{"collection":"myth-cosmogony","full_text_available":true,"graph_url":"https://unchartedknowledge.5gfusion.net/v2/api/page/gutenberg_43123/graph","html_url":"https://unchartedknowledge.5gfusion.net/v2/page/gutenberg_43123","id":"gutenberg_43123","license":"Public Domain (US)","rights_basis":"gutenberg_metadata_copyright_false","source":"gutenberg","source_url":"https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/43123","summary":null,"tags":["Category: Archaeology & Anthropology","Category: Language & Communication","Category: Mythology, Legends & Folklore","Indians -- Bibliography","Indians of Central America","Indians of Mexico","Indians of North America -- Pacific Coast of North America"],"text":"Transcriber's Note:\n\n  Inconsistent hyphenation and spelling in the original document have\n  been preserved. Obvious typographical errors have been corrected.\n\n  Italics in the footnote citations were inconsistently applied by the\n  typesetter.\n\n  Italic text is denoted by _underscores_.\n\n  ^a represents a superscripted character (a for example).\n  {_v} represents a subscripted v.\n  [_c_] represents a backwards c.\n\n  Footnote II-11: \"Reads\" should possibly be \"Reade.\"\n  Footnote VI-43: \"por bien de abirle los ojos, y darle luz, y\n  abridle ... \" should possibly be \"por bien de abrirle los ojos,\n  y darle luz, y abrirle ...\"\n  Footnote IX-7 is missing a starting quote.\n  Footnote X-65:  \"rook\" should possibly be \"rock.\"\n  Footnote XI-5 is missing a starting quote.\n  Footnote II'-29: \"queer\" should possibly be \"quer.\"\n  Footnote II'-60 is missing a starting quote.\n  Footnote III'-2: \"\u00eesles\" should possibly be \"\u00eeles.\"\n  Footnote III'-7: \"Kaig\u00e1ni\" or \"Kaigani\" may be spelled incorrectly.\n  Footnote IV'-16: \"Entferten\" should possibly be \"Entfernten.\"\n  Footnote V'-7: \"Schlusstein\" should possibly be \"Schlussstein.\"\n  Footnote XII-75: The ending page should possibly be 302.\n  Page 569: \"Irritilia\" should possibly be \"Irritila.\"\n  Page 634: The periods after \"from us\", and \"masahchie\" are possibly\n  typos.\n  Page 703: \"kiokame\" is a possible typo for \"hiokame.\"\n  _Erman_, _Archiv_ is variously numbered with Roman and Arabic numbers.\n\n\n\n\n     THE WORKS\n     OF\n     HUBERT HOWE BANCROFT.\n\n     VOLUME III.\n     THE NATIVE RACES.\n\n     VOL. III. MYTHS AND LANGUAGES.\n\n\n     SAN FRANCISCO:\n     A. L. BANCROFT & COMPANY, PUBLISHERS.\n     1883.\n\n     Entered according to Act of Congress in the Year 1882, by\n     HUBERT H. BANCROFT,\n     In the Office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington.\n\n\n     _All Rights Reserved._\n\n\n\n\nCONTENTS OF THIS VOLUME.\n\n\n     MYTHOLOGY.\n\n\n     CHAPTER I.\n\n     SPEECH AND SPECULATION.\n                                                                 PAGE.\n\n     Difference between Man and Brutes -- Mind-Language and\n     Soul-Language -- Origin of Language: A Gift of the Creator, a\n     Human Invention, or an Evolution -- Nature and Value of Myth --\n     Origin of Myth: The Divine Idea, a Fiction of Sorcery, the\n     Creation of a Designing Priesthood -- Origin of Worship, of\n     Prayer, of Sacrifice -- Fetichism and the Origin of\n     Animal-Worship -- Religion and Mythology                        1\n\n\n     CHAPTER II.\n\n     ORIGIN AND END OF THINGS.\n\n     Quich\u00e9 Creation-Myth -- Aztec Origin-Myths -- The Papagos --\n     Montezuma and the Coyote -- The Moquis -- The Great Spider's\n     Web of the Pimas -- Navajo and Pueblo Creations -- Origin of\n     Clear Lake and Lake Tahoe -- Chareya of the Cahrocs -- Mount\n     Shasta, the Wigwam of the Great Spirit -- Idaho Springs and\n     Water Falls -- How Differences in Language Occurred -- Yehl,\n     the Creator of the Thlinkeets -- The Raven and the Dog         42\n\n\n     CHAPTER III.\n\n     PHYSICAL MYTHS.\n\n     Sun, Moon, and Stars -- Eclipses -- The Moon Personified in the\n     Land of the Crescent -- Fire -- How the Coyote Stole Fire for\n     the Cahrocs -- How the Frog Lost His Tail -- How the Coyote\n     Stole Fire for the Navajos -- Wind and Thunder -- The Four\n     Winds and the Cross -- Water, the First of Elemental Things --\n     Its Sacred and Cleansing Power -- Earth and Sky -- Earthquakes\n     and Volcanoes -- Mountains -- How the Hawk and Crow Built the\n     Coast Range -- The Mountains of Yosemite                      108\n\n\n     CHAPTER IV.\n\n     ANIMAL MYTHOLOGY.\n\n     R\u00f4les Assigned to Animals -- Auguries from their Movements --\n     The Ill-omened Owl -- Tutelary Animals -- Metamorphosed Men --\n     The Ogress-Squirrel of Vancouver Island -- Monkeys and Beavers\n     -- Fallen Men -- The Sacred Animals -- Prominence of the Bird\n     -- An Emblem of the Wind -- The Serpent, an Emblem of the\n     Lightning -- Not Specially connected with Evil -- The Serpent\n     of the Pueblos -- The Water-Snake -- Ophiolatry -- Prominence\n     of the Dog, or the Coyote -- Generally though not always a\n     Benevolent Power -- How the Coyote let Salmon up the Klamath --\n     Danse Macabre and Sad Death of the Coyote                     127\n\n\n     CHAPTER V.\n\n     GODS, SUPERNATURAL BEINGS, AND WORSHIP.\n\n     Eskimo Witchcraft -- The Tinneh and the Koniagas -- Kugans of\n     the Aleuts -- The Thlinkeets, the Haidahs, and the Nootkas --\n     Paradise Lost of the Okanagans -- The Salish, the Clallams, the\n     Chinooks, the Cayuses, the Walla Wallas, and the Nez Perc\u00e9s --\n     Shoshone Ghouls -- Northern California -- The Sun at Monterey\n     -- Ouiot and Chinigchinich -- Antagonistic Gods of Lower\n     California -- Comanches, Apaches, and Navajos -- Montezuma of\n     the Pueblos -- Moquis and Mojaves -- Primeval Race of Northern\n     California                                                    140\n\n\n     CHAPTER VI.\n\n     GODS, SUPERNATURAL BEINGS, AND WORSHIP.\n\n     Gods and Religious Rites of Chihuahua, Sonora, Durango, and\n     Sinaloa -- The Mexican Religion, received with different\n     degrees of credulity by different classes of the people --\n     Opinions of different Writers as to its Nature -- Monotheism\n     of Nezahualcoyotl -- Present condition of the Study of Mexican\n     Mythology -- Tezcatlipoca -- Prayers to Him in the time of\n     Pestilence, of War, for those in Authority -- Prayer used by\n     an Absolving Priest -- Genuineness of the foregoing Prayers --\n     Character and Works of Sahagun                                178\n\n\n     CHAPTER VII.\n\n     GODS, SUPERNATURAL BEINGS, AND WORSHIP.\n\n     Image of Tezcatlipoca -- His Seats at the Street-corners --\n     Various Legends about his Life on Earth -- Quetzalcoatl -- His\n     Dexterity in the Mechanical Arts -- His Religious Observances --\n     The Wealth and Nimbleness of his Adherents -- Expulsion from\n     Tula of Quetzalcoatl by Tezcatlipoca and Huitzilopochtli -- The\n     Magic Draught -- Huemac, or Vemac, King of the Toltecs, and the\n     Misfortunes brought upon him and his people by Tezcatlipoca in\n     various disguises -- Quetzalcoatl in Cholula -- Differing\n     Accounts of the Birth and Life of Quetzalcoatl -- His Gentle\n     Character -- He drew up the Mexican Calender -- Incidents of his\n     Exile and of his Journey to Tlapalla, as related and commented\n     upon by various writers -- Brasseur's ideas about the\n     Quetzalcoatl Myths -- Quetzalcoatl considered a Sun-God by\n     Tylor, and as a Dawn-Hero by Brinton -- Helps -- Domenech -- The\n     Codices -- Long Discussion of the Quetzalcoatl Myths by J. G.\n     M\u00fcller                                                        237\n\n\n     CHAPTER VIII.\n\n     GODS, SUPERNATURAL BEINGS, AND WORSHIP.\n\n     Various accounts of the Birth, Origin, and Derivation of the\n     name of the Mexican War God, Huitzilopochtli, of his Temple,\n     Image, Ceremonial, Festivals, and his Deputy, or Page, Paynal --\n     Clavigero -- Boturini -- Acosta -- Solis -- Sahagun -- Herrera\n     -- Torquemada -- J. G. M\u00fcller's Summary of the Huitzilopochtli\n     Myths, their Origin, Relation, and Signification -- Tylor --\n     Codex Vaticanus -- Tlaloc, God of Water, especially of Rain, and\n     of Mountains -- Clavigero, Gama, and Ixtlilxochitl -- Prayer in\n     time of Drought -- Camargo, Motolinia, Mendieta, and the Vatican\n     Codex on the Sacrifices to Tlaloc -- The Decorations of his\n     Victims and the places of their Execution -- Gathering Rushes\n     for the Service of the Water God -- Highway Robberies by the\n     Priests at this time -- Decorations and Implements of the\n     Priests -- Punishments for Ceremonial Offences -- The Whirlpool\n     of Pantitlan -- Images of the Mountains in honor of the Tlaloc\n     Festival -- Of the coming Rain and Mutilation of the Images of\n     the Mountains -- General Prominence in the cult of Tlaloc, of\n     the Number Four, the Cross, and the Snake                     288\n\n\n     CHAPTER IX.\n\n     GODS, SUPERNATURAL BEINGS, AND WORSHIP.\n\n     The Mother or all-nourishing Goddess under various names and in\n     various aspects -- Her Feast in the Eleventh Aztec month\n     Ochpaniztli -- Festivals of the Eighth month, Hueytecuilhuitl,\n     and of the Fourth, Hueytozoztli -- The deification of women that\n     died in child-birth -- The Goddess of Water under various Names\n     and in various aspects -- Ceremonies of the Baptism or\n     Lustration of children -- The Goddess of Love, her various names\n     and aspects -- Rites of confession and absolution -- The God of\n     fire and his various names -- His festivals in the tenth month\n     Xocotlveti and in the eighteenth month Yzcali; also his\n     quadriennial festival in the latter month -- The great festival\n     of every fifty-two years; lighting the new fire -- The God of\n     Hades, and Teoyaomique, collector of the souls of the fallen\n     brave -- Deification of dead rulers and heroes -- Mixcoatl, God\n     of hunting, and his feast in the fourteenth month, Quecholli --\n     Various other Mexican deities -- Festival in the second month,\n     Tlacaxipehualiztli, with notice of the gladiatorial sacrifices\n     -- Complete Synopsis of the festivals of the Mexican Calendar,\n     fixed and movable -- Temples and Priests                      349\n\n\n     CHAPTER X.\n\n     GODS, SUPERNATURAL BEINGS, AND WORSHIP.\n\n     Revenues of the Mexican Temples -- Vast number of the Priests --\n     Mexican Sacerdotal System -- Priestesses -- The Orders of\n     Tlamaxcacayotl and Telpochtiliztli -- Religious Devotees --\n     Baptism -- Circumcision -- Communion -- Fasts and Penance --\n     Blood-drawing -- Human Sacrifices -- The Gods of the Tarascos --\n     Priests and Temple Service of Michoacan -- Worship in Jalisco --\n     Oajaca -- Votan and Quetzalcoatl -- Travels of Votan -- The\n     Apostle Wixepecocha -- Cave near Xustlahuaca -- The Princess\n     Pinopiaa -- Worship of Costahuntox -- Tree Worship            430\n\n\n     CHAPTER XI.\n\n     GODS, SUPERNATURAL BEINGS, AND WORSHIP.\n\n     Maya Pantheon -- Zamn\u00e1 -- Cukulcan -- The Gods of Yucatan -- The\n     Symbol of the Cross in America -- Human Sacrifices in Yucatan --\n     Priests of Yucatan -- Guatemalan Pantheon -- Tepeu and Hurakan\n     -- Avilix and Hacavitz -- The Heroes of the Sacred Book --\n     Quich\u00e9 Gods -- Worship of the Choles, Manches, Itzas,\n     Lacandones, and others -- Tradition of Comizahual -- Fasts --\n     Priests of Guatemala -- Gods, Worship, and Priests of Nicaragua\n     -- Worship on the Mosquito Coast -- Gods and Worship of the\n     Isthmians -- Phallic Worship in America                       461\n\n\n     CHAPTER XII.\n\n     FUTURE STATE.\n\n     Aboriginal Ideas of Future -- General Conceptions of Souls --\n     Future State of the Aleuts, Chepewyans, Natives at Milbank\n     Sound, and Okanagans -- Happy Land of the Salish and Chinooks --\n     Conceptions of Heaven and Hell of the Nez Perc\u00e9s, Flatheads, and\n     Haidahs -- The Realms of Quawteaht and Chayher -- Beliefs of the\n     Songhies, Clallams, and Pend d'Oreilles -- The Future State of\n     the Californian and Nevada Tribes, Comanches, Pueblos, Navajos,\n     Apaches, Moquis, Maricopas, Yumas, and others -- The Sun House\n     of the Mexicans -- Tlalocan and Mictlan -- Condition of the Dead\n     -- Journey of the Dead -- Future of the Tlascaltecs and other\n     Nations                                                       510\n\n\n     LANGUAGES.\n\n\n     CHAPTER I.\n\n     INTRODUCTION TO LANGUAGES.\n\n     Native Languages in Advance of Social Customs -- Characteristic\n     Individuality of American Tongues -- Frequent Occurrence of Long\n     Words -- Reduplications, Frequentatives, and Duals --\n     Intertribal Languages -- Gesture-Language -- Slav\u00e9 and Chinook\n     Jargons -- Pacific States Languages -- The Tinneh, Aztec, and\n     Maya Tongues -- The Larger Families Inland -- Language as a Test\n     of Origin -- Similarities in Unrelated Languages -- Plan of this\n     Investigation                                                 551\n\n\n     CHAPTER II.\n\n     HYPERBOREAN LANGUAGES.\n\n     Distinction between Eskimo and American -- Eskimo Pronunciation\n     and Declension -- Dialects of the Koniagas and Aleuts --\n     Language of the Thlinkeets -- Hypothetical Affinities -- The\n     Tinneh Family and its Dialects -- Eastern, Western, Central, and\n     Southern Divisions -- Chepewyan Declension -- Oratorical Display\n     in the Speech of the Kutchins -- Dialects of the Atnahs and\n     Ugalenzes Compared -- Specimen of the Koltshane Tongue --\n     Tacully Gutturals -- Hoopah Vocabulary -- Apache Dialects --\n     Lipan Lord's Prayer -- Navajo Words -- Comparative Vocabulary of\n     the Tinneh Family                                             574\n\n\n     CHAPTER III.\n\n     COLUMBIAN LANGUAGES.\n\n     The Haidah, its Construction and Conjugation -- The Nass\n     Language and its Dialects -- Bellacoola and Chimsyan Comparisons\n     -- The Nootka Languages of Vancouver Island -- Nanaimo Ten\n     Commandments and Lord's Prayer -- Aztec Analogies -- Fraser and\n     Thompson River Languages -- The Neetlakapamuck Grammar and\n     Lord's Prayer -- Sound Languages -- The Salish Family --\n     Flathead Grammar and Lord's Prayer -- The Kootenai -- The\n     Sahaptin Family -- Nez Perc\u00e9 Grammar -- Yakima Lord's Prayer --\n     Sahaptin State and Slave Languages -- The Chinook Family --\n     Grammar of the Chinook Language -- Aztec Affinities -- The\n     Chinook Jargon                                                604\n\n\n     CHAPTER IV.\n\n     CALIFORNIAN LANGUAGES.\n\n     Multiplicity of Tongues -- Yakon, Klamath, and Palaik\n     Comparisons -- Pitt River and Wintoon Vocabularies -- Weeyot,\n     Wishosk, Weitspek, and Ehnek Comparisons -- Languages of\n     Humboldt Bay -- Potter Valley, Russian and Eel River Languages\n     -- Pomo Languages -- Gallinomero Grammar -- Trans-Pacific\n     Comparisons -- Chocuyem Lord's Prayer -- Languages of the\n     Sacramento, San Joaquin, Napa, and Sonoma Valleys -- The Olhone\n     and other Languages of San Francisco Bay -- Runsien and Eslene\n     of Monterey -- Santa Clara Lord's Prayer -- Mutsun Grammar --\n     Languages of the Missions Santa Cruz, San Antonio de Padua,\n     Soledad, and San Miguel -- Tatch\u00e9 Grammar -- The Dialects of\n     Santa Cruz and other Islands                                  635\n\n\n     CHAPTER V.\n\n     SHOSHONE LANGUAGES.\n\n     Aztec-Sonora Connections with the Shoshone Family -- The Utah,\n     Comanche, Moqui, Kizh, Netela, Kechi, Cahuillo, and Chemehuevi\n     -- Eastern and Western Shoshone, or Wihinasht -- The Bannack and\n     Digger, or Shoshokee -- The Utah and its Dialects -- The Goshute,\n     Washoe, Paiulee, Piute, Sampitche, and Mono -- Popular Belief\n     as to the Aztec Element in the North -- Grimm's Law -- Shoshone,\n     Comanche, and Moqui Comparative Table -- Netela Stanza -- Kizh\n     Grammar -- The Lord's Prayer in two Dialects of the Kizh --\n     Chemehuevi and Cahuillo Grammar -- Comparative Vocabulary     660\n\n\n     CHAPTER VI.\n\n     THE PUEBLO, COLORADO RIVER, AND LOWER CALIFORNIA LANGUAGES.\n\n     Traces of the Aztec not found among the Pueblos of New Mexico\n     and Arizona -- The Five Languages of the Pueblos, the Queres,\n     the Tegua, the Picoris, Jemez, and Zu\u00f1i -- Pueblo Comparative\n     Vocabulary -- The Yuma and its Dialects, the Maricopa, Cuchan,\n     Mojave, Diegue\u00f1o, Yampais, and Yavipais -- The Cochim\u00ed and\n     Peric\u00fa, with their Dialects of Lower California -- Guaicuri\n     Grammar -- Pater Noster in Three Cochim\u00ed Dialects -- The\n     Languages of Lower California wholly Isolated                 680\n\n\n     CHAPTER VII.\n\n     THE PIMA, \u00d3PATA, AND CERI LANGUAGES.\n\n     Pima Alto and Bajo -- P\u00e1pago -- Pima Grammar -- Formation of\n     Plurals -- Personal Pronoun -- Conjugation -- Classification of\n     Verbs -- Adverbs -- Prepositions, Conjunctions, and\n     Interjections -- Syntax of the Pima -- Prayers in different\n     dialects -- The \u00d3pata and Eudeve -- Eudeve Grammar --\n     Conjugation of Active and Passive Verbs -- Lord's Prayer --\n     \u00d3pata Grammar -- Declension -- Possessive Pronoun -- Conjugation\n     -- Ceri Language with its Dialects, Guaymi and Tepoca -- Ceri\n     Vocabulary                                                    694\n\n\n     CHAPTER VIII.\n\n     NEW MEXICAN LANGUAGES.\n\n     The Cahita and its Dialects -- Cahita Grammar -- Dialectic\n     Differences of the Mayo, Yaqui, and Tehueco -- Comparative\n     Vocabulary -- Cahita Lord's Prayer -- The Tarahumara and its\n     Dialects -- The Tarahumara Grammar -- Tarahumara Lord's Prayer\n     in two Dialects -- The Concho, the Toboso, the Julime, the Piro,\n     the Suma, the Chinarra, the Tubar, the Irritila -- Tejano --\n     Tejano Grammar -- Specimen of the Tejano -- The Tepehuana --\n     Tepehuana Grammar and Lord's Prayer -- Acax\u00e9e and its Dialects,\n     the Topia, Sabaibo and Xixime -- The Zacatec, Cazcane, Mazapile,\n     Huitcole, Guachichile, Colotlan, Tlaxomultec, Tecuexe, and\n     Tepecano -- The Cora and its Dialects, the Muutzicat,\n     Teacuaeitzca, and Ateacari -- Cora Grammar                    706\n\n\n     CHAPTER IX.\n\n     THE AZTEC AND OTOM\u00cd LANGUAGES.\n\n     Nahua or Aztec, Chichimec, and Toltec languages identical --\n     An\u00e1huac the aboriginal seat of the Aztec Tongue -- The Aztec the\n     oldest language in An\u00e1huac -- Beauty and Richness of the Aztec\n     -- Testimony of the Missionaries and early writers in its favor\n     -- Specimen from Paredes' Manual -- Grammar of the Aztec\n     Language -- Aztec Lord's Prayer -- The Otom\u00ed a Monosyllabic\n     Language of An\u00e1huac -- Relationship claimed with the Chinese and\n     Cherokee -- Otom\u00ed Grammar -- Otom\u00ed Lord's Prayer in Different\n     Dialects                                                      723\n\n\n     CHAPTER X.\n\n     LANGUAGES OF CENTRAL AND SOUTHERN MEXICO.\n\n     The Pame and its Dialects -- The Meco of Guanajuato and the\n     Sierra Gordo -- The Tarasco of Michoacan and its Grammar -- The\n     Matlaltzinca and its Grammar -- The Ocuiltec -- The Miztec and\n     its Dialects -- Miztec Grammar -- The Amusgo, Chocho, Mazatec,\n     Cuicatec, Chatino, Tlapanec, Chinantec, and Popoluca -- The\n     Zapotec and its Grammar -- The Mije -- Mije Grammar and Lord's\n     Prayer -- The Huave of the Isthmus of Tehuantepec -- Huave\n     Numerals                                                      742\n\n\n     CHAPTER XI.\n\n     THE MAYA-QUICH\u00c9 LANGUAGES.\n\n     The Maya-Quich\u00e9, the Languages of the Civilized Nations of\n     Central America -- Enumeration of the Members of this Family --\n     Hypothetical Analogies with Languages of the Old World -- Lord's\n     Prayers in the Cha\u00f1abal, Chiapanec, Chol, Tzendal, Zoque, and\n     Zotzil -- Pokonchi Grammar -- The Mame or Zaklopahkap -- Quich\u00e9\n     Grammar -- Cakchiquel Lord's Prayer -- Maya Grammar -- Totonac\n     Grammar -- Totonac Dialects -- Huastec Grammar                759\n\n\n     CHAPTER XII.\n\n     LANGUAGES OF HONDURAS, NICARAGUA, COSTA RICA, AND THE ISTHMUS OF\n     DARIEN.\n\n     The Carib an Imported Language -- The Mosquito Language -- The\n     Poya, Towka, Seco, Valiente, Rama, Cookra, Woolwa, and other\n     Languages in Honduras -- The Chontal -- Mosquito Grammar -- Love\n     Song in the Mosquito Language -- Comparative Vocabulary of\n     Honduras Tongues -- The Coribici, Chorotega, Chontal, and\n     Oroti\u00f1a in Nicaragua -- Grammar of the Oroti\u00f1a or Nagrandan --\n     Comparison between the Oroti\u00f1a and Chorotega -- The Chiriqu\u00ed,\n     Guatuso, Tiribi, and others in Costa Rica -- Talamanca\n     Vocabulary -- Diversity of Speech on the Isthmus of Darien --\n     Enumeration of Languages -- Comparative Vocabulary            782\n\n\n\n\n     THE NATIVE RACES\n     OF THE\n     PACIFIC STATES.\n\n     MYTHOLOGY, LANGUAGES.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER I.\n\nSPEECH AND SPECULATION.\n\n     DIFFERENCE BETWEEN MAN AND BRUTES -- MIND LANGUAGE AND\n     SOUL-LANGUAGE -- ORIGIN OF LANGUAGE: A GIFT OF THE CREATOR, A\n     HUMAN INVENTION, OR AN EVOLUTION -- NATURE AND VALUE OF MYTH --\n     ORIGIN OF MYTH: THE DIVINE IDEA, A FICTION OF SORCERY, THE\n     CREATION OF A DESIGNING PRIESTHOOD -- ORIGIN OF WORSHIP, OF\n     PRAYER, OF SACRIFICE -- FETICHISM AND THE ORIGIN OF\n     ANIMAL-WORSHIP -- RELIGION AND MYTHOLOGY.\n\n\nHitherto we have beheld Man only in his material organism; as a wild\nthough intellectual animal. We have watched the intercourse of\nuncultured mind with its environment. We have seen how, to clothe\nhimself, the savage robs the beast; how, like animals, primitive man\nconstructs his habitation, provides food, rears a family, exercises\nauthority, holds property, wages war, indulges in amusements,\ngratifies social instincts; and that in all this, the savage is but\none remove from the brute. Ascending the scale, we have examined the\nfirst stages of human progress and analyzed an incipient civilization.\nWe will now pass the frontier which separates mankind from\nanimal-kind, and enter the domain of the immaterial and supernatural;\nphenomena which philosophy purely positive cannot explain.\n\nThe primary indication of an absolute superiority in man over other\nanimals is the faculty of speech; not those mute or vocal symbols,\nexpressive of passion and emotion, displayed alike in brutes and men;\nbut the power to separate ideas, to generate in the mind and embody in\nwords, sequences of thought. True, upon the threshold of this inquiry,\nas in whatever relates to primitive man, we find the brute creation\nhotly pursuing, and disputing for a share in this progressional power.\nIn common with man, animals possess all the organs of sensation. They\nsee, hear, feel, taste, and smell. They have even the organs of\nspeech; but they have not speech. The source of this wonderful faculty\nlies further back, obscured by the mists which ever settle round the\nimmaterial. Whether brutes have souls, according to the Aristotelean\ntheory of soul, or whether brute-soul is immortal, or of quality and\ndestiny unlike and inferior to that of man-soul, we see in them\nunmistakable evidence of mental faculties. The higher order of animals\npossess the lower order of intellectual perceptions. Thus pride is\nmanifested by the caparisoned horse, shame by the beaten dog, will by\nthe stubborn mule. Brutes have memory; they manifest love and hate,\njoy and sorrow, gratitude and revenge. They are courageous or\ncowardly, subtle or simple, not merely up to the measure of what we\ncommonly term instinct, but with evident exercise of judgment; and, to\na certain point, we might even claim for them foresight, as in laying\nin a store of food for winter. But with all this there seems to be a\nlack of true or connected thought, and of the faculty of abstraction,\nwhereby conceptions are analyzed and impressions defined.\n\n  [Sidenote: THOUGHT AND EXPRESSION.]\n\nThey have also a language, such as it is; indeed, all the varieties of\nlanguage common to man. What gesture-language can be more expressive\nthan that employed by the horse with its ears and by the dog with its\ntail, wherein are manifestations of every shade of joy, sorrow,\ncourage, fear, shame, and anger? In their brutish physiognomy, also,\none may read the language of the emotions, which, if not so\ndelicately pictured as in the face of man, is none the less\ndistinctive. Nor are they without their vocal language. Every fowl and\nevery quadruped possesses the power of communicating intelligence by\nmeans of the voice. They have their noise of gladness, their signal\ncry of danger, their notes of anger and of woe. Thus we see in brutes\nnot only intelligence but the power of communicating intelligence. But\nintelligence is not thought, neither is expression speech. The\nlanguage of brutes, like themselves, is soulless.\n\nThe next indication of man's superiority over brutes, is the faculty\nof worship. The wild beast, to escape the storm, flies howling to its\nden; the savage, awe-stricken, turns and prays. The lowest man\nperceives a hand behind the lightning, hears a voice abroad upon the\nstorm, for which the highest brute has neither eye nor ear. This\nessential of humanity we see primordially displayed in mythic\nphenomena; in the first struggle of spiritual manhood to find\nexpression. Language is symbol significant of thought, mythology is\nsymbol significant of soul. The one is the first distinctive sound\nthat separates the ideal from the material, the other the first\nrespiration of the soul which distinguishes the immortal from the\nanimal. Language is thought incarnate; mythology, soul incarnate. The\none is the instrument of thought, as the other is the essence of\nthought. Neither is thought; both are closely akin to thought;\nseparated from either, in some form, perfect intellectual manhood\ncannot develop. I do not mean to say with some, that thought without\nspeech cannot exist; unless by speech is meant any form of expression\nsymbolical, emotional, or vocal, or unless by thought is meant\nsomething more than mere self-consciousness without sequence and\nwithout abstraction. There can be no doubt that speech is the living\nbreath of thought, and that the exercise of speech reacts upon the\nmental and emotional faculties. In brutes is found neither speech nor\nmyth; in the deaf and dumb, thought and belief are shadowy and\nundefined; in infants, thought is but as a fleeting cloud passing\nover the brain. Yet for all this, deaf mutes and children who have no\nadequate form of expression cannot be placed in the category of\nbrutes. The invention of the finger-alphabet opened a way to the\nunderstanding of the deaf and dumb; but long before this is learned,\nin every instance, these unfortunates invent a gesture-language of\ntheir own, in which they think as well as speak. And could we but see\nthe strangely contorted imagery which takes possession of a\ngesture-thinker's brain, we should better appreciate the value of\nwords. So, into the mouth of children words are put, round which\nthoughts coalesce; but evidences of ideas are discovered some time\nbefore they can be fully expressed by signs or sounds. Kant held the\nopinion that the mind of a deaf mute is incapable of development, but\nthe wonderful success of our modern institutions has dissipated\nforever that idea.\n\nThe soul of man is a half-conscious inspiration from which perception\nand expression are inseparable. Nature speaks to it in that subtle\nsympathy by which the immaterial within holds converse with the\nimmaterial without, in the soft whisperings of the breeze, in the\nfearful bellowings of the tempest. Between the soul and body there is\nthe closest sympathy, an interaction in every relation. Therefore\nthese voices of nature speaking to nature's offspring, are answered\nback in various ways according to the various organisms addressed. The\nanimal, the intellectual, the spiritual, whatsoever the entity\nconsists of, responds, and responding expands and unfolds. Once give\nan animal the power to speak and mental development ensues; for speech\ncannot continue without ideas, and ideas cannot spring up without\nintellectual evolution. A dim, half-conscious, brutish thought there\nmay be; but the faculty of abstraction, sequences of thought, without\nwords either spoken or unspoken, cannot exist.\n\n  [Sidenote: ORIGIN OF LANGUAGE.]\n\nIt is not at all probable that a system of gesture-language was ever\nemployed by any primitive people, prior or in preference to vocal\nlanguage. To communicate by signs requires no little skill and\nimplies a degree of artifice and forethought far beyond that required\nin vocal or emotional language. Long before a child arrives at the\npoint of intelligence necessary for conveying thought by signs, it is\nwell advanced in a vocal language of its own.\n\nIn mythology, language assumes personality and independence. Often the\nsignificance of the word becomes the essential idea. Zeus, from\nmeaning simply sky, becomes god of the sky; Eos, originally the dawn,\nis made the goddess of the opening day. Not the idea but the\nexpression of the idea becomes the deity. And so, by these creations\nof fancy, the imagination expands; in the embodiment of the idea, the\nmind enlarges with its own creation. Then yet bolder metaphors are\nthrown off like soap-bubbles, which no sooner take form in words than\nthey are also deified. Thus soul and thought and speech act and react\non one another, all the evolutions of conception seeking vent in sound\nor speculation; and thus language, the expression of mind, and\nmythology, the expression of soul, become the exponents of divine\nhumanity.\n\nBut what then is Language, what is Myth, and whence are they? Broadly,\nthe term language may be applied to whatever social beings employ to\ncommunicate passion or sentiment, or to influence one another;\nwhatever is made a vehicle of intelligence, ideographic or phonetic,\nis language. In this category may be placed, as we have seen,\ngestures, both instinctive and artificial; emotional expression,\ndisplayed in form or feature; vocal sounds, such as the cries of\nbirds, the howling of beasts. Indeed, language is everywhere, in\neverything. While listening to the rippling brook, the roaring sea,\nthe murmuring forest, as well as to the still small voice within, we\nare but reading from the vocabulary of nature.\n\nThus construed, the principle assumes a variety of shapes, and may be\nfollowed through successive stages of development. In fact, neither\nform nor feature can be set in motion, or even left in a state of\nrepose, without conveying intelligence to the observer. The\ncountenance of man, whether it will or not, perpetually speaks, and\nspeaks in most exquisite shades of significance, and with expression\nfar more delicate than that employed by tongue or pen. The face is the\nreflex of the soul; a transparency which glows with light, divine or\ndevilish, thrown upon it from within. It is a portrait of individual\nintelligence, a photograph of the inner being, a measure of innate\nintelligence. And in all pertaining to the actions and passions of\nmankind, what can be more expressive than the language of the\nemotions? There are the soft, silent wooings of love, the frantic fury\nof hate, the dancing delirium of joy, the hungry cravings of desire,\nthe settled melancholy of dead hopes. But more definitely, language is\narticulate human speech or symbolic expression of ideas.\n\nHow man first learned to speak, and whence the power of speech was\noriginally derived, are questions concerning which tradition is\nuncommunicative. Even mythology, which attempts the solution of\nsupernatural mysteries, the explanation of all phenomena not otherwise\naccounted for, has little to say as to the genesis of this most\npotential of all human powers.\n\nMany theories have been advanced concerning the origin of language.\nSome of them are exploded; others in various stages of modification\nremain, no two philologists thinking exactly alike. The main\nhypotheses are three; the subordinate ones are legion. Obviously,\nspeech must be either a direct, completed gift of the Creator, with\none or more independent beginnings; or a human invention; or an\nevolution from a natural germ.\n\nSchleicher conceives primordial language to be a simple organism of\nvocal gestures; Gould Brown believes language to be partly natural and\npartly artificial; Adam Smith and Dugald Stewart give to man the\ncreation and development of speech by his own artificial invention.\nAccording to Herodotus, the Phrygians and the Egyptians disputed over\nthe question of the antiquity of their languages. Psammetichus\nthereupon confided two babes to the care of goats, apart from every\nhuman sound. At the end of two years they were heard to pronounce the\nword _bekos_, the Phrygian for bread. The Phrygians therefore claimed\nfor their language the seniority.\n\n  [Sidenote: SCIENCE OF PHILOLOGY.]\n\nIn ancient times it was thought that there was some one primeval\ntongue, a central language from which all the languages of the earth\nradiated. The Sythic, Ethiopic, Chinese, Greek, Latin, and other\nlanguages advanced claims for this seniority. Plato believed language\nto be an invention of the gods, and by them given to man. Orthodox\nreligionists did not hesitate to affirm that Hebrew, the language of\nParadise, was not only given in a perfected state to man, but was\nmiraculously preserved in a state of purity for the chosen Israel.\nAfter the dispersion from Babel, such nations as relapsed into\nbarbarism became barbaric in speech. And in the roots of every dialect\nof both the old world and the new, the Fathers were able to discern\nHebrew analogies sufficient to confirm them in their dogma. Indeed\nother belief was heresy.\n\nThere were others who held that, when gesture-language and the\nlanguage of the emotions were found insufficient for the growing\nnecessities of man, by common consent, it was agreed that certain\nobjects should be represented by certain sounds, and that so, when a\nword had been invented for every object, language was made.\n\nAnother doctrine, called by Mr. Wedgwood, its enthusiastic advocate,\n'onomatop\u0153ia,' and by Professor Max M\u00fcller the 'bow-wow' theory,\nexplains the origin of language in the effort of man to imitate the\ncries of nature. Thus, for dog the primitive languageless man would\nsay bow-wow; to the rivulet, the wind, the birds and beasts, names\nwere applied which as far as possible were but reproductions of the\nsounds made by these elements or animals.\n\nThus philology up to a comparatively late period was a speculation\nrather than a science. Philosophers sought to know whence language\ncame rather than what language is. But when the great discovery\nconcerning the Arian and Semitic families was made, comparative\nphilologists went to work after the manner of practical investigators\nin other branches of study, by collecting, classifying and comparing\nvocabularies, and therefrom striking out a path backward to original\ntrunks. Catalogues of languages were published, one in 1800 by Hervas,\na Spanish Jesuit, containing three hundred dialects, followed by\nAdelung and Vater's Mithridates, from 1806-17. But not until Sanscrit\nwas made a subject of European study did it become apparent that\naffinities of tongues are subject to the laws that govern affinities\nof blood. Then it was that a similarity was discovered, not only\nbetween the Sanscrit and the Greek and Latin tongues, but between\nthese languages and the Teutonic, Celtic, Iranic, and Indic, all of\nwhich became united in the great Arian family. At the same time, the\nancient language of the Jews, the Arabic, and the Aramaic--which\nconstitute the Semitic family--were found to be totally different from\nthe Arian in their radical structure. From these investigations,\nphilologists were no less convinced that the Indo-European languages\nwere all of the same stock, than that the Semitic idioms did not\nbelong to it. The doctrine of the Fathers therefore would not stand;\nfor it was found that all languages were not derivations from the\nHebrew, nor from any other known central tongue.\n\nThen too, the subordination of tongues to the laws of evolution became\napparent. It was discovered that language was in a state of constant\nchange; that, with all its variations, human speech could be grouped\ninto families, and degrees of relationship ascertained; and that, by\nthe comparison of vocabularies, a classification at once morphological\nand genealogical could be made. Varieties of tongues, as numberless as\nthe phases of humanity, could be traced back towards their beginnings\nand resolved into earlier forms. It was discovered that in the first\norder of linguistic development, words are monosyllabic. In this\nrudimentary stage, to which the Chinese, Tibetan, and perhaps the\nJapanese belong, roots, or sounds expressive only of the material or\nsubstantial parts of things, are used. In the second stage, called the\npolysynthetic, aggregative, or agglutinate, a modifying termination,\nsignificant of the relations of ideas or things to each other, is\naffixed or glued to the root. To the agglutinate languages belong the\nAmerican and Turanian families. In the third, called the inflectional\nstage, which comprises only the Arian and Semitic families, the two\nelements are more perfectly developed, and it is only in this stage\nthat language can attain the highest degree of richness and\nrefinement.\n\n  [Sidenote: VARIATIONS OF LANGUAGE.]\n\nWhile these stages or conditions are recognized by all, it is claimed\non one side that although settled languages retain their grammatical\ncharacter, every agglutinate language must once have been\nmonosyllabic, or radical, and every inflectional language once\nagglutinate; and on the other side it is averred that the assertion is\nincapable of proof, for no historical evidence exists of any one type\never having passed from one of these stages to another. Now if speech\nis a perfected gift of the Creator, how happens it that we find\nlanguage in every stage of development or relapse, from the cluckings\nof Thlinkeets to the classic lines of Homer and of Shakspeare? In his\nphysiological structure, so far as is known, Man is neither more nor\nless perfect now than in the days of Adam. How then if language is an\norganism, is it, unlike other organisms, subject to extreme and sudden\nchange? In animated nature there are two principles; one fixed and\nfinished as an organism, subject to perpetual birth and decay, but\nincapable of advancing or retrograding; the other, elemental life, the\ngerm or centre of a future development. The one grows, the other\nunfolds. We have no evidence that instincts and organic functions were\nmore or less perfect in the beginning than now. If therefore language\nis an instinct or an organism, a perfect gift of the Creator, how can\nit exist otherwise than in a concrete and perfect state like other\ninstincts and organisms?\n\nThe absurdity that human speech is the invention of primitive\nman--that upon some grassy knoll a company of half-clad barbarians\nmet, and without words invented words, without significant sounds\nproduced sounds significant of every object, therein by mutual consent\noriginating a language--may be set aside. Of all conjectures\nconcerning the origin of language, the hypothesis that words are an\nartificial invention is the least tenable. And what is most surprising\nto us, at the present day, is that such men as Locke and Adam Smith\nand Dugald Stewart could for a moment have entertained the idea.\nObviously, without language there could be no culture, and without\nculture, words never could have been invented. Words are the symbols\nof objects and ideas. Certain words may be arbitrarily selected, and,\nby the tacit agreement or general concurrence of society, may be made\nto signify certain things. And in this sense words may originate\nconventionally. But though words may have been conventionally\nselected, they were never selected by conventions. We then have the\ndiscoveries of modern philologists, not only to positively deny the\ninfallibility of the common-origin theory, but to bring forward a\nnumber of other claimants for the greatest antiquity, as well entitled\nto a hearing as the Hebrew.\n\n  [Sidenote: UNIVERSALITY OF SPEECH.]\n\nDiversity in the origin of speech does not of necessity imply\ndiversity in the origin of race. Thus with a unity of race,\ncircumstances may be conceived in which independent tongues may have\narisen in different localities; whereas with a diversity of race, but\none language hypothetically may have been given to all. A common\norigin is probable, a diversity of origin is possible; neither can be\nproved or disproved. The radical differences in the structure of the\nthree great types, the monosyllabic, the agglutinate, and the\ninflectional; and the inherent heterogeneities of the several families\nof the same type, as of the Chinese and Siamese, of the American and\nTuranian, or even of the Arian and Semitic, would seem to present\ninsurmountable obstacles to the theory of a common origin; while on\nthe other hand the wonderful mutations of types and trunks, the known\ntransformations of language, and the identifications by some\nphilologists, of the same stock in each of the three progressional\nstages, render the theory of a unity of origin in language equally\nprobable. Therefore the question of unity or diversity of tongues, as\nwe speak of unity or diversity of race, can be of but little moment to\nus. Language shows the connection between nations widely separated,\nleads us back beyond tradition into the obscure past, follows the\nsinuosities of migrations, indicates epochs in human development,\npoints towards the origin of peoples, serves as a guide in following\nthe radiation of races from common centres. Yet a similarity in the\nsound, or even in the construction of two words, does not necessarily\nimply relationship. Two totally distinct languages may have borrowed\nthe same word from a third language; which fact would never establish\nrelationship between the borrowers. When like forms are found in\ndifferent languages, in order to establish a relationship, historical\nevidence must be applied as a test, and the words followed up to their\nroots.\n\nStripped of technicalities, the question before us is reduced to a few\nsimple propositions. All men speak; there never yet was found a nation\nwithout articulate language. Aside from individual and abnormal\nexceptions, no primitive tribe has ever been discovered, where part of\nthe people spoke, and part were speechless. Language is as much a part\nof man, as any physical constituent; yet unlike physical organs, as\nthe eye, the ear, the hand, language is not born with the individual.\nIt is not in the blood. The Caucasian infant stolen by Apaches, cannot\nconverse with its own mother when restored to her a few years after.\n\nTherefore speech is not an independent, perfected gift of the Creator,\nbut an incidental acquirement. Furthermore language is an attribute of\nsociety. It belongs to the people and not to the individual. The child\nbefore mentioned, if dropped by the Apaches among the bears and by\nthem nurtured and reared, is doomed to mutism or bear-language. Man\nwas made a social being; speech was made as a means of communicating\nintelligence between social beings; one individual alone never could\noriginate, or even preserve a language.\n\nBut how then happens it, if man did not make it, and God did not give\nit him, that human speech is universal? With the organism of man the\nCreator implants the organs of speech. With the elemental and\nprogressional life of man the Creator implants the germ of speech. In\ncommon with the element of progress and civilization, innate from the\nbeginning, speech has developed by slow degrees through thousands of\ncycles and by various stages, marching steadily forward with the\nforward march of the intellect. Comparative philology, in common with\nall other sciences, accords to man a remote antiquity. Bunsen\nestimates that at least twenty thousand years are required for a\nlanguage to pass from one rudimentary stage to another.\n\nThe mind receives impressions and the soul intuitions, and to throw\nthem off in some form is an absolute necessity. Painful impressions\ntend to produce bodily contortions and dolorous sounds; pleasant\nimpressions to illumine the features and to make musical the voice.\nAnd not only is this compressed emotion destined to find expression,\nbut to impress itself upon others. Emotion is essentially sympathetic.\nWhy certain objects are represented by certain sounds we can never\nknow. Some think that between every word and the object or idea which\nit represents, there was in the first instance an intimate\nrelationship. By degrees certain natural articulations became\nassociated with certain ideas; then new names were suggested by some\nfancied analogy to objects already named. Everything else being equal,\nsimilar conditions and causations produce similar impressions and are\nexpressed by similar sounds. Hence a certain uniformity between all\nhuman tongues; and a tendency in man to imitate the sounds in nature,\nthe cries of animals, the melodies of winds and waters, accounts for\nthe origin of many words.\n\nFrom giving expression in some outward form to our inward emotion\nthere is no escape. Let us now apply to the expression of feeling and\nemotion the same law of evolution which governs all social and\nintellectual phenomena, and from a language of exclamations, we have\nfirst the monosyllabic noun and verb, then auxilliaries--adverbs,\nadjectives, prepositions and pronouns--and finally inflections of\nparts of speech by which the finer shades of meaning may be expressed.\n\nThe spontaneous outbursts of feeling, or the metaphorical expressions\nof emotion, arising instinctively and acting almost simultaneously\nwith the conception or impression made upon the mind, develop with\ntime into settled forms of speech. Man speaks as birds fly or fishes\nswim. The Creator supplies the organs and implants the instinct.\nSpeech, though intuitive, is more than intuition; for, as we have\nseen, speech is a social rather than an individual attribute. Darwin\nperceives in language not only a spontaneous generation, but a natural\nselection of grammatical forms; the best words, the clearest and\nshortest expressions, continually displacing the weaker. So words are\nmade to fit occasions, and dropped as soon as better ones can be\nfound.\n\nLanguages are not inherited, yet language is an inheritance. Language\nis not artificially invented, yet languages are but conventional\nagreements. Languages are not a concrete perfected gift of the\nCreator, yet the germ of language is ineradicably implanted in man,\nand was there implanted by none but man's Creator. This then is\nLanguage: it is an acquisition, but an acquisition from necessity; it\nis a gift, but, when given, an undeveloped germ; it is an artifice, in\nso far as it is developed by the application of individual agencies.\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\n  [Sidenote: MYTHOLOGY.]\n\nHere, for a while, we will leave Language and turn to Mythology, the\n_mythos_ 'fable' and _logos_ 'speech' of the Grecians.\n\nUnder analysis mythology is open to broad yet significant\ninterpretations. As made up of legendary accounts of places and\npersonages, it is history; as relating to the genesis of the gods, the\nnature and adventures of divinities, it is religion; placed in the\ncategory of science, it is the science of fable; of philosophy, the\nphilosophy of intuitive beliefs. A mass of fragmentary truth and\nfiction not open to rationalistic criticism; a system of tradition,\ngenealogical and political, confounding the subjective with the\nobjective; a partition wall of allegories, built of dead facts\ncemented with wild fancies--it looms ever between the immeasurable\nand the measurable past.\n\nThick black clouds, portentous of evil, hang threateningly over the\nsavage during his entire life. Genii murmur in the flowing river, in\nthe rustling branches are felt the breathings of the gods, goblins\ndance in vapory twilight, and demons howl in the darkness.\n\nIn the myths of wild, untutored man, is displayed that inherent desire\nto account for the origin of things, which, even at the present time,\ncommands the profoundest attention of philosophy; and, as we look back\nupon the absurd conceptions of our savage ancestry with feelings akin\nto pity and disgust, so may the speculations of our own times appear\nto those who shall come after us. Those weird tales which to us are\npuerility or poetry, according as we please to regard them, were to\ntheir believers history, science, and religion. Yet this effort, which\ncontinues from the beginning to the end, is not valueless; in it is\nembodied the soul of human progress. Without mythology, the only door\nat once to the ideal and inner life of primitive peoples and to their\nheroic and historic past would be forever closed to us. Nothing so\nreflects their heart-secrets, exposes to our view their springs of\naction, shadows forth the sources of their hopes and fears, exhibits\nthe models after which they moulded their lives.\n\nWithin crude poetic imagery are enrolled their religious beliefs, are\nlaid the foundations of their systems of worship, are portrayed their\nthoughts concerning causations and the destinies of mankind. Under\nsymbolic veils is shrouded their ancient national spirit, all that can\nbe known of their early history and popular ideas. Thus are explained\nthe fundamental laws of nature; thus we are told how earth sprang from\nchaos, how men and beasts and plants were made, how heaven was\npeopled, and earth, and what were the relative powers and successive\ndynasties of the gods. Heroes are made gods; gods are materialized and\nbrought down to men.\n\n  [Sidenote: ALL MYTHS FOUNDED ON FACT.]\n\nOf the value of mythology it is unnecessary here to speak. Never was\nthere a time in the history of philosophy when the character, customs,\nand beliefs of aboriginal man, and everything appertaining to him,\nwere held in such high esteem by scholars as at present. As the\nultimate of human knowledge is approached, the inquirer is thrown back\nupon the past; and more and more the fact becomes apparent, that what\nis, is but a reproduction of what has been; that in the earlier stages\nof human development may be found the counterpart of every phase of\nmodern social life. Higher and more heterogeneous as are our present\nsystems of politics and philosophy, every principle, when tracked to\nits beginning, proves to have been evolved, not originated.\n\nAs there never yet was found a people without a language, so every\nnation has its mythology, some popular and attractive form for\npreserving historical tradition and presenting ethical maxims; and as\nby the range of their vocabularies we may follow men through all the\nstages of their progress in government, domestic affairs and\nmechanical arts, so, by beliefs expressed, we may determine at any\ngiven epoch in the history of a race their ideal and intellectual\ncondition. Without the substance there can be no shadow, without the\nobject there can be no name for it; therefore when we find a language\nwithout a word to denote property or chastity, we may be sure that the\nwealth and women of the tribe are held in common; and when in a system\nof mythology certain important metaphysical or \u00e6sthetic ideas and\nattributes are wanting, it is evident that the intellect of its\ncomposers has not yet reached beyond a certain low point of\nconception.\n\nMoreover, as in things evil may be found a spirit of good, so in fable\nwe find an element of truth. It is now a recognized principle of\nphilosophy, that no religious belief, however crude, nor any\nhistorical tradition, however absurd, can be held by the majority of a\npeople for any considerable time as true, without having in the\nbeginning some foundation in fact. More especially is the truth of\nthis principle apparent when we consider that in all the multitudinous\nbeliefs of all ages, held by peoples savage and civilized, there exist\na concurrence of ideas and a coincidence of opinion. Human conceptions\nof supernatural affairs spring from like intuitions. As human nature\nis essentially the same throughout the world and throughout time, so\nthe religious instincts which form a part of that universal humanity\ngenerate and develop in like manner under like conditions. The desire\nto penetrate hidden surroundings and the method of attempting it are\nto a certain extent common to all. All wonder at the mysterious; all\nattempt the solution of mysteries; all primarily possess equal\nfacilities for arriving at correct conclusions. The genesis of belief\nis uniform, and the results under like conditions analogous.\n\nWe may conclude that the purposes for which these fictitious\nnarratives were so carefully preserved and handed down to posterity\nwere two-fold--to keep alive certain facts and to inculcate certain\ndoctrines.\n\n  [Sidenote: VALUE OF MYTHOLOGY.]\n\nSomething there must have been in every legend, in every tradition, in\nevery belief, which has ever been entertained by the majority of a\npeople, to recommend it to the minds of men in the first instance.\nError absolute cannot exist; false doctrine without an amalgam of\nverity speedily crumbles, and the more monstrous the falsity the more\nrapid its decomposition. Myths were the oracles of our savage\nancestors; their creed, the rule of their life, prized by them as men\nnow prize their faith; and, by whatever savage philosophy these\nstrange conceits were eliminated, their effect upon the popular mind\nwas vital. Anaxagoras, Socrates, Protagoras, and Epicurus well knew\nand boldly proclaimed that the gods of the Grecians were disreputable\ncharacters, not the kind of deities to make or govern worlds; yet so\ndeep rooted in the hearts of the people were the maxims of the past,\nthat for these expressions one heretic was cast into prison, another\nexpelled from Athens, and another forced to drink the hemlock. And the\nless a fable presents the appearance of probability, the more\ngrotesque and extravagant it is, the less the likelihood of its having\noriginated in pure invention; for no extravagantly absurd invention\nwithout a particle of truth could by any possibility have been palmed\noff upon a people, and by them accepted, revered, recited, preserved\nas veritable incident or solution of mystery, and handed down to those\nmost dear to them, to be in like manner held as sacred.\n\nTherefore we may be sure that there never was a myth without a\nmeaning; that mythology is not a bundle of ridiculous fancies invented\nfor vulgar amusement; that there is not one of these stories, no\nmatter how silly or absurd, which was not founded in fact, which did\nnot once hold a significance. \"And though I have well weighed and\nconsidered all this,\" concluded Lord Bacon, nearly three hundred years\nago, \"and thoroughly seen into the levity which the mind indulges for\nallegories and illusions, yet I cannot but retain a high value for the\nancient mythology.\" Indeed, to ancient myths has been attributed the\npreservation of shattered fragments of lost sciences, even as some\nhave alleged that we are indebted to the writings of Democritus and\nAristotle for modern geographical discoveries.\n\nThat these ductile narratives have suffered in their transmission to\nus, that through the magnifying and refracting influences of time, and\nthe ignorance and fanaticism of those to whom they were first recited,\nwe receive them mutilated and distorted, there can be no doubt. Not\none in a thousand of those aboriginal beliefs which were held by the\npeople of the Pacific Coast at the time of its first occupation by\nforeigners, has been preserved. And for the originality and purity of\nsuch as we have, in many instances, no one can vouch. Certain writers\nwho saw in the native fable probable evidence of the presence of an\napostle, or a miraculous interposition in the affairs of benighted\nheathendom, could but render the narrative in accordance with their\nprepossessions. The desire of some to prove a certain origin for the\nIndians, and the contempt of others for native character, also led to\nimperfect or colored narrations. But happily, enough has been\npreserved in authentic picture-writings, and by narrators whose\nintegrity and intelligence are above suspicion, to give us a fair\ninsight into the native psychological structure and belief; and if the\nknowledge we have is but infinitesimal in comparison with what has\nbeen lost, we may thereby learn to prize more highly such as we have.\n\nAgain we come to the ever-recurring question--Whence is it? Whence\narise belief, worship, superstition? Whence the striking likeness in\nall supernatural conceptions between nations and ages the most\ndiverse? Why is it that so many peoples, during the successive stages\nof their progress, have their creation myth, their origin myth, their\nflood myth, their animal, and plant, and planet myths? This\ncoincidence of evolution can scarcely be the result of accident.\nMythologies, then, being like languages common to mankind, uniform in\nsubstance yet varying in detail, what follows with regard to the\nessential system of their supernatural conceptions? Is it a perfected\ngift of the Creator, the invention of a designing priesthood, or a\nspontaneous generation and natural development? So broad a question,\ninvolving as it does the weightiest matters connected with man, may\nscarcely expect exactly the same answer from any two persons. Origin\nof life, origin of mind, origin of belief, are as much problems to the\nprofoundest philosopher of to-day, as they were to the first\nwondering, bewildered savage who wandered through primeval forests.\n\n  [Sidenote: ORIGIN OF BELIEF.]\n\nLife is defined by Herbert Spencer as \"the co\u00f6rdination of actions, or\ntheir continuous adjustment;\" by Lewes as \"a series of definite and\nsuccessive changes, both of structure and composition, which take\nplace within an individual without destroying its identity;\" by\nSchelling as \"the tendency to individuation;\" by Richeraud as \"a\ncollection of phenomena which succeed each other during a limited time\nin an organized body;\" and by De Blainville as \"the two-fold internal\nmovement of composition and decomposition, at once general and\ncontinuous.\" According to Hume, Mind is but a bundle of ideas and\nimpressions which are the sum of all knowledge, and consequently, \"the\nonly things known to exist.\" In the positive philosophy of Auguste\nComte, intellectual development is divided into three phases; namely,\nthe Supernatural, in which the mind seeks for supernatural causes; the\nMetaphysical, wherein abstract forces are set up in place of\nsupernatural agencies; and the Positive, which inquires into the laws\nwhich engender phenomena. Martineau, commenting upon intuition and the\nmind's place in nature, charges the current doctrine of evolution with\nexcluding the element of life from developing organisms. Until the\norigin of mind, and the relation of mind to its environment is\ndetermined, the origin of the supernatural must remain unaccounted\nfor. Yet we may follow the principle of worship back to very near its\nsource, if we are unable entirely to account for it.\n\nWe have seen how the inability of brutes to form in the mind long\nsequences of thought, prevents speech; so, in primitive societies,\nwhen successions of unrecorded events are forgotten before any\nconception of general laws can be formed therefrom, polytheism in its\ngrossest form is sure to prevail. Not until the earlier stages of\nprogress are passed, and, from a multitude of correlative and\noft-repeated experiences, general deductions made, can there be any\nhigher religious conceptions than that of an independent cause for\nevery consequence.\n\nBy some it is alleged that the religious sentiment is a divine idea\nperfected by the Creator and implanted in man as part of his nature,\nbefore his divergence from a primitive centre. Singularly enough, the\nFathers of the Church referred the origin of fable as well as the\norigin of fact to the Hebrew Scriptures. Supported by the soundest\nsophistry, they saw in every myth, Grecian or barbarian, a biblical\ncharacter. Thus the Greek Hercules was none other than the Hebrew\nSampson; Arion was Jonah, and Deucalion Noah. Other mythological\ncharacters were supposed by them to have been incarnated fiends, who\ndisappeared after working for a time their evil upon men.\n\nThere have been those who held myths to be the fictions of sorcery, as\nthere are now those who believe that forms of worship were invented by\na designing priesthood, or that mythology is but a collection of\ntales, physical, ethical and historical, invented by the sages and\nancient wise men of the nation, for the purpose of overawing the\nwicked and encouraging the good. Some declare that religion is a\nfactitious or accidental social phenomenon; others that it is an\naggregation of organized human experiences; others that it is a bundle\nof sentiments which were originally projected by the imagination, and\nultimately adopted as entities; others that it is a feeling or\nemotion, the genesis of which is due to surrounding circumstances.\n\nMany believe all mythological personages to have been once real human\nheroes, the foundations of whose histories were laid in truth, while\nthe structure was reared by fancy. The Egyptians informed Herodotus\nthat their deities--the last of whom was Orus son of Osiris, the\nApollo of the Grecians--were originally their kings. Others affirm\nthat myths are but symbolic ideas deified; that they are but the\nembodiment of a maxim in the form of an allegory, and that under these\nallegorical forms were taught history, religion, law and morality.\n\nIntermingled with all these hypotheses are elements of truth, and yet\nnone of them appear to be satisfying explanations. All imply that\nreligion, in some form, is an essential constituent of humanity, and\nthat whatever its origin and functions, it has exercised from the\nearliest ages and does yet exercise the most powerful influence upon\nman; working like leaven in the lump, keeping the world in a ferment,\nstirring up men to action, banding and disrupting nations, uniting and\ndividing communities, and forming the nucleus of numberless societies\nand institutions.\n\n  [Sidenote: RISE OF THE PRIMITIVE PRIESTHOOD.]\n\nIn every society, small and great, there are undoubtedly certain\nintellects of quicker than ordinary perception, which seize upon\noccasions, and by a skillful use of means obtain a mastery over\ninferior minds. It is thus that political and social, as well as\necclesiastical power arises. Not that the leader creates a want--he is\nbut the mouth-piece or agent of pent-up human instincts. One of these\ninstincts is dependence. That we are created subordinate, not absolute\nnor unrestrained, is a fact from which none can escape. Thraldom,\nconstant and insurmountable, we feel we have inherited. Most\nnaturally, therefore, the masses of mankind seek from among their\nfellows some embodiment of power, and ranging themselves under the\nbanner of leaders, follow blindly whithersoever they are led.\nPerceiving the power thus placed in their hands, these born leaders of\nmen are not slow to invent means for retaining and increasing it. To\nthe inquiry of the child or unsophisticated savage, who, startled by a\npeal of distant thunder, cries, \"What is that?\" the explanation is\ngiven; \"That is the storm-god speaking.\" \"I am afraid, protect me!\"\nimplores the supplicant. \"I will, only obey,\" is the reply. The answer\nis sufficient, curiosity is satisfied, and terror allayed; the\nbarbarian teacher gains a devotee. In this manner, the superstructure\nof creeds, witchcrafts, priestcrafts, may have arisen; some gods may\nthus have been made, forms of worship invented, and intercourse opened\nwith beings supernal and infernal. Then devotion advances and becomes\nan art; professors by practice become experts. Meanwhile, craft is\neconomized; the wary Sham\u00e1n rain-doctor--like the worthy clergyman of\ncivilized orthodoxy, who refused to pray for rain \"while the wind was\nin that quarter\"--watches well the gathering ripeness of the cloud\nbefore he attempts to burst it with an arrow. And in the end, a more\nthan ordinary skill in the exercise of this power, deifies or\ndemonizes the possessor.\n\nBut whence arises the necessity for craft and whence the craft? The\nfaculty of invention implies skill. Skill successfully to play upon\nthe instincts of humanity can only be acquired through the medium of\nlike instincts, and although the skill be empirical, the play must be\nnatural. Craft alone will not suffice to satisfy the desire; the hook\nmust be baited with some small element of truth before the most\ncredulous will seize it. If religious beliefs are the fruits of\ninvention, how shall we account for the strange coincidences of\nthought and worship which prevail throughout all myths and cults? Why\nis it that all men of every age, in conditions diverse, and in\ncountries widely sundered, are found searching out the same essential\nfacts? All worship; nearly all have their creation-myth, their\nflood-myth, their theory of origin, of distribution from primitive\ncentres, and of a future state. In this regard as in many another,\ncivilization is but an evolution of savagism; for almost every\nprinciple of modern philosophy there may be found in primitive times\nits parallel.\n\nThe nature and order of supernatural conceptions are essentially as\nfollows: The first and rudest form of belief is Fetichism, which\ninvests every phenomenon with an independent personality. In the\nsunshine, fire, and water, in the wind and rock and stream, in every\nanimal, bird, and plant, there is a separate deity; for every effect\nthere is a cause. Even Kepler, whose intellect could track the planets\nin their orbits, must needs assume a guiding spirit for every world.\nIt is impossible for the mind to conceive of self-creative or\nself-existent forces.\n\nIn time the personalities of the fetich-worshiper become to some\nextent generalized. Homogeneous appearances are grouped into classes,\nand each class referred to a separate deity, and hence Polytheism.\nPantheism then comes in and makes all created substance one with the\ncreator; nature and the universe are God. From the impersonating of\nthe forces of nature to the creation of imaginary deities there is but\na step. Every virtue and vice, every good and evil becomes a\npersonality, under the direct governance of which lie certain passions\nand events; and thus in place of one god for many individuals, each\nindividual may have a multitude of his own personal gods. The theogony\nof Hesiod was but a system of materialized love and hate; while, on\nthe other hand, the gods of Homer, although personating human\npassions, were likewise endowed with moral perceptions. In them the\nblind forces of nature are lighted up into a human-divine\nintelligence.\n\nIn Monotheism the distinct personalities, which to the savage underlie\nevery appearance, become wholly generalized, and the origin of all\nphenomena is referred to one First Cause. The subtle and philosophic\nGreeks well knew that God to be God must be omnipotent, and\nomnipotency is indivisible. That the Aztecs could believe and practice\nthe absurdities they did is less an object of wonder, than that the\nintellectual philosophers of Athens could have tolerated the gods of\nHomer. Indeed, the religion of the more cultivated Greeks appears to\nus monstrous, in proportion as they were superior to other men in\npoetry, art, and philosophy.\n\n  [Sidenote: THEORIES CONCERNING THE ORIGIN OF WORSHIP.]\n\nComparative mythologists explain the origin of worship by two\napparently oppugnant theories. The first is that whatever is seen in\nnature strange and wonderful, is deemed by primitive man an object\nworthy of worship. The other is, that upon certain noted individuals\nare fastened metaphorical names, symbolic of some quality alike in\nthem and in the natural object after which they are called; that this\nname, which at the first was but the surname of an individual, after\nits possessor is dead and forgotten, lives, reverts to the plant or\nanimal whence it came, becomes impersonal, and is worshiped by a\nconservative posterity. In other words, one theory fastens upon\nnatural phenomena, human attributes, and worships nature under\ncovering of those attributes, while the other worships in the natural\nobject only the memory of a dead and forgotten man. I have no doubt\nthat in both of these hypotheses are elements of truth.\n\nIn the earlier acts of worship the tendency is to assimilate the\nobject worshiped and the character of the worshiper, and also to\nassign habitations to deities, behind man's immediate environment.\nEvery people has its heaven and hell; the former most generally\nlocated beyond the blue sky, and the latter in the dark interior caves\nof the earth. Man in nature reproduces himself; invests appearances\nwith attributes analogous to his own. This likeness of the\nsupernatural to the natural, of gods to man, is the first advance from\nfetichism, but as the intellect advances anthropomorphism declines. As\none by one the nearest mysteries are solved by science, the emptiness\nof superstition becomes apparent, and the wonderless wonder is\nreferred by the waking mind to general laws of causation; but still\nclinging to its first conceptions it places them on objects more\nremote. Man fixes his eyes upon the planets, discovers their\nmovements, and fancies their controlling spirit also controls his\ndestiny; and when released by reason from star-worship, as formerly\nfrom fetichism, again an advance is made, always nearing the doctrine\nof universal law.\n\nIn one tersely comprehensive sentence Clarke gives the old view of\nwhat were called natural religions: \"They considered them, in their\nsource, the work of fraud; in their essence, corrupt superstitions; in\ntheir doctrines, wholly false; in their moral tendency, absolutely\ninjurious; and in their result, degenerating more and more into\ngreater evil.\"\n\n  [Sidenote: PRIESTCRAFT AND PROPITIATION.]\n\nAnd this view seems to him alike uncharitable and unreasonable: \"To\nassume that they are wholly evil is disrespectful to human nature. It\nsupposes man to be the easy and universal dupe of fraud. But these\nreligions do not rest on such a sandy foundation, but on the feeling\nof dependence, the sense of accountability, the recognition of\nspiritual realities very near to this world of matter, and the need of\nlooking up and worshiping some unseen power higher and better than\nourselves. We shall find them always feeling after God, often finding\nhim. We shall see that in their origin they are not the work of\npriestcraft, but of human nature; in their essence not superstitions,\nbut religions; in their doctrines true more frequently than false; in\ntheir moral tendency good rather than evil. And instead of\ndegenerating toward something worse, they come to prepare the way for\nsomething better.\"\n\nThe nearest case to deliberate invention of deities was, perhaps, the\npromulgation as objects of worship in primitive times of such\nabstractions as Hope (Spes), Fear (Pallor), Concord (Concordia),\nCourage (Virtus), etc. How far these gods were gods, however, in even\nthe ordinary heathen sense of the word, is doubtful. In any case, they\nwere but the extension of an old and existent principle--the\npersonification of divine aspects or qualities; they added no more to\nwhat went before than a new Saint or Virgin of Loretto does to the\nCatholic Church.\n\n\"It was a favorite opinion with the Christian apologists, Eusebius and\nothers,\" says Gladstone, \"that the pagan deities represented deified\nmen. Others consider them to signify the powers of external nature\npersonified. For others they are, in many cases, impersonations of\nhuman passions and propensities, reflected back from the mind of man.\nA fourth mode of interpretation would treat them as copies, distorted\nand depraved, of a primitive system of religion given by God to man.\nThe Apostle St. Paul speaks of them as devils; by which he may perhaps\nintend to convey that, under the names and in connection with the\nworship of those deities, the worst influences of the Evil One were at\nwork. This would rather be a subjective than an objective\ndescription; and would rather convey an account of the practical\nworking of a corrupted religion, than an explanation of its origin or\nits early course. As between the other four, it seems probable that\nthey all, in various degrees and manners, entered into the composition\nof the later paganism, and also of the Homeric or Olympian system.\nThat system, however, was profoundly adverse to mere Nature-worship;\nwhile the care of departments or provinces of external nature were\nassigned to its leading personages. Such worship of natural objects or\nelemental powers, as prevailed in connection with it, was in general\nlocal or secondary. And the deification of heroes in the age of Homer\nwas rare and merely titular. We do not find that any cult or system of\ndevotion was attached to it.\"\n\nSo humanly divine, so impotently great are the gods of Homer; so\nthoroughly invested with the passions of men, clothed in distinctive\nshades of human character; such mingled virtue and vice, love and\nhate, courage and cowardice; animal passions uniting with noble\nsentiments; base and vulgar thoughts with lofty and sublime ideas; and\nall so wrought up by his inimitable fancy into divine and supernatural\nbeings, as to work most powerfully upon the nature of the people.\n\nThese concrete conceptions of his deities have ever been a source of\nconsolation to the savage; for, by thus bringing down the gods to a\nnearer level with himself, they could be more materially propitiated,\nand their protection purchased with gifts and sacrifices. Thus the\nGreeks could obtain advice through oracles, the Hindoo could pass at\nonce into eternal joys by throwing himself under the car of\nJuggernaut, while the latter-day offender seeks in the assistance of\nthe departed to buy forgiveness with charities, and to compound crime\nby building churches.\n\n  [Sidenote: UNRECORDED FACTS SOON BECOME MYTHOLOGICAL.]\n\nThe difficulty is, that in attempting to establish any theory\nconcerning the origin of things, the soundest logic is little else\nthan wild speculation. Mankind progress unconsciously. We know not\nwhat problems we ourselves are working out for those who come after\nus; we know not by what process we arrive at many of our conclusions;\nmuch of that which is clear to ourselves is never understood by our\nneighbor, and never will be even known by our posterity. Events the\nmost material are soon forgotten, or else are made spiritual and\npreserved as myths. Blot out the process by which science arrived at\nresults, and in every achievement of science, in the steam engine, the\nelectric telegraph, we should soon have a heaven-descended agency, a\ngod for every machine. Where mythology ceases and history begins, is\nin the annals of every nation a matter of dispute. What at first\nappears to be wholly fabulous may contain some truth, whereas much of\nwhat is held to be true is mere fable, and herein excessive skepticism\nis as unwise as excessive credulity.\n\nHistorical facts, if unrecorded, are soon lost. Thus when Juan de\nO\u00f1ate penetrated New Mexico in 1596, Fray Marco de Niza, and the\nexpedition of Coronado in 1540, appear to have been entirely forgotten\nby the Cibolans. Fathers Crespi and Jun\u00edpero Serra, in their overland\nexplorations of 1769, preparatory to the establishment of a line of\nMissions along the Californian seaboard, could find no traces, in the\nminds of the natives, of Cabrillo's voyage in 1542, or of the landing\nof Sir Francis Drake in 1579; although, so impressed were the savages\nin the latter instance, that, according to the worthy chaplain of the\nexpedition, they desired \"with submission and fear to worship us as\ngods.\" Nor can we think civilized memories--which ascribe the plays of\nShakespeare to Bacon, and parcel out the Iliad of Homer among\nnumberless unrecorded verse-makers--more tenacious. Frederick Augustus\nWolf denies that a Homer ever existed; or, if he did, that he ever\nwrote his poem, as writing was at that time not generally known; but\nhe claims that snatches of history, descending orally from one\ngeneration to another, in the end coalesced into the matchless Iliad\nand Odyssey. The event which so strongly impressed the father,\nbecomes vague in the mind of the son, and in the third generation is\neither lost or becomes legendary. Incidents of recent occurrence,\ncontemporary perhaps with the narration, are sometimes so\nmisinterpreted by ignorance or distorted by prejudice, as to place the\nfact strangely at variance with the recital. Yet no incident nor\naction falls purposeless to the ground. Unrecorded it may be,\nunwitnessed, unheard by beings material; a thought-wave even, lost in\nspace invisible, acting, for aught we know, only upon the author; yet\nso acting, it casts an influence, stamps on fleeting time its record,\nthereby fulfilling its destiny. Thus linger vapory conceits long after\nthe action which created them has sunk into oblivion; undefined\nshadows of substance departed; none the less impressive because\nmingled with immortal imagery.\n\nTurn now from outward events to inner life; from events grown shadowy\nwith time, to life ever dim and mysterious alike to savage and sage.\nEverywhere man beholds much that is incomprehensible; within, around,\nthe past, the future. Invisible forces are at work, invisible agencies\nplay upon his destiny. And in the creations of fancy, which of\nnecessity grow out of the influence of nature upon the imagination, it\nis not strange that mysteries darken, facts and fancies blend; the\npast and the future uniting in a supernatural present.\n\nWe are never content with positive knowledge. From the earliest\nworkings of the mind, creations of fancy play as important a part in\nethical economy as positive perceptions. Nor does culture in any wise\nlessen these fanciful creations of the intellect. In the political\narena of civilized nations, wars and revolutions for the enforcement\nof opinion concerning matters beyond the reach of positive knowledge,\nhave equaled if they have not exceeded wars for empire or ascendancy.\nIn the social and individual affairs of life we are governed more by\nthe ideal than by the real. On reaching the limits of positive\nknowledge, reason pauses, but fancy overleaps the boundary, and\nwanders forward in an endless waste of speculation.\n\n  [Sidenote: RELIGIOUS AND SCIENTIFIC ULTIMATES.]\n\nThe tendency of intellectual progress, according to the philosophy of\nHerbert Spencer, is from the concrete to the abstract, from the\nhomogeneous to the heterogeneous, from the knowable to the unknowable.\nPrimordially nothing was known; as superstitions and priestcraft grew\nrank, everything became known; there was not a problem in the natural\nor in the supernatural world unsolvable by religion. Now, when some\nelements of absolute knowledge are beginning to appear, we discover,\nnot only that little is positively known, but that much of what has\nbeen hitherto deemed past controverting, is, under the present r\u00e9gime\nof thought, absolutely unknowable. Formerly ultimate religious\nknowledge was attained by the very novices of religion, and ultimate\nscientific knowledge was explained through their fanatical\nconceptions. Not only were all the mysteries of the material universe\neasily solved by the Fathers, but heaven was measured and the\nphenomena of hell minutely described. Now we are just beginning to\ncomprehend that ultimate facts will probably ever remain unknowable\nfacts, for when the present ultimate is attained, an eternity of\nundiscovered truth will still lay stretched out before the searcher.\nUntil the finite becomes infinite, and time lapses into eternity, the\nrealm of thought will remain unfilled. At present, and until the scope\nof the intellect is materially enlarged, such theories as the origin\nof the universe--held by atheists to be self-existent, by pantheists\nto have been self-created, and by theists to have been originated by\nan external agency--must remain, as they are now admitted to be,\nquestions beyond even the comprehension of the intellect. Likewise\nscientific ultimates--such as the qualities of time and space, the\ndivisibility of matter, the co-ordination of motion and rest, the\ncorrelation of forces, the mysteries of gravitation, light and\nheat--are found to be not only not solvable, but not conceivable. And,\nas with the external, so with the inward life; we cannot conceive the\nnature, nor explain the origin and duration, of consciousness. The\nendless speculations of biology and psychology only leave impressions\nat once of the strength and weakness of the mind of man; strong in\nempirical knowledge, impotent in every attempt rationally to penetrate\nthe unfathomable. Nowhere in mythology do we find the world\nself-created or self-existent. Some external agency is ever brought in\nto perform the work, and in the end the structure of the universe is\nresolved into its original elements.\n\nPrimordial man finds himself surrounded by natural phenomena, the\noperations of which his intelligence is capable of grasping but\npartially. Certain appetites sharpen, at once, certain instincts.\nHunger makes him acquainted with the fruits of the earth; cold with\nthe skins of beasts. Accident supplies him with rude implements, and\nimparts to him a knowledge of his power over animals. But as instinct\nmerges into intellect, strange powers in nature are felt; invisible\nagents wielding invisible weapons; realities which exist unheard and\nmove unseen; outward manifestations of hidden strength. Humanity,\ndivine, but wild and wondering, half-fed, half-clad, ranges woods\nprimeval, hears the roar of battling elements, sees the ancient\nforest-tree shivered into fragments by heaven's artillery, feels the\nsolid earth rise up in rumbling waves beneath his feet. He receives,\nas it were, a blow from within the darkness, and flinging himself upon\nthe ground he begs protection; from what he knows not, of whom he\nknows not. \"Bury me not, O tumultuous heavens,\" he cries, \"under the\nclouds of your displeasure!\" \"Strike me not down in wrath, O fierce\nflaming fire!\" \"Earth, be firm!\" Here, then, is the origin of prayer.\nAnd to render more effectual his entreaties, a gift is offered.\nSeizing upon whatever he prizes most, his food, his raiment, he rushes\nforth and hurls his propitiatory offering heavenward, earthward,\nwhithersoever his frenzied fancy dictates. Or, if this is not enough,\nthe still more dearly valued gift of human blood or human life is\noffered. His own flesh he freely lacerates; to save his own life he\ngives that of his enemy, his slave, or even his child. Hence arises\nsacrifice.\n\n  [Sidenote: ORIGIN AND PROGRESS OF PRIESTCRAFT.]\n\nAnd here also conjurings commence. The necessity is felt of opening up\nsome intercourse with these mysterious powers; relations commercial\nand social; calamities and casualties, personal and public, must be\ntraced to causes, and the tormenting demon bought off. But it is\nclearly evident that these elemental forces are not all of them\ninimical to the happiness of mankind. Sunshine, air and water, the\nbenign influences in nature, are as powerful to create, as the adverse\nelements are to destroy. And as these forces appear conflicting, part\nproductive of life and enjoyment, and part of destruction, decay, and\ndeath, a separation is made. Hence principles of good and evil are\ndiscovered; and to all these unaccountable forces in nature, names and\nproperties are given, and causations invented. For every act there is\nan actor--for every deed a doer; for every power and passion there is\nmade a god.\n\nThus we see that worship in some form is a human necessity, or, at\nleast, a constant accompaniment of humanity. Until perfect wisdom and\nlimitless power are the attributes of humanity, adoration will\ncontinue; for men will never cease to reverence what they do not\nunderstand, nor will they cease to fear such elements of strength as\nare beyond their control. The form of this conciliatory homage appears\nto arise from common human instincts; for, throughout the world and in\nall ages, a similarity in primitive religious forms has existed. It is\na giving of something; the barter of a valuable something for a\nsomething more valuable. As in his civil polity all crimes may be\ncompounded or avenged, so in his worship, the savage gives his pride,\nhis property, or his blood.\n\nAt first, this spirit power is seen in everything; in the storm and in\nthe soft evening air; in clouds and cataracts, in mountains, rocks,\nand rivers; in trees, in reptiles, beasts, and fishes. But when\nprogressive man obtains a more perfect mastery over the brute\ncreation, brute worship ceases; as he becomes familiar with the causes\nof some of the forces in nature, and is better able to protect himself\nfrom them, the fear of natural objects is lessened. Leaving the level\nof the brute creation he mounts upward, and selecting from his own\nspecies some living or dead hero, he endows a king or comrade with\nsuperhuman attributes, and worships his dead fellow as a divine being.\nStill he tunes his thoughts to subtler creations, and carves with\nskillful fingers material images of supernatural forms. Then comes\nidolatry. The great principles of causation being determined and\nembodied in perceptible forms, adorations ensue. Cravings, however,\nincrease. As the intellect expands, one idol after another is thrown\ndown. Mind assumes the mastery over matter. From gods of wood and\nstone, made by men's fingers, and from suns and planets, carved by the\nfingers of omnipotence, the creature now turns to the Creator. A form\nof ideal worship supplants the material form; gods known and tangible\nare thrown aside for the unknown God. And well were it for the\nintellect could it stop here. But, as the actions of countless\nmaterial gods were clear to the primitive priest, and by him\nsatisfactorily explained to the savage masses; so, in this more\nadvanced state men are not wanting who receive from their ideal god\nrevelations of his actions and motives. To its new, unknown, ideal\ngod, the partially awakened human mind attaches the positive\nattributes of the old, material deities, or invents new ones, and\nstarts anew to tread the endless mythologic circle; until in yet a\nhigher state it discovers that both god and attributes are wholly\nbeyond its grasp, and that with all its progress, it has advanced but\nslightly beyond the first savage conception;--a power altogether\nmysterious, inexplicable to science, controlling phenomena of mind and\nmatter.\n\nBarbarians are the most religious of mortals. While the busy,\noverworked brain of the scholar or man of business is occupied with\nmore practical affairs, the listless mind of the savage, thrown as he\nis upon the very bosom of nature, is filled with innumerable\nconjectures and interrogatories. His curiosity, like that of a child,\nis proverbial, and as superstition is ever the resource of ignorance,\nqueer fancies and fantasms concerning life and death, and gods and\ndevils float continually through his unenlightened imagination.\n\nIll-protected from the elements, his comfort and his uncertain\nfood-supply depending upon them, primitive man regards nature with\neager interest. Like the beasts, his forest companions, he places\nhimself as far as possible in harmony with his environment. He\nmigrates with the seasons; feasts when food is plenty, fasts in\nfamine-time; basks and gambols in the sunshine, cowers beneath the\nfury of the storm, crawls from the cold into his den, and there\nquasi-torpidly remains until nature releases him. Is it therefore\nstrange that savage intellect peoples the elements with supernatural\npowers; that God is everywhere, in everything; in the most trifling\naccident and incident, as well as in the sun, the sea, the grove; that\nwhen evil comes God is angry, when fortune smiles God is favorable;\nand that he speaks to his wild, untutored people in signs and dreams,\nin the tempest and in the sunshine. Nor does he withhold the still,\nsmall voice, which breathes upon minds most darkened, and into breasts\nthe most savage, a spirit of progress, which, if a people be left to\nthe free fulfillment of their destiny, is sure, sooner or later, to\nripen into full development.\n\n  [Sidenote: ORIGIN OF FETICHISM.]\n\nWe will now glance at the origin of fetichism, which indeed may be\ncalled the origin of ideal religion, from the other standpoint; that\nwhich arises from the respect men feel for the memory of their\ndeparted ancestors.\n\nThe first conception of a dualty in man's nature has been attributed\nto various causes; it may be the result of a combination of causes.\nThere is the shadow upon the ground, separate, yet inseparable; the\nreflection of the form upon the water; the echo of the voice, the\nadventures of fancy portrayed by dreams. Self is divisible from and\ninseparably connected with this other self. Herefrom arise innumerable\nsuperstitions; it was portentous of misfortune for one's clothes to be\nstepped on; no food must be left uneaten; nail clippings and locks of\nhair must not fall into the hands of an enemy. Catlin, in sketching\nhis portraits, often narrowly escaped with his life, the Indians\nbelieving that in their likenesses he carried away their other self.\nAnd when death comes, and this other self departs, whither has it\ngone? The lifeless body remains, but where is the life? The mind\ncannot conceive of the total extinguishment of an entity, and so the\nimagination rears a local habitation for every departed spirit. Every\nphenomenon and every event is analyzed under this hypothesis. For\nevery event there is not only a cause, but a personal cause, an\nindependent agent behind every consequence. Every animal, every fish\nand bird, every rock and stream and plant, the ripening fruit, the\nfalling rain, the uncertain wind, the sun and stars, are all\npersonified. There is no disease without its god or devil, no fish\nentangled in the net, no beast or bird that falls before the hunter,\nwithout its special sender.\n\nSavages are more afraid of a dead man than a live one. They are\noverwhelmed with terror at the thought of this unseen power over them.\nThe spirit of the departed is omnipotent and omnipresent. At any cost\nor hazard it must be propitiated. So food is placed in the grave;\nwives and slaves, and horses and dogs, are slain, and in spirit sent\nto serve the ghost of the departed; phantom messengers are sent to the\nregion of shadows from time to time; the messengers sometimes even\nvolunteering to go. So boats and weapons and all the property of the\ndeceased are burned or deposited with him. In the hand of the dead\nchild is placed a toy; in that of the departed warrior, the symbolic\npipe of peace, which is to open a tranquil entrance into his new\nabode; clothes, and ornaments, and paint, are conveniently placed, and\nthus a proper personal appearance guaranteed. Not that the things\nthemselves are to be used, but the souls of things. The body of the\nchief rots, as does the material substance of the articles buried with\nit; but the soul of every article follows the soul of its owner, to\nserve its own peculiar end in the land of phantoms.\n\n  [Sidenote: THE WORSHIP OF DEAD ANCESTORS.]\n\nThe Chinese, grown cunning with the great antiquity of their burial\ncustoms, which require money and food to be deposited for the benefit\nof the deceased, spiritualize the money, by making an imitation coin\nof pasteboard, while the food, untouched by the dead, is finally eaten\nby themselves.\n\nBut whence arises the strange propensity of all primitive nations to\nworship animals, and plants, and stones, things animate and inanimate,\nnatural and supernatural? Why is it that all nations or tribes select\nfrom nature some object which they hold to be sacred, and which they\nvenerate as deity? It is the opinion of Herbert Spencer that \"the\nrudimentary form of all religion is the propitiation of dead\nancestors, who are supposed to be still existing, and to be capable of\nworking good or evil to their descendants.\" It is the universal custom\nwith savage tribes, as the character of their members becomes\ndeveloped, to drop the real name of individuals and to fix upon them\nthe attribute of some external object, by whose name only they are\nafterwards known. Thus a swift runner is called the 'antelope,' the\nslow of foot, the 'tortoise,' a merciless warrior, the 'wolf,' a\ndark-eyed maid may be likened to the 'raven,' a majestic matron to the\n'cypress.' And so the rivulet, the rock, the dawn, the sun, and even\nelements invisible, are seized upon as metaphors and fastened upon\nindividuals, according to a real or fancied resemblance between the\nqualities of nature and the character of the men. Inferiority and\nbaseness, alike with nobleness and wise conduct, perpetuate a name.\nEven in civilized societies, a nickname often takes the place of the\nreal name. Schoolboys are quick to distinguish peculiarities in their\nfellows, and fasten upon them significant names. A dull scholar is\ncalled 'cabbage-head,' the girl with red ringlets, 'carrots.' In the\nfamily there is the greedy 'pig,' the darling 'duck,' the little\n'lamb.' In new countries, and abnormal communities, where strangers\nfrom all parts are promiscuously thrown together, not unfrequently men\nlive on terms of intimacy for years without ever knowing each other's\nreal name. Among miners, such appellations as 'Muley Bill,' 'Sandy,'\n'Shorty,' 'Sassafras Jack,' often serve all the purposes of a name. In\nmore refined circles, there is the hypocritical 'crocodile,' the sly\n'fox,' the gruff 'bear.' We say of the horse, 'he is as fleet as the\nwind,' of a rapid accountant, 'he is as quick as lightning.' These\nnames, which are used by us but for the moment, or to fit occasions,\nare among rude nations permanent--in many instances the only name a\nperson ever receives.