and Marduk\n\n 10. be eternal!\n\n 11. Concerning the 400 _shars_ of land, the field of Sin-idinam,\n\n 12. which to Abamrama\n\n 13. to lease, thou hast sent;\n\n 14. the land-steward (?) and scribe\n\n 15. appeared and\n\n 16. on behalf of Sin-idinam\n\n 17. I took that up.\n\n 18. The 400 _shars_ of land to Abamrama\n\n 19. as thou hast directed\n\n 20. I have leased.\n\n 21. Concerning thy dispatches I shall not be negligent.\n\nIt appears from this document that Abamrama, who is none other than a\nBabylonian Abraham, was a small farmer, who leased a small tract of land.\n\n=3. Abraham Paid His Rent.=[417]\n\n 1. 1 shekel of silver\n\n 2. of the rent (?) of his field,\n\n 3. for the year Ammizadugga, the king,\n\n 4. a lordly, splendid statue (set up),\n\n 5. brought\n\n 6. Abamrama,\n\n 7. received\n\n 8. Sin-idinam\n\n 9. and Iddatum.\n\n 10. Month Siman, 28th day,\n\n 11. The year Ammizadugga, the king,\n\n 12. a lordly, splendid statue (set up).\n\n (This was Ammizadugga\u2019s 13th year.)\n\nThis document, dated two years after that in which the ox was hired, shows\nhow Abamrama (Abraham) paid a part of his rent.\n\nThe name Abamrama (Abraham) occurs in two other documents published in the\nsame volume (no. 101, and no. 102), where, in defining the boundaries of\nother fields of Sin-idinam, they are said to be bounded on one side by the\nfield of Abamrama. As these documents mention the name of Abamrama only\nincidentally, they are not translated here.\n\n=4. Who Was This Abraham?=\n\nThese documents, which relate to the business of a Babylonian Abraham,\ncome from Dilbat, about eight miles south of Borsippa, which was just\nacross the Euphrates from Babylon. It is clear that this Abraham was a\nsmall farmer, who hired a tract of land from a larger land-owner. He also\nhired an ox wherewith to work his land, and paid the rent of the land and\nthe hire of the ox as a good citizen should. This Abraham was not the\nBiblical patriarch. The patriarch\u2019s father was Terah and his brother\nNahor; the father of this Babylonian Abraham was Awel-Ishtar, and his\nbrother Iddatum (_ibid._, no. 101, 9). The Abraham of the Bible was a\nmonotheist according to Genesis; the ancestors of the Babylonian Abraham\nworshiped the goddess Ishtar, who corresponded to the Canaanitish\nAshtoreth. The Bible connects the patriarch with Ur and Haran; this\nAbraham lived about half-way between these two cities.\n\nUp to the present time this Babylonian Abraham is the only person known to\nus other than the Biblical patriarch, who, in that period of history, bore\nthe name. He is the only one known to us outside the Biblical record.[418]\nThe only other occurrence of the name outside the Bible is in the name of\na place in Palestine, probably near Hebron, which Sheshonk I, the Biblical\nShishak, calls \u201cThe Field of Abram.\u201d[419] As Shishak lived much later\n(945-924 B. C.), being a contemporary of Rehoboam the son of Solomon, this\nEgyptian place name is not so significant. The Babylonian Abraham\nmentioned in the documents just translated is welcome proof that Abraham\nwas a personal name in Babylonia near the time in which the Bible places\nthe patriarch. With these documents Gen. 11:27-25:10 should be compared.\n\nAnother Babylonian contract is of interest in connection with the\nmigration of Abraham.\n\n=5. Travel between Babylonia and Palestine.=\n\n 1. A wagon[420]\n\n 2. from Mannum-balum-Shamash,\n\n 3. son of Shelibia,\n\n 4. Khabilkinum,\n\n 5. son of Appani[bi],\n\n 6. on a lease\n\n 7. for 1 year\n\n 8. has hired.\n\n 9. As a yearly rental\n\n 10. \u2154 of a shekel of silver\n\n 11. he will pay.\n\n 12. As the first of the rent\n\n 13. \u2159 of a shekel of silver\n\n 14. he has received.\n\n 15. Unto the land of Kittim\n\n 16. he shall not drive it.\n\n 17. In the presence of Ibku-Adad,\n\n 18. son of Abiatum;\n\n 19. in the presence of Ilukasha,\n\n 20. son of Arad-ilishu;\n\n 21. in the presence of Ilishu ..........\n\n 22. Month Ululu, day 25,\n\n 23. the year the king Erech from the flood\n\n 24. of the river as a friend protected.\n\nThe date of the above interesting document has not been identified with\ncertainty. It is thought by some to belong to the reign of Shamsu-iluna,\nthe successor of Hammurapi. The writing clearly shows that at any rate it\ncomes from the period of this dynasty. That is, it comes from the period\nto which Gen. 14 assigns the migration of Abraham. _Kittim_ in the\ncontract is the word used in the Hebrew of Jer. 2:10 and Ezek. 27:6 for\nthe coast lands of the Mediterranean. It undoubtedly has that meaning\nhere. This contract was written in Sippar, the Agade of earlier times, a\ntown on the Euphrates a little to the north of Babylon. It reveals the\nfact that at the time the document was written there was so much travel\nbetween Babylonia and the Mediterranean coast that a man could not lease a\nwagon for a year without danger that it might be driven over the long\nroute to Syria or Palestine. Against such wear upon his vehicle the\nparticular wagon-owner of our document protected himself.\n\nWhen, therefore, Abraham went out from his land and his kindred, he was\ngoing to no unknown land. The tide of commerce and of emigration had\nopened the way. Apparently it was no more remarkable for him to do it\nthan for an Irishman to come to America half a century ago, or for a south\nEuropean to come today.\n\n=6. Hammurapi, King of the Westland.=\n\nIt is thought by many scholars that Hammurapi was the Amraphel of Genesis\n14. The following inscription[421] relates to this king:\n\n 1. To [Shar]ratum,\n\n 2. the bride of Anu\n\n 3. who has come to lordship,\n\n 4. lady of strength and abundance,\n\n 5. of the mountain-temple,\n\n 6. faithful lady, of exalted counsel,\n\n 7. lady who binds the heart,\n\n 8. who for her spouse\n\n 9. makes favorable her open oracle;\n\n 10. to his lady,\n\n 11. for the life of Hammurapi,\n\n 12. king of the Westland (MAR-TU),\n\n 13. Ibirum ..........\n\n 14. governor of the river-[district] ..........\n\n 15. son of Shuban ...........,\n\n 16. a guardian-deity appropriate to her divinity,\n\n 17. in the land which she loves,\n\n 18. for her service (?)\n\n 19. before her beloved temple has set up.\n\nThis inscription is quoted here for two reasons: 1. It was erected \u201cfor\nthe life of Hammurapi,\u201d who is supposed by many to be the Amraphel of Gen.\n14:1. Amraphel is supposed to be a corruption of Hammurapi, thus Amrapi.\nThe final _l_ of Amraphel is a difficulty. While many Assyriologists, from\nSchrader onward, have recognized the equivalence, it is now seriously\nquestioned by Jensen and Eduard Meyer, and absolutely rejected by Bezold.\nIt must be said that, if Amraphel is intended for Hammurapi, the name had\nundergone corruption before it was placed in the Biblical record.[422] 2.\nIn this inscription Hammurapi is called \u201cking of MAR-TU,\u201d or the Westland,\na name by which the Babylonians often designated Syria and Palestine.\nMAR-TU simply means \u201csunset,\u201d but was used like the Arabic _magrib_ as the\ndesignation of a region. There is no reason to doubt that here it\ndesignates Syria and Palestine, so that, if Amraphel is Hammurapi, this\nis confirmatory of his connection with the West.\n\n=7. Kudur-Mabug.=\n\nThe following inscription[423] has also often been brought into the\ndiscussion of Genesis 14:\n\n 1. To Nannar,\n\n 2. his king,\n\n 3. Kudur-Mabug,\n\n 4. \u201cFather\u201d of the Westland (MAR-TU),\n\n 5. son of Simti-shilkhak,\n\n 6. when Nannar\n\n 7. his prayer\n\n 8. had heard,\n\n 9. Enunmakh,\n\n 10. belonging to Nannar,\n\n 11. for his life\n\n 12. and the life\n\n 13. of Arad-Sin, his son,\n\n 14. king of Larsa,\n\n 15. he built.\n\nThis inscription has often been brought into connection with Abraham,\npartly because some have seen in Kudur-Mabug the Chedorlaomer of Gen.\n14:1, and partly because Kudur-Mabug in it calls himself \u201cFather\u201d or\ngovernor of the Westland. If, however, Kudur-Mabug was intended by the\nname Chedorlaomer, the name had been corrupted beyond all recognition in\nthe Biblical tradition before Gen. 14 was written. In reality there is no\nreason to suppose that Kudur-Mabug and Chedorlaomer are the same. As to\nthe term \u201cWestland,\u201d it probably does not here designate Palestine, but\neither the western part of Elam or the southern part of Babylonia.\nBabylonia lay to the west of Elam, and Kudur-Mabug placed on the throne of\nLarsa, a city of South Babylonia, first his son, Arad-Sin, and then his\nson, Rim-Sin, and apparently maintained an over-lordship over both of\nthem. \u201cWestland\u201d accordingly means in his inscription, not Palestine, but\nBabylonia. One of Kudur-Mabug\u2019s sons calls his father \u201cFather\u201d (or\ngovernor) of Emutbal, a region of Elam. It is a mistake, therefore, to\nbring Kudur-Mabug into connection with Abraham and Gen. 14.[424]\n\n=8. Kings Supposed by Some to be Those Mentioned in Gen. 14.=\n\nSome fragmentary tablets from the Persian period, not earlier than the\nfourth century B. C., contain references which have been brought by some\nscholars into connection with Abraham and the fourteenth of Genesis. The\ntexts read as follows:\n\nI[425]\n\n 1. ....................\n\n 2. ..............................\n\n 3. .................... his work not ..........\n\n 4. .................. _su-\u1e2ba-am-mu_ ..........\n\n 5. ................ before the gods the creation of ..........\n\n 6. ............ day .......... Shamash, who illumines ..........\n\n 7. .......... the lord of the gods, Marduk, in the satisfaction of his\n heart,\n\n 8. .......... his servant, the region, all of it, a counsel not\n fulfilled,\n\n 9. .......... by force of arms he overthrew. Dursirilani, son of\n Arad-Malaku (Eri?-..aku)\n\n 10. ............ goods (?) he carried off, took as spoil, waters over\n Babylon and Esagil\n\n 11. ........ his with the weapon of his hand like a lamb he killed\n him,\n\n 12. .......... spoke to her, father, and son; with the weapon\n\n 13. [Great] and small he cut off, Tudkhula, son of Gazza ..........\n\n 14. ...... goods he took as spoil, waters over Babylon and Esagil\n\n 15. ...... his son with the weapon of his hands upon him fell.\n\n 16. ........ of his dominion before the temple of Annunit ..........\n\n 17. ........ Elam, the city Akhkhi to (?) the city Rabbatu he spoiled.\n\n 18. ...... like a deluge, he made the cities of Akkad, all of Borsippa\n (?)\n\n 19. ...... ended.[426] Kukukumal, his son pierced his heart with a\n girdle-dagger of iron.\n\n 20. ........ the enemy took and the destruction of these kings,\n participators in wrong (?),\n\n 21. .......... bondage for which the king of the gods, Marduk, was\n angry with them\n\n 22. .......... with sickness their breast was oppressed ........\n\n 23. ........ unto ruins were reduced (?). All of them to the king, our\n lord\n\n 24. ...... knowing (?) the hearts of the gods, the gracious Marduk,\n for the commemoration of his name\n\n 25. ........ and named Esagil--to his place may he return.\n\n 26. .......... thy ...... may he make. This, O king, my lord we ......\n\n 27. .......... his evil his heart the gods, his fathers ..........\n\n 28. ............ a participator in sin shall not be (?).\n\nII\n\n 1. ..................... gods (?) ..........\n\n 2. .......... in the city feared day (?) [and night (?)]\n\n 3. .......... Larsa (?), the bond of heaven which unto the four winds\n ....\n\n 4. he decreed them the park (?) which is in Babylon, the city of [his]\n majesty (?);\n\n 5. he decreed them the possessions of Babylon, small and great.\n\n 6. In their faithful counsel unto Kukukumal, King of Elam,\n\n 7. they established the fixed advance which to them [seemed] good.\n\n 8. In Babylon, the city of Karduniash, kingship he assumed ..........\n\n 9. In Babylon, the city of the gods, Marduk set his throne (?),\n\n 10. All, even the Sodomites of the plundered temples, obeyed [him].\n\n 11. Ravens build nests; birds dwell [therein];\n\n 12. The ravens croak (?), shrieking they hatch their young [in it].\n\n 13. To the dog crunching the bone the lady .......... is favorable.\n\n 14. The snake hisses (?), the evil one who spits [poison].\n\n 15. Who is the king of Elam who the great building of Esagil\n de[stroyed],\n\n 16. which the Babylonians made, and their work was ..........?\n\n 17. This is what thou hast written, saying: \u201cI am a king, the son of a\n king\u201d ....\n\n 18. Who is the son of a daughter of a king, who on the royal throne\n will sit? ...\n\n 19. He is Dursil-il\u00e2ni, son of Arad-Malkua, who the throne ..........\n\n 20. on the royal throne he sat and before his warriors [he marched].\n\n 21. Now let the king march who from ancient days .........\n\n 22. has been proclaimed lord of Babylon; the work of ........ shall\n not endure.\n\n 23. In the month Siman and the month Tammuz in Babylon there was done\n ..........\n\n 24. the work of the son of the magician. The bull (_i. e._, warrior)\n who devastates the land ..........\n\n 25. The elders in their faithful counsel ..........\n\n 26. [gave] the son of the magician the place instead of his father\n\n 27. ................. 1 maid ....................\n\nTwo other similar fragmentary texts belonging to the series are published\nas noted above, but it is unnecessary to quote them here. The two\nfragments which we have translated contain the most important references,\nand are sufficient to enable the reader to make up his mind as to the\nbearing of these texts upon the fourteenth of Genesis.\n\nPinches and Sayce read the name of the Elamite king, Kukukumal,\nKudurlakhmal, and identify it with Chedorlaomer. Pinches so reads it,\nhesitatingly; Sayce, confidently. There is no reason for so reading it,\nexcept the desire to discover Chedorlaomer. The first three syllables are\nrepresented in the cuneiform by the same sign--a sign the most frequent\nvalue of which is _ku_. It does sometimes have the value _dur_, but never\n_lakh_. King reads it Kukukumal, and there is really no reason for reading\nit otherwise.\n\nAnother name which occurs twice is written in the two places with a slight\ndifference of spelling. It is according to the most natural reading of the\nsigns, Arad-Malkua, or Arad-Malaku. Sayce and Pinches read Eri-eaku and\nidentified him with \u201cArioch, king of Elassar,\u201d (Gen. 14:1). While this is\na possible reading, it is only secured by giving to the signs their\nSumerian, instead of their Semitic values, and, as the documents are in\nSemitic, this is probably wrong. The name is to be read Arad-Malkua.\nAnother name, Tudkhula, which occurs in the first document, has been\nidentified by the same scholars with \u201cTidal, king of the nations\u201d (Gen.\n14:1), but in this text there is no evidence that Tudkhula was a king at\nall, and the identification is purely fanciful. It should be noted also\nthat Arad-Malkua, the supposed Eri-eaku, does not himself take any part in\nthe wars here recorded; it is his son, Dursil-il\u00e2ni, who is represented as\na contemporary of Kukukumal, the supposed Chedorlaomer.\n\nIt should be further noted that these documents represent a complete\nconquest of Babylon by Elam--a conquest in which Babylon itself is laid\ndesolate. It is not certain just what part Dursil-il\u00e2ni played in the\nstory. He may have been a vassal king under Kukukumal, or the Babylonian\nupon whom the hopes of the people centered, to free them from the yoke of\nElam. It is clear, however, that the events mentioned in these documents\nare not in harmony with the supposition that these monarchs acted as\nallies of Hammurapi in the invasion of Palestine. Hammurapi is excluded\nfrom the account. Kukukumal conquered and desolated the very city in which\nHammurapi had his throne. Kukukumal must, accordingly, have lived at some\nother period of the history, and the supposed confirmation of the account\nof the fourteenth chapter of Genesis has not yet been found.\n\nAs already stated, these tablets are not earlier than the fourth century\nB. C. The events which they record were probably much later than the time\nof Abraham. Babylon is called by its Cassite name, Kar-duniash, a name\nwhich it did not bear until some hundreds of years after the time of\nHammurapi. Many times in the course of Babylonian history was the country\noverrun by Elam, and there is no real reason to suppose that the war here\nreferred to belongs to the age of Hammurapi.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER X\n\nJACOB AND JOSEPH\n\n APPEARANCES OF THESE NAMES IN BABYLONIAN AND EGYPTIAN RECORDS. \u201cTHE\n TALE OF THE TWO BROTHERS\u201d; ITS BEARING ON THE STORY OF JOSEPH IN\n GENESIS. LETTERS TO A RULER LIKE JOSEPH. THE SEVEN YEARS OF FAMINE.\n INSCRIPTION SHOWING PREPARATION FOR FAMINE.\n\n\n=1. Jacob.=\n\nThree different men in Babylonia at the time of the Hammurapi dynasty bore\nthe name Jacob-el. Thus, in the reign of Apil-Sin, the fourth king of the\ndynasty (2161 to 2144 B. C.), two witnesses, Shubna-ilu and Yadakh-ilu\ngave their father\u2019s name as _Yakub-ilu_, or Jacob-el.[427] In the same\nreign a witness to another document, one Lamaz, had a Jacob-el as his\nfather.[428] In the reign of Sin-muballit, the next king, a witness named\nNur-Shamash was also the son of a Jacob-el.[429] In the reign of the great\nHammurapi, the next king, a witness named Sin-erbiam gave his father\u2019s\nname simply as _Yakub_,[430] or Jacob. This last is clearly a shortening\nof Jacob-el. These men all lived from 75 to 190 years before the\nBabylonian Abraham, whose documents are discussed in Chapter IX.\n\nIn connection with these names it should be noted that Thothmes III of\nEgypt, who made extensive conquests in Asia between 1478 and 1446 B. C.,\nrecords the name of a city which he captured in Palestine as\n_Ya-\u2018-k-b\u2019-ra_, the Egyptian equivalent of Jacob-el.[431] It does not seem\na rash guess to suppose that in the period when intercourse between\nBabylonia and Palestine was frequent and immigration from the former\ncountry to the latter was in progress, some Babylonian bearing this name\nmigrated to Palestine, settled there and that a city was named after him.\nMany parallels to this may be found in the names of places in the United\nStates and Canada. That this place name in Canaan had some connection with\nthe name of the Patriarch Jacob is probable, though just what that\nconnection was it is impossible in the present state of our knowledge to\nsay.\n\n=2. Joseph.=\n\nA Babylonian business document of the time of the first dynasty of Babylon\nhas among its witnesses a man named _Yashub-ilu_, or Joseph-el.[432]\n\nIn the list of places which Thothmes III of Egypt conquered in Palestine\nthere is one _Ya-sha-p\u2019-ra_, which many scholars have taken to be\nJoseph-el, though Prof. W. Max M\u00fcller[433] thinks it rather is equivalent\nto Yesheb-el, meaning \u201cwhere God dwells.\u201d In view of the clear Babylonian\nequivalence, however, it seems probable that it is Joseph-el. If so, it\nprobably became a place-name in Palestine because some important\nBabylonian who bore the name settled there, just as we have supposed\nJacob-el did. Some scholars hold that it is connected with the name of the\nPatriarch Joseph in some way, but what that connection was, we cannot now\nsay.\n\n=3. The Tale of the Two Brothers.=[434]\n\n Once there were two brethren, of one mother and one father; Anpu was\n the name of the elder, and Bata was the name of the younger. Now, as\n for Anpu, he had a house, and he had a wife. But his little brother\n was to him, as it were, a son; he it was who made for him his clothes;\n he it was who followed behind his oxen to the fields; he it was who\n did the plowing; he it was who harvested the corn; he it was who did\n for him all the matters which were in the field. Behold his younger\n brother grew to be an excellent worker; there was not his equal in the\n whole land; behold the spirit of a god was in him.\n\n Now after this the younger brother followed his oxen in the daily\n manner; and every evening he turned again to the house, laden with all\n the herbs of the field, with milk and with wood, and with all things\n of the field. And he put them down before his elder brother who was\n sitting with his wife; and he drank and ate, and he lay down in his\n stable with the cattle. And at the dawn of day he took bread which he\n had baked, and laid it before his elder brother; and he took with him\n his bread to the field, and he drave his cattle to pasture in the\n fields. And as he walked behind his cattle, they said to him, \u201cGood is\n the herbage which is in that place\u201d; and he listened to all that they\n said, and he took them to the good place which they desired. And the\n cattle which were before him were exceeding excellent, and they\n multiplied greatly.\n\n Now at the time of plowing his elder brother said unto him, \u201cLet us\n make ready for ourselves a goodly yoke of oxen for plowing, for the\n land has come out from the water; it is fit for plowing. Moreover, do\n thou come to the field with corn, for we will begin the plowing in the\n morrow morning.\u201d Thus said he to him; and his younger brother did all\n things as his elder brother had spoken unto him to do them.\n\n And when the morn was come, they went to the fields with their things;\n and their hearts were pleased exceedingly with their task in the\n beginning of their work. And it came to pass after this that as they\n were in the field they stopped for corn, and he sent his younger\n brother, saying, \u201cHaste thou, bring to us corn from the farm.\u201d And the\n younger brother found the wife of his elder brother, as she was\n sitting tiring her hair. He said to her, \u201cGet up, and give to me corn,\n that I may run to the field, for my elder brother hastened me; do not\n delay.\u201d She said to him, \u201cGo open the bin, and thou shalt take to\n thyself according to thy will, that I may not drop my locks of hair\n while I dress them.\u201d\n\n The youth went to the stable; he took a large measure, for he desired\n to take much corn; he loaded it with wheat and barley; and he went out\n carrying it. She said to him, \u201cHow much of the corn that is wanted, is\n that which is on thy shoulder?\u201d He said to her, \u201cThree bushels of\n barley, and two of wheat, in all five; these are what are upon my\n shoulder:\u201d thus said he to her. And she conversed with him, saying,\n \u201cThere is great strength in thee, for I see thy might every day.\u201d And\n her heart knew him with the knowledge of youth. And she arose and came\n to him, and conversed with him, saying, \u201cCome stay with me, and it\n shall be well for thee, and I will make for thee beautiful garments.\u201d\n Then the youth became like a panther of the south with fury at the\n evil speech which she had made to him; and she feared greatly. And he\n spake unto her, saying, \u201cBehold thou art to me as a mother, thy\n husband is to me as a father, for he who is elder than I brought me\n up. What is this wickedness that thou hast said to me? Say it not to\n me again. For I will not tell it to any man, for I will not let it be\n uttered by the mouth of any man.\u201d He lifted up his burden, and he went\n to the field and came to his elder brother; and they took up their\n work, to labor at their task.\n\n Now afterward, at eventime, his elder brother was returning to his\n house; and the younger brother was following after his oxen, and he\n loaded himself with all the things of the field; and he brought his\n oxen before him, to make them lie down in their stable which was in\n the farm. And behold the wife of the elder brother was afraid for the\n words which she had said. She took a parcel of fat, she became like\n one who is evilly beaten, desiring to say to her husband, \u201cIt is thy\n younger brother who has done this wrong.\u201d Her husband returned in the\n even as was his wont of every day: he came unto his house; he found\n his wife ill of violence; she did not give him water upon his hands as\n he used to have, she did not make a light before him, his house was in\n darkness, and she was lying very sick. Her husband said to her, \u201cWho\n has spoken with thee?\u201d Behold she said, \u201cNo one has spoken with me\n except thy younger brother. When he came to take for thee corn he\n found me sitting alone; he said to me, \u2018Come, let us stay together,\n tie up thy hair\u2019: thus spoke he to me. I did not listen to him, but\n thus spake I to him: \u2018Behold, am I not thy mother, is not thy elder\n brother to thee as a father?\u2019 And he feared, and he beat me to stop me\n from making report to thee, and if thou lettest him live I shall die.\n Now behold he is coming in the evening; and I complain of these wicked\n words, for he would have done this even in daylight.\u201d\n\n And the elder brother became as a panther of the south; he sharpened\n his knife; he took it in his hand; he stood behind the door of the\n stable to slay his younger brother as he came in the evening to bring\n his cattle into the stable.\n\n Now the sun went down, and he loaded himself with herbs in his daily\n manner. He came, and his foremost cow entered the stable, and she said\n to her keeper, \u201cBehold thy elder brother standing before thee with his\n knife to slay thee; flee from before him.\u201d He heard what his first cow\n had said; and the next entering, she also said likewise. He looked\n beneath the door of the stable; he saw the feet of his elder brother;\n he was standing behind the door, and his knife was in his hand. He\n cast down his load to the ground, and betook himself to flee swiftly;\n and his elder brother pursued after him with his knife. Then the\n younger brother cried out unto R\u0101 Harakhti,[435] saying, \u201cMy good\n lord! thou art he who divides the evil from the good.\u201d And R\u0101 stood\n and heard his cry; and R\u0101 made a wide water between him and his elder\n brother, and it was full of crocodiles; and the one brother was on one\n bank, and the other on the other bank; and the elder brother smote\n twice on his hands at not slaying him. Thus did he. And the younger\n brother called to the elder brother on the bank, saying, \u201cStand still\n until the dawn of the day; and when R\u0101 ariseth, I shall judge with\n thee before him, and he discerneth between the good and the evil. For\n I shall not be with thee any more forever; I shall not be in the place\n in which thou art; I shall go to the valley of the acacia.\u201d\n\nWe need not follow the story further. Those who wish to do so are referred\nto Petrie\u2019s _Egyptian Tales_. From this point onward, it contains many\nmythological features.\n\nThis story, in the form in which we have it, was written for Seti II\n(1209-1205 B. C.) of the nineteenth Egyptian dynasty, while that monarch\nwas still crown prince. Scholars of all shades of opinion have recognized\nin it a striking parallel to the story of Joseph in the house of Potiphar,\nin Genesis 39:1-20. Joseph, like the younger brother of this tale, was\ntrusted with everything about his master\u2019s place; Potiphar\u2019s wife, like\nthe sister-in-law of the tale, tempted Joseph; Joseph, like the younger\nbrother, resisted temptation; and Potiphar\u2019s wife, like the sister-in-law,\ncharged him with the crime which he had been unwilling to commit.\n\nScholars of the critical school regard this as the original of the story\nin Genesis. While they recognize that it is a theme which is not confined\nto Egyptians and Hebrews (compare for other parallels Lang, _Myth, Ritual,\nand Religion_, II, 303, ff.), the fact that the theme of the Biblical\nstory is laid in Egypt leads them to think it extremely probable that\nthere is a connection between the two.\n\nConservative scholars on the other hand hold that in all probability there\nwas more than one such scandal in Egypt, and account for the likeness by\nthe similarity which would naturally present itself in such cases, holding\nthat the Egyptian tale has no bearing on the credibility of that in\nGenesis.\n\n=4. Letters to a Ruler Like Joseph.=\n\nAmong the letters in the Babylonian language and script found at El-Amarna\nin Egypt in the winter of 1887-1888,[436] many of which were written to\nAmenophis III and Amenophis IV, Kings of Egypt, 1411-1357 B. C., by\nEgyptian vassals in Palestine and Syria, there are two which were written\nto a Semite named D\u00fbdu (David), which show that this Semite held at the\nEgyptian court a position analogous to that which Joseph, as ruler of\nEgypt, is said to have held (Gen. 41:39, f.; 50:26). These letters are as\nfollows:\n\nI[437]\n\n 1. To D\u00fbdu, my lord, my father,\n\n 2. speaks Aziru, thy son, thy servant:\n\n 3. at the feet of my father I fall.\n\n 4. Unto my father may there be health!\n\n 5. O D\u00fbdu, truly I have given (_i. e._, done)\n\n 6. the wish of the king, my lord,\n\n 7. and whatever is the wish\n\n 8. of the king, my lord, let him send\n\n 9. and I will give (do) it.\n\n 10. Further: see, thou art there,\n\n 11. my father, and whatever is the wish\n\n 12. of D\u00fbdu, my father, send it\n\n 13. and I will indeed give (do) it.\n\n 14. Behold, thou art my father and my lord\n\n 15. and I am thy son. The lands of the Amorites\n\n 16. are thy lands, and my house is thy house,\n\n 17. and whatever thy wish is,\n\n 18. send, and I\n\n 19. shall behold, and verily will give (do) it.\n\n 20. And see, thou in the presence of\n\n 21. the king, my lord, sittest.\n\n 22. ............ enemies\n\n 23. words of slander\n\n 24. before my father, before\n\n 25. the king, my lord, have spoken,\n\n 26. but do thou not count them just!\n\n 27. And behold thou in the presence\n\n 28. of the king, my lord, as a dignitary (?)\n\n 29. sittest ....................\n\n 30. and the words of slander\n\n 31. against me do not count true.\n\n 32. Also I am a servant of the king, my lord,\n\n 33. and from the words of the king, my lord,\n\n 34. and from the words of D\u00fbdu, my father,\n\n 35. I shall not depart forever.\n\n 36. But when the king, my lord, does not love me,\n\n 37. but hates me,\n\n 38. then I--what shall I say?\n\nII[438]\n\n 1. To D\u00fbdu, my lord, my father,\n\n 2. speaks Aziru, thy servant:\n\n 3. at the feet of my lord I fall.\n\n 4. Khatib has come\n\n 5. and has brought the words\n\n 6. of the king, my lord, important and good,\n\n 7. and I am very, very glad,\n\n 8. and my land and my brethren,\n\n 9. the servants of the king, my lord,\n\n 10. and the servants of D\u00fbdu, my lord,\n\n 11. are very, very glad,\n\n 12. when there comes\n\n 13. the breath of the king, my lord,\n\n 14. unto me. From the words\n\n 15. of my lord, my god, my sun-god,\n\n 16. and from the words of D\u00fbdu,\n\n 17. my lord, I shall not depart.\n\n 18. My lord, truly Khatib\n\n 19. stands with me.\n\n 20. I and he will come.\n\n 21. My lord, the king of the Hittites\n\n 22. has come into Nukhashshi,\n\n 23. so that I cannot come.\n\n 24. Would that the king of the Hittites would depart!\n\n 25. Then truly I would come,\n\n 26. I and Khatib.\n\n 27. May the king, my lord, my words\n\n 28. hear! My lord, I fear\n\n 29. on account of the face of the king, my lord,\n\n 30. and on account of the face of D\u00fbdu.\n\n 31. And now by my gods\n\n 32. and my angels verily I have sworn,\n\n 33. O D\u00fbdu and nobles\n\n 34. of the king, my lord, that truly I will come.\n\n 35. And so, D\u00fbdu\n\n 36. and the king, my lord, and the nobles,\n\n 37. \u201cTruly we will not conceive anything\n\n 38. against Aziru that is unfavorable,\u201d--\n\n 39. even thus may ye swear\n\n 40. by my gods and the god A!\n\n 41. And truly I\n\n 42. and Khatib are faithful servants of the king.\n\n 43. O D\u00fbdu, thou shalt truly know\n\n 44. that I will come to thee.\n\nThe Aziru of these letters was the chieftain or petty king of the\nAmorites, who were living at the time to the eastward of Ph\u0153nicia, between\nthe Lebanon and Anti-Lebanon mountains. The way in which he addresses D\u00fbdu\nis significant. D\u00fbdu is classed continually with the king. Aziru fears to\noffend D\u00fbdu as he fears to offend the king; the words of D\u00fbdu are of equal\nimportance with those of the king. D\u00fbdu clearly occupied a position of\npower with the king of Egypt similar to that ascribed to Joseph in Genesis\n41. Moreover, D\u00fbdu is a Semitic name; vocalized a little differently, it\nbecomes David.\n\nThe king to whom this letter was written was Amenophis III or Amenophis\nIV, in whose reigns Semitic influence was especially strong in Egypt.\nAmenophis III took as his favorite wife a woman named Tiy, daughter of\nYuaa and Tuau, whose mummies, discovered a few years ago, show, some\nthink, that they were Semitic. Queen Tiy was very influential during the\nreign of her son, Amenophis IV, and was in part the cause of the\nremarkable religious reform which he undertook (Part I, Chapter I, \u00a7 6\n(vii)). It is not, accordingly, strange to find that the chief minister of\none of these kings was a Semite. Of course, D\u00fbdu cannot be identified with\nJoseph, but his career shows that such careers as that of Joseph were not\nimpossible at this period of Egyptian history.\n\n=5. The Seven Years of Famine.=\n\nThe following inscription was found cut on a rock between the island of\nElephantine and the First Cataract, and was first published by Brugsch in\n1891. It is written in hieroglyphic characters, and was apparently\ninscribed in the reign of Ptolemy X, 117-89 B. C. It relates how King\nZoser, of the third dynasty, who began to reign about 2980 B. C., nearly\n2,800 years before the inscription was written, appealed to Khnum, the god\nof Elephantine, because of a famine. The part of the text which interests\nus is as follows:[439]\n\n \u201cI am very anxious on account of those who are in the palace. My heart\n is in great anxiety on account of misfortune, for in my time the Nile\n has not overflowed for a period of seven years. There is scarcely any\n produce of the field; herbage fails; eatables are wanting. Every man\n robs his neighbor. Men move (?) with nowhere to go. The children cry,\n the young people creep along (?). The aged heart is bowed down; their\n limbs are crippled; they sit (?) on the earth. Their arms are ........\n The people of the court are at their wits\u2019 end. The store-houses (?)\n were built, but .......... and all that was in them has been\n consumed.\u201d\n\nAs Brugsch[440] saw, this inscription gives a graphic account of the\nsuffering caused by seven such years of famine as are said to have\noccurred in the time of Joseph (Gen. 41:30, 54, ff.). It cannot be the\nsame seven-year famine as that referred to in Genesis, as it is placed\nseveral centuries too early to coincide with the time of Joseph. As the\ninscription is about 2,800 years later than the event it describes, its\nhistorical accuracy might be questioned, but it is probable that it was a\nrenewal of an earlier inscription. But even if its historical accuracy be\nimpugned, it witnesses to a native Egyptian tradition that such famines\nwere possible.\n\n=6. Inscription Showing Preparation for Famine.=\n\nInscription of Baba of El-Kab[441]\n\n \u201cThe chief at the table of the sovereign, Baba, the risen again,\n speaks thus: I loved my father; I honored my mother; my brothers and\n sisters loved me. I went out of the door of my house with a benevolent\n heart; I stood there with refreshing hand; splendid were my\n preparations of what I collected for the festal day. Mild was (my)\n heart, free from violent anger. The gods bestowed upon me abundant\n prosperity upon earth. The city wished me health and a life of full\n enjoyment. I punished the evil-doers. The children who stood before me\n in the town during the days which I fulfilled were--great and\n small--60; just as many beds were provided for them, just as many\n chairs (?), just as many tables (?). They all consumed 120 ephahs of\n durra, the milk of 3 cows, 52 goats, and 9 she-asses, a hin of balsam,\n and 2 jars of oil.\n\n \u201cMy words may seem a jest to the gainsayer, but I call the god Mut to\n witness that what I say is true. I had all this prepared in my house;\n in addition I put cream in the store-chamber and beer in the cellar in\n a more than sufficient number of hin-measures.\n\n \u201cI collected corn as a friend of the harvest-god. I was watchful in\n time of sowing. And when a famine arose, lasting many years, I\n distributed corn to the city each year of famine.\u201d\n\nThe Baba who wrote this inscription lived under the eighteenth Egyptian\ndynasty, about 1500 B. C., or a little before. Brugsch pointed out many\nyears ago that Baba\u2019s concluding statement forms an interesting parallel\nto the conduct of Joseph as told in Gen. 41:47-57. Baba claims to have\ndone for his city, El-Kab, what Joseph is said to have done for all Egypt.\nHis statement affords striking evidence of the historical reality of\nfamines in Egypt, and of such economic preparation for them.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER XI\n\nPALESTINE IN THE PATRIARCHAL AGE\n\n THE TALE OF SINUHE. COMMUNICATION BETWEEN EGYPT AND PALESTINE.\n\n\n=1. The Tale of Sinuhe.=\n\nIn the year 1970 B. C., when Amenemhet I died and was succeeded by\nSesostris I, an Egyptian of high rank, named Sinuhe, for some reason now\nunknown to us, fled from Egypt to Asia. The details of his escape from\nEgypt are not of interest to the Biblical student, but his description of\nthe hardships encountered in the desert and of his experiences in eastern\nPalestine are of great value, as they afford us our earliest description\nof that country outside the Bible. The following extract begins just after\nSinuhe had told how he escaped the guards in the fort which stood at the\neastern frontier of Egypt.[442]\n\n I went on at the time of evening,\n As the earth brightened, I arrived at Peten.\n When I had reached the lake of Kemwer,[443]\n I fell down for thirst, fast came my breath,\n My throat was hot,\n I said: \u201cThis is the taste of death.\u201d\n I upheld my heart, I drew my limbs together,\n As I heard the sound of lowing cattle,\n I beheld the Bedawin.\n That chief among them, who had been in Egypt, recognized me.\n He gave me water, he cooked for me milk.\n I went with him to his tribe,\n Good was that which they did (for me).\n One land sent me on to another,\n I loosed for Suan,[444]\n I arrived at Kedem;[445]\n I spent a year and a half there.\n Emuienshe,[446] that sheik of Upper [Ru]tenu,[447] brought me forth\n saying to me: \u201cHappy art thou with me,\n (for) thou hearest the speech of Egypt.\u201d\n He said this (for) he knew my character,\n He had heard of my wisdom;\n The Egyptians, who were there with him, bare witness of me.\n\nThe Amorite chieftain then questioned Sinuhe concerning his flight. He\ngave evasive answers, merging with his reply a long hymn in praise of the\nking. After this Emuienshe said to him:\n\n \u201cBehold, thou shalt now abide with me;\n Good is that which I shall do for thee.\u201d\n He put me at the head of his children,\n He married me to his eldest daughter,\n He made me select for myself of his land,\n Of the choicest of that which he had,\n On his boundary with another land.\n It was a goodly land, named Yaa;[448]\n There were figs in it and vines,\n More plentiful than water was its wine,\n Copious was its honey, plenteous its oil;\n All fruits were upon its trees.\n Barley was there and spelt,\n Without end all cattle.\n Moreover, great was that which came to me,\n Which came for love of me,\n When he appointed me sheik of the tribe,\n From the choicest of his land.\n I portioned the daily bread,\n And wine for every day,\n Cooked flesh and fowl in roast;\n Besides the mid goats of the hills,\n Which were trapped for me, and brought to me;\n Besides that which my dogs captured for me.\n There was much--made for me,\n And milk in every sort of cooked dish.\n I spent many years,\n My children became strong,\n Each the mighty man of his tribe.\n The messenger going north,\n Or passing southward to the court,\n He turned in to me.\n For I had all men turn in (to me).\n\nThe tale goes on concerning the personal prowess of Sinuhe, who, in his\nold age, returned to Egypt and made his peace with the king.\n\n=2. Communication between Egypt and Palestine.=\n\nThis document from the early patriarchal age reveals a close relationship\nbetween Egypt and Palestine. There was frequent communication between\nKedem and Egypt; messengers went to and fro. The Egyptian language was\nunderstood at the court of the Amorite chieftain. These conditions throw\nlight on the narratives of the descent of Abraham and Jacob to Egypt.\nSinuhe\u2019s description of his life necessarily reminds one of the\ndescription of Palestine so often met with in the Pentateuch, Joshua, and\nthe prophets, \u201ca land flowing with milk and honey.\u201d (See, for example,\nExod. 3:8, 17.)\n\n(_For an addition to this chapter, see Appendix._)\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER XII\n\nMOSES AND THE EXODUS\n\n THE LEGEND OF SARGON OF AGADE; ITS RESEMBLANCE TO THE STORY OF MOSES.\n THE PILLAR OF MERNEPTAH; THE ONLY APPEARANCE OF THE NAME \u201cISRAEL\u201d\n OUTSIDE OF THE BIBLE.\n\n\n=1. The Legend of Sargon of Agade.=\n\nThe following legend[449] contains a story of the exposure of an infant on\na river, strikingly like that told of Moses.\n\n 1. Sargon, the mighty king, king of Agade am I,\n\n 2. My mother was lowly; my father I did not know;[450]\n\n 3. The brother of my father dwelt in the mountain.\n\n 4. My city is Azupiranu, which is situated on the bank of the\n Euphrates.\n\n 5. My lowly mother conceived me, in secret she brought me forth.\n\n 6. She placed me in a basket of reeds, she closed my entrance with\n bitumen,\n\n 7. She cast me upon the river, which did not overflow me.\n\n 8. The river carried me, it brought me to Akki, the irrigator.\n\n 9. Akki, the irrigator, in the goodness of his heart lifted me out,\n\n 10. Akki, the irrigator, as his own son ...... brought me up;\n\n 11. Akki, the irrigator, as his gardener appointed me.\n\n 12. When I was a gardener the goddess Ishtar loved me,\n\n 13. And for four years I ruled the kingdom.\n\n 14. The black-headed[451] peoples I ruled, I governed;\n\n 15. Mighty mountains with axes of bronze I destroyed (?).\n\n 16. I ascended the upper mountains;\n\n 17. I burst through the lower mountains.\n\n 18. The country of the sea I besieged three times;\n\n 19. Dilmun[452] I captured (?).\n\n 20. Unto the great Dur-ilu I went up, I ..........\n\n 21. .......... I altered ..........\n\n 22. Whatsoever king shall be exalted after me,\n\n 23. ..............................\n\n 24. Let him rule, let him govern the black-headed peoples;\n\n 25. Mighty mountains with axes of bronze let him destroy;\n\n 26. Let him ascend the upper mountains,\n\n 27. Let him break through the lower mountains;\n\n 28. The country of the sea let him besiege three times;\n\n 29. Dilmun let him capture;\n\n 30. To great Dur-ilu let him go up.\n\nThe rest is too broken for connected translation.\n\nIt is thought by some scholars of the critical school that the parallelism\nbetween the secret birth, the exposure, the rescue and adoption of Sargon,\nand the account of the secret birth, exposure, rescue, and adoption of\nMoses in Exod. 2:1-10 is too close to be accidental. Conservative\nscholars, on the other hand, hold that, if the legend of Sargon is\nhistorical, it merely affords an example of a striking coincidence of\nevents in two independent lives.\n\n=2. The Pillar of Merneptah.=\n\nIn the fifth year of King Merneptah, who ruled from 1225-1215 B. C., and\nwho is thought to be the Pharaoh of the exodus, he inscribed on a pillar\nan account of his wars and victories. The inscription concludes with the\nfollowing poetic strophe:[453]\n\n The kings are overthrown, saying: \u201csalaam!\u201d\n Not one holds up his head among the nine bows.[454]\n Wasted is Tehenu,[455]\n Kheta[456] is pacified,\n Plundered is the Canaan[457] with every evil,\n Carried off is Askelon,\n Seized upon is Gezer,\n Yenoam[458] is made as a thing not existing.\n Israel is desolated, his seed is not;\n Palestine has become a widow for Egypt.\n All lands are united, they are pacified;\n Every one that is turbulent is bound by King Merneptah, who gives life\n like R\u0101 every day.\n\nThis inscription contains the only mention of Israel in a document of this\nage outside the Bible. It is, for that reason, of great importance. It\nshould be noted that Israel is mentioned along with peoples and places in\nPalestine and Ph\u0153nicia. The Israel here referred to was not, accordingly,\nin Egypt. Israel, on the other hand, may not have been more than a nomadic\npeople. The Egyptians used a certain \u201cdeterminative\u201d in connection with\nthe names of settled peoples. That sign is here used with Tehenu, Kheta,\nAskelon, Gezer, and Yenoam, but not with Israel.\n\nAs Merneptah has been supposed by many to be the Pharaoh in whose reign\nthe exodus occurred, the mention of Israel here has somewhat puzzled\nscholars, and different explanations of the fact have arisen. At least one\nscholar holds that the exodus occurred in Merneptah\u2019s third year, and that\nhe afterward attacked the Hebrews. Others have supposed that not all the\nHebrews had been in Egypt, but only the Joseph tribes. Still others have\nthought that the Leah tribes had made their exodus during the eighteenth\ndynasty, and that it was these with whom Merneptah fought, while the\nRachel tribes made their exodus under the nineteenth dynasty. Opinions\nvary according to the critical views of different writers. All scholars\nwould welcome more information on these problems.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER XIII\n\nTHE CODE OF HAMMURAPI AND THE PENTATEUCH\n\n THE TEXT OF THE CODE; RESEMBLANCE TO AND CONTRAST WITH THE MOSAIC\n CODE. THE MOSAIC CODE NOT BORROWED FROM THE BABYLONIAN; DIFFERENT\n UNDERLYING CONCEPTIONS.\n\n\n=1. The Text of the Code; Comparison with the Mosaic Code.=\n\nThe following code of laws was inscribed by order of Hammurapi, of the\nfirst dynasty of Babylon (2104-2061 B. C.), on a block of black diorite\nnearly eight feet in height and set up in Esagila, the temple of Marduk,\nin Babylon, so that the people might have the laws in the mother-tongue.\nAs this last statement implies, the laws are written in Semitic\nBabylonian; before the time of Hammurapi the laws had been written in\nSumerian. At some later time an Elamite conqueror, who was overrunning\nBabylonia, took this pillar away to Susa as a trophy. In course of time\nthe pillar was broken into three parts, which were found by the French\nexpedition under de Morgan in December, 1901, and January, 1902, while\nexcavating at Susa. As the code is the oldest known code of laws in the\nworld, being a thousand years older than Moses, and as it affords some\ninteresting peculiarities as well as some striking parallels to the laws\nin Exodus 21-23 and in Deuteronomy, a translation of it, with some\ncomparison of Exodus and Deuteronomy, is here given:\n\nAgainst Witches\n\n \u00a7 1. If a man brings an accusation against a man, that he has laid a\n death-spell upon him, and has not proved it, the accuser shall be put\n to death.[459]\n\n \u00a7 2. If a man accuses another of practising sorcery upon him, but has\n not proved it, he against whom the charge of sorcery is made shall go\n to the sacred river; into the sacred river he shall plunge, and if the\n sacred river overpowers him, his accuser shall take possession of his\n house. If the sacred river shows that man to be innocent, and he is\n unharmed, he who charged him with sorcery shall be killed. He who\n plunged into the sacred river shall take the house of his accuser.\n\nWith these laws we should compare Exod. 22:18, which imposes the death\npenalty upon witches, and Deut. 18:10, ff., which declares that there\nshall be no sorcerer, diviner, magician, or charmer in Israel and promises\na line of prophets to render these unnecessary. Magic is banished from\nIsrael; its presence in Babylonia is taken for granted, and only some of\nits exercises, which were supposed to be especially deadly, were\nforbidden. In \u00a7 2 the man accused of sorcery is to be tried by ordeal. He\nis to plunge into the river and if he can swim in its current, he is\ninnocent. Trial by ordeal is found but once in the Hebrew laws (Num.\n5:11-28). There both the crime and the ordeal are very different from\nthis.\n\nNote that in these sections the false accuser suffers in just the way he\nhas tried to bring suffering to the other. This is the law of retaliation,\nwhich appears in Deut. 19:16-21, where it is applied to false witnesses in\nthe same way as here. It will be found underlying many of the penalties of\nthis code.\n\nLaws Concerning False Witness\n\n \u00a7 3. If in a case a man has borne false witness, or accused a man\n without proving it, if that case is a capital case, that man shall be\n put to death.\n\n \u00a7 4. If he has borne witness in a case of grain or money, the penalty\n of that case he shall himself bear.\n\nHebrew law was similar; a false witness was to be visited with the penalty\nwhich he had purposed to bring upon his brother (Deut. 19:18, 19).\n\nAgainst Reversing a Judicial Decision\n\n \u00a7 5. If a judge has pronounced a judgment, made a decision, caused it\n to be sealed, and afterward has altered his judgment, that judge they\n shall convict on account of the case which he decided and altered; the\n penalty which in that case he imposed he shall pay twelvefold, and in\n the assembly from the seat of his judgment they shall expel him; he\n shall not return; with the judges in a case he shall not sit.\n\nHebrew law presents no parallel to this.\n\nAgainst Theft\n\n \u00a7 6. If a man steals the goods of a god (temple) or of a palace, that\n man shall be put to death, and he by whose hand the stolen goods were\n received shall be put to death.\n\n \u00a7 7. If a man purchases or receives on deposit either silver, gold,\n man-servant, maid-servant, ox, sheep, ass, or anything whatever from\n the hand of a minor or a slave without witnesses or contracts, that\n man is a thief; he shall be put to death.\n\n \u00a7 8. If a man has stolen ox, or sheep, or ass, or pig, or a boat,\n either from a god (temple) or a palace, he shall pay thirtyfold. If he\n is a poor man, he shall restore tenfold. If the thief has nothing to\n pay, he shall be put to death.\n\n \u00a7 9. If a man, who has lost anything, finds that which was lost in a\n man\u2019s hand, (and) the man in whose hand the lost thing was found says:\n \u201cA seller sold it; I bought it before witnesses\u201d; and the owner of the\n lost thing says: \u201cI will bring witnesses who know that the lost thing\n is mine\u201d; if the purchaser brings the seller who sold it to him and\n the witnesses in whose presence it was bought, and the owner of the\n lost thing brings the witnesses who know that the lost thing is his,\n the judges shall examine their testimony. The witnesses before whom\n the purchaser purchased it, and the witnesses who know the lost thing,\n shall give their testimony in the presence of a god. The seller is a\n thief; he shall be put to death. The owner of the lost thing shall\n take that which was lost. The purchaser shall take from the house of\n the seller the money which he had paid.\n\n \u00a7 10. If the purchaser does not produce the seller who sold it to him\n and the witnesses before whom he bought it, and the owner of the lost\n thing produces the witnesses who know that the lost thing is his, the\n purchaser is the thief; he shall be put to death. The owner of the\n lost thing shall take that which he lost.\n\n \u00a7 11. If the owner of the lost thing does not bring the witnesses who\n know that the lost thing is his, he is one who has attempted fraud; he\n shall be put to death.\n\n \u00a7 12. If the seller has died, the purchaser shall recover from the\n house of the seller the damages of that case fivefold.\n\n \u00a7 13. If that man has not his witnesses near, the judges shall set an\n appointed time within six months; and if, within six months, his\n witnesses he does not produce, that man is a liar; the penalty of that\n case he shall himself bear.\n\nThe Hebrew laws comparable to these are found in Exod. 22:1-4, 9, and Lev.\n6:3-5. Exodus directs (v. 1) that, if a man steals an ox or a sheep and\nkills it or sells it, he shall restore live oxen for an ox and four sheep\nfor a sheep. In case it is not sold he shall restore double (v. 9). No\nhighly organized courts appear in the Biblical codes. The thief was\nbrought before God and his guilt determined by some religious test. The\nlaw of Leviticus required a man guilty of theft to restore the lost\nproperty, adding to it a fifth more, and to offer a ram in sacrifice. (See\nExod. 18:13-26. Cf. 2 Chron. 19:5-7 with 1 Chron. 23:4 and Deut.\n16:18-20.)\n\nThe Babylonian laws presuppose a much more highly organized social\ncommunity than the Hebrew.\n\nAgainst Stealing Children and Slaves\n\n \u00a7 14. If a man steals the son of a man who is a minor, he shall be put\n to death.\n\n \u00a7 15. If a man causes a male or female slave of a palace, or the male\n or female slave of a workingman to escape from the city gate, he shall\n be put to death.\n\n \u00a7 16. If a man harbors in his house either a male or a female slave\n who has escaped from a palace or from a workingman, and does not bring\n him out at the summons of the officer, the owner of that house shall\n be put to death.\n\n \u00a7 17. If a man finds in a field a male or a female slave who has\n escaped and restores him to his owner, the owner of the slave shall\n pay him 2 shekels of silver.\n\n \u00a7 18. If that slave will not name his owner, he shall bring him unto\n the palace and they shall investigate his record and restore him unto\n his owner.\n\n \u00a7 19. If he shall detain that slave in his house and afterward the\n slave is found, that man shall be put to death.\n\n \u00a7 20. If the slave escapes from the hand of his captor, that man shall\n declare it on oath to the owner of the slave and shall be innocent.\n\nThese laws are analogous to Exod. 21:16 and Deut. 23:15. The former\ninflicts the death penalty for stealing a man and selling him, and the\nlatter prohibits one in whose house a fugitive slave has taken refuge from\nreturning the slave to his master. Slavery was not in Israel such a firmly\nestablished institution as in Babylonia. (See Exod. 21:2-6; Deut.\n15:12-18; Lev. 25:25-46.)\n\nHousebreaking and Brigandage\n\n \u00a7 21. If a man breaks into a house, before that breach he shall be put\n to death and thrown into it.\n\n \u00a7 22. If a man practices brigandage and is caught, that man shall be\n put to death.\n\n \u00a7 23. If the robber is not caught, the man who is robbed shall declare\n his loss, whatever it is, in the presence of a god, and the city and\n governor in whose territory and jurisdiction the robbery was committed\n shall compensate him for whatever was lost.\n\n \u00a7 24. If it is a life, that city and governor shall pay to his\n relatives 1 mana of silver.[460]\n\nHebrew law presents an analogy to the last of these sections in Deut.\n21:1-9, though in Israel no compensation was offered to the heirs of the\nman who was slain, but a sacrifice was performed by the elders of the\nnearest city, to purge it of innocent blood.\n\nStealing at a Fire\n\n \u00a7 25. If a fire breaks out in a man\u2019s house, and a man who has come to\n extinguish it shall cast his eye upon the furniture of the owner of\n the house, and the furniture of the owner of the house shall take,\n that man shall be thrown into that fire.\n\nThe Duties and Privileges of Soldiers, Constables, and Tax-collectors\n\n \u00a7 26. If a soldier or a constable[461] who is ordered to go on a\n journey for the king does not go, but hires a substitute and\n dispatches him instead, that soldier or constable shall be put to\n death; his hired substitute shall appropriate his house.\n\n \u00a7 27. If a soldier or a constable is detained in a royal fortress and\n after him they give his field or garden to another and he takes it\n and carries it on, if the first one returns and reaches his city, they\n shall restore to him his field and garden, and he shall take it and\n carry it on.\n\n \u00a7 28. If a soldier or a constable who is detained in a royal fortress\n has a son who is able to carry on his business, they shall give to him\n his field and garden and he shall carry on the business of his father.\n\n \u00a7 29. If his son is small and not able to carry on the business of his\n father, they shall give one-third of his field and garden to his\n mother and she shall rear him.\n\n \u00a7 30. If a soldier or a constable from the beginning of his\n appointment neglects his field, garden, and house and leaves them\n uncared for, another after him shall take his field, garden, and\n house, and carry on his business for three years. If he returns and\n desires his field, garden, and house, they shall not give them to him.\n He who has taken them and carried on the business shall carry it on.\n\n \u00a7 31. If he leaves it uncared for but one year and returns, they shall\n give him his field, garden, and house, and he shall carry on his own\n business.\n\n \u00a7 32. If a merchant ransoms a soldier (?) or a constable who, on a\n journey of the king, was detained, and brings him back, to his city,\n if in his house there is sufficient ransom, he shall ransom himself.\n If in his house there is not sufficient to ransom him, by the temple\n of his city he shall be ransomed. If in the temple of his city there\n is not a sufficient ransom, he shall be ransomed by the palace. His\n field, garden, and house shall not be given for ransom.\n\n \u00a7 33. If a governor or a magistrate harbors a deserting soldier or\n accepts and sends a hired substitute on an errand of the king, that\n governor or magistrate shall be put to death.\n\n \u00a7 34. If a governor or a magistrate takes the property of a soldier,\n plunders a soldier, or hires out a soldier, has defrauded a soldier in\n a suit before a sheik, or takes the present which the king has given\n to a soldier, that governor or magistrate shall be put to death.\n\n \u00a7 35. If a man buys the cattle or sheep which the king has given to a\n soldier, he shall forfeit his money.\n\n \u00a7 36. One shall not sell the field, garden, or house of a soldier,\n constable, or tax-collector.\n\n \u00a7 37. If a man has bought the field, garden, or house of a soldier,\n constable, or tax-collector, his tablet shall be broken, he shall\n forfeit his money; the field, house, or garden shall return to its\n owner.\n\n \u00a7 38. A soldier, constable, or tax-collector shall not deed to his\n wife or daughter the field, house, or garden, which is his perquisite,\n nor shall he assign them for debt.\n\n \u00a7 39. A field, garden, or house which he has purchased and possesses\n he may deed to his wife or daughter, or may assign for debt.\n\n \u00a7 40. A priestess, merchant, or other creditor may purchase his field,\n garden, or house. The purchaser shall conduct the business of the\n field, garden, or house which he has purchased.\n\n \u00a7 41. If a man has bargained for the field, garden, or house of a\n soldier, constable, or tax-collector and has given sureties, the\n soldier, constable, or tax-collector shall return to the field, house,\n or garden, and the sureties which were given him he shall keep.\n\nNo such officers as these are mentioned in the laws of the Old Testament,\nthough some of them appear in earlier times in the records of Babylonia.\nThe tax-collectors mentioned here remind us of Solomon\u2019s tax-collectors\nmentioned in 1 Kings 4:7, ff.\n\nLaws of Agriculture\n\n \u00a7 42. If a man rents a field for cultivation and produces no grain in\n that field, they shall call him to account for doing no work in that\n field, and he shall give to the owner of the field grain similar to\n that of adjacent fields.\n\n \u00a7 43. If he does not cultivate that field and neglects it, he shall\n give the owner of the field grain similar to that of adjacent fields,\n and the field which he neglected he shall break up with mattocks, he\n shall harrow, and return it to the owner of the field.\n\n \u00a7 44. If a man rents an uncultivated field for three years for\n improvement and neglects its surface and does not develop the field,\n in the fourth year he shall break up the field with mattocks, he shall\n hoe and harrow it, and return it unto the owner of the field, and for\n every _Gan_ of land he shall measure out 10 _Gur_ of grain.\n\n \u00a7 45. If a man lets his field for pay on shares to a farmer and\n receives his rent, and afterward the storm-god inundates the field and\n carries off the produce, the loss is the farmer\u2019s.\n\n \u00a7 46. If the rent of his field he has not received, and he has let the\n field for one-half or one-third (of the crop), the farmer and the\n owner of the field shall divide the grain which is in the field\n according to agreement.\n\n \u00a7 47. If the farmer, because he has not in a former year received a\n maintenance, entrusts the field to another farmer, the owner of the\n field shall not interfere. He would cultivate it, and his field has\n been cultivated. At the time of harvest he shall take grain according\n to his contracts.\n\n \u00a7 48. If a man has a debt against him and the storm-god inundates his\n field and carries away the produce, or if through lack of water grain\n has not grown in the field, in that year he shall not make a return of\n grain to his creditor; his contract he shall change, and the interest\n of that year he shall not pay.\n\n \u00a7 49. If a man borrows money from a merchant, and has given to the\n merchant a field planted with grain or sesame, and says to him:\n \u201cCultivate the field and harvest and take the grain or sesame which it\n produces\u201d; if the tenant produces grain or sesame in the field, at the\n time of harvest the owner of the field shall take the grain or sesame\n which was produced by the field, and shall give to the merchant grain\n for the money which he borrowed from the merchant with its interest,\n and for the maintenance of the farmer.\n\n \u00a7 50. If the field was already planted [with grain or] sesame, the\n owner of the field shall receive the grain or the sesame which is\n produced in the field, and the money and its interest he shall return\n to the merchant.\n\n \u00a7 51. If there is not money to return, he shall give to the merchant\n [the grain or] sesame for the money and its interest which he had\n received from the merchant, according to the scale of prices fixed by\n the king.\n\n \u00a7 52. If the farmer does not produce grain or sesame in his field, he\n shall not alter his contract.\n\n \u00a7 53. If a man the side of his strong dyke has neglected and has not\n strengthened it, and in his dyke a break occurs, and the water\n destroys the farm-land, the man in whose dyke the break occurred shall\n restore the grain which was destroyed.\n\n \u00a7 54. If he is not able to restore the grain, they shall sell him and\n his possessions for money, and the owners of the fields whose grain\n was destroyed shall share it.\n\n \u00a7 55. If a man has opened his sluice for watering and has left it open\n and the water destroys the field of his neighbor, he shall measure out\n grain to him on the basis of that produced by neighboring fields.\n\n \u00a7 56. If a man opens the water and the water destroys the work[462] of\n a neighboring field, he shall measure out 10 _Gur_ of grain for each\n _Bur_ of land.\n\n \u00a7 57. If a shepherd causes his sheep to eat vegetation and has not\n made an agreement with the owner of the field, and without the consent\n of the owner of the field has pastured his sheep, the owner of the\n field shall harvest that field, and the shepherd who without the\n consent of the owner of the field caused his sheep to eat the field,\n shall pay the owner of the field in addition 20 _Gur_ of grain for\n each _Bur_ of land.\n\n \u00a7 58. If, after the sheep have come up out of the fields and are\n turned loose on the public common by the city gate, a shepherd turns\n his sheep into a field and causes the sheep to eat the field, the\n shepherd shall oversee the field which he caused to be eaten, and at\n harvest-time he shall measure to the owner of the field 60 _Gur_ of\n grain for each _Bur_ of land.\n\nThe Hebrew land laws are found in Exod. 22:5, 6; 23:10, 11; Lev. 19:9, and\nDeut. 24:19-22; 23:24, 25. An examination of these passages reveals a wide\ndifference between Babylonia and Israel. In Babylonia it seems to have\noften been the rule that a landlord let out the fields to tenants to work;\namong the Hebrews the law presupposes that each man shall work his own\nland. Many of the Babylonian laws are designed to secure the respective\nrights of landlord and tenant. Naturally, there is nothing in the Old\nTestament to correspond to these. Hebrew law (Exod. 22:5), like the\nBabylonian, provides that one who causes a neighbor\u2019s crop to be eaten\nshall make restitution, but the regulations are of the most general\ncharacter. In Babylonia a larger social experience had made much more\nspecific regulations necessary.\n\nThe characters of the respective countries are reflected in the dangers\nfrom which crops might be threatened. In waterless Palestine a fire\nstarted by a careless man might burn his neighbor\u2019s crop (Exod. 22:6); in\nBabylonia, where irrigation from canals was conducted to fields lower than\nthe surface of the water, one might flood his neighbor\u2019s field and destroy\nhis crop by carelessly leaving his sluice open.\n\nThe Hebrew legislation presupposes a poorer community. It provides that\nthe land shall lie fallow, and whatever it produces shall belong to the\npoor (Exod. 23:10, 11). At harvest-time, too, one must not reap the\ncorners of his field; that was left to the poor (Lev. 19:9). If one forgot\na sheaf in his field, he must not return to take it; that should be left\nto the poor (Deut. 24:19). Rich Babylonia made no such provision for the\npoor; it felt no such social sympathy.\n\nAgain, even these agricultural laws show that commerce was highly\ndeveloped in Babylonia, with its necessary concomitant, the right to\ncharge interest for money. The uncommercial Hebrews regarded interest as\nunlawful (Exod. 22:25), and it was Hillel, the contemporary of Herod the\nGreat, who invented an interpretation known as the Prosb\u016bl, which\npractically did away with this law and permitted Jews to take interest.\n\nHorticultural Laws\n\n \u00a7 59. If a man shall cut down a tree in a man\u2019s orchard without the\n consent of the owner, he shall pay \u00bd mana of silver.\n\n \u00a7 60. If a man gives a field to a gardener to plant as an orchard, the\n gardener shall plant the orchard and cultivate it for 4 years. In the\n fifth year the owner of the orchard and the gardener shall share it\n together. The owner of the orchard shall mark off his share and take\n it.\n\n \u00a7 61. If the gardener in planting does not complete it, but leaves a\n part of it waste, unto his portion they shall count it.\n\n \u00a7 62. If the field which is given to a gardener he does not plant, if\n vegetation is the produce of the field for the years during which it\n is neglected, the gardener shall measure out to the owner of the field\n on the basis of the adjacent fields, and shall perform the work on the\n field and restore it to the owner of the field.\n\n \u00a7 63. If the field is [left] waste land, he shall perform the work on\n the field and shall restore it to its owner, and 10 _Gur_ of grain for\n each _Bur_ of land he shall measure out.\n\n \u00a7 64. If a man lets his orchard to a gardener to manage, as long as\n the gardener is in possession of the garden he shall give to the owner\n of the garden two-thirds of the produce; one-third he shall take\n himself.\n\n \u00a7 65. If the gardener does not manage the garden and diminishes its\n produce, the gardener shall measure out the produce of the orchard on\n the basis of adjacent orchards.[463]\n\n \u00a7 66. If a man has received money from a merchant, and his merchant\n puts him under bonds and he has nothing to give, and he gives his\n orchard for management unto the merchant and says: \u201cThe dates as many\n as are in my orchard take for thy money,\u201d that merchant shall not\n consent; the owner of the orchard shall take the dates that are in the\n orchard and the money and its interest according to the tenor of his\n agreement he shall bring to the merchant. The remaining dates from the\n orchard shall belong to the owner of the orchard.\n\nAs in Palestine, there was no system of rental; the Bible contains almost\nno horticultural laws. \u201cOrchards\u201d in Babylonia were, as the last section\nshows, date orchards. The corresponding fruit in Palestine was the grape.\nHebrew laws deal with vineyards as with fields. If a man destroys the crop\nin another\u2019s vineyard, he is to give the best of his own (Exod. 22:5). He\nis to leave his crop unpicked every seventh year for the poor (Exod.\n23:11). He is not, when he gathers it, to glean it carefully, but leave\nsome for the poor (Lev. 19:10). When one goes into his neighbor\u2019s\nvineyard, he may pick what he wishes to eat, but must carry nothing away.\nHorticulture among the Hebrews was not so highly developed as in\nBabylonia.\n\nFive columns of writing have been erased after \u00a7 65 from the column on\nwhich the laws are written. This erasure was probably made by the Elamite\nconqueror, who carried the column as a trophy to Susa, in order to\ninscribe his own name on it, but unfortunately, if that was the intention,\nit was never carried out. We are accordingly in ignorance of his name. It\nis estimated that 35 sections of laws were thus lost. As already noted,\none can be supplied from a fragment found at Susa, and from other tablets\nfragments of two or three other sections can be made out. One of these\nincomplete fragments refers to the rights of tenants of houses. It reads:\n\n [If] a man rents a house for money, and pays the whole rent for a year\n to the owner of the house, and the owner of the house orders that man\n to vacate before the expiration of his lease, the owner of the house\n from the money that he received shall ............\n\nUnfortunately, the tablet is broken and the penalty for breaking the lease\nis unknown. It is interesting to know that Babylonian tenants were\nprotected from avaricious landlords, even though no parallel law exists in\nthe Old Testament.\n\nTwo other sections of laws that once stood in this lacuna can now be\nsupplied from a considerably defaced tablet from Nippur in the University\nMuseum in Philadelphia, which once contained a part or all of the code of\nHammurapi. These sections are as follows:\n\nA Bankrupt Law[464]\n\n If a man borrows grain or money from a merchant and for the payment\n has no grain or money, whatever is in his hand he shall in the\n presence of the elders give to the merchant in place of the debt; the\n merchant shall not refuse it; he shall receive it.\n\nA Partnership Law[465]\n\n If a man gives money to a man for a partnership, the gain and profit\n that accrue are before the gods; together they shall do business.\n\nThe phrase \u201cbefore the gods\u201d means that the division shall be made on\noath. Commercial life was not sufficiently developed among the Hebrews so\nthat they needed such a law, consequently the Pentateuch contains no\nparallel to this.\n\nAfter the erasure of five columns the laws have to do with agents or\ntraveling salesmen.\n\nAgents and Merchants\n\n \u00a7 100. [If an agent has received money from a merchant, he shall write\n down the amount and the amount of] the interest on the money, and,\n when the time has expired, he shall repay the merchant as much as he\n has received.\n\n \u00a7 101. If where he goes he does not meet with success, the agent shall\n double the amount of the money he received and return it to the\n merchant.\n\n \u00a7 102. If a merchant gives money to an agent as a favor, and where he\n goes he meets with misfortune, he shall restore the principal unto the\n merchant.\n\n \u00a7 103. If on the road as he travels an enemy robs him of anything he\n carries, the agent shall give an account of it under oath and shall be\n innocent.\n\n \u00a7 104. If a merchant has given to an agent grain, wool, or oil, or\n anything whatever to sell, the agent shall write down the price and\n shall return the money to the merchant. The agent shall take a receipt\n for the money which he gives to the merchant.\n\n \u00a7 105. If the agent is careless and does not take a receipt for the\n money he gave the merchant, money not receipted for shall not be\n placed to his account.\n\n \u00a7 106. If an agent receives money from a merchant and has a dispute\n with his merchant about it, that merchant shall put the agent on trial\n on oath before the elders concerning the money he received and the\n agent shall pay the merchant three times as much as he received.\n\n \u00a7 107. If a merchant lends to an agent and the agent returns to the\n merchant whatever the merchant had given him, if the merchant has a\n dispute with him about it, that agent shall put the merchant on trial\n on oath in the presence of the elders, and the merchant, because he\n had a dispute with his agent, whatever he received he shall give to\n the agent six times as much.\n\nThe Hebrews of the Old Testament time were not a commercial people and had\nno such laws. Men today are inclined to think that the drummer, or\ntraveling salesman, is a modern invention, but these laws show that he was\nan old institution in Babylonia four thousand years ago.\n\nWine Merchants\n\n \u00a7 108. If a woman who keeps a wine-shop does not receive grain as the\n price of drink, but takes money of greater value, or makes the measure\n of drink smaller than the measure of grain, that mistress of a\n wine-shop they shall put on trial and into the water shall throw her.\n\n \u00a7 109. If the mistress of a wine-shop collects criminals in her house,\n and does not seize these criminals and conduct them to the palace,\n that mistress of a wine-shop shall be put to death.\n\n \u00a7 110. If the wife of a god (_i. e._, a consecrated temple-woman), who\n is not living in the house appointed, opens a wine-shop or enters a\n wine-shop for a drink, they shall burn that woman.\n\n \u00a7 111. If the mistress of a wine-shop gives 60 _Qa_ of _sakani_-plant\n drink on credit at the time of harvest, she shall receive 50 _Qa_ of\n grain.\n\nThe Old Testament affords no parallel. There were no wine-shops in Israel\nso far as we know, and such consecrated women were prohibited by Deut.\n23:17.\n\nDeposits and Distraints\n\n \u00a7 112. If a man continually traveling has given silver, gold, precious\n stones, or property to a man and has brought them to him for\n transportation, and that man does not deliver that which was for\n transportation at the place to which it was to be transported, but has\n appropriated it, the owner of the transported goods shall put that man\n on trial concerning that which was to be transported and was not\n delivered, and that man shall deliver unto the owner of the\n transported goods five times as much as was entrusted to him.\n\n \u00a7 113. If a man has grain or money deposited with a man and without\n the consent of the owner he takes grain from the heap or the granary,\n they shall prosecute that man because he took grain from the heap or\n the granary without the consent of the owner, and the grain as much as\n he took he shall return, and whatever it was he shall forfeit an equal\n amount.\n\n \u00a7 114. If a man does not have against a man [a claim] for grain or\n money and secures a warrant against him for debt, for each warrant he\n shall pay \u2153 of a mana of money.\n\n \u00a7 115. If a man holds against a man [a claim] for grain or money and\n secures a warrant against him for debt and the debtor dies through his\n fate in the house of the creditor, that case has no penalty.\n\n \u00a7 116. If the debtor dies through violence or lack of care, the owner\n of the debtor shall prosecute the merchant; if it was the son of a\n man, his son shall be put to death; if the slave of a man, he shall\n pay \u2153 of a mana of money, and whatever [the debt] was, he shall\n forfeit as much.\n\nAmong the Hebrews, as among other ancient peoples, the poor at times\ndeposited their valuables with the more powerful for safekeeping. This was\nnatural before the invention of banks and safe deposit vaults.\n\nThe Hebrew law in Exod. 22:7-10 provides that if goods are given to\nanother man to keep and are stolen out of his house, the thief should, if\nfound, restore double the amount taken. If the thief was not found, the\nowner of the house should be brought to God (so American R. V.)[466], _i.\ne._, to the temple, where in some way (probably by lot) it was determined\nwhether he was guilty. If guilty, the owner of the house had to restore\ntwofold.\n\nSomewhat parallel to the Babylonian laws which permit the imprisonment of\na debtor in one\u2019s house is the Hebrew law that a poor debtor might become\na slave for six years (Exod. 21:2-6; Deut. 15:7-18). The Old Testament\nlaws are not quite uniform. In reality it is only that of Deuteronomy\nwhich contemplates slavery in consequence of indebtedness; Exodus speaks\nas though the slave might not be bought in any way. The important point\nis that in Babylonia a man might be imprisoned for debt; in Israel he\nmight become a temporary slave.\n\nAs to the deposit of valuable property with a creditor for security, the\nHebrew law, while it shows that there were other kinds of pledges (Deut.\n24:10, ff.), mentions but one kind. This was in the case of a man so poor\nthat he had to give his outer garment as security. The law provided that\nthis should be returned to him at night, since the poor peasants had no\nother blankets than these garments. A hard-hearted creditor might, by\nkeeping the garment at night, risk the life of the debtor (Exod. 22:26,\n27; Deut. 24:11-13).\n\nDebts\n\n \u00a7 117. If a man is subjected to an attachment for debt and sells his\n wife, son, or daughter, or they are given over to service, for three\n years they shall work in the house of their purchaser or temporary\n master; in the fourth year they shall be set free.\n\n \u00a7 118. If he binds to service a male or a female slave, and the\n merchant transfers or sells him, he can establish no claim.\n\n \u00a7 119. If a man is subjected to an attachment for debt and sells a\n maid-servant who has borne him children, the owner of the maid-servant\n shall pay and shall release his maid-servant.\n\nThese laws are quite similar to Exod. 21:2-11 and Deut. 15:12-18.\n\nThe main differences are that the Hebrew law contemplates that a man may\nenter slavery himself; the Babylonian only that he shall permit his wife,\nson, or daughter to do it. The Hebrews released such slaves at the end of\nsix years;[467] the Babylonians at the end of three. Hebrew law\nrecognized, too, that a man might sell his daughter into slavery (Exod.\n21:7-11), but it stipulated that her treatment should be different from\nthat of men. It recognizes that either her master or his son would be\nlikely to make her a real or a secondary wife. She was not to be released\nat the end of seven years, but in case her master did not deal with her in\ncertain specified ways she regained her freedom regardless of her period\nof service.\n\nStorage of Grain\n\n \u00a7 120. If a man has stored his grain in heaps in the building of\n another and an accident happens in the granary, or the owner of the\n building has disturbed the heap and taken grain, or has disputed the\n amount of grain that was stored in his building, the owner of the\n grain shall give an account of his grain under oath, the owner of the\n building shall double the amount of grain which he took and restore it\n to the owner of the grain.\n\n \u00a7 121. If a man stores grain in a man\u2019s building, he shall pay each\n year 5 _Qa_ of grain for each _Gur_ of grain.\n\nThese laws have no Biblical parallel.\n\nDeposits and Losses\n\n \u00a7 122. If a man gives to another on deposit silver or gold or anything\n whatever, anything as much as he deposits he shall recount to\n witnesses and shall institute contracts and make the deposit.\n\n \u00a7 123. If without witnesses and contracts he has placed anything on\n deposit and at the place of deposit they dispute it, that case has no\n penalty.\n\n \u00a7 124. If a man gives to another on deposit silver or gold or anything\n whatever in the presence of witnesses and he disputes it, he shall\n prosecute that man and he shall double whatever he disputed and shall\n repay it.\n\n \u00a7 125. If a man places anything on deposit and at the place of deposit\n either through burglary or pillage anything of his is lost, together\n with anything belonging to the owner of the building, the owner of the\n building who was negligent and lost what was given him on deposit\n shall make it good and restore it to the owner of the goods. The owner\n of the house shall institute a search for whatever was lost and take\n it from the thief.\n\n \u00a7 126. If a man has not lost anything, but says he has lost something,\n or files a claim as though he had lost something, he shall give\n account of his claim on oath, and whatever he brought suit for he\n shall double and shall give for his claim.\n\nThere is no mention in the laws of the Old Testament of this kind of\ndeposit, though, as already noted, it probably was sometimes practised.\n\nAgainst Slandering Women\n\n \u00a7 127. If a man causes the finger to be pointed at the woman of a god\n or the wife of a man and cannot prove it, they shall bring him before\n the judges and they shall brand his forehead.\n\nThe nearest parallel to this in the Old Testament is in Deut. 22:13-21,\nwhich is really quite a different law, for it applies only to cases where\nmen, when just married, slander their wives by charging them with previous\nimpurity. The Hebrew law provides a method of trial, a punishment for the\nman, if guilty, and a much severer one for the woman, if the charge is\ntrue. The two codes belong to quite a different legal development, as is\nshown by the fact that the Babylonian law refers to \u201ca woman of a god,\u201d\n_i. e._, one of the temple-women who, under certain religious rules,\nrepresented in a concrete way the procreative power of the god.\n\nThis code recognizes several classes of these, as will appear later, but\nHebrew law forbade the existence of such women in Israel (Deut. 23:17).\n\nChastity, Marriage, and Divorce\n\n \u00a7 128. If a man takes a wife and does not execute contracts for her,\n that woman is no wife.\n\n \u00a7 129. If the wife of a man is caught lying with another man, they\n shall bind them and throw them into the water. If the husband of the\n woman would let her live, or the king would let his subject live, he\n may do so.\n\n \u00a7 130. If a man forces the betrothed wife of another who is living in\n her father\u2019s house and has not known a man, and lies in her loins and\n they catch him, that man shall be put to death and that woman shall go\n free.\n\n \u00a7 131. If the wife of a man is accused by her husband, and she has not\n been caught lying with another man, she shall swear her innocence and\n return to her house.\n\n \u00a7 132. If the finger has been pointed at the wife of a man because of\n another man and she has not been caught lying with the other man, for\n her husband\u2019s sake she shall plunge into the sacred river.\n\n \u00a7 133. If a man is taken captive and there is food in his house, his\n wife shall not go out from his house, her body she shall guard, into\n the house of another she shall not enter. If that woman does not guard\n her body and enters into the house of another, that woman they shall\n prosecute and throw her into the water.\n\n \u00a7 134. If a man is taken captive and in his house there is no food,\n and his wife enters into the house of another, that woman is not to\n blame.\n\n \u00a7 135. If a man is taken captive and there is no food in his house and\n his wife has openly entered into the house of another and borne\n children, and afterwards her husband returns and reaches his city,\n that woman shall return to her husband and the children shall follow\n their father.\n\n \u00a7 136. If a man deserts his city and flees and after it his wife\n enters into the house of another, if that man returns and would take\n his wife, because he deserted his city and fled, the wife of the\n fugitive shall not return to the house of her husband.\n\n \u00a7 137. If a man sets his face against a concubine who has borne him\n children or a wife that has presented him with children, to put her\n away, he shall return to that woman her marriage portion, and shall\n give her the income of field, garden, and house, and she shall bring\n up her children. From the time that her children are grown, from\n whatever is given to her children, a portion like that of a son shall\n be given to her, and the husband of her choice she may marry.\n\n \u00a7 138. If a man would put away his spouse who has not borne him\n children, he shall give her silver equal to her marriage gift, and the\n dowry which she brought from her father\u2019s house he shall restore to\n her and may put her away.\n\n \u00a7 139. If she had no dowry, he shall give her one mana of silver for a\n divorce.\n\n \u00a7 140. If he belongs to the laboring class, he shall give her\n one-third of a mana of silver.\n\n \u00a7 141. If the wife of a man who is living in the house of her husband\n sets her face to go out and act the fool, her house neglects and her\n husband belittles, they shall prosecute that woman. If her husband\n says: \u201cI divorce her,\u201d he may divorce her. On her departure nothing\n shall be given her for her divorce. If her husband does not say: \u201cI\n divorce her,\u201d her husband may take another wife; that woman shall\n dwell as a slave in the house of her husband.\n\n \u00a7 142. If a woman hates her husband and says: \u201cThou shalt not hold\n me,\u201d they shall make investigation concerning her into her defects. If\n she has been discreet and there is no fault, and her husband has gone\n out and greatly belittled her, that woman has no blame; she may take\n her marriage-portion and go to her father\u2019s house.\n\n \u00a7 143. If she has not been discreet, and has gone out and neglected\n her house and belittled her husband, they shall throw that woman into\n the water.\n\n \u00a7 144. If a man takes a priestess and that priestess gives a female\n slave to her husband, and she has children; if that man sets his face\n to take a concubine, they shall not favor that man. He may not take a\n concubine.\n\n \u00a7 145. If a man takes a priestess and she does not present him with\n children and he sets his face to take a concubine, that man may take a\n concubine and bring her into his house. That concubine shall not rank\n with the wife.\n\n \u00a7 146. If a man takes a priestess and she gives to her husband a\n maid-servant and she bears children, and afterward that maid-servant\n would take rank with her mistress; because she has borne children her\n mistress may not sell her for money, but she may reduce her to bondage\n and count her among the female slaves.\n\n \u00a7 147. If she has not borne children, her mistress may sell her for\n money.\n\n \u00a7 148. If a man takes a wife and she is attacked by disease, and he\n sets his face to take another, he may do it. His wife who was attacked\n by disease he may not divorce. She shall live in the house he has\n built and he shall support her as long as she lives.\n\n \u00a7 149. If that woman does not choose to live in the house of her\n husband, he shall make good to her the dowry which she brought from\n her father\u2019s house and she may go away.\n\n \u00a7 150. If a man presents his wife with field, garden, house, or goods,\n and gives to her sealed deeds, after her husband\u2019s death her children\n shall not press a claim against her. The mother after her death may\n leave it to her child whom she loves, but to a brother she may not\n leave it.\n\n \u00a7 151. If a wife who is living in the house of a husband has persuaded\n her husband and he has bound himself that she shall not be taken by a\n creditor of her husband; if that man had a debt against him before he\n took that woman, the creditor may not hold that woman, and if that\n woman had a debt against her before she entered the house of her\n husband, her creditor may not hold her husband.\n\n \u00a7 152. If they become indebted after the woman enters the man\u2019s house,\n both of them are liable to the merchant.\n\n \u00a7 153. If a woman causes the death of her husband on account of\n another man, that woman they shall impale.\n\n \u00a7 154. If a man has known his daughter, the city shall drive out that\n man.\n\n \u00a7 155. If a man has betrothed a bride to his son and his son has known\n her and he afterward lies in her loins and they catch him, they shall\n bind that man and throw him into the water.\n\n \u00a7 156. If a man has betrothed a bride to his son and his son has not\n known her and he lies in her loins, he shall pay her half a mana of\n silver and restore to her whatever she brought from the house of her\n father, and the man of her choice may marry her.\n\n \u00a7 157. If a man after his father\u2019s death lies in the loins of his\n mother, they shall burn both of them.\n\n \u00a7 158. If a man after his father\u2019s death is admitted to the loins of\n his chief wife who has borne children, that man shall be expelled from\n the house of his father.\n\n \u00a7 159. If a man who has brought a present unto the house of his\n father-in-law and has given a bride-price looks with longing upon\n another woman, and says to his father-in-law: \u201cThy daughter I will not\n take,\u201d the father of the daughter shall keep whatever was brought to\n him.\n\n \u00a7 160. If a man brings a present to the house of a father-in-law and\n gives a bride-price, and the father of the daughter says: \u201cI will not\n give thee my daughter,\u201d whatever was brought him he shall double and\n restore it.\n\n \u00a7 161. If a man brings a present to the house of his father-in-law and\n gives a bride-price, and his neighbor slanders him, and the father\n says to the groom: \u201cThou shalt not take my daughter,\u201d whatever was\n brought he shall double and restore to him.\n\nThese Babylonian laws present numerous points of contact and of\ndivergence, when compared with the Biblical laws on the same subject.\nThere is no Biblical parallel to \u00a7 128. The law (\u00a7 129) which imposes the\ndeath penalty upon a man who commits adultery with another man\u2019s wife and\nupon the woman, finds an exact parallel in Lev. 20:10 and Deut. 22:22,\nthough the Biblical law, unlike the Babylonian, provides no way in which\nclemency could be extended to the offenders.\n\nThe laws in \u00a7\u00a7 130, 156, concerning the violation of betrothed virgins,\nare in a general way paralleled by Lev. 19:20-22 and Deut. 22:23-26,\nthough there are such differences that, while the underlying principles\nare the same, it is clear that there was entire independence of\ndevelopment. A religious element enters into Leviticus that is entirely\nabsent from the Babylonian code. The Bible contains two laws on this\nsubject that are without parallel in the Babylonian code. These are found\nin Exod. 22:16, 17 and Deut. 22:28, 29, and impose penalties for the\nviolation of virgins who were not betrothed. In both codes the principle\nis manifest that the loss of a girl\u2019s honor was to be compensated by\nmoney, though Deut. 22:28, 29 recognizes that it has a value that money\ncannot buy.\n\nThe laws relating to a wife whose fidelity is suspected (\u00a7\u00a7 131, 132) find\na general parallel in Num. 5:11-28. The provision at the end of \u00a7 132 that\nthe wife should plunge into the sacred river is in the nature of trial by\nordeal. The law in Numbers imposes on such a woman trial by ordeal, though\nit is of a different sort. She must drink water in which dust from the\nfloor of the sanctuary is mingled--dust surcharged with divine\npotency--and if she does not swell up and die, she is counted innocent.\n\nThe laws which provide that a wife may present her husband with a\nslave-girl as a concubine (\u00a7\u00a7 137, 144-147) are without parallel in the\nBiblical codes, but are strikingly illustrated by the patriarchal\nnarratives. Sarah gave Hagar to Abraham (Gen. 16); Rachel and Leah gave\nBilhah and Zilpah to Jacob (Gen. 30:1-13). The law (\u00a7 146) which deals\nwith such a slave-girl who would rank with her mistress is closely\nparallel to the story of the treatment of Hagar in Gen. 16:5-7 and 21:9,\n10.\n\nThe laws on divorce (\u00a7\u00a7 138-141) are really in advance of the one Biblical\nlaw on the subject (Deut. 24:1-4). The law in Deuteronomy permits a\nhusband to put away a wife, who in any way does not please him, without\nalimony, while to the wife no privilege of initiating divorce proceedings\nis granted at all. The Babylonian laws secure to the divorced woman a\nmaintenance, and, while by no means according her equal rights with the\nman, provide (\u00a7 142) that she may herself initiate the proceedings for\ndivorce. The ordeal must have been an unpleasant one, but in Israel\u2019s law\na woman had no such rights.[468]\n\nThe law concerning adultery with a daughter-in-law (\u00a7 155) is identical in\npurpose and severity with Lev. 20:12. The laws in \u00a7\u00a7 157, 158, which\nprohibit immorality with one\u2019s mother or the chief wife of one\u2019s father,\njust touch upon the great subject of incest and the prohibited degrees of\nmarriage which are treated at considerable length in Lev. 18:6-18; 20:11,\n19-21, and Deut. 22:30. The Babylonian laws touch but two specific cases,\nwhich may be said to be covered by Deut. 22:30, while the laws of\nLeviticus treat the whole subject of the prohibited degrees of marriage in\na broad and comprehensive way. The main idea pervading Leviticus is\nholiness. Israel is to be kept free from the pollution of incest in any\nform. The religious motive exhibited here is foreign to the Babylonian\ncode.\n\nInheritance\n\n \u00a7 162. It a man takes a wife and she bears him children and that woman\n dies, her father may not lay claim to her dowry. Her dowry belongs to\n her children.\n\n \u00a7 163. If a man takes a wife and she does not present him with\n children and that woman dies; if his father-in-law returns unto him\n the marriage-settlement, which that man brought to the house of the\n father-in-law, unto the dowry of that woman her husband may not lay\n claim. Her dowry belongs to the house of her father.\n\n \u00a7 164. But if his father-in-law does not return the\n marriage-settlement unto him, he shall deduct from her dowry the\n amount of the marriage-settlement, and then return the dowry to the\n house of her father.\n\n \u00a7 165. If a man has presented to his son, the first in his eyes,\n field, garden, or house, and written for him a sealed deed, and\n afterward the father dies; when the brothers divide, he shall take the\n present which his father gave him, and over and above they shall\n divide the goods of the father\u2019s house equally.\n\n \u00a7 166. If a man takes wives for the sons which he possesses, but has\n not taken a wife for his youngest son, and afterward the father dies;\n when the brothers divide, for their younger brother who does not have\n a wife they shall present over and above his portion money for a\n marriage-settlement, and shall enable him to take a wife.\n\n \u00a7 167. If a man takes a wife and she bears him children and that woman\n dies, and after her he takes a second and she bears him children,\n after the father dies, the children shall not share according to their\n mothers. They shall receive the dowries of their respective mothers,\n and the goods of their father\u2019s house they shall share equally.\n\n \u00a7 168. If a man has set his face to cut off his son, and says to the\n judges: \u201cI will cut off my son,\u201d the judges shall make investigation\n concerning him; if the son has not committed a grave crime which cuts\n off from sonship, the father may not cut off his son from sonship.\n\n \u00a7 169. If he has committed against his father a grave crime which cuts\n off from sonship, he shall pardon him for the first offense. If he\n commits a grave crime the second time, the father may cut off his son\n from sonship.\n\n \u00a7 170. If a man\u2019s wife bears him children and a slave-girl bears him\n children, and the father during his lifetime says to the children\n which the slave-girl bore him: \u201cMy children,\u201d and counts them with the\n children of the wife, after the father dies the children of the wife\n and the children of the slave-girl shall divide equally the goods of\n their father\u2019s house. The sons that are sons of the wife shall at the\n sharing divide and take.\n\n \u00a7 171. But if the father during his lifetime has not said unto the\n children which the slave-girl bore him: \u201cMy children,\u201d after the\n father dies the children of the slave-girl shall not share with the\n children of the wife. The slave-girl and her children shall be given\n their freedom; the children of the wife may not put a claim upon the\n children of the slave-girl for service. The wife shall receive her\n dowry and a gift which her husband gave her and wrote upon a tablet\n and may dwell in the dwelling of her husband as long as she lives and\n eat. She may not sell it. After her it belongs to her children.\n\n \u00a7 172. If her husband has not given her a gift, they shall restore to\n her her dowry and she shall receive from the goods of the house of her\n husband the portion of one son. If the children abuse her in order to\n drive her from the house, the judges shall investigate concerning her\n and if they find the children in the wrong, that woman shall not go\n from the house of her husband. If that woman sets her face to go out,\n she shall leave with her children the gift which her husband gave her;\n the dowry from the house of her father she shall receive and the\n husband of her choice may take her.\n\n \u00a7 173. If that woman, where she has entered, bears children to her\n later husband, after that woman dies the children of her first and her\n later husband shall share her dowry.\n\n \u00a7 174. If she did not bear children to her later husband, the children\n of her first husband shall receive her dowry.\n\n \u00a7 175. If a slave of the palace or the slave of a workingman takes the\n daughter of a patrician and she bears children, the owner of the slave\n shall have no claim for service on the children of the daughter of a\n patrician.\n\n \u00a7 176. But if a slave of the palace or the slave of a workingman takes\n the daughter of a patrician, and when he takes her she enters together\n with the dowry from her father\u2019s house into the house of the slave of\n the palace or the slave of the workingman; if after they are united\n they build a house and acquire property and afterward the slave of the\n palace or the slave of the workingman dies, the daughter of the\n patrician shall receive her dowry and they shall divide into two parts\n whatever her husband and herself had acquired after their union. Half\n the owner of the slave shall take, and the daughter of the patrician\n shall receive half for her children. If the daughter of the patrician\n had no dowry, whatever her husband and herself had acquired after\n their union they shall divide into two parts. The owner of the slave\n shall take half and the daughter of the patrician shall receive half\n for her children.\n\n \u00a7 177. If a widow whose children are minors sets her face to enter the\n house of a second husband, she shall not do it without the consent of\n the judges. When she enters the house of a second husband, the judges\n shall inquire into the estate of her former husband, and the estate of\n the former husband they shall entrust to the second husband and to\n that woman, and shall cause them to leave a tablet (receipt). The\n estate they shall guard and rear the minors. The household goods they\n may not sell. The purchaser of household goods belonging to the\n children of a widow shall forfeit his money. The goods shall revert to\n their owners.\n\n \u00a7 178. If there is a wife of a god, priestess, or sacred harlot, whose\n father has given her a dowry and written her a record of gift, and in\n the record of gift he has not written, \u201cafter her she may give it to\n whomsoever she pleases,\u201d and has not given her full discretion; after\n her father dies her brothers shall take her field and garden, and\n according to the value of her share they shall give her grain, oil,\n and wool, and shall content her heart. If her brothers shall not give\n her grain, oil, and wool, according to the value of her share, and\n shall not content her heart, she may let her field and garden unto any\n tenant she pleases and her tenant shall maintain her. Her field,\n garden, or whatever her father gave her she may enjoy as long as she\n lives. She may not sell it for money or transfer it to another. Her\n heritage belongs to her brothers.\n\n \u00a7 179. If there is a wife of a god, priestess, or sacred harlot, whose\n father has given her a dowry and written a record of gift; and in the\n record of gift he has written, \u201cafter her she may give it to\n whomsoever she pleases,\u201d and has granted her full discretion; after\n her father dies she may give it after her to whomsoever she pleases.\n Her brothers have no claim upon her.\n\n \u00a7 180. If a father does not give a dowry to his daughter, a priestess\n living in the appointed house, or a sacred harlot, after the father\n dies she shall receive from the goods of her father\u2019s house the same\n share as one son, and as long as she lives she shall enjoy it. After\n her it belongs to her brothers.\n\n \u00a7 181. If the father of a priestess, sacred harlot, or temple maiden\n gives her to a god and does not give her a dowry, after the father\n dies she shall receive from the goods of her father\u2019s house a third of\n the portion of a son and shall enjoy it as long as she lives. After\n her it belongs to her brothers.\n\n \u00a7 182. If a father does not give a dowry to his daughter, a priestess\n of Marduk of Babylon, and does not write a record of gift for her;\n after her father dies she shall receive from the goods of her father\u2019s\n house one-third of the portion of a son, and shall pay no tax. A\n priestess of Marduk after her death may leave it to whomsoever she\n pleases.\n\n \u00a7 183. If a father presents a dowry to his daughter who is a\n concubine, and gives her to a husband and writes a record of gift;\n after the father dies she shall not share in the goods of her father\u2019s\n house.\n\n \u00a7 184. If a father does not present a dowry to his daughter who is a\n concubine and does not give her to a husband; after her father\u2019s death\n her brothers shall give her a dowry according to the value of the\n father\u2019s estate and shall give her to a husband.\n\nIn comparison with these Babylonian laws of inheritance those in the Old\nTestament are comparatively simple. We learn from Deut. 21:15-17, that a\nman\u2019s firstborn son received a \u201cdouble portion\u201d of his father\u2019s estate,\n_i. e._, twice as much as any other son. The inference is that the other\nsons shared equally. This law also provides that, when a man has two\nwives, the sons of the favorite wife shall have no advantage as to\ninheritance over the sons of the less loved wife. In Num. 27:8-11 it is\nprovided that if a man has no son, his estate (_i. e._, real estate) may\ngo to his daughter; if he has no daughter, it may go to his brothers; if\nno brothers, it goes to his father\u2019s brothers. If his father has no\nbrothers, the estate is to go to the next of kin. In Num. 36:2-12 the law\nthat a daughter may inherit her father\u2019s estate is supplemented by the\nprovision that such a daughter must marry within the tribe, so that the\nlanded property may not in the next generation pass out of the tribe.\n\nSuch were the Hebrew laws of inheritance. They apply to a much less\ncomplexly organized society than the Babylonian.\n\n\u00a7\u00a7 168, 169 of Hammurapi\u2019s code deal with the cutting off of a son. This\nis paralleled in Deut. 21:18-21, though punishment inflicted by the law in\nDeuteronomy is quite different from the Babylonian, since the Hebrew boy,\nwhose parents have proved him before the elders to be unworthy of sonship,\nwas not cast out and sent away, but stoned to death. Another form of this\nlaw appears in Exod. 21:17.\n\nAdoption\n\n \u00a7 185. If a man takes a young child in his name unto sonship and\n brings him up, one may not bring a claim for that adopted son.\n\n \u00a7 186. If a man takes a young child unto sonship, and when he has\n taken him he rebels against his [adopted] father and mother, that\n foster-child shall return to his father\u2019s house.\n\n \u00a7 187. One may not bring claim for the son of a temple-servant, a\n palace guard, or of a sacred harlot.\n\n \u00a7 188. If an artisan takes a son to sonship and teaches him his\n handicraft, one may not bring claim for him.\n\n \u00a7 189. If he does not teach him his handicraft, that foster-son may\n return to the house of his father.\n\n \u00a7 190. If a man does not count among his sons a young child whom he\n has taken to sonship and reared, that foster-child may return to his\n father\u2019s house.\n\n \u00a7 191. If a man who takes a young child to sonship and rears him and\n establishes a house and acquires children, afterward sets his face to\n cut off that foster-son, that son shall not go his way. The father who\n reared him shall give him from his goods one-third the share of a son\n and he shall go. From field, garden, or house, he shall not give him.\n\nIn the codes of the Old Testament there are no laws of adoption. The story\nof the adoption of Ephraim and Manasseh by Jacob in Gen. 48 shows that the\nidea was not unknown to the Hebrews, among whom the ceremony of adoption\nwould seem to have consisted of the act of acknowledging the children as\none\u2019s own by placing one\u2019s hands on their heads and giving them a paternal\nblessing.\n\nRenunciation of Sonship\n\n \u00a7 192. If the son of a temple-servant or the son of a sacred harlot\n says to the father that brought him up or to the mother that brought\n him up, \u201cThou art not my father,\u201d or, \u201cThou art not my mother,\u201d they\n shall cut out his tongue.\n\n \u00a7 193. If the son of a temple-servant or the son of a sacred harlot\n has identified his father\u2019s house and hated the father who brought him\n up or the mother who brought him up and goes back to his father\u2019s\n house, they shall pluck out his eye.\n\nThe Old Testament has no laws with which to compare these. The two classes\nof persons whose children are mentioned were banished from Israel by Deut.\n23:17, 18.\n\nWet-nurses or Foster-mothers\n\n \u00a7 194. If a man gives his son unto a nurse and his son dies in the\n hands of the nurse and the nurse substitutes another child without the\n consent of the father or the mother, they shall prosecute her; because\n she substituted another child without the consent of his father or his\n mother they shall cut off her breast.\n\nThis law also is without Biblical parallel.\n\nAssault and Battery\n\n \u00a7 195. If a son strikes his father, they shall cut off his hand.\n\n \u00a7 196. If a man destroys the eye of the son of a patrician, they shall\n destroy his eye.\n\n \u00a7 197. If he breaks a man\u2019s bone, they shall break his bone.\n\n \u00a7 198. If one destroys the eye of a workingman or breaks the bone of a\n workingman, he shall pay 1 mana of silver.\n\n \u00a7 199. If one destroys the eye of a man\u2019s slave or breaks the bone of\n a man\u2019s slave, he shall pay half his value.\n\n \u00a7 200. If a man knocks out the tooth of a man of his own rank, they\n shall knock his tooth out.\n\n \u00a7 201. If one knocks out the tooth of a workingman, he shall pay \u2153 of\n a mana of silver.\n\n \u00a7 202. If a man shall strike the private-parts of a man who is of\n higher rank than he, he shall receive sixty blows with an ox-hide\n scourge in the assembly.\n\n \u00a7 203. If a patrician strikes the private-parts of a patrician of his\n own rank, he shall pay 1 mana of silver.\n\n \u00a7 204. If a workingman strikes the private-parts of a workingman, he\n shall pay 10 shekels of silver.\n\n \u00a7 205. If the slave of a patrician strikes the private-parts of the\n son of a patrician, they shall cut off his ear.\n\n \u00a7 206. If a man strikes a man in a quarrel and wounds him, he shall\n swear, \u201cI did not strike with intent,\u201d and shall pay for the\n physician.\n\n \u00a7 207. If from the stroke he dies, he shall swear [as above], and if\n it was a patrician, he shall pay \u00bd mana of silver.\n\n \u00a7 208. If it was a workingman, he shall pay \u2153 of a mana of silver.\n\n \u00a7 209. If a man strikes a man\u2019s daughter and causes a miscarriage, he\n shall pay 10 shekels of silver for her miscarriage.\n\n \u00a7 210. If that woman dies, they shall put his daughter to death.\n\n \u00a7 211. If through a stroke one causes a miscarriage of the daughter of\n a workingman, he shall pay 5 shekels of silver.\n\n \u00a7 212. If that woman dies, he shall pay \u00bd mana of silver.\n\n \u00a7 213. If one strikes the slave-girl of a man and causes a\n miscarriage, he shall pay 2 shekels of silver.\n\n \u00a7 214. If that slave-girl dies, he shall pay \u2153 of a mana of silver.\n\nThese laws are strikingly parallel to Exod. 21:18-27, to which Exod.\n21:12-14 should be prefixed. The Babylonian code, like the Hebrew, imposes\nthe death penalty for wilful murder. Both codes provide that one who is an\naccidental homicide shall escape the penalty, but they do it in different\nways. Hammurapi provides that the killer may take an oath that he did it\nwithout intent to kill. Exod. 21:13, 14 provides that the homicide may\nfind sanctuary at the altar of God. In place of this Deut. 19:4, ff.,\nprovides that he may flee to a city of refuge.\n\nIf a man injures another in a fight, the Bible (Exod. 21:18, 19) provides\nthat he shall pay for the lost time and, as does Hammurapi, the cost of\nhealing the injured man. Exod. 21:22 provides, as does Hammurapi, for the\npayment of a fine for causing a woman to miscarry, but Exodus does not,\nlike the Babylonian code, fix the amount of the damage; that is left to\nthe judges. In the laws concerning the injury of slaves the two codes\ndiffer. Exodus provides (21:20, 21, 26, 27) for cases in which owners\ninjure or kill their own slaves; Hammurapi, for cases in which the injury\nis done by others. A mere reading of the penalties imposed by the parts of\nthe Babylonian code translated above impresses vividly upon the mind the\nfact that underlying many of them is the principle so forcibly expressed\nin Exod. 21:21-25: \u201clife for life, eye for eye, tooth for tooth, hand for\nhand, foot for foot, burning for burning, wound for wound, stripe for\nstripe.\u201d The details of application are different, but the principle is\nthe same. Many of the differences were caused by the more complex nature\nof Babylonian society, in which three classes, patricians, workingmen (or\nsemi-serfs), and slaves, existed. Hebrew law recognizes but two\nclasses--freemen and slaves.\n\nPhysicians\n\n \u00a7 215. If a physician operates upon a man for a severe wound with a\n bronze lancet and saves the man\u2019s life, or if he operates for cataract\n with a bronze lancet and saves the man\u2019s eye, he shall receive 10\n shekels of silver.\n\n \u00a7 216. If it is a workingman, he shall receive 5 shekels of silver.\n\n \u00a7 217. If it is a man\u2019s slave, the owner of the slave shall give the\n physician 2 shekels of silver.\n\n \u00a7 218. If a physician operates upon a man with a bronze lancet for a\n severe wound, and the man dies; or operates upon a man with a bronze\n lancet for cataract and the man\u2019s eye is destroyed, they shall cut off\n his hand.\n\n \u00a7 219. If a physician operates with a bronze lancet upon the slave of\n a workingman and causes his death, he shall restore a slave of equal\n value.\n\n \u00a7 220. If he operates for cataract with a bronze lancet and destroys\n his eye, he shall pay \u00bd his price.\n\n \u00a7 221. If a physician sets a broken bone for a man or has cured of\n sickness inflamed flesh, the patient shall pay 5 shekels of silver to\n the physician.\n\n \u00a7 222. If he is a workingman, he shall give 3 shekels of silver.\n\n \u00a7 223. If he is the slave of a patrician, the owner of the slave shall\n give 3 shekels of silver to the physician.\n\n \u00a7 224. If an ox-doctor or an ass-doctor treats an ox or an ass for a\n severe wound and saves its life, the owner of the ox or the ass shall\n pay to the physician \u2159 of a shekel of silver as his fee.\n\n \u00a7 225. If he operates upon an ox or an ass for a severe wound and it\n dies, he shall give unto the owner of the ox or the ass \u00bc of its\n value.\n\nThese laws about physicians have no parallel in the Old Testament, the\nlaws of which did not take account of the existence of doctors. They are\nof interest, since they show the antiquity of physicians in Babylonia, not\nonly for men, but for animals. They also reveal the fact that the practice\nof medicine in Babylonia was attended by some risks!\n\nHerodotus (I, 197) declares that the Babylonians had no physicians, but\nbrought their sick out into the streets and asked of each passer-by\nwhether he had had a like sickness and what he had done for it. Possibly,\nas among ourselves, there were many who did not wish to incur the expense\nof a doctor, and who did as Herodotus reports, but these laws, and the\nexistence of physicians at Nineveh at the time of the later Assyrian\nkings, make it probable that Herodotus was wrong as to their non-existence\nat Babylon in his day.\n\nLaws of Branding\n\n \u00a7 226. If a brander without the consent of the owner of a slave cuts a\n mark on a slave, making him unsalable, they shall cut off the hands of\n that brander.\n\n \u00a7 227. If a man deceives a brander and he brands a slave with a mark,\n making him unsalable, they shall put that man to death and cause him\n to perish in the gate of his house. The brander shall swear: \u201cI did\n not brand him knowingly\u201d and shall go free.\n\nThese laws have no parallel in the Old Testament. Evidently the simpler\norganization of Hebrew society made them unnecessary.\n\nResponsibility of House-builders\n\n \u00a7 228. If a builder builds a house for a man and completes it, he\n shall give him as his wages 2 shekels of silver for each _Shar_ of\n house.\n\n \u00a7 229. If a builder builds a house for a man and does not make its\n work strong and the house which he made falls and causes the death of\n the owner of the house, that builder shall be put to death.\n\n \u00a7 230. If it causes the death of the son of the owner, the son of that\n builder shall be put to death.\n\n \u00a7 231. If it causes the death of a slave of the owner of the house, a\n slave like the slave he shall give to the owner of the house.\n\n \u00a7 232. If it destroys property, he shall restore whatever was\n destroyed, and because he did not build the house strong and it fell,\n he shall rebuild the house that fell from his own property.\n\n \u00a7 233. If a builder builds a house for a man and does not make his\n work strong and a wall falls, that builder shall strengthen that wall\n at his own expense.\n\nThese laws have no parallel in the Bible. Among the agricultural\npopulation of Palestine builders were not a separate class. The penalties\ninflicted by the Babylonian code were severe, and yet, if modern\nlegislators would put upon the house-builders of our time a similar\nresponsibility for good work, fewer lives would be sacrificed by falling\nbuildings.\n\nResponsibility of Boatmen\n\n \u00a7 234. If a boatman builds a boat of 60 _Gur_ for a man, he shall give\n him 2 shekels of silver as his wages.\n\n \u00a7 235. If a boatman builds a boat for a man and does not make his work\n sound and in that year the boat is sent on a voyage and meets with\n disaster, that boatman shall repair that boat and from his own goods\n shall make it strong and shall give the boat in sound condition to the\n owner of the boat.\n\n \u00a7 236. If a man gives his boat to a boatman for hire and the boatman\n is careless and sinks or wrecks the boat, the boatman shall restore a\n boat to the owner of the boat.\n\n \u00a7 237. If a man hires a boatman and a boat and loads it with grain,\n wool, oil, dates, or any other kind of freight, and that boatman is\n careless and sinks the boat or destroys its freight, the boatman shall\n replace the boat and whatever there was in it which he destroyed.\n\n \u00a7 238. If a boatman sinks a man\u2019s boat and re-floats it, he shall give\n money for \u00bd its value.\n\n \u00a7 239. If a man hires a boatman, he shall give him 6 _Gur_ of grain a\n year.\n\nThe Hebrews were not a maritime people, and had no such laws as these or\nthe following.\n\nThe Collision of Ships\n\n \u00a7 240. If a boat that is floating downstream strikes a boat that is\n being towed and sinks it, the owner of the boat that was sunk shall\n declare in the presence of a god everything that was in that boat and\n [the owner] of the boat floating downstream, which sunk the boat that\n was being towed, shall replace the boat and whatever was lost.\n\nThere is, naturally, nothing similar to this in the Old Testament.\n\nLaws Concerning Cattle\n\n \u00a7 241. If a man levies a distraint upon an ox as security for debt, he\n shall pay \u2153 of a mana of silver.\n\n \u00a7 242. If a man hires for a year, the wages of a working ox is 4 _Gur_\n of grain.\n\n \u00a7 243. The hire of a milch cow, 3 _Gur_ of grain for a year he shall\n give.\n\n \u00a7 244. If a man hires an ox or an ass and a lion kills it in the\n field, the loss falls on the owner.\n\n \u00a7 245. If a man hires an ox and causes its death through neglect or\n blows, he shall restore to the owner an ox of equal value.\n\n \u00a7 246. If a man hires an ox and crushes its foot or cuts the cord of\n its neck, he shall restore to the owner an ox of like value.\n\n \u00a7 247. If a man hires an ox and destroys its eye, he shall pay to the\n owner of the ox money to \u00bd its value.\n\n \u00a7 248. If a man hires an ox and breaks off its horn, or cuts off its\n tail or injures the flesh which holds the ring, money to \u00bc of its\n value he shall pay.\n\n \u00a7 249. If a man hires an ox and a god strikes it and it dies, the man\n who hires the ox shall take an oath in the presence of a god and shall\n go free.\n\n \u00a7 250. If an ox when passing along the street gores a man and causes\n his death, there is no penalty in that case.\n\n \u00a7 251. If the ox of a man has the habit of goring and they have\n informed him of his fault and his horns he has not protected nor kept\n his ox in, and that ox gores a man and causes his death, the owner of\n the ox shall pay \u00bd mana of money.\n\n \u00a7 252. If it is the slave of a man, he shall pay \u2153 of a mana of money.\n\n \u00a7 253. If a man hires a man and puts him over his field and furnishes\n him with seed-grain and intrusts him with oxen and contracts with him\n to cultivate the field, if that man steals the seed-grain or the crop\n and it is found in his possession, they shall cut off his hands.\n\n \u00a7 254. If he takes the seed-grain, but enfeebles the cattle, from the\n grain which he has cultivated he shall make restoration.\n\n \u00a7 255. If he shall let the cattle to a man for hire, or steal the\n seed-grain so that there is no crop, they shall prosecute that man,\n and he shall pay 60 _Gur_ of grain for each _Gan_.\n\n \u00a7 256. If he is not able to meet his obligation, they shall tear him\n in pieces in that field by means of the oxen.\n\nThe Biblical legislation corresponding to this is found in Exod. 21:28-35,\nbut it covers only a portion of the cases of which the Babylonian law\ntreats. It provides that, if an ox gores a man or a woman to death, the ox\nshall be stoned. If the ox was wont to gore and the owner had not kept it\nin, but it had been permitted to kill a man or a woman, the owner as well\nas the ox should be stoned. At the discretion of the tribunal a fine or\nransom might be laid on the owner. In case the ox gored a slave, the\nowner of the ox was to pay 30 shekels of silver and the ox was to be\nstoned. If a man opened a pit and a neighbor\u2019s ox or ass fell into it, the\ndigger of the pit must make good the loss to the owner of the animal, and\nthe dead beast became the property of the digger of the pit. If one man\u2019s\nox killed the ox of another man, the two men were to sell the live ox and\ndivide the price. If it were known that the ox was wont to gore in the\npast, and its owner had not kept it in, he was to pay ox for ox, and the\ndead animal should be his.\n\nIt thus appears that the exigencies of Hebrew agricultural life were\ndifferent from those of Babylonia, and were naturally met in different\nways.\n\nWages of Laborers\n\n \u00a7 257. If a man hires a field-laborer, he shall pay him 8 _Gur_ of\n grain per year.\n\n \u00a7 258. If a man hires a herdsman, he shall pay him 6 _Gur_ of grain\n per year.\n\nHebrew law did not regulate wages.\n\nOn Stealing Farming-tools\n\n \u00a7 259. If a man steals a watering-machine from a field, he shall pay\n to the owner of the watering-machine 5 shekels of silver.\n\n \u00a7 260. If a man steals a watering-bucket or a plow, he shall pay 3\n shekels of silver.\n\nAs the Hebrews did not systematically irrigate their land, the Old\nTestament contains no similar laws.\n\nLaws Concerning Shepherds\n\n \u00a7 261. If a man hires a herdsman to tend cattle or sheep, he shall pay\n him 8 _Gur_ of grain per year.\n\n \u00a7 262. If a man, oxen, or sheep ..............\n\n (The rest is broken away.)\n\n \u00a7 263. If he loses an ox or a sheep that is intrusted to him, he shall\n restore ox for ox and sheep for sheep.\n\n \u00a7 264. If a herdsman who has had cattle or sheep intrusted to him\n receives his full pay and is satisfied, and he causes the cattle or\n the sheep to diminish in number or lessens the birth-rate, he shall\n give increase and produce according to his contracts.\n\n \u00a7 265. If a shepherd to whom cattle or sheep have been given to tend\n is dishonest and alters the price or sells them, they shall prosecute\n him, and he shall restore to their owner 10 times the oxen or sheep\n which he stole.\n\n \u00a7 266. If in a fold there is a pestilence of a god, or a lion has\n slain, the shepherd shall before a god declare himself innocent, and\n the owner of the fold shall bear the loss of the fold.\n\n \u00a7 267. If the shepherd is careless and causes a loss in the fold, the\n shepherd shall make good in cattle or sheep the loss which he caused\n in the fold and shall give them to the owner.\n\nThe nearest approach in the Old Testament to laws of this character is in\nExod. 22:10-13, which provides that, if a man deliver to his neighbor an\nox, or ass, or sheep, or any beast to keep, and it dies, or is injured or\nis carried off when no one sees the deed, the oath of Jehovah shall be\nbetween them that the keeper has not put his hand to his neighbor\u2019s goods.\nThe owner was to accept this, and no restitution was necessary. If the\nanimals were stolen from the keeper, he must make restitution. If they\nwere torn in pieces by beasts of prey, he must bring the pieces for\nwitness, and need not make restitution.\n\nThe same general principles of the limits of responsibility underlay the\ntwo codes in these cases, though they differ in details. In Israel the\nshepherding of the flocks and herds of other people was not, as in\nBabylonia, a distinct occupation.\n\nOn Wages of Animals and Men\n\n \u00a7 268. If a man hires an ox for threshing, 20 _Qa_ of grain is its\n hire.\n\n \u00a7 269. If he hires an ass for threshing, 10 _Qa_ of grain is its hire.\n\n \u00a7 270. If he hires a kid for threshing, 1 _Qa_ of grain is its hire.\n\n \u00a7 271. If he hires cattle, a wagon and a driver, he shall pay 180 _Qa_\n of grain per day.\n\n \u00a7 272. If a man hires a wagon only, he shall pay 40 _Qa_ of grain per\n day.\n\n \u00a7 273. If a man hires a field-laborer from the beginning of the year\n until the fifth month, he shall pay him 6 _She_ of silver per day;\n from the sixth month to the end of the year, 5 _She_ of silver per day\n he shall pay.\n\n \u00a7 274. If a man hires an artisan, he shall give per day as the wages\n of a ..... 5 _She_; as the wages of a brick-maker, 5 _She_ of money;\n as the wages of a tailor, 5 _She_ of silver; as the wages of a\n stone-cutter, ...... _She_ of silver; ............ _She_ of silver;\n ............ _She_ of silver; ............ of a carpenter, 4 _She_ of\n silver; as the wages of a ...... 4 _She_ of silver; as the wages of a\n ...... _She_ of silver; the wages of a builder, ...... _She_ of\n silver.\n\n \u00a7 275. If a man hires a boat (?) to go upstream (?), its hire is 3\n _She_ of silver per day.\n\n \u00a7 276. If he hires a boat to float downstream, he shall pay as its\n hire 2\u00bd _She_ of silver per day.\n\n \u00a7 277. If a man hires a boat of 60 _Gur_ burden, he shall pay \u2159 of a\n shekel of money per day.\n\nThere are no parallels to these laws in the Bible, as the Old Testament\ndoes not attempt to regulate prices. When one considers the customs of\ntrade all over the Orient, and the time fruitlessly consumed in making\nbargains, one does not wonder that the practical sovereign of a great\ncommercial people, such as the Babylonians were, should regulate prices by\nlaw. As a rule, to this day, a purchaser begins by offering only a\nfraction of what he is willing to give, and the seller by asking at least\ntwice as much as he is willing to take. A long psychological battle\nfollows, during which there are many victories and capitulations on each\nside. This law was designed to put an end to this time-consuming custom.\n\nWhen the Sales of Slaves are Void\n\n \u00a7 278. If a man buys a male or a female slave and before a month is\n past he has an attack of rheumatism (?), he shall return to the\n seller, and the purchaser shall receive back the money that was paid.\n\n \u00a7 279. If a man buys a male or a female slave, and another has a legal\n claim upon him, the seller shall be responsible for that claim.\n\n \u00a7 280. If a man, while in a foreign country, purchases a male or a\n female slave of a man, and, when he returns home, the former owner of\n the male or the female slave recognizes his slave, if that male or\n female slave is a native of the land, he shall give it its freedom\n without recompense.\n\n \u00a7 281. If they are natives of another country, the purchaser shall\n declare in the presence of a god the price that he paid, and the\n former owner of the male or female slave shall pay the price to the\n merchant, and shall receive back his slave.\n\nNo laws similar to these are found in the Old Testament.\n\nThe Penalty for Renouncing a Master\n\n \u00a7 282. If a slave shall say to his owner: \u201cThou art not my owner,\u201d\n they shall make him submit as his slave, and shall cut off his ear.\n\nThis penalty reminds one of the boring of a slave\u2019s ear (Exod. 21:6; Deut.\n15:17) in token of perpetual slavery.\n\n=2. The Mosaic Code not Borrowed from the Babylonian; Different Underlying\nConceptions.=\n\nA comparison of the code of Hammurapi as a whole with the Pentateuchal\nlaws as a whole, while it reveals certain similarities, convinces the\nstudent that the laws of the Old Testament are in no essential way\ndependent upon the Babylonian laws. Such resemblances as there are arose,\nit seems clear, from a similarity of antecedents and of general\nintellectual outlook; the striking differences show that there was no\ndirect borrowing. The primitive Semitic custom of an eye for an eye and a\ntooth for a tooth (Exod. 21:24; Lev. 24:20; Deut. 19:21) is made the basis\nof many penalties in the Babylonian code. (See \u00a7\u00a7 196, 197, 200, 229, 230,\netc.) The principle underlying it is found also in many other sections.\nThese similarities only show that Babylonia had a large Semitic element in\nits population. Again, Hammurapi pictured himself at the top of the pillar\non which these laws are written as receiving them from the sun-god (Fig.\n292). The Bible tells us that Moses received the laws of the Pentateuch\nfrom Jehovah. The whole attitude of the two documents is, however,\ndifferent. Hammurapi, in spite of the picture, takes credit, both in the\nprologue and in the epilogue of his code, for the laws. He, not Shamash,\nestablished justice in the land. Moses, on the other hand, was only the\ninstrument; the legislation stands as that of Jehovah himself.\n\nThis difference appears also in the contents of the two codes. The\nPentateuch contains many ritual regulations and purely religious laws,\nwhile the code of Hammurapi is purely civil. As has been already pointed\nout, the code of Hammurapi is adapted to the land of the rivers, and to a\nhighly civilized commercial people, while the Biblical laws are intended\nfor a dry land like Palestine, and for an agricultural community that was\nat a far less advanced stage of commercial and social development.\n\nReligion is, however, not a matter of social advancement only. In all that\npertains to religious insight the Pentateuch is far in advance of\nHammurapi\u2019s laws.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER XIV\n\nAN ALLEGED PARALLEL TO LEVITICUS--A CARTHAGINIAN LAW CONCERNING\nSACRIFICES[469]\n\n THE TEXT OF THE CARTHAGINIAN LAW. COMPARISON WITH THE LEVITICAL LAW.\n\n\n=1. The Text of the Carthaginian Law.=\n\n Temple of Baal[zephon], Tar[iff of d]ues, which [the superintendents\n of d]ues fixed in the time [of our rulers, Khalas]baal, the judge, son\n of Bodtanith, son of Bod[eshmun, and of Khalasbaal], the judge, son of\n Bodeshmun, son of Khalasbaal, and their colleagues.\n\n For an ox as a whole burnt-offering[470] or a prayer-offering, or a\n whole peace-offering,[471] the priests shall have 10 (shekels) of\n silver for each; and in case of a whole burnt-offering, they shall\n have in addition to this fee [300 shekels of fle]sh; and, in case of a\n prayer-offering, the trimmings, the joints; but the skin and the fit\n of the inwards[472] and the feet and the rest of the flesh the owner\n of the sacrifice shall have.\n\n For a calf whose horns are wanting, in case of one not castrated (?),\n or in case of a ram as a whole burnt-offering, the priests shall have\n 5 shekels of silver [for each; and in case of a whole burnt-offering\n they shall have in addit]ion to this fee 150 shekels of flesh; and, in\n case of a prayer-offering, the trimmings and the joints; but the skin\n and the fat of the inwards and the fe[et and the rest of the flesh the\n owner of the sacrifice shall have].\n\n In case of a ram or a goat as a whole burnt-offering, or a\n prayer-offering, or a whole peace-offering, the priests shall have 1\n shekel of silver and 2 _zars_ for each; and, in case of a\n prayer-offering, they shall [have in addition to this fee the\n trimmings] and the joints; but the skin and the fat of the inwards and\n the feet and the rest of the flesh the owner of the sacrifice shall\n have.\n\n For a lamb, or a kid, or the young (?) of a hart, as a whole\n burnt-offering, or a prayer-offering, or a whole peace-offering, the\n priests shall have \u00be (of a shekel) and ...... _zars_ of silver [for\n each; and, in case of a prayer-offering, they shall have in addition]\n to this fee the trimmings and the joints; but the skin and the fat of\n the inwards and the feet and the rest of the flesh the own[er of the\n sacrifice] shall have.\n\n For a bird, domestic or wild, as a whole peace-offering, or a\n sacrifice-to-avert-calamity (?) or an oracular (?) sacrifice, the\n priests shall have \u00be (of a shekel) of silver and 2 _zars_ for each;\n but the f[lesh shall belong to the owner of the sacrifice].\n\n For a bird, or sacred first-fruits, or a sacrifice of game, or a\n sacrifice of oil, the priests shall have 10 _g_[_erahs_] for each; but\n ......................\n\n In case of every prayer-offering that is presented before the gods,\n the priests shall have the trimmings and the joints; and in the case\n of a prayer-offering ....\n\n For a cake, and for milk, and for every sacrifice which a man may\n offer, for a meal-offering[473] ..........\n\n For every sacrifice which a man may offer who is poor in cattle, or\n poor in birds, the priests shall not have anything ..........\n\n Every freeman and every slave and every dependent[474] of the gods and\n all men who may sacrifice .........., these men [shall give] for the\n sacrifice at the rate prescribed in the regulations ..........\n\n Every payment which is not prescribed in this table shall be made\n according to the regulations which [the superintendents of the dues\n fixed in the time of Khalasbaal, son of Bodtani]th, and Khalasbaal,\n son of Bodeshmun, and their colleagues.\n\n Every priest who shall accept payment beyond what is prescribed in\n this table shall be fi[ned] ............\n\n Every person who sacrifices, who shall not give ............ for the\n fee which ..............\n\n=2. Comparison with the Levitical Law.=\n\nThis document is not earlier than the fourth or fifth century B. C. The\nCarthaginians, from whom it comes, were an offshoot of the Ph\u0153nicians, who\nwere, in turn, descended from the Canaanites. They were accordingly of\nkindred race to the Hebrews. One can, therefore, see from this document\nsomething of how the Levitical institutions of Israel resembled and how\nthey differed from those of their kinsmen. It will be seen that the main\nsacrifices bore the same names among both peoples. We find the \u201cwhole\nburnt-offering,\u201d the \u201cpeace-offering,\u201d and the \u201cmeal-offering.\u201d The\nCarthaginians had no \u201csin-offering,\u201d while among the Hebrews we find no\n\u201cprayer-offering.\u201d The ways of rewarding the priests also differed with\nthe two peoples. The Hebrews had no such regular tariff of priests\u2019 dues\nas the Carthaginians, but parts of certain offerings and all of others\nbelonged to them. Leviticus assigns from the peace-offering the\n\u201cheave-thigh\u201d and the \u201cwave-breast\u201d to the priests (Lev. 7:14, 34; Num.\n5:9, 10; 31:29, 41). Meal- or flour-offerings belonged to the priests\n(Lev. 5:13; 7:9, 10), as did the sin- and trespass-offerings (Lev. 6:18,\n29; 7:9, 10). Of the burnt-offerings the priests had the skin (Lev. 7:8).\n\nThe interesting thing is that in the ritual, as in the social laws, we\nfind that the heathen Semites had a considerable number of regulations\nsimilar to those of the Hebrews.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER XV\n\nSOME LETTERS FROM PALESTINE\n\n LETTERS OF RIB-ADDA OF GEBAL. OF EBED-HEPA OF JERUSALEM. THEIR LIGHT\n ON CONDITIONS IN THE PERIOD OF THE EGYPTIAN DOMINATION OF PALESTINE.\n\n\nMany of the El-Amarna[475] Letters were written from Palestine and\nPh\u0153nicia. Some scholars think these letters come from the Patriarchal\nperiod; others hold that they are contemporary with the Hebrew conquest,\nand give us additional information concerning it. Some of those who hold\nthis last view believe that the conquest of Palestine by the Hebrews was\nnot made all at once. They think that the tribes descended from Leah\nentered the land before those descended from Rachel. Such scholars hold\nthat these letters give us contemporary evidence of the wars of the Leah\ntribes. Whichever view one takes, the letters are most interesting, as\nthey open to us a previously unknown chapter in the history of Jerusalem.\n\n=1. Some Letters of Rib-Adda of Gebal.=[476]\n\nI[477]\n\n To the king, my lord, the king of the countries, speak, saying,\n Rib-Adda, thy servant, the footstool of thy feet; at the feet of the\n sun, my lord, eight times and seven times I prostrate myself. Again,\n there is clear to the king, my lord, the deed of Ebed-Ashera, the dog,\n when all the lands of the king, my lord, are made over unto him and\n are subservient to his land. And now behold the city of Sumur has been\n won over--a fold of my lord and a temple of his shrine--to him, and he\n has encamped in the temple of my shrine and has opened the place of\n the curse of my lord and won it. What is he, a man ......... and dog\n that he should judge? Again, when men say in the presence of the king,\n my lord: \u201cLearn that Gebal is ..........,\u201d then know that he has not\n taken Gebal ............... and it is difficult for the lands of the\n king, my lord. Again, let the king, my lord, send his inspector who\n may judge ................ and may protect the city of the king, my\n lord. And I ........ and will serve my lord, the king of the lands.\n And may my lord send people and let them bring whatever belongs to my\n .............. into the presence of the king, my lord, and let not\n that dog take anything that belongs to thy gods. And is it clear now\n that he would take Gebal? See, Gebal is like Memphis, loyal to the\n king. A second time, see Ebed-Ninib, the man whom I sent with Buhiya,\n is a .......... So send unto thy servant. Again see, Ummahnu is a\n maid-servant of the Baal-goddess of Gebal; her husband is Ishkur\n .......... send! ..........\n\n(The tablet is broken off at this point.)\n\nII[478]\n\n To the king, my lord, my sun, say: Rib-Adda, thy servant; at the feet\n of my lord, my sun-god, seven times and seven times I prostrate\n myself. May the king, my lord, listen to the words of his faithful\n servant! It is going very hard for me! The hostility has become\n strong. The sons of Ebed-Ashera have become great in Amurru; theirs is\n the whole land. The city of Sumur and the city of Irkata are left to\n the princes. And behold in Sumur I am strong. When it was difficult\n for the princes on account of the enmity, I left Gebal and ........\n Zimridda and .......... Yapa-Addi ........ with me. Behold, then wrote\n the prince unto them; but they did not hearken unto him. And may the\n king, my lord, hearken to the words of his faithful servant! Send aid\n very quickly unto the city Sumur for its protection until the arrival\n of the mercenaries of the king, the sun. And may the king, the sun,\n drive out the enemy from his land. Again may the king, my lord,\n hearken to the word of his servant and send men as guards to the city\n of Sumur and to the city of Irkata, in case that all the guards flee\n from Sumur. And may it seem good to my lord, the sun of the countries,\n to give to me 20 pairs of horses. And may he send help very quickly to\n the city of Sumur to guard it. All the guards who remain are in\n straits and few are the men in the city. If mercenaries thou dost not\n send, then there will be no city remaining to thee. If there are\n mercenaries, we will take all the lands for the king.\n\nThese letters mention a certain Ebed-Ashera and claim that his sons are\ngaining possession of all the land of Amurru. If the \u201cEbed\u201d were dropped\nout of the phrase, \u201csons of Ebed-Ashera,\u201d[479] there would remain \u201csons of\nAshera,\u201d or, \u201csons of Asher.\u201d The \u201cland of Amurru,\u201d or, \u201cland of the\nAmorites,\u201d lay, at the time these letters were written, in the later home\nof the tribe of Asher, and a little to the north of it, between the\nLebanon and Anti-Lebanon mountains. Some scholars hold that we have in\nthese letters references to the coming of the \u201csons of Asher,\u201d or the\ntribe of Asher into this region, but it is a theory which in the present\nstate of our knowledge we can neither prove nor disprove. If it should\nprove to be true, these tablets would reflect a part of the Hebrew\nconquest of this region.\n\n=2. Letters of Ebed-Hepa of Jerusalem.=\n\nI[480]\n\n [To the king, my lord, speak, saying, E]bed-H[epa thy servant--at] the\n feet [of the king, my lord,] seven times and seven times [I prostrate\n myself]. Behold I am not a [prefect]; a vassal am I unto [the king,\n my lord]. Why did not the king, [my lord], send a messenger [quickly]?\n In similar circumstances sent Ienhamu .................. I. [May] the\n king [hearken unto Ebed]-Hepa, his servant. [Behold] there are no\n mercenaries. [May] the king, my lord, s[end a governor] and let him\n take [the prefects] with him .......... lands of the king .........\n and people .......... who are .......... [and Addaya], the governor of\n the king [has] their house .......... So may the king care for them\n and send a messenger quickly. When ..........\n\nII[481]\n\n To the king, my lord, speak, saying, Ebed-Hepa, thy servant--at the\n feet of my lord, the king, seven times and seven times I prostrate\n myself. What have I done to the king, my lord? They slander and\n misrepresent me before the king, my lord, [saying]: Ebed-Hepa is\n disloyal to the king, his lord. Behold I--neither my father nor my\n mother set me in this place; the arm of the mighty king caused me to\n enter into the house of my father. Why should I commit rebellion\n against the king, my lord? As long as the king, my lord, lives I will\n say unto the governor of the king, my lord: \u201cWhy dost thou love the\n Habiri and hate the prefects?\u201d But thus he misrepresents me before the\n king, my lord. Now I say, \u201cLost are the lands of the king, my lord.\u201d\n So he misrepresents me to the king, my lord. But let the king, my\n lord, know (that) after the king, my lord, set guards, Ienhamu took\n them all .................... Egypt .......... of the king, my lord;\n [there are no] guards there. Then may the king care for his land! May\n the king care for his land! Separated are all the lands from the king.\n Ilimilku has destroyed all the country of the king; so may the king,\n my lord, care for his land! I say: \u201cI will enter the presence of the\n king, my lord, and I will behold the eye of the king, my lord,\u201d but\n the enemy is more mighty than I, and I am not able to enter into the\n presence of the king, my lord. So may it seem right to the king\n .......... may he send guards, and I will enter in and will behold the\n eyes of the king, my lord! And so long as the king, my lord, lives, so\n long as the governors are withdrawn, I will say: \u201cPerished are the\n lands of the king.\u201d Thou dost not hearken to me! All the prefects have\n perished; there is left no prefect to the king, my lord! May the king\n turn his face toward mercenaries, so that there may come forth\n mercenaries of the king, my lord. There are no lands left to the king,\n my lord. The Habiri plunder all the countries of the king. If there\n are mercenaries in this year, then there will be left countries of the\n king, my lord. If there are no mercenaries, the countries of the king\n will be lost. Unto the scribe of the king, my lord, saying:\n \u201cEbed-Hepa, thy servant. Take beautiful words to the king, my lord!\n Lost are all the lands of the king, my lord.\u201d\n\nIII[482]\n\n [To the king, my lord, [speak,] saying, Eb]ed-Hepa, thy servant. [Unto\n the feet] of my lord seven [times and seven times I prostrate myself].\n [I have heard all] the words [which the king, my lord,] has sent to me\n .......... Behold the deed which .......... has done .......... Copper\n .......... word ........ He has brought [into the city Keilah]. [Cf.\n Josh. 15:44.] May the king know that all the lands are gone and there\n is enmity against me. So may the king care for his land! Behold the\n land of the city Gezer, the land of the city Askelon and the city of\n Lakish have given them food, oil, and all kinds of herbs. So may the\n king give attention to the mercenaries! May he send mercenaries\n against the people who commit outrages against the king, my lord! If\n there are in this year mercenaries, then there will remain lands and\n prefects to the king, my lord. But if there are no mercenaries, there\n will be no lands and prefects to the king. Behold this land of the\n city of Jerusalem--neither my father nor my mother gave it to me; the\n mighty hand, the arm of the king gave it to me. Behold this deed; it\n is the deed of Malkiel and the deed of the sons of Labaya, who have\n given the land of the king to the Habiri. Behold, O king, my lord,\n right is on my side as regards the Kashi-people. Let the king ask the\n governors whether that house is very mighty and they have committed a\n grievous, a great sin; they have taken their weapons and have cut off\n the horsemen (?) .......... And may he send into that land ..........\n who .......... with .......... servants. May [the king] care for them\n ................ the lands in their hands [and] may the king provide\n for them much food, much oil, much clothing until Paru, the governor\n of the king, comes up to the country of the city of Jerusalem. Gone is\n Addaya, together with the guards of the vassals whom the king\n appointed. Let the king know that Addaya said to me: \u201cBehold, I am\n going away; do not thou abandon it\u201d (the city). This year send me men\n as guards and a governor, O king! Send us .......... I have sent to\n the king, my lord .........., people, five thousand .......... three\n hundred and eighteen porters for the caravans of the king. They were\n indeed captured in the fields near the city Aijalon. (Cf. Josh.\n 10:12.) Let the king, my lord, know that I am not able to send a\n caravan to the king, my lord. Indeed thou knowest it. Behold the king\n has set his name in the country of the city of Jerusalem forever and\n he ought not to abandon the lands of the city of Jerusalem.\n\n To the scribe of the king, my lord, has Ebed-Hepa, thy servant spoken,\n saying: At the feet I, thy servant, prostrate myself. Take beautiful\n words to the king, my lord! A vassal of the king am I, exceedingly\n loyal (?) as regards thee. Also an evil deed has been done against me\n by the men of Kashi. I was all but killed by the men of Kashi in my\n house. May the king make investigation concerning them. Seven times\n and seven times, O king, justice is on my side.\n\nIV[483]\n\n To the king, my lord, my sun-god, speak, saying, Ebed-Hepa, thy\n servant. At the feet of the king, my lord, seven times and seven times\n I prostrate myself. Behold the king, my lord, has set his name at the\n rising of the sun and the setting of the sun. It is slander which they\n have multiplied against me. Behold I am not a prefect; a vassal of the\n king, my lord, am I. Behold I am a shepherd of the king and one who\n brings tribute to the king, am I. Neither my father nor my mother, but\n the arm of the mighty king set me in the house of my father ........\n There came unto me ....... I gave 10 slaves into his hand. Shuta, the\n governor of the king, came unto me. Twenty-one female slaves and\n eighty prisoners I gave into the hand of Shuta as a present to the\n king, my lord. Let the king take counsel for his land! Lost is the\n land of the king. All of it is taken from me. Enmity is against me. As\n far as the lands of Seir and as far as Gath-Carmel there is peace\n among all the prefects, but enmity against me is practised. When I\n sent a man, then he said: \u201cI do not see the eyes of the king, my lord,\n for hostility is against me.\u201d I set once a ship on the sea when the\n mighty arm of the king took Naharina and Kapasi, but, behold the\n Habiri take the cities of the king. There is no prefect to the king,\n my lord; all are lost. Behold Turbazu was killed in the city gate of\n Zil\u00fb and the king is inactive! Behold Zimridda of Lakish; his servants\n were enraged at him; he adhered to the Habiri. Yapti-Adda was killed\n in the city gate of Zil\u00fb and there is no action! Concerning it the\n king makes no inquiry! Let the king care for his land and let the king\n turn his face to mercenaries for the land of tribute! For if there\n are no mercenaries in this year, lost, perished are all the lands of\n the king, my lord. Let not one say in the presence of the king, my\n lord, that the land of the king, my lord, is lost and all the prefects\n are lost. If there are no mercenaries in this year, then let the king\n send a governor to bring me and my brothers unto thee and we will die\n with the king, our lord.\n\n To the scribe of the king, my lord, saying, Ebed-Hepa, thy servant. At\n thy feet I prostrate myself. Bring beautiful words to the king.\n Emphatically thy servant and thy son am I.\n\nV[484]\n\n To the king, my lord, speak, saying, Ebed-Hepa, thy servant. At the\n feet of my lord I prostrate myself seven times and seven times. Behold\n Malkiel, he has not separated himself from the sons of Labaya and from\n the sons of Arzaya that they may seek the hand of the king for\n themselves. A prefect who has done this deed--why does not the king\n call him to account? Behold Malkiel and Tagi--the deed which they have\n done is this: formerly they took Rabuda and now they seek Jerusalem.\n If this land belongs to the king, why is it oppressed? Gaza has sided\n with the king. Behold the land of Gath-Carmel belongs to Tagi and the\n people of Gath are on guard in Beth-shean, and verily it will happen\n to us when Labaya and the land of Shechem have been given to the\n Habiri. Malkiel has written to Tagi and his sons: \u201cLet our two forces\n grant all their desire to the people of Keilah.\u201d Shall we indeed throw\n open Jerusalem? The guards, whom thou didst send by the hand of Haya,\n son of Miare, Addaya took, stationing them in his house in Gaza and\n twenty men has he sent to Egypt. Let the king know that there are no\n royal guards with me! It is so as the king lives! Verily Puru is\n beaten. He has gone from me and is in Gaza. May the king remember it\n and may the king send fifty men as guards to protect the land! All the\n lands of the king are in revolt. Send Yinhenhame and let him care for\n the land of the king. To the scribe of the king, my lord, say:\n Ebed-Hepa, thy servant. Beautiful words give to the king. Ever\n emphatically am I thy servant.\n\nVI[485]\n\n To the king, my lord, speak, saying, Ebed-Hepa, thy servant. At the\n feet of the king, my lord, seven times and seven times I prostrate\n myself. Behold the deed which Malkiel and Shuardatu have done against\n the country of the king, my lord! They have won over the soldiers of\n Gezer, the soldiers of Gath, and the soldiers of Keilah; they have\n seized the country of the city of Rubute. The country of the king is\n fallen away to the Habiri. And now also a city of the country of\n Jerusalem (its name is Beth-shemesh),[486] a city of the king, has\n gone over to the men of Keilah. May the king hearken unto Ebed-Hepa,\n thy servant, and send mercenaries that the land of the king may remain\n unto the king. If there are no mercenaries, lost is the land of the\n king to the Habiri. This is the deed which Malkiel and Shuardatu have\n done .......... May the king care for his land!\n\n=3. Their Light upon Conditions in the Period of the Egyptian Domination\nof Palestine.=\n\nThese letters are among the most interesting of the many fascinating\ndocuments which have come to us from ancient times. They give us our\nfirst historical glimpse of Jerusalem, giving us a view of it 350 years\nbefore its capture by David. At this time its ruler was one Ebed-Hepa, a\nvassal of Amenophis IV, King of Egypt. Jerusalem was at the time the\ncapital of a considerable territory. If the places mentioned have been\nrightly identified by scholars, its dominion extended to Mount Carmel on\nthe northwest and as far as Rabbith in Issachar on the north. At the time\nthese letters were written, Jerusalem was hard pressed by some invaders\ncalled Habiri, and Ebed-Hepa again and again appeals to the Egyptian king\nto send mercenaries in that year or all the territories of the king would\nbe lost. Already the Egyptian army was composed in part of hired soldiers.\nWe know from Egyptian sources that Amenophis was much more interested in\nreligious reform than in statecraft. The desired troops were not sent, and\napparently Ebed-Hepa was overcome, for his letters cease.\n\nThe condition of Palestine, as revealed by these letters, is the same as\nthat of Ph\u0153nicia as revealed by the letters of Rib-Adda. Egyptian\nauthority was breaking up; each ruler was doing his best to look after his\nown interests; while invaders were overrunning the country.\n\nWho was Ebed-Hepa? All that we know of him is told in these letters. Hepa\nwas, however, the name of a Hittite and Mitannian goddess. It has,\naccordingly, been inferred that Ebed-Hepa belonged to that race. Ezekiel\nlong afterward in speaking to Jerusalem said: \u201cThe Amorite was thy father\nand thy mother was a Hittite\u201d (Ezek. 16:3, 45). If this first ruler of\nJerusalem known to us was a Hittite, as seems probable, it would be a\nstriking confirmation of Ezekiel\u2019s statement. Another interesting question\nis: Who were the Habiri who were invading Palestine when these letters\nwere written? The answer to this question is not certain. Four different\nviews have been held:\n\n1. They have been thought to be the same as the clan Heber which was\nafterward a part of the tribe of Asher, and which is also mentioned in\nconnection with Malkiel in Gen. 46:17; Num. 26:45, and 1 Chron. 7:31. The\nobjection to this view is that the Habiri seem far too powerful in these\nletters to be simply the ancestors of such a clan.\n\n2. It has been held that the Habiri were a branch of the Hittites. This\nview is based upon the fact that among the tablets found by Winckler at\nBoghaz Koi a list of Hittite gods was headed \u201cgods of the Habiri.\u201d This\nis, however, not decisive, as the gods may have been Semitic gods, whom,\nafter the fashion of antiquity, the Hittite scribe had identified with the\ndeities of his own country.\n\n3. It has been held that the Habiri were Hebrews, and that we have here\ncontemporary records of their wars of conquest.\n\n4. Some scholars maintain that it is impossible to tell who the Habiri\nwere.\n\nThe writer is inclined to hold that the Habiri were Hebrews, though this\nview is not without difficulty. The indications of the book of Exodus\npoint to Ramses II as the Pharaoh of the oppression and to Merneptah as\nthe Pharaoh of the Exodus. These kings belonged to the nineteenth dynasty,\nwhile Amenophis IV, to whom Ebed-Hepa wrote his letters, belonged to the\neighteenth. How then could Hebrews be already in Palestine struggling to\nconquer it? The view has been held by a number of scholars that the Hebrew\nconquest took place in two parts, one of which was under the eighteenth\nand the other under the nineteenth dynasty. The view is not without its\ndifficulties, but it _may_ prove to be true. If the Habiri were Hebrews,\nit seems necessary to suppose that it is true. Perhaps further discovery\nwill throw more light upon it.\n\nThe following letter, found in 1892 at Tell el-Hesy (Lachish) in\nPalestine, belongs to the same period as the preceding letters.[487]\n\n To the chief officer speak, saying: Pabi--at thy feet I prostrate\n myself. Thou shouldst know that Shiptibaal and Zimrida are conspiring\n together and Shiptibaal has said to Zimrida: \u201cMy father of the city\n Yarami has written to me: \u2018Give me six bows and three daggers and\n three swords. If I go out against the land of the king and thou wilt\n be the breath of life to me, then I shall surely (?) be superior to it\n and shall subdue it.\u2019 He who makes this plan is Pabu, so send him to\n me.\u201d Now I have sent thee Raphiel. He will bring to the chief officer\n news of this matter.\n\nAnother letter from Taanach belongs to the same general period. It is one\nof four found by Sellin in 1903. It is as follows:[488]\n\n To Ishtarwashur speak, saying, Ahijah[489]--may the lord of the gods\n protect thy life! Thou art my brother and love is in thy bowels and in\n my heart. When I was detained in Gurra a workman gave to me two knives\n and a lance and two baskets (?) for nothing. As the lance was broken,\n he will repair it and send it by the hand of Buritpi. Again: is there\n lamentation over thy cities, or hast thou indeed put thyself in\n possession of them? Over my head is one who is over the cities. Now\n let us see whether he will do good to thee. If his countenance is\n favorable there will be great destruction. Further: let Ilurabi enter\n Rahab and either send my man to thy presence or give him protection.\n\nThis letter is chiefly interesting for the name _A\u1e2bi-ya-mi_, which is\nprobably the Babylonian equivalent of Ahijah or Ahi-Yahweh. If this is so,\nand, while not certain, there is considerable collateral evidence in its\nfavor,[490] the divine name, Yahweh (Jehovah), was already known in\nPalestine.\n\nAnother phrase in this letter which has recalled to some a Biblical phrase\nis \u201cthe lord of the gods.\u201d This has been compared with Baal-berith (_i.\ne._, lord of the covenant), Judges 9:4, who is later called El-berith (god\nof the covenant), Judges 9:46. Such a comparison is, however, somewhat\nfanciful.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER XVI\n\nDOCUMENTS FROM THE TIME OF ISRAEL\u2019S JUDGES\n\n REPORT OF WENAMON. ITS ILLUSTRATION OF CERTAIN POINTS OF BIBLICAL\n HISTORY ABOUT THE TIME OF DEBORAH OR GIDEON. REFERENCE TO THE\n PHILISTINES.\n\n\nThe following vivid story of adventure dates from about 1100 B. C. and\nthrows a vivid light on the condition of the coast-lands of Palestine and\nPh\u0153nicia about the middle of the period of the Judges.\n\n=1. Report of Wenamon.=[491]\n\n Year five, third month of the third season (eleventh month), day 16,\n day of departure of the \u201celdest of the hall,\u201d of the house of Amon,\n the lord of the lands, Wenamon, to bring the timber for the great and\n august barge of Amon-Re, king of the gods, which is on the river\n .......... called: \u201cUserhet\u201d of Amon.\n\n On the day of my arrival at Tanis at the palace of Nesubenebded and\n Tentamon, I gave to them the writings of Amon-Re, king of the gods,\n which they caused to be read in their presence; and they said: \u201cI will\n do it, I will do it according to that which Amon-Re, king of our gods,\n our lord, saith.\u201d I abode until the fourth month of the third season,\n being in Tanis.\n\n Nesubenebded and Tentamon sent me with the ship-captain, Mengebet, and\n I descended into the great Syrian sea, in the fourth month of the\n third season, on the first day. I arrived at Dor, a city of Thekel [a\n people kindred to the Philistines], and Bedel, its king, caused to be\n brought for me much bread, a jar of wine, and a joint of beef.\n\n Then a man of my ship fled, having stolen:\n\n .. [vessels] of gold, [amounting to] 5 deben\n 4 vessels of silver, amounting to 20 deben\n a sack of silver 11 deben\n --\n [Total of what] he [stole] 5 deben of gold.\n 31 deben of silver.\n\n In the morning then I rose and went to the abode of the prince, and\n said to him: \u201cI have been robbed in thy harbor. Since thou art the\n king of this land, thou art therefore its investigator, who should\n search for my money. For the money belongs to Amon-Re, king of the\n gods, lord of the lands; it belongs to Nesubenebded, and it belongs to\n Hrihor, my lord, and the other magnates of Egypt; it belongs also to\n Weret, and to Mekmel, and to Zakar-Baal, the prince of Byblos\u201d\n [Gebal]. He said to me: \u201cTo thy honor and thy excellence! but, behold,\n I know nothing of this complaint which thou hast lodged with me. If\n the thief belonged to my land, he who went on board thy ship, that he\n might steal thy treasure, I would repay it to thee from my treasury\n till they find thy thief by name; but the thief who robbed thee\n belongs to thy ship. Tarry a few days here with me, and I will seek\n him.\u201d When I had spent nine days moored in his harbor, I went to him\n and said to him: \u201cBehold, thou hast not found my money, therefore let\n me depart with the ship-captain, and with those who go .......... the\n sea. He said to me: \u201cBe silent ..............\u201d .......... the harbor\n ................ [I arrived at] Tyre. I went forth from Tyre at early\n dawn .......... Zakar-Baal, the prince of Byblos [Gebal].\n\n .......... the .......... I found 30 deben of silver therein. I seized\n it, [saying to them: \u201cI will take] your money, and it shall remain\n with me until ye find [my money. Was it not a man of Thekel] who stole\n it, and no thief [of ours]? I will take it .......... They went away,\n while I .................. [I] arrived .......... the harbor of Byblos\n [Gebal]. [I made a place of concealment, I hid] \u201cAmon-the-way,\u201d and I\n placed his things in it. The prince of Byblos sent to me, saying:\n \u201cBetake thyself from my harbor.\u201d I sent to him, saying,\n \u201c................ if they sail, let them take me to Egypt.\u201d ..........\n I spent nineteen days in his harbor and he continually sent to me\n daily, saying: \u201cBetake thyself from my harbor.\u201d\n\n Now, when he sacrificed to his gods ......., the god seized one of his\n noble youths, making him frenzied, so that he said: \u201cBring [the god]\n hither! Bring the messenger of Amon who hath him. Send him and let him\n go.\u201d\n\n Now, while the frenzied youth continued in frenzy during this night, I\n found a ship bound for Egypt, and I loaded all my belongings into it.\n I waited for the darkness, saying: \u201cWhen it descends, I will embark\n the god also, in order that no other eye may see him.\u201d\n\n The harbor-master came to me, saying: \u201cRemain until morning by the\n prince.\u201d I said to him: \u201cArt not thou he who continually came to me\n daily, saying, \u2018Betake thyself away from my harbor\u2019? Dost thou not\n say, \u2018Remain in the [land\u2019], in order to let depart the ship that I\n have found? thou that mayest come and say again, \u2018Away\u2019? He went and\n told it to the prince, and the prince sent to the captain of the ship,\n saying: \u2018Remain until morning by the king.\u2019\u201d\n\n When morning came he sent and had me brought up, when the divine\n offering occurred in the fortress where he was, on the shore of the\n sea. I found him sitting in his upper chamber, leaning his back\n against a window, while the waves of the great Syrian sea beat against\n the ........ behind him. I said to him: \u201cKindness of Amon!\u201d He said to\n me: \u201cHow long is it until this day since thou camest away from the\n abode of Amon?\u201d I said: \u201cFive months and one day until now.\u201d\n\n He said to me: \u201cBehold thou art true, where is the writing of Amon,\n which is in thy hand? Where is the letter of the High Priest of Amon,\n which is in thy hand?\u201d I said to him: \u201cI gave them to Nesubenebded and\n Tentamon.\u201d Then he was very wroth, and he said to me: \u201cNow, behold,\n the writing and the letter are not in thy hand! Where is the ship of\n cedar which Nesubenebded gave to thee? Where is its Syrian crew? He\n would not deliver thy business to this ship-captain ........ to have\n thee killed, that they might cast thee into the sea. From whom would\n they have sought the god then? And thee, from whom would they have\n sought thee then?\u201d So he spake to me. I said to him: \u201cThere are indeed\n Egyptian ships and Egyptian crews who sail under Nesubenebded, (but)\n he hath no Syrian crews.\u201d He said to me: \u201cThere are surely twenty\n ships here in my harbor, which are in connection with Nesubenebded;\n and at Sidon, whither thou wouldst go, there are indeed 10,000 ships\n also which are in connection with Berket-el and sail to his house.\u201d\n\n Then I was silent in this great hour. He answered and said to me: \u201cOn\n what business hast thou come hither?\u201d I said to him: \u201cI have come\n after the timber of the great and august barge of Amon-Re, king of\n gods. Thy father did it, thy grandfather did it, and thou wilt also do\n it.\u201d So spake I to him.\n\n He said to me: \u201cThey did it, truly. If thou give me (something) for\n doing it, I will do it. Indeed my agents transacted the business; the\n Pharaoh, ...... sent six ships, laden with the products of Egypt, and\n they were unloaded in their storehouses. And thou also shalt bring\n something for me.\u201d He had the journal of his fathers brought in, and\n he had them read it before me. They found 1,000 deben of every (kind\n of) silver, which was in his book.\n\n He said to me: \u201cIf the ruler of Egypt were the owner of my property,\n and I were also his servant, he would not send silver and gold,\n saying: \u2018Do the command of Amon.\u2019 It was not the payment of tribute\n which they exacted of my father. As for me, I am myself neither thy\n servant nor am I the servant of him that sent thee. If I cry out to\n the Lebanon, the heavens open, and the logs lie here on the shore of\n the sea.\u201d\n\nA long speech of Wenamon follows, in which he claims Egypt as the home of\ncivilization, and claims Lebanon for Amon. He then continues:\n\n \u201cLet my scribe be brought to me, that I may send him to Nesubenebded\n and Tentamon, the rulers whom Amon hath given to the north of his\n land, and they will send all that of which I shall write unto them,\n saying: \u2018Let it be brought,\u2019 until I return to the south and send thee\n all thy trifles again.\u201d So spake I to him.\n\n He gave my letter into the hand of his messenger. He loaded in the\n keel, the head of the bow and the head of the stern, with four other\n hewn timbers, together seven; and he had them taken to Egypt. His\n messenger went to Egypt, and returned to me, to Syria in the first\n month of the second season. Nesubenebded and Tentamon sent:\n\n Gold: 4 _Tb_-vessels, 1 _K\u2019k-mn_-vessel;\n Silver: 5 _Tb_-vessels;\n Royal linen: 10 garments, 10 _\u1e25m-\u1e2brd_;\n Papyrus: 500 rolls;\n Ox-hides: 500;\n Rope: 500 (coils);\n Lentils: 20 measures;\n Fish: 30 measures;\n She[492] sent me:\n Linen 5 ......, 5 _\u1e25m-\u1e2brd_;\n Lentils: 1 measure;\n Fish: 5 measures.\n\n The prince rejoiced, and detailed 300 men and 300 oxen, placing\n overseers over them, to have the trees felled. They spent the second\n season therewith .... In the third month of the second season (seventh\n month) they dragged them [to] the shore of the sea. The prince came\n forth and stood by them.\n\n He sent to me, saying: \u201cCome.\u201d Now, when I had presented myself before\n him, the shadow of his sunshade fell upon me. Penamon, a butler, he\n stepped between us, saying: \u201cThe shadow of Pharaoh ........, thy lord,\n falls upon thee.\u201d He was angry with him, saying: \u201cLet him alone!\u201d I\n presented myself before him, and he answered and said unto me: \u201cBehold\n the command which my fathers formerly executed, I have executed,\n although thou for thy part hast not done for me that which thy fathers\n did for me. Behold there has arrived the last of thy timber, and there\n it lies. Do according to my desire and come to load it, for they will\n indeed give it to thee.\u201d\n\n \u201cCome not to contemplate the terror of the sea, (but) if thou dost\n contemplate the terror of the sea, thou shalt (also) contemplate mine\n own. Indeed I have not done to thee that which they did to the\n messengers of Khamwese, when they spent seventeen years in this land.\n They died in their place.\u201d He said to his butler; \u201cTake him, and let\n him see their tomb, wherein they sleep.\u201d\n\n I said to him: \u201cLet me not see it! As for Khamwese, (mere) people were\n the messengers whom he sent unto thee; but people ......... there was\n no [god among] his messengers. And yet thou sayest, \u2018Go and see thy\n companions.\u2019 Lo, art thou not glad? and dost thou not have made for\n thee a tablet, whereon thou sayest: \u2018Amon-Re, king of gods, sent to me\n \u201cAmon-the-way,\u201d his [divine] messenger, and Wenamon, his human\n messenger, after the timber for the great and august barge of Amon-Re,\n king of gods? I felled it, I loaded it, I supplied him (with) my ships\n and my crews, I brought them to Egypt, to beseech for me 10,000 years\n of life from Amon, more than my ordained (life), and it came to pass.\u2019\n Then in future days when a messenger comes from the land of Egypt, who\n is able to write, and reads thy name upon the stela, thou shalt\n receive water in the west, like the gods who are there.\u201d He said to\n me: \u201cIt is a great testimony which thou tellest me.\u201d\n\n I said to him: \u201cAs for the many things which thou hast said to me,\n when I reach the place of the abode of the High Priest of Amon, and he\n shall see thy command in thy command, [he] will have something\n delivered to thee.\u201d\n\n I went to the shore of the sea, to the place where the timbers lay; I\n spied eleven ships, coming from the sea, belonging to the Thekel,\n saying: \u201cArrest him! Let not a ship of his pass to Egypt!\u201d I sat down\n and began to weep. The letter-scribe of the prince came out to me, and\n said to me: \u201cWhat is the matter with thee?\u201d I said to him: \u201cSurely\n thou seest these birds which twice descend upon Egypt. Behold them!\n They come to the pool, and how long shall I be here, forsaken? For\n thou seest surely those who come to arrest me again.\u201d\n\n He went and told it to the prince. The prince began to weep at the\n evil words which they spoke to him. He sent out his letter-scribe to\n me and brought me two jars of wine and a ram. He sent to me Tento, an\n Egyptian singer (feminine), who was with him, saying: \u201cSing for him;\n let not his heart feel apprehension.\u201d He sent to me, saying: \u201cEat,\n drink, and let not thy heart feel apprehension. Thou shalt hear all\n that I have to say unto thee in the morning.\u201d\n\n Morning came, he had (the Thekel) called into his ......., he stood in\n their midst and said to the Thekel: \u201cWhy have ye come?\u201d They said to\n him: \u201cWe have come after the stove-up ships which thou sendest to\n Egypt with our ...... comrades.\u201d He said to them: \u201cI cannot arrest the\n messenger of Amon in my land. Let me send him away, and ye shall\n pursue him, to arrest him.\u201d\n\n He loaded me on board, he sent me away ..... to the harbor of the sea.\n The wind drove me to the land of Alasa [Cyprus]; those of the city\n came forth to me to slay me. I was brought among them to the abode of\n Heteb, the queen of the city. I found her as she was going forth from\n her houses and entering into her other [house]. I saluted her, I asked\n the people who stood about her: \u201cThere is surely one among you who\n understands Egyptian?\u201d One among them said: \u201cI understand (it).\u201d I\n said to him: \u201cSay to my mistress: \u2018I have heard as far as Thebes, the\n abode of Amon, that in every city injustice is done, but that justice\n is done in the land of Alasa; (but), lo, injustice is done every day\n here.\u2019\u201d She said: \u201cIndeed! what is this that thou sayest?\u201d I said to\n her: \u201cIf the sea raged and the wind drove me to land where I am, thou\n wilt not let them take advantage of me to slay me, I being a messenger\n of Amon. I am one whom they will seek unceasingly. As for the crew of\n the prince of Byblos whom they sought to kill, their lord will surely\n find ten crews of thine, and he will slay them on his part.\u201d She had\n the people called and stationed (before her); she said to me: \u201cPass\n the night ..........\u201d\n\nHere the papyrus, which contains this vivid personal narrative of travel,\nis broken off and the rest of the story is lost. We may be sure that\nWenamon escaped from Cyprus and succeeded in reaching Egypt again, or the\nstory would never have been told.\n\n=2. Its Illustration of Certain Points of Biblical History.=\n\nThe story illustrates well a number of points in Biblical history. This\nadventure was approximately contemporary with the career of Deborah or of\nGideon. It shows that the city of Dor, which was situated on the coast\njust south of Mount Carmel, was in the possession of a tribe kindred to\nthe Philistines, who soon afterward appear in Biblical history. We also\nlearn from it that Egyptian authority in Palestine and Ph\u0153nicia, which was\nat the time of the El-Amarna letters so rapidly decaying, had entirely\ndisappeared. Zakar-Baal stoutly asserts his independence, while the king\nof the Thekel is evidently quite independent of Egypt. The way in which\nthese petty kingdoms deal with one another is quite after the manner of\nthe international relations reflected in the book of Judges. The\nexpedition of Wenamon to the Lebanon for cedar wood illustrates the way\nSolomon obtained cedar for the temple.\n\nLastly, the way one of the noble youths became frenzied and prophesied, is\nquite parallel to the way in which Saul \u201cstripped off his clothes and\nprophesied ...... and lay down naked all that day and all that night\u201d (1\nSam. 19:24). The heed which Zakar-Baal gave to this youth shows that at\nGebal, as in Israel, such ecstatic or frenzied utterances were thought to\nbe of divine origin. Later in Israel this sort of prophecy became a kind\nof profession, or trade. The members of these prophetic guilds were called\n\u201csons of the prophets.\u201d The great literary prophets of Israel had nothing\nto do with them. Amos is careful to say that he is not a \u201cson of a\nprophet\u201d (Amos 7:14).\n\n=3. Reference to the Philistines.=\n\nRamses III in his inscriptions makes the following statements:[493]\n\n \u201cThe northern countries are unquiet in their limbs, even the Peleset\n [Philistines], the Thekel, who devastate their land\n ................... O my august father [_i. e._, the god Amon] come to\n take them, being: the Peleset, the Denyen [Dardanians], and the\n Shekelesh [Sicilians] ............\n\n Utterance of the vanquished Peleset: \u201cGive to us the breath for our\n nostrils, O king, son of Amon.\u201d\n\nThe Peleset are undoubtedly the same people who appear in the Bible as the\nPhilistines. Ramses III, of the twentieth dynasty, from whose inscriptions\nthe above quotations are taken, reigned from 1198-1167 B. C. In his reign\nthe Philistines were coming over the sea and invading northern Egypt along\nwith other wanderers from different parts of the Mediterranean, the\nThekel, the Danaoi, and the Sicilians. Upon being repelled from Egypt by\nRamses, they passed on and invaded Palestine. As the report of Wenamon\nshows, the Thekel were in possession of Dor by the year 1100, and no doubt\nthe Philistines had gained a foothold also in the cities farther to the\nsouth, where we find them in the Biblical records (Judges 13-16; 1 Sam.\n4-7; 13, 14; 17, 18, etc.).\n\nAmos says the Philistines came from Caphtor (Amos 9:7). This has long been\nsupposed to be Crete. Eduard Meyer thinks that confirmation of this has\nnow been found. A disc inscribed in a peculiar writing, which has not yet\nbeen deciphered, was found in July, 1908, at Ph\u00e6stos in Crete in strata of\nthe third middle Minoan period, _i. e._, about 1600 B. C.[494] This\nwriting is pictographic, and although not yet translated, appears to be a\ncontract.[495] One of the frequently recurring signs represents a human\nhead surmounted by a shock of hair (see Fig. 38), almost exactly like the\nhair of the Philistines as they are pictured by the artists of Ramses III\non the walls of his palace at Medinet Habu (see Fig. 36). This sign was\nprobably the determinative for man. This likeness would make the proof of\nthe Cretan origin of the Philistines complete, were it not that some\nscholars think that the disc exhumed at Ph\u00e6stos had been brought thither\nfrom across the sea. This is possible, but does not seem very probable.\nThe doubt will, perhaps, be resolved when we learn to read the\ninscription.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER XVII\n\nARCH\u00c6OLOGICAL LIGHT ON THE BOOKS OF KINGS\n\n GUDEA AND CEDAR-WOOD FOR HIS PALACE. THE EPONYM CANON. THE SEAL OF\n SHEMA. SHISHAK\u2019S LIST OF CONQUERED ASIATIC CITIES. ASHURNASIRPAL\u2019S\n DESCRIPTION OF HIS EXPEDITION TO MEDITERRANEAN LANDS. SHALMANESER\n III\u2019S CLAIMS REGARDING TRIBUTE FROM THE KINGS OF ISRAEL. THE MOABITE\n STONE. ADADNIRARI IV\u2019S MENTION OF THE \u201cLAND OF OMRI.\u201d INSCRIPTION\n DESCRIBING TIGLATHPILESER IV\u2019S CAMPAIGN. SARGON\u2019S CONQUESTS.\n SENNACHERIB\u2019S WESTERN CAMPAIGNS. THE SILOAM INSCRIPTION. ESARHADDON\u2019S\n LIST OF CONQUERED KINGS. ASHURBANIPAL\u2019S ASSYRIAN CAMPAIGN. NECHO OF\n EGYPT. NEBUCHADREZZAR II. EVIL-MERODACH. DISCOVERIES IN SHEBA.\n\n\n=1. Gudea and Cedar-Wood for His Palace.=\n\nGudea, a ruler of Lagash in Babylonia (the modern Telloh; see p. 45), who\nlived about 2450 B. C., rebuilt Eninn\u00fb, the temple of Ningirsu, at Lagash.\nIn his account of the work he makes the following statement:[496]\n\n From Amanus, the mountain of cedar, cedar wood, the length of which\n was 60 cubits, cedar-wood, the length of which was 50 cubits,\n _ukarinnu_-wood, the length of which was 25 cubits, for the dwelling\n he made; (from) their mountain they were brought.\n\nThe Amanus mountains lay along the Mediterranean to the north of the river\nOrontes. They belong to the same general range as the Lebanons. Again, in\nthe same inscription, Gudea says:[497]\n\n From Umanu, the mountain of Menua, from Basalla, the mountain of the\n Amorites, great cut stones he brought; into pillars he made them and\n in the court of Eninn\u00fb he erected them. From Tidanu, the mountain of\n the Amorites, marble in fragments (?) he brought.\n\nThis passage shows that a ruler of Babylonia came to this region for\ncedar-wood and stones for his temple, as Solomon is said to have done (1\nKings 5, especially vs. 6 and 17; 2 Chron. 2:8, ff.). That Egyptian rulers\ndid the same is clearly shown by the report of Wenamon. (See p. 352, ff.)\n\n=2. The Eponym Canon.=\n\nThe Assyrians kept chronological lists called by scholars \u201cEponym Canons,\u201d\nwhich are of great importance in determining the chronology of Hebrew\nhistory at a number of obscure points. A translation of them has not been\nincluded in this work, since so few Biblical names occur in them that they\nwould be of little use except to experts. Any who wish to consult them\nwill find them translated in Rogers, _Cuneiform Parallels to the Old\nTestament_, pp. 219-238.\n\n=3. Jeroboam.=\n\nDuring Schumacher\u2019s excavation at Megiddo (see p. 96), a seal was found in\nthe palace; it is shown in Fig. 27. Its inscription reads:\n\n Belonging to Shema, servant of Jeroboam.\n\nWe have no means of knowing whether the Jeroboam referred to was Jeroboam\nI (1 Kings 12:12, ff.), or Jeroboam II (2 Kings 14:23, ff.).\n\n=4. Shishak.=\n\nSheshonk I (954-924 B. C.), the founder of the twenty-second Egyptian\ndynasty, the Shishak of the Bible (1 Kings 14:25-28), has left on the\nwalls of a pylon which he erected at the temple of Karnak a relief\npicturing his victory. The pictures are of the conventional type, but they\nare accompanied by a list of conquered Asiatic cities. Of these the names\nof about one-hundred and twenty are legible, though it is possible to\nidentify but a small proportion of these with known localities. As it\nwould be of no interest to the general reader to place before him the\nEgyptian spelling of unidentified place names, only those are here given\nwhich have been identified or have some Biblical interest. The numbers\nbefore each name designate its distance from the beginning of Sheshonk\u2019s\nlist. Among his conquered towns, then, are the following:[498]\n\n 11. _Gimty_ = Gath. 13. _Rub\u2019ty_ = Rabbith (Josh. 19:20). 14. _T\u2019\u2018nqy_\n = Taanach (Josh. 12:21; Judges 5:19). 15. _Sh\u2019nm\u2018y_ = Shunem (Josh.\n 19:18; 2 Kings 4:8). 16. _B\u2019tysh\u2019nry_ = Beth-shean (Josh. 17:11; 1\n Sam. 31:10; 1 Kings 4:12). 17. _Rwh\u2019b\u2019iy_ = Rehob (Judges 1:31). 18.\n _H\u2019pwrwmy_ = Haphraim (Josh. 19:19). 22. _Myh\u2019nm\u2018_ = Mahanaim (Gen.\n 32:2; Josh. 13:26; 2 Sam. 2:8; 17:24). _Q-b\u2019-\u2018\u2019-n\u2019_ = Gibeon (Josh.\n 10:1, f.). 24. _B\u2019tyhwr\u2019rwn_ = Beth-horon (Josh. 10:10; 1 Sam. 13:18).\n 26. _Iywrwn_ = Aijalon (Josh. 10:12; 19:42). 27. _Myqdyw_ = Megiddo\n (Josh. 12:21; Judges 1:27). 28. _Idyrw\u2018_ = Edrei (Num. 21:33; Deut.\n 1:4; Josh. 12:4). 32. _\u2018\u2019rin\u2019_ = Elon (Josh. 19:43). 38. _Sh\u2019wka_ =\n Soco (2 Chron. 11:7; 28:18). 39. _B\u2019tylpwh_ = Beth-tapuah (Josh.\n 15:53). 57. _Dymrwm_ = Zemaraim (Josh. 18:22). 58. [_M_]_gdrw_ =\n Madgala (Matt. 15:39 A. V.). 71, 72. _P\u2019hwqrw\u2019 \u2019b\u2019r\u2019m_ = The field of\n Abram. 100. _Iwdri\u2019_ = Addar (?) (Josh. 15:3). 124. _B\u2019ty\u2018nt_ =\n Beth-anoth (?) (Josh. 15:59).\n\nAccording to 1 Kings 14:25, ff., Sheshonk\u2019s campaign was directed against\nJudah, and there is no hint that the northern kingdom suffered too. This\nmay be because the interest of the author of Kings in the house of David\nand in Jerusalem was greater than his interest in the north. It is clear\nfrom the list of places just quoted that Sheshonk conquered both kingdoms.\nHe either took or received tribute from Megiddo, Taanach, Shunem, and\nBeth-shean, cities in the great plain of Jezreel, but crossed the Jordan\nand captured Mahanaim and Edrei.\n\n=5. Ashurnasirpal.=\n\nAshurnasirpal, King of Assyria, 884-860 B. C., in describing his\nexpedition to the Mediterranean lands, makes the following statement:[499]\n\n At that time I marched along Mount Lebanon, unto the great sea of the\n land of the Amorites I went up. In the great sea I cleansed my\n weapons. I made sacrifices to the gods. The tribute of the kings by\n the side of the sea, from the land of the Tyrian, the land of the\n Sidonian, the land of the Gebalite, the land of the Ma\u1e2ballatite, the\n land of the Maisite, the land of the Kaisite, the land of the Amorite,\n and the city Arvad, which is in the midst of the sea; silver, gold,\n lead, copper, copper vessels, garments of bright colored stuffs,\n cloth, a great _pagutu_, a small _pagutu_, _ushu_-wood,\n _ukarinnu_-wood, teeth of a sperm-whale porpoise, a creature of the\n sea, as their tribute I received; they embraced my feet. To Mount\n Amanus I ascended; beams of cedar, cypress, juniper, pine, I cut.\n Sacrifices to my gods I offered. A pillar recording my warlike deeds I\n set up.\n\nThis inscription records the first approach of an Assyrian king to Hebrew\nterritory. He did not actually come into contact with the Israelites,\nthough he took tribute from their neighbors, the Tyrians and Sidonians.\nThe expedition of Ashurnasirpal was, however, the precursor of many others\nwhich progressed further.\n\nAshurnasirpal, like Gudea and Hrihor, secured wood from this region for\nhis buildings, thus affording another parallel to Solomon\u2019s procedure.\n\n=6. Shalmaneser III.=\n\nShalmaneser III, the son and successor of Ashurnasirpal, reigned from 859\nto 825 B. C. He not only approached more closely to Palestine, but claims\nto have taken tribute from her kings. In the case of King Jehu the claim\nis no doubt true. The following extracts give the accounts in\nShalmaneser\u2019s own words.[500]\n\n In the eponym year of Dan-Ashur (_i. e._, 854 B. C.), month Aru, 14th\n day, I departed from the city of Nineveh; I crossed the river Tigris\n ....... to the city Qarqar I approached. Qarqar, his royal city, I\n destroyed, I devastated, I burned with fire. 1,200 chariots, 1,200\n horsemen, 20,000 men of Hadadidri (Benhadad) of Damascus; 700\n chariots, 700 horsemen, 10,000 men of Irhulina, the Hamathite; 2,000\n chariots, 10,000 men of Ahab, the Israelite; 500 men of the Qu\u00e6an (_i.\n e._, Que, in Cilicia); 1,000 men of the Musr\u00e6an; 10,000 chariots,\n 10,000 men of the Irqant\u00e6an; 200 men of Matinu-ba\u2019li, the Arvadite;\n 200 men of the Usant\u00e6an; 30 chariots, 10,000 men of Adunu-ba\u2019li, the\n Shianian; 1,000 camels of Gindibu, the Arabian; 1,000 (?) men of Basa,\n son of Ruhubi, the Ammonite--these 12 kings he took as his helpers and\n they came to make battle and war against me. With the exalted power\n which Ashur, the lord, had given me, with powerful weapons, which\n Nergal, who goes before me, had presented me, I fought with them; from\n Qarqar to Gilzan I accomplished their defeat. 14,000 of their troops I\n overthrew with arms, like Adad I poured out a flood upon them; I flung\n afar their corpses, I filled the plain with their mighty troops. With\n weapons I made their blood to flow .......... The field was too narrow\n for smiting (?) them, the broad plain (?) was used (?) for burying\n their bodies. With their corpses I dammed the Orontes as with a dam\n (?). In that battle their chariots, their horsemen, their horses,\n harnesses, and yokes I took.\n\nIt is of especial interest that Ahab and Benhadad, two kings well known\nfrom the Bible, formed a part of the coalition that attempted to repel\nthis first Assyrian invasion. Shalmaneser\u2019s claim of victory is probably\nexaggerated, for he retired without further effort to subdue the country.\nHad it been as sweeping a triumph as he would have us believe, he would\nsurely have pressed forward.\n\nAnother of his inscriptions describes the battle of Qarqar as\nfollows:[501]\n\n In the 6th year of my reign from Nineveh I set out .......... unto\n Qarqar I approached. Hadadidri of Damascus, Irhulina, the Hamathite,\n together with twelve kings of the sea-coast, trusted in their own\n power and came to make war and fight with me. With them I fought.\n 25,000 of their fighting men I destroyed with arms. Their chariots,\n their horses, their implements of war I took from them. They fled to\n save their lives. I embarked on a ship and went out to sea.\n\nFour years later Shalmaneser records the subjugation of Carchemish, on the\nEuphrates (cf. Isa. 10:9; Jer. 46:2). His account of it is brief and runs\nthus:[502]\n\n In the 10th year of my reign (850 B. C.), the river Euphrates I\n crossed for the eighth time. The cities of Sangar, the Carchemishite,\n I devastated, I destroyed I burned with fire. From the cities of\n Carchemish I departed and approached the cities of Arame.\n\nThe next year Shalmaneser again tried conclusions with the kings of the\nwest. His longer account of this runs as follows:[503]\n\n In the 11th year of my reign (849 B. C.) I set out from Nineveh. I\n crossed the river Euphrates at high water for the ninth time\n .......... At that time Hadadidri of Damascus, Irhulina the Hamathite,\n together with twelve kings of the sea-coast, trusted to their own\n power and to make war and battle with me they came. I fought with\n them, I accomplished their defeat. 10,000 of their fighting men I slew\n with arms. Their chariots, horsemen, and implements of war I took from\n them.\n\nShalmaneser\u2019s third campaign against these kings is thus described:[504]\n\n In the 14th year of my reign I mustered the broad land without number.\n I crossed the Euphrates at high water with 120,000 troops. At that\n time Hadadidri of Damascus and Irhulina, the Hamathite, together with\n twelve kings of the sea-coast, upper and lower, mustered their\n numerous armies without number and into my presence came. I fought\n with them, I accomplished their defeat. I brought away their chariots\n and horses, their implements of war I took from them; they fled to\n save their lives.\n\nA fourth campaign another inscription describes thus:[505]\n\n In the 18th year of my reign (842 B. C.), I crossed the river\n Euphrates for the sixteenth time. Hazael of Damascus (cf. 1 Kings\n 19:15, 17; 2 Kings 8) trusted to the great numbers of his forces and\n mustered his troops in large numbers. Saniru (_i. e._, Hermon, see\n Deut. 3:9), a mountain-peak at the side of Mount Lebanon, he made his\n fortress. I fought with him, I accomplished his defeat. 16,000 of his\n fighting men I slew with arms. 1,121 of his chariots, 470 of his\n horses with his camp I took from him. He fled to save his life. I\n pursued him and in Damascus, his capital city, shut him up. I cut down\n his parks. I marched to the mountains of Hauran. Cities innumerable I\n destroyed, devastated, I burned with fire; their untold spoil I took\n as plunder. To the mountain of Bilirasi,[506] a mountain at the head\n of the sea, I marched. My royal portrait in it I set up. At that time\n the tribute of the Tyrian, the Sidonian, and of Jehu, son of Omri, I\n received.\n\nThe tribute of Jehu of Israel, mentioned in the last line of this\ninscription, is pictured on Shalmaneser\u2019s black obelisk; (see Figs. 295,\n296). Above its various panels is the following inscription:[507]\n\n Tribute of Jehu, son of Omri: silver, gold, a bowl (?) of gold, a\n basin (?) of gold, cups of gold, pails (?) of gold, bars of lead,\n scepters (?) for the hand of the king and balsam wood I received from\n him.\n\nA fifth expedition is thus briefly described:[508]\n\n In the 21st year of my reign (839 B. C.), the river Euphrates I\n crossed, against the cities of Hazael of Damascus I went. Four of his\n cities I captured. The tribute of the Tyrian, of the Sidonian, and of\n the Gebalite I received.\n\nIn still another inscription, which gives a summary of his wars,\nShalmaneser compresses the account of his various wars in the west as\nfollows:[509]\n\n At that time Hadadidri of the land of Damascus, together with 12\n princes, his helpers,--their defeat I accomplished. 29,000 mighty\n warriors I prostrated like a simoom (?). The rest of his soldiers I\n cast into the river Orontes. They fled to save their lives. Hadadidri\n forsook his land. Hazael, son of a nobody, seized the throne. He\n summoned his numerous soldiers and came to make war and battle with\n me. With him I fought, I accomplished his defeat. The wall of his camp\n I seized. He fled to save his life. I pursued him to Damascus, his\n capital city.\n\n=7. The Moabite Stone.=\n\nThis stone, which bears an inscription of Mesha, King of Moab, a\ncontemporary of King Ahab, was erected at Dibon (the modern Diban) on the\nnorth shore of the Arnon, where it was found in the last century. The\nupper portion of it was first seen by a Prussian clergyman, Rev. F. A.\nKlein, in the year 1868. Reports of its existence had previously reached\nthe French scholar, Clermont-Ganneau, who was then in Jerusalem, and a\nsqueeze of it was afterward taken by an Arab for this French scholar. Both\nthe French and Prussian governments were desirous of obtaining it, and the\nArabs, conceiving that they could obtain more money for it by selling it\nin parts, broke it up, thus greatly mutilating the inscription. Afterward\nthe French obtained it, putting the pieces together again, and it may now\nbe seen in the Louvre at Paris; (see Fig. 300). The inscription is as\nfollows:[510]\n\n I am Mesha, son of Chemoshmelek, King of Moab, the Dibonite. My father\n ruled over Moab thirty years, and I ruled after my father. And I made\n this high place to Chemosh in Qarhah (?) because of the deliverance\n of Mesha, because he saved me from all the kings and because he caused\n me to see [my desire] upon all who hated me. Omri, king of Israel--he\n oppressed Moab many days, because Chemosh was angry with his land. And\n his son succeeded him, and he also said I will oppress Moab. In my day\n he spoke according to [this] word, but I saw [my desire] upon him and\n upon his house, and Israel utterly perished forever. Now Omri had\n possessed all the land of Medeba and dwelt in it his days and half the\n days of his son, forty years, but Chemosh restored it in my day. And I\n built Baal-meon and I made in it the reservoir (?), and I built\n Kiryathaim. And the men of Gad had dwelt in the land of Ataroth from\n of old and the king of Israel had built for himself Ataroth. And I\n fought against the city and took it, and I slew all the people of the\n city, a sight [pleasing] to Chemosh and to Moab. And I brought back\n from there the altar-hearth of Duda and I dragged it before Chemosh in\n Kiryoth. And I caused to dwell in it the men of Sharon (?) and the men\n of Meharoth (?). And Chemosh said to me: \u201cGo take Nebo against\n Israel\u201d; and I went by night and fought against it from break of dawn\n till noon, and I took it and slew all, seven thousand men, boys (?),\n and women, and girls, for I had devoted it to Ashtar-Chemosh. And I\n took from there the altar-hearths of Yahweh (Jehovah), and I dragged\n them before Chemosh. And the king of Israel built Jahaz and dwelt in\n it while he fought with me and Chemosh drove him out from before me.\n And I took from Moab two hundred men, all its chiefs, and I led them\n against Jahaz and took it to add unto Dibon. And I built Qarhah (?),\n the wall of the forests and the wall of the hill; and I built its\n gates and I built its towers, and I built the king\u2019s house, and I made\n the sluices (?) for the reservoir of water in the midst of the city.\n And there was no cistern in the midst of the city, in Qarhah (?); and\n I said to all the people: \u201cMake you each a cistern in his house;\u201d and\n I cut the cuttings for Qarhah (?) with the help of the prisoners of\n Israel. I built Aroer and I made the highway by the Arnon. And I built\n Beth-bamoth, for it had been destroyed. And I built Bezer, for it was\n in ruins .......... [Chi]efs of Dibon were fifty, for all Dibon was\n obedient. And I ruled a hundred .........., in the cities which I had\n added to the land. And I built [Mede]ba and Beth-diblathan. And [as\n for] Beth-baal-meon, there I placed sheep-raisers ........... sheep of\n the land. And [as for] Horonaim there dwelt in it ...... and\n .......... Chemosh said unto me: \u201cGo down, fight against Horonaim,\u201d\n and I went down and ........... Chemosh in my day, and from there\n .................... and I ..........\n\nThe author of this inscription is the Mesha mentioned in 2 Kings 3:4. He\nis there said to have been a \u201csheep-master\u201d (Hebrew, _n\u014dq\u0113dh_). Mesha\nappears to say in line 30 (the word is broken) that he placed _noq\u0115dhim_,\n\u201csheep-raisers,\u201d or, \u201csheep-masters,\u201d in Beth-baal-meon. The _n\u014dq\u0113dh_ was\na raiser of a peculiar breed of sheep. Moab is excellent grazing land and\nraised a great many.\n\nIn general the inscription supplements the Biblical narrative. It mentions\npersons and places well known from the Bible, and gives us an account of a\nseries of events of which the Bible makes no mention. The Biblical account\nsays nothing of Mesha\u2019s revolt, while Mesha in his turn says nothing of\nthe campaign described in 2 Kings 3. Neither document implies that the\nevents described in the other did not occur; the two are written from two\ndifferent points of view and their authors selected the events which\nsuited the purpose of the respective writers. In spite of this\nconsideration there are some differences of statement which are\nperplexing.\n\nMesha says in substance that Omri conquered Medeba and occupied it during\nhis reign, half the reign of his son, a period of forty years, but Chemosh\nrestored it to Moab in his (Mesha\u2019s) day. It is said in 2 Kings 3:5, on\nthe other hand, that \u201cwhen Ahab was dead, the king of Moab rebelled\nagainst the king of Israel.\u201d According to 1 Kings 16:23-29, Omri reigned\ntwelve years and Ahab twenty-two years. All the reign of Omri, and half of\nthat of Ahab would, accordingly, be but twenty-three years. It is\npossible, however, as has been suggested by several scholars, that Mesha\nuses the word son to denote descendant, and that he refers to the war with\nIsrael in the reign of Jehoram, son of Ahab, described in 2 Kings 3:6-27.\nAnother suggestion, which seems more probable, is that the recapture of\nMedeba, mentioned near the beginning of Mesha\u2019s inscription, occurred\nabout the middle of the reign of Ahab, while the capture of Ataroth may\nhave belonged to the period of Jehoram, the whole time from Omri to\nJehoram being forty years. Some scholars have supposed that the Biblical\nchronology is in error and that Omri and Ahab together ruled some fifty\nyears. This supposition can hardly be correct, since the general accuracy\nof the chronology of this part of Kings is confirmed by the Assyrian\ninscriptions.\n\nMesha\u2019s inscription mentions a number of places which the Bible also\nnames, the Arnon (Num. 21:13, etc.; Deut. 2:24; 3:16, etc.), Aroer (Josh.\n13:16), Ataroth (Num. 32:34), Baal-meon or Beth-baal-meon (Josh. 13:17;\nNum. 32:38), Beth-bamoth[511] (Josh. 13:17), Beth-diblathaim (Jer. 48:22),\nBezer (Josh. 20:8), Dibon (Num. 32:34; Josh. 13:17; Isa. 15:2), Horonaim\n(Isa. 15:5), Jahaz (Josh. 13:18; Isa. 15:4), Kerioth (Jer. 48:24),\nKirathaim (Josh. 13:19; Jer. 48:23), Medeba (Josh. 13:16; Isa. 15:2), and\nNebo (Num. 32:38; Deut. 34:1; Isa. 15:2).\n\n=8. Adadnirari IV.=\n\nAdadnirari IV of Assyria (810-782 B. C.) has left an inscription which\nmentions Syria and Palestine. It reads as follows:[512]\n\n Palace of Adadnirari, the great king, the mighty king, the king of the\n world, the king of Assyria, who conquered from the Euphrates, the\n Hittite country, the Amorite land in its entirety; Tyre, Sidon, the\n land of Omri, Edom, Palastu, to the coast of the great sea, where the\n sun sets, cast themselves at my feet; I imposed tribute and imposts\n upon them. To the land of Damascus I marched. Mari, King of Damascus,\n in Damascus his royal city I besieged. The fear of the luster of Ashur\n my lord overwhelmed him and he seized my feet and became subject.\n 2,300 talents of silver, 20 talents of gold, 3,000 talents of copper,\n 5,000 talents of iron, variegated garments, linen (?), an ivory bed,\n an ivory couch (?) with inlaid border, his goods without measure I\n received in the palace in his royal city Damascus.\n\n\u201cThe land of Omri\u201d was the kingdom of Israel. Omri had made such an\nimpression on the East that the Assyrians still so called it. \u201cPalastu\u201d is\nPhilistia. Edom is here mentioned for the first time as paying tribute to\nan Assyrian king, but Judah is not mentioned; she was still free.\nAdadnirari was a contemporary of Jehoahaz and Jehoash of Israel, and of\nJoash and Amaziah of Judah.\n\n=9. Tiglathpileser IV.=\n\nTiglathpileser IV, one of the greatest of Assyria\u2019s kings, made several\ncampaigns into the west and had a profound influence upon the fortunes of\nthe Hebrew people. Unfortunately, his inscriptions have been greatly\nmutilated. Esarhaddon, a later king, determined to remodel\nTiglathpileser\u2019s palace for his own use. Apparently he intended to erase\nTiglathpileser\u2019s inscriptions from the wall-tablets which adorned the\npalace, in order to inscribe these tablets with his own. Esarhaddon died\nbefore the work had progressed very far, so that the inscriptions were not\nentirely ruined. The beginnings and ends of many lines are, however,\nentirely destroyed, and at some points deplorable gaps exist in the body\nof an inscription. Much that is of interest to the Biblical student can\nstill be made out, as the following translation will show:[513]\n\n 1. ..............................\n\n 2. [In] the progress of my expedition the tribute of ki[ngs]\n ..........\n\n 3. ...... Azariah, the Yaud\u00e6an, like ..........\n\n 4. ...... Azariah of Yaudi in ..........\n\n 5. ........ without number exalted to heaven ..........\n\n 6. ...... in the eyes, when that which from heaven ..........\n\n 7. ........ by the onset of infantry ..........\n\n 8. [the advance] of my powerful [troops] they heard and [their hearts]\n feared ..........\n\n 9. .......... I destroyed, devastated, burned with fire ..........\n\n 10. ...... who had joined with Azariah and had strengthened him.\n\n 11. ........... like vines ...........\n\n ..................................\n\n 23. ........... Azariah, the Yaud\u00e6an .......... my royal palace\n ...........\n\n 24. ............... tribute like the [Assyrian I laid upon them.]\n\n ............................................\n\n 30. ..................... the city Bumame,[514] 19 districts\n\n 31. of the city of Hamath, together with the cities of their environs\n on the shore of the western sea, which sinfully and wrongfully they\n had seized for Azariah,\n\n 32. unto the territory of Assyria I added. I set my officers over them\n as governors. 30,000 men [I carried away captive]\n\n 33. ....... from their cities, in the city of Ku ...... I settled\n them. 1,223 people I settled in the province of Ullubu.\n\n ............................................\n\n 50. ....... Tribute of Kushtashpi, the Kummukhite, Rezin, the\n Damascene, Menahem, the Samaritan,\n\n 51. Hiram, the Tyrian, Sibitti-baal, the Gebalite, Urikke, the Queite,\n Pisiris of Carchemish, Eniel\n\n 52. the Hamathite, Panammu, the Samalite, Tarhulara, the Gamgumalite,\n Sulumal, the Melidite, Dadilu,\n\n 53. the Kaskite, Ussurmi, the Tabalite, Ushkitti, the Tunite, Urballa,\n the Tuhanite, Tuhammi, the Ishtundite,\n\n 54. Urimme, the Hushimnite, Zabibe, Queen of Arabia, gold, silver,\n lead, iron, elephant-hide, ivory,\n\n 55. variegated garments, linen cloths, purple and red wool,\n _ushu_-wood, _ukarinu_-wood, costly things, a royal treasure, fat\n sheep whose wool\n\n 56. was dyed red, winged birds of heaven whose wings were dyed purple,\n horses, mules, oxen and sheep, camels,\n\n 57. she-camels, together with their foals, I received.\n\nThis account relates to the campaign of 738 B. C. The Azariah referred to\nhas been thought to be King Uzziah of Judah, who is called Azariah in 2\nKings 14:21 and 15:1-27. It is probable that he was an Azariah of Yadi, of\nnorthern Syria, mentioned in an inscription of Panammu, to whom\nTiglathpileser refers above, since the kings mentioned with him ruled in\nthe north. Manahem of Israel (2 Kings 15:14-23) yielded to Tiglathpileser,\nas did Rezin, of Damascus (2 Kings 15:37 and 16:5-9), but for some reason\nAzariah and Judah escaped.\n\nThis inscription, fragmentary though it is, tells us that Tiglathpileser\nnow practised upon others the system of deportation from which Israel\nherself afterward suffered. He forcibly removed thousands from their homes\nto distant parts of the empire. This was an administrative measure, to\nprevent future rebellion. Persons who had been influential at home among\ntheir own people would be powerless to foment trouble in the midst of\nstrange surroundings and neighbors of an unfriendly race.\n\nThe following relates to the campaign of 733-732:[515]\n\n 1. ................... his warriors I captured .......... I overthrew\n with my weapons.\n\n 2. ......................................... before him.\n\n 3. the charioteers and .................... their weapons I broke.\n\n 4. the[ir chariots and] horses I seized .......... his bowmen\n ..........\n\n 5. ............. who carried shields and spears my hands overthrew,\n their battle\n\n 6. ............ to save his life he fled alone and\n\n 7. .............. like a mouse (?) entered the gate of his city. His\n captains alive\n\n 8. [my hands captured and on] stakes I hung them and exhibited them to\n his land. 45 people (?) from his camp\n\n 9. ...... I brought together before his city, and I shut him in like a\n bird in a cage. His parks\n\n 10. ........ his orchards, which were without number, I cut down and\n did not leave one.\n\n 11. .......... Hadara, the home of the father of Rezin of Damascus,\n\n 12. [the place where] he was born, I besieged, I captured. 800 people,\n together with their possessions,\n\n 13. ...... their cattle, and sheep I took as spoil. 750 prisoners of\n the city Kurussa,\n\n 14. ...... prisoners of the city Irma, 550 prisoners of the city\n Mituna, I captured. 591 cities ..........\n\n 15. ...... of 16 districts of Damascus like a deluge heap I destroyed.\n\n ............................................\n\n 19. .................... Hanno of Gaza[516]\n\n 20. fled before my weapons and escaped to Egypt. The city, Gaza,\n\n 21. [I captured. His goods], his possessions, his gods [I took as\n spoil] ...... my royal image\n\n 22. .................... in the palace of [Hanno I set up].\n\n ............................................\n\n 27. The country of the house of Omri .......... all its people,\n\n 28. [and their possessions] I carried away unto Assyria. Pekah, their\n king, they had overthrown. Hoshea\n\n 29. [as king] over them I placed. 10 talents of gold ...... talents of\n silver I received as tribute from them.\n\n ............................................\n\n 57. Tribute[517] of Kushtashpi, the Kummuchite, Urikki, the Queite,\n Sibittibaal, the Gebalite, Pisiris, the Carchemishite,\n\n 58. Eni-el, the Hamathite, Panammu, the Samalite, Tarhulara, the\n Gurgumite, Sulu[mal, the Melidite, Dadilu, the Kaskite],\n\n 59. Ussurmi, the Tabalite, Urassurme, the Tabalite, Ushhitti, the\n Tunite, Urballa, the Turhanite, Tuhamm[e, the Ishtundite, Urimme, the\n Hushimnite],\n\n 60. Matanbaal, the Arvadite, Sanipu, the Beth-Ammonite, Salamanu, the\n Moabite, .............\n\n 61. Mitinti, the Askelonite, Jehoahaz [Ahaz], the Jud\u00e6an, Kaushmalaka,\n the Edomite, Mus ............\n\n 62. Hanno, the Gazaite, gold, silver, lead, iron, tin, variegated\n garments, linen, red cloths of their lands,\n\n 63. every costly thing, products of sea and dry land produced by their\n countries, royal treasures, horses, mules, harnesses ........ [I\n received.]\n\nThe record of this campaign, fragmentary as it is, shows how completely\nTiglathpileser conquered the west. He accomplished the overthrow of\nDamascus, which his predecessors had been trying in vain to do for more\nthan a hundred years. His invasion of northern Israel led to the overthrow\nof Pekah, and the deportation as captives to other parts of the empire of\nnumerous Israelites. This confirms 2 Kings 15:29, 30. It was this conquest\nof Damascus and Israel that fulfilled Isaiah\u2019s prophecy given in 735 B. C.\n(Isa. 7:16). It was while Tiglathpileser was at Damascus, receiving the\ntribute, that Ahaz, whose full name was Jehoahaz, went to Damascus to\ncarry his tribute,--an act which prevented the invasion of Judah by\nAssyria at this time. While Ahaz was in Damascus, he saw the altar of\nwhich a copy was made for the temple in Jerusalem (2 Kings 16:10, ff.).\nThe list of kings from whom Tiglathpileser received tribute contains many\nBiblical names. Not only Israel and Judah, but the Philistine cities,\nEdom, Moab, Ammon, Damascus, Hamath, the Ph\u0153nician cities of Gebal and\nArvad, Samal in the extreme north of Syria, Que in Cilicia, and Carchemish\non the Euphrates, were all drawn into his net.\n\n=10. Sargon, 722-705 B. C.=\n\nTiglathpileser IV was succeeded by Shalmaneser V, who ruled, as the eponym\ncanon shows, from 727 to 722 B. C. On account of a rebellion of Hoshea,\nKing of Israel, Shalmaneser overran his kingdom and besieged Samaria for\nthree years, as recorded in 2 Kings 17:3-5. Before the city fell, however,\nShalmaneser had passed away and Sargon, the founder of a new dynasty, was\non the throne of Assyria. In Sargon\u2019s first year Samaria fell into the\nhands of the Assyrian army; Sargon counted this as his own victory and\ntells of it in the following words:[518]\n\n At the beginning of my reign, in my first year ...... Samaria I\n besieged, I captured. 27,290 people from its midst I carried captive.\n 50 chariots I took there as an addition to my royal force .......... I\n returned and made more than formerly to dwell. People from lands which\n my hands had captured I settled in the midst. My officers over them as\n governors I appointed. Tribute and taxes I imposed upon them after the\n Assyrian manner.\n\nIn another inscription the following summary account occurs:[519]\n\n From the beginning of my reign to my 15th year, the defeat of\n Humbanigash, the Elamite, in the environs of Durilu I accomplished.\n Samaria I besieged, I captured; I carried captive 27,290 people who\n dwelt in it; 50 chariots I took from them, and permitted the rest to\n keep their possessions (?), and placed my governor over them and\n imposed on them the tribute of the former king.\n\nThese statements confirm 2 Kings 17:6 and 24, ff. In one respect they\nthrow an interesting light upon the captivity of Israel. Only 27,290\npeople were transported at this time. True, Tiglath-pileser IV had\npreviously transported the inhabitants of several towns of Galilee. (See 2\nKings 15:29, and his inscriptions translated above.) When we put together\nall those who were deported, however, they were but a fraction of the\npopulation. As Sargon distinctly says, the others remained there. They\nintermarried with the settlers whom he brought in and became the ancestors\nof the sect of Samaritans. The \u201cten lost tribes\u201d were not \u201clost,\u201d as is\noften popularly supposed to have been the case.\n\nThe first of the inscriptions quoted above contains also the following\npassage:[520]\n\n In the second year of my reign Ilubidi, the Hamathite ...... collected\n his numerous troops at Qarqar. The oath [of Ashur he despised]. Arpad,\n Simirra, Damascus, Samaria, he made rebellious against me\n ..................... Sib\u2019u, his Tartan, he summoned to his aid, and\n to give fight and battle came into my presence. In the name of Ashur,\n my lord, I accomplished his defeat. Sib\u2019u fled like a shepherd whose\n sheep are stolen and escaped. Hanno I caught in my hand and took him\n bound unto my city Ashur. The city Raphia I devastated, destroyed,\n burned with fire. I took captive 9,033 people, together with their\n numerous possessions.\n\nThe Sib\u2019u of this inscription is probably the same as So, King of Egypt,\nin 2 Kings 17:4. He cannot be identified with any known Egyptian king. He\nwas probably a prince of a nome of the Delta. The above is Sargon\u2019s\ndescription of the battle of Raphia, which occurred in the year 720 B. C.\nThis campaign was an aftermath of the fall of Samaria.\n\n717 B. C.\n\n [Sargon],[521] the exalted prince, who came upon Hummanigash, the King\n of Elam, in the environs of Durilu and accomplished his overthrow, who\n reduced to submission Yaudi, the place of which was distant, who\n destroyed Hamath, whose hands captured Yaubidi.\n\nThis Yaudi has been taken by some scholars for Judah, but it was probably\nthe kingdom in northern Syria mentioned by Tiglathpileser IV and in the\ninscription of Panammu, of Samal, the modern Zendjirli. We know of no\nAssyrian invasion of Judah at this time.\n\n The tribute of Pharaoh, King of Egypt, of Samsi, the Queen of Arabia,\n Ithamara, the Sab\u00e6an, gold, the ...... of the mountain, horses, and\n camels, I received ............[522]\n\n Yaubidi, the Hamathite, a soldier (?), with no right to the throne, a\n bad Hittite, had set his heart on the kingdom of Hamath; he caused\n Arpad, Simirra, Damascus, and Samaria to rebel against me, made them\n of one intent and collected for battle. The whole army of Ashur I\n mustered and in Qarqar, his favorite city, I besieged him together\n with his soldiers. I captured Qarqar, I burned it with fire. His skin\n I flayed and the partakers of his sin I killed in their cities; I\n established peace. 200 chariots and 200 horsemen I collected from the\n people of Hamath, and added to my royal force.\n\nThis passage records the overthrow of Hamath and Arpad (Isa. 10:9), and\nmentions the tribute of a king of Sheba, the account of the coming of\nwhose queen to Solomon is found in I Kings 10:1, ff.\n\n711 B. C.\n\n Azuri, King of Ashdod, planned in his heart not to pay tribute, and\n among the kings of his neighborhood disseminated hatred of Assyria. On\n account of the evil he had done I cut off his lordship over the people\n of his land. I appointed Ahimiti, his younger (?) brother to the\n kingship over them. But the Hittites, planning evil, hated him and\n exalted over them Yamani, who had no claim to the throne, and who,\n like them, knew no fear of authority. In the anger of my heart the\n mass of my army I did not muster, I did not assemble my camp. With my\n usual bodyguard I marched against Ashdod. Yamani heard of the progress\n of my expedition from afar and fled to the borders of Egypt, which\n lies by the side of Melucha, and was seen no more. Ashdod, Gath,\n Ashdudimmu, I besieged, I conquered. I took as spoil his gods, his\n wife, his sons, his daughters, his possessions, the treasures of his\n palace, together with the people of his land. I seized those cities\n anew, and settled in them peoples of lands I had captured from among\n [the lands] of the east .......... With the people of Assyria I\n numbered them, and they bore my yoke. The king of Melucha, who among\n ...... an inaccessible place, a road ...... whose fathers from ancient\n days as far back as the moon-god, his father, had sent no messengers\n to my fathers to pay their respects, heard from afar of the might of\n Ashur, Nabu, and Marduk; the fear of the luster of my royalty covered\n him and fright was poured over him. He cast him [Yamani] into bonds,\n fetters of iron, and brought him before me into Assyria,--a long\n journey.[523]\n\nAnother fragmentary account runs thus:[524]\n\n In the 9th [error for 11th] year of my reign I marched .......... to\n the coast of the great sea ...... Azuri, King of Ashdod, ..........\n Ahimiti .......... his younger (?) brother .......... I exalted over\n them .......... tribute and taxes of my lordship ...... like those of\n ...... kings, I imposed upon them ...... The evil in .......... in\n order not to pay tribute .......... their princes .......... they\n drove him away .......... Yamani, a soldier, they appointed to\n kingship over them. Their city .......... in its environs a moat\n .......... cubits in depth they dug, they reached the water-level\n .......... To [punish] Philistia, Judah, Edom, Moab, who inhabit the\n sea-coast, payers of tribute, and taxes to Ashur, my lord. Planning\n rebellion and untold evil against me, they bore their pledges to\n Pharaoh, King of Egypt, a prince who could not help them, and sought\n his aid. I, Sargon, the faithful prince, who honors the oath of Nabu\n and Marduk, who guards the name of Ashur, caused my trusty troops to\n cross the Tigris and Euphrates at high water. As for him, Yamani,\n their king, who had trusted to his own power, and had not submitted to\n my lordship, he heard of the advance of my army. The fear of Ashur, my\n lord, cast him down, and to ...... which is on the bank of the river\n ...... waters ...... his land ...... far away ...... he fled ......\n Ashdod ......\n\nThe two passages just translated are Sargon\u2019s accounts of the events\nalluded to in Isa. 20:1. These events were the occasion of the prophecy\nthere recorded. Until the discovery of the palace of Sargon by Botta in\n1845, this passage in Isaiah, was the only place in extant literature\nwhere the name of Sargon had been preserved.\n\nIn the last of the passages just quoted, Sargon speaks as though he had\nalso punished Judah on this expedition. There is no direct allusion to\nthis in the Bible unless it be the vivid description in Isa. 10:28-32,\nwhere an approach of an Assyrian army to Jerusalem from the north is\ndescribed. It is difficult to date those verses unless they also refer to\nthis expedition of 711 B. C. (_See Appendix._)\n\n=11. Sennacherib, 705-681 B. C.=\n\nCampaign of 701[525]\n\n In my third expedition I went to the land of the Hittites. The fear of\n my lordship overthrew Luli, King of Sidon, and he fled to a distance\n in the midst of the sea. His land I subdued. Great Sidon, little\n Sidon. Beth-z\u0113t, Zareptah, Mahalliba, Ushu, Achzib, Accho, his\n strongholds, his fortresses, the places of his food and drink, the\n forts in which he trusted, the might of the weapons of Ashur, my lord,\n overthrew them and they submitted to my feet. I caused Tubal to sit on\n the royal throne over them, and imposed upon him the yearly payment of\n tribute as the tax of my lordship. Minhimmu, the Shamsimurunian,\n Tubalu, the Sidonian, Abdiliti, the Arvadite, Urumilke, the Gebalite,\n Mitinti, the Ashdodite, Puduilu, the Beth-Ammonite, Kammusunadbi, the\n Moabite, Milkirammu, the Edomite, kings of the Westland, all of them,\n an extensive district, brought their heavy tribute together with their\n possessions into my presence and kissed my feet.\n\n And Sidqa, the King of Askelon, who had not submitted to my yoke, the\n gods of the house of his father, himself, his wife, his sons, his\n daughters, his brothers, the seed of the house of his father I took\n away and brought him to Assyria. Sharruludari, the son of Rukibti,\n their former king, I placed over the people of Askelon, and imposed\n upon him the payment of tribute as an aid to my rule, and he bore my\n yoke. In the progress of my expedition Beth-Dagon, Joppa, Banabarka,\n Azuru, the cities of Sidqa, who had not with alacrity submitted to my\n feet, I besieged, I captured, I took their spoil. The governors,\n princes, and people of Ekron, who had cast into fetters of iron Padi,\n their king, my ally, bound by Ashur\u2019s oath, and had delivered him to\n Hezekiah, the Jud\u00e6an, who as an enemy imprisoned him,--their hearts\n feared. The kings of Egypt, the soldiers, bows, chariots, and horses\n of the king of Meluhu, an unnumbered force, they summoned, and they\n came to their aid. In the environs of Elteke the battle array was\n drawn up before me; they asked for their weapons. In the might of\n Ashur, my lord, I fought with them and accomplished their defeat. My\n hands took alive in the midst of the battle the commander of the\n chariots and the sons of the Egyptian king, together with the\n commander of the chariots of the king of Meluhu. Elteke [and] Timnath\n I besieged, captured and took their spoil. I approached Ekron. The\n governors and princes who had committed sin I killed and on stakes\n round about the city I hung their bodies. The citizens who had\n committed wickedness and rebellion I counted as spoil. I declared the\n righteousness of the rest of them, who had committed no sin and\n rebellion and in whom was no wickedness. I brought Padi, their king,\n out of the midst of Jerusalem, and on the throne of dominion over them\n I placed, and imposed the tribute of my over-lordship upon him.\n\n And as to Hezekiah, the Jud\u00e6an, who had not submitted to my yoke, 46\n of his strongholds, fortified cities, and smaller cities of their\n environs without number, with the onset of battering rams and the\n attack of engines, mines, breaches, and axes (?), I besieged, I\n captured. 200,150 people, small and great, male and female, horses,\n mules, asses, camels, oxen, and sheep without number I brought out of\n their midst and counted as booty. He himself I shut up like a caged\n bird in Jerusalem, his capital city; I erected beleaguering works\n against him, and turned back by command every one who came out of his\n city gate. The cities, which I had captured, from his country I cut\n off and gave them to Mitinti, King of Ashdod, Padi, King of Ekron, and\n Sillibaal, King of Gaza, and diminished his land. In addition to the\n former tribute, their yearly tax, I added a tax as the impost of my\n over-lordship and laid it upon them. As to Hezekiah himself, the fear\n of the luster of my lordship overcame him and the Urbi and his\n favorite soldiers, whom he had brought in to strengthen Jerusalem, his\n capital city, deserted. With 30 talents of gold, 800 talents of\n silver, precious stones, rouge, _dakkasi_, lapis lazuli, great\n _angugmi_-stones, beds of ivory, stationary ivory thrones, elephants\u2019\n hide, ivory, _ushu_-wood, _ukarinnu_-wood, all sorts of objects, a\n heavy treasure; also his daughters, the women of his palace, male and\n female musicians he sent after me to Nineveh, my capital city, and\n sent his messenger to present the gift and to do homage.\n\nInscription under Lachish-picture, 701 B. C.\n\n Sennacherib, king of the world, King of Assyria, sat on his throne,\n and the spoil of the city of Lachish passed before him;[526] (see Fig.\n 298).\n\nExpedition against Merodachbaladan, 703 B. C.\n\n In my first expedition I accomplished the defeat of Merodachbaladan,\n King of Babylon, together with the forces of Elam, his ally, in the\n environs of the city of Kish. In the midst of that battle he left his\n camp and fled alone; he saved his life. The chariots, horses, wagons,\n and mules, which at the onset of battle he had left, my hands\n captured. I entered joyfully into his palace which was in Babylon. I\n opened his treasure-house; gold, silver, gold and silver utensils,\n precious stones of all kinds, his untold treasured possessions, a\n great booty; the women of his palace, princes, his body-guards, male\n and female musicians, the rest of his troops as many as there were,\n and the servants of his palace I brought out and counted as\n spoil.[527]\n\nCampaign against Arabia (between 688 and 682)\n\n Telhunu, the Queen of Arabia, in the midst of the desert--from her I\n took ... camels. The [luster of] my [lordship] overthrew her and\n Hazael. They left their tents and fled to Adummatu, which is situated\n in the desert, ...... a thirsty place, where there is neither food nor\n drink.[528]\n\nThe material contained in the first two passages just quoted from\nSennacherib is parallel in a general way to 2 Kings 18, 19 and Isa. 36,\n37. All Biblical students recognize that these two chapters in Isaiah are\npractically identical with the two in Kings. In discussing the\nparallelism, therefore, we shall refer to 2 Kings 18, 19 only. With\nreference to the bearing of this Assyrian material upon the Biblical\nnarrative there are three different views which have been entertained by\nthree groups of scholars.\n\n1. One view, which was first expressed by the late Prof. Schrader,[529] of\nBerlin, is that the inscription of Sennacherib, while differing from the\nBiblical account in some particulars, really confirms it at nearly every\npoint. Sennacherib, though he claims to have diminished Hezekiah\u2019s\nterritory, and to have received from him a heavy tribute, does not claim\nto have taken Jerusalem. According to 2 Kings 18:14, ff., Hezekiah\nsubmitted to Sennacherib, sending his messenger to Lachish for the\npurpose, and paid him a heavy tribute; according to 2 Kings 19:35, ff., a\ngreat disaster so weakened Sennacherib\u2019s army that he was obliged to\nwithdraw. Schrader called attention to the close correspondence between 2\nKings 18:14 and Sennacherib. Both state that Hezekiah paid 30 talents of\ngold, though they differ as to the amount of silver, Kings making it 300\ntalents, while Sennacherib makes it 800. It was supposed that the numbers\nin the case of the silver were really equivalent to one another, the\npresent divergence being due to textual corruption. Assyrian kings never\nrecord their failures, but Sennacherib\u2019s admission that he did not take\nthe city was held to be confirmation of 2 Kings 19:35, ff., which\ndescribes a great destruction of the Assyrian army and a signal\ndeliverance of Jerusalem.\n\n2. A second view, of which Prof. Meinhold,[530] of Bonn, may be taken as\nthe chief exponent, starts from the fact that there seem to be two\naccounts in 2 Kings 18 and 19. In 18:13-16 there is a statement of how\nHezekiah sent to Sennacherib, while Sennacherib was besieging Lachish, and\nadmitted that he had done wrong and promised to bear whatever Sennacherib\nmight choose to put upon him. Sennacherib thereupon imposed a heavy\ntribute upon him, which he paid. The whole transaction seems to be\nconcluded, when at v. 17 the Tartan, or Rabsaris (Rabshakeh), appears upon\nthe scene and taunts Hezekiah for his obstinacy and he submits again.\nPossibly this might be considered the details of the transaction that was\ndescribed in mere outline in 18:13-16. When, however, it has all been\ndescribed again, and the Rabshakeh has returned to Sennacherib at Lachish,\nSennacherib again sends messengers (chapter 19:9), again demanding a\nsurrender. These messengers are said to have been sent when Sennacherib\nheard that Tirhakah, King of Ethiopia, was marching against him. This\nnarrative goes on to tell how Hezekiah, acting under the advice of Isaiah,\ndelayed his surrender, and how the camp of the Assyrians was decimated by\nthe angel of the Lord, and Jerusalem escaped.\n\nMeinhold and his followers hold that there are here two inconsistent\naccounts. According to the first, Hezekiah surrendered; according to the\nsecond, he did not. According to the first, Hezekiah paid tribute;\naccording to the second, Sennacherib\u2019s army was destroyed. The first of\nthese accounts is confirmed by Sennacherib\u2019s inscription; the second is,\nso Meinhold holds, shown by it to be unhistorical: first, by the fact that\nSennacherib gives no hint that his army was harmed, and, secondly, by the\nmention of Tirhakah, who did not come to the throne until 688 B. C., and\ncould not, therefore, have been a factor in the war of 701 B. C.\n\nA third view was suggested by Winckler[531] and is held by Pra\u0161ek,[532]\nFullerton,[533] and Rogers.[534] According to this view, Sennacherib made\ntwo expeditions against Jerusalem, and 2 Kings 18:13-19:8 is an account of\nthe first of these (the expedition of 701), while 2 Kings 19:9-36 is the\naccount of the second,--an expedition which did not occur until after the\naccession of Tirhakah, eight or ten years later. The inscription of\nSennacherib, already quoted, refers to the first of these expeditions\nonly. We have no inscription of Sennacherib referring to the later\ndisastrous campaign, but that is not surprising, for unless the account of\nhis expedition against the queen of Arabia, already quoted above, belongs\nto this period, we have no inscriptions referring to the last eight years\nof his reign. It is thought by the scholars who believe that there were\ntwo expeditions, that Sennacherib would approach the queen of Arabia only\nfrom the west, so that that inscription is regarded as an incidental\nconfirmation of this view. Of course, an Assyrian king would not record a\ndisaster.\n\nThe account in 2 Kings 19:9-36 receives confirmation from an interesting\npassage in Herodotus, the Greek \u201cfather of history.\u201d He says (Book II,\n141):\n\n And after this the next king [of Egypt] was a priest of Hephaistos,\n called Seth\u00f4s. He held the warrior class of the Egyptians in contempt\n as though he had no need of them. He did them dishonor and deprived\n them of the arable lands which had been granted them by previous\n kings, twelve acres to each soldier. And afterward Sennacherib, King\n of the Arabians and Assyrians, marched a great army into Egypt. Then\n the soldiers of Egypt would not help him; whereupon the priest went\n into the inner sanctuary to the image of the god and bewailed the\n things which he was in danger of suffering. As he wept he fell asleep,\n and there appeared to him in a vision the god standing over him to\n encourage him, saying that, when he went forth to meet the Arabian\n army he would suffer no harm, for he himself would send him helpers.\n Trusting to this dream he collected those Egyptians who were willing\n to follow him and marched to Pelusium, where the entrance to his\n country was. None of the warriors followed him, but traders, artisans,\n and market men. There, as the two armies lay opposite to each other,\n there came in the night a multitude of field mice, which ate up all\n the quivers and bowstrings of the enemy, and the thongs of their\n shields. In consequence, on the next day they fled, and, being\n deprived of their arms, many of them fell. And there stands now in the\n temple of Hephaistos a stone statue of this king holding a mouse in\n his hand, bearing an inscription which says: \u201cLet any who look on me\n reverence the gods.\u201d\n\nGeorge Adam Smith[535] pointed out several years ago that, when this\npassage is compared with 2 Kings 19:36, it points clearly to the\nconclusion that Sennacherib\u2019s army was attacked by bubonic plague. In\nmodern times this plague first attacks rats and mice, which in their\nsuffering swarm the dwellings of men and spread the disease. The Hebrews\nregarded the attack of such a plague as a smiting by the angel of God.\nThis is shown by 2 Sam. 24:16, 17; Acts 12:23; 2 Kings 19:36. Such a\npestilence would render the Assyrian army helpless, and would be regarded\nby the Hebrews as a divine intervention on their behalf. As it is\nsupported by both the book of Kings and Herodotus, it probably affords us\na clue to what really happened to Sennacherib\u2019s army.\n\nWe hold, then, that the last of the three views concerning the campaigns\nof Sennacherib to Palestine is probably correct.\n\nThe Elteke mentioned in the inscription of Sennacherib is the city\nreferred to in Josh. 19:44 and 21:23. The Merodachbaladan referred to is\nmentioned in Isa. 39:1, where it is said that he sent to congratulate\nHezekiah upon his recovery from sickness. It is clear from what the\nAssyrian accounts tell us that his real motive in sending to Hezekiah was\nto induce him to rebel against Assyria.\n\n=12. The Siloam Inscription.=\n\nThe following inscription was discovered in 1880 on the right wall of the\ntunnel which connects the Virgin\u2019s Well (Ain Sitti Maryam) at Jerusalem\nwith the Pool of Siloam (Birket Silw\u00e2n).\n\n The boring through [is completed]. And this is the story of the boring\n through: while yet [they plied] the drill, each toward his fellow, and\n while yet there were three cubits to be bored through, there was heard\n the voice of one calling unto another, for there was a crevice in the\n rock on the right hand. And on the day of the boring through the\n stone-cutters struck, each to meet his fellow, drill upon drill; and\n the waters flowed from the source to the pool for a thousand and two\n hundred cubits, and a hundred cubits was the height of the rock above\n the heads of the stone-cutters;[536] (see Fig. 297).\n\nThis inscription, though not dated, is believed to come from the time of\nHezekiah. Hezekiah is said in 2 Kings 20:20 to have built a conduit and to\nhave brought the water into the city. This inscription was found in a\nremarkable conduit which still runs under the hill at Jerusalem, cut\nthrough the solid rock. It is about 1,700 feet long. It was cleared of\nsilt by the Parker expedition of 1909-1911, and the tunnel is about 6 feet\nin height throughout its entire length. When it was cut the wall of\nJerusalem crossed the Tyrop\u0153on Valley just below it, so that, while the\nVirgin\u2019s Spring (the Biblical Gihon) lay outside the walls, this aqueduct\nbrought the water to a pool within the walls, so that the inhabitants of\nthe city could, in case of siege, fill their water-jars without exposing\nthemselves to the enemy.\n\nThe inscription is now in the Imperial Ottoman Museum at Constantinople.\n\n=13. Esarhaddon, 681-668 B. C.=\n\n I overthrew the kings of the Hittite country and those beyond the sea;\n Baal, King of Tyre, Manassah, King of Judah, Kaushgabri, King of Edom,\n Musuri, King of Moab, Silbaal, King of Gaza, Mitinti, King of Askelon,\n Ikausu, King of Ekron, Milkiashapa, King of Gebal, Matanbaal, King of\n Arvad, Abibaal, King of Shamsimuruna, Puduel, King of Beth-Ammon,\n Ahi-milku, King of Ashdod, 12 kings of the sea-coast; Ekishtura, King\n of Idalion, Pilagura, King of Kiti, Kisu, King of Sillua, Ituander,\n King of Paphos, Erisu, King of Sillu, Damasu, King of Kuri, Atmizu,\n King of Tamesu, Damusi, King of Kartihadasti, Unasagusu, King of\n Lidir, Bususu, King of Nurenu; 10 kings of Cyprus in the midst of the\n sea--altogether 22 kings of the Hittite land, of the sea-coast and the\n midst of the sea--I sent to them and great cedar beams, etc. .........\n [they sent].[537]\n\nEsarhaddon, the author of the inscription from which this extract is\ntaken, is mentioned in 2 Kings 19:37 and Isa. 37:38 as Sennacherib\u2019s\nsuccessor, a statement which the inscriptions abundantly confirm. The\nabove quotation from his inscription shows that Manasseh, King of Judah, 2\nKings 20:21 and chapter 21, was a vassal of Esarhaddon. Esarhaddon is also\nalluded to in Ezra 4:2.\n\n=14. Ashurbanipal of Assyria, 668-626 B. C.=\n\n In my third campaign I marched against Baal, King of Tyre, who dwelt\n in the midst of the sea. Because he had not kept the word of my\n lordship nor heeded the utterance of my lips, I erected against him\n siege-works and cut off his exit both by land and sea; their lives I\n made narrow and straitened; I caused them to submit to my yoke. They\n brought the daughters that came forth from his loins and the daughters\n of his brothers into my presence to become concubines. Yahimilki, his\n son, who had never crossed the sea, they brought at the same time to\n do me service. His daughter and the daughters of his brothers with an\n abundant dowry I received from him. I granted him favor and returned\n to him the son that came forth from his loins.[538]\n\n Yakinlu, King of Arvad, who dwells in the midst of the sea, who had\n not submitted to the kings, my fathers, I brought under my yoke. He\n brought his daughter to Nineveh with an abundant dowry and kissed my\n feet ..........\n\n On my return I captured Ushu, which is situated on the coast of the\n sea. The inhabitants of Ushu, who had not been obedient to their\n governors, who had not paid their tribute, I killed as the tribute of\n their land. Among the rebellious peoples I set my staff. Their gods\n and their peoples I carried as booty to Assyria. The people of Accho\n who had not submitted I subdued. I hung their bodies on stakes around\n the city. The rest I took to Assyria; I preserved them and added them\n to the numerous army which Ashur had given unto me.[539]\n\nThese extracts from the inscriptions of Ashurbanipal show that during the\nreign of Manasseh he was active in reducing the rebellions of Ph\u0153nician\ncities, some of which, as Tyre and Accho, were at the doors of Palestine.\nNo doubt Manasseh continued to pay him tribute and so was not molested.\nThe name of Ashurbanipal is preserved in Ezra 4:10 in the corrupt form of\nOsnappar.\n\n=15. Necho of Egypt, 609-593 B. C.=\n\n Year 16, fourth month of the first season, day 16, under the majesty\n of Horus: Wise-hearted; king of Upper and Lower Egypt; Favorite of the\n two goddesses: Triumphant; Golden Horus: Beloved-of-the-Gods;\n Uhemibre; Son of Ra, of his body, his beloved: Necho, living forever,\n beloved of Apis, son of Osiris.[540]\n\n(An account of the interment of an Apis bull then follows.)\n\nThe above is the beginning of an inscription of Pharaoh Necho, whose\ndefeat of King Josiah, of Judah, is recorded in 2 Kings 23:29, f. He\nbecame over-lord of Judah for four years and placed Jehoiakim on the\nJud\u00e6an throne (2 Kings 23:34). Necho was himself defeated at Carchemish on\nthe Euphrates by Nebuchadrezzar, of Babylon, in 604 B. C., and as he\nretreated to Egypt Nebuchadrezzar pursued him through Palestine. The book\nof Jeremiah speaks of this defeat and vividly describes the pursuit which\nfollowed. (Cf. Jer. 46:2, f.)\n\n=16. Nebuchadrezzar II, 604-562 B. C.=\n\nMany inscriptions of Nebuchadrezzar are known, but most of them relate to\nbuildings. The following extracts are those which best illustrate the\nBible.\n\n In exalted trust in him (Marduk) distant countries, remote mountains\n from the upper sea (Mediterranean) to the lower sea (Persian Gulf),\n steep paths, blockaded roads, where the step is impeded, [where] was\n no footing, difficult roads, desert paths, I traversed, and the\n disobedient I destroyed; I captured the enemies, established justice\n in the lands; the people I exalted; the bad and evil I separated from\n the people.[541]\n\nReference to the Lebanon\n\n From the upper sea to the lower sea, .......... [which] Marduk, my\n lord, had entrusted to me, in [all] lands, the totality [of\n dwelling-places] I [exalted] the city of Babylon to the first place. I\n caused his name to be reverenced among the cities; the shrines of Nabu\n and Marduk, my lords, I made them recognize, continually .......... At\n that time the Lebanon mountain, the mountain [of cedar], the proud\n forest of Marduk, the odor of whose cedars is good .......... of\n another god ........... no other king had ........... my god, Marduk,\n the king to the palace of the princes .......... of heaven and earth\n shone as adornment .......... As a foreign enemy had taken possession\n of (the mountain) and seized its riches, its people had fled and taken\n refuge at a distance. In the power of Nabu and Marduk, my lords, I\n drew up [my soldiers, for battle] in mount Lebanon. Its enemy I\n dislodged above and below and made glad the heart of the land. I\n collected its scattered people and returned them to their place. I did\n what no former king had done; I cleft high mountains, stones of the\n mountain I quarried, I opened passes. I made a straight road for the\n cedars. Mighty cedars they were, tall and strong, of wonderful beauty,\n whose dark appearance was remarkable,--the mighty products of mount\n Lebanon .......... I made the people of mount Lebanon to lie down in\n abundance; I permitted no adversary to possess it. That none might do\n harm I set up my royal image forever.[542]\n\nA Building Inscription\n\n Nebuchadrezzar, King of Babylon, the restorer of Esagila and Ezida,\n son of Nabopolassar am I. As a protection to Esagila, that no powerful\n enemy and destroyer might take Babylon, that the line of battle might\n not approach Imgur-Bel, the wall of Babylon, that which no former king\n had done [I did]; at the enclosure of Babylon I made an enclosure of a\n strong wall on the east side. I dug a moat, I reached the level of the\n water. I then saw that the wall which my father had prepared was too\n small in its construction. I built with bitumen and brick a mighty\n wall which, like a mountain, could not be moved and connected it with\n the wall of my father; I laid its foundations on the breast of the\n under-world; its top I raised up like a mountain. Along this wall to\n strengthen it I constructed a third and as the base of a protecting\n wall I laid a foundation of bricks and built it on the breast of the\n under-world and laid its foundation. The fortifications of Esagila and\n Babylon I strengthened and established the name of my reign forever.\n\n O Marduk, lord of the gods, my divine creator, may my deeds find favor\n before thee; may they endure forever! Eternal life, satisfied with\n posterity, a secure throne, and a long reign grant as thy gift. Thou\n art indeed my deliverer and my help, O Marduk, I by thy faithful word\n which does not change--may my weapons advance, be sharp and be\n stronger than the weapon of the foe![543]\n\nNebuchadrezzar was the king who destroyed Jerusalem and carried the more\nprominent of the people of Judah captive. (See 2 Kings 24 and 25.) His\ninscriptions give no account of these events. In the first of the\nquotations made above he covers all his conquests by one general\nreference. In the second quotation he gives a more detailed account of his\nconquest of the Lebanon, because that inscription was carved on the rocks\nat the side of one of the deep valleys of the Lebanon. The third\ninscription, relating to the building of Babylon, has been strikingly\nconfirmed by Koldewey\u2019s excavation of Babylon, by which the massive walls\nand extensive temples were uncovered.[544] It also gives us a background\nfor Daniel 4:29, where Nebuchadrezzar is said to have walked upon[545]\nthe royal palace and said: \u201cIs not this great Babylon which I have built?\u201d\n\n=17. Evil-Merodach, 562-560 B. C.=\n\nNebuchadrezzar was succeeded by his son, Amil-Marduk, whom the Bible (2\nKings 25:27) calls Evil-Merodach. The only inscription of his that has\nbeen found is the following, inscribed on an alabaster vase found at Susa,\nwhither the Elamites had at some time carried it as booty:[546]\n\n Palace of Amil-Marduk, King of Babylon, son of Nebuchadrezzar, King of\n Babylon.\n\nThis is the king who released Jehoiachin, King of Judah, from prison after\nhis thirty-six years in confinement and treated him kindly.\n\n * * * * *\n\nNOTE ON THE LAND OF THE QUEEN OF SHEBA.--This region, which lay in South\nArabia, was explored during the nineteenth century by a number of\ntravelers. Three of these, Thomas J. Arnaud in 1843, Joseph Hal\u00e9vy in\n1869, and Eduard Glaser who made four expeditions between 1882 and 1894,\nbrought back from South Arabia many inscriptions, several of which were\nmade by rulers of Saba, the Biblical Sheba, whose queen is said to have\nvisited Solomon (1 Kings 10:1-13). As none of these relate to that queen,\nit has not seemed fitting to include one of them. The inscriptions,\nhowever, show that two important kingdoms existed there, Saba and Main.\nMain is thought by some to be related to the Biblical Midianites. The\nGreek version of Job makes Job\u2019s friend, Zophar, king of Main. The kingdom\nof Saba lasted until 115 B. C. It established strong colonies in Africa.\nIn 115 B. C. one colony overthrew the mother-country and established the\nkingdom of Saba and Raidhan, which lasted till about 300 A. D. After that\nSaba became apparently unimportant, but various Semitic kingdoms succeeded\none another in Africa, including the present-day Abyssinian kingdom. The\nAbyssinian king claims descent from Solomon and the Queen of Sheba.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER XVIII\n\nTHE END OF THE BABYLONIAN EXILE\n\n INSCRIPTIONS OF NABUNA\u2019ID; THEIR BEARING ON BIBLICAL STATEMENTS\n REGARDING BELSHAZZAR. ACCOUNT OF THE CAPTURE OF BABYLON BEARING ON THE\n BOOK OF DANIEL. INSCRIPTION OF CYRUS BEARING ON THE CAPTURE OF\n BABYLON. CYRUS\u2019 PERMISSION FOR THE RETURN TO JERUSALEM.\n\n\n=1. Inscriptions of Nabuna\u2019id.=\n\nSeveral inscriptions of this king, who ruled 555-538 B. C., are known, but\nonly a brief extract of one of them is given here, as the major part of\nthe material has no bearing on the Bible.\n\n Nabuna\u2019id, King of Babylon, the restorer of Esagila and Ezida, the\n worshiper of the great gods am I .......... O Sin, lord of the gods of\n heaven and earth, god of the gods, .......... as for me, Nabuna\u2019id,\n King of Babylon, save me from sinning against thy great divinity. A\n life of many days grant as thy gift. As for Belshazzar, the firstborn\n son, proceeding from my loins, place in his heart fear of thy great\n divinity; let him not turn to sinning; let him be satisfied with\n fulness of life![547]\n\nBelshazzar is here said to be the son of Nabuna\u2019id, whereas in Dan. 5:11,\n18 Nebuchadrezzar is called his father. Nabuna\u2019id, as the Babylonian\ndocuments show, was not a descendant of Nebuchadrezzar, but a usurper of\nanother family. Some scholars hold that this shows the book of Daniel to\nbe in error, while others hold that \u201cfather\u201d in Dan. 5:11, 18 is\nequivalent to \u201cancestor,\u201d and think Belshazzar may have been descended\nfrom Nebuchadrezzar on his mother\u2019s side.\n\nThe Nabuna\u2019id-Cyrus Chronicle\n\nThis chronicle is known only from a tablet which is somewhat broken. The\nfollowing extract will show the nature of its contents:\n\n In the 9th year Nabuna\u2019id was at Tema. The son of the king, the\n princes, and soldiers were in Akkad. The king did not come to Babylon\n in Nisan, Nebo did not go to Babylon. Bel did not go out. The festival\n sacrifice was omitted. They offered sacrifices in Esagila and Ezida on\n account of Babylon and Borsippa, that the land might prosper. On the\n 5th of the month, Nisan the mother of the king, died in Dur-karashu\n on the bank of the Euphrates above Sippar. The son of the king and the\n soldiers mourned three days. In the month Sivan there was mourning for\n the king\u2019s mother in Akkad.\n\n In the month Nisan Cyrus, King of Persia, mustered his soldiers, and\n crossed the Tigris below Arbela and in the month Iyyar went to the\n land of .......... its king he killed, he took his possessions. His\n own governor (?) he placed in it ......... afterward his governor (?)\n and a king (?) were there.[548]\n\n=2. Bearing on Biblical Statements Regarding Belshazzar.=\n\nSimilar chronicles are given by the tablet for other years. It is stated\neach time what Nabuna\u2019id was doing; where the king\u2019s son (Belshazzar) was,\nand what Cyrus was doing. Cyrus, who overthrew the Median king in 553 B.\nC., was occupied for several years in subjugating other lands before he\nattacked Babylon. He overthrew Cr\u0153sus, King of Lydia, in 546. It would\nseem that it was well known in Babylonia what he was doing each year.\nThose scholars who believe that Isaiah 40-55 is the work of a prophet who\nlived during the Babylonian Exile, claim that this chronicle explains how\nthat prophet could refer in Isa. 44:28; 45:1 to Cyrus as a well-known\nfigure. They see the exercise of the prophetic gift of the prophet in the\nfaith which he had that Cyrus would release Israel from captivity. Those\nwho believe that the whole of the book of Isaiah is the work of the son of\nAmoz, see in these verses pure prediction of the rise of Cyrus as well as\nof the release of the Jews.\n\n=3. Account of the Capture of Babylon.=\n\nFrom the chronicle just quoted we have the following statement for the\n17th year of the reign of Nabuna\u2019id:\n\n ...... Nebo to go forth from Borsippa .......... the king entered the\n temple of Edurkalama. In the month .......... in the lower sea a\n revolt ........ Bel came out; the feast of Akiti (Sept.-Oct.),\n according to the custom .......... the gods of Marad, Zagaga, and the\n gods of Kish, B\u00ealtis, and the gods of Harsagkalama entered Babylon.\n Unto the end of Elul (Aug.-Sept.) the gods of Borsippa, Cutha, and\n Sippar did not enter. In the month Tammuz (June-July) Cyrus, when he\n made battle in Opis, on the banks of the river Zalzallat, with the\n soldiers of Akkad, conquered the inhabitants of Akkad. When they\n assembled the people were killed. On the 14th Sippar was taken without\n a battle. Nabuna\u2019id fled. On the 16th Gobryas, governor of the land of\n Gutium, and the soldiers of Cyrus entered Babylon without a battle.\n Later Nabuna\u2019id was captured because he remained in Babylon. To the\n end of the month the shield-bearers of the land of Gutium assembled at\n the gates of Esagila. No weapon of any kind was taken into Esagila or\n the temples; nor was the standard raised. On the third day of\n Marcheswan (Oct.-Nov.) Cyrus entered Babylon. The walls (?) were\n broken down before him. Cyrus proclaimed peace to all of Babylon. He\n appointed Gobryas his satrap, and also prefects in Babylon. From\n Kisleu (Nov.-Dec.) unto Adar (Feb.-March), the gods of Akkad, whom\n Nabuna\u2019id had brought to Babylon, returned to their cities. In the\n month Marcheswan, on the night of the 11th, Gobryas unto ..........\n the son of the king was killed. From the 27th of Adar to the 3rd of\n Nisan there was lamentation in Akkad. All the people bowed their\n heads. On the 4th day Cambyses, the son of Cyrus, went to\n Eshapakalama.[549]\n\n=4. Bearing of This Account on the Book of Daniel.=\n\nThis interesting text here becomes too broken for connected translation.\nIt is clear that the document means to state that Nabuna\u2019id was king of\nBabylon when it was captured, and not Belshazzar, as stated in Daniel\n5:30. It states, also, that Cyrus captured Babylon and not Darius the\nMede, as in Dan. 5:31. It is true that Gobryas took Babylon first, and\noccupied it about two weeks before Cyrus arrived. He was, however, Cyrus\u2019s\nofficer and was acting in his name. Critical scholars, who believe that\nDaniel was written 168-165 B. C., find in these statements a confirmation\nof their views. They think its author lived so far from the events that he\nconfused their exact order. Those who defend the traditional date of\nDaniel think that Gobryas is meant by Darius the Mede, and see in the\nexalted position which Belshazzar held, as crown prince and commander of\nthe army, sufficient ground for the Biblical statement that he was king.\nBy such interpretations they harmonize this chronicle with the Bible.\n\nDr. Theophilus G. Pinches has recently published[550] some extracts from\ntwo tablets from Erech which are in the possession of an Englishman, Mr.\nHarding Smith, which throw some additional light on these points. It was\ncustomary for Babylonians in confirming a contract to swear by the name of\nthe reigning king, and one of these tablets contains a contract, dated in\nthe 12th year of Nabuna\u2019id, in which a man bound himself by the oath of\nNabuna\u2019id, King of Babylon, and of Belshazzar, the king\u2019s son. As\nBelshazzar is here associated with the king, he must have been but\nslightly lower in rank and power than the king himself.\n\nThis is confirmed by a tablet at Yale, recently published by Prof.\nClay.[551] The text contains the interpretation of a dream for the King\nNabuna\u2019id and for his son Belshazzar. It is dated in the seventh year of\nthe reign of Nabuna\u2019id.\n\nThe other tablet quoted by Pinches shows that in the fourth year of\nCambyses (_i. e._, 524 B. C.), Gobryas was still governor of Babylon. If\nhe is the man who in Daniel is called Darius the Mede, he exercised the\npowers of governor in Babylon for a considerable number of years.\n\n=5. Inscription of Cyrus.=\n\nThe following is an inscription of Cyrus. The lines are much broken at the\nbeginning, but it reads as follows:[552]\n\n .......................... begat (?) him ..................... [the\n four] regions of the world ............. great coward was established\n as ruler over the land ............. a similar one he set over them;\n like Esagila he made .......... to Ur and the rest of the cities a\n rule not suitable for them ....... he planned daily and in enmity he\n caused the established sacrifice to cease. He appointed .......... he\n established within the city. The worship of Marduk, king of the gods\n ........... he wrought hostility against his city daily ...........\n his [people] all of them he destroyed through servitude, without rest.\n On account of their lamentation the lord of the gods was exceedingly\n angry and [left] their territory; the gods who dwelt among them left\n their dwellings. In anger because he brought [them] into Babylon,\n Marduk ........... to return to all the dwellings, their habitations,\n which were overthrown. The people of Sumer and Akkad, who were like\n corpses, he brought back and ............ granted them a return.\n Through all lands he made his way, he looked, he sought a righteous\n prince, a being whom he loved, whom he took by the hand. Cyrus, King\n of Anshan, he called by name and designated him to rule over all the\n lands. The land of Qutu, all the Scythian hordes, he made to submit to\n his feet. The black-headed people (_i. e._, the Babylonians), whom he\n caused his hand to capture, in faithfulness and righteousness he\n sought. Marduk, the great lord, looked joyfully upon the return of his\n people, his kindly deeds and upright heart. To his city, Babylon, he\n commanded him to go; he caused him to take the road to Babylon, going\n as a friend and companion at his side. His numerous army, the number\n of which was, like the waters of a river, unknown, marched at his side\n girded with their weapons. He caused him to enter Babylon without war\n or battle. He preserved his city, Babylon, from tribulation; he filled\n his (Cyrus\u2019s) hand with Nabuna\u2019id, the king who did not fear him. All\n the people of Babylon, all of Sumer and Akkad, the princes and\n governors, prostrated themselves under him and kissed his feet. They\n rejoiced in his sovereignty; their faces shone. The lord, who by his\n power makes the dead to live, who from destruction and injustice had\n saved them, altogether they blessed him in joy; they revered his name.\n\n I am Cyrus, king of the world, the great king, the mighty king, king\n of Babylon, king of Sumer and Akkad, king of the four quarters of the\n world, son of Cambyses, the great king, king of Anshan, grandson of\n Cyrus, the great king, king of Anshan, great-grandson of Te\u00efspes, the\n great king, king of Anshan; an everlasting seed of royalty, whose\n government Bel and Nabu love, whose reign in the goodness of their\n hearts they desire. When I entered in peace into Babylon, with joy and\n rejoicing I took up my lordly dwelling in the royal palace, Marduk,\n the great lord, moved the understanding heart of the people of Babylon\n to me, while I daily sought his worship. My numerous troops dwelt\n peacefully in Babylon; in all Sumer and Akkad no terrorizer did I\n permit. In Babylon and all its cities in peace I looked about. The\n people of Babylon [I released] from an unsuitable yoke. Their\n dwellings--their decay I repaired; their ruins I cleared away. Marduk,\n the great lord, rejoiced at these deeds and graciously blessed me,\n Cyrus, the king who worships him, and Cambyses, my son, and all my\n troops, while we in peace joyfully praised before him his exalted\n divinity. All the kings who dwell in palaces, from all quarters of the\n world, from the upper sea to the lower sea, who live [in palaces], all\n the kings of the Westland who live in tents, brought me their heavy\n tribute in Babylon and kissed my feet. From .......... to Ashur and\n Susa, Agade, Eshnunak, Zamban, Meturnu, Deri, to the border of Gutium,\n the cities [beyond] the Tigris, whose sites had been founded of\n old,--the gods who dwelt in them I returned to their places, and\n caused them to settle in their eternal shrines. All their people I\n assembled and returned them to their dwellings. And the gods of Sumer\n and Akkad, whom Nabuna\u2019id, to the anger of the lord of the gods, had\n brought into Babylon, at the command of Marduk, the great lord, I\n caused in peace to dwell in their abodes, the dwellings in which their\n hearts delighted. May all the gods, whom I have returned to their\n cities, pray before Marduk and Nabu for the prolonging of my days, may\n they speak a kind word for me and say to Marduk, lord of the gods,\n \u201cMay Cyrus the king, who fears thee, and Cambyses, his son, their\n .......... caused all to dwell in peace\u201d\n ........................................\n\n=6. Bearing on the Capture of Babylon and the Return of the Jews.=\n\nThis inscription confirms the statement of the chronicle already quoted\nthat Cyrus conquered the city of Babylon without a blow. The most\nimportant feature of it for the student of the Bible is, however, its\nrevelation of the reversal of the Assyrian policy of transportation. That\npolicy had been inaugurated by Tiglathpileser IV more than two hundred\nyears before. In accordance with it the kingdom of Israel had first been\nstripped of its more prominent inhabitants who had been carried captive to\ndistant lands, and then the kingdom of Judah. Cyrus determined to attach\nhis subjects to himself by gratitude instead of terror, so he permitted,\nas he says here, those who had been transported to return to their several\ncountries and rebuild their temples. It was in consequence of this general\npolicy that the Jews were permitted to return from Babylonia and rebuild\nthe temple at Jerusalem. This is referred to in Ezra, chapter 1. It is\nthere implied that Cyrus made a special proclamation concerning the temple\nat Jerusalem. Some scholars infer from the above inscription of Cyrus,\nthat the book of Ezra (chapter 1) has freely interpreted the general\npolicy of Cyrus as a special permission granted to the Jews. It may be,\nhowever, as others have held, that a special edict was issued in favor of\neach individual nation in order that this general policy might be carried\nout without opposition.\n\nIn any event, the inscription confirms the statement of Ezra that Cyrus\npermitted the Jews to return.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER XIX\n\nA JEWISH COLONY IN EGYPT DURING THE TIME OF NEHEMIAH\n\n PAPYRI WITNESS TO THE EXISTENCE OF A COLONY AT ELEPHANTINE.\n TRANSLATION OF A PETITION RELATING TO THEIR TEMPLE. REPLY OF PERSIAN\n GOVERNOR. HISTORICAL BEARINGS OF THESE DOCUMENTS. A LETTER RELATING TO\n THE PASSOVER. A LETTER SHOWING THAT THE JEWS WERE UNPOPULAR AT\n ELEPHANTINE.\n\n\nNumerous papyri found since 1895 at Elephantine, an island at the First\nCataract of the Nile, reveal the existence of a Jewish community there.\nThe documents are dated from the year 494 B. C. to the year 400 B. C. They\nshow that this Jewish community had at Elephantine a temple to Jehovah,\nthat they were soldiers, and that some of them were engaged in trade. One\ndocument declares that when Cambyses conquered Egypt (525 B. C.) he then\nfound the temple of Jehovah in existence there, and that it had been built\nunder native Egyptian kings. How came such a community of Jews to be\nestablished there? It is thought that they were a garrison placed there by\nPsammetik II, King of Egypt, 593-588 B. C. This Psammetik endeavored to\nconquer Nubia,[553] and according to a confused statement in Josephus\n(Contra Apion, I, 26, 27) Rhampses (perhaps a corruption of Psammetik),\nemployed some Jews in an expedition to that country.[554] However, these\nJews came to dwell at this point, and whensoever the settlement was made,\nthe documents[555] are most interesting, and open to us a hitherto wholly\nunknown vista in the history of the Jews.\n\n=1. Temple Papyrus from Elephantine.=\n\n Unto our lord, Bagohi, governor of Judah, thy servants Jedoniah and\n his associates, the priests who are in Yeb, the fortress, health! May\n our Lord, the God of heaven, abundantly grant unto thee at all times,\n and for favors may he appoint thee before Darius, the king, and the\n princes of the palace more than at present a thousand times, and long\n life may he grant to thee, and joy and strength, at all times! Now\n thy servant, Jedoniah, and his associates thus speak: In the month\n Tammuz, year 14 of Darius, the king, when Arsames departed and went\n unto the king, the priests of the god Khnub, who were in Yeb, the\n fortress, made an agreement with Waidrang who was acting governor\n here; it was as follows: The temple of Yahu (Jehovah), the God, which\n is in Yeb, the fortress they would remove from there. Afterward this\n Waidrang wickedly sent a letter unto Nephayan, his son, who was\n commander of the army at Syene, the fortress, saying: \u201cThe temple\n which is in Yeb, the fortress they shall destroy.\u201d Afterward Nephayan,\n mustering Egyptians with the other forces, came to the fortress Yeb\n with their quivers (?); they entered into this temple, they destroyed\n it to the ground, and the pillars of stone which were there they\n brake. Also it came to pass (that) five gates of stone, constructed of\n cut stone, which were in this temple, they destroyed, and their\n swinging doors and the bronze hinges of these doors. And the roof\n which was of cedar wood, all of it, together with the rest of the\n furnishings and the other things which were there, the whole they\n burned with fire. And the vessels of gold and silver and the things\n which were in this temple, the whole was taken, and they made it their\n own.\n\n Now from the days of the kings of Egypt, our fathers built this temple\n in Yeb, the fortress, and when Cambyses came to Egypt, this temple was\n found built, and the temples of the gods of Egypt were overthrown, but\n not a thing in this temple was harmed. And after they (_i. e._,\n Waidrang and the priests of Khnub) had done this, we and our wives and\n sons were clothed in sackcloth and were fasting and praying to Yahu,\n God of heaven, that he would show us this Waidrang, the cur, with the\n anklets torn from his feet, that all the goods which he possesses\n might perish, and all the men who desired the pollution of this\n temple--all might be killed, and we might see (our desire) upon them.\n Also formerly, at the time this shameful deed was done to us we sent a\n letter to our lord, and unto Jehohanan, the high priest, and his\n associates, the priests who are in Jerusalem, and unto Ostan, the\n brother of Anani and the elders of Judah, but a letter they have not\n sent unto us. Also from the month Tammuz of the 14th year of Darius\n the king even unto this day we have worn sackcloth and fasted, our\n wives have been made like widows, we have not anointed ourselves with\n oil, wine we have not drunk; also from then unto the 17th year of\n Darius the king a meal-offering and incense and a burnt-offering they\n have not offered in this temple. Now thy servants Jedoniah and his\n associates and the Jews, all who are citizens of Yeb, thus speak: If\n unto our lord it seems good to think on this temple to rebuild it,\n because they will not permit us to rebuild it, look upon those who\n share thy favor and kindnesses who are here in Egypt--let a letter be\n sent unto them concerning the temple of Yahu God, to build it in Yeb,\n the fortress, in the way it was built formerly, and meal-offerings and\n incense and burnt-offerings let them offer upon the altar of Yahu God\n in thy name, and we will pray for thee at all times, we and our wives\n and our sons and the Jews, all who are here. If thus they do until\n this temple is built, then merit (righteousness) shall be thine before\n Yahu, God of heaven, more than (that of) the man who offers to him\n burnt-offerings and sacrifices of the value of a thousand pieces of\n silver. And concerning gold for this we have sent information. Also\n the whole is told in a letter we sent in our name to Dalajah and\n Shelemjah, sons of Sanballat, governor of Samaria. Also concerning\n this which is done to us, all of it Arsames does not know.\n\n On the 20th of Marcheswan, year 17 of Darius the king.\n\nTo this letter Bagohi (Bagoas) sent the following reply:\n\n Memorandum of Bagohi and Dalajah. They spoke to me a memorandum for\n them: It shall be thine to say among the Egyptians before Arsames\n concerning the place of sacrifice of the god ...... of heaven, which\n was built in Yeb the fortress formerly before Cambyses, which this\n wicked Waidrang destroyed in the year fourteen of Darius the king, to\n build it in its place like as it was before, and meal-offerings and\n incense let them offer upon this altar in the manner it formerly was\n done.\n\nThe first of these documents is dated in the 17th year of Darius II, _i.\ne._, the year 407 B. C. It states that the temple at Elephantine (Yeb) had\nbeen destroyed by Waidrang and had lain in ruins for three years. The\ncommunity which worshiped in the temple had previously written to\nJehohanan, high priest at Jerusalem, probably to ask that he intercede\nwith the Persian governor Bagohi (Bagoses), but had written in vain. They\nnow write to Bagohi himself, and also to the two sons of Sanballat,\ngovernor of Samaria (cf. Neh. 2:10, 19, etc.), with the result that the\nrequest is granted, and authority is given to rebuild the temple.\n\nThe fact that there was a temple at Elephantine at all is new and\nstartling. Its significance is differently interpreted by different\nscholars. More conservative scholars claim that it is opposed to the date\nwhich the critical school assign to the date of Deuteronomy, viz.: 621 B.\nC., because, if the law against more altars than one had been introduced\nthen, Jews would not have so soon violated it by building this shrine.\nCritics, on the other hand, hold that it fits well with their views, since\nthey believe that Deuteronomy was accepted by Jews as a whole only\ngradually, and after considerable struggle.\n\nOne thing is clear: at the time the temple at Elephantine was overthrown,\nthe Jews at Jerusalem looked upon it with disfavor.[556] They took no\nsteps to lay the matter before the Persian governor. It was not till the\naggrieved Egyptian Jews wrote to the heretical Samaritans, Dalajah and\nShelemjah, sons of Sanballat, who would naturally be glad to encourage\nanother rival to the temple at Jerusalem, that the matter was pushed and\npermission given to rebuild the temple.\n\nThis appeal to Sanballat\u2019s family throws interesting light on the progress\nof the schism between the Jews and the Samaritans.[557] (Compare Nehemiah\n4:1, ff; 6:1, ff.; and 13:28.)\n\nThe existence of this temple has an interesting bearing upon the date of\nIsa. 19. Some scholars have held that that prophecy, which refers to a\ntemple of Jehovah in the land of Egypt, is late and must refer to the\ntemple built by Onias III, about 170 B. C. (Cf. Josephus, _Antiquities_,\nxiii, 3:1, 6.) It is now possible to suppose that the reference may well\nhave been to this hitherto unsuspected temple at Elephantine.\n\n=2. Hananiah\u2019s Passover Letter.=\n\n To my brethren, Jedoniah and his associates, the Jewish garrison, your\n brother Hananiah. The peace of my brethren may God ...... And now this\n year, the year 5 of Darius the king, there was sent from the king unto\n Arsames .......... Now ye thus shall count fourteen .......... and\n from the 15th day unto the 21st day [of Nisan] .......... be ye clean\n and guard yourselves. Work ye shall not [do] .......... ye shall not\n drink, and all which is leavened ye shall n[ot eat] .......... from\n the going down of the sun unto the 21st day of Nisan .......... take\n into your rooms and seal between the days of ..........\n\nThis letter is from some Hananiah who seems to have stood high in\nauthority among Jewish communities. Several Hananiahs are mentioned in the\npost-exilic literature. One of them was a military commander in Jerusalem\nin the time of Nehemiah (Neh. 7:2), but as that was at least twenty-five\nyears before the date of our letter, it would be precarious to assert that\nthat Hananiah was the writer of this letter, though it is possible that he\nwas.\n\nFrom the letter it is clear that the writer is informing the Jewish\ngarrison at Elephantine concerning the details of the provisions for the\nobservance of the Jewish Passover, as they are laid down in Exod. 12 and\nLev. 23. It seems strange that these Jews at Elephantine who were faithful\nenough to Jehovah to have a temple in his honor, should have needed to be\ninformed of such details, if they had copies of the Pentateuch. Adherents\nof the modern school of criticism see in this fact a confirmation of their\nview, that the Levitical law had been introduced into the Jewish community\nat Jerusalem only in the time of Ezra and Nehemiah, for, they urge, this\nletter shows that it was unknown to the garrison at Elephantine until the\nreign of Darius II. To this, conservative scholars reply that it was\ncustomary among the Jews to make yearly proclamation of the approach of\nthe festival, and that this may be simply such a proclamation. They also\nurge that ignorance of the law on the part of some Jews is no proof that\nit did not exist.\n\n=3. Letter Showing that the Jews of Egypt were Unpopular.=\n\n To my lords, Jedoniah, Uriah, and the priests of the God, Jehovah,\n Mattan, son of Joshibiah and Neriah son of ...... thy servant\n Mauziyah; the peace of my lords .......... and be favored before the\n God of heaven. And now, when Waidrang, the chief of the garrison, came\n to Abydos, he imprisoned me on account of a certain precious stone\n which they found stolen in the hands of the traders. At last Seha and\n Hor, who were known to Anani, exerted themselves with Waidrang and\n Hornufi, under the protection of the God of heaven, until they secured\n my release. Now behold they are coming thither to you. Do you attend\n to them whatever they may desire. And whatever thing Seha and Hor may\n desire of you, stand ye before them so that no cause of blame may they\n find in you. With you is the chastisement which without cause has\n rested upon us, from the time Hananiah was in Egypt until now. And\n whatever you do for Hor you do for yourselves. Hor is known to Anani.\n Do you sell cheaply from our houses any goods that are at hand;\n whether we lose or do not lose, is one to you. This is why I am\n sending to you: he said to me: \u201cSend a letter before us.\u201d Even if we\n should lose, credit will be established because of him in the house of\n Anani. What you do for him will not be hidden from Anani. To my lords,\n Jedoniah, Uriah, and the priests and the Jews.\n\nThis is a letter sent by a member of the Jewish colony of Elephantine to\nhis Jewish brethren there, highly recommending to them two men. He was\nespecially anxious to make a good impression upon these because they were\nacquaintances of a certain Anani. This Anani apparently was a man of\ninfluence at the Persian court. His name may be the same as Hanani,\nNehemiah\u2019s brother (Neh. 7:2). It has been pointed out that the existence\nof two men of the same name who could have influence at the Persian court\nwould be improbable. This letter shows that since Hananiah came to Egypt,\nthe Jews have been in affliction, and the writer of this letter is anxious\nto make a good impression upon the friends of Anani, so that this\naffliction may be removed.\n\nScholars of the critical school see in this letter a confirmation of their\nview that the Levitical law had but just been introduced into the Egyptian\ncommunity. The reference to the \u201cchastisement\u201d or \u201caffliction\u201d which had\nrested on the community is thought by them to be, probably, the friction\nbetween Jews and Egyptians caused by the less friendly relations toward\nforeigners, which the Levitical law imposed on its devotees. It is, of\ncourse, possible that the \u201cchastisement\u201d may have been due to something\nquite different. It should be said, too, that the papyrus is torn somewhat\njust where the word rendered chastisement occurs, so that the word itself\nis not certain.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER XX\n\nA BABYLONIAN JOB\n\n TRANSLATION OF A POEM RELATING TO THE AFFLICTIONS OF A GOOD MAN.\n COMPARISON WITH THE BOOK OF JOB. A FRAGMENT OF ANOTHER SIMILAR POEM.\n\n\n=1. Babylonian Poem Relating to Affliction.=\n\nThe following Babylonian poem treats of a mysterious affliction which\novertook a righteous man of Babylonia, and has been compared with the book\nof Job.[558]\n\n 1. I advanced in life, I attained to the allotted span;\n Wherever I turned there was evil, evil--\n Oppression is increased, uprightness I see not.\n I cried unto god, but he showed not his face.\n 5. I prayed to my goddess, but she raised not her head.\n The seer by his oracle did not discern the future;\n Nor did the enchanter with a libation illuminate my case;\n I consulted the necromancer, but he opened not my understanding.\n The conjurer with his charms did not remove my ban.\n 10. How deeds are reversed in the world!\n I look behind, oppression encloses me\n Like one who the sacrifice to god did not bring,\n And at meal-time did not invoke the goddess,\n Did not bow down his face, his offering was not seen;\n 15. (Like one) in whose mouth prayers and supplications were locked,\n (For whom) god\u2019s day had ceased, a feast day become rare,\n (One who) has thrown down his fire-pan, gone away from their images,\n God\u2019s fear and veneration has not taught his people,\n Who invoked not his god, when he ate god\u2019s food;\n 20. (Who) abandoned his goddess, and brought not what is prescribed,\n (Who) oppresses the weak, forgets his god,\n Who takes in vain the mighty name of his god; he says, I am like him.\n But I myself thought of prayers and supplications;\n Prayer was my wisdom, sacrifice, my dignity;\n 25. The day of honoring the gods was the joy of my heart,\n The day of following the goddess was my acquisition of wealth;\n The prayer of the king,--that was my delight,\n And his music,--for my pleasure was its sound.\n I gave directions to my land to revere the names of god,\n 30. To honor the name of the goddess I taught my people.\n Reverence for the king I greatly exalted,\n And respect for the palace I taught the people;\n For I knew that with god these things are in favor.\n What is innocent of itself, to god is evil!\n 35. What in one\u2019s heart is contemptible, to one\u2019s god is good!\n Who can understand the thoughts of the gods in heaven?\n The counsel of god is full of destruction; who can understand?\n Where may human beings learn the ways of god?\n He who lives at evening is dead in the morning;\n 40. Quickly he is troubled; all at once he is oppressed;\n At one moment he sings and plays;\n In the twinkling of an eye he howls like a funeral-mourner.\n Like sunshine and cloud[559] their thoughts change;\n They are hungry and like a corpse;\n 45. They are filled and rival their god!\n In prosperity they speak of climbing to Heaven;\n Trouble overtakes them and they speak of going down to Sheol.\n\n(At this point the tablet is broken. We do not know how many lines are\nwanting before the narrative is resumed on the back of the tablet.)\n\nReverse\n\n Into my prison my house is turned.\n Into the bonds of my flesh are my hands thrown;\n Into the fetters of myself my feet have stumbled.\n ....................................\n 5. With a whip he has beaten me; there is no protection;\n With a staff he has transfixed me; the stench was terrible!\n All day long the pursuer pursues me,\n In the night watches he lets me breathe not a moment;\n Through torture my joints are torn asunder;\n 10. My limbs are destroyed, loathing covers me;\n On my couch I welter like an ox,\n I am covered, like a sheep, with my excrement.\n My sickness baffled the conjurers,\n And the seer left dark my omens.\n 15. The diviner has not improved the condition of my sickness;\n The duration of my illness the seer could not state;\n The god helped me not, my hand he took not;\n The goddess pitied me not, she came not to my side;\n The coffin yawned; they [the heirs] took my possessions;\n 20. While I was not yet dead, the death wail was ready.\n My whole land cried out: \u201cHow is he destroyed!\u201d\n My enemy heard; his face gladdened;\n They brought as good news the glad tidings, his heart rejoiced.\n But I knew the time of all my family,\n 25. When among the protecting spirits their divinity is exalted.\n\nThe above is from a tablet called the \u201cSecond\u201d of the series _Ludlul b\u00eal\nnimeqi_, _i. e._, \u201cI will serve the lord of wisdom.\u201d The \u201cThird\u201d tablet of\nthe series has been published by R. Campbell Thompson in the _Proceedings\nof the Society of Biblical Arch\u00e6ology_, XXXII, p. 18, f. It is\nconsiderably broken, but the parts which are legible are as follows:\n\n ............................................\n ............................................\n Let thy hand grasp the javelin\n Tabu-utul-B\u00eal, who lives at Nippur,\n 5. Has sent me to consult thee,\n Has laid his .......... upon me.\n In life .......... has cast, he has found. [He says]:\n \u201c[I lay down] and a dream I beheld;\n This is the dream which I saw by night:--\n 10. [He who made woman] and created man,\n Marduk, has ordained (?) that he be encompassed with sickness (?).\u201d\n 15. And .......... in whatever ..........\n He said: \u201cHow long will he be in such great affliction and distress?\n What is it that he saw in his vision of the night?\u201d\n \u201cIn the dream Ur-Bau ap[peared],\n A mighty hero wearing his crown,\n 20. A conjurer, too, clad in strength,\n Marduk indeed sent me;\n Unto Shubshi-meshri-Nergal he brought abu[ndance];\n In his pure hands he brought abu[ndance].\n By my guardian-spirit (?) he st[opped] (?),\u201d\n 25. [By] the seer he sent a message:\n \u201cA favorable omen I show to my people.\u201d\n ..........................................\n ...... he quickly finished; the ...... was broken\n ........ of my lord, his heart [was satisfied];\n 30. .......... his spirit was appeased\n ............ my lamentation .................\n ................ good .... ..........\n\nReverse\n\n ..........................................\n ..........................................\n ................ like ................\n He approached (?) and the spell which he had pronounced (?),\n 5. He sent a storm wind to the horizon;\n To the breast of the earth it bore [a blast],\n Into the depth of his ocean the disembodied spirit vanished (?);\n Unnumbered spirits he sent back to the under-world.\n The ...... of the hag-demons he sent straight to the mountain.\n 10. The sea-flood he spread with ice;\n The roots of the disease he tore out like a plant.\n The horrible slumber that settled on my rest\n Like smoke filled the sky ..........\n With the woe he had brought, unrepulsed and bitter, he filled the\n earth like a storm.\n 15. The unrelieved headache which had overwhelmed the heavens\n He took away and sent down on me the evening dew.\n My eyelids, which he had veiled with the veil of night.\n He blew upon with a rushing wind and made clear their sight.\n My ears, which were stopped, were deaf as a deaf man\u2019s--\n 20. He removed their deafness and restored their hearing.\n My nose, whose nostril had been stopped from my mother\u2019s womb--\n He eased its deformity so that I could breathe.\n My lips, which were closed--he had taken their strength--\n He removed their trembling and loosed their bond.\n 25. My mouth, which was closed so that I could not be understood--\n He cleansed it like a dish, he healed its disease.\n My eyes, which had been attacked so that they rolled together--\n He loosed their bond and their balls were set right.\n The tongue, which had stiffened so that it could not be raised--\n 30. [He relieved] its thickness, so its words could be understood.\n The gullet which was compressed, stopped as with a plug--\n He healed its contraction, it worked like a flute.\n My spittle which was stopped so that it was not secreted--\n He removed its fetter, he opened its lock.\n ............................................\n ............................................\n\n=2. Comparison with the Book of Job.=\n\nA commentary on this text, which has been preserved on a tablet, informs\nus that Tabu-utul-B\u00eal was an official of Nippur in Babylonia.[560] This\nstory has some striking similarities to the book of Job. It presents also\nsome striking dissimilarities.\n\nTabu-utul-B\u00eal, like Job, had been a just man. He had been also a religious\nman. (See lines 23, ff., p. 392.) The virtues which he claims are similar\nto those of Job (see Job 29 and 31); there is, however, this difference:\nJob\u2019s virtues are social; those of Tabu-utul-B\u00eal consist of acts of\nworship and loyalty. Tabu-utul-B\u00eal is smitten, like Job, with a sore\ndisease. To him, as to Job, the providence is inexplicable. He, like Job,\ncharges his god with inscrutable injustice. The chasm which often yawns\nbetween experience and moral deserts was as keenly felt by the Babylonian\nas by the Hebrew.\n\nHere the parallelism with the book of Job ends. The two works belong to\nwidely different religious worlds. Job gains relief by a vision of God--an\nexperience which made him able to believe that, though he could not\nunderstand the reason for the pain of life or its contradictions and\ntragedy, God could, and Job now knew God. (See Job 42:4-6.) Tabu-utul-B\u00eal,\non the other hand, is said to have gained his relief through a magician.\nWe are apparently told by the fragmentary text that at last he found a\nconjurer who brought a messenger from the god Marduk, who drove away the\nevil spirits which caused the disease, and so Tabu-utul-B\u00eal was relieved.\nThis difference sets vividly before us the greater religious value and\ninspiration of the book of Job. It treats the same problem that the\nBabylonian poet took for his theme, but between the outlook of the poet\nwho composed Job and that of the Babylonian poet there is all the\ndifference between a real experience of God and faith in the black art.\n\n=3. Another Similar Lament.=\n\nAnother fragment of a lament of a somewhat similar character, written in\nthe Sumerian language, comes to us on a tablet from Nippur, the very city\nwith which Tabu-utul-B\u00eal is said to have been connected. It reads as\nfollows:[561]\n\n_Column I_\n\n 1. ..............................\n 2. ..................................\n 3. .................... he carried away,\n 4. .................... he destroyed,\n 5. .................. spoke to ..........\n 6. .................. was destroyed,\n 7. .......... completely from on high was destroyed.\n 8. I, even I, am a man of destruction.\n 9. With might from below he destroyed,\n 10. I, even I, am a man of destruction.\n 11. Nippur (?)--its temple verily is destroyed,\n 12. My city verily is destroyed.\n 13. O Enlil, from the height descend,\n 14. May Ububul destroy them!\n\n_Column II_\n\n 1. ..............................\n 2. ..............................\n 3. .............. my food (?) is not,\n 4. The ground grain is removed, with the hand he seized it;\n 5. My eyes fail.\n 6. The shrine of the mother which the silver-smith cast,\n 7. To earth he has ground,\n 8. Its contents on the earth verily he flung--\n 9. I am a man of destruction!--\n 10. Its contents on the earth verily he destroyed;\n 11. I am a man of destruction!\n 12. The man from above is wise;\n 13. On earth he dwells.\n 14. The man who went before,\n 15. Hides in the rear.\n 16. Namtar my maiden (he snatched away);\n 17. Who shall bring the maiden back?\n\n_Column III_\n\n 1. Namtar verily is smitten, yea verily,\n 2. Who shall bring back strength?\n 3. The smiter has smitten,\n 4. Who shall strike him down?\n 5. The hero bearing the dagger\n 6. He has cast down,\n 7. Who shall drag him off?\n 8. At the gate of my palace no protector stands,\n 9. A man of desolation am I!\n 10. The land is completely overthrown, I have no defender,\n 11. A man of desolation am I!\n 12. The flood fills not the marsh land;\n 13. My eye thereon I lift not.\n 14. To man\u2019s plantations water reaches not,\n 15. My hand stretches not out to it.\n 16. To the marsh land which the flood filled\n 17. Truly the foot walks upon it!\n\nFrom this point on the tablet is too broken for connected translation. Dr.\nLangdon calls this the lament of a Sumerian Job, but his woes, in so far\nas this fragment recounts them, are due to the conquest of his land by an\nenemy, and to famine due to a failure of the rivers to overflow. The\nparallelism to Tabu-utul-B\u00eal and to Job might be closer, if we had the\nwhole tablet. As this tablet is in the script of the first dynasty of\nBabylon, it is evident that this kind of lamentation was as early as 2000\nB. C.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER XXI\n\nPSALMS FROM BABYLONIA AND EGYPT\n\n CHARACTER OF THEIR PSALMS. BABYLONIAN PRAYERS TO THE GODDESS ISHTAR.\n COMPARISON WITH THE PSALTER. A BABYLONIAN HYMN TO THE MOON-GOD. A\n BABYLONIAN HYMN TO BEL. AN EGYPTIAN HYMN TO THE SUN-GOD. IS THE HYMN\n MONOTHEISTIC? AN EGYPTIAN HYMN IN PRAISE OF ATON. COMPARISON WITH THE\n PSALTER.\n\n\nBoth from Babylonia and from Egypt a large number of hymns and prayers\nhave been recovered. Some of these are beautiful on account of their form\nof expression, the poetical nature of their thoughts, and the sense of sin\nwhich they reveal. Most of them are clearly polytheistic, and it is rare\nthat they rise in the expression of religious emotion to the simple\nsublimity of the Old Testament Psalms. Such likenesses to the Psalms as\nthey possess only serve to set off in greater relief the rich religious\nheritage which we have in our Psalter.\n\nA few examples only of the many known hymns are here given.\n\n=1. A Babylonian Prayer to the Goddess Ishtar.=[562]\n\n O fulfiller of the commands of Bel ..........\n ............................................\n Mother of the gods, fulfiller of the commands of Bel,\n Thou bringer-forth of verdure, thou lady of mankind,--\n 5. Begetress of all, who makest all offspring thrive,\n Mother Ishtar, whose might no god approaches,\n Majestic lady, whose commands are powerful,\n A request I will proffer, which--may it bring good to me!\n O lady, from my childhood I have been exceedingly hemmed in by\n trouble!\n 10. Food I did not eat, I was bathed in tears!\n Water I did not quaff, tears were my drink!\n My heart is not glad, my soul is not cheerful;\n ....................... I do not walk like a man.\n .............................................\n\nReverse\n\n ..................... painfully I wail!\n My sighs are many, my sickness is great!\n O my lady, teach me what to do, appoint me a resting-place!\n My sin forgive, lift up my countenance!\n 5. My god, who is lord of prayer,--may he present my prayer to thee!\n My goddess, who is mistress of supplication,--may she present my\n prayer to thee!\n God of the deluge, lord of Harsaga,--may he present my prayer to\n thee,--\n The god of pity, the lord of the fields,--may he present my prayer\n to thee!\n God of heaven and earth, the lord of Eridu,--may he present my\n prayer to thee!\n 10. The mother of the great water, the dwelling of Damkina,--may she\n present my prayer to thee!\n Marduk, lord of Babylon,--may he present my prayer to thee!\n His spouse, the exalted offspring (?) of heaven and earth,--may she\n present my prayer to thee!\n The exalted servant, the god who announces the good name,--may he\n present my prayer to thee!\n 15. The bride, the firstborn of Ninib,--may she present my prayer to\n thee!\n The lady who checks hostile speech,--may she present my prayer to\n thee!\n The great, exalted one, my lady Nana,--may she present my prayer to\n thee!\n\n=2. A Babylonian Prayer to Ishtar.=[563]\n\n ........................... He raises to thee a wail;\n ........................... He raises to thee a wail;\n [On account of his face which] for tears is not raised, he raises to\n thee a wail;\n On account of his feet on which fetters are laid, he raises to thee\n a wail;\n 5. On account of his hand, which is powerless through oppression, he\n raises to thee a wail;\n On account of his breast, which wheezes like a bellows, he raises to\n thee a wail;\n O lady, in sadness of heart I raise to thee my piteous cry, \u201cHow\n long?\u201d\n O lady, to thy servant--speak pardon to him, let thy heart be\n appeased!\n To thy servant who suffers pain--favor grant him!\n 10. Turn thy gaze upon him, receive his entreaty!\n To thy servant with whom thou art angry--be favorable unto him!\n O lady, my hands are bound, I turn to thee!\n For the sake of the exalted warrior, Shamash, thy beloved husband,\n take away my bonds!\n 15. Through a long life let me walk before thee!\n My god brings before thee a lamentation; let thy heart be appeased!\n My goddess utters to thee a prayer, let thy anger be quieted!\n The exalted warrior, Anu, thy beloved spouse,--may he present my\n prayer to thee!\n [Shamash], god of justice,--may he present my prayer to thee!\n 20. .......... the exalted servant,--may he present my prayer to thee!\n .......... the mighty one of Ebarbar,--may he present my tears to\n thee!\n [\u201cThine eye turn truly] to me,\u201d may he say to thee!\n [\u201cThy face turn truly to] me,\u201d may he say to thee!\n [\u201cLet thy heart be at rest\u201d], may he say to thee!\n 25. [\u201cLet thy anger be pacified\u201d], may he say to thee!\n [Thy heart like the heart of a mother who has brought forth], may it\n rejoice!\n [Like a father who has begotten a child], may it be glad!\n\n=3. Comparison of These Prayers with the Psalter.=\n\nThe writers of these lamentations, like the Hebrew Psalmist (see Psa.\n17:1; 18:6), cried unto a deity for help. They were both in great\ndistress, and naturally inferred that their deity was angry, as do Psalms\n85:5; 90:7. There is, however, no great consciousness of sin in these\nBabylonian complaints. They simply express distress. Unlike the Biblical\nPsalms these are polytheistic and their authors call upon other deities to\nintercede for them with the goddess, to whom the prayer is addressed and\nwhom, for the time being, they regard as supreme. The author of this last\npenitential psalm asks \u201cHow long?\u201d as does Psa. 6:3; 74:10; 90:13. The\nidea seems to be that the suffering of the penitent will either atone for\nsin or touch the heart of the deity so that the suffering shall be abated.\n\n=4. A Babylonian Hymn to Sin, the Moon-god.=[564]\n\n O brilliant barque of the heavens, ruler in thy own right,\n Father Nannar, lord of Ur,\n Father Nannar, lord of Ekishshirgal,\n Father Nannar, lord of the brilliant rising,\n 5. O lord, Nannar, firstborn son of Bel,\n Thou standest, thou standest\n Before thy father Bel. Thou art ruler,\n Father Nannar; thou art ruler, thou art guide.\n O barque, when standing in the midst of heaven, thou art ruler.\n 10. Father Nannar, thou thyself ridest to the brilliant temple.\n Father Nannar, when, like a ship, thou goest in the midst of the\n deep,\n Thou goest, thou goest, thou goest,\n Thou goest, thou shinest anew, thou goest,\n Thou shinest anew, thou livest again, thou goest.\n 15. Father Nannar, the herd thou restorest.\n When thy father looketh on thee with joy, he commandeth thy waxing,\n Then with the glory of a king brilliantly thou risest.\n Bel a scepter for distant days for thy hands has completed.\n In Ur as the brilliant barque thou ridest,\n 20. As the lord, Nudimmud, thou art established;\n In Ur as the brilliant boat thou ridest.\n ...........................................\n\nReverse\n\n ...............................................\n The river of Bel (?) [Nannar] fills with water.\n The brilliant (?) river [Nannar] fills with water.\n The river Tigris [Nannar] fills with water.\n 5. The brilliance of the Euphrates [Nannar] fills with water.\n The canal with its gate Lukhe, [Nannar] fills with water.\n The great marsh and the little marsh Nannar fills with water.\n\nThe preceding hymn is made up of a description of the movements and\nchanges of the moon, together with the expression of a superstition, which\nis still widely prevalent, that the moon\u2019s changes control the rainfall.\nIt is a fair example of a Babylonian nature-psalm. It lacks the inspired\nand inspiring power of such Hebrew nature-psalms as Psalms 8, 19, 146,\n147, and 148.\n\n=5. A Babylonian Hymn to Bel.=[565]\n\n O lord of wisdom ................ ruler in thy own right,\n O Bel, lord of wisdom .......... ruler in thy own right,\n O father Bel, lord of the lands,\n O father Bel, lord of truthful speech,\n 5. O father Bel, shepherd of the black-headed ones,[566]\n O father Bel, who thyself openest the eyes,\n O father Bel, the warrior, prince among soldiers,\n O father Bel, supreme power of the land,\n Bull of the corral, warrior who leadest captive all the land.\n 10. O Bel, proprietor of the broad land,\n Lord of creation, thou art chief of the land,\n The lord whose shining oil is food for an extensive offspring,\n The lord whose edicts bind together the city,\n The edict of whose dwelling place strikes down the great prince\n 15. From the land of the rising to the land of the setting sun.\n O mountain, lord of life, thou art indeed lord!\n O Bel of the lands, lord of life, thou thyself art lord of life.\n O mighty one, terrible one of heaven, thou art guardian indeed!\n O Bel, thou art lord of the gods indeed!\n 20. Thou art father, Bel, who causest the plants of the gardens to grow!\n O Bel, thy great glory may they fear!\n The birds of heaven and the fish of the deep are filled with fear\n [of thee].\n O father Bel, in great strength thou goest, prince of life, shepherd\n of the stars!\n O lord, the secret of production thou openest, the feast of fatness\n establishest, to work thou callest!\n 25. Father Bel, faithful prince, mighty prince, thou createst the\n strength of life!\n\nA line at the end states that the hymn consisted of 25 lines.\n\nIt is a hymn to Bel of Nippur, whose Sumerian name was Enlil. It reveals\nan exalted conception of Bel as supreme ruler, as a god who gives life, as\na god of justice whose rule holds society together, but it lacks both the\npoetical sublimity and the religious depth and fire of the Hebrew psalms.\n\n=6. An Egyptian Hymn to the Sun-god (about 1400 B. C.).=[567]\n\n Hail to thee, beautiful god of every day!\n Rising in the morning without ceasing,\n [Not] wearied in labor.\n When thy rays are visible,\n 5. Gold is not considered,\n It is not like thy brilliance.\n Thou art a craftsman shaping thy own limbs;\n Fashioner without being fashioned;\n Unique in his qualities, traversing eternity;\n 10. Over ways with millions under his guidance.\n Thy brilliance is like the brilliance of the sky,\n Thy colors gleam more than the hues of it.\n When thou sailest across the sky all men behold thee,\n (Though) thy going is hidden from their sight.\n 15. When thou showest thyself at morning every day,\n ...... under thy majesty, though the day be brief,\n Thou traversest a journey of leagues,\n Even millions and hundred-thousands of time.\n Every day is under thee.\n 20. When thy setting comes,\n The hours of the night hearken to thee likewise.\n When thou hast traversed it\n There comes no ending to thy labors.\n All men--they see by means of thee.\n 25. Nor do they finish when thy majesty sets,\n For thou wakest to rise in the morning,\n And thy radiance, it opens the eyes (again).\n When thou settest in Manu,[568]\n Then they sleep like the dead.\n 30. Hail to thee! O disc of day,\n Creator of all and giver of their sustenance,\n Great Falcon, brilliantly plumaged,\n Brought forth to raise himself on high of himself,\n Self-generator, without being born.\n 35. Firstborn Falcon in the midst of the sky,\n To whom jubilation is made at the rising and the setting likewise.\n Fashioner of the produce of the soil,\n ...............................................\n Taking possession of the Two Lands (Egypt), from great to small--\n 40. A mother profitable to gods and men,\n A craftsman of experience, ..........\n Valiant herdsman who drives cattle,\n Their refuge and the giver of their sustenance,\n Who passes by, running the course of the sun-god,\n 45. Who determines his own birth,\n Exalting his beauty in the body of Nut,\n Illuminating the Two Lands (Egypt) with his disc,\n The primordial being, who himself made himself;\n Who beholds that which he has made,\n 50. Sole lord taking captive all lands every day,\n As one beholding them that walk therein;\n Shining in the sky a being as the sun.\n He makes the seasons by the months,\n Heat when he desires,\n 55. Cold when he desires.\n He makes the limbs to languish\n When he enfolds them,\n Every land is in rejoicing\n At his rising every day, in order to praise him.\n\nThis hymn is, so far as its expressions go, monotheistic. One would not\ndream from it that there was any god but the sun-god. Nevertheless, other\ngods were worshiped. The monotheism here expressed was not of the\nintolerant kind which prevailed in Israel, and which ultimately put down\nthe worship of all rival deities.\n\nSuch an intolerant monotheism was introduced into Egypt by Amenophis IV\n(see Part I, p. 29), who took an old name for the sun disc, Aton, as the\nname of the one god, and who tried to suppress the worship of all other\ngods. The movement failed, but while it lasted it produced the following\nbeautiful hymn.\n\n=7. An Egyptian Hymn in Praise of Aton.=[569]\n\n Thy dawning is beautiful in the horizon of the sky,\n O loving Aton, Beginning of life!\n When thou risest in the eastern horizon,\n Thou fillest every land with thy beauty.\n 5. Thou art beautiful, great, glittering, high above every land,\n Thy rays, they encompass the lands, even all that thou hast made,\n Thou art Re,[570] and thou carriest them all away captive;\n Thou bindest them by thy love.\n Though thou art far away, thy rays are upon the earth;\n 10. Though thou art on high, thy footprints are the day.\n\n When thou settest in the western horizon of the sky,\n The earth is in darkness like the dead;\n They sleep in their chambers,\n Their heads are wrapped up,\n 15. Their nostrils are stopped,\n And none seeth the other,\n While all their things are stolen\n Which are under their heads,\n And they know it not.\n 20. Every lion cometh forth from his den,\n All serpents, they sting.\n Darkness ................\n The world is in silence;\n He that made them resteth in his horizon.\n 25. Bright is the earth when thou risest in the horizon.\n When thou shinest as Aton by day\n Thou drivest away the darkness.\n When thou sendest forth thy rays,\n The Two Lands (Egypt) are in daily festivity,\n 30. Awake and standing upon their feet\n When thou hast raised them up.\n Their limbs bathed, they take their clothing,\n Their arms uplifted in adoration to thy dawning.\n (Then) in all the world they do their work.\n\n 35. All cattle rest upon their pasturage,\n The trees and the plants flourish,\n The birds flutter in their marshes,\n Their wings uplifted in adoration to thee.\n All the sheep dance upon their feet,\n 40. All wing\u00e8d things fly,\n They live when thou hast shone upon them.\n\n The barques sail upstream and downstream alike.\n Every highway is open because thou dawnest.\n 45. The fish in the river leap up before thee.\n The rays are in the midst of the great green sea.\n\n Creator of the germ in woman,\n Maker of seed in man,\n Giving life to the son in the body of his mother,\n 50. Soothing him that he may not weep,\n Nurse (even) in the womb,\n Giver of breath to animate every one that he maketh!\n When he cometh forth from the body ...... on the day of his birth,\n Thou openest his mouth in speech,\n 55. Thou suppliest his necessities.\n\n When the fledgling in the egg chirps in the shell,\n Thou givest him breath therein to preserve him alive.\n When thou hast brought him together,\n To (the point of) bursting it in the egg,\n\n 60. He cometh forth from the egg\n To chirp with all his might.\n He goeth about on his two feet\n When he hath come forth therefrom.\n\n How manifold are thy works![571]\n 65. They are hidden from before (us),\n O sole God, whose powers no other possesseth.\n Thou didst create the earth according to thy heart\n While thou wast alone:\n Men, all cattle large and small,\n 70. All that are upon the earth,\n That go about upon their feet;\n [All] that are on high,\n That fly with their wings.\n The foreign countries, Syria and Kush,\n 75. The land of Egypt;\n Thou settest every man into his place,\n Thou suppliest their necessities.\n Every one has his possessions,\n And his days are reckoned.\n 80. The tongues are divers in speech,\n Their forms likewise and their skins are distinguished.\n (For) thou makest different the strangers.\n\n Thou makest the Nile in the Nether World,\n Thou bringest it as thou desirest,\n 85. To preserve alive the people.\n For thou hast made them for thyself,\n The lord of them all, resting among them;\n Thou lord of every land, who risest for them,\n Thou Sun of day, great in majesty.\n 90. All the distant countries,\n Thou makest (also) their life,\n Thou hast set a Nile in the sky;\n When it falleth for them,\n 95. It maketh waves upon the mountains,\n Like the great green sea,\n Watering their fields in their towns.\n\n How excellent are thy designs, O lord of eternity!\n There is a Nile in the sky for the strangers\n 100. And for the cattle of every country that go upon their feet.\n (But) the Nile, it cometh from the Nether World for Egypt.\n\n Thy rays nourish every garden;\n When thou risest they live,\n They grow by thee.\n 105. Thou makest the seasons\n In order to create all thy work:\n Winter to bring them coolness,\n And heat that they may taste thee.\n Thou didst make the distant sky to rise therein,\n 110. In order to behold all that thou hast made,\n Thou alone, shining in thy form as living Aton,\n Dawning, glittering, going afar and returning.\n Thou makest millions of forms\n Through thyself alone;\n 115. Cities, towns, and tribes, highways and rivers.\n All eyes see before them,\n For thou art Aton of the day over the earth.\n .............................................\n Thou art in my heart,\n 120. There is no other that knoweth thee\n Save thy son Ikhnaton.[572]\n Thou hast made him wise\n In thy designs and in thy might.\n The world is in thy hand,\n 125. Even as thou hast made them.\n When thou hast risen they live,\n When thou settest they die;\n For thou art length of life of thyself,\n Men live through thee,\n 130. While (their) eyes are upon thy beauty\n Until thou settest.\n All labor is put away\n When thou settest in the west.\n ...............................................\n 135. Thou didst establish the world,\n And raise them, up for thy son,\n Who came forth from thy limbs,\n The king of Upper and Lower Egypt,\n Living in Truth, Lord of the Two Lands,\n 140. Nefer-khepru-Re, Wan-Re (Ikhnaton),\n Son of Re, living in Truth, lord of diadems,\n Ikhnaton, whose life is long;\n And for the chief royal wife, his beloved,\n Mistress of the Two Lands, Nefer-nefru-Aton, Nofretete,\n 145. Living and flourishing for ever and ever.\n\n=8. Comparison with the Psalter.=\n\nThis long hymn contains many beautiful passages, and, in addition to the\nline \u201cHow manifold are thy works!\u201d often reminds one of Psa. 104, though\nin religious feeling it falls well below that psalm. Ikhnaton speaks of\nhimself toward the end of his hymn as the one \u201cwhose life is long,\u201d but\nthe poor fellow died before he was thirty years old.[573] His mummy was\nfound a few years ago, and it is that of a young man. Vain were his hopes,\nunless his words refer to the immortal life.\n\nThese Egyptian hymns, like the Babylonian, exhibit a high degree of poetic\nand intellectual power, and much deep religious feeling, but the men who\nwrote them somehow lacked that deep religious insight and simple power of\nemotional expression that were given to the Hebrews. Their compositions\nbut set in clearer relief the beauty, depth, and inspirational power of\nthe Hebrew Psalms.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER XXII\n\nPARALLELS TO PROVERBS AND ECCLESIASTES\n\n THE NATURE OF THE BOOK OF PROVERBS AND THE PARALLELS. BABYLONIAN\n PROVERBS FROM THE LIBRARY OF ASHURBANIPAL. PRECEPTS FROM THE LIBRARY\n OF ASHURBANIPAL. COMPARISON WITH THE BIBLE. EGYPTIAN PRECEPTS OF\n PTAHHOTEP. COMPARISON WITH THE BIBLE. PARALLEL TO ECCLESIASTES FROM\n THE GILGAMESH EPIC.\n\n\nBoth Egypt and Babylon furnish parallels to the book of Proverbs. The\nBiblical book of Proverbs contains a long connected discourse of advice\n(Prov. 1-9) and various collections of disconnected proverbs (Prov.\n10-29). Parallels to both are found in Egypt and in Babylonia. The library\nof Ashurbanipal contained a collection of proverbs in two languages,\narranged as reading lessons for students. A few examples are here given.\n\n=1. Some Babylonian Proverbs from the Library of Ashurbanipal.=[574]\n\n 1. A hostile act thou shalt not perform, that fear of vengeance (?)\n shall not consume thee.\n\n 2. Thou shalt not do evil, that life (?) eternal thou mayest obtain.\n\n 3. Does a woman conceive when a virgin, or grow great without eating?\n\n 4. If I put anything down it is snatched away; if I do more than is\n expected, who will repay me?\n\n 5. He has dug a well where no water is; he has raised a husk without\n kernel.\n\n 6. Does a marsh receive the price of its reeds, or fields the price of\n their vegetation?\n\n 7. The strong live by their own wages; the weak by the wages of their\n children.\n\n 8. He is altogether good, but he is clothed with darkness.\n\n 9. The face of a toiling ox thou shalt not strike with a goad.\n\n 10. My knees go, my feet are unwearied; but a fool has cut into my\n course.\n\n 11. His ass I am; I am harnessed to a mule; a wagon I draw; to seek\n reeds and fodder I go forth.\n\n 12. The life of day before yesterday has departed today.\n\n 13. If the husk is not right, the kernel is not right; it will not\n produce seed.\n\n 14. The tall grain thrives, but what do we understand of it? The\n meager grain thrives, but what do we understand of it?\n\n 15. The city whose weapons are not strong--the enemy before its gates\n shall not be thrust through.\n\n 16. If thou goest and takest the field of an enemy, the enemy will\n come and take thy field.\n\n 17. Upon a glad heart oil is poured out of which no one knows.\n\n 18. Friendship is for the day of trouble; posterity for the future.\n\n 19. An ass in another city becomes its head.\n\nThe idea is similar to Matt. 13:57: \u201cA prophet is not without honor, save\nin his own country, and in his own house.\u201d\n\n 20. Writing is the mother of eloquence and the father of artists.\n\n 21. Be gentle to thy enemy as to an old oven.[575]\n\n 22. The gift of the king is the nobility of the exalted; the gift of\n the king is the favor of governors.\n\n 23. Friendship in days of prosperity is servitude forever.\n\n 24. There is strife where servants are; slander where anointers\n anoint.\n\n 25. When thou seest the gain of the fear of god, exalt god and bless\n the king.[576]\n\n=2. Precepts from the Library of Ashurbanipal.=[577]\n\n Thou shalt not slander, (but) speak kindly;\n Thou shalt not speak evil, (but) show mercy.\n Him who slanders (and) speaks evil,\n With its recompense will Shamash[578] visit (?) his head.\n\n Thou shalt not make large thy mouth, but guard thy lip;\n In the time of anger thou shalt not speak at once.\n If thou speakest quickly, thou wilt repent (?) afterward,\n And in silence wilt thou sadden thy mind.\n\n Daily present to thy god\n Offering and prayer, appropriate to incense.\n Before thy god mayest thou have a pure heart,\n For that is appropriate to deity.\n\n Prayer, petition, and prostration\n Early in the morning shalt thou render him; he will judge thy\n burdens (?),\n And with the help of God thou wilt be abundantly prosperous.\n\n In thy wisdom learn of the tablet;\n The fear (of God) begets favor,\n Offering enriches life,\n And prayer brings forgiveness of sins.\n\n(The text of the rest is too broken for connected translation.)\n\n=3. Comparison with the Bible.=\n\nNone of the sentiments expressed in these proverbs is identical with any\nin the Bible. No. 21 is on the same subject as Prov. 24:17; No. 22 reminds\none slightly of the first clause of Prov. 14:35; No. 23 has the same\nsentiment as Prov. 18:24: \u201cHe that maketh many friends doeth it to his own\ndestruction\u201d; while No. 6 is somewhat similar to Prov. 24:21.\n\nAmong the \u201cprecepts,\u201d that on guarding the lips recalls to one\u2019s mind\nProv. 10:19; 13:3; 14:3; 17:28. Reference is made to the \u201cgain of the fear\nof God\u201d and it is declared to \u201cbeget favor.\u201d Job 28:28 declares \u201cthe fear\nof the Lord, that is wisdom.\u201d\n\n=4. The Precepts of Ptahhotep.=\n\nThese precepts are attributed to a man who lived in the time of the fifth\nEgyptian dynasty, about 2650 B. C., and are at least as old as 2000 B. C.\nThe text is very difficult. The examples given below are taken from\nBreasted\u2019s[579] condensation of the moral precepts which the treatise\ncontains.\n\n 1. If thou findest a wise man in his time, a leader of understanding\n more excellent than thou, bend thy arms and bow thy back.\n\n 2. If thou findest a wise man in his time, thy equal, .......... be\n not silent when he speaks evil. Great is the approval by those who\n hear, and thy name will be good in the knowledge of the princes.\n\n 3. If thou findest a wise man in his time, a poor man and not thy\n equal, be not overbearing against him when he is unfortunate.\n\n 4. If thou art a leader (or administrator) issuing ordinances for the\n multitude, seek for thee very excellent matter, that thy ordinance may\n endure without evil therein. Great is righteousness (truth, right,\n justice), enduring ..........; it has not been disturbed since the\n time of Osiris.\n\n 5. Put no fear (of thee?) among the people .......... What the god\n commands is that which happens. Therefore live in the midst of quiet.\n What they (the gods?) give comes of itself.\n\n 6. If thou art a man of those who sit by the seat of a man greater\n than thou, take what (food) he gives, ...... look at what is before\n thee, and bombard him not with many glances (don\u2019t stare at him)\n ...... Speak not to him until he calls. One knows not what is\n unpleasant to (his) heart. Speak thou when he greets thee, and what\n thou sayest will be agreeable to (his) heart.\n\n 7. If thou art a man of those who enter, whom (one) prince sends to\n (another) prince, ...... execute for him the commission according as\n he saith. Beware of altering a word which (one) prince speaks to\n (another) prince, by displaying the truth with the like of it.\n\n 8. If thou plowest and there is growth in the field, the god gives it\n (as) increase in thy hand. Satisfy not thy own mouth beside thy kin.\n\n 9. If thou art insignificant, follow an able man and all thy\n proceedings shall be good before the god.\n\n 10. Follow thy desire as long as thou livest. Do not more than is told\n (thee). Shorten not the time of following desire. It is an abomination\n to encroach upon the time thereof. Take no care daily beyond the\n maintenance of thy house. When possessions come, follow desire, (for)\n possessions are not complete when he (the owner) is harassed.\n\n [Compare with this precept Eccles. 11:9 and 7:15-17.]\n\n 11. If thou art an able man, (give attention to the conduct of thy\n son).\n\n ............................................\n\n 16. If thou art a leader (or administrator), hear quietly the speech\n of the petitioner. He who is suffering wrong desires that his heart be\n cheered to do that on account of which he hath come ....... It is an\n ornament of the heart to hear kindly.\n\n 17. If thou desirest to establish friendship in a house, into which\n thou enterest as lord, as brother, or as friend, wheresoever thou\n enterest in, beware of approaching the women ...... A thousand men are\n undone for the enjoyment of a brief moment like a dream. Men gain\n (only) death for knowing them.\n\n [Compare Prov. 5:3, f.]\n\n 18. If thou desirest that thy procedure be good, withhold thee from\n all evil, beware of occasion of avarice ...... He who enters therein\n does not get on. It corrupts fathers, mothers, and mothers\u2019 brothers.\n It divides wife and man; it is plunder (made up) of everything evil;\n it is a bundle of everything base. Established is the man whose\n standard is righteousness, who walks in its way. He is used to make\n his fortune thereby, (but) the avaricious is houseless.\n\n 19. Be not avaricious in dividing ...... Be not avaricious towards thy\n kin. Greater is the fame of the gentle than (that of) the harsh.\n\n 20. If thou art successful, establish thy house. Love thy wife in\n husbandly embrace, fill her body, clothe her back. The recipe for her\n limbs is ointment. Gladden her heart as long as thou livest. She is a\n profitable field for her lord.\n\n [Compare Eccles. 9:9.]\n\n 21. Satisfy those who enter to thee (come into thy office) with that\n which thou hast.\n\n 22. Repeat not a word of hearsay.\n\n 23. If thou art an able man who sits in the council of his lord,\n summon thy understanding to excellent things. Be silent.\n\n 24. If thou art a strong man, establish the respect of thee by wisdom\n and by quietness of speech.\n\n 25. Approach not a prince in his time. [Apparently an idiom for some\n particular mood.]\n\n 26. Instruct a prince (or official) in that which is profitable for\n him.\n\n 27. If thou art the son of a man of the council, commissioned to\n content the multitude, ...... be not partial. Beware lest he (the man\n of the multitude?) say, \u201cHis plan is that of the princes. He utters\n the words in partiality.\u201d\n\n ...............................................\n\n 29. If thou becomest great after thou wert little, and gettest\n possessions after thou wert formerly poor in the city, ...... be not\n proud-hearted because of thy wealth. It has come to thee as a gift of\n the god.\n\n 30. Bend thy back to thy superior, thy overseer of the king\u2019s house,\n and thy house shall endure because of his (or its) possessions and thy\n reward shall be in the place thereof. It is evil to show disobedience\n to a superior. One lives as long as he is gentle.\n\n 31. Do not practise corruption of children.\n\n 32. If thou searchest the character of a friend, ...... transact the\n matter with him when he is alone.\n\n 33. Let thy face be bright as long as thou livest. As for what goes\n out of the storehouse, it comes not in again; and as for loaves\n (already) distributed, he who is concerned therefor has still an empty\n stomach. [\u201cThere is no use in crying over spilt milk.\u201d]\n\n 34. Know thy merchants when thy fortunes are evil.\n\n .........................................\n\n 37. If thou hearkenest to these things which I have said to thee, all\n thy plans will progress. As for the matter of the righteousness\n thereof, it is their worth. The memory thereof shall circulate in the\n mouths of men, because of the beauty of their utterances. Every word\n will be carried on and not perish in this land forever ....... He who\n understands discretion is profitable in establishing that through\n which he succeeds on earth. A wise man is satisfied by reason of that\n which he knows. As for a prince of good qualities, they are in his\n heart and tongue. His lips are right when he speaks, his eyes see, and\n his ears together hear what is profitable for his son. Do right\n (righteousness, justice, truth), free from lying.\n\n 38. Profitable is hearkening for a son that hearkens ...... How good\n is it when a son receives that which his father says. He shall reach\n advanced age thereby. A hearkener is one whom the god loves. Who\n hearkens not is one whom the god hates. It is the heart (=\n understanding) which makes its possessor a hearkener or one not\n hearkening. The life, health, and prosperity of a man is his heart.\n The hearkener is one who hears and speaks. He who does what is said is\n one who loves to hearken. How good it is when a son hearkens to his\n father! How happy is he to whom these things are said! ...... His\n memory is in the mouth of the living who are on the earth and those\n who shall be.\n\n 39. If the son of a man receives what his father says, none of his\n plans will miscarry. Instruct as thy son one who hearkens, who shall\n be successful in the judgment of the princes, who directs his mouth\n according to that which is said to him ...... How many mishaps befall\n him who hearkens not! The wise man rises early to establish himself,\n while the fool is scourged.\n\n [With the first of this section compare Exod. 20:12; Deut. 5:16. With\n the end of it, Prov. 6:9-11; 10:26; 13:4.]\n\n 40. As for the fool who hearkens not, he accomplishes nothing. He\n regards wisdom as ignorance, and what is profitable as diseased\n ....... His life is death thereby, ....... he dies, living every day.\n Men pass by (avoid?) his qualities, because of the multitude of evils\n upon him every day.\n\n 41. A son who hearkens is a follower of Horus. He prospers after he\n hearkens. He reaches old age, he attains reverence. He speaks likewise\n to his (own) children, renewing the instruction of his father. Every\n man who instructs is like his sire. He speaks with his children; then\n they speak to their children. Attain character, ...... make\n righteousness to flourish and thy children shall live.\n\n 42. .......... Let thy attention be steadfast as long as thou\n speakest, whither thou directest thy speech. May the princes who shall\n hear say, \u201cHow good is that which comes out of his mouth!\u201d\n\n 43. So do that thy lord shall say to thee, \u201cHow good is the\n instruction of his father from whose limbs he came forth! He has\n spoken to him; it is in (his) body throughout. Greater is that which\n he hath done than that which was said to him.\u201d Behold, a good son,\n whom the god gives, renders more than his lord says to him. He does\n right (righteousness, etc.), his heart acts according to his way.\n According as thou attainest me (\u201cwhat I have attained\u201d), thy limbs\n shall be healthy, the king shall be satisfied with all that occurs,\n and thou shalt attain years of life not less than I have passed on the\n earth. I have attained one hundred and ten years of life [compare Gen.\n 50:26], while the king gave to me praise above (that of) the ancestors\n (in the vizierial office) because I did righteousness for the king\n even unto the place of reverence (the grave).\n\n=5. Comparison with the Bible.=\n\nThese precepts, which were written before 1800 B. C., like most of those\nin the book of Proverbs, embody much worldly wisdom. They are based on\nexperience, and while, like Proverbs, they sometimes urge a religious\nmotive as a reason for right conduct, they frankly advocate it, as\nProverbs often does, on the ground of expediency. The points where the\ntext is closely parallel to that of Proverbs are few, and these have been\nsufficiently pointed out. Some of the passages, as already noted, are\nclosely parallel to parts of the book of Ecclesiastes. The religious\nappeal of the precepts is to Egyptian polytheism, while that of Proverbs\nis to Hebrew monotheism.\n\n=6. A Parallel to Ecclesiastes.=\n\nThe following striking parallel to a passage in Ecclesiastes is taken from\na tablet of the _Gilgamesh Epic_,[580] written in the script of the time\nof Hammurapi, about 2000 B. C.\n\n Since the gods created man,[581]\n Death they ordained for man,\n Life in their hands they hold.\n Thou, O Gilgamesh, fill indeed thy belly,\n Day and night be thou joyful,\n Daily ordain gladness,\n Day and night rage and make merry,\n Let thy garments be bright,\n Thy head purify, wash with water,\n Desire thy children which thy hand possesses,\n A wife enjoy in thy bosom,\n Peaceably thy work (?) ..........\n\nThis is not only in sentiment strikingly like Eccles. 9:6-9, but in part\nclosely approaches its language.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER XXIII\n\nEGYPTIAN PARALLELS TO THE SONG OF SONGS\n\n NATURE OF THE SONG OF SONGS. TRANSLATION OF SOME EGYPTIAN LOVE-POEMS.\n COMPARISON WITH BIBLICAL PASSAGES.\n\n\nFor many centuries the Song of Songs has been interpreted allegorically,\nbut even those who give it an allegorical meaning must admit that its\nsentiments are couched in the terms of earthly love. Love poems, which\nsometimes express sentiments that remind us of the Song of Songs, have\nbeen discovered on some Egyptian papyri and ostraca. The documents in\nwhich they are written range in their dates from 2000 B. C. to about 1100\nB. C. Selections from these follow:[582]\n\nI[583]\n\n Thy love has penetrated all within me\n Like [honey?] plunged into water,\n Like an odor which penetrates spices,\n As when one mixes juice in ..........\n\n [Nevertheless] thou runnest to seek thy sister,\n Like the steed upon the battlefield,\n As [the warrior rolls along] on the spokes of his wheels.\n\n For heaven makes thy love\n Like the advance of [flames in straw],\n And its [longing] like the downward swoop of a hawk.\n\nII[584]\n\n Disturbed is the condition (?) of [my] pool.\n [The mouth] of my sister is a rosebud.\n Her breast is a perfume.\n Her arm [is a ...... bough?]\n [Which offers] a delusive seat.\n Her forehead is a snare of _meryu_-wood.\n\n I am a wild goose, a hunted one (?),\n My gaze is at thy hair,\n At a bait under the trap\n That is to catch (?) me.\n\n\u201cBrother\u201d and \u201csister\u201d are terms frequently applied to lovers in these\npoems. Perhaps it arose from an ancient custom of marriages between\nbrothers and sisters, which was perpetuated in the royal families of Egypt\ndown to Roman times.\n\nThe description of the physical attractions of the loved one reminds one\nof Cant. 4:1-7.\n\nIII[585]\n\n Is my heart not softened by thy love-longing for me?\n My dogfoot-(fruit) which excites thy passion,--\n Not will I allow it\n To depart from me.\n\n Although cudgeled even to the \u201cGuard of the overflow,\u201d[586]\n To Syria, with _sheb\u00f4d_-rods and clubs,\n To Ethiopia, with palm-rods,\n To the highlands, with switches,\n To the lowlands, with twigs,\n\n Never will I listen to their counsel,\n To abandon longing.\n\nIV[587]\n\n The voice of the wild goose cries,\n (Where) she has seized their bait,\n (But) thy love holds me back,\n I am unable to liberate her.\n\n I must, then, take home my net!\n What shall I say to my mother,\n To whom formerly I came each day\n Loaded down with fowls?\n\n I shall not set the snares today\n For thy love has caught me.\n\nThis is a vivid description of the power of the tender passion.\n\nV[588]\n\n The wild goose flies up and soars,\n She sinks down upon the net.\n\n The birds cry in flocks,\n But I hasten [homeward],\n Since I care for thy love alone.\n\n My heart yearns for thy breast,\n I cannot sunder myself from thy attractions.\n\nThis is a continuation of the preceding.\n\nVI[589]\n\n Thou beautiful one! My heart\u2019s desire is\n To procure for thee thy food as thy husband,\n My arm resting upon thy arm.[590]\n\n Thou hast changed me by thy love.\n Thus say I in my heart,\n In my soul, at my prayers:\n \u201cI lack my commander tonight,\n I am as one dwelling in a tomb.\u201d\n\n Be thou but in health and strength,[591]\n Then the nearness of thy countenance\n Sheds delight, by reason of thy well-being,\n Over a heart, which seeks thee (with longing).\n\nThis poem expresses on the part of the man a longing similar to that\nexpressed by the woman in Cant. 8:1-3.\n\nVII[592]\n\n The voice of the dove calls,\n It says: \u201cThe earth is bright.\u201d\n What have I to do outside?\n Stop, thou birdling! Thou chidest me!\n\n I have found my brother in his bed,\n My heart is glad beyond all measure.\n We each say:\n \u201cI will not tear myself away.\u201d\n\n My hand is in his hand.\n I wander together with him\n To every beautiful place.\n He makes me the first of maidens,\n Nor does he grieve my heart.\n\nIn this poem the loved woman speaks, as in Cant. 8:1-3.\n\nVIII[593]\n\n _Sa\u2018am_-plants are in it,\n In the presence of which one feels oneself uplifted!\n\n I am thy darling sister,\n I am to thee like a bit of land,\n With each shrub of grateful fragrance.\n\n Lovely is the water-conduit in it,\n Which thy hand has dug.\n While the north wind cooled us.\n A beautiful place to wander,\n\n Thy hand in my hand,\n My soul inspired,\n My heart in bliss,\n Because we go together.\n\n New wine it is, to hear thy voice;\n I live for hearing it.\n To see thee with each look,\n Is better than eating and drinking.\n\nThe figure of the garden, with which this poem begins, is also used in\nCant. 5:1 and 6:2, 3.\n\nIX[594]\n\n _Ta-\u2019a-ti_-plants are in it!\n I take thy garlands away,\n When thou comest home drunken,\n And when thou art lying in thy bed\n When I touch thy feet,\n (And) children are (?) in thy ..........\n ........................\n [I rise up] rejoicing in the morning\n Thy nearness [means to me] health and strength.\n\nIn ancient as in modern times wives loved fondly, while husbands gave way\nto drunkenness.\n\nThe poems as a whole make it clear that in Egypt love, which lies at the\nbasis of all home life, and is in the New Testament made a figure of the\nrelation of Christ to the Church (see John 3:29; Rev. 21:2, 9), was as\nwarmly felt as in Israel, and was likewise poetically and passionately\nexpressed.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER XXIV\n\nILLUSTRATIONS OF PASSAGES IN THE PROPHETS\n\n UNIQUENESS OF THE PROPHETIC BOOKS. AN ASSYRIAN PROPHETIC VISION.\n COMPARISON WITH THE BIBLE. THE EGYPTIAN SOCIAL CONSCIENCE. TALE OF THE\n ELOQUENT PEASANT. COMPARISON WITH THE BIBLE. AN IDEAL KING; EXTRACT\n FROM THE ADMONITIONS OF IPUWER. COMPARISON WITH MESSIANIC\n EXPECTATIONS. SHEOL. ISHTAR\u2019S DESCENT TO THE UNDER-WORLD. COMPARISON\n WITH PROPHETIC PASSAGES. A LAMENTATION FOR TAMMUZ.\n\n\nThere is no other body of literature which closely corresponds to the\nbooks of the Hebrew prophets. The depth of their social passion and the\npower of their moral and religious insight form a unique combination.\nNevertheless, texts which have come from Babylonia and Egypt do show that\ncertain phases of prophetic thought were not without parallels elsewhere.\nAt times they also illustrate for us thoughts and practices which the\nprophets abhorred. A few such texts are here translated.\n\n=1. A Prophetic Vision.=\n\nThe following statement is taken from the annals of Ashurbanipal, King of\nAssyria, 668-626 B. C. It is the conclusion of a passage in which the king\nis relating his strenuous struggle with Tiuman, King of Elam. Ashurbanipal\ntells how he poured out a libation to Ishtar of Arbela and offered to her\na long prayer against the Elamite king. The narrative then continues:[595]\n\n In an hour of that night when I prayed to her, a seer lay down; he saw\n a prophetic dream. Ishtar caused him to see a vision of the night, and\n he announced it to me, saying: \u201cIshtar who dwells at Arbela entered,\n and on her right and left she was behung with quivers, she was holding\n a bow in her left hand, she brandished a heavy sword to make war. Thou\n wast sitting before her. She, like the mother who bore thee, was\n speaking to thee and talking to thee. Ishtar, the exalted one of the\n gods, was appointing thee a message: \u2018Thou shalt expect to accomplish\n that[596] at the place which is situated before thee. I am coming.\u2019\n Thou wast answering her, saying: \u2018Where thou goest I will go with\n thee, O lady of ladies.\u2019 She repeated to thee, saying: \u2018Thou ......\n indeed dwellest in the place of Nebo. Eat food, drink wine, appoint\n rejoicing, exalt my divinity until I go and accomplish this\n undertaking ...... I will cause thee to accomplish the wish of thy\n heart. Thy face he shall not harm, thy feet he shall not resist; thy\n cry shall not come to nought.\u2019 In the midst of battle she arms thee\n with the desolation of her goodness. She will protect thy whole body.\n Before her a fire is blown to capture thy foes.\u201d\n\nThe night vision of this seer reminds one a little of Isaiah\u2019s vision of\nJehovah in the temple (Isa. 6) and of Zechariah\u2019s vision of Joshua and\nSatan (Zech. 3:1). The Hebrew prophets as late as the time of Jeremiah\noften received their divine messages in dreams. (See Jer. 23:27.) Assyria\nhad something of the same ideas as Israel as to the revelations of deity\nto a prophet, but she lacked Israel\u2019s ethical deity.\n\n=2. The Egyptian Social Conscience.=\n\nA remarkable appreciation of the rights of the common people is revealed\nin an Egyptian story called the \u201cTale of the Eloquent Peasant,\u201d--a story\nwhich has come down to us in copies made before 1800 B. C. It has been\nclaimed that this tale indicates the existence of a social conscience in\nEgypt analogous to that of the Hebrew prophets. The principal part of the\nstory is, accordingly, given here.\n\nThe Eloquent Peasant[597]\n\n There was a man, Hunanup by name, a peasant of Sechet-hemat, and he\n had a wife, .......... by name. Then said this peasant to his wife:\n \u201cBehold, I am going down to Egypt to bring back bread for my children.\n Go in and measure the corn that we still have in our storehouse,\n ........ bushel.\u201d Then he measured for her 8 (?) bushels of corn. Then\n this peasant said to his wife: \u201cBehold, 2 bushels of corn shall be\n left for bread for thee and the children. But make for me the 6\n bushels into bread and beer for each of the days [that I shall be on\n the road].\u201d Then this peasant went down to Egypt after he had loaded\n his asses with all the good products[598] of Sechet-hemat.\n\n This peasant set out and journeyed southward to Ehnas. He came to a\n point opposite Per-fefi, north of Medenit, and found there a man\n standing on the bank, Dehuti-necht by name, who was the son of a man\n named Iseri, who was one of the serfs of the chief steward,\n Meruitensi.\n\n Then said this Dehuti-necht, when he saw the asses of this peasant\n which appealed to his covetousness: \u201cOh that some good god would help\n me to rob this peasant of his goods!\u201d\n\n The house of Dehuti-necht stood close to the side of the path, which\n was narrow, not wide. It was about the width of a ......-cloth, and\n upon one side of it was the water and upon the other side was growing\n grain. Then said Dehuti-necht to his servant: \u201cHasten and bring me a\n shawl from the house!\u201d And it was brought at once. Then he spread this\n shawl upon the middle of the road, and it extended, one edge to the\n water, and the other to the corn.\n\n The peasant came along the path which was the common highway. Then\n said Dehuti-necht: \u201cLook out, peasant, do not trample on my clothes!\u201d\n The peasant answered: \u201cI will do as thou wishest; I will go in the\n right way!\u201d As he was turning to the upper side, Dehuti-necht said:\n \u201cDoes my corn serve you as a road?\u201d Then said the peasant: \u201cI am going\n in the right way. The bank is steep and the path lies near the corn\n and you have stopped up the road ahead with your clothes. Will you,\n then, not let me go by?\u201d\n\n Upon that one of the asses took a mouthful of corn. Then said\n Dehuti-necht: \u201cSee, I will take away thy ass because it has eaten my\n corn ..........\u201d\n\n Then the peasant said: \u201cI am going in the right way. As one side was\n made impassable I have led my ass along the other, and will you seize\n it because it has taken a mouthful of corn? But I know the lord of\n this property; it belongs to the chief steward, Meruitensi. It is he\n who punishes every robber in this whole land. Shall I, then, be robbed\n in his domain?\u201d\n\n Then said Dehuti-necht: \u201cIs it not a proverb which the people employ:\n \u2018The name of the poor is only known on account of his lord?\u2019 It is I\n who speak to you, but the chief steward of whom you think.\u201d[599] Then\n he took a rod from a green tamarisk and beat all his limbs with it,\n and seized his asses and drove them into his compound.\n\n Thereupon the peasant wept loudly on account of the pain of what had\n been done to him. Dehuti-necht said to him: \u201cDon\u2019t cry so loud,\n peasant, or thou shalt go to the city of the Silence-maker\u201d (a name of\n the god of the underworld). The peasant said: \u201cThou beatest me and\n stealest my goods, and wilt thou also take the wail away from my\n mouth? O Silence-maker! give me my goods again! May I never cease to\n cry out, if thou fearest!\u201d\n\n The peasant consumed four days, during which he besought Dehuti-necht,\n but he did not grant him his rights. Then this peasant went to the\n south, to Ehnas, to implore the chief steward, Meruitensi. He met him\n as he was coming out of the canal-door of his compound to embark in\n his boat. Thereupon the peasant said: \u201cOh let me lay before thee this\n affair. Permit one of thy trusted servants to come to me, that I may\n send him to thee concerning it.\u201d Then the steward, Meruitensi, sent\n one of his servants to him, and he sent back by him an account of the\n whole affair. Then the chief steward, Meruitensi, laid the case of\n Dehuti-necht before his attendant officials, and they said to him:\n \u201cLord, it is presumably a case of one of your peasants who has gone\n against another peasant near him. Behold, it is customary with\n peasants to so conduct themselves toward others who are near them.\n Shall we beat Dehuti-necht for a little natron and a little salt?\n Command him to restore it and he will restore it.\u201d\n\n The chief steward, Meruitensi, remained silent; he answered neither\n the officials nor the peasant. The peasant then came to entreat the\n chief steward, Meruitensi, for the first time, and said:\n\n \u201cChief steward, my lord, thou art greatest of the great, thou art\n guide of all that which is not and which is. When thou embarkest on\n the sea of truth, that thou mayest go sailing upon it, then shall not\n the .......... strip away thy sail, then thy ship shall not remain\n fast, then shall no misfortune happen to thy mast, then shall thy\n spars (?) not be broken, then shalt thou not be stranded; if thou\n runnest fast aground, the waves shall not break upon thee, then thou\n shalt not taste the impurities of the river, then thou shalt not\n behold the face of fear; the shyest (?) fish shall come to thee, and\n thou shalt capture the fat birds. For thou art the father of the\n orphan, the husband of the widow, the brother of the desolate, the\n garment of the motherless. Let me place thy name in this land higher\n than all good laws: thou guide without avarice, thou great one free\n from meanness, who destroyest deceit, who createst truthfulness. Throw\n the evil to the ground. I will speak; hear me. Do justice, O thou\n praised one, whom the praised ones praise. Remove my oppression:\n behold, I have a heavy ....... to carry; behold, I am troubled of\n soul; examine me, I am in sorrow.\u201d\n\nThe reference in this address to the orphan and the widow touches a chord\nwhich runs through much of the Old Testament and is especially prominent\nin the prophets, as the following references will indicate: Isa. 1:17, 23;\n9:17; 10:2; 47:8; Jer. 7:6; 15:8; 18:21; 22:3; 49:11; Ezek. 22:7, 25;\nZech. 7:10; Mal. 3:5; Deut. 10:18; 14:29; Job 29:13, and Psa. 68:5.\n\nIn the Egyptian story Meruitensi was so pleased with the eloquence of the\npeasant that he passed him on to another officer and he to still another\nuntil he came before the king. Altogether the peasant made nine addresses.\nFor lack of space we can reproduce but one more. For this purpose we\nselect his eighth address.\n\n This peasant came to implore him for the eighth time, and said:\n\n \u201cChief steward, my lord, man falls on account of ...... Greed is\n absent from a good merchant. His good commerce is ........\n\n \u201cThy heart is greedy; it does not become thee. Thou despoilest: this\n is not praiseworthy for thee ...... Thy daily rations are in thy\n house; thy body is well filled ...... The officers, who are set as a\n protection against injustice,--a curse to the shameless are these\n officers, who are set as a bulwark against lies.\n\n \u201cFear of thee has not deterred me from supplicating thee; (if thou\n thinkest so), thou hast not known my heart. The silent one, who turns\n to report to thee his difficulties, is not afraid to present them to\n thee ....... Thy real estate is in the country; thy bread is on thy\n estate; thy food is in the storehouse. Thy officials give to thee and\n thou takest it. Art thou, then, not a robber? They drag for thee\n ...... for thee to the plots of arable land. Do the truth for the sake\n of the lord of truth ....... Thou reed of a scribe, thou roll of a\n book, thou palette, thou god Thoth, thou oughtest to keep thyself far\n removed from injustice. Thou virtuous one, thou shouldst be virtuous;\n thou virtuous one, thou shouldst be really virtuous. Further, truth is\n true to eternity. She goes with those who perform her to the region of\n the dead. He will be laid in the coffin and committed to the earth;\n his name will not perish from the earth, but men will remember him on\n account of his property: so runs the right interpretation of the\n divine word.\n\n \u201cDoes it then happen that the scales stand aslant? Or is it thinkable\n that the scales incline to one side?\n\n \u201cBehold, if I come not, if another comes, then thou hast opportunity\n to speak as one who answers, as one who addresses the silent, as one\n who responds to him who has not spoken to thee. Thou hast not been\n ......; thou hast not been sick. Thou hast not fled; thou hast not\n departed. But thou hast not yet granted me any reply to this beautiful\n word which comes from the mouth of the sun-god himself: \u2018Speak the\n truth; do the truth: for it is great, it is mighty, it is everlasting.\n It will obtain for thee merit, and will lead thee to veneration.\u2019\n\n \u201cFor does the scale stand aslant? It is their scale-pans that bear the\n objects, and in just scales there is no ...... wanting.\u201d\n\nThe beauty of the sentiments about truth is obvious. The references to\nscales are to those that were supposed to weigh the deeds of the dead in\nthe under-world.\n\nAfter a ninth speech on the part of the peasant, the tale concludes as\nfollows:\n\n Then the chief steward, Meruitensi, sent two servants to bring him\n back. Thereupon the peasant feared that he would suffer thirst, as a\n punishment imposed upon him for what he had said. Then the peasant\n said ...... (The Egyptian of this address contains difficulties which\n have never been solved.)\n\n Then said the chief steward, Meruitensi: \u201cFear not, peasant! See, thou\n shalt remain with me.\u201d Then said the peasant: \u201cI live because I eat of\n thy bread and drink thy beer forever.\u201d\n\n Then said the chief steward, Meruitensi: \u201cCome out here ........\u201d Then\n he caused them to bring, written on a new roll, all the addresses of\n these days. The chief steward sent them to his majesty, the king of\n Upper and Lower Egypt, Neb-kau-re, the blessed, and they were more\n agreeable to the heart of his majesty than all that was in his land.\n His majesty said, \u201cPass sentence thyself, my beloved son!\u201d Then the\n chief steward, Meruitensi, caused two servants to go and bring a list\n of the household (of Dehuti-necht) from the government office, and his\n possessions were six persons, with a selection from his ......, from\n his barley, from his spelt, from his asses, from his swine, from his\n ..........\n\nFrom this point on only a few words of the tale can be made out, but it\nappears from these that the goods selected from the estate of Dehuti-necht\nwere given to the peasant and he was sent home rejoicing.\n\n=3. An Ideal King.=\n\nIn the wisdom literature of Egypt appear the admonitions of an Egyptian\nsage called Ipuwer. In these admonitions a time of dire distress is\npictured, in view of which the sage longs for the presence of an ideal\nking. Some scholars have compared the description of this ideal king with\nthe prophetic conception of the Messiah.\n\nIt is unnecessary to quote the whole work, which is fragmentary and\ndifficult of translation. A few passages will answer our purpose.\n\nFrom the Admonitions of Ipuwer[600]\n\n .......... The door-keepers say: Let us go and plunder. The\n confectioners .......... The washerman refuses to carry his load\n .......... The bird-catchers have drawn up in line of battle\n .......... The inhabitants of the Marshes carry shields. The brewers\n .......... sad. A man looks upon his son as his enemy;\n ....................\n\n ..................................................................\n\n Noble ladies suffer like slave girls. Musicians are in the chambers\n within the halls. What they sing to the goddess Mert is dirges\n ........... Forsooth, all female slaves are free with their tongues.\n When the mistress speaks it is irksome to the servants. Forsooth,\n princes are hungry and in distress. Servants are served .......... by\n reason of mourning. Forsooth, the hot-headed (?) man says: \u201cIf I knew\n where God is, then would I make offerings unto him.\u201d Forsooth, right\n is throughout the land in this its name. What men do in appealing to\n it is wrong. Forsooth, all animals, their hearts weep. Cattle moan\n because of the state of the land .................... Forsooth, the\n ways are .......... The roads are guarded. Men sit over the bushes\n until the benighted traveler comes, in order to plunder his burden.\n What is upon him is taken away. He is belabored with blows of the\n stick and slain wrongfully.\n\n Forsooth, that has perished which yesterday was seen (?). The land is\n left over to its weariness (?) like the cutting of flax. Poor men are\n in affliction .......... Would that there might be an end of men, no\n conception, no birth! O that the earth would cease from noise, and\n tumult be no more! .......... Forsooth, grain has perished on every\n side. People are stripped of clothes, spices (?) and oil. Everybody\n says there is none. The storehouse is ruined. Its keeper is stretched\n on the ground. It is no happy thing for my heart (?) .......... Would\n that I had made my voice heard at that moment, that it might save me\n from the pain in which I am (?) .......... Behold, the powerful of the\n land, the condition of the people is not reported to them. All is\n ruin! Behold, no craftsmen work. The enemies of the land have spoilt\n its crafts.\n\nSimilar descriptions of the disorganized state of society might be quoted\nat much greater length. The passage in which Ipuwer mentions the ideal\nking is as follows:\n\n .......... lack of people .................... Re; command (?)\n .......... the West to diminish (?) .......... by the [gods?]. Behold\n ye, wherefore does he [seek] to fashion [mankind], .......... without\n distinguishing the timid man from him whose nature is violent. He\n bringeth coolness upon that which is hot. It is said: he is the\n herdsman of mankind. No evil is in his heart. When his herds are few,\n he passes the day to gather them together, their hearts being on fire.\n Would that he had perceived their nature in the first generation of\n men; then would he have repressed evils, he would have stretched forth\n his arm against it, he would have destroyed their seed and their\n inheritance .......... Where is he today? Is he sleeping? Behold, his\n might is not seen.\n\nVogelsang held this to be a picture of a kind of ideal king, comparable in\nsome respects to the prophetic conception of the Messiah in such passages\nas Isa. 9:1-6; 11:1-8. To this view Gardiner has objected that the\nparallelism is not real, in that there seems to have been in the mind of\nthe Egyptian sage no expectation that such a king would actually rise, but\nrather the belief that he once existed as the god Re and has now vanished\nfrom earth. To this Breasted and Gressmann reply that the kingly figure is\na purely ideal one, and that Ipuwer feels strongly that, if he were on\nearth all wrongs would be set right, and that in some degree the picture\nis parallel to the conceptions of the Messiah.\n\nThe description of disorganized society which is here reflected is\npatterned on conditions which existed in Egypt before 2000 B. C., and the\nconception of the ideal king is equally old.\n\n=4. Sheol.=\n\nIn Isa. 14:9-11 and Ezek. 32:21-31 we find descriptions of Sheol or the\nunder-world. These descriptions are closely parallel to the following\nBabylonian poem.\n\nIshtar\u2019s Descent to the Under-world[601]\n\n Unto the land of No-return, the land of darkness,\n Ishtar, the daughter of Sin, determined to go,\n The daughter of Sin determined to go,\n Unto the house of darkness, the dwelling of Irkalla,\n 5. Unto the house whose enterer never comes out,\n Along the way whose going has no return,\n Unto the house whose enterer is deprived of light,\n Where dust is their food, their sustenance, clay,\n Light they do not see, in darkness they dwell;\n 10. They are clothed, like birds, with a covering of wings.\n Over door and bolt the dust is spread.\n Ishtar, when she arrived at the gate of the land of No-return\n To the keeper of the gate addressed a word:\n \u201cKeeper of the waters, open thy gate!\n 15. Open thy gate! Let me enter!\n If thou dost not open thy gate, that I may enter,\n I will shatter the door, I will break the bolt,\n I will shiver the threshold, break down the doors;\n I will bring up the dead to devour the living!\u201d\n 20. The keeper opened his mouth and spake,\n He said to Ishtar, the great:\n \u201cStay, my lady, do not destroy it,\n Let me go, let me announce thy name to Queen Allat.\u201d\n The keeper went in, he spake [to Allat]:\n 25. \u201cThis water thy sister, Ishtar, [has crossed]\n As a servant of great powers [she comes].\u201d\n When Allat heard this,\n Like the cutting of the tamarisk [was her laugh],\n 30. Like the crackling of reeds. [She cried]:\n \u201cWhat has turned her mind to me? ..........\n These waters I with ..........\n For food I will eat clay, for drink I will drink ..........\n I will weep for men who have abandoned their wives,\n 35. I will weep for maidens torn from their husbands\u2019 bosoms,\n I will weep for children snatched away before their time.\n Go, keeper, open thy gate to her;\n Do to her according to the ancient custom.\u201d\n The keeper went and opened to her his gate:\n 40. \u201cEnter, my lady; the under-world is glad,\n The palace of the land of No-return rejoices at thy coming.\u201d\n He brought her through the first gate, made it wide, he took the\n great crown from her head.\n \u201cWhy, O keeper, hast thou taken the great crown from my head?\u201d\n \u201cEnter, my lady, such are the commands of Allat.\u201d\n 45. He brought her through the second gate, he made it wide, he took\n the ornaments from her ears.\n \u201cWhy, O keeper, hast thou taken the ornaments from my ears?\u201d\n \u201cEnter, my lady, for such are the commands of Allat.\u201d\n He brought her through the third gate, he made it wide, he took\n the necklace from her neck.\n \u201cWhy, O keeper, hast thou taken the necklace from my neck?\u201d\n 50. \u201cEnter, O lady, for such are the commands of Allat.\u201d\n He brought her through the fourth gate, he made it wide, he took\n the ornaments from her breasts.\n \u201cWhy, O keeper, hast thou taken the ornaments from my breast?\u201d\n \u201cEnter, my lady, for such are the commands of Allat.\u201d\n He brought her through the fifth gate, he made it wide, he took the\n girdle with birth-stones from her waist.\n 55. \u201cWhy, O keeper, hast thou taken the girdle with birth-stones from\n my waist?\u201d\n \u201cEnter, my lady, for such are the commands of Allat.\u201d\n He brought her through the sixth gate, he made it wide, he took the\n bracelets from her hands and feet.\n \u201cWhy, O keeper, hast thou taken the bracelets from my hands and\n feet?\u201d\n \u201cEnter, my lady, for such are the commands of Allat.\u201d\n 60. He brought her through the seventh gate, he made it wide, he took\n the breech-cloth from her body.\n \u201cWhy, O keeper, hast thou taken the breech-cloth from my body?\u201d\n \u201cEnter, my lady, for such are the commands of Allat.\u201d\n When Ishtar had gone down to the land of No-return,\n Allat saw her and became enraged at her.\n 65. Ishtar took no heed; she sat down above her.\n Allat opened her mouth and spake,\n To Namtar, her messenger, she addressed a word:\n \u201cGo, Namtar, lock [her in my palace],\n Bring out against her sixty diseases .......... Ishtar,\n 70. Disease of the eyes against her [eyes],\n Disease of the side against her [sides],\n Disease of the feet against her [feet],\n Disease of the heart against [her heart],\n Disease of the head against [her head],\n 75. Against her altogether ..........\u201d\n After Ishtar, the lady, [went down to the land of No-return]\n The bull with the cow did not unite, nor the ass approach the\n she-ass;\n The man in the street no more approached the maid;\n The man slept in his chamber,\n 80. The maid slept by her oven.\n Papsukal, messenger of the great gods, was sad of countenance\n before [Shamash],\n Clad in mourning, wearing foul garments.\n Then went Shamash into the presence of Sin, his father; he wept,\n Before Ea, the king, his tears flowed:\n 85. \u201cIshtar has gone down into the earth; she has not come up.\n Since Ishtar went down to the land of No-return,\n The bull with the cow does not unite, nor the ass approach the\n she-ass;\n The man no more approaches the maid in the street;\n The man sleeps in his chamber,\n 90. The maid sleeps by her oven.\n Then Ea in the wisdom of his heart created a man,\n He created Asushunamir, the priest.\n \u201cGo, Asushunamir, to the gate of the land without return set thy\n face,\n The seven gates of the land without return shall be opened before\n thee,\n 95. Allat shall behold thee, and shall rejoice in thy presence.\n When her heart has been appeased, and her soul revived,\n Conjure her also by the name of the great gods.\n Turn thy thoughts to the skin which pours forth life:\n \u2018O lady, give me the skin which pours forth life, that I may drink\n water from it.\u2019\u201d\n 100. When Allat heard this,\n She beat upon her thigh, she bit her finger:\n \u201cThou hast uttered a wish not to be wished.\n Go, Asushunamir; I curse thee with a great curse.\n The sewage of the gutters of the city shall be thy food,\n 105. The cesspools of the city shall be thy drink,\n The shadow of the walls shall be thy dwelling,\n The thresholds shall be thy habitation,\n Confinement and privation shall shatter thy strength.\u201d\n Allat opened her mouth and spoke,\n 110. To Namtar, her messenger, she addressed the word:\n \u201cGo, Namtar, knock at the palace of justice,\n Tap at the thresholds of gleaming (?) stones,\n Bring out the Annunaki,[602] seat them on golden thrones,\n Sprinkle Ishtar with the water of life and bring her before me.\u201d\n 115. Namtar went, he knocked at the palace of justice,\n He tapped at the thresholds of gleaming (?) stones,\n He brought forth the Annunaki, he seated them on golden thrones,\n He sprinkled Ishtar with the water of life, he brought her forth.\n He brought her out of the first gate, he restored to her the\n breech-cloth of her body;\n 120. He brought her through the second gate, he restored to her the\n bracelets of her hands and feet;\n He brought her through the third gate, he restored to her the\n girdle with birth-stones for her waist;\n He brought her through the fourth gate, he restored to her the\n ornaments of her breasts;\n He brought her through the fifth gate, he restored to her the\n necklace of her neck;\n He brought her through the sixth gate, he restored to her the\n ornaments of her ears;\n 125. He brought her through the seventh gate, he restored to her the\n crown of her head.\n (End of legend. The priest begins:)\n \u201cIf she does not grant to thee her release, turn to her again;\n To Tammuz, the beloved of her youth,\n Pour out water, offer good oil,\n With red clothing clothe him, let him play a flute of lapis\n lazuli.\n 130. Let the joyful maidens turn, .....................\n When Belili has established her ritual,\n With precious stones her bosom is filled.\u201d\n The wailing for her brother she heard; Belili interrupted the\n ritual of ....\n With precious stones she filled the front of ..........\n (Voice from the dead.)\n 135. \u201cMy only brother, harm me not;\n On the day of Tammuz, play for me the lapis lazuli flute, play\n the _Santu_-flute with it,\n When the wailing men and women play with it,\n Let the dead return, let them smell incense.\u201d\n\nThe description of the darkness of the under-world and the sad conditions\nof life with which this poem begins, shows that the Babylonians shared the\ngloomy views of Sheol which Isa. 14:9-11 and Ezek. 32:21-31 express.\n\nThe middle of the poem expresses the view of the ancient Semites, that the\ngoddess of love once went down to the under-world, and that as a result\nall propagation of life ceased on the earth. The end of it alludes to the\nlater belief that the goddess went down every year for her beloved Tammuz\nwho had died, and the wailing alluded to is that spoken of by Ezekiel in\nEzek. 8:14, where the prophet says he saw women wailing for Tammuz. The\nkind of sentiment uttered in this wailing the next extract will\nillustrate.\n\n=5. A Lamentation for Tammuz.=[603]\n\n The lord of destiny (?) lives no more, the lord of destiny (?) lives\n no more.\n [Tammuz the ...... ] lives no more, ...... lives no more.\n The bewailed one (?) lives no more, the lord of destiny (?) lives no\n more.\n I am queen, my husband lives no more.\n 5. My son lives no more.\n Dagalushumgalanna lives no more.\n The lord of Arallu lives no more.\n The lord of Durgurgurru lives no more.\n The shepherd, the lord Tammuz lives no more.\n 10. The lord, the shepherd of the folds lives no more.\n The consort of the queen of heaven lives no more.\n The lord of the folds lives no more.\n The brother of the mother of wine lives no more.\n [He who creates] the fruit of the land lives no more.\n 15. The powerful lord of the land lives no more.\n When he slumbers the sheep and lambs slumber also.\n When he slumbers the goats and kids slumber also.\n As for me, to the abode of the deep will I turn my thoughts,\n To the abode of the great ones I turn my thoughts.\n 20. \u201cO hero, my lord, ah me,\u201d I will say,\n \u201cFood I eat not,\u201d I will say,\n \u201cWater I drink not,\u201d I will say,\n \u201cMy good maiden,\u201d I will say,\n \u201cMy good husbandman,\u201d I will say,\n 25. \u201cThy lord, the exalted one, to the nether world has taken his way,\n Thy lord, the exalted one, to the nether world has taken his way.\u201d\n On account of the exalted one of the nether world, him of the\n radiant face, yea, radiant,\n On account of the exalted one of the nether world, him of the\n dovelike voice, yea, dovelike,\n On account of the exalted one, the lord, on account of the lord,\n 30. Food I eat not on account of the lord,\n Water I drink not, on account of the lord.\n \u201cMy good maiden, because of the lord,\n My good husbandman, on account of the lord,\n The hero, your lord has been destroyed,\n 35. The god of grain, the child, your lord, has been destroyed.\u201d\n His kindly look gives peace no more,\n His kindly voice imparts cheer (?) no more;\n .......... in his place, like a dog he sleeps;\n My lord in his .......... slumbers like a raven\n 40. Alone is he, himself,\n My lord, for whom the wail is raised.\n\n (Forty-one lines--a psalm on the flute to Tammuz.)\n\nThis poem illustrates what Ezekiel may have heard in vision, when in\nspirit he was brought to the northern gate of the temple, and heard women\nwailing for Tammuz (Ezek. 8:14).\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER XXV\n\nREPUTED SAYINGS OF JESUS FOUND IN EGYPT\n\n EARLY COLLECTIONS OF THE WORDS OF JESUS. TRANSLATION OF SAYINGS FOUND\n IN 1897. COMMENTS. TRANSLATION OF A LEAF FOUND IN 1904. COMMENTS.\n OPINIONS AS TO THESE SAYINGS.\n\n\nThe Gospel of Luke begins with the words: \u201cForasmuch as many have taken in\nhand to draw up a narrative concerning those matters which have been\nfulfilled among us,\u201d--words which imply that there were in the early\nChurch many attempts at Gospel writing. Some of these attempts apparently\ntook the form of collecting the sayings of Jesus. At Oxyrhynchus in Egypt\ntwo different leaves of papyrus have been found on which such sayings are\nwritten. The first of these was found by Grenfell and Hunt in 1897; (Fig.\n301). It begins in the middle of a sentence, but it is a sentence the\nbeginning of which can be supplied from Matt. 7:5. When complete the\nsentence runs thus:[604]\n\n =[Jesus saith, Cast out first the beam from thine own eye], and then\n shalt thou see clearly to cast out the mote that is in thy brother\u2019s\n eye.=\n\nOn this saying compare Matt. 7:5; Luke 6:42.\n\nThe second one runs:\n\n =Jesus saith, Except ye fast to the world, ye shall in no wise find\n the kingdom of God; and except ye keep the sabbath, ye shall not see\n the Father.=\n\nThis saying does not occur in the Gospels, and has given rise to wide\ndiscussion among scholars.\n\nThe third is as follows:\n\n =Jesus saith, I stood in the midst of the world, and in the flesh was\n I seen of them, and I found all men drunken, and none found I athirst\n among them, and my soul grieveth over the sons of men, because they\n are blind in their heart [and see not], poor, and know not their\n poverty.=\n\nThis saying also is not found in the Gospels. It is difficult to tell\nwhether it was thought to have been spoken by Jesus before or after the\nresurrection.\n\nThe fourth saying is difficult of translation and interpretation, since\nthe text is not at all clear. As emended by Harnack and Swete, it would\nrun:\n\n =Jesus saith, Wherever there are two they are not without God, and if\n one is alone anywhere, I say I am with him. Raise the stone, there\n thou shalt find me; cleave the wood, and there I am.=\n\nThis saying has given rise to much discussion and to a large literature,\nbut reference can here be made only to Henry van Dyke\u2019s poem _Felix_. With\nthe last part of the saying Matt. 18:20 should be compared.\n\nThe fifth saying is as follows:\n\n =Jesus saith, A prophet is not acceptable in his own country, neither\n doth a physician work cures upon them that know him.=\n\nThe first part of this is akin to Luke 4:24; Mark 6:4; Matt. 13:57, and\nJohn 4:44. The last part of it is not in the Gospels.\n\nThe sixth one reads:\n\n =Jesus saith, A city built on the top of a high hill and firmly\n established can neither fall nor be hid.=\n\nIn this saying the thought of Matt. 5:14 is combined with that of Matt.\n7:24, 25, but there is no necessary literary dependence upon Matthew.\n\nThe seventh and last saying on this leaf is:\n\n =[Jesus saith,] Thou hearest with one ear, but the other thou hast\n closed.=\n\nThis, too, is not found in our Gospels.\n\nIn 1904 another leaf of sayings of Jesus was found at the same place. It\nbegins with a general introduction, thus:[605]\n\n =These are the [wonderful?][606] words which Jesus the living Lord\n spake [to the disciples] and to Thomas, and he said to them: Every one\n that hearkens to these words shall never taste of death.=\n\nThese words formed the general introduction to a collection of sayings of\nJesus, similar to that from which the sayings already quoted were taken.\nThe leaf also contained a few of the sayings which stood in the\ncollection. They are as follows:\n\n =Jesus saith, Let not him who seeks ...... cease until he finds, and\n when he finds he shall be astonished; astonished he shall reach the\n kingdom, and having reached the kingdom he shall rest.=\n\nThe Gospels contain parallels to parts of this saying. (See Matt. 6:33;\n7:7; 13:44; Luke 5:9.)\n\nThe second of these sayings is longer:\n\n =Jesus saith, [Ye ask (?) who are those] that draw us [to the kingdom,\n if] the kingdom is in heaven? ...... the fowls of the air, and all the\n beasts that are under the earth or upon the earth, and the fishes of\n the sea, [these are they which draw] you, and the kingdom of heaven is\n within you; and whosoever shall know himself shall find it. [Strive\n therefore (?)] to know yourselves, and ye shall be aware that ye are\n the sons of the [Almighty (?)] Father; [and (?)] ye shall know that ye\n are in [the city of God (?)] and ye are [the city (?)].=\n\nThe first part of this saying attributes to Christ a saying evidently\nbased on the thought of Job 12:7, 8. Other parts of the saying recall Luke\n17:21 and Luke 20:36, though the phrases which remind us of these passages\nform but a small part of the saying and appear here in quite a different\nconnection.\n\nThe third saying runs:\n\n =Jesus saith, A man shall not hesitate ...... to ask ...... concerning\n his place [in the kingdom. Ye shall know] that many that are first\n shall be last and the last first and [they shall have eternal life\n (?)].=\n\nA part of this saying follows Mark 10:31 and Matt. 19:30; cf. also Luke\n13:30. The last clause is conjectural, but, if correct, is similar to John\n3:16, 36; 5:24.\n\nThe fourth:\n\n =Jesus saith, Everything that is not before thy face and that which is\n hidden from thee shall be revealed to thee. For there is nothing\n hidden which shall not be made manifest, nor buried which shall not be\n raised.=\n\nThe last part of this saying is parallel to Matt. 10:26; Luke 12:2; see\nalso Mark 4:22.\n\nThe fifth:\n\n =His disciples question him and say, How shall we fast and how shall\n we [pray (?)] ...... and what [commandment] shall we keep? ......\n Jesus saith, ...... do not ...... of truth ...... blessed is he\n ........=\n\nThe papyrus is so broken that we cannot hope to recover this saying in its\nentirety, but it is clear that it differed from the others in having an\nintroductory clause which gave the occasion when it was uttered.\n\nJudgments have differed as to whether all these sayings are really sayings\nof Jesus. That there were sayings of his known in ancient times that are\nnot recorded in our Gospels is shown by Acts 20:35. Some, at least, of\nthese sayings are so like those of Jesus that it is not difficult to\nbelieve them his. But whether they are his or not, these papyri make clear\nto us what Luke meant when he said \u201cmany have taken in hand to draw up a\nnarrative.\u201d\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER XXVI\n\nARCH\u00c6OLOGICAL LIGHT ON THE ENROLMENT OF QUIRINIUS\n\n TRANSLATION OF A PAPYRUS SHOWING THAT IN THE SECOND CENTURY ENROLMENT\n WAS MADE EVERY FOURTEEN YEARS. COMMENTS. TRANSLATION REFERRING TO AN\n ENROLMENT IN THE REIGN OF NERO. FRAGMENT FROM THE REIGN OF TIBERIUS.\n ENROLMENTS PROBABLY INAUGURATED BY AUGUSTUS. DOCUMENT SHOWING THAT\n PEOPLE WENT TO THEIR OWN TOWNS FOR ENROLMENT. INSCRIPTION SUPPOSED TO\n REFER TO QUIRINIUS. INSCRIPTION FROM ASIA MINOR REFERRING TO\n QUIRINIUS. DISCUSSION. CONCLUSIONS.\n\n\nArch\u00e6ological research has recently thrown much light upon the census of\nQuirinius mentioned in Luke 2:1-5. The evidence has come in part from\nancient records on papyri which have been dug up in Egypt, some of which\nare herewith translated.\n\nThe following extract from a large papyrus establishes the fact that a\ncensus or an assessment-list was made in the Roman empire every fourteen\nyears.\n\n=1. Papyrus Showing Enrolment Every Fourteen Years.=[607]\n\n After the death of my wife Aphrodite, or, as she was called by some,\n Aphroditoute, having departed from the district of Herakles and\n Sabinos, I enrolled the other children who dwell with Mysthes who is\n called Ninnos, who was 33 years old, and after the others, the wife of\n my son Mysthes who is called Ninnos, viz.:--Zozime, freed-woman of\n Ptolemaios Ammoniarios, daughter of Marion Geomytha, and was 22 years\n old, (who was living with her mistress, in the enrolment of the 9th\n year; at the time of the enrolment she [Zozime] was living in the\n Greek quarter, but has now moved into the neighboring quarter of\n Apolloneios Hierax) and the children of these two, Ammonios, aged 5,\n and Didymos, aged 4, and Aut ........, were not otherwise enrolled in\n the enrolment in the first year of the Emperor C\u00e6sar Marcus Aurelius\n Antoninus Augustus and the Emperor C\u00e6sar Lucius Aurelius Verus\n Augustus, on the thirtieth of Payni [_i. e._, June 24, 161 A. D.]. To\n Potomon, governor of the Arsinoite district of Herakles, and\n Asclepiades, the royal census-taker, and Agathos Daimon and Dioskoros,\n census-takers of the metropolis, on behalf of Mysthes who is called\n Ninnos, Mysthes, son of Philo, whose mother is Herais, daughter of\n Ammoniosone, of the citizens of the metropolis, who are enrolled from\n the quarter of Apolloneios Hierax: there belongs to me in the district\n of Ammonios 1/12 part of the place called Nekpherotios, in which I\n enroll myself and my household for the current enrolment of the 14th\n year according to the household enrolment, as also I enrolled myself\n according to the household enrolment in the 23rd year of Antoninus\n (_i. e._, 160-161 A. D.); I am also Mysthes who is also called Ninnos;\n the one enrolled is 59 years old, and his wife, Zozime, the\n freed-woman of Ammoniarios, daughter of Marion, who was enrolled in\n the household enrolment of the 23rd year in the same quarter, is 38\n years old, and the children of those two, ........ not enrolled in the\n enrolments, 11 years old, and likewise Dioskoros 10 (?) years old, and\n likewise ........, 9 years old, and a daughter, Isidora, 8 years old:\n thus I make my deposition. 15th year of the Emperor Marcus Aurelius\n Antoninus C\u00e6sar, the lord. Intercalary Mesore: (_i. e._, the end of\n August, 175 A. D.).\n\nThis papyrus, dated in the year 175 A. D., is very important as it proves\nthat the census came every fourteen years. The enrolment mentioned at the\nend of it was made in connection with the census of 174-175 A. D., since\nthe document is dated in August of the year 175. The enrolment mentioned\nabout the middle of the document was the enrolment of 160-161 A. D. That\nwas dated in the summer of 161. The one mentioned near the beginning of\nthe quotation as having been made in the 9th year must refer to the census\nof the year 146-147, and the 9th year of Antoninus Pius, which was the\nyear 147. The proof that the census was taken every fourteen years[608] is\nof the greatest importance to our subject, as will appear below.\n\nThis enrolment was made by one Mysthes Ninnos on behalf of his son, who\nwas also called Mysthes Ninnos, the wife of the son who was a freed-woman,\ncalled Zozime, and their children, who were the grandchildren of the man\nmaking the enrolment. Mysthes Ninnos, the grandfather, had been married\ntwice. His first wife was named Aphrodite; after her death he married\nHerais, the mother of the son, Mysthes Ninnos.\n\n=2. Translation Referring to an Enrolment in the Reign of Nero.=[609]\n\n Copy of an enrolment of Ammonios and ...... ios, the gymnasiarch and\n librarian of the public library in the city of Arsinoe, in the\n presence of Pa ...... xineos ...... Paesios, son of Myo, priest of\n those who are from Karanis of the district of Heracles. According to\n the commands through the most excellent governor, Lucius Julius\n Vestinus, I have enrolled today my goods which are free from debt and\n mortgage and lien; in the neighboring village, a third part of my\n father\u2019s house and courtyard, and places cleared of abodes, two lots\n of a half acre each, which were bought from Mesoereus, son of\n Nekpher\u014ds, in the fifth year of Nero Claudius C\u00e6sar Augustus\n Germanicus, Emperor, and a house in the village, which was bought from\n Onnophreus, son of Peteor\u00e6peus, in the sixth year of Nero Claudius\n C\u00e6sar Augustus Germanicus, Emperor. Whatever I make from these or buy\n in addition I will first report as it shall occur.\n\nThe date of this document, which is only a copy, is not given, but as it\nrefers to two transactions in real estate, which were dated respectively\nin the 5th and 6th years of Nero, and as that monarch\u2019s reign began in\nOctober of the year 54 A. D., it is probable that this is a copy of an\nenrolment made in connection with the census of 62-63 A. D. This proves\nthat the system of taking the census once in fourteen years was in\noperation as early as the reign of Nero.\n\n=3. Fragment from the Reign of Tiberius.=[610]\n\n To Eutychides and Theon, local census-takers and village\n census-takers, from Horion and Petosiris, priest of Isis, the most\n great goddess, of the temple called the Two Brothers in the city of\n Oxyrhynchus on the street Myrobalanos, near the Serapeum. Those who\n live in the house which belongs to me and my wife Tasis and to\n Taurius, son of Harbichis, and to Papontos, son of Nechthesorios, and\n to Th\u00e6chemere, in the house which is near the aforesaid temple of the\n Two Brothers are as follows:\n\nThe papyrus at this point becomes too mutilated for further translation.\n\nThe importance of this document is revealed by an examination of the names\nof the officers, Eutychides and Theon. Another papyrus from the same\nplace, which contains a notice of a removal, is dated in the 6th year of\nthe Emperor Tiberius.[611] As these officers were still in office when\nthis census was taken, this must be the census of the year 20-21 A. D.\n\n=4. Enrolments Probably Inaugurated by Augustus.=\n\nAnother papyrus contains a list of people who were exempt from poll-tax in\nthe 41st year of the reign of Augustus.[612] As the poll-tax was\nintimately connected with the census, it is altogether probable that the\ncensus was inaugurated by Augustus. As he became emperor in 27 B. C. and\nat once proceeded to organize his empire, the census may have begun early\nin his reign. If there was one in 20 A. D. there would be one in 6 A. D.,\n9-8 B. C., and possibly in 23-22 B. C. If there was not one in 23-22, that\nin 9-8 B. C. would be the first. This is the one to which reference is\nmade in Luke 2:2. If the birth of Jesus occurred at the time of this\ncensus, it must have been earlier than we usually suppose. Ramsay thinks\nthat the taking of the census in Judah may have been delayed till 7 or 6\nB. C., on account of Jewish prejudices.\n\n=5. Document Showing that People Went to Their Own Towns for Enrolment.=\n\nIn connection with the census of Quirinius it is stated in Luke 2:3: \u201cAll\nwent to enroll themselves, every one to his own city.\u201d This has been felt\nby many scholars to be an improbable statement, and has been cited as an\nevidence of the unhistorical character of the whole story of the census in\nLuke. In this connection part of a papyrus discovered in Egypt, which is\ndated in the 7th year of the Emperor Trajan, 103-104 A. D., is of great\ninterest. This document contains three letters. The third of the letters\nis the one which relates to our subject. It is as follows:[613]\n\n Gaius Vibius, chief prefect of Egypt. Because of the approaching\n census it is necessary that all those residing for any cause away from\n their own homes, should at once prepare to return to their own\n governments, in order that they may complete the family administration\n of the enrolment, and that the tilled lands may retain those belonging\n to them. Knowing that your city has need of provisions from the\n country, I wish .......... (At this point the papyrus becomes too\n fragmentary for connected translation.)\n\nIt is perfectly clear that in Egypt the enrolment was done on the basis of\nkinship. The word rendered \u201cfamily\u201d above [\u03c3\u03c5\u03bd\u03ae\u03b8\u03b7] means \u201ckindred\u201d in the\nlarger sense. The phrase rendered \u201cbelonging to\u201d [them, _i. e._, the\ntilled lands] also means \u201ckindred.\u201d It appears, then, that in Egypt the\nenrolment of each district was intended to include all the kinsmen\nbelonging to that district, and that, lest those residing elsewhere should\nforget to return home for the census, proclamations were issued directing\nthem to do so. It is well known that in many respects the customs of\nadministration in Syria and Egypt were similar. Luke\u2019s statement, that\nJoseph went up from Nazareth to Bethlehem, because he was of the house and\nlineage of David, to enroll himself with Mary (Luke 2:4, 5), turns out to\nbe in exact accord with the governmental regulations as we now know them\nfrom the papyri.\n\n=6. Inscription Supposed to Refer to Quirinius.=\n\nA fragmentary inscription found at Rome in 1828 is thought by Mommsen and\nothers to prove that Quirinius was governor of Syria twice, and that the\ngovernorship to which Josephus refers (_Antiquities_, XVII, i, 1), which\nwas coincident with the deposition of Archelaus in 6 A. D., was his\nsecond appointment. The inscription as filled out by Mommsen and others\nreads:[614]\n\n [P. Sulpicius Quirinius, consul ..........; as proconsul obtained\n Crete and Cyrene as a province ..........; as legate of the divine\n Augustus, obtaining Syria and Ph\u0153nicia he waged war with the tribe of\n Homonadenses who had killed Amyntas the k]ing; when he returned into\n the domi[nion of the Emperor C\u00e6sar] Augustus and the Roman people, the\n senate [decreed] thanksgivings [to the immortal gods] on account of\n the two success[ful accomplishments] and triumphal ornaments to him;\n as proconsul he ob[tained] Asia as a province; as the legate of the\n divine Augustus he [obtained] again Syria and Ph\u0153nicia.\n\nIf this inscription were intact its evidence would be decisive, but\nunfortunately it is only a fragment, and the name of Quirinius is just\nthat which has to be supplied from other inscriptions. That so eminent a\nscholar as Mommsen thought that this name was the one which once began the\ninscription is of weight, but it does not compensate for the loss of the\nname.\n\n=7. Inscription from Asia Minor Referring to Quirinius.=[615]\n\nThe following inscription, discovered by Prof. Ramsay and Mr. J. G. C.\nAnderson, of Oxford, is believed by Ramsay to prove that Quirinius was\ngovernor of Syria between 10 and 7 B. C.\n\n To Gaius Caristanius\n (son of Gaius of the Sergian tribe) Fronto\n Caesianus Juli[us],\n Chief of engineers, pontifex,\n priest, prefect of P. Sulpicius Quirinius duumvir,\n prefect of M. Servilius.\n To him first of all men\n at public expense by decree of the decuriones,\n a statue was erected.\n\nThis inscription was found at Antioch, a fortified colony in southeastern\nPhrygia or southern Galatia, in the year 1912. The name Caristanius\nconnects its erection with the time of the Hamonadian war, 10-7 B. C. That\nQuirinius received the honor of an election to the office of honorary\nduumvir of the colony at this time, is held by Ramsay to prove that he had\nbeen sent to Syria as governor, and had been military commander in the war\nagainst the Hamonades. It was the benefits which accrued to the little\ncolony of Antioch from his victories in this war, which led to the\nelection and the erection of this statue. Ramsay, accordingly, holds that\nthis inscription proves Quirinius to have been governor of Syria about\n11-7 B. C., and this confirms the statement of Luke 2:2, that the census\nat the time when Jesus was born was the first enrolment, when Quirinius\nwas governor of Syria.\n\nOne objection to this theory is that from other sources (Josephus,\n_Antiquities_, XVI, x, 8; xi, 3), it appears that Sentius Saturninus was\ngovernor of Syria at this time, _i. e._, from 9-7 B. C., just at the time\nwhen, according to the papyri, the census should occur. This is supported\nby a statement of Tertullian, that Jesus was born when Saturninus was\ngovernor of Syria. To meet this objection, Ramsay supposes either that the\nauthority of Quirinius and of Saturninus overlapped, the former being\nmilitary commander and the latter civil governor, or that Quirinius ruled\nuntil about July 1st of the year 8, the census year, and Saturninus then\ntook office. These are, however, mere possibilities. We have not yet clear\ninformation concerning these points.\n\nLater, in 6 A. D., Quirinius was sent out to Syria again (see Tacitus,\n_Annales_, III, 48), and took over as governor of Syria the kingdom of\nJudah on the deposition of Archelaus, and conducted the census there of\n6-7 A. D. (See Josephus, _Antiquities_, XVIII, i.) Many scholars have held\nthat Luke confused this governorship with earlier events and was\naccordingly in error as to his chronology by at least ten years, but the\narch\u00e6ological facts here collected tend to corroborate Luke\u2019s accuracy on\nthis point. It should be added that Luke knew that Quirinius had charge of\nthe census in Palestine in 6 A. D., as Josephus states, for he says: \u201cThis\nwas the first enrolment made when Quirinius was governor of Syria.\u201d\n\n=8. Conclusions.=\n\nIt should in all candor be noted just what arch\u00e6ology has proved\nconcerning this matter, and what points are still, from the arch\u00e6ological\nside, outstanding. It has proved that the census was a periodic occurrence\nonce in fourteen years, that this system was in operation as early as 20\nA. D., and that it was customary for people to go to their ancestral\nabodes for enrolment. It has made it probable that the census system was\nestablished by Augustus, and that Quirinius was governor of Syria twice,\nthough these last two points are not yet fully established by\narch\u00e6ological evidence. So far as the new material goes, however, it\nconfirms the narrative of Luke.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER XXVII\n\nARCH\u00c6OLOGICAL LIGHT ON THE ACTS AND EPISTLES\n\n THE POLITARCHS OF THESSALONICA. AN ALTAR TO UNKNOWN GODS. AN\n INSCRIPTION FROM DELPHI AND THE DATE OF PAUL\u2019S CONTACT WITH GALLIO.\n SOME EPISTLES FROM EGYPT. INSCRIPTIONS MENTIONING ARETAS, KING OF\n ARABIA.\n\n\n=1. The Politarchs of Thessalonica.=\n\nIn Acts 17:6 the rulers of Thessalonica are called in the Greek\n\u201cpolitarchs.\u201d It is a unique term, and its accuracy had been called in\nquestion by some scholars. Within the past hundred years no less than\nnineteen inscriptions have come to light which prove its accuracy, by\nreferring to the rulers of Thessalonica as \u201cpolitarchs.\u201d One of the most\nimportant of these is from an arch in Thessalonica. It runs in part as\nfollows, the beginning being illegible:[616]\n\n In the time of the Politarchs, Sosipatros, son of Cleopatra, and\n Lucius Pontius Secundus Publius Flavius Sabinus, Demetrius, son of\n Faustus, Demetrius of Nicopolis, Zoilos, son of Parmenio, and Meniscus\n Gaius Agilleius Poteitus ......\n\nAnother fragmentary inscription shows that the rulers of the city bore\nthis title as early as the time of Augustus. It is in part:[617]\n\n Bosa, proconsul, made a stone-quarry for the temple of C\u00e6sar, in the\n time of the priest and judge, the Emperor C\u00e6sar, the divine son\n Augustus .........., the politarchs remaining faithful,\n viz.:--Diogenes, the son of Kleon, the ...., etc.\n\nIt is not clear from the inscriptions whether the number of politarchs was\nfive or six.\n\n=2. An Altar to Unknown Gods.=\n\nIn Acts 17:23 it is stated that Paul saw in Athens an altar with this\ninscription: TO AN UNKNOWN GOD. In the year 1909 an altar was discovered\nin the sacred precinct and temple of Demeter at Pergamos in Asia Minor,\nthe home of one of the seven churches of the book of Revelation (Rev.\n2:12, f.), which bore a mutilated inscription; (see Fig. 299). This\ninscription in the judgment of several impartial epigraphists should be\nrestored as follows:[618]\n\n To unknown gods,\n Capito,\n torch-bearer.\n\nThis is not only a confirmation of the statement of Acts 17:23, but of\nPausanias[619] (second century A. D.) and Philostratus[620] (third century\nA. D.) that altars to unknown gods existed.\n\n=3. The Date of Paul\u2019s Contact with Gallio.=\n\nThe chronology of the life of Paul cannot be fully determined from the\nBible itself. Such chronological data as the New Testament affords help us\nonly to a relative chronology. Could the year of one of the dates given by\nthe New Testament be determined by a date of the Roman empire, it would\nenable scholars to fix with approximate certainty the other dates.\nHitherto the endeavor to do this has centered about the recall of Felix\nfrom Palestine and the coming of Festus (Acts 24:27), but there has been\nso much uncertainty about the date of this recall, that systems of\nchronology, differing from one another by from four to five years, have\nbeen constructed. A fragmentary inscription has come to light from Delphi,\nwhich seems to give us the desired aid for our Pauline chronology in that\nit fixes the date of the coming of Gallio to Corinth (Acts 18:12). This\ninscription, as its lacun\u00e6 are supplied by Deissmann, is as follows:\n\n Tiberius Claudius C\u00e6sar Augustus Germanicus, Pontifex Maximus, of\n tribunican authority for the 12th time, imperator the 26th time,\n father of the country, consul for the 5th time, honorable, greets the\n city of the Delphians. Having long been well disposed to the city of\n the Delphians .......... I have had success. I have observed the\n religious ceremonies of the Pythian Apollo .................... now it\n is said also of the citizens .................... as Lucius Junius\n Gallio, my friend, and the proconsul of Achaia, wrote .......... on\n this account I accede to you still to have the first[621] ..........\n\nAt this point the inscription is too broken for translation, although the\nbeginnings of several lines can be made out. The importance of the\ninscription lies (1) in the fact that it mentions Gallio as proconsul of\nAchaia, and (2) in the reference to the 12th tribunican year and the 26th\nimperatorship of Claudius. It can be deduced from these, in comparison\nwith other inscriptions of his, that this letter was written between\nJanuary and August of the year 52 A. D.[622] If Gallio was then in office,\nand had been in office long enough to give information to Claudius of\nmaterial importance to the purpose of the emperor\u2019s letter to the\nDelphians, Gallio must have arrived in Corinth not later than the year 51.\nAccording to Dio Cassius, Claudius had decreed that new officials should\nstart for their provinces not later than the new moon of the month of\nJune.[623] Gallio must, therefore, have arrived in Corinth not later than\nJuly.\n\nPaul\u2019s stay in Corinth extended over eighteen months (Acts 18:11), and the\nnarrative in Acts implies that a large part of it had passed before Gallio\nwent there. Paul must, then, have arrived in Corinth not later than the\nend of the summer of the year 50. As the journey described in Acts 16 must\nhave occupied some months, the council at Jerusalem, described in Acts 15,\ncannot have taken place later than the year 49 A. D. In Gal. 2:1 Paul says\nthat this visit occurred fourteen years after the visit which followed his\nreturn from Damascus. As the Jews in counting time usually reckoned the\ntwo extremes as a part of the number, even if a part of them only should\nreally have been included, the visit of Paul to Jerusalem, mentioned in\nGal. 1:18 must have occurred not later than 36 A. D., nor earlier than 35\nA. D. As this visit occurred \u201cthree\u201d years after his conversion, we find,\nif we make similar allowance for the possibilities of Jewish reckoning,\nthat his conversion occurred not later than 34 A. D., and possibly as\nearly as 31 A. D.[624]\n\n=4. The Epistles.=\n\nThe Epistles of the New Testament, especially those of Paul, are cast in\nthe form of ancient letter-writing. This form in its more stately aspects\nhas long been known through the letters of Aristotle, Epicurus, Cicero,\nSeneca, Pliny, etc., but the papyri discovered in Egypt afford us many\nexamples of the more familiar and affectionate style of informal\nletter-writing, and frequently, at the beginning, afford parallels to\nexpressions which are found in the introductions of Paul\u2019s Epistles. The\nfollowing examples will illustrate this:\n\n Isias to her brother, greeting: If you are well and other things\n happen as you wish, it would be in accordance with my constant prayer\n to the gods. I too am in good health, and so is the boy; and all at\n home make constant remembrance of you. When I got the letter through\n Horus, in which you explain that you are in sanctuary at the Serapeum\n in Memphis, I straightway gave thanks to the gods for your being in\n good health, but as for your not coming to us when the evils that\n threatened you there have passed away, I am disconsolate because such\n a long time I have been keeping myself and the child, and am come to\n the lowest point on account of the price of bread, and I did think\n that now you were coming I should find a little relief, but you seem\n to have no idea of coming to us, nor to have an eye to our\n circumstances, as you would if you were still here. We are in need of\n everything, not only because such a long time and so many seasons have\n passed since you were here, but because you have not sent us anything.\n And besides that, Horus, who brought your letter, tells me further\n that you are released from sanctuary, and I am perfectly miserable.\n No, indeed! and your mother, too, takes it very hard, and you will do\n well to come for her sake as well as ours to the city, unless some\n more pressing need draws you elsewhere. Farewell, then, and have a\n care for your body so as to be in health. Good-bye.\n\n Epephi 30th, of the 9th year.[625]\n\nThis letter was written in the year 172 B. C. \u201cBrother\u201d in it probably\nmeans husband. The husband had gone on a religious mission and has left\nthe wife without support. He at last sent her a letter, and this is her\nreply. She wishes to persuade him to return, and writes with great tact.\nWhat she says about remembering her husband in her prayers, and her thanks\nto the gods for his health, reminds one of the language of Paul in 1\nThess. 1:2; 3:9; 2 Thess. 1:3, 11; 2:13; 1 Cor. 1:4; 2 Cor. 1:4-6; Phil.\n1:3, 9; Col. 1:3; Philemon 4.\n\nAnother letter which illustrates the same points is this:\n\n Ammonios to his sister Tachnumi, much greeting: Before all things I\n pray that you may be in health, and each day I make the act of worship\n for you. I salute heartily my goodest little boy Leo. I am jolly and\n so is the horse and Melas. Don\u2019t neglect my son. I salute Senchris,\n and I salute your mother. I likewise salute Pachnumi and Pachnumi\n junior. I salute ...... and Amenothis. Hurry up about the boy until we\n go to my place. If I come to the place and see the place, I will send\n for you and you shall come to Pelusium, and I will come to you at\n Pelusium. I salute Steches, the son of Pancrates. I salute Psemmouthis\n and Plato. If your brothers dispute with you, come to my house and\n stay there until we see what to do. Don\u2019t neglect it. Write me of your\n own welfare and of my boy\u2019s. Hurry up over the matter of the farm. I\n wrote this letter in Themuis on the fifth of the month Phamenoth. We\n have two days more, and then we will arrive at Pelusium. Melas greets\n you all by name. I salute Psenchnumi, the son of Psentermout. I pray\n that you may be well and strong.[626]\n\nThe sentence of this letter which follows the greeting is couched in\nalmost the same language as 3 John 2, and the number of people saluted in\nit and the manner of their salutation reminds one strongly of Rom.\n16:3-16.\n\nClearly the New Testament Epistles conform in their affectionate\nexpressions to the forms that were often employed by other letter-writers\nof that period of history.\n\n=5. Paul and Aretas, King of Arabia.=\n\nPaul says: \u201cIn Damascus the governor under Aretas the king guarded the\ncity of the Damascenes in order to take me.\u201d[627] Aretas is called by\nJosephus king of Arabia. He was Haretat IV, King of the Nabath\u00e6an Arabs.\nThese Nabath\u00e6ans were found in Arabia by the Assyrian King Ashurbanipal\n(668-626 B. C.); they conquered Edom about 400 B. C., driving the Edomites\nover into southern Judah; they helped one of the successors of Alexander\nthe Great at the battle of Gaza in 312 B. C., and founded a dynasty of\nkings that lasted until overthrown by the Roman Emperor Trajan in 106 A.\nD. Haretat IV belonged to this line. The following Aramaic inscription,\ndated in his reign, affords monumental confirmation of his existence:\n\n This is the tomb which Halafu, son of Kosnatan, made for himself and\n for Shaidu, his son, and his brothers, whatever males are born from\n this Halifu, both their sons and descendants by right of inheritance\n forever. And those who may be buried in this sepulcher and in this\n structure are this Shaidu and Manuath, Kenushath, and Ribamath, and\n Umaiyath and Shalimath, daughters of this Halifu. Also no descendant\n of Shaidu has authority, and no man after him of their sons or\n descendants, to sell this sepulcher, or to inscribe an epitaph or an\n emblem for anyone, except for the wife of one of them, or for his\n daughters, or kinsman, or relative by marriage he may inscribe the\n tomb. If any one shall do contrary to this, then the fine of Dushara,\n the god, our lord, shall be imposed upon him to the extent of five\n hundred silver shekels of Haretat, and in accordance with this\n inscription shall be deposited in the temple of Kaisha. Month Nisan,\n year fortieth of Haretat, King of the Nabath\u00e6ans, who loves his\n people. Rauma and Abdobodat, stone-cutters.[628]\n\nAs Haretat ruled from 9 B. C. to 40 A. D., this inscription was written in\n31 A. D., just a few years before Paul escaped from the officers of\nHaretat at Damascus. There are many other inscriptions dated in the reign\nof this king.\n\nAnother reads as follows:\n\n This is the sepulcher and two monuments over it, which Abdobodat, the\n general, made for Aitebel, the general, his father, and for Aitebel,\n the commander of the two camps which are in Luhitu and Abarta, the son\n of Abdobodat. This is in the district of their command, which they\n exercised in the two places for thirty-six years in the reign of\n Haretat, King of the Nabath\u00e6ans, who loves his people. The\n above-mentioned (monument) was constructed in the forty-sixth year of\n his reign.[629]\n\nThe forty-sixth year of Haretat was the year 37 A. D. The monument here\ntranslated was found at Medeba east of the Jordan (see Num. 21:30; Josh.\n13:9), and the two places mentioned in it are believed to be Nabath\u00e6an\nnames for Medeba and Rabbah Ammon (2 Sam. 11:1, etc.). It is evidence that\nHaretat had held this territory for a long time. Paul\u2019s escape from\nDamascus (2 Cor. 11:32) occurred between the date of the preceding\ninscription and this one.\n\n\n\n\nAPPENDIX\n\n(Appearing first in Second Edition.)\n\n\nI\n\nAddition to Part I, Chapter III, \u00a72, (3), p. 70.\n\nThe discoveries at Carchemish included Hittite inscriptions, one of which\nis said to be longer than any Hittite writing yet discovered. A number of\nstone deities were also found, one of which is a bearded god of the eighth\ncentury B. C. seated on a heavy base supported by two lions. Three large\ngateways were found. On the inside of the court of one of these were\ndadoes from five to six feet high, \u201cwith sculptured slabs of alternating\nblack diorite and white limestone adorned with carved figures of bulls,\nhorses, and chariots.\u201d The acropolis was surmounted by the ruins of a\npalace of King Sargon of Assyria, who conquered Carchemish, and by the\nruins of a Roman palace. An avenue of broad steps, more than a hundred\nfeet long, led up to these.\n\n\nII\n\nAddition to Part I, Chapter III, \u00a73, to be read after (7) on p. 74.\n\n(8) _Hrozny_, a Hungarian scholar, published in the _Mitteilungen der\ndeutschen Orient-Gesellschaft zu Berlin_, No. 56 (December, 1915), a new\nstudy of the problem of Hittite decipherment. Owing to the war the\npublication has not reached the writer. An excellent _r\u00e9sum\u00e9_ of it has,\nhowever, been published by Professor J. H. Moulton in the _Expository\nTimes_, xxviii, 106 ff. (December, 1916).\n\nIt appears that in April, 1914, Professor Hrozny and Doctor Figulla went\nto Constantinople and copied cuneiform inscriptions from Boghaz Koi until\nthe war recalled them. Hrozny\u2019s study is based on this cuneiform material.\nHe reaches the conclusion that Hittite is not only an Indo-European\nlanguage, but that it also belongs to the western half of the\nIndo-European family. In other words, he finds it more closely related to\nGreek, Latin, Keltic, and the Teutonic tongues than to the Slavonic,\nLithuanian, Armenian, and Persian languages, or to Sanscrit and its\ndaughters. According to Hrozny, then, the Hittites came from western\nEurope, or the center from which the western European peoples radiated. He\nthinks they crossed into Asia by way of the Bosphorus. He supports his\ncontention by some most interesting philological analogies. The Mitanni,\non the other hand, belonged, he thinks, to the eastern half of the\nIndo-European family. They were closely related to the Slavs, Lithuanians,\nArmenians, Persians, etc. The indications seem to be that they entered\nAsia by way of the Caucasus. We await further evidence with great\ninterest.\n\n\nIII\n\nAddition to Part I, Chapter III, \u00a79, p. 102.\n\nProfessor George L. Robinson, who was in Jerusalem in the spring of 1914\nas Director of the American School, has published in the _American Journal\nof Arch\u00e6ology_, Vol. XXI, p. 84 (January-March, 1917), a brief statement\nof the discoveries on Ophel and at Balata. He mentions the finding on\nOphel of a tower with rock-cut foundations, certain cave-tombs with oval\nroofs, a cistern with Roman baths, an inn, a Greek inscription (which\ntells of a synagogue), and an underground, rock-cut aqueduct, running\nparallel to and probably older than that of Hezekiah, which conducts the\nwater of Gihon to the Pool of Siloam.\n\nAt Balata the foundations of old Hebrew houses were discovered, together\nwith a portion of the Amorite city-wall, which was thick and oblique. The\nruins of a palace were also found and a great triple gateway, the longest\nyet excavated in Palestine. This gate was on the west of the city. Near\nthe tell an Egyptian sarcophagus was found, which some have thought might\nbe the coffin of Joseph.\n\n\nIV\n\nA NEW BABYLONIAN ACCOUNT OF THE CREATION OF MAN\n\nTo supplement Part II, Chapter II, p. 257.\n\nSince the first edition of this book went to press, the writer has had the\ngood fortune to discover among the tablets from Nippur in the University\nMuseum in Philadelphia a new Babylonian account of the creation of man.\nThe text is written in the Sumerian language, and the script is of the\nmixed cursive variety that was employed during the time of the first\ndynasty of Babylon and the Kassite dynasty. The text is accordingly older\nthan 1200 B. C., and may have been written before 2000 B. C. It reads as\nfollows:\n\n 1. The mountain of heaven and earth\n\n 2. The assembly of heaven, the great gods, entered. Afterwards,\n\n 3. Because Ashnan had not come forth, they conversed together.\n\n 4. The land Tikku had not created;\n\n 5. For Tikku a temple-platform had not been filled in;\n\n 6. A lofty dwelling had not been built;\n\n 7. The arable land was without any seed;\n\n 8. A well and a canal (?) had not been dug;\n\n 9. Horses and cattle had not been brought forth,\n\n 10. So that Ashnan could shepherd herd and corral.\n\n 11. The Anunna, the great gods, had made no plan;\n\n 12. There was no _\u0161es_-grain of thirty-fold;\n\n 13. There was no _\u0161es_-grain of fifty-fold;\n\n 14. Small grain, mountain-grain, and great _sal_-grain there were not;\n\n 15. A possession and houses there were not;\n\n 16. Tikku had neither entered a gate nor gone out;\n\n 17. Together with the lady Nintu the lord had not brought forth men.\n\n 18. The god Ug came; as leader he came to plan;\n\n 19. Mankind he planned; many men were brought forth.\n\n 20. Food and sleep he planned for them;\n\n 21. Clothing and dwellings he did not plan for them.\n\n 22. The people with rushes and rope came,\n\n 23. By making a dwelling a kindred was formed.\n\n 24. To the gardens ...... they gave drink.\n\n 25. On that day their [gardens] sprouted (?) ....\n\n 26. Their lands covered (?) ............\n\n .....................................................\n\n ..........................................................\n\n .............................................................\n\n ...............................................................\n\nReverse\n\n 1. ........................................\n\n 2. Father Enlil (?) .............................\n\n 3. ........ standing grain ....................\n\n 4. For mankind ............................\n\n 5. .................. creation of Entu ....................\n\n 6. Father Enlil ................................\n\n 7. Duazagga, the way of the gods ............\n\n 8. Duazagga, the brilliant, for my god I guard (?).\n\n 9. Entu and Enlil to Duazagga ............\n\n 10. A dwelling for Ashnan from out of Duazagga I will [make?] for\n thee.\n\n 11. Two-thirds of the fold perished (?);\n\n 12. His plants for food he created for them;\n\n 13. Ashnan rained on the field for them;\n\n 14. The moist (?) wind and the fiery storm-cloud he created for them.\n\n 15. Two-thirds of the fold stood.\n\n 16. For the shepherd of the fold joy was overthrown;\n\n 17. The house of rushes did not stand;\n\n 18. From Duazagga joy departed.\n\n 19. From his dwelling, a lofty height, his boat\n\n 20. Descended; from heaven he came\n\n 21. To the dwelling of Ashnan; the scepter he brought forth to them;\n\n 22. His brilliant city he raised up, he appointed for them;\n\n 23. The reed-country he planted, he appointed for them;\n\n 24. The falling rain the hollows caught for them;\n\n 25. A dwelling-place was their land; food made men multiply;\n\n 26. Prosperity entered the land; it caused them to become a multitude.\n\n 27. He brought to the hand of man the scepter of command.\n\n 28. The lord caused them to be, and they came into existence.\n\n 29. Companions calling them, a man with his wife he made them dwell.\n\n 30. At night as fitting companions they are together.\n\nA colophon states that the tablet contained sixty lines. Only five lines\nare entirely broken away.\n\nAshnan was a god of vegetation. Tikku, who had not created the land, was a\npersonified river-bank. The story begins, therefore, before the beginning\nof vegetation and before the creation of dykes in Babylonia. As in the\ntext translated in Chapter VIII, Part II, considerable space is occupied\nwith the things that were non-existent when the process of creation began.\nThe last sentence of this section asserts that the lord and Nintu had not\nbrought forth men. Nintu is the goddess who in the creation story\ntranslated in Chapter VII, Part II, appears as the mother of mankind (see\np. 279). The new tablet then states that Ug, the lion god, identified by a\nlater text with Shamash, the sun god, first came forth to plan. \u201cMankind\nhe planned; many men were brought forth.\u201d The word rendered \u201cplanned\u201d has\nalso the meaning \u201cknow,\u201d as in Gen. 4:1, where Adam is said to have known\nEve. It seems probable, therefore, that the text indicates that men were\nborn from a natural union of Ug and Nintu, just as it is said on p. 284,\nin another text from Nippur, that irrigation resulted from a similar union\nof the sun-god and Nintu. This shows that among the Sumerians there were\ndifferent conceptions of the way mankind was made. A Babylonian story of\nthe making of a man which is much more like the narrative of Gen. 2 than\nthat contained in this new tablet is given on p. 256.\n\nAfter telling how men were brought forth, and how they were left to\nprovide houses and clothing for themselves, the new tablet tells how reed\nhuts, similar to those still seen in the Babylonian marshes, were made.\nClans were formed and irrigation begun. Here the obverse becomes too\nbroken for connected translation.\n\nAt the beginning of the reverse several lines are fragmentary. From what\ncan be made out, some god seems to be addressing Enlil. Reference is made\nto Duazagga, the heavenly abyss, which is described as \u201cthe way of the\ngods,\u201d probably an allusion to the Milky Way. It is implied that the gods\nlive along this way. It seems that all was not going well with men on the\nearth, so this deity proposed to make a dwelling for Ashnan, the god of\nagriculture, outside of Duazagga, presumably on the earth. Two-thirds of\nthe fold perished; Ashnan accordingly created plants as food for men. This\nreminds us of how plants and fruits were given to man as food in Gen.\n1:29. Ashnan also caused it to rain in order to promote the growth of\nvegetation. This, however, created a new evil. The reed huts were washed\naway, together with a third of the fold. Some god, probably Enlil,\naccordingly came down from heaven, and built a city. This gave to human\nsociety the required stability. In this stable society the god gave the\nscepter of command into man\u2019s hand just as in Gen. 1:28 man is given\ndominion over all the lower orders of life. In this connection we find the\nstatement:\n\n\u201cThe lord caused them to be and they came into existence,\u201d the form of\nwhich reminds one of the statement in Gen. 1:3, \u201cGod said, Let there be\nlight: and there was light.\u201d\n\nThe next line: \u201cCompanions calling them, a man with his wife he made them\ndwell,\u201d recalls Gen. 2:18 and 24. The last line of the text is the\nBabylonian equivalent of the last clause of Gen. 2:24.\n\nThis text as a whole describes the creation of man, sketches the\nvicissitudes of pastoral life, and ends with a statement of the greater\nsecurity and prosperity of urban life. It attributes the origin of\neverything to the gods.\n\n * * * * *\n\nAddition to Part II, Chapter XI, p. 309.\n\nThe entrance of Abraham and later of Jacob and his sons into Egypt in time\nof famine (Gen. 12:10 and 47:5-12) is strikingly illuminated by the\nfollowing reports of officials stationed at fortresses on the Egyptian\nborder.\n\nThe first of these texts was inscribed in the tomb of Harmhab, the\nfounder of the nineteenth dynasty, though there is reason to believe that\nit was written during the reign of Amenophis IV of the eighteenth dynasty\n(1375-1357 B. C.). Some of the lines are broken. It reads as follows:\n\n ....... Asiatics; others have been placed in their abodes ...... they\n have been destroyed, and their town laid waste, and fire has been\n thrown ......... [they have come to entreat] the Great in Strength to\n send his mighty sword before ....... Their countries are starving,\n they live like goats of the mountain, [their] children ....... saying:\n \u201cA few of the Asiatics, who knew not how they should live, have come\n [begg]ing [a home in the domain] of Pharaoh ....., after the manner of\n your fathers\u2019 fathers since the beginning under, ......... Now, the\n Pharaoh .... gives them into your hand, to protect their\n borders.\u201d[630]\n\nThe second text comes from the reign of Merneptah (1225-1215 B. C.). It\nreads as follows:\n\n Another matter for the satisfaction of my lord\u2019s heart [to wit]: We\n have finished passing the tribes of the Shasu of Edom through the\n fortress of Merneptah-Hotephirma ... in Theku, to the pools of Pithom,\n of Merneptah-Hotephirma in Theku, in order to sustain them and their\n herds in the domain of Pharaoh ..., the good sun of every land\n ......... I have caused them to be brought ........ other names of\n days when the fortress of Merneptah-Hotephirma may be passed,\n ....[631]\n\nThese texts make it evident that at different periods of Egyptian history\nAsiatic tribes in time of famine and stress sought and found refuge in\nEgypt as the Israelites are said to have done.\n\n\nVI\n\nALLEGED TRACES OF THE \u201cTEN TRIBES\u201d IN EXILE\n\nTo supplement Part II, Chapter XVII, at the end of \u00a7 10, p. 372.\n\nIn 2 Kings 15:29 it is said that Tiglath-pileser [IV] captured certain\ncities in Galilee, and carried their inhabitants captive to Assyria. In 2\nKings 17:6 it is said that when Samaria was destroyed by the Assyrian king\n[Sargon, in 722 B. C.], Israelites were carried captive to Halah and\nGozan, which were situated on the Khabur River in Mesopotamia.\n\nTwo groups of cuneiform tablets, one in the museum at Berlin, the other in\nthe British Museum, are thought to confirm these statements by the\nevidence they give that Hebrews who reverenced Jehovah were living in\nthat region.[632] The evidence consists chiefly of a divine name _A-u_,\nemployed as a component part of proper names just as _Jo-_ and _Jeho-_,\nabbreviations of the name of Jehovah, are employed in Hebrew proper names\nin the Old Testament. Indeed, _A-u_ is the form that _Jo-_ or _Jeho-_\nwould take, if expressed in Assyrian characters.\n\nThe names in question occur in a series of documents which record the\ntransfer of slaves. If the men in question were Hebrews they would seem to\nhave been interested in the business of buying and selling slaves. The\ndocuments are much alike. It will suffice to translate one of them:\n\n 1. Seal of Atarkhasis,\n\n 2. son of Aushezib,\n\n 3. the Kannuean,\n\n 4. owner of the slave-girl. A transfer\n\n 5. of Kabili, his slave-girl he\n\n 6. has made, and Nabushallimshunu\n\n 7. for the price of 1\u00bd manas of silver\n\n 8. has taken her. The money in full\n\n 9. is paid. That slave\n\n 10. is purchased and delivered. Whoever in the future\n\n 11. at any time shall rise up and\n\n 12. lay claim, whether Atarkhasis\n\n 13. or his sons,--whoever against\n\n 14. Nabushallimshunu or his sons\n\n 15. legal process\n\n 16. shall begin, 10 manas of silver\n\n 17. shall pay. Against an attack of rheumatism for 100 days\n\n 18. and legal claim for all time (he is guaranteed).\n\n 19. Month Airu, 17th day,\n\n 20. eponym of Ashurrimani, rabshekeh.\n\n 21. In the presence of Padi,\n\n 22. In the presence of Khani,\n\n 23. In the presence of Ashurnadinakhi,\n\n 24. In the presence of Tubusu,\n\n 25. In the presence of Belbelshaduni,\n\n 26. In the presence of Ilumia.\n\n 27. In the presence of Ashurikhtamusur\n\n 28. In the presence of Bariku,\n\n 29. In the presence of Kennusharruni.\n\nThe significant name here is Aushezib, meaning, \u201cAu saves.\u201d If _Au_ is a\ntranslation of _Jeho-_, the name, in its entirety, would be a translation\nof one of the Hebrew forms of the name Joshua. Other names, into which\nthe name of the god _Au_ enters, appear sometimes in the body of a\ncontract and sometimes among the witnesses. They are _{il}A-u-salim_, \u201cthe\ngod Au gives peace\u201d; _A-u-iddina_, \u201cAu gives,\u201d equivalent to the Hebrew\nJonathan; _A-u-akhiddin_, \u201cAu has increased the brothers\u201d; _A-u-daninani_,\n\u201cAu is our mighty-one\u201d; _A-u-e-ballitani_, \u201cO Au, make us live\u201d;\n_{il}A-u-d\u00e2n_(?)_-ilani_, \u201cAu is judge of the gods\u201d; _A-u-sabi_, \u201cAu\nsatisfies.\u201d[633]\n\nThe tablets were written at Kannu, the Canneh of Ezek. 27:23, which was\nnear Haran in Mesopotamia. One text states that if the seller of the slave\never brings legal action, he shall pay ten silver manas and one gold mana\n\u201cat the sanctuary of the god _A-u_, who dwells in Kannu.\u201d If the god _A-u_\nbe really the Hebrew Jehovah, the captives from Samaria and Galilee had\nbuilt for him a temple in Kannu, as the Jews at Elephantine afterward did\non the island in the Nile. (See p. 387, f.)\n\nThe documents in which these names occur appear to be dated between 666\nand 606 B. C. They are dated according to the Assyrian method of dating,\nwhich shows that they were written under the Assyrian monarchy, but the\neponyms in which they are dated are not found in the extant portions of\nthe Assyrian Eponymlist. They were therefore written after the year\n666.[634] This fixes the dates of these documents in the seventh\ncentury--the century after Tiglath-pileser IV and Sargon transported to\nthis region parts of the ten \u201clost tribes,\u201d and, if _A-u_ really is a form\nof the name Jehovah, these tablets afford us a little glimpse of some of\nthese Hebrews in exile.\n\n\n\n\nINDEX OF SCRIPTURE PASSAGES\n\n\nGENESIS--\n\n 1 247\n 1:7 248\n 1:24-26 266\n 2 256\n 3 260\n 3:18, 24 289\n 4:1, 2, 16-23 269\n 5 264\n 5:24 266\n 6, 7, 8, 9 277\n 9:20 287, 289\n 10:10 44, 47, 58\n 10:11 43, 47, 60\n 10:23 116\n 11:2 58\n 11:9 42\n 11:27 109\n 11:31 77\n 11:31, ff. 112\n 12:4 77, 109\n 14:1 58, 294, 295, 297, 298\n 14:5 215\n 14:6 106, 116\n 14:15 213\n 15:2 213\n 16:5-7 329\n 16:7 95\n 19:1 129\n 21 111\n 21:9, 10 329\n 22 172\n 22:2 168\n 22:6, 10 152\n 22:9 169\n 23 76\n 23:10 68\n 24:22 161\n 24:30 156\n 25:15 307\n 25:34 134\n 26:34 68\n 29:1 108\n 30:1-13 328\n 34:20 129\n 36:20 106, 308\n 36:20-22 109\n 36:21 106\n 36:24 308\n 36:29 106, 109\n 37:17 133\n 40:11 136\n 41:30 305\n 41:39 303\n 41:42 157\n 41:45 34\n 41:47-57 306\n 41:54 305\n 46:17 349\n 50:13 180\n 50:26 303, 411\n\nEXODUS--\n\n 1:11 35\n 2:1-10 311\n 3:8, 17 139, 309\n 4:25 152\n 5:7-18 36\n 11:5 135\n 12 390\n 12:37 36\n 13:20 36\n 14:23-28 37\n 16:36 158\n 18:13-26 315\n 20:8-11 258\n 20:12 411\n 20:24 172\n 20:24-26 198\n 21:2-6 316, 323\n 21:2-11 324\n 21:6 340\n 21:12-14, 18-27 334\n 21:16 316\n 21:17 332\n 21:24 340\n 21:28-35 337\n 22:1-4, 9 315\n 22:5 319, 320\n 22:5, 6 319\n 22:7-10 323\n 22:10-13 339\n 22:11, 25 320\n 22:16, 17 328\n 22:18 314\n 22:26, 27 324\n 23:10, 11 319\n 29:40 158\n 34:20 172\n 35:22 156\n 38:26 161\n\nLEVITICUS--\n\n 5:13 343\n 6:3-5 315\n 6:18, 29 343\n 7:8-10, 14, 34 343\n 11:35 149\n 18:6-18 329\n 19:9 319\n 19:20-22 328\n 20:10 328\n 20:11, 12, 19-21 329\n 22:30 329\n 23 390\n 24:20 340\n 25:5 137\n 25:25-46 316\n 26:26 149\n\nNUMBERS--\n\n 5:9, 10 343\n 5:11-28 314, 328\n 13:23 136\n 14:8 139\n 16:13, 14 139\n 21:13 365\n 21:15, 16 116\n 21:21 116, 308\n 21:30 443\n 26:45 349\n 27:8-11 332\n 31:29, 41 343\n 31:50 157\n 32:8 95\n 32:34 112, 365\n 32:38 365\n 32:42 215\n 33:5, 6 36\n 36:2-12 332\n\nDEUTERONOMY--\n\n 1:4 111, 112, 116, 308\n 2:12, 22 106\n 2:24 365\n 2:26 307\n 3:9 116\n 3:11 217\n 5:12-15 258\n 5:16 411\n 6:3 139\n 7:5 91\n 10:18 420\n 11:10 84\n 12:3 91\n 14:29 420\n 15, 16, 17 340\n 15:7-18 323\n 15:12-18 316, 324\n 16:9 135\n 16:18-20 315\n 18:10 314\n 19:4 334\n 19:5 152\n 19:16-21 314\n 19:21 340\n 21:1-9 316\n 21:15-21 332\n 22:6 139\n 22:13-21 325\n 22:22-29 328\n 22:30 329\n 23:15 316\n 23:17 323, 326\n 23:17, 18 333\n 23:24 137\n 23:24, 25 319\n 24:1-4 329\n 24:6 136\n 24:10-13 324\n 24:19-22 319\n 25:4 135\n 26:2, 4 153\n 28:5, 17 153\n 34:1 365\n\nJOSHUA--\n\n 2:6 138\n 5:2, 3 152\n 6:20 125\n 9:17, 20 111\n 10:3 89, 112\n 10:33 92, 112, 116, 117\n 11:1, 2 111\n 11:22 91\n 12:4 111\n 12:21 96, 97\n 12:22 133\n 13:9 443\n 13:16-19 365\n 13:25 217\n 15:10 94, 112\n 15:37 114, 116\n 15:41 111, 116\n 15:44 346\n 15:59 111\n 15:63 188\n 17:11 111, 114, 133, 214\n 18:24 111\n 19:6 110\n 19:18-20, 25, 28 111\n 19:35, 37 111, 114\n 19:44 377\n 20:7 133\n 20:8 365\n 21:19 111\n 21:23 377\n\nJUDGES--\n\n 1:5, 27-36 116\n 1:17 111\n 1:21 188\n 1:27 92, 111\n 1:29 117\n 4, 5, 6 133\n 4:2 111\n 4:21 153\n 5:19 97\n 5:26 153\n 6:3 108, 307\n 6:11 111, 193\n 6:19 153\n 6:33 108\n 7:12 108, 307\n 7:22 111\n 8:10 108, 307\n 9:4, 46 351\n 9:53 136\n 11:3, 5 111\n 13:2 112\n 13:19 193\n 16:23-30 93, 176\n 18:7, 18 111\n 18:29 133\n 19:10, 11 188\n\n1 SAMUEL--\n\n 2:13, 14 151\n 4:1 111\n 5:8 91\n 9:12 169\n 10:5 155\n 10:26 133\n 11:4 133\n 13:20, 21 161\n 17:1 111\n 17:4 91\n 17:43 139\n 19:24 356\n 23:1 112, 188\n 25:2 188\n 28:41 111\n 31:5 154\n 31:10 133\n 31:10, 12 214\n\n2 SAMUEL--\n\n 1:10 156\n 2:16 154\n 3:27 129\n 5:6-8 188\n 5:9 189\n 5:25 92\n 7:2 176\n 8:9, ff. 81\n 11:1 217, 443\n 12:27 130\n 12:31 152\n 15:2 190\n 16:9 139\n 17:28 134\n 20:14 111\n 21:12 214\n 23:11 134\n 24 190, 192\n 24:16 193\n 24:16, 17 377\n 24:18, 22 135\n\n1 KINGS--\n\n 1:33 101\n 1:40 155\n 3:1 190\n 3:1, ff. 30\n 3:2 169\n 4:7 317\n 4:12 214\n 5:6, 17 358\n 6:4 194, 195\n 6:29, 32, 35 194\n 6:36 195\n 7:2, 6 196\n 7:8, 12, 23-37, 39 195\n 7:9 152\n 7:49 194\n 9:15 112, 190\n 9:15-19 94\n 9:16 30\n 9:24 189\n 10:1 371\n 10:1-13 381\n 10:5, 18-20 193\n 11:14-25 118\n 11:27 190\n 11:40 30\n 12:12 359\n 14:25 37, 118, 360\n 14:25-28 30, 259\n 15:20 111\n 16:23-29 365\n 16:24 127\n 16:34 99, 100, 125, 128\n 16:36 128\n 17:10 133\n 19:16, 17 124\n 19:19 134, 135\n 21:8 155\n 22:39 100, 127\n\n2 KINGS--\n\n 2:19-22 98\n 3:4 364\n 3:4-12 197\n 3:5-27 365\n 4:8 111\n 4:23 259\n 5:12 214\n 6:5 152\n 6:13 133\n 6:25 158\n 11, 12, 13, 14, 15 268\n 11:12, 13 195\n 12:17 91\n 12:20 189\n 13:20, 21 183\n 14:7 173\n 14:8-14 94, 95\n 14:13 196\n 14:19 89\n 14:21 367\n 14:23 259\n 15:1-27 367\n 15:19 61, 62\n 15:29 370\n 15:29, 30 62, 369\n 15:37 367\n 16:5-9 367\n 16:10 369\n 16:10-16 198\n 16:14 195\n 17:3-5 369\n 17:4 370\n 17:5 62, 123\n 17:16 370\n 17:24 124, 125, 370\n 17:24-34 100, 118\n 18 374, 375\n 18:1-6, 9 198\n 18:4 171\n 18:13 44\n 18:13-16 375\n 18:13--19:8 376\n 18:14 89\n 18:14, ff. 374\n 18:17 375\n 18:32 139\n 19 374, 375\n 19:9 31, 375\n 19:9-36 376\n 19:35 374\n 19:36 377\n 19:37 44, 64, 378\n 20:12 63\n 20:20 198, 377\n 20:21 378\n 21 378\n 21:6 172\n 22:14 199\n 23:5, 8 169\n 23:10 172, 199\n 23:29 32, 96\n 23:29, ff. 379\n 23:34 32, 379\n 24, 25 44, 65, 380\n 25:9, 10 200\n 25:27. 381\n 25:27-30 66\n\n1 CHRONICLES--\n\n 1:30 307\n 1:38 109\n 1:40 308\n 2:18 116\n 4:8 116\n 7:31 349\n 8:12 111\n 18:9, ff. 82\n 21:23 135\n 23:4 315\n 24 117\n 29:7 163\n\n2 CHRONICLES--\n\n 1:5, 6 195\n 2:8 358\n 3:1 168\n 5:2 189\n 11:5-10 90\n 19:5-7 315\n 33 64\n\nEZRA--\n\n 1 386\n 2:69 163\n 3:12 201\n 4:2 378\n 4:10 379\n 5:16 200\n 8:27 163\n\nNEHEMIAH--\n\n 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7 118\n 1:1 47\n 1:3 200\n 2:10, 19 389\n 3, 4, 5, 6 90\n 3:13, 28 202\n 4:1, ff. 389\n 6:1, ff. 389\n 7:2 390, 391\n 7:37 111\n 7:70-72 163\n 11:25 111\n 12:31-40 202\n 13:28 389\n\nESTHER--\n\n 1:2 47\n 3:10, 12 157\n\nJOB--\n\n 1:3 108\n 3:8 253\n 9:13, 14 251\n 12:7, 8 430\n 26:12, 13 251, 252\n 28:28 409\n 29 395\n 29:13 420\n 31 395\n 38:14 154\n 39:13 139\n 41 253\n 41:24 136\n 42:4-6 395\n\nPSALMS--\n\n 6:3 400\n 8 401\n 17:1 400\n 18:6 400\n 19 401\n 21:9 149\n 68:4 147\n 68:5 420\n 74:10 400\n 74:13, 14 282\n 74:13, 14, 16, 17 252\n 85:5 400\n 87:4 254\n 89:10 253\n 90:7, 13 400\n 104 406\n 104:24 404\n 137 200\n 146, 147, 148 401\n\nPROVERBS--\n\n 1:9 156\n 5:3 410\n 6:9-11 411\n 10:19 409\n 10:26 411\n 11:1 162\n 13:3 409\n 13:4 411\n 14:3 409\n 14:35 408\n 17:28 409\n 18:24 409\n 20:23 162\n 24:17 408\n 24:21 409\n 31:13 138\n 31:31 129\n\nECCLESIASTES--\n\n 7:15-17 409\n 9:6-9 412\n 9:9 410\n 11:9 409\n\nCANTICLES--\n\n 1:10 156\n 2:13 136\n 3:6 156\n 4:1-7 414\n 5:1 416\n 6:2, 3 416\n 8:1-3 415\n\nISAIAH--\n\n 1:13 259\n 1:17, 23 420\n 3:18 157\n 3:19, 20 156\n 5:1-8 137\n 5:12 155\n 6 418\n 7:1 197\n 7:1, ff. 62\n 7:3 198\n 7:16 369\n 8:1 154\n 8:6 198\n 9:1-6 422\n 9:17 420\n 10:2 420\n 10:9 63, 81, 116, 361, 371\n 10:14 139\n 10:28-32 372\n 11:1-8 422\n 11:6-9 284\n 14:9-11 180, 422, 426\n 15:1 116\n 15:2, 4, 5 365\n 19 389\n 19:13 27\n 19:19-22 38\n 20:1 43, 372\n 22:22 151\n 27:1 253\n 30:7 254\n 31:5 64\n 36 44\n 36, 37 63, 374\n 37:9 31\n 37:38 378\n 39:1 377\n 40:12 158\n 41:15 135\n 44:28 383\n 45:1 383\n 47:8 420\n 51:9 253\n 57:3 172\n 66:23 259\n\nJEREMIAH--\n\n 2:10 293\n 2:16 27\n 7:6 420\n 7:31 172, 199\n 15:8 420\n 18:21 420\n 22:3 420\n 23:27 418\n 23:29 153\n 32:35 172\n 36 32\n 41:4, 5 200\n 43:7, 8 37\n 43:8 38\n 44:1 27, 37\n 46 32, 65\n 46:2 361\n 46:2, ff. 379\n 46:14, 19 27\n 48:22-24 365\n 49:11 420\n 50:16 135\n\nLAMENTATIONS--\n\n 4:3 139\n 5:10 150\n\nEZEKIEL--\n\n 1:1 65, 66\n 4:9 134\n 4:12-15 149\n 5:1, 2 152\n 8:14 426, 427\n 8:16 194\n 16:3 77, 349\n 16:11 156\n 16:45 349\n 22:7, 25 420\n 23:40 156\n 27:6 293\n 27:8, 9 112\n 30:13, 16 27\n 30:17 31\n 32:21-31 422, 426\n 32:22-32 180\n 43:13-17 198\n 45:11, 14 158\n 46:3 259\n\nDANIEL--\n\n 3:5, 15 155\n 4:29 380\n 5:11, 18 382\n 5:25 160\n 5:30, 31 384\n 8:2 47\n\nHOSEA--\n\n 2:5, 9 138\n 2:11 259\n 7:4, 6, 7 150\n 9:6 27\n\nJOEL--\n\n 3:13 135\n\nAMOS--\n\n 5:19 126\n 6:2 116\n 7:14 356\n 8:1, 2 153\n 8:5 162, 259\n 9:7 116, 357\n\nMICAH--\n\n 1:14 92, 140\n 6:15 136\n\nNAHUM--\n\n 3:8 31, 64\n\nZEPHANIAH--\n\n 1:10, 11 199\n\nZECHARIAH--\n\n 3:1 418\n 4 201\n 7:10 420\n\nMALACHI--\n\n 3:5 420\n\nECCLESIASTICUS--\n\n 50:1-4 203\n\n1 MACCABEES--\n\n 1:21, 22 201\n 1:33 204\n 5:37 215\n 7:32, 33 204\n 9:52 124\n 13:48 128\n 14:34 94\n 14:36 204\n\nMATTHEW--\n\n 1:8 268\n 3:12 135\n 4:25 213, 218\n 5:14 123, 429\n 5:15 151\n 5:26 165\n 5:29 199\n 6:30 149\n 6:33 430\n 7:5 428\n 7:7 430\n 7:24, 25 429\n 10:26 431\n 10:28 199\n 10:29 165\n 11:27 405\n 12:1 132\n 13:4 132\n 13:57 408, 429\n 14:3 165\n 16:13 133\n 19:24 151\n 19:30 431\n 22:19 165\n 23:37 140\n 24:41 135, 136\n 25:1-12 148\n 26:34, 74 140\n 26:36 137\n 26:57 101\n 28:2 184\n\nMARK--\n\n 2:23 132\n 4:4 132\n 4:23 431\n 5:1 218\n 5:20 213, 218\n 6:4 429\n 6:17 165\n 7:11 159\n 7:31 213, 218\n 8:27 133\n 10:12 329\n 10:25 151\n 10:31 431\n 12:15-17 165\n 12:41 209\n 12:42 165\n 13:35 140\n 13:44 430\n 14:26 211\n 14:30, 68, 72 140\n 14:32 137, 211\n 16:3, 4 184\n\nLUKE--\n\n 2:1-5 432\n 2:2 434, 437\n 2:3-5 435\n 3:17 135\n 3:19 165\n 4:24 429\n 4:26 133\n 5:9 430\n 6:1 132\n 6:42 428\n 7:5 98\n 8:5 132\n 9:51-54 119\n 11:47, 48 183\n 12:2 431\n 12:6 165\n 12:28 149\n 13:30 431\n 15:8 165\n 15:22 157\n 17:21 430\n 18:25 151\n 20:36 430\n 21:1 209\n 21:2 165\n 22:34, 60 140\n 22:39 211\n 23:18, 21 206\n 24:2 184\n\nJOHN--\n\n 2:20 208\n 3:16, 36 431\n 3:29 416\n 4:5 133\n 4:9, 20 119\n 4:44 429\n 5:4 187\n 5:24 431\n 13:38 140\n 18:1 211\n 18:24 101\n 18:27 140\n 20:1 184\n\nACTS--\n\n 3:2 210\n 8:27 39\n 8:27-39 33\n 9:11 214\n 9:32 111\n 12:23 377\n 15, 16 440\n 16:14 226\n 17:6 438\n 17:22-31 220\n 17:23 438, 439\n 17:27 178\n 18:1 220\n 18:4, 7 221\n 18:11 220, 440\n 18:12 221, 439\n 19:23-41 224\n 20:15, 17 222\n 20:35 431\n 23:23, 24 133\n 24:27 439\n 26:14 135\n\nROMANS--\n\n 16:3-16 441\n\n1 CORINTHIANS--\n\n 1:4 441\n 3:10-17 223\n 14:7 155\n 15:32 224\n\n2 CORINTHIANS--\n\n 1:46 441\n 3:14 194\n 11:32 174, 442, 443\n\nGALATIANS--\n\n 1:18 440\n 2:1 440\n\nPHILIPPIANS--\n\n 1:3, 9 441\n\nCOLOSSIANS--\n\n 1:3 441\n 4:13 230\n\n1 THESSALONIANS--\n\n 1:2 441\n 3:9 441\n\n2 THESSALONIANS--\n\n 1:3, 11 441\n 2:13 441\n\nPHILEMON--\n\n 4 441\n\nHEBREWS--\n\n 13:12 211\n\n3 JOHN--\n\n 2 441\n\nREVELATION--\n\n 2:10 230\n 2:12 438\n 2:13 225\n 2:18-29 226\n 3:1-6 227\n 3:5 228\n 3:12 229\n 3:15, 16 230\n 6:13 136\n 21:2, 9 416\n\n\n\n\nINDEX\n\n\n Abana, 214\n\n Abbi-Teshub, makes treaty with Mursil, 80\n\n Abdi-Hepa, vassal of Amenophis IV, 76\n\n Abi-Adda, 80\n\n Abraham, sojourn in Egypt, 35;\n purchase of the cave of Machpelah, 76;\n home in Mesopotamia, 112;\n sacrifice of Isaac, 172\n\n Abraham, Babylonian account of farmer of this name, 108, 290\n\n \u201cAbsalom\u2019s Pillar,\u201d 183\n\n Abu Haba, Turkish exploration of, 46\n\n Abu Shusheh (Gezer), 93\n\n Abydos, chief town of This, 25\n\n Acts, arch\u00e6ological light on the book of, 438\n\n Adab (Bismya), 47, 57\n\n Adad-nirari III, King of Assyria, 53\n\n Adad-nirari IV, inscription regarding Syria and Palestine, 61, 365\n\n Adam, Biblical account of, 289;\n Babylonian forms of the name, 266\n\n Adapa and the fall of man, legend of, 260\n\n Adime, 266\n\n \u201cAdmonitions of Ipuwer, The,\u201d 28\n\n Adzes, 153\n\n \u00c6lia Capitolina, 122, 212\n\n Africanus, Julius Sextus, _Chronigraphiai_ of, 21\n\n Agade (Sippar), 54, 57, 266\n\n Agricultural implements, 134;\n calendar, 138\n\n Agriculture, 134\n\n Ahab, in confederacy against Shalmaneser III, 61;\n palace of, 100;\n pays tribute to Tiglathpileser IV, 369\n\n Ahaz, vassal to Tiglath-pileser IV, 62;\n altar of, 198\n\n Ahmose I, siege of Sharuhen, 110\n\n Ain es-Sultan (Elisha\u2019s Fountain), 98\n\n Ain Kades, 95\n\n Ain Shems (Beth-shemesh), 94\n\n Ain Sitti Miriam, see _Gihon_.\n\n Akkad, derivation of, 58\n\n Akra, 203\n\n Alaparos, 271\n\n Alexander Jann\u00e6us, 120, 201, 205\n\n Alexander the Great, empire of, 33;\n conquests of, 66;\n death of, 119\n\n Alexandra, Asmon\u00e6an queen, 120\n\n Alorus, 271\n\n Altar of incense, 173\n\n Amanus, source of cedar, 58, 358\n\n Am\u0113lon, 271\n\n _Amelu_, 267, 271\n\n Amempsinos, 271\n\n Amenemhet I, 76\n\n Amenemhet III, 28\n\n Amenophis I, 23, 110\n\n Amenophis III, 60, 304\n\n Amenophis III and IV, 29\n\n American Exploration Society, 86\n\n American Palestine Exploration Society, 86\n\n American School of Oriental Research in Palestine, 99\n\n American School of Classical Studies at Athens, 221\n\n Amil-Marduk (Evil-Merodach), 66;\n inscription of, 381\n\n Amman, 218\n\n Ammenon, 271\n\n Ammienshi, Amorite chieftain, 108, 109\n\n Ammi-zadugga, reign of, 53\n\n Amorites, conquests of the, 107\n\n Amosis I, 29\n\n Amosis II, 32\n\n Anderson, H. J., explorations in Palestine, 86\n\n Anderson, J. G. C., inscription discovered at Antioch, 436\n\n Andrae, W., exploration at Kalah-Sherghat, 47;\n inscription of Tukulti-Ninib, 52\n\n Animals, representative of Egyptian tribes, 24;\n domestic, 138\n\n Anklets, 157\n\n Antigonus, 120, 205\n\n Antiochus III, 130\n\n Antiochus IV, 203\n\n Antipas, 121\n\n Antiquities, preservation of Egyptian, 19;\n of Babylonian, 41\n\n Antonia, fortress, 205\n\n Anu, 260\n\n Anubanini, King of Lulubi, 57\n\n Apollophanes, tomb of, 183\n\n Arad-Sin, King of Larsa, 58\n\n Aram\u00e6ans, migration of, 113\n\n Arandas, successor of Subbiluliuma, 79\n\n Araunah the Jebusite, 168\n\n Arch\u00e6ological Institute of America, 99\n\n Archelaus, 121\n\n Areopagus, 220\n\n Aretas, see _Haretat IV_.\n\n Arioch, identified with Arad-Sin and Rim-Sin, 58\n\n Aripi, 266\n\n Aristobulus I and II, 120\n\n Arnuanta, successor of Dudkhalia, 81\n\n Arpad, overthrow of, 371\n\n Arrows, 153\n\n Artatama I, King of the Mitanni, 77;\n alliance with Thothmes IV, 77\n\n Artatama II, King of the Harri, 78\n\n Artaxerxes, inscriptions of, 48\n\n Artaxerxes III, Jews rebel against, 66\n\n Asarjik, Hittite remains at, 70\n\n Asenath, wife of Joseph, 33\n\n Asherim, at Tell es-Safi, 169\n\n Ashmolean Museum, 19\n\n Ashteroth-Karnaim, 215\n\n Ashtoreth, figures of, at Taanach, 173\n\n Ashur, 47, 60\n\n Ashurbanipal, succeeds Esarhaddon, 64;\n his account of his campaign against Tyre, 378;\n proverbs from library of, 407\n\n Ashur-dan, 52\n\n Ashur-nasirpal II, records of, referred to, 60;\n military exploits of, 61;\n advance toward Hebrew territory, 360\n\n Ashur-rim-nishishu, King of Assyria, 53, 60\n\n Ashur-uballit, King of Assyria, 60\n\n Asia, churches of, 221\n\n Asmon\u00e6an coins, 164\n\n Asmon\u00e6ans, 120\n\n Assumptionist Fathers, excavations at Jerusalem, 101;\n collection of flint implements, 103\n\n Assurbanipal, invasion of Egypt, 31\n\n Assyria, wars with Egypt, 31;\n the land, 40;\n explorations in, 47;\n relations to Babylonia, 59;\n early period of, 60;\n second period of, 61\n\n Atbara, 18\n\n Athen\u00e6 Polias, temple of, 225\n\n Athens, 219\n\n Aton, Egyptian hymn in praise of, 403\n\n Atys, worship of, 226\n\n Augustus, temple to, at Samaria, 178\n\n Awls, 152\n\n Axes, 152\n\n Azariah (Uzziah), 367\n\n Azekah, excavation at, 90\n\n Aziru, Amorite king, 79, 113, 304\n\n\n Babylon, capture of, 383\n\n Babylonia, the land, 40;\n exploration by Harper and Banks, 47;\n historical periods, 55;\n early period, 59;\n Persian period, 66;\n psalms from, 398;\n proverbs from, 407\n\n Babylonian column, 50\n\n Babylonian creation epic, 235, 247;\n account of the flood, 273\n\n Babylonian exile, 65;\n termination of, 118\n\n Bacchides, Syrian general, 124\n\n Bactria, secedes from the empire of the Seleucid\u00e6, 67\n\n Bagoses, general of Artaxerxes III, 66\n\n Baking-trays, 150\n\n Balata, 102\n\n Ball, C. J., decipherment of Hittite inscriptions, 71\n\n Banks, Edgar J., exploration in Babylonia, 47\n\n Barada, 214\n\n Bar Chocaba, 121\n\n Baris, castle of, 204\n\n Barsalnunna, 267\n\n Baskets, 153\n\n Bath, 158\n\n Beads, 156\n\n Beautiful gate, 210\n\n Bees, 139\n\n Behistun inscription of Darius I, 50\n\n Beit Jibrin, caves at, 106\n\n Bel (Enlil), god of Nippur, 55;\n Babylonian hymn to, 401\n\n Belshazzar, son of Nabuna\u2019id, 382\n\n Ben-Hadad in league with Ahab, 61\n\n Benjamin of Tudela, explorations of, 42\n\n _Beqa_, 161\n\n Bergama, 224\n\n Berossos, list of Babylonian kings, 54;\n Babylonian priest, 247;\n list of kings, 270\n\n Bethesda, Pool of, 210\n\n Beth-Ninib (Beth-shemesh), 95\n\n Beth-shemesh, excavations at, 94;\n capture of, 117;\n walls of, 125;\n gates of, 129;\n burial caves at, 180\n\n Bezetha, hill, 212\n\n Birds, 139\n\n \u201cBishop Gobat\u2019s School,\u201d 191\n\n Bismya (Adab), mound of, 47;\n Luguldaudu, King of, 57\n\n Blanche-Garde, fortress of the Crusaders, 91\n\n Bliss, Frederick J., excavations at Lachish, 89\n\n Boghaz Koi, excavations at, 69;\n Hittite kingdom at, 77;\n the \u201cHittite City,\u201d 78\n\n Bor (Tyan), 82\n\n Bork, Ferdinand, studies in the Mitanni language, 73\n\n Botta, Paul Emil, exploration of Nineveh, 43\n\n Bowls, 150\n\n Bracelets, 156\n\n Breasted, Henry James, accession of Mena, 23;\n _Ancient Records, Egypt_, 76, 352\n\n British Museum, trustees direct excavation at Carchemish, 70\n\n Bruce, James, 20\n\n Brugsch, H., _History of Egypt_, 76;\n inscription at Elephantine, 305\n\n Br\u00fcnnow, R., studies in the Mitanni language, 71;\n explorations in Edom, 88\n\n Bubastis, capital of Shishak dynasty, 31\n\n Bulghar-Maden, Hittite remains at, 70\n\n Burckhardt, J. L., explorations in Palestine, 85\n\n Burial customs, 180\n\n Burnaburiash, 60\n\n Burnouf, Eug\u00e8ne, 50\n\n Butler, H. C., explorations in Syria, 102, note;\n excavations at Sardis, 228\n\n\n Cab, 158\n\n Cain, list of descendants, 269\n\n Cairo, 17, 19\n\n Calah, made capital of Assyria, 60\n\n Calendar, 138\n\n Calvary, site of, 211\n\n Cambyses, son of Cyrus, 32;\n extends power of Persia, 66\n\n Canaanites, migration of the, 109\n\n Capernaum, identification of, 98\n\n Caphtor, home of the Philistines, 115, 116\n\n Captivity, Babylonian, 65\n\n Carchemish, excavations at, 70;\n alliance with Assyria, 81\n\n Carthaginian law regarding sacrifices, 342\n\n Cataracts of the Nile, 18\n\n Cave-dwellers, 142, 187\n\n Caves of the stone age, 104\n\n Chald\u00e6an Empire, 65\n\n Champollion, Jean Fran\u00e7ois (Le Jeune), 21, 22\n\n Chaplin, Thomas, description of weight from Samaria, 160\n\n Charles, B. B., explorations in Asia Minor, 70;\n _Travels and Studies in the Nearer East_, 73\n\n Ch\u00e2teaubriand, explorations in Palestine, 85\n\n Chedorlaomer, 295\n\n Cheops, 25\n\n Child sacrifice, 172\n\n Chisels, 152\n\n Chosroes II, captures Jerusalem, 122\n\n Christian Nubians, 39\n\n Church of the Holy Sepulcher, 211\n\n Churches of Asia, 221\n\n Cistern burial, 180\n\n Cities, topography of Palestinian, 123;\n situated near springs, 186\n\n City gates, 129\n\n Clark, Herbert, 160\n\n Clay, A. T., _Babylonian Texts from the Yale Collection_, 384\n\n Clermont-Ganneau, explorations in Palestine, 88, 89, 198;\n Moabite Stone, 363\n\n Code of Hammurapi, 313\n\n Coins, 162;\n Roman, 165\n\n \u201cColumbarium,\u201d 182\n\n Combs, 156\n\n Conder, Lieut.-Col. C. R., _The Hittites and Their Language_, 72;\n survey of Palestine, 88\n\n Constantine, interest in holy places, 84, 85, 122\n\n Constantinople, tablets hoarded in, 48\n\n Cor (Homer), 158\n\n Corinth, 220\n\n Corners, considered sacred, 128\n\n Coss\u00e6ans, see _Kassites_.\n\n Creation, epic of, 235;\n comparison with first chapter of Genesis, 247;\n second account of, found at Babylon, 255;\n compared with second chapter of Genesis, 256\n\n Creation and flood, account of, from Nippur, 278\n\n Cremation, 179\n\n Cr\u0153sus, temple of, 223;\n wealth of, 227;\n overthrown by Cyrus the Great, 163, 383\n\n Cromlech (heap of stones), 104\n\n Cros, Gaston, explorations of, 45\n\n Crucifixion, site of the, 211\n\n \u201cCuneiform\u201d characters, origin of, 56\n\n Curtis, Samuel Ives, discovery at Petra, 102\n\n Cybele, worship of, 226;\n temple of, 228\n\n Cyprus, seal of Sargon found in, 57\n\n Cyrus the Great, founder of Persian empire, 32;\n conquests of, 66;\n overthrows Cr\u0153sus, 163, 383;\n captures Sardis, 227;\n inscription of, 385\n\n\n Dalman, Gustaf II., explorations in Petra, 88\n\n Damascus, 213, 248, 369\n\n Danaoi, migration of, 115\n\n Daniel, book of, 384\n\n Daonos (Daos), 271\n\n Daphne, 38\n\n Darics, 163\n\n Darius I, rule in Egypt, 32;\n inscriptions of, 48;\n extends power of Persia, 66;\n coinage of, 163\n\n Darius the Mede, 384\n\n David, conquests of, 117, 118;\n captures Jebus, 188;\n Tower of, 206\n\n Decapolis, description of, 213\n\n Delitzsch, Friedrich, development of Hittite grammar, 74\n\n _Deutscher Pal\u00e4stina-Verein_, 96\n\n Dilmun, 283\n\n Dion, 216\n\n Domazewsky, Alfred von, explorations in Edom, 88\n\n Domestic animals, 138\n\n Doorway tombs, 182\n\n Dor, excavations at, 117\n\n _Drachma_, 165\n\n Drovetti, M., collection of, 22\n\n Dudkhalia, successor of Hattusil II, 81\n\n D\u00fbdu, 304\n\n Dulcimer, 155\n\n Dumuzi, 271\n\n Dung Gate, 202\n\n Dungi, King of Babylonia, 58\n\n Dushratta, a king of Mitanni, 69;\n two El-Amarna letters from, 71;\n contemporary with Amenophis IV, 77;\n death of, 78\n\n \u201cDynastic tablets,\u201d 52\n\n\n Ea, 260\n\n Eannatum, King of Lagash, 56\n\n Early Assyrian period, 60\n\n Early Babylonian period, 59\n\n Earth-graves, 181\n\n Ebed-Ashera, Amorite king, 113\n\n Ebed-Hepa, 187;\n letters of, 345;\n history of, 349\n\n Ecbatana, visited by Rawlinson, 50\n\n Ecclesiastes, parallel to, 412\n\n Ecclesiasticus, 203\n\n Eclipse at Nineveh, 51\n\n Egypt, the land, 17;\n history of, 21, 23;\n division of, 24;\n Roman period, 33;\n Hyksos invasion of, 34;\n period of the Oppression and the Exodus, 35;\n Jewish colony in, 387;\n psalms from, 402;\n parallels to Song of Songs from, 413;\n social conscience in, 418;\n wisdom literature of, 421\n\n Elam, invasion of, during reign of Kurigalzu, 59\n\n El-Amarna letters, 35, 60;\n from Dushratta, 69;\n Palestinian cities mentioned in, 112;\n source of information regarding Jerusalem, 187;\n selections from, 303;\n from Rib-Adda of Gebal, 344;\n from Ebed-Hepa of Jerusalem, 345;\n reflecting conditions in Palestine, 348\n\n Elamites, subjugated by Eannatum, 56;\n invade Babylonia, 60\n\n Elephantine, papyri discovered at, 37, 387\n\n El-Gib, 130\n\n Elisha\u2019s Fountain, 98\n\n \u201cEloquent Peasant, The,\u201d 28, 418\n\n El-Wad, 185\n\n Eni-Teshub, King of Carchemish, 81\n\n Enlil, 279;\n see also _Bel_.\n\n Enmeduranki, King of Sippar, 266, 271\n\n Enmeirgan, 267\n\n Enmenunna, 267\n\n Enoch, identified with Etana, 266\n\n Enosh, 267\n\n En-rogel, 186\n\n Enrolment of Quirinius, 432\n\n Entemena, successor of Eannatum, 57\n\n Enu-ilu, King of Hamath, 82\n\n Ephah, 158\n\n Ephesus, 221\n\n Ephraim, gate of, 202\n\n Epic of creation, text of, 235\n\n Epiphanius, on measures, 158, 159\n\n Epistles, arch\u00e6ological light on the, 440\n\n \u201cEponym Canon,\u201d 359\n\n \u201cEponym Lists,\u201d 51\n\n Erech, exploration at, 44, 47;\n dynasties of, 54;\n founding of, 55\n\n Eridu, 55, 283\n\n Esarhaddon, invasion of Egypt, 31;\n succeeds Sennacherib, 64;\n money in reign of, 163;\n kings conquered by, 378\n\n Eski Hissar, 230\n\n Etana, 266;\n identified with Abel, 270\n\n Etruscans, relation to Lydians, 227\n\n Euedorachos, 271\n\n Eumenes I, 224\n\n Euphrates river, 40\n\n Eusebius, _Chronicon_ of, 21;\n list of Palestinian names, 85, 133\n\n Evil-Merodach (Amil-Marduk), 66;\n inscription of, 381\n\n Exile, Babylonian, 65;\n termination of, 382\n\n Eye-paint, 156\n\n Eyuk, Hittite monuments at, 78\n\n Ezekiel, 65\n\n\n Fahl, 216\n\n Famine, the seven years of, 305\n\n Feast of Marduk and Zarpanit, 258\n\n Feeding-bottles, 150\n\n Fibul\u00e6, 156\n\n Files, 153\n\n Fish Gate, 199\n\n Fish-hooks, 154\n\n Flesh-hooks, 151\n\n Flood, Babylonian account of, 273;\n comparison with the Biblical account of, 277;\n second Babylonian account of, 277\n\n Forks, 151\n\n Foundation sacrifices, 128\n\n Fountain Gate, 202\n\n Fraktin, Hittite remains at, 70\n\n Fruits, 136\n\n \u201cFurnaces, Tower of the,\u201d 202\n\n\n Gadara, 216\n\n Gallio, 439\n\n Galumum, 266\n\n Gate, see _descriptive name_.\n\n Gateways, 129\n\n Gath (Tell es-Safi), 91;\n walls of, 124\n\n Gebal, excavations at, 117\n\n Gebel Fureidis, 121, 131\n\n Gennath, gate of, 211\n\n Genouillac, H. de, exploration at Ukhaimir, 48\n\n Gerasa, topography of, 123, 216\n\n Gerizim, Mount, 119\n\n Germer-Durand, P\u00e8re, 159\n\n Gethsemane, Garden of, 137, 210\n\n Gezer, excavations at, 92;\n caves at, 104;\n walls of, 109, 124;\n besieged by Merneptah, 115;\n captured by the Hebrews, 117;\n gates of, 129;\n pottery at, 142, 145;\n weights found at, 160;\n sanctuary at, 167;\n high place of, 169;\n temple at, 175;\n tombs at, 179\n\n Giaour-Kalesi, Hittite remains at, 70\n\n Gibeon, water supply of, 130\n\n Gihon, springs at, 87, 186;\n caves at, 101, 106\n\n Gilgal (menhirs set in a circle), 104;\n burial in, 180\n\n Gilgamesh, epic, 256\n\n Glassware, 150\n\n Gobryas, 384\n\n Golgotha, site of, 211\n\n Gordon, Gen. C. E., suggestion regarding Golgotha, 211\n\n Granaries, 134\n\n Green, William Henry, 269\n\n Grenfell, B. P., and A. S. Hunt, discovery of Oxyrhynchus papyri, 39, 428\n\n Griffith, F. L., 39\n\n Grinding, 135\n\n Grotefend, Georg Friedrich, interpretation of inscriptions found at\n Persepolis, 49\n\n Gudea, ruler at Lagash, 58;\n rebuilds Eninn\u00fb, 358\n\n Gu\u00e9rin. H. V., explorations in Palestine, 86\n\n Gurun, Hittite remains at, 70\n\n Guthe, H., excavations in Jerusalem, 96\n\n Gutium, dynasty of, 54;\n hordes from, overrun Babylonia, 58\n\n Gyges, dynasty of, 163\n\n\n Habiri, 113, 188, 349\n\n Hadrian, restores Jerusalem under name of \u00c6lia Capitolina, 212\n\n Haggai, assists in rebuilding the temple, 118\n\n Hamadan (Ecbatana), visited by Rawlinson, 50\n\n Hamath, Hittite kingdom at, 81;\n overthrow of, 371\n\n Hammeah, tower of, 202\n\n Hammers, 153\n\n Hammurapi, laws of, 47;\n King of Larsa, 53, 58;\n conqueror of Babylonia, 59;\n conquest of the \u201cwest land,\u201d 108;\n identified with Amraphel, 294;\n code of, 313\n\n Hananel, tower of, 202\n\n Hananiah, Passover letter of, 390\n\n Haran, possibly a Hittite capital, 77\n\n Haretat IV, Nabath\u00e6an king, 174;\n besieges Jerusalem, 205;\n inscription regarding, 442\n\n Harper, Robert, exploration in Babylonia, 47\n\n Harps, 155\n\n Harri, become part of Subbiluliuma\u2019s kingdom, 78\n\n Hasmon\u00e6ans, see _Asmon\u00e6ans_.\n\n Hattusil I, King of Boghaz Koi, 78\n\n Hattusil II, successor of Mutallu, 69, 80\n\n Hawara, 28\n\n Haynes, John H., Babylonian explorations of, 46\n\n Head, B. V., date of ancient coins, 162\n\n Hebrews, migration of, 116\n\n Hebron, possessed by the Hittites, 76\n\n Helena, mother of Constantine, 211\n\n Helena of Adiabene, tomb of, 183\n\n Heliopolis, 35\n\n Hens, 139\n\n Herod Agrippa I, 121\n\n Herod the Great, rebuilds the Jewish temple, 121;\n capture of Rabbah Ammon, 130;\n coinage of, 165;\n building in Jerusalem, 205\n\n Herodotus, on early navigation, 32;\n on wars between Egypt and Assyria, 32;\n comparison with 2 Kings, 376\n\n Hezekiah, threatened by Sennacherib, 63, 374;\n improvements made by, 198\n\n High places, 167\n\n Hill, G. F., on Palestinian coins, 164\n\n Hilprecht, Herman V., Babylonian explorations of, 46\n\n Hin, 158\n\n Hincks, Edward, 50\n\n Hinnom, valley of, 185, 199\n\n Hippacus, tower of, 206, 212\n\n Hippos, 215\n\n Hittites, invade Babylonia, 59;\n monuments of, 68;\n theories concerning, 68;\n ethnology of, 74;\n history of, 75\n\n Hoes, 134\n\n Homer, _The Odyssey_, 79\n\n Homer, a measure, 158\n\n Hophra, lures Judah to destruction, 32;\n palace of, at Memphis, 37\n\n Horam, King of Gezer, 117\n\n Horites, 106\n\n Horse, domestication of the, 74\n\n Horse Gate, 202\n\n Hoshea, rebels against Assyria, 62, 369\n\n Houses in ancient Palestine, 126\n\n Howe, Fisher, suggestion regarding Golgotha, 211\n\n Hull, Edward, geological survey of the valley of the Dead Sea, 89\n\n Human sacrifice, 172\n\n Hunt, A. S., discovery of Oxyrhynchus papyri, 39, 428\n\n Huntington, Ellsworth, 95\n\n Hyksos, invasion of Egypt, 28, 34, 110;\n possibly Hittites, 75\n\n Hystaspes, father of Darius, 49\n\n\n Ilu-bidi (Yau-bidi), 82\n\n Ilumailu, founder of the second dynasty of Babylon, 59\n\n Ilu-shumma, King of Assyria, 52\n\n Ina-uzni-er\u00easu, 267\n\n Ipuwer, Egyptian sage, 421\n\n Irad, 270\n\n Irhulina, King of Hamath, 82\n\n Ishmi-Dagan, 52\n\n Ishtar, on coins, 163;\n Babylonian prayer to, 399\n\n Israel, the northern kingdom, 118\n\n Ivriz, Hittite remains at, 70\n\n\n Jacob, historical study of the name, 299\n\n Jacobel, 111, 112\n\n Jars, 142\n\n Jebus, 188\n\n Jehoahaz, deposed by Necho, 32\n\n Jehoash, breaks wall of Jerusalem, 196\n\n Jehoiachin, imprisoned by Nebuchadrezzar, 66\n\n Jehoiakim, rebellion of, 65\n\n Jehu, pays tribute to Shalmaneser III, 61\n\n Jensen, Peter, studies in the Hittite and the Mitanni languages, 71\n\n Jerabis, site of ancient Carchemish, Hamath, etc., 71, 72\n\n Jerash, temple at, 178;\n ruins at, 217\n\n Jericho, excavations at, 98;\n walls of, 109;\n capture of, 117;\n topography of, 123;\n area of, 125;\n remains of buildings, 127\n\n Jeroboam, 30;\n name on seal, 359\n\n Jerome, _Onomasticon_, 85, 133\n\n Jerusalem, sieges and destruction of, 65;\n captured by Orodes I, 120;\n besieged by Pompey, 120;\n destroyed by Titus, 121;\n captured by the Persians, 122;\n passes under Mohammedan control, 122;\n area of, 126;\n water supply of, 130;\n rock altar at, 168;\n topography of, 185;\n in the time of Solomon, 190;\n destruction of, by Nebuchadrezzar, 199;\n walls of, rebuilt, 202;\n capture of, by Ptolemy I, 203;\n during the Asmon\u00e6an period, 204;\n construction during reign of Agrippa I, 212\n\n Jesus, in the Decapolis, 218;\n reputed sayings of, found in Egypt, 428\n\n Jewish colony in Egypt, 387\n\n Joab, captures Rabbah, 217\n\n Job, Babylonian parallel to, 392\n\n John Hyrcanus, conquers Samaria and Edom, 100, 120;\n coinage of, 165;\n builds palace in Jerusalem, 204;\n supplies Jerusalem with water, 205\n\n John Hyrcanus II, 120\n\n Johns, C. H. W., 163\n\n Jordan, Julius, exploration at Warka, 47\n\n Joseph, texts bearing on story of, 33, 303;\n historical study of the name, 300\n\n Josephel, 111, 112\n\n Josephus, story of Onias, 38;\n on measures, 158\n\n Joshua, conquest of Palestine, 117\n\n Jovanoff, Alexander, numismatist of Constantinople, 70\n\n Judah, the southern kingdom, 118\n\n Judas Maccab\u00e6us, 119\n\n Judges, period of, 352\n\n Justus, house of, 221\n\n\n Kadashman-turgu, 60\n\n Kadesh, battle at, 80\n\n Kadesh-Barnea, identification of, disputed, 95\n\n Kalah-Sherghat, exploration at, 47\n\n Kanatha, 215\n\n Kara-Bel, Hittite remains at, 70\n\n Karaburna, Hittite remains at, 70\n\n Kara Dagh, Hittite remains at, 70\n\n Karaindash, King of Babylon, 53, 60\n\n Karanog, exploration of, 39\n\n Kara Su, 69\n\n Karnak, temple of, 37\n\n Kassites, invade Babylonia, 59;\n migration of the, 109\n\n Kenan, 267\n\n Keys, 151\n\n Khafre, 26\n\n Khartum, 18\n\n Khattu land, name given to Hittite settlement in Cappadocia, 75\n\n _Kheta_, see _Hittites_.\n\n Khnum, 305\n\n Khufu (Cheops), 25\n\n Kidron, valley of, 185\n\n King list of Karnak, etc., 22\n\n Kings, books of, arch\u00e6ological light on, 358\n\n King\u2019s Gardens, 189\n\n Kish, exploration at, 48;\n dynasty of, 54\n\n Kitchener, H. H., Major and Lord, survey of Palestine, 88;\n surveys in Arabia, 89\n\n Kizil Dagh, Hittite remains at, 70\n\n Klein, F. A., 363\n\n Knives, 152\n\n Knudtzon, J. A., _Die El-Amarna Tafeln_, 303\n\n _Kok_ (shaft), 182\n\n Koldewey, Robert, Babylonian exploration, 46, 65\n\n Kudur-Mabug, 295\n\n Kugler, Franz Xaver, astronomical calculation relating to Assyrian\n chronology, 53\n\n Kukukumal, 297\n\n Kummukh, Hittite kingdom, 82\n\n Kurigalzu, invasion of Elam during reign of, 59\n\n\n Labyrinth, 28\n\n Lachish, excavations at, 89;\n walls of, 124\n\n Lagash, 47;\n founding of, 55;\n colonists from, found Ashur, 47, 60\n\n Lamartine, A. M., explorations in Palestine, 85\n\n Lamech, 267\n\n Lamentation for Tammuz, 426\n\n Lamp-stands, 151\n\n Langdon, Stephen, _Sumerian Epic of Paradise, the Flood, and the Fall of\n Man_, 283\n\n Laodicea, 230\n\n Larsa, kings of, 53;\n divided power with Nisin, 58\n\n Lassen, Christian, 50\n\n Lawrence, T. E., explorations in the wilderness of Zin, 95\n\n Layard, Austen Henry, explorations of, 43;\n discoveries at Nineveh, 64, 71\n\n Lebanon, copper from, 58\n\n Leontopolis, Jewish temple at, 38\n\n _Lepton_, 165\n\n Letters from Palestine, 344\n\n Leviticus, alleged parallel to, 342\n\n Library of Ashurbanipal at Nineveh, 64\n\n Liverpool, University of, directs Hittite exploration, 70\n\n Loftus, William Kennett, explorations of, 44\n\n Log, 158\n\n Lotan, 109\n\n Lowenstern, Isidore, 50\n\n Lugaldaudu, statue of, 48;\n King of Adab, 57\n\n Lugalzaggisi, 54, 57\n\n Lydia, origin of coinage in (?), 163;\n kingdom of, 226\n\n Lynch, Lieut. W. F., explorations in Palestine, 86\n\n Lyon, D. G., excavations at Samaria, 100\n\n Lyres, 155\n\n\n Macalister, Alexander, anatomist, 105\n\n Macalister, R. A. Stewart, excavations at Gezer, 92;\n conjecture regarding walls of Gezer, 124\n\n Maccab\u00e6an period, 203\n\n Maccabees, 119\n\n MacIver, R., exploration at Karanog, 39\n\n Mackenzie, Duncan, excavations at Bethshemesh, 94\n\n Magan, conquered by Naram-Sin, 57;\n quarries at, 58\n\n Magdol, 34\n\n Mana, 160\n\n Manasseh, vassal of Esarhaddon and Ashurbanipal, 64\n\n Manetho, Egyptian priest, 21\n\n Manishtusu, King of Kish, 47\n\n Manissia, Hittite sculptures and remains near, 77, 79\n\n Marash, Hittite remains at, 70, 92\n\n Marduk, central figure in Babylonian creation epic, 247\n\n Marduk and Zarpanit, feast of, 258\n\n Marduknadinakhi, King of Babylon, 51, 52\n\n Margolis, Max L., meaning of _Pim_, 161\n\n Mars\u2019 Hill, 220\n\n Masterman, E. W. G., estimate of Parker\u2019s excavations, 101\n\n Mattiuaza, made king of the Mitanni, 78\n\n \u201cMaudsley\u2019s Scarp,\u201d 90, 191\n\n Measures, 158\n\n Medeba, taken by Omri, 365\n\n Megalaros, 271\n\n Megiddo, battle of, 32;\n excavations at, 96;\n wall of, 109;\n topography of, 123;\n area of, 126;\n remains of buildings, 128;\n gates of, 129;\n rock altar at, 168;\n temple at, 176;\n seal found at, 359\n\n Melamkish, 267\n\n Memphis, capital of Egypt, 27\n\n Mena, accession of, 23;\n reign of, 25\n\n Menahem, 62\n\n Menant, Joachim, decipherment of Hittite inscriptions, 71\n\n Menhir (stone columns), 104;\n burial in, 180\n\n Menkaure, 26\n\n _Men-nofer_, 27\n\n Merneptah, successor of Ramses II, 30;\n Pharaoh of the Exodus, 37;\n siege of Gezer, 114, 115;\n pillar of, 311\n\n Merodachbaladan, takes the throne of Babylon, 63;\n relations with Hezekiah, 377\n\n Meroe, 32, 39\n\n Merrill, Selah, explorations in Palestine, 86\n\n Meruitensi, 420\n\n Meselim, King of Kish, 56\n\n Mesha, King of Moab, 170, 363\n\n Meskingashir, 267\n\n Mesopotamian Valley, 40\n\n Messerschmidt, L., studies in the Mitanni language, 72\n\n Methuselah, 267\n\n Meyer, Edward, accession of Mena, 23;\n origin of the Philistines, 357\n\n Meyer, Rudolph, map of Palestine, 86\n\n Middle Kingdom, period of (Egypt), 27\n\n Migdol, 34\n\n Miletus, 222\n\n Millo, 189, 190\n\n Millstones, 136\n\n Mina, 160\n\n Mitanni, 69;\n kingdom of, 77\n\n Mite, coin, 165\n\n Moabite Stone, 363\n\n Mohammedans, prevail in Palestine, 122\n\n Money, 162\n\n Monoliths, at Gezer, 170\n\n Mordtmann, A. D., account of Hittite inscriptions, 70\n\n Moresheth-Gath (Marash), 70, 92\n\n Morgan, J. de, exploration at Susa, 47, 313\n\n Moriah, Mount, 168;\n site of the temple, 192\n\n Mortars, 136\n\n Mosaic Code, not borrowed from the Babylonians, 340\n\n Mosque of Omar, 168\n\n Moulton, W. J., 100\n\n Mount, see _descriptive name_.\n\n Muk\u00eas, 216\n\n M\u00fcller, W. Max, origin of the Hittites, 69\n\n Mursil, successor of Arandas, 79;\n makes treaty with the Amorites, 80;\n death of, 80\n\n Mutallu, successor of Mursil, 80\n\n Mutu-elu, 267\n\n Mutu-\u0161a-elu, 267\n\n Mutu-\u0161alal-eqla, 267\n\n\n Nabath\u00e6ans, 174\n\n Nabopolassar, 65\n\n Nabuna\u2019id, King of Babylon, 54, 55;\n inscriptions of, 382\n\n Nails, 153\n\n Names, Sumerian, with Semitic, Babylonian, and Hebrew equivalents, 268\n\n Napata, 31\n\n Napoleon I, invasion of Egypt, 20\n\n Naram-Sin, 54, 57\n\n Naville, E., excavation of Pithom, 35\n\n Nebuchadrezzar I, King of Babylon, 60\n\n Nebuchadrezzar II, defeats Necho, 32, 65;\n destroys Jerusalem, 199;\n inscriptions of, 379\n\n Necho, 32, 65, 379\n\n Necklaces, 156\n\n Needles, 151\n\n Nehemiah, rebuilds the walls of Jerusalem, 202\n\n Nehushtan, 171\n\n Neo-Babylonian period, 65\n\n Neolithic implements, 103\n\n Nicanor\u2019s gate, 210\n\n Niebuhr, Carsten, inscriptions at Persepolis, 49\n\n Nile, 17\n\n Nineveh, explored by Botta, Place, and Layard, 43;\n by Rassam and Loftus, 44;\n by George Smith, 45;\n eclipse at, 51;\n Ashurbanipal\u2019s library at, 64\n\n Ninkharsag, 279, 289\n\n Nippur, exploration of, 46;\n founding of, 55;\n account of creation and flood discovered at, 278;\n account of the origin of a city and the beginning of agriculture, 283\n\n Nisin, 53, 54, 58\n\n Noah, 268, 287\n\n Nomes, divisions of Egypt, 24\n\n Noph, 27\n\n Norden, F. L., 19\n\n Nubians, Christian, 39\n\n Nuffar, exploration of, 46\n\n\n Odoric, 49\n\n _Odyssey, The_, referred to, 79\n\n Old Gate, 202\n\n Olive-presses, 137\n\n Olives, Mount of, 211\n\n Olmstead, A. T., explorations in Asia Minor, 70\n\n Omar, Mosque of, 168\n\n Omer, 158\n\n Omri, 100, 365, 366\n\n On, 35;\n priest of, founder of fifth dynasty, 26\n\n Onias, 38\n\n _Onomasticon_, by Jerome, 85, 133\n\n Ophel, excavations on, 102;\n topography of, 123\n\n Opis, dynasty of, 54\n\n Oppert, Jules, explorations of, 44, 50\n\n _Orient-Gesellschaft_, Babylonian exploration, 46\n\n Ornaments, personal, 156\n\n Ornan, 168\n\n Orodes I, King of Parthia, 120\n\n Osorkon II, 30\n\n Otiartes, 271\n\n Ovens, 149\n\n Oxyrhynchus, papyri from, 39, 428\n\n\n Paine, John A., explorations in Palestine, 86\n\n Palaces of ancient Palestine, 127\n\n Pal\u00e6olithic implements, 103\n\n \u201cPalermo Stone,\u201d 22\n\n Palestine, physical geography of, 83;\n Mohammedans invade, 122\n\n Palestine Exploration Fund, 87\n\n Papyri, discovered at Elephantine, 37;\n at Oxyrhynchus, 39, 428\n\n Papyrus Ebers, 23\n\n Parchment, origin of the word, 224\n\n Parker, Capt., the Hon. Montague, excavations in Jerusalem, 101\n\n Parthia, secedes from the empire of the Seleucid\u00e6, 67\n\n Pashe dynasty, succeeds the Kassite dynasty, 60\n\n Paton, L. B., excavations in Jerusalem, 100\n\n Patriarchs before the flood, 264\n\n Paul, scene of his missionary activity, 219\n\n _Payim_, 161\n\n Peiser, F. E., decipherment of Hittite inscriptions, 71\n\n Pekah, 62, 369\n\n Peleset (Philistines), 356\n\n Pella, 114, 216\n\n Pentateuch, Code of Hammurapi compared with, 313;\n laws of, not borrowed from Babylonia, 340\n\n Perfume-boxes, 156\n\n Pergamum, 222, 224\n\n Persepolis, inscriptions at, 49\n\n Persia, languages of ancient, 48\n\n Persian period of Babylonia, 66\n\n Persians, dominant in Palestine, 122\n\n Pesibkhenno II, 30\n\n Peters, John P., Babylonian explorations of, 45;\n discovery at Beit Jibrin, 102\n\n Petra, 173, 174\n\n Petrie, William Matthew Flinders, excavation at Tell el-Yehudiyeh, 34,\n 38;\n discovery of Raamses, 36;\n of Hophra\u2019s palace, 37;\n excavation at Tell Defenneh, 38;\n at Lachish, 89;\n _Egyptian Tales_, 302\n\n Ph\u00e6stos, disc discovered at, 115, 357\n\n Pharaoh of the Exodus, 30, 311\n\n Philadelphia, 123, 217, 228\n\n Philadelphus, 33\n\n Philet\u00e6rus, King of Pergamum, 224\n\n Philip, son of Herod the Great, 121\n\n Philistia, 83\n\n Philistines, migration of, 115;\n civilization of, 117;\n Ramses III, reference to, 356;\n Meyer\u2019s opinion of origin, 357\n\n Ph\u0153nicians, weight standards of, 160\n\n Pilate, Pontius, 121\n\n Pilikam, 267, 271\n\n Pillar of Merneptah, 311\n\n Pillars, at Tell es-Safi, 169;\n at Taanach, 173\n\n _Pim_, 161\n\n Pinches, Theophilus G., tablets from Erech, 384\n\n \u201cPipe,\u201d musical instrument, 155\n\n Pithom, 34, 35\n\n Place, Victor, explorations of, 43\n\n Plows, 134\n\n Pococke, R., 19\n\n Poebel, Arno, 54, 267, 271, 278\n\n Politarchs, of Thessalonica, 438\n\n Pompey, siege of Jerusalem, 120, 205\n\n Pool of Bethesda, 210\n\n Pools of Solomon, 131\n\n Potiphar, 34\n\n Pottery, 141\n\n Pre-Babylonian period, 56\n\n Prophets, character of the Hebrew, 417\n\n Proverbs, parallels to book of, 407\n\n Psalms, from Babylonia and Egypt, 398\n\n Psammetik I, 31\n\n Psammetik II, 387\n\n Psephinus, tower of, 212\n\n Ptahhotep, precepts of, 409\n\n Ptolemaic period, 32\n\n Ptolemy I, captures Jerusalem, 203\n\n Ptolemy, Claudius, king list compiled by, 51\n\n Ptolemy Lagi, 33, 119\n\n Ptolemy Philadelphus, 33\n\n Puchstein, Otto, discoveries at Boghaz Koi, 70\n\n Pul, 61\n\n Pumpelly, Raphael, explorations in Turkestan, 74\n\n Put-akhi, Amorite king, 80\n\n Pyramids, 25\n\n\n Qarqar, 61\n\n _Quadrans_, 165\n\n Quirinius, arch\u00e6ological light on enrolment of, 432\n\n\n Raamses, built by the Israelites, 35\n\n Rabbah Ammon, rebuilt and renamed by Philadelphus, 33;\n topography of, 123;\n site of Philadelphia, 217\n\n Ramsay, Sir William Mitchell, view of Quirinius\u2019 enrolment, 434\n\n Ramses II, 29, 35, 69;\n treaty with Hattusil, 69;\n conquests in northern Syria, 80;\n Palestinian rule of, 114\n\n Ramses III, 30, 115\n\n Ramses IV, IX, XII, 30\n\n Raphana, 215\n\n Rassam, Hormuzd, explorations of, 44, 45, 64\n\n Rawlinson, Sir Henry C., explorations of, 44, 50, 51\n\n Rehoboam, 30;\n opposed by Shishak, 118\n\n Reisner, G. A., excavations at Samaria, 100\n\n Renan, Ernest, explorations in Palestine, 86\n\n Rephaim, 104\n\n Reservoirs, 130\n\n Retenu (Lotan), 109\n\n Rich, Claude James, explorations of, 42\n\n Richardson, Rufus B., excavations at Corinth, 221\n\n Rim-Sin, King of Larsa, 58\n\n Rings, finger, 157;\n money, 162\n\n Roads, 132\n\n Robinson, Edward, explorations in Palestine, 85\n\n Robinson, George L., discovery at Petra, 102\n\n \u201cRobinson\u2019s Arch,\u201d 87, 204\n\n Rockefeller, John D., 47\n\n Roman rule of Egypt, 33\n\n \u201cRosetta Stone,\u201d 20\n\n\n Sacrifices in foundations, 128;\n human, 172;\n Carthaginian law concerning, 342\n\n Sacy, Sylvestre de, interpretation of Sassanian inscriptions, 49\n\n Sakje-Geuze, excavations at, 75\n\n Samal, kingdom of, 81\n\n Samaria, siege of, 62;\n excavations at, 100;\n topography of, 123;\n remains of palaces at, 127;\n temple at, 178\n\n Samaritans, origin of, 118\n\n Samsuiluna, King of Larsa, 53\n\n Sarbut el-Khadem, 28\n\n Sardis, 226, 228\n\n Sargon of Agade, 54, 57;\n conquests of, 63, 107;\n legend of, 310\n\n Sargon of Assyria, besieges Samaria, 63, 369\n\n Sarzec, Ernest de, explorations of, 45\n\n Sassanian dynasty of Persia, 49, 67\n\n Saturninus, Sentius, 437\n\n Saul, reign of, 117\n\n Saws, 152\n\n Sayce, A. H., theories regarding Hittites, 68;\n decipherment of Hittite inscriptions, 70, 73\n\n \u201cScarp, Maudsley\u2019s,\u201d 191\n\n Scheil, V., exploration of, 46, 54\n\n Schick, Dr. Conrad, discoveries in Jerusalem, 207\n\n Schmidt, Nathaniel, explorations in Palestine, 100\n\n Schumacher, Gottlieb, explorations in Palestine, 88;\n excavations at Megiddo, 96, 124\n\n Scythians threaten Assyria, 64\n\n Scythopolis, 214\n\n Seah, 158\n\n Seals, 154;\n found at Megiddo, 359\n\n Sebaste, see _Samaria_.\n\n Second Assyrian period, 61\n\n Sela, 173\n\n Seleucus, King of Babylonia, 67\n\n Sellin, Ernst, excavations at Taanach, 97, 124;\n excavations at Jericho, 98\n\n Semites, first inhabitants of Mesopotamia, 55\n\n Sendjirli, excavations at, 69\n\n Seneferu, 25\n\n Sennacherib, 31;\n discovery of seal at Babylon, 52;\n succeeds Sargon, 63;\n his account of his campaigns, 372\n\n Seplel, see _Subbiluliuma_.\n\n Septuagint, translation of, 33\n\n Sesostris, monarchs of Middle Kingdom, 27\n\n Seth, 267;\n list of descendants, 269\n\n Seti I, 29;\n campaigns against Palestine, 80;\n conquests in Asia, 114\n\n _Shabatum_, 259\n\n Shaft tombs, 181\n\n Shalmaneser I, 60\n\n Shalmaneser III, campaigns of, 61;\n oppression of Palestine, 360\n\n Shalmaneser V, 62\n\n Shamash-shumukin, 64\n\n Shamshi-Adad, 52\n\n Shamshi-Adad IV, 61\n\n Shamsu-ditana, King of Babylon, 75\n\n Shamsu-iluna, successor of Hammurapi, 108\n\n Sheba, 381\n\n Shechem, captured by Sesostris III, 28;\n excavations at, 102\n\n Sheep Gate, 202\n\n Shema, seal of, 176\n\n Sheol, 423\n\n Shephelah, borderland between Jud\u00e6a and Philistia, 90, 94, 186\n\n \u201cShepherd Kings,\u201d 28\n\n Sheshonk, see _Shishak_.\n\n \u201cShinar\u201d (Sumir), 58\n\n Shishak, 30;\n record of his campaign in Palestine, 37, 118, 359\n\n Shit\u1e2bu-elu, 267\n\n Shur, 95\n\n Shushan, 47\n\n Shutarna I, successor of Artatama I, 77\n\n Siamon, 30\n\n Sicilians, migration of, 115\n\n Sickles, 135\n\n Siloah, 189\n\n Siloam inscription, 377\n\n Simon the Maccabee, coinage of, 164\n\n Sin, the moon-god, Babylonian hymn to, 400\n\n Sinuhe, adventures of, 108, 307\n\n Sippar (Agade), temple at, 54\n\n Smith, Eli, explorations in Palestine, 85\n\n Smith, George, explorations of, 45\n\n Smyrna, Hittite sculptures and remains near, 76, 79;\n general account of, 229\n\n Solomon marries daughter of Pharaoh, 30;\n empire of, 118;\n Pools of, 131, 205;\n buildings of, 192\n\n Song of Songs, Egyptian parallels to, 413\n\n \u201cSothic Cycle,\u201d 22\n\n Spatul\u00e6, for eye-paint, 156\n\n Spears, 154\n\n Sphinx, 26\n\n Spinning \u201cwhorls,\u201d 151\n\n Spoons, 150\n\n Springs, favorite sites for cities, 186\n\n \u201cStele of the vultures,\u201d 56\n\n Step Pyramid, 25\n\n Stone age in Palestine, 103\n\n Styli, 154\n\n Subbiluliuma, extends power of the Hittites, 77;\n deposes Sutatarra, 78;\n Amorites conquered by, 113\n\n Sumerian, early language of Babylonia, 51\n\n Sumerian names, with Semitic, Babylonian, and Hebrew equivalents, 268\n\n Sumerians, ethnology of, 56\n\n Sumir, derivation of, 58\n\n Sun-god, Egyptian hymn to the, 402\n\n Susa, exploration at, 47\n\n Sutarna II, King of the Harri, 78\n\n Sutatarra, successor of Dushratta, 78\n\n Swords, 154\n\n \u201cSynagogue of the Hebrews\u201d in Corinth, 221\n\n Sypilus, Mount, 70\n\n\n Taanach, excavations at, 97;\n walls of, 124;\n buildings at, 127;\n pillars and altar of incense at, 173;\n letter from, 350\n\n Tabu-utul-B\u00eal, 395\n\n Tagtug, 288, 289\n\n Tahpanhes, castle at, 37\n\n Talbot, Fox, 50\n\n Tale of the Eloquent Peasant, 418\n\n Tale of Sinuhe, 307\n\n Tale of the Two Brothers, 300\n\n Tamerlane, 227\n\n Tammuz, lamentation for, 426\n\n Tanut-amon, 31\n\n Tashji, Hittite remains at, 70\n\n Taylor, J. E., explorations of, 44\n\n Tell Defenneh, 38\n\n Tell el-Hesy (Lachish), 89, 110\n\n Tell el-Jazar, excavations at, 92\n\n Tell el-Judeideh, excavations at, 91\n\n Tell el-Retabeh, site of Raamses, 36\n\n Tell el-Yehudiyeh, 38\n\n Tell es-Safi, 91, 110, 124, 169\n\n Tell Hum (Capernaum), 98\n\n \u201cTell of the Jewess,\u201d 38\n\n Tell Sandahanna (Marash), 92;\n weight found at, 162\n\n Tell Taanek, see _Taanach_.\n\n Tell Zakariya (Azekah), 90\n\n Temple, Solomon\u2019s, site of, 168;\n description of, 193;\n building of the second, 200;\n Herod\u2019s, 207\n\n Temple at Gezer, 175\n\n Temple to Augustus at Samaria, 178\n\n Temple of Jewish colony in Egypt, 387\n\n Thakut, 34\n\n Thebes, nome of, 27\n\n Thekel, migration of, 115, 116\n\n Thenius, Otto, suggestion regarding Golgotha, 211\n\n Thessalonica, politarchs of, 438\n\n Thiersch, Hermann, discovery at Beit Jibrin, 102\n\n This, nome of, 25\n\n Thompson, R. Campbell, decipherment of Hittite inscriptions, 73\n\n Thothmes I, raids through Palestine, 110\n\n Thothmes III, 29, 77, 111\n\n Thothmes IV, alliance with Artatama I, 77\n\n Threshing, 135\n\n Thyatira, 226\n\n Ti, tomb of, 26\n\n _Ti\u00e2mat_, 248, 251\n\n Tiberius, coinage of, 165\n\n Tiglath-pileser I, 51, 60\n\n Tiglath-pileser IV, conquests of, 61, 366\n\n Tigris river, 40\n\n Timur (Tamerlane), 227\n\n Tirhakah, 31, 64\n\n Titus, destroys Jerusalem, 121\n\n Tiuman, King of Elam, 417\n\n Tobler, Titus, explorations in Palestine, 86\n\n Toi, King of Hamath, 81\n\n Tombs, 181\n\n \u201cTombs of the Judges,\u201d 182\n\n \u201cTombs of the Kings,\u201d 183, 212\n\n Topheth, 199\n\n Tou, see _Toi_.\n\n Towers, 202\n\n Toys, 155\n\n Trajan, 133;\n organizes province of Arabia, 174\n\n Travel, between Babylonia and Palestine, 293\n\n Trumbull, Henry Clay, identification of Kadesh-Barnea, 95\n\n Tukulti-Ninib I, 52, 60\n\n \u201cTurin Papyrus,\u201d 22\n\n Two Brothers, Tale of the, 300\n\n Tyana, Hittite capital, 82\n\n Tyrop\u0153on valley, 199\n\n\n Ukhaimir, exploration at, 48\n\n Umm Keis, 216\n\n Ummanu, 267\n\n Uni, officer of Pepi I, 107\n\n University Museum, Philadelphia, 53, 54\n\n Upper Retenu, 109\n\n Ur, founding of, 55;\n kings of, 53, 54, 58\n\n Urkagina, King of Lagash, 57\n\n Ur-Nina founds dynasty at Lagash, 56\n\n Utensils, 149\n\n Uzziah, 196, 367\n\n\n Valley Gate, 202\n\n Van Dyke, Henry, reference to _Felix_, 429\n\n Vincent, Hughes, 99, 101\n\n Vineyards, 137\n\n\n Wady Maghara, turquoise mines in, 25\n\n Walls of Palestinian cities, 109, 123, 125, 202\n\n Ward, William Hayes, Babylonian explorations of, 45\n\n Warka, exploration at, 47\n\n Warren, Gen. Sir Charles, excavations at Jerusalem, 87;\n at Gihon, 101\n\n Water Gate, 202\n\n Water supply in Palestine, 129\n\n Weidner, Ernst, 74\n\n Weights, 160\n\n Weil, Captain, excavations on Ophel, 102\n\n Wenamon, report of, 117, 352\n\n Whetstones, 153\n\n White Wall, 27\n\n Wilderness of Zin, explorations in, 95\n\n Winckler, Hugo, excavations at Boghaz Koi, 69, 79;\n first instalment of the El-Amarna letters, 71\n\n Winckler und Abel, _Thoutafelnfund von El-Amarna_, 303\n\n Wine-vats, 137\n\n Winnowing, 135\n\n _Wisdom of Jesus, the Son of Sirach_, 203\n\n Wood, J. T., discoveries in Ephesus, 223\n\n Woolley, C. Leonard, 75, 95\n\n Wrench, J. E., explorations in Asia Minor, 70\n\n Wright, William, _The Empire of the Hittites_, 68\n\n\n Xerxes, inscriptions of, 48\n\n Xisouthros, 271\n\n Xystus, 203\n\n\n Yadi, kingdom of, 81\n\n Yaila, Hittite remains at, 70\n\n Yakut, Arabian geographer, 217\n\n Yau-bidi, King of Hamath, 82\n\n Yaudi, identity of, 371\n\n Year, divisions of, 138\n\n\n Zamama, temple of, 48\n\n Zaphenath-Paneah, 34\n\n Zechariah, assists in rebuilding the temple, 118, 200\n\n Zedekiah, rebellion against Babylon, 32, 65\n\n Ziggurat of Zamama temple, 48\n\n Zin, explorations in the wilderness of, 95\n\n Zion, site of Jebus, 188\n\n Ziugiddu, 280\n\n Zoser, first king of third dynasty, 25, 305\n\n Zugagib, 266\n\n\n\n\nPLATES\n\n\nPLATE 1\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 1. SYRIAN TRADERS IN EGYPT, FROM A TOMB AT BENI\nHASAN.]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 2. CROWN OF LOWER EGYPT.]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 3. CROWN OF UPPER EGYPT.]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 4. CROWN OF UNITED EGYPT.]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 5. SPHINX AND PYRAMID OF KHAFRE.]\n\n\nPLATE 2\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 6. PYRAMIDS OF KHUFU AND KHAFRE.]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 7. STEP PYRAMID OF ZOSER.]\n\n\nPLATE 3\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 8. BODY FROM A PRE-DYNASTIC TOMB.]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 9. HEAD OF THE MUMMY OF RAMSES II.]\n\n\nPLATE 4\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 10. A STORE-CHAMBER AT PITHOM (_after Naville_).]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 11. ANCIENT AND MODERN BRICK-MAKING (_after Petrie_).]\n\n\nPLATE 5\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 12. PLAN OF CITY AND TEMPLE OF LEONTOPOLIS (_after\nPetrie_).]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 13. A PASSOVER-OVEN (_after Petrie_).]\n\n\nPLATE 6\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 14. THE ROSETTA STONE.\n\n_By permission of Thomas Nelson & Sons._]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 15. THE \u201cISRAEL\u201d INSCRIPTION OF MERNEPTAH.]\n\n\nPLATE 7\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 16. MOUNDS OF NUFFAR (_after Clay_).]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 17. EXCAVATION AT NUFFAR (_after Clay_).]\n\n\nPLATE 8\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 18. GATE OF ISHTAR, BABYLON (_after Koldeway_).]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 19. PHALANX OF SOLDIERS FROM EANNATUM\u2019S \u201cSTELE OF\nVULTURES.\u201d]\n\n\nPLATE 9\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 20. INSCRIBED COLUMN FROM PERSEPOLIS.]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 21. SILVER VASE OF ENTEMENA.]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 22. MOUND OF BIRS NIMR\u00dbD (_after Peters_).]\n\n\nPLATE 10\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 23. HITTITE GATES AT BOGHAZ KOI (_after Puchstein_).]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 24. HITTITE TYPES FROM EGYPTIAN MONUMENTS (_after\nGarstang_).]\n\n\nPLATE 11\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 25. A HITTITE KING (_after Puchstein_).]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 26. THE BOSS OF TARKONDEMOS.]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 27. THE SEAL OF SHEMA, SERVANT OF JEROBOAM.]\n\n\nPLATE 12\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 28. TELL EL-HESY AFTER EXCAVATION.]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 29. THE SITE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT JERICHO.]\n\n\nPLATE 13\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 30. EXCAVATION OF GEZER.]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 31. REMAINS OF A COLONNADED STREET AT SAMARIA.]\n\n\nPLATE 14\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 32. EXCAVATION AT TELL HUM.]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 33. EGYPTIANS ATTACKING A PALESTINIAN CITY (_after\nPerrot and Chipiez_).]\n\n\nPLATE 15\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 34. ISRAELITISH JERICHO (_after Sellin_).]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 35. ISRAELITISH HOUSES AT JERICHO (_after Sellin_).]\n\n\nPLATE 16\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 36. PHILISTINES FROM THE PALACE OF RAMSES III.]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 37. CANAANITISH FORTRESS AT JERICHO (_after Sellin_).]\n\n\nPLATE 17\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 38.--INSCRIBED DISC FROM PH\u00c6STOS (ONE-FOURTH ACTUAL\nSIZE).]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 39. GEBEL FUREIDIS.]\n\n\nPLATE 18\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 40. BASTION FOR THE PROTECTION OF AN INSERTED TOWER\n(_after Macalister_).\n\n_By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund._]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 41. REMAINS OF WALLS OF MEGIDDO (_after Schumacher_).]\n\n\nPLATE 19\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 42. WALLS OF BUILDINGS AT SAMARIA (_after Reisner_).]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 43. SPECIMENS OF STONE-WORK AT GEZER (_after\nMacalister_).\n\n_By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund._]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 44. BUILDING-BRICKS FROM GEZER (_after Macalister_).\n\n_By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund._]\n\n\nPLATE 20\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 45. PLAN OF PALACE AT TAANACH (_after Sellin_).]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 46. THE GREAT CITY WALL AT GEZER (_after Macalister_).\n\n_By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund._]\n\n\nPLATE 21\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 47. ISRAELITISH HOUSES AT GEZER.\n\n_By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund._]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 48. SPECIMENS OF MOSAIC FLOORS (_after Macalister_).\n\n_By Permission of Palestine Exploration Fund._]\n\n\nPLATE 22\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 49. A DOORWAY AT GEZER (_after Macalister_).\n\n_By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund._]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 50. DOOR-SOCKETS FROM GEZER (_after Macalister_).\n\n_By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund._]\n\n\nPLATE 23\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 51. SUPPOSED HOUSE OF HIEL, JERICHO (_after Sellin_).]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 52. FOUNDATION OF THE PALACE OF OMRI, SAMARIA (_after\nReisner_).]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 53. HEBREW PALACE AT MEGIDDO (_after Schumacher_).]\n\n\nPLATE 24\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 54. PLAN OF THE MACCAB\u00c6AN CASTLE AT GEZER (_after\nMacalister_).\n\n_By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund._]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 55. STONE-WORK OF THE MACCAB\u00c6AN CASTLE (_after\nMacalister_).\n\n_By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund._]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 56. A FOUNDATION-DEPOSIT, GEZER (_after Macalister_).\n\n_By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund._]\n\n\nPLATE 25\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 57. A CITY GATE AT MEGIDDO (_after Schumacher_).]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 58. THE SOUTH GATE AT GEZER (_after Macalister_).\n\n_By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund._]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 59. THE SOUTH GATE AT BETHSHEMESH (_after Mackenzie_).\n\n_By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund._]\n\n\nPLATE 26\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 60. ENTRANCE TO THE UNDERGROUND TUNNEL AT GEZER\n(_after Macalister_).\n\n_By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund._]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 61.--THE NORTH GATE AT GEZER (_after Macalister_).\n\n_By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund._]\n\n\nPLATE 27\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 62. PLANS OF THE UNDERGROUND TUNNEL AT GEZER (_after\nMacalister_).\n\n_By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund._]\n\n\nPLATE 28\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 63. PLAN OF UNDERGROUND TUNNEL AT GIBEON (_after\nAbel_).]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 64. ONE OF SOLOMON\u2019S POOLS.]\n\n\nPLATE 29\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 65. POST OF CITY GATE, SAMARIA (_after Reisner_).]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 66. PART OF CITY WALL AND GATE, SAMARIA (_after\nReisner_).]\n\n\nPLATE 30\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 67. ROAD SOUTH OF GERIZIM.]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 68. LINES OF ROMAN ROADS AT TELL EL-FUL.]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 69. ROMAN ROAD NORTH OF AMMAN.]\n\n\nPLATE 31\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 70. A GRANARY AT GEZER (_after Macalister_).\n\n_By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund._]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 71. SOME ROMAN MILE-STONES.]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 72. PLAN OF A GRANARY AT GEZER (_after Macalister_).\n\n_By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund._]\n\n\nPLATE 32\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 73. A HOE (_after Macalister_).\n\n_By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund._]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 74. AN EGYPTIAN REAPING (_after Wreszinski_).]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 75. A SICKLE (_after Wreszinski_).]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 76. PLOWSHARES FROM MEGIDDO (_after Schumacher_).]\n\n\nPLATE 33\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 77. EGYPTIAN PLOWING (_after Wilkinson_).]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 78. A MODERN THRESHING-FLOOR.]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 79. EGYPTIANS THRESHING AND WINNOWING (_after\nWilkinson_).]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 80. EGYPTIAN THRESHING-SLEDGE (_after Wilkinson_).]\n\n\nPLATE 34\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 81. A SADDLE-QUERN FROM MEGIDDO (_after Schumacher_).]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 82. A ROTARY-QUERN (_after Macalister_).\n\n_By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund._]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 83. A MORTAR AND PESTLE (_after Macalister_).\n\n_By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund._]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 84. TWO WOMEN GRINDING AT A MILL (_after\nSchumacher_).]\n\n\nPLATE 35\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 85. AN ANCIENT OLIVE-PRESS (_after Macalister_).\n\n_By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund._]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 86. A MODERN OLIVE-PRESS (_after Macalister_).\n\n_By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund._]\n\n\nPLATE 36\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 87. A WINE VAT (_after Macalister_).\n\n_By Permission of Palestine Exploration Fund._]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 88. AN OLIVE-PRESS AT WORK (_after Macalister_).\n\n_By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund._]\n\n\nPLATE 37\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 89. COWS\u2019 HORNS FROM GEZER (_after Macalister_).\n\n_By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund._]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 90. ANIMALS\u2019 HEADS FROM GEZER (_after Macalister_).\n\n_By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund._]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 91. A HORSE\u2019S BIT FROM GEZER (_after Macalister_).\n\n_By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund._]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 92. DRAWINGS OF HORSES FROM GEZER (_after\nMacalister_).\n\n_By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund._]\n\n\nPLATE 38\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 93. A CLAY BIRD FROM GEZER (_after Macalister_).\n\n_By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund._]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 94. A COCK FROM MARISSA (_after Peters and Thiersch_).\n\n_By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund._]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 95. A BEE-HIVE FROM GEZER (_after Macalister_).\n\n_By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund._]\n\n\nPLATE 39\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 96. PRE-SEMITIC JARS (_after Macalister_).\n\n_By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund._]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 97. PRE-SEMITIC POTTERY (_after Macalister_).\n\n_By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund._]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 98. FOUR PITCHERS FROM THE FIRST SEMITIC STRATUM\n(_after Macalister_).\n\n_By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund._]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 99. THREE PITCHERS FROM THE FIRST SEMITIC STRATUM\n(_after Macalister_).\n\n_By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund._]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 100. A JAR FROM THE FIRST SEMITIC STRATUM (_after\nMacalister_).\n\n_By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund._]\n\n\nPLATE 40\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 101. JUGS FROM THE SECOND SEMITIC STRATUM (_after\nMacalister_).\n\n_By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund._]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 102. A JUG FROM THE SECOND SEMITIC STRATUM (_after\nMacalister_).\n\n_By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund._]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 103. A JAR FROM THE SECOND SEMITIC STRATUM (_after\nMacalister_).\n\n_By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund._]\n\n\nPLATE 41\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 104. SOME FINE POTTERY FROM THE FIRST SEMITIC STRATUM\n(_after Macalister_).\n\n_By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund._]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 105. \u201cEAR\u201d AND \u201cBUTTON\u201d JAR-HANDLES (_after\nMacalister_).\n\n_By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund._]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 106. A \u201cPILLAR\u201d HANDLE (_after Macalister_).\n\n_By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund._]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 107. A FLAT-BOTTOMED JUG (_after Macalister_).\n\n_By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund._]\n\n\nPLATE 42\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 108. A PAINTED PHILISTINE VASE FROM BETH-SHEMESH\n(_after Mackenzie_).\n\n_By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund._]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 109. WAR-SCENE ON POTSHERD FROM MEGIDDO (_after\nSchumacher_).]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 110. JARS OF THIRD SEMITIC STRATUM FROM BETH-SHEMESH\n(_after Mackenzie_).\n\n_By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund._]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 111. HEBREW POTTERY FROM MEGIDDO (_after\nSchumacher_).]\n\n\nPLATE 43\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 112. HEBREW JARS AND PITCHERS FROM JERICHO (_after\nSellin_).]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 113. HEBREW PITCHERS AND BOWLS FROM JERICHO (_after\nSellin_).]\n\n\nPLATE 44\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 114. A FUNNEL FROM GEZER (_after Macalister_).\n\n_By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund._]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 115. A POTTER\u2019S SEAL FROM GEZER (_after Macalister_).\n\n_By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund._]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 116. AN INSCRIBED HEBREW JAR-STAMP FROM THE SHEPHELAH\n(_after Bliss and Macalister_).\n\n_By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund._]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 117. HEBREW POTTERY FROM GEZER (_after Macalister_).\n\n_By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund._]\n\n\nPLATE 45\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 118. A SCARAB USED AS A JAR-STAMP (_after\nMacalister_).\n\n_By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund._]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 119. A JAR-HANDLE STAMPED WITH A SCARAB (_after\nMacalister_).\n\n_By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund._]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 120. A JAR WITH TAPERING BASE FROM GEZER (_after\nMacalister_).\n\n_By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund._]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 121. HELLENISTIC FILTER FROM GEZER (_after\nMacalister_).\n\n_By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund._]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 122. HELLENISTIC POTTERY FROM GEZER (_after\nMacalister_).\n\n_By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund._]\n\n\nPLATE 46\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 123. HELLENISTIC STRAINER FROM GEZER (_after\nMacalister_).\n\n_By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund._]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 124. ROMAN POTS FROM GEZER (_after Macalister_).\n\n_By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund._]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 125. HELLENISTIC JAR FROM GEZER (_after Macalister_).\n\n_By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund._]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 126. A LAMP OF THE FIRST SEMITIC PERIOD, MEGIDDO\n(_after Schumacher_).]\n\n\nPLATE 47\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 127. LAMPS FROM THE SECOND SEMITIC PERIOD, GEZER\n(_after Macalister_).\n\n_By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund._]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 128. LAMPS FROM THE ISRAELITISH PERIOD, GEZER (_after\nMacalister_).\n\n_By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund._]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 129. A BYZANTINE LAMP FROM JERICHO (_after Sellin_).]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 130. A LAMP BEARING A CHRISTIAN LEGEND (_after\nMacalister_).\n\n_By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund._]\n\n\nPLATE 48\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 131. HELLENISTIC LAMPS FROM GEZER (_after\nMacalister_).\n\n_By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund._]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 132. HEBREW LAMPS FROM JERICHO (_after Sellin_).]\n\n\nPLATE 49\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 133. OVENS FOUND AT GEZER (_after Macalister_).\n\n_By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund._]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 134. A BAKING-TRAY FROM GEZER (_after Macalister_).\n\n_By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund._]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 135. BRONZE DISHES FROM GEZER (_after Macalister_).\n\n_By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund._]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 136. SHELL SPOONS FROM GEZER (_after Macalister_).\n\n_By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund._]\n\n\nPLATE 50\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 137. SILVER DISHES FROM A PHILISTINE GRAVE AT GEZER\n(_after Macalister_).\n\n_By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund._]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 138. GLASS OINTMENT VESSELS FROM GEZER (_after\nMacalister_).\n\n_By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund._]\n\n\nPLATE 51\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 139. FEEDING-BOTTLES (?). GEZER (_after Macalister_).\n\n_By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund._]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 140. FORKS FROM GEZER (_after Macalister_).\n\n_By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund._]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 141. PHILISTINE SILVER LADLE. GEZER (_after\nMacalister_).\n\n_By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund._]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 142. BRONZE NEEDLES AND PINS FROM GEZER (_after\nMacalister_).\n\n_By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund._]\n\n\nPLATE 52\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 143. BONE NEEDLES FROM GEZER (_after Macalister_).\n\n_By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund._]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 144. MODERN WOMAN SPINNING.\n\n_By permission of Mrs. Grant Williams._]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 145. SPINDLE WHORLS FROM GEZER (_after Macalister_).\n\n_By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund._]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 146. A LARGE KEY FROM GEZER (_after Macalister_).\n\n_By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund._]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 147. A SMALLER KEY FROM GEZER (_after Macalister_).\n\n_By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund._]\n\n\nPLATE 53\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 148. LAMP STANDS FROM MEGIDDO (_after Schumacher_).]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 149. FLINT KNIVES FROM JERICHO (_after Sellin_).]\n\n\nPLATE 54\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 150. IRON KNIVES FROM GEZER (_after Macalister_).\n\n_By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund._]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 151. BRONZE KNIVES FROM GEZER (_after Macalister_).\n\n_By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund._]\n\n\nPLATE 55\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 152. A CHISEL FROM GEZER (_after Macalister_).\n\n_By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund._]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 153. A FILE FROM GEZER (_after Macalister_).\n\n_By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund._]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 154. A CONE OF FLINT FOR MAKING KNIVES, GEZER (_after\nMacalister_).\n\n_By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund._]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 155. A BRONZE HAMMER-HEAD, GEZER (_after Macalister_).\n\n_By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund._]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 156. A FISH-HOOK, GEZER (_after Macalister_).\n\n_By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund._]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 157. A BONE AWL-HANDLE FROM GEZER (_after\nMacalister_).\n\n_By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund._]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 158. WHETSTONES FROM JERICHO (_after Sellin_).]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 159. NAILS FROM GEZER (_after Macalister_).\n\n_By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund._]\n\n\nPLATE 56\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 160. AXE-HEADS FROM GEZER (_after Macalister_).\n\n_By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund._]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 161. CARPENTERS\u2019 TOOLS FROM GEZER (_after\nMacalister_).\n\n_By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund._]\n\n\nPLATE 57\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 162. A SCIMITAR FROM GEZER (_after Macalister_).\n\n_By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund._]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 163. IMPRESSION OF A BASKET ON MUD, GEZER (_after\nMacalister_).\n\n_By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund._]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 164. FLINT ARROW-HEADS FROM GEZER (_after\nMacalister_).\n\n_By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund._]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 165. BRONZE ARROW-HEADS FROM GEZER (_after\nMacalister_).\n\n_By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund._]\n\n\nPLATE 58\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 166. BRONZE SWORDS FROM GEZER (_after Macalister_).\n\n_By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund._]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 167. BRONZE SPEAR-HEADS, GEZER (_after Macalister_).\n\n_By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund._]\n\n\nPLATE 59\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 168. A PIPE FROM GEZER (_after Macalister_).\n\n_By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund._]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 169. AN EGYPTIAN HARP (_after Haupt_).]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 170. AN ASSYRIAN UPRIGHT HARP (_after Haupt_).]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 171. AN ASSYRIAN HORIZONTAL HARP (_after Haupt_).]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 172. A BABYLONIAN HARP (_after Haupt_).]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 173. JEWISH HARPS ON COINS OF BAR COCHEBA, 132-135 A.\nD. (_after Madden_).]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 174. ASSYRIAN DULCIMER (_after Haupt_).]\n\n\nPLATE 60\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 175. SEALS FROM GEZER (_after Macalister_).\n\n_By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund._]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 176. A COMB FROM GEZER (_after Macalister_).\n\n_By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund._]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 177. TOYS FROM GEZER (_after Macalister_).\n\n_By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund._]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 178. STYLI FROM GEZER (_after Macalister_).\n\n_By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund._]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 179. CHILDREN\u2019S RATTLES FROM GEZER (_after\nMacalister_).\n\n_By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund._]\n\n\nPLATE 61\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 180. A PERFUME-BOX, GEZER (_after Macalister_).\n\n_By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund._]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 181. A NECKLACE FROM GEZER (_after Macalister_).\n\n_By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund._]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 182. BRACELETS FROM GEZER (_after Macalister_).\n\n_By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund._]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 183. SPATUL\u00c6 FROM GEZER (_after Macalister_).\n\n_By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund._]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 184. RINGS FROM GEZER (_after Macalister_).\n\n_By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund._]\n\n\nPLATE 62\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 185. SUPPOSED HEBREW MEASURES FROM JERUSALEM (_after\nGermer-Durand_).]\n\n\nPLATE 63\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 186. A _Neseph_ WEIGHT.]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 187. A _Payim_ WEIGHT BELONGING TO HAVERFORD COLLEGE.]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 188. A _Beqa_ WEIGHT (_after Torrey_).]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 189. A \u201cDARIC\u201d OF DARIUS (_after Benzinger_).]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 190. A TETRADRACHMA OF ALEXANDER THE GREAT (_after\nBenzinger_).]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 191. A COIN OF PTOLEMY LAGI (_after Benzinger_).]\n\n\nPLATE 64\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 192. HALF-SHEKEL OF SIMON THE MACCABEE (_after\nBenzinger_).]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 193. A COIN OF JOHN HYRCANUS (_after Madden_).]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 194. TETRADRACHMA OF LYSIMACHUS.]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 195. A COIN OF AUGUSTUS.]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 196. A DENARIUS OF TIBERIUS.]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 197. A COIN OF CLAUDIUS.]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 198. A COIN OF HEROD THE GREAT.]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 199. A ROMAN QUADRANS (?).]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 200. A COIN OF HEROD AGRIPPA I.]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 201. A SHEKEL OF THE REVOLT OF A. D. 70.]\n\n\nPLATE 65\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 202. CAVE-DWELLERS\u2019 PLACE OF SACRIFICE, GEZER (_after\nMacalister_).\n\n_By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund._]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 203. PLAN OF CAVES AT SEMITIC HIGH PLACE, GEZER\n(_after Macalister_).\n\n_By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund._]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 204. \u201cPILLARS\u201d OF THE HIGH PLACE AT GEZER.]\n\n\nPLATE 66\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 205. ROCK-ALTAR AT MEGIDDO (_after Schumacher_).]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 206. THE \u201cBETH-EL\u201d OF GEZER (_after Macalister_).\n\n_By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund._]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 207. THE SUPPOSED SERPENT-PEN AT GEZER (_after\nMacalister_).\n\n_By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund._]\n\n\nPLATE 67\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 208. THE ROCK-ALTAR AT JERUSALEM (_after Dalman_).]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 209. THE LAVER AT GEZER (_after Macalister_).\n\n_By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund._]\n\n\nPLATE 68\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 210. THE TERRA-COTTA ALTAR FROM TAANACH (_after\nSellin_).]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 211. SUPPOSED HIGH PLACE AT TAANACH (_after Sellin_).]\n\n\nPLATE 69\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 212. HIGH PLACE AT TELL ES-SAFI (_after Bliss and\nMacalister_).\n\n_By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund._]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 213. LIBATION BOWL FROM TAANACH (_after Sellin_).]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 214. AN ASTARTE PLAQUE FROM GEZER (_after\nMacalister_).\n\n_By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund._]\n\n\nPLATE 70\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 215. PLAN OF THE HIGH PLACE AT PETRA (_after\nBr\u00fcnnow_).]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 216. PLAN OF HEROD\u2019S TEMPLE AT SAMARIA (_after\nLyon_).]\n\n\nPLATE 71\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 217. THE ALTAR AT PETRA (_after Br\u00fcnnow_).]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 218. THE \u201cROUND ALTAR\u201d AT PETRA (_after Br\u00fcnnow_).]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 219. SUPPOSED \u201cPILLARS\u201d AT PETRA (_after Br\u00fcnnow_).]\n\n\nPLATE 72\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 219_a_. A BRAZEN SERPENT FROM GEZER (_after\nMacalister_).\n\n_By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund._]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 220. PLAN OF SUPPOSED SEMITIC TEMPLE AT GEZER (_after\nMacalister_).\n\n_By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund._]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 221. WALLS OF HEROD\u2019S TEMPLE, SAMARIA (_after\nReisner_).]\n\n\nPLATE 73\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 222. \u201cPILLARS\u201d OF A SUPPOSED TEMPLE, GEZER (_after\nMacalister_).\n\n_By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund._]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 223. CHAPEL OF THE PALACE AT MEGIDDO (_after\nSchumacher_).]\n\n\nPLATE 74\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 224. VOLUTED CAPITAL (PROBABLY PHILISTINE) FROM\nMEGIDDO (_after Schumacher_).]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 225. INCENSE-BURNER FROM MEGIDDO (_after\nSchumacher_).]\n\n\nPLATE 75\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 226. PHILISTINE GRAVES, GEZER (_after Macalister_).\n\n_By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund._]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 227. A ROCK-HEWN TOMB AT SILOAM (_after Benzinger_).]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 228. A SHAFT-TOMB (_after Bliss and Macalister_).\n\n_By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund._]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 229. A CISTERN-BURIAL AT GEZER (_after Macalister_).\n\n_By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund._]\n\n\nPLATE 76\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 230. A COLUMBARIUM AT PETRA (_after Dalman_).]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 231. ENTRANCE TO THE TOMB OF THE JUDGES.]\n\n\nPLATE 77\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 232. A SUNKEN-DOOR TOMB (_after Mitt. u. Nach. d.\nDeutsch. Pal\u00e4stina-Vereins_).]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 233. _Kokim_ IN THE TOMB OF THE JUDGES.]\n\n\nPLATE 78\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 234. PLAN OF A HELLENISTIC TOMB AT MARISSA (_after\nPeters and Thiersch_).\n\n_By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund._]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 235. A CROSS-SECTION OF THE TOMB OF THE JUDGES.]\n\n\nPLATE 79\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 236. ARCHITECTURAL DECORATION OF A HELLENISTIC TOMB AT\nMARISSA (_after Peters and Thiersch_).\n\n_By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund._]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 237. PLAN OF THE UPPER FLOOR OF THE TOMB OF THE\nJUDGES.]\n\n\nPLATE 80\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 238. A TOMB WITH A ROLLING-STONE AT BEIT JIBRIN\n(_after Moulton_).]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 239. INTERIOR OF A HELLENISTIC TOMB AT MARISSA (_after\nPeters and Thiersch_).\n\n_By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund._]\n\n\nPLATE 81\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 240. THE HILLS AND VALLEYS OF JERUSALEM (_after\nVincent_).]\n\n\nPLATE 82\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 241. UNDERGROUND JEBUSITE TUNNEL AT GIHON, JERUSALEM\n(_after Vincent_).]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 242. MAUDSLEY\u2019S SCARP, JERUSALEM.]\n\n\nPLATE 83\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 243. PLAN OF SOLOMON\u2019S BUILDINGS, JERUSALEM (_after\nStade_).]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 244. PH\u0152NICIAN QUARRY-MARKS, JERUSALEM (_after\nWarren_).\n\n_By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund._]\n\n\nPLATE 84\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 245. SHAFT AT THE SOUTHEAST CORNER OF THE TEMPLE AREA\n(_after Warren_).\n\n_By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund._]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 246. EXAMINING ANCIENT WALLS IN AN UNDERGROUND TUNNEL\n(_after Warren_).\n\n_By permission of Palatine Exploration Fund._]\n\n\nPLATE 85\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 247. FRONT VIEWS OF SOLOMON\u2019S TEMPLE (_after Stade_).]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 248. SIDE VIEWS OF SOLOMON\u2019S TEMPLE (_after Stade_).]\n\n\nPLATE 86\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 249. PLAN OF SOLOMON\u2019S TEMPLE (_after Stade_).]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 250. THE SEVEN-BRANCHED LAMP-STAND FROM THE ARCH OF\nTITUS.]\n\n\nPLATE 87\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 251. THE BRAZEN LAVER OF SOLOMON\u2019S TEMPLE (_after\nStade_).]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 252. A PORTABLE LAVER OF SOLOMON\u2019S TEMPLE (_after\nStade_).]\n\n\nPLATE 88\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 253. STONE-WORK OF A WALL OF JERUSALEM BUILT IN THE\nFIFTH CENTURY A. D.]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 254. STONE-WORK IN NEHEMIAH\u2019S WALL, JERUSALEM.]\n\n\nPLATE 89\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 255. RESTORATION OF THE ASMON\u00c6AN BRIDGE OVER THE\nTYROP\u0152ON VALLEY (_after Hanauer_).]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 256. FRONT OF \u201cDAVID\u2019S TOWER\u201d (HEROD\u2019S PALACE) TODAY\n(_after Breen_).]\n\n\nPLATE 90\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 257. RECONSTRUCTION OF HEROD\u2019S TEMPLE (_after\nCaldecott_).]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 258. \u201cSOLOMON\u2019S STABLES.\u201d]\n\n\nPLATE 91\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 259. ONE OF THE SUPPOSED POOLS OF BETHESDA (_after\nHanauer_).]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 260. FRONT OF THE CHURCH OF THE HOLY SEPULCHER.]\n\n\nPLATE 92\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 261. \u201cGORDON\u2019S CALVARY,\u201d LOOKING TOWARD JERUSALEM\n(_after Breen_).]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 262. \u201cGORDON\u2019S CALVARY,\u201d FROM THE CITY WALL (_after\nBreen_).]\n\n\nPLATE 93\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 263. OUTSIDE OF \u201cGORDON\u2019S HOLY SEPULCHER\u201d (_after\nBreen_).]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 264. INSIDE OF \u201cGORDON\u2019S HOLY SEPULCHER\u201d (_after\nBreen_).]\n\n\nPLATE 94\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 265. THE BARADA (ABANA), DAMASCUS.]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 266. THE STREET CALLED STRAIGHT, DAMASCUS.]\n\n\nPLATE 95\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 267. PALACE AT KANATHA (_after Br\u00fcnnow_).]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 268. CIRCULAR FORUM AND COLONNADED STREET, GERASA.]\n\n\nPLATE 96\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 269. TEMPLE OF THE SUN, GERASA.]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 270. SITE OF RABBAH AMMON.]\n\n\nPLATE 97\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 271. THEATER AT AMMAN (PALESTINIAN PHILADELPHIA).]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 272. ROMAN FORUM AT ATHENS.]\n\n\nPLATE 98\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 273. MARS\u2019 HILL, ATHENS.]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 274. FOUNTAIN IN THE AGORA, CORINTH.]\n\n\nPLATE 99\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 275. LINTEL OF JEWISH SYNAGOGUE, CORINTH (_after\nRichardson_).]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 276. LECH\u00c6UM ROAD, CORINTH (_after Richardson_).]\n\n\nPLATE 100\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 277. PARTHENON, ATHENS, FROM THE EAST.]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 278. MAIN STREET AT EPHESUS.]\n\n\nPLATE 101\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 279. SITE OF THE TEMPLE OF DIANA, EPHESUS, IN 1902.]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 280. THE THEATER, EPHESUS.]\n\n\nPLATE 102\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 281. THE AMPHITHEATER, EPHESUS.]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 282. THE STADIUM, EPHESUS.]\n\n\nPLATE 103\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 283. PERGAMUM (_after Ramsay_).]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 284. THE ACROPOLIS AND PARTLY EXCAVATED TEMPLE, SARDIS\n(_after Butler_).]\n\n\nPLATE 104\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 285. EXCAVATED TEMPLE, SARDIS, LOOKING TOWARD THE\nHERMUS VALLEY (_after Butler_).]\n\n\nPLATE 105\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 286. A CHRISTIAN CHURCH AT SARDIS (_after Butler_).]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 287. SMYRNA (_after Ramsay_).]\n\n\nPLATE 106\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 288. A RUIN AT LAODICEA (_after Ramsay_).]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 289. A BRIDGE OVER THE JORDAN ON THE LINE OF A ROMAN\nROAD.]\n\n\nPLATE 107\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 290. FRAGMENT OF A CREATION-TABLET.]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 291. ASSYRIAN SACRED TREE CONVENTIONALIZED.]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 292. HAMMURAPI RECEIVING THE LAWS FROM THE SUN-GOD.]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 293. THE SO-CALLED ADAM AND EVE SEAL.]\n\n\nPLATE 108\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 294. A TABLET FROM NIPPUR. RELATING THE BEGINNINGS OF\nIRRIGATION AND AGRICULTURE (_after Langdon_).]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 295. TOP OF THE BLACK OBELISK OF SHALMANESER.]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 296. JEHU OF ISRAEL DOING HOMAGE TO SHALMANESER.]\n\n\nPLATE 109\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 297. THE SILOAM INSCRIPTION.]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 298. SENNACHERIB RECEIVING TRIBUTE AT LACHISH (_after\nBall_).]\n\n\nPLATE 110\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 299. AN ALTAR TO UNKNOWN GODS (_after Deissmann_).]\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 300. THE MOABITE STONE.]\n\n\nPLATE 111\n\n[Illustration: FIG. 301. PAPYRUS CONTAINING SAYINGS OF JESUS (_after\nGrenfell and Hunt_).]\n\n\nPLATE 112\n\n[Illustration: Jerusalem of Solomon]\n\n[Illustration: Early Jerusalem]\n\n\nPLATE 113\n\n[Illustration: Jerusalem from Uzziah to the Exile]\n\n[Illustration: Jerusalem of Nehemiah]\n\n\nPLATE 114\n\n[Illustration: Asmon\u00e6an Jerusalem]\n\n[Illustration: Jerusalem of Herod and of Christ]\n\n\n\n\nFOOTNOTES:\n\n[1] _Century Dictionary_, edition of 1903, Vol. I, p. 293.\n\n[2] The chronology of Archbishop Usher, printed in the margin of many\nBibles, is not a part of the Biblical text, but a collection of\nseventeenth century calculations and guesses.\n\n[3] For fuller accounts of the history of Egypt, see Breasted\u2019s _History\nof the Ancient Egyptians_, New York, Scribner\u2019s, 1908; or Breasted\u2019s\n_History of Egypt_, second edition, 1909, New York, Scribner\u2019s.\n\n[4] See Petrie, _Hyksos and the Israelite Cities_, London, 1906.\n\n[5] See Naville, _The Store-City of Pithom and the Route of the Exodus_,\n4th ed., London, 1903.\n\n[6] See Petrie, _Hyksos and the Israelite Cities_, p. 28, f.\n\n[7] See Petrie, _The Palace of Apries_, London, 1909.\n\n[8] See Petrie, _Hyksos and the Israelite Cities_, p. 191, ff.\n\n[9] See _Annals of Arch\u00e6ology and Anthropology_, VII, Liverpool, 1914, pp.\n1-10.\n\n[10] So called from the name of the mountain on which it is written.\n\n[11] First published by Hilprecht, _Babylonian Expedition of the\nUniversity of Pennsylvania_, Vol. XX, No. 47; cf. p. 46.\n\n[12] See Poebel, _Historical and Grammatical Texts_, Philadelphia, 1914,\nNos. 2-5, and _Historical Texts_, Philadelphia, 1914, pp. 73-140.\n\n[13] It is the prevailing view of scholars that Arabia was the cradle-land\nof the Semites. The reasons for this view as well as a _r\u00e9sum\u00e9_ of other\nviews will be found in G. A. Barton\u2019s _Sketch of Semitic Origins, Social\nand Religious_, New York, 1902, Chapter I.\n\n[14] In Gen. 10:11 it is by implication said that the city was founded by\nNimrod.\n\n[15] For a discussion of the reasons for the view here stated, and a\npresentation of other views, see Part II, p. 374, ff.\n\n[16] The Chald\u00e6ans were a Semitic people who came into the marsh-lands of\nsouthern Babylonia from Arabia. We can first detect their presence in\nBabylonia about 1000 B. C.\n\n[17] Those who desire fuller accounts of the history should read L. W.\nKing\u2019s _History of Sumer and Akkad_, London, 1910, and R. W. Rogers\u2019\n_History of Babylonia and Assyria_. 2d ed., New York, 1915.\n\n[18] In the _Mitteilungen der vorderasiatischen Gesellschaft_, 1899, Heft.\n4.\n\n[19] In the _Mitteilungen der vorderasiatischen Gesellschaft_, 1900, Hefte\n4 and 5.\n\n[20] See Pumpelly, _Explorations in Turkestan_, Washington, 1908, I, p.\n50, f.\n\n[21] See L. W. King, _Chronicles Concerning Early Babylonian Kings_,\nLondon, 1907, Vol. II, p. 22.\n\n[22] _History of Egypt_, II. 404, 405.\n\n[23] _Expository Times_, November, 1914, p. 91.\n\n[24] _Asien und Europa nach alt\u00e4gyptischen Denkm\u00e4lern_, 319, note 3.\n\n[25] _Ancient Records, Egypt_, I, 227, 228.\n\n[26] Breasted\u2019s _Ancient Records, Egypt_, II, \u00a7 773.\n\n[27] Winckler in _Mitteilungen der vorderasiatischen Gesellschaft_, 1913,\nHeft 4, p. 81.\n\n[28] _Itin\u00e9raire de Paris a J\u00e9rusalem_, Paris, 1811.\n\n[29] _Travels in Syria_, 1821.\n\n[30] _Souvenirs, impressions, el paysages, pendant un voyage en Orient_,\nParis, 1835.\n\n[31] For a more complete account see F. J. Bliss, _The Development of\nPalestine Exploration_, New York, 1906.\n\n[32] See _Official Report of the United States Expedition to Explore the\nDead Sea and the River Jordan_, Baltimore, 1852.\n\n[33] See his \u201cIdentification of Pisgah\u201d in the third _Statement_ of the\nAmerican Exploration Society, 1870.\n\n[34] See his _East of the Jordan_, New York, 1883.\n\n[35] Warren\u2019s results were first published in _The Recovery of Jerusalem_,\nLondon, 1870, and more fully in _Jerusalem_, London, 1889, one of the\nMemoirs of the Palestine Exploration Fund. The arch mentioned is called\n\u201cRobinson\u2019s Arch,\u201d because its significance was first perceived by\nRobinson.\n\n[36] _Across the Jordan_, London, 1886; _Jaulan_, London, 1886, and\n_Abila, Pella, and Northern Aijlun_, London, 1889.\n\n[37] _Die Provincia Arabia_, Strassburg, 1904-1909 (3 volumes).\n\n[38] _Petra_, Leipzig, 1908, and _Neu-Petra Forschung_, Leipzig, 1912.\n\n[39] _Arch\u00e6ological Researches in Palestine_, London, 1896-1899.\n\n[40] _Geology of Palestine and Arabia Petr\u00e6a_, London, 1886.\n\n[41] See Petrie, _Tell el-Hesy (Lachish)_, London, 1891.\n\n[42] See his _Mound of Many Cities_, London, 1894.\n\n[43] See Bliss, _Excavations at Jerusalem_, London, 1898.\n\n[44] An artificially made precipice on which a fortress once stood. It is\nnamed from an Englishman, Maudsley, who first perceived its true nature.\n\n[45] Bliss and Macalister, _Excavations in Palestine during the Years\n1898-1900_, London, 1902.\n\n[46] See his _Arch\u00e6ological Researches in Palestine_, II, p. 251, f.\n\n[47] This is the period called by Petrie and Bliss \u201cSeleucid.\u201d\n\n[48] See Macalister, _The Excavation of Gezer_, London, 1912, II, 381-403.\n\n[49] _Ibid._, 406-408.\n\n[50] _Ibid._, I, 256-268.\n\n[51] See Macalister, _The Excavation of Gezer_, London, 1912, II, 200-223.\n\n[52] _Ibid._, 236-266.\n\n[53] See the _Annual_ of the Palestine Exploration Fund, Vols. I and II,\nfor the details here given, and for many others.\n\n[54] _Zeitschrift des deutschen Pal\u00e4stina-Vereins._\n\n[55] See _Zeitschrift des deutschen Pal\u00e4stina-Vereins_, V, pp. 7-204.\n\n[56] See Schumacher und Steuernagel, _Tell el-Mutesellim_, Leipzig, 1908.\n\n[57] Sellin, _Tell Taanek_, Wien, 1904.\n\n[58] See _Mitteilungen der deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft_, No. 29, Berlin,\n1905, p. 14, f.\n\n[59] See Sellin und Watzinger, _Jericho_, Leipzig, 1913.\n\n[60] See _Journal of Biblical Literature_, Vol. XXII, Boston, 1903, pp.\n164-182; XXIV, 196-220; XXV, 82-95.\n\n[61] See _Harvard Theological Review_, Cambridge, Mass., I, 1908, p. 92.\n\n[62] _Ibid._, II, 102-113; III, 136-138, 248-263.\n\n[63] Josephus, _Antiquities of the Jews_, xiii, 10, 2 and 3; _Wars of the\nJews_, i, 2, 7.\n\n[64] _Revue biblique_, 1912 (Paris), pp. 86-116.\n\n[65] _Biblical World_, Vol. XXXIX, Chicago, 1912, pp. 295-306.\n\n[66] See Germer-Durand in _Revue biblique_, 1914, pp. 71-94, and\nFrontispiece.\n\n[67] See _Quarterly Statement_ of the Palestine Exploration Fund, October,\n1914, p. 167, f. Additional material on Ophel and Balata is given in the\nAppendix, p. 446.\n\n[68] First noticed by Prof. George L. Robinson, of McCormick Seminary,\nChicago, and afterward by Prof. Samuel Ives Curtis, of the Chicago\nTheological Seminary; see Chapter XI, p. 173, f.\n\n[69] Discovered in 1902 by Dr. J. P. Peters and Dr. Thiersch; see their\n_Painted Tombs of Marissa_, London, 1905.\n\n[70] Reference should also be made to the expedition from Princeton\nUniversity, referred to on p. 107, led by Prof. H. C. Butler, which went\nout in 1899-1900, in 1904-1905, and in 1909, and examined the ruins in the\nHauran (or region east of the Sea of Galilee), in the Lebanon Mountains,\nand in that part of Syria to the east of Lebanon. The expedition gathered\nmany inscriptions, most of which belong to the Christian period. The\nresults of this exploration are published in _The Publications of an\nArch\u00e6ological Expedition to Syria in 1899-1900_, New York, 1904, and\n_Publications of the Princeton Arch\u00e6ological Expeditions to Syria in\n1904-1905 and 1909_, Leyden, 1908-1914.\n\n[71] See R. A. S. Macalister, _History of Civilization in Palestine_,\nCambridge University Press, 1912, pp. 10, 11.\n\n[72] See Barton, _A Year\u2019s Wandering in Bible Lands_, Philadelphia, 1904,\np. 143.\n\n[73] See Barton, in the _Biblical World_, Chicago, 1904, Vol. XXIV, p.\n177.\n\n[74] See Conder, _Survey of Eastern Palestine_, I, pp. 125-277, and\nMackenzie in the _Annual_ of the Palestine Exploration Fund, I, pp. 5-11.\n\n[75] See Gen. 14:5; 15:20.\n\n[76] See H. S. Cowper, _The Hill of the Graces, a Record of Investigation\namong the Trilithons and Megalithic Sites of Tripoli_, London, 1897, and\nBrandenburg, _\u00dcber Felsarchitektur im Mittelmeergebiet_ in _Mitteilungen\nder Vorderasiatischen Gesellchaft_, 1914.\n\n[77] See the _Annals of Arch\u00e6ology and Anthropology_, Vol. V, Liverpool,\n1913, pp. 112-128.\n\n[78] See Macalister, _The Excavation of Gezer_, I, 72-152.\n\n[79] See Macalister, _The Excavation of Gezer_, I, 145-152.\n\n[80] _Ibid._, 236, ff.\n\n[81] R. A. S. Macalister, _Bible Side-lights from the Mound of Gezer_,\nLondon, 1906, Chapter II.\n\n[82] See P. E. Mader in _Zeitschrift des deutschen Pal\u00e4stina-Vereins_,\nVol. XXXVII, 1914, pp. 20-44.\n\n[83] See Amos 4:4; 5:5.\n\n[84] See Dr. Masterman, in _Biblical World_, XXXIX, 301, f.\n\n[85] See the legend concerning him translated in Part II, p. 310, f.\n\n[86] See Clay, _Amurru_, Philadelphia, 1909, pp. 102, 103.\n\n[87] See _Recueil de travaux relatifs \u00e0 phil. et \u00e0 arch. egpt. et assyr._,\nXXXIV, 105-108.\n\n[88] See Breasted, _Ancient Records, Egypt_, Vol. I, Chicago, 1906, \u00a7 315.\n\n[89] See Chapter II, p. 59.\n\n[90] Translated in Part II, p. 313, f.\n\n[91] See Part II, p. 293.\n\n[92] See Part II, p. 290, ff.\n\n[93] See Part II, p. 299, ff.\n\n[94] See Breasted, _Ancient Records, Egypt_, I, p. 233, f.\n\n[95] See Barton, _Commentary on Job_, New York, 1911, pp. 5-7, and\nBreasted, _Ancient Records, Egypt_, I, p. 238, note _a_.\n\n[96] See Breasted, _Ancient Records, Egypt_, \u00a7 680, and Barton in _Journal\nof Biblical Literature_, Vol. XXVIII, p. 29.\n\n[97] Macalister, _Excavation of Gezer_, I, 238-243 and 253.\n\n[98] _Tell el-Mutesellim_, Tafeln, vii-xi.\n\n[99] See Chapter IV, p. 96.\n\n[100] See Chapter II, p. 59, f.\n\n[101] See Chapter I, p. 28.\n\n[102] See Chapter III, p. 75, f.\n\n[103] See Chapter IV, pp. 89, 91.\n\n[104] See Breasted, _Ancient Records, Egypt_, III, \u00a7 616.\n\n[105] Translated from W. Max M\u00fcller\u2019s publication in the _Mitteilungen der\nvorderasiatischen Gesellschaft_, 1907, Heft 7.\n\n[106] Hammath means \u201chot.\u201d\n\n[107] See Chapter I, p. 29.\n\n[108] See pp. 79, 80, and 345.\n\n[109] See the letters of its king translated in Part II, p. 345, f.\n\n[110] Chapter XIII.\n\n[111] See Chapter III, p. 78, f.\n\n[112] See Part II, p. 349, f.\n\n[113] See Breasted\u2019s _History of Egypt_, New York, 1909, p. 414.\n\n[114] See Breasted\u2019s _Ancient Records, Egypt_, III. \u00a7\u00a7 81 and 140.\n\n[115] Translated from W. Max M\u00fcller\u2019s _Egyptological Researches_,\nWashington, 1906, pl. 59, ff.\n\n[116] See Part II, p. 311.\n\n[117] See Sir Arthur Evans. _Scripta Minoa_, Oxford, 1909, pp. 280, 282,\nand R. A. S. Macalister in the _Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy_,\nVol. XXX, \u00a7 C, p. 342; also his _Philistines, Their History and\nCivilization_, London, 1913, pp. 84, 85.\n\n[118] See _Sitzungsberichte of the Berlin Academy_, 1909, p. 1022, f.\n\n[119] Caphtor is the same as _Keftiu_ of the Egyptian inscriptions, but it\nis uncertain whether _Keftiu_ refers to Crete or Asia Minor.\n\n[120] Translated from W. Max M\u00fcller\u2019s _Egyptological Researches_, I, pl.\n64, f.\n\n[121] See Macalister, _The Excavation of Gezer_, I, p. 21.\n\n[122] See p. 99.\n\n[123] See p. 95.\n\n[124] See the books of I and II Samuel.\n\n[125] See Chapters VI, IX, and XI.\n\n[126] See Part II, Chapter XVII.\n\n[127] See Part II, p. 385, f.\n\n[128] See J. A. Montgomery, _The Samaritans, the Earliest Jewish Sect,\nTheir History, Theology, and Literature_, Philadelphia, 1907.\n\n[129] For the narrative of the struggle, see the book of I Maccabees, and\nS. Mathews, _History of the New Testament Times in Palestine_, New York,\n1908.\n\n[130] See I Macc. 14:41.\n\n[131] For details see Guy Le Strange, _Palestine Under the Moslems_,\nLondon, 1890.\n\n[132] For details see C. R. Conder, _The Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem_,\nLondon, 1897.\n\n[133] See Chapter XIV.\n\n[134] See p. 94.\n\n[135] On these walls, see Macalister, _Excavation of Gezer_, I, 236-256.\n\n[136] Petrie, _Tell el-Hesy_, p. 17 and Plates 2 and 3.\n\n[137] See his _Tell Taanek_, p. 13.\n\n[138] See p. 96 and Fig. 41.\n\n[139] See p. 91.\n\n[140] _Harvard Theological Review_, III, 137.\n\n[141] Palestine Exploration Fund\u2019s _Annual_, II, 17, f.\n\n[142] Sellin and Watzinger\u2019s _Jericho_, p. 29, f. and Tafel I.\n\n[143] _Ibid._, 54, ff.\n\n[144] See Macalister, _Excavation of Gezer_, I, 244.\n\n[145] See Dickie, in _Quarterly Statement_ of Palestine Exploration Fund,\n1897, 61-67.\n\n[146] These remarks about the house are based on the excavation at Gezer.\nThe excavators of other sites have not given as much attention to the\nconstruction of houses as Mr. Macalister did.\n\n[147] Sellin, _Tell Taanek_, p. 21.\n\n[148] One of these is translated in Part II, p. 350.\n\n[149] See the writer\u2019s article, \u201cCorners,\u201d in Hastings\u2019 _Encyclop\u00e6dia of\nReligion and Ethics_, Vol. IV 119, ff.\n\n[150] Sellin, _Tell Taanek_, p. 61.\n\n[151] Schumacher, _Tell el-Mulesellim_, pp. 45, 54.\n\n[152] See Macalister, _The Excavation of Gezer_, I, 240.\n\n[153] In 2 Sam. 12:27 we should read \u201cpool of waters\u201d instead of \u201ccity of\nwaters\u201d; see Barton in _Journal of Biblical Literature_, XXVII, 147-152.\n\n[154] See Polybius, V, 71.\n\n[155] Josephus, _Jewish Wars_, I, xix, 5, ff.\n\n[156] For the conflicting evidence and theories, see G. A. Smith,\n_Jerusalem_, I, 124-131.\n\n[157] Josephus, _Antiquities_, XVIII, iii, 2.\n\n[158] See p. 85.\n\n[159] See Thomsen in _Zeitschrift des deutschen Pal\u00e4stina-Vereins_, XXVI,\n170, ff.\n\n[160] See Chapter XIV.\n\n[161] See Macalister, _Excavation of Gezer_, I, 199, f; II, 22, ff.\n\n[162] See Macalister, _Excavation of Gezer_, II, 22, f.\n\n[163] The reader who cares to pursue the subject is referred to\nMacalister\u2019s _Excavation of Gezer_, II, 48, ff., and Sellin\u2019s _Tell\nTaanek_, 61, f., and Bliss and Macalister\u2019s _Excavations in Palestine_,\n1898-1900, pp. 193, 196, f., 208, 227, and 248.\n\n[164] See Macalister, _Excavation of Gezer_, II, 1-15.\n\n[165] See Pumpelly, _Excavations in Turkestan_, Washington, 1908, p. 384,\nf.\n\n[166] See Schumacher, _Mutesellim_, p. 89.\n\n[167] Ward, _Seal Cylinders of Western Asia_, p. 422, and Nos. 554, 556,\n1126, and 1254.\n\n[168] See Dr. John P. Peters\u2019 article \u201cThe Cock\u201d in the _Journal of the\nAmerican Oriental Society_, Vol. XXXIII, pp. 363-396.\n\n[169] See Peters and Thiersch, _The Painted Tombs of Marissa_, London,\n1905.\n\n[170] See Sellin, _Tell Taanek_, 61, f.\n\n[171] Especial mention may be made of the following: Petrie, _Tell\nel-Hesy_; Bliss and Macalister, _Excavations in Palestine, 1898-1900_,\nPart II; Vincent, _Canaan d\u2019apr\u00e8s l\u2019exploration r\u00e9cente_, Paris, 1907,\nChapter V, and Macalister, _The Excavation of Gezer_, II, 128-231.\n\n[172] A \u201cbutton\u201d handle is a \u201cledge\u201d handle made into a round knob.\n\n[173] See Macalister, _Excavation of Gezer_, II, 158.\n\n[174] See Chapter V, p. 115, f., and Figs. 108, 109.\n\n[175] For discussions of the subject, see Bliss and Macalister,\n_Excavations in Palestine, 1898-1900_, 106-123; Macalister in the\n_Quarterly Statement_ of the Palestine Exploration Fund, 1905, 243 and\n328; also _Excavation of Gezer_, II, 209, ff., and Vincent, _Canaan\nd\u2019apr\u00e8s l\u2019exploration r\u00e9cente_, pp. 357-360.\n\n[176] See Sellin, _Jericho_, p. 156.\n\n[177] For a fuller discussion of children\u2019s toys, see Rice, _Orientalisms\nin Bible Lands_, pp. 49-58.\n\n[178] An early Christian writer, born in 315, died in 403 A. D., who was\nbishop of Salamis in Cyprus.\n\n[179] From this equivalence the reader can easily compute the value which\nthe intermediate measures would have according to this theory. The\nmultiples of the Log which formed the Cab, etc., are given above.\n\n[180] See P\u00e8re Germer-Durand, \u201cMesures de capacit\u00e9 des Hebreux au temps de\nl\u2019\u00e9vangile\u201d in _Conferences de Saint-\u00c9tienne_, Paris, 1910, pp. 89-105,\nand Fig. 185.\n\n[181] The Jewish name for an offering to God. (See Mark 7:11.)\n\n[182] \u201cMana\u201d is both the Babylonian and the Hebrew term. In English it has\nusually been corrupted to \u201cMina.\u201d\n\n[183] Some scholars understand MENE to be such a reference.\n\n[184] The weight is now in the library of Haverford College, near\nPhiladelphia.\n\n[185] The words rendered \u201cthe price was a _pim_\u201d are translated in the\nAuthorized Version, \u201cthey had a file,\u201d margin, \u201ca file with mouths\u201d; in\nthe Revised Version, \u201cthey had a file,\u201d margin, or \u201cwhen the edges ...\nwere blunt.\u201d The Revisers add, \u201cThe Hebrew text is obscure.\u201d The Hebrew\nword rendered \u201cfile\u201d and \u201cblunt\u201d comes from a root that means \u201cto\nprescribe\u201d or \u201cappoint.\u201d It could easily mean the \u201cestablished price,\u201d but\ncan mean neither \u201cfile\u201d nor \u201cblunt.\u201d _Pim_ means \u201cmouths\u201d and is employed\nfiguratively for \u201cedges,\u201d but neither of those meanings fits the passage.\nThe discovery of these weights has cleared up the whole obscurity. This\ninterpretation was suggested by Pilcher in the _Palestine Exploration Fund\nQuarterly Statement_, 1914, p. 99.\n\n[186] See Macalister, _Excavation of Gezer_, II, 279.\n\n[187] See Macalister, _ibid._, pp. 278-293.\n\n[188] See Bliss and Macalister, _Excavations in Palestine_, 1898-1900, p.\n61.\n\n[189] See Macalister, _Excavation of Gezer_, II, 291.\n\n[190] See Breasted, _Ancient Records, Egypt_, II, \u00a7\u00a7 436, 489, 490, 518,\nand _History of Egypt_, 2d ed., pp. 277, 307.\n\n[191] See Schrader\u2019s _Keilinschriftliche Bibliothek_, I, 105 (cl. III,\n62).\n\n[192] See C. H. W. Johns, _Assyrian Deeds and Documents_, I, Nos. 38, 39,\n40, 41, 44, 45, 46, 50, and 108; cf. also III, 8.\n\n[193] See Hill, _Catalogue of the Greek Coins of Palestine_, London, 1914,\np. xciii, ff.\n\n[194] Cf. Luke 21:2.\n\n[195] The temples of Solomon, Zerubbabel, and Herod are treated in Chapter\nXIII, on Jerusalem.\n\n[196] See Macalister, _The Excavation of Gezer_, I, 102; II, 378, ff.\n\n[197] See Schumacher, _Tell el-Mutesellim_, 156, ff.\n\n[198] In Gen. 22:9 Abraham, we are told, built the altar. He did not,\ntherefore, intend to use the rock-altar. The analogy of this altar with\nthe other two is not quite complete. It appears to have no cup-marks on\nits surface.\n\n[199] See Bliss and Macalister, _Excavations in Palestine, 1898-1900_, p.\n31, ff.\n\n[200] See Macalister, _The Excavation of Gezer_, I, 51, 105-107; II,\n381-404.\n\n[201] See Part II, p. 364.\n\n[202] See C. H. Toy, _Introduction to the History of Religions_, Boston,\n1913, \u00a7\u00a7 250, 257.\n\n[203] _Tell Taanek_, p. 68, ff.\n\n[204] See Part II, p. 442.\n\n[205] For descriptions of this high place, see the article by its\ndiscoverer, George L. Robinson, in the _Biblical World_, XVII, 6-16; by S.\nI. Curtis in the _Quarterly Statement_ of the Palestine Exploration Fund,\nOctober, 1900, pp. 350-355; Savignac in _R\u00e9vue biblique_, 1903, 280-284;\nLibby and Hoskins, _The Jordan Valley and Petra_, New York, 1905, II, 172,\nff.; Br\u00fcnnow and Domaszewski, _Provincia Arabia_, Vol. I, Strassburg,\n1904, 239-245; Dalman, _Petra_, Leipzig, 1908, 56-58.\n\n[206] See the writer\u2019s _A Year\u2019s Wandering in Bible Lands_, Philadelphia,\n1904, pp. 193, 194.\n\n[207] Those interested in them will find them described in Br\u00fcnnow and\nDomaszewski\u2019s _Provincia Arabia_, I, 246, ff., and in Dalman\u2019s _Petra_,\n142, 225, 272, etc.\n\n[208] See Macalister, _Excavation of Gezer_, II, 405, ff.\n\n[209] Schumacher, _Tell el-Mutesellim_, 110-124.\n\n[210] Schumacher, _Tell el-Mutesellim_, 105-110.\n\n[211] _Ibid._, 125-130.\n\n[212] See _Harvard Theological Review_, II, 102-113; III, 248-263.\n\n[213] See Josephus, _Antiquities of the Jews_, XV, viii, 5, and _Wars of\nthe Jews_, I, xxi, 2.\n\n[214] See especially Fig. 269.\n\n[215] See Chapter V, p. 105.\n\n[216] See Macalister, _Excavation of Gezer_, I, 286.\n\n[217] _Ibid._, p. 122, f.\n\n[218] Palestine Exploration Fund\u2019s _Annual_, II, 42, ff.\n\n[219] For a Babylonian parallel, see Part II, p. 423, ff.\n\n[220] See Macalister, _Excavation of Gezer_, II, 429, f.\n\n[221] See _Biblical World_, Vol. XXIV, p. 177.\n\n[222] See Macalister, _Excavation of Gezer_, I, 288, f.\n\n[223] _Ibid._, 289, ff.\n\n[224] See Bliss and Macalister, _Excavations in Palestine, 1898-1900_, p.\n9, ff.\n\n[225] So called because of a tradition that the members of the Sanhedrin\nwere buried there. The tradition probably arose because the _k\u00f4kim_ and\nshelves make provision for seventy bodies.\n\n[226] See _Journal of Biblical Literature_, XXII, 1903, p. 164, ff.\n\n[227] See Josephus, _Antiquities of the Jews_, XX, ii, 1; iv, 3.\n\n[228] See Peters and Thiersch, _Painted Tombs at Marissa_, London, 1905.\n\n[229] All who can do so should read George Adam Smith\u2019s _Jerusalem from\nthe Earliest Times to A. D. 70_, New York, 1908, and Hughes Vincent\u2019s\n_Jerusalem_, Paris, 1912. Or, if this is not possible, L. B. Paton\u2019s\n_Jerusalem in Bible Times_, Chicago, 1905.\n\n[230] See Dr. Masterman in the _Biblical World_, Vol. XXXIX, p. 295, f.\n\n[231] See Part II, Chapter XV, Letter V, and the writer\u2019s note in the\n_Biblical World_, XXII, p. 11, n. 5.\n\n[232] See _Biblical World_, XXXIX, 306.\n\n[233] See Part II, Chapter XV.\n\n[234] See Chapter VI, \u00a7 8.\n\n[235] Some scholars think the words are a distorted repetition of \u201cin\nMillo,\u201d which was accidentally repeated by a scribe.\n\n[236] Bliss and Dickie, _Excavations at Jerusalem_, 1894-1897, _passim_,\nand p. 319, ff.\n\n[237] For \u201cBethso,\u201d see Josephus, _Wars of the Jews_, V, iv, 2.\n\n[238] See J. E. Hanauer, _Walks about Jerusalem_, London, 1910, 88, 89.\n\n[239] The writer is well aware that the name Moriah for this part of the\nhill rests on slender evidence, but he employs it nevertheless as a\nconvenient term, since it is well understood by readers of the Bible.\n\n[240] Warren and Conder, _Jerusalem_, pp. 148-158.\n\n[241] See Chapter XI, p. 168.\n\n[242] _Wars of the Jews_, V, v, 1.\n\n[243] So Stade, _Geschichte des Volkes Israels_, Berlin, 1889, I, 314, and\nG. A. Smith, _Jerusalem_, II, 60.\n\n[244] In giving the dimensions of the various temples, the writer has\nfollowed the calculations of George Adam Smith in his _Jerusalem_. W. Shaw\nCaldecott has published four volumes, one on the _Tabernacle_, one on\n_Solomon\u2019s Temple_, one on the _Second Temple_, and one on _Herod\u2019s\nTemple_, in which he claims to have discovered a key that harmonizes all\nthe Biblical statements as to the measurements of these structures. His\nsupposed key is his belief that the Babylonians had three different cubits\nwhich they used side by side, that these cubits were known to Moses, and\nthat their use was perpetuated in the temple. Should these pages be read\nby one who has accepted that claim as true, it is but fair that he be\ninformed that Caldecott\u2019s whole system is based upon a misinterpretation\nof a Babylonian tablet that was published in Rawlinson\u2019s _Cuneiform\nInscriptions of Western Asia_, Vol. IV, p. 37. (See _Tabernacle_, pp.\n107-139, and _Solomon\u2019s Temple_, pp. 215, 216.) This tablet contains a\ntable of time and of distances. The unit of time in Babylonia was a\n_kaskal-gid_. An astronomical tablet published thirty years ago in the\nbook most widely used by beginners in Assyrian says that at the equinox\n\u201csix _kaskal-gid_ was the day, six _kaskal-gid_ the night.\u201d The\n_kaskal-gid_ was, then, a period of two hours\u2019 duration. Just as in many\ncountries the word for \u201chour\u201d is used for distance, and a place is said to\nbe so many \u201chours\u201d away, so in Babylonia and Assyria _kaskal-gid_ was used\nas a measure of distance. The tablet referred to gives a table of the ways\nof writing fractions of _kaskal-gid_ and its other divisions in the\nsimplest of the two Babylonian numerical systems. The Assyriologist learns\nfrom this tablet that 1 _kaskal-gid_ (the distance of two hours) equalled\n30 _ush_, that 1 _ush_ equalled 60 _gar_, that 1 _gar_ equalled 12 _u_ or\ncubits, and that 1 _u_ equalled 60 _shu_ or \u201cfingers.\u201d Caldecott, however,\nmistook the sign _gid_ for a numeral five, the sign _kaskal_ for a word\nmeaning \u201cell,\u201d and the word _u_ meaning \u201ccubit\u201d for a sign signifying\n\u201cplus\u201d! He accordingly makes _gar_ a \u201cpalm\u201d; _shu_, a \u201cthree-palm ell\u201d;\n_ush_, a \u201cfour-palm ell,\u201d and _kaskal-gid_, a \u201cfive-palm ell\u201d! His whole\nsystem is without foundation.\n\nTables similar to the one published by Rawlinson were compiled in the\nscribal school at Nippur. One was published without translation by\nHilprecht in 1906 in the _Babylonian Expedition of the University of\nPennsylvania_, Vol. XX, and interpreted by the present writer in 1909 in\n_The Haverford Library Collection of Cuneiform Tablets_, Part II, pp.\n13-18. The writer has examined other similar tablets in the University\nMuseum, Philadelphia.\n\n[245] See Chapter IX, p. 151. According to I Kings 7:48, there was a\n\u201cgolden altar\u201d here also, but as this is not mentioned in chapter 6 many\nscholars think that it is a post-exilic gloss, introducing a feature from\nthe second temple.\n\n[246] _Antiquities of the Jews_, VIII, v, 2.\n\n[247] See translation, Part II, p. 377.\n\n[248] See Bliss, _Excavations at Jerusalem_, pp. 96-109.\n\n[249] See G. A. Smith, _Jerusalem_, I, 226. For another view, see Paton,\n_Journal of Biblical Literature_, XXV, 1-13.\n\n[250] See G. A. Smith, _Jerusalem_, II, Chapters X and XI.\n\n[251] See Chapter II, p. 66; also Part II, p. 385, f.\n\n[252] Ezra 5:16 states that Sheshbazzar laid the foundations of the house\nin the reign of Cyrus, but as Haggai and Zechariah give no hint of this,\nmany scholars think there must be some error in the text.\n\n[253] _Antiquities of the Jews_, XIII, xiii, 5.\n\n[254] See the Mishnah, _Middoth_ 3:6.\n\n[255] _Excavations at Jerusalem_, 16, ff.\n\n[256] See Josephus, _Antiquities of the Jews_, XI, vii, 1; cf. also G. A.\nSmith, _Jerusalem_, II, 358-361.\n\n[257] See Josephus, _Antiquities of the Jews_, XII, i.\n\n[258] See Ecclesiasticus iii-v, vii, ix, xxiii, xxv, ff., and xxviii.\n\n[259] See Eccles. 50:1-4.\n\n[260] Cf. Josephus, _Antiquities of the Jews_, XII, v, 1.\n\n[261] See Selah Merrill, _Ancient Jerusalem_, New York, 1908, pp. 83-88.\n\n[262] See G. A. Smith, _Jerusalem_, II, 447-452.\n\n[263] Josephus, _Antiquities of the Jews_, XII, v, 1.\n\n[264] Josephus, _Antiquities of the Jews_, XIII, vi, 7.\n\n[265] See Chapter V, p. 119.\n\n[266] Josephus, _Antiquities of the Jews_, XV, xi, 4; XVIII, iv, 3.\n\n[267] Josephus, _Antiquities of the Jews_, XX, viii, 11; _Wars of the\nJews_, II, xvi, 3.\n\n[268] Merrill, _Ancient Jerusalem_, p. 88.\n\n[269] Josephus, _Antiquities of the Jews_, XIV, iv, 2, and Fig. 255.\n\n[270] Because its identity as a part of this bridge was first perceived by\nProf. Edward Robinson, of Union Seminary, New York.\n\n[271] Josephus, _Wars of the Jews_, I, vii, 2.\n\n[272] Warren and Conder, _Jerusalem_, 178, f.\n\n[273] See Chapter VI, p. 131.\n\n[274] Quoted by Alexander Polyhistor and Eusebius; see G. A. Smith,\n_Jerusalem_, II, 462.\n\n[275] Josephus, _Antiquities of the Jews_, XIII, xiii, 5.\n\n[276] _Ibid._, XIV, ii, 1.\n\n[277] _Ibid._, XIV, iv, 2.\n\n[278] _Ibid._, XIV, xiii, 3, 4, 5.\n\n[279] _Ibid._, XIV, xv, 2; xvi.\n\n[280] _Ibid._, XV, viii, 5.\n\n[281] Josephus, _Wars of the Jews_, V, iv, 3.\n\n[282] _Ibid._, V, iv, 4. (See Fig. 256.)\n\n[283] Josephus, _Antiquities of the Jews_, XVII, ix, 3; _Wars of the\nJews_, II, ii, 2; xiv, 8.\n\n[284] Colonel Conder, the late Dr. Merrill, Georg Gatt, Dr. R\u00fcckert, and\nDr. Mommert.\n\n[285] Josephus, _Antiquities of the Jews_, XV, viii, 1.\n\n[286] See _Quarterly Statement_ of the Palestine Exploration Fund, 1887,\np. 161, ff. Dr. Schick calls it an amphitheater, but it is simply a\ntheater of the Greek type.\n\n[287] Josephus, _Antiquities of the Jews_, XV, xi, 2.\n\n[288] Josephus, _Antiquities of the Jews_, XX, ix, 7.\n\n[289] _Ibid._, XV, xi, 3.\n\n[290] Above it was a chamber 30 cubits high.\n\n[291] Josephus, _Wars of the Jews_, V, v, 6.\n\n[292] See Josephus, _Wars of the Jews_, V, v, and the Mishna tract\n_Middoth_ for the authority for this description. For a fuller\ndescription, see G. A. Smith, _Jerusalem_, II, Chapter XVIII.\n\n[293] See Chapter VI, p. 131.\n\n[294] That is, the \u201cPool of Israel.\u201d\n\n[295] _Wars of the Jews_, V, iv, 2.\n\n[296] The city, restored under the heathen name of \u00c6lia Capitolina by the\nEmperor Hadrian in 135 A. D., made Christian by Constantine in 325, sacked\nby the Persian Chosroes in 614, taken by the Arabs in 636, captured after\nmany vicissitudes in 1072 by the Seljuk Turks, made by the First Crusade\nthe seat of the Latin kingdom of Jerusalem from 1099 to 1187, when Saladin\ntook it, was once more after many other vicissitudes captured by the\nOttoman Turks in 1517.\n\n[297] _Historia Naturalis_, V, xviii, 74.\n\n[298] Josephus, _Wars of the Jews_, I, vii, 7.\n\n[299] See Chapter V, p. 111.\n\n[300] See Sch\u00fcrer, _Geschichte des J\u00fcdischen Volkes im Zeitalter Jesu\nChristi_, Leipzig, 1907, II, 172, and note 321.\n\n[301] See Josephus, _Antiquities of the Jews_, XII, iv, 5.\n\n[302] See Barton, _A Year\u2019s Wandering in Bible Lands_, Philadelphia, 1904,\np. 176.\n\n[303] See Neubauer, _G\u00e9ographie du Talmud_, Paris, 1868, 238-240.\n\n[304] Josephus, _Antiquities of the Jews_, XII, viii, 4.\n\n[305] Br\u00fcnnow and Domaszewski, _Provincia Arabia_, III, 107-144, and Fig.\n267.\n\n[306] See Polybius, V, 71.\n\n[307] Josephus, _Antiquities of the Jews_, XIII, xiii, 3.\n\n[308] Sch\u00fcrer, _Geschichte des J\u00fcdischen Volkes im Zeitalter Jesu\nChristi_, 4th ed., II, 1907, p. 175.\n\n[309] Neubauer, _G\u00e9ographie du Talmud_, 274.\n\n[310] See Merrill, _East of the Jordan_, New York, 1883, 184, ff. and 442,\nf.; also Schumacher, _Across the Jordan_, London, 1886, p. 272, f.\n\n[311] Merrill, _ibid._, 298, and G. A. Smith, _Historical Geography of the\nHoly Land_, map.\n\n[312] So Br\u00fcnnow and Domaszewski, _Provincia Arabia_, III, 264.\n\n[313] Josephus, _Wars of the Jews_, I, iv, 8.\n\n[314] See Merrill, _East of the Jordan_, 281-284; Schumacher in\n_Zeitschrift des deutschen Pal\u00e4stina-Vereins_, XXV, 1912, 111-177; Br\u00fcnnow\nand Domaszewski, _Provincia Arabia_, II, 234-139; Barton, _A Year\u2019s\nWandering in Bible Lands_, 158, f.\n\n[315] See Polybius, V, 71.\n\n[316] See 2 Sam. 12:27 and Barton in the _Journal of Biblical Literature_,\nXXVII, 147-152.\n\n[317] See Josephus, _Wars of the Jews_, I, xix, 5.\n\n[318] See Merrill, _East of the Jordan_, 399, ff.; Schumacher, _Across the\nJordan_, 308; Br\u00fcnnow and Domaszewski, _Provincia Arabia_, II, 216-220,\nand Barton, _A Year\u2019s Wandering in Bible Lands_, 155, f.\n\n[319] Ramsay, _St. Paul the Traveller and Roman Citizen_, New York, 1896,\n243, ff.\n\n[320] See Farnell, _Cults of the Greek States_, II, Oxford, 1896, 618-699.\n\n[321] See _American Journal of Arch\u00e6ology_, 2d series, II, 133, f.; III,\n204, f.; IV, 306, f.; VI, 306, f, 439, f.; X, 17, f., and XIV, 19, f.\n\n[322] See Benjamin Powell in _American Journal of Arch\u00e6ology_, 2d series,\nVII, 60, f., and Fig. 275.\n\n[323] See Ramsay\u2019s article \u201cEphesus\u201d in Hastings\u2019 _Dictionary of the\nBible_, Vol. II, p. 721, f., for further details.\n\n[324] Book II, 1. 868.\n\n[325] See Hogarth\u2019s _Ionia and the East_, Oxford, 1909, p. 45, f.\n\n[326] See _De Neocoria_, p. 38.\n\n[327] See Ramsay in Hastings\u2019 _Dictionary of the Bible_, III, 750.\n\n[328] Wood, _Discoveries at Ephesus_, London, 1877. See Fig. 279.\n\n[329] Hogarth, _Excavations at Ephesus_, London, 1908.\n\n[330] See Couze (and others), _Ausgrabungen zu Pergamos_, Berlin, 1880,\nand Thr\u00e4mer, _Pergamos_, Leipzig, 1888; also F. E. Clark, _The Holy Land\nof Asia Minor_, New York, 1914, p. 67, f.\n\n[331] See Bousset, _Die Offenbarung des Johannes_, G\u00f6ttingen, 1896, p.\n245, ff.; Ramsay, _The Letters to the Seven Churches_, New York, 1905,\n283, ff., and Moffat in _The Expositor\u2019s Greek Testament_, Vol. V, New\nYork, 1910, p. 355, f.\n\n[332] See Ramsay, _The Church and the Roman Empire_, New York, 1893, p.\n252, f.\n\n[333] Josephus, _Antiquities of the Jews_, XII, iii, 1.\n\n[334] See Ramsay, _Letters to the Seven Churches_, p. 325, ff.\n\n[335] See Butler in _American Journal of Arch\u00e6ology_, 2d series, Vol.\nXVIII, 1914, p. 428.\n\n[336] Book, I, 7.\n\n[337] See Herbig\u2019s article, \u201cEtruscan Religion,\u201d in Hastings\u2019\n_Encyclop\u00e6dia of Religion and Ethics_, Vol. V, New York, 1912, p. 532, ff.\n\n[338] _American Journal of Arch\u00e6ology_, Vol. XVII, 1912, p. 474.\n\n[339] Barton, _A Year\u2019s Wandering in Bible Lands_, 76-79.\n\n[340] See _American Journal of Arch\u00e6ology_, Vols. XIV-XVIII, and Fig. 285.\n\n[341] _Ibid._, XV, 452.\n\n[342] _Ibid._, XV, 457.\n\n[343] _Ibid._, XVI, 475, ff., and Fig. 286.\n\n[344] See \u201cAltar (Christian)\u201d in Hastings\u2019 _Encyclop\u00e6dia of Religion and\nEthics_, Vol. I, p. 338, f.\n\n[345] _Ecclesiastical History_, X, 4.\n\n[346] See Barton, _A Year\u2019s Wandering in Bible Lands_, p. 71.\n\n[347] See Chapter XIV, p. 217, f.\n\n[348] Ramsay, _Letters to the Seven Churches_, 407, ff.\n\n[349] _Ibid._, 410, ff.\n\n[350] See Curtius, _Philadelphia_, Berlin, 1873, and Barton, _A Year\u2019s\nWandering in Bible Lands_, 79, ff.\n\n[351] Ramsay, _Letters to the Seven Churches_, 25, 1.\n\n[352] See Ramsay, _Letters to the Seven Churches_, 257 and 274, ff.\n\n[353] See Barton, _A Year\u2019s Wandering in Bible Lands_, p. 82.\n\n[354] See Ramsay, _The Cities and Bishoprics of Phrygia_, Oxford, 1895, p.\n32, f.\n\n[355] See Ramsay, _Letters to the Seven Churches_, 424, ff.\n\n[356] See F. E. Clark, _The Holy Land of Asia Minor_, New York, 1914, p.\n145, f.\n\n[357] Other translations of this epic have been made. The most important\nare as follows: Zimmern, in Gunkel\u2019s _Sch\u00f6pfung und Chaos_, pp. 401, ff.;\nDelitzsch, _Das Babylonische Weltsch\u00f6pfungsepos_ (Abhandlungen der\ns\u00e4chsischen Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften, Bd. XVII, 1896); Muss-Arnolt,\nin _Assyrian and Babylonian Literature_, Aldine ed., edited by R. F.\nHarper; Jensen in Schrader\u2019s _Keilinschriftliche Bibliothek_, Bd. VI; L.\nW. King, _The Seven Tablets of Creation_; Dhorme, _Choix de textes\nreligieux assyrobabyloniens_; Ungnad, in Gressman\u2019s _Altorientalische\nTexte und Bilder zum Alten Testament_; Rogers, _Cuneiform Parallels to the\nOld Testament_. A fragment of this tablet is shown in Fig. 290.\n\n[358] That is, Sea and Abyss, mentioned in lines 3 and 4. Apsu was the\nwaters underneath the dry land and Ti\u00e2mat the salt sea.\n\n[359] _I. e._, the spirits of earth.\n\n[360] Another name for Ti\u00e2mat.\n\n[361] Marduk\u2019s temple in Babylonia.\n\n[362] _I. e._, the captive gods of line 27.\n\n[363] The name which the Babylonians gave themselves.\n\n[364] Translated from _Cuneiform Texts from Babylonian Tablets in the\nBritish Museum_, Part XIII, p. 35, ff.\n\n[365] Translated from Rawlinson\u2019s _Cuneiform Inscriptions of Western\nAsia_, IV, 2d. ed., pl. 32, lines 28-38.\n\n[366] See _Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Arch\u00e6ology_, Vol. XXVI,\npp. 51-56.\n\n[367] _Miscellaneous Inscriptions in the Yale Babylonian Collection_, New\nHaven, 1916, Nos. 46-51.\n\n[368] Translated from _Recueil de Traveaux_. XX, 127, ff.; Winckler and\nAbel\u2019s _Thontafelnfund von El-Amarna_, No. 240, _Keilinschriftliche\nBibliothek_, VI, p. xvii, f., and _Proceedings of the Society of Biblical\nArch\u00e6ology_, XVI, 294, f.\n\n[369] The lines 14a, etc., are supplied from a parallel tablet.\n\n[370] Translated from Poebel, _Historical and Grammatical Texts_,\nPhiladelphia, 1914, No. 2. From the beginning of each column 16 to 18\nlines are broken away.\n\n[371] The sun-god.\n\n[372] Perhaps \u201cpalm-tree-fertilizer\u201d instead of hunter. It is not the\nusual ideogram for hunter, but one element stands for \u201chand\u201d and the other\nfor \u201cfemale flower of the date palm.\u201d (See Barton, _The Origin and\nDevelopment of Babylonian Writing_, Nos. 311({12}) and 303({6}).)\n\n[373] Seven lines are broken away from the end of the column.\n\n[374] The subject-matter shows that several columns are entirely broken\naway. Dr. Poebel estimates that Column IV was originally Column X. If this\nis true, six columns are entirely lost. Of Column IV, only a few lines out\nof the middle remain.\n\n[375] A number of lines are lost at the end of the column.\n\n[376] Numbers 3, 4, and 5.\n\n[377] Poebel reads the name _Arpi_, apparently because in another\nfragmentary tablet he thinks the name is _Arbum_, but both Poebel\u2019s copy\nand the photograph of the tablet indicate that the reading was _A-ri-pi_.\nThe writer has endeavored to settle the matter by collating both tablets,\nbut both have unfortunately crumbled too much to make collation decisive.\n\n[378] Sumerian words which begin with a vowel, when they are taken over\ninto Hebrew, assume a guttural at the beginning. Thus the Sumerian A\u0160-TAN,\n\u201cone,\u201d which became in Semitic Babylonian _i\u0161tin_, comes into Hebrew as\n_\u2018e\u0161t\u00ea_ with an Ayin at the beginning. (See Jer. 1:3 and elsewhere.)\n_Ayin_ in Semitic phonetics frequently changes to Heth. (See Brockelmann\u2019s\n_Vergleichende Grammatik der Semitischen Sprachen_, I, \u00a7 55, b, \u03b1.) In\naccordance with these facts AN-KU came into Hebrew as _\u1e2aenok_.\n\n[379] He is mentioned in Zimmern\u2019s _Ritualtafeln f\u00fcr den Wahrsager_,\nLeipzig, 1901, No. 24:1, ff., as the discoverer of the art of forecasting\nevents by pouring oil on water.\n\n[380] Poebel has shown, _Historical Texts_, 114, that EN-ME designates a\nhero or special kind of priest. _Mutu_ in Semitic means both \u201cman\u201d and \u201ca\nkind of priest\u201d; cf. Muss-Arnolt, _Assyrisch-Englisch-Deutsches\nHandw\u00f6rterbuch_, 619, 620, and Knudtzon, _El-Amarna Tafeln_, No. 55, 43.\n_Mutu_ was a popular element in Semitic proper names about 2000 B. C., but\nlater ceased to be employed.\n\n[381] The sign _kam_ Poebel failed to recognize. It is No. 364\u05d0 of\nBarton\u2019s _Origin and Development of Babylonian Writing_. It is sometimes\nemployed in early texts instead of other signs which had the values _ka_\nor _kam_. Here it is used for sign No. 357 of the work referred to.\n\n[382] Langdon makes the suggestion (_Sumerian Epic of Paradise, the Flood,\nand the Fall of Man_, Philadelphia, 1915, p. 56, note 7) that Lamech is\nthe Sumerian LUM\u1e2aA, an epithet of the Babylonian god Ea as the patron of\nmusic. A more plausible theory would be that Lamech is a corruption of a\nking\u2019s name, as suggested above, and after it was corrupted it was\nconfused with the name of the Sumerian god LAMGA, the constructive god,\nwhose emblem was the sign for carpenter. (See Barton, work cited, No.\n503.)\n\n[383] See Meissner, _Seltene assyrische Ideogramme_, No. 1139.\n\n[384] See Barton, work cited, No. 275{(5)}. IN is the Sumerian verb\npreformative.\n\n[385] See Delitzsch, _Sumerisches Glossar_, p. 262, f.\n\n[386] See Barton, work cited, No. 229{(18)}.\n\n[387] Jared might, of course, be a corruption of Irad (see p. 270). It\ncould have arisen by the wearing away of the Hebrew letter _Ayin_.\n\n[388] See his _Unity of the Book of Genesis_, New York, 1895, Chapter II.\n\n[389] See Rawlinson\u2019s _Cuneiform Inscriptions of Western Asia_, II, 59,\nrev. 9, and Zimmern\u2019s _Babylonischer Gott Tam\u016bz_, p. 13.\n\n[390] _Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Arch\u00e6ology_, XV, 243-246.\n\n[391] _Expository Times_, X, 253.\n\n[392] See Chapter VI, p. 273.\n\n[393] _Historical Texts_, p. 42.\n\n[394] Rawlinson\u2019s _Cuneiform Inscriptions of Western Asia_, V, 44, 17b.\nThe Semitic name of this king is also said to have been Tabu-utul-bel. He\nis the one whose fortunes correspond so closely to those of Job. (See\nChapter XX.)\n\n[395] See Meissner, _Seltene assyrische Ideogramme_, No. 6945.\n\n[396] Translated from Haupt\u2019s _Das Babylonische Nimrodepos_, p. 134, f.\n\n[397] The sun.\n\n[398] The spirits of heaven.\n\n[399] Or two accounts of the same event.\n\n[400] Translated from A. Poebel\u2019s _Historical and Grammatical Texts_ in\nthe University of Pennsylvania\u2019s \u201cUniversity Museum\u2019s publications of the\nBabylonian Section,\u201d Vol. V, Philadelphia, 1914, No. 1.\n\n[401] Often called Bel.\n\n[402] Called Ea, p. 273.\n\n[403] A term by which the Semites of Babylonia designated themselves. The\nSumerians shaved their heads.\n\n[404] See Part II, Chapter VI, line 21, ff.\n\n[405] _I. e._, the sun.\n\n[406] See p. 277.\n\n[407] Translated from Langdon, _The Sumerian Epic of Paradise, the Flood,\nand the Fall of Man_, Philadelphia, 1915, Plates I and II. Langdon, as his\ntitle shows, regards the text as a description of Paradise, the flood, and\nthe fall of man,--a view that the present writer cannot share. Dilmun is\nthe name of the Babylonian Paradise, but the signs rendered Dilmun are not\nthe ones employed to express that name. For the rest the text seems to\ndescribe the coming of rains, the beginnings of irrigation and\nagriculture, and the revelation of the medicinal qualities of certain\nplants. See _The Nation_, New York, November 18, 1915, pp. 597, ff. (For\nthe tablet, see Fig. 294.)\n\n[408] Apparently another name of Ninshar.\n\n[409] In Sumerian the goddess Nintulla.\n\n[410] In Sumerian the goddess Ninkasi.\n\n[411] In Sumerian the goddess Dazima.\n\n[412] In Sumerian, Nintil.\n\n[413] In Sumerian, Enshagme.\n\n[414] See his _Sumerian Epic of Paradise, the Flood, and the Fall of Man_,\np. 56.\n\n[415] Translated from _Vorderasiatische Schriftdenkm\u00e4ler der k\u00f6niglichen\nMuseen zu Berlin_, VII. No. 92.\n\n[416] _Vorderasiatische Schriftdenkm\u00e4ler der k\u00f6niglichen Museen zu\nBerlin_, VII, No. 198.\n\n[417] _Ibid._, VII, No. 97.\n\n[418] Since this manuscript was sent to the printer, another Abraham has\nbeen found in some tablets in the Yale University Collection.\n\n[419] Breasted, _Ancient Records, Egypt_, IV, pp. 352, 353. (See p. 360.)\n\n[420] See _Beitr\u00e4ge zur Assyriologie_, V, p. 498, no. 23; cf. p. 429, ff.\n\n[421] King, _Letters and Inscriptions of Hammurabi_, Vol. I, No. 66.\n\n[422] Some scholars suppose that the writer of the account in Genesis had\nbefore him a source in the cuneiform writing in which the \u201cpi\u201d at the end\nof Hammurapi\u2019s name was spelled with a sign that could be read either \u201cpi\u201d\nor \u201cpil\u201d (see Barton, _Origin and Development of Babylonian Writing_,\nLeipzig, 1913, No. 185), and that the _l_ was attached in consequence of a\nmisreading of this sign. That, however, admits corruption, though it\nattempts to explain its cause.\n\n[423] _Cuneiform Texts, &c., in the British Museum_, XXI, 33.\n\n[424] It was until recently not known that Arad-Sin and Rim-Sin were\ndifferent persons, and some thought the king might be called either\nRim-Sin or Eri-aku (Arioch, Gen. 14:1). It is possible that Arad-Sin may\nhave been called Ari-aku in Sumerian, but it is improbable. It is now\nknown that Arad-Sin died 30 years before Hammurapi came to the throne.\nWith our present knowledge it is difficult to see how Arioch could be the\nname of Rim-Sin unless Rim-Sin be read partly as Semitic and partly as\nSumerian and then considerably corrupted.\n\n[425] The text was published by Pinches in the _Journal of Transactions of\nthe Victoria Institute_, Vol. XXIX, 82, 83; cf. emendations by L. W. King,\n_Letters and Inscriptions of Hammurabi_, Vol. I, p. li, ff. Sayce has also\ntranslated them, filling out the lacun\u00e6 by freely exercising the\nimagination, in the _Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Arch\u00e6ology_,\nXXVIII, 203-218, 241-251, and XXIX, 7-17.\n\n[426] This could be read _Kudurkumal_.\n\n[427] _Cuneiform Texts, &c., in British Museum_, IV, 33, 22b.\n\n[428] Meissner, _Altbabylonisches Privatrecht_, 36, 25.\n\n[429] _Cuneiform Texts_, VIII, 25, 22.\n\n[430] _Ibid._, II, 9, 26.\n\n[431] Cf. _Mittheilungen der Vorderasiatischen Gesellschaft_, 1907, p. 27.\n\n[432] _Cuneiform Texts, &c., in the British Museum_, II, 23, 15.\n\n[433] _Mittheilungen der vorderasiatischen Gesellschaft_, 1907, p. 23.\n\n[434] Taken from Griffith\u2019s translation in Petrie\u2019s _Egyptian Tales_,\nsecond series, London, 1895, p. 36, ff.\n\n[435] The sun-god.\n\n[436] Cf. Part I, p. 35.\n\n[437] Winckler und Abel, _Thontafelnfund von El-Amarna_, No. 40. Cf.\nKnudtzon, _Die El-Amarna Tafeln_, No. 158.\n\n[438] Winckler und Abel, _Thontafelnfund von El-Amarna_, No. 38. See also\nKnudtzon, _Die El-Amarna Tafeln_, No. 164.\n\n[439] Translated from the German rendering of Ranke in Gressmann\u2019s\n_Altorientalische Texte und Bilder zum Allen Testament_, T\u00fcbingen, 1909,\np. 223.\n\n[440] See his _Sieben Jahre der Hungersnot_, 1891.\n\n[441] From Brugsch\u2019s _Egypt under the Pharaohs_, London, 1881, I, 303, ff.\n\n[442] From Breasted\u2019s _Ancient Records, Egypt_, I, p. 237, ff.\n\n[443] An Egyptian name of the northern extension of the Gulf of Suez.\n\n[444] Some Egyptian trading-post in Asia.\n\n[445] An early name for the region east of the Jordan and the Dead Sea. It\nis called Kedemah in Gen. 25:15 and 1 Chron. 1:30; Kedemoth in Deut. 2:26,\nand translated \u201cEast\u201d in Judges 6:3, 33; 7:12; 8:10, 11. In Gen. and\nChron. the name is applied to a person.\n\n[446] This is an Amorite name, Ammi-anshi. It shows that the Amorites were\nalready in this region. Later the Hebrews found Sihon, the Amorite here;\nsee Num. 21:21, ff. and Deut. 1:4, ff.\n\n[447] The Egyptian name for the higher parts of Palestine and Syria. The\nEgyptians had no _l_; they always used _r_ instead. The name is identical\nwith the Hebrew Lotan, Gen. 36:20, of which Lot is a shorter form.\n\n[448] Perhaps the same name as Aiah (Ajah) of Gen. 36:24 and 1 Chron.\n1:40.\n\n[449] From _Cuneiform Texts, &c., in the British Museum_, XIII, 42; cf.\nalso King, _Chronicles of Early Babylonian Kings_, II, 87, ff.\n\n[450] Another tablet reads \u201ca father I had not.\u201d\n\n[451] A name for the Semitic peoples of Babylonia.\n\n[452] An island in the Persian Gulf.\n\n[453] Taken from Breasted\u2019s _Ancient Records, Egypt_, III, p. 264, ff.\n\n[454] That is, the foreign nations.\n\n[455] That is, Lybia, which lay to the west of the Egyptian Delta.\n\n[456] That is, the Hittites.\n\n[457] \u201cThe Canaan\u201d refers to the land of Canaan, probably here Ph\u0153nicia.\n\n[458] Yenoam was a town situated at the extreme north of Galilee, just at\nthe end of the valley between the two ranges of the Lebanon mountains.\n\n[459] Translated from the cuneiform text in Harper\u2019s _Code of Hammurabi_,\nand Ungnad\u2019s _Keilschrifttexte der Gesetze Hammurabis_.\n\n[460] The mana consisted of sixty shekels. Tn English it is corrupted to\n_mina_.\n\n[461] The nature of these officials is in doubt. Scheil and others think\nthe first a recruiting-officer; Delitzsch and Ungnad, a soldier. The name\nof the second officer is literally fish-catcher, but it is certain that\nhere he was some kind of a fisher of men.\n\n[462] Such as plowing, or the young plants early in the season.\n\n[463] At this point five columns of the pillar are erased. It is estimated\nthat 35 sections of the laws are thus lost. \u00a7 66 is added from a fragment\nfound at Susa.\n\n[464] Translated from Poebel, _Historical and Grammatical Texts_,\nPhiladelphia, 1914, No. 93, col. ii.\n\n[465] Translated from _ibid._, col. iii.\n\n[466] The translation, \u201cbe brought to the judges,\u201d has no warrant in the\nHebrew.\n\n[467] Since Deut. 15:18 says that such a slave has served \u201cdouble the hire\nof a hireling,\u201d Dr. Johns thinks that it betrays a knowledge of the\nBabylonian three-year regulation. This seems, however, quite\nproblematical.\n\n[468] In a marriage contract on a papyrus from the Jewish colony at\nElephantine in Egypt, written in the fifth century B. C., it is provided\nthat the wife may institute divorce proceedings on an equality with the\nhusband. Some Jewish women thus secured by contract that which the law did\nnot grant them. Christ assumed such cases among Palestinian women; see\nMark 10:12.\n\n[469] From the _Corpus Inscriptionum Semiticarum_, I, No. 165.\n\n[470] It is the word so translated in Deut. 33:10.\n\n[471] So rendered in Lev. 7:13; 10:14. Many scholars would render it\n\u201cthank-offering.\u201d\n\n[472] Compare Exod. 29:13, 14. The Hebrew law differed from the\nCarthaginian.\n\n[473] This is the rendering of the Revised Version for this word. The\nAuthorized Version rendered it less accurately \u201cmeat-offering.\u201d\n\n[474] Each temple had a number of officials connected with it besides the\npriests, such as carpenters, gate-keepers, slaughterers, barbers,\nSodomites, and female slaves. Another Ph\u0153nician inscription mentions\nthese.\n\n[475] See Part I, Chapter I. \u00a7 7 (3).\n\n[476] From Winckler und Abel\u2019s _Thontafelnfund von El-Amarna_, No. 73. Cf.\nKnudtzon, _Die El-Amarna Tafeln_, No. 84.\n\n[477] The letter takes up assertions made by Rib-Adda in previous letters.\n\n[478] Winckler und Abel, _op. cit._, No. 77, Knudtzon, _op. cit._, No.\n103.\n\n[479] These \u201csons of Ebed-Ashera\u201d are mentioned in many other letters.\n\n[480] Winckler und Abel, _op. cit._, No. 174, and Knudtzon, _op. cit._,\nNo. 286.\n\n[481] Winckler und Abel, No. 102; Knudtzon, 286.\n\n[482] Winckler und Abel, _op. cit._, No. 103; Knudtzon, _op. cit._, No.\n287.\n\n[483] Winckler und Abel, No. 104; Knudtzon, No. 288.\n\n[484] Winckler und Abel, No. 105 plus No. 199; Knudtzon, No. 289.\n\n[485] Winckler und Abel, No. 106; Knudtzon, No. 290.\n\n[486] The tablet reads Beth-Ninib, but scholars are agreed that it refers\nto Beth-shemesh.\n\n[487] For the text cf. Hilprecht, _Old Babylonian Inscriptions_, No. 17.\nSee also Knudtzon, _El-Amarna Tafeln_, No. 333.\n\n[488] Published by Hrozny in Sellin\u2019s _Tell-Taanek_, pp. 115 and 121.\n\n[489] In the Babylonian script, _A\u1e2bi-ya-mi_.\n\n[490] See the writer\u2019s article, \u201cYahweh before Moses,\u201d in _Studies in the\nHistory of Religions Presented to C. H. Toy_, especially pp. 188-191.\n\n[491] Taken from Breasted\u2019s _Ancient Records, Egypt_, IV, pp. 278, ff.\n\n[492] \u201cShe\u201d refers to Tentamon, the queen.\n\n[493] These statements are taken from Breasted\u2019s _Ancient Records, Egypt_,\nIV. \u00a7\u00a7 44, 81, and 82.\n\n[494] See Evans, _Scripta Minoa_, Oxford, 1909, pp. 22, ff., 273, ff.\n\n[495] See R. A. S. Macalister, _The Philistines, Their History and\nCivilization_, London, 1913, p. 83, ff.\n\n[496] See Sarzec, _D\u00e9couvertes en Chald\u00e9e_, p. ix, col. v, 28, ff. See\nalso Thureau-Dangin, _Les inscriptions de Sumer et d\u2019 Akkad_, Paris, 1905,\np. 109, and his _Sumerischen und akkadischen K\u00f6nigsinschriften_, Leipzig,\n1907, p. 68, f.\n\n[497] _Ibid._, col. vi, 3, ff.\n\n[498] Translated from W. Max M\u00fcller\u2019s _Egyptological Researches_,\nWashington, D. C., 1906, Plates 75-87, with a comparison of Breasted\u2019s\n_Ancient Records_, IV, pp. 350-354.\n\n[499] See Le Gac, _Les Inscriptions d\u2019 A\u0161\u0161ur-nasir-aplu III_, Paris, 1908,\np. 111, line 84, ff.; cf. also Rogers, _Cuneiform Parallels to the Old\nTestament_, New York, 1912, p. 277, ff.\n\n[500] The text is published in Rawlinson\u2019s _Cuneiform Inscriptions of\nWestern Asia_, III, 7, 8. These lines are at the bottom of p. 8. Cf. also\nCraig, _Hebraica_, III, 220, ff., and Rogers, _Cuneiform Parallels to the\nOld Testament_, 295, ff.\n\n[501] From Layard\u2019s _Inscriptions in the Cuneiform Character from the\nAssyrian Monuments_, London, 1851, p. 15. Cf. Delitzsch in _Beitr\u00e4ge zur\nAssyriologie_, VI, 146.\n\n[502] Layard, _op. cit._, line 84, ff.\n\n[503] Layard, _op. cit._, line 90, ff.\n\n[504] _Ibid._, line 99, ff.\n\n[505] From Rawlinson\u2019s _Cuneiform Inscriptions of Western Asia_, III, 5,\nNo. 6. The text is also published in Delitzsch\u2019s _Assyrische Lesest\u00fccke_,\n4th ed., p. 51, ff.\n\n[506] The cliff at the mouth of the Dog river, a short distance north of\nBeir\u00fbt. This portrait, with that of Ramses II and other kings, may still\nbe seen carved in the cliff.\n\n[507] From Abel und Winckler\u2019s _Keilschrifttexte_, Berlin, 1890, p. 12.\n\n[508] Layard. _op. cit._, p. 10, line 102, ff.\n\n[509] Messerschmidt, _Keilschrifttexte aus Assur historischen Inhalts_,\nLeipzig, 1911, No. 30, line 13, ff. Cf. Langdon\u2019s translation _Expository\nTimes_, Vol. XXIII, 1911, p. 69; also Rogers, _Cuneiform Parallels_, p.\n298, ff.\n\n[510] Translated from Smend and Socin\u2019s _Die Inschrift Mesa von Moab_,\nFreiburg I. B., 1886. Cf. also Lidzbarski, _Nordsemitische Epigraphik_,\nWeimar, 1898, Tafel I; G. A. Cooke, _North Semitic Inscriptions_, Oxford,\n1903, p. 1, ff.; Davis, in _Hebraica_, VII (1891), 178-182; Bennett, _The\nMoabite Stone_, Edinburgh, 1911; and Hastings, _Dict. of the Bible_, III,\n406, ff.\n\n[511] In Joshua the name appears as Bamoth-baal.\n\n[512] Translated from Rawlinson\u2019s _Cuneiform Inscriptions of Western\nAsia_, Vol. I, p. 35, No. 1. Cf. also Rogers, _Cuneiform Parallels to the\nOld Testament_, p. 305, ff., and the references there given to other\ntranslations.\n\n[513] Translated from Rawlinson\u2019s _Cuneiform Inscriptions of Western\nAsia_, III, 9, No. 2, with a comparison of Rost, _Die Keilschrifttexte\nTiglathpilesers III_.\n\n[514] Translated from Rawlinson, _ibid._, No. 3.\n\n[515] Translated from Layard, _Inscriptions in the Cuneiform Character_,\nwith a comparison of Rost, _op. cit._\n\n[516] From Rawlinson, _op. cit._, 10, No. 2, with a comparison of Rost,\n_op. cit._\n\n[517] From Rawlinson, _op. cit._, Vol. II, p. 67.\n\n[518] From Winckler\u2019s _Keilschrifttexte Sargons_, p. 1, line 10, f.\n\n[519] Translated from Winckler. _op. cit._, p. 30, No. 64, 23, f.\n\n[520] _Ibid._, pp. 1, 2, beginning at p. 1, No. 2, line 10.\n\n[521] _Ibid._, p. 48, line 8, ff.\n\n[522] From Winckler, _op. cit._, p. 31, lines 27, ff. and 33, ff.\n\n[523] _Ibid._, p. 33, line 90, ff.\n\n[524] From Winckler\u2019s work previously cited, p. 44.\n\n[525] From Abel und Winckler\u2019s _Keilschrifttexte_, p. 18, col. ii, 34, ff.\n\n[526] From Winckler\u2019s _Keilschrifttextbuch_, 1892, p. 36.\n\n[527] From Abel und Winckler\u2019s _Keilschrifttexte_, p. 17, line 9, ff.\n\n[528] From _Vorderasiatische Schriftdenkm\u00e4ler der k\u00f6niglichen Museen zu\nBerlin_, I, 75.\n\n[529] _Keilinschriften und das Alte Testament_, 1872, 168, ff.\n\n[530] Meinhold, _Die Jesaiaerz\u00e4hlungen_, Jes. 36-39, 1898.\n\n[531] Winckler, _Alttestamentliche Untersuchungen_, 1892, pp. 27-50.\n\n[532] Pra\u0161ek, _Sanheribs Feldz\u00fcge gegen Juda_, 1903.\n\n[533] In _Bibliotheca Sacra_, LXIII (1906), 577-634.\n\n[534] _Cuneiform Parallels to the Old Testament_, 1912, 332-340.\n\n[535] _Historical Geography of the Holy Land_, 158, ff.\n\n[536] Translated from a facsimile in the Kautzsch-Gesenius, _Hebraische\nGrammatik_, 1902.\n\n[537] Translated from Rawlinson\u2019s _Cuneiform Inscriptions of Western\nAsia_, Vol. III, p. 16, col. v, line 12, ff.\n\n[538] _Ibid._, Vol. V, 2, 49, f.\n\n[539] _Ibid._, 9, 115, f.\n\n[540] From Breasted\u2019s _Ancient Records, Egypt_, IV, 498.\n\n[541] Translated from Rawlinson\u2019s _Cuneiform Inscriptions of Western\nAsia_, I, 33, col. ii, line 12, ff.\n\n[542] Translated from Pognon, _Les inscriptions babyloniennes du Wadi\nBrissa_, Pl. xiii, f., and _Recueil de traveaux relatifs \u00e0 la philologie\net \u00e0 l\u2019archeologie egyptiennes et assyriennes_, XXVIII, 57. See also\nLangdon, _Neubabylonischen K\u00f6nigsinschriften_, 174, ff.\n\n[543] Translated from the _Zeitschrift f\u00fcr Assyriologie_, I, 337, f.\n\n[544] See Part I, Chapter II, p. 46, f.\n\n[545] This is the reading of the margin in R. V., and correctly translates\nthe original. He was not walking \u201cin\u201d the palace, but upon its flat roof,\nfrom which he could see the great city.\n\n[546] From de Morgan\u2019s _D\u00e9l\u00e9gation en Perse_, Vol. XIV, p. 60.\n\n[547] From Rawlinson\u2019s _Cuneiform Inscriptions of Western Asia_, V, 68,\nNo. 1.\n\n[548] From _Transactions of the Society of Biblical Arch\u00e6ology_, VII, 157,\nf.\n\n[549] From _Transactions of the Society of Biblical Arch\u00e6ology_, VII, 162,\nf., and Clay, _Light on the Old Testament from Babel_, 374, f.\n\n[550] See _Expository Times_. Vol. XXVI, 297-299 (April, 1915).\n\n[551] _Babylonian Texts from the Yale Collection_, No. 39.\n\n[552] From Rawlinson\u2019s _Cuneiform Inscriptions of Western Asia_, V, 35.\n\n[553] Herodotus, Book II, 161.\n\n[554] Josephus professes to be quoting Manetho, and puts the incident in\nthe time of Ramses. Perhaps Aristeas in his letter refers to this colony,\nwhen he speaks of Jewish soldiers. (See Kautzsch, _Apokryphen und\nPseudepigraphen_, II, 7.)\n\n[555] The documents have been published by Sayce and Cowley, _Aramaic\nPapyri Discovered at Assuan_, London, 1906, and Sachau. _Aram\u00e4ische\nPapyrus und Ostraka aus Elephantine_, Leipzig, 1911. Those translated here\nare Nos. 1, 4, 6, and 11 of Sachau\u2019s publication.\n\n[556] Perhaps this disfavor arose in part from the fact that, as a papyrus\nnot translated here shows, two other deities were worshiped along with\nJehovah.\n\n[557] It is possible that the Elephantine colony were taken from northern\nIsrael.\n\n[558] Translated from the _Proceedings of the Society of Biblical\nArch\u00e6ology_, X, 478, f., and Rawlinson\u2019s _Cuneiform Inscriptions_, IV,\n60*.\n\n[559] Literally, \u201clike opening and shutting.\u201d\n\n[560] Perhaps one of the antediluvian Babylonian kings. (See Part II,\nChapter IV.) The Sumerian form of his name was Laluralim and in\nRawlinson\u2019s _Cuneiform Inscriptions of Western Asia_, Vol. V, p. 44, 17b,\nis glossed as Zugagib or \u201cscorpion.\u201d Zugagib is one of the early kings of\nBabylonia, who is said to have ruled 840 years.\n\n[561] Translated from S. Langdon\u2019s _Historical and Religious Texts from\nthe Temple Library of Nippur_, Munich, 1914, No. 16.\n\n[562] Translated from Haupt\u2019s _Akkadische und sumerische\nKeilschrifttexte_, 116, ff., with comparison of Zimmern\u2019s _Babylonische\nBusspsalmen_, 33, f.\n\n[563] Translated from Haupt\u2019s _Akkadische und Sumerische\nKeilschrifttexte_, p. 122, f.\n\n[564] Translated from _Cuneiform Texts from Babylonian Tablets, &c., in\nthe British Museum_, Part XV, pp. 16, 17.\n\n[565] Translated from _Cuneiform Texts from Babylonian Tablets, &c. in the\nBritish Museum_, XV, 10.\n\n[566] An epithet of the inhabitants of Babylonia.\n\n[567] Taken from Breasted\u2019s _Religion and Thought in Ancient Egypt_, p.\n315, f.\n\n[568] A fabulous mountain beyond the western horizon, over which the sun\nwas believed to pass at evening.\n\n[569] Taken from Breasted\u2019s _Development of Religion and Thought in\nAncient Egypt_, p. 324, f.\n\n[570] There is a pun on the word Re; it is the same as \u201call.\u201d Such puns\nare frequent in the Hebrew of the Old Testament prophets.\n\n[571] Compare Psa. 104:24.\n\n[572] Ikhnaton is the name adopted by Amenophis IV in connection with his\nreform. It means \u201cAton\u2019s man.\u201d His old name meant \u201cAmon is gracious\u201d and\nhad heathen associations. On the sentiment of lines 120, 121, compare\nMatt. 11:27.\n\n[573] See Weigall, _The Treasury of Ancient Egypt_, London, 1911, p. 206.\n\n[574] The first twenty are culled from a tablet in the British Museum,\npublished by Langdon in the _American Journal of Semitic Languages_, Vol.\nXXVIII, 217-243, under the title \u201cBabylonian Proverbs.\u201d For convenience\nthose quoted are numbered consecutively without reference to the parts\nomitted.\n\n[575] Translated from Delitzsch\u2019s _Assyrische Lesest\u00fccke_, 4th ed., p.\n118, f.\n\n[576] Translated from Meissner\u2019s _Beitr\u00e4ge zum Altbabylonischen\nPrivatrecht_, p. 108.\n\n[577] Taken from Macmillan\u2019s translation, _Beitr\u00e4ge zur Assyriologie_, V,\n557, ff.\n\n[578] The sun-god, the god of justice.\n\n[579] _Development of Religion and Thought in Ancient Egypt_, p. 231, f.\nBreasted\u2019s references to the sections of the original text are here\nomitted.\n\n[580] The Gilgamesh Epic is an early Babylonian poem in twelve tablets or\ncantos. It is a collection of early legends and myths. The Babylonian\naccount of the flood, translated in Chapter VI (Part II), forms the\neleventh canto of it.\n\n[581] Translated from the _Mitteilungen der vorderasiatischen\nGesellschaft_, 1902, Heft 1, p. 8.\n\n[582] These are translated from the German rendering in W. Max M\u00fcller\u2019s\n_Liebpoesie der alten \u00c4gypter_, Leipzig, 1899.\n\n[583] From M\u00fcller, p. 15.\n\n[584] _Ibid._, p. 16.\n\n[585] From M\u00fcller, _ibid._, p. 17.\n\n[586] Perhaps the name of a Nileometer station in the vicinity of Memphis.\n\n[587] M\u00fcller, _ibid._, p. 22.\n\n[588] M\u00fcller, _ibid._, p. 22.\n\n[589] M\u00fcller, _ibid._, p. 23.\n\n[590] Married couples are usually so represented in Egyptian pictures.\n\n[591] The Egyptian is here followed, rather than the German.\n\n[592] M\u00fcller, p. 24.\n\n[593] _Ibid._, p. 27. It describes a walk in a garden.\n\n[594] The garden again.\n\n[595] Translated from Rawlinson\u2019s _Cuneiform Inscriptions of Western\nAsia_, III, 32, 16, f.\n\n[596] _I. e._, the thing thou hast prayed for.\n\n[597] Translated from the German of Vogelsang und Gardiner, _Klagen des\nBauern_, Leipzig, 1908.\n\n[598] The original contains a list of plants, stones, birds, etc., the\nmodern equivalents of which are not known.\n\n[599] See Gardiner in _Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Arch\u00e6ology_,\nXXXV, 269.\n\n[600] Taken from A. H. Gardiner\u2019s _Admonitions of an Egyptian Sage_,\nLeipzig, 1909, pp. 19 and 39, f., pp. 69 and 78.\n\n[601] Translated from Rawlinson\u2019s _Cuneiform Inscriptions of Western\nAsia_, Vol. IV, p. 31.\n\n[602] The spirits of earth.\n\n[603] Translated from _Cuneiform Texts from Babylonian Tablets, &c., in\nthe British Museum_, Part XV, 18.\n\n[604] These sayings are translated from Grenfell and Hunt\u2019s _Sayings of\nOur Lord_, 1897, with a comparison of Lock and Sanday\u2019s _Two Lectures on\nthe Sayings of Jesus Recently Discovered at Oxyrhynchus_, 1897.\n\n[605] Translated from Grenfell and Hunt\u2019s _New Sayings of Jesus and\nFragment of a Lost Gospel from Oxyrhynchus_, 1904.\n\n[606] Compare John 21:24, 25.\n\n[607] Translated from Viereck\u2019s publication of the text in _Philologus_,\nVol. LII, 234, f.\n\n[608] These assessments, then, occurred in the following years: 174-5;\n160-1; 146-7; 132-3; 118-9; 104-5; 90-1; 76-7; 62-3; 48-9; 34-5; 20-1;\n6-7; 9-8 B. C.\n\n[609] From _Hermes_, XXVIII, 1893, p. 233.\n\n[610] Translated from Grenfell and Hunt\u2019s _Oxyrhynchus Papyri_, II, 1898,\np. 214. Kenyon, _Greek Papyri in the British Museum_, II, 19, thinks that\nthis cannot refer to a census because the term by which it is described is\ndifferent, but, as Grenfell and Hunt remark, the simpler term in the\npapyri earlier than the year 61 A. D., indicates that we are nearer the\nbeginning of the institution of the census.\n\n[611] _Ibid._, p. 205; cf. p. 206.\n\n[612] _Ibid._, p. 282.\n\n[613] Translated from Kenyon and Bell\u2019s _Greek Papyri in the British\nMuseum_, Vol. III, 1907, p. 125.\n\n[614] Translated from the _Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum_, XIV, No. 3613.\n\n[615] Translated after Ramsay, _Expositor_, series 8. Vol. IV, 1912, p.\n401. For Ramsay\u2019s opinions, see the article of which the inscription forms\na part.\n\n[616] Translated from Burton\u2019s publication in the _American Journal of\nTheology_, II, 600.\n\n[617] Translated from _ibid._, p. 604.\n\n[618] Taken from Deissmann\u2019s _St. Paul_, p. 261, f.\n\n[619] Pausanias, i, 1:4, and v. 14:8.\n\n[620] Philostratus, _Vita Apollonii_, vi, 3.\n\n[621] Translated from Deissmann\u2019s _St. Paul_, pp. 246, 247.\n\n[622] See Deissmann\u2019s _St. Paul_, p. 248, ff.\n\n[623] Dio Cassius, lvii, 14, 5.\n\n[624] The most reliable chronologies of the life of Christ now place his\ncrucifixion not later than 30 A. D.\n\n[625] The original is in Berlin and the publication is not accessible to\nthe writer. The above translation is taken from that of J. Rendel Harris\nin the _Expositor_, 5th series, Vol. VIII, p. 164.\n\n[626] Translated by J. Rendel Harris, _ibid._, p. 166.\n\n[627] 2 Cor. 11:32.\n\n[628] Translated from the _Corpus Inscriptionum Semiticarum_, Pars II,\nTom. I, Fasc. ii, No. 209.\n\n[629] _Ibid._, Pars II, Tom. I, Fasc. ii. No. 196.\n\n[630] Taken from Breasted, _Ancient Records, Egypt_, III, p. 7.\n\n[631] Taken from Breasted, _ibid._, p. 273.\n\n[632] See S. Schiffer, _Keilschriftliche Spuren in der zweiten H\u00e4lfte des\n8ten Jahrhunderts von den Assyrern nach Mesopotamien deportierten\nSamarier_, Berlin, 1907.\n\nThe text of the Berlin tablets was published by Ungnad in\n_Vorderasiatische Schriftdenkm\u00e4ler_, I, Leipzig, 1907, Nos. 84-94, 101,\n104. Those in the British Museum, by Johns, in _Assyrian Deeds and\nDocuments_, I, Cambridge, 1898, Nos. 22, 69, 73, 74, 98, 153, 154, 170,\n229, 234, 245, 312.\n\n[633] _Vorderasiatische Schriftdenkm\u00e4ler_, I, No. 88. 15.\n\n[634] See Rogers, _Cuneiform Parallels to the Old Testament_, New York,\n1912, p. 226.\n\n\n\n\nTranscriber\u2019s Notes:\n\nPassages in italics are indicated by _italics_.\n\nPassages in bold are indicated by =bold=.\n\nSuperscripted characters are indicated by {superscript}.","title":"Arch\u00e6ology and the Bible","tradition":"scripture-revelation","translated_text":null,"word_count":206244}