\n\nSometimes the nickname of the individual becomes first a family name\nand then a tribal name; as when the chief, 'Coyote,' becomes renowned,\nhis children love to call themselves 'Coyotes.' The chieftainship\ndescending to the son and grandson of Coyote, the name becomes famous,\nthe Coyote family the dominant family of the tribe; members of the\ntribe, in their intercourse with other tribes, call themselves\n'coyotes,' to distinguish themselves from other tribes; the head, or\ntail, or claws, or skin, of the coyote ornaments the dress or adorns\nthe body; the name becomes tribal, and the animal the symbol or totem\nof the tribe. After a few generations have passed, the great\nchieftain, Coyote, and his immediate progeny are forgotten; meanwhile\nthe beast becomes a favorite with the people; he begins to be regarded\nas privileged; is not hunted down like other beasts; the virtues and\nexploits of the whole Coyote clan become identified with the brute;\nthe affections of the people are centered in the animal, and finally,\nall else being lost and forgotten, the descendants of the chieftain,\nCoyote, are the offspring of the veritable beast, coyote.\n\n  [Sidenote: ABSTRACT CONCEPTIONS, MONSTERS, AND METAPHORS.]\n\nConcerning image-worship and the material representation of ideal\nbeings, Mr. Tylor believes that \"when man has got some way in\ndeveloping the religious element in him, he begins to catch at the\ndevice of setting up a puppet, or a stone, as the symbol and\nrepresentative of the notions of a higher being which are floating in\nhis mind.\"\n\nPrimitive languages cannot express abstract qualities. For every kind\nof animal or bird or plant there may be a name, but for animals,\nplants, and birds in general, they have no name or conception.\nTherefore, the abstract quality becomes the concrete idea of a god,\nand the descendants of a man whose symbolic name was 'dog,' from being\nthe children of the man become the children of the dog.\n\nHence also arise monsters, beings compounded of beast, bird, and fish,\nsphinxes, mermaids, human-headed brutes, winged animals; as when the\ndescendant of the 'hawk' carries off a wife from the 'salmon' tribe, a\ntotem representing a fish with a hawk's head for a time keeps alive\nthe occurrence and finally becomes the deity.\n\nThus realities become metaphors and metaphors realities; the fact\ndwindles into shadowy nothingness and the fancy springs into actual\nbeing. The historical incident becomes first indistinct and then is\nforgotten; the metaphorical name of the dead ancestor is first\nrespected in the animal or plant, then worshiped in the animal or\nplant, and finally the nickname and the ancestor both are forgotten\nand the idea becomes the entity, and the veritable object of worship.\nFrom forgetfulness of primogenitor and metaphor, conceiving the animal\nto be the very ancestor, words are put into the animal's mouth, the\nsayings of the ancestor become the sayings of the brute; hence\nmythological legends of talking beasts, and birds, and wise fishes. To\none animal is attributed a miraculous cure, to another, assistance in\ntime of trouble; one animal is a deceiver, another a betrayer; and\nthus through their myths and metaphors we may look back into the soul\nof savagism and into their soul of nature.\n\nThat this is the origin of some phases of fetichism there can be no\ndoubt; that it is the origin of all religions, or even the only\nmethod by which animal and plant worship originates, I do not believe.\nWhile there are undoubtedly general principles underlying all\nreligious conceptions, it does not necessarily follow, that in every\ninstance the methods of arriving at those fundamental principles must\nbe identical. As with us a child weeps over a dead mother's picture,\nregarding it with fond devotion, so the dutiful barbarian son, in\norder the better to propitiate the favor of his dead ancestor,\nsometimes carves his image in wood or stone, which sentiment with time\nlapses into idolatry. Any object which strikes the rude fancy as\nanalogous to the character of an individual may become an object of\nworship.\n\nThe interpretation of myth can never be absolute and positive; yet we\nmay in almost every instance discover the general purport. Thus a\nsuperior god, we may be almost sure, refers to some potent hero, some\nprimitive ruler, whom tradition has made superhuman in origin and in\npower; demigods, subordinate or inferior beings in power, must be\nregarded as legendary, referring to certain influential persons,\nidentified with some element or incident in which the deified\npersonage played a conspicuous part.\n\nAlthough in mythology religion is the dominant element, yet mythology\nis not wholly made up of religion, nor are all primitive religions\nmythical. \"There are few mistakes\" says Professor Max M\u00fcller \"so\nwidely spread and so firmly established as that which makes us\nconfound the religion and the mythology of the ancient nations of the\nworld. How mythology arises, necessarily and naturally, I tried to\nexplain in my former lectures, and we saw that, as an affection or\ndisorder of language, mythology may infect every part of the\nintellectual life of man. True it is that no ideas are more liable to\nmythological disease than religious ideas, because they transcend\nthose regions of our experience within which language has its natural\norigin, and must therefore, according to their very nature, be\nsatisfied with metaphorical expressions. Eye hath not seen, nor ear\nheard, neither hath it entered into the heart of man. Yet even the\nreligions of the ancient nations are by no means inevitably and\naltogether mythological. On the contrary, as a diseased frame\npre-supposes a healthy frame, so a mythological religion pre-supposes,\nI believe, a healthy religion.\"\n\n  [Sidenote: FUNDAMENTAL IDEAS OF RELIGION.]\n\nThe universal secrets of supernatural beings are wrapped up in\nprobable or possible fable; the elements of physical nature are\nimpersonated in allegories, and arrayed in forms perceptible to the\nimagination; deities are sometimes introduced into the machinery of\nthe supernatural in order to gratify that love for the marvelous which\nevery attempt to explain the mysterious forces of nature creates in\nthe ignorant mind. Yet it cannot truly be said that any form of\nreligion, much less any religion was wholly invented. Fanatics\nsometimes originate doctrines, and the Church sets forth its dogmas,\nbut there must be a foundation of truth or the edifice cannot stand.\nInventions there undoubtedly have been and are, but inventions, sooner\nor later fall to the ground, while the essential principles underlying\nreligion and mythology, though momentarily overcome or swept away, are\nsure to remain.\n\nEvery one of the fundamental ideas of religion is of indigenous\norigin, generating spontaneously in the human heart. It is a\ncharacteristic of mythology that the present inhabitants of the world\ndescended from some nobler race. From the nobler impulses of fancy the\nsavage derives his origin. His higher instincts teach him that his\ndim distant past, and his impenetrable future, are alike of a lighter,\nmore ethereal nature; that his earthly nature is base, that that which\nbinds him to earth is the lowest, vilest part of himself.\n\nThe tendency of positive knowledge is to overthrow superstition. Hence\nas science develops, many tenets of established religions, palpably\nerroneous, are dropped, and the more knowledge becomes real, the more\nreal knowledge is denied. Superstition is not the effect of an active\nimagination, but shows rather a lack of imagination, for we see that\nthe lower the stage of intelligence, and the feebler the imagination,\nthe greater the superstition. A keen, vivid imagination, although\ncapable of broader and more complicated conceptions, is able to\nexplain the cruder marvels, and consequently to dispel the coarser\nphases of superstition, while the dull intellect accepts everything\nwhich is put upon it as true. Ultimate religious conceptions are\nsymbolic rather than actual. Ultimate ideas of the universe are even\nbeyond the grasp of the profoundest intellect. We can form but an\napproximate idea of the sphere on which we live. To form conceptions\nof the relative and actual distances and magnitudes of heavenly\nbodies, of systems of worlds, and eternities of space, the human mind\nis totally inadequate. If, therefore, the mind is unable to grasp\nmaterial visible objects, how much less are we able to measure the\ninvisible and eternal.\n\nWhen therefore the savage attempts to solve the problem of natural\nphenomena, he first reduces broad conceptions to symbolic ideas. He\nmoulds his deity according to the measure of his mind; and in forming\na skeleton upon which to elaborate his religious instincts, proximate\ntheories are accepted, and almost any explanation appears to him\nplausible. The potential creations of his fancy are brought within the\ncompass of his comprehension; symbolic gods are moulded from mud, or\ncarved from wood or stone; and thus by segregating an infinitesimal\npart of the vast idea of deity, the worshiper meets the material\nrequirements of his religious conceptions. And although the lower\nforms of worship are abandoned as the intellect unfolds, the same\nprinciple is continued. We set up in the mind symbols of the ultimate\nidea which is too great for our grasp, and imagining ourselves in\npossession of the actual idea, we fall into numberless errors\nconcerning what we believe or think. The atheistic hypothesis of\nself-existence, the pantheistic hypothesis of self-creation, and the\ntheistic hypothesis of creation by an external agency are equally\nunthinkable, and therefore as postulates equally untenable. Yet\nunderlying all, however gross or superstitious the dogma, is one\nfundamental truth, namely, that there is a problem to be solved, an\nexistent mysterious universe to be accounted for.\n\nDeep down in every human breast is implanted a religiosity as a\nfundamental attribute of man's nature; a consciousness that behind\nvisible appearances is an invisible power; underlying all conception\nis an instinct or intuition from which there is no escape, that beyond\nmaterial actualities potential agencies are at work; and throughout\nall belief, from the stupidest fetichism to the most exalted\nmonotheism, as part of these instinctive convictions, it is held that\nthe beings, or being, who rule man's destiny may be propitiated.\n\nThe first cry of nature is hushed. From time immemorial nations and\npeoples have come and gone, whence and whither no one knows; entering\nexistence unannounced they disappear and leave no trace, save perhaps\ntheir impress on the language or the mythology of the world. Thus from\nhistoric fact blended with the religious sentiments springs the Mythic\nIdea.\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\n  [Sidenote: CLASSIFICATION OF PACIFIC STATES' MYTHS.]\n\nIn the following chapters, I have attempted, as far as practicable, to\nclassify the Myths of the Pacific States under appropriate heads. In\nmaking such a classification there is no difficulty, except where in\none myth occur two or more divisions of the subject, in which case it\nbecomes necessary, either to break the narrative, or make exceptions\nin the general rule of classifying. I have invariably adopted the\nlatter alternative. The divisions which I make of Mythology are as\nfollows: I. Origin and End of Things; II. Physical Myths; III. Animal\nMyths; IV. Gods, Supernatural Beings, and Worship; V. The Future\nState.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER II.\n\nORIGIN AND END OF THINGS.\n\n     QUICH\u00c9 CREATION-MYTH -- AZTEC ORIGIN-MYTHS -- THE PAPAGOS --\n     MONTEZUMA AND THE COYOTE -- THE MOQUIS -- THE GREAT SPIDER'S\n     WEB OF THE PIMAS -- NAVAJO AND PUEBLO CREATIONS -- ORIGIN OF\n     CLEAR LAKE AND LAKE TAHOE -- CHAREYA OF THE CAHROCS -- MOUNT\n     SHASTA, THE WIGWAM OF THE GREAT SPIRIT -- IDAHO SPRINGS AND\n     WATER FALLS -- HOW DIFFERENCES IN LANGUAGE OCCURRED -- YEHL,\n     THE CREATOR OF THE THLINKEETS -- THE RAVEN AND THE DOG.\n\n\n  [Sidenote: THE POPOL VUH.]\n\nOf all American peoples the Quich\u00e9s, of Guatemala, have left us the\nrichest mythological legacy. Their description of the creation as\ngiven in the Popol Vuh, which may be called the national book of the\nQuich\u00e9s,[II-1] is, in its rude strange eloquence and poetic originality,\none of the rarest relics of aboriginal thought. Although obliged in\nreproducing it to condense somewhat, I have endeavored to give not\nonly the substance, but also, as far as possible, the peculiar style\nand phraseology of the original. It is with this primeval picture,\nwhose simple silent sublimity is that of the inscrutable past, that we\nbegin:--\n\nAnd the heaven was formed, and all the signs thereof set in their\nangle and alignment, and its boundaries fixed towards the four winds\nby the Creator and Former, and Mother and Father of life and\nexistence--he by whom all move and breathe, the Father and Cherisher\nof the peace of nations and of the civilization of his people--he\nwhose wisdom has projected the excellence of all that is on the earth,\nor in the lakes, or in the sea.\n\nBehold the first word and the first discourse. There was as yet no\nman, nor any animal, nor bird, nor fish, nor crawfish, nor any pit,\nnor ravine, nor green herb, nor any tree; nothing was but the\nfirmament. The face of the earth had not yet appeared--only the\npeaceful sea and all the space of heaven. There was nothing yet joined\ntogether, nothing that clung to anything else; nothing that balanced\nitself, that made the least rustling, that made a sound in the heaven.\nThere was nothing that stood up; nothing but the quiet water, but the\nsea, calm and alone in its boundaries: nothing existed; nothing but\nimmobility and silence, in the darkness, in the night.[II-2]\n\n  [Sidenote: THE QUICH\u00c9 IDEA OF CREATION.]\n\nAlone also the Creator, the Former, the Dominator, the Feathered\nSerpent--those that engender, those that give being, they are upon\nthe water, like a growing light. They are enveloped in green and blue;\nand therefore their name is Gucumatz.[II-3] Lo, now how the heavens\nexist, how exists also the Heart of Heaven; such is the name of God;\nit is thus that he is called. And they spake; they consulted together\nand meditated; they mingled their words and their opinion. And the\ncreation was verily after this wise: Earth, they said, and on the\ninstant it was formed; like a cloud or a fog was its beginning. Then\nthe mountains rose over the water like great lobsters; in an instant\nthe mountains and the plains were visible, and the cypress and the\npine appeared. Then was the Gucumatz filled with joy, crying out:\nBlessed be thy coming, O Heart of Heaven, Hurakan, Thunderbolt. Our\nwork and our labor has accomplished its end.\n\nThe earth and its vegetation having thus appeared, it was peopled with\nthe various forms of animal life. And the Makers said to the animals:\nSpeak now our name, honor us, us your mother and father; invoke\nHurakan, the Lightning-flash, the Thunderbolt that strikes, the Heart\nof Heaven, the Heart of the Earth, the Creator and Former, Him who\nbegets, and Him who gives being--speak, call on us, salute us! So was\nit said to the animals. But the animals could not answer; they could\nnot speak at all after the manner of men; they could only cluck, and\ncroak, each murmuring after his kind in a different manner. This\ndispleased the Creators, and they said to the animals: Inasmuch as ye\ncan not praise us, neither call upon our names, your flesh shall be\nhumiliated; it shall be broken with teeth; ye shall be killed and\neaten.\n\nAgain the gods took counsel together; they determined to make man. So\nthey made a man of clay; and when they had made him, they saw that it\nwas not good. He was without cohesion, without consistence,\nmotionless, strengthless, inept, watery; he could not move his head,\nhis face looked but one way; his sight was restricted, he could not\nlook behind him; he had been endowed with language, but he had no\nintelligence, so he was consumed in the water.\n\nAgain is there counsel in heaven: Let us make an intelligent being who\nshall adore and invoke us. It was decided that a man should be made of\nwood and a woman of a kind of pith. They were made; but the result was\nin no wise satisfactory. They moved about perfectly well, it is true;\nthey increased and multiplied; they peopled the world with sons and\ndaughters, little wooden mannikins like themselves; but still the\nheart and the intelligence were wanting; they held no memory of their\nMaker and Former; they led a useless existence, they lived as the\nbeasts live; they forgot the Heart of Heaven. They were but an essay,\nan attempt at men; they had neither blood, nor substance, nor\nmoisture, nor fat; their cheeks were shrivelled, their feet and hands\ndried up; their flesh languished.\n\n  [Sidenote: DESTRUCTION AND RE-CREATION OF MAN.]\n\nThen was the Heart of Heaven wroth; and he sent ruin and destruction\nupon those ingrates; he rained upon them night and day from heaven\nwith a thick resin; and the earth was darkened. And the men went mad\nwith terror; they tried to mount upon the roofs and the houses fell;\nthey tried to climb the trees and the trees shook them far from their\nbranches; they tried to hide in the caves and dens of the earth, but\nthese closed their holes against them. The bird Xecotcovach came to\ntear out their eyes; and the Camalotz cut off their head; and the\nCotzbalam devoured their flesh; and the Tecumbalam broke and bruised\ntheir bones to powder. Thus were they all devoted to chastisement and\ndestruction, save only a few who were preserved as memorials of the\nwooden men that had been; and these now exist in the woods as little\napes.[II-4]\n\nOnce more are the gods in counsel; in the darkness, in the night of a\ndesolated universe do they commune together; of what shall we make\nman? And the Creator and Former made four perfect men; and wholly of\nyellow and white maize was their flesh composed. These were the names\nof the four men that were made: the name of the first was\nBalam-Quitz\u00e9; of the second, Balam-Agab; of the third Mahucutah; and\nof the fourth, Iqi-Balam.[II-5] They had neither father nor mother,\nneither were they made by the ordinary agents in the work of creation;\nbut their coming into existence was a miracle extraordinary, wrought\nby the special intervention of him who is pre\u00ebminently The Creator.\nVerily, at last, were there found men worthy of their origin and their\ndestiny; verily, at last, did the gods look on beings who could see\nwith their eyes, and handle with their hands, and understand with\ntheir hearts. Grand of countenance and broad of limb the four sires of\nour race stood up under the white rays of the morning star--sole light\nas yet of the primeval world--stood up and looked. Their great clear\neyes swept rapidly over all; they saw the woods and the rocks, the\nlakes and the sea, the mountains and the valleys, and the heavens that\nwere above all; and they comprehended all and admired exceedingly.\nThen they returned thanks to those who had made the world and all that\ntherein was: We offer up our thanks, twice--yea verily, thrice! We\nhave received life; we speak, we walk, we taste; we hear and\nunderstand; we know both that which is near and that which is far\noff; we see all things, great and small, in all the heaven and earth.\nThanks then, Maker and Former, Father and Mother of our life! we have\nbeen created; we are.\n\nBut the gods were not wholly pleased with this thing; Heaven they\nthought had overshot its mark; these men were too perfect; knew,\nunderstood, and saw too much. Therefore there was counsel again in\nheaven: What shall we do with man now? It is not good, this that we\nsee; these are as gods; they would make themselves equal with us; lo,\nthey know all things, great and small. Let us now contract their\nsight, so that they may see only a little of the surface of the earth\nand be content. Thereupon the Heart of Heaven breathed a cloud over\nthe pupil of the eyes of men, and a veil came over it as when one\nbreathes on the face of a mirror; thus was the globe of the eye\ndarkened; neither was that which was far off clear to it any more, but\nonly that which was near.\n\nThen the four men slept, and there was counsel in heaven: and four\nwomen were made--to Balam-Quitz\u00e9 was allotted Caha-Paluma to wife; to\nBalam-Agab, Chomiha; to Mahucutah, Tzununiha; and to Iqi-Balam,\nCakixaha.[II-6] Now the women were exceedingly fair to look upon; and\nwhen the men awoke, their hearts were glad because of the women.\n\n  [Sidenote: THE QUICH\u00c9S SET OUT FOR TULAN-ZUIVA.]\n\nNext, as I interpret the narrative, there were other men created, the\nancestors of other peoples, while the first four were the fathers of\nall the branches of the Quich\u00e9 race. The different tribes at first,\nhowever, lived together amicably enough, in a primitive state; and\nincreased and multiplied, leading happy lives under their bright and\nmorning star, precursor of the yet unseen sun. They had as yet no\nworship save the breathing of the instinct of their soul, as yet no\naltars to the gods; only--and is there not a whole idyl in the simple\nwords?--only they gazed up into heaven, not knowing what they had come\nso far to do![II-7] They were filled with love, with obedience, and with\nfear; and lifting their eyes towards heaven, they made their\nrequests:--\n\nHail! O Creator, O Former! thou that hearest and understandest us!\nabandon us not, forsake us not! O God, thou that art in heaven and on\nthe earth, O Heart of Heaven, O Heart of Earth! give us descendants\nand a posterity as long as the light endure. Give us to walk always in\nan open road, in a path without snares; to lead happy, quiet, and\npeaceable lives, free of all reproach. It was thus they spake, living\ntranquilly, invoking the return of the light, waiting the rising of\nthe sun, watching the star of the morning, precursor of the sun. But\nno sun came, and the four men and their descendants grew uneasy: We\nhave no person to watch over us, they said, nothing to guard our\nsymbols. So the four men and their people set out for Tulan-Zuiva,[II-8]\notherwise called the Seven-caves or Seven-ravines, and there they\nreceived gods, each man as head of a family, a god; though inasmuch as\nthe fourth man, Iqi-Balam, had no children and founded no family, his\ngod is not usually taken into the account. Balam-Quitz\u00e9 received the\ngod Tohil; Balam Agab received the god Avilix; and Mahucutah received\nthe god Hacavitz; all very powerful gods, but Tohil seems to have been\nthe chief, and in a general way, god of the whole Quich\u00e9 nation. Other\npeople received gods at the same time; and it had been for all a long\nmarch to Tulan.\n\nNow the Quich\u00e9s had as yet no fire, and as Tulan was a much colder\nclimate than the happy eastern land they had left, they soon began to\nfeel the want of it. The god Tohil who was the creator of fire had\nsome in his possession; so to him, as was most natural, the Quich\u00e9s\napplied, and Tohil in some way supplied them with fire.\n\nBut shortly after, there fell a great rain that extinguished all the\nfires of the land; and much hail also fell on the heads of the people;\nand because of the rain and the hail, their fires were utterly\nscattered and put out. Then Tohil created fire again by stamping with\nhis sandal. Several times thus fire failed them, but Tohil always\nrenewed it. Many other trials also they underwent in Tulan, famines\nand such things, and a general dampness and cold--for the earth was\nmoist, there being as yet no sun.\n\nHere also the language of all the families was confused so that no one\nof the first four men could any longer understand the speech of\nanother. This also made them very sad. They determined to leave Tulan;\nand the greater part of them, under the guardianship and direction of\nTohil, set out to see where they should take up their abode. They\ncontinued on their way amid the most extreme hardships for want of\nfood; sustaining themselves at one time upon the mere smell of their\nstaves, and by imagining that they were eating, when in verity and in\ntruth, they ate nothing. Their heart, indeed, it is again and again\nsaid, was almost broken by affliction. Poor wanderers! they had a\ncruel way to go, many forests to pierce, many stern mountains to\noverpass and a long passage to make through the sea, along the shingle\nand pebbles and drifted sand--the sea being, however, parted for\ntheir passage.\n\n  [Sidenote: QUICH\u00c9 ORIGIN OF THE SUN.]\n\nAt last they came to a mountain that they named Hacavitz, after one of\ntheir gods, and here they rested--for here they were by some means\ngiven to understand that they should see the sun. Then indeed, was\nfilled with an exceeding joy the heart of Balam-Quitz\u00e9, of\nBalam-Agab, of Mahucutah, and of Iqi-Balam. It seemed to them that\neven the face of the morning star caught a new and more resplendent\nbrightness. They shook their incense pans and danced for very\ngladness: sweet were their tears in dancing, very hot their\nincense--their precious incense. At last the sun commenced to advance:\nthe animals, small and great, were full of delight; they raised\nthemselves to the surface of the water; they fluttered in the ravines;\nthey gathered at the edge of the mountains, turning their heads\ntogether toward that part from which the sun came. And the lion and\nthe tiger roared. And the first bird that sang was that called the\nQueletzu. All the animals were beside themselves at the sight; the\neagle and the kite beat their wings, and every bird, both small and\ngreat. The men prostrated themselves on the ground, for their hearts\nwere full to the brim.\n\nAnd the sun, and the moon, and the stars were now all established. Yet\nwas not the sun then in the beginning the same as now; his heat wanted\nforce, and he was but as a reflection in a mirror; verily, say the\nhistories, not at all the same sun as that of to-day. Nevertheless he\ndried up and warmed the surface of the earth, and answered many good\nends.\n\nAnother wonder when the sun rose! The three tribal gods, Tohil,\nAvilix, and Hacavitz, were turned into stone, as were also the gods\nconnected with the lion, the tiger, the viper, and other fierce and\ndangerous animals. Perhaps we should not be alive at this\nmoment--continues the chronicle--because of the voracity of these\nfierce animals, of these lions, and tigers, and vipers; perhaps to-day\nour glory would not be in existence, had not the sun caused this\npetrification.\n\nAnd the people multiplied on this Mount Hacavitz, and here they built\ntheir city. It is here also that they began to sing that song called\nKamucu, 'we see.' They sang it, though it made their hearts ache, for\nthis is what they said in singing: Alas! We ruined ourselves in Tulan,\nthere lost we many of our kith and kin, they still remain there, left\nbehind! We indeed have seen the sun, but they--now that his golden\nlight begins to appear, where are they?\n\nAnd they worshiped the gods that had become stone, Tohil, Avilix, and\nHacavitz; and they offered them the blood of beasts, and of birds, and\npierced their own ears and shoulders in honor of these gods, and\ncollected the blood with a sponge, and pressed it out into a cup\nbefore them.\n\nToward the end of their long and eventful life Balam-Quitz\u00e9,\nBalam-Agab, Mahucutah, and Iqi-Balam were impelled, apparently by a\nsupernatural vision, to lay before their gods a more awful offering\nthan the life of senseless beasts. They began to wet their altars with\nthe heart's blood of human victims. From their mountain hold they\nwatched for lonely travelers belonging to the surrounding tribes,\nseized, overpowered, and slew them for a sacrifice. Man after man was\nmissing in the neighboring villages; and the people said: Lo! the\ntigers have carried them away--for wherever the blood was of a man\nslain, were always found the tracks of many tigers. Now this was the\ncraft of the priests, and at last the tribes began to suspect the\nthing and to follow the tracks of the tigers. But the trails had been\nmade purposely intricate, by steps returning on themselves and by the\nobliteration of steps; and the mountain region where the altars were\nwas already covered with a thick fog and a small rain, and its paths\nflowed with mud.\n\nThe hearts of the villagers were thus fatigued within them, pursuing\nunknown enemies. At last, however, it became plain that the gods\nTohil, Avilix and Hacavitz, and their worship, were in some way or\nother the cause of this bereavement: so the people of the villages\nconspired against them. Many attacks, both openly and by ruses, did\nthey make on the gods, and on the four men, and on the children and\npeople connected with them; but not once did they succeed, so great\nwas the wisdom, and power, and courage of the four men and of their\ndeities. And these three gods petrified, as we have told, could\nnevertheless resume a movable shape when they pleased; which indeed\nthey often did, as will be seen hereafter.\n\nAt last the war was finished. By the miraculous aid of a horde of\nwasps and hornets, the Quich\u00e9s utterly defeated and put to the rout in\na general battle all their enemies. And the tribes humiliated\nthemselves before the face of Balam-Quitz\u00e9, of Balam-Agab, and of\nMahucutah: Unfortunates that we are, they said, spare to us at least\nour lives. Let it be so, it was answered, although you be worthy of\ndeath; you shall, however, be our tributaries and serve us, as long as\nthe sun endure, as long as the light shall follow his course. This was\nthe reply of our fathers and mothers, upon Mount Hacavitz; and\nthereafter they lived in great honor and peace, and their souls had\nrest, and all the tribes served them there.\n\n  [Sidenote: THE END OF THE QUICH\u00c9 CREATION.]\n\nNow it came to pass that the time of the death of Balam-Quitz\u00e9,\nBalam-Agab, Mahucutah, and Iqi-Balam drew near. No bodily sickness nor\nsuffering came upon them; but they were forewarned that their death\nand their end was at hand. Then they called their sons and their\ndescendants round them to receive their last counsels.\n\nAnd the heart of the old men was rent within them. In the anguish of\ntheir heart they sang the Kamucu, the old sad song that they had sung\nwhen the sun first rose, when the sun rose and they thought of the\nfriends they had left in Tulan, whose face they should see no more\nforever. Then they took leave of their wives, one by one; and of their\nsons, one by one; of each in particular they took leave; and they\nsaid: We return to our people; already the King of the Stags is\nready, he stretches himself through the heaven. Lo, we are about to\nreturn; our work is done; the days of our life are complete. Remember\nus well; let us never pass from your memory. You will see still our\nhouses and our mountains; multiply in them, and then go on upon your\nway and see again the places whence we are come.\n\nSo the old men took leave of their sons and of their wives; and\nBalam-Quitz\u00e9 spake again: Behold! he said, I leave you what shall keep\nme in remembrance. I have taken leave of you--and am filled with\nsadness, he added. Then instantly the four old men were not; but in\ntheir place was a great bundle; and it was never unfolded, neither\ncould any man find seam therein on rolling it over and over. So it was\ncalled the Majesty Enveloped; and it became a memorial of these\nfathers, and was held very dear and precious in the sight of the\nQuich\u00e9s; and they burned incense before it.[II-9]\n\nThus died and disappeared on Mount Hacavitz Balam-Quitz\u00e9, Balam-Agab,\nMahucutah, and Iqi-Balam, these first men who came from the east, from\nthe other side of the sea. Long time had they been here when they\ndied; and they were very old, and surnamed the Venerated and the\nSacrificers.\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\nSuch is the Quich\u00e9 account of the creation of the earth and its\ninhabitants and of the first years of the existence of mankind.\nAlthough we find here described in the plainest and least equivocal\nterms a supreme, all-powerful Creator of all things, there are joined\nwith him in a somewhat perplexing manner a number of auxiliary deities\nand makers. It may be that those whose faith the Popol Vuh represents,\nconceiving and speaking of their supreme god under many aspects and as\nfulfilling many functions, came at times, either unconsciously or for\ndramatic effect, to bring this one great Being upon their mythic\nstage, sustaining at once many of his different parts and characters.\nOr perhaps, like the Hebrews, they believed that the Creator had made\nout of nothing or out of his own essence, in some mysterious way,\nangels and other beings to obey and to assist him in his sovereign\ndesigns, and that these 'were called gods.' That these Quich\u00e9 notions\nseem foolishness to us, is no argument as to their adaptation to the\nlife and thoughts of those who believed them; for, in the words of\nProfessor Max M\u00fcller, \"the thoughts of primitive humanity were not\nonly different from our thoughts, but different also from what we\nthink their thoughts ought to have been.\"[II-10]\n\n  [Sidenote: MEXICAN COSMOGONY.]\n\nYet whatever be the inconsistencies that obscure the Popol Vuh, we\nfind them multiplied in the Mexican cosmogony, a tangled string of\nmeagre and apparently fragmentary traditions. There appear to have\nbeen two principal schools of opinion in An\u00e1huac, differing as to who\nwas the Creator of the world, as well as on other points--two veins\nof tradition, perhaps of common origin, which often seem to run into\none, and are oftener still considered as one by historians to whom\nthese heathen vanities were matters of little importance. The more\nadvanced school, ascribing its inspiration to Toltec sources, seems to\nhave flourished notably in Tezcuco, especially while the famous\nNezahualcoyotl reigned there, and to have had very definite\nmonotheistic ideas. It taught, as is asserted in unmistakable terms,\nthat all things had been made by one God, omnipotent and invisible;\nand to this school were probably owing the many gentle and beautiful\nideas and rites, mingled with the hard, coarse, and prosaic cult of\nthe mass of the people.[II-11]\n\nThe other school may be considered as more distinctively national, and\nas representing more particularly the ordinary Mexican mind. To it is to\nbe ascribed by far the larger part of all we know about the Mexican\nreligion.[II-12] According to the version of this school, Tezcatlipoca,\na god whose birth and adventures are set forth hereafter, was the\ncreator of the material heaven and earth, though not of mankind; and\nsometimes even the honor of this partial creation is disputed by others\nof the gods.\n\nOne Mexican nation, again, according to an ancient writer of their own\nblood, affirmed that the earth had been created by chance; and as for\nthe heavens, they had always existed.[II-13]\n\n  [Sidenote: CHIMALPOPOCA MANUSCRIPT.]\n\nFrom the fragments of the Chimalpopoca manuscript given by the Abb\u00e9\nBrasseur de Bourbourg we learn that the Creator--whoever he may have\nbeen--produced his work in successive epochs. In the sign Tochtli, the\nearth was created; in the sign Acatl was made the firmament, and in\nthe sign Tecpatl the animals. Man it is added, was made and animated\nout of ashes or dust by God on the seventh day, Ehecatl, but finished\nand perfected by that mysterious personage Quetzalcoatl. However this\naccount may be reconciled with itself or with others, it further\nappears that man was four times made and four times destroyed.[II-14]\n\nThis may perhaps be looked upon as proceeding from what I have called\nfor convenience the Toltecan school, though this particular fragment\nshows traces of Christian influence. What follows seems however to\nbelong to a distinctively Mexican and ruder vein of thought. It is\ngathered from Mendieta, who was indebted again to Fray Andres de\nOlmos, one of the earliest missionaries among the Mexicans of whom he\ntreats; and it is decidedly one of the most authentic accounts of such\nmatters extant.\n\n  [Sidenote: AZTEC CREATION-MYTHS.]\n\nThe Mexicans in most of the provinces were agreed that there was a god\nin heaven called Citlalatonac, and a goddess called Citlalicue;[II-15]\nand that this goddess had given birth to a flint knife, Tecpatl. Now\nshe had many sons living with her in heaven, who seeing this\nextraordinary thing were alarmed, and flung the flint down to the\nearth. It fell in a place called Chicomoztoc, that is to say the Seven\nCaves, and there immediately sprang up from it one thousand six\nhundred gods. These gods being alone on the earth--though as will\nhereafter appear, there had been men in the world at a former\nperiod--sent up their messenger Tlotli, the Hawk, to pray their\nmother to empower them to create men, so that they might have servants\nas became their lineage. Citlalicue seemed to be a little ashamed of\nthese sons of hers, born in so strange a manner, and she twitted them\ncruelly enough on what they could hardly help: Had you been what you\nought to have been, she exclaimed, you would still be in my company.\nNevertheless she told them what to do in the matter of obtaining their\ndesire: Go beg of Mictlanteuctli, Lord of Hades, that he may give you\na bone or some ashes of the dead that are with him; which having\nreceived you shall sacrifice over it, sprinkling blood from your own\nbodies. And the fallen gods having consulted together, sent one of\ntheir number, called Xolotl,[II-16] down to hades as their mother had\nadvised. He succeeded in getting a bone of six feet long from\nMictlanteuctli; and then, wary of his grisly host, he took an abrupt\ndeparture, running at the top of his speed. Wroth at this, the\ninfernal chief gave chase; not causing to Xolotl, however, any more\nserious inconvenience than a hasty fall in which the bone was broken\nin pieces. The messenger gathered up what he could in all haste, and\ndespite his stumble made his escape. Reaching the earth, he put the\nfragments of bone into a basin, and all the gods drew blood from their\nbodies and sprinkled it into the vessel. On the fourth day there was a\nmovement among the wetted bones and a boy lay there before all; and in\nfour days more, the blood-letting and sprinkling being still kept up,\na girl was lifted from the ghastly dish. The children were given to\nXolotl to bring up; and he fed them on the juice of the maguey.[II-17]\nIncreasing in stature, they became man and woman; and from them are\nthe people of the present day descended, who, even as the primordial\nbone was broken into unequal pieces, vary in size and shape. The name\nof this first man was Iztacmixcuatl, and the name of his wife\nIlancueitl,[II-18] and they had six sons born to them, whose descendants,\nwith their god-masters, in process of time moved eastward from their\noriginal home, almost universally described as having been towards\nJalisco.\n\nNow there had been no sun in existence for many years; so the gods\nbeing assembled in a place called Teotihuacan, six leagues from\nMexico, and gathered at the time round a great fire, told their\ndevotees that he of them who should first cast himself into that fire,\nshould have the honor of being transformed into a sun. So one of them\ncalled Nanahuatzin--either as most say, out of pure bravery, or as\nSahagun relates, because his life had become a burden to him through a\nsyphilitic disease--flung himself into the fire. Then the gods began\nto peer through the gloom in all directions for the expected light and\nto make bets as to what part of heaven he should first appear in. And\nsome said Here, and some said There; but when the sun rose they were\nall proved wrong, for not one of them had fixed upon the east.[II-19]\nAnd in that same hour, though they knew it not, the decree went forth\nthat they should all die by sacrifice.\n\n  [Sidenote: HOW THE SUN WAS PLACED IN THE HEAVENS.]\n\nThe sun had risen indeed, and with a glory of the cruel fire about him\nthat not even the eyes of the gods could endure; but he moved not.\nThere he lay on the horizon; and when the deities sent Tlotli their\nmessenger to him, with orders that he should go on upon his way, his\nominous answer was, that he would never leave that place till he had\ndestroyed and put an end to them all. Then a great fear fell upon\nsome, while others were moved only to anger; and among the latter was\none Citli, who immediately strung his bow and advanced against the\nglittering enemy. By quickly lowering his head the Sun avoided the\nfirst arrow shot at him; but the second and third had attained his\nbody in quick succession, when, filled with fury, he seized the last\nand launched it back upon his assailant. And the brave Citli laid\nshaft to string nevermore, for the arrow of the sun pierced his\nforehead.\n\nThen all was dismay in the assembly of the gods, and despair filled\ntheir heart, for they saw that they could not prevail against the\nshining one; and they agreed to die, and to cut themselves open\nthrough the breast. Xolotl was appointed minister, and he killed his\ncompanions one by one, and last of all he slew himself also.[II-20] So\nthey died like gods; and each left to the sad and wondering men who\nwere his servants, his garments for a memorial. And these servants\nmade up, each party, a bundle of the raiment that had been left to\nthem, binding it about a stick into which they had bedded a small\ngreen stone to serve as a heart. These bundles were called\n_tlaquimilloli_, and each bore the name of that god whose memorial it\nwas; and these things were more reverenced than the ordinary gods of\nstone and wood of the country. Fray Andres de Olmos found one of these\nrelics in Tlalmanalco, wrapped up in many cloths, and half rotten with\nbeing kept hid so long.[II-21]\n\nImmediately on the death of the gods the sun began his motion in the\nheavens; and a man called Tecuzistecatl, or Tezcociztecatl, who, when\nNanahuatzin leaped into the fire, had retired into a cave, now emerged\nfrom his concealment as the moon. Others say that instead of going\ninto a cave, this Tecuzistecatl, had leaped into the fire after\nNanahuatzin, but that, the heat of the fire being somewhat abated, he\nhad come out less brilliant than the sun. Still another variation is,\nthat the sun and moon came out equally bright, but this not seeming\ngood to the gods, one of them took a rabbit by the heels and slung it\ninto the face of the moon, dimming its lustre with a blotch whose mark\nmay be seen to this day.\n\nAfter the gods had died in the way herein related, leaving their\ngarments behind as relics, those servants went about everywhere,\nbearing these relics like bundles upon their shoulders, very sad and\npensive and wondering if ever again they would see their departed\ngods. Now the name of one of these deceased deities was Tezcatlipoca,\nand his servant having arrived at the sea coast, was favored with an\napparition of his master in three different shapes. And Tezcatlipoca\nspake to his servant saying: Come hither, thou that lovest me so well,\nthat I may tell thee what thou hast to do. Go now to the House of the\nSun and fetch thence singers and instruments so that thou mayest make\nme a festival; but first call upon the whale, and upon the siren, and\nupon the tortoise, and they shall make thee a bridge to the sun.\n\nThen was all this done; and the messenger went across the sea upon his\nliving bridge, towards the House of the Sun, singing what he had to\nsay. And the Sun heard the song, and he straitly charged his people\nand servants, saying: See now that ye make no response to this chant,\nfor whoever replies to it must be taken away by the singer. But the\nsong was so exceeding sweet that some of them could not but answer,\nand they were lured away, bearing with them the drum, _teponaztli_,\nand the kettle-drum, _vevetl_. Such was the origin of the festivals\nand the dances to the gods; and the songs sung during these dances\nthey held as prayers, singing them always with great accuracy of\nintonation and time.\n\n  [Sidenote: THE TEZCUCAN ACCOUNT OF THE CREATION.]\n\nIn their oral traditions, the Tezcucans agreed with the usual Mexican\naccount of creation--the falling of the flint from heaven to earth,\nand so on--but what they afterward showed in a picture, and explained\nto Fray Andres de Olmos as the manner of the creation of mankind, was\nthis: The event took place in the land of Aculma, on the Tezcucan\nboundary at a distance of two leagues from Tezcuco and of five from\nMexico. It is said that the sun, being at the hour of nine, cast a\ndart into the earth at the place we have mentioned and made a hole;\nfrom this hole a man came out, the first man and somewhat imperfect\nwithal, as there was no more of him than from the arm-pits up, much\nlike the conventional European cherub, only without wings. After that\nthe woman came up out of the hole. The rest of the story was not\nconsidered proper for printing by Mendieta; but at any rate from these\ntwo are mankind descended. The name of the first man was\nAculmaitl--that is to say, _aculli_, shoulder, and _maitl_, hand or\narm--and from him the town of Aculma is said to take its name.[II-22]\nAnd this etymology seems to make it probable that the details of this\nmyth are derived, to some extent, from the name of the place in which\nit was located; or that the name of the first man belonging to an\nearly phase of the language, has been misunderstood, and that to the\nfalse etymology the details of the myth are owing.\n\nAs already stated there had been men on the earth previous to that\nfinal and perfect creation of man from the bone supplied by\nMictlanteuctli, and wetted by the gods with their own blood at the\nplace of the Seven Caves. These men had been swept away by a\nsuccession of great destructions. With regard to the number of these\ndestructions it is hard to speak positively, as on no single point in\nthe wide range of early American religion, does there exist so much\ndifference of opinion. All the way from twice to five times, following\ndifferent accounts, has the world been desolated by tremendous\nconvulsions of nature. I follow most closely the version of the\nTezcucan historian Ixtlilxochitl, as being one of the earliest\naccounts, as, prima facie, from its origin, one of the most authentic,\nand as being supported by a majority of respectable historians up to\nthe time of Humboldt.\n\n  [Sidenote: THE AGES OR SUNS OF THE MEXICANS.]\n\nOf the creation which ushered in the first age we know nothing; we are\nonly told by Boturini, that giants then began to appear on the earth.\nThis First Age; or 'sun,' was called the Sun of the Water, and it was\nended by a tremendous flood in which every living thing perished, or\nwas transformed, except, following some accounts, one man and one\nwoman of the giant race, of whose escape more hereafter. The Second\nAge, called the Sun of the Earth, was closed with earthquakes,\nyawnings of the earth, and the overthrow of the highest mountains.\nGiants, or Quinam\u00e9s, a powerful and haughty race still appear to be\nthe only inhabitants of the world. The Third Age was the Sun of the\nAir. It was ended by tempests and hurricanes, so destructive that few\nindeed of the inhabitants of the earth were left; and those that were\nsaved, lost, according to the Tlascaltec account, their reason and\nspeech, becoming monkeys.\n\nThe present is the Fourth Age. To it appear to belong the falling of\nthe goddess-born flint from heaven, the birth of the sixteen hundred\nheroes from that flint, the birth of mankind from the bone brought\nfrom hades, the transformation of Nanahuatzin into the sun, the\ntransformation of Tezcatecatl into the moon, and the death of the\nsixteen hundred heroes or gods. It is called the Sun of Fire, and is\nto be ended by a universal conflagration.[II-23]\n\nConnected with the great flood of water, there is a Mexican tradition\npresenting some analogies to the story of Noah and his ark. In most of\nthe painted manuscripts supposed to relate to this event, a kind of\nboat is represented floating over the waste of water, and containing a\nman and a woman. Even the Tlascaltecs, the Zapotecs, the Miztecs, and\nthe people of Michoacan are said to have had such pictures. The man is\nvariously called Coxcox, Teocipactli, Tezpi, and Nata; the woman\nXochiquetzal and Nena.[II-24]\n\n  [Sidenote: THE TOWER OF BABEL.]\n\nThe following has been usually accepted as the ordinary Mexican\nversion of this myth: In Atonatiuh, the Age of Water, a great flood\ncovered all the face of the earth, and the inhabitants thereof were\nturned into fishes. Only one man and one woman escaped, saving\nthemselves in the hollow trunk of an _ahahuete_ or bald cypress; the\nname of the man being Coxcox, and that of his wife Xochiquetzal. On\nthe waters abating a little they grounded their ark on the Peak of\nColhuacan, the Ararat of Mexico. Here they increased and multiplied,\nand children began to gather about them, children who were all born\ndumb. And a dove came and gave them tongues, innumerable languages.\nOnly fifteen of the descendants of Coxcox, who afterward became heads\nof families, spake the same language or could at all understand each\nother; and from these fifteen are descended the Toltecs, the Aztecs,\nand the Acolh\u00faas. This dove is not the only bird mentioned in these\ndeluvial traditions, and must by no means be confounded with the birds\nof another palpably Christianized story. For in Michoacan a tradition\nwas preserved, following which the name of the Mexican Noah was Tezpi.\nWith better fortune than that ascribed to Coxcox, he was able to save,\nin a spacious vessel, not only himself and his wife, but also his\nchildren, several animals, and a quantity of grain for the common use.\nWhen the waters began to subside, he sent out a vulture that it might\ngo to and fro on the earth and bring him word again when the dry land\nbegan to appear. But the vulture fed upon the carcasses that were\nstrewed in every part, and never returned. Then Tezpi sent out other\nbirds, and among these was a humming-bird. And when the sun began to\ncover the earth with a new verdure, the humming-bird returned to its\nold refuge bearing green leaves. And Tezpi saw that his vessel was\naground near the mountain of Colhuacan and he landed there.\n\nThe Mexicans round Cholula had a special legend, connecting the escape\nof a remnant from the great deluge with the often-mentioned story of\nthe origin of the people of An\u00e1huac from Chicomoztoc, or the Seven\nCaves. At the time of the cataclysm, the country, according to Pedro\nde los Rios, was inhabited by giants. Some of these perished utterly;\nothers were changed into fishes; while seven brothers of them found\nsafety by closing themselves into certain caves in a mountain called\nTlaloc. When the waters were assuaged, one of the giants, Xelhua,\nsurnamed the Architect, went to Cholula and began to build an\nartificial mountain, as a monument and a memorial of the Tlaloc that\nhad sheltered him and his when the angry waters swept through all the\nland. The bricks were made in Tlamanalco, at the foot of the Sierra de\nCocotl, and passed to Cholula from hand to hand along a file of\nmen--whence these came is not said--stretching between the two places.\nThen were the jealousy and the anger of the gods aroused, as the huge\npyramid rose slowly up, threatening to reach the clouds and the great\nheaven itself; and the gods launched their fire upon the builders and\nslew many, so that the work was stopped.[II-25] But the half-finished\nstructure, afterwards dedicated by the Cholultecs to Quetzalcoatl,\nstill remains to show how well Xelhua, the giant, deserved his surname\nof the Architect.\n\n  [Sidenote: THE MEXICAN DELUGE.]\n\nYet another record remains to us of a traditional Mexican deluge, in\nthe following extract from the Chimalpopoca Manuscript. Its words seem\nto have a familiar sound; but it would hardly be scientific to draw\nfrom such a fragment any very sweeping conclusion as to its\nrelationship, whether that be Quich\u00e9 or Christian:--\n\nWhen the Sun, or Age, Nahui-Atl came, there had passed already four\nhundred years; then came two hundred years, then seventy and six, and\nthen mankind were lost and drowned and turned into fishes. The waters\nand the sky drew near each other; in a single day all was lost; the\nday Four Flower consumed all that there was of our flesh. And this\nyear was the year Ce-Calli; on the first day, Nahui-Atl, all was lost.\nThe very mountains were swallowed up in the flood and the waters\nremained, lying tranquil during fifty and two spring-times. But before\nthe flood began, Titlacahuan had warned the man Nata and his wife\nNena, saying: Make now no more pulque, but hollow out to yourselves a\ngreat cypress, into which you shall enter when, in the month Tozoztli,\nthe waters shall near the sky. Then they entered into it, and when\nTitlacahuan had shut them in, he said to the man: Thou shalt eat but a\nsingle ear of maize, and thy wife but one also. And when they had\nfinished eating, each an ear of maize, they prepared to set forth, for\nthe waters remained tranquil and their log moved no longer; and\nopening it they began to see the fishes. Then they lit a fire, rubbing\npieces of wood together, and they roasted fish. And behold the deities\nCitlallinicu\u00e9 and Citlallatonac looking down from above, cried out: O\ndivine Lord! what is this fire that they make there? wherefore do they\nso fill the heaven with smoke? And immediately Titlacahuan\nTetzcatlipoca came down, and set himself to grumble, saying: What does\nthis fire here? Then he seized the fishes and fashioned them behind\nand before, and changed them into dogs.[II-26]\n\nWe turn now to the traditions of some nations situated on the\noutskirts of the Mexican Empire, traditions differing from those of\nMexico, if not in their elements, at least in the combination of those\nelements. Following our usual custom, I give the following legend\nbelonging to the Miztecs just as they themselves were accustomed to\ndepict and to interpret it in their primitive scrolls:--[II-27]\n\n  [Sidenote: THE FLYING HEROES OF MIZTECA.]\n\nIn the year and in the day of obscurity and darkness, yea even before\nthe days or the years were, when the world was in a great darkness and\nchaos, when the earth was covered with water and there was nothing but\nmud and slime on all the face of the earth--behold a god became\nvisible, and his name was the Deer, and his surname was the\nLion-Snake. There appeared also a very beautiful goddess called the\nDeer, and surnamed the Tiger-Snake.[II-28] These two gods were the\norigin and beginning of all the gods.\n\nNow when these two gods became visible in the world, they made, in\ntheir knowledge and omnipotence, a great rock, upon which they built a\nvery sumptuous palace, a masterpiece of skill, in which they made\ntheir abode upon earth. On the highest part of this building there was\nan axe of copper, the edge being uppermost, and on this axe the\nheavens rested.\n\nThis rock and the palace of the gods were on a mountain in the\nneighborhood of the town of Apoala in the province of Mizteca Alta.\nThe rock was called The Place of Heaven; there the gods first abode on\nearth, living many years in great rest and content, as in a happy and\ndelicious land, though the world still lay in obscurity and darkness.\n\nThe father and mother of all the gods being here in their place, two\nsons were born to them, very handsome and very learned in all wisdom\nand arts. The first was called the Wind of Nine Snakes, after the name\nof the day on which he was born; and the second was called, in like\nmanner, the Wind of Nine Caves. Very daintily indeed were these youths\nbrought up. When the elder wished to amuse himself, he took the form\nof an eagle, flying thus far and wide; the younger turned himself into\na small beast of a serpent shape, having wings that he used with such\nagility and sleight that he became invisible, and flew through rocks\nand walls even as through the air. As they went, the din and clamor of\nthese brethren was heard by those over whom they passed. They took\nthese figures to manifest the power that was in them, both in\ntransforming themselves and in resuming again their original shape.\nAnd they abode in great peace in the mansion of their parents, so they\nagreed to make a sacrifice and an offering to these gods, to their\nfather and to their mother. Then they took each a censer of clay, and\nput fire therein, and poured in ground _bele\u00f1o_ for incense; and this\noffering was the first that had ever been made in the world. Next the\nbrothers made to themselves a garden, in which they put many trees,\nand fruit-trees, and flowers, and roses, and odorous herbs of\ndifferent kinds. Joined to this garden they laid out a very beautiful\nmeadow, which they fitted up with all things necessary for offering\nsacrifice to the gods. In this manner the two brethren left their\nparents' house, and fixed themselves in this garden to dress it and to\nkeep it, watering the trees and the plants and the odorous herbs,\nmultiplying them, and burning incense of powder of bele\u00f1o in censers\nof clay to the gods, their father and mother. They made also vows to\nthese gods, and promises, praying that it might seem good to them to\nshape the firmament and lighten the darkness of the world, and to\nestablish the foundation of the earth, or rather to gather the waters\ntogether so that the earth might appear--as they had no place to rest\nin save only one little garden. And to make their prayers more\nobligatory upon the gods, they pierced their ears and tongues with\nflakes of flint, sprinkling the blood that dropped from the wounds\nover the trees and plants of the garden with a willow branch, as a\nsacred and blessed thing. After this sort they employed themselves,\npostponing pleasure till the time of the granting of their desire,\nremaining always in subjection to the gods, their father and mother,\nand attributing to them more power and divinity than they really\npossessed.\n\nFray Garcia here makes a break in the relation--that he may not weary\nhis readers with so many absurdities--but it would appear that the\nfirmament was arranged and the earth made fit for mankind, who about\nthat time must also have made their appearance. For there came a great\ndeluge afterwards, wherein perished many of the sons and daughters\nthat had been born to the gods; and it is said that when the deluge\nwas passed the human race was restored as at the first, and the\nMiztec kingdom populated, and the heavens and the earth established.\n\nThis we may suppose to have been the traditional origin of the common\npeople; but the governing family of Mizteca proclaimed themselves the\ndescendants of two youths born from two majestic trees that stood at\nthe entrance of the gorge of Apoala, and that maintained themselves\nthere despite a violent wind continually rising from a cavern in the\nvicinity.\n\n  [Sidenote: THE DUEL WITH THE SUN.]\n\nWhether the trees of themselves produced these youths, or whether some\nprimeval \u00c6sir, as in the Scandinavian story, gave them shape and blood\nand breath and sense, we know not. We are only told that soon or late\nthe youths separated, each going his own way to conquer lands for\nhimself. The braver of the two coming to the vicinity of Tilantongo,\narmed with buckler and bow, was much vexed and oppressed by the ardent\nrays of the sun, which he took to be the lord of that district\nstriving to prevent his entrance therein. Then the young warrior\nstrung his bow, and advanced his buckler before him, and drew shafts\nfrom his quiver. He shot there against the great light even till the\ngoing down of the same; then he took possession of all that land,\nseeing he had grievously wounded the sun, and forced him to hide\nbehind the mountains. Upon this story is founded the lordship of all\nthe caciques of Mizteca, and upon their descent from this mighty\narcher their ancestor. Even to this day, the chiefs of the Miztecs\nblazon as their arms a plumed chief with bow, arrows, and shield, and\nthe sun in front of him setting behind gray clouds.[II-29]\n\nOf the origin of the Zapotecs, a people bordering on these Miztecs,\nBurgoa says, with a touching simplicity, that he could find no account\nworthy of belief. Their historical paintings he ascribes to the\ninvention of the devil, affirming hotly that these people were blinder\nin such vanities than the Egyptians and the Chaldeans. Some, he said,\nto boast of their valor made themselves out the sons of lions and\ndivers wild beasts; others, grand lords of ancient lineage, were\nproduced by the greatest and most shady trees; while still others of\nan unyielding and obstinate nature, were descended from rocks. Their\nlanguage, continues the worthy Provincial, striking suddenly and by an\nundirected shot the very center of mythological interpretation--their\nlanguage was full of metaphors; those who wished to persuade spake\nalways in parables, and in like manner painted their historians.[II-30]\n\nIn Guatemala, according to the relations given to Father Ger\u00f3nimo\nRoman by the natives, it was believed there was a time when nothing\nexisted but a certain divine Father called Xchmel, and a divine Mother\ncalled Xtmana. To these were born three sons,[II-31] the eldest of whom,\nfilled with pride and presumption, set about a creation contrary to\nthe will of his parents. But he could create nothing save old vessels\nfit for mean uses, such as earthen pots, jugs, and things still more\ndespicable; and he was hurled into hades. Then the two younger\nbrethren, called respectively Hunchevan and Hunavan, prayed their\nparents for permission to attempt the work in which their brother had\nfailed so signally. And they were granted leave, being told at the\nsame time, that inasmuch as they had humbled themselves, they would\nsucceed in their undertaking. Then they made the heavens, and the\nearth with the plants thereon, and fire and air, and out of the earth\nitself they made a man and a woman--presumably the parents of the\nhuman race.\n\nAccording to Torquemada, there was a deluge some time after this, and\nafter the deluge the people continued to invoke as god the great\nFather and the great Mother already mentioned. But at last a\nprincipal woman[II-32] among them, having received a revelation from\nheaven, taught them the true name of God, and how that name should be\nadored; all this, however, they afterward forgot.[II-33]\n\nIn Nicaragua, a country where the principal language was a Mexican\ndialect, it was believed that ages ago the world was destroyed by a\nflood in which the most part of mankind perished. Afterward the\n_teotes_, or gods, restocked the earth as at the beginning. Whence\ncame the teotes, no one knows; but the names of two of them who took a\nprincipal part in the creation were Tamagostat and Cipattonal.[II-34]\n\n  [Sidenote: THE COYOTE OF THE PAPAGOS.]\n\nLeaving now the Central American region we pass north into the Papago\ncountry, lying south of the Gila, with the river Santa Cruz on the\neast and the Gulf of California on the west. Here we meet for the\nfirst time the coyote, or prairie wolf; we find him much more than an\nanimal, something more even than a man, only a little lower than the\ngods. In the following Papago myth[II-35] he figures as a prophet, and\nas a minister and assistant to a certain great hero-god Montezuma, whom\nwe are destined to meet often, and in many characters, as a central\nfigure in the myths of the Gila valley:--\n\n  [Sidenote: LEGEND OF MONTEZUMA.]\n\nThe Great Spirit made the earth and all living things, before he made\nman. And he descended from heaven, and digging in the earth, found\nclay such as the potters use, which, having again ascended into the\nsky, he dropped into the hole that he had dug. Immediately there came\nout Montezuma and, with the assistance of Montezuma, the rest of the\nIndian tribes in order. Last of all came the Apaches, wild from their\nnatal hour, running away as fast as they were created. Those first\ndays of the world were happy and peaceful days. The sun was nearer the\nearth than he is now; his grateful rays made all the seasons equal,\nand rendered garments unnecessary. Men and beasts talked together, a\ncommon language made all brethren. But an awful destruction ended this\nhappy age. A great flood destroyed all flesh wherein was the breath of\nlife; Montezuma and his friend the Coyote alone escaping. For before\nthe flood began, the Coyote prophesied its coming, and Montezuma took\nthe warning and hollowed out a boat to himself, keeping it ready on\nthe topmost summit of Santa Rosa. The Coyote also prepared an ark;\ngnawing down a great cane by the river bank, entering it, and stopping\nup the end with a certain gum. So when the waters rose these two saved\nthemselves, and met again at last on dry land after the flood had\npassed away. Naturally enough Montezuma was now anxious to know how\nmuch dry land had been left, and he sent the Coyote off on four\nsuccessive journeys, to find exactly where the sea lay toward each of\nthe four winds. From the west and from the south, the answer swiftly\ncame: The sea is at hand. A longer search was that made towards the\neast, but at last there too was the sea found. On the north only was\nno water found, though the faithful messenger almost wearied himself\nout with searching. In the meantime the Great Spirit, aided by\nMontezuma, had again repeopled the world, and animals and men began to\nincrease and multiply. To Montezuma had been allotted the care and\ngovernment of the new race; but puffed up with pride and self\nimportance, he neglected the most important duties of his onerous\nposition, and suffered the most disgraceful wickedness to pass\nunnoticed among the people. In vain the Great Spirit came down to\nearth and remonstrated with his vicegerent, who only scorned his laws\nand advice, and ended at last by breaking out into open rebellion.\nThen indeed the Great Spirit was filled with anger, and he returned to\nheaven, pushing back the sun on his way, to that remote part of the\nsky he now occupies. But Montezuma hardened his heart, and collecting\nall the tribes to aid him, set about building a house that should\nreach up to heaven itself. Already it had attained a great height, and\ncontained many apartments lined with gold, silver, and precious\nstones, the whole threatening soon to make good the boast of its\narchitect, when the Great Spirit launched his thunder, and laid its\nglory in ruins. Still Montezuma hardened himself; proud and\ninflexible, he answered the thunderer out of the haughty defiance of\nhis heart; he ordered the temple-houses to be desecrated, and the holy\nimages to be dragged in the dust, he made them a scoff and byword for\nthe very children in the village streets. Then the Great Spirit\nprepared his supreme punishment. He sent an insect flying away towards\nthe east, towards an unknown land, to bring the Spaniards. When these\ncame, they made war upon Montezuma and destroyed him, and utterly\ndissipated the idea of his divinity.[II-36]\n\n  [Sidenote: DELUGE OF THE PIMAS.]\n\nThe Pimas,[II-37] a neighboring and closely allied people to the Papagos,\nsay that the earth was made by a certain Chiowotmahke, that is to say\nEarth-prophet. It appeared in the beginning like a spider's web,\nstretching far and fragile across the nothingness that was. Then the\nEarth-prophet flew over all lands in the form of a butterfly, till he\ncame to the place he judged fit for his purpose, and there he made\nman. And the thing was after this wise: The Creator took clay in his\nhands, and mixing it with the sweat of his own body, kneaded the whole\ninto a lump. Then he blew upon the lump till it was filled with life\nand began to move; and it became man and woman. This Creator had a son\ncalled Szeukha, who, when the world was beginning to be tolerably\npeopled, lived in the Gila valley, where lived also at the same time a\ngreat prophet, whose name has been forgotten. Upon a certain night\nwhen the prophet slept, he was wakened by a noise at the door of his\nhouse, and when he looked, a great Eagle stood before him. And the\nEagle spake: Arise, thou that healest the sick, thou that shouldest\nknow what is to come, for behold a deluge is at hand. But the prophet\nlaughed the bird to scorn and gathered his robes about him and slept.\nAfterwards the Eagle came again and warned him of the waters near at\nhand; but he gave no ear to the bird at all. Perhaps he would not\nlisten because this Eagle had an exceedingly bad reputation among men,\nbeing reported to take at times the form of an old woman that lured\naway girls and children to a certain cliff so that they were never\nseen again; of this, however, more anon. A third time, the Eagle came\nto warn the prophet, and to say that all the valley of the Gila should\nbe laid waste with water; but the prophet gave no heed. Then, in the\ntwinkling of an eye, and even as the flapping of the Eagle's wings\ndied away into the night, there came a peal of thunder and an awful\ncrash; and a green mound of water reared itself over the plain. It\nseemed to stand upright for a second, then, cut incessantly by the\nlightning, goaded on like a great beast, it flung itself upon the\nprophet's hut. When the morning broke there was nothing to be seen\nalive but one man--if indeed he were a man; Szeukha, the son of the\nCreator, had saved himself by floating on a ball of gum or resin. On\nthe waters falling a little, he landed near the mouth of the Salt\nRiver, upon a mountain where there is a cave that can still be seen,\ntogether with the tools and utensils Szeukha used while he lived\nthere. Szeukha was very angry with the Great Eagle, who he probably\nthought had had more to do with bringing on the flood than appears in\nthe narrative. At any rate the general reputation of the bird was\nsufficiently bad, and Szeukha prepared a kind of rope ladder from a\nvery tough species of tree, much like woodbine, with the aid of which\nhe climbed up to the cliff where the Eagle lived, and slew him.[II-38]\nLooking about here, he found the mutilated and decaying bodies of a\ngreat multitude of those that the Eagle had stolen and taken for a\nprey; and he raised them all to life again and sent them away to\nrepeople the earth. In the house or den of the Eagle, he found a woman\nthat the monster had taken to wife, and a child. These he sent also\nupon their way, and from these are descended that great people called\nHohocam, 'ancients or grandfathers,' who were led in all their\nwanderings by an eagle, and who eventually passed into Mexico.[II-39] One\nof these Hohocam named Sivano, built the Casa Grande on the Gila, and\nindeed the ruins of this structure are called after his name to this\nday. On the death of Sivano, his son led a branch of the Hohocam to\nSalt River, where he built certain edifices and dug a large canal, or\n_acequia_. At last it came about that a woman ruled over the Hohocam.\nHer throne was cut out of a blue stone, and a mysterious bird was her\nconstant attendant. These Hohocam were at war with a people that lived\nto the east of them, on the Rio Verde, and one day the bird warned her\nthat the enemy was at hand. The warning was disregarded or it came too\nlate, for the eastern people came down in three bands; destroyed the\ncities of the Hohocam, and killed or drove away all the inhabitants.\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\nMost of the Pueblo tribes call themselves the descendants of\nMontezuma;[II-40] the Moquis, however, have a quite different story of\ntheir origin. They believe in a great Father living where the sun\nrises; and in a great Mother, whose home is where the sun goes down.\nThe Father is the father of evil, war, pestilence, and famine; but\nfrom the Mother are all joys, peace, plenty, and health. In the\nbeginning of time the Mother produced from her western home nine races\nof men in the following primary forms: First, the Deer race; second,\nthe Sand race; third, the Water race; fourth, the Bear race; fifth,\nthe Hare race; sixth, the Prairie-wolf race; seventh, the Rattle-snake\nrace; eighth, the Tobacco-plant race; and ninth, the Reed-grass race.\nAll these the Mother placed respectively on the spots where their\nvillages now stand, and transformed them into the men who built the\npresent Pueblos. These race-distinctions are still sharply kept up;\nfor they are believed to be realities, not only of the past and\npresent, but also of the future; every man when he dies shall be\nresolved into his primeval form; shall wave in the grass, or drift in\nthe sand, or prowl on the prairie as in the beginning.[II-41]\n\n  [Sidenote: CAVE-ORIGIN OF THE NAVAJOS.]\n\nThe Navajos, living north of the Pueblos, say that at one time all the\nnations, Navajos, Pueblos, Coyoteros, and white people, lived\ntogether, underground in the heart of a mountain near the river San\nJuan. Their only food was meat, which they had in abundance, for all\nkinds of game were closed up with them in their cave; but their light\nwas dim and only endured for a few hours each day. There were happily\ntwo dumb men among the Navajos, flute-players who enlivened the\ndarkness with music. One of these striking by chance on the roof of\nthe limbo with his flute, brought out a hollow sound, upon which the\nelders of the tribes determined to bore in the direction whence the\nsound came. The flute was then set up against the roof, and the\nRaccoon sent up the tube to dig a way out; but he could not. Then the\nMoth-worm mounted into the breach, and bored and bored till he found\nhimself suddenly on the outside of the mountain and surrounded by\nwater. Under these novel circumstances, he heaped up a little mound\nand set himself down on it to observe and ponder the situation. A\ncritical situation enough! for, from the four corners of the universe,\nfour great white Swans bore down upon him, every one with two arrows,\none under either wing. The Swan from the north reached him first, and\nhaving pierced him with two arrows, drew them out and examined their\npoints, exclaiming as the result: He is of my race. So also, in\nsuccession, did all the others. Then they went away; and towards the\ndirections in which they departed, to the north, south, east, and\nwest, were found four great _arroyos_, by which all the water flowed\noff, leaving only mud. The worm now returned to the cave, and the\nRaccoon went up into the mud, sinking in it mid-leg deep, as the marks\non his fur show to this day. And the wind began to rise, sweeping up\nthe four great arroyos, and the mud was dried away. Then the men and\nthe animals began to come up from their cave, and their coming up\nrequired several days. First came the Navajos, and no sooner had they\nreached the surface then they commenced gaming at _patole_, their\nfavorite game. Then came the Pueblos and other Indians who crop their\nhair and build houses. Lastly came the white people, who started off\nat once for the rising sun and were lost sight of for many winters.\n\nWhile these nations lived underground they all spake one tongue; but\nwith the light of day and the level of earth, came many languages. The\nearth was at this time very small and the light was quite as scanty as\nit had been down below; for there was as yet no heaven, nor sun, nor\nmoon, nor stars. So another council of the ancients was held and a\ncommittee of their number appointed to manufacture these luminaries. A\nlarge house or workshop was erected; and when the sun and moon were\nready, they were entrusted to the direction and guidance of the two\ndumb fluters already mentioned. The one who got charge of the sun came\nvery near, through his clumsiness in his new office, to making a\nPhaethon of himself and setting fire to the earth. The old men,\nhowever, either more lenient than Zeus or lacking his thunder,\ncontented themselves with forcing the offender back by puffing the\nsmoke of their pipes into his face. Since then the increasing size of\nthe earth has four times rendered it necessary that he should be put\nback, and his course farther removed from the world and from the\nsubterranean cave to which he nightly retires with the great light. At\nnight also the other dumb man issues from this cave, bearing the moon\nunder his arm, and lighting up such part of the world as he can. Next\nthe old men set to work to make the heavens, intending to broider in\nthe stars in beautiful patterns, of bears, birds, and such things. But\njust as they had made a beginning a prairie-wolf rushed in, and crying\nout: Why all this trouble and embroidery? scattered the pile of stars\nover all the floor of heaven, just as they still lie.\n\nWhen now the world and its firmament had been finished, the old men\nprepared two earthen _tinages_ or water-jars, and having decorated one\nwith bright colors, filled it with trifles; while the other was left\nplain on the outside, but filled within with flocks and herds and\nriches of all kinds. These jars being covered and presented to the\nNavajos and Pueblos, the former chose the gaudy but paltry jar; while\nthe Pueblos received the plain and rich vessel; each nation showing in\nits choice traits which characterize it to this day. Next there arose\namong the Navajos a great gambler, who went on winning the goods and\nthe persons of his opponents till he had won the whole tribe. Upon\nthis, one of the old men became indignant, set the gambler on his\nbowstring and shot him off into space--an unfortunate proceeding, for\nthe fellow returned in a short time with firearms and the Spaniards.\nLet me conclude by telling how the Navajos came by the seed they now\ncultivate: All the wise men being one day assembled, a turkey-hen came\nflying from the direction of the morning star, and shook from her\nfeathers an ear of blue corn into the midst of the company; and in\nsubsequent visits brought all the other seeds they possess.[II-42]\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\n  [Sidenote: ORIGIN-MYTHS OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA.]\n\nOf some tribes, we do not know that they possess any other ideas of\ntheir origin than the name of their first ancestor, or the name of a\ncreator or a tradition of his existence.\n\nThe Sinaloas, from Culiacan north to the Yaqui River, have dances in\nhonor of a certain Viriseva, the mother of the first man. This first\nman, who was her son, and called Vairubi, they hold in like\nesteem.[II-43] The Cochimis, of Lower California, amid an apparent\nmultiplicity of gods, say there is in reality only one, who created\nheaven, earth, plants, animals, and man.[II-44] The Pericues, also of\nLower California, call the creator Niparaya, and say that the heavens\nare his dwelling-place. A sect of the same tribe add that the stars\nare made of metal, and are the work of a certain Purutabui; while the\nmoon has been made by one Cucunumic.[II-45]\n\nThe nations of Los Angeles County, California, believe that their one\ngod, Quaoar, came down from heaven; and, after reducing chaos to\norder, put the world on the back of seven giants. He then created the\nlower animals, and lastly a man and a woman. These were made\nseparately out of earth and called, the man Tobohar, and the woman\nPabavit.[II-46]\n\nHugo Reid, to whom we are mainly indebted for the mythology of\nSouthern California, and who is an excellent authority, inasmuch as\nhis wife was an Indian woman of that country, besides the preceding\ngives us another and different tradition on the same subject: Two\ngreat Beings made the world, filled it with grass and trees, and gave\nform, life, and motion to the various animals that people land and\nsea. When this work was done, the elder Creator went up to heaven and\nleft his brother alone on the earth. The solitary god left below, made\nto himself men-children, that he should not be utterly companionless.\nFortunately also, about this time, the moon came to that neighborhood;\nshe was very fair in her delicate beauty, very kind-hearted, and she\nfilled the place of a mother to the men-children that the god had\ncreated. She watched over them, and guarded them from all evil things\nof the night, standing at the door of their lodge. The children grew\nup very happily, laying great store by the love with which their\nguardians regarded them; but there came a day when their heart\nsaddened, in which they began to notice that neither their god-creator\nnor their moon foster-mother gave them any longer undivided affection\nand care, but that instead, the two great ones seemed to waste much\nprecious love upon each other. The tall god began to steal out of\ntheir lodge at dusk, and spend the night watches in the company of the\nwhite-haired moon, who, on the other hand, did not seem on these\noccasions to pay such absorbing attention to her sentinel duty as at\nother times. The children grew sad at this, and bitter at the heart\nwith a boyish jealousy. But worse was yet to come: one night they were\nawakened by a querulous wailing in their lodge, and the earliest dawn\nshowed them a strange thing, which they afterwards came to know was a\nnew-born infant, lying in the doorway. The god and the moon had eloped\ntogether; their Great One had returned to his place beyond the ether,\nand that he might not be separated from his paramour, he had appointed\nher at the same time a lodge in the great firmament; where she may yet\nbe seen, with her gauzy robe and shining silver hair, treading\ncelestial paths. The child left on the earth was a girl. She grew up\nvery soft, very bright, very beautiful, like her mother; but like her\nmother also, O so fickle and frail! She was the first of woman-kind,\nfrom her are all other women descended, and from the moon; and as the\nmoon changes so they all change, say the philosophers of Los\nAngeles.[II-47]\n\n  [Sidenote: CENTRAL-CALIFORNIAN CREATION-MYTHS.]\n\nA much more prosaic and materialistic origin is that accorded to the\nmoon in the traditions of the Gallinomeros of Central California.[II-48]\nIn the beginning, they say, there was no light, but a thick darkness\ncovered all the earth. Man stumbled blindly against man and against\nthe animals, the birds clashed together in the air, and confusion\nreigned everywhere. The Hawk happening by chance to fly into the face\nof the Coyote, there followed mutual apologies and afterwards a long\ndiscussion on the emergency of the situation. Determined to make some\neffort toward abating the public evil, the two set about a remedy. The\nCoyote gathered a great heap of tules, rolled them into a ball, and\ngave it to the Hawk, together with some pieces of flint. Gathering all\ntogether as well as he could, the Hawk flew straight up into the sky,\nwhere he struck fire with the flints, lit his ball of reeds, and left\nit there, whirling along all in a fierce red glow as it continues to\nthe present; for it is the sun. In the same way the moon was made, but\nas the tules of which it was constructed were rather damp, its light\nhas been always somewhat uncertain and feeble.[II-49]\n\nIn northern California, we find the Mattoles,[II-50] who connect a\ntradition of a destructive flood with Taylor Peak, a mountain in their\nlocality, on which they say their forefathers took refuge. As to the\ncreation, they teach that a certain Big Man began by making the naked\nearth, silent and bleak, with nothing of plant or animal thereon, save\none Indian, who roamed about in a wofully hungry and desolate state.\nSuddenly there rose a terrible whirlwind, the air grew dark and thick\nwith dust and drifting sand, and the Indian fell upon his face in sore\ndread. Then there came a great calm, and the man rose and looked, and\nlo, all the earth was perfect and peopled; the grass and the trees\nwere green on every plain and hill; the beasts of the fields, the\nfowls of the air, the creeping things, the things that swim, moved\neverywhere in his sight. There is a limit set to the number of the\nanimals, which is this: only a certain number of animal spirits are in\nexistence; when one beast dies, his spirit immediately takes up its\nabode in another body, so that the whole number of animals is always\nthe same, and the original spirits move in an endless circle of earthy\nimmortality.[II-51]\n\n  [Sidenote: THE COYOTE OF THE CALIFORNIANS.]\n\nWe pass now to a train of myths in which the Coyote again appears,\nfiguring in many important and somewhat mystical r\u00f4les--figuring in\nfact as the great Somebody of many tribes. To him, though\ninvoluntarily as it appears, are owing the fish to be found in Clear\nLake. The story runs that one summer long ago there was a terrible\ndrought in that region, followed by a plague of grasshoppers. The\nCoyote ate a great quantity of these grasshoppers, and drank up the\nwhole lake to quench his thirst. After this he lay down to sleep off\nthe effects of his extraordinary repast, and while he slept a man came\nup from the south country and thrust him through with a spear. Then\nall the water he had drunk flowed back through his wound into the\nlake, and with the water the grasshoppers he had eaten; and these\ninsects became fishes, the same that still swim in Clear Lake.[II-52]\n\nThe Californians in most cases describe themselves as originating from\nthe Coyote, and more remotely, from the very soil they tread. In the\nlanguage of Mr. Powers--whose extended personal investigations give\nhim the right to speak with authority--\"All the aboriginal\ninhabitants of California, without exception, believe that their first\nancestors were created directly from the earth of their respective\npresent dwelling-places, and, in very many cases, that these ancestors\nwere coyotes.\"[II-53]\n\nThe Potoyantes give an ingenious account of the transformation of the\nfirst coyotes into men: There was an age in which no men existed,\nnothing but coyotes. When one of these animals died, his body used to\nbreed a multitude of little animals, much as the carcass of the huge\nYmir, rotting in Ginnunga-gap, bred the maggots that turned to dwarfs.\nThe little animals of our story were in reality spirits, which, after\ncrawling about for a time on the dead coyote, and taking all kinds of\nshapes, ended by spreading wings and floating off to the moon. This\nevidently would not do; the earth was in danger of becoming\ndepopulated; so the old coyotes took counsel together if perchance\nthey might devise a remedy. The result was a general order that, for\nthe time to come, all bodies should be incinerated immediately after\ndeath. Thus originated the custom of burning the dead, a custom still\nkept up among these people. We next learn--what indeed might have\nbeen expected of animals of such wisdom and parts--that these\nprimeval coyotes began by degrees to assume the shape of men. At\nfirst, it is true, with many imperfections; but, a toe, an ear, a\nhand, bit by bit, they were gradually builded up into the perfect form\nof man looking upward. For one thing they still grieve, however, of\nall their lost estate--their tails are gone. An acquired habit of\nsitting upright, has utterly erased and destroyed that beautiful\nmember. Lost is indeed lost, and gone is gone for ever, yet still when\nin dance and festival, the Potoyante throws off the weary burden of\nhard and utilitarian care, he attaches to himself, as nearly as may be\nin the ancient place, an artificial tail, and forgets for a happy hour\nthe degeneracy of the present in simulating the glory of the past.[II-54]\n\nThe Californians tell again of a great flood, or at least of a time\nwhen the whole country, with the exception of Mount Diablo and Reed\nPeak, was covered with water. There was a Coyote on the peak, the only\nliving thing the wide world over, and there was a single feather\ntossing about on the rippled water. The Coyote was looking at the\nfeather, and even as he looked, flesh and bones and other feathers,\ncame and joined themselves to the first, and became an Eagle. There\nwas a stir on the water, a rush of broad pinions, and before the\nwidening circles reached the island-hill, the bird stood beside the\nastonished Coyote. The two came soon to be acquainted and to be good\nfriends, and they made occasional excursions together to the other\nhill, the Eagle flying leisurely overhead while the Coyote swam. After\na time they began to feel lonely, so they created men; and as the men\nmultiplied the waters abated, till the dry land came to be much as it\nis at present.\n\n  [Sidenote: HOW THE GOLDEN GATE WAS OPENED.]\n\nNow, also, the Sacramento River and the San Joaquin began to find\ntheir way into the Pacific, through the mountains which, up to this\ntime, had stretched across the mouth of San Francisco Bay. No Poseidon\nclove the hills with his trident, as when the pleasant vale of Tempe\nwas formed, but a strong earthquake tore the rock apart and opened\nthe Golden Gate between the waters within and those without. Before\nthis there had existed only two outlets for the drainage of the whole\ncountry; one was the Russian River, and the other the San Juan.[II-55]\n\nThe natives in the vicinity of Lake Tahoe, ascribe its origin to a\ngreat natural convulsion. There was a time, they say, when their tribe\npossessed the whole earth, and were strong, numerous, and rich; but a\nday came in which a people rose up stronger than they, and defeated\nand enslaved them. Afterwards the Great Spirit sent an immense wave\nacross the continent from the sea, and this wave engulfed both the\noppressors and the oppressed, all but a very small remnant. Then the\ntaskmasters made the remaining people raise up a great temple, so that\nthey, of the ruling caste, should have a refuge in case of another\nflood, and on the top of this temple the masters worshiped a column of\nperpetual fire.\n\nHalf a moon had not elapsed, however, before the earth was again\ntroubled, this time with strong convulsions and thunderings, upon\nwhich the masters took refuge in their great tower, closing the people\nout. The poor slaves fled to the Humboldt River, and getting into\ncanoes paddled for life from the awful sight behind them. For the land\nwas tossing like a troubled sea, and casting up fire, smoke, and\nashes. The flames went up to the very heaven and melted many stars, so\nthat they rained down in molten metal upon the earth, forming the ore\nthat the white men seek. The Sierra was mounded up from the bosom of\nthe earth; while the place where the great fort stood sank, leaving\nonly the dome on the top exposed above the waters of Lake Tahoe. The\ninmates of the temple-tower clung to this dome to save themselves from\ndrowning; but the Great Spirit walked upon the waters in his wrath,\nand took the oppressors one by one like pebbles, and threw them far\ninto the recesses of a great cavern, on the east side of the lake,\ncalled to this day the Spirit Lodge, where the waters shut them in.\nThere must they remain till a last great volcanic burning, which is to\noverturn the whole earth, shall again set them free. In the depths of\ntheir cavern-prison they may still be heard, wailing and moaning, when\nthe snows melt and the waters swell in the lake.[II-56]\n\nWe again meet the Coyote among the Cahrocs of Klamath River in\nNorthern California. These Cahrocs believe in a certain Chareya, Old\nMan Above, who made the world, sitting the while upon a certain stool\nnow in the possession of the high-priest, or chief medicine-man. After\nthe creation of the earth, Chareya first made fishes, then the lower\nanimals, and lastly man, upon whom was conferred the power of\nassigning to each animal its respective duties and position. The man\ndetermined to give each a bow, the length of which should denote the\nrank of the receiver. So he called all the animals together, and told\nthem that next day, early in the morning, the distribution of bows\nwould take place. Now the Coyote greatly desired the longest bow; and,\nin order to be in first at the division, he determined to remain awake\nall night. His anxiety sustained him for some time; but just before\nmorning he gave way, and fell into a sound sleep. The consequence was,\nhe was last at the rendezvous, and got the shortest bow of all. The\nman took pity on his distress, however, and brought the matter to the\nnotice of Chareya, who, on considering the circumstances, decreed that\nthe Coyote should become the most cunning of animals, as he remains to\nthis time. The Coyote was very grateful to the man for his\nintercession, and he became his friend and the friend of his children,\nand did many things to aid mankind as we shall see hereafter.[II-57]\n\n  [Sidenote: MOUNT SHASTA THE WIGWAM OF THE GREAT SPIRIT.]\n\nThe natives in the neighborhood of Mount Shasta, in Northern\nCalifornia, say that the Great Spirit made this mountain first of all.\nBoring a hole in the sky, using a large stone as an auger, he pushed\ndown snow and ice until they had reached the desired height; then he\nstepped from cloud to cloud down to the great icy pile, and from it to\nthe earth, where he planted the first trees by merely putting his\nfinger into the soil here and there. The sun began to melt the snow;\nthe snow produced water; the water ran down the sides of the\nmountains, refreshed the trees, and made rivers. The Creator gathered\nthe leaves that fell from the trees, blew upon them, and they became\nbirds. He took a stick and broke it into pieces; of the small end he\nmade fishes; and of the middle of the stick he made animals--the\ngrizzly bear excepted, which he formed from the big end of his stick,\nappointing him to be master over all the others. Indeed this animal\nwas then so large, strong, and cunning, that the Creator somewhat\nfeared him, and hollowed out Mount Shasta as a wigwam for himself,\nwhere he might reside while on earth, in the most perfect security and\ncomfort. So the smoke was soon to be seen curling up from the\nmountain, where the Great Spirit and his family lived, and still live,\nthough their hearth-fire is alight no longer, now that the white man\nis in the land. This was thousands of snows ago, and there came after\nthis a late and severe spring-time, in which a memorable storm blew up\nfrom the sea, shaking the huge lodge to its base. The Great Spirit\ncommanded his daughter, little more than an infant, to go up and bid\nthe wind to be still, cautioning her at the same time in his fatherly\nway, not to put her head out into the blast, but only to thrust out\nher little red arm and make a sign before she delivered her message.\nThe eager child hastened up to the hole in the roof, did as she was\ntold, and then turned to descend; but the Eve was too strong in her to\nleave without a look at the forbidden world outside and the rivers and\nthe trees, at the far ocean and the great waves that the storm had\nmade as hoary as the forests when the snow is on the firs. She\nstopped, she put out her head to look; instantly the storm took her by\nthe long hair, and blew her down to the earth, down the mountain\nside, over the smooth ice and soft snow, down to the land of the\ngrizzly bears.\n\nNow the grizzly bears were somewhat different then from what they are\nat present. In appearance they were much the same it is true; but they\nwalked then on their hind legs like men, and talked, and carried\nclubs, using the fore-limbs as men use their arms.\n\n  [Sidenote: THE GRIZZLY FAMILY OF MOUNT SHASTA.]\n\nThere was a family of these grizzlies living at the foot of the\nmountain, at the place where the child was blown to. The father was\nreturning from the hunt with his club on his shoulder and a young elk\nin his hand, when he saw the little shivering waif lying on the snow\nwith her hair all tangled about her. The old Grizzly, pitying and\nwondering at the strange forlorn creature, lifted it up, and carried\nit in to his wife to see what should be done. She too was pitiful, and\nshe fed it from her own breast, bringing it up quietly as one of her\nfamily. So the girl grew up, and the eldest son of the old Grizzly\nmarried her, and their offspring was neither grizzly nor Great Spirit,\nbut man. Very proud indeed were the whole grizzly nation of the new\nrace, and uniting their strength from all parts of the country, they\nbuilt the young mother and her family a mountain wigwam near that of\nthe Great Spirit; and this structure of theirs is now known as Little\nMount Shasta. Many years passed away, and at last the old grandmother\nGrizzly became very feeble and felt that she must soon die. She knew\nthat the girl she had adopted was the daughter of the Great Spirit,\nand her conscience troubled her that she had never let him know\nanything of the fate of his child. So she called all the grizzlies\ntogether to the new lodge, and sent her eldest grandson up on a cloud\nto the summit of Mount Shasta, to tell the father that his daughter\nyet lived. When the Great Spirit heard that, he was so glad that he\nimmediately ran down the mountain, on the south side, toward where he\nhad been told his daughter was; and such was the swiftness of his pace\nthat the snow was melted here and there along his course, as it\nremains to this day. The grizzlies had prepared him an honorable\nreception, and as he approached his daughter's home, he found them\nstanding in thousands in two files, on either side of the door, with\ntheir clubs under their arms. He had never pictured his daughter as\naught but the little child he had loved so long ago; but when he found\nthat she was a mother, and that he had been betrayed into the creation\nof a new race, his anger overcame him; he scowled so terribly on the\npoor old grandmother Grizzly that she died upon the spot. At this all\nthe bears set up a fearful howl, but the exasperated father, taking\nhis lost darling on his shoulder, turned to the armed host, and in his\nfury cursed them. Peace! he said. Be silent for ever! Let no\narticulate word ever again pass your lips, neither stand any more\nupright; but use your hands as feet, and look downward until I come\nagain! Then he drove them all out; he drove out also the new race of\nmen, shut to the door of Little Mount Shasta, and passed away to his\nmountain, carrying his daughter; and her or him no eye has since seen.\nThe grizzlies never spoke again, nor stood up; save indeed when\nfighting for their life, when the Great Spirit still permits them to\nstand as in the old time, and to use their fists like men. No Indian\ntracing his descent from the spirit mother and the grizzly, as here\ndescribed, will kill a grizzly bear; and if by an evil chance a\ngrizzly kill a man in any place, that spot becomes memorable, and\nevery one that passes casts a stone there till a great pile is thrown\nup.[II-58]\n\nLet us now pass on, and going east and north, enter the Shoshone\ncountry. In Idaho there are certain famous Soda Springs whose origin\nthe Snakes refer to the close of their happiest age. Long ago, the\nlegend runs, when the cotton-woods on the Big River were no larger\nthan arrows, all red men were at peace, the hatchet was everywhere\nburied, and hunter met hunter in the game-lands of the one or the\nother, with all hospitality and good-will. During this state of\nthings, two chiefs, one of the Shoshone, the other of the Comanche\nnation, met one day at a certain spring. The Shoshone had been\nsuccessful in the chase, and the Comanche very unlucky, which put the\nlatter in rather an ill humor. So he got up a dispute with the other\nas to the importance of their respective and related tribes, and ended\nby making an unprovoked and treacherous attack on the Shoshone,\nstriking him into the water from behind, when he had stooped to drink.\nThe murdered man fell forward into the water, and immediately a\nstrange commotion was observable there; great bubbles and spirts of\ngas shot up from the bottom of the pool, and amid a cloud of vapor\nthere arose also an old white-haired Indian, armed with a ponderous\nclub of elk-horn. Well the assassin knew who stood before him; the\ntotem on the breast was that of Wankanaga, the father both of the\nShoshone and of the Comanche nations, an ancient famous for his brave\ndeeds, and celebrated in the hieroglyphic pictures of both peoples.\nAccursed of two nations! cried the old man, this day hast thou put\ndeath between the two greatest peoples under the sun; see, the blood\nof this Shoshone cries out to the Great Spirit for vengeance. And he\ndashed out the brains of the Comanche with his club, and the murderer\nfell there beside his victim into the spring. After that the spring\nbecame foul and bitter, nor even to this day can any one drink of its\nnauseous water. Then Wankanaga, seeing that it had been defiled, took\nhis club and smote a neighboring rock, and the rock burst forth into\nclear bubbling water, so fresh and so grateful to the palate that no\nother water can even be compared to it.[II-59]\n\n  [Sidenote: THE GIANTS OF THE PALOUSE RIVER.]\n\nPassing into Washington, we find an account of the origin of the falls\nof Palouse River and of certain native tribes. There lived here at one\ntime a family of giants, four brothers and a sister. The sister wanted\nsome beaver-fat and she begged her brothers to get it for her--no\neasy task, as there was only one beaver in the country, and he an\nanimal of extraordinary size and activity. However, like four gallant\nfellows, the giants set out to find the monster, soon catching sight\nof him near the mouth of the Palouse, then a peaceful gliding river\nwith an even though winding channel. They at once gave chase, heading\nhim up the river. A little distance up-stream they succeeded in\nstriking him for the first time with their spears, but he shook\nhimself clear, making in his struggle the first rapids of the Palouse,\nand dashed on up-stream. Again the brothers overtook him, pinning him\nto the river-bed with their weapons, and again the vigorous beast\nwrithed away, making thus the second falls of the Palouse. Another\nchase, and, in a third and fatal attack, the four spear-shafts are\nstruck again through the broad wounded back. There is a last stubborn\nstruggle at the spot since marked by the great falls called Aputaput,\na tearing of earth and a lashing of water in the fierce death-flurry,\nand the huge Beaver is dead. The brothers having secured the skin and\nfat, cut up the body and threw the pieces in various directions. From\nthese pieces have originated the various tribes of the country, as the\nCayuses, the Nez Perc\u00e9s, the Walla Wallas, and so on. The Cayuses\nsprang from the beaver's heart, and for this reason they are more\nenergetic, daring, and successful than their neighbors.[II-60]\n\nIn Oregon the Chinooks and neighboring people tell of a pre-human\ndemon race, called Ulh\u00e1ipa by the Chinooks, and Sehui\u00e1b by the\nClallams and Lummis. The Chinooks say that the human race was created\nby Italapas, the Coyote. The first men were sent into the world in a\nvery lumpish and imperfect state, their mouth and eyes were closed,\ntheir hands and feet immovable. Then a kind and powerful spirit called\nIk\u00e1nam, took a sharp stone, opened the eyes of these poor creatures,\nand gave motion to their hands and feet. He taught them how to make\ncanoes as well as all other implements and utensils; and he threw\ngreat rocks into the rivers and made falls, to obstruct the salmon in\ntheir ascent, so that they might be easily caught.[II-61]\n\nFarther north among the Ahts of Vancouver Island, perhaps the\ncommonest notion of origin is that men at first existed as birds,\nanimals, and fishes. We are told of a certain Quawteaht, represented\nsomewhat contradictorily, as the first Aht that ever lived, thickset\nand hairy-limbed, and as the chief Aht deity, a purely supernatural\nbeing, if not the creator, at least the maker and shaper of most\nthings, the maker of the land and the water, and of the animals that\ninhabit the one or the other. In each of these animals as at first\ncreated, there resided the embryo or essence of a man. One day a canoe\ncame down the coast, paddled by two personages in the, at that time,\nunknown form of men. The animals were frightened out of their wits,\nand fled, each from his house, in such haste that he left behind him\nthe human essence that he usually carried in his body. These embryos\nrapidly developed into men; they multiplied, made use of the huts\ndeserted by the animals, and became in every way as the Ahts are now.\nThere exists another account of the origin of the Ahts, which would\nmake them the direct descendants of Quawteaht and an immense bird that\nhe married--the great Thunder Bird, Tootooch, with which, under a\ndifferent name and in a different sex, we shall become more familiar\npresently. The flapping of Tootooch's wings shook the hills with\nthunder, _tootah_; and when she put out her forked tongue, the\nlightning quivered across the sky.\n\nThe Ahts have various legends of the way in which fire was first\nobtained, which legends may be reduced to the following: Quawteaht\nwithheld fire, for some reason or other, from the creatures that he\nhad brought into the world, with one exception; it was always to be\nfound burning in the home of the cuttle-fish, _telhoop_. The other\nbeasts attempted to steal this fire, but only the deer succeeded; he\nhid a little of it in the joint of his hind leg, and escaping,\nintroduced the element to general use.\n\nNot all animals, it would appear, were produced in the general\ncreation; the loon and the crow had a special origin, being\nmetamorphosed men. Two fishermen, being out at sea in their canoes,\nfell to quarreling, the one ridiculing the other for his small success\nin fishing. Finally the unsuccessful man became so infuriated by the\ntaunts of his companion that he knocked him on the head, and stole his\nfish, cutting out his tongue before he paddled off, lest by any chance\nthe unfortunate should recover his senses and gain the shore. The\nprecaution was well taken, for the mutilated man reached the land and\ntried to denounce his late companion. No sound however could he utter\nbut something resembling the cry of a loon, upon which the Great\nSpirit, Quawteaht, became so indiscriminatingly angry at the whole\naffair that he changed the poor mute into a loon, and his assailant\ninto a crow. So when the mournful voice of the loon is heard from the\nsilent lake or river, it is still the poor fisherman that we hear,\ntrying to make himself understood and to tell the hard story of his\nwrongs.[II-62]\n\n  [Sidenote: NOOTKA AND SALISH CREATION-MYTHS.]\n\nThe general drift of many of the foregoing myths would go to indicate\na wide-spread belief in the theory of an evolution of man from\nanimals.[II-63] Traditions are not wanting, however, whose teaching is\nprecisely the reverse. The Salish, the Nisquallies, and the Yakimas of\nWashington, all hold that beasts, fishes, and even edible roots are\ndescended from human originals. One account of this inverse Darwinian\ndevelopment is this: The son of the Sun--whoever he may have\nbeen--caused certain individuals to swim through a lake of magic oil,\na liquid of such Circean potency that the unfortunates immersed were\ntransformed as above related. The peculiarities of organism of the\nvarious animals, are the results of incidents of their passage; the\nbear dived, and is therefore fat all over; the goose swam high, and is\nconsequently fat only up to the water-line; and so on through all the\nlist.[II-64]\n\nMoving north to the Tacullies of British Columbia, we find the\nMusk-rat an active agent in the work of creation. The flat earth,\nfollowing the Tacully cosmogony, was at first wholly covered with\nwater. On the water a Musk-rat swam to and fro, seeking food. Finding\nnone there, he dived to the bottom and brought up a mouthful of mud,\nbut only to spit it out again when he came to the surface. All this he\ndid again and again till quite an island was formed and by degrees the\nwhole earth. In some unexplained way this earth became afterwards\npeopled in every part, and so remained, until a fierce fire of several\ndays' duration swept over it, destroying all life, with two\nexceptions; one man and one woman hid themselves in a deep cave in the\nheart of a mountain, and from these two has the world been since\nrepeopled.[II-65]\n\n  [Sidenote: YEHL, THE CREATOR OF THE THLINKEETS.]\n\nFrom the Tacully country we pass north and west to the coast inhabited\nby the Thlinkeets, among whom the myth of a great Bird, or of a great\nhero-deity, whose favorite disguise is the shape of a bird, assumes\nthe most elaborate proportions and importance. Here the name of this\ngreat Somebody is Yehl, the Crow or Raven, creator of most things, and\nespecially of the Thlinkeets. Very dark, damp, and chaotic was the\nworld in the beginning; nothing with breath or body moved there except\nYehl; in the likeness of a raven he brooded over the mist, his black\nwings beat down the vast confusion, the waters went back before him\nand the dry land appeared. The Thlinkeets were placed on the\nearth--though how or when does not exactly appear--while the world was\nstill in darkness, and without sun or moon or stars. A certain\nThlinkeet, we are further informed, had a wife and a sister. Of the\nwife he was devouringly jealous, and when employed in the woods at his\ntrade of building canoes, he had her constantly watched by eight red\nbirds of the kind called _kun_. To make assurance surer, he even used\nto coop her up in a kind of box every time he left home. All this\nwhile his sister, a widow it would appear, was bringing up certain\nsons she had, fine tall fellows, rapidly approaching manhood. The\njealous uncle could not endure the thought of their being in the\nneighborhood of his wife. So he inveigled them one by one, time after\ntime, out to sea with him on pretense of fishing, and drowned them\nthere. The poor mother was left desolate, she went to the sea-shore to\nweep for her children. A dolphin--some say a whale--saw her there, and\npitied her; the beast told her to swallow a small pebble and drink\nsome sea-water. She did so, and in eight months was delivered of a\nchild. That child was Yehl, who thus took upon himself a human shape,\nand grew up a mighty hunter and notable archer. One day a large bird\nappeared to him, having a long tail like a magpie, and a long\nglittering bill as of metal; the name of the bird was Kutzghatushl,\nthat is, Crane that can soar to heaven. Yehl shot the bird, skinned\nit, and whenever he wished to fly used to clothe himself in its skin.\n\nNow Yehl had grown to manhood, and he determined to avenge himself\nupon his uncle for the death of his brothers; so he opened the box in\nwhich the well-guarded wife was shut up. Instantly the eight faithful\nbirds flew off and told the husband, who set out for his home in a\nmurderous mood. Most cunning, however, in his patience, he greeted\nYehl with composure, and invited him into his canoe for a short trip\nto sea. Having paddled out some way, he flung himself on the young man\nand forced him overboard: Then he put his canoe about and made\nleisurely for the land, rid as he thought of another enemy. But Yehl\nswam in quietly another way, and stood up in his uncle's house. The\nbaffled murderer was beside himself with fury, he imprecated with a\npotent curse a deluge upon all the earth, well content to perish\nhimself so he involved his rival in the common destruction, for\njealousy is cruel as the grave. The flood came, the waters rose and\nrose; but Yehl clothed himself in his bird-skin, and soared up to\nheaven, where he struck his beak into a cloud, and remained till the\nwaters were assuaged.\n\n  [Sidenote: ADVENTURES OF YEHL AND KHANUKH.]\n\nAfter this affair Yehl had many other adventures, so many that \"one\nman cannot know them all,\" as the Thlinkeets say. One of the most\nuseful things he did was to supply light to mankind--with whom, as\nappears, the earth had been again peopled after the deluge. Now all\nthe light in the world was stored away in three boxes, among the\nriches of a certain mysterious old Chief, who guarded his treasure\nclosely. Yehl set his wits to work to secure the boxes; he determined\nto be born into the chief's family. The old fellow had one daughter\nupon whom he doted, and Yehl transforming himself into a blade of\ngrass, got into the girl's drinking-cup and was swallowed by her. In\ndue time she gave birth to a son, who was Yehl, thus a second time\nborn of a woman into the world. Very proud was the old chief of his\ngrandson, loving him even as he loved his daughter, so that Yehl came\nto be a decidedly spoiled child. He fell a crying one day, working\nhimself almost into a fit; he kicked and scratched and howled, and\nturned the family hut into a little pandemonium as only an infant\nplague can. He screamed for one of the three boxes; he would have a\nbox; nothing but a box should ever appease him! The indulgent\ngrandfather gave him one of the boxes; he clutched it, stopped crying,\nand crawled off into the yard to play. Playing, he contrived to wrench\nthe lid off, and lo! the beautiful heaven was thick with stars, and\nthe box empty. The old man wept for the loss of his stars, but he did\nnot scold his grandson, he loved him too blindly for that. Yehl had\nsucceeded in getting the stars into the firmament, and he proceeded to\nrepeat his successful trick, to do the like by the moon and sun. As\nmay be imagined, the difficulty was much increased; still he gained\nhis end. He first let the moon out into the sky, and some time\nafterward, getting possession of the box that held the sun, he changed\nhimself into a raven and flew away with his greatest prize of all.\nWhen he set up the blazing light in heaven, the people that saw it\nwere at first afraid. Many hid themselves in the mountains, and in the\nforests, and even in the water, and were changed into the various\nkinds of animals that frequent these places.\n\nThere are still other feats of Yehl's replete with the happiest\nconsequences to mankind. There was a time, for instance, when all the\nfire in the world was hid away in an island of the ocean. Thither flew\nthe indefatigable deity, fetching back a brand in his mouth. The\ndistance, however, was so great that most of the wood was burned away\nand a part of his beak, before he reached the Thlinkeet shore. Arrived\nthere, he dropped the embers at once, and the sparks flew about in all\ndirections among various sticks and stones; therefore it is that by\nstriking these stones, and by friction on this wood, fire is always to\nbe obtained.\n\nLight they now had, and fire; but one thing was still wanting to men;\nthey had no fresh water. A personage called Khanukh[II-66] kept all the\nfresh water in his well, in an island to the east of Sitka, and over\nthe mouth of the well, for its better custody, he had built his hut.\nYehl set out to the island in his boat, to secure the water, and on\nhis way he met Khanukh himself, paddling along in another boat.\nKhanukh spoke first: How long hast thou been living in the world?\nProudly Yehl answered: Before the world stood in its place, I was\nthere. Yehl in his turn questioned Khanukh: But how long hast thou\nlived in the world? To which Khanukh replied: Ever since the time that\nthe liver came out from below.[II-67] Then said Yehl: Thou art older\nthan I. Upon this Khanukh, to show that his power was as great as his\nage, took off his hat, and there rose a dense fog, so that the one\ncould no longer see the other. Yehl then became afraid, and cried out\nto Khanukh; but Khanukh answered nothing. At last when Yehl found\nhimself completely helpless in the darkness, he began to weep and\nhowl; upon which the old sorcerer put on his hat again, and the fog\nvanished. Khanukh then invited Yehl to his house, and entertained him\nhandsomely with many luxuries, among which was fresh water. The meal\nover, host and guest sat down, and the latter began a long relation of\nhis many exploits and adventures. Khanukh listened as attentively as\nhe could, but the story was really so interminable that he at last\nfell asleep across the cover of his well. This frustrated Yehl's\nintention of stealing the water while its owner slept, so he resorted\nto another stratagem: he put some filth under the sleeper, then waking\nhim up, made him believe he had bewrayed himself. Khanukh, whose own\nnose abhorred him, at once hurried off to the sea to wash, and his\ndeceiver as quickly set about securing the precious water. Just as\nAll-father Odin, the Raven-god, stole Suttung's mead, drinking it up\nand escaping in the form of a bird, so Yehl drank what fresh water he\ncould, filling himself to the very beak, then took the form of a raven\nand attempted to fly off through the chimney of the hut. He stuck in\nthe flue however, and Khanukh returning at that instant recognized his\nguest in the struggling bird. The old man comprehended the situation,\nand quietly piling up a roaring fire, he sat down comfortably to watch\nthe choking and scorching of his crafty guest. The raven had always\nbeen a white bird, but so thoroughly was he smoked in the chimney on\nthis occasion that he has ever since remained the sootiest of fowls.\nAt last Khanukh watching the fire, became drowsy and fell asleep; so\nYehl escaped from the island with the water. He flew back to the\ncontinent, where he scattered it in every direction; and wherever\nsmall drops fell there are now springs and creeks, while the large\ndrops have produced lakes and rivers. This is the end of the exploits\nof Yehl; having thus done everything necessary to the happiness of\nmankind, he returned to his habitation, which is in the east, and into\nwhich no other spirit, nor any man can possibly enter.\n\nThe existing difference in language between the Thlinkeets and other\npeople is one of the consequences of a great flood--perhaps that\nflood already described as having been brought on through the jealousy\nof the canoe-builder. Many persons escaped drowning by taking refuge\nin a great floating building. When the waters fell, this vessel\ngrounded upon a rock, and was broken into two pieces; in the one\nfragment were left those whose descendants speak the Thlinkeet\nlanguage, in the other remained all whose descendants employ a\ndifferent idiom.\n\n  [Sidenote: CHETHL AND AHGISHANAKHOU.]\n\nConnected with the history of this deluge is another myth in which a\ngreat Bird figures. When the waters rose a certain mysterious brother\nand sister found it necessary to part. The name of the brother was\nChethl, that is, Thunder or Lightning, and the name of the sister was\nAhgishanakhou, which means the Underground Woman. As they separated\nChethl said to her: Sister, you shall never see me again, but while I\nlive you shall hear my voice. Then he clothed himself in the skin of a\ngreat bird, and flew towards the south-west. His sister climbed to the\ntop of Mount Edgecomb, which is near Sitka, and it opened and\nswallowed her up, leaving a great hole, or crater. The world itself is\nan immense flat plate supported on a pillar, and under the world, in\nsilence and darkness, this Under-ground Woman guards the great pillar\nfrom evil and malignant powers. She has never seen her brother since\nshe left the upper world, and she shall never see him again; but\nstill, when the tempest sweeps down on Edgecomb, the lightning of his\neyes gleams down her crater-window, and the thundering of his wings\nre-echoes through all her subterranean halls.[II-68]\n\nThe Koniagas, north of the Thlinkeets, have their legendary Bird and\nDog--the latter taking the place occupied in the mythology of many\nother tribes by the wolf or coyote. Up in heaven, according to the\nKoniagas, there exists a great deity called Shljam Schoa. He created\ntwo personages and sent them down to the earth, and the Raven\naccompanied them carrying light. This original pair made sea, rivers,\nmountains, forests, and such things. Among other places they made the\nIsland of Kadiak, and so stocked it that the present Koniagas assert\nthemselves the descendants of a Dog.[II-69]\n\nThe Aleuts of the Aleutian Archipelago seem to disagree upon their\norigin. Some say that in the beginning a Bitch inhabited Unalaska, and\nthat a great Dog swam across to her from Kadiak; from which pair the\nhuman race have sprung. Others, naming the bitch-mother of their race\nMahakh, describe a certain Old Man, called Iraghdadakh, who came from\nthe north to visit this Mahakh. The result of this visit was the birth\nof two creatures, male and female, with such an extraordinary mixing\nup of the elements of nature in them that they were each half man, half\nfox. The name of the male creature was Acagnikakh, and by the other\ncreature he became father of the human race. The Old Man however seems\nhardly to have needed any help to people the world, for like the great\npatriarch of Thessaly, he was able to create men by merely casting\nstones on the earth. He flung also other stones into the air, into the\nwater, and over the land, thus making beasts, birds, and fishes. In\nanother version of the narrative, the first father of the Aleuts is\nsaid to have fallen from heaven in the shape of a dog.[II-70]\n\n  [Sidenote: THE DOG-ORIGIN OF THE HYPERBOREANS.]\n\nIn the legends of the Tinneh, living inland, north-east of the\nKoniagas, the familiar Bird and Dog again appear. These legends tell\nus that the world existed at first as a great ocean frequented only by\nan immense Bird, the beating of whose wings was thunder, and its\nglance lightning. This great flying monster descended and touched the\nwaters, upon which the earth rose up and appeared above them; it\ntouched the earth, and therefrom came every living creature--except\nthe Tinneh, who owe their origin to a Dog. Therefore it is that to\nthis day a dog's flesh is an abomination to the Tinneh, as are also\nall who eat such flesh. A few years before Captain Franklin's visit\nthey almost ruined themselves by following the advice of some fanatic\nreformer. Convinced by him of the wickedness of exacting labor from\ntheir near relations, the dogs, they got rid at once of the sin and of\nall temptation to its recommission, by killing every cur in their\npossession.\n\nTo return to the origin of the Tinneh, the wonderful Bird before\nmentioned made and presented to them a peculiar arrow, which they were\nto preserve for all time with great care. But they would not; they\nmisappropriated the sacred shaft to some common use, and immediately\nthe great Bird flew away never to return. With its departure ended the\nGolden Age of the Tinneh--an age in which men lived till their\nthroats were worn through with eating, and their feet with\nwalking.[II-71]\n\nBelonging to the Northern-Indian branch of the Tinneh we find a\nnarrative in which the Dog holds a prominent place, but in which we\nfind no mention at all of the Bird: The earth existed at first in a\nchaotic state, with only one human inhabitant, a woman who dwelt in a\ncave and lived on berries. While gathering these one day, she\nencountered an animal like a dog, which followed her home. This Dog\npossessed the power of transforming himself into a handsome young man,\nand in this shape he became the father by the woman of the first men.\nIn course of time a giant of such height that his head reached the\nclouds, arrived on the scene and fitted the earth for its inhabitants.\nHe reduced the chaos to order; he established the land in its\nboundaries, he marked out with his staff the position or course of the\nlakes, ponds, and rivers. Next he slew the Dog and tore him to pieces,\nas the four giants did the Beaver of the Palouse River, or as the\ncreating \u00c6sir did Aurgelmir. Unlike the four brothers, however, and\nunlike the sons of B\u00f6r, this giant of the Tinneh used the fragments\nnot to create men or things, but animals. The entrails of the dog he\nthrew into the water, and every piece became a fish; the flesh he\nscattered over the land, and every scrap became an animal; the bits of\nskin he sowed upon the wind, and they became birds. All these spread\nover the earth, and increased and multiplied; and the giant gave the\nwoman and her progeny power to kill and eat of them according to their\nnecessities. After this he returned to his place, and he has not since\nbeen heard of.[II-72]\n\nLeaving now this division of our subject, more particularly concerned\nwith cosmogony, it may not be amiss to forestall possible criticism as\nto the disconnected manner in which the various myths are given. I\nhave but to repeat that the mythology with which we have to deal is\nonly known in fragments, and to submit that a broken statue, or even a\nbroken shard, of genuine or presumably genuine antiquity, is more\nvaluable to science and even to poetry, than the most skillful ideal\nrestoration.\n\n  [Sidenote: INTERPRETATION OF MYTHS.]\n\nFurther, the absence of any attempt to form a connected whole out of\nthe myths that come under our notice cannot but obviate that tendency\nto alter in outline and to color in detail which is so insensibly\nnatural to any mythographer prepossessed with the spirit of a system.\nIn advancing lastly the opinion that the disconnected arrangement is\nnot only better adapted toward preserving the original myths in their\nintegrity, but is also better for the student, I may be allowed to\nclose the chapter with the second of the Rules for the Interpretation\nof Mythes given by so distinguished an authority as Mr. Keightley: \"In\nlike manner the mythes themselves should be considered separately, and\ndetached from the system in which they are placed; for the single\nmythes existed long before the system, and were the product of other\nminds than those which afterwards set them in connection, not\nunfrequently without fully understanding them.\"[II-73]\n\nFOOTNOTES:\n\n[II-1] In Vienna in 1857, the book now best known as the Popol Vuh was\nfirst brought to the notice of European scholars, under the following\ntitle: _Las Historias del Origen de los Indios de esta Provincia de\nGuatemala, traducidas de la Lengua Quich\u00e9 al Castellano para mas\nComodidad de los Ministros del S. Evangelio, por el R. P. F. Francisco\nXimenez, cura doctrinero por el real patronato del Pueblo de S. Thomas\nChuila_.--_Exactamente segun el texto espa\u00f1ol del manuscrito original\nque se halla en la biblioteca de la Universidad de Guatemala,\npublicado por la primera vez, y aumentado con una introduccion y\nanotaciones por el Dr C. Scherzer._ What Dr Scherzer says in a paper\nread before the Vienna Academy of Sciences, Feb. 20th, 1856; and\nrepeats in his introduction, about its author, amounts to this: In the\nearly part of the 18th century Francisco Ximenez, a Dominican Father\nof great repute for his learning and his love of truth, filled the\noffice of curate in the little Indian town of Chichicastenango in the\nhighlands of Guatemala. Neither the time of his birth nor that of his\ndeath can be exactly ascertained, but the internal evidence of one of\nhis works shows that he was engaged upon it in 1721. He left many\nmanuscripts, but it is supposed that the unpalatable truths some of\nthem contain with regard to the ill-treatment of the Indians by the\ncolonial authorities sufficed, as previously in the case of Las Casas,\nto ensure their partial destruction and total suppression. What\nremains of them lay long hid in an obscure corner of the Convent of\nthe Dominicans in Guatemala, and passed afterwards, on the suppression\nof all the religious orders, into the library of the University of San\nCarlos (Guatemala). Here Dr Scherzer discovered them in June 1854, and\ncarefully copied, and afterwards published as above the particular\ntreatise with which we are now concerned. This, according to Father\nXimenez himself, and according to its internal evidence, is a\ntranslation of a _literal_ copy of an original book, written by one or\nmore Quich\u00e9s, in the Quich\u00e9 language, in Roman letters, after the\nChristians had occupied Guatemala, and after the real original Popol\nVuh--National Book--had been lost or destroyed--literally, was no more\nto be seen--and written to _replace_ that lost book. 'Quise trasladar\ntodas las historias _\u00e1 la letra_ de estos indios, y tambien traducirla\nen la lengua castellana.' 'Esto escribiremos ya en la ley de Dios en\nla cristiandad los sacaremos, porque ya no hay libro comun, original\ndonde verlo, _Ximenez_, _Hist. Ind. Guat._, pp. 1, 4, 5. 'Voil\u00e0 ce que\nnous \u00e9crirons depuis (qu'on a promulgu\u00e9) la parole de Dieu, et en\ndedans du Christianisme; nous le reproduirons, parce qu'on ne voit\nplus ce Livre national,' 'Vae x-chi-ka tzibah chupan chic u chabal\nDios, pa Christianoil chic; x-chi-k'-elezah, rumal ma-habi chic ilbal\nre Popol-Vuh,' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Popol Vuh_, p. 5. The\nevidence that the author was Quich\u00e9 will be found in the numerous\npassages scattered through the narrative in which he speaks of the\nQuich\u00e9 nation, and of the ancestors of that nation as 'our people,'\n'our ancestors,' and so on. We pass now to what the Abb\u00e9 Brasseur de\nBourbourg has to say about the book. He says that Ximenes 'discovered\nthis document, in the last years of the 17th century.' In 1855, at\nGuatemala, the abb\u00e9 first saw Ximenez' manuscript containing this\nwork. The manuscript contained the Quich\u00e9 text and the Spanish\ncurate's translation of that text. Brasseur de Bourbourg copied both\nat that time, but he was dissatisfied with the translation, believing\nit to be full of faults owing to the prejudices and the ignorance of\nthe age in which it was made, as well as disfigured by abridgments and\nomissions. So in 1860 he settled himself among the Quich\u00e9s and by the\nhelp of natives joined to his own practical knowledge of their\nlanguage, he elaborated a new and literal translation, (aussi\nlitt\u00e9rale qu'il a \u00e9t\u00e9 possible de la faire). We seem justified then on\nthe whole in taking this document for what Ximenez and its own\nevidence declare it to be, namely, a reproduction of an older work or\nbody of Quich\u00e9 traditional history, written because that older work\nhad been lost and was likely to be forgotten, and written by a Quich\u00e9\nnot long after the Spanish conquest. One consequence of the last fact\nwould seem to be that a tinge of biblical expression has, consciously\nor unconsciously to the Quich\u00e9 who wrote, influenced the form of the\nnarrative. But these coincidences may be wholly accidental, the more\nas there are also striking resemblances to expressions in the\nScandinavian Edda and in the Hindoo Veda. And even if they be not\naccidental, 'much remains,' adopting the language and the conclusion\nof Professor Max M\u00fcller, 'in these American traditions which is so\ndifferent from anything else in the national literatures of other\ncountries, that we may safely treat it as the genuine growth of the\nintellectual soil of America.' _Chips from a German Workshop_, vol.\ni., p. 328. For the foregoing, as well as further information on the\nsubject see:--_Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Popol Vuh_, pp. 5-31, 195-231;\n_S'il existe des Sources de l'Hist. Prim._, pp. 83-7; _Hist. des Nat.\nCiv._, tom. i., pp. 47-61; _Ximenez_, _Hist. Ind. Guat._, pp. 5-15;\n_Scherzer_, in _Sitzungsberichte der Akademie der Wissenschaften Wien_,\n20th Feb., 1856; _Helps' Spanish Conquest_, vol. iv., pp. 455-6.\nProfessor M\u00fcller in his essay on the Popol Vuh, has in one or two\nplaces misunderstood the narrative. There was no such creation of man\nas that he gives as the second, while his third creation is the second\nof the original. Again, he makes the four Quich\u00e9 ancestors to be the\nprogenitors of _all tribes both white and black_; while they were the\nparents of the Quich\u00e9 and kindred races only. The course of the legend\nbrings us to tribes of a strange blood, with which these four\nancestors and their people were often at war. The narrative is,\nhowever, itself so confused and contradictory at points, that it is\nalmost impossible to avoid such things; and, as a whole, the views of\nProfessor M\u00fcller on the Popol Vuh seem just and well considered.\nBaldwin, _Ancient America_, pp. 191-7, gives a mere dilution of\nProfessor M\u00fcller's essay, and that without acknowledgment.\n\n[II-2] The original Quich\u00e9 runs as follows: 'Are u tzihoxic vae ca ca\ntzinin-oc, ca ca chamam-oc, ca tzinonic; ca ca zilanic, ca ca lolinic,\nca tolona puch u pa cah. Vae cute nabe tzih, nabe uchan.--Ma-habi-oc\nhun vinak, hun chicop; tziquin, car, tap, che, abah, hul, civan, quim,\nqichelah: xa-utuquel cah qolic. Mavi calah u vach uleu: xa-utnquel\nremanic palo, u pah cah ronohel. Ma-habi nakila ca molobic, ca\ncotzobic: hunta ca zilobic; ca mal ca ban-tah, ca cotz ca ban-tah pa\ncah. X-ma qo-vi nakila qolic yacalic; xa remanic ha, xa lianic palo,\nxa-utuquel remanic; x-ma qo-vi nakilalo qolic. Xa ca chamanic, ca\ntzininic chi gekum, chi agab.'\n\nThis passage is rendered by the Abb\u00e9 Brasseur de Bourbourg thus:\n'Voici le r\u00e9cit comme quoi tout \u00e9tait en suspens, tout \u00e9tait calme et\nsilencieux; tout \u00e9tait immobile, tout \u00e9tait paisible, et vide \u00e9tait\nl'immensit\u00e9 des cieux. Voil\u00e0 donc la premi\u00e8re parole et le premier\ndiscours. Il n'y avait pas encore un seul homme, pas un animal, pas\nd'oiseaux, de poissons, d'\u00e9crevisses, de bois, de pierre, de\nfondri\u00e8res, de ravins, d'herbe ou de bocages: seulement le ciel\nexistait. La face de la terre ne se manifestait pas encore: seule la\nmer paisible \u00e9tait et tout l'espace des cieux. Il n'y avait encore\nrien qui f\u00eet corps, rien qui se cramponn\u00e2t \u00e0 autre chose: rien qui se\nbalan\u00e7\u00e2t, qui f\u00eet (le moindre) fr\u00f4lement, qui f\u00eet (entendre) un son\ndans le ciel. Il n'y avait rien qui exist\u00e2t debout; (il n'y avait) que\nl'eau paisible, que la mer calme et seule dans ses bornes; car il n'y\navait rien qui exist\u00e2t. Ce n'\u00e9tait que l'immobilit\u00e9 et le silence dans\nles t\u00e9n\u00e8bres, dans la nuit.' _Popol Vuh_, p. 7.\n\nAnd by Francisco Ximenez thus: 'Este es su ser dicho cuando estaba\nsuspenso en calma, en silencio, sin moverse, sin cosa sino vacio el\ncielo. Y esta es la primera palabra y elocuencia; aun no habia\nhombres, animales, p\u00e1jaros, pescado, cangrejo, palo, piedra, hoya,\nbarranca, paja ni monte, sino solo estaba el cielo; no se manifestaba\nla faz de la tierra; sino que solo estaba el mar represado, y todo lo\ndel cielo; aun no habia cosa alguna junta, ni sonaba nada, ni cosa\nalguna se meneaba, ni cosa que hiciera mal, ni cosa que hiciera\n\"_cotz_,\" (esto es ruido en el cielo), ni habia cosa que estuviese\nparada en pi\u00e9; solo el agua represada, solo la mar sosegada, solo ella\nrepresada, ni cosa alguna habia que estuviese; solo estaba en\nsilencio, y sosiego en la obscuridad, y la noche.' _Hist. Ind. Guat._,\npp. 5-6.\n\n[II-3] '_Gucumatz_, litt\u00e9ralement serpent emplum\u00e9, et dans un sens plus\n\u00e9tendu, serpent rev\u00eatu de couleurs brillantes, de vert ou d'azur. Les\nplumes du guc ou quetzal offrent \u00e9galement les deux teintes. C'est\nexactment la m\u00eame chose que _quetzalcohuatl_ dans la langue\nmexicaine.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. des Nat. Civ._, tom. i.,\np. 50.\n\n[II-4] A long rambling story is here introduced which has nothing to do\nwith Creation, and which is omitted for the present.\n\n[II-5] _Balam-Quitz\u00e9_, the tiger with the sweet smile; _Balam-Agab_, the\ntiger of the night; _Mahucutah_, the distinguished name; _Iqi-Balam_,\nthe tiger of the moon. 'Telle est la signification litt\u00e9rale que\nXimenez a donn\u00e9e de ces quatre noms.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Popol\nVuh_, p. 199.\n\n[II-6] _Caha-paluma_, the falling water; _Chomi-ha_ or _Chomih-a_, the\nbeautiful house or the beautiful water; in the same way, _Tzununiha_\nmay mean either the house or the water of the humming-birds; and\n_Cakixaha_, either the house or the water of the aras [which are a\nkind of parrot]. _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Popol Vuh_, p. 205.\n\n[II-7] 'Are ma-habi chi tzukun, qui coon; xavi chi cah chi qui pacaba qui\nvach; mavi qu'etaam x-e be-vi naht x-qui bano.' 'Alors ils ne\nservaient pas encore et ne soutenaient point (les autels des dieux);\nseulement ils tournaient leurs visages vers le ciel, et ils ne\nsavaient ce qu'ils \u00e9taient venus faire si loin.' _Brasseur de\nBourbourg_, _Popol Vuh_, p. 209. It is right to add, however, that\nXimenez gives a much more prosaic turn to the passage: 'No cabian de\nsustento, sino que levantaban las caras al cielo y no se sabian\nalejar.' _Hist. Ind. Guat._, p. 84.\n\n[II-8] Or as Ximenez, _Hist. Ind. Guat._, p. 87, writes it--_Tulanz\u00fa_,\n(las siete cuevas y siete barrancas).\n\n[II-9] The following passage in a letter from the Abb\u00e9 Brasseur de\nBourbourg, to Mr. Rafn of Copenhagen, bearing date 25th October, 1858,\nmay be useful in this connection:--'On sait que la coutume tolt\u00e8que et\nmexicaine \u00e9tait de conserver, comme chez les chr\u00e9tiens, les reliques\ndes h\u00e9ros de la patrie: on enveloppait leurs os avec des pierres\npr\u00e9cieuses dans un paquet d'\u00e9toffes auquel on donnait le nom de\nTlaquimilolli; ces paquets demeuraient \u00e0 jamais ferm\u00e9s et on les\nd\u00e9posait au fond des sanctuaires o\u00f9 on les conservait comme des\nobjects sacr\u00e9s.' _Nouvelles Annales des Voyages_, 1858, tom. iv., p.\n268. One of these 'bundles,' was given up to the Christians by a\nTlascaltec some time after the conquest. It was reported to contain\nthe remains of Camaxtli, the chief god of Tlascala. The native\nhistorian, Camargo, describes it as follows: 'Quand on d\u00e9fit le paquet\no\u00f9 se trouvaient les cendres de l'idole Camaxtle, on y trouva aussi un\npaquet de cheveux blonds, ... on y trouva aussi une \u00e9meraude, et de\nses cendres on avait fait une p\u00e2te, en les p\u00e9trissant avec le sang des\nenfants que l'on avait sacrifi\u00e9s.' _Hist. de Tlaxcallan_; in\n_Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcix., p. 179.\n\n[II-10] See _Cox's Mythology of the Aryan Nations_, vol. i., p. 333.\n\n[II-11] Even supposing there were no special historical reasons for\nmaking this distinction, it seems convenient that such a division\nshould be made in a country where the distinction of classes was so\nmarked as in Mexico. As Reads puts the case, _Martyrdom of Man_, p.\n177, 'In those countries where two distinct classes of men exist, the\none intellectual and learned, the other illiterate and degraded, there\nwill be in reality two religions, though nominally there may be only\none.'\n\n[II-12] 'Les pr\u00eatres et les nobles de Mexico avaient p\u00e9ri presque tous\nlors de la prise de cette ville, et ceux qui avaient \u00e9chapp\u00e9 au\nmassacre s'\u00e9taient r\u00e9fugi\u00e9s dans des lieux inaccessibles. Ce furent\ndonc presque toujours des gens du peuple sans \u00e9ducation et livr\u00e9s aux\nplus grossi\u00e9res superstitions qui leur firent les r\u00e9cits qu'ils nous\nont transmis; Les missionnaires, d'ailleurs, avaient plus d'int\u00e9r\u00eat \u00e0\nconna\u00eetre les usages qu'ils voulaient d\u00e9raciner de la masse du peuple\nqu'\u00e0 comprendre le sens plus \u00e9lev\u00e9 que la partie \u00e9clair\u00e9e de la nation\npouvait y attacher.' _Ternaux-Compans_, _Essai sur la Th\u00e9ogonie\nMexicaine_, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1840, tom. lxxxv., p.\n274.\n\n[II-13] This last statement rests on the authority of Domingo Mu\u00f1oz\nCamargo, a native of the city of Tlascala who wrote about 1585. See\nhis _Hist. de Tlaxcallan_ as translated by Ternaux Compans in the\n_Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcix., p. 129. 'Les Indiens\nne croyaient pas que le monde e\u00fbt \u00e9t\u00e9 cr\u00e9\u00e9, mais pensaient qu'il \u00e9tait\nle produit du hazard. Ils disaient aussi que les cieux avaient\ntoujours exist\u00e9.' 'Estos, pues, alcanzaron con claridad el verdadero\nor\u00edgen y principio de todo el Universo, porque asientan que el cielo y\nla tierra y cuanto en ellos se halla es obra de la poderosa mano de un\nDios Supremo y \u00fanico, \u00e1 quien daban el nombre de Tloque Nahuaque, que\nquiere decir, criador de todas las cosas. Llam\u00e1banle tambien\nIpalnemohualoni, que quiere decir, por quien vivimos y somos, y fu\u00e9 la\n\u00fanica deidad que adoraron en aquellos primitivos tiempos; y aun\ndespues que se introdujo la idolatr\u00eda y el falso culto, le creyeron\nsiempre superior \u00e1 todos sus dioses, y le invocaban levantando los\nojos al cielo. En esta creencia se mantuvieron constantes hasta la\nllegada de los espa\u00f1oles, como afirma Herrera, no solo los mejicanos,\nsino tambien los de Michoacan.' _Veytia_, _Historia Antigua de\nM\u00e9jico_, tom. i., p. 7. 'Los Tultecas alcanzaron y supieron la\ncreacion del mundo, y como el Tloque Nahuaque lo cri\u00f3 y las demas\ncosas que hay en \u00e9l, como son plantas, montes, animales, aves, agua y\npeces; asimismo supieron como cri\u00f3 Dios al hombre y una muger, de\ndonde los hombres descendieron y se multiplicaron, y sobre esto a\u00f1aden\nmuchas f\u00e1bulas que por escusar prolijidad no se ponen aqui.'\n_Ixtlilxochitl_, _Relaciones_, in Kingsborough, vol. ix., p. 321.\n'Dios Criador, que en lengua Indiana llam\u00f2 Tl\u00f2que Nahu\u00e0que, queriendo\nd\u00e0r \u00e0 entender, que este Solo, Poderoso, y Clementissimo Dios.'\n_Boturini_, _Idea de una Hist._, p. 79. 'Confessauan los Mexicanos a vn\nsupremo Dios, Se\u00f1or, y hazedor de todo, y este era el principal que\nvenerauan, mirando al cielo, llamandole criador del cielo y tierra.'\n_Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. 15, p. 85. 'El dios\nque se llamaba Titlaca\u00e2on, (Tezcatlipuca), decian que era criador del\ncielo y de la tierra y era todo poderoso.' _Sahagun_, _Hist. Ant.\nMex._, tom. i., lib. iii., p. 241. 'Tezcatlipoca, Questo era il\nmaggior Dio, che in que' paesi si adorava, dopo il Dio invisibile, o\nSupremo Essere, di cui abbiam ragionato.... Era il Dio della\nProvidenza, l'anima del Mondo, il Creator del Cielo e della Terra, ed\nil Signor di tutte le cose.' _Clavigero_, _Storia Antica del Messico_,\ntom. ii., p. 7. 'La creacion del cielo y de la tierra aplicaban \u00e1\ndiversos dioses, y algunos \u00e1 Tezcatlipuca y \u00e1 Uzilopuchtli, \u00f3 segun\notros, Ocelopuchtli, y de los principales de Mexico.' _Mendieta_,\n_Hist. Ecles._, p. 81.\n\n[II-14] 'Lorsque le ciel et la terre s'\u00e9taient faits, quatre fois d\u00e9j\u00e0\nl'homme avait \u00e9t\u00e9 form\u00e9 ... de cendres Dieu l'avait form\u00e9 et anim\u00e9.'\nThe _Codex Chimalpopoca_, or _Chimalpopoca MS._, after _Brasseur de\nBourbourg_, _Hist. des Nat. Civ._, tom. i., p. 53. This Codex\nChimalpopoca, so called by the Abb\u00e9 Brasseur de Bourbourg, is an\nanonymous manuscript in the Mexican language. What we really know of\nthis much-talked-of document is little, and will be best given in the\noriginal form. The following is the first notice I find of this\nmanuscript, with its appurtenances, being Boturini's description of it\nas possessed at one time by him. _Cat\u00e1logo_, pp. 17-18. 'Una historia\nde los Reynos de Culhu\u00e0can, y Mexico en lengua N\u00e0huatl, y papel\nEurop\u00e8o de Autor Anonymo, y tiene a\u00f1adida una Breve Relacion de los\nDioses, y Ritos de la Gentilidad en lengua Castellana que escribi\u00f2 el\nBachiller Don Pedro Ponce, Indio Cazique Beneficiado, que fu\u00e8 del\nPartido de Tzumpau\u00e0can. Est\u00e1 todo copiado de letra de Don Fernando de\nAlba, y le falta la primera foja.' With regard to the term _Nahuatl_\nused in this _Catalogue_, see _Id._, p. 85: 'Los Manuscritos en lengua\nN\u00e0huatl, que en este Cat\u00e1logo se citan, se entiende ser en lengua\nMexicana!' This manuscript, or a copy of it, fell into the hands of\nthe Abb\u00e9 Brasseur de Bourbourg in the city of Mexico, in the year\n1850, _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Biblioth\u00e8que Mexico-Guat\u00e9malienne,\nIntroduction_, p. xxi., and the learned Abb\u00e9 describes it as\nfollows:--'Codex Chimalpopoca (Copie du), contenant les Epoques, dites\nHistoire des Soleils et l'Histoire des Royaumes de Colhuacan et de\nMexico, texte Mexicain (corrig\u00e9 d'apr\u00e8s celui de M. Aubin), avec un\nessai de traduction fran\u00e7aise en regard. gr. in 4o--Manuscrit de 93\nff., copi\u00e9 et traduit par le signataire de la biblioth\u00e8que. C'est la\ncopie du document marqu\u00e9 au no 13, \u00a7 viii., du catalogue de Boturini,\nsous le titre de: Historia de los Reynos de Colhuacan y Mexico, etc.\nCe document, o\u00f9 pour la premi\u00e8re fois j'ai soulev\u00e9 le voile\n\u00e9nigmatique qui recouvrait les symboles de la religion et de\nl'histoire du Mexique est le plus important de tous ceux qui nous\nsoient rest\u00e9s des annales antiques mexicaines. Il renferme\nchronologiquement l'histoire g\u00e9ologique du monde, par s\u00e9ries de 13\nans, \u00e0 commencer de plus de dix mille ans avant l'\u00e8re chr\u00e9tienne,\nsuivant les calculs mexicains.' _Id._, p. 47.\n\n[II-15] Otherwise called, according to Clavigero, the god _Ometeuctli_,\nand the goddess _Omecihuatl_. Ternaux-Compans says: 'Les noms\nd'Ometeuctli et d'Omecihuatl ne se trouvent nulle part ailleurs dans\nla mythologie mexicaine; mais on pourrait les expliquer par\nl'\u00e9tymologie. _Ome_ signifie deux en mexicain, et tous les auteurs\nsont d'accord pour traduire litt\u00e9ralement leur nom par deux seigneurs\net deux dames.' _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1840, tom. lxxxvi., p.\n7.\n\n[II-16] _Xolotl_, 'servant or page.'--_Molina_, _Vocabulario en lengua\nCastellana Mexicana_. Not 'eye' as some scholiasts have it.\n\n[II-17] Literally, in the earliest copy of the myth that I have seen,\n_the milk of the thistle_, 'la leche de cardo,' which term has been\nrepeated blindly, and apparently without any idea of its meaning, by\nthe various writers that have followed. The old authorities, however,\nand especially Mendieta, from whom I take the legend, were in the\nhabit of calling the maguey a thistle; and indeed the tremendous\nprickles of the Mexican plant may lay good claim to the _Nemo me\nimpune lacessit_ of the Scottish emblem. 'Maguey, que es el cardon de\ndonde sacan la miel.' _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, p. 110. 'Metl es un\narbol \u00f3 cardo que en lengua de las Islas se llama maguey.'\n_Motolinia_, _Hist. de los Ind._, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._,\ntom. i., p. 243. 'Et similmente-cogliono le foglie di questo albero, \u00f2\ncardo che si tengono l\u00e0, come qua le vigne, et chiamanlo magueis.'\n_Relatione fatta per un Gentil'huomo del Signor Cortese_, in\n_Ramusio_, _Viaggi_, tom. iii., fol. 307.\n\n[II-18] Motolinia in _Icazbalceta_, _Col._, tom. i., pp. 6-10, says this\nfirst man and woman were begotten between the rain and the dust of the\nearth--'engendrada de la lluvia y del polvo de la tierra'--and in\nother ways adds to the perplexity; so that I am well inclined to agree\nwith M\u00fcller, _Amerikanische Urreligionen_, p. 518, when he says these\ncosmogonical myths display marks of local origin and of the subsequent\nfusion of several legends into an incongruous whole. 'Aus dieser Menge\nvon Verschiedenheiten in diesen Kosmogonien ist ersichtlich, dass\nviele Lokalmythen hier wie in Peru unabh\u00e4ngig von einander entstanden\ndie man \u00e4usserlich mit einander verband, die aber in mancherlei\nWiderspr\u00fcchen auch noch sp\u00e4ter ihre urspr\u00fcngliche Unabh\u00e4ngigkeit zu\nerkennen geben.'\n\n[II-19] Here, as elsewhere in this legend we follow Andres de Olmos'\naccount as given by Mendieta. Sahagun, however differs from it a good\ndeal in places. At this point for example, he mentions some notable\npersonages who guessed right about the rising of the sun:--'Otros se\npusieron \u00e1 mirar \u00e1cia el oriente, y digeron aqu\u00ed, de esta parte ha de\nsalir el Sol. El dicho de estos fu\u00e9 verdadero. Dicen que los que\nmiraron \u00e1cia el Oriente, fueron Quetzalcoatl, que tambien se llama\nEcatl, y otro que se llama Totec, y por otro nombre Anaoatlytecu, y\npor otro nombre Tlatavictezcatlipuca, y otros que se llaman Minizcoa,'\nor as in Kingsborough's edition, _Mex. Antiq._, vol. vii., p. 186. 'Por\notro nombre Anaoatl y Tecu, y por otro nombre Tlatavictezcatlipuca, y\notros que se llaman Mimizcoa, que son inumerables; y cuatro mugeres,\nla una se llama Tiacapan, la otra Teicu, la tercera Tlacoeoa, la\ncuarta Xocoyotl.' _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. viii., p.\n248.\n\n[II-20] Besides differences of authorities already noticed, I may add\nthat Sahagun describes the personage who became the sun--as well as\nhim who, as we shall soon see, became the moon--as belonging before\nhis transformation to the number of the gods, and not as one of the\nmen who served them. Further, in recounting the death of the gods,\nSahagun says that to the Air, Ecatl, Quetzalcoatl, was alloted the\ntask of killing the rest; nor does it appear that Quetzalcoatl killed\nhimself. As to Xolotl, he plays quite a cowardly part in this version;\ntrying to elude his death, he transformed himself into various things,\nand was only at last taken and killed under the form of a fish called\n_Axolotl_.\n\n[II-21] This kind of idol answers evidently to the mysterious 'Envelope'\nof the Quich\u00e9 myth. See also note 9.\n\n[II-22] Besides the Chimalpopoca manuscript, the earliest summaries of\nthe Mexican creation-myths are to be found in _Mendieta_, _Hist.\nEcles._, pp. 77-81; _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. iii., p.\n233, tom. ii., lib. vii., pp. 246-250; _Boturini_, _Idea de una\nHist._, pp. 37-43; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., pp. 31-5,\ntom. ii., pp. 76-8; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii.,\npp. 8-10.\n\n[II-23] _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chichimeca_ in _Kingsborough's Mex.\nAntiq._, vol. ix., pp. 205-6. The same author, in his _Relaciones_,\n_Ib._ pp. 321-2, either through his own carelessness or that of a\ntranscriber, transposes the second and third Ages. To see that it is\nan oversight of some sort, we have but to pass to the summary he gives\nat the end of these same _Relaciones_, _Ib._, p. 459, where the\naccount is again found in strict agreement with the version given in\nthe text. Camargo, _Hist. de Tlax._ in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._,\n1843, tom. xcix., p. 132, giving as we may suppose the Tlascaltec\nversion of the general Mexican myth, agrees with Ixtlilxochitl as to\nthe whole number of Ages, following, however, the order of the error\nabove noticed in the _Relaciones_. The Tlascaltec historian, moreover,\naffirms that only two of these Ages are past, and that the third and\nfourth destructions are yet to come. M. Ternaux-Compans, _Nouvelles\nAnnales des Voy._, 1840, tom. lxxxvi., p. 5, adopts this Tlascaltec\naccount as the general Mexican tradition; he is followed by Dr.\nPrichard, _Researches_, vol. v., pp. 360-1. Dr. Prichard cites\nBradford as supporting the same opinion, but erroneously, as Bradford,\n_Am. Antiq._, p. 328, follows Humboldt. Boturini, _Idea de una Hist._,\np. 3. and Clavigero, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 57, agree\nexactly with the text. The Abb\u00e9 Brasseur de Bourbourg also accepts the\nversion of three past destructions. _S'il existe des Sources de\nl'Hist. Prim._, pp. 26-7. Professor J. G. M\u00fcller, _Amerikanische\nUrreligionen_, pp. 510-12, admits that the version of three past\ndestructions and one to come, as given in the text, and in the order\nthere given, 'seems to be the most ancient Mexican version;' though he\ndecides to follow Humboldt, and adopts what he calls the 'latest and\nfullest form of the myth.' The _Spiegazione delle Tavole del Codice\nMexicano_ [Vaticano] contradicts itself, giving first two past\ndestructions, and farther on four, _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol.\nv., pp. 163-7; as does also the _Explic. del Codex Telleriano-Remensis_,\n_Ib._, pp. 134-6. Kingsborough himself seems to favor the idea of\nthree past destructions and four ages in all; see _Mex. Antiq._, vol.\nvi., p. 171, note. Gomara, _Hist. Mex._, fol. 297-8; Leon y Gama, _Dos\nPiedras_, parte i., pp. 94-5; Humboldt, _Vues_, tom. ii., pp. 118-129;\nPrescott, _Conq. of Mex._, vol. i., p. 61; Gallatin, in _Am. Ethnol.\nSoc., Transact._, vol. i., p. 325--describe four past destructions\nand one yet to come, or five Ages, and the Chimalpopoca MS., see note\n13, seems also to favor this opinion. Lastly, Mendieta, _Hist.\nEcles._, p. 81, declares that the Mexicans believe in five Suns, or\nAges, in times past; but these suns were of inferior quality, so that\nthe soil produced its fruits only in a crude and imperfect state. The\nconsequence was that in every case the inhabitants of the world died\nthrough the eating of divers things. This present and sixth Sun was\ngood, however, and under its influence all things were produced\nproperly. Torquemada--who has, indeed, been all along appropriating,\nby whole chapters, the so long inedited work of Mendieta; and that, if\nwe believe Icazbalceta, _Hist. Ecles._, _Noticias del Autor._, pp.\nxxx. to xlv., under circumstances of peculiar turpitude--of course\ngives also five past Ages, repeating Mendieta word for word with the\nexception of a single 'la.' _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 79.\n\n[II-24] Professor J. G. M\u00fcller, _Amerikanische Urreligionen_, p. 568,\nremarks of these two personages: 'Rein nordisch ist der chichimekische\nCoxcox, der schon bei der Fluthsage genannt wurde, der Tezpi der\nMechoakaner. Das ist auch urspr\u00fcnglich ein Wassergott und Fischgott,\ndarum tr\u00e4gt er auch den Namen Cipactli, Fisch, Teocipactli, g\u00f6ttlicher\nFisch, Huehuetonacateocipactli, alter Fischgott von unserem Fleisch.\nDarum ist auch seine Gattin eine Pflanzeng\u00f6ttin mit Namen Xochiquetzal\nd. h. gefl\u00fcgelte Blume.'\n\n[II-25] _Boturini_, _Idea de una Hist._, pp. 113-4; _Id._, _Cat\u00e1logo_,\npp. 39-40; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. i., pp.\n129-30, tom. ii., p. 6; _Spiegazione delle Tavole del Codice Mexicano_\n(Vaticano), tav. vii., in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. v., pp.\n164-5; _Gemelli Carreri_, in _Churchill's Col. Voy._, vol. iv., p.\n481; _Humboldt_, _Vues_, tom. i., pp. 114-15, tom. ii., pp. 175-8;\n_Tylor's Anahuac_, pp. 276-7; _Gondra_, in _Prescott_, _Conquista de\nMexico_, tom. iii., pp. 1-10. A careful comparison of the passages\ngiven above will show that this whole story of the escape of Coxcox\nand his wife in a boat from a great deluge, and of the distribution by\na bird of different languages to their descendants, rests on the\ninterpretation of certain Aztec paintings, containing supposed\npictures of a flood, of Coxcox and his wife, of a canoe or rude vessel\nof some kind, of the mountain Culhuacan, which was the Mexican Ararat,\nand of a bird distributing languages to a number of men. Not one of\nthe earliest writers on Mexican mythology, none of those personally\nfamiliar with the natives and with their oral traditions as existing\nat the time of, or immediately after the conquest, seems to have known\nthis legend; Olmos, Sahagun, Motolinia, Mendieta, Ixtlilxochitl, and\nCamargo, are all of them silent with regard to it. These facts must\ngive rise to grave suspicions with regard to the accuracy of the\ncommonly accepted version, notwithstanding its apparently implicit\nreception up to this time by the most critical historians. These\nsuspicions will not be lessened by the result of the researches of Don\nJos\u00e9 Fernando Ramirez, Conservator of the Mexican National Museum, a\ngentleman not less remarkable for his familiarity with the language\nand antiquities of Mexico than for the moderation and calmness of his\ncritical judgments, as far as these are known. In a communication\ndated April, 1858, to Garcia y Cubas, _Atlas Geogr\u00e1fico, Estad\u00edstico e\nHist\u00f3rico de la Republica Mejicana_, entrega 29, speaking of the\ncelebrated Mexican picture there for the first time, as he claims,\naccurately given to the public--Sig\u00fcenza's copy of it, as given by\nGemelli Carreri, that given by Clavigero in his _Storia del Messico_,\nthat given by Humboldt in his _Atlas Pittoresque_, and that given by\nKingsborough being all incorrect--Se\u00f1or Ramirez says:--'The authority\nof writers so competent as Sig\u00fcenza and Clavigero imposed silence on\nthe incredulous, and after the illustrious Baron von Humboldt added\nhis irresistible authority, adopting that interpretation, nobody\ndoubted that \"the traditions of the Hebrews were found among the\npeople of America;\" that, as the wise Baron thought, \"their Coxcox,\nTeocipactli, or Tezpi is the Noah, Xisutrus, or Menou of the Asiatic\nfamilies;\" and that \"the Cerro of Culhuacan is the Ararat of the\nMexicans.\" Grand and magnificent thought, but unfortunately only a\ndelusion. The blue square No. 1, with its bands or obscure lines of\nthe same color, cannot represent the terrestrial globe covered with\nthe waters of the flood, because we should have to suppose a\nrepetition of the same deluge in the figure No. 40, where it is\nreproduced with some of its principal accidents. Neither, for the same\nreason, do the human heads and the heads of birds which appear to\nfloat there, denote the submerging of men and animals, for it would be\nnecessary to give the same explanation to those seen in group No. 39.\nIt might be argued that the group to the left (of No. 1), made up of a\nhuman head placed under the head of a bird, represented phonetically\nthe name Coxcox, and denoted the Aztec Noah; but the group on the\nright, formed of a woman's head with other symbolic figures above it,\nevidently does not express the name Xochiquetzal, which is said to\nhave been that of his wife.... Let us now pass on to the dove giving\ntongues to the primitive men who were born mute. The commas which seem\nto come from the beak of the bird there represented, form one of the\nmost complex and varied symbols, in respect to their phonetic force,\nwhich are found in our hieroglyphic writing. In connection with\nanimated beings they designate generically the emission of the\nvoice.... In the group before us they denote purely and simply that\nthe bird was singing or speaking--to whom?--to the group of persons\nbefore it, who by the direction of their faces and bodies show clearly\nand distinctly the attention with which they listened. Consequently\nthe designer of the before-mentioned drawing for Clavigero,\npre-occupied with the idea of signifying by it the pretended confusion\nof tongues, changed with his pencil the historic truth, giving to\nthese figures opposite directions. Examining attentively the\ninexactitudes and errors of the graver and the pencil in all\nhistorical engravings relating to Mexico, it is seen that they are no\nless numerous and serious than those of the pen. The interpretations\ngiven to the ancient Mexican paintings by ardent imaginations led away\nby love of novelty or by the spirit of system, justify to a certain\npoint the distrust and disfavor with which the last and most\ndistinguished historian of the Conquest of Mexico (W. H. Prescott) has\ntreated this interesting and precious class of historical documents.'\nSe\u00f1or Ramirez goes on thus at some length to his conclusions, which\nreduce the original painting to a simple record of a wandering of the\nMexicans among the lakes of the Mexican valley--that journey\nbeginning at a place 'not more than nine miles from the gutters of\nMexico,'--a record having absolutely no connection either with the\nmythical deluge, already described as one of the four destructions of\nthe world, or with any other. The bird speaking in the picture, he\nconnects with a well-known Mexican fable given by Torquemada, in which\na bird is described as speaking from a tree to the leaders of the\nMexicans at a certain stage of their migration, and repeating the work\n_Tihui_, that is to say, 'Let us go.' A little bird called the\n_Tihuitochan_, with a cry that the vulgar still interpret in a\nsomewhat similar sense, is well known in Mexico, and is perhaps at the\nbottom of the tradition. It may be added that Torquemada gives a\npainted manuscript, possibly that under discussion, as his authority\nfor the story. The boat, the mountain, and the other adjuncts of the\npicture are explained in a like simple way, as the hieroglyphics, for\nthe most part, of various proper names. Our space here will not permit\nfurther details--though another volume will contain this picture and\na further discussion of the subject--but I may remark in concluding\nthat the moderation with which Se\u00f1or Ramirez discusses the question,\nas well as his great experience and learning in matters of Mexican\nantiquity, seem to claim for his views the serious consideration of\nfuture students.\n\n[II-26] _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. des Nat. Civ._, tom. i., pp.\n425-7.\n\n[II-27] Fr. Gregorio Garcia, _Origen de los Ind._, pp. 327-9, took this\nnarrative from a book he found in a convent in Cuilapa, a little\nIndian town about a league and a half south of Oajaca. The book had\nbeen compiled by the vicar of that convent, and--'escrito con sus\nFiguras, como los Indios de aquel Reino Mixteco las tenian en sus\nLibros, \u00f2 Pergaminos arrollados, con la declaracion de lo que\nsignificaban las Figuras, en que contaban su Origen, la Creacion del\nMundo, i Diluvio General.'\n\n[II-28] 'Que aparecieron visiblemente un Dios, que tuvo por Nombre _un\nCiervo_, i por sobrenombre _Culebra de Leon_; i una Diosa mui linda, i\nhermosa, que su Nombre fue _un Ciervo_, i por sobrenombre _Culebra de\nTigre_,' _Garcia_, _Id._, pp. 327-9.\n\n[II-29] _Burgoa_, _Geog. Descrip._, tom. i., fol. 128, 176.\n\n[II-30] _Burgoa_, _Geog. Descrip._, fol. 196-7.\n\n[II-31] One of the Las Casas MSS. gives, according to Helps, 'trece\nhijos' instead of 'tres hijos;' the latter, however, being the correct\nreading, as the list of names in the same manuscript shows, and as\nFather Roman gives it. See note 33.\n\n[II-32] This tradition, says the Abb\u00e9 Brasseur de Bourbourg, _Hist. des\nNat. Civ._, tom. ii., pp. 74-5, has indubitably reference to a queen\nwhose memory has become attached to very many places in Guatemala, and\nCentral America generally. She was called _Atit_, Grandmother; and\nfrom her the volcano of Atitlan, received the name _Atital-huyu_, by\nwhich it is still known to the aborigines. This Atit lived during four\ncenturies, and from her are descended all the royal and princely\nfamilies of Guatemala.\n\n[II-33] _Roman_, _Rep\u00fablica de los Indios Occidentales_, part 1, lib.\n2, cap. 15, after _Garcia_, _Origen de los Ind._, pp. 329-30; _Las\nCasas_, _Hist. Apolog\u00e9tica_, MS., cap. 235, after _Helps' Span.\nConq._, vol. ii., p. 140; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp.\n53-4; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. des Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., pp.\n74-5.\n\n[II-34] The first of these two names is erroneously spelt 'Famagoztad'\nby M. Ternaux-Compans, Mr. Squier, and the Abb\u00e9 Brasseur de Bourbourg,\nthe two latter perhaps led astray by the error of M. Ternaux-Compans,\nan error which first appeared in that gentleman's translation of\nOviedo. _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iv., p. 40. _Peter Martyr_, dec.\nvi., cap. 4.\n\n[II-35] This tradition was 'gathered principally from the relations of\nCon Quien, the intelligent chief of the central Papagos.' _Davidson_,\nin _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1865, pp. 131-3.\n\n[II-36] The legendary Montezuma, whom we shall meet so often in the\nmythology of the Gila valley, must not be confounded with the two\nMexican monarchs of the same title. The name itself would seem, in the\nabsence of proof to the contrary, to have been carried into Arizona\nand New Mexico by the Spaniards or their Mexican attendants, and to\nhave become gradually associated in the minds of some of the New\nMexican and neighboring tribes, with a vague, mythical, and departed\ngrandeur. The name Montezuma became thus, to use Mr. Tylor's words,\nthat of the great 'Somebody' of the tribe. This being once the case,\nall the lesser heroes would be gradually absorbed in the greater, and\ntheir names forgotten. Their deeds would become his deeds, their fame\nhis fame. There is evidence enough that this is a general tendency of\ntradition, even in historical times. The pages of Mr. Cox's scholarly\nand comprehensive work, _The Mythology of the Aryan Nations_, teem\nwith examples of it. In Persia, deeds of every kind and date are\nreferred to Antar. In Russia, buildings of every age are declared to\nbe the work of Peter the Great. All over Europe, in Germany, France,\nSpain, Switzerland, England, Scotland, Ireland, the exploits of the\noldest mythological heroes figuring in the Sagas, Eddas, and\nNibelungen Lied have been ascribed in the folk-lore and ballads of the\npeople to Barbarossa, Charlemagne, Boabdil, Charles V., William Tell,\nArthur, Robin Hood, Wallace, and St. Patrick. The connection of the\nname of Montezuma with ancient buildings and legendary adventures in\nthe mythology of the Gila valley seems to be simply another example of\nthe same kind.\n\n[II-37] I am indebted for these particulars of the belief of the Pimas\nto the kindness of Mr. J. H. Stout of the Pima agency, who procured me\na personal interview with five chiefs of that nation, and their very\nintelligent and obliging interpreter, Mr. Walker, at San Francisco, in\nOctober, 1873.\n\n[II-38] For the killing of this Great Eagle Szeukha had to do a kind of\npenance, which was never to scratch himself with his nails, but always\nwith a small stick. This custom is still observed by all Pimas; and a\nbit of wood, renewed every fourth day, is carried for this purpose\nstuck in their long hair.\n\n[II-39] With the reader, as with myself, this clause will probably call\nup something more than a mere suspicion of Spanish influence tinging\nthe incidents of the legend. The Pimas themselves, however, asserted\nthat this tradition existed among them long before the arrival of the\nSpaniards and was not modified thereby. One fact that seems to speak\nfor the comparative purity of their traditions is that the name of\nMontezuma is nowhere to be found in them, although Cremony, _Apaches_,\np. 102, states the contrary.\n\n[II-40] _Gregg's Commerce of the Prairies_, vol. i., p. 268.\n\n[II-41] _Ten Broeck_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iv., pp. 85-6.\n\n[II-42] _Ten Broeck_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iv., pp. 89-90; and\n_Eaton_, _Ib._, pp. 218-9. The latter account differs a little from\nthat given in the text, and makes the following addition: After the\nNavajos came up from the cave, there came a time when, by the ferocity\nof giants and rapacious animals, their numbers were reduced to\nthree--an old man, an old woman, and a young woman. The stock was\nreplenished by the latter bearing a child to the sun.\n\n[II-43] _Ribas_, _Hist._, pp. 18, 40.\n\n[II-44] _Clavigero_, _Storia della Cal._, tom. i., p. 139.\n\n[II-45] _Clavigero_, _Storia della Cal._, tom. i., pp. 135-7.\n\n[II-46] _Hugo Reid_, in _Los Angeles Star_.\n\n[II-47] _Hugo Reid_, _Ib._\n\n[II-48] Russian River Valley, Sonoma County.\n\n[II-49] _Powers' Pomo_, MS.\n\n[II-50] Humboldt County.\n\n[II-51] _Powers' Pomo_, MS.\n\n[II-52] _Powers' Pomo_, MS.\n\n[II-53] _Powers' Pomo_, MS.\n\n[II-54] _Johnston_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iv., pp. 224-5.\n\n[II-55] _H. B. D._ in _Hesperian Mag._, vol. iii., 1859, p. 326.\n\n[II-56] _Wadsworth_, in _Hutchings' Cal. Mag._, vol. ii., 1858, pp.\n356-8.\n\n[II-57] _Powers' Pomo_, MS.\n\n[II-58] _Joaquin Miller's Life Amongst the Modocs_, pp. 235-236, 242-6.\n\n[II-59] _Ruxton's Adven. in Mex._, pp. 244-6.\n\n[II-60] _Wilkes' Nar._ in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. iv., p. 496.\n\n[II-61] _Franch\u00e8re's Nar._, p. 258; _Cox's Adven._, vol. i., p. 317;\n_Gibbs' Chinook Vocab._, pp. 11-13; _Id._, _Clallam and Lummi\nVocab._, pp. 15-29; _Parker's Explor. Tour_, p. 139.\n\n[II-62] _Sproat's Scenes_, pp. 176-85, 203-14.\n\n[II-63] To the examples already given of this we may add the case of the\nHaidahs of Queen Charlotte Island, of whom Mr. Poole, _Q. Char. Isl._,\np. 136, says: 'Their descent from the crows is quite gravely affirmed\nand steadfastly maintained.'\n\n[II-64] _Anderson_, in _Lord's Nat._, vol. ii., p. 240.\n\n[II-65] _Harmon's Jour._, pp. 302-3.\n\n[II-66] This Khanukh was the progenitor of the Wolf family of the\nThlinkeets even as Yehl was that of the Raven family. The influence of\nthis wolf-deity seems to have been generally malign, but except in\nconnection with this water-legend, he is little mentioned in the\nThlinkeet myths.\n\n[II-67] 'Seit der Zeit, entgegnete Khanukh, als von unten die Leber\nherauskam.' _Holmberg_, _Ethn. Skiz._, p. 61. What is meant by the\nterm 'die Leber,' literally the particular gland of the body called in\nEnglish 'the liver,' I cannot say; neither Holmberg or any one else,\nas far as my knowledge goes, attempting any explanation.\n\n[II-68] _Barrett-Lennard's Trav._, pp. 54-7; _Holmberg_, _Ethn. Skiz._,\npp. 14, 52-63; _Baer_, _Stat. u. Ethn._, pp. 93-100; _Dall's Alaska_,\npp. 421-22; _Macfie's Vanc. Isl._, pp. 452-5; _Richardson's Jour._,\nvol. i., p. 405; _Mayne's B. C._, p. 272.\n\n[II-69] _Baer_, _Stat. u. Ethn._, p. 116; _Lisiansky's Voy._, pp. 197-8;\n_Dall's Alaska_, p. 405; _Holmberg_, _Ethn. Skiz._, p. 140.\n\n[II-70] _Choris_, _Voy. Pitt._, pt. vii., p. 7; _Kotzebue's Voy._, vol.\nii., p. 165.\n\n[II-71] _Dunn's Oregon_, pp. 102, _et seq._; _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol.\nv., p. 173; _Mackenzie's Voy._, p. cxviii.; _Franklin's Nar._, vol.\ni., pp. 249-50.\n\n[II-72] _Hearne's Journey_, pp. 342-3.\n\n[II-73] _Keightley's Myth. of Ancient Greece and Italy_, p. 14.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER III.\n\nPHYSICAL MYTHS.\n\n     SUN, MOON, AND STARS -- ECLIPSES -- THE MOON PERSONIFIED IN THE\n     LAND OF THE CRESCENT -- FIRE -- HOW THE COYOTE STOLE FIRE FOR\n     THE CAHROCS -- HOW THE FROG LOST HIS TAIL -- HOW THE COYOTE\n     STOLE FIRE FOR THE NAVAJOS -- WIND AND THUNDER -- THE FOUR\n     WINDS AND THE CROSS -- WATER, THE FIRST OF ELEMENTAL THINGS --\n     ITS SACRED AND CLEANSING POWER -- EARTH AND SKY -- EARTHQUAKES\n     AND VOLCANOES -- MOUNTAINS -- HOW THE HAWK AND CROW BUILT THE\n     COAST RANGE -- THE MOUNTAINS OF YOSEMITE.\n\n\nFetichism seems to be the physical philosophy of man in his most\nprimitive state. He looks on material things as animated by a life\nanalogous to his own, as having a personal consciousness and\ncharacter, as being severally the material body that contains some\nimmaterial essence or soul. A child or a savage strikes or chides any\nobject that hurts him, and caresses the gewgaw that takes his fancy,\ntalking to it much as to a companion.\n\n  [Sidenote: VAGARIES CONCERNING CELESTIAL BODIES.]\n\nLet there be something peculiar, mysterious, or dangerous about the\nthing and the savage worships it, deprecates its wrath and entreats\nits favor, with such ceremonies, prayers, and sacrifices as he may\ndeem likely to win upon its regard. In considering such cases\nmythologically, it will be necessary to examine the facts to see\nwhether we have to deal with simple fetichism or with idolatry. That\nsavage worships a fetich who worships the heaving sea as a great\nliving creature, or kneels to flame as to a hissing roaring animal;\nbut the Greeks in conceiving a separate anthropomorphic god of the sea\nor of the fire, and in representing that god by figures of different\nkinds, were only idolaters. The two things, however, are often so\nmerged into each other that it becomes difficult or impossible to say\nin many instances whether a particular object, for example the sun, is\nregarded as the deity or merely as the representation or symbol of the\ndeity. It is plain enough, however, that a tolerably distinct element\nof fetichism underlies much of the Indian mythology. Speaking of this\nmythology in the mass, the North American Review says: \"A mysterious\nand inexplicable power resides in inanimate things. They, too, can\nlisten to the voice of man, and influence his life for evil or for\ngood. Lakes, rivers, and waterfalls are sometimes the dwelling-place\nof spirits, but more frequently they are themselves living beings, to\nbe propitiated by prayers and offerings.\"[III-1]\n\nThe explicit worship of the sun and more or less that of other\nheavenly bodies, or at least a recognition of some supernatural power\nresident in or connected with them, was widely spread through Mexico,\nas well among the uncivilized as among the civilized tribes. The wild\nChichimecs or that portion of the wild tribes of Mexico to which\nAlegre applied this name, owned the sun as their deity, as did also\nthe people of the Nayarit country.[III-2]\n\nIn what we may call civilized Mexico, the sun was definitely worshiped\nunder the name of Tonatiuh, the Sun in his substance, and under that\nof Naolin, the Sun in his four motions. He was sometimes represented\nby a human face surrounded with rays, at other times by a full-length\nhuman figure, while again he often seems to be confused or connected\nwith the element fire and the god of fire. Sahagun, for instance,\nusually speaks of the festival of the month Itzcalli as appertaining\nto the god of fire, but in at least one place he describes it as\nbelonging to the sun and the fire.[III-3] The sun, it is tolerably\ncertain, held, if not the highest place, one not far removed from that\nposition in the Mexican pantheon. Brasseur de Bourbourg, Tylor,\nSquier, and Schoolcraft agree in considering sun-worship the most\nradical religious idea of all civilized American religions.[III-4]\nProfessor M\u00fcller considers the sun-god and the supreme Mexican Teotl\nto be identical.[III-5] Dr. Brinton, as we shall see when we come to\nnotice the mythology of fire, while not denying the prominence of the\nsun-cult, would refer that cult to a basal and original fire-worship.\nMany interpreters of mythology see also the personification of the sun\nin others of the Mexican gods besides Tonatiuh. More especially does\nevidence seem to point strongly in this direction in the case of\nQuetzalcoatl, as will be seen when we come to deal with this god.\n\nThe Mexicans were much troubled and distressed by an eclipse of the\nsun. They thought that he was much disturbed and tossed about by\nsomething, and that he was becoming seriously jaundiced. This was the\noccasion of a general panic, women weeping aloud, and men howling and\nshouting and striking the hand upon the mouth. There was an immediate\nsearch for men with white hair and white faces, and these were\nsacrificed to the sun, amid the din and tumult of singing and musical\ninstruments. It was thought that should the eclipse become once total,\nthere would be an end of the light, and that in the darkness the\ndemons would come down to the devouring of the people.[III-6]\n\n  [Sidenote: ECLIPSES, AND THEIR EFFECT ON MAN.]\n\nThe Tlascaltecs, regarding the sun and the moon as husband and wife,\nbelieved eclipses to be domestic quarrels, whose consequences were\nlikely to be fatal to the world if peace could not be made before\nthings proceeded to an extremity. To sooth the ruffled spirit of the\nsun when he was eclipsed, a human sacrifice was offered to him of the\nruddiest victims that could be found; and when the moon was darkened\nshe was appeased with the blood of those white-complexioned persons\ncommonly known as Albinos.[III-7]\n\nThe idea of averting the evil by noise, in case of an eclipse either\nof the sun or moon, seems to have been a common one among other\nAmerican tribes. Alegre ascribes it to the natives of Sonora in\ngeneral. Ribas tells how the Sinaloas held that the moon in an eclipse\nwas darkened with the dust of battle. Her enemy had come upon her, and\na terrible fight, big with consequence to those on earth, went on in\nheaven. In wild excitement the people beat on the sides of their\nhouses, encouraging the moon and shooting flights of arrows up into\nthe sky to distract her adversary. Much the same as this was also done\nby certain Californians.[III-8]\n\nWith regard to an eclipse of the moon the Mexicans seem to have had\nrather special ideas as to its effects upon unborn children. At such\ntimes, women who were with child became alarmed lest their infant\nshould be turned into a mouse, and to guard against such an\nundesirable consummation they held a bit of obsidian, _iztli_, in\ntheir mouth, or put a piece of it in their girdle, so that the child\nshould be born perfect and not lipless, or noseless, or wry-mouthed,\nor squinting, or a monster.[III-9] These ideas are probably connected\nwith the fact that the Mexicans worshiped the moon under the name of\nMeztli, as a deity presiding over human generations. This moon-god is\nconsidered by Clavigero to be identical with Joaltecutli, god of\nnight.[III-10]\n\nIt is to the Abb\u00e9 Brasseur de Bourbourg, however, that we must turn\nfor a truly novel and cyclopean theory of Mexican lunolatry. He sees\nback to a time when the forefathers of American civilization lived in\na certain Crescent Land in the Atlantic; here they practiced Sabaism.\nThrough some tremendous physical catastrophe their country was utterly\noverwhelmed by the sea; and this inundation is considered by the abb\u00e9\nto be the origin of the deluge-myths of the Central-American nations.\nA remnant of these Crescent people saved themselves in the seven\nprincipal islands of the Lesser Antilles; these are, he explains, the\nseven mythical caves or grottoes celebrated in so many American\nlegends as the cradle of the nations. The saved remnant of the people\nwept the loss of their friends and of their old land, making the\nlatter, with its crescent shape, memorable forever by adopting the\nmoon as their god. \"It is the moon,\" writes the great Am\u00e9ricaniste,\n\"male and female, Luna and Lunas, personified in the land of the\nCrescent, engulfed in the abyss, that I believe I see at the\ncommencement of this amalgam of rites and symbols of every kind.\"[III-11]\nI confess inability to follow the path by which the abb\u00e9 has reached\nthis conclusion; but I have indicated its whereabouts, and future\nstudents may be granted a further insight into this new labyrinth and\nthe subtleties of its industrious D\u00e6dalus.\n\n  [Sidenote: WHAT THE MEXICANS THOUGHT OF STARS AND COMETS.]\n\nThe Mexicans had many curious ideas about the stars, some of which\nhave come down to us. They particularly reverenced a certain group of\nthree called _mamalhoaztli_, in, or in the neighborhood of, the sign\nTaurus of the zodiac. This name was the same as that of the sticks\nfrom which fire was procured: a resemblance of some kind being\nsupposed to exist between them and these stars. Connected again with\nthis was the burning by every male Mexican of certain marks upon his\nwrist, in honor of the same stars; it being believed that the man who\ndied without these marks should, on his arrival in hades, be forced to\ndraw fire from his wrist by boring upon it as on a fire-stick. The\nplanet Venus was worshiped as the first light that appeared in the\nworld, as the god of twilight, and, according to some, as being\nidentical with Quetzalcoatl. This star has been further said to borrow\nits light from the moon, and to rise by four starts. Its first twinkle\nwas a bad augury, and to be closed out of all doors and windows; on\nappearing for the third time, it began to give a steady light, and on\nthe fourth it shone forth in all its clearness and brilliancy.\n\nComets were called each _citlalinpopoca_, or the smoking star; their\nappearance was considered as a public disaster, and as announcing\npest, dearth, or the death of some prince. The common people were\naccustomed to say of one, This is our famine, and they believed it to\ncast down certain darts, which falling on any animal, bred a maggot\nthat rendered the creature unfit for food. All possible precautions of\nshelter were of course taken by persons in positions exposed to the\ninfluence of these noxious rays. Besides the foregoing, there were\nmany stars or groups of stars whose names were identical with those of\ncertain gods; the following seem to belong to this class:\nTonacatlecutli or Citlalalatonalli, the milky way; Yzacatecutli,\nTlahvizcalpantecutli, Ceyacatl, Achitumetl, Xacupancalqui, Mixcoatl,\nTezcatlipoca, and Contemoctli.[III-12]\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\nI have already noticed a prevailing tendency to connect the worship of\nfire and that of the sun. The rites of a perpetual fire are found\nclosely connected with a sun-cult, and, whichever may be the older, it\nis certain they are rarely found apart. \"What,\" says Tylor, \"the sea is\nto Water-worship, in some measure the Sun is to Fire-worship.\"[III-13]\nBrinton would reverse this and give to fire the predominance: in\nshort, he says, the sun \"is always spoken of as a fire;\" \"and without\ndanger or error we can merge the consideration of its worship almost\naltogether in this element.\"[III-14] This sounds rather extravagant and\nis hardly needed in any case; for sufficient reason for its deification\ncan always be found in its mysterious nature and awful powers of\ndestruction, as well as in its kind and constantly renewed services,\nif gratitude have any power in making a god. The mere guarding and\nholding sacred a particular fire probably originated in the importance\nof possessing an unfailing source of the element, and in the\ndifficulty of its production if allowed to die out, among men not\npossessed of the appliances of civilization.\n\nWhen we come to review the gods in general, those connected with fire\nwill be pointed out as they appear; for the present, let it suffice to\nsay that many American peoples had such gods, or had ceremonies\nsuggesting their existence and recognition, or lastly, had legends of\nthe origin or procurement of the fire they daily used on the altar or\non the hearth. In the Pueblos of New Mexico, and more especially among\nthe Pecos, sacred perpetual fires were kept up by special command of\ntheir traditionary god and ruler Montezuma; but these fires were not\nregarded as fetiches.[III-15] The Mexican fire-god was known by the name\nof Xiuhtecutli, and by other names appertaining to the different\naspects in which he was viewed. While preserving his own well-marked\nidentity, he was evidently closely related also to the sun-god. Many\nand various, even in domestic life, were the ceremonies by which he\nwas recognized; the most important ritual in connection with his\nservice being, perhaps, the lighting of the new fire, with which, as\nwe shall see, the beginning of every Mexican cycle was solemnized.[III-16]\n\nThere are various fables scattered up and down among the various\ntribes regarding the origin or rather the procuring of fire. We know\nhow the Quich\u00e9s received it from the stamp of the sandal of Tohil;\nhow, from the home of the cuttle-fish, a deer brought it to the Ahts\nin a joint of his leg; how from a distant island the great Yehl of the\nThlinkeets fetched the brand in his beak that filled the flint and the\nfire-stick with seeds of eternal fire.\n\n  [Sidenote: HOW THE CAHROCS OBTAINED FIRE.]\n\nThe Cahrocs hold that, when in the beginning the creator Chareya made\nfire, he gave it into the custody of two old hags, lest the Cahrocs\nshould steal it. The Cahrocs, having exhausted every means to procure\nthe treasure, applied for help to their old friend the Coyote; who,\nhaving maturely considered how the theft might best be accomplished,\nset about the thing in this way: From the land of the Cahrocs to the\nhome of the old women he stationed a great company of animals, at\nconvenient distances; the strongest nearest the den of the old\nbeldames, the weakest farthest removed. Last of all he hid a Cahroc in\nthe neighborhood of the hut, and, having left the man precise\ndirections how to act, he trotted up to the door and asked to be let\nin out of the cold. Suspecting nothing, the crones gave him\nadmittance; so he lay down in front of the fire, and made himself as\ncomfortable as possible, waiting for the further action of his human\naccomplice without. In good time, the man made a furious attack on the\nhouse and the old furies rushed out at once to drive off the invader.\nThis was the Coyote's opportunity. Instantly he seized a half-burnt\nbrand and fled like a comet down the trail; and the two hags, seeing\nhow they had been outwitted, turned after him in immediate and furious\nchase. It had gone hard then with the hopes of the Cahrocs, if their\nfour-legged Prometheus had trusted to his single speed; but just as he\nbegan to feel the pace tell on him, and just as the weird women\nthought they were about to recover the brand, the Cougar relieved him\nof it. Great was the satisfaction of our wise Coyote, as he sank down,\nclearing his sooty eyes and throat, and catching his breath, to see\nthe great lithe cat leap away with the torch, and the hags gnash their\nchoppy gums as they rushed by, hard in pursuit, on the dim trail of\nsparks. The Cougar passed the brand to the Bear, the Bear to his\nneighbor, and so on to the end. Down the long line of carriers, the\npanting crones plied their withered old legs in vain; only two mishaps\noccurring among all the animals that made up the file. The squirrel,\nlast in the train but one, burned his tail so badly that it curled up\nover his back, and even scorched the skin above his shoulders. Last of\nall, the poor Frog, who received the brand when it had burned down to\na very little piece, hopped along so heavily that his pursuers gained\non him, gained fast and surely. In vain he gathered himself for every\nspring, in vain he stretched at every leap till the jarred muscles\ncracked again. He was caught. The smoke-dimmed eyes stood out from his\nhead, his little heart thumped like a club against the lean fingers\nthat closed upon his body--yet that wild croak was not the croak of\ndespair. Once more for the hope of the Cahrocs! one more struggle for\nthe Coyote that trusted him in this great thing! and with a gulp the\nplucky little martyr swallowed the fire, tore himself from the hands\nthat held him, leaped into a river, and diving deep and long, gained\nhis goal; but gained it a mournful wreck, the handsome tail, which, of\nall his race, only the tadpole should ever wear again, was utterly\ngone, left, like that of an O'Shanter's mare, in the witch's grasp;\nonly the ghost of himself was left to spit out on some pieces of wood\nthe precious embers preserved at so great a cost. And it is because\nthe Frog spat out this fire upon these pieces of wood that it can\nalways be extracted again by rubbing them hard together.[III-17]\n\n  [Sidenote: FIRE, THE LIGHTNING, AND WIND.]\n\nThe Navajos have a legend as to the procuring of fire, that has many\nanalogies to the foregoing. They tell how, when they first gained the\nearth, they were without fire, and how the Coyote, the Bat, and the\nSquirrel agreed to procure it for them. The object of their desire\nseems to have been in the possession of the animals in general, in\nsome distant locality. The Coyote, having attached pine splinters to\nhis tail, ran quickly through the fire and fled with his lighted\nprize. Being keenly pursued, however, by the other animals, he soon\ntired; upon which the Bat relieved him, and dodging and flitting here\nand there, carried the splinters still farther. Then the Squirrel came\nto the assistance of the Bat, and succeeding him in his office,\ncontrived to reach the hearths of the Navajos with the coveted\nembers.[III-18]\n\nThe natives of Mendocino county, California, believe that lightning is\nthe origin of fire, that a primeval bolt hurled down by the Man Above\nfell upon certain wood, from which, consequently fire can always be\nextracted by rubbing two pieces together.[III-19]\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\nFrom fire let us turn for a moment to wind, whose phenomena, as might\nbe expected, have not been allowed to pass wholly unnoticed by the\nmythologies with which we have to deal. When we come to examine ideas\nconnected with death and with the soul of man and its future, we shall\nfind the wind, or the air, often in use as the best name and figure\nfor the expression of primitive conceptions of that mysterious thing,\nthe vital essence or spirit. The wind too is often considered as a\ngod, or at least as the breath of a god, and in many American\nlanguages the Great Spirit and the Great Wind are one and the same\nboth in word and signification. The name of the god Hurakan,\nmentioned in Quich\u00e9 myths, still signifies the Storm in many a\nlanguage strange to his worshipers, while in Quich\u00e9 it may be\ntranslated Spirit, or swiftly moving Spirit;[III-20] and the name of\nthe Mexican god Mixcoatl is said to be to this day the correct Mexican\nterm for the whirlwind.[III-21]\n\nAn interesting point here arises with regard to the division of the\nheavens into four quarters and the naming of these after the names of\nthe wind. Dr. Brinton believes this fact to be at the bottom of the\nsacredness and often occurrence of the number four in so many early\nlegends, and he connects these four winds and their embodiment in many\nquaternions of deities, with the sacredness of the cross and its use\namong widely separated nations, to whom its later Christian\nsignification was utterly unknown.[III-22]\n\nIf we may suppose that the Great Spirit and the wind are often\nrepresented under the form of an enormous bird, we must connect with\nthem, as their most inseparable attributes, the thunder and the\nlightning; the first, as we have so often seen, is the rustling or\nstridor of the wings of the bird, the second is the flashing of his\neyes. The Raven of the Koniagas is not, however, as among most other\ntribes of the great Northwest, the author of these things; but their\nprincipal deity when he is angry sends down two dwarfs, who thunder\nand lighten according to his command.[III-23] Of the god Hurakan, whom\nwe have noticed as the etymon of the word hurricane, the Popol Vuh says:\n\"The flash is the first sign of Hurakan; the second is the furrow of\nthe flash; the third is the thunderbolt that strikes;\"[III-24] and to the\nMexican god, Tlaloc, are also attached the same three attributes.[III-25]\n\n  [Sidenote: WATER AS A PURIFYING ELEMENT.]\n\nTurning to water, we find it regarded among many tribes as the first\nof elemental things. It is from a primeval ocean of water that the\nearth is generally supposed to come up. Water is obviously a first and\nchief nourisher of vegetable life, and an indispensable prerequisite\nof all fertility; from this it is but a short step to saying that it\nis the mother of those that live by the earth's fertility. \"Your\nmother, Chalchiuhtlicue, goddess of water,\" is a phrase constantly\nfound in the midwife's mouth, in her address to the child, in the\nMexican washing or baptismal service.[III-26]\n\nThe use of water more or less sanctified or set apart or made worthy\nthe distinction 'holy;' the employment of this in a rite of avowed\npurification from inherent sin, at the time of giving a\nname--baptism, in one word--runs back to a period far pre-Christian\namong the Mexican, Maya, and other American nations; as ancient\nceremonies to be hereafter described will show. That man sets out in\nthis life-journey of his with a terrible bias toward evil, with a sad\nand pitiful liability to temptation, is a point upon which all\nreligions are practically unanimous. How else could they exist? Were\nman born perfect he would remain perfect, otherwise the first element\nof perfection would be wanting; and perfection admits of no\nsuperlative, no greater, no god. Where there is a religion then, there\nis generally a consciousness of sin voluntary and involuntary. How\nshall I be cleansed? how shall my child be cleansed from this great\nwickedness? is the cry of the idolater as well as of the monotheist.\nIs it strange that the analogy between corporal and spiritual\npollution should independently suggest itself to both? Surely not.\nWash and be clean, is to all the world a parable needing no\ninterpreter.[III-27]\n\nThe ceremonial use of water followed the Mexican through all his\nlife; though for the present we shall only notice one more custom\nconnected with it, the last of all. When a body was buried, a vase of\nclean, sweet water was let down into the tomb; bright, clear,\nlife-giving and preserving water--hope and love, dumb and\ninarticulate, stretching vague hand toward a resurrection.\n\nThe Mexican rain and water god was Tlaloc, sender of thunder and\nlightning, lord of the earthly paradise, and fertilizer of earth; his\nwife was the Chalchiuhtlicue, already mentioned.[III-28] Like Tlaloc was\nQuiateot, the Nicaraguan rain-god, master of thunderbolts and general\ndirector of meteorological phenomena.[III-29]\n\nThe Navajos puffed tobacco smoke straight up toward heaven to bring\nrain, and those of them that carried a corpse to burial were unclean\ntill washed in water.[III-30] In a deep and lonely ca\u00f1on near Fort\nDefiance there is a spring that this tribe hold sacred, approaching it\nonly with much reverence and the performance of certain mystic\nceremonies. They say it was once a boiling spring, and that even yet\nif approached heedlessly or by a bad Indian, its waters will seethe up\nand leap forth to overwhelm the intruder.[III-31]\n\nThe Zu\u00f1is had also a sacred spring; sacred to the rain-god, who, as we\nsee by implication, is Montezuma the great Pueblo deity himself. No\nanimal might taste of its sacred waters, and it was cleansed annually\nwith vessels also sacred--most ancient vases that had been\ntransmitted from generation to generation since times to which even\ntradition went not back. These vessels were kept ranged on the wall of\nthe well. The frog, the rattlesnake, and the tortoise were depicted\nupon them, and were sacred to the great patron of the place, whose\nterrible lightning should consume the sacrilegious hand that touched\nthese hallowed relics.[III-32]\n\n  [Sidenote: THE EARTH, THE SEA, THE SKY.]\n\nWe have seen how the Californian tribes believe themselves descended\nfrom the very earth, how the bodiless ancestor of the Tezcucans came\nup from the soil, how the Guatemaltecs, Papagos, and Pimas were molded\nfrom the clay they tread, and how the Navajos came to light from the\nbowels of a great mountain near the river San Juan. It seems long ago\nand often to have come into men's mind that the over-arching heaven or\nsomething there and the all-producing earth are, as it were, a father\nand mother to all living creatures. The Comanches call on the earth as\ntheir mother, and on the Great Spirit as their father. The Mexicans\nused to pray: Be pleased, O our Lord, that the nobles who may die in\nthe war be peacefully and pleasingly received by the sun and the\nearth, who are the father and mother of all.[III-33] It was probably,\nagain, with some reference to the motherly function of the earth that\nthe same people, when an earthquake came, took their children by the\nhead or hand, and lifted them up saying: The earthquake will make them\ngrow.[III-34] Sometimes they specified a particular part of the earth as\ncloser to them in this relation than other parts. It is said that on\nthe tenth day of the month Quecholli, the citizens of Mexico and those\nof Tlatelolco were wont to visit a hill called Cacatepec, for they\nsaid it was their mother.[III-35]\n\nAs to the substance, arrangement, and so on of the earth and sky there\nremain one or two ideas not already given in connection with the\ngeneral creation. The Tlascaltecs, and perhaps others of the An\u00e1huac\npeoples, believed that the earth was flat, and ending with the\nsea-shore, was borne up by certain divinities, who when fatigued\nrelieved each other, and that as the burden was shifted from shoulder\nto shoulder earthquakes occurred. The sea and sky were considered as\nof one material, the sea being more highly condensed; and the rain was\nthought to fall not from clouds but from the very substance of heaven\nitself.[III-36] The Southern Californians believed that when the Creator\nmade the world he fixed it on the back of seven giants, whose\nmovements, as in the preceding myth, caused earthquakes.[III-37] The sky,\naccording to certain of the Yucatecs, was held up by four brothers\ncalled each of them Bacab, in addition to their several names, which\nseem to have been Kan, Muluc, Ix, and Cauac. These four, God had\nplaced at the four corners of the world when he created it, and they\nhad escaped when all else were destroyed by flood.[III-38]\n\nIn the interior of the earth, in volcanoes, subterranean gods were\noften supposed to reside. The Koniagas, for example, held that the\ncraters of Alaska were inhabited by beings mightier then men, and that\nthese sent forth fire and smoke when they heated their sweat-houses or\ncooked their food.[III-39]\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\nThe rugged majesty of hills and mountains has not been without its\neffect on the reverential mind of the American aborigines. Direct\nworship was unusual, but several incidents must have already informed\nthe reader that a kind of sanctity is often attached to great\nelevations in nature. A predilection for hills and mounds as landmarks\nand fanes of tradition, and as places of worship, was as common among\nthe Americans as among the people of the old world. The Choles of the\nprovince of Itza had a hill in their country that they regarded as the\ngod of all the mountains, and on which they burned a perpetual\nfire.[III-40] The Mexicans, praying for rain, were accustomed to vow\nthat they would make images of the mountains if their petitions were\nfavorably received;[III-41] and, in other points connected with their\nreligion to show, as has appeared and will appear both with them and\nwith other people, their recognition of a divinity abiding on or\nhedging about the great peaks. What wonder, indeed, that to the rude\nand awe-struck mind, the everlasting hills seemed nearer and liker\nheaven than the common-place level of earth? and that the wild man\nshould kneel or go softly there, as in the peculiar presence of the\nGreat Spirit? This is hardly a new feeling, it seems an instinct and\ncustom as old as religion. Where went Abraham in that awful hour,\ncounted to him for righteousness through all the centuries? Where\nsmoked the thunderings and lightnings that heralded the delivery of\nthe Law, when the son of Amram talked with Jehovah face to face, as a\nman talketh with his friend? Whence saw a greater than Moses the\nkingdoms of the world and the glory of them? whence, in the all-nights\nthat came after, did the prayers of the Christ ascend? and where stood\nhe when his raiment became as no fuller on earth could white it; Moses\nand Elias talking with him, and Peter so sore afraid?\n\n  [Sidenote: HILLS AND MOUNTAIN RANGES.]\n\nWhere hills were not found conveniently situated for purposes of\nworship, they seem to have been counterfeited after man's feeble\nfashion: from high-place and mound, from pyramid and teocalli, since\nthe morning stars sang together, the smoke of the altar and the censer\nhas not ceased to ascend. But the day begins to broaden out, and the\nmists of the morning flee away; though the hills be not lowered, God\nis lifted up. Yet they have their glory and their charm still even to\nus, and to the savage they often appear as the result of a special and\nseveral creation. We remember how the Great Spirit made Mount Shasta\nas his only worthy abiding-place on earth; and I give here another\nlegend of a much more trivial sort than the first, telling how, not\nMount Shasta alone, but all the mountains of California were built and\nput into position:--[III-42] At a time when the world was covered with\nwater there existed a Hawk and a Crow and a very small Duck. The\nlatter, after diving to the bottom and bringing up a beakful of mud,\ndied; whereupon the Crow and the Hawk took each a half of the mud that\nhad been brought up, and set to work to make the mountains. Beginning\nat a place called Teheechaypah Pass, they built northwards, the Hawk\nworking on the eastern range and the Crow on the western. It was a\nlong and weary toil, but in time the work was finished, and as they\nlaid the last peak the workers met at Mount Shasta. Then the Hawk saw\nthat there had been foul play somewhere, for the western range was\nbigger than his; and he charged the Crow with stealing some of his\nmud. But the smart bird laughed a hoarse guffaw in the face of his\neastern brother, not even taking the trouble to disown the theft, and\nchuckled hugely over his own success and western enterprise. The\nhonest Hawk was at his wits' end, and he stood thinking with his head\non one side for quite a long time; then in an absent kind of way he\npicked up a leaf of Indian tobacco and began to chew, and wisdom came\nwith chewing. And he strengthened himself mightily, and fixed his\nclaws in the mountains, and turned the whole chain in the water like a\ngreat floating wheel, till the range of his rival had changed places\nwith his, and the Sierra Nevada was on the east and the Coast Range on\nthe west, as they remain to this day.\n\nThis legend is not without ingenuity in its way but there is more of\nhuman interest in the following pretty story of the Yosemite nations,\nas to the origin of the names and present appearance of certain peaks\nand other natural features of their valley:--\n\n  [Sidenote: TOTOK\u00d3NULA AND TISAYAC OF YOSEMITE.]\n\nA certain Totok\u00f3nula was once chief of the people here: a mighty\nhunter and a good husbandman, his tribe never wanted food while he\nattended to their welfare. But a change came; while out hunting one\nday, the young man met a spirit-maid, the guardian angel of the\nvalley, the beautiful Tisayac. She was not as the dusky beauties of\nhis tribe, but white and fair, with rolling yellow tresses that fell\nover her shoulders like sunshine, and blue eyes with a light in them\nlike the sky where the sun goes down. White, cloudlike wings were\nfolded behind her shoulders, and her voice was sweeter than the song\nof birds; no wonder the strong chief loved her with a mad and instant\nlove. He reached toward her, but the snowy wings lifted her above his\nsight, and he stood again alone upon the dome, where she had been.\n\nNo more Totok\u00f3nula led in the chase or heeded the crops in the valley;\nhe wandered here and there like a man distraught, ever seeking that\nwonderful shining vision that had made all else on earth stale and\nunprofitable in his sight. The land began to languish, missing the\nindustrious directing hand that had tended it so long; the pleasant\ngarden became a wilderness where the drought laid waste, and the wild\nbeast spoiled what was left, and taught his cubs to divide the prey.\nWhen the fair spirit returned at last to visit her valley, she wept to\nsee the desolation, and she knelt upon the dome, praying to the Great\nSpirit for succor. God heard, and stooping from his place, he clove\nthe dome upon which she stood, and the granite was riven beneath her\nfeet, and the melted snows of the Nevada rushed through the gorge,\nbearing fertility upon their cool bosom. A beautiful lake was formed\nbetween the cloven walls of the mountain, and a river issued from it\nto feed the valley for ever. Then sang the birds as of old, laving\ntheir bodies in the water, and the odor of flowers rose like a\npleasant incense, and the trees put forth their buds, and the corn\nshot up to meet the sun and rustled when the breeze crept through the\ntall stalks.\n\nTisayac moved away as she had come, and none knew whither she went;\nbut the people called the dome by her name, as it is indeed known to\nthis day. After her departure the chief returned from his weary\nquest; and as he heard that the winged one had visited the valley, the\nold madness crept up into his eyes and entered, seven times worse than\nat the first, into his empty soul; he turned his back on the lodges of\nhis people. His last act was to cut with his hunting-knife the outline\nof his face upon a lofty rock, so that if he never returned his\nmemorial at least should remain with them forever. He never did return\nfrom that hopeless search, but the graven rock was called Totok\u00f3nula,\nafter his name, and it may be still seen, three thousand feet high,\nguarding the entrance of the beautiful valley.[III-43]\n\nLeaving this locality and subject, I may remark that the natives have\nnamed the P\u00f3hono Fall, in the same valley, after an evil spirit; many\npersons having been swept over and dashed to pieces there. No native\nof the vicinity will so much as point at this fall when going through\nthe valley, nor could anything tempt one of them to sleep near it; for\nthe ghosts of the drowned are tossing in its spray, and their wail is\nheard forever above the hiss of its rushing waters.[III-44]\n\nFOOTNOTES:\n\n[III-1] _North Am. Rev._, vol. ciii., p. 1.\n\n[III-2] _Alegre_, _Hist. Comp. de Jesus_, tom. i., p. 279; _Apost\u00f3licos\nAfanes_, p. 68.\n\n[III-3] _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 74-5, 200-18;\n_Explicacion del Codex Telleriano-Remensis_, parte ii., lam. x., in\n_Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. v., p. 139; _Spiegazione delle\nTavole del Codice Mexicano_ (Vaticano), tav. xxv. and xxxiii., in\n_Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. v., pp. 178, 181-2; _Mendieta_,\n_Hist. Ecles._, pp. 80-1; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom.\nii., pp. 9, 11, 17, 34-5.\n\n[III-4] _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. des Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p.\n301; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Quatre Lettres_, p. 156; _Tylor's Prim.\nCult._, vol. ii., pp. 259, 262-3; _Squier's Serpent Symbol_, pp.\n18-20; _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iii., p. 60, vol. iv., p. 639, vol.\nv., pp. 29-87, vol. vi., pp. 594, 626, 636.\n\n[III-5] _M\u00fcller_, _Amerikanische Urreligionen_, p. 474.\n\n[III-6] _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. vii., pp. 244-5. In\nCampeche, in 1834, M. Waldeck witnessed an eclipse of the moon during\nwhich the Yucatecs conducted themselves much as their fathers might\nhave done in their gentile days, howling frightfully and making every\neffort to part the celestial combatants. The only apparent advance\nmade on the old customs was the firing off of muskets, 'to prove' in\nthe words of the sarcastic artist, 'that the Yucatecs of to-day are\nnot strangers to the progress of civilization.' _Waldeck_, _Voy.\nPitt._, p. 14.\n\n[III-7] _Camargo_, _Hist. de Tlaxcallan_, in _Nouvelles Annales des\nVoy._, 1843, tom. xcvii., p. 193.\n\n[III-8] _Alegre_, _Hist. Comp. de Jesus_, tom. ii., p. 218; _Ribas_,\n_Hist. de los Triumphos_, p. 202; _Boscana_, in _Robinson's Life in\nCal._, pp. 296-300.\n\n[III-9] _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. viii., p. 250.\n\n[III-10] _Explicacion del Codex Telleriano-Remensis_, part. ii., lam. x.,\nin _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. v., p. 139; _Spiegazione delle\nTavole del Codice Mexicano_ (Vaticano), tav. xxvi., in\n_Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. v., p. 179; _Sahagun_, _Hist.\nGen._, tom. ii., lib. vii., p. 250; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del\nMessico_, tom. ii., pp. 9-17.\n\n[III-11] _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Quatre Lettres_, pp. 155-6.\n\n[III-12] _Explicacion delle Tavole del Codice Mexicano_, part. i., lam.\nii., part. ii., lam. xiv., in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. v.,\npp. 132, 140; _Spiegazione delle Tavole del Codice Mexicano_\n(Vaticano), tav. xvii., xxxi., _Ib._, vol. v., pp. 175, 181;\n_Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. vii., pp. 250-252; _Camargo_,\n_Hist. de Tlaxcallan_, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom.\nxcviii., p. 193; _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, p. 81. The word _tecutli_\nis of frequent occurrence as a termination in the names of Mexican\ngods. It signifies 'lord' and is written with various spellings. I\nfollow that given by Molina's Vocabulary.\n\n[III-13] _Tylor's Prim. Cult._, vol. ii., p. 259.\n\n[III-14] _Brinton's Myths_, p. 143.\n\n[III-15] _Ward_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1864, p. 193.\n\n[III-16] _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. i., p. 16; _Torquemada_,\n_Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 56-7; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist.\ndes Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 491-2.\n\n[III-17] _Powers' Pomo_, MS.\n\n[III-18] _Eaton_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iv., pp. 218-19.\n\n[III-19] _Powers' Pomo_, MS.\n\n[III-20] _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _S'il Existe des Sources de l'Hist.\nPrim. du Mexique_, p. 101.\n\n[III-21] _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 485;\n_Brinton's Myths_, p. 51.\n\n[III-22] _Brinton's Myths_, pp. 66-98.\n\n[III-23] _Holmberg_, _Ethn. Skiz._, p. 141.\n\n[III-24] _Ximenez_, _Hist. Ind. Guat._, p. 6; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_,\n_Popol Vuh_, p. 9.\n\n[III-25] _Gama_, _Dos Piedras_, pt. ii., p. 76.\n\n[III-26] _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. vi., p. 197.\n\n[III-27] Singularly apt in this connection are the wise words that\nCarlyle, _Past and Present Chartism_, book i., p. 233, puts into the\nmouth of his mythical friend Sauerteig--'Strip thyself, go into the\nbath, or were it into the limpid pool and running brook, and there\nwash and be clean; thou wilt step out again a purer and a better man.\nThis consciousness of perfect outer pureness, that to thy skin there\nnow adheres no foreign speck of imperfection, how it radiates in on\nthee with cunning symbolic influences, to the very soul!... It remains\na religious duty from oldest time in the East.... Even the dull\nEnglish feel something of this; they have a saying, \"cleanliness is\nnear of kin to Godliness.\"'\n\n[III-28] _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 15-16.\n'Era conosciuta con altri nomi assai espressive, i quali o\nsignificavano i diversi effetti, che cagionano l'acque, o le diverse\napparenze, colori, che formano col loro moto. I Tlascallesi la\nchiamavano Matlalcueje, cio\u00e8, vestita di gonna turchina.' See also\n_M\u00fcller_, _Reisen in Mex._, tom. iii., p. 89.\n\n[III-29] _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iv., pp. 46, 55.\n\n[III-30] _Ten Broeck_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iv., p. 91;\n_Bristol_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1867, p. 358.\n\n[III-31] _Backus_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iv., p. 213.\n\n[III-32] _Whipple_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. iii., p. 39.\n\n[III-33] _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. vi., p. 43.\n\n[III-34] _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. v., ap., pp. 21-2.\n\n[III-35] _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., p. 70.\n\n[III-36] _Camargo_, _Hist. de Tlaxcallan_, in _Nouvelles Annales des\nVoy._, 1834, tom. xcviii., p. 192.\n\n[III-37] _Reid_, in _Los Angeles Star_.\n\n[III-38] _Landa_, _Rel. de las Cosas de Yucatan_, p. 206.\n\n[III-39] _Holmberg_, _Ethn. Skiz._, p. 141.\n\n[III-40] _Villagutierre_, _Hist. Conq. de Itza_, pp. 151-2.\n\n[III-41] _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., p. 177.\n\n[III-42] _Powers' Pomo_, MS. This is a tradition of the Yocuts, a\nCalifornian tribe, occupying the Kern and Tulare basins, the middle\nSan Joaquin, and the various streams running into Lake Tulare.\n\n[III-43] _Hutchings' Cal. Mag._, vol. iv., pp. 197-9.\n\n[III-44] _Hutchings' Cal. Mag._, vol. iv., p. 243.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER IV.\n\nANIMAL MYTHOLOGY.\n\n     R\u00d4LES ASSIGNED TO ANIMALS -- AUGURIES FROM THEIR MOVEMENTS --\n     THE ILL-OMENED OWL -- TUTELARY ANIMALS -- METAMORPHOSED MEN --\n     THE OGRESS-SQUIRREL OF VANCOUVER ISLAND -- MONKEYS AND BEAVERS\n     -- FALLEN MEN -- THE SACRED ANIMALS -- PROMINENCE OF THE BIRD\n     -- AN EMBLEM OF THE WIND -- THE SERPENT, AN EMBLEM OF THE\n     LIGHTNING -- NOT SPECIALLY CONNECTED WITH EVIL -- THE SERPENT\n     OF THE PUEBLOS -- THE WATER-SNAKE -- OPHIOLATRY -- PROMINENCE\n     OF THE DOG, OR THE COYOTE -- GENERALLY THOUGH NOT ALWAYS A\n     BENEVOLENT POWER -- HOW THE COYOTE LET SALMON UP THE KLAMATH --\n     DANSE MACABRE AND SAD DEATH OF THE COYOTE.\n\n\nThe reader must have already noticed the strange r\u00f4les filled by\nanimals in the creeds of the Native Races of the Pacific States.\nBeasts and birds and fishes fetch and carry, talk and act, in a way\nthat leaves even \u00c6sop's heroes in the shade; while a mysterious and\ninexplicable influence over human destiny is often accorded to them.\nIt is of course impossible to say precisely how much of all this is\nmetaphorical, and how much is held as soberly and literally true.\nProbably the proportion varies all the way from one extreme to the\nother among different nations, and among peoples of different stages\nof culture in the same nation. They spake only in part, these priests\nand prophets of barbaric cults, and we can understand only in part; we\ncannot solve the dark riddle of the past; we can oftenest only repeat\nit, and even that in a more or less imperfect manner.\n\nThe Mexicans had their official augurs and soothsayers, who divined\nmuch as did their brethren of classic times. The people also drew omen\nand presage from many things: from the howling of wild beasts at\nnight; the singing of certain birds; the hooting of the owl; a weasel\ncrossing a traveler's path; a rabbit running into its burrow; from the\nchance movements of worms, beetles, ants, frogs, and mice; and so on\nin detail.[IV-1]\n\nThe owl seems to have been in many places considered a bird of ill\nomen. Among all the tribes visited by Mr Lord, from the Fraser River\nto the Saint Lawrence, this bird was portentously sacred, and was a\nfavorite decoration of the medicine-men. To come on an owl at an\nunusual time, in daylight for example, and to hear its mystic cry,\nwere things not desirable of any that loved fulness of pleasure and\nlength of days.[IV-2] In California, by the tribes on the Russian\nRiver, owls were held to be devils or evil spirits incarnate.[IV-3]\n\nWe often find an animal adopted in much the same way as a patron saint\nwas selected by the medi\u00e6val knight. The Hyperborean lad, for example,\nwhen he reaches manhood, takes some beast or fish or bird to be his\npatron, and the spirit connected with that animal is supposed to guard\nhim. Unlike most Indians, the Eskimo will have no hesitation in\nkilling an animal of his tutelary species: he is only careful to wear\na piece of its skin or bone, which he regards as an amulet, which it\nwere to him a serious misfortune to lose. Prolonged ill luck sometimes\nleads a man to change his patron beast for another. The spirits\nconnected with the deer, the seal, the salmon, and the beluga are\nregarded by all with special veneration.[IV-4]\n\nThe Mexicans used to allot certain animals to certain parts of the\nbody; perhaps in much the same way as astrologers and alchemists used\nto connect the stars of heaven with different substances and persons.\nThe following twenty Mexican symbols were supposed to rule over the\nvarious members of the human body: The sign of the deer, over the\nright foot; of the tiger, over the left foot; of the eagle, over the\nright hand; of the monkey, over the left hand; of death--represented\nby a skull--over the skull; of water, over the hair; of the house,\nover the brow; of rain, over the eyes; of the dog, over the nose; of\nthe vulture, over the right ear; of the rabbit, over the left ear; of\nthe earthquake, over the tongue; of flint, over the teeth; of air,\nover the breath; of the rose, over the breast; of the cane, over the\nheart; of wind, over the lungs--as appears from the plate in the Codex\nVaticanus, the Italian interpreter giving, however, \"over the liver;\"\nof the grass, over the intestines; of the lizard, over the loins; and\nof the serpent, over the genitals.[IV-5]\n\n  [Sidenote: THE HUMANITY OF ANIMALS.]\n\nSometimes the whole life and being of a man was supposed to be bound\nup in the bundle with that of some animal. Thus, of the Guatemaltecs,\nold Gage quaintly enough writes: \"Many are deluded by the Devil to\nbelieve that their life dependeth upon the life of such and such a\nbeast (which they take unto them as their familiar spirit) and think\nthat when that beast dieth they must die; when he is chased their\nhearts pant; when he is faint they are faint; nay it happeneth that by\nthe devil's delusion they appear in the shape of that beast.\"[IV-6]\n\nAnimals are sometimes only men in disguise; and this is the idea often\nto be found at the bottom of that sacredness which among particular\ntribes is ascribed to particular animals.\n\nThe Thlinkeet will kill a bear only in case of great necessity, for\nthe bear is supposed to be a man that has taken the shape of an\nanimal. We do not know if they think the same of the albatross, but\nthey certainly will not kill this bird, believing, like mariners\nancient and modern, that such a misdeed would be followed by bad\nweather.[IV-7]\n\nAmong the natives seen by Mr Lord on Vancouver Island, ill-luck is\nsupposed to attend the profane killing of the ogress-squirrel, and the\nconjurers wear its skin as a strong charm among their other trumpery.\nAs tradition tells, there once lived there a monstrous old woman with\nwolfish teeth, and finger-nails like claws. She ate children, this old\nhag, wiling them to her with cunning and oily words, and many were the\nbroken hearts and empty cradles that she left. One poor Rachel,\nweeping for her child and not to be comforted because it was not,\ncries aloud: Oh, Great Spirit, Great Medicine, save my son, in any\nway, in any form! And the great, good Father, looking down upon the\nred mother pities her; lo, the child's soft brown skin turns to fur,\nand there slides from the ogress's grip no child, but the happiest,\nliveliest, merriest little squirrel of all the west--but bearing, as\nits descendants still bear, those four dark lines along the back that\nshow where the cruel claws plowed into it escaping.[IV-8]\n\nWhere monkeys are found, the idea seems often to have occurred to men,\nto account for the resemblance of the monkey to the man by making of\nthe first a fallen or changed form of the latter. We have already seen\nhow the third Quich\u00e9 destruction of the human race terminated thus;\nand how the hurricane-ended Sun of the Air in Mexican mythology, also\nleft men in the apish state. The intelligence of beavers may have been\nthe means of winning them a similar distinction. The Flathead says\nthese animals are a fallen race of Indians, condemned for their\nwickedness to this form, but who will yet, in the fulness of time, be\nrestored to their humanity.[IV-9]\n\nAs we shall see more particularly, when we come to deal with the\nquestion of the future life, it was a common idea that the soul of the\ndead took an animal shape, sometimes inhabiting another world,\nsometimes this. The Thlinkeets, for example, believed that their\nsham\u00e1ns used to have interviews with certain spirits of the dead that\nappeared to them in two forms, some as land animals, some as\nmarine.[IV-10]\n\n  [Sidenote: SACREDNESS OF CERTAIN BRUTES.]\n\nThe Californians round San Diego will not eat the flesh of large game,\nbelieving such animals are inhabited by the souls of generations of\npeople that have died ages ago; 'eater of venison!' is a term of\nreproach among them.[IV-11]\n\nThe Pimos and Maricopas had, if Bartlett's account be correct, some\ncurious and unusual ideas regarding their future state; saying that\nthe several parts of the body should be changed into separate animals;\nthe head would perhaps take the form of an owl, the feet become\nwolves, and so on.[IV-12] The Moquis supposed that at death they should\nbe severally changed into animals--bears, deer, and such beasts; which\nindeed, as we have already seen, they believed to have been their\noriginal form.[IV-13]\n\nDifferent reasons are given by different tribes for holding certain\nanimals sacred; some of these we have already had occasion to notice.\nSomewhat different from most, however, is that given by the\nNorthern-Indian branch of the Tinneh, for not eating the flesh of\nfoxes, wolves, ravens, and so on. This tribe are accustomed to abandon\nthe bodies of their dead wherever they happen to fall, leaving them to\nthe maws of kites or of any other animals of prey in the neighborhood;\ntherefore nothing but the extremest necessity can force any member of\nthe nation to make use of such animals as food.[IV-14]\n\nCertain natives of Guatemala in the province of Acal\u00e1n, called by\nVillagutierre Mazotecas, kept deer in so tame a state that they were\neasily killed by the least active soldiers. These deer were held as\nsacred by the inhabitants; for tradition told them that their greatest\ngod had visited them in this figure.[IV-15] The Apaches greatly respect\nthe bear, neither killing him nor tasting his flesh. They think that\nthere are spirits of divine origin within or connected with the eagle,\nthe owl, and all birds perfectly white. Swine, they hold to be wholly\nunclean.[IV-16] Some animals are sacred to particular gods: with the\nZu\u00f1is, the frog, the turtle, and the rattlesnake were either\nconsidered as specially under the protection of Montezuma--here\nconsidered as the god of rain--or they were themselves the lesser\ndivinities of water.[IV-17]\n\nIt is sometimes necessary to guard against being misled by names. Thus\nthe natives of Nicaragua had gods whose name was that of a rabbit or a\ndeer; yet these animals were not considered as gods. The identity of\nname went only to say that such and such were the gods to be invoked\nin hunting such and such animals.[IV-18]\n\n  [Sidenote: THE WIND OR THUNDER BIRD.]\n\nThe reader must have already noticed how important is the part\nassigned to birds in our mythology, especially in creation-myths. A\ngreat bird is the agent of the chief deity, perhaps the chief deity\nhimself. The sweep of his wings is thunder; the lightnings are the\nglances of his eyes.[IV-19] Chipewyans, Thlinkeets, Atnas, Koltschanes,\nKenai, and other nations give this being great prominence in their\nlegends.\n\nBrinton believes this bird to be the emblem of the wind, to be \"a\nrelic of the cosmogonal myth which explained the origin of the world\nfrom the action of the winds, under the image of the bird, on the\nprimeval ocean;\"[IV-20] and his view is probably correct in many cases.\n\nThe savage is ever ready to be smitten by natural powers. Ignorant and\nagape with wonder, is it unnatural that he should regard, with a\nsuperstitious awe and respect, the higher and more peculiar animal\ngifts, relating them to like physical powers, and managing to mix and\nconfuse the whole by a strange synthesis of philosophy? Birds flew,\nthe winds flew; the birds were of the kith of the winds, and the winds\nwere of the kin of the gods who are over all. Poor, weary, painted\nman, who could only toil dustily along, foot-sore and perhaps\nheart-sore, with strange longings that venison and bear-meat could not\nsatisfy--was it very wonderful if the throbbing music and upward\nflight of the clear-throated and swift-winged were to him very\nmysterious and sacred things? \"All living beings,\" say the\nnorth-eastern Eskimos, \"have the faculty of soul, but especially the\nbird.\" From the flight and song of birds, the Mexican divined and\nshadowed forth the unborn shapes of the to-come. He died too, if he\ndied in an odor of warlike sanctity, in the strong faith that his soul\nshould ultimately take the form of a bird and twitter through the ages\nin the purple shadows of the trees of paradise.[IV-21]\n\nThe Kailtas on the south fork of the Trinity in California, though\nthey do not turn the soul into a bird, do say that as it leaves the\nbody a little bird carries it up to the spirit-land.[IV-22]\n\nThe Spaniards of Vizcaino's expedition, in 1602, found the\nCalifornians of Santa Catalina Island venerating two great black\ncrows, which, according to Se\u00f1or Galan, were probably a species of\nbird known in Mexico as _rey de los zopilotes_, or king of\nturkey-buzzards; he adding that these birds are still the objects of\nrespect and devotion among most Californian tribes.[IV-23]\n\nAs another symbol, sign, or type of the supernatural, the serpent\nwould naturally suggest itself at an early date to man. Its stealthy,\nsubtle, sinuous motion, the glittering fascination of its eyes, the\nsilent deathly thrust of its channeled fangs--what marvel if the\nfoolishest of men, like the wisest of kings, should say \"I know it\nnot; it is a thing too wonderful for me?\" It seems to be immortal:\nevery spring-time it cast off and crept from its former skin, a\ncrawling unburnt ph\u0153nix, a new animal.\n\nSchwartz, of Berlin, affirms, from deep research in Greek and German\nmythology, that the paramount germinal idea in this wide-spread\nserpent-emblem is the lightning, and Dr. Brinton develops the same\nopinion at some length.[IV-24]\n\nTlaloc, the Aztec rain-god, held in his hand a serpent-shaped piece of\ngold, representing most probably the lightning. Hurakan, of the Quich\u00e9\nlegends, is otherwise the Strong Serpent, he who hurls below,\nreferring in all likelihood to storm powers as thunderer.[IV-25] This\nview being accepted, the lightning-serpent is the type of\nfruitfulness; the thunder storm being inseparably joined with the\nthick, fertilizing summer showers.[IV-26] Born, too, in the middle\nheaven, of a cloud mother and of an Ixion upon whom science cannot yet\nplace her finger, amid moaning breeze and threatening tempest, the\nlightning is surely also akin to the wind and to the bird that is\ntheir symbol. The amalgamation of these powers in one deity seems to\nbe what is indicated by such names as Quetzalcoatl, Gucumatz,\nCukulcan, all titles of the God of the Air in different American\nlanguages, and all signifying 'Bird-Serpent.'\n\n  [Sidenote: THE CROSS AND THE FOUR WINDS.]\n\nIn a tablet on the wall of a room at Palenque is a cross surmounted by\na bird, and supported by what appears to be the head of a serpent:\n\"The cross,\" says Brinton, \"is the symbol of the four winds; the bird\nand serpent, the rebus of the air god, their ruler.\"\n\nIt does not appear that savages attach any special significance of\nevil to the snake, though the prepossessions of early writers almost\ninvariably blind them on this point.[IV-27] This rule is not without its\nexceptions however; the Apaches hold that every rattlesnake contains\nthe soul of a bad man or is an emissary of the Evil Spirit.[IV-28] The\nPiutes of Nevada have a demon-deity in the form of a serpent still\nsupposed to exist in the waters of Pyramid Lake. The wind when it\nsweeps down among the nine islands of the lake drives the waters into\nthe most fantastic swirls and eddies, even when the general surface of\nthe lake is tolerably placid. This, say the Piutes, is the devil-snake\ncausing the deep to boil like a pot; this is the old serpent seeking\nwhom he may devour; and no native in possession of his five sober wits\nwill be found steering toward those troubled waters at such a\ntime.[IV-29]\n\nIn the Pueblo cities, among the Pecos especially, there existed in\nearly times an immense serpent, supposed to be sacred, and which,\naccording to some accounts, was fed with the flesh of his devotees.\nGregg heard an \"honest ranchero\" relate how, one snowy morning, he had\ncome upon this terrible reptile's trail, \"large as that of a dragging\nox;\" the ranchero did not pursue the investigation farther, not\nobtruding his science, such as it was, upon his religion. This serpent\nwas supposed to be specially connected with Montezuma, and with rain\nphenomena: it is often called \"the great water-snake.\" It was\ndescribed to Whipple \"as being as large round as a man's body; and of\nexceeding great length, slowly gliding upon the water, with long wavy\nfolds\" like the Nahant sea-serpent--to M\u00f6llhausen, as being a great\nrattlesnake, possessor of power over seas, lakes, rivers and rain; as\nthick as many men put together, and much longer than all the snakes in\nthe world; moving in great curves and destroying wicked men. The\nPueblo Indians prayed to it for rain and revered its mysterious\npowers.[IV-30]\n\nA people, called by Casta\u00f1eda Tahus, apparently of Sinaloa in the\nneighborhood of Culiacan, regarded certain large serpents with\nsentiments of great veneration if not of worship.[IV-31] These reptiles\nseem also to have been regarded with considerable reverence in\nYucatan. In 1517, Bernal Diaz noticed many figures of serpents in a\ntemple he saw at Campeche. Juan de Grijalva, also, found at the same\ntime many such figures at Champoton, among other idols of clay and\nwood.[IV-32]\n\nWe have already spoken of the Mexican Tlaloc and of the frequent\nappearance of the serpent in his worship; it does not appear, however,\nnotwithstanding Mr Squier's assertion to the contrary, that the\nserpent was actually worshiped either in Yucatan or Mexico. Bernal\nDiaz, indeed, says positively in one passage, speaking of a town\ncalled Tenayuca, that \"they worshiped here, in their chief temple,\nthree serpents;\" but the stout soldier was not one to make fine\ndistinctions between gods and their attributes or symbols; nor, even\nwith the best intentions, was he or any other of the conquistadores in\na position to do justice to the faith of 'gentiles.'[IV-33]\n\nWe shall hereafter find the serpent closely connected with\nQuetzalcoatl in many of his manifestations, as well as with others of\nthe Mexican gods.\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\n  [Sidenote: THE DOG OF AMERICAN MYTHOLOGY.]\n\nFrom the serpent let us turn to the dog, with his relations the wolf\nand coyote, an animal holding a respectable place in American\nmythology. We have seen how many tribes derive, figuratively or\nliterally, their origin from him, and how often he becomes legendarily\nimportant as the hero of some adventure or the agent of some deity. He\nis generally brought before us in a rather benevolent aspect, though\nan exception occurs to this in the case of the Chinooks at the mouth\nof the Columbia. With these the coyote figures as the chosen medium\nfor the action of the Evil Spirit toward any given malevolent end--as\nthe form taken by the Evil One to counteract some beneficence of the\nGood Spirit toward the poor Indian whom he loves.[IV-34]\n\nVery different from this is the character of that Coyote of the\nCahrocs whose good deeds we have so often had occasion to set forth.\nOne feat of his yet remains to be told--how he stocked the river with\nsalmon. Chareya, the creator, had made salmon, but he had put them in\nthe big-water, and made a great fish-dam at the mouth of the Klamath,\nso that they could not go up; and this dam was closed with something\nof the nature of a white man's key, which key was given in charge to\ntwo old hags, not wholly unfamiliar to us, to keep and watch over it\nnight and day, so that no Cahroc should get near it. Now fish being\nwanting to the Cahrocs, they were sorely pushed by hunger, and the\nvoice of women and little children was heard imploring food. The\nCoyote determined to help them; he swore by the stool of Chareya that\nbefore another moon their lodges should drip with salmon, and the very\ndogs be satisfied withal. So he traveled down the Klamath many days'\njourney till he came to the mouth of the river and saw the big-water\nand heard the thunder of its waves. Up he went to the hut of the old\nwomen, rapped, and asked hospitality for the night; and he was so\npolite and debonair that the crones could find no excuse for refusing\nhim. He entered the place and threw himself down by the fire, warming\nhimself while they prepared salmon for supper, which they ate without\noffering him a bite. All night long he lay by the fire pretending to\nsleep, but thinking over his plans and waiting for the event that\nshould put him in possession of the mighty key that he saw hanging so\nhigh above his reach. In the morning one of the hags took down the key\nand started off toward the dam to get some fish for breakfast. Like a\nflash the Coyote leaped at her, hurling himself between her feet;\nheels over head she pitched, and the key flew far from her hands.\nBefore she well knew what had hurt her the Coyote stood at the dam\nwith the key in his teeth, wrenching at the fastenings. They gave way;\nand with a great roar the green water raced through, all ashine with\nsalmon, utterly destroying and breaking down the dam, so that ever\nafter fish found free way up the Klamath.\n\n  [Sidenote: COYOTES MUST NOT DANCE WITH STARS.]\n\nThe end of the poor Coyote was rather sad, considering his kindness of\nheart and the many services he had rendered the Cahrocs. Like too many\ngreat personages, he grew proud and puffed up with the adulation of\nflatterers and sycophants--proud of his courage and cunning, and of\nthe success that had crowned his great enterprises for the good of\nmankind--proud that he had twice deceived and outwitted the guardian\nhags to whom Chareya had entrusted the fire and the salmon--so proud\nthat he determined to have a dance through heaven itself, having\nchosen as his partner a certain star that used to pass quite close by\na mountain where he spent a good deal of his time. So he called out\nto the star to take him by the paw and they would go round the world\ntogether for a night; but the star only laughed, and winked in an\nexcessively provoking way from time to time. The Coyote persisted\nangrily in his demand, and barked and barked at the star all round\nheaven, till the twinkling thing grew tired of his noise and told him\nto be quiet and he should be taken next night. Next night the star\ncame quite up close to the cliff where the Coyote stood, who leaping\nwas able to catch on. Away they danced together through the blue\nheavens. Fine sport it was for a while; but oh, it grew bitter cold up\nthere for a Coyote of the earth, and it was an awful sight to look\ndown to where the broad Klamath lay like a slack bowstring and the\nCahroc villages like arrow-heads. Woe for the Coyote! his numb paws\nhave slipped their hold on his bright companion; dark is the partner\nthat leads the dance now, and the name of him is Death. Ten long snows\nthe Coyote is in falling, and when he strikes the earth he is \"smashed\nas flat as a willow-mat\".--Coyotes must not dance with stars.[IV-35]\n\nFOOTNOTES:\n\n[IV-1] _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. v., pp. 1-14, ap. pp.\n25-6.\n\n[IV-2] _Lord's Naturalist in Vancouver Island_, vol. ii., pp. 32-4.\n\n[IV-3] _Powers' Pomo_, MS.\n\n[IV-4] _Dall's Alaska_, p. 145.\n\n[IV-5] _Codex Vaticanus_ (_Mex._), in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._,\nvol. ii., plate 75; _Spiegazione delle Tavole del Codice Mexicano_\n(Vaticano), in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. v., p. 197, tav.\nlxxv.; _Explanation of the Codex Vaticanus_, in _Kingsborough's Mex.\nAntiq._, vol. vi., pp. 222-3, plate lxxv. It will be seen that I have\ntrusted more to the plate itself than to the Italian explanation. As\nto Kingsborough's translation of that explanation, it is nothing but a\ngloss with additions to and omissions from the original.\n\n[IV-6] _Gage's New Survey_, p. 334.\n\n[IV-7] _Holmberg_, _Ethn. Skiz._, p. 30.\n\n[IV-8] _Lord's Nat._, vol. ii., pp. 52-4.\n\n[IV-9] _Cox's Adven._, vol. i., p. 253.\n\n[IV-10] _Dall's Alaska_, pp. 422-3.\n\n[IV-11] _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. v., p. 215.\n\n[IV-12] _Bartlett's Pers. Nar._, vol. ii., p. 222.\n\n[IV-13] _Ten Broeck_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iv., p. 86.\n\n[IV-14] _Hearne's Journey_, p. 341.\n\n[IV-15] _Villagutierre_, _Hist. Conq. Itza_, p. 43.\n\n[IV-16] _Charlton_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. v., p. 209.\n\n[IV-17] _Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Rept._, pp. 39-40, in _Pac. R. R.\nRept._, vol. iii.\n\n[IV-18] _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iv., pp. 54-5.\n\n[IV-19] Swinburne, _Anactoria_, has found an allied idea worthy of his\nsublime verse:--\n\n     'Cast forth of heaven, with feet of awful gold,\n     And plumeless wings that make the bright air blind,\n     Lightning, with thunder for a hound behind,\n     Hunting through fields unfurrowed and unsown--'\n\n[IV-20] _Brinton's Myths_, p. 205. The Norse belief is akin to this:--\n\n     'The giant Hrsuelgur,\n     At the end of heaven,\n     Sits in an eagle's form;\n     'Tis said that from his wings\n     The cold winds sweep\n     Over all the nations.'\n\n_Vafthrudvers maal_; Grenville Pigott's translation, in _Scandinavian\nMythology_, p. 27.\n\nScott, _Pirate_, chap. v., in the 'Song of the Tempest,' which he\ntranslates from Norna's mouth, shows that the same idea is still found\nin the Shetland Islands:--\n\n     'Stern eagle of the far north-west,\n     Thou that bearest in thy grasp the thunderbolt,\n     Thou whose rushing pinions stir ocean to madness, ...\n     Cease thou the waving of thy pinions,\n     Let the ocean repose in her dark strength;\n     Cease thou the flashing of thine eyes,\n     Let the thunderbolt sleep in the armory of Odin.'\n\n[IV-21] _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. iii., p. 265;\n_Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 5.\n\n[IV-22] _Powers' Pomo_, MS.\n\n[IV-23] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 713: 'The entire\ntribes of the Californian Indiania [sic] appear to have had a great\ndevotion and veneration for the Condor or Yellow-headed Vulture.'\n_Taylor_, in _Cal. Farmer_, May 25th, 1860. 'Cathartes Californianus,\nthe largest rapacious bird of North America.' _Baird's Birds of N.\nAm._, p. 5. 'This bird is an object of great veneration or worship\namong the Indian tribes of every portion of the state.' _Reid_, in\n_Los Angeles Star_.\n\n[IV-24] _Brinton's Myths_, p. 112.\n\n[IV-25] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 46-71; _Clavigero_,\n_Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 14-15; _Gama_, _Dos Piedras_,\npt. ii., pp. 76-7.\n\n[IV-26] _M\u00fcller_, _Amerikanische Urreligionen_, p. 500.\n\n[IV-27] _Tylor's Prim. Cult._, vol. ii., p. 217.\n\n[IV-28] _Charlton_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. v., p. 209.\n\n[IV-29] _Virginia City Chronicle_, in _S. F. Daily Ev'g Post_, of Aug.\n12th, 1872.\n\n[IV-30] _Gregg's Com. Prairies_, vol. i., pp. 271-2; _Whipple, Ewbank,\nand Turner's Rept._, pp. 38-9, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. iii.;\n_M\u00f6llhausen_, _Tagebuch_, p. 170; _Domenech's Deserts_, vol. i., pp.\n164-5. Certain later travelers deny all the foregoing as 'fiction and\nfable;' meaning, probably, that they saw nothing of it, or that it\ndoes not exist at present. _Wand_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1864, p. 193;\n_Meline's Two Thousand Miles_, p. 256.\n\n[IV-31] _Casta\u00f1eda_, _Voy. de Cibola_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voyages_,\ns\u00e9rie i., tom. ix., p. 150.\n\n[IV-32] _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Conq._, fol. 3, 8.\n\n[IV-33] _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Conq._, fol. 136; _Schoolcraft's Arch._,\nvol. v., p. 105.\n\n[IV-34] _Lord's Nat._, vol. ii., p. 218.\n\n[IV-35] _Powers' Pomo_, MS.; Boscana, in _Robinson's Life in Cal._, pp.\n259-262, describes certain other Californians as worshiping for their\nchief god something in the form of a stuffed coyote.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER V.\n\nGODS, SUPERNATURAL BEINGS, AND WORSHIP.\n\n     ESKIMO WITCHCRAFT -- THE TINNEH AND THE KONIAGAS -- KUGANS OF\n     THE ALEUTS -- THE THLINKEETS, THE HAIDAHS, AND THE NOOTKAS --\n     PARADISE LOST OF THE OKANAGANS -- THE SALISH, THE CLALLAMS, THE\n     CHINOOKS, THE CAYUSES, THE WALLA WALLAS, AND THE NEZ PERC\u00c9S --\n     SHOSHONE GHOULS -- NORTHERN CALIFORNIA -- THE SUN AT MONTEREY\n     -- OUIOT AND CHINIGCHINICH -- ANTAGONISTIC GODS OF LOWER\n     CALIFORNIA -- COMANCHES, APACHES, AND NAVAJOS -- MONTEZUMA OF\n     THE PUEBLOS -- MOQUIS AND MOJAVES -- PRIMEVAL RACE OF NORTHERN\n     CALIFORNIA.\n\n\nWe now come to the broadest, whether or not it be the most important,\nbranch of our subject, namely, the gods and spirits that men worship\nor know of. Commencing at the extreme north, we shall follow them\nthrough the various nations of our territory toward the south. Very\nwild and conflicting is the general mass of evidence bearing on a\nbelief in supernatural existences. Not only from the nature of the\nsubject is it allied to questions and matters the most abstruse and\ntranscendental--in the expression of which the exactest dialectic\nterminology must often be at fault; much more the rude and stammering\nspeech of savages--but it is also apt to call up prejudices of the\nmost warping and contradictory kind in the minds of those through\nwhose relation it must pass to us. However hopeless the task, I will\nstrive to hold an equal beam of historical truth, and putting away\nspeculations of either extreme, try to give the naked expression of\nthe belief of the peoples we deal with--however stupid, however\nabsurd--and not what they ought to believe, or may be supposed to\nbelieve, according to the ingenious speculations of different\ntheorists.\n\n  [Sidenote: ESKIMO SHAMANISM.]\n\nThe Eskimos do not appear to recognize any supreme deity, but only an\nindefinite number of supernatural beings varying in name, power, and\ncharacter--the evil seeming to predominate. They carry on the person a\nsmall ivory image rudely carved to represent some animal, as a kind of\ntalisman; these are thought to further success in hunting, fishing and\nother pursuits, but can hardly be looked upon with any great\nreverence, as they are generally to be bought of their owners for a\nreasonable price. All supernatural business is transacted through the\nmedium of sham\u00e1ns;--functionaries answering to the medicine-men of\neastern Indian tribes;--of these there are both male and female, each\npractising on or for the benefit of his or her own respective sex. The\nrites of their black art differ somewhat, according to Dall, from\nthose of their Tinneh neighbors, and very much from those of the\nTschuktschi and other Siberian tribes; and their whole religion may be\nsummed up as a vague fear finding its expression in witchcraft.[V-1]\n\nThe Tinneh, that great people stretching north of the fifty-fifth\nparallel nearly to the Arctic Ocean and to the Pacific, do not seem in\nany of their various tribes to have a single expressed idea with\nregard to a supreme power. The Loucheux branch recognize a certain\npersonage, resident in the moon, whom they supplicate for success in\nstarting on a hunting expedition. This being once lived among them as\na poor ragged boy that an old woman had found and was bringing up; and\nwho made himself ridiculous to his fellows by making a pair of very\nlarge snow-shoes; for the people could not see what a starveling like\nhim should want with shoes of such unusual size. Times of great\nscarcity troubled the hunters, and they would often have fared badly\nhad they not invariably on such occasions come across a new broad\ntrail that led to a head or two of freshly killed game. They were glad\nenough to get the game and without scruples as to its appropriation;\nstill they felt curious as to whence it came and how. Suspicion at\nlast pointing to the boy and his great shoes, as being in some way\nimplicated in the affair, he was watched. It soon became evident that\nhe was indeed the benefactor of the Loucheux, and the secret hunter\nwhose quarry had so often replenished their empty pots; yet the people\nwere far from being adequately grateful, and continued to treat him\nwith little kindness or respect. On one occasion they refused him a\ncertain piece of fat--him who had so often saved their lives by his\ntimely bounty! That night the lad disappeared, leaving only his\nclothes behind, hanging on a tree. He returned to them in a month,\nhowever, appearing as a man and dressed as a man. He told them that he\nhad taken up his home in the moon; that he would always look down with\na kindly eye to their success in hunting; but he added, that as a\npunishment for their shameless greed and ingratitude in refusing him\nthe piece of fat, all animals should be lean the long winter through,\nand fat only in summer; as has since been the case.\n\n  [Sidenote: SPIRITS WITH THE KONIAGAS AND TINNEH.]\n\nAccording to Hearne, the Tinneh believe in a kind of spirits, or\nfairies, called _nantena_, which people the earth, the sea, and the\nair, and are instrumental for both good and evil. Some of them believe\nin a good spirit called Tihugun, 'my old friend,' supposed to reside\nin the sun and in the moon; they have also a bad spirit, Chutsain,\napparently only a personification of death, and for this reason called\nbad.\n\nThey have no regular order of sham\u00e1ns; any one when the spirit moves\nhim may take upon himself their duties and pretensions, though some by\nhappy chances, or peculiar cunning, are much more highly esteemed in\nthis regard than others, and are supported by voluntary contributions.\nThe conjurer often shuts himself in his tent and abstains from food\nfor days till his earthly grossness thins away, and the spirits and\nthings unseen are constrained to appear at his behest. The younger\nTinneh care for none of these things; the strong limb and the keen\neye, holding their own well in the jostle of life, mock at the terrors\nof the invisible; but as the pulses dwindle with disease or age, and\nthe knees strike together in the shadow of impending death, the sham\u00e1n\nis hired to expel the evil things of which the patient is possessed.\nAmong the Tacullies, a confession is often resorted to at this stage,\non the truth and accuracy of which depend the chances of a recovery.\nAs Harmon says, \"the crimes which they most frequently confess\ndiscover something of their moral character and therefore deserve to\nbe mentioned;\" but in truth I cannot mention them; both with women and\nwith men a filthiness and bestiality worse than the sins of Sodom and\nGomorrah defy the stomach of description. The same thing is true of\nthe tedious and disgusting rites performed by the Tinneh sham\u00e1ns over\nthe sick and at various other emergencies. They blow on the invalid,\nleap about him or upon him, shriek, sing, groan, gesticulate, and foam\nat the mouth, with other details of hocus-pocus varying indefinitely\nwith tribe and locality. The existence of a soul is for the most part\ndenied, and the spirits with whom dealings are had are not spirits\nthat were ever in or of men; neither are they regarded by men with any\nsentiment of love or kindly respect; fear and self-interest are the\nbonds--where any bonds exist--that link the Tinneh with powers\nsupernal or infernal.[V-2]\n\nThe Koniagas have the usual legion of spirits haunting water, earth,\nand air, whose wrath is only to be appeased by offerings to the\nsham\u00e1ns; and sometimes, though very rarely, by human sacrifices of\nslaves. They have also a chief deity or spirit, called Shljam Scho\u00e1,\nand a power for evil called Eyak.[V-3]\n\nOf the Aleuts, it is said that their rites showed a much higher\nreligious development than was to be found among any of their\nneighbors; the labors of the Russian priests have, however, been\nsuccessful enough among them to obliterate all remembrance of aught\nbut the outlines of their ancient cult. They recognize a creator-god,\nbut without worshiping him; he had made the world, but he did not\nguide it; men had nothing to do any longer with him, but only with the\nlesser _kugans_, or spirits, to whom the direction and care of earthly\naffairs have been committed. The stars and the sun and the moon were\nworshiped, or the spirits of them among others, and avenged themselves\non those that adored them not. The offended sun smote the eyes of a\nscoffer with blindness, the moon stoned him to death, and the stars\nconstrained him to count their number--hopeless task that always left\nthe victim a staring maniac. The sham\u00e1ns do not seem to have enjoyed\nthat distinction among the Aleuts that their monopoly of mediation\nbetween man and the invisible world gave them among other nations.\nThey were generally very poor, living in want and dying in misery;\nthey had no part nor lot in the joys or sorrows of social life; never\nat feast, at wedding, or at a funeral was their face seen. They lived\nand wandered men forbid, driven to and fro by phantoms that were their\nmasters and not their slaves. The Aleuts had no permanent idols, nor\nany worshiping-places built with hands; near every village was some\nsanctified high place or rock, sacred as a Sinai against the foot of\nwoman or youth, and whoever profaned it became immediately mad or sick\nto death. Only the men and the old men visited the place leaving there\ntheir offerings of skins or feathers with unknown mysterious\nceremonies.\n\nThe use of amulets was universal; and more than shield or spear to the\nwarrior going to battle was a belt of sea-weed woven in magic knots.\nWhat a philosopher's stone was to a Roger Bacon or a Paracelsus, was\nthe _tkhimkee_, a marvelous pebble thrown up at rare intervals by the\nsea, to the Aleutian hunter. No beast could resist its attraction; he\nthat carried it had no need to chase his prey, he had only to wait and\nstrike as the animal walked up to its death. Another potent charm was\ngrease taken from a dead man's body; the spearhead touched with this\nwas sure to reach a mortal spot in the whale at which it was hurled.\n\n  [Sidenote: ALEUTIAN MYSTERY-DANCE.]\n\nThere are dim Aleutian traditions of certain religious night dances\nheld in the month of December. Wooden idols, or figures of some kind,\nwere made for the occasion and carried from island to island with many\nesoteric ceremonies. Then was to be seen a marvelous sight. The men\nand women were put far apart; in the middle of each party a wooden\nfigure was set up; certain great wooden masks or blinders were put on\neach person, so contrived that the wearer could see nothing outside a\nlittle circle round his feet. Then every one stripped, and there upon\nthe snow, under the moonlight, in the bitter Arctic night, danced\nnaked before the image--say rather before the god, for as they danced\na kugan descended and entered into the wooden figure. Woe to him or to\nher whose drift-wood mask fell, or was lifted, in the whirl of that\nawful dance; the stare of the Gorgon was not more fatal than a glance\nof the demon that possessed the idol; and for any one to look on one\nof the opposite sex, however it came about, he might be even counted\nas one dead. When the dance was over, the idols and the masks were\nbroken and cast away. It may be added that such masks as this were\nneeded, even by prophets in their interviews with the great spirits\nthat know all mortal consequences; and that when a man died such a\nmask was put over his eyes--O naked and shivering soul, face to face\nwith the darkest kugan of all we will shelter thee what we can.[V-4]\n\nThe Thlinkeets are said not to believe in any supreme being. They have\nthat Yehl, the Raven, and that Khanukh, the Wolf, whom we are already\nto some extent acquainted with; but neither the exact rank and\ncharacter of these in the supernatural world, nor even their\ncomparative rank, can be established above contradiction. Thus Yehl is\nsaid to be the creator of all beings and things, yet we have not\nforgotten how Khanukh wrung from the unwilling lips of him the\nconfession: Thou art older that I. It is again said of Yehl that his\npower is unlimited; but alas, we have seen him helpless in the magic\ndarkness raised by Khanukh, and howling as a frightened child might do\nin a gloomy corridor. The nature of Yehl is kind and he loves men,\nwhile the reverse is generally considered true of Khanukh; but Yehl,\ntoo, when his anger is stirred up sends sickness and evil fortune.\nYehl existed before his birth upon earth; he cannot die nor even\nbecome older. Where the sources of the Nass are, whence the east-wind\ncomes, is Nass-Shakieyehl, the home of Yehl; the east-wind brings news\nof him. By an unknown mother a son was born to him, who loves mankind\neven more than his father, and provides their food in due season. To\nconclude the matter, Yehl is, if not the central figure, at least the\nmost prominent in the Thlinkeet pantheon, and the alpha and the omega\nof Thlinkeet philosophy and theology is summed up in their favorite\naphorism: As Yehl acted and lived, so also will we live and do. After\nYehl and Khanukh, the Thlinkeets believe in the brother and sister,\nChethl and Ahgishanakhou, the Thunder or Thunder-bird, and the\nUnder-ground Woman. Chethl is a kind of great northern rukh that\nsnatches up and swallows a whale without difficulty, while his wings\nand eyes produce thunder and lightning as already described; his\nsister Ahgishanakhou sits alone below and guards the Irminsul that\nsupports the world of the North-west.[V-5]\n\n  [Sidenote: THE THLINKEET SHAM\u00c1N.]\n\nThe Thlinkeets have no idols, unless the little images sometimes\ncarried by the magicians for charming with may be called by that name;\nthey have no worship nor priests, unless their sorcerers and the rites\nof them may be entitled to these appellations. These sorcerers or\nsham\u00e1ns seem to be much respected; their words and actions are\ngenerally believed and acquiesced in by all; though the death of a\npatient or victim, or supposed victim, is sometimes avenged upon them\nby the relatives of the deceased. Sham\u00e1nism is mostly hereditary; as a\nnatural course of things the long array of apparatus, masks, dresses,\nand so on, is inherited by the son or grandson of the deceased\nconjurer. The young man must, however, prove himself worthy of his\nposition before it becomes assured to him, by calling up and\ncommunicating with spirits. The future sham\u00e1n retires into a lonely\nforest or up some mountain, where he lives retired, feeding only on\nthe roots of the _panax-horridum_, and waiting for the spirits to come\nto him, which they are generally supposed to do in from two to four\nweeks. If all go well the meeting takes place, and the chief of the\nspirits sends to the neophyte a river-otter, in the tongue of which\nanimal is supposed to be hid the whole power and secret of sham\u00e1nism.\nThe man meets the beast face to face, and four times, each time in a\ndifferent fashion, he pronounces the syllable 'Oh!' Upon this the\notter falls instantly, reaching out at the same time its tongue, which\nthe man cuts off and preserves; hiding it away in a close place, for\nif any one not initiated should look on this talisman the sight would\ndrive him mad. The otter is skinned by the new sham\u00e1n and the skin\nkept for a sign of his profession, while the flesh is buried; it was\nunlawful to kill a river-otter save on such occasions as have been\ndescribed. If, however, the spirits will not visit the would-be\nsham\u00e1n, nor give him any opportunity to get the otter-tongue as\ndescribed above, the neophyte visits the tomb of a dead sham\u00e1n and\nkeeps an awful vigil over night, holding in his living mouth a finger\nof the dead man or one of his teeth; this constrains the spirits very\npowerfully to send the necessary otter. When all these things have\nbeen done the sham\u00e1n returns to his family emaciated and worn out, and\nhis new powers are immediately put to the test. His reputation depends\non the number of spirits at his command. The spirits are called _yek_,\nand to every conjurer a certain number of them are attached as\nfamiliars, while there are others on whom he may call in an emergency;\nindeed every man of whatever rank or profession is attended by a\nfamiliar spirit or demon, who only abandons his charge when the man\nbecomes exceedingly bad. The world of spirits in general is divided\ninto three classes: _keeyek_, _t\u00e1keeyek_, and _t\u00e9keeyek_. The\nfirst-class, 'the Upper Ones,' dwell in the north and seem to be\nconnected with the northern lights; they are the spirits of the brave\nfallen in battle. The other two classes are the spirits of those that\ndied a natural death, and their dwelling is called _takank\u00f3u_. The\nt\u00e1keeyek, 'land-spirits,' appear to the sham\u00e1ns in the form of land\nanimals. With regard to the t\u00e9keeyek, 'sea-spirits' which appear in\nthe form of marine animals, there is some dispute among the Thlinkeets\nas to whether these spirits were ever the spirits of men like those of\nthe other two classes, or whether they were merely the souls of sea\nanimals.\n\nThe supreme feat of a conjurer's power is to throw one of his liege\nspirits into the body of one who refuses to believe in his power; upon\nwhich the possessed is taken with swooning and fits. The hair of a\nsham\u00e1n is never cut. As among the Aleuts, a wooden mask is necessary\nto his safe intercourse with any spirit; separate masks are worn for\ninterviews with separate spirits. When a sham\u00e1n sickens, his relatives\nfast for his recovery; when he dies, his body is not burned like that\nof other men, but put in a box which is set up on a high frame. The\nfirst night following his death his body is left in that corner of his\nhut in which he died. On the second night it is carried to another\ncorner, and so on for four nights till it has occupied successively\nall the corners of the yourt, all the occupants of which are supposed\nto fast during this time. On the fifth day the body is tied down on a\nboard, and two bones that the dead man had often used in his rites\nwhen alive are stuck, the one in his hair and the other in the bridge\nof his nose. The head is then covered with a willow basket, and the\nbody taken to its place of sepulture, which is always near the\nsea-shore; no Thlinkeet ever passes the spot without dropping a little\ntobacco into the water to conciliate the manes of the mighty\ndead.[V-6]\n\n  [Sidenote: SOLAR SPIRIT OF THE HAIDAHS.]\n\nThe Haidahs believe the great solar spirit to be the creator and\nsupreme ruler; they do not however confuse him with the material sun,\nwho is a shining man walking round the fixed earth and wearing a\n\"radiated\" crown. Sometimes the moon is also connected in a confused\nindefinite way with the great spirit. There is an evil spirit who,\naccording to Dunn, is provided with hoofs and horns, though nothing is\nsaid as to the fashion of them, whether orthodox or not. The Haidahs,\nat least those seen by Mr Poole on Queen Charlotte Island, have no\nworship, nor did they look upon themselves as in any way responsible\nto any deity for their actions. As with their northern neighbors, a\nbelief in goblins, spectres, and sorcery seems to be the sum of their\nreligion.\n\nWith some at least of the Haidahs there was in existence a rite of\nthis sorcery attended by circumstances of more than ordinary barbarity\nand ferocity. When the salmon season is over and the provisions of\nwinter have been stored away, feasting and conjuring begin. The\nchief--who seems to be the principal sorcerer, and indeed to possess\nlittle authority save from his connection with the preterhuman\npowers--goes off to the loneliest and wildest retreat he knows of or\ncan discover in the mountains or forest, and half starves himself\nthere for some weeks till he is worked up to a frenzy of religious\ninsanity and the _nawloks_--fearful beings of some kind not\nhuman--consent to communicate with him by voices or otherwise. During\nall this observance, the chief is called _taamish_, and woe to the\nunlucky Haidah who happens by chance so much as to look on him during\nits continuance; even if the taamish do not instantly slay the\nintruder, his neighbors are certain to do so when the thing comes to\ntheir knowledge, and if the victim attempt to conceal the affair, or\ndo not himself confess it, the most cruel tortures are added to his\nfate. At last the inspired demoniac returns to his village, naked save\na bear-skin or a ragged blanket, with a chaplet on his head and a red\nband of alder-bark about his neck. He springs on the first person he\nmeets, bites out and swallows one or more mouthfuls of the man's\nliving flesh wherever he can fix his teeth, then rushes to another and\nanother, repeating his revolting meal till he falls into a torpor from\nhis sudden and half-masticated surfeit of flesh. For some days after\nthis he lies in a kind of coma, \"like an over-gorged beast of prey,\"\nas Dunn says; the same observer adding that his breath during that\ntime is \"like an exhalation from a grave.\" The victims of this\nferocity dare not resist the bite of the taamish; on the contrary,\nthey are sometimes willing to offer themselves to the ordeal, and are\nalways proud of its scars.[V-7]\n\n  [Sidenote: NOOTKA GODS.]\n\nThe Nootkas acknowledge the existence of a great personage called\nQuahootze, whose habitation is apparently in the sky, but of whose\nnature little is known. When a storm begins to rage dangerously the\nNootkas climb to the top of their houses and looking upwards to this\ngreat god, they beat drums and chant and call upon his name, imploring\nhim to still the tempest. They fast, as something agreeable to the\nsame deity, before setting out on the hunt, and, if their success\nwarrant it, hold a feast in his honor after their return. This\nfestival is held usually in December, and it was formerly the custom\nto finish it with a human sacrifice, an atrocity now happily fallen\ninto disuse; a boy, with knives stuck through the superficial flesh of\nhis arms, legs, and sides, being exhibited as a substitute for the\nancient victim.\n\nMatlose is a famous hob-goblin of the Nootkas; he is a very Caliban of\nspirits; his head is like the head of something that might have been a\nman but is not; his uncouth bulk is horrid with black bristles; his\nmonstrous teeth and nails are like the fangs and claws of a bear.\nWhoever hears his terrible voice falls like one smitten, and his\ncurved claws rend a prey into morsels with a single stroke.\n\nThe Nootkas, like so many American peoples, have a tradition of a\nsupernatural teacher and benefactor, an old man that came to them up\nthe Sound long ago. His canoe was copper, and the paddles of it\ncopper; every thing he had on him or about him was of the same metal.\nHe landed and instructed the men of that day in many things; telling\nthem that he came from the sky, that their country should be\neventually destroyed, that they should all die, but after death rise\nand live with him above. Then all the people rose up angry, and took\nhis canoe from him, and slew him; a crime from which their descendants\nhave derived much benefit, for copper and the use of it have remained\nwith them ever since. Huge images, carved in wood, still stand in\ntheir houses intended to represent the form and hold in remembrance\nthe visit of this old man--by which visit is not improbably intended\nto be signified an avatar or incarnation of that chief deity, or\ngreat spirit, worshiped by many Californian tribes as 'the Old Man\nabove.'\n\nThe Ahts regard the moon and the sun as their highest deities, the\nmoon being the husband and the sun the wife. To the moon chiefly, as\nthe more powerful deity, they pray for what they require; and to both\nmoon and sun, as to all good deities, their prayers are addressed\ndirectly and without the intervention of the sorcerers.\nQuawteaht--which seems to be a local Aht modification of Quahootze--who\nmade most things that are in the world, was the first to teach the\npeople to worship these luminaries who, over all and seeing all, are\nmore powerful than himself, though more distant and less active. There\nis also that Tootooch, thunder-bird, of which so much has been already\nsaid.\n\nThe Nootkas, in general, believe in the existence of numberless\nspirits of various kinds, and in the efficacy of sorcery. As in\nneighboring nations, the sham\u00e1n gains or renews his inspiration by\nfasting and solitary meditation in some retired place, re-appearing at\nthe end of his vigil half-starved and half-insane, but filled with the\nblack virtue of his art. He does not generally collect a meal of\nliving human flesh like the taamish of the preceding family, but he is\nsatisfied with what his teeth can tear from the corpses in the\nburial-places. Old women are admitted to a share in the powers of\nsorcery and prophecy and the interpretation of omens and dreams; the\nlatter a most important function, as few days and nights pass over a\nNootka house that do not give occasion by some vision or occurrence\nfor the office of the sibyl or the augur.[V-8]\n\n  [Sidenote: PARADISE LOST OF THE OKANAGANS.]\n\nThe Okanagans believe in a good spirit or master of life, called\nElemehumkillanwaist or Skyappe; and in a bad spirit Kishtsamah or\nChacha; both moving constantly through the air, so that nothing can be\ndone without their knowledge. The Okanagans have no worship public or\nprivate, but before engaging in anything of importance they offer up a\nshort prayer to the good spirit for assistance; again on state\noccasions, a pipe is passed round and each one smokes three whiffs\ntoward the rising sun, the same toward the setting, and the same\nrespectively toward the heaven above and the earth beneath. Then they\nhave their great mythic ruler and heroine, Scomalt, whose story is\nintimately connected with a kind of Okanagan fall or paradise lost.\nLong ago, so long ago that the sun was quite young and very small and\nno bigger than a star, there was an island far out at sea called\nSamahtumiwhoolah, or the White Man's Island. It was inhabited by a\nwhite race of gigantic stature, and governed by a tall fair woman\ncalled Scomalt; and she was a great and strong 'medicine,' this\nScomalt. At last the peace of the island was destroyed by war, and the\nnoise of battle was heard, the white men fighting the one with the\nother; and Scomalt was exceedingly wroth. She rose up and said: lo,\nnow I will drive these wicked far from me; my soul shall be no longer\nvexed concerning them, neither shall they trouble the faithful of my\npeople with their strivings any more. And she drove the rebellious\ntogether to the uttermost end of the island, and broke off the piece\nof land on which they were huddled, and pushed it out to sea to drift\nwhither it would. This floating island was tossed to and fro many days\nand buffeted of the winds exceedingly, so that all the people thereon\ndied save one man and one woman, who, seeing their island was ready to\nsink, made themselves a canoe and gat them away toward the west. After\npaddling day and night for many suns, they came to certain islands,\nwhence steering through them, they came at last to where the mainland\nwas, being the territory that the Okanagans now inhabit; it was,\nhowever, much smaller in those days, having grown much since. This man\nand woman were so sorely weather-beaten when they landed that they\nfound their original whiteness quite gone, and a dusky reddish color\nin its place. All the people of the continent are descended from this\npair, and the dingy skin of their storm-tossed ancestors has become a\ncharacteristic of the race. And even, as in time past the wrath of the\nfair Scomalt loosed the island of their ancestors from its mainland,\nand sent it adrift with its burden of sinful men, so in a time to\ncome, the deep lakes, that like some Hannibal's vinegar soften the\nrocks of the foundations of the world, and the rivers that run for\never and gnaw them away, shall set the earth afloat again; then shall\nthe end of the world be, the awful _itsowleigh_.[V-9]\n\nThe Salish tribes believe the sun to be the chief deity, and certain\nceremonies, described by Mr Lord as having taken place on the death of\na chief, seem to indicate that fire is in some way connected with the\ngreat light.[V-10] The chief is ex officio a kind of priest, presiding\nfor the most part at the various observances by which the deity of the\nsun is recognized. There is the usual belief in sorcery and second\nsight, and individuals succeed, by force of special gifts for fasting\nand lonely meditation, in having themselves accounted conjurers--an\nhonor of dubious profit, as medicine-men are constantly liable to be\nshot by an enraged relative of any one whose death they may be\nsupposed to have brought about.\n\n  [Sidenote: DEITIES OF THE CLALLAMS.]\n\nThe Clallams, a coast tribe on the mainland opposite the south end of\nVancouver Island, have a principal good deity called by various names,\nand an evil spirit called Skoocoom; to these some add a certain\nTeyutlma, 'the genius of good fortune.' The medicine-men of the tribe\nare supposed to have much influence both for good and evil with these\nspirits and with all the demon race, or _sehui\u00e1b_ as the latter are\nsometimes called. In this tribe the various conjurers are united by\nthe bonds of a secret society, the initiation into which is attended\nby a good deal of ceremony and expense. Three days and three nights\nmust the novice of the order fast alone in a mysterious lodge prepared\nfor him, round which during all that time the brethren already\ninitiated sing and dance. This period elapsed, during which it would\nseem that the old nature has been killed out of him, he is taken up\nlike one dead and soused into the nearest cold water, where he is\nwashed till he revives; which thing they call \"washing the dead.\" When\nhis senses are sufficiently gathered to him, he is set on his feet;\nupon which he runs off into the forest, whence he soon reappears a\nperfect medicine-man, rattle in hand and decked out with the various\ntrappings of his profession. He then parts all his worldly gear among\nhis friends, himself henceforth to be supported only by the fees of\nhis new calling.[V-11]\n\nIk\u00e1nam, the creator of the universe, is a powerful deity among the\nChinooks, who have a mountain named after him from a belief that he\nthere turned himself into stone. After him, or before him as many say,\ncomes Italapas, the Coyote, who created men after an imperfect\nfashion,[V-12] taught them how to make nets and catch salmon, how to\nmake a fire, and how to cook; for this the first fruits of the fishing\nseason are always sacred to him, and his figure is to be found carved\non the head of almost every Chinook canoe on the Columbia. They have a\nfire-spirit, an evil spirit, and a body of familiar spirits,\n_tamanowas_. Each person has his special spirit, selected by him at an\nearly age, sometimes by fasting and other mortification of the flesh,\nsometimes by the adoption of the first object the child or young man\nsees, or thinks he sees, on visiting the woods. These spirits have a\ngreat effect on the imagination of the Chinooks, and their supposed\ndirections are followed under pain of mysterious and awful\npunishments; people converse--\"particularly when in the water\"--with\nthem, apparently talking to themselves in low monotonous tones. Some\nsay that when a man dies his tamanowa passes to his son; but the whole\nmatter is darkened with much mystery and secrecy; the name of one's\nfamiliar spirit or guardian never being mentioned even to the nearest\nfriend. A similar custom forbids the mention of a dead man's name, at\nleast till many years have elapsed after the bereavement.\n\nThe Chinook medicine-men are possessed of the usual powers of converse\nand mediation with the spirits good and evil; there are two classes of\nthem, employed in all cases of sickness--the _etaminuas_, or priests,\nwho intercede for the soul of the patient, and, if necessary, for its\nsafe passage to the land of spirits--and the _keelalles_, or doctors,\nsometimes women, whose duty it is to administer medical as well as\nspiritual aid.[V-13]\n\nWith the Cayuses and the Walla-Wallas any one may become a\nmedicine-man; among the Nez Perc\u00e9s the office belongs to an hereditary\norder. Women are sometimes trained to the profession, but they are not\nbelieved to hold such extreme powers as the males, nor are they\nmurdered on the supposed exercise of some fatal influence. For, as\nwith the Chinooks[V-14] so here, the reputation of sorcerer is at once\nthe most terrible to others and the most dangerous to one's self that\none can have. His is a power of life, and death; his evil eye can\nwither and freeze a hated life if not as swiftly at least as surely as\nthe stare of the Medusa; he is mortal, however--he can slay your\nfriend or yourself, and death is bitter, but then how sweet an anodyne\nis revenge! There is no strong magic can avail when the heart's blood\ntrickles down the avenger's shaft, no cunning enchantment that can\nkeep the life in when his tomahawk crumbles the skull like a\npotsherd--and so it comes about that the conjurers walk everywhere\nwith their life in their hand, and are constrained to be very wary in\ntheir exercise of their nefarious powers.[V-15]\n\n  [Sidenote: SHOSHONE DEMONS.]\n\nThe Shoshone legends people certain parts of the mountains of Montana\nwith little imps or demons called _ninumbees_, who are about two feet\nlong, perfectly naked, and provided each with a tail. These limbs of\nthe evil one are accustomed to eat up any unguarded infant they may\nfind, leaving in its stead one of their own baneful race. When the\nmother comes to suckle what she supposes to be her child, the fiendish\nchangeling seizes her breast and begins to devour it; then, although\nher screams and the alarm thereby given soon force the malicious imp\nto make his escape, there is no hope further; she dies within the\ntwenty-four hours, and if not well watched in the meantime, the little\ndemon will even return and make an end of her by finishing his\ninterrupted meal. There is another variety of these hobgoblins call\n_pahonahs_, 'water-infants,' who devour women and children as do their\nbrother-fiends of the mountain, and complete the ring of ghoulish\nterror that closes round the Shoshone child and mother.[V-16]\n\nThe Californian tribes, taken as a whole, are pretty uniform in the\nmain features of their theogonic beliefs. They seem, without\nexception, to have had a hazy conception of a lofty, almost supreme\nbeing; for the most part referred to as a Great Man, the Old Man\nAbove, the One Above; attributing to him, however, as is usual in such\ncases, nothing but the vaguest and most negative functions and\nqualities. The real, practical power that most interested them, who\nhad most to do with them and they with him, was a demon, or body of\ndemons, of a tolerably pronounced character. In the face of divers\nassertions to the effect that no such thing as a devil proper has ever\nbeen found in savage mythology, we would draw attention to the\nfollowing extract from the _Pomo_ manuscript of Mr Powers--a gentleman\nwho, both by his study and by personal investigation, has made himself\none of the best qualified authorities on the belief of the native\nCalifornian, and whose dealings have been for the most part with\ntribes that have never had any friendly intercourse with white\nmen:--\"Of course the thin and meagre imagination of the American\nsavages was not equal to the creation of Milton's magnificent imperial\nSatan, or of Goethe's Mephistopheles, with his subtle intellect, his\nvast powers, his malignant mirth; but in so far as the Indian fiends\nor devils have the ability, they are wholly as wicked as these. They\nare totally bad, they have no good thing in them, they think only\nevil; but they are weak and undignified and absurd; they are as much\nbeneath Satan as the 'Big Indians' who invent them are inferior in\nimagination to John Milton.\"[V-17]\n\nA definite location is generally assigned to the evil one as his\nfavorite residence or resort; thus the Californians in the county of\nSiskiyou, give over Devil's Castle, its mount and lake, to the\nmalignant spirits, and avoid the vicinity of these places with all\npossible care.\n\n  [Sidenote: SACRED FIRES.]\n\nThe medicine-man of these people is a personage of some importance,\ndressing in the most costly furs; he is a non-combatant, not coming on\nthe field till after the fight; among other duties, it is absolutely\nnecessary for him to visit any camp from which the tribe has been\ndriven by the enemy, there to chant the death-song and appease the\nangry spirit that wrought this judgment of defeat, for only after this\nhas been done is it thought safe to light again the lodge-fires on the\nold hearths. Once lit these lodge-fires are never allowed to go out\nduring times of peace; it would be a bad omen, and omens are\neverything with these men, and deducible from all things. The power of\nprophecy is thoroughly believed in, and is credited not only to\nspecial seers, but also to distinguished warriors going into battle;\nin the latter case, as far at least as their own several fate is\nconcerned; this, according to Mr Miller, they often predict with\nstartling accuracy.[V-18]\n\nThere is a strange sacredness mixed up with the sweat-house and its\nuse, among the Cahrocs, the Eurocs, and many other tribes. The men of\nevery village spend the winter and rainy season in its warm shelter;\nbut squaws are forbidden to enter, under penalty of death, except when\nthey are initiated into the ranks of the 'medicines.' So consistent\nare the Indians in this matter, that women are not allowed even to\ngather the wood that is to be burned in the sacred fire of a\nsweat-house; all is done by men, and that only with certain\nprecautions and ceremonies. The sacred fire is lit every year in\nSeptember by a 'medicine' who has gone out into the forest and fasted\nand meditated for ten days; and, till a certain time has elapsed, no\nsecular eye must behold so much as the smoke of it under awful\npenalties. The flame once burning is never suffered to go out till the\nspring begins to render further heat unnecessary and inconvenient.\n\nOn one only occasion is the ban lifted from the head of women; when a\nfemale is being admitted to the medicine ranks, she is made to dance\nin the sweat-house till she falls exhausted. It does not appear,\nhowever, that even by becoming a medicine can she hope to see twice\nthe interior of this lodge.\n\nThe admission of a man to the medicine is a much severer affair. He\nmust retire to the forest for ten days, eating no meat the while, and\nonly enough acorn-porridge to keep the life in him; the ten days past,\nhe returns to the sweat-house and leaps up and down till he falls,\njust as the woman did.\n\nThe doctors or sorcerers are of two kinds, 'root doctors' and 'barking\ndoctors.' To the barking doctor falls the diagnosis of a case of\nsickness. He, or she, squats down opposite the patient, and barks at\nhim after the manner of an enraged cur, for hours together. If it be a\npoisoning case, or a case of malady inflicted by some conjurer, the\nbarking doctor then goes on to suck the evil thing out through the\nskin or administer emetics, as may be deemed desirable. If the case,\nhowever, be one of less serious proportions, the 'barker,' after\nhaving made his diagnosis, retires, and the root-doctor comes in, who,\nwith his herbs and simples and a few minor incantations, proceeds to\ncure the ailment. If a patient die, then the medicine is forced to\nreturn his fee; and if he refuse to attend on anyone and the person\ndie, then he is forced to pay to the relatives a sum equal to that\nwhich was tendered to him as a fee in the beginning of the affair;\nthus like all professions, that of a medicine has its draw-backs as\nwell as advantages.\n\nSeveral Northern Californian tribes have secret societies which meet\nin a lodge set apart, or in a sweat-house, and engage in mummeries of\nvarious kinds, all to frighten their women. The men pretend to\nconverse with the devil, and make their meeting-place shake and ring\nagain with yells and whoops. In some instances, one of their number,\ndisguised as the master fiend himself, issues from the haunted lodge,\nand rushes like a madman through the village, doing his best to\nfrighten contumacious women and children out of their senses. This, it\nwould seem, has been going on from time immemorial and the poor women\nare still gulled by it, and even frightened into more or less\nprolonged fits of wifely propriety and less easy virtue.\n\n  [Sidenote: CALIFORNIAN DEITIES.]\n\nThe coast tribes of Del Norte County, California, live in constant\nterror of a malignant spirit that takes the form of certain animals,\nthe form of a bat, of a hawk, of a tarantula, and so on--but\nespecially delights in and affects that of a screech-owl. The belief\nof the Russian-River tribes and others is practically identical with\nthis.\n\nThe Cahrocs have, as we already know, some conception of a great\ndeity, called Chareya, the Old Man Above; he is wont to appear upon\nearth at times to some of the most favored sorcerers; he is described\nas wearing a close tunic, with a medicine-bag, and as having long\nwhite hair that falls venerably about his shoulders. Practically,\nhowever, the Cahrocs, like the majority of Californian tribes,\nvenerate chiefly the coyote. Great dread is also had of certain\nforest-demons of nocturnal habits; these, say the Eurocs, take the\nform of bears and shoot arrows at benighted wayfarers.[V-19]\n\nBetween the foregoing outlines of Californian belief and those\nconnected with the remaining tribes, passing south, we can detect no\nsalient difference till we reach the Olchones, a coast tribe between\nSan Francisco and Monterey; the sun here begins to be connected, or\nidentified by name, with that great spirit, or rather, that Big Man,\nwho made the earth and who rules in the sky.[V-20] So we find it again\nboth around Monterey and around San Luis Obispo; the first fruits of\nthe earth were offered in these neighborhoods to the great light, and\nhis rising was greeted with cries of joy.[V-21]\n\nFather Ger\u00f3nimo Boscana[V-22] gives us the following relation of the\nfaith and worship of the Acagchemem nations, in the valley and\nneighborhood of San Juan Capistrano, California. Part of it would fall\nnaturally into that part of this work alloted to origin; but the whole\nis so intimately mixed with so much concerning the life, deeds, and\nworship of various supernatural personages that it has seemed better\nto fit its present position than any other. Of the first part of the\ntradition there are two versions--if indeed they be versions of the\nsame tradition. We give first that version held by the _serranos_, or\nhighlanders, of the interior country, three or four leagues inland\nfrom the said San Juan Capistrano:--\n\nBefore the material world at all existed there lived two beings,\nbrother and sister, of a nature that can not be explained; the brother\nliving above, and his name meaning the Heavens, the sister living\nbelow and her name signifying Earth. From the union of these two,\nthere sprang a numerous offspring. Earth and sand were the first\nfruits of this marriage; then were born rocks and stones; then trees\nboth great and small; then grass and herbs; then animals; lastly was\nborn a great personage called Ouiot, who was a \"grand captain.\" By\nsome unknown mother many children of a medicine race were born to this\nOuiot. All these things happened in the north; and afterward when men\nwere created they were created in the north; but as the people\nmultiplied they moved toward the south, the earth growing larger also\nand extending itself in the same direction.\n\n  [Sidenote: THE COYOTE OF THE ACAGCHEMEMS.]\n\nIn process of time, Ouiot becoming old, his children plotted to kill\nhim, alleging that the infirmities of age made him unfit any longer\nto govern them or attend to their welfare. So they put a strong poison\nin his drink, and when he drank of it a sore sickness came upon him;\nhe rose up and left his home in the mountains and went down to what is\nnow the sea-shore, though at that time there was no sea there. His\nmother, whose name is the Earth, mixed him an antidote in a large\nshell, and set the potion out in the sun to brew; but the fragrance of\nit attracted the attention of the Coyote, who came and overset the\nshell. So Ouiot sickened to death, and though he told his children\nthat he would shortly return and be with them again, he has never been\nseen since. All the people made a great pile of wood and burnt his\nbody there, and just as the ceremony began the Coyote leaped upon the\nbody, saying that he would burn with it; but he only tore a piece of\nflesh from the stomach and ate it and escaped. After that the title of\nthe Coyote was changed from Eyacque, which means Sub-captain, to Eno,\nthat is to say, Thief and Cannibal.\n\nWhen now the funeral rites were over, a general council was held and\narrangements made for collecting animal and vegetable food; for up to\nthis time the children and descendants of Ouiot had nothing to eat but\na kind of white clay. And while they consulted together, behold a\nmarvelous thing appeared before them, and they spoke to it saying: Art\nthou our captain, Ouiot. But the spectre said: Nay, for I am greater\nthan Ouiot; my habitation is above, and my name is Chinigchinich. Then\nhe spoke further, having been told for what they were come together: I\ncreate all things, and I go now to make man, another people like unto\nyou; as for you I give you power, each after his kind, to produce all\ngood and pleasant things. One of you shall bring rain, and another\ndew, and another make the acorn grow, and others other seeds, and yet\nothers shall cause all kinds of game to abound in the land; and your\nchildren shall have this power for ever, and they shall be sorcerers\nto the men I go to create, and shall receive gifts of them, that the\ngame fail not and the harvests be sure. Then Chinigchinich made man;\nout of the clay of the lake he formed him, male and female; and the\npresent Californians are the descendants of the one or more pairs\nthere and thus created.\n\nSo ends the known tradition of the mountaineers; we must now go back\nand take up the story anew at its beginning, as told by the\n_playanos_, or people of the valley of San Juan Capistrano. These say\nthat an invisible all-powerful being, called Nocuma, made the world\nand all that it contains of things that grow and move. He made it\nround like a ball and held it in his hands, where it rolled about a\ngood deal at first, till he steadied it by sticking a heavy black rock\ncalled _tosaut_ into it, as a kind of ballast. The sea was at this\ntime only a little stream running round the world, and so crowded with\nfish that their twinkling fins had no longer room to move; so great\nwas the press that some of the more foolish fry were for effecting a\nlanding and founding a colony, upon the dry land, and it was only with\nthe utmost difficulty that they were persuaded by their elders, that\nthe killing air and baneful sun and the want of feet must infallibly\nprove the destruction before many days of all who took part in such a\ndesperate enterprise. The proper plan was evidently to improve and\nenlarge their present home; and to this end, principally by the aid of\none very large fish, they broke the great rock tosaut in two, finding\na bladder in the centre filled with a very bitter substance. The taste\nof it pleased the fish, so they emptied it into the water, and\ninstantly the water became salt and swelled up and overflowed a great\npart of the old earth, and made itself the new boundaries that remain\nto this day.\n\nThen Nocuma created a man, shaping him out of the soil of the earth,\ncalling him Ejoni. A woman also the great god made, presumably of the\nsame material as the man, calling her A\u00e9. Many children were born to\nthis first pair, and their descendants multiplied over the land. The\nname of one of these last was Sirout, that is to say, Handful of\nTobacco, and the name of his wife was Ycaiut, which means Above; and\nto Sirout and Ycaiut was born a son, while they lived in a place\nnorth-east about eight leagues from San Juan Capistrano. The name of\nthis son was Ouiot, that is to say Dominator; he grew a fierce and\nredoubtable warrior; haughty, ambitious, tyrannous, he extended his\nlordship on every side, ruling everywhere as with a rod of iron; and\nthe people conspired against him. It was determined that he should die\nby poison; a piece of the rock tosaut was ground up in so deadly a way\nthat its mere external application was sufficient to cause death.\nOuiot, notwithstanding that he held himself constantly on the alert,\nhaving been warned of his danger by a small burrowing animal called\nthe _cucumel_, was unable to avoid his fate; a few grains of the\ncankerous mixture were dropped upon his breast while he slept, and the\nstrong mineral ate its way to the very springs of his life. All the\nwise men of the land were called to his assistance; but there was\nnothing for him save to die. His body was burned on a great pile with\nsongs of joy and dances, and the nation rejoiced.\n\n  [Sidenote: THE FIRST MEDICINE-MAN.]\n\nWhile the people were gathered to this end, it was thought advisable\nto consult on the feasibility of procuring seed and flesh to eat\ninstead of the clay which had up to this time been the sole food of\nthe human family. And while they yet talked together, there appeared\nto them, coming they knew not whence, one called Attajen, \"which name\nimplies man, or rational being.\" And Attajen, understanding their\ndesires, chose out certain of the elders among them, and to these gave\nhe power; one that he might cause rain to fall, to another that he\nmight cause game to abound, and so with the rest, to each his power\nand gift, and to the successors of each for ever. These were the first\nmedicine-men.\n\nMany years having elapsed since the death of Ouiot, there appeared in\nthe same place one called Ouiamot, reputed son of Tacu and\nAuzar--people unknown, but natives; it is thought by Boscana, of \"some\ndistant land.\" This Ouiamot is better known by his great name\nChinigchinich, which means Almighty. He first manifested his powers\nto the people on a day when they had met in congregation for some\npurpose or other; he appeared dancing before them crowned with a kind\nof high crown made of tall feathers stuck into a circlet of some kind,\ngirt with a kind of petticoat of feathers, and having his flesh\npainted black and red. Thus decorated he was called the _tobet_.\nHaving danced some time, Chinigchinich called out the medicine-men, or\n_puplems_ as they were called, among whom it would appear the chiefs\nare always numbered, and confirmed their power; telling them that he\nhad come from the stars to instruct them in dancing and all other\nthings, and commanding that in all their necessities they should array\nthemselves in the tobet, and so dance as he had danced, supplicating\nhim by his great name, that thus they might receive of their\npetitions. He taught them how to worship him, how to build\n_vanquechs_, or places of worship, and how to direct their conduct in\nvarious affairs of life. Then he prepared to die, and the people asked\nhim if they should bury him; but he warned them against attempting\nsuch a thing: If ye buried me, he said, ye would tread upon my grave,\nand for that my hand would be heavy upon you; look to it, and to all\nyour ways, for lo, I go up where the high stars are, where mine eyes\nshall see all the ways of men; and whosoever will not keep my\ncommandments nor observe the things I have taught, behold disease\nshall plague all his body, and no food shall come near his lips, the\nbear shall rend his flesh, and the crooked tooth of the serpent shall\nsting him.\n\n  [Sidenote: SANCTUARIES OF REFUGE.]\n\nThe vanquech, or place of worship, seems to have been an unroofed\ninclosure of stakes, within which, on a hurdle, was placed the image\nof the god Chinigchinich. This image was the skin of a coyote or that\nof a mountain-cat stuffed with the feathers of certain birds, and with\nvarious other things, so that it looked like a live animal; a bow and\nsome arrows were attached to it on the outside, and other arrows were\nthrust down its throat so that the feathers of them appeared at the\nmouth as out of a quiver. The whole place of the inclosure was sacred,\nand not to be approached without reverence; it does not seem that\nsacrifices formed any part of the worship there offered, but only\nprayer, and sometimes a kind of pantomime connected with the\nundertaking desired to be furthered--thus, desiring success in hunting\none mimicked the actions of the chase, leaping and twanging one's bow.\nEach vanquech was a city of refuge, with rights of sanctuary exceeding\nany ever granted in Jewish or Christian countries. Not only was every\ncriminal safe there whatever his crime, but the crime was as it were\nblotted out from that moment, and the offender was at liberty to leave\nthe sanctuary and walk about as before; it was not lawful even to\nmention his crime; all that the avenger could do was to point at him\nand deride him, saying: Lo, a coward, who has been forced to flee to\nChinigchinich! This flight was rendered so much a meaner thing in that\nit only turned the punishment from the head of him that fled upon that\nof some of his relatives; life went for life, eye for eye, and tooth\nfor tooth, even to the third and fourth generation, for justice' sake.\n\nBesides Chinigchinich they worshiped, or at any rate feared, a god\ncalled Touch; who inhabited the mountains and the bowels of the earth,\nappearing, however, from time to time in the form of various animals\nof a terrifying kind. Every child at the age of six or seven received,\nsent to him from this god, some animal as a protector. To find out\nwhat this animal or spirit in the shape of animal was, narcotic drinks\nwere swallowed, or the subject fasted and watched in the vanquech for\na given time, generally three days. He whose rank entitled him to wait\nfor his guardian apparition in the sacred inclosure, was set there by\nthe side of the god's image, and on the ground before him was sketched\nby one of the wise men an uncouth figure of some animal. The child was\nthen left to complete his vigil, being warned at the same time to\nendure its hardships with patience, in that any attempt to infringe\nupon its rules, by eating or drinking or otherwise, would be reported\nto the god by the sprawling figure the enchanter had drawn in the\nclay, and that in such a case the punishment of Chinigchinich would be\nterrible. After all this was over, a scar was made on the child's\nright arm, and sometimes on the thick part of the leg also, by\ncovering the part, \"according to the figure required,\" with a peculiar\nherb dried and powdered, and setting fire to it. This was a brand or\nseal required by Chinigchinich, and was besides supposed to strengthen\nthe nerves and give \"a better pulse for the management of the\nbow.\"[V-23]\n\nThe Acagchemems, like many other Californian tribes,[V-24] regard the\ngreat buzzard with sentiments of veneration, while they seem to have\nhad connected with it several rites and ideas peculiar to themselves.\nThey called this bird the _panes_, and once every year they had a\nfestival of the same name, in which the principal ceremony was the\nkilling of a buzzard without losing a drop of its blood. It was next\nskinned, all possible care being taken to preserve the feathers\nentire, as these were used in making the feathered petticoat and\ndiadem, already described as part of the tobet. Last of all the body\nwas buried within the sacred inclosure amid great apparent grief from\nthe old women, they mourning as over the loss of relative or friend.\nTradition explained this: the panes had indeed been once a woman,\nwhom, wandering in the mountain ways, the great god Chinigchinich had\ncome suddenly upon and changed into a bird. How this was connected\nwith the killing of her anew every year by the people, and with\ncertain extraordinary ideas held relative to that killing is, however,\nby no means clear; for it was believed that as often as the bird was\nkilled it was made alive again, and more, and faith to move\nmountains--that the birds killed in one same yearly feast in many\nseparate villages were one and the same bird. How these things were or\nwhy, none knew, it was enough that they were a commandment and\nordinance of Chinigchinich, whose ways were not as the ways of\nmen.[V-25]\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\n  [Sidenote: AND THERE WAS WAR IN HEAVEN.]\n\nThe Pericues of Lower California were divided into two sects,\nworshiping two hostile divinities who made a war of extermination upon\neach other. The tradition explains that there was a great lord in\nheaven, called Niparaya, who made earth and sea, and was almighty and\ninvisible. His wife was Anayicoyondi, a goddess who, though possessing\nno body, bore him in a divinely mysterious manner three children; one\nof whom, Quaayayp, was a real man and born on earth, on the Acaragui\nmountains. Very powerful this young god was, and a long time he lived\nwith the ancestors of the Pericues, whom it is almost to be inferred\nthat he created; at any rate we are told that he was able to make men,\ndrawing them up out of the earth. The men at last killed this their\ngreat hero and teacher, and put a crown of thorns upon his head.[V-26]\nSomewhere or other he remains lying dead to this day, and he remains\nconstantly beautiful, neither does his body know corruption. Blood\ndrips constantly from his wounds, and he can speak no more, being\ndead; yet there is an owl that speaks to him. And besides the\nbefore-spoken-of god Niparaya in heaven, there was another and hostile\ngod called Wac or Tuparan. According to the Niparaya sect, this Wac\nhad made war on their favorite god, and been by him defeated and cast\nforth of heaven into a cave under the earth, of which cave the whales\nof the sea were the guardians. With a perverse, though not unnatural\nobstinacy, the sect that held Wac or Tuparan to be their great god\npersisted in holding ideas peculiar to themselves with regard to the\ntruth of the foregoing story; and their account of the great war in\nheaven and its results differed from the other, as differ the creeds\nof heterodox and orthodox everywhere; they ascribe, for example, part\nof the creation to other gods besides Niparaya.[V-27] The Cochimis and\nremaining natives of the Californian peninsula seem to have held in\nthe main much the same ideas with regard to the gods and powers above\nthem as the Pericues held, and the sorcerers of all had the common\nblowings, leapings, fastings, and other mummeries that make these\nprofessors of the sinister art so much alike everywhere in our\nterritory.[V-28]\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\nThe natives of Nevada have ideas respecting a great kind Spirit of\nsome kind, as well as a myth concerning an evil one; but they have no\nspecial class set apart as medicine-men.[V-29] The Utah belief seems to\nbe as nearly as possible identical with that of Nevada.[V-30]\n\nThe Comanches acknowledge more or less vaguely a Supreme Spirit, but\nseem to use the Sun and the Earth as mediators with and, in some sort,\nas embodiments of him. They have a recognized body of sorcerers called\n_puyacantes_, and various religious ceremonies and chants; for the\nmost part of a simple kind, and directed to the Sun as the great\nsource of life, and to the Earth as the producer and receptacle of all\nthat sustains life. According to the Abb\u00e9 Domenech, every Comanche\nwears a little figure of the sun attached to his neck, or has a\npicture of it painted on his shield; from the ears of each hang also\ntwo crescents, which may possibly represent the moon.[V-31]\n\nThe Apaches recognize a supreme power in heaven under the name\nYaxtaxitaxitanne, the creator and master of all things; but they\nrender him no open service nor worship. To any taciturn cunning man\nthey are accustomed to credit intercourse with a preternatural power\nof some kind, and to look to him as a sort of oracle in various\nemergencies. This is, in fact, their medicine-man, and in cases of\nillness he pretends to perform cures by the aid of herbs and\nceremonies of various kinds.[V-32]\n\nThe Navajos, having the usual class of sorcerers, call their good\ndeity Whaillahay, and their evil one Chinday; the principal use of\ntheir good god seems to be to protect them from their evil one. In\nsmoking they sometimes puff their tobacco-smoke toward heaven with\ngreat formality; this is said to bring rain; to the same end certain\nlong round stones, thought to be cast down by the clouds in a\nthunderstorm, are used with various ceremonies.\n\nThe sun, moon, and stars are thought to be powers connected with rain\nand fine weather; while the god Montezuma of their Pueblo neighbors is\nunknown among them.[V-33]\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\n  [Sidenote: MONTEZUMA OF THE PUEBLOS.]\n\nAll the Pueblo cities, though speaking different languages hold\nsubstantially the same faith. They seem to assent to the statement of\nthe existence of a great and good spirit whose name is too sacred to\nbe mentioned; but most say that Montezuma is his equal; and some,\nagain, that the Sun is the same as or equal to Montezuma. There are,\nbesides, the lesser divinities of water--Montezuma being considered\nin one aspect as the great rain-god, and as such often mentioned as\nbeing aided by or being in connection with a serpent. Over and above\nall these, the existence of a general class or body of evil spirits is\ntaken for granted.\n\nMany places in New Mexico claim to be the birthplace of the great\nleader, teacher, and god Montezuma. At any rate he is traditionally\nsupposed to have appeared among the Pueblos before they had arrived at\nor built their present towns. Some traditions would make him either\nthe ancestor or the creator of the same people; but the most regard\nhim as a kind of semi or wholly divine priest, prophet, leader, and\nlegislator. Under restrictions pointed out in a former note,[V-34] we\nmay fairly regard him as at once the Melchizedek, the Moses, and the\nMessiah of these Pueblo desert wanderers from an Egypt that history is\nignorant of, and whose name even tradition whispers not. He taught his\npeople to build cities with tall houses, to construct estufas, or\nsemi-sacred sweat-houses, and to kindle and guard the sacred fire.\n\nAt Acoma, it is said by some, was established the first Pueblo, and\nthence the people marched southward, forming others. Acoma was one,\nand Pecos another. At this last, Montezuma planted a tree upside down,\nand said that, on his leaving them, a strange nation should oppress\nthem for many years, years also in which there should be no rain, but\nthat they were to persist in watching the sacred fire until the tree\nfell, when he would return, with a white race which should destroy\ntheir enemies; and then rain should fall again and the earth be\nfertile. It is said that this tree fell from its abnormal position, as\nthe American army entered Santa F\u00e9.\n\n  [Sidenote: HE IS NOT DEAD BUT SLEEPETH.]\n\nThe watching of the fire, kept up in subterranean estufas, under a\ncovering of ashes generally, and in the basin of a small altar, was no\nlight task. The warriors took the post by turns, some said, for two\nsuccessive days and nights, sans food, sans drink, sans sleep, sans\neverything. Others affirm that this watching was kept up till\nexhaustion and even death relieved the guard--the last not to be\nwondered at, seeing the insufferable closeness of the place and the\naccumulation of carbonic acid. The remains of the dead were, it was\nsometimes supposed, carried off by a monstrous serpent. This holy fire\nwas believed to be the palladium of the city, and the watchers by it\ncould well dream of that day, when, coming with the sun, Montezuma\nshould descend by the column of smoke whose roots they fed, and should\nfill the shabby little estufa with a glory like that in a wilderness\ntabernacle they knew not of, where a more awful pillar of smoke\nshadowed the mystic cherubim. Hope dies hard, and the dim memories of\na great past never quite fade away from among any people. No true-born\nBritish bard ever doubted of Arthur's return from his kingly rest in\nAvalon, nor that the flash of Excalibar should be one day again as the\nlightning of death in the eyes of the hated Saxon. The herders on the\nshore of Lucerne know that were Switzerland in peril, the Tell would\nspring from his sleep as at the crack of doom. \"When Germany is at her\nlowest then is her greatness nearest\" say the weird old ballads of\nthat land; for then shall the Great Kaiser rise from the vault in the\nKyffh\u00e4user--Barbarossa shall rise, though his beard be grown through\nthe long stone table. Neither is the Frank without his savior: Sing, O\ntroubadours, sing and strike the chords proudly! Who shall prevail\nwhile Charlemagne but sleeps in the shadow of the Untersberg?--And so\nour Pueblo sentinel climbing the housetop at Pecos, looking ever\neastward from Santo Domingo on the Rio Grande; he too waits for the\nbeautiful feet upon the mountains and the plumes of him--\n\n     Who dwelt up in the yellow sun,\n     And sorrowing for man's despair,\n     Slid by his trailing yellow hair\n     To earth, to rule with love and bring\n     The blessedness of peace.[V-35]\n\nThe Pueblo chiefs seem to be at the same time priests; they perform\nthe various simple rites by which the power of the sun and of\nMontezuma is recognized as well as the power--according to some\naccounts--of \"the Great Snake, to whom by order of Montezuma they are\nto look for life;\" they also officiate in certain ceremonies with\nwhich they pray for rain. There are painted representations of the\nGreat Snake, together with that of a misshapen red-haired man declared\nto stand for Montezuma. Of this last there was also in 1845, in the\npueblo of Laguna, a rude effigy or idol, intended, apparently, to\nrepresent only the head of the deity; it was made of tanned skin in\nthe form of a brimless hat or cylinder open at the bottom. Half-way\nround, it was painted red; the other half was green. The green side\nwas rudely marked to suggest a face: two triangles were cut for eyes;\nthere was no nose; a circular leather patch served for a mouth, and\ntwo other patches in an appropriate situation suggested ears. Crowning\nthe head was a small tuft of leather, said to be supplemented by\nfeathers on festal occasions. A sorry image one would say, yet one\nlooked upon by its exhibitors with apparently the greatest veneration;\nthey kneeling in a most devoted manner, going through a form of\nprayer, and sprinkling it with a white powder. One of the worshipers\nsaid it was God and the brother of God; and the people bring it out in\ndry seasons, and, with dancing and other rites, invoke it for rain.\n\nChristianity has now effaced the memory of most of the rites of the\nPueblo religion, but Dr Ten Broeck noticed that many of the worshipers\nat the Christian church in Laguna carried little baskets in their\nhands containing images of domestic animals, or of beasts of the\nchase, molded in mud or dough; it being the custom, as it had been\nthere from time immemorial, for those that had been successful in the\nchase, or in accumulating cattle, to bring such simulachres of their\nprosperity before the altar of God--probably, a modification produced\nby the poverty of the people of a rite as old as the altar of Abel, to\nwit, the offering of the firstlings and first-fruits to that Deity\nwhose blessing had given the increase.\n\nIt has been affirmed, without much foundation or probability of truth,\nthat the Pueblos worshiped fire and water.[V-36]\n\nThe Moquis know nothing of Montezuma; they believe in a Great Father,\nliving where the sun rises, and in a great Mother, whose home is where\nthe sun goes down. This Father is the father of evil, war, pestilence,\nand famine; but from the mother are all their joy, peace, plenty, and\nhealth.[V-37]\n\n  [Sidenote: MOJAVE DEITIES.]\n\nThe Mojaves tell of a certain Matevil, creator of heaven and earth,\nwho was wont in time past to remain among them in a certain grand\n_casa_. This habitation was, however, by some untoward event broken\ndown; the nations were destroyed; and Matevil departed eastward.\nWhence, in the latter days, he will again return to consolidate,\nprosper, and live with his people forever. This Matevil, or\nMathowelia, has a son called Mastamho, who made the water and planted\ntrees. There is also an Evil Spirit Newathie.[V-38]\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\nFrom a letter just received from Judge Roseborough, I am enabled to\nclose this chapter with some new and valuable facts regarding the\nreligious ideas of certain tribes--not accurately specified--of the\nnorth-west portion of Upper California. The learned judge has given\nunusual attention to the subject of which he writes, and his\nopportunities for procuring information must have been frequent during\nten years of travel and residence in the districts of the northern\ncounties of California:--\n\nAmong the tribes in the neighborhood of Trinity river is found a\nlegend relating to a certain Wappeckquemow, who was a giant, and\napparently the father and leader of a pre-human race like himself. He\nwas expelled from the country that he inhabited--near the mouth of the\nKlamath--for disobeying or offending some great god, and a curse was\npronounced against him, so that not even his descendants should ever\nreturn to that land. On the expulsion of these Anakim, the ancestors\nof the people to whom this legend belongs came down from the\nnorth-west, a direction of migration, according to Judge Roseborough,\nuniformly adhered to in the legends of all the tribes of north-west\nCalifornia. These new settlers, however, like their predecessors of\nthe giant race, quarreled with the great god and were abandoned by him\nto their own devices, being given over into the hands of certain evil\npowers or devils. Of these the first is Omah\u00e1, who, possessing the\nshape of a grizzly bear, is invisible and goes about everywhere\nbringing sickness and misfortune on mankind. Next there is Makalay, a\nfiend with a horn like a unicorn; he is swift as the wind and moves by\ngreat leaps like a kangaroo. The sight of him is usually death to\nmortals. There is, thirdly, a dreadful being called Kalicknateck, who\nseems a faithful reproduction of the great thunder-bird of the north:\nthus Kalicknateck \"is a huge bird that sits on the mountain-peak, and\nbroods in silence over his thoughts until hungry; when he will sweep\ndown over the ocean, snatch up a large whale, and carry it to his\nmountain-throne, for a single meal.\"\n\nBesides the before-mentioned powers of evil, these Trinity people have\nlegends connected with other personages of the same nature, among whom\nare Wanuswegock, Surgelp, Napousney, and Nequiteh.\n\nWhen white miners first came to work on the Trinity River, their\nadvent caused, as may be imagined, much unsatisfactory speculation\namong the aborigines; some saying one thing of the whites and some\nanother. At last an old seer of the Hoopah Valley settled the question\nby declaring that the new-comers were descendants of that banished\nWappeckquemow, from whose heads the already-mentioned curse,\nforbidding their return, had been by some means lifted.\n\n  [Sidenote: THE KITCHEN-MIDDEN OF THE HOHGATES.]\n\nThe coast people in northern California have a story about a\nmysterious people called Hohgates, to whom is ascribed an immense bed\nof mussel-shells and bones of animals still existing on the table-land\nof Point St George, near Crescent City. These Hohgates, seven in\nnumber, are said to have come to the place in a boat, to have built\nthemselves \"houses above-ground, after the style of white men\"--all\nthis about the time that the first natives came down the coast from\nthe north. These Hohgates, living at the point mentioned, killed many\nelk on land, and many seals and sea-lions in fishing excursions from\ntheir boats; using for the latter purpose a kind of harpoon made of a\nknife attached to a stick, and the whole fastened to the boat with a\nlong line. They also sailed frequently to certain rocks, and loaded\ntheir little vessels with mussels. By all this they secured plenty of\nfood, and the refuse of it, the bones and shells and so on, rapidly\naccumulated into the great _kj\u00f6kken m\u00f6dding_ still to be seen. One\nday, however, all the Hohgates being out at sea in their boat, they\nstruck a huge sea-lion with their rude harpoon, and, unable or\nunwilling to cut or throw off their line, were dragged with fearful\nspeed toward a great whirlpool, called Chareckquin, that lay far\ntoward the north-west. It is the place where souls go, where in\ndarkness and cold the spirits shiver for ever; living men suffer even\nfrom its winds--from the north-west wind, the bleak and bitter\nCharreck-rawek. And just as the boat reached the edge of this fearful\nplace, behold, a marvelous thing: the rope broke and the sea-monster\nwas swept down alone into the whirl of wind and water, while the\nHohgates were caught up into the air; swinging round and round, their\nboat floated steadily up into the vast of heaven. Nevermore on earth\nwere the Hohgates seen; but there are seven stars in heaven that all\nmen know of, and these stars are the seven Hohgates that once lived\nwhere the great shell-bed near Crescent City now is.\n\nFOOTNOTES:\n\n[V-1] _Armstrong's Nar._, pp. 102, 193; _Richardson's Pol. Reg._, pp.\n319-20, 325; _Richardson's Jour._, vol. i., pp. 358, 385; _Dall's\nAlaska_, pp. 144-5.\n\n[V-2] _Hardisty_, in _Smithsonian Rept._, 1866, pp. 318-19; _Jarvis'\nReligion, Ind. N. Am._, p. 91; _Kennicott_, in _Whymper's Alaska_, p.\n345; _Mackenzie's Voy._, p. cxxviii.; _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. v.,\np. 178; _Ross_, in _Smithsonian Rept._, 1866, pp. 306-7; _Franklin's\nNar._, vol. i., pp. 246-7; _Harmon's Jour._, p. 300; _Hooper's Tuski_,\np. 317; _Richardson's Jour._, vol. i., pp. 385-6; _Dall's Alaska_, pp.\n83-90; _Whymper's Alaska_, pp. 231-2.\n\n[V-3] _Holmberg_, _Ethn. Skiz._, pp. 140-1; _Sauer_, _Billings' Ex._,\np. 174.\n\n[V-4] _D'Orbigny_, _Voy._, pp. 579-80; _Coxe's Russ. Dis._, p. 217;\n_Dall's Alaska_, pp. 335, 389; See _Bancroft's Nat. Races_, vol. i.,\np. 93.\n\n[V-5] In Holmberg's account of these Thlinkeet supernatural powers,\nnothing is said of the sun or moon as indicating the possession of\nlife by them or of any qualities not material. But Dunn, _The Oregon\nTerritory_, p. 284, and Dixon, _Voyage Round the World_, pp. 189-90,\ndescribe at least some tribe or tribes of the Thlinkeets and many\ntribes of the Haidahs, that consider the sun to be a great spirit\nmoving over the earth once every day, animating and keeping alive all\ncreatures, and, apparently, as being the origin of all; the moon is a\nsubordinate and night watcher.\n\n[V-6] _Holmberg_, _Ethn. Skiz._, pp. 52-73; _Dall's Alaska_, pp.\n421-3; _Kotzebue's New Voyage_, vol. ii., p. 58; _Dunn's Oregon_, p.\n280; _Bendel's Alex. Arch._, pp. 31-3. This last traveler gives us a\nvariation of the history of Yehl and Khanukh, which is best presented\nin his own words:--'The Klinkits do not believe in one Supreme Being,\nbut in a host of good and evil spirits, above whom are towering two\nlofty beings of godlike magnitude, who are the principal objects of\nIndian reverence. These are Yethl and Kanugh--two brothers; the former\nthe benefactor and well-wisher of mankind, but of a very whimsical and\nunreliable nature; the latter the stern God of War, terrible in his\nwrath, but a true patron of every fearless brave. It is he who sends\nepidemics, bloodshed and war to those who have displeased him, while\nit seems to be the principal function of Yethl to cross the sinister\npurposes of his dark-minded brother. Yethl and Kanugh lived formerly\non earth, and were born of a woman of a supernatural race now passed\naway, about the origin and nature of which many conflicting legends\nare told, hard to comprehend. When Yethl walked on earth and was quite\nyoung he acquired great skill in the use of the bow and arrow. He used\nto kill large birds, assume their shape and fly about. His favorite\nbird was the raven; hence its name, \"Yethl,\" which signifies \"raven\"\nin the Klinkit language. He had also the fogs and clouds at his\ncommand, and he would often draw them around him to escape his\nenemies. His brother's name, Kanugh, signifies \"wolf,\" consequently\n\"raven\" and \"wolf\" are the names of the two gods of the Klinkits, who\nare supposed to be the founders of the Indian race.'\n\n[V-7] _Dunn's Oregon_, pp. 253-9; _Scouler_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc.,\nJour._, vol. xi., p. 223; _Bancroft's Nat. Races_, vol. i., pp.\n170-71.\n\n[V-8] _Jewitt's Nar._, p. 83; _Scouler_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._,\nvol. xi., pp. 223-4; _Mofras_, _Explor._, tom. i., p. 345; _Sutil y\nMexicana_, _Viage_, p. 136; _Meares' Voy._, p. 270; _Hutchings' Cal.\nMag._, vol. v., pp. 222-4; _Macfie's Vanc. Isl._, pp. 433-441, 455;\n_Barrett-Lennard's Trav._, pp. 51-3; _Sproat's Scenes_, pp. 40, 156-8,\n167-75, 205-11; _Cook's Voy. to Pac._, vol. ii., p. 317. As\nillustrating strongly the Nootka ideas with regard to the sanctity of\nthe moon and sun, as well as the connection of the sun with the fire,\nit may be well to call attention to the two following customs:--'El\nTays [chief] no puede hacer uso de sus mugeres sin ver enteramente\niluminado el disco de la luna.' _Sutil y Mexicana_, _Viage_, p. 145.\n'Girls at puberty ... are kept particularly from the sun or fire.'\n_Bancroft's Nat. Races_, vol. i., p. 197. In this connection it may be\nmentioned that Mr Lord, _Naturalist_, vol. ii., p. 257, saw among the\nNootkas while at Fort Rupert, a very peculiar Indian \"medicine,\" a\nsolid piece of native copper, hammered flat, oval it would appear from\nthe description, and painted with curious devices, eyes of all sizes\nbeing especially conspicuous. The Hudson-Bay traders call it an\n\"Indian copper,\" and said it was only exhibited on extraordinary\noccasions, and that its value to the tribe was estimated at fifteen\nslaves or two hundred blankets. This \"medicine\" was preserved in an\nelaborately ornamented wooden case, and belonging to the tribe, not to\nthe chief, was guarded by the medicine-men. Similar sheets of copper\nare described by Schoolcraft as in use among certain of the Vesperic\naborigines: May they all be intended for symbols of the sun, such as\nthat reverenced by the Peruvians?\n\n[V-9] _Ross' Adven._, pp. 287-9.\n\n[V-10] 'The bravest woman of the tribe, one used to carrying ammunition\nto the warrior when engaged in fight, bared her breast to the person\nwho for courage and conduct was deemed fit successor to the departed.\nFrom the breast he cut a small portion, which he threw into the fire.\nShe then cut a small piece from the shoulder of the warrior, which was\nalso thrown into the fire. A piece of bitter root, with a piece of\nmeat, were next thrown into the fire, all these being intended as\nofferings to the Sun, the deity of the Flatheads.' _Tolmie_, in\n_Lord's Nat._, vol. ii., pp. 237-8. For references to the remaining\nmatter of the paragraph see _Id._, vol. ii., pp. 237-43, 260.\n\n[V-11] _Kane's Wand._, pp. 218-9; _Gibbs' Clallam and Lummi Vocab._, p.\n15.\n\n[V-12] This vol., pp. 95-6.\n\n[V-13] _Wilkes' Nar._ in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. v., pp. 124-5; _Cox's\nAdven._, vol. i., p. 317; _Dunn's Oregon_, pp. 125-6; _Franch\u00e8re's\nNar._, p. 258; _Mofras_, _Explor._, tom. ii., p. 354; _Ross' Adven._,\np. 96; _Parker's Explor. Tour_, pp. 139, 246, 254; _Tolmie_, in\n_Lord's Nat._, vol. ii., p. 248; _Gibbs' Chinook Vocab._, pp. 11, 13;\n_Gibbs' Clallam and Lummi Vocab._, pp. 15, 29; _Irving's Astoria_, pp.\n339-40; _Tylor's Prim. Cult._, vol. ii., p. 253.\n\n[V-14] _Parker's Explor. Tour_, p. 254: 'The chiefs say, that they and\ntheir sons are too great to die of themselves, and although they may\nbe sick, and decline, and die, as others do, yet some person, or some\nevil spirit instigated by some one, is the invisible cause of their\ndeath; and therefore when a chief, or chief's son dies, the supposed\nauthor of the deed must be killed.'\n\n[V-15] _Alvord_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. v., p. 652.\n\n[V-16] _Stuart's Montana_, pp. 64-6.\n\n[V-17] _Powers' Pomo_, MS.\n\n[V-18] _Joaquin Miller's Life amongst the Modocs_, pp. 21, 116, 259-60,\n360.\n\n[V-19] _Powers' Pomo_, MS.\n\n[V-20] _Beechey's Voy._, vol. ii., p. 78.\n\n[V-21] _Fages_, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, vol. ci., pp. 316,\n335.\n\n[V-22] Father Boscana, one of the earliest missionaries to Upper\nCalifornia, left behind him the short manuscript history from which\nthe tradition following in the text has been taken--through the\nmedium of a now rare translation by Mr Robinson. Filled with the\nprejudices of its age and of the profession of its author, it is yet\nmarvelously truthlike; though a painstaking care has evidently been\nused with regard to its most apparently insignificant details, there\nare none of those too visible wrenchings after consistency, and\nfillings up of lacunae which so surely betray the hand of the\nsophisticator in so many monkish manuscripts on like and kindred\nsubjects. There are found on the other hand frank confessions of\nignorance on doubtful points, and many na\u00efve and puzzled comments on\nthe whole. It is apparently the longest and the most valuable notice\nin existence on the religion of a nation of the native Californians,\nas existing at the time of the Spanish conquest, and more worthy of\nconfidence than the general run of such documents of any date\nwhatever. The father procured his information as follows. He says:\n'God assigned to me three aged Indians, the youngest of whom was over\nseventy years of age. They knew all the secrets, for two of them were\n_capitanes_, and the other a _pul_, who were well instructed in the\nmysteries. By gifts, endearments, and kindness, I elicited from them\ntheir secrets, with their explanations; and by witnessing the\nceremonies which they performed, I learned by degrees, their\nmysteries. Thus, by devoting a portion of the nights to profound\nmeditation, and comparing their actions with their disclosures, I was\nenabled after a long time, to acquire a knowledge of their religion.'\n_Boscana_, in _Robinson's Life in Cal._, p. 236.\n\n[V-23] See p. 113, of this volume, for a custom among the Mexicans not\nwithout analogies to this.\n\n[V-24] See p. 134, of this volume.\n\n[V-25] _Boscana_, in _Robinson's Life in Cal._, pp. 242-301.\n\n[V-26] The Christian leaven, whose workings are evident through this\nnarrative, ferments here too violently to need pointing out.\n\n[V-27] See pp. 83-4, this volume.\n\n[V-28] _Venegas_, _Noticia de la Cal._, tom. i., pp. 102-124;\n_Clavigero_, _Storia della Cal._, tom. i., pp. 135-141; _Humboldt_,\n_Essai Pol._, tom. i., p. 314.\n\n[V-29] _Virginia City Chronicle_, quoted in _S. F. Daily Ev'g Post_, of\nOct. 12th, 1872; _Browne's Lower Cal._, p. 188.\n\n[V-30] _De Smet's Letters_, p. 41.\n\n[V-31] _Parker_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. v., p. 684; _Whipple,\nEwbank, and Turner's Rept._, pp. 35-6, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol.\niii.; _Barreiro_, _Ojeada sobre N. Mex._, ap. p. 8; _Filley's Life and\nAdven._, p. 82; _Marcy's Army Life_, pp. 58, 64; _Domenech_, _Jour.\nd'un Miss._, pp. 13, 131, 469.\n\n[V-32] _Barreiro_, _Ojeada sobre N. Mex._, ap. pp. 2-3; _Henry_, in\n_Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. v., p. 212.\n\n[V-33] _Crofutt's Western World_, Aug. 1872, p. 27; _Whipple, Ewbank,\nand Turner's Rept._, p. 42, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. iii.; _Ten\nBroeck_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iv., p. 91; _Bristol_, in\n_Ind. Aff. Rept., Special Com._, 1867, p. 358; _Brinton's Myths_, p.\n158; _Domenech's Deserts_, vol. ii., p. 402.\n\n[V-34] See pp. 77-8, note 36, this volume.\n\n[V-35] _Joaquin Miller's Californian._\n\n[V-36] _Gregg's Com. Prairies_, vol. i., pp. 271-3; _Davis' El Gringo_,\npp. 142, 396; _Simpson's Overland Journ._, pp. 21-3; _Domenech's\nDeserts_, vol. i., pp. 164-5, 418, vol. ii., pp. 62-3, 401;\n_M\u00f6llhausen_, _Tagebuch_, pp. 170, 219, 284; _Meline's Two Thousand\nMiles on Horseback_, pp. 202, 226; _Ruxton's Adven. in Mex._, p. 193;\n_Ten Broeck_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iv., p. 73; _Ward_, in\n_Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1864, pp. 192-3; _Emory's Reconnoissance_, p. 30;\n_Tylor's Prim. Cult._, vol. ii., p. 384; _Brinton's Myths_, p. 190;\n_Coronado_, in _Hakluyt's Voy._, vol. iii., p. 379. Fremont gives an\naccount of the birth of Montezuma. His mother was, it is said, a woman\nof exquisite beauty, admired and sought after by all men, they making\nher presents of corn and skins and all that they had; but the\nfastidious beauty would accept nothing of them but their gifts. In\nprocess of time a season of drought brought on a famine and much\ndistress; then it was that the rich lady showed her charity to be as\ngreat in one direction as it had been wanting in another. She opened\nher granaries and the gifts of the lovers she had not loved went to\nrelieve the hungry she pitied. At last with rain, fertility returned\nto the earth; and on the chaste Artemis of the Pueblos its touch fell\ntoo. She bore a son to the thick summer shower and that son was\nMontezuma.\n\n[V-37] _Ten Broeck_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iv., pp. 85-6.\n\n[V-38] _Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Rept._, pp. 42-3, in _Pac. R. R.\nRept._, vol. iii.; _Dodt_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1870, p. 129.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER VI.\n\nGODS, SUPERNATURAL BEINGS, AND WORSHIP.\n\n     GODS AND RELIGIOUS RITES OF CHIHUAHUA, SONORA, DURANGO, AND\n     SINALOA -- THE MEXICAN RELIGION, RECEIVED WITH DIFFERENT\n     DEGREES OF CREDULITY BY DIFFERENT CLASSES OF THE PEOPLE --\n     OPINIONS OF DIFFERENT WRITERS AS TO ITS NATURE -- MONOTHEISM OF\n     NEZAHUALCOYOTL -- PRESENT CONDITION OF THE STUDY OF MEXICAN\n     MYTHOLOGY -- TEZCATLIPOCA -- PRAYERS TO HIM IN TIME OF\n     PESTILENCE, OF WAR, FOR THOSE IN AUTHORITY -- PRAYER USED BY AN\n     ABSOLVING PRIEST -- GENUINENESS OF THE FOREGOING PRAYERS --\n     CHARACTER AND WORKS OF SAHAGUN.\n\n\nFrom the Pueblo cities let us now pass down into Mexico, glancing\nfirst at the northern and north-western neighbors of this great people\nthat ruled on the plateau of An\u00e1huac. The Chihuahuans worshiped a\ngreat god called by them the 'captain of heaven' and recognized a\nlesser divinity as abiding in and inspiring their priests and\nmedicine-men. They rendered homage to the sun; and when any comet or\nother phenomenon appeared in the heavens they offered sacrifice\nthereto; their sacrifice being much after the Mexican fashion--fruits,\nherbs, and such things as they had, together with blood drawn from\ntheir bodies by the pricks of a thorn.[VI-1]\n\n  [Sidenote: GODS OF SONORA AND DURANGO.]\n\nIn Sonora--the great central heart of Mexico making its beatings more\nand more clearly felt as we approach it nearer--the vague feelings of\nawe and reverence with which the savage regards the unseen, unknown,\nand unknowable powers, begin at last to somewhat lose their vagueness\nand to crystallize into the recognition of a power to be represented\nand symbolized by a god made with hands. The offerings thereto begin\nalso, more and more, to lose their primitive simple shape, and the\nblood, without which is no remission of sins, stains the rude altar\nthat a more Arcadian race had only heaped with flowers and fruit. The\nnatives of Sonora bring, says Las Casas, \"many deer, wolves, hares,\nand birds before a large idol, with music of many flutes and other\ninstruments of theirs; then cutting open the animals through the\nmiddle, they take out their hearts and hang them round the neck of the\nimage, wetting it with the flowing blood. It is certain that the only\noffering made in all this province of Sonora was the hearts of\nbrutes.\"[VI-2] All this they did more especially in two great festivals\nthey had, the one at seed-time, the other at harvest; and we have\nreason to rejoice that the thing was no worse, reason to be glad that\nthe hearts of brave men and fair women, and soft children not knowing\ntheir right hand from their left, were not called for, as in the land\nof the eagle and cactus banner, to feed that devil's Minotaur,\nsuperstition.\n\nThe people of Durango called the principal power in which they\nbelieved Meyuncame, that is to say, Maker of All Things; they had\nanother god, Cachiripa, whose name is all we know of him. They had\nbesides innumerable private idols, penates of all possible and\nimpossible figures; some being stone, shaped by nature only. In one\nvillage they worshiped a great flint knife that their flint implements\nof every kind might be good and sure. They had gods of storm and gods\nof sunshine, gods of good and gods of evil, gods of everything in\nheaven above or in the earth beneath or in the waters under the earth.\nTheir idols received bloody sacrifices, not always of beasts; a bowl\ncontaining beans and the cooked human flesh of an enemy was offered to\nthem for success in war.[VI-3]\n\nMuch of the preceding paragraph belongs also to Sinaloa or cannot be\nexactly located more in the one province than in the other. The\nSinaloas are said to have venerated above all the other gods one\ncalled Cocohuame, which is, being interpreted, Death. They worshiped\nalso a certain Ouraba,[VI-4] which is Valor, offering him bows, arrows,\nand all kinds of instruments of war. To Sehuatoba, that is to say\nPleasure, they sacrificed feathers, raiment, beads of glass, and\nwomen's ornaments. Bamusehua was the god of water. In some parts, it\nis said, there was recognized a divine element in common herbs and\nbirds. One deity--or devil, as Ribas calls him with the exquisite\ncourtesy that distinguishes the theosophic historian--was the especial\npatron of a class of wizards closely resembling the sham\u00e1ns and\nmedicine-men of the north. No one seemed to know exactly the powers of\nthis deity, but everyone admitted their extent by recognizing with a\nrespectful awe their effects; effects brought about through the agency\nof the wizards, by the use of bags, rattles, magic stones, blowings,\nsuckings, and all that routine of sorcery with which we are already\nfamiliar. This deity was called Grandfather or Ancestor.[VI-5]\n\nOne Sinaloa nation, the Tahus, in the neighborhood of Culiacan, reared\ngreat serpents for which they had a good deal of veneration. They\npropitiated their gods with offerings of precious stones and rich\nstuffs, but they did not sacrifice men. With an altogether\ncharacteristic insinuation, the Abb\u00e9 Domenech says, that though highly\nimmoral in the main, they so highly respected women who devoted\nthemselves to a life of celibacy, that they held great festivals in\ntheir honor--leaving the reader to suppose that the Tahus had a class\nof female religious who devoted themselves to a life of chastity and\nwere respected for that reason; the truth is found to be, on referring\nto the author Casta\u00f1eda--from whom apparently the abb\u00e9 has taken this\nhalf truth and whole falsehood--that these estimable celibate women\nwere the public prostitutes of the nation.[VI-6]\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\n  [Sidenote: THE MEXICAN RELIGION AND ITS HISTORIANS.]\n\nThe Mexican religion, as transmitted to us, is a confused and clashing\nchaos of fragments. If ever the great nation of An\u00e1huac had its Hesiod\nor its Homer, no ray of his light has reached the stumbling feet of\nresearch in that direction; no echo of his harmony has been ever heard\nby any ear less dull than that of a Zum\u00e1rraga. It is given to few men\nto rise above their age, and it is folly to expect grapes of thorns,\nor figs of thistles; yet it is hard to suppress wholly some feelings\nof regret, in poring upon those ponderous tomes of sixteenth and\nseventeenth century history that touch upon Mexican religion; one\npities far less the inevitable superstition and childish ignorance of\nthe barbarian than the senility of his Christian historian and\ncritic--there was some element of hope and evidence of attainment in\nwhat the half-civilized barbarian knew; but from what heights of\nAthenian, Roman, and Alexandrian philosophy and eloquence, had\ncivilization fallen into the dull and arrogant nescience of the\nchronicles of the clergy of Spain.\n\nWe have already noticed[VI-7] the existence of at least two schools of\nreligious philosophy in Mexico, two average levels of thought, the\none that of the vulgar and credulous, the other that of the more\nenlightened and reflective. It has resulted from this that different\nwriters differ somewhat in their opinions with regard to the precise\nnature and essence of that religion, some saying one thing and some\nanother. I cannot show this more shortly and--what is much more\nimportant in a subject like this--more exactly, than by quoting a\nnumber of these opinions:\n\n\"Turning from the simple faiths of savage tribes of America, to the\ncomplex religion of the half-civilized Mexican nation, we find what we\nmight naturally expect, a cumbrous polytheism complicated by mixture\nof several national pantheons, and beside and beyond this, certain\nappearances of a doctrine of divine supremacy. But these doctrines\nseem to have been spoken of more definitely than the evidence\nwarrants. A remarkable native development of Mexican theism must be\nadmitted, in so far as we may receive the native historian\nIxtlilxochitl's account of the worship paid by Nezahualcoyotl, the\npoet-king of Tezcuco, to the invisible supreme Tloque-Nahuaque, he who\nhas all in him, the cause of causes, in whose star-roofed pyramid\nstood an idol, and who there received no bloody sacrifice, but only\nflowers and incense. Yet it would have been more satisfactory, were\nthe stories told by this Aztec panegyrist of his royal ancestors\nconfirmed by other records. Traces of divine supremacy in Mexican\nreligion are especially associated with Tezcatlipoca, 'Shining\nMirror,' a deity who seems in his original nature the Sun-god, and\nthence by expansion to have become the soul of the world, creator of\nheaven and earth, lord of all things, Supreme Deity. Such conceptions\nmay, in more or less measure, have arisen in native thought, but it\nshould be pointed out that the remarkable Aztec religious formulas\ncollected by Sahagun, in which the deity Tezcatlipoca is so prominent\na figure, show traces of Christian admixture in their material, as\nwell as of Christian influence in their style. In distinct and\nabsolute personality, the divine Sun in Aztec theology was\nTonatiuh[VI-8] whose huge pyramid-mound stands on the plain of\nTeotihuacan, a witness of his worship for future ages. Beyond this the\nreligion of Mexico, in its complex system, or congeries of great gods,\nsuch as results from the mixture and alliance of the deities of\nseveral nations, shows the solar element rooted deeply and widely in\nother personages of its divine mythology, and attributes especially to\nthe sun the title of Teotl, God.\"[VI-9]\n\n  [Sidenote: COMPLEXITY OF AZTEC THEOLOGY.]\n\n\"It is remarkable,\" says Professor J. G. M\u00fcller, \"that the\nwell-instructed Acosta should have known nothing about the adoration\nof a highest invisible God, under the name of Teotl. And yet this\nadoration has been reported in the most certain manner by others, and\nmade evident from more exact statements regarding the nature of this\ndeity. He has been surnamed Ipalnemoan, that is, He through whom we\nlive, and Tloquenahuaque, that is, He who is all things through\nhimself. He has been looked upon as the originator and essence of all\nthings, and as especially throned in the high cloud-surrounded mountains.\nRightly does Wuttke contend against any conception of this deity as a\nmonotheistic one, the polytheism of the people being considered--for\npolytheism and monotheism will not be yoked together; even if a\nlogical concordance were found, the inner spirits of the principles of\nthe two would still be opposed to each other. Another argument stands\nalso clearly out, in the total absence of any prayers, offerings,\nfeasts, or temples to or in the honor of this god. From this it is\nevident that Teotl was not a god of the common people. Yet this, on\nthe other hand, cannot justify us--the so-frequently-occurring\nstatements of well-informed authorities being taken into account--in\ndenying in toto all traces of a pantheistic monotheism, as this latter\nmay easily spring up among cultivated polytheists as a logical result\nand outcome of their natural religion. Nezahualcoyotl, the enlightened\nking of Tezcuco, adored as the cause of causes, a god without an\nimage. The chief of the Totonac aborigines of Cempoallan had, if we\nmay credit the speech put in his mouth by Las Casas and Herrera, an\nidea of a highest god and creator. This abstract idea has also here,\nas in other parts of America, intertwined itself with the conception\nof a sun-god. Hence the Mexicans named the sun-god pre-eminently\nTeotl; and that enlightened king of Tezcuco, who built a temple of\nnine stories--symbolizing the nine heavens--in honor of the stars,\ncalled the sun-god his father.\"[VI-10]\n\n\"To the most ancient gods,\" says Klemm, \"belonged the divinities of\nnature, as well as a highest being called Teotl, God. He was perfect,\nindependent, and invisible, and consequently not represented by any\nimage. His qualities were represented by expressions like these: He\nthrough whom we live, He who is all in himself. This god coincides\nvery nearly with the Master of Life of the North Americans. In\nopposition to him is the evil spirit, the enemy of mankind, who often\nappears to and terrifies them. He is called Tlacatecololotl, that is\nto say, Rational Owl, and may possibly, like the Lame-foot of the\nPeruvians, be a survival from the times when the old hunter-nations\ninhabited the forests and mountains. Next to Teotl was Tezcatlipoca,\nthat is to say, Shining Mirror; he was the god of providence, the soul\nof the world, and the creator of heaven and earth. Teotl was not\nrepresented by any image, and was probably not worshiped with\nofferings nor in any special temples; Tezcatlipoca was, however, so\nrepresented, and that as a youth, because time could have no power\nover his beauty and his splendor. He rewarded the righteous, and\npunished the ungodly with sickness and misfortune. He created the\nworld, and mankind, and the sun, and the water, and he was himself in\na certain degree the overseer thereof.\"[VI-11]\n\n  [Sidenote: TLOQUE-NAHUAQUE.]\n\nThe Abb\u00e9 Brasseur believes in the knowledge by the Mexicans and\ncertain neighboring or related nations, of a Supreme God; but he\nthinks also that the names of great priests and legislators have often\nbeen used for or confounded with the one Name above every name. He\nsays: \"In the traditions that have reached us the name of the\nlegislator is often confused with that of the divinity; and behind the\nsymbolic veil that covers primitive history, he who civilized and\nbrought to light in the Americans a new life, is designedly identified\nwith the Father of the universal creation. The writers who treat of\nthe history of the ancient American nations avow that, at the time of\nthe landing of the Spaniards on the soil of the western continent,\nthere was not one that did not recognize the existence of a supreme\ndeity and arbiter of the universe. In that confusion of religious\nideas, which is the inevitable result of ignorance and superstition,\nthe notion of a unique immaterial being, of an invisible power, had\nsurvived the shipwreck of pure primitive creeds. Under the name\nTloque-Nahuaque, the Mexicans adored Him who is the first cause of all\nthings, who preserves and sustains all by his providence; calling him\nagain, for the same reason, Ipalnemoaloni, He in whom and by whom we\nare and live. This god was the same as that Kunab-Ku, the Alone Holy,\nwho was adored in Yucatan; the same again as that Hurakan, the Voice\nthat Cries, the Heart of Heaven, found with the Guatemalan nations of\nCentral America; and the same lastly as that Teotl, God, whom we find\nnamed in the Tzendal and Mexican books. This \"God of all purity,\" as\nhe was styled in a Mexican prayer, was, however, too elevated for the\nthoughts of the vulgar. His existence was recognized, and sages\ninvoked him; but he had neither temples nor altars--perhaps because\nno one knew how he should be represented--and it was only in the last\ntimes of the Aztec monarchy that Nezahualcoyotl, king of Tezcuco,\ndedicated to him a teocalli of nine terraces, without statues, under\nthe title of the unknown god.\"[VI-12]\n\nMr Gallatin says of the Mexicans: \"Their mythology, as far as we know\nit, presents a great number of unconnected gods, without apparent\nsystem or unity of design. It exhibits no evidence of metaphysical\nresearch or imaginative powers. Viewed only as a development of the\nintellectual faculties of man, it is, in every respect, vastly\ninferior to the religious systems of Egypt, India, Greece, or\nScandinavia. If imported, it must have been from some barbarous\ncountry, and brought directly from such country to Mexico, since no\ntraces of a similar worship are found in the more northern parts of\nAmerica.\"[VI-13]\n\n\"The Aztecs,\" writes Prescott, \"recognized the existence of a Supreme\nCreator and Lord of the Universe. But the idea of unity--of a being,\nwith whom volition is action, who has no need of inferior ministers to\nexecute his purposes--was too simple, or too vast, for their\nunderstandings; and they sought relief as usual, in a plurality of\ndeities, who presided over the elements, the changes of the seasons,\nand the various occupations of man. Of these, there were thirteen\nprincipal deities, and more than two hundred inferior; to each of whom\nsome special day, or appropriate festival, was consecrated.\"[VI-14]\n\n  [Sidenote: PRIMITIVE WORSHIP.]\n\nAccording to Mr Squier: \"The original deities of the Mexican pantheon\nare few in number. Thus when the Mexicans engaged in a war, in defense\nof the liberty or sovereignty of their country, they invoked the War\nGod, under his aspect and name Huitzlipochtli. When suddenly attacked\nby enemies, they called upon the same god, under his aspect and name\nof Paynalton, which implied God of Emergencies, etc. In fact, as\nalready elsewhere observed, all the divinities of the Mexican, as of\nevery other mythology, resolve themselves into the primeval God and\nGoddess.\"[VI-15]\n\n\"The population of Central America,\" says the Vicomte de Bussierre,\n\"although they had preserved the vague notion of a superior eternal\nGod and creator, known by the name Teotl, had an Olympus as numerous\nas that of the Greeks and the Romans. It would appear--the most\nancient, though, unfortunately, also the most obscure legends being\nfollowed--that during the civilized period which preceded the\nsuccessive invasions of the barbarous hordes of the north, the\ninhabitants of An\u00e1huac joined to the idea of a supreme being the\nworship of the sun and the moon, offering them flowers, fruits, and\nthe first fruits of their fields. The most ancient monuments of the\ncountry, such as the pyramids of Teotihuacan, were incontestably\nconsecrated to these luminaries. Let us now trace some of the most\nstriking features of these people. Among the number of their gods, is\nfound one represented under the figure of a man eternally young, and\nconsidered as the symbol of the supreme and mysterious God. Two other\ngods there were, watching over mortals from the height of a celestial\ncity, and charged with the accomplishment of their prayers. Air,\nearth, fire, and water had their particular divinities. The woman of\nthe serpent, the prolific woman, she who never gave birth but to\ntwins, was adored as the mother of the human race. The sun and the\nmoon had their altars. Various divinities presided over the phenomena\nof nature, over the day, the night, the mist, the thunder, the\nharvest, the mountains, and so on. Souls, the place of the dead,\nwarriors, hunters, merchants, fishing, love, drunkenness, medicine,\nflowers, and many other things had their special gods. A multitude of\nheroes and of illustrious kings, whose apotheosis had been decreed,\ntook their place in this vast pantheon, where were besides seated two\nhundred and sixty divinities of inferior rank, to each of whom\nnevertheless one of the days of the year was consecrated. Lastly,\nevery city, every family, every individual, had its or his celestial\nprotector, to whom worship was rendered. The number of the temples\ncorresponded to that of the gods; these temples were found everywhere,\nin the cities, in the fields, in the woods, along the roads, and all\nof them had priests charged with their service. This complicated\nmythology was common to all the nations of An\u00e1huac, even to those that\nthe empire had been unable to subjugate and with which it was at war;\nbut each country had its favorite god, such god being to it, what\nHuitzilopochtli, the god of war, was to the Aztecs.\"[VI-16]\n\nThe Mexican religion, as summed up by Mr Brantz Mayer,[VI-17] \"was a\ncompound of spiritualism and gross idolatry; for the Aztecs believed\nin a Supreme Deity, whom they called Teotl, God; or Ipalnemoani, He by\nwhom we live; or Tloque Nahuaque, He who has all in himself; while\ntheir evil spirit bore the name of Tlaleatcololotl, the Rational Owl.\nThese spiritual beings are surrounded by a number of lesser\ndivinities, who were probably the ministerial agents of Teotl. These\nwere Huitzilopochtli, the god of war, and Teoyaomiqui, his spouse,\nwhose duty it was to conduct the souls of warriors who perished in\ndefense of their homes and religion to the 'house of the sun,' the\nAztec heaven. Huitzilopochtli, or Mextli, the god of war, was the\nspecial protector of the Aztecs; and devoted as they were to war, this\ndeity was always invoked before battle, and recompensed after it by\nthe offering of numerous captives taken in conflict.\"\n\n  [Sidenote: MEXICAN RELIGION, GREEK AND ROMAN.]\n\n\"The religion of the Mexicans,\" writes Se\u00f1or Carbajal Espinosa,[VI-18]\nplagiarizing as literally as possible from Clavigero, \"was a tissue of\nerrors and of cruel and superstitious rites. Similar infirmities of\nthe human mind are inseparable from a religious system originating in\ncaprice and fear, as we see even in the most cultured nations of\nantiquity. If the religion of the Mexicans be compared with that of\nthe Greeks and Romans, it will be found that the latter is the more\nsuperstitious and ridiculous and the former the more barbarous and\nsanguinary. These celebrated nations of ancient Europe multiplied\nexcessively their gods because of the mean idea that they had of their\npower; restricting their rule within narrow limits, attributing to\nthem the most atrocious crimes, and solemnizing their worship with\nsuch execrable impurities as were so justly condemned by the fathers\nof Christianity. The gods of the Mexicans were less imperfect, and\ntheir worship although superstitious contained nothing repugnant to\ndecency. They had some idea, although imperfect, of a Supreme Being,\nabsolute, independent, believing that they owed him tribute,\nadoration, and fear. They had no figure whereby to represent him,\nbelieving him to be invisible, neither did they give him any other\nname, save the generic one, God, which is in the Mexican tongue teotl,\nresembling even more in sense than in pronunciation the theos of the\nGreeks; they used, however, epithets, in the highest degree\nexpressive, to signify the grandeur and the power which they believed\nhim endowed with, calling him Ipalnemoani, that is to say, He by whom\nwe live, and Tloque-Nahuaque, which means, He that is all things in\nhimself. But the knowledge and the worship of this Supreme Essence\nwere obscured by the multitude of gods invented by superstition. The\npeople believed furthermore in an evil spirit, inimical to mankind,\ncalling him Tlacatecololotl, or Rational Owl, and saying that\noftentimes he revealed himself to men, to hurt or to terrify them.\"\n\n\"The Mexicans and the Tezcucans,\" following Se\u00f1or Pimentel,\n\"recognized the existence of a Supreme Being, of a First Cause, and\ngave him that generic title Teotl, God, the analogy of which with the\nTheos of the Greeks, has been already noted by various authors. The\nidea of God is one of those that appear radical to our very\nexistence.... With the Mexicans and Tezcucans this idea was darkened\nby the adoration of a thousand gods, invoked in all emergencies; of\nthese gods there were thirteen principal, the most notable being the\ngod of providence, that of war, and that of the wind and waters. The\ngod of providence had his seat in the sky, and had in his care all\nhuman affairs. The god of the waters was considered as the fertilizer\nof earth, and his dwelling was in the highest of the mountains where\nhe arranged the clouds. The god of war was the principal protector of\nthe Mexicans, their guide in their wanderings from the mysterious\ncountry of Aztlan, the god to whose favor they owed those great\nvictories that elevated them from the lowly estate of lake-fishermen\nup to the lordship of An\u00e1huac. The god of the wind had an aspect more\nbenign.... The Mexicans also worshiped the sun and the moon, and even,\nit would appear, certain animals considered as sacred. There figured\nalso in the Aztec mythology an evil genius called the Owl-man,[VI-19]\nsince in some manner the good and the bad, mixed up here on earth,\nhave to be explained. So the Persians had their Oromasdes and\nArimanes, the first the genius of good, and the second of evil, and\nso, later, Manicheism presents us with analogous explanations.\"[VI-20]\n\n  [Sidenote: THE NAMELESS GOD.]\n\nSolis, writing of Mexico and the Mexicans says: \"There was hardly a\nstreet without its tutelary god; neither was there any calamity of\nnature without its altar, to which they had recourse for remedy. They\nimagined and made their gods out of their own fear; not understanding\nthat they lessened the power of some by what they attributed to\nothers.... But for all so many as were their gods, and so complete as\nwas the blindness of their idolatry, they were not without the\nknowledge of a Superior Deity, to whom they attributed the creation of\nthe heavens and the earth. This original of things was, among the\nMexicans, a god without name; they had no word in their language with\nwhich to express him, only they gave it to be understood that they\nknew him, pointing reverently towards heaven, and giving to him after\ntheir fashion the attribute of ineffable, with that sort of religious\nuncertainty with which the Athenians venerated the Unknown God.\"[VI-21]\n\nThe interpreter of the Codex Telleriano-Remensis calls the Supreme God\nof the Mexicans by the name Tonacateotle.[VI-22] The interpreter says:\n\"God, Lord, Creator, Governor of all, Tloque, Nauaq, Tlalticpaque,\nTeotlalale-Matlava-Tepeva--all these epithets they bestowed on their\ngod Tonacateotle, who, they said, was the god that created the world;\nand him alone they painted with a crown as lord of all. They never\noffered sacrifices to this god for they said he cared not for such\nthings. All the others to whom they sacrificed were men once on a\ntime, or demons.\"[VI-23]\n\nWe have already seen from Herrera that \"the Mexicans confessed to a\nSupreme God, Lord, and maker of all things, and the said God was the\nprincipal that they venerated, looking towards heaven, and calling\nhim Creator of heaven and earth.\"[VI-24] In contradistinction to this\nit may be well to consider the following extract from the same author:\n\"Such was the blindness of the Mexicans, even to the natural light,\nthat they did not think like men of good judgment that all created\nthings were the work and effect of some immense and infinite cause,\nthe which only the First Cause and true God is.... And in Mexico alone\n(according to the common opinion) they had and adored two thousand\ngods, of whom the principal were Vizilipuztli and Tezcatlipucatl, who\nas supreme were set up in the height of the great temple, over two\naltars.... Tezcatlipucatl was the god of providence, and Vizilipuztli\nthe god of war.\"[VI-25]\n\nSpeaking of Mexican temples[VI-26] and gods, Oviedo says: \"But Montezuma\nhad the chief [temple], together with three other prayer-houses, in\nwhich he sacrificed in honor of four gods, or idols, that he had; of\nthese they had one for god of war, as the Gentiles had Mars; to\nanother they gave honor and sacrifice as god of the waters, even as\nthe ancients gave to Neptune; another they adored for god of the wind,\nas the lost heathen adored \u00c6olus; and another still they revered as\ntheir sovereign god, and this was the sun.... They had further other\ngods; making one of them god of the maize-fields, attributing to him\nthe power of guarding and multiplying the same, as the fable-writing\npoets and ancients of antiquity did to Ceres. They had gods for\neverything, giving attributes to each according to their surmises,\ninvesting them with that godhead which they had not, and with which it\nwas not right to invest any save only the true God.\"[VI-27]\n\nSpeaking in general terms of probably a large part of New Spain,\nTorquemada, says: \"These idolaters did not deny that they had a god\ncalled Ypalnemoaloni, that is to say, Lord by whom we live, and his\nnature is that his existence is in himself:[VI-28] the which is most\nproper to God, who is in his essence life. But that in which these\npeople erred was in distributing this divinity and attributing it to\nmany gods; yet, in reality, and verily, they recognized a Supreme God,\nto whom all the others were inferior. But for the greatness of their\nsins, they lacked faith and ran into this error like the other nations\nthat have done so.\"\n\n  [Sidenote: ACOSTA AND TEOTL.]\n\nAcosta, as has been already noticed by Professor J. G. M\u00fcller, either\nnever heard of or disbelieved in the existence of the name Teotl and\nof the ideas connected therewith by so many historians.[VI-29] The said\nAcosta says: \"If wee shall seeke into the Indian tongue for a word to\nanswer to this name of God, as in Latin, Deus; in Greeke, Theos; in\nHebrew, El; in Arabike, Alla; but wee shall not finde any in the\nCuscan or Mexicaine tongues. So as such as preach, or write to the\nIndians, vse our Spanish name Dios, fitting it to the accent or\npronounciation of the Indian tongues; the which differ much, whereby\nappeares the small knowledge they had of God, seeing they cannot so\nmuch as name him, if it be not by our very name: yet in trueth they\nhad some little knowledge.... The Mexicaines almost in the same manner\n[as the Peruvians] after the supreame God, worshiped the Sunne: And\ntherefore they called Hernando Cortez, Sonne of the Sunne, for his\ncare and courage to compasse the earth. But they made their greatest\nadoration to an Idol called Vitzilipuztli, the which in all this\nregion they called the most puissant and Lord of all things: for this\ncause the Mexicaines built him a Temple, the greatest, the fairest,\nthe highest, and the most sumptuous of all others.... But heere the\nMexicaines Idolatrie hath bin more pernicious and hurtfull than that\nof the Inguas, as wee shall see plainer heereafter, for that the\ngreatest part of their adoration and idolatrie, was employed to Idols,\nand not to naturall things, although they did attribute naturall\neffects to these Idolls, as raine, multiplication of cattell, warre,\nand generation, even as the Greekes and Latins have forged Idolls of\nPh\u0153bus, Mercurie, Jupiter, Minerva, and of Mars. To conclude, who\nso shall neerely looke into it, shall finde this manner which the\nDivell hath vsed to deceive the Indians, to be the same wherewith hee\nhath deceived the Greekes and Romans, and other ancient Gentiles,\ngiving them to vnderstand that these notable creatures, the Sunne,\nMoone, Starres, and Elements, had power and authoritie to doe good or\nharme to men.\"[VI-30]\n\n  [Sidenote: MENDIETA'S EUHEMERISTIC THEORY.]\n\nMendieta says: \"It is to be noted for a general rule that, though\nthese people, in all the continent of these Indias, from the farthest\nparts of New Spain to the parts of Florida, and farther still to the\nkingdoms of Peru, had, as has been said, an infinity of idols that\nthey reverenced as gods, nevertheless, above all, they still held the\nsun as chiefest and most powerful. And they dedicated to the sun the\ngreatest, richest, and most sumptuous of their temples. This should be\nthe power the Mexicans called Ipalnemohuani, that is to say, 'by whom\nall live,' and Moyucuyatzin ayac oquiyocux ayac oquipic, that is to\nsay, 'he that no one created or formed, but who, on the contrary, made\nall things by his own power and will.' ... So many are the fictions\nand fables that the Indians invented about their gods, and so\ndifferently are these related in the different towns, that neither can\nthey agree among themselves in recounting them, nor shall there be\nfound any one who shall understand them. In the principal provinces of\nthis New Spain, they had--after the sun, which was the common god of\nthem all--each province, its particular and principal god, to which\ngod above all others they offered their sacrifices; as the Mexicans to\nUzilopuchtli--a name that the Spaniards not being able to pronounce\ncalled Ocholobos, 'eight wolves', or Uchilobos; as the Tezucans to\nTezcatlipuca; as the Tlaxcalans to Camaxtli, and as the Cholulans to\nQuetzalcoatl; doubtless all these were famous men that performed some\nnotable feats, or invented some new thing, to the honor and benefit of\nthe state; or perhaps again these gave the people laws and a rule of\nlife, or taught them trades, or to offer up sacrifices, or some other\nthing that appeared good and worthy to be rewarded with grateful\nacknowledgements.... The demon, the old enemy, did not content himself\nwith the service that these people did him in the adoration of almost\nevery visible creature, in making idols of them, both carven and\npainted, but he also kept them blinded with a thousand fashions of\nwitchcrafts, parodies of sacraments, and superstitions.\"[VI-31]\n\n\"It is well to remark,\" writes Camargo, \"that although the Indians had\na divinity for each thing, they were aware of the existence of a\nSupreme God that they named Tloque-Nahuaque, or He who contains all,\nregarding the same as superior to all the other gods.\" This Tlascaltec\nauthor has also preserved us a native prayer couched in the following\nterms: \"O, all-powerful gods, that inhabit the heavens, even as far as\nthe ninth, where abides your master and ours, the great\nTloque-Nahuaque (this name means, He that accompanies the other\ngods[VI-32])--you that have all power over men forsake us not in\ndanger. We invoke you, as well also as the sun Nauholin, and the moon,\nspouse of that brilliant luminary, the stars of heaven also, and the\nwind of the night and of the day.\"[VI-33]\n\nAccording to the somewhat vague and incomplete account of Fray Toribio\nde Benavente, or Motolinia--the latter his adopted name and that by\nwhich he is best known--another of the original and early authorities\nin matter concerning the gentile Mexicans: \"Tezcatlipoca was the god\nor demon that they held for greatest and to whom most dignity was\nattributed.... They had idols of stone, and of wood, and of baked\nclay; they also made them of dough and of seeds kneaded into the\ndough.... Some of them were shaped like men, ... some were like\nwomen; ... some were like wild beasts, as lions, tigers, dogs, deer,\nand such other animals as frequented the mountains and plains; ... some\nlike snakes of many fashions, large and coiling.... Of the owl and\nother night-birds, and of others as the kite, and of every large bird,\nor beautiful, or fierce, or preciously feathered--they had an idol.\nBut the principal of all was the sun. Likewise had they idols of the\nmoon and stars, and of the great fishes, and of the water-lizards, and\nof toads and frogs, and of other fishes; and these they said were the\ngods of the fishes.... They had for gods fire, water, and earth; and\nof all these they had painted figures.... Of many other things they\nhad figures and idols, carved or painted, even of butterflies, fleas,\nand locusts.\"[VI-34]\n\n  [Sidenote: THE CREED OF NEZAHUALCOYOTL.]\n\nNezahualcoyotl, king of Tezcuco, was he who--according to the no doubt\nsomewhat partial account of his descendant Ixtlilxochitl--pushed the\nfarthest into overt speech and act his contempt of the vulgar idolatry\nand his recognition of a high, holy, and to a great extent unknowable\nsupreme power. This thoughtful monarch \"found for false all the gods\nadored by the people of this land, saying that they were statues and\ndemons hostile to the human race; for he was very learned in moral\nthings, and he went to and fro more than any other, seeking if haply\nhe might find light to affirm the true God and creator of all things,\nas has been seen in the discourse of his history, and as bear witness\nthe songs that he composed on this theme. He said that there was only\nOne, that this One was the maker of heaven and earth, that he\nsustained all he had made and created, and that he was where was no\nsecond, above the nine heavens; that no eye had ever seen this One, in\na human shape nor in any shape whatever; that the souls of the\nvirtuous went to him after death, while the souls of the bad went to\nanother place, some most infamous spot of earth, filled with horrible\nhardships and sufferings. Never--though there were many gods\nrepresenting many idols--did the king neglect an opportunity of saying\nwhen divinity was discussed, 'yntloque in nauhaque y palne moalani,'\nwhich sentence sums up his convictions as above expressed.\nNevertheless he recognized the sun as his father and the earth as his\nmother.\"[VI-35]\n\nNow it is in the face of much that has been said denying or doubting\nIxtlilxochitl's account of the creed of Nezahualcoyotl that I have\nselected the passage above translated, from among other passages\ntouching the same subject in the _Historia Chichimeca_ and in the\n_Relaciones_. I have selected it not because it is the most clearly\nworded, or the most eloquent, or the most complete; but solely on\naccount of the sentence with which it concludes: Nezahualcoyotl\n\"recognized the sun as his father and the earth as his mother.\" These\nfew words occurring at the end of a eulogy of the great Tezcucan by a\nconfessed admirer, these few words that have passed unnoticed amid the\ndin and hubbub raised over the lofty creed to which they form the last\narticle, these few words so insignificant apparently and yet so\nsignificant in their connection--should go far to prove the\nfaithfulness of Ixtlilxochitl's record, and the greater or less\ncompleteness of his portrait of his great ancestor. Were Ixtlilxochitl\ndishonest, would he ever have allowed such a pagan chord as this to\ncome jangling into the otherwise perfect music of his description of a\nperfect sage and Christian, who believed in a God alone and\nall-sufficient, who believed in a creator of all things without any\nhelp at all, much less the help of his dead material creatures the sun\nand the earth? Let us admit the honesty of Ixtlilxochitl, and admit\nwith him a knowledge of that Unknown God, whom, as did the Athenians,\nNezahualcoyotl ignorantly worshiped; but let us not be blinded by a\nglitter of words--which we may be sure lose nothing in the\nrepetition--as to the significance of that 'ignorantly;' let us never\nlose sight across the shadow of that obscure Athenian altar to the\nUnknown God, of the mighty columns of the Acropolis and the crest of\nthe Athena Promachos. Nezahualcoyotl seems a fair type of a\nthoughtful, somewhat sceptical Mexican of that better-instructed class\nwhich is ever and everywhere the horror of hypocrites and fanatics, of\nthat class never without its witnesses in all countries and at all\ntimes, of that class two steps above the ignorant laity, and one step\nabove the learned priesthood, yet far still from that simple and\nperfect truth which shall one day be patent enough to all.\n\n  [Sidenote: AMERICAN MYTHOLOGY.]\n\nTurning from the discussion of a point so obscure and intangible as\nthe monotheism of Nezahualcoyotl and the school of which he was the\ntype, let us review the very palpable and indubitable polytheism of\nthe Mexicans. It seems radically to differ little from other\npolytheisms better known, such as those of Greece, Rome, and\nScandinavia; it seems to have been a jumble of personified powers,\ncauses, and qualities, developed in the ordinary way from the mythical\ncorruption of that florid hyperbolical style of speech natural to all\npeoples in days before the exact definition of words was either\npossible or necessary; just such a jumble as the Aryan polytheisms\nwere in the days of the Euhemerists, and for too long after\nunfortunately; such a jumble as Aryan mythology was till the brothers\nGrimm led the van of the ripest talent and scholarship of the\nnineteenth century into the paths of 'word-shunting,' which led again\ninto god or hero shunting, if the term may be invented. Unfortunately\nthe philologic and mythologic material for such an exhaustive\nsynthesis of the origin and relations of the American creeds as Mr\nCox, for example, has given to the world on the Aryan legends, in his\n_Mythology of the Aryan Nations_, is yet far from complete; which fact\nindeed makes the raison d'\u00eatre of works like the present. There is\nnothing for me at present but to gather, sift, and arrange, with such\nsifting and arrangement as may be possible, all accessible materials\nrelating to the subject in hand; that done let more skilled workmen\nfind and give them their place in the wall of science. For they have a\nplace there, whether or no it be found to-day or to-morrow; a breach\nis there that shall be empty until they fit and fill it.\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\nTezcatlipoca seems to have been considered on the whole, and the\npatron-gods of different cities aside, as the most important of the\nMexican gods. We have seen him identified in several of the preceding\nquotations with a supreme invisible god, and I now proceed,\nillustrating this phase of his character, to translate as closely as\npossible the various prayers given by Sahagun as addressed to this\ngreat deity under his various names, Titlacoan, Yautl, Telpuchtli,\nTlamatzincatl, Moiocoiatzin, Iaotzin, Necociautl, Necaoalpilli, and\nothers:--\n\nO, thou almighty God, that givest life to men, and art called\nTitlacaoan, grant me in thy mercy everything needful to eat and to\ndrink, and to enjoy of thy soft and delicate things; for in grievous\ntoil and straitness I live in the world. Have mercy on me, so poor I\nam and naked, I that labor in thy service, and for thy service sweep,\nand clean, and put light in this poor house, where I await thine\norders; otherwise let me die soon and end this toilful and miserable\nlife, so that my body may find rest and a breathing-time.\n\nIn illness the people prayed to this deity as follows: O God, whose\nname is Titlacaoan, be merciful and send away this sickness which is\nkilling me, and I will reform my life. Let me be once healed of this\ninfirmity and I swear to serve thee and to earn the right to live;\nshould I by hard toil gain something, I will not eat it nor employ it\nin anything save only to thine honor; I will give a feast and a\nbanquet of dancing in this poor house.\n\nBut the sick man that could not recover, and that felt it so, used to\ngrow desperate and blaspheme saying: O Titlacaoan, since thou mockest\nme, why dost thou not kill me?[VI-36]\n\n  [Sidenote: PRAYER IN TIME OF PESTILENCE.]\n\n  [Sidenote: SPARE THE GREEN AND TAKE THE RIPE.]\n\nThen following is a prayer to Tezcatlipoca, used by the priest in time\nof pestilence: O mighty Lord, under whose wing we find defense and\nshelter, thou art invisible and impalpable even as night and the air.\nHow can I that am so mean and worthless dare to appear before thy\nmajesty? Stuttering and with rude lips I speak; ungainly is the manner\nof my speech as one leaping among furrows, as one advancing unevenly;\nfor all this I fear to raise thine anger, and to provoke instead of\nappeasing thee; nevertheless thou wilt do unto me as may please thee.\nO Lord, that hast held it good to forsake us in these days, according\nto the counsel thou hast as well in heaven as in hades--alas for us,\nin that thine anger and indignation has descended in these days upon\nus; alas, in that the many and grievous afflictions of thy wrath have\novergone and swallowed us up, coming down even as stones, spears, and\narrows upon the wretches that inhabit the earth--this is the sore\npestilence with which we are afflicted and almost destroyed. Alas, O\nvaliant and all-powerful Lord, the common people are almost made an\nend of and destroyed; a great destruction and ruin the pestilence\nalready makes in this nation; and, what is most pitiful of all, the\nlittle children that are innocent and understand nothing, only to play\nwith pebbles and to heap up little mounds of earth, they too die,\nbroken and dashed to pieces as against stones and a wall--a thing very\npitiful and grievous to be seen, for there remain of them not even\nthose in the cradles, nor those that could not walk nor speak. Ah,\nLord, how all things become confounded; of young and old and of men\nand women there remains neither branch nor root; thy nation and thy\npeople and thy wealth are leveled down and destroyed. O our Lord,\nprotector of all, most valiant and most kind, what is this? Thine\nanger and thine indignation, does it glory or delight in hurling the\nstone and arrow and spear? The fire of the pestilence, made exceeding\nhot, is upon thy nation, as a fire in a hut, burning and smoking,\nleaving nothing upright or sound. The grinders of thy teeth are\nemployed, and thy bitter whips upon the miserable of thy people, who\nhave become lean and of little substance, even as a hollow green cane.\nYea, what doest thou now, O Lord, most strong, compassionate,\ninvisible, and impalpable, whose will all things obey, upon whose\ndisposal depends the rule of the world, to whom all is subject--what\nin thy divine breast hast thou decreed? Peradventure hast thou\naltogether forsaken thy nation and thy people? Hast thou verily\ndetermined that it utterly perish, and that there be no more memory of\nit in the world, that the peopled place become a wooded hill and a\nwilderness of stones? Peradventure wilt thou permit that the temples,\nand the places of prayer, and the altars, built for thy service, be\nrazed and destroyed and no memory of them be left? Is it indeed\npossible that thy wrath and punishment, and vexed indignation are\naltogether implacable and will go on to the end to our destruction?\nIs it already fixed in thy divine counsel that there is to be no mercy\nnor pity for us, until the arrows of thy fury are spent to our utter\nperdition and destruction? Is it possible that this lash and\nchastisement is not given for our correction and amendment, but only\nfor our total destruction and obliteration; that the sun shall\nnevermore shine upon us, but that we must remain in perpetual darkness\nand silence; that nevermore thou wilt look upon us with eyes of mercy,\nneither little nor much? Wilt thou after this fashion destroy the\nwretched sick that cannot find rest nor turn from side to side, whose\nmouth and teeth are filled with earth and scurf? It is a sore thing to\ntell how we are all in darkness, having none understanding nor sense\nto watch for or aid one another. We are all as drunken and without\nunderstanding, without hope of any aid; already the little children\nperish of hunger, for there is none to give them food, nor drink, nor\nconsolation, nor caress--none to give the breast to them that suck;\nfor their fathers and mothers have died and left them orphans,\nsuffering for the sins of their fathers. O our Lord, all-powerful,\nfull of mercy, our refuge, though indeed thine anger and indignation,\nthine arrows and stones, have sorely hurt this poor people, let it be\nas a father or a mother that rebukes children, pulling their ears,\npinching their arms, whipping them with nettles, pouring chill water\nupon them; all being done that they may amend their puerility and\nchildishness. Thy chastisement and indignation have lorded and\nprevailed over these thy servants, over this poor people, even as rain\nfalling upon the trees and the green canes, being touched of the wind,\ndrops also upon those that are below. O most compassionate Lord, thou\nknowest that the common folk are as children, that being whipped they\ncry and sob and repent of what they have done. Peradventure, already\nthese poor people by reason of thy chastisement weep, sigh, blame, and\nmurmur against themselves; in thy presence they blame and bear witness\nagainst their bad deeds and punish themselves therefor. Our Lord most\ncompassionate, pitiful, noble, and precious, let a time be given the\npeople to repent; let the past chastisement suffice, let it end here,\nto begin again if the reform endure not. Pardon and overlook the sins\nof the people; cause thine anger and thy resentment to cease; repress\nit again within thy breast that it destroy no farther; let it rest\nthere; let it cease, for of a surety none can avoid death nor escape\nto any place. We owe tribute to death; and all that live in the world\nare the vassals thereof; this tribute shall every man pay with his\nlife. None shall avoid from following death, for it is thy messenger\nwhat hour soever it may be sent, hungering and thirsting always to\ndevour all that are in the world and so powerful that none shall\nescape: then indeed shall every man be punished according to his\ndeeds. O most pitiful Lord, at least take pity and have mercy upon the\nchildren that are in the cradles, upon those that cannot walk. Have\nmercy also, O Lord, upon the poor and very miserable, who have nothing\nto eat, nor to cover themselves withal, nor a place to sleep, who do\nnot know what thing a happy day is, whose days pass altogether in\npain, affliction, and sadness. Than this, were it not better, O Lord,\nif thou should forget to have mercy upon the soldiers and upon the men\nof war, whom thou wilt have need of sometime; behold it is better to\ndie in war and go to serve food and drink in the house of the sun,\nthan to die in this pestilence and descend to hades. O most strong\nLord, protector of all, lord of the earth, governor of the world, and\nuniversal master, let the sport and satisfaction thou hast already\ntaken in this past punishment suffice; make an end of this smoke and\nfog of thy resentment; quench also the burning and destroying fire of\nthine anger: let serenity come and clearness; let the small birds of\nthy people begin to sing and to approach the sun; give them quiet\nweather so that they may cause their voices to reach thy highness and\nthou mayest know them. O our Lord, most strong, most compassionate,\nand most noble, this little have I said before thee, and I have\nnothing more to say, only to prostrate and throw myself at thy feet,\nseeking pardon for the faults of this my prayer; certainly I would not\nremain in thy displeasure, and I have no other thing to say.\n\n  [Sidenote: PRAYER FOR AID AGAINST POVERTY.]\n\nThe following is a prayer to the same deity, under his names\nTezcatlipuca and Yoalliehecatl, for succor against poverty: O our\nLord, protector most strong and compassionate, invisible, and\nimpalpable, thou art the giver of life; lord of all, and lord of\nbattles, I present myself here before thee to say some few words\nconcerning the need of the poor people, the people of none estate nor\nintelligence. When they lie down at night they have nothing, nor when\nthey rise up in the morning; the darkness and the light pass alike in\ngreat poverty. Know, O Lord, that thy subjects and servants, suffer a\nsore poverty that cannot be told of more than that it is a sore\npoverty and desolateness. The men have no garments nor the women to\ncover themselves with, but only certain rags rent in every part that\nallow the air and the cold to pass everywhere. With great toil and\nweariness they scrape together enough for each day, going by mountain\nand wilderness seeking their food; so faint and enfeebled are they\nthat their bowels cleave to the ribs, and all their body re\u00ebchoes with\nhollowness; and they walk as people affrighted, the face and the body\nin likeness of death. If they be merchants, they now sell only cakes\nof salt and broken pepper; the people that have something despise\ntheir wares, so that they go out to sell from door to door and from\nhouse to house; and when they sell nothing they sit down sadly by some\nfence, or wall, or in some corner, licking their lips and gnawing the\nnails of their hands for the hunger that is in them; they look on the\none side and on the other at the mouths of those that pass by, hoping\nperadventure that one may speak some word to them. O compassionate\nGod, the bed on which they lie down is not a thing to rest upon, but\nto endure torment in; they draw a rag over them at night and so sleep;\nthere they throw down their bodies and the bodies of children that\nthou hast given them. For the misery they grow up in, for the\nfilth[VI-37] of their food, for the lack of covering, their faces are\nyellow and all their bodies of the color of earth. They tremble with\ncold, and for leanness they stagger in walking. They go weeping, and\nsighing, and full of sadness, and all misfortunes are joined to them;\nthough they stay by a fire they find little heat. O our Lord, most\nclement, invisible, and impalpable, I supplicate thee to see good to\nhave pity upon them as they move in thy presence wailing and clamoring\nand seeking mercy with anguish of heart. O our Lord, in whose power it\nis to give all content, consolation, sweetness, softness, prosperity\nand riches, for thou alone art lord of all good--have mercy upon them\nfor they are thy servants. I supplicate thee, O Lord, that thou prove\nthem a little with tenderness, indulgence, sweetness, and softness,\nwhich indeed they sorely lack and require. I supplicate thee that thou\nwill lift up their heads with thy favor and aid, that thou will see\ngood that they enjoy some days of prosperity and tranquillity, so they\nmay sleep and know repose, having prosperous and peaceable days of\nlife. Should they still refuse to serve thee, thou afterwards canst\ntake away what thou hast given; they having enjoyed it but a few days,\nas those that enjoy a fragrant and beautiful flower and find it wither\npresently. Should this nation, for whom I pray and entreat thee to do\nthem good, not understand what thou hast given, thou canst take away\nthe good and pour out cursing; so that all evil may come upon them,\nand they become poor, in need, maimed, lame, blind, and deaf: then\nindeed they shall waken and know the good that they had and have not,\nand they shall call upon thee and lean towards thee; but thou wilt not\nlisten, for in the day of abundance they would not understand thy\ngoodness towards them. In conclusion, I supplicate thee, O most kind\nand benificent Lord, that thou will see good to give this people to\ntaste of the goods and riches that thou art wont to give, and that\nproceed from thee, things sweet and soft and bringing content, and\njoy, although it be but for a little while, and as a dream that\npasses. For it is certain that for a long time the people go sadly\nbefore thee, weeping and thoughtful, because of the anguish, hardship,\nand anxiety that fill their bodies and hearts, taking away all ease\nand rest. Verily, it is not doubtful that to this poor nation, needy\nand shelterless, happens all I have said. If thou answerest my\npetition it will be only of thy liberality and magnificence, for no\none is worthy to receive thy bounty for any merit of his, but only\nthrough thy grace. Search below the dung-hills and in the mountains\nfor thy servants, friends, and acquaintance, and raise them to riches\nand dignities. O our Lord, most clement, let thy will be done as it is\nordained in thy heart, and we shall have nothing to say. I, a rude man\nand common, would not by importunity and prolixity disgust and annoy\nthee, detailing my sickness, destruction, and punishment. Whom do I\nspeak to? Where am I? Lo I speak with thee, O King; well do I know\nthat I stand in an eminent place, and that I talk with one of great\nmajesty, before whose presence flows a river through a chasm, a gulf\nsheer down of awful depth; this also is a slippery place, whence many\nprecipitate themselves, for there shall not be found one without error\nbefore thy majesty. I myself, a man of little understanding and\nlacking speech, dare to address my words to thee; I put myself in\nperil of falling into the gorge and cavern of this river. I, Lord,\nhave come to take with my hands blindness to mine eyes, rottenness and\nshrivelling to my members, poverty and affliction to my body; for my\nmeanness and rudeness this it is that I merit to receive. Live and\nrule for ever in all quietness and tranquillity, O thou that art our\nlord, our shelter, our protector, most compassionate, most pitiful,\ninvisible, impalpable.\n\n  [Sidenote: PRAYER IN TIME OF WAR.]\n\n  [Sidenote: PRAYER TO THE GOD OF BATTLES.]\n\nThis following is a petition in time of war to the same principal god,\nunder his name of Tezcatlipoca Yautlnecociautlmonenequi, praying favor\nagainst the enemy: O our Lord, most compassionate, protector,\ndefender, invisible, impalpable, by whose will and wisdom we are\ndirected and governed, beneath whose rule we live--O, Lord of\nbattles, it is a thing very certain and settled that war begins to be\narranged and prepared for. The god of the earth opens his mouth,\nthirsty to drink the blood of them that shall die in this strife. It\nseems that they wish to be merry, the sun and the god of the earth\ncalled Tlaltecutli; they wish to give to eat and drink to the gods of\nheaven and hades, making them a banquet with the blood and flesh of\nthe men that have to die in this war. Already do they look, the gods\nof heaven and hades, to see who they are that have to conquer, and who\nto be conquered; who they are that have to slay, and who to be slain;\nwhose blood it is that has to be drunken, and whose flesh it is that\nhas to be eaten;--which things the noble fathers and mothers whose\nsons have to die, are ignorant of. Even so are ignorant all their kith\nand kin, and the nurses that gave them suck--ignorant also are the\nfathers that toiled for them, seeking things needful for their food\nand drink and raiment until they reached the age they now have.\nCertainly they could not foretell how those sons should end whom they\nreared so anxiously, or that they should be one day left captives or\ndead upon the field. See good, O our Lord, that the nobles who die in\nthe shock of war be peacefully and agreeably received, and with bowels\nof love, by the sun and the earth that are father and mother of all.\nFor verily thou dost not deceive thyself in what thou doest,[VI-38] to\nwit, in wishing them to die in war; for certainly for this didst thou\nsend them into the world, so that with their flesh and their blood\nthey might be for meat and drink to the sun and the earth. Be not\nwroth, O Lord, anew against those of the profession of war, for in the\nsame place where they will die have died many generous[VI-39] and noble\nlords and captains, and valiant men. The nobility and generosity of\nthe nobles and the great-heartedness of the warriors is made apparent,\nand thou makest manifest, O Lord, how estimable and precious is each\none, so that as such he may be held and honored, even as a stone of\nprice or a rich feather. O Lord, most clement, lord of battles,\nemperor of all, whose name is Tezcatlipoca, invisible and impalpable,\nwe supplicate thee that he or they that thou wilt permit to die in\nthis war may be received into the house of the sun in heaven, with\nlove and honor, and may be placed and lodged between the brave and\nfamous warriors already dead in war, to wit, the lords Quitzicquaquatzin,\nMaceuhcatzin, Tlacahuepantzin, Ixtlilcuechavac, Ihuitltemuc,\nChavacuetzin, and all the other valiant and renowned men that died in\nformer times--who are rejoicing with and praising our lord the sun,\nwho are glad and eternally rich through him, and shall be for ever;\nthey go about sucking the sweetness of all flowers delectable and\npleasant to the taste. This is a great dignity for the stout and\nvaliant ones that died in war; for this they are drunken with delight,\nkeeping no account of night, nor day, nor years, nor times; their joy\nand their wealth is without end; the nectarous flowers they sip never\nfade, and for the desire thereof men of high descent strengthen\nthemselves to die. In conclusion, I entreat thee, O Lord, that art our\nlord most clement, our emperor most invincible, to see good that those\nthat die in this war be received with bowels of pity and love by our\nfather the sun, and our mother the earth; for thou only livest and\nrulest and art our most compassionate lord. Nor do I supplicate alone\nfor the illustrious and noble, but also for the other soldiers, who\nare troubled and tormented in heart, who clamor, calling upon thee,\nholding their lives as nothing, and who fling themselves without fear\nupon the enemy, seeking death. Grant them at least some small part of\ntheir desire, some rest and repose in this life; or if here, in this\nworld, they are not destined to prosperity, appoint them for servants\nand officers of the sun, to give food and drink to those in hades and\nto those in heaven. As for those whose charge it is to rule the state\nand to be tlacateccatl or tlacochcalatl,[VI-40] make them to be fathers\nand mothers to the men of war that wander by field and mountain, by\nheight and ravine--in their hand is the sentence of death for enemies\nand criminals, as also the distribution of dignities, the offices and\nthe arms of war, the badges, the granting privileges to those that\nwear visors and tassels[VI-41] on the head, and ear-rings, pendants, and\nbracelets, and have yellow skins tied to their ankles--with them is\nthe privilege of appointing the fashion of the raiment that every one\nshall wear. It is to these also to give permission to certain to use\nand wear precious stones, as chalchivetes, turquoises, and rich\nfeathers in the dances, and to wear necklaces and jewels of gold: all\nof which things are delicate and precious gifts proceeding from thy\nriches, and which thou givest to those that perform feats and valiant\ndeeds in war. I entreat thee also, O Lord, to make grace of thy\nlargess to the common soldiers, give them some shelter and good\nlodging in this world, make them stout and brave, and take away all\ncowardice from their heart, so that not only shall they meet death\nwith cheerfulness, but even desire it as a sweet thing, as flowers and\ndainty food, nor dread at all the hoots and shouts of their enemies:\nthis do to them as to thy friend. Forasmuch as thou art lord of\nbattles, on whose will depends the victory, aiding whom thou wilt,\nneeding not that any counsel thee--I entreat thee, O Lord, to make\nmad and drunken our enemies so that without hurt to us they may cast\nthemselves into our hands, into the hands of our men of war enduring\nso much hardship and poverty. O our Lord, since thou art God,\nall-powerful, all-knowing, disposer of all things, able to make this\nland rich, prosperous, praised, honored, famed in the art and feats of\nwar, able to make the warriors now in the field to live and be\nprosperous, if, in the days at hand, thou see good that they die in\nwar, let it be to go to the house of the sun, among all the heroes\nthat are there and that died upon the battle-field.\n\n  [Sidenote: PRAYER THAT A RULER MAY RULE WELL.]\n\n  [Sidenote: THAT A RULER MAY NOT ABUSE HIS POWER.]\n\nThe following prayer is one addressed to the principal deity, under\nhis name Tezcatlipoca Teiocoiani Tehimatini, asking favor for a newly\nelected ruler: To-day, a fortunate day, the sun has risen upon us,\nwarming us, so that in it a precious stone may be wrought, and a\nhandsome sapphire. To us has appeared a new light, has arrived a new\nbrightness, to us has been given a glittering axe to rule and govern\nour nation--has been given a man to take upon his shoulders the\naffairs and troubles of the state. He is to be the image and\nsubstitute of the lords and governors that have already passed away\nfrom this life, who for some days labored, bearing the burden of thy\npeople, possessing thy throne and seat, which is the principal\ndignity[VI-42] of this thy nation, province, and kingdom; having and\nholding the same in thy name and person some few days. These have now\ndeparted from this life, put off their shoulders the great load and\nburden that so few are able to suffer. Now, O Lord, we marvel that\nthou hast indeed set thine eyes on this man, rude and of little\nknowledge, to make him for some days, for some little time, the\ngovernor of this state, nation, province, and kingdom. O our Lord,\nmost clement, art thou peradventure in want of persons and\nfriends?--nay verily, thou that hast thereof more than can be counted!\nIs it, peradventure, by error, or that thou dost not know him; or is\nit that thou hast taken him for the nonce, while thou seekest among\nmany for another and a better than he, unwise, indiscrete,\nunprofitable, a superfluous man in the world. Finally, we give thanks\nto thy majesty for the favor thou hast done us. What thy designs\ntherein are thou alone knowest; perhaps beforehand this office has\nbeen provided for: thy will be done as it is determined in thy heart;\nlet this man serve for some days and times. It may be that he will\nfill this office defectively, giving unrest and fear to his subjects,\ndoing things without counsel or consideration, deeming himself worthy\nof the dignity he has, thinking that he will remain in it for a long\ntime, making a sad dream of it, making the occupation and dignity thou\nhast given him an occasion of pride and presumption, making little of\neverybody and going about with pomp and pageantry. Within a few days,\nthou wilt know the event of all, for all men are thy spectacle and\ntheatre, at which thou laughest and makest thyself merry. Perhaps this\nruler will lose his office through his childishness, or it will happen\nthrough his carelessness and laziness; for verily nothing is hidden\nfrom thee, thy sight makes way through stone and wood, and thine\nhearing. Or perhaps his arrogance, and the secret boasting of his\nthoughts will destroy him. Then thou wilt throw him among the filth\nand upon the dung-hills, and his reward will be blindness, and\nshrivellings, and extreme poverty till the hour of his death, when\nthou wilt put him under thy feet. Since this poor man is put in this\nrisk and peril, we supplicate thee, who art our Lord, our invisible\nand impalpable protector, under whose will and pleasure we are, who\nalone disposes of and provides for all--we supplicate thee that thou\nsee good to deal mercifully with him; inasmuch as he is needy, thy\nsubject and servant, and blind; deign to provide him with thy light,\nthat he may know what he has to think, what he has to do, and the road\nhe has to follow, so as to commit no error in his office, contrary to\nthy disposition and will. Thou knowest what is to happen to him in\nthis office both by day and night; we know, O our Lord, most clement,\nthat our ways and deeds are not so much in our hands as in the hands\nof our ruler. If this ruler after an evil and perverse fashion, in the\nplace to which thou hast elevated him, and in the seat in which thou\nhast put him--which is thine--where he manages the affairs of the\npeople, as one that washes filthy things with clean and clear water,\n(yea in the same seat holds a similar cleansing office the ancient\ngod, who is father and mother to thyself, and is god of fire, who\nstands in the midst of flowers, in the midst of the place bounded by\nfour walls, who is covered with shining feathers that are as\nwings)--if this ruler-elect of ours do evil with which to provoke\nthine ire and indignation, and to awaken thy chastisement against\nhimself, it will not be of his own will or seeking, but by thy\npermission or by some impulse from without; for which I entreat thee\nto see good to open his eyes to give him light; open also his ears and\nguide him, not so much for his own sake as for that of those whom he\nhas to rule over and carry on his shoulders.[VI-43] I supplicate thee,\nthat now, from the beginning, thou inspire him with what he is to\nconceive in his heart, and the road he is to follow, inasmuch as thou\nhast made of him a seat on which to seat thyself, and also as it were\na flute that, being played upon, may signify thy will. Make him, O\nLord, a faithful image of thyself, and permit not that in thy throne\nand hall he make himself proud and haughty; but rather see good, O\nLord, that quietly and prudently he rule and govern those in his\ncharge who are common people: do not permit him to insult and oppress\nhis subjects, nor to give over without reason any of them to\ndestruction. Neither permit, O Lord, that he spot and defile thy\nthrone and hall with any injustice or oppression, for in so doing he\nwill stain also thine honor and fame. Already, O Lord, has this poor\nman accepted and received the honor and lordship that thou hast given\nhim; already he possesses the glory and riches thereof; already thou\nhast adorned his hands, feet, head, ears, and lips, with visor,\near-rings, and bracelets, and put yellow leather upon his ankles.\nPermit it not, O Lord, that these decorations, badges, and ornaments\nbe to him a cause of pride and presumption; but rather that he serve\nthee with humility and plainness. May it please thee, O our Lord, most\nclement, that he rule and govern this, thy seignory, that thou hast\ncommitted to him, with all prudence and wisdom. May it please thee\nthat he do nothing wrong or to thine offense; deign to walk with him\nand direct him in all his ways. But if thou wilt not do this, ordain\nthat from this day henceforth he be abhorred and disliked, and that he\ndie in war at the hands of his enemies, that he depart to the house of\nthe sun; where he will be taken care of as a precious stone, and his\nheart esteemed by the sun-lord; he dying in the war like a stout and\nvaliant man. This would be much better than to be dishonored in the\nworld, to be disliked and abhorred of his people for his faults or\ndefects. O our Lord, thou that providest to all the things needful for\nthem, let this thing be done as I have entreated and supplicated\nthee.\n\n  [Sidenote: THAT A RULER BE SET OVER THE NATION.]\n\nThe next prayer, directed to the god under his name Tezcatlipoca\nTitlacaoamoquequeloa, is to ask, after the death of a ruler, that\nanother may be given: O our Lord, already thou knowest how our ruler\nis dead, already thou hast put him under thy feet; he is gathered to\nhis place; he is gone by the road that all have to go by, and to the\nhouse where all have to lodge; house of perpetual darkness, where\nthere is no window, nor any light at all; he is now where none shall\ntrouble his rest. He served thee here in his office during some few\ndays and years, not indeed without fault and offense. Thou gavest him\nto taste in this world somewhat of thy kindness and favor, passing it\nbefore his face as a thing that passes quickly. This is the dignity\nand office that thou placedst him in, that he served thee in for some\ndays, as has been said, with sighs, tears and devout prayers before\nthy majesty. Alas, he is gone now where our father and mother the god\nof hades is, the god that descended head foremost below the fire,[VI-44]\nthe god that desires to carry us all to his place, with a very\nimportunate desire, with such a desire as one has that dies of hunger\nand thirst; the god that is moved exceedingly, both by day and night,\ncrying and demanding that all go to him. There, with this god, is now\nour late-departed ruler; he is there with all his ancestors that were\nin the first times, that governed this kingdom, with Acamapichtli,\nwith Tyzoc, with Avitzotl, with the first Mocthecuzoma, with\nAxayacatl, and with those that came last, as the second Mocthecuzoma\nand also Mocthecuzoma Ilhuicamina.[VI-45] All these lords and kings\nruled, governed, and enjoyed the sovereignty and royal dignity, and\nthrone and seat of this empire; they ordered and regulated the affairs\nof this thy kingdom--thou that art the universal lord and emperor,\nand that needest not to take counsel with another. Already had these\nput off the intolerable load that they had on their shoulders, leaving\nit to their successor, our late ruler, so that for some days he bore\nup this lordship and kingdom; but now he has passed on after his\npredecessors to the other world. For thou didst ordain him to go, and\ndidst call him to give thanks for being unloaded of so great a burden,\nquit of so sore a toil, and left in peace and rest. Some few days we\nhave enjoyed him, but now forever he is absent from us, never more to\nreturn to the world. Peradventure has he gone to any place whence he\ncan return here, so that his subjects may see his face again? Will he\ncome again to tell us to do this or that? Will he come again to look\nto the consuls or governors of the state? Peradventure will they see\nhim any more, or hear his decree and commandment? Will he come any\nmore to give consolation and comfort to his principal men and his\nconsuls? Alas, there is an end to his presence, he is gone for ever.\nAlas, that our candle has been quenched, and our light, that the axe\nthat shone with us is lost altogether. All his subjects and inferiors,\nhe has left in orphanage and without shelter. Peradventure will he\ntake care henceforward of this city, province, and kingdom, though\nthis city be destroyed and leveled to the ground, with this seignory\nand kingdom? O our Lord, most clement, is it a fit thing that by the\nabsence of him that died shall come to the city, seignory, and kingdom\nsome misfortune, in which will be destroyed, undone, and affrighted\nthe vassals that live therein? For while living, he who has died gave\nshelter under his wings, and kept his feathers spread over the people.\nGreat danger runs this your city, seignory, and kingdom, if another\nruler be not elected immediately to be a shelter thereto. What is it\nthat thou art resolved to do? Is it good that thy people be in\ndarkness? Is it good that they be without head or shelter? Is it thy\nwill that they be leveled down and destroyed? Woe for the poor and the\nlittle ones, thy servants, that go seeking a father and mother, some\none to shelter and govern them, even as little children that go\nweeping, seeking an absent father and mother, and that grieve, not\nfinding them. Woe for the merchants, petty and poor, that go about by\nthe mountains, deserts, and meadows, woe also to the sad toilers that\ngo about seeking herbs to eat, roots and wood to burn, or to sell, to\neke out an existence withal. Woe for the poor soldiers, for the men of\nwar, that go about seeking death, that abhor life, that think of\nnothing but the field and the line where battle is given--upon whom\nshall they call? who shall take a captive? to whom shall they present\nthe same? And if they themselves be taken captive, to whom shall they\ngive notice, that it may be known in their land? Whom shall they take\nfor father and mother, so that in such a case favor may be granted\nthem? Since he whose duty it was to see to this, who was as father and\nmother to all, is already dead. There will be none to weep, to sigh\nfor the captives, to tell their relatives about them. Woe for the poor\nof the litigants, for those that have lawsuits with those that would\ntake their estates. Who will judge, make peace among, and clear them\nof their disputes and quarrels? Behold when a child becomes dirty, if\nhis mother clean him not, he must remain filthy. And those that make\nstrife between themselves, that beat, that knock down, who will keep\npeace between them? Those that for all this go weeping and shedding\ntears, who shall wipe away their tears and put a stop to their\nlaments? Peradventure can they apply a remedy to themselves? Those\ndeserving death, will they peradventure pass sentence upon themselves?\nWho shall set up the throne of justice? Who shall possess the hall of\nthe judge, since there is no judge? Who will ordain the things that\nare necessary for the good of this city, seignory, and kingdom? Who\nwill elect the special judges that have charge of the lower people,\ndistrict by district? Who will look to the sounding of the drum and\nfife to gather the people for war? who will collect and lead the\nsoldiers and dexterous men to battle? O our Lord and protector see\ngood to elect and decide upon some person sufficient to fill your\nthrone and bear upon his shoulders the sore burden of the ruling of\nthe state, to gladden and cheer the common people, even as the mother\ncaresses the child, taking it in her lap; who will make music to the\ntroubled bees[VI-46] so that they may be at rest? O our Lord, most\nclement, favor our ruler-elect, whom we deem fit for this office,\nelect and choose him so that he may hold this your lordship and\ngovernment; give him as a loan your throne and seat, so that he may\nrule over this seignory and kingdom as long as he lives; lift him from\nthe lowliness and humility in which he is, and put on him this honor\nand dignity that we think him worthy of; O our Lord, most clement,\ngive light and splendor with your hand to this state and kingdom. What\nhas been said I only come to propose to thy majesty; although very\ndefectively, as one that is drunken, and that staggers, almost ready\nto fall. Do that which may best serve thee, in all and through all.\n\n  [Sidenote: PRAYER TO BE RID OF A BAD RULER.]\n\nWhat follows is a kind of greater excommunication, or prayer to get\nrid of a ruler that abused and misused his power and dignity: O our\nLord, most clement, that givest shelter to every one that approaches,\neven as a tree of great height and breadth, thou that art invisible\nand impalpable; that art, as we understand, able to penetrate the\nstones and the trees, seeing what is contained therein. For this same\nreason thou seest and knowest what is within our hearts and readest\nour thoughts. Our soul in thy presence is as a little smoke or fog\nthat rises from the earth. It cannot at all be hidden from thee, the\ndeed and the manner of living of any one; for thou seest and knowest\nhis secrets and the sources of his pride and ambition. Thou knowest\nthat our ruler has a cruel and hard heart and abuses the dignity that\nthou hast given him, as the drunkard abuses his wine, as one drunken\nwith a soporific;[VI-47] that is to say that the riches, dignity, and\nabundance that for a little while thou hast given him, fill him with\nerror, haughtiness, and unrest, and that he becomes a fool,\nintoxicated with the poison that makes him mad. His prosperity causes\nhim to despise and make little of every one; it seems that his heart\nis covered with sharp thorns and also his face: all of which is made\napparent by his manner of living, and by his manner of talking; never\nsaying nor doing anything that gives pleasure to any one, never caring\nfor any one, never taking counsel of any one; he ever lives as seems\ngood to him and as the whim directs. O our Lord, most clement,\nprotector of all, creator and maker of all, it is too certain that\nthis man has destroyed himself, has acted like a child ungrateful to\nhis father, like a drunkard without reason. The favors thou hast\naccorded him, the dignity thou hast set him in, have occasioned his\nperdition. Besides these, there is another thing, exceedingly hurtful\nand reprehensible: he is irreligious, never praying to the gods, never\nweeping before them, nor grieving for his sins, nor sighing; from this\nit comes about that he is as headstrong as a drunkard in his vices,\ngoing about like a hollow and empty person, wholly senseless; he stays\nnot to consider what he is nor the office that he fills. Of a verity\nhe dishonors and affronts the dignity and throne that he holds, which\nis thine, and which ought to be much honored and reverenced; for from\nit depends the justice and rightness of the judicature that he holds,\nfor the sustaining and worthily directing of thy nation, thou being\nemperor of all. He should so hold his power that the lower people be\nnot injured and oppressed by the great; from him should fall\npunishment and humiliation on those that respect not thy power and\ndignity. But all things and people suffer loss in that he fills not\nhis office as he ought. The merchants suffer also, who are those to\nwhom thou givest the most of thy riches, who overrun all the world,\nyea the mountains and the unpeopled places, seeking through much\nsorrow thy gifts, favors, and dainties, the which thou givest\nsparingly and to thy friends. Ah, Lord, not only does he dishonor thee\nas aforesaid, but also when we are gathered together to intone thy\nsongs, gathered in the place where we solicit thy mercies and gifts,\nin the place where thou art praised and prayed to, where the sad\nafflicted ones and the poor gather comfort and strength, where very\ncowards find spirit to die in war--in this so holy and reverend place\nthis man exhibits his dissoluteness and hurts devotion; he troubles\nthose that serve and praise thee in the place where thou gatherest and\nmarkest thy friends, as a shepherd marks his flock.[VI-48] Since thou,\nLord, hearest and knowest to be true all that I have now said in thy\npresence, there remains no more but that thy will be done, and the\ngood pleasure of thy heart to the remedy of this affair. At least, O\nLord, punish this man in such wise that he become a warning to others,\nso that they may not imitate his evil life. Let the punishment fall on\nhim from thy hand that to thee seems most meet, be it sickness or any\nother affliction; or deprive him of the lordship, so that thou mayest\ngive it to another, to one of thy friends, to one humble, devoted, and\npenitent; for many such thou hast, thou that lackest not persons such\nas are necessary for this office, friends that hope, crying to thee:\nthou knowest those for friends and servants that weep and sigh in thy\npresence every day. Elect some one of these that he may hold the\ndignity of this thy kingdom and seignory; make trial of some of these.\nAnd now, O Lord, of all the aforesaid things which is it that thou\nwilt grant? Wilt thou take from this ruler the lordship, dignity, and\nriches on which he prides himself, and give them to another who may be\ndevout, penitent, humble, obedient, capable, and of good\nunderstanding? Or, peradventure, wilt thou be served by the falling of\nthis proud one into poverty and misery, as one of the poor rustics\nthat can hardly gather the wherewithal to eat, drink, and clothe\nhimself? Or, peradventure, will it please thee to smite him with a\nsore punishment so that all his body may shrivel up, or his eyes be\nmade blind, or his members rotten? Or wilt thou be pleased to withdraw\nhim from the world through death, and send him to hades, to the house\nof darkness and obscurity, where his ancestors are, whither we have\nall to go, where our father is, and our mother, the god and the\ngoddess of hell. O our Lord, most clement, what is it that thy heart\ndesires the most? Let thy will be done. And in this matter in which I\nsupplicate thee, I am not moved by envy nor hate; nor with any such\nmotives have I come into thy presence. I am moved only by the robbery\nand ill-treatment that the people suffer, only by a desire for their\npeace and prosperity. I would not desire, O Lord, to provoke against\nmyself thy wrath and indignation, I that am a mean man and rude; for\nit is to thee, O Lord, to penetrate the heart and to know the thoughts\nof all mortals.\n\n  [Sidenote: PRAYER USED BY A CONFESSOR OF SINS.]\n\nThe following is a form of Mexican prayer to Tezcatlipoca, used by the\nofficiating confessor after having heard a confession of sins from\nsome one. The peculiarity of a Mexican confession was that it could\nnot lawfully have place in a man's life more than once; a man's first\nabsolution and remission of sins was also the last and the only one he\nhad to hope for:--O our most compassionate Lord, protector and favorer\nof all, thou hast now heard the confession of this poor sinner, with\nwhich he has published in thy presence his rottenness and\nunsavoriness. Perhaps he has hidden some of his sins before thee, and\nif it be so he has irreverently and offensively mocked thy majesty,\nand thrown himself into a dark cavern and into a deep ravine;[VI-49] he\nhas snared and entangled himself; he has made himself worthy of\nblindness, shrivelling and rotting of the members, poverty, and\nmisery. Alas, if this poor sinner have attempted any such audacity as\nto offend thus before thy majesty, before thee that art lord and\nemperor of all, that keepest a reckoning with all, he has tied himself\nup, he has made himself vile, he has mocked himself. Thou thoroughly\nseest him, for thou seest all things, being invisible and without\nbodily parts. If he have done this thing, he has, of his own will, put\nhimself in this peril and risk; for this is a place of very strict\njustice and very strait judgment. This rite is like very clear water\nwith which thou washest away the faults of him that wholly confesses,\neven if he have incurred destruction and shortening of days; if indeed\nhe have told all the truth, and have freed and untied himself from his\nsins and faults, he has received the pardon of them and of what they\nhave incurred. This poor man is even as a man that has slipped and\nfallen in thy presence, offending thee in divers ways, dirting himself\nalso and casting himself into a deep cavern, and a bottomless\nwell.[VI-50] He fell like a poor and lean man, and now he is grieved and\ndiscontented with all the past; his heart and body are pained and ill\nat ease; he is now filled with heaviness for having done what he did;\nhe is now wholly determined never to offend thee again. In thy\npresence, O Lord, I speak, that knowest all things, that knowest also\nthat this poor wretch did not sin with an entire liberty of free will;\nhe was pushed to it and inclined by the nature of the sign under which\nhe was born. And since this is so, O our Lord, most clement, protector\nand helper of all, since also this poor man has gravely offended thee,\nwilt thou not remove thine anger and thine indignation from him? Give\nhim time, O Lord; favor and pardon him, inasmuch as he weeps, sighs,\nand sobs, looking before him on the evil he has done, and on that\nwherein he has offended thee. He is sorrowful, he sheds many tears,\nthe sorrow of his sins afflicts his heart; he is not sorry only, but\nterrified also at thoughts of them. This being so, it is also a just\nthing that thy fury and indignation against him be appeased and that\nhis sins be thrown on one side. Since thou art full of pity, O Lord,\nsee good to pardon and to cleanse him; grant him the pardon and\nremission of his sins, a thing that descends from heaven, as water\nvery clear and very pure to wash away sins,[VI-51] with which thou\nwashest away all the stain and impurity that sin causes in the soul.\nSee good, O Lord, that this man go in peace, and command him in what\nhe has to do; let him go to do penance for and to weep over his sins;\ngive him the counsels necessary to his well living.\n\n  [Sidenote: PERILS OF FALSE CONFESSION.]\n\n  [Sidenote: EXHORTATION TO THE PENITENT.]\n\nAt this point the confessor ceases from addressing the god and turns\nto the penitent, saying: O my brother, thou hast come into a place of\nmuch peril, a place of travail and fear; thou hast come to a steep\nchasm and a sheer rock, where if any one fall he shall never come up\nagain; thou hast come to the very place where the snares and the nets\ntouch one another, where they are set one upon another, in such wise\nthat no one may pass thereby without falling into some of them, and\nnot only snares and nets but also holes like wells. Thou hast thrown\nthyself down the banks of the river and among the snares and nets,\nwhence without aid it is not possible that thou shouldst escape. These\nthy sins are not only snares, nets, and wells, into which thou hast\nfallen, but they are also wild beasts that kill and rend both body and\nsoul. Peradventure, hast thou hidden some one or some of thy sins,\nweighty, huge, filthy, unsavory, hidden something now published in\nheaven, earth, and hades, something that now stinks to the uttermost\npart of the world? Thou hast now presented thyself before our most\nclement Lord and protector of all, whom thou didst irritate, offend,\nand provoke the anger of, who to-morrow, or some other day, will take\nthee out of this world and put thee under his feet, and send thee to\nthe universal house of hades, where thy father is and thy mother, the\ngod and the goddess of hell, whose mouths are always open desiring to\nswallow thee and as many as may be in the world. In that place shall\nbe given thee whatsoever thou didst merit in this world, according to\nthe divine justice, and to what thou hast earned with thy works of\npoverty, misery, and sickness. In divers manners thou wilt be\ntormented and afflicted in the extreme, and wilt be soaked in a lake\nof intolerable torments and miseries; but here, at this time, thou\nhast had pity upon thyself in speaking and communicating with our\nLord, with him that sees all the secrets of every heart. Tell\ntherefore wholly all that thou hast done, as one that flings himself\ninto a deep place, into a well without bottom. When thou wast created\nand sent into the world, clean and good thou wast created and sent;\nthy father and thy mother Quetzalcoatl formed thee like a precious\nstone, and like a bead of gold of much value; when thou wast born thou\nwast like a rich stone and a jewel of gold very shining and very\npolished. But of thine own will and volition thou hast defiled and\nstained thyself, and rolled in filth, and in the uncleanness of the\nsins and evil deeds that thou hast committed and now confessed. Thou\nhast acted as a child without judgment or understanding, that playing\nand toying defiles himself with a loathsome filth; so hast thou acted\nin the matter of the sins that thou hast taken pleasure in, but hast\nnow confessed and altogether discovered before our Lord, who is the\nprotector and purifier of all sinners. This thou shalt not take for an\noccasion of jesting, for verily thou hast come to the fountain of\nmercy, which is like very clear water, with which filthinesses of the\nsoul are washed away by our Lord God, the protector and favorer of all\nthat turn to him. Thou hast snatched thyself from hades, and hast\nreturned again to come to life in this world, as one that comes from\nanother. Now thou hast been born anew, thou hast begun to live anew,\nand our Lord God gives thee light and a new sun. Now once more thou\nbeginnest to radiate and to shine anew like a very precious and clear\nstone, issuing from the belly of the matrix in which it was created.\nSince this is thus, see that thou live with much circumspection and\nvery advisedly now and henceforward, all the time that thou mayest\nlive in this world under the power and lordship of our Lord God, most\nclement, beneficent, and munificent. Weep, be sad, walk humbly, with\nsubmission, with the head low and bowed down, praying to God. Look\nthat pride find no place within thee, otherwise thou wilt displease\nour Lord, who sees the hearts and the thoughts of all mortals. In what\ndost thou esteem thyself? At how much dost thou hold thyself? What is\nthy foundation and root? On what dost thou support thyself? It is\nclear that thou art nothing, canst do nothing, and art worth nothing;\nfor our Lord will do with thee all he may desire and none shall stay\nhis hand. Peradventure, must he show thee those things with which he\ntorments and afflicts, so that thou mayest see them with thine eyes in\nthis world? Nay verily, for the torments and horrible sufferings of\nhis tortures of the other world are not visible, nor able to be seen\nby those that live here. Perhaps he will condemn thee to the universal\nhouse of hades; and the house where thou now livest will fall down and\nbe destroyed, and be as a dung-hill of filthiness and uncleanness,\nthou having been accustomed to live therein with much satisfaction,\nwaiting to know how he would dispose of thee, he our Lord and helper,\nthe invisible, incorporeal and alone one. Therefore I entreat thee to\nstand up and strengthen thyself and to be no more henceforth as thou\nhast been in the past. Take to thyself a new heart and a new manner of\nliving, and take good care not to turn again to thine old sins.\nConsider that thou canst not see with thine eyes our Lord God, for he\nis invisible and impalpable, he is Tezcatlipoca, he is Titlacaoa, he\nis a youth of perfect perfection and without spot. Strengthen thyself\nto sweep, to clean, and to arrange thy house; for if thou do not this,\nthou wilt reject from thy company and from thy house, and wilt offend\nmuch the very clement youth that is ever walking through our houses,\nand through our streets, enjoying and amusing himself--the youth that\nlabors, seeking his friends, to comfort them and to comfort himself\nwith them. To conclude, I tell thee to go and learn to sweep, and to\nget rid of the filth and sweepings of thy house, and to cleanse\neverything, thyself not the least. Seek out also a slave to immolate\nhim before God; make a feast to the principal men, and let them sing\nthe praises of our Lord. It is moreover fit that thou shouldst do\npenance, working a year or more in the house of God; there thou shalt\nbleed thyself, and prick thy body with maguey thorns; and, as a\npenance for the adulteries and other vilenesses that thou hast\ncommitted, thou shalt, twice every day, pass osier twigs through holes\npierced in thy body, once through thy tongue, and once through thine\nears. This penance shalt thou do not alone for the carnalities above\nmentioned, but also for the evil and injurious words with which thou\nhast insulted and affronted thy neighbors; as also for the ingratitude\nthou hast shown with reference to the gifts bestowed on thee by our\nLord, and for thine inhumanity toward thy neighbors, neither making\nofferings of the goods that were given thee by God, nor sharing with\nthe poor the temporal benefits given by our Lord. Thou shalt burden\nthyself to offer paper and copal; thou shalt give alms to the needy\nand the hungry, to those that have nothing to eat nor to drink nor to\ncover themselves with; even though thou thyself go without food to\ngive it away and to clothe the naked: look to it, for their flesh is\nlike thy flesh, and they are men as thou. Care most of all for the\nsick, they are the image of God.[VI-52] There remains nothing more to be\nsaid to thee; go in peace, and entreat God to aid thee to fulfill what\nthou art obliged to do; for he gives favor to all.\n\n  [Sidenote: PRAYER OF A RULER FOR DIRECTION.]\n\nThe following prayer is one addressed to Tezcatlipoca by a recently\nelected ruler, to give thanks for his election and to ask favor and\nlight for the proper performance of his office: O our lord, most\nclement, invisible and impalpable protector and governor, well do I\nknow that thou knowest me, who am a poor man, of low destiny, born and\nbrought up among filth, and a man of small reason and mean judgment,\nfull of many defects and faults, a man that knows not himself, nor\nconsiders who he is. Thou hast bestowed on me a great benefit, favor,\nand mercy, without any merit on my part; thou hast lifted me from the\ndung-hill and set me in the royal dignity and throne. Who am I, my\nLord, and what is my worth that thou shouldst put me among the number\nof those that thou lovest? among the number of thine acquaintance, of\nthose thou holdest for chosen friends and worthy of all honor; born\nand brought up for thrones and royal dignities; to this end thou hast\ncreated them able, prudent, descended from noble and generous fathers;\nfor this end they were created and educated; to be thine instruments\nand images they were born and baptized under the signs and\nconstellations that lords are born under. They were born to rule thy\nkingdoms, thy word being within them and speaking by their\nmouth--according to the desire of the ancient god, the father of all\nthe gods, the god of fire, who is in the pond of water among turrets\nsurrounded with stones like roses, who is called Xiuhtecutli, who\ndetermines, examines, and settles the business and lawsuits of the\nnation and of the common people, as it were washing them with water;\nin the company and presence of this god the generous personages\naforementioned always are. O most clement Lord, ruler, and governor,\nthou hast done me a great favor. Perhaps it has been through the\nintercession and through the tears shed by the departed lords and\nladies that had charge of this kingdom.[VI-53] It would be great madness\nto suppose that for any merit or courage of mine thou hast favored me,\nsetting me over this your kingdom, the government of which is\nsomething very heavy, difficult, and even fearful; it is as a huge\nburden, carried on the shoulders, and one that with great difficulty\nthe past rulers bore, ruling in thy name. O our Lord, most clement,\ninvisible, and impalpable, ruler and governor, creator and knower of\nall things and thoughts, beautifier of thy creatures,[VI-54] what shall\nI say more, poor me? In what wise have I to rule and govern this thy\nstate, or how have I to carry this burden of the common people? I who\nam blind and deaf, who do not even know myself, nor know how to rule\nover myself. I am accustomed to walk in filth, my faculties fit me for\nseeking and selling edible herbs, and for carrying and selling wood.\nWhat I deserve, O Lord, is blindness for mine eyes and shriveling and\nrotting for my limbs, and to go dressed in rags and tatters; this is\nwhat I deserve and what ought to be given me. It is I that need to be\nruled and to be carried on some one's back. Thou hast many friends and\nacquaintances that may be trusted with this load. Since, however, thou\nhas already determined to set me up for a scoff and a jeer to the\nworld, let thy will be done and thy word fulfilled. Peradventure thou\nknowest not who I am; and, after having known me, wilt seek another\nand take the government from me; taking it again to thyself, hiding\nagain in thyself this dignity and honor, being already angry and weary\nof bearing with me; and thou wilt give the government to another, to\nsome close friend and acquaintance of thine, to some one very devout\ntoward thee, that weeps and sighs and so merits this dignity. Or,\nperadventure, this thing that happened to me is a dream, or a walking\nin sleep. O Lord, thou that art present in every place, that knowest\nall thoughts, that distributest all gifts, be pleased not to hide from\nme thy words and thine inspiration. I do not know the road I have to\nfollow, nor what I have to do, deign then not to hide from me the\nlight and the mirror that have to guide me. Do not allow me to cause\nthose I have to rule and carry on my shoulders to lose the road and to\nwander over rocks and mountains. Do not allow me to guide them in the\ntracks of rabbits and deer. Do not permit, O Lord, any war to be\nraised against me, nor any pestilence to come upon those I govern; for\nI should not know, in such a case, what to do, nor where to take those\nI have upon my shoulders; alas for me, that am incapable and ignorant.\nI would not that any sickness come upon me, for in that case thy\nnation and people would be lost, and thy kingdom desolated and given\nup to darkness. What shall I do, O Lord and creator, if by chance I\nfall into some disgraceful fleshly sin, and thereby ruin the kingdom?\nwhat do if by negligence or sloth I undo my subjects? what do if\nthrough my fault I hurl down a precipice those I have to rule? Our\nLord, most clement, invisible and impalpable, I entreat thee not to\nseparate thyself from me; visit me often; visit this poor house, for I\nwill be waiting for thee therein. With great thirst I await thee and\ndemand urgently thy word and inspiration, which thou didst breathe\ninto thine ancient friends and acquaintances that have ruled with\ndiligence and rectitude over thy kingdom. This is thy throne and\nhonor, on either side whereof are seated thy senators and principal\nmen, who are as thine image and very person. They give sentence and\nspeak on the affairs of the state in thy name; thou usest them as thy\nflutes, speaking from within them and placing thyself in their faces\nand ears, opening their mouths so that they may speak well. In this\nplace the merchants mock and jest at our follies, with which merchants\nthou art spending thy leisure, since they are thy friends and\nacquaintances; there also thou inspirest and breathest upon thy\ndevoted ones, who weep and sigh in thy presence, sincerely giving thee\ntheir heart.[VI-55] For this reason thou adornest them with prudence\nand wisdom, so that they may look as into a mirror with two faces,\nwhere every one's image is to be seen;[VI-56] for this thou givest them\na very clear axe, without any dimness, whose brightness flashes into\nall places. For this cause also thou givest them gifts and precious\njewels, hanging them from their necks and ears, even like material\nornaments such as are the _nacochtl_, the _tentetl_, the _tlapiloni_\nor head-tassel, the _matemecatl_ or tanned strap that lords tie round\ntheir wrists,[VI-57] the yellow leather bound on the ankles, the beads\nof gold, and the rich feathers. In this place of the good governing\nand rule of thy kingdom, are merited thy riches and glory, thy sweet\nand delightful things, calmness and tranquillity, a peaceable and\ncontented life; all of which come from thy hand. In the same place,\nlastly, are also merited the adverse and wearisome things, sickness,\npoverty, and the shortness of life; which things are sent by thee to\nthose that in this condition do not fulfill their duty. O our Lord,\nmost clement, knower of thoughts and giver of gifts, is it in my hand,\nthat am a mean man, to know how to rule? is the manner of my life in\nmy hand, and the works that I have to do in my office? which indeed is\nof thy kingdom and dignity and not mine. What thou mayest wish me to\ndo and what may be thy will and disposition, thou aiding me I will do.\nThe road thou mayest show me I will walk in; that thou mayest inspire\nme with, and put in my heart, that I will say and speak. O our Lord,\nmost clement, in thy hand I wholly place myself, for it is not\npossible for me to direct or govern myself; I am blind, darkness, a\ndung-hill. See good, O Lord, to give me a little light, though it be\nonly as much as a fire-fly gives out, going about at night; to light\nme in this dream, in this life asleep that endures as for a day; where\nare many things to stumble at, many things to give occasion for\nlaughing at one, many things like a rugged road that has to be gone\nover by leaps. All this has to happen in the position thou hast put me\nin, giving me thy seat and dignity. O Lord, most clement, I entreat\nthee to visit me with thy light, that I may not err, that I may not\nundo myself, that my vassals may not cry out against me. O our Lord,\nmost pitiful, thou hast made me now the back-piece[VI-58] of thy chair,\nalso thy flute; all without any merit of mine. I am thy mouth, thy\nface, thine ears, thy teeth, and thy nails. Although I am a mean man I\ndesire to say that I unworthily represent thy person, and thine image,\nthat the words I shall speak have to be esteemed as thine, that my\nface has to be held as thine, mine eyes as thine, and the punishment\nthat I shall inflict as if thou hadst inflicted it. For all this I\nentreat thee to put thy spirit within me, and thy words, so that all\nmay obey them and none contradict.[VI-59]\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\n  [Sidenote: GENUINENESS OF THE FOREGOING PRAYERS.]\n\n  [Sidenote: CHARACTER AND WORKS OF SAHAGUN.]\n\n  [Sidenote: ADULTERATION OF THE SAHAGUN MSS.]\n\nNow with regard to the measure of the genuineness of the prayers to\nTezcatlipoca, just given, it seems evident that either with or without\nthe conscious connivance of Father Bernardino de Sahagun, their\nhistorian, a certain amount of sophistication and adaptation to\nChristian ideas has crept into them; it appears to be just as evident,\nhowever, on the other hand, that they contain a great deal that is\noriginal, indigenous, and characteristic in regard to the Mexican\nreligion. At any rate they purport to do so, and as evidence bearing\non the matter, presented by a hearer and eye-witness at first hand,\nby a man of strongly authenticated probity, learning, and above all,\nof strong sympathy with the Mexican people, beloved and trusted by\nthose of them with whom he came in contact, and admitted to the\nfamiliarity of a friend with their traditions and habits of\nthought--for all these reasons his evidence, however we may esteem\nit, must be heard and judged.[VI-60]\n\nFOOTNOTES:\n\n[VI-1] _Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin_, tom. iii., p. 22; _Doc. Hist.\nMex._, s\u00e9rie iv., tom. iii., p. 86.\n\n[VI-2] _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apolog\u00e9tica_, MS., tom. iii., cap. 168;\n_Smith's Relation of Cabeza de Vaca_, p. 177.\n\n[VI-3] _Ribas_, _Hist. de los Triumphos_, pp. 473-5; _Doc. Hist. Mex._,\ns\u00e9rie iv., tom. iii., p. 48.\n\n[VI-4] Apparently the same as that Vairubi spoken of on p. 83 of this\nvolume.\n\n[VI-5] _Ribas_, _Hist. de los Triumphos_, pp. 16, 18, 40. 'A uno de sus\ndioses llamaban Ouraba, que quiere decir fortaleza. Era como Marte,\ndios de la guerra. Ofrec\u00edanle arcos, flechas y todo g\u00e9nero de armas\npara el feliz \u00e9xito de sus batallas. A otro llamaban Sehuatoba, que\nquiere decir, deleite, \u00e1 quien ofrecian plumas, mantas, cuentecillas\nde vidrio y adornos mugeriles. Al dios de las aguas llamaban\nBamusehua. El mas venerado de todos era Cocohuame, que significa\nmuerte.' _Alegre_, _Hist. Comp. de Jesus_, tom. ii., p. 45. 'They\nworship for their gods such things as they haue in their houses, as\nnamely, hearbes, and birdes, and sing songs vnto them in their\nlanguage.' _Coronado_, in _Hakluyt's Voy._, vol. iii., p. 363.\n\n[VI-6] 'Ils c\u00e9l\u00e9braient de grandes f\u00eates en l'honneur des femmes qui\nvoulaient vivre dans le c\u00e9libat. Les caciques d'un canton se\nr\u00e9unissaient et dansaient tous nus, l'un apr\u00e8s l'autre, avec la femme\nqui avait pris cette d\u00e9termination. Quand la danse \u00e9tait termin\u00e9e, ils\nla conduisaient dans une petite maison qu'on avait d\u00e9cor\u00e9e \u00e0 cet\neffet, et ils jouissaient de sa personne, les caciques d'abord et\nensuite tous ceux qui le voulaient. A dater de ce moment, elles ne\npouvaient rien refuser \u00e0 quiconque leur offrait le prix fix\u00e9 pour\ncela. Elles n'\u00e9taient jamais dispens\u00e9es de cette obligation, m\u00eame\nquand plus tard elles se mariaient.' _Casta\u00f1eda_, in _Ternaux-Compans_,\n_Voy._, s\u00e9rie i., tom. ix., pp. 150-1. 'Although these men were very\nimmoral, yet such was their respect for all women who led a life of\ncelibacy, that they celebrated grand festivals in their honour.' And\nthere he makes an end. _Domenech's Deserts_, vol. i., p. 170.\n\n[VI-7] This volume, pp. 55-6.\n\n[VI-8] I would call attention to the fact that Alvarado, the ruddy\nhandsome Spanish captain, was called Tonatiuh by the Mexicans, just as\nBarnabas was called Jupiter, and Paul, Mercurius, by the people of\nLystra--going to show how unfetish and anthropomorphic were the ideas\nconnected with the sun-god by the Mexicans.\n\n[VI-9] _Tylor's Prim. Cult._, vol. ii., p. 311.\n\n[VI-10] _M\u00fcller_, _Amerikanische Urreligionen_, pp. 473-4. The so-often\ndiscussed resemblance in form and signification between the two\nMexican words _teotl_ and _calli_ (see _Molina_, _Vocabulario_) and\nthe two Greek words _theos_ and _kalia_, is completely enough noticed\nby M\u00fcller. 'Die Mexikanischen V\u00f6lker haben einen Appellativnamen f\u00fcr\nGott, Teotl, welcher, da die Buchstaben tl blosse aztekische Endung\nsind, merkw\u00fcrdiger Weise mit dem indogermanischen theos, Deus, Deva,\nDew, zusammenstimmt. Dieses Wort wird zur Bildung mancher G\u00f6tternamen\noder Kultusgegenst\u00e4nde gebraucht. Hieher geh\u00f6ren die G\u00f6tternamen\nTcotlacozanqui, Teocipactli, Teotetl, Teoyamiqui, Tlozolteotl. Der\nTempel heisst Teocalli (vgl. Kalia, H\u00fctte, Kalias, Capelle) oder\nw\u00f6rtlich Haus Gottes--das g\u00f6ttliche Buch, Teoamoxtli, Priester\nTeopuixqui, oder auch Teoteuktli, eine Prozession, Teonenemi,\nG\u00f6ttermarsch. Dazu kommen noch manche Namen von St\u00e4dten, die als\nKultussitze ausgezeichnet waren, wie das uns schon fr\u00fcher bekannt\ngewordene Teotihuacan. Im Plural wurden die G\u00f6tter Teules genannt und\neben so, wie uns Bernal Diaz so oft erz\u00e4hlt, die Gef\u00e4hrten des Cortes,\nwelche das gemeine Volk als G\u00f6tter bezeichnen wollte.' _Id._, p. 472.\n\n[VI-11] _Klemm_, _Cultur-Geschichte_, tom. v., pp. 114-5.\n\n[VI-12] _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. des Nat. Civ._, tom. i., pp.\n45-6.\n\n[VI-13] _Gallatin_, in _Amer. Antiq. Soc., Transact._, vol. i., p. 352.\n\n[VI-14] _Prescott's Conq. of Mex._, vol. i., p. 57.\n\n[VI-15] _Squier's Serpent Symbol_, p. 47.\n\n[VI-16] _Bussierre_, _L'Empire Mexicain_, pp. 131-3.\n\n[VI-17] _Brantz Mayer_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. vi., p. 585; see\nalso, _Brantz Mayer's Mexico as it was_, p. 110.\n\n[VI-18] _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. de Mexico_, tom. i., pp. 468-9;\n_Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 3-4.\n\n[VI-19] _Hombre Buho._\n\n[VI-20] _Pimentel_, _Mem. sobre la Raza Ind\u00edgena_, pp. 11-13.\n\n[VI-21] _Solis_, _Hist. de la Conq. de Mex._, tom. i., pp. 398-9, 431.\n\n[VI-22] Gallatin, in _Amer. Ethnol. Soc., Transact._, vol. i., p. 350,\nidentifies this god with Tezcatlipoca of whom he writes in the\nfollowing terms: 'Tezcatlipoca. A true invisible god, dwells in heaven,\nearth, and hell; alone attends to the government of the world, gives\nand takes away wealth and prosperity. Called also _Titlacoa_ (whence\nhis star _Titlacahuan_). Under the name of _Necocyaotl_, the author of\nwars and discords. According to Boturini, he is the god of providence.\nHe seems to be the only equivalent for the _Tonacatlecottle_ of the\ninterpreters of the Codices.'\n\n[VI-23] _Explic. del Codex Telleriano-Remensis_, in _Kingsborough's Mex.\nAntiq._, vol. v., p. 135. I take this opportunity of cautioning the\nreader against Kingsborough's translation of the above codex, as well\nas against his translation of the _Spiegazione delle Tavole del Codice\nMexicano_: every error that could vitiate a translation seems to have\ncrept into these two.\n\n[VI-24] See this vol. p. 57, note 13. On pages 55 and 56, and in the\nnote pertaining thereto, will also be found many references bearing on\nthe matter under present discussion.\n\n[VI-25] _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. xviii., p.\n253.\n\n[VI-26] _Q\u00fces_, Oviedo calls them, (spelled _cues_ by most writers) the\nfollowing explanation being given in glossary of _Voces Americanas\nEmpleadas por Oviedo_, appended to the fourth volume of the _Hist.\nGen._: 'Q\u00fc: templo, casa de oracion. Esta voz era muy general en casi\ntoda Am\u00e9rica, y muy principalmente en las comarcas de Yucatan y\nMechuacan.'\n\n[VI-27] _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., p. 503.\n\n[VI-28] 'Ypalnemoaloni, que quiere decir, Se\u00f1or por quien se vive, y ai\ns\u00e8r en \u00e8l de Naturale\u00e7a.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. iii., p.\n30.\n\n[VI-29] See this vol. p. 183.--Not, be it remarked that Acosta denies\nthe knowledge by the Mexicans of a Supreme God; he only denies the\nexistence of any name by which the said deity was generally known.\nThis is clear from the following extract from the _Hist. Nat. Ind._,\np. 333: 'First, although the darkenesse of infidelitie holdeth these\nnations in blindenesse, yet in many thinges the light of truth and\nreason works somewhat in them. And they commonly acknowledge a\nsupreame Lorde and Author of all things, which they of Peru called\nViracocha.... Him they did worship, as the chiefest of all, whom they\ndid honor in beholding the heaven. The like wee see amongest them of\nMexico.'\n\n[VI-30] _Acosta_, _Hist. Nat. Ind._, pp. 334, 337-8.\n\n[VI-31] _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, pp. 88, 91, 107.\n\n[VI-32] The interpretation of the title Tloque Nahuaque is not only\nirreconcilable with another given by the same author a few lines above\nin our text, but it is also at utter variance with those of all other\nauthors with which I am acquainted. It may not be amiss here to turn\nto the best authority accessible in matters of Mexican idiom: Molina,\n_Vocabulario_, describes the title to mean, 'He upon whom depends the\nexistence of all things, preserving and sustaining them,'--a word used\nalso to mean God, or Lord. '_Tloque nauaque_, cabe quien esta el ser\nde todas las cosas, conseruandolas y sustentandolas: y dizese de nro\nse\u00f1or dios.'\n\n[VI-33] _Camargo_, _Hist. de Tlax._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._,\n1843, tom. xcviii., p. 191, tom. xcix., p. 168.\n\n[VI-34] _Motolinia_, _Hist. Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col._, tom. i.,\npp. 4, 33-34.\n\n[VI-35] _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chichimeca_ in _Kingsborough's Mex.\nAntiq._, vol. ix., p. 261. 'Tuvo por falsos \u00e1 todos los dioses que\nadoraban los de esta tierra, diciendo que eran estatuas \u00f3 demonios\nenemigos del g\u00e9nero humano; por que fue muy sabio en las cosas\nmorales, y el que mas vacil\u00f3 buscando de donde tomar lumbre para\ncertificarse del verdadero Dios y criador de todas las cosas, como se\nha visto en el discurso de su historia, y dan testimonio sus cantos\nque compuso en razon de esto como es el decir que habia uno solo, y\nque este era el hacedor del cielo y de la tierra, y sustentaba todo lo\nhecho y criado por \u00e9l, y que estaba donde no tenia segundo, sobre los\nnueve cielos, que \u00e9l alcanzaba, que jamas se habia visto en forma\nhumana, ni otra figura, que con \u00e9l iban \u00e1 parar las almas de los\nvirtuosos despues de muertos, y que las de los malos iban \u00e1 otro\nlugar, que era el mas \u00ednfimo de la tierra, de trabajos y penas\nhorribles. Nunca jamas (aunque habia muchos \u00eddolos que representaban\nmuchos dioses) cuando se ofrecia tratar de deidad, ni en general ni en\nparticular, sino que decia yntloque in nauhaque y palne moalani, que\nsignifica lo que est\u00e0 atras declarado. Solo decia que reconocia al sol\npor padre; y \u00e1 la tierra por madre.' See also the _Relaciones_ of the\nsame author, in the same volume, p. 454.\n\n[VI-36] _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. iii., pp. 241-2.\n\n[VI-37] 'Por la freza de la comida.' _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii.,\nlib. vi., p. 39.\n\n[VI-38] 'Porque \u00e1 la verdad no os enga\u00f1ais con lo que haceis.' See\n_Sahagun_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. v., p. 356, as the\nsubstitution of 'enga\u00f1eis' for 'enga\u00f1ais' destroys the sense of the\npassage in Bustamante's ed. of the same, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib.\nvi., p. 43.\n\n[VI-39] By an error and a solecism of Bustamante's ed. the words 'gentes\nrojas' are substituted for the adjective 'generosos.' See, as in the\npreceding note, _Sahagun_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. v.,\np. 357, and _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. vi., p. 43.\n\n[VI-40] 'Es decir Comandantes \u00f3 Capitanes generales de ej\u00e9rcito:'\n_Bustamante_, in _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. vi., p. 44.\n\n[VI-41] 'Borlas,' see _Sahagun_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol.\nv., p. 358, given 'bollas' in Bustamante's _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._,\ntom. ii., lib. vi., p. 45.\n\n[VI-42] 'Dignidad,' _Sahagun_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. v.,\np. 359, misprinted 'diligencia' in Bustamante's _Sahagun_, _Hist.\nGen._, tom. ii., lib. vi., p. 46.\n\n[VI-43] This doubtful and involved sentence, with the contained clause\ntouching the nature of the fire-god, runs exactly as follows in the\ntwo varying editions of the original: 'Si alguna cosa aviesa \u00f3 mal\nheche hiciera en la dignidad que le habeis dado, y en la silla en que\nle habeis puesto, que \u00e9s vuestra, donde est\u00e0 tratando los negocios\npopulares, como quien lava cosas sucias con agua muy clara y muy\nlimpia; en la qual silla y dignidad tiene el mismo oficio de lavar\nvuestro padre y madre de todos los Dioses, el Dios antiguo que \u00e9s el\nDios del fuego, que est\u00e1 en medio del albergue cerca de quatro\nparedes, y est\u00e1 cubierto con plumas resplandecientes que son como\nalas, lo que este electo hiciese mal hecho, con que provoque vuestra\nira \u00e9 indignacion, y despierte vuestro castigo contra si, no ser\u00e1 de\nsu albedrio \u00f3 de su querer, sino de vuestra permision, \u00f3 de algun otra\nsugestion vuestra, \u00f3 de otro; por lo cual os suplico tengais por bien\nde abrirle los ojos y darle lumbre y abrirle las orejas, y guiadle \u00e1\neste pobre electo, no tanto por lo que \u00e9l \u00e9s, sino principalmente por\naquellos \u00e1 quienes ha de regir y llevar \u00e1 cuestas.' _Sahagun_, in\n_Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. v., pp. 360-361. 'Si alguna cosa\naviesa \u00f3 mal hecha hiciere, en la dignidad que le habeis dado, y en la\nsilla en que lo habeis puesto que es vuestra, donde est\u00e1 tratando los\nnegocios populares, como quien laba cosas sucias, con agua muy clara y\nmuy limpia, en la cual silla y dignidad tiene el mismo oficio de labar\nvuestro padre y madre, de todos los dioses, el dios antiguo, que es el\ndios del fuego que est\u00e1 en medio de las flores, y en medio del\nalbergue cercado de cuatro paredes, y est\u00e1 cubierto con plumas\nresplandecientes que son somo \u00e1las; lo que este electo hiciere mal\nhecho con que provoque vuestra ira \u00e9 indignacion, y despierte vuestro\ncastigo contra s\u00ed, no ser\u00e1 de su alvedrio de \u00f3 su querer, sino de\nvuestra permision, \u00f3 de alguna otra sugestion vuestra, \u00f3 de otro; por\nlo cual os suplico tengais por bien de abirle los ojos, y darle luz, y\nabridle tambien las orejas, y guiad \u00e1 este pobre electo; no tanto por\nlo que es \u00e9l, sino principalmente por aquellos \u00e1 quien ha de regir y\nllevar a cuestas.' Bustamante's _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib.\nvi., p. 48.\n\n[VI-44] See this volume p. 60.\n\n[VI-45] Some of these names are differently spelt in Kingsborough's ed.,\n_Mex. Antiq._, vol. v., p. 362. 'Uno de los quales fu\u00e9 Camapichtli,\notro fu\u00e9 Tizocic, otro Avitzotl, otro el primero Motezuzoma, otro\nAxayaca, y los que ahora \u00e1 la parte han muerto, como el segundo\nMotezuzoma, y tambien Ylhiycamina.'\n\n[VI-46] 'Obejas,' in Bustamante's ed. _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii.,\nlib. vi., p. 53; 'abejas' in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. v., p.\n364.\n\n[VI-47] 'Y como el loco de los bele\u00f1os.' _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom.\nii., lib. vi., p. 54.\n\n[VI-48] Both editors of Sahagun agree here in using the word 'obejas.'\nAs sheep were unknown in Mexico it is too evident that other hands\nthan Mexican have been employed in the construction of this simile.\n\n[VI-49] 'Si es as\u00ed ha hecho burla de V. M., y con desacato y grande\nofensa, se ha arrojado \u00e1 una cima, y en una profunda barranca.'\nBustamante's ed. of _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. vi., p.\n58. The same passage runs as follows in Kingsborough's ed.: 'Si \u00e9s as\u00ed\nha hecho burla de vuestra magestad, y con desacato y grande ofensa de\nvuestra magestad ser\u00e1 arrojado en una sima, y en una profunda\nbarranca.' _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. v., p. 367.\n\n[VI-50] 'Poca' is misprinted for 'poza' in Bustamante's ed., _Sahagun_,\n_Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. v., p. 58.\n\n[VI-51] 'Cosa que desciende del cielo, como agua clar\u00edsima y pur\u00edsima\npar lavar los pecados.' _Sahagun_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._,\nvol. v., p. 368. See also _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. vi.,\np. 59.\n\n     'The quality of mercy is not strain'd,\n     It droppeth as the gentle rain from heaven\n     Upon the place beneath.'--_Merchant of Venice_, act. iv.\n\n[VI-52] 'Mayormente \u00e1 los enfermos porque son im\u00e1gen de dios.'\n_Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. vi., p. 63.\n\n[VI-53] 'Los pasados se\u00f1ores y se\u00f1oras que tuvieron cargo de \u00e9ste\nreino.' _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. vi., p. 71.\n\n[VI-54] 'Adornador de las criaturas.' _Sahagun_, in _Kingsborough's Mex.\nAntiq._, vol v., p. 377. 'Adornador de las almas.' _Sahagun_, _Hist.\nGen._, tom. ii., lib. vi., p. 71.\n\n[VI-55] The precise force of much of this sentence it is hard to\nunderstand. It seems to show, at any rate, that the merchants were\nsupposed to be very intimate with and especially favored by this\ndeity. The original runs as follows: 'En este lugar burlan y rien de\nnuestras bober\u00edas los negociantes, con los quales estais vos\nholgados, porque son vuestros amigos y vuestros conocidos, y all\u00ed\ninspirais \u00e9 insuflais \u00e1 vuestros devotos, que lloran y suspiran en\nvuestra presencia y os dan de verdad su corazon.' _Sahagun_, _Hist.\nGen._, tom. ii., lib. vi., p. 73.\n\n[VI-56] 'Para que vean como en espejo de dos hazes, donde se representa\nla im\u00e1gen de cada uno'. _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. vi.,\np. 73.\n\n[VI-57] _Nacochtli_, orejeras (ear-rings); _Tentetl_, be\u00e7ote de indio\n(lip-ornament). _Molina_, _Vocabulario_. Molina gives also\n_Matemecatl_, to mean a gold bracelet or something of that kind;\nBustamante translates the word in the same way, explaining that the\nstrap mentioned in the text was used to tie the bracelet on.\n_Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. vi., p. 74.\n\n[VI-58] 'Espaldar de vuestra silla.' _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii.,\nlib. vi., p. 75.\n\n[VI-59] 'He that delivered this prayer before Tezcatlipoca, stood on his\nfeet, his feet close together, bending himself towards the earth.\nThose that were very devout were naked. Before they began the prayer\nthey offered copal to the fire, or some other sacrifice, and if they\nwere covered with a blanket, they pulled the knot of it round to the\nbreast, so that they were naked in front. Some spoke this prayer\nsquatting on their calves, and kept the knot of the blanket on the\nshoulder.' _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. vi., p. 75.\n\n[VI-60] Father Bernardino de Sahagun, a Spanish Franciscan, was one of\nthe first preachers sent to Mexico; where he was much employed in the\ninstruction of the native youth, working for the most part in the\nprovince of Tezcuco. While there, in the city of Tepeopulco, in the\nlatter part of the sixteenth century, he began the work, best known to\nus as the _Historia General de las Cosas de Nueva Espa\u00f1a_, from which\nthe above prayers have been translated, and from which we shall draw\nlargely for further information. It would be hard to imagine a work of\nsuch a character constructed after a better fashion of working than\nhis. Gathering the principal natives of the town in which he carried\non his labors, he induced them to appoint him a number of persons, the\nmost learned and experienced in the things of which he wished to\nwrite. These learned Mexicans being collected, Father Sahagun was\naccustomed to get them to paint down in their native fashion the\nvarious legends, details of history and mythology, and so on that he\nwanted; at the foot of the said pictures these learned Mexicans wrote\nout the explanations of the same in the Mexican tongue; and this\nexplanation the Father Sahagun translated into Spanish: that\ntranslation purports to be what we now read as the _Historia General_.\nHere follows a translation of the Prologo of his work, in which he\ndescribes all the foregoing in his own way: \"All writers labor the\nbest that they can to make their works authoritative; some by\nwitnesses worthy of faith, others by the writings of previous writers\nheld worthy of belief, others by the testimony of the Sacred\nScriptures. To me are wanting all these foundations to make\nauthoritative what I have written in these twelve books [of the\n_Historia General_]. I have no other foundation, but to set down here\nthe relation of the diligence that I made to know the truth of all\nthat is written in these twelve books. As I have said in other\nprologues to this work, I was commanded in all holy obedience by my\nchief prelate to write in the Mexican language that which appeared to\nme to be useful for the doctrine, worship, and maintenance of\nChristianity among these natives of New Spain, and for the aid of the\nworkers and ministers that taught them. Having received this\ncommandment, I made in the Spanish language a minute or memorandum of\nall the matters that I had to treat of, which matters are what is\nwritten in the twelve books, ... which were begun in the pueblo of\nTepeopulco, which is in the province of Culhuac\u00e1n or Tezcuco. The work\nwas done in the following way. In the aforesaid pueblo, I got together\nall the principal men, together with the lord of the place, who was\ncalled Don Diego de Mendoza, of great distinction and ability, well\nexperienced in things ecclesiastic, military, political, and even\nrelating to idolatry. They being come together, I set before them what\nI proposed to do, and prayed them to appoint me able and experienced\npersons, with whom I might converse and come to an understanding on\nsuch questions as I might propose. They answered me that they would\ntalk the matter over and give their answer on another day; and with\nthis they took their departure. So on another day the lord and his\nprincipal men came, and having conferred together with great\nsolemnity, as they were accustomed at that time to do, they chose out\nten or twelve of the principal old men, and told me that with these I\nmight communicate and that these would instruct me in any matters I\nshould inquire of. Of these there were as many as four instructed in\nLatin, to whom I, some few years before, had myself taught grammar in\nthe college of Santa Cruz, in Tlaltelolco. With these appointed\nprincipal men, including the four instructed in grammar, I talked many\ndays during about two years, following the order of the minute I had\nalready made out. On all the subjects on which we conferred they gave\nme pictures--which were the writings anciently in use among\nthem--and these the grammarians interpreted to me in their language,\nwriting the interpretation at the foot of the picture. Even to this\nday I hold the originals of these.... When I went to the chapter, with\nwhich was ended the seven years' term of Fray Francisco Tor\u00e1l--he that\nhad imposed the charge of this work upon me--I was removed from\nTepeopulco, carrying all my writings. I went to reside at Santiago del\nTlaltelolco. There I brought together the principal men, set before\nthem the matter of my writings, and asked them to appoint me some able\nprincipal men, with whom I might examine and talk over the writings I\nhad brought from Tepeopulco. The governor, with the alcaldes, appointed\nme as many as eight or ten principal men, selected from all the most\nable in their language, and in the things of their antiquities. With\nthese and with four or five collegians, all trilinguists, and living\nfor the space of a year or more secluded in the college, all that had\nbeen brought written from Tepeopulco was clearly emended and added to;\nand the whole was rewritten in small letters, for it was written with\nmuch haste. In this scrutiny or examination, he that worked the\nhardest of all the collegians was Martin Jacobita, who was then rector\nof the college, an inhabitant of the ward of Santa Ana. I, having done\nall as above said in Tlaltelolco, went, taking with me all my\nwritings, to reside in San Francisco de M\u00e9xico, where, by myself, for\nthe space of three years, I examined over and over again the writings,\nemended them, divided them into twelve books, and each book into\nchapters and paragraphs. After this, Father Miguel Navarro being\nprovincial, and Father Diego de Mendoza commissary-general in Mexico,\nwith their favor I had all the twelve books clearly copied in a good\nhand, as also the _Postilla_ and the _Cant\u00e1res_ [which were other\nworks on which Sahagun was engaged]. I made out also an Art of the\nMexican language with a vocabulary-appendix. Now the Mexicans added to\nand emended my twelve books [of the _Historia General_] in many things\nwhile they were being copied out in full; so that the first sieve\nthrough which my work passed was that of Tepeopulco, the second that\nof Tlaltelolco, the third that of Mexico; and in all these scrutinies\ncollegiate grammarians had been employed. The chief and most learned\nwas Antonio Valeriano, a resident of Aztcapuzalco; another little less\nthan the first, was Alonso Vegerano, resident of Cuauhtitlan; another\nwas Martin Jacobita, above mentioned; another Pedro de Santa\nBuenaventura, resident of Cuauhtitlan; all expert in three languages,\nLatin, Spanish, and Indian [Mexican]. The scribes that made out the\nclear copies of all the works are Diego Degrado, resident of the ward\nof San Martin, Mateo Severino, resident of Xochimilco, of the part of\nUll\u00e1c. The clear copy being fully made out, by the favor of the\nfathers above mentioned and the expenditure of hard cash on the\nscribes, the author thereof asked of the delegate Father Francisco de\nRivera that the work be submitted to three or four religious, so that\nthey might give an opinion on it, and that in the provincial chapter,\nwhich was close at hand, they might attend and report on the matter to\nthe assembly, speaking as the thing might appear to them. And these\nreported in the assembly that the writings were of much value and\ndeserved such support as was necessary toward their completion. But to\nsome of the assembly it seemed that it was contrary to their vows of\npoverty to spend money in copying these writings; so they commanded\nthe author to dismiss his scribes, and that he alone with his own hand\nshould do what copying he wanted done; but as he was more than seventy\nyears old, and for the trembling of his hand not able to write\nanything, nor able to procure a dispensation from this mandate, there\nwas nothing done with the writings for more than five years. During\nthis interval, and at the next chapter, Father Miguel Navarro was\nelected by the general chapter for custos custodium, and Father Alonso\nde Escalona, for provincial. During this time the author made a\nsummary of all the books and of all the chapters of each book, and\nprologues, wherein was said with brevity all that the books contained.\nThis summary Father Miguel Navarro and his companion, Father Ger\u00f3nimo\nde Mendieta, carried to Spain, and thus in Spain the things that had\nbeen written about this land made their appearance. In the mean time,\nthe father provincial took all the books of the author and dispersed\nthem through all the province, where they were seen by many religious\nand approved for very precious and valuable. After some years, the\ngeneral chapter meeting again, Father Miguel Navarro, at the petition\nof the author, turned with censures to collect again the said books;\nwhich, from that collecting, came within about a year into the hands\nof the author. During that time nothing was done in them, nor was\nthere any one to help to get them translated into the vernacular\nSpanish, until the delegate-general Father Rodrigo de Sequera came to\nthese parts, saw and was much pleased with them, and commanded the\nauthor to translate them into Spanish; providing all that was\nnecessary to their being re-written, the Mexican language in one\ncolumn and the Spanish in another, so that they might be sent to\nSpain; for the most illustrious Se\u00f1or Don Juan de Ovando, president of\nthe Council of Indies, had inquired after them, he knowing of them by\nreason of the summary that the said Father Miguel Navarro had carried\nto Spain, as above said. And all the above-said is to show that this\nwork has been examined and approved by many, and during many years has\npassed through many troubles and misfortunes before reaching the place\nit now has.\" _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. i., Pr\u00f3logo, pp.\niii. vii. As to the date at which Sahagun wrote he says: 'These twelve\nbooks and the Art and the vocabulary-appendix were finished in a clear\ncopy in the year 1569; but not translated into Spanish.' _Sahagun_,\n_Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. i., Introduccion, p. xv. The following\nscanty sketch of the life of Sahagun, is taken, after Bustamante, from\nthe _Meneal\u00f3gio Ser\u00e1fico_ of Father Betancourt: 'Father Bernardino\nSahagun, native of Sahagun, took the robe in the convent of Salamanca,\nbeing a student of that university. He passed into this province\n[Mexico] in the year 1529, in the company of Father Antonio de Ciudad\nRodrigo. While a youth he was endowed with a beauty and grace of\nperson that corresponded with that of his soul. From his tenderest\nyears he was very observant, self-contained, and given to prayer.\nFather Martin de Valencia held very close communion with him, owing to\nwhich he saw him many times snatched up into an ecstasy. Sahagun was\nvery exact in his attendance in the choir, even in his old age, he\nnever was absent at matins. He was gentle, humble, courteous in his\nconverse with all. He was elected secondly with the learned Father\nJuan de Gaona, as professor at Tlaltelolco in the college of Santa\nCruz; where he shone like a light on a candlestick, for he was perfect\nin all the sciences. His possession of the Mexican language was of a\nperfectness that has never to this day being equaled; he wrote many\nbooks in it that will be mentioned in the catalogue of authors. He had\nto strive with much opposition, for to some it did not seem good to\nwrite out in the language of the Mexicans their ancient rites, lest it\nshould give occasion for their being persevered in. He watched over\nthe honor of God against idolatry, and sought earnestly to impress the\nChristian faith upon the converted. He affirmed as a minister of much\nexperience, that during the first twenty years [of his life in the\nprovince] the fervor of the natives was very great; but that afterward\nthey inclined to idolatry, and became very lukewarm in the faith. This\nhe says in the book of his _Postillas_ that I have, in which I learnt\nmuch. During the first twenty years of his life [in the province] he\nwas guardian of some convents; but after that he desired not to take\nupon himself any office or guardianship for more than forty years, so\nthat he could occupy himself in preaching, confessing, and writing.\nDuring the sixty and one years that he lived in the province, for the\nmost part in college, without resting a single day, he instructed the\nboys in civilization and good customs, teaching them reading, writing,\ngrammar, music, and other things in the service of God and the state.\nThis went on till the year 1590, when, the approach of death becoming\napparent to every one, he entered the hospital of Mexico; where he\ndied on the 23rd of October. There assembled to his funeral the\ncollegians, trailing their _becas_, and the natives shedding tears,\nand the members of the different religious houses giving praises to\nGod our Lord for this holy death, of which the martyrology\ntreats--Gonzaga, Torquemada, Deza, Rampineo, and many others. In the\nlibrary of Se\u00f1or Eguiara, in the manuscript of the Turriana\ncollection, I have read the article relating to Father Sahagun; in it\na large catalogue of works that he wrote is given. I remember only the\nfollowing: _Historia General de las Cosas de Nueva Espa\u00f1a_; _Arte de\ngram\u00e1tica mexicana_; _Diccionario trilingue de espa\u00f1ol, latin, y\nmexicano_; _Sermones para todo el a\u00f1o en mexicano_, (pos\u00e9o aunque sin\nnombre de autor); _Postillas \u00f3 commentarios al evangelio, para las\nmisas solemnes de dia de precepto_; _Historia de los primeros\npobladores franciscanos en Mexico_; _Salmodia de la vida de Cristo, de\nla virgen y de los santos, que usaban los indios, y preceptos para los\ncasados_; _Escala espiritual_, que fu\u00e9 la primera obra que se imprimi\u00f3\nen Mexico en la imprenta que trajo Hernan Cort\u00e9s de Espa\u00f1a.'\n_Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., pp. vii.-ix. As to the manner in\nwhich the _Historia General_ of Sahagun, 'whom,' says Prescott,\n_Mex._, vol. i., p. 67, 'I have followed as the highest authority' in\nmatters of Mexican religion--at last saw the light of publication, I\ngive Prescott's account, _Mex._, vol. i., p. 88, as exact save in one\npoint, for which see the correction in brackets:--'At length, toward\nthe close of the last century, the indefatigable Mu\u00f1oz succeeded in\ndisinterring the long lost manuscript from the place tradition had\nassigned to it--the library of a convent at Tolosa, in Navarre, the\nnorthern extremity of Spain. With his usual ardor, he transcribed the\nwhole work with his own hands, and added it to the inestimable\ncollection, of which, alas! he was destined not to reap the full\nbenefit himself. From this transcript Lord Kingsborough was enabled to\nprocure the copy which was published in 1830, in the sixth volume of\nhis magnificent compilation. [It was published in two parts, in the\nfifth and seventh volumes of that compilation, and the exact date of\nthe publication was 1831.] In it he expresses an honest satisfaction\nat being the first to give Sahagun's work to the world. But in this\nsupposition he was mistaken. The very year preceding, an edition of\nit, with annotations, appeared in Mexico, in three volumes 8vo. It was\nprepared by Bustamante--a scholar to whose editorial activity his\ncountry is largely indebted--from a copy of the Mu\u00f1oz manuscript\nwhich came into his possession. Thus this remarkable work, which was\ndenied the honors of the press during the author's lifetime, after\npassing into oblivion, reappeared, at the distance of nearly three\ncenturies, not in his own country, but in foreign lands widely remote\nfrom each other, and that almost simultaneously.... Sahagun divided\nhis history into twelve books. The first eleven are occupied with the\nsocial institutions of Mexico, and the last with the Conquest. On the\nreligion of the country he is particularly full. His great object\nevidently was, to give a clear view of its mythology, and of the\nburdensome ritual which belonged to it. Religion entered so intimately\ninto the most private concerns and usages of the Aztecs, that Sahagun's\nwork must be a text-book for every student of their antiquities.\nTorquemada availed himself of a manuscript copy, which fell into his\nhands before it was sent to Spain, to enrich his own pages--a\ncircumstance more fortunate for his readers than for Sahagun's\nreputation, whose work, now that it is published, loses much of the\noriginality and interest which would otherwise attach to it. In one\nrespect it is invaluable; as presenting a complete collection of the\nvarious forms of prayer, accommodated to every possible emergency, in\nuse by the Mexicans. They are often clothed in dignified and beautiful\nlanguage, showing that sublime speculative tenets are quite compatible\nwith the most degrading practices of superstition. It is much to be\nregretted that we have not the eighteen hymns, inserted by the author\nin his book, which would have particular interest, as the only\nspecimen of devotional poetry preserved of the Aztecs. The\nhieroglyphical paintings, which accompanied the text are also missing.\nIf they have escaped the hands of fanaticism, both may reappear at\nsome future day.' As may have been noticed, the editions of Sahagun by\nboth Bustamante and Kingsborough have been constantly used together\nand collated during the course of this present work. They differ,\nespecially in many minor points of typography, Bustamante's being the\nmore carelessly edited in this respect. Notwithstanding, however, the\nopinion to the contrary of Mr Harrisse, Bustamante's edition is on the\nwhole the more complete; Kingsborough having avowedly omitted divers\nparts of the original which he thought unimportant or\nuninteresting--a fault also of Bustamante's, but to a lesser extent.\nFortunately what is absent in the one I have always found in the\nother; and indeed, as a whole, and all circumstances being considered,\nthey agree tolerably well. The criticism of Mr Harrisse, just referred\nto, runs as follows, _Bib. Am. Vet._, p. 208, note 52: '_Historia\nGeneral de las Cosas de Nueva Espa\u00f1a_; Mexico, 3 vols., 4to, 1829\n(edited and castrated by Bustamente [Bustamante] in such a manner as\nto require for a perfect understanding of that dry but important work,\nthe reading of the parts also published in vols. v. and vi. [v. and\nvii.], of Kingsborough's _Antiquities_.)' We are not yet done,\nhowever, with editions of Sahagun. A third edition of part of his work\nhas seen the light. It is Bustamante himself that attempts to\nsupersede a part of his first edition. He affirms, that book xii. of\nthat first edition of his, as of course also book xii. of\nKingsborough's edition, is spurious and has been garbled and glossed\nby Spanish hands quite away from the original as written by Sahagun.\nExactly how or when this corruption took place he does not show; but\nhe leaves it to be inferred that it was immediately after the original\nmanuscript had been taken from its author, and that it was done\nbecause that twelfth book, which treats more immediately of the\nConquest, reflected too hardly on the Conquerors. Bustamante having\nprocured, in a manner now to be given in his own words, a correct and\ngenuine copy of the twelfth book, a copy written and signed by the\nhand of Sahagun himself, proceeded in 1840 to give it to the world\nunder the extraordinary title of _La Aparicion de Nuestra Senora de\nGuadalupe de Mexico, comprobada con la refutacion del argumento\nnegativo que presenta D. Juan Bautista Mu\u00f1oz, fundandose en el\ntestimonio del P. Fr. Bernardino Sahagun; \u00f3 sea, Historia Original de\neste Escritor, que altera la publicada en 1829 en el equivocado\nconcepto de ser la unica y original del dicho autor_. All of which\nmeans to say that he, Bustamante, having already published in 1829-30,\na complete edition of Sahagun's _Historia General_, in twelve books,\naccording to the best manuscript he could then find, has found the\ntwelfth book of that history to be not genuine, has found the genuine\noriginal of said twelfth book, and now, in 1840, publishes said\ngenuine twelfth book under the above extraordinary name, inasmuch as\nit contains some reference to what is supposed to be uppermost in\nevery religious Mexican's mind, to wit, the miraculous appearance of\nthe Blessed Virgin to a certain native Mexican, la aparicion de\nnuestra Se\u00f1ora de Guadalupe de Mexico. Bustamante's own account of all\nthe foregoing, being translated from the above-mentioned _Nra. Se\u00f1ora\nde Guadalupe_, pp. iv., viii., xxiii., runs as follows: 'As he\n[Sahagun] wrote with the frankness proper to truth, and as this was\nnot pleasing to the heads of the then government, nor even to some of\nhis brother friars, he was despoiled of his writings. These were sent\nto Spain, and ordered to be stored away in the archives of the convent\nof San Francisco de Tolosa de Navarra, so that no one should ever be\nable to read them; there they lay hid for more than two centuries.\nDuring the reign of Carlos iii., Se\u00f1or Mu\u00f1oz was commissioned to write\nthe history of the New World. But he found himself without this work\n[of Sahagun's] so necessary to his purpose; and he was ignorant of its\nwhereabouts, till, reading the index of the Biblioteca Franciscana he\ncame to know about it, and, furnished by the government with all\npowers, he took it out of the said monastery. Colonel D. Diego Garcia\nPanes having come to Madrid at the same time, to publish the works of\nSe\u00f1or Veytia, this gentleman contracted a friendship with Mu\u00f1oz who\nallowed him to copy the two thick volumes in which Sahagun's work was\nwritten.... These two volumes, then, that Colonel Panes had copied,\nwere what was held to be solely the work of Father Sahagun, and as\nsuch esteemed; still it does not appear to be proved by attestation\nthat this was the author's original _autograph_ history. Had it been\nso, the circumstance would hardly have been left without definite\nmention, when the relation was given of the way in which the book was\ngot hold of, and when the guarantee of the exactness of the copy was\nprocured. I, to-day, possess an original manuscript, written\naltogether and signed by the hand of Father Sahagun; in which is to be\nnoted an essential variation in certain of the chapters which I now\npresent, from those that I before published in the twelfth book of his\n_Historia General_; which is the book treating of the Conquest.\nSahagun wrote this manuscript in the year 1585, that is to say, five\nyears before his death, and he wrote it without doubt under a\npresentiment of the alterations that his work would suffer. He had\nalready made alterations therein himself, since he confesses (they are\nhis words) that certain defects existed in them, that certain things\nhad been put into the narrative of that Conquest that should not have\nbeen put there, while other things were left out that should not have\nbeen omitted. Therefore [says Bustamante], this autograph manuscript\ndiscovers the alterations that his writings underwent and gives us\ngood reason to doubt the authenticity and exactness of the text seen\nby Mu\u00f1oz.... During the revolution of Madrid, in May, 1808, caused by\nthe entrance of the French and the removal of the royal family to\nBayonne, the office of the secretary of the Academy of History was\nrobbed, and from it were taken various bundles of the works of Father\nSahagun. These an old lawyer of the court bought, and among them one\nentitled: _Relacion de la conquista de esta Nueva Espa\u00f1a, como la\ncontaron los soldados indios que se hallaron presentes. Converti\u00f3se en\nlengua espa\u00f1ola llana \u00e9 inteligible y bien enmendada en este a\u00f1o de\n1585_. Unfortunately there had only remained [of the _Relacion_, etc.,\n(?)] a single volume of manuscript, which Se\u00f1or D. Jos\u00e9 Gomez de la\nCortina, ex-count of that title, bought, giving therefor the sum of a\nhundred dollars. He allowed me the use of it, and I have made an exact\ncopy of it, adding notes for the better understanding of the Conquest;\nthe before-mentioned being altogether written, as I have said, and\nsigned by the hands of Father Sahagun. This portion, which the said\nex-count has certified to, induces us to believe that the other works\nof Sahagun, relating both to the Conquest and to the Aparicion\nGuadalupana have been adulterated because they did little honor to the\nfirst Conquerors. That they have at all come to be discussed with\nposterity, has been because a knowledge of them was generally\nscattered, and in such a way that it was no longer possible to keep\nthem hidden; or, perhaps, because the faction interested in their\nconcealment had disappeared. In proof of the authenticity and identity\nof this manuscript, we refer to Father Betancur in his Chronicle of\nthe province of the Santo Evangelio de M\u00e9xico, making a catalogue of\nthe illustrious men thereof; speaking of Sahagun, he says on page 138:\n\"The ninth book that this writer composed was the Conquest of Mexico\nby Cort\u00e9s; which book afterward, in the year 1585, he re-wrote and\nemended; the [emended] original of this I saw signed with his hand in\nthe possession of Se\u00f1or D. Juan Francisco de Montemayor, president of\nthe Royal Audiencia, who carried it to Spain with the intention of\nhaving it printed; and of this I have a translation wherein it is said\nthat the Marquis of Villa-Manrique, viceroy of Mexico, took from him\n[Sahagun] the twelve books and sent them to his majesty for the royal\nchronicler.\" Bustamante lastly gives a certificate of the authenticity\nof the manuscript under discussion and published by him. The\ncertificate is signed by Jos\u00e9 Gomez de la Cortina, and runs as\nfollows: 'Mexico, 1st April, 1840. I certify that, being in Madrid in\nthe year 1828, I bought from D. Lorenzo Ruiz de Artieda, through the\nagency of my friend and companion, D. Jos\u00e9 Musso Valiente, member of\nthe Spanish Academies of language and of history, the original\nmanuscript of Father Sahagun, of which mention is made in this work by\nhis Excellency Se\u00f1or D. C\u00e1rlos Mar\u00eda Bustamante, as constated by the\nreceipts of the seller, and by other documents in my possession.' So\nmuch for Bustamante's new position as a re\u00ebditor of a part of\nSahagun's _Historia General_; we have stated it in his own words, and\nin those of his own witnesses as brought forward by him. The changes\nreferred to do not involve any matter bearing on mythology; it may be\nnot out of place to say however, that the evidence in favor of\nBustamante's new views seems strong and truth-like.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER VII.\n\nGODS, SUPERNATURAL BEINGS, AND WORSHIP.\n\n     IMAGE OF TEZCATLIPOCA -- HIS SEATS AT THE STREET-CORNERS --\n     VARIOUS LEGENDS ABOUT HIS LIFE ON EARTH -- QUETZALCOATL -- HIS\n     DEXTERITY IN THE MECHANICAL ARTS -- HIS RELIGIOUS OBSERVANCES\n     -- THE WEALTH AND NIMBLENESS OF HIS ADHERENTS -- EXPULSION FROM\n     TULLA OF QUETZALCOATL BY TEZCATLIPOCA AND HUITZILOPOCHTLI --\n     THE MAGIC DRAUGHT -- HUEMAC, OR VEMAC, KING OF THE TOLTECS, AND\n     THE MISFORTUNES BROUGHT UPON HIM AND HIS PEOPLE BY TEZCATLIPOCA\n     IN VARIOUS DISGUISES -- QUETZALCOATL IN CHOLULA -- DIFFERING\n     ACCOUNTS OF THE BIRTH AND LIFE OF QUETZALCOATL -- HIS GENTLE\n     CHARACTER -- HE DREW UP THE MEXICAN CALENDAR -- INCIDENTS OF\n     HIS EXILE AND OF HIS JOURNEY TO TLAPALLA, AS RELATED AND\n     COMMENTED UPON BY VARIOUS WRITERS -- BRASSEUR'S IDEAS ABOUT THE\n     QUETZALCOATL MYTHS -- QUETZALCOATL CONSIDERED A SUN-GOD BY\n     TYLOR, AND AS A DAWN-HERO BY BRINTON -- HELPS -- DOMENECH --\n     THE CODICES -- LONG DISCUSSION OF THE QUETZALCOATL MYTHS BY J.\n     G. M\u00dcLLER.\n\n\nIn the preceding chapter I have given only the loftier view of\nTezcatlipoca's nature, which even on this side cannot be illustrated\nwithout many inconsistencies. We pass now to relations evidencing a\nmuch meaner idea of his character, and showing him whom we have seen\ncalled invisible, almighty, and beneficent, in a new and much less\nimposing light. We pass, in fact, from the Zeus of Plato and Socrates\nto the Zeus of Hesiod and Homer.\n\nLet us glance first at the fashion of his representation in the\ntemples, though with little hope of seeing the particular fitness of\nmany of the trappings and symbols with which his statue was decorated.\nHis principal image, at least in the city of Mexico, was cut out of a\nvery shining black stone, called iztli, a variety of obsidian--a\nstone valued, in consideration of its capabilities of cleavage, for\nmaking those long splinters, used as knives by the Aztecs, for\nsacrificial and other purposes. For these uses in worship, and perhaps\nindeed for its manifold uses in all regards, it was surnamed\n_teotetl_, divine stone. In places where stone was less convenient the\nimage was made of wood. The general idea intended to be given was that\nof a young man; by which the immortality of the god was set forth. The\nears of the idol were bright with ear-rings of gold and silver.\nThrough his lower lip was thrust a little crystal tube, perhaps six\ninches long, and through the hollow of this tube a feather was drawn;\nsometimes a green feather, sometimes a blue, giving the transparent\nornament the tint at one time of an emerald, at another of a\nturquoise. The hair--carved from the stone, we may suppose--was drawn\ninto a queue and bound with a ribbon of burnished gold, to the end of\nwhich ribbon, hanging down behind, was attached a golden ear with\ncertain tongues of ascending smoke painted thereon; which smoke was\nintended to signify the prayers of those sinners and afflicted that,\ncommending themselves to the god, were heard by him. Upon his head\nwere many plumes of red and green feathers. From his neck there hung\ndown in front a great jewel of gold that covered all his breast.\nBracelets of gold were upon his arms, and in his navel was set a\nprecious green stone. In his left hand there flashed a great circular\nmirror of gold, bordered like a fan with precious feathers, green and\nazure and yellow; the eyes of the god were ever fixed on this, for\ntherein he saw reflected all that was done in the world. This mirror\nwas called _itlachia_, that is to say, the 'looker-on,' the 'viewer.'\nTezcatlipoca was sometimes seated on a bench covered with a red cloth,\nworked with the likeness of many skulls, having in his right hand four\ndarts, signifying, according to some, that he punished sin. To the top\nof his feet were attached twenty bells of gold, and to his right foot\nthe fore-foot of a deer, to show the exceeding swiftness of this\ndeity in all his ways. Hiding the shining black body, was a great\ncloak, curiously wrought in black and white, adorned with feathers,\nand fringed about with rosettes of three colors, red, white, and\nblack. This god, whose decorations vary a little with different\nwriters--variations probably not greater than those really existing\namong the different figures representing in different places the same\ndeity--had a kind of chapel built to hold him on the top of his\ntemple. It was a dark chamber lined with rich cloths of many colors;\nand from its obscurity the image looked out, seated on a pedestal,\nwith a costly canopy immediately overhead, and an altar in front; not\napparently an altar of sacrifice, but a kind of ornamental table, like\na Christian altar, covered with rich cloth. Into this holy of holies\nit was not lawful for any but a priest to enter.\n\n  [Sidenote: WORSHIP OF TEZCATLIPOCA.]\n\nWhat most of all, however, must have served to bring the worship of\nTezcatlipoca prominently before the people, were the seats of stone,\nbuilt at the corners of the streets, for the accommodation of this god\nwhen he walked invisibly abroad. Mortal, born of woman, never sat\nthereon; not the king himself might dare to use them: sacred they\nwere, sacred for ever, and always shadowed by a canopy of green\nboughs, reverently renewed every five days.[VII-1]\n\nLower and lower we must now descend from the idea of an almighty god,\nto take up the thread of various legends in which Tezcatlipoca figures\nin an anything but creditable light. We have already seen him\ndescribed as one of those hero-gods whom the new-born Sun was\ninstrumental in destroying;[VII-2] and we may suppose that he then\nascended into heaven, for we find him afterward descending thence,\nletting himself down by a rope twined from spider's web. Rambling\nthrough the world he came to a place called Tulla, where a certain\nQuetzalcoatl--another, according to Sahagun, of the hero-gods just\nreferred to--had been ruling for many years. The two engaged in a game\nof ball, in the course of which Tezcatlipoca suddenly transformed\nhimself into a tiger, occasioning thereby a tremendous panic among the\nspectators, many of whom in the haste of their flight precipitated\nthemselves down a ravine in the neighborhood into a river and were\ndrowned. Tezcatlipoca then began to persecute Quetzalcoatl from city\nto city till he drove him to Cholula. Here Quetzalcoatl was held as\nchief god, and here for some time he was safe. But only for a few\nyears; his indefatigable and powerful enemy forced him to retreat with\na few of his adherents toward the sea, to a place called Tlillapa or\nTizapan. Here the hunted Quetzalcoatl died, and his followers\ninaugurated the custom of burning the dead by burning his body.[VII-3]\n\nThe foregoing, from Mendieta, gives us a glimpse, from one point of\nview, of that great personage Quetzalcoatl, of whom we shall know much\nmore anon, and whom in the meantime we meet again and again as the\nopponent, or rather victim of Tezcatlipoca. Let us consider Sahagun's\nversion of the incidents of this strife:--\n\n  [Sidenote: QUETZALCOATL.]\n\nQuetzalcoatl was, from very ancient times, adored as a god in Tulla.\nHe had a very high _cu_[VII-4] there, with many steps up to it, steps\nso narrow that there was not room for a whole foot on any of them. His\nimage was always in a recumbent position and covered with blankets.\nThe face of it was very ugly, the head large and furnished with a long\nbeard. The adherents of this god were all devoted to the mechanical\narts, dexterous in working the green stone called chalchiuite, and in\nfounding the precious metals; all of which arts had their beginning\nand origin with the said Quetzalcoatl. He had whole houses made of\nchalchiuites, others made of silver, others of white and red shells,\nothers of planks, others of turquoises, and others of rich feathers.\nHis adherents were very light of foot and swift in going whither they\nwished, and they were called _tlanquacemilhiyme_. There is a mountain\ncalled Tzatzitepetl on which Quetzalcoatl used to have a crier, and\nthe people afar off and scattered, and the people of An\u00e1huac, a\nhundred leagues distant, heard and understood at once whatever the\nsaid Quetzalcoatl commanded. And Quetzalcoatl was very rich; he had\nall that was needful both to eat and to drink; maize was abundant, and\na head of it was as much as a man could carry clasped in his arms;\npumpkins measured a fathom round; the stalks of the wild amarinth were\nso large and thick that people climbed them like trees. Cotton was\nsowed and gathered in of all colors, red, scarlet, yellow, violet,\nwhitish, green, blue, blackish, grey, orange, and tawny; these colors\nin the cotton were natural to it, thus it grew. Further it is said\nthat in that city of Tulla, there abounded many sorts of birds of rich\nand many-colored plumage, the _xiuhtototl_, the _quetzaltototl_, the\n_zaquan_, the _tlauquechol_, and other birds that sang with much\nsweetness. And this Quetzalcoatl had all the riches of the world, of\ngold and silver, of green stones called chalchiuites, and of other\nprecious things, and a great abundance of cocoa-nut trees of divers\ncolors. The vassals or adherents of Quetzalcoatl were also very rich\nand wanted for nothing; they were never hungry; they never lacked\nmaize, nor ate the small ears of it, but burned them like wood to heat\nthe baths. It is said lastly that Quetzalcoatl did penance by pricking\nhis legs and drawing blood with the spines of the maguey and by\nwashing at midnight in a fountain called _xicapoya_;[VII-5] this custom\nthe priests and ministers of the Mexican idols adopted.\n\nThere came at last a time in which the fortunes of Quetzalcoatl and of\nhis people, the Toltecs, began to fail; for there came against them\nthree sorcerers, gods in disguise, to wit Tezcatlipoca,\nHuitzilopochtli, and Tlacavepan, who wrought many deceits in Tulla.\nTezcatlipoca especially prepared a cunning trick; he turned himself\ninto a hoary-headed old man, and went to the house of Quetzalcoatl,\nsaying to the servants there, I wish to see and speak to your master.\nThen the servants said, Go away, old man, thou canst not see our king,\nfor he is sick, thou wilt annoy him and cause him heaviness. But\nTezcatlipoca insisted, I must see him. Then the servants bid the\nsorcerer to wait, and they went in and told Quetzalcoatl how an old\nman without affirmed that he would see the king and would not be\ndenied. And Quetzalcoatl answered, Let him come in, behold for many\ndays I have waited for his coming. So Tezcatlipoca entered, and he\nsaid to the sick god-king, How art thou? adding further that he had a\nmedicine for him to drink. Then Quetzalcoatl answered, Thou art\nwelcome, old man, behold for many days I have waited for thee. And the\nold sorcerer spake again, How is thy body, and how art thou in health?\nI am exceedingly sick, said Quetzalcoatl, all my body is in pain, I\ncannot move my hands nor my feet. Then, answered Tezcatlipoca, behold\nthis medicine that I have, it is good and wholesome and intoxicating;\nif thou will drink it, thou shalt be intoxicated and healed and eased\nat the heart, and thou shalt have in mind the toils and fatigues of\ndeath and of thy departure.[VII-6] Where, cried Quetzalcoatl, have I to\ngo? To Tullantlapallan, replied Tezcatlipoca, where there is another\nold man waiting for thee; he and thou shall talk together, and on thy\nreturn thence thou shalt be as a youth, yea, as a boy. And\nQuetzalcoatl hearing these words his heart was moved, while the old\nsorcerer, insisting more and more, said, Sir, drink this medicine. But\nthe king did not wish to drink it. The sorcerer, however, insisted,\nDrink, my lord, or thou wilt be sorry for it hereafter; at least rub a\nlittle on thy brow and taste a sip. So Quetzalcoatl tried and tasted\nit, and drank, saying, What is this? it seems to be a thing very good\nand savory; already I feel myself healed and quit of mine infirmity;\nalready I am well. Then the old sorcerer said again, Drink once more,\nmy lord, since it is good; so thou shall be the more perfectly healed.\nAnd Quetzalcoatl drank again, he made himself drunk, he began to weep\nsadly, his heart was eased and moved to depart, he could not rid\nhimself of the thought that he must go; for this was the snare and\ndeceit of Tezcatlipoca. And the medicine that Quetzalcoatl drank was\nthe white wine of the country, made from the magueys that are called\n_teumetl_.\n\n  [Sidenote: TEZCATLIPOCA AS A PEDDLER.]\n\nSo Quetzalcoatl, whose fortunes we shall hereafter follow more\nparticularly, set out upon his journey; and Tezcatlipoca proceeded\nfurther guilefully to kill many Toltecs, and to ally himself by\nmarriage with Vemac, who was the temporal lord of the Toltecs, even as\nQuetzalcoatl was the spiritual ruler of that people. To accomplish\nthese things Tezcatlipoca took the appearance of a poor foreigner, and\npresented himself naked, as was the custom of such people, in the\nmarket-place of Tulla, selling green chilly pepper. Now the palace of\nVemac, the great king, overlooked the market-place, and he had an only\ndaughter, and the girl, looking by chance among the buyers and\nsellers, saw the disguised god. She was smitten through with love of\nhim, and she began to sicken. Vemac heard of her sickness and he\ninquired of the women that guarded her as to what ailed his daughter.\nThey told him as best they could, how for the love of a peddler of\npepper, named Toveyo, the princess had lain down to die. The king\nimmediately sent a crier upon the mountain Tzatzitepec to make this\nproclamation: O Toltecs, seek me out Toveyo that goes about selling\ngreen pepper, let him be brought before me. So the people sought\neverywhere for the handsome pepper vender; but he was nowhere to be\nfound. Then, after they could not find him, he appeared of his own\naccord one day, at his old place and trade in the market. He was\nbrought before the king, who said to him, Where dost thou belong to?\nand Toveyo answered, I am a foreigner come here to sell my green\npepper. Why dost thou delay to cover thyself with breeches and with a\nblanket? said Vemac. Toveyo answered that in his country such things\nwere not in fashion. Vemac continued, My daughter longs after thee,\nnot willing to be comforted by any Toltec; she is sick of love and\nthou must heal her. But Toveyo replied, This thing can in no wise be,\nkill me first; I desire to die, not being worthy to hear these words,\nwho get my living by selling green pepper. I tell thee, said the king,\nthat thou must heal my daughter of this her sickness; fear not. Then\nthey took the cunning god, and washed him, and cut his hair, and dyed\nall his body, and put breeches on him and a blanket; and the king\nVemac said, Get thee in and see my daughter, there where they guard\nher. Then the young man went in and he remained with the princess and\nshe became sound and well; thus Toveyo became the son-in-law of the\nking of Tulla.\n\nThen behold all the Toltecs being filled with jealousy and offended,\nspake injurious and insulting words against king Vemac, saying among\nthemselves, Of all the Toltecs can there not to be found a man, that\nthis Vemac marries his daughter to a peddler? Now when the king heard\nall the injurious and insulting words that the people spake against\nhim, he was moved, and he spoke to the people saying, Come hither,\nbehold I have heard all these things that ye say against me in the\nmatter of my son-in-law Toveyo; dissimulate then; take him deceitfully\nwith you to the war of Cacatepec and Coatepec, let the enemy kill him\nthere. Having heard these words the Toltecs armed themselves, and\ncollected a multitude, and went to the war, bringing Toveyo along.\nArrived where the fighting was to take place, they hid him with the\nlame and the dwarfs, charging them, as the custom was in such cases,\nto watch for the enemy, while the soldiers went on to the attack. The\nbattle began; the Toltecs at once gave way; treacherously and\nguilefully deserting Toveyo and the cripples, leaving them to be\nslaughtered at their post, they returned to Tulla and told the king\nhow they had left Toveyo and his companions alone in the hands of the\nenemy. When the king heard the treason he was glad, thinking Toveyo\ndead, for he was ashamed of having him for a son-in-law. Affairs had\ngone otherwise, however, with Toveyo from what the plotters supposed.\nOn the approach of the hostile army he consoled his deformed\ncompanions, saying, Fear nothing; the enemy come against us. but I\nknow that I shall kill them all. Then he rose up and went forward\nagainst them, against the men of Coatepec and Cacatepec; he put them\nto flight and slew of them without number. When this came to the ears\nof Vemac, it weighed upon and terrified him exceedingly. He said to\nhis Toltecs, Let us now go and receive my son-in-law. So they all went\nout with king Vemac to receive Toveyo, bearing the arms or devises\ncalled _quetzalapanecayutl_, and the shields called _xiuchimali_. They\ngave these things to Toveyo, and he and his comrades received them\nwith dancing and the music of flutes, with triumph and rejoicing.\nFurthermore, on reaching the palace of the king, plumes were put upon\nthe heads of the conquerors, and all the body of each of them was\nstained yellow, and all the face red; this was the customary reward of\nthose that came back victorious from war. And king Vemac said to his\nson-in-law, I am now satisfied with what thou hast done and the\nToltecs are satisfied; thou hast dealt very well with our enemies,\nrest and take thine ease. But Toveyo held his peace.\n\n  [Sidenote: TRIUMPH OF TEZCATLIPOCA.]\n\nAnd after this, Toveyo adorned all his body with the rich feathers\ncalled _tocivitl_, and commanded the Toltecs to gather together for a\nfestival, and sent a crier up to the top of the mountain, Tzatzitepec,\nto call in the strangers and the people afar off to dance and to\nfeast. A numberless multitude gathered to Tulla. When they were all\ngathered Toveyo led them out, young men and girls, to a place called\nTexcalapa, where he himself began and led the dancing, playing on a\ndrum. He sang too, singing each verse to the dancers, who sang it\nafter him, though they knew not the song before hand. Then was to be\nseen there a marvelous and terrible thing. From sunset till midnight\nthe beat of the countless feet grew faster and faster; the tap, tap,\ntap of the drum closed up and poured into a continual roll; the\nmonotonous song rose higher, wilder, till it burst into a roar. The\nmultitude became a mob, the revel a riot; the people began to press\nupon and hustle each other; the riot became a panic. There was a\nfearful gorge or ravine there, with a river rushing through it called\nthe Texcaltlauhco; a stone bridge led over the river. Toveyo broke\ndown this bridge as the people fled; grim corypheus of this fearful\nrevel, he saw them tread and crush each other down, under-foot, and\nover into the abyss. They that fell were turned into rocks and stones;\nas for them that escaped, they did not see nor think that it was\nToveyo and his sorceries had wrought this great destruction; they were\nblinded by the witchcraft of the god, and out of their senses like\ndrunken men.\n\nFar from being satisfied with the slaughter at Texcalapa, Tezcatlipoca\nproceeded to hatch further evil against the Toltecs. He took the\nappearance of a certain valiant man called Teguioa, and commanded a\ncrier to summon all the inhabitants of Tulla and its neighborhood to\ncome and help at a certain piece of work in a certain flower-garden\n(said to have been a garden belonging to Quetzalcoatl.). All the\npeople gathered to the work, whereupon the disguised god fell upon\nthem, knocking them on the head with a _coa_.[VII-7] Those that escaped\nthe _coa_ were trodden down and killed by their fellows in attempting\nto escape; a countless number was slain; every man that had come to\nthe work was left lying dead among the trodden flowers.\n\n  [Sidenote: TEZCATLIPOCA DEAD.]\n\nAnd after this Tezcatlipoca wrought another witchcraft against the\nToltecs. He called himself Tlacavepan, or Acexcoch, and came and sat\ndown in the midst of the market-place of Tulla, having a little\nmanikin (said to have been Huitzilopochtli) dancing upon his hand.\nThere was an instant uproar of all the buyers and sellers and a rush\nto see the miracle. The people crushed and trod each other down, so\nthat many were killed there; and all this happened many times. At last\nthe god-sorcerer cried out, on one such occasion, What is this? do you\nnot see that you are befooled by us? stone and kill us. So the people\ntook up stones and killed the said sorcerer and his little dancing\nmanikin. But when the body of the sorcerer had lain in the\nmarket-place for some time it began to stink and to taint the air, and\nthe wind of it poisoned many. Then the dead sorcerer spake again,\nsaying, Cast this body outside the town, for many Toltecs die because\nof it. So they prepared to cast out the body, and fastened ropes\nthereto and pulled. But the talkative and ill-smelling corpse was so\nheavy that they could not move it. Then a crier made a proclamation,\nsaying, Come all ye Toltecs, and bring ropes with you, that we may\ndrag out and get rid of this pestilential carcass. All came\naccordingly, bringing ropes, and the ropes were fastened to the body,\nand all pulled. It was utterly in vain. Rope after rope broke with a\nsudden snap, and those that dragged on a rope fell and were killed\nwhen it broke. Then the dead wizard looked up and said, O Toltecs, a\nverse of a song is needed; and he himself gave them a verse. They\nrepeated the verse after him, and, singing it, pulled all together, so\nthat with shouts they hauled the body out of the city; though still\nnot without many ropes breaking and many persons being killed as\nbefore. All this being over, those Toltecs that remained unhurt\nreturned every man to his place, not remembering anything of what had\nhappened, for they were all as drunken.\n\nOther signs and wonders were wrought by Tezcatlipoca in his r\u00f4le of\nsorcerer. A white bird called Yztaccuixtli, was clearly seen flying\nover Tulla, transfixed with a dart. At night also, the sierra called\nZacatepec burned, and the flames were seen from far. All the people\nwere stirred up and affrighted, saying one to another, O Toltecs, it\nis all over with us now; the time of the end of Tulla is come; alas\nfor us, whither shall we go?\n\nThen Tezcatlipoca wrought another evil upon the Toltecs: he rained\ndown stones upon them. There fell also, at the same time, a great\nstone from heaven called _techcatl_; and when it fell the god-sorcerer\ntook the appearance of an old woman, and went about selling little\nbanners in a place called Chapultepecuitlapilco, otherwise named\nVetzinco. Many then became mad and bought of these banners and went to\nthe place where was the stone Techcatl, and there got themselves\nkilled; and no one was found to say so much as, What is this that\nhappens to us? they were all mad.\n\nAnother woe Tezcatlipoca brought upon the Toltecs. All their victuals\nsuddenly became sour, and no one was able to eat of them. The old\nwoman, above mentioned, took up then her abode in a place called\nXochitla[VII-8], and began to roast maize; and the odor of the roasted\nmaize reached all the cities round about. The starving people set out\nimmediately, and with one accord, to go where the old woman was. They\nreached her instantly, for here it may be again said, that the Toltecs\nwere exceedingly light of foot, and arrived always immediately\nwhithersoever they wished to go. As for the Toltecs that gathered to\nthe sham sorceress, not one of them escaped, she killed them every\none.[VII-9]\n\n  [Sidenote: IMAGE OF QUETZALCOATL.]\n\nTurning, without remark for the present, from Tezcatlipoca, of whose\nlife on earth the preceding farrago of legends is all that is known,\nlet us take up the same period in the history of Quetzalcoatl. The\ncity of Cholula was the place in which this god was most honored, and\ntowards which he was supposed to be most favorably inclined; Cholula\nbeing greatly given to commerce and handicraft, and the Cholulans\nconsidering Quetzalcoatl to be the god of merchandise. As Acosta\ntells: \"In Cholula, which is a commonwealth of Mexico, they worshipt a\nfamous idoll which was the god of marchandise, being to this day\ngreatly given to trafficke. They called it Quetzaalcoalt. This idoll\nwas in a great place in a temple very hie: it had about it, golde,\nsilver, jewells, very rich feathers, and habites of divers colours. It\nhad the forme of a man, but the visage of a little bird, with a red\nbill, and above a combe full of wartes, having ranckes of teeth, and\nthe tongue hanging out. It carried vpon the head, a pointed myter of\npainted paper, a sithe in the hand, and many toyes of golde on the\nlegges; with a thousand other foolish inventions, whereof all had\ntheir significations, and they worshipt it, for that hee enriched\nwhome hee pleased, as Memnon and Plutus. In trueth this name which the\nCholuanos gave to their god, was very fitte, although they vnderstood\nit not: they called it Quetzaalcoalt, signifying colour of a rich\nfeather, for such is the divell of covetousnesse.\"[VII-10]\n\nMotolinia gives the following confused account of the birth as a man,\nthe life, and the apotheosis of this god. The Mexican Adam, called\nIztacmixcoatl by some writers, married a second time.[VII-11] This second\nwife, Chimamatl by name, bore him, it is said, an only son who was\ncalled Quetzalcoatl. This son grew up a chaste and temperate man. He\noriginated by his preaching and practice the custom of fasting and\nself-punishment; and from that time many in that country began to do\nthis penance. He never married, nor knew any woman, but lived\nrestrainedly and chastely all his days. The custom of sacrificing the\nears and the tongue, by drawing blood from these members, was also\nintroduced by him; not for the service of the devil but in penitence\nfor the sins of his speech and his hearing: it is true that afterward\nthe demon misappropriated these rites to his own use and worship. A\nman called Chichimecatl fastened a leather strap on the arm of\nQuetzalcoatl, fixing it high up near the shoulder; Chichimecatl was\nfrom that time called Acolhuatl, and from him, it is said, are\ndescended those of Colhua, ancestors of Montezuma and lords of Mexico\nand Coluacan. This Quetzalcoatl is now held as a deity and called the\ngod of the air; everywhere an infinite number of temples has been\nraised to him, and everywhere his statue or picture is found.[VII-12]\n\nAccording to the account of Mendieta, tradition varied much as to the\nfacts of the life of Quetzalcoatl. Some said he was the son of\nCamaxtli, god of hunting and fishing, and of Camaxtli's wife Chimalma.\nOthers make mention only of the name of Chimalma, saying that as she\nwas sweeping one day she found a small green stone called chalchiuite,\nthat she picked it up, became miraculously pregnant, and gave birth to\nthe said Quetzalcoatl. This god was worshiped as a principal deity in\nCholula, where, as well as in Tlaxcala and Huejotzingo, there were\nmany of his temples. We have already had one legend from\nMendieta,[VII-13] giving an account of the expulsion from Tulla and death\nof Quetzalcoatl; the following from the same source gives a different\nand more usual version of the said expulsion:--\n\n  [Sidenote: DEPARTURE OF QUETZALCOATL.]\n\nQuetzalcoatl came from the parts of Yucatan (although some said from\nTulla) to the city of Cholula. He was a white man, of portly person,\nbroad brow, great eyes, long black hair, and large round beard; of\nexceedingly chaste and quiet life, and of great moderation in all\nthings. The people had at least three reasons for the great love,\nreverence, and devotion with which they regarded him: first, he taught\nthe silversmith's art, a craft the Cholulans greatly prided themselves\non; second, he desired no sacrifice of the blood of men or animals,\nbut delighted only in offerings of bread, roses and other flowers, of\nperfumes and sweet odors; third, he prohibited and forbade all war and\nviolence. Nor were these qualities esteemed only in the city of his\nchiefest labors and teachings; from all the land came pilgrims and\ndevotees to the shrine of the gentle god. Even the enemies of Cholula\ncame and went secure, in fulfilling their vows; and the lords of\ndistant lands had in Cholula their chapels and idols to the common\nobject of devotion and esteem. And only Quetzalcoatl among all the\ngods was pre\u00ebminently called Lord; in such sort, that when any one\nswore, saying, By Our Lord, he meant Quetzalcoatl and no other; though\nthere were many other highly esteemed gods. For indeed the service of\nthis god was gentle, neither did he demand hard things, but light; and\nhe taught only virtue, abhorring all evil and hurt. Twenty years this\ngood deity remained in Cholula, then he passed away by the road he had\ncome, carrying with him four of the principal and most virtuous youths\nof that city. He journeyed for a hundred and fifty leagues, till he\ncame to the sea, in a distant province called Goatzacoalco. Here he\ntook leave of his companions and sent them back to their city,\ninstructing them to tell their fellow citizens that a day should come\nin which white men would land upon their coasts, by way of the sea in\nwhich the sun rises; brethren of his and having beards like his; and\nthat they should rule that land. The Mexicans always waited for the\naccomplishment of this prophecy, and when the Spaniards came they took\nthem for the descendants of their meek and gentle prophet, although,\nas Mendieta remarks with some sarcasm, when they came to know them and\nto experience their works, they thought otherwise.\n\nQuetzalcoatl is further reported by Mendieta to have assisted in\ndrawing up and arranging the Mexican Calendar, a sacred book of\nthirteen tables, in which the religious rites and ceremonies proper to\neach day were set forth, in connection with the appropriate signs. It\nis said that the gods having created mankind, bethought themselves\nthat it would be well if the people they had made had some writings by\nwhich they might direct themselves. Now there were, in a certain cave\nat Cuernavaca, two personages of the number of the gods, and they\nwere man and wife, he Oxomoco and she Cipactonal; and they were\nconsulting together. It appeared good to the old woman that her\ndescendant Quetzalcoatl should be consulted. The Cholulan god thought\nthe thing of the calendar to be good and reasonable; so the three set\nto work. To the old woman was respectfully allotted the privilege of\nchoosing and writing the first sign; she painted a kind of\nwater-serpent called _cipactli_, and called the sign _Ce Cipactli_,\nthat is \"a serpent.\" Oxomoco, in his turn wrote \"two canes,\" and then\nQuetzalcoatl wrote \"three houses;\" and so they went on till the whole\nthirteen signs of each table were written out in their order.[VII-14]\n\n  [Sidenote: THE SUN CALLS QUETZALCOATL.]\n\nLet us now take up again the narrative of Sahagun, at the point where\nQuetzalcoatl, after drinking the potion prepared by Tezcatlipoca,\nprepares to set off upon his journey. Quetzalcoatl, very heavy in\nheart for all the misfortunes that this rival god was bringing upon\nthe Toltecs, burned his beautiful houses of silver and of shell, and\nordered other precious things to be buried in the mountains and\nravines. He turned the cocoa-nut trees into a kind of trees that are\ncalled _mizquitl_; he commanded all the birds of rich plumage, the\nquetzaltototl, and the xiuhtotl, and the tlauquechol, to fly away and\ngo into An\u00e1huac, a hundred leagues distant. Then he himself set out\nupon his road from Tulla; he traveled on till he came to a place\ncalled Quauhtitlan, where was a great tree, high and very thick. Here\nthe exile rested, and he asked his servants for a mirror, and looked\nat his own face. What thoughts soever were working in his heart, he\nonly said, I am already old. Then he named that place Vevequauhtitlan,\nand he took up stones and stoned the great tree; and all the stones he\nthrew sank into it, and were for a long time to be seen sticking\nthere, from the ground even up to the topmost branches. Continuing his\njourney, having flute-players playing before him, he came to a place\non the road where he was weary and sat down on a stone to rest. And\nlooking toward Tulla, he wept bitterly. His tears marked and ate into\nthe stone on which he sat, and the print of his hands, and of his back\nparts, was also found therein when he resumed his journey. He called\nthat place Temacpalco. After that he reached a very great and wide\nriver, and he commanded a stone bridge to be thrown across it; on that\nbridge he crossed the river, and he named the place Tepanoaya. Going\non upon his way, Quetzalcoatl came to another place, where certain\nsorcerers met and tried to stop him, saying, Whither goest thou? why\ndost thou leave thy city? to whose care wilt thou commend it? who will\ndo penance? Quetzalcoatl replied to the said sorcerers, Ye can in no\nwise hinder my going, for I must go. They asked him further, Whither\ngoest thou? He said, To Tlapalla. They continued, But to what end\ngoest thou? He said, I am called and the sun calls me. So the\nsorcerers said, Go then, but leave behind all the mechanical arts, the\nmelting of silver, the working of precious stones and of masonry, the\npainting, feather-working, and other crafts. And of all these the\nsorcerers despoiled Quetzalcoatl. As for him, he cast into a fountain\nall the rich jewels that he had with him; and that fountain was called\nCohcaapa, and it is so named to this day.\n\nQuetzalcoatl continued his journey; and there came another sorcerer to\nmeet him, saying, Whither goest thou? Quetzalcoatl said, To Tlapalla.\nThe wizard said, Very well; but drink this wine that I have. The\ntraveler answered, No: I cannot drink it; I cannot so much as taste\nit. Thou must drink, said the grim magician, were it but a drop; for\nto none of the living can I give it; it intoxicates all, so drink.\nThen Quetzalcoatl took the wine and drank it through a cane. Drinking,\nhe made himself drunk; he slept upon the road; he began to snore; and\nwhen he awoke, he looked on one side and on the other, and tore his\nhair with his hands. And that place was called Cochtoca.\n\nQuetzalcoatl going on upon his way and passing between the sierra of\nthe volcano and the snowy sierra, all his servants, being hump-backed\nand dwarfs, died of cold in the pass between the said mountains. And\nQuetzalcoatl bewailed their death bitterly and sang with weeping and\nsighing. Then he saw the other snowy sierra, which is called\nPoyauhtecatl and is near Tecamachalco; and so he passed by all the\ncities and places, leaving many signs, it is said, in all the\nmountains and roads.[VII-15] It is said further that he had a way of\ncrossing the sierras whereby he amused and rested himself at the same\ntime: when he came to the top of a mountain he used to sit down, and\nso seated, let himself slide down the mountain-side to the bottom. In\none place he built a court for ball-play, all of squared stone, and\nhere he used to play the game called _tlachtli_.[VII-16] Through the\nmidst of this court he drew a line called the _telcotl_; and where\nthat line was made the mountain is now opened with a deep gash. In\nanother place he cast a dart at a great tree called a _pochutl_,\npiercing it through with the dart in such wise that the tree looked\nlike a cross; for the dart he threw was itself a tree of the same\nkind.[VII-17] Some say that Quetzalcoatl built certain subterranean\nhouses, called _mictlancalco_; and further, that he set up and\nbalanced a great stone, so that one could move it with one's little\nfinger, yet a multitude could not displace it. Many other notable\nthings remain that Quetzalcoatl did among many peoples; he it was that\nnamed all the places and woods and mountains. Traveling ever onward,\nhe came at last to the sea-shore, and there commanded a raft to be\nmade of the snakes called _coatlapechtli_. Having seated himself on\nthis raft as in a canoe, he put out to sea, and no man knows how he\ngot to Tlapallan.[VII-18]\n\nTorquemada gives a long and valuable account of Quetzalcoatl, gathered\nfrom many sources, which cannot be overlooked. It runs much as\nfollows:--The name Quetzalcoatl means Snake-plumage, or Snake that\nhas plumage--and the kind of snake referred to in this name, is found\nin the province of Xicalanco, which is on the frontier of the kingdom\nof Yucatan as one goes thence to Tabasco. This god Quetzalcoatl was\nvery celebrated among the people of the city of Cholula, and held in\nthat place for the greatest of all. He was, according to credible\nhistories, high priest in the city of Tulla. From that place he went\nto Cholula, and not, as Bishop Bartolom\u00e9 de las Casas says in his\n_Apologia_, to Yucatan; though he went to Yucatan afterwards, as we\nshall see. It is said of Quetzalcoatl that he was a white man, large\nbodied, broad-browed, great-eyed, with long black hair, and a beard\nheavy and rounded.[VII-19] He was a great artificer, and very ingenious.\nHe taught many mechanical arts, especially the art of working the\nprecious stones called chalchiuites, which are a kind of green stone\nhighly valued, and the art of casting silver and gold. The people,\nseeing him so inventive, held him in great estimation, and reverenced\nhim as king in that city; and so it came about that, though in\ntemporal things the ruler of Tulla was a lord named Huemac,[VII-20] yet\nin all spiritual and ecclesiastical matters Quetzalcoatl was supreme,\nand as it were chief pontiff.\n\n  [Sidenote: SWIFTNESS OF THE SERVANTS OF QUETZALCOATL.]\n\nIt is feigned by those that seek to make much of their god that he had\ncertain palaces made of green stone like emeralds, others made of\nsilver, others of shells, red and white, others of all kinds of wood,\nothers of turquoise, and others of precious feathers. He is said to\nhave been very rich, and in need of nothing. His vassals were very\nobedient to him, and very light of foot; they were called\ntlanquacemilhuique. When they wished to publish any command of\nQuetzalcoatl, they sent a crier up upon a high mountain called\nTzatzitepec, where with a loud voice he proclaimed the order; and the\nvoice of this crier was heard for a hundred leagues distance, and\nfarther, even to the coasts of the sea: all this is affirmed for true.\nThe fruits of the earth and the trees flourished there in an\nextraordinary degree, and sweet singing birds were abundant. The great\npontiff inaugurated a system of penance, pricking his legs, and\ndrawing blood and staining therewith maguey thorns. He washed also at\nmidnight in a fountain called Xiuhpacoya. From all this, it is said,\nthe idolatrous priests of Mexico adopted their similar custom.\n\n  [Sidenote: QUETZALCOATL LEAVES MARKS ON A STONE.]\n\nWhile Quetzalcoatl was enjoying this good fortune with pomp and\nmajesty, we are told that a great magician called Titlacahua\n[Tezcatlipoca], another of the gods, arrived at Tulla. He took the\nform of an old man, and went in to see Quetzalcoatl, saying to him, My\nlord, inasmuch as I know thine intent and how much thou desirest to\nset out for certain distant lands, also, because I know from thy\nservants that thou art unwell, I have brought thee a certain beverage,\nby drinking which thou shalt attain thine end. Thou shalt so make thy\nway to the country thou desirest, having perfect health to make the\njourney; neither shalt thou remember at all the fatigues and toils of\nlife, nor how thou art mortal.[VII-21] Seeing all his projects thus\ndiscovered by the pretended old man, Quetzalcoatl questioned him,\nWhere have I to go. Tezcatlipoca answered, That it was already\ndetermined with the supreme gods, that he had to go to Tlapalla, and\nthat the thing was inevitable, because there was another old man\nwaiting for him at his destination. As Quetzalcoatl heard this, he\nsaid that it was true, and that he desired it much; and he took the\nvessel and drank the liquor it contained. Quetzalcoatl was thus easily\npersuaded to what Tezcatlipoca desired, because he wished to make\nhimself immortal and to enjoy perpetual life. Having swallowed the\ndraught he became beside himself, and out of his mind, weeping sadly\nand bitterly. He determined to go to Tlapalla. He destroyed or buried\nall his plate and other property and set out. First he arrived at the\nplace, Quauhtitlan, where the great tree was and where he, borrowing a\nmirror from his servants, found himself \"already old.\" The name of\nthis place was changed by him to Huehuequauhtitlan, that is to say,\n\"near the old tree, or the tree of the old man;\" and the trunk of the\ntree was filled with stones that he cast at it. After that he\njourneyed on, his people playing flutes and other instruments, till he\ncame to a mountain near the city of Tlalnepantla, two leagues from the\ncity of Mexico, where he sat down on a stone and put his hands on it,\nleaving marks embedded therein that may be seen to this day. The truth\nof this thing is strongly corroborated by the inhabitants of that\ndistrict; I myself have questioned them upon the subject, and it has\nbeen certified to me. Furthermore we have it written down accurately\nby many worthy authors; and the name of the locality is now\nTemacpalco, that is to say \"in the palm of the hand.\"\n\nJourneying on to the coast and to the kingdom of Tlapalla,\nQuetzalcoatl was met by the three sorcerers, Tezcatlipoca and other\ntwo with him, who had already brought so much destruction upon Tulla.\nThese tried to stop or hinder him in his journey, questioning him,\nWhither goest thou? He answered, To Tlapalla. To whom, they inquired,\nhast thou given the charge of thy kingdom of Tulla, and who will do\npenance there? But he said that that was no longer any affair of his\nand that he must pursue his road. And being further questioned as to\nthe object of his journey, he said that he was called by the lord of\nthe land to which he was going, who was the sun.[VII-22] The three\nwizards seeing then the determination of Quetzalcoatl, made no\nfurther attempt to dissuade him from his purpose, but contented\nthemselves with taking from him all his instruments and his mechanical\narts, so that though he departed those things should not be wanting to\nthe state. It was here that Quetzalcoatl threw into a fountain all the\nrich jewels that he carried with him; for which thing the fountain was\ncalled from that time Cozcaapan, that is to say, \"The water of the\nstrings or chains of jewels.\" The same place is now called Coaapan,\nthat is to say, \"In the snake-water,\" and very properly, because the\nword Quetzalcoatl means \"feathered snake.\" In this way he journeyed\non, suffering various molestations from those sorcerers, his enemies,\ntill he arrived at Cholula where he was received (as we in another\npart say),[VII-23] and afterward adored as god. Having lived twenty\nyears in that city he was expelled by Tezcatlipoca. He set out for the\nkingdom of Tlapalla, accompanied by four virtuous youths of noble\nbirth, and in Goatzacoalco, a province distant from Cholula toward\nthe sea a hundred and fifty leagues, he embarked for his destination.\nParting with his disciples, he told them that there should surely come\nto them in after times, by way of the sea where the sun rises, certain\nwhite men with white beards, like him, and that these would be his\nbrothers and would rule that land.\n\nAfter that the four disciples returned to Cholula, and told all that\ntheir master and god had prophesied when departing. Then the Cholulans\ndivided their province into four principalities and gave the\ngovernment to those four, and some four of their descendants always\nruled in like manner over these tetrarchies till the Spaniard came;\nbeing, however, subordinate to a central power.\n\n  [Sidenote: QUETZALCOATL SWEPT THE ROADS.]\n\nThis Quetzalcoatl was god of the air, and as such had his temple, of a\nround shape and very magnificent. He was made god of the air for the\nmildness and gentleness of all his ways, not liking the sharp and\nharsh measures to which the other gods were so strongly inclined. It\nis to be said further that his life on earth was marked by intensely\nreligious characteristics; not only was he devoted to the careful\nobservance of all the old customary forms of worship, but he himself\nordained and appointed many new rites, ceremonies, and festivals for\nthe adoration of the gods; and it is held for certain that he made the\ncalendar. He had priests who were called quequetzalcohua, that is to\nsay \"priests of the order of Quetzalcoatl.\" The memory of him was\nengraved deeply upon the minds of the people, and it is said that when\nbarren women prayed and made sacrifices to him, children were given\nthem. He was, as we have said, god of the winds, and the power of\ncausing them to blow was attributed to him as well as the power of\ncalming or causing their fury to cease. It was said further that he\nswept the road, so that the gods called Tlaloques could rain: this the\npeople imagined because ordinarily a month or more before the rains\nbegan there blew strong winds throughout all New Spain. Quetzalcoatl\nis described as having worn during life, for the sake of modesty,\ngarments that reached down to the feet, with a blanket over all, sown\nwith red crosses. The Cholulans preserved certain green stones that\nhad belonged to him, regarding them with great veneration and\nesteeming them as relics. Upon one of these was carved a monkey's\nhead, very natural. In the city of Cholula there was to be found\ndedicated to him a great and magnificent temple, with many steps, but\neach step so narrow that there was not room for a foot on it. His\nimage had a very ugly face, with a large and heavily bearded head. It\nwas not set on its feet but lying down, and covered with blankets.\nThis, it is said, was done as a memorial that he would one day return\nto reign. For reverence of his great majesty, his image was kept\ncovered, and to signify his absence it was kept lying down, as one\nthat sleeps, as one that lies down to sleep. In awaking from that\nsleep, he was to rise up and reign. The people also of Yucatan\nreverenced this god Quetzalcoatl, calling him Kukulcan, and saying\nthat he came to them from the west, that is from New Spain, for\nYucatan is eastward therefrom. From him it is said the kings of\nYucatan are descended, who call themselves Cocomes, that is to say\n\"judges or hearers.\"[VII-24]\n\n  [Sidenote: CLAVIGERO ON QUETZALCOATL.]\n\nClavigero's account is characteristically clear and comprehensible. It\nmay be summed up as follows:--\n\nAmong the Mexicans and other nations of An\u00e1huac, Quetzalcoatl was\naccounted god of the air. He is said to have been sometime high-priest\nof Tulla. He is described as having been white--a large,\nbroad-browed, great-eyed man, with long black hair and thick beard.\nHis life was rigidly temperate and exemplary, and his industry was\ndirected by the profoundest wisdom. He amassed great treasure, and his\nwas the invention of gem-cutting and of metal-casting. All things\nprospered in his time. One ear of corn was a man's load; and the\ngourds, or pumpkins, of the day were as tall as one's body. No one\ndyed cotton then, for it grew of all colors; and all other things in\nlike manner were perfect and abundant. The very birds in the trees\nsang such songs as have never since been heard, and flashed such\nmarvelous beauties in the sun as no plumage of later times could\nrival. Quetzalcoatl had his laws proclaimed from the top of the hill\nTzatzitepec, (mountain of outcry), near Tulla, by a crier whose voice\nwas audible for three hundred miles.\n\nAll this, however, was put an end to, as far as Tulla was concerned,\nby Tezcatlipoca, who, moved perhaps by jealousy, determined to remove\nQuetzalcoatl. So the god appeared to the great teacher in the guise of\nan old man, telling him it was the will of the gods that he betake\nhimself to Tlapalla, and administering at the same time a potion, the\neffect of which was to cause an intense longing for the said journey.\nQuetzalcoatl set out and, having performed many marvels on the way,\narrived in Cholula. Here the inhabitants would not suffer him to go\nfarther, but persuaded him to accept the government of their city; and\nhe remained with them, teaching many useful arts, customs, and\nceremonies and preaching against war and all other forms of cruelty.\nAccording to some, he at this time arranged the divisions of the\nseasons and the calendar.\n\nHaving lived twenty years in Cholula, he left, still impelled by the\nsubtle draught, to seek this imaginary city of Tlapalla. He was no\nmore seen of men, some said one thing and some another; but, however\nhe might have disappeared, he was apotheosized by the Toltecs of\nCholula, who raised him a great mound and built a sanctuary upon it. A\nsimilar structure was erected to his honor at Tulla. From Cholula his\nworship as god of the air spread over all the country; in Yucatan the\nnobles claimed descent from him.[VII-25]\n\n  [Sidenote: BRASSEUR ON QUETZALCOATL.]\n\nThe ideas of Brasseur with regard to Quetzalcoatl have their roots in\nand must be traced back to the very first appearing of the Mexican\nreligion, or of the religion or religions by which it was preceded; so\nthat to arrive at those ideas I must give a summary of the abb\u00e9's\nwhole theory of the origin of that creed. He believes that in the\nseething and thundering of volcanoes a conception of divinity and of\nsupernatural powers first sprang up in the mind of the ancestors of\nthe Mexicans. The volcanoes were afterwards identified with the stars,\nand the most terrific of all, Nanahuatl or Nanahuatzin,[VII-26] received\nthe honors of apotheosis in the sun. Issued from the earth of the\nCrescent (Brasseur's sunken island or continent in the Atlantic),[VII-27]\npersonified in the antique Quetzalcoatl, prototype of priests and of\nsacerdotal continence, he is thus his son and identifies himself with\nhim; he (the divinity, Tylor's \"Great Somebody\") is the model of sages\nunder the name of Hueman and the prototype of kings under that of\nTopiltzin. Strange thing to find united in one being, personalities so\ndiverse! King, philosopher, priest par excellence, whose virtues serve\nas a rule to all the priests of the pagan antiquity, and, side by side\nwith all that, incontinence and passion deified in this invalid, whose\nname even, \"the syphilitic,\" is the expression of the abuse he has\nmade of the sex.\n\nAt the commencement of the religion two sects appear to have sprung\nup, or rather two manners of judging the same events. There was first\na struggle, and then a separation; under the banner-names of\nQuetzalcoatl and Tezcatlipoca the rival schools fought for the most\npart--of course there were divers minor factions; but the foregoing\nwere the principal and most important. There is every reason to\nbelieve that the religion that took Quetzalcoatl for symbol was but a\nreformation upon another more ancient, that had the moon for its\nobject. It is the moon, male and female, _Luna Lunus_, personified in\nthe earth of the Crescent, engulfed in the abyss, that I believe (it\nis always the abb\u00e9 that speaks) I see at the commencement of the\namalgam of rites and symbols of every kind, religion of enjoyments and\nmaterial pleasures, born of the promiscuity of the men and women,\ntaken refuge in the lesser Antilles after the cataclysm.\n\nThe religion that had taken the moon for point of departure, and in\nwhich women seem to have played the principal r\u00f4le, as priestesses,\nattacked formally, by this very fact, a more antique religion, a\npre-diluvian religion that appears to have been Sabaism, entirely\nexempt from idolatry, and in which the sun received the chief homage.\nIn the new religion, on the contrary, it was not the moon as a star,\nwhich was the real object of worship, it was the moon-land\n(lune-terre), it was the region of the Crescent, shrouded under the\nwaves, whose death was wept and whose resurrection was afterward\ncelebrated in the appearance of the isles--refuge of the shipwrecked\nof the grand catastrophe--of the Lesser Antilles; to the number of\nseven principal islands, sung, in all American legends, as the Seven\nGrottoes, cradle of nations.\n\nThis is the myth of Quetzalcoatl, who dies or disappears, and whose\npersonality is represented at the outset in the isles, then\nsuccessively, in all the countries whither the civilization was\ncarried of which he was the flag. So far as I can judge at present,\nthe priest who placed himself under the \u00e6gis of this grand name,\nlabored solely to reform what there was of odious and barbarous in the\ncult of which the women had the chief direction, and under whose\nregime human blood flowed in waves. After the triumph of Quetzalcoatl,\nthe men who bore his name took the direction of religion and society,\nwhich then made considerable progress in their hands.\n\nBut if we are to believe the same traditions, their preponderance had\nnot a very long duration. The most restless and the most audacious\namong the partisans of the ancient order of things, raised the flag of\nrevolt: they became the chiefs of a warlike faction, rival of the\nsacerdotal--a conquering faction, source of veritable royal dynasties\nand of the religion of the sun living and victorious, in opposition to\nthe god entombed in the abyss. Quetzalcoatl, vanquished by\nTezcatlipoca, then retired before a too-powerful enemy, and the\nToltecs were dispersed among all nations. Those of them that remained\ncoalesced with the victors, and from the accord of the aforementioned\nthree cults, there sprang that monstrous amalgam of so many different\nideas and symbols, such as is found to-day in what remains to us of\nthe Mexican religion.\n\nFor me (and it is always the abb\u00e9 that speaks), I believe I perceive\nthe origin of the struggle, not alone in the diversity of races, but\nprincipally in the existence of two currents of contrary ideas, having\nhad the same point of departure in the events of the great cataclysm\nof the Crescent Land, above referred to. Different manners of looking\nat these events and of commemorating them, seem to me to have marked\nfrom the beginning the starting point of two religions that lived,\nperhaps, side by side for centuries without the explosion of their\ndisagreements, otherwise than by insignificant agitations. Before\nthese two could take, with regard to each other, the proportions of a\nschism or a heresy, it was necessary that all the materials of which\nthese religions are constituted had had time to elaborate themselves,\nand that the hieroglyphics which represented their origin had become\nsufficiently obscure for the priesthood to keep the vulgar from\nunderstanding them. For, if schism has brought on the struggle between\nand afterward the violent separation of families, this separation can\nnot have taken place till after the entire creation of myths, the\nentire construction of these divine genealogies, of these poetic\ntraditions, that are found scattered among all the peoples of the\nearth, but of which the complete whole does not exist, save in the\nhistory and religion of Mexico.[VII-28]\n\n  [Sidenote: MANY CHARACTERS OF QUETZALCOATL.]\n\nTwo orders of gods--the one order fallen from heaven into the abyss,\nbecoming there the judges of the dead, and being personified in one of\ntheir number, who came to life again, symbolizing thus life and\ndeath--the other order surviving the cataclysm and symbolizing thus\nan imperishable life--such, at its origin, is the double character of\nthe myth of Quetzalcoatl. But, in reality, this god he is the earth,\nhe is the region swallowed up by the waters, he is the vanquished\nstifled under the weight of his adversary, under the force of the\nvictorious wave; which adversary, which power in opposition to the\nfirst, joining itself to the fire on the blazing pile of Nanahuatl, is\nTezcatlipoca, is Hercules, conqueror of enemies, is the god whose\nstruggle is eternal as that of the ocean beating the shore, is he in\nwhom the light becomes afterward personified, and who becomes thus the\nbattle-flag of the opponents of Quetzalcoatl. To the dead god a victim\nis necessary, one that like him descends into the abyss. This victim\nwas a young girl, chosen among those that were consecrated at the foot\nof the pyramid, and drowned; a custom long found as well in Egypt as\nat Chichen-Itza,[VII-29] and in many other countries of the world. But\nto the god come to life again, to the god in whom fire was personified,\nand immortal life, to Quetzalcoatl when he became Huitzilopochtli,\nvictims were sacrificed, by tearing out the heart--symbol of the jet\nof flame issuing from the volcano--to offer it to the conquering sun,\nsymbol of Tezcatlipoca, who first demanded holocausts of human\nblood.[VII-30]\n\nMr Tylor declares Quetzalcoatl to have been the Sun: \"We may even\nfind him identified with the Sun by name, and his history is perhaps a\nmore compact and perfect series of solar myths than hangs to the name\nof any single personage in our own Aryan mythology. His mother, the\nDawn or the Night, gives birth to him, and dies. His father Camaxtli\nis the sun, and was worshiped with solar rites in Mexico, but he is\nthe old Sun of yesterday. The clouds, personified in the mythic race\nof the Mixcohuas, or \"Cloud-Snakes\" (the Nibelungs of the western\nhemisphere), bear down the old Sun and choke him, and bury him in\ntheir mountain. But the young Quetzalcoatl, the Sun of to-day, rushes\nup into the midst of them from below, and some he slays at the first\nonset, and some he leaves, rift with red wounds to die. We have the\nSun boat of Helios, of the Egyptian Ra, of the Polynesian Maui.\nQuetzalcoatl, his bright career drawing toward its close, is chased\ninto far lands by his kinsman Tezcatlipoca, the young Sun of\nto-morrow. He, too, is well known as a Sun God in the Mexican\ntheology. Wonderfully fitting with all this, one incident after\nanother in the life of Quetzalcoatl falls into its place. The\nguardians of the sacred fire tend him, his funeral pile is on the top\nof Orizaba, he is the helper of travelers, the maker of the calendar,\nthe source of astrology, the beginner of history, the bringer of\nwealth and happiness. He is the patron of the craftsmen, whom he\nlights to his labor; as it is written in an ancient Sanskrit hymn, 'He\nsteps forth, the splendor of the sky, the wide-seeing, the far-aiming,\nthe shining wanderer; surely enlivened by the sun, do men go to their\ntasks and do their work.' Even his people, the Toltecs, catch from\nhim solar qualities. Will it be even possible to grant to this famous\nrace, in whose story the legend of Quetzalcoatl is the leading\nincident, anything more than a mythic existence?\"[VII-31]\n\n  [Sidenote: BRINTON ON QUETZALCOATL.]\n\nDr Brinton is of opinion \"that there were in truth many\nQuetzalcoatls, for his high priest always bore his name, but he\nhimself is a pure creation of the fancy, and all his alleged history\nis nothing but a myth. His emblematic name, the Bird-Serpent, and his\nrebus and cross at Palenque, I have already explained. Others of his\ntitles were, Ehecatl, the air; Yolcuat, the rattlesnake; Tohil, the\nrumbler; Huemac, the strong hand; Nanihehecatl, lord of the four\nwinds. The same dualism reappears in him that has been noted in his\nanalogues elsewhere. He is both lord of the eastern light and the\nwind.\n\nAs the former, he was born of a virgin in the land of Tula or\nTlapallan, in the distant Orient, and was high priest of that happy\nrealm. The morning star was his symbol, and the temple of Cholula was\ndedicated to him expressly as the author of light. As by days we\nmeasure time, he was the alleged inventor of the calendar. Like all\nthe dawn heroes, he too was represented as of white complexion,\nclothed in long white robes, and, as most of the Aztec gods, with a\nfull and flowing beard. When his earthly work was done he too returned\nto the east, assigning as a reason that the sun, the ruler of\nTlapallan, demanded his presence. But the real motive was that he had\nbeen overcome by Tezcatlipoca, otherwise called Yoalliehecatl, the\nwind or spirit of night, who had descended from heaven by a spider's\nweb and presented his rival with a draught pretended to confer\nimmortality, but, in fact, producing uncontrollable longing for home.\nFor the wind and the light both depart when the gloaming draws near,\nor when the clouds spread their dark and shadowy webs along the\nmountains, and pour the vivifying rain upon the fields.\n\nIn his other character, he was begot of the breath of Tonacateotl,\ngod of our flesh or subsistence, or (according to Gomara) was the son\nof Iztac Mixcoatl, the white cloud serpent, the spirit of the tornado.\nMessenger of Tlaloc, god of rain, he was figuratively said to sweep\nthe road for him, since in that country violent winds are the\nprecursors of the wet seasons. Wherever he went all manner of singing\nbirds bore him company, emblems of the whistling breezes. When he\nfinally disappeared in the far east, he sent back four trusty youths\nwho had ever shared his fortunes, 'incomparably swift and light of\nfoot,' with directions to divide the earth between them and rule it\ntill he should return and resume his power. When he would promulgate\nhis decrees, his herald proclaimed them from Tzatzitepec, the hill of\nshouting, with such a mighty voice that it could be heard a hundred\nleagues around. The arrows which he shot transfixed great trees, the\nstones he threw leveled forests, and when he laid his hands on the\nrocks the mark was indelible. Yet as thus emblematic of the\nthunderstorm, he possessed in full measure its better attributes. By\nshaking his sandals he gave fire to men; and peace, plenty, and riches\nblessed his subjects. Tradition says he built many temples to\nMictlantecutli, the Aztec Pluto, and at the creation of the sun that\nhe slew all the other gods, for the advancing dawn disperses the\nspectral shapes of night, and yet all its vivifying power does but\nresult in increasing the number doomed to fall before the remorseless\nstroke of death.\n\nHis symbols were the bird, the serpent, the cross and the flint,\nrepresenting the clouds, the lightning, the four winds, and the\nthunderbolt. Perhaps, as Huemac, the Strong Hand, he was god of the\nearthquakes. The Zapotecs worshiped such a deity under the image of\nthis number carved from a precious stone, calling to mind the 'Kab\nul,' the Working Hand, adored by the Mayas, and said to be one of the\nimages of Zamn\u00e1 their hero god. The human hand, 'that divine tool,' as\nit has been called, might well be regarded by the reflective mind as\nthe teacher of the arts and the amulet whose magic power has won for\nman what vantage he has gained in his long combat with nature and his\nfellows.\"[VII-32]\n\n  [Sidenote: ANALOGUES OF QUETZALCOATL.]\n\nMr Helps sees in Quetzalcoatl the closest analogies with certain other\ngreat civilizers and teachers that made their appearance in various\nparts of the American continent:--\"One peculiar circumstance, as\nHumboldt remarks, is very much to be noted in the ancient records and\ntraditions of the Indian nations. In no less than three remarkable\ninstances has superior civilization been attributed to the sudden\npresence among them of persons differing from themselves in appearance\nand descent.\n\nBohica, a white man with a beard, appeared to the Mozca Indians in the\nplains of Bogota, taught them how to build and to sow, formed them\ninto communities, gave an outlet to the waters of the great lake, and,\nhaving settled the government civil and ecclesiastical, retired into a\nmonastic state of penitence for two thousand years.\n\nIn like manner Manco Capac, accompanied by his sister, Mama Oello,\ndescended amongst the Peruvians, gave them a code of admirable laws,\nreduced them into communities, and then ascended to his father, the\nSun.\n\nAmongst the Mexicans there suddenly appeared Quetzalcoatl\n(green-feathered snake), a white and bearded man, of broad brow,\ndressed in a strange dress; a legislator, who recommended severe\npenances, lacerating his own body with the prickles of the agave and\nthe thorns of the cactus, but who dissuaded his followers from human\nsacrifice. While he remained in An\u00e1huac, it was a Saturnian reign; but\nthis great legislator, after moving on to the plains of Cholula, and\ngoverning the Cholulans with wisdom, passed away to a distant country,\nand was never heard of more. It is said briefly of him that 'he\nordained sacrifices of flowers and fruits, and stopped his ears when\nhe was spoken to of war.'\"[VII-33]\n\nThe Abb\u00e9 Domenech considers the tradition of the lives of\nQuetzalcoatl and Tezcatlipoca to be a bit of simple and slightly\nveiled history, and also that there were several Quetzalcoatls. Let it\nbe remembered in reading the abb\u00e9's version of this matter that the\nnames of places, peoples, and the dates he gives are in great part\nmythical and conjectural:--\"After the enfranchisement of the Olmecs, a\nman named Quetzalcoatl arrived in the country, whom Garcia,\nTorquemada, Sahagun, and other Spanish writers took to be Saint\nThomas. It was also at that time that the third age ended, and that\nthe fourth began, called Sun of the fire, because it was supposed that\nit was in this last stage that the world would be destroyed by fire.\n\nIt is in this fourth period that the Mexican historian places the\nToltecs' arrival in New Spain, that is to say, about the third century\nbefore the Christian era. According to the Quich\u00e9s' traditions, the\nprimitive portion of the Nahoas, or ancestors of the Toltecs, were in\na distant East, beyond immense seas and lands. Amongst the families\nand tribes that bore with least patience this long repose and\nimmobility, those of Canub, and of Tlocab may be cited, for they were\nthe first who determined to leave their country. The Nahoas sailed in\nseven barks or ships, which Sahagun calls Chicomoztoc, or the seven\ngrottos. It is a fact worthy of note, that in all ages the number\nseven was a sacred number among the American people, from one pole to\nthe other. It was at P\u00e1nuco, near Tampico, that those strangers\ndisembarked; they established themselves at Paxil, with the Votanites'\nconsent, and their state took the name of Huehue-Tlopallan. It is not\nstated from whence they came, but merely that they came out of the\nregions where the sun rises. The supreme command was in the hand of a\nchieftain, whom history calls Quetzalcohuatl, that is to say, Lord par\nexcellence. To his care was confided the holy envelope, which\nconcealed the divinity from the human gaze, and he alone received from\nit the necessary instructions to guide his people's march. These kinds\nof divinities, thus enveloped, passed for being sure talismans, and\nwere looked upon with the greatest respect and veneration. They\nconsisted generally of a bit of wood, in which was inserted a little\nidol of green stone; this was covered with the skin of a serpent or of\na tiger, after which it was rolled in numerous little bands of stuff,\nwherein it would remain wrapped for centuries together. Such is,\nperhaps, the origin of the medicine bags made use of, even in the\npresent day, by the Indians of the Great Desert, and of which we shall\nspeak in the second volume of this work.\"\n\nOf apparently another Quetzalcoatl, he writes: \"The Toltecs became\nhighly flourishing under the reign of Ceocatl Quetzalcohuatl, a\nCulhuacan prince, who preached a new religion, sanctioning auricular\nconfession and the celibacy of the priests. He proscribed all kinds of\nwarfare and human sacrifices. Tezcatlipoca put himself at the head of\nthe dissatisfied party, and besieged Tollan, the residence of Ceocatl\nQuetzalcohuatl; but the latter refused to defend himself, in order to\navoid the effusion of blood, which was prohibited by the laws of the\nreligion he himself had established, and retired to Cholula, that had\nbeen constructed by his followers. From thence he went to Yucatan.\nTezcatlipoca, his fortunate rival, after a long reign became in his\nturn the victim of the popular discontent, and fell in a battle that\nwas given him by Ceocatl Quetzalcohuatl's relatives. Those two kings\nare elevated to the rank of gods, and their worship was a perpetual\nsubject of discord and civil war in all An\u00e1huac until the arrival of\nthe Spaniards in the New World.\"[VII-34]\n\n  [Sidenote: THE CODICES ON QUETZALCOATL.]\n\nThe interpreters of the different codices, or Mexican paintings\nrepresented in Kingsborough's great work, give, as is their wont in\nall matters, a confused, imperfect, and often erroneous account of\nQuetzalcoatl:--\"Quetzalcoatl is he who was born of the virgin, called\nChalchihuitztli, which means the precious stone of penance or of\nsacrifice. He was saved in the deluge, and was born in Zivenaritzcatl\nwhere he resides. His fast was a kind of preparation for the arrival\nof the end of the world which they said would happen on the day of\nFour Earthquakes, so that they were thus in daily expectation of that\nevent. Quetzalcoatl was he who they say created the world, and they\nbestowed on him the appellation of lord of the wind, because they said\nthat Tonacatecotli, when it appeared good to him, breathed and begat\nQuetzalcoatl. They erected round temples to him, without any corners.\nThey said that it was he (who was also the lord of the thirteen signs\nwhich are here represented), who formed the first man. He alone had a\nhuman body like that of men, the other gods were of an incorporeal\nnature.\"[VII-35]\n\n\"They declare that their supreme deity, or more properly speaking,\ndemon Tonacatecotle, whom we have just mentioned, who by another name\nwas called Citinatonali, ... begot Quetzalcoatl, not by connection\nwith a woman, but by his breath alone, as we have observed above, when\nhe sent his ambassador, as they say, to the virgin of Tulla. They\nbelieved him to be the god of the air, and he was the first to whom\nthey built temples and churches, which they formed perfectly round,\nwithout any angles. They say it was he who effected the reformation of\nthe world by penance, as we have already said; since, according to\ntheir account, his father had created the world, and men had given\nthemselves up to vice, on which account it had been so frequently\ndestroyed. Citinatonali sent this his son into the world to reform it.\nWe certainly must deplore the blindness of these miserable people, on\nwhom Saint Paul says the wrath of God has to be revealed, inasmuch as\nhis eternal truth was so long kept back by the injustice of\nattributing to this demon that which belonged to Him; for He being the\nsole creator of the universe, and He who made the division of the\nwaters, which these poor people just now attributed to the Devil, when\nit appeared good to Him, dispatched the heavenly ambassador to\nannounce to the virgin that she should be the mother of his eternal\nword; who, when He found the world corrupt, reformed it by doing\npenance and by dying upon the cross for our sins; and not the wretched\nQuetzalcoatl, to whom these miserable people attributed this work.\nThey assigned to him the dominion over the other thirteen signs, which\nare here represented, in the same manner as they had assigned the\npreceding thirteen to his father. They celebrated a great festival on\nthe arrival of his sign, as we shall see in the sign of Four\nEarthquakes, which is the fourth in order here, because they feared\nthat the world would be destroyed in that sign, as he had foretold to\nthem when he disappeared in the Red Sea; which event occurred on the\nsame sign. As they considered him their advocate, they celebrated a\nsolemn festival, and fasted during four signs.\"[VII-36]\n\n  [Sidenote: M\u00dcLLER ON QUETZALCOATL.]\n\nJ. G. M\u00fcller holds Quetzalcoatl to be the representative national god\nof the Toltecs, surviving under many misconceptions and amid many\nincongruities--bequeathed to or adopted into the later Mexican\nreligion. The learned professor has devoted an unusual amount of care\nand research to the interpretation of the Quetzalcoatl myths; and as\nno other inquirer has shown therein at once so accurate and extensive\nan acquaintance with the subject and so calm and judicious a judgment,\nwe give his opinion at length, and first his summing up of the\nfable-history of Quetzalcoatl:--\n\nThe Toltecs, a traditional pre-historic people, after leaving their\noriginal northern home Huehuetlapallan (that is Old-red-land) chose\nTulla, north of An\u00e1huac as the first capital of their newly founded\nkingdom. Quetzalcoatl was their high-priest and religious chief at\nthis place. Huemac, or Huematzin, conducted the civil government as\nthe companion of Quetzalcoatl, and wrote the code of the nation.\nQuetzalcoatl is said to have been a white man (some gave him a bright\nred face), with a strong formation of body, broad forehead, large\neyes, black hair, and a heavy beard. He always wore a long white robe;\nwhich, according to Gomara, was decorated with crosses; he had a mitre\non his head and a sickle in his hand. At the volcano of Cotcitepec, or\nTzatzitepec, near Tulla, he practised long and numerous penances,\ngiving thereby an example to his priests and successors. The name of\nthis volcano means \"the mountain of outcry;\" and when Quetzalcoatl\ngave laws, he sent a crier to the top of it whose voice could be heard\nthree hundred miles off. He did what the founders of religions and\ncults have done in other countries: he taught the people agriculture,\nmetallurgy, stone-cutting, and the art of government. He also arranged\nthe calendar, and taught his subjects fit religious ceremonies;\npreaching specially against human sacrifices, and ordering offerings\nof fruits and flowers only. He would have nothing to do with wars,\neven covering his ears when the subject was mentioned. His was a\nveritable golden age, as in the time of Saturn; animals and even men\nlived in peace, the soil produced the richest harvests without\ncultivation, and the grain grew so large that a man found it trouble\nenough to carry one ear; no cotton was dyed, as it grew of all colors,\nand fruits of all kinds abounded. Everybody was rich and Quetzalcoatl\nowned whole palaces of gold, silver, and precious stones. The air was\nfilled with the most pleasant aromas, and a host of finely feathered\nbirds filled the world with melody.\n\nBut this earthly happiness came to an end. Tezcatlipoca rose up\nagainst Quetzalcoatl and against Huemac, in order to separate them,\nand to destroy their government. He descended from the sky on a rope\nof spider-web and commenced to work for his object with the aid of\nmagic arts. He first appeared in the form of a handsome youth (and in\nthe dress of a merchant), dressed as a merchant selling pepper-pods,\nand presented himself before the daughter of king Huemac. He soon\nseduced the princess, and thereby opened the road to a general\nimmorality and a total collapse of the laws. He presented himself\nbefore Quetzalcoatl in the form of an old man, with the view of\ninducing him to depart to his home in Tlapalla. For this purpose he\noffered him a drink which he pretended would endow him with\nimmortality. No sooner had Quetzalcoatl taken the drink, then he was\nseized with a violent desire to see his fatherland. He destroyed the\npalaces of gold, silver, and precious stones, transformed the\nfruit-trees into withered trunks, and ordered all song-birds to leave\nthe country, and to accompany him. Thus he departed, and the birds\nentertained him during his journey with their songs.\n\n  [Sidenote: TRAVELS OF QUETZALCOATL.]\n\nHe first traveled southward, and arrived in Quauhtitlan, in An\u00e1huac.\nIn the vicinity of this town he broke down a tree by throwing stones,\nthe stones remaining in the trunk. Farther south, in the same valley,\nnear Tlalnepantla, or Tanepantla, he pressed hand and foot into a rock\nwith such force that the impression has remained down to the latest\ncenturies, in the same manner as the mark of the shoes of the horses\nof Castor and Pollux near Regillum. The Spaniards were inclined to\nascribe these and similar freaks of nature to the Apostle Thomas.\n\nQuetzalcoatl now turned toward the east, and arrived in Cholula, where\nhe had to remain for a longer period, as the inhabitants intrusted him\nwith the government of their state. The same order of things which had\ntaken place in Tulla, his first residence, was here renewed. From this\ncentre his rule spread far and wide; he sent colonists from Cholula to\nHuaxayacac, Tabasco and Campeche, and the nobility of Yucatan prided\nthemselves on their descent from him; men having been found in our\ntime who bear his name, just as the descendants of Votan bore the name\nof Votan in Chiapas. In Cholula itself he was adored, and temples were\neverywhere erected in his honor, even by the enemies of the Cholulans.\nAfter a residence of twenty years in Cholula, he proceeded on his\njourney toward Tlalpalla until he arrived at the river and in the\nprovince of Coatzacoalco, or Goasacoalco, Guasacualco, that is,\nHiding-nook of the snake--south of Vera Cruz. He now sent the four\nyouths, who had accompanied him from Cholula, back to the Cholulans,\npromising to return later on and renew the old government. The\nCholulans placed the four youths at the head of their government, out\nof love for him. This hope of his return still existed among the\nMexican nations at the time of Cort\u00e9s' arrival. In fact, Cort\u00e9s was at\nfirst held to be the returning Quetzalcoatl, and a man was sacrificed\nto him, with whose blood the conqueror and his companions were marked.\nFather Sahagun was also asked, by everybody on his journey to Mexico,\nif he and his suite came from Tlapalla. According to Montezuma's\naccount to Cort\u00e9s, Quetzalcoatl really did once return to Cholula, but\nafter such a length of time that he found his subjects married to the\nnative women, having children, and so numerous that a number of new\ndistricts had to be founded. This new race would not recognize their\nold chief, and refused to obey him. He thereupon departed angrily,\nthreatening to return at another time and to subdue them by force. It\nis not remarkable that an expectation, which was a hope to the\nCholulans, should be a dread to Montezuma and his subjects.\n\nAccording to some accounts, Quetzalcoatl died in the Hiding-nook of\nthe snakes, in the Goatzacoalco country; according to others, he\nsuddenly disappeared toward the east, and a ship, formed of snakes\nwound together, brought him to Tlapalla.\n\nA closer view and criticism of this tale, in the light of the analogy\nof mythological laws, shows us that Quetzalcoatl is the euhemerized\nreligious ideal of the Toltecan nations. The similarity of this tale\nwith those of Manco Capac, Botschika, Saturn, and others, is at once\napparent. The opinion of Prescott, Wuttke, and many others, who held\nhim for a deified man, founder of a religion and of a civilization, is\nconfirmed by the latest version of the fable, in which Quetzalcoatl is\nrepresented in this character. Although euhemerism is an old idea with\nall people, as well as with the Americans--personification being the\nfirst step toward it--the general reasons which everywhere appear\nagainst the existence of such founders of a civilization must also be\nmade to speak against this idea of Quetzalcoatl.\n\nIf a special value is placed upon the white face and the beard, it\nmust be remembered that the beard, which is given to the Mexican\npriests, could not be omitted with Quetzalcoatl; and the mention by\nsome of his having had a white face, and by others a red, might arouse\na suspicion that Quetzalcoatl has been represented as a white man on\naccount of his white robe.\n\nThe fable of Quetzalcoatl contains contradictions, the younger\nelements of which are a pure idealism of the more ancient. For\ninstance, the statement that the earth produced everything\nspontaneously, without human labor, does not agree with the old\nversion of the myth, according to which Quetzalcoatl taught\nagriculture and other industries requiring application and hard work.\nThe sentimental love of peace has also been attributed to this god in\nlater times, during a time when the Toltecs had lost the martial\nspirit of their victorious ancestors, and when the Cholulans, given to\neffeminacy, distinguished themselves more by cunning than by courage.\nThe face of the god is represented, in the fable, as more beautiful\nand attractive, than it is depicted on the images. At the place where\nhe was most worshiped, in Cholula, the statue of Quetzalcoatl stood in\nhis temple, on the summit of the great pyramid. Its features had a\ngloomy cast, and differed from the beautiful face which is said to\nhave been his on earth.\n\n  [Sidenote: QUETZALCOATL AND THE TOLTECS.]\n\nThe fable shows its later idealized elements in these points. In all\nother respects, the Toltecan peculiarities of the entire nation are\neither clearly and faithfully depicted in their hero, as in a\npersonified ideal, or else the original attributes of the nature deity\nare recognizable. Where the Toltecs were, there was he also, or a hero\nidentical with him; the Toltecs who journeyed southward are colonists\nsent by him; the Toltec capitals, Tulla and Cholula, are his\nresidences; and as the laws of the Toltecs extended far and wide, so\ndid the voice of his crier reach three hundred miles into the country.\nThe arts and welfare of the Toltecs, their riches and religious\nfeeling, even their later unwarlike peacefulness, all these attributes\nare transferred to Quetzalcoatl. The long robe of the Toltecs was also\nthe dress of their hero; the necktie of the boys of his religious\norder is attached to his image; and, as his priests wore the mitre, he\nis also represented with it. He is, above all, depicted as the\noriginal model of the Toltec priests, the Tlamacazque (the order was\ncalled Tlamacazcojotl), whose chief, or superior, always bore the name\nof Quetzalcoatl. As these orders of his had to submit to the strictest\nobservances--their members having to slit the tongue, ears and lips\nin honor of Quetzalcoatl, and the small boys being set apart for him\nby making an incision on their breasts--so he submitted, before all\nothers, to these penances on the Tzatzitipec Mountain. These\nself-inflicted punishments must not be termed penances, as is often\ndone, for they have no moral meaning, such as to do penance for\ncommitted sins, nor have they the mystic meaning of the East Indian\nidea of the end of the world (Weltabsterben) and the return to the\npantheistic chaos (Urall and Urnichts); all this is foreign to the\nAmerican religion. They are, on the contrary, blood-offerings,\nsubstitutes for the human sacrifices in the background, to obtain\nearthly blessings, and to avert earthly misfortunes. As Quetzalcoatl\npreached against human sacrifices, so his priests under the Aztec\nrule, were very reluctant to make them. After the great slaughter by\nCort\u00e9s, in Cholula, Montezuma proceeded to the great temple of\nHuitzilopochtli, made many human sacrifices, and questioned the god,\nwho bade him to be of good heart, and assured him that the Cholulans\nhad suffered so terribly merely on account of their reluctance to\noffer up human beings.\n\nAs the disappearance of the Toltecs toward the south and the south-east\nagrees with the disappearance of Quetzalcoatl, so we find many traits\nfrom the end of the last Toltec king reproduced in the end of the\nToltec hero. After the defeat of king Tlolpintzin, he (Tlolpintzin)\nfled southward, toward Tlapalla. He made use of these words, in his\nlast farewell to his friends: I have retired toward the east, but will\nreturn after 5012 years to avenge myself on the descendants of mine\nenemies. After having lived thirty years in Tlapalla, he died. His\nlaws were afterward accepted by Nezalhualcoyotzin. The belief that\nTlolpintzin stayed with Nezalhualcoyotzin, and some other brave kings,\nin the cave of Xicco, after death, like the three Tells of Switzerland,\nbut would at some time come out and deliver his people, was long\ncurrent among the Indians. Every one will notice how well this agrees\nwith Montezuma's account of the return of Quetzalcoatl.\n\n  [Sidenote: QUETZALCOATL A NATURE-DEITY.]\n\nQuetzalcoatl cannot, however, be a representative and a national god\nof the Toltecs, without having an original nature-basis for his\nexistence as a god. It is everywhere the case among savages with their\nnational god, that the latter is a nature-deity, who becomes gradually\ntransformed into a national god, then into a national king,\nhigh-priest, founder of a religion, and at last ends in being\nconsidered a human being. The older and purer the civilization of a\npeople is, the easier it is to recognize the original essence of its\nnational god, in spite of all transformations and disguises. So it is\nhere. Behind the human form of the god glimmers the nature shape, and\nthe national god is known by, perhaps, all his worshipers as also a\nnature deity. From his powerful influence upon nature, he might also\nbe held as the creator.\n\nThe pure human form of this god, as it appears in the fable, as well\nas in the image, is not the original, but the youngest. His oldest\nconcrete forms are taken from nature, to which he originally belongs,\nand have maintained themselves in many attributes. All these symbolize\nhim as the god of fertility, chiefly, as it is made apparent, by means\nof the beneficial influence of the air. All Mexican and European\nstatements make him appear as the god of the air and of the wind;\neven the euhemeristic idea deifies the man Quetzalcoatl into a god of\nthe air. All the Mexican tribes adored him at the time of the conquest\nas god of the air, and all accounts, however much they may differ on\nthe particular points of his poetical life, agree, without exception,\nin this one respect, as the essential and chief point. Besides the\nsymbols, which are merely attached to the image, there are three\nattributes, which represent as many original visible forms and\nexteriors of the god, in which he is represented and worshiped: the\nsparrow, the flint (Feuerstein), and the snake.\n\nAccording to Herrera, the image of Quetzalcoatl had the body of a man,\nbut the head of a bird, a sparrow with a red bill, a large comb, and\nwith the tongue hanging far out of the mouth. The air-god of these\nnorthern people, parallel to Quetzalcoatl, the Aztec Huitzilopochtli,\nwas represented with devices connected with the humming-bird, in\nremembrance of his former humming-bird nature. This is the northern\nelement. The great spirit of the northern redskins also appear in his\nmost esteemed form as a bird. The Latin Picus was originally a\nwoodpecker (Specht), afterward anthropomorphized and even euhemerized,\nbut he has ever the woodpecker by his side, in his capacity of human\nseer. Several Egyptian gods have human bodies and animal heads,\nespecially heads of birds. Birds are not alone symbols of particular\ngodlike attributes, as used in the anthropomorphic times, not mere\nmessengers and transmitters of the orders of the gods, but they have\noriginally been considered as gods themselves, with forms of godlike\npowers, especially in North America; and the exterior of the god of\nthe air, the fructifying air, is naturally that of a bird, a\nsinging-bird. The hieroglyphic sign among the Mexicans for the air is,\ntherefore, the head of a bird with three tongues. Wherever\nQuetzalcoatl stayed and ruled, there birds filled the air, and\nsong-birds gave indication of their presence; when he departed, he\ntook them with him, and was entertained during the journey by their\nsinging.\n\n  [Sidenote: QUETZALCOATL AND THE FLINT.]\n\nA second form of Quetzalcoatl was the flint, which we have already\nlearned to know as a symbol and hieroglyphic sign for the air. He was\neither represented as a black stone, or several small green ones,\nsupposed to have fallen from heaven, most likely \u00e6rolites, which were\nadored by the Cholulans in the service of Quetzalcoatl. B\u00e9tancourt\neven explains the meaning of the name Quetzalcoatl, contrary to the\nusual definition, as \"twin of a precious stone.\" The fable of\nQuauhtitlan is also connected with this stone-worship; how\nQuetzalcoatl had overthrown a tree by means of stones which remained\nfixed in it. These stones were later on adored as holy stones of\nQuetzalcoatl. The stone at Tlalnepantla, into which he pressed his\nhand, must also have represented the god himself. Similar ancient\nstone-worships, of greater nature deities as well as fetiches, were\nfound, in many instances, in Peru, in the pre-Inca times. In ancient\nCentral America we meet with the worship of such green stones called\nchalchihuites. Votan was worshiped in the form of such a green stone,\nconnected with the other two attributes. This attribute of\nQuetzalcoatl most likely belongs to the south.\n\nThe third form of Quetzalcoatl, which also belongs to the south, is\nthe snake; he is a snake-god, or, at least, merged into an ancient\nsnake-god. The snake is not, as far as I know, a direct symbol of the\nair, and this attribute is, therefore, not the one pertaining to him\nfrom the beginning; but the snake represents the season which, in\nconjunction with heat and rain, contains the fructifying influence of\nthe atmosphere, spring, the rejuvenating year. However, the very name\nof the god signifies, according to the usual explanation given to it,\n\"the feathered snake, the snake covered with feathers, the green\nfeathered-snake, the wood-snake with rich feathers.\" A snake has\nconsequently been added to the human figure of this god. The other\nname, under which he is adored in Yucatan, is Cuculcan, a snake\ncovered with godlike feathers. The entrance to his round temple in\nMexico represented the jaw and fangs of a tremendous snake.\nQuetzalcoatl disappeared in Goatzacoalco, the Snake-corner (or nook),\nand a ship of snakes brought him to Tlapalla. His followers in Yucatan\nwere called snakes, Cocome (plural of Coatl), while he himself bore\nthe name of Cocolcan in this country as well as in Chiapas. The snake\nattribute signifies, in connection with Huitzilopochtli, also the\nbeneficial influence of the atmosphere, the yearly renewed course of\nnature, the continual rejuvenation of nature in germs and blossoms.\nThe northern celestial god, Odin, is in many ways connected with\nsnakes, he transformed himself into a snake, and bore the by-name of\nSnake.\n\nThe relationship of Tezcatlipoca and Quetzalcoatl, as given in the\nfable, may be touched upon here. The driving away of the latter by\nTezcatlipoca does not, as may be supposed, signify a contest between\nthe Aztec religion and the preceding Toltecan. In such a case\nHuitzilopochtli, the chief of the Aztec gods, by whose adoration the\ncontrast is painted in the deepest colors, would have been a much\nbetter representant.\n\nQuetzalcoatl no doubt preached against human sacrifices, brought into\nsuch unprecedented swing by the Aztecs, yet the worshipers of this god\nadopted the sacrifice of human beings in an extensive way during the\nAztec rule, to which period this part of the Quetzalcoatl fable\nnecessarily owes its origin. At this time the contrast was so slight\nthat Quetzalcoatl partook of the highest adoration of Aztecs, not only\nin Cholula, but in Mexico and everywhere. His priest enjoyed the\nhighest esteem and his temple in Mexico stood by the side of that of\nHuitzilopochtli. Montezuma not only calls the Toltec hero a leader of\nhis forefathers, but the Aztecs actually consider him as a son of\nHuitzilopochtli. The opposition of the two gods, Quetzalcoatl and\nTezcatlipoca, has another reason: the difference lies not in their\nworship, but in their nature and being, in the natural phenomena which\nthey represent. If the god of the beneficial atmosphere, the\nmanifested god-power of the atmosphere of the fructifying seasons, is\nadored in Quetzalcoatl; then Tezcatlipoca is his opposite, the god of\nthe gloomy lower regions destitute of life and germ, the god of\ndrought, of withering, of death.\n\n  [Sidenote: QUETZALCOATL AND THE SNAKE.]\n\nWherever, therefore, Quetzalcoatl rules, there are riches and\nabundance, the air is filled with fragrance and song-birds--an actual\ngolden era; but when he goes southward with his song-birds, he is\nexpelled by Tezcatlipoca, drought sets in, and the palaces of gold,\nsilver, and precious stones, symbols of wealth, are destroyed. He\npromises, however, everywhere to return. A representation mentioned\nand copied by Humboldt, shows Tezcatlipoca in the act of cutting up\nthe snake. This has not the meaning of the acts of Hercules, of\nTonatiuh, of the great spirit of the Chippewas, of the German\nSiegfried, of the Celtic dragon-killers Tristan and Iwein, or of the\nother sun-gods, spring-gods, and culture-heroes, who fight and subdue\nthe snake of the unfertile moisture; such an interpretation would be\nopposed to the nature of this god. On the contrary, the god of death\nand drought here fights the snake as the symbol of moisture, of the\nfertilization of the plant-life.\n\nThe question now arises: if Quetzalcoatl only received his snake\nattribute in the south, and this his name, what was his original\nnorthern and Toltecan name? We answer, coinciding with the views\nexpressed by Ixtlilxochitl and others, who affirm that Quetzalcoatl\nand his worldly companion, Huemac, were one and the same person. The\nopposed opinion of Ternaux-Compans, who states that Quetzalcoatl must\nhave been an Olmec, while Huemac was a Toltec, actually gives the key\nto the solution of the question. Both are right, Ixtlilxochitl and\nTernaux, Huemac is the original Toltec name of the Toltec national\ngod, ruler, and author of the holy books, the ancient name used by the\nToltecs. As this people succumbed more and more to southern\ninfluences, and their ancient air-god in his sparrow form received in\naddition the snake attribute, on account of his rejuvenating influence\nupon nature, then, the new name of the more cultivated people soon\nappeared. The name may, therefore, be Olmec, but not the god; we may\nsooner suppose that the attributes of the Maya god, Votan, have been\ntransferred to the Toltec god. Both names having thus a double origin;\nthe legend which found two names, made also two persons of them, and\nplaced them side by side. It is, however, easy to see that they are\nnaturally one: Huemac has just as much a religious signification as\nQuetzalcoatl; as Huematzin, he wrote the divine book, containing all\nthe earthly and heavenly wisdom of the Toltecs. Quetzalcoatl has, in\nthe same degree, besides his religious position, the worldly one of\nruler and founder of a civilization. As Quetzalcoatl possesses a\ndivine nature, so does Huemac, to whom also are ascribed the three\nhundred years of life, and the impression of the hand in the rock.\n\nBesides the attributes of the sparrow, flint, and snake, there are\nothers which ascribe to Quetzalcoatl the same properties, but less\nprominently. As god of the air, he holds the wonderfully painted\nshield in his hand, a symbol of his power over the winds. As god of\nthe fertilizing influence of the air, he holds, like Saturn, the\nsickle, symbol of the harvest--he it is that causes the grain to\nripen. It used to be said that he prepared the way for the water-god,\nfor in these regions, the rains are always preceded by winds. It was\non account of this intimate connection with the rain, which had\nalready procured him the snake attribute, that his mantle was adorned\nwith crosses. We have already seen that such crosses represented the\nrain-god with the Mayas, and are symbols of the fructifying rain.\nConsequently they are well suited for the god who is only air-god in\nthe sense of the air exercising its fructifying and invigorating\ninfluence upon the earth.\n\n  [Sidenote: QUETZALCOATL AND THE TRADE-WINDS.]\n\nAnother question, which has already occurred to us, must here be\nconsidered. Why did this god come from the east, depart toward the\neast, and why should he be expected from the east? The Toltecs have,\naccording to almost unanimous statements, come from the north, and\neven Quetzalcoatl commences his rule in the north, in Tulla, and\nproceeds gradually on his journey from the north to the south-east,\njust like the Toltecs, who traveled southward from Tulla. It is plain\nthat he departs for the east, because this is his home, from which he\ncame and will return. His eastern origin is, no doubt, based upon the\ndirection of the eastern trade-winds, which carry rain and, with it,\nfertility to the interior of Central America. The rains began three or\nfour weeks earlier in Vera Cruz, Tampico, and Tabasco than in Puebla\nand Mexico. Another reason, which has, however, a certain connection\nwith the above, may be the relationship of the god of air and the\nsun-god, who often assumed an equal position in nature and in worship.\nWe know that the founders of the Peruvian and Muyscan cults come from\nthe east, because they are sun-gods. Quetzalcoatl is not such a deity,\nit is true, but the fertilizing air-god is also in other places\nclosely connected with the fructifying sun, as, for example\nHuitzilopochtli, Odin, and Brama. The sun is his eye. This connection\nwith the sun, Montezuma referred to when he spoke in the presence of\nCort\u00e9s of the departure of Quetzalcoatl for the regions from which the\nsun comes. As the sun is the eye of heaven, to whom the heart of the\nvictim sacrificed to the god of heaven is presented, so it is at night\nwith the moon, to whom the same tribute was paid at the feast of\nQuetzalcoatl. I merely refer to this here to show the connection of\nthe air-god with the great heavenly bodies.\n\nSeveral other significations are attached to the idea of an air-god.\nIt is natural that the god of heavenly blessing should also be the god\nof wealth. All wealth depends originally upon the produce of the soil,\nupon the blessing of heaven, however worldly the opinion of the matter\nmay be. Gold is merely the symbol of this wealth, like the golden\nshower of Zeus. The image of Quetzalcoatl was, therefore, according to\nAcosta, adorned with gold, silver, jewels, rich feathers, and gay\ndresses, to illustrate his wealth. For this reason he wore a golden\nhelmet, and his sceptre was decorated with costly stones. The same\nview is also the basis of the myths of the ancients about snakes and\ndragons guarding treasures. The fact that the merchants of Cholula\nworshiped the god of wealth before all others, and as their chief\ndeity, requires no explanation.\n\nHis worship in Cholula was conducted as follows: Forty days before the\nfestival, the merchants bought a spotless slave, who was first taken\nto bathe in a lake called the Lake of the Gods, then dressed up as the\ngod Quetzalcoatl, whom he had to represent for forty days. During this\ntime he enjoyed the same adoration as was given to the god: he was set\nupon a raised place, presented with flowers, and fed on the choicest\nviands. He was, however, well guarded during the night, so that he\nmight not escape. During his exhibition through the town, he danced\nand sang, and the women and children ran out of their houses to salute\nhim and make him presents. This continued until nine days before the\nend of the forty days. Then two old priests approached him in all\nhumility, saying, in deep voice: Lord, know that in nine days thy\nsinging and dancing will cease, because thou must die! If he continued\nof good spirit, and inclined to dance and sing, it was considered a\ngood omen, if the contrary, a bad one. In the latter case they\nprepared him a drink of blood and cacao, which was to obliterate the\nremembrance of the past conversation. After drinking this, it was\nhoped that he would resume his former good humor. On the day of the\nfestival still greater honors were shown him, music sounded and\nincense was burnt. At last, at the midnight hour, he was sacrificed,\nthe heart was torn out of his body, held up to the moon, and then\nthrown toward the image of the god. The body was cast down the steps\nof the temple, and served the merchants, especially the slave-dealers,\nfor a sacrificial meal. This feast and sacrifice took place every\nyear, but after a certain number of cycles, as in the divine year,\nTeoxihuitl, they were celebrated with much more pomp. Quetzalcoatl\nhad, generally, his human sacrifices during the Aztec rule, as well\nas the other gods.\n\n  [Sidenote: QUETZALCOATL AS A HEALING GOD.]\n\nThe power which re\u00ebstablishes the macrocosm, heals and rejuvenates the\nmicrocosm also: it is the general healing power. With the good weather\nthousands of invalids are restored, and refreshing rains not only\nrevive the thirsty plains of the tropics, but man himself. Thus the\nair-god, the atmosphere, becomes a healing god. A Ph\u0153nician told\nPausanius that the snake god, \u00c6sculapius, signified the\nhealth-restoring air. If this god of heaven is also a snake-god, like\nQuetzalcoatl, the rejuvenating and reinvigorating power of nature is\nexpressed in a clear parallelism.\n\nThe snake-god is also a healing god, and even the Greek \u00c6sculapius\ncannot dispense with the snake. It is, thus, not to be wondered at\nthat the sterile women of the Mexican peoples directed their prayers\nto Quetzalcoatl.[VII-37]\n\nThis concludes the able summing-up presented by M\u00fcller, and it is\ngiven as I give all theoretical matter, neither accepting nor\nrejecting it, as simply another ray of light bent in upon the god\nQuetzalcoatl, whose nature it is not proposed here to either explain\nor illustrate, but only to reproduce, as regarded from many sides by\nthe earliest and closest observers.\n\nFOOTNOTES:\n\n[VII-1] _Acosta_, _Hist. Nat. Ind._, pp. 353-4; _Clavigero_, _Storia\nAnt. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 7; _Duran_, _Hist. Ant. de la Nueva\nEspa\u00f1a_, MS., quoted in _Squier's Notes to Palacio_, _Carta_, note 27,\npp. 117-8; _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. iii., p. 242;\n_Explicacion del Codex Telleriano-Remensis_, lam. ii. and xxvi., in\n_Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. v., pp. 132, 144-5; _Spiegazione\ndelle Tavole del Codice Mexicano_, tav. xlii., xlix., in\n_Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. v., pp. 185, 188.\n\n[VII-2] See this volume p. 62.\n\n[VII-3] _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, p. 82.\n\n[VII-4] Temple; see this vol., p. 192, note 26.\n\n[VII-5] Or perhaps _xipacoya_, as in Kingsborough's ed. of _Sahagun_,\n_Mex. Antiq._, vol. vii., p. 108.\n\n[VII-6] 'Y acordarseos h\u00e1 de los trabajos y fatigas de la muerte, \u00f3 de\nvuestra ida.' _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. vii., p. 109. 'Y\nacordarseos ha los trabajos y fatigas de la muerte, \u00f3 de vuestra\nvida.' _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. iii., pp. 245-6.\n\n[VII-7] Hoe of burnt wood. '_Coa_: palo tostado, empleado por los indios\npara labrar la tierra, \u00e1 manera de hazada. (Lengua de Cuba.)' _Voces\nAmericanas Empleadas Por Oviedo_, appended to _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._,\ntom. iv., p. 596.\n\n[VII-8] _Xochitla_, garden; see _Molina_, _Vocabulario_. Perhaps that\ngarden belonging to Quetzalcoatl, which had been already so fatal to\nthe Toltecs. See this volume p. 246.\n\n[VII-9] _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. vii., pp. 108-13; _Sahagun_,\n_Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. iii., pp. 243-55. It will be seen that in\nalmost all point of spelling the edition of Kingsborough is followed\nin preference to the, in such points very inaccurate, edition of\nBustamante.\n\n[VII-10] _Acosta_, _Hist. Nat. Ind._, p. 354.\n\n[VII-11] As to the first wife and her family see this vol. p. 60.\n\n[VII-12] _Motolinia_, _Hist. Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col._, tom. i.,\npp. 10-11.\n\n[VII-13] See this vol., p. 240.\n\n[VII-14] _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, pp. 82, 86, 92-3, 97-8.\n\n[VII-15] See this vol. p. 243.\n\n[VII-16] _Tlachtli_, juego de pelota con las nalgas; el lugar donde\njuegan assi. _Molina_, _Vocabulario_.\n\n[VII-17] This last clause is to be found only in Bustamante's ed.; see\n_Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. iii., p. 258.\n\n[VII-18] _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. vii., pp. 114-5; _Sahagun_,\n_Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. iii., pp. 255-9.\n\n[VII-19] 'Era Hombre blanco, crecido de cuerpo, ancha la frente, los\nojos grandes, los cabellos largos, y negros, la barba grande y redonda.'\n_Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 47.\n\n[VII-20] Spelled Vemac by Sahagun; see preceding pages of this chapter.\n\n[VII-21] This agrees ill with what is related at this point by Sahagun;\nsee this vol. p. 242.\n\n[VII-22] At this part of the story Torquemada takes opportunity,\nparenthetically, to remark that this fable was very generally current\namong the Mexicans, and that when Father Bernardino de Sahagun was in\nthe city of Xuchimilco, they asked him where Tlapalla was. Sahagun\nreplied that he did not know, as indeed he did not (nor any one\nelse--it being apparently wholly mythical), nor even understand their\nquestion, inasmuch as he had been at that time only a little while in\nthe country--it being fifty years before he wrote his book [the\n_Historia General_]. Sahagun adds that the Mexicans made at that time\ndivers trials of this kind, questioning the Christians to see if they\nknew anything of their antiquities. _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom.\nii., p. 50.\n\n[VII-23] The passage of Torquemada referred to I condense as\nfollows:--Certain people came from the north by way of Panuco. These\nwere men of good carriage, well-dressed in long robes of black linen,\nopen in front, and without capes, cut low at the neck, with short\nsleeves that did not come to the elbow; the same, in fact, as the\nnatives use to this day in their dances. From Panuco they passed on\nvery peaceably by degrees to Tulla, where they were well received by\nthe inhabitants. The country there, however, was already too thickly\npopulated to sustain the new-comers, so these passed on to Cholula\nwhere they had an excellent reception. They brought with them as their\nchief and head, a personage called Quetzalcoatl, a fair and ruddy\ncomplexioned man, with a long beard. In Cholula these people remained\nand multiplied, and sent colonies to people Upper and Lower Mizteca\nand the Zapotecan country; and these it is said raised the grand\nedifices, whose remains are still to be seen at Mictlan. These\nfollowers of Quetzalcoatl were men of great knowledge and cunning\nartists in all kinds of fine work; not so good at masonry and the use\nof the hammer, as in casting and in the engraving and setting of\nprecious stones, and in all kinds of artistic sculpture, and in\nagriculture. Quetzalcoatl had, however, two enemies; Tezcatlipoca was\none, and Huemac, king of Tulla the other; these two had been most\ninstrumental in causing him to leave Tulla. And at Cholula, Huemac\nfollowed him up with a great army; and Quetzalcoatl, not wishing to\nengage in any war, departed for another part with most part of his\npeople--going, it is said, to a land called Onohualco, which is near\nthe sea, and embraced what are now called Yucatan, Tabasco, and\nCampeche. Then when Huemac came to the place where he had thought to\nfind Quetzalcoatl, and found him not, he was wrath and laid waste and\ndestroyed all the country, and made himself lord over it and caused\nalso that the people worshipped him as a god. All this he did to\nobscure and blot out the memory of Quetzalcoatl and for the hate that\nhe bore him. _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., pp. 254-6.\n\n[VII-24] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 48-52.\n\n[VII-25] _Clavigero_, _Hist. Ant. del Messico_, pp. 11-13.\n\n[VII-26] See p. 60 of this volume.\n\n[VII-27] See p. 112 of this volume.\n\n[VII-28] This, in its astounding immensity, is the abb\u00e9's theory: his\nsuppositional Crescent Land was the cradle of all human races and\nhuman creeds. On its submergence the aforesaid races and creeds spread\nand developed through all the world to their respective present\nlocalities and phases. The Mexican branch of this development he\nconsiders the likest to and the most closely connected with the\noriginal.\n\n[VII-29] In Yucatan.\n\n[VII-30] _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Quatre Lettres_, pp. 154-7. Much of\nthis last paragraph seems utterly incomprehensible and absurd, even\nviewed from the stand-point of the Abb\u00e9 Brasseur himself. By no means\ncertain, at all points, of having caught the exact meaning by its\nauthor, I give the original:--'Deux ordres de dieux, dont les uns,\ntomb\u00e9s du ciel dans l'ab\u00eeme o\u00f9 ils deviennent les juges des morts, se\npersonnifient en un seul qui ressuscite, symbole de la vie et de la\nmort; dont les autres survivent \u00e0 la destruction, symbole de la vie\nimp\u00e9rissable; tel est le double caract\u00e8re du mythe de Quetzal-Coatl, \u00e0\nson origine. Mais en r\u00e9alit\u00e9, ce dieu, c'est la terre, c'est la r\u00e9gion\nensevelie sous les eaux, c'est le vaincu \u00e9touff\u00e9 sous le poids de son\nadversaire, sous l'effort de la vague victorieuse et celle-ci\ns'unissant au feu sur le b\u00fbcher de Nanahuatl, c'est Tezcatlipoca,\nc'est Hercule, vainqueur de ses ennemis, c'est le dieu dont la lutte\nest \u00e9ternelle, comme celle de l'Oc\u00e9an battant le rivage, c'est celui\nen qui se personnifie ensuite la lumi\u00e8re et qui devient ainsi le\ndrapeau des adversaires de Quetzal-Coatl. Au dieu mort, il fallait une\nvictime, comme lui, descendue dans l'ab\u00eeme: ce fut une jeune fille,\nchoisie parmi celles qui lui \u00e9taient consacr\u00e9es au pied de la\npyramide, et qu'on noyait en la plongeant sous l'eau, coutume qu'on\nretrouva longtemps en Egypte, comme \u00e0 Chichen-Itza, ainsi que dans\nbien d'autres pays du monde. Mais au dieu ressuscit\u00e9, au dieu en qui\nse personnifiait le feu, la vie immortelle, \u00e0 _Quetzal-Coatl_, devenu\n_Huitzil-Opochtli_, on sacrifia des victimes sans nombre, \u00e0 qui l'on\narrachait le c\u0153ur, symbole du jet de flamme sortant du volcan, pour\nl'offrir au soleil vainqueur, symbole de Tezcatlipoca qui, le premier,\navait demand\u00e9 des holocaustes de sang humain.' _Id._, pp. 342-3.\n\n[VII-31] _Tylor's Researches_, pp. 155-6.\n\n[VII-32] _Brinton's Myths_, pp. 180-3.\n\n[VII-33] _Helps' Span. Conq._, vol. i., pp. 286-7.\n\n[VII-34] _Domenech's Deserts_, vol. i., pp. 32-3, 39.\n\n[VII-35] _Explicacion del Codex Telleriano-Remensis_, parte ii., lam.\nii., in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. v., pp. 135-6.\n\n[VII-36] _Spiegazione delle Tavole del Codice Mexicano_, tav. xli.,\n_Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. v., pp. 184-5.\n\n[VII-37] _M\u00fcller_, _Amerikanische Urreligionen_, pp. 577-590. Some\nfurther notes regarding this god from a different point, may be found\nin _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Palenqu\u00e9_, pp. 40 etc., 66 etc.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER VIII.\n\nGODS, SUPERNATURAL BEINGS, AND WORSHIP.\n\n     VARIOUS ACCOUNTS OF THE BIRTH, ORIGIN, AND DERIVATION OF THE\n     NAME OF THE MEXICAN WAR GOD, HUITZILOPOCHTLI, OF HIS TEMPLE,\n     IMAGE, CEREMONIAL, FESTIVALS, AND HIS DEPUTY, OR PAGE, PAYNAL\n     -- CLAVIGERO -- BOTURINI -- ACOSTA -- SOLIS -- SAHAGUN --\n     HERRERA -- TORQUEMADA -- J. G. M\u00dcLLER'S SUMMARY OF THE\n     HUITZILOPOCHTLI MYTHS, THEIR ORIGIN, RELATION, AND\n     SIGNIFICATION -- TYLOR -- CODEX VATICANUS -- TLALOC, GOD OF\n     WATER, ESPECIALLY OF RAIN, AND OF MOUNTAINS -- CLAVIGERO, GAMA,\n     AND IXTLILXOCHITL -- PRAYER IN THE TIME OF DROUGHT -- CAMARGO,\n     MOTOLINIA, MENDIETA, AND THE VATICAN CODEX ON THE SACRIFICES TO\n     TLALOC -- THE DECORATIONS OF HIS VICTIMS AND THE PLACES OF\n     THEIR EXECUTION -- GATHERING RUSHES FOR THE SERVICE OF THE\n     WATER GOD -- HIGHWAY ROBBERIES BY THE PRIESTS AT THIS TIME --\n     DECORATIONS AND IMPLEMENTS OF THE PRIESTS -- PUNISHMENTS FOR\n     CEREMONIAL OFFENCES -- THE WHIRLPOOL OF PANTITLAN -- IMAGES OF\n     THE MOUNTAINS IN HONOR OF THE TLALOC FESTIVAL -- OF THE COMING\n     RAIN AND MUTILATION OF THE IMAGES OF THE MOUNTAINS -- GENERAL\n     PROMINENCE IN THE CULT OF TLALOC, OF THE NUMBER FOUR, THE\n     CROSS, AND THE SNAKE.\n\n\n  [Sidenote: BIRTH OF HUITZILOPOCHTLI.]\n\nHuitzilopochtli, Huitziloputzli, or Vitziliputzli, was the god of war\nand the especially national god of the Mexicans. Some said that he was\na purely spiritual being, others that a woman had borne him after\nmiraculous conception. This legend, following Clavigero, ran as\nfollows:\n\nIn the ancient city of Tulla, lived a most devout woman, Coatlicue by\nname. Walking one day in the temple as her custom was, she saw a\nlittle ball of feathers floating down from heaven, which, taking\nwithout thought, she put into her bosom. The walk being ended,\nhowever, she could not find the ball, and wondered much, all the more\nthat soon after this she found herself pregnant. She had already many\nchildren, who now, to avert this dishonor of their house, conspired to\nkill her; at which she was sorely troubled. But, from the midst of her\nwomb the god spoke: Fear not, O my mother, for this danger will I turn\nto our great honor and glory. And lo, Huitzilopochtli, perfect as\nPallas Athena, was instantly born, springing up with a mighty\nwar-shout, grasping the shield and the glittering spear. His left leg\nand his head were adorned with plumes of green; his face, arms, and\nthighs barred terribly with lines of blue. He fell upon the unnatural\nchildren, slew them all, and endowed his mother with their spoils. And\nfrom that day forth his names were Tezahuitl, Terror, and\nTetzauhteotl, Terrible god.\n\nThis was the god who became protector of the Mexicans, who conducted\nthem so many years in their pilgrimage, and settled them at last on\nthe site of Mexico. And in this city they raised him that proud temple\nso much celebrated even by the Spaniards, in which were annually held\ntheir solemn festivals, in the fifth, ninth, and fifteenth months;\nbesides those kept every four years, every thirteen years, and at the\nbeginning of every century. His statue was of gigantic size, in the\nposture of a man seated on a blue-colored bench, from the four corners\nof which issued four huge snakes. His forehead was blue, but his face\nwas covered with a golden mask, while another of the same kind covered\nthe back of his head. Upon his head he carried a beautiful crest,\nshaped like the beak of a bird; upon his neck a collar consisting of\nten figures of the human heart; in his right hand, a large, blue,\ntwisted club; in his left, a shield, on which appeared five balls of\nfeathers disposed in the form of a cross, and from the upper part of\nthe shield rose a golden flag with four arrows, which the Mexicans\npretended to have been sent to them from heaven to perform those\nglorious actions which we have seen in their history. His body was\ngirt with a large golden snake, and adorned with various lesser\nfigures of animals made of gold and precious stones, which ornaments\nand insignia had each their peculiar meaning. They never deliberated\nupon making war without imploring the protection of this god, with\nprayers and sacrifices; and offered up a greater number of human\nsacrifices to him than to any other of the gods.[VIII-1]\n\nA different account of the origin of this deity is given by Boturini,\nshowing the god to have been a brave Mexican chief, who was afterward\napotheosized:--\n\nWhile the Mexicans were pushing their conquests and their advance\ntoward the country now occupied by them, they had a very renowned\ncaptain, or leader, called Huitziton. He it was that in these long and\nperilous journeys through unknown lands, sparing himself no fatigue,\ntook care of the Mexicans. The fable says of him that being full of\nyears and wisdom he was one night caught up in sight of his army, and\nof all his people, and presented to the god Tezauhteotl, that is to\nsay the Frightful God, who, being in the shape of a horrible dragon,\ncommanded him to be seated at his right hand, saying: Welcome, O\nvaliant captain; very grateful am I for thy fidelity in my service and\nin governing my people. It is time that thou shouldest rest, since\nthou art already old, and since thy great deeds raise thee up to the\nfellowship of the immortal gods. Return then to thy sons and tell them\nnot to be afflicted if in future they cannot see thee as a mortal man;\nfor from the nine heavens thou shalt look down propitious upon them.\nAnd not only that, but also, when I strip the vestments of humanity\nfrom thee, I will leave to thine afflicted and orphan people thy bones\nand thy skull so that they may be comforted in their sorrow, and may\nconsult thy relics as to the road they have to follow: and in due time\nthe land shall be shown them that I have destined for them, a land in\nwhich they shall hold wide empire, being respected of the other\nnations.\n\nHuitziton did according to these instructions, and after a sorrowful\ninterview with his people, disappeared, carried away by the gods. The\nweeping Mexicans remained with the skull and bones of their beloved\ncaptain, which they carried with them till they arrived in New Spain,\nand at the place where they built the great city of Tenochtitlan, or\nMexico. All this time the devil spoke to them through this skull of\nHuitziton, often asking for the immolation of men and women, from\nwhich thing originated those bloody sacrifices, practiced afterwards\nby this nation with so much cruelty on prisoners of war. This deity\nwas called, in early as well as in later times, Huitzilopochtli--for\nthe principal men believed that he was seated at the left hand of\nTezcatlipoca--a man derived from the original name Huitziton, and\nfrom the word _mapoche_, 'left hand.'[VIII-2]\n\n  [Sidenote: IMAGE OF HUITZILOPOCHTLI.]\n\nAcosta gives a minute description of the image and temple of this\ngod:--\n\n\"The chiefest idoll of Mexico was, as I have sayde, Vitziliputzli. It\nwas an image of wood like to a man, set vpon a stoole of the colour of\nazure, in a brankard or litter, at every corner was a piece of wood in\nforme of a Serpent's head. The stoole signified that he was set in\nheaven: this idoll hadde all the forehead azure, and had a band of\nazure vnder the nose from one eare to another: vpon his head he had a\nrich plume of feathers, like to the beake of a small bird, the which\nwas covered on the toppe with golde burnished very browne: hee had in\nhis left hand a white target, with the figures of five pine apples,\nmade of white feathers, set in a crosse: and from above issued forth a\ncrest of gold, and at his sides hee hadde foure dartes, which (the\nMexicaines say) had beene sent from heaven to do those actes and\nprowesses which shall be spoken of: In his right hand he had an azured\nstaffe, cutte in fashion of a waving snake. All those ornaments with\nthe rest hee had, carried his sence as the Mexicaines doe shew; the\nname of Vitziliputzli signifies the left hand of a shining feather. I\nwill speake heereafter of the prowde Temple, the sacrifices, feasts\nand ceremonies of this great idoll, being very notable things. But at\nthis present we will only shew, that this idoll thus richly appareled\nand deckt, was set vpon an high Altare, in a small peece or boxe, well\ncovered with linnen clothes, jewells, feathers and ornaments of golde,\nwith many rundles of feathers, the fairest and most exquisite that\ncould be found: hee had alwaies a curtine before him for the greater\nveneration. Ioyning to the chamber or chappell of this idoll, there\nwas a peece of lesse worke, and not so well beautified, where there\nwas another idoll they called Tlaloc. These two idolls were alwayes\ntogether, for that they held them as companions, and of equal power.\n\n  [Sidenote: TEMPLE OF HUITZILOPOCHTLI.]\n\nThere was in Mexico, this Cu, the famous Temple of Vitziliputzli, it\nhad a very great circuite, and within a faire Court. It was built of\ngreat stones, in fashion of snakes tied one to another, and the\ncircuite was called Coatepantli, which is, a circuite of snakes: vppon\nthe toppe of every chamber and oratorie where the Idolls were, was a\nfine piller wrought with small stones, blacke as ieate, set in goodly\norder, the ground raised vp with white and red, which below gave a\ngreat light. Vpon the top of the pillar were battlements very\nartificially made, wrought like snailes [caracoles], supported by two\nIndians of stone, sitting, holding candlesticks in their hands, the\nwhich were like Croisants garnished and enriched at the ends, with\nyellow and greene feathers and long fringes of the same. Within the\ncircuite of this court, there were many chambers of religious men, and\nothers that were appointed for the service of the Priests and Popes,\nfor so they call the soveraigne Priests which serve the Idoll.\n\nThere were foure gates or entries, at the east, west, north, and\nsouth; at every one of these gates beganne a faire cawsey of two or\nthree leagues long. There was in the midst of the lake where the\ncittie of Mexico is built, foure large cawseies in crosse, which did\nmuch beautify it; vpon every portall or entry, was a God or Idoll,\nhaving the visage turned to the causey, right against the Temple gate\nof Vitziliputzli. There were thirtie steppes of thirtie fadome long,\nand they divided from the circuit of the court by a streete that went\nbetwixt them; vpon the toppe of these steppes there was a walke\nthirtie foote broad, all plaistered with chalke, in the midst of which\nwalke was a Pallisado artificially made of very high trees, planted in\norder a fadome one from another. These trees were very bigge, and all\npierced with small holes from the foote to the top, and there were\nroddes did runne from one tree to another, to the which were chained\nor tied many dead mens heades. Vpon every rod were twentie sculles,\nand these ranckes of sculles continue from the foote to the toppe of\nthe tree. This Pallissado was full of dead mens sculls from one end to\nthe other, the which was a wonderfull mournefull sight and full of\nhorror. These were the heads of such as had beene sacrificed; for\nafter they were dead, and had eaten the flesh, the head was delivered\nto the Ministers of the Temple, which tied them in this sort vntil\nthey fell off by morcells; and then had they a care to set others in\ntheir places. Vpon the toppe of the temple were two stones or\nchappells, and in them were the two Idolls which I have spoken of,\nVitziliputzli, and his companion Tlaloc. These Chappells were carved\nand graven very artificially, and so high, that to ascend vp to it,\nthere was a staire of stone of sixscore steppes. Before these Chambers\nor Chappells, there was a Court of fortie foote square, in the midst\nthereof, was a high stone of five hand breadth, poynted in fashion of\na Pyramide, it was placed there for the sacrificing of men; for being\nlaid on their backes, it made their bodies to bend, and so they did\nopen them and pull out their hearts, as I shall shew heereafter.\"[VIII-3]\n\nSolis describes this temple also:--\n\nThe top of the truncated pyramid on which the idols of Huitzilopochtli\nand Tlaloc were placed was forty feet square, and reached by a stair\nof a hundred and twenty steps. On this platform, on either hand, at\nthe head of the stairs, stood two sentinel-statues supporting great\ncandlesticks of an extraordinary fashion. And first, from the jasper\nflags, rose a hump-backed altar of green stone. Opposite and beyond\nwas the chapel wherein behind curtains sat Huitzilopochtli, on a\nthrone supported by a blue globe. From this, supposed to represent the\nheavens, projected four staves with serpents' heads, by which the\npriests carried the god when he was brought before the public. The\nimage bore on its head a bird of wrought plumes whose beak and crest\nwere of burnished gold. The feathers expressed horrid cruelty and were\nmade still more ghastly by two stripes of blue one on the brow and the\nother on the nose. Its right hand leaned as on a staff upon a crooked\nserpent. Upon the left arm was a buckler bearing five white plumes,\narranged in form of a cross; and the hand grasped four arrows\nvenerated as heaven-descended. To the left of this was another chapel,\nthat of Tlaloc. Now these two chapels and idols were the same in every\nparticular. These gods were esteemed brothers--their attributes,\nqualities, powers, inclinations, service, prayers, and so on, were\nidentical or interchangeable.[VIII-4]\n\n  [Sidenote: HUITZILOPOCHTLI AND CAMAXTLI.]\n\nSahagun says of Huitzilopochtli, that, being originally a man, he was\na sort of Hercules, of great strength and warlike, a great destroyer\nof towns and slayer of men. In war he had been a living fire, very\nterrible to his adversaries; and the devise he bore was a dragon's\nhead, frightful in the extreme, and casting fire out of its mouth. A\ngreat wizard he had been, and sorcerer, transforming himself into the\nshape of divers birds and beasts. While he lived, the Mexicans\nesteemed this man very highly for his strength and dexterity in war,\nand when he died they honored him as a god, offering slaves, and\nsacrificing them in his presence. And they looked to it that those\nslaves were well fed and well decorated with such ornaments as were in\nuse, with ear-rings and visors; all for the greater honor of the god.\nIn Tlaxcala also they had a deity, called Camaxtli, who was similar to\nthis Huitzilopochtli.[VIII-5]\n\nGage, in a pretty fair translation of Herrera, describes this god with\nTezcatlipoca. He says:--\n\n\"The gods of Mexico (as the Indians reported to the first Spaniards)\nwere two thousand in number; the chiefest were Vitzilopuchtli, and\nTezcatlipoca, whose images stood highest in the temple upon the\naltars. They were made of stone in full proportion as big as a giant.\nThey were covered with a lawn called Nacar; they were beset with\npearls, precious stones, and pieces of gold, wrought like birds,\nbeasts, fishes, and flowers, adorned with emeralds, turquies,\nchalcedons, and other little fine stones, so that when the lawn was\ntaken away, the images seemed very beautiful and glorious to behold.\nThese two Indian idols had for a girdle great snakes of gold, and for\ncollars or chains about their necks ten hearts of men made of gold;\nand each of them had a counterfeit visor with eyes of glass, and in\ntheir necks Death painted. These two gods were brethren, for\nTezcatlipoca was the god of providence, and Vitzilopuchtli, god of the\nwars, who was worshiped and feared more than all the rest.\"[VIII-6]\n\nTorquemada goes to some length into the legend and description of\nthis god of war, Huitzilopochtli, or Mexitl:[VIII-7]--\n\nHuitzilopochtli, the ancient god and guide of the Mexicans, is a name\nvariously derived. Some say it is composed of two words: _huitzilin_,\n'a humming-bird', and _tlahuipuchtli_, 'a sorcerer that spits fire.'\nOthers say that the second part of the name comes not from\ntlahuipuchtli, but from _opuchtli_, that is, 'the left hand;' so that\nthe whole name, Huitzilopochtli, would mean 'the shining-feathered\nleft hand.' For this idol was decorated with rich and resplendent\nfeathers on the left arm. And this god it was that led out the\nMexicans from their own land and brought them into An\u00e1huac.\n\nSome held him to be a purely spiritual being, others affirmed that he\nhad been born of a woman, and related his history after the following\nfashion: Near the city of Tulla there is a mountain called Coatepec,\nthat is to say the Mountain of the Snake, where a woman lived, named\nCoatlicue, or Snake-petticoat. She was the mother of many sons called\nCentzunhuitznahua, and of a daughter whose name was Coyolxauhqui.\nCoatlicue was very devout and careful in the service of the gods, and\nshe occupied herself ordinarily in sweeping and cleaning the sacred\nplaces of that mountain. It happened that one day, occupied with these\nduties, she saw a little ball of feathers floating down to her through\nthe air, which she taking, as we have already related, found herself\nin a short time pregnant.[VIII-8]\n\n  [Sidenote: DOUGH STATUE OF HUITZILOPOCHTLI.]\n\nUpon this all her children conspired against her to slay her, and\ncame armed against her, the daughter Coyolxauhqui being the ringleader\nand most violent of all. Then, immediately, Huitzilopochtli was born,\nfully armed, having a shield called _teuehueli_ in his left hand, in\nhis right a dart, or long blue pole, and all his face barred over with\nlines of the same color. His forehead was decorated with a great tuft\nof green feathers, his left leg was lean and feathered, and both\nthighs and the arms barred with blue. He then caused to appear a\nserpent made of torches, _teas_, called _xiuhcoatl_; and he ordered a\nsoldier named Tochaucalqui to light this serpent, and taking it with\nhim, to embrace Coyolxauhqui. From this embrace the matricidal\ndaughter immediately died, and Huitzilopochtli himself slew all her\nbrethren and took their spoil, enriching his mother therewith. After\nthis he was surnamed Tetzahuitl, that is to say, Fright, or Amazement,\nand held as a god, born of a mother, without a father--as the great\ngod of battles, for in these his worshipers found him very favorable\nto them. Besides the ordinary image of this god, permanently set up in\nthe great temple of Mexico, there was another, renewed every year,\nmade of grains and seeds of various kinds. In one of the halls in the\nneighborhood of the temple the priests collected and ground up with\ngreat devotion a mass of seeds, of the amaranth and other plants,\nmoistening the same with the blood of children, and making a dough\nthereof, which they shaped into a statue of the form and stature of a\nman. The priests carried this image to the temple and the altar,\npreviously arranged for its reception, playing trumpets and other\ninstruments, and making much noise and ado with dancing and singing at\nthe head of the procession. All this during the night; in the morning\nthe high-priest and the other priests blessed and consecrated the\nimage, with such blessing and consecration as were in use among them.\nThis done, and the people assembled, every person that could come at\nthe image touched it wherever he could, as Christians touch a relic,\nand made offerings thereto, of jewels of gold and precious stones,\neach according to his means and devotion, sticking the said offerings\ninto the soft fresh dough of which the idol was confected. After this\nceremony no one was allowed to touch the image any more, nor to enter\nthe place where it was, save only the high-priest. After that they\nbrought out the image of the god Paynalton,[VIII-9]--who is also a war\ngod, being vicar or sub-captain of the said Huitzilopochtli--an image\nmade of wood. It was carried in the arms of a priest who represented\nthe god Quetzalcoatl, and who was decorated with ornaments rich and\ncurious. Before this priest there marched another carrying [the image\nof] a great snake, large and thick, twisted and of many coils. The\nprocession filed along at great length, and here and there at various\ntemples and altars the priests offered up sacrifices, immolating human\ncaptives and quails. The first station, or stopping-place, was at the\nward of Teotlachco. Thence the cort\u00e8ge passed to Tlatelulco (where I,\nTorquemada, am now writing this history); then to Popotlan; then to\nChapultepec--nearly a league from, the city of Mexico; then to\nTepetoca; then to Acachinanco; then back again to the temple whence it\nhad set out; and then the image of Paynalton was put on the altar\nwhere stood that of Huitzilopochtli, being left there with the banner,\ncalled _ezpaniztli_, that had been carried before it during the march:\nonly the great snake, mentioned above, was carried away and put in\nanother place, to which it belonged. And at all these places where\nthe procession appeared, it was received with incensings, sacrifices,\nand other ceremonies.\n\nThis procession finished, it having occupied the greater part of the\nday, all was prepared for a sacrifice. The king himself acted the part\nof priest; taking a censer, he put incense therein with certain\nceremonies and incensed the image of the god. This done, they took\ndown again the idol, Paynalton, and set out in march, those going in\nfront that had to be sacrificed, together with all things pertaining\nto the fatal rite. Two or three times they made the circle of the\ntemple, moving in horrid cort\u00e8ge, and then ascended to the top, where\nthey slew the victims; beginning with the prisoners of war, and\nfinishing with the fattened slaves, purchased for the occasion,\nrending out their hearts and casting the same at the feet of the idol.\n\n  [Sidenote: SYMBOLIC DEATH OF HUITZILOPOCHTLI.]\n\nAll through this day the festivities and the rejoicings continued, and\nall the day and night the priests watched vigilantly the dough statue\nof Huitzilopochtli, so that no oversight or carelessness should\ninterfere with the veneration and service due thereto. Early next day\nthey took down said statue and set it on its feet in a hall. Into this\nhall there entered the priest, called after Quetzalcoatl, who had\ncarried the image of Paynalton in his arms in the procession, as\nbefore related; there entered also the king, with one of the most\nintimate servants, called Tehua, of the god Huitzilopochtli, four\nother great priests, and four of the principal youths, called\nTelpochtlatoque, out of the number of those that had charge of the\nother youths of the temple. These mentioned, and these alone, being\nassembled, the priest named after Quetzalcoatl took a dart tipped with\nflint and hurled it into the breast of the statue of dough, which fell\non receiving the stroke. This ceremony was styled, 'killing the god\nHuitzilopochtli so that his body might be eaten.' Upon this the\npriests advanced to the fallen image and one of them pulled the heart\nout of it, and gave the same to the king. The other priests cut the\npasty body into two halves. One half was given to the people of\nTlatelulco, who parted it out in crumbs among all their wards, and\nspecially to the young soldiers--no woman being allowed to taste a\nmorsel. The other half was allotted to the people of that part of\nMexico called Tenochtlitlan; it was divided among the four wards,\nTeopan, Atzaqualco, Quepopan, and Moyotlan; and given to the men, to\nboth small and great, even to the men-children in the cradle. All this\nceremony was called _teoqualo_, that is to say, 'god is eaten,' and\nthis making of the dough statue and eating of it was renewed once\nevery year.[VIII-10]\n\nClosely as J. G. M\u00fcller studied the character of Quetzalcoatl, his\nexamination of that of Huitzilopochtli, has been still more minute and\nwas indeed the subject of a monograph published by him in 1847. A\nstudent of the subject cannot afford to overlook this study, and I\ntranslate the more important parts of it in the paragraphs which\nfollow; not, indeed, either for or against the interests of the theory\nit supports, but for the sake of the accurate and detailed handling,\nrehandling, and grouping there, by a master in this department of\nmythological learning, of almost all the data relating to the matter\nin hand:--\n\nHuitzilopochtli has been already referred to as an original god of the\nair and of heaven. He agrees also with Quetzalcoatl in a second\ncapital point, in having become the anthropomorphic national god of\nthe Aztecs, as Quetzalcoatl of the Toltecs. On their marches and in\ntheir wars, in the establishment of codes and towns, in happiness as\nwell as in misfortune, the Aztecs were guided by his oracle, by the\nspirit of his being. As the Toltecs, especially in their later\nnational character, differ from the Aztecs, so differ their two chief\nnational gods. If the capital of the Toltecs, Cholula, resembled\nmodern Rome in its religious efforts, so the god enthroned there was\ntransformed into the human form of a high-priest, in whom this people\nsaw his human ideal. In the same manner one might be led to compare\nthe capital of the Aztecs with ancient Rome, on account of its warlike\nspirit, and therefore it was right to make the national god of the\nAztecs a war god like the Roman Mars.\n\n  [Sidenote: THE NAME HUITZILOPOCHTLI.]\n\nWe will commence with the name of the god, which, according to\nSahagun, Acosta, Torquemada, and most of the writers, signifies 'on\nthe left side a humming-bird;' from _huitzilin_, 'a humming-bird,' and\n_opochtli_, 'left.' In connecting the Aztec words, the ending is cut\noff. The image of the god had in reality, frequently, the feathers of\nthe humming-bird on the left foot. The connection of this bird with\nthe god is, in many ways, appropriate. It no doubt appeared to them as\nthe most beautiful of birds, and as the most worthy representant of\ntheir chief deity. Does not its crest glitter like a crown set with\nrubies and all kinds of precious stones? The Aztecs have accordingly,\nin their way, called the humming-bird, 'sun-beam,' 'or sun-hair;' as\nits alighting upon flowers, is like that of a sun-beam. The chief god\nof the Caribs, Juluca, is also decorated with a band of its feathers\nround the forehead. The ancient Mexicans had, as their most noble\nadornment, state-mantles of the same feathers, so much praised by\nCort\u00e9s; and even at the present time the Aztec women adorn their ears\nwith these plumes. This humming-bird decoration on the left foot of\nthe god was not the only one; he had also a green bunch of plumage\nupon his head, shaped like the bill of a small bird. The shield in his\nleft hand was decorated with white feathers, and the whole image was\nat times covered with a mantle of feathers. To the general virtues\nwhich make comprehensible the humming-bird attribute as a divine one,\nmust be added the special virtue of bravery peculiar to this bird,\nwhich is specially suited to the war god. The English traveler Bullock\ntells how this bird distinguishes itself for its extraordinary\ncourage, attacking others ten times its own size, flying into their\neyes, and using its sharp bill as a most dangerous weapon. Nothing\nmore daring can be witnessed than its attack upon other birds of its\nown species, when it fears disturbance during the breeding-season. The\neffects of jealousy transform these birds into perfect furies, the\nthroat swells, the crest on their head, the tail, and the wings are\nexpanded; they fight whistling in the air, until one of them falls\nexhausted to the ground. That such a martial spirit should exist in so\nsmall a creature shows the intensity of this spirit; and the religious\nfeeling is the sooner aroused, when the instrument of a divine power\nappears in so trifling and weak a body. The small but brave and\nwarlike woodpecker stood in a similar relation to Mars, and is\naccordingly termed _picus martius_.\n\nThis, the most common explanation of the name Huitzilopochtli, as\n'humming-bird, left side' is not followed by Veytia, with whom\nPrichard agrees. He declares the meaning of the name to be 'left\nhand,' from _huitzitoc_, 'hand,' because Huitzilopochtli, according to\nthe fable, after his death, sits on the left side of the god\nTezcatlipoca, Now, Huitzilopochtli is in another place considered as\nthe brother of this god; he also stands higher, and can therefore\nscarcely have obtained his name from his position with respect to the\nother deity. Besides, hand in Aztec is properly translated as _maitl_,\nor _toma_.\n\nOver and above this attribute which gives the god his name, there are\nothers which point towards the conception of a war god.\nHuitzilopochtli had, like Mars and Odin, the spear, or a bow, in his\nright hand, and in the left, sometimes a bundle of arrows, sometimes a\nround white shield, on the side of which were the four arrows sent him\nfrom heaven wherewith to perform the heroic deeds of his people. On\nthese weapons depended the welfare of the state, just as on the\n_ancile_ of the Roman Mars, which had fallen from the sky, or on the\n_palladium_ of the warlike Pallas Athena.\n\nBy-names also point out Huitzilopochtli as war god; for he is called\nthe terrible god, Tetzateotl, or the raging, Tetzahuitl. These names\nhe received at his birth, when he, just issued from his mother's womb,\noverthrew his adversaries.\n\n  [Sidenote: KINDRED OF HUITZILOPOCHTLI.]\n\nNot less do his connections indicate his warlike nature. His youngest\nbrother, Tlacahuepancuextotzin, was also a war god, whose statue\nexisted in Mexico, and who received homage, especially in Tezcuco. In\nstill closer relationship to him stands his brother-in-arms, or, as\nBernal Diaz calls him, his page, Paynalton, that is, 'the fleet one;'\nhe was the god of the sudden war alarm, _tumultus_ or general _lev\u00e9e\nen masse_; his call obliged all capable of bearing arms to rush to the\ndefence. He is otherwise considered as the representant of\nHuitzilopochtli and subordinate to him, for he was only a small image,\nas Diaz says, and as the ending _ton_ denotes. The statue of this\nlittle war-crier was always placed upon the altar of Huitzilopochtli,\nand sometimes carried round at his feast.\n\nOther symbolic attributes establish Huitzilopochtli as the general\nnational god of this warlike people, and symbolized his personal\npresence. On the march from the ancient home, the priests took their\nturn, in fours, to carry his wooden image, with the little flag fallen\nfrom heaven, and the four arrows. The litter, upon which the image was\ncarried, was called the 'chair of god,' _teoicpalli_, and was a holy\nbox, such as was used among the Etruscans and Egyptians, the Greeks\nand the Romans, in Ilium, among the Japanese, among the Mongols. In\nAmerica, the Cherokees are also found with such an ark. The ark of the\ncovenant carried by the Levites through the desert and in battle, was\nof a similar kind. Wherever the Aztecs halted for some time during\ntheir wanderings, they erected an altar or a sacrifice mound to their\ngod, upon which they placed this god's-litter with the image; which\nancient observance they kept up, in later times, in their temples. By\nits side they erected a movable tent, _tabernaculum_, (Stiftsh\u00fctte),\nin the open country, as is customary among nomadic people, such as the\nMongols. The god, however, gave them the codes and usages of a\ncultured people, and received offerings of prisoners, hawks, and\nquails.\n\nAs the head of a sparrow on a human body points to the former worship\nof Quetzalcoatl under the form of a sparrow, so the humming-bird\nattribute on the image and in the name of Huitzilopochtli, points him\nout as an original animal god. The general mythological rule, that\nsuch animal attributes refer to an ancient worship of the god in\nquestion under the form of an animal, points this out in his case, and\nthe special myth of Huitziton assists here in the investigation of the\nfoundation of this original nature.\n\nWhen the Aztecs still lived in Aztlan, a certain Huitziton enjoyed\ntheir highest esteem, as the fable tells. This Huitziton heard the\nvoice of a bird, which cried \"tihui,\" that is 'let us go.'[VIII-11] He\nthereupon asked the people to leave their home, which they accordingly\ndid. When we consider the name Huitziton, the nature of the story, and\nthe mythical time to which it refers, no doubt remains as to who this\nHuitziton is supposed to be. It is evident that he is none other than\nthe little bird itself, which, in our later form of the myth, as an\nanthropomorphic fable, is separated from him; separated\neuhemeristically, just as the Latin Picus was separated from his\nwoodpecker. This Picus, whose songs and flight were portentous, was\nrepresented as a youth with a woodpecker on his head, of which he made\nuse for his seer-art; but was originally, as denoted by his name,\nnothing else than a woodpecker, which was adored on the wooden pillar\nfrom which it sent its sayings. This woodpecker placed itself upon the\n_vexillum_ of the Sabines, and guided them to the region which has\nbeen named Picenum after it. As this bird guided its people to their\nnew abode, like Huitziton, so many other animal gods have lead those\nwho, in ancient times, sought new homes. Thus a crow conducted Battus\nto Cyrene; a dove led the Chalcidians to Cyrene; Apollo, in the form\nof a dolphin, took the Cretans to Pytho; Antinous founded a new\nsettlement, to which a snake had pointed the way; a bull carried\nCadmus to Thebes; a wolf led the Hirpinians. The original stock of the\nSouth American people, the Mbayas, received the divine order, through\nthe bird Caracara, to roam as enemies in the territories of other\npeople instead of settling down in a fixed habitation--this is an\nanti-culture myth. As the founding of towns favors the birth of myths\nlike the preceding, so also does the founding of convents, the sites\nof which, according to the numerous fables of the Christian medi\u00e6val\nage, were pointed out by animals--one of the remnants of old\nheathenism then existing in the popular fancy. To resume the subject,\nHuitziton is, therefore, the humming-bird god, who, as oracular god,\ncommanded the Aztecs to emigrate. His name signifies nothing else than\n'small humming-bird,' the ending _ton_ being a diminutive syllable, as\nin Paynalton. Thus the humming-bird was the bearer, at the time of the\ngreat flood, of the divine message of joy to the Tezpi of the\nMichoacans, a people related to the Aztecs. It had been let loose as\nthe water receded, and soon returned with a small twig to the\nark.[VIII-12] On the Catherine Islands [islands of Santa\nCatalina],[VIII-13] in California, crows were adored as interpreters\nof the divine will. From the above it is also self-evident that\nHuitziton and Huitzilopochtli were one, which is the conclusion\narrived at by the learned researcher of Mexican languages and\ntraditions, the Italian Boturini. The name, myth, and attributes of\nHuitzilopochtli point then to the humming-bird. Previous to the\ntransformation of this god, by anthropomorphism, he was merely a small\nhumming-bird, _huitziton_; by anthropomorphism, the bird became,\nhowever, merely the attribute, emblem or symbol, and name of the\ngod--a name which changed with his form into 'humming-bird on the\nleft,' or Huitzilopochtli.\n\nThe identity of the two, in spite of the different explanations of\nthe name, is accepted by Veytia, who gives Huitzitoc as the name of\nthe chief who led the Aztec armies during their last wanderings from\nChicomoztoc, or the Seven Caves, into An\u00e1huac. Under his leadership\nthe Aztecs were everywhere victorious, and for this reason he was\nplaced, after his death, on the left side of the god Tezcatlipoca;\nsince which time he was called Huitzilopochtli.\n\n  [Sidenote: HUITZITON AND PAYNALTON.]\n\nThe identity of Huitziton and Huitzilopochtli, is also shown by other\nfacts besides the name, the attribute, and the mythological analogy:\nthe same important acts are ascribed to both. We have seen that\nHuitziton commanded the Aztecs to leave their home; according to\nanother account of Acosta, this was done on the persuasion of\nHuitzilopochtli. If other Spanish authors state that this was done by\ninstigation of the devil, they mean none other than Huitzilopochtli,\nusing a mode of speech which had become an established one. This name\nbecame a common title of the devil in Germany, under the form of\nVizliputzli, soon after the conquest of Mexico, as may be seen in the\nold popular drama of Faust. The fable further relates of Huitziton\nthat he taught the Aztecs to produce fire by friction, during their\nwanderings. The gift of fire is usually ascribed to a culture-god.\nHuitzilopochtli was such a deity; he introduced dress, laws, and\nceremonies among his people. The statement that Huitziton had at some\ntime, given fire to the people, has no historical meaning; there is no\npeople without fire, and a formerly told myth mentions that man made\nfire even before the existence of the present sun. The signification\nof the fable is a religious one, it is a myth in which the Aztecs\nascribe the origin of all human culture to Huitziton their\nculture-god, afterward Huitzilopochtli.\n\n  [Sidenote: SACRIFICE MYTHS.]\n\nThis god wore also a band of human hearts and faces of gold and\nsilver; while various bones of dead men, as well as a man torn in\npieces, were depicted on his dress. These attributes like those of the\nIndian Schiwa and Kali, clearly point him out as the god to whom\nhuman sacrifices were made. It was extensively believed among the\nnations composing the Mexican Empire that human sacrifices had been\nintroduced by the Aztecs within the last two centuries. Before that\ntime only bloodless offerings had been made. A myth places the\ncommencement of human sacrifices in the fourteenth century, in which\nthe three first successive cases thereof are said to have occurred.\n\nThe Colhuas, the ruling nation at that time in the valley of An\u00e1huac,\nare said to have fought a battle with their enemies of Xochimilco,\nwhich was decided in favor of the Colhuas, owing to the impetuous\nattack made by the tributary Aztecs in their aid. While the Colhuas\nwere presenting a large number of prisoners before their king, the\nAztecs had only secured four, whom they kept secreted, but exhibited,\nin token of their bravery, a number of ears that they had cut from\ntheir slain enemies, boasting that the victory would have been much\ndelayed had they lost time in making prisoners. Proud of their\ntriumph, they erected an altar to Huitzilopochtli, in Huitzilopochco,\nand made known to their lord, the king of the Colhuas, that they\ndesired to offer this god a costly and worthy sacrifice. The king sent\nthem, by the hands of priests, a dead bird, which the messengers laid\nirreverently upon the altar, and departed. The Aztecs swallowed their\nchagrin, and set a fragrant herb with a knife of iztli beside the\nbird. As the king with his suite arrived at the festival, more for the\nsake of mocking the proceedings than to grace them, the four prisoners\ntaken from the Xochimilcos were brought out, placed upon the stone of\nsacrifice, their breasts cut open with the iztli, and the palpitating\nheart torn out. This sacrifice brought consternation upon the Colhuas,\nthey discharged the Aztecs from their service and drove them away. The\nAztecs wandered for some time about the country, and then, at the\ncommand of their god, founded the town of Tenochtitlan, or Mexico, on\na site where they had found a nopal (Opuntie) growing upon a rock.\n\nAt the second sacrifice a Colhua was the victim. An Aztec was hunting,\non the shore of the lake, for an animal to offer his patron deity,\nwhen he met a Colhua called Xomimitl; he attacks him furiously, bears\nhim down, and the defeated man is made to bleed upon the sacrifice\nstone.\n\nBoth myths are aitiological, and explained by the sacrifice system\n(Opferkultus). This is shown in the case of the four prisoners, of\nwhom we shall learn more in the third story. The second story\npersonifies the Aztec and the Colhua peoples in the two men, the\nsecond nation supplying the first with human sacrifices. With the\nsacrifice of Xomimitl, the parallelism of which to the four\nXochimilcos cannot be overlooked by any one, the first temple of\nHuitzilopochtli, in Tenochtitlan, was inaugurated.\n\nThe third sacrifice shows still more closely the religious basis\n(Kultusgrundlage) of the myth. Here also, as in the former, we have to\ndo with a Colhua. The Aztecs offered the Colhua king to show divine\nhonors to his daughter and to apotheosize her into the mother of their\nnational god, declaring that such was the will of the deity. The king,\nrejoicing at the honor intended for his daughter, let her go, and she\nwas brought to Tenochtitlan with great pomp. No sooner, however, had\nshe arrived than she was sacrificed, flayed, and one of the bravest\nyouths dressed in her skin. The king was invited to the solemn act of\nthe deification of his daughter, and only became aware of her death\nwhen the flame from the copal gum revealed to him the bloody skin\nabout the youth placed at the side of the god. The daughter was,\nhowever, at once formally declared mother of Huitzilopochtli and of\nall the gods.\n\n  [Sidenote: TETEIONAN.]\n\nThis aitiological cultus-myth is easily explained. The name of the\ndaughter is Teteionan, whom we have learned to know as the\ngods'-mother, and as Tocitzin, 'our grandmother.'[VIII-14] She was never\nthe daughter of a human king, but has been transformed into one by\neuhemerism, somewhat as Iphigenia is to be considered as originally\nArtemis. The goddess Teteionan had her special festival in Mexico,\nwhen a woman, dressed as goddess, was sacrificed; while held on the\nback of another woman, her head was cut off, then she was flayed, and\nthe skin carried by a youth, accompanied by a numerous retinue, as a\npresent to Huitzilopochtli. Four prisoners of war were, moreover,\npreviously sacrificed.\n\nSimilar to this story, told by Clavigero, is another, narrated by\nAcosta. According to the latter, Tozi was the daughter of the king of\nCulhuacan, and was made the first human sacrifice by order of\nHuitzilopochtli, who desired her for a sister. Tozi is, however, none\nother than Tocitzin, and is also shown to be 'our grandmother.'\nAccording to the Aztec version, the custom of dressing priests in the\nskin of sacrificed beings dates from her--such representations are\noften seen, especially in Humboldt; the B\u00e2sle collection of Mexican\nantiquities possesses also the stone image of a priest dressed in a\nhuman skin. The fourth month, Tlacaxipehualitzli, this is, 'to flay a\nman,' derived its name from this custom, which is said to have been\nmost frequent at this period of the year.\n\nGoddesses, or beings representing goddesses, are sacrificed in both of\nthese fables. We have met with human sacrifices among the Muyscas in\nCentral America, and in connection with many deities of the Mexicans,\nin which the human victim represents the god to whom he is to be\nsacrificed. Slaves impersonating gods were also sacrificed among the\nnorthern Indians, the so-called _Indios bravos_. The person sacrificed\nis devoured by the god, is given over to him, is already part of him,\nis the god himself. Such was the case with the slave that personated\nQuetzalcoatl in the merchants' festival in Cholula.\n\nThe critic is only able to admit the relative truth of the recentness\nof the period in which the origin of Mexican human sacrifices is\nplaced by these three myths. We already know that human sacrifices are\nvery ancient in all America, and that they have only been put aside at\na few places by humane efforts; as in Peru to some extent by means of\nthe Incas. We have met with them throughout all South America.\n\nThe statement so generally made that the Toltec Quetzalcoatl preached\nagainst human sacrifices, certainly implies the previous existence of\nsuch sacrifices. This statement about Quetzalcoatl also points out the\nway to the assimilation of the varying accounts, fables, and myths. In\nvery ancient times human sacrifices predominated everywhere. The\nToltecs, like the Incas, endeavored more or less to abolish them, and,\neven if not altogether successful, they reduced them considerably. The\nAztecs reintroduced them. In the East Indies, these sacrifices date\nback to the era before the flood, and the Greeks there met with\nremains of anthropophagy, the basis thereof.\n\nBrahmanism sought to exterminate these ancient sacrifices, and the\nVedas forbid them, a prohibition which, in connection with the custom\nof pretending to sacrifice human beings, gives evidence of a former\nuse of actual sacrifices. The later sect of Shiwaits again introduced\nthem.\n\nHowever ancient the national political phase of Huitzilopochtli may\nbe, the nature phase is still older. This god, too, has a nature-basis\nwhich not only explains his being, but throws light upon his further\nunfolding as a national or war god. All searchers who do not begin\nwith this basis, see nothing but inexplicable riddles and\ncontradictions before them.\n\n  [Sidenote: TWO MOTHERS OF HUITZILOPOCHTLI.]\n\nThis nature-basis is first seen in the myth about his birth. In the\nneighborhood of Tulla there was a place called Coatepec, where lived a\ngod-fearing woman, called Coatlicue. One day, as she was going to the\ntemple, according to her custom, a gaily colored ball of feathers fell\ndown from heaven; she picked it up, and hid it in her bosom,\nintending to decorate the altar therewith. As she was on the point of\nproducing it for this purpose, it could not be found. A few days\nafterward she was aware of being pregnant. Her children, the\nCentzunhuitznahuas, also noticed this, and, in order to avoid their\nown disgrace, they determined to kill her before she was delivered.\nHer sorrow was however, miraculously consoled by a voice that made\nitself heard from within her womb, saying: Fear not, O mother, I will\nsave thee to thy great honor, and to my great fame! The brothers,\nurged on by their sister, were on the point of killing her, when,\nbehold, even as the armed Athena sprang from her father's head,\nHuitzilopochtli was born; the shield in his left hand, the spear in\nhis right, the green plumage on his head, and humming-bird feathers on\nhis left leg; his face, arms, and legs being, moreover, striped with\nblue. At once he slew his opponents, plundered their dwellings, and\nbrought the spoils to his mother. From this he was called Terror and\nthe Frightful God.\n\nIf we dissect this myth, we notice that another mother appears than\nthe one formerly sacrificed in his honor, Teteionan. Two mothers\npresent nothing remarkable in mythology, I have only to mention\nAphrodite and Athena, who according to different accounts, had\ndifferent fathers. So long as the formation of myths goes on, founded\nupon fresh conceptions of nature, somewhat different ideas (for wholly\ndifferent, even here, the two mothers are not) from distinct points of\nview, are always possible. It is the anthropomorphism of the age that\nfixes on the one-sided conclusion. Teteionan is Huitzilopochtli's\nmother, because she is the mother of all the gods. The mother, in this\ninstance, is the Flora of the Aztecs, euhemerized into a god-fearing\nwoman, Coatlicue, or Coatlantana, of whose worship in Coatepec and\nMexico we have already spoken.\n\nThe second point prominent in the myth, is the close connection of\nHuitzilopochtli with the botanical kingdom. The humming-bird is the\nmessenger of spring, sent by the south to the north, by the hot to\nthe temperate region. It is the means of fructifying the flowers, its\nmovements causing the transfer of the pollen from the stamens to the\ngerm-shells. It sticks its long, thin little bill deep into the\nflower, and rummaging beneath the stamens, drinks the nectar of the\nflower, while promoting the act of plant-reproduction. In the Latin\nmyth also, Mars stands in close connection with Flora: Juno gives him\nbirth with Flora's aid, without the assistance of Jupiter. In our\nmythology of the north, Thor is on a friendly footing with Nanna, the\nnorthern Flora. We are already acquainted also with a fable of the\nPimas, according to which the goddess of maize became pregnant by a\nraindrop, and bore the forefather of the people, he who built the\ngreat houses.\n\n  [Sidenote: SISTERS OF HUITZILOPOCHTLI.]\n\nThe question, why Huitzilopochtli should be the son of the goddess of\nplants, and what his real connection with the botanical kingdom\nconsists in, is solved by examining his worship at the three ancient\nyearly feasts, which take place exactly at those periods of the year\nthat are the most influential for the Mexican climate, the middle of\nMay, the middle of August, and the end of December. As a rule, in the\nfirst half of May the rain begins. Previous to this, the greatest\ndrought and torpidness reign; the plants appear feeble and drooping;\nnature is bare, the earth gray with dry, withered grass. After a few\ndays of rain, however, the trees appear in a fresh green, the ground\nis covered with new herbs, all nature is reanimated. Trees, bushes,\nplants, develop their blossoms; a vapory fragrance rises over all. The\nfruit shoots from the cultivated field, the juicy, bright green of the\nmaize refreshes the eye. M\u00fchlenpfordt, who stayed a long time in these\nregions, gives this description of the season. V\u00f6lker's statement that\nrain and water stand as fructifying principles in the first rank in\nancient physics, and that they meet us in innumerable myths, holds\ndoubly good for the tropics. It requires little imagination to\nunderstand what a powerful impression transformed nature, with all its\nbeauty and blessings, must produce in the soul of the child of\nnature. It is on this account that the ancient Tlaloc came to enjoy so\nhigh a regard among the Aztecs, nor has Quetzalcoatl disdained to\nadorn his mantle with the crosses of a rain-god. And so\nHuitzilopochtli's first feast of the year, the festival of the arrival\nof the god, of the offering of incense, stands at the beginning of the\nseason of the reinvigorating of nature by the rain. The pagan Germans\nused to say that Nerthus, Freya, Hulda, Bertha, Frieg, and other\ndivinities, entered the country at this period. The Aztecs prepared\nespecially for this feast an image of their chief god, made of edible\nplants and honey, of the same size as the wooden image; and the youths\nsang the deeds of their god before it, and hymns praying for rain and\nfertility. Offering of multitudes of quails, incense-burning, and the\nsignificant dance of priests and virgins, followed. The virgins, who\non this day were called sisters of Huitzilopochtli, wore garlands of\ndry maize-leaves on their heads, and carried split reeds in their\nhands; by this representing the dry season. The priests, on the\ncontrary, represented the quickened nature, having their lips smeared\nwith honey.\n\nNow although, according to Max von Wied, there were no bees in America\nbefore the arrival of the Europeans, the bees are here represented by\nhumming-birds, also called honey or bee birds, which, hovering and\nhumming like bees, gather their food from the tube-shaped flowers.\nThis food consists of a small insect that lives on honey, and they\nfeed their young by letting them suck at the tongue covered with this\nhoney. The priests bore, further, another symbol of spring: each one\nheld a staff in his hand, on which a flower of feathers was fixed,\nhaving another bunch of feathers fixed over it; thus too, Freya's\nhawk-plumage denoted the advent of the fine season. A prisoner had\nbeen selected a year in advance as a victim, and was called 'wise lord\nof the heaven,' for he personated the god, and had the privilege of\nchoosing the hour of the sacrifice; he did not die, like the other\nprisoners, on the sacrifice stone, but on the shoulders of the\npriests. The little children were consecrated to the god of their\ncountry, at this festival, by a small incision on the breast.\n\nSo also Mars appears as god of spring, he to whom the grass and the\nsacred spring time of the birth of animals (_ver sacrum_) were\ndedicated, whose chief festival and whose month are placed at the\ncommencement of spring, at which time the Salii also sang their old\nreligious songs, and a man personated the god. The Tyrian festival of\nthe awaking of Hercules fell also in spring, for the same reason.\nThus, in the myth of the birth of Huitzilopochtli, and in his first\nfestival, spring, or the energy that produces spring, is made the\nbasis of his being. His warlike attributes are appendages of the\nanthropomorphized national and war god.\n\nThe second great festival of the deity takes place in the middle of\nAugust. The rains which have lasted and refreshed up to this time,\nbecome intermittent, and the fine season approaches, during which the\nazure sky of the tropics pours its splendor and its beneficial warmth\nupon men, animals, and plants, scattered over a plain situated 8500\nfeet above the level of the sea. This is the twelfth month there, the\nmonth of ripe fruits. The idols in all temples and dwellings are\ndecorated with flowers. It is now no longer the rain which is the\nblessing, but the blue sky which cherishes the variegated\nflower-world. For this reason the image of Huitzilopochtli was blue,\nhis head was wound round with an azure ribbon, in his right hand he\nheld an azure staff or club, and he sat on an azure stool, which,\naccording to ancient accounts, represents heaven as his\ndwelling-place. His arms and legs had also blue stripes, and costly\nblue stones hung round his neck. The Egyptian god of fertility, Khem,\nwas also represented in blue.\n\n  [Sidenote: DEATH OF VEGETATION.]\n\nThe third festival of Huitzilopochtli takes place during the winter\nsolstice, a period which plays a great r\u00f4le in all worships and myths.\nThe best-known festival of this kind is the one held on the 25th of\nDecember throughout the Roman Empire, to celebrate the birth of\nMithras, the invincible sun. The Chipewas in North America call\nDecember the month of the small spirit, and January that of the great\nspirit. The Mexican festival of this month represented the character\nof the entering season, and the new state of nature. The cold sets in,\nthe mountains are covered with snow, the ground dries up, the plants\nsearch in vain for their nourishment, many trees lose their\nfoliage--in a word, nature seems dead. And so it happened with their\ngod. The priests prepared his image of various seeds kneaded with the\nblood of sacrificed children. Numerous religious purifyings and\npenances, washings with water, blood-lettings, fasts, processions,\nburning of incense, sacrifices of quails and human beings, inaugurated\nthe festival. One of Quetzalcoatl's priests then shot an arrow at this\nimage of Huitzilopochtli, which penetrated the god who was now\nconsidered as dead. His heart was cut out, as with human victims, and\neaten by the king, the representative of the god on earth. The body,\nhowever, was divided among the various quarters of the city, so that\nevery man received a piece. This was called _teoqualo_ 'the god who is\neaten.'\n\nThe meaning of the death of this god is, on the whole, evident; it\ncorresponds with the death of vegetation; and a comparison of the myth\nof his birth, with the two other feasts of Huitzilopochtli, leads to\nthe same conclusion. This third feast is, therefore, at the same time,\na festival in honor of the brother of this god, Tezcatlipoca, the god\nof the under-world, of death, of drought, and of hunger, whose rule\ncommences where that of his brother ends. The myth gives a similar\nform and sense to the death of Osiris, who is killed by Typhon, and\nthe death of Dionysos and Hercules in the Ph\u0153nician colonies.\nAdonis lives with Aphrodite during one half of the year, and with\nPersephone the other half; the Indian Krishna leaves for the\nunder-world; thus, too, Brahma and the Celtic sun-god, Hu, died\nyearly, and were yearly born again. The festival of the self-burning\nof the Tyrian Heracles is also of this kind; it takes place at the\ntime of the dying off of vegetation, even if this should be in the\nsummer.\n\nAs regards the custom of eating the god, this also occurs at another\nfeast which is celebrated during this season, in honor of the gods of\nthe mountains and the water. Small idols of seeds and dough were then\nprepared, their breasts were opened like those of human victims, the\nheart was cut out, and the body distributed for eating. The time at\nwhich this occurs, shows that it stands in necessary connection with\nthe death of the god. When the god dies it must be as a sacrifice in\nthe fashion of his religion, and when the anthropomorphized god dies,\nit is as a human sacrifice amid all the necessary usages pertaining\nthereto: he is killed by priests, the heart is torn out, and his body\neaten at the sacrifice meal, just as was done with every human\nsacrifice. Could it be meant that the god, in being eaten, is imparted\nto, or incorporated with, the person eating him? This is no doubt so,\nthough not in the abstract, metaphysical, Christian or moral sense,\nbut only with regard to his nature-sense, (seiner Naturseite), which\nis the real essence of the god. He gives his body, in seed, to be\neaten by his people, just as nature, dying at the approach of the\nwinter, at this very period, has stored up an abundance of its gifts\nfor the sustenance of man. It gives man its life-fruit, or its fruit\nof life as a host or holy wafer. As a rule, the god, during the time\nof sacrifice, regales with the offering those bringing sacrifices;\nand, the eating of the flesh of the slave, who so often represents the\ngod to whom he is sacrificed, is the same as eating the god. We have\nheard of the custom among some nations of eating the ashes of their\nforefathers, to whom they give divine honors, in order to become\npossessors of their virtues. The Arkansas nation, west of the\nMississippi, which worshiped the dog, used to eat dog-flesh at one of\nits feasts. Many other peoples solemnly slaughter animals, consume\ntheir flesh, and moreover pay divine honors to the remains of these\nanimals. Here the eating of the god, in seeds, is made clear--this\ncustom also existed among the Greeks. The division of the year-god by\nthe ancients, in myth and religious system, has, for the rest, no\nother sense than has this distribution of the body of Huitzilopochtli.\nThis is done with the sun-bull at the festival of the Persian Mithras,\nas at the feast, and in the myth of the Dionysos-Zagreus, of Osiris\nand Attys.\n\n  [Sidenote: YEARLY LIFE OF THE PLANT-WORLD.]\n\nThe three yearly festivals, as well as the myth of his birth, all tend\nto show the positive connection of Huitzilopochtli with the yearly\nlife of the plant-world. The first festival is the arrival of the god,\nas the plant-world is ushered in, with its hymns praying for rain, its\nvirgins representing the sisters of the god and the inimical drought,\nin the same sense as the brothers and sister, especially the latter,\nare his enemies in the myth of his birth, and, as Tezcatlipoca, the\ngod of drought is his brother. Brothers and sisters not seldom\nrepresent parallel contrasts in mythology and worship. The second\ncelebration presents the god as the botanical kingdom in its splendor,\nfor which reason the Mexicans call the humming-bird the sunbeam, from\nthe form assumed by the god at this time. The humming-bird, moreover,\ntakes also his winter sleep, and thus the god dies in winter with the\nplants. The Greenlanders asked the younger Egede if the god of heaven\nand earth ever died, and, when answered in the negative, they were\nmuch surprised, and said that he must surely be a great god. This\nintimate connection with the plant-world is also shown in the\nbirth-myth of Huitzilopochtli, who here appears as the son of the\ngoddess of plants. It now becomes easier to answer the question of\nWuttke: has the fable of this birth reference merely to the making a\nman out of a god already existing, or to the actual birth of the god?\nThe Aztecs, it is true, were undecided on this point, some conceding\nto him a human existence on earth, others investing him with a\nconsciousness of his nature being. We, however, answer this question\nsimply, from the preceding: the birth of the god is annual, and the\nmyth has therefrom invented one birth, said to have taken place at\nsome period, while the anthropomorphism fables very prettily the\ntransformation into a man. Of the former existence of a born god, the\nmyth knows nothing, for it is only afterward that it raises the god\ninto heaven. It has not, however, come to euhemerism in the case of\nHuitzilopochtli, though it has with Huitziton. In placing the god in\nthe position of son to the plant-goddess, the myth separates his being\nfrom that of the mother, consequently, Huitzilopochtli is not the\nplant-world himself, however closely he may be related to it. This is\nmade clearer by following up the birth-myth, which makes him out to be\nnot only the son of Coatlicue, but also of the force causing her\nfructification. The variegated ball of feathers which fell from\nheaven, is none other than Huitzilopochtli himself, the little\nhumming-bird, which is the means of fructifying the plants, and the\nvirile, fructifying nature-force manifested by and issuing from him in\nthe spring. He is also born with the feather-tuft, and this symbol of\nthe fine season never leaves him in any of his forms, it remains his\nattribute.\n\nThe Tapuas in South America have, after a similar symbolism, the\ncustom, at their yearly seed-sowing festivals, of letting some one\nhang a bunch of ostrich-feathers on his back, the feathers being\nspread over like a wheel. This feather-bunch is their symbol of the\nfructifying power which comes from heaven. Their belief that bread\nfalls from heaven into this tuft of feathers is thus made clear. In\nthis myth we find the natural basis of such a birth-myth. In our\nnorthern mythology, Neekris, the ball, is, in the same manner, the\nfather of Nanna, the northern Flora. That this virile power of heaven\nis made to appear as a ball of feathers, suits the humming-bird god.\nThe Esths also imagined their god of thunder, as the god of warmth, in\nthe form of a bird. In the same sense, doves were consecrated to Zeus,\nin Dodona and Arcadia, and a flying bird is a symbol of heaven among\nthe Chinese. This force may, however, be symbolized in another form,\nand give rise to a birth-myth of exactly the same kind. Thus, the\ndaughter of the god Sangarius, in the Phrygian myth, hid in her bosom\nthe fruit of an almond-tree, which had grown out of the seed of the\nchild of the earth, Agdistis: the fruit disappeared, the daughter\nbecame pregnant and bore the beautiful boy Attes. According to\nArnobius, it was the fruit of a pomegranate-tree, which fructified\nNanna. Among the Chinese, a nymph, called Puzza, the nourisher of all\nliving things, became pregnant by eating a lotus-flower, and gave\nbirth to a great law-giver and conqueror. Dana\u00eb, again, becomes\npregnant from the golden shower of Zeus--an easily understood\nsymbolism. It is always the virile nature-power, either as seen in the\nsun, or in the azure sky (for which reason Huitzilopochtli is called\nthe lord of the heaven, Ochibus or Huchilobos), which puts the\nvariegated seed into the womb of the plant-world, 'at the same time\nbringing himself forth again, and making himself manifest in the\nplant-world.' This heavenly life-force no sooner finds an earthly\nmother-womb than its triumph is assured, even before birth, while\ndeveloping its bud; just as the inner voice, in the myth, consoled the\nmother, and protected her against all her enemies. It is only after\nhis birth that the myth holds Huitzilopochtli as a personal\nanthropomorphic god.\n\n  [Sidenote: THE VIRILE NATURE-POWER.]\n\nThis is the natural signification of Huitzilopochtli, which we have\naccepted as the basis of all other developments of the god, and for\nthis universal reason, namely, that the most ancient heathen gods are\nnature-gods, mythologic rules being followed, and that the pagan\nreligion is essentially a nature-worship as well as a polytheism. The\nspecial investigation and following up of the various virtues have led\nto the same result. But, as this view has not yet been generally\naccepted in regard to this god, a few words concerning the union of\nthe anthropomorphic national aspect of Huitzilopochtli, with his\nnatural one may be added. It has been thought necessary to make the\nmartial phase of Huitzilopochtli the basis of the others, as with\nMars. War is, from this point of view, a child of spring, because\nweapons are then resumed after the long winter armistice. This is not\nat all the case with Huitzilopochtli, because the rainy season,\nsetting in in spring, when the arrival and birth of the god are\ncelebrated, renders the soft roads of Mexico unsuitable for war\nexpeditions. Wars were originally children of autumn, at which time\nthe ripe fruits were objects of robbery. But the idea of a war and\nnational god is easily connected with the basis of a fructifying god\nof heaven. This chief nature-god may either be god of heaven, as\nHuitzilopochtli, as the rain-giving Zeus is made the national god by\nHomer, to whom human sacrifices were brought in Arcadia down to a late\nperiod, or he may be a sun-god, like Baal, to whom prayers for rain\nwere addressed in Phoenicia, to further the growth of the fruit, and\nwho also received human sacrifices. The Celtic Hu is also an ethereal\nwar god, properly sun-god, who received human sacrifices in honor of\nthe victory of spring; none the less is Odin's connection with war,\nbattle, and war horrors; he is a fire-god, like Moloch and Shiva, to\nwhom human sacrifices were made for fear of famine and failure of\ncrops. The apparent basis of such a god has not to be considered so\nmuch as the point that the people ascribed to him the chief government\nof the course of the year. In such a case, the chief ruler also\nbecomes the national god, the life of the nation depending immediately\non the yearly course of nature. Is the nation warlike, then, the\nnational god naturally becomes a war god as well. As anthropomorphism\nconnects itself with the nature-god only at a later period, so does\nhis worship as war god and national god. In the case of Mars, as well\nas of Picus and Faunus, the same succession is followed. Mars, for\nexample, is called upon in a prayer which has been preserved by Cato,\nto protect shepherds and flocks, and to avert bad weather and\nmisgrowth; Virgil refers to him as a god of plants. In the song of the\nArvalian brothers, he is called upon as the protector of the flowers.\nThus, in his case also, the nature side is the basis. The Chinese\nsymbolism of the union of the two sides or phases, is expressed in\nsuch a manner as to make spears and weapons representations of the\ngerms of plants. This union has already been illustrated among the\nAztecs, in the humming-bird, the sunbeam which plays round the\nflowers, in whose little body the intensest war spirit burns. Among\nthe Egyptians, the beetle was placed upon the ring of the warrior,\nwith whom it signified world and production.\n\n  [Sidenote: SNAKE SYMBOLISM.]\n\nIt remains to speak of another attribute of Huitzilopochtli, the snake\nattribute. Huitzilopochtli is also a snake-god. We have already, when\ntreating of the snake-worship of the Mayas, referred to the numerous\nsnakes with which this god is connected by myth and image, and how\nthis attribute was added to the original humming-bird attribute, in\nCoatepec, where the snake-goddess Coatlicue gave him birth. If the\nsnake signifies, in one case, time, in another, world, and in another\ninstance, water, or the yearly rejuvenation of germs and blossoms, the\neternal circle of nature, domination, soothsaying--it is quite\nproper; for all these qualities are found united in the god. Still\nother qualities, not seemingly possessed by him, we pass over, such as\na connection with the earth and with the healing power, to be found in\nother Mexican gods, or the evil principle, which is entirely wanting.\nJust as the snake changes its skin every year, and takes its winter\nsleep, so does Huitzilopochtli, whose mother, Flora, is, therefore, a\nsnake-goddess. Even so the snake represents the seed-corn in the\nmysteries of Demeter. In the Sabazii it represents the fructifying\nZeus and the blessing. It is also the symbol of productive power and\nheat, or of life, attribute of the life-endowing Shiva; among the\nEgyptians it represents the yearly rejuvenation of germs and blossoms.\nThe snake Agathod\u00e6mon appears with ears of grain and poppies, as the\nsymbol of fertility. If the god exhibits this nature of his, in\nspring, in the rain, then the snake is a suitable attribute. In India,\nsnakes are genii of seas, and the Punjab, whose fertility is assured\nby the yearly inundations, has the name of snake lands (Nagakhanda),\nand claims an ancient worship. The sustaining water-god, Vishnu, also\nreceived the snake attribute. Among the Chinese, the water could be\nrepresented by a snake. The Peruvians call the boa constrictor the\nmother of nature.\n\nThe idea of the yearly renewal of nature is also connected with that\nof time forever young, and the Aztecs, therefore, encircle their cycle\nwith a snake as the symbol of time. The more positive signification\nwhich the snake, placed by the side of the humming-bird, gives to\nHuitzilopochtli, is that of a soothsaying god, like the snake Python\namong the Greeks. The snake signified 'king' among the Egyptians, and\nthis suits Huitzilopochtli also, who may properly enough be considered\nthe real king of his people. If, as connected with Huitzilopochtli,\nthe snake also represents the war god, on account of its spirited mode\nof attack, I cannot with certainty say, but the myth as well as the\nworship places it in this relation to the war goddess Athene. Although\nthe idea of a national and a war god is not quite obscured in the\nsnake attribute, yet the nature side is especially denoted by it, as\nin the southern countries, where snake worship prevailed; the\nreference to the southern nature of this god is quite evident in the\nsnake attribute. In the north, moisture, represented by the snake, has\nnever attained the cosmological import which it has in the hot\ncountries of the south. There, the snake rather represents an\nanticosmogonic, or a bad principle.[VIII-15]\n\n  [Sidenote: WINTER-SOLSTICE FESTIVAL.]\n\nMr Tylor, without committing himself to any extent in details, yet\nagrees, as far as he goes, with M\u00fcller. He says: \"The very name of\nMexico seems derived from Mexitli, the national war-god, identical or\nidentified with the hideous gory Huitzilopochtli. Not to attempt a\ngeneral solution of the enigmatic nature of this inextricable compound\nparthenogenetic deity, we may notice the association of his principal\nfestival with the winter solstice, when his paste idol was shot\nthrough with an arrow, and being thus killed, was divided into morsels\nand eaten, wherefore the ceremony was called the _teoqualo_, or\n'god-eating.' This, and other details, tend to show Huitzilopochtli as\noriginally a nature-deity, whose life and death were connected with\nthe year's, while his functions of war-god may be of later\naddition.\"[VIII-16]\n\nOf this festival of the winter solstice the date and further\nparticulars are given by the Vatican Codex as follows:--\n\nThe name Panquetzaliztli, of the Mexican month that began on the first\nof December, means, being interpreted, 'the elevation of banners.'\nFor, on the first day of December every person raised over his house a\nsmall paper flag in honor of this god of battle; and the captains and\nsoldiers sacrificed those that they had taken prisoners in war, who,\nbefore they were sacrificed, being set at liberty, and presented with\narms equal to their adversaries, were allowed to defend themselves\ntill they were either vanquished or killed, and thus sacrificed. The\nMexicans celebrated in this month the festival of their first captain,\nVichilopuchitl. They celebrated at this time the festival of the wafer\nor cake. They made a cake of the meal of bledos, which is called\n_tzoalli_, and having made it, they spoke over it in their manner, and\nbroke it into pieces. These the high priest put into certain very\nclean vessels, and with a thorn of maguey, which resembles a thick\nneedle, he took up with the utmost reverence single morsels, and put\nthem into the mouth of each individual, in the manner of a\ncommunion--and I am willing to believe that these poor people have\nhad the knowledge of our mode of communion or of the preaching of the\ngospel; or perhaps the devil, most envious of the honor of God, may\nhave led them into this superstition in order that by this ceremony he\nmight be adored and served as Christ our Lord. On the twenty-first of\nDecember they celebrated the festival of this god--through whose\ninstrumentality, they say, the earth became again visible after it had\nbeen drowned with the waters of the deluge: they therefore kept his\nfestival during the twenty following days, in which they offered\nsacrifices to him.[VIII-17]\n\n  [Sidenote: DECORATIONS OF TLALOC.]\n\nThe deity Tlaloc, or Tlalocateuchtli, whom we have several times found\nmentioned as seated beside Huitzilopochtli in the great temple, was\nthe god of water and rain, and the fertilizer of the earth. He was\nheld to reside where the clouds gather, upon the highest\nmountain-tops, especially upon those of Tlaloc, Tlascala, and Toluca,\nand his attributes were the thunderbolt, the flash, and the thunder.\nIt was also believed that in the high hills there resided other gods,\nsubaltern to Tlaloc--all passing under the same name, and revered not\nonly as gods of water but also as gods of mountains. The prominent\ncolors of the image of Tlaloc were azure and green, thereby\nsymbolizing the various shades of water. The decorations of this image\nvaried a good deal according to locality and the several fancies of\ndifferent worshipers: the description of Gama, founded on the\ninspection of original works of Mexican religious art, is the most\nauthentic and complete. In the great temple of Mexico, in his own\nproper chapel, called _epeoatl_, adjoining that of Huitzilopochtli,\nthis god of water stood upon his pedestal. In his left hand was a\nshield ornamented with feathers; in his right were certain thin,\nshining, wavy sheets of gold representing his thunderbolts, or\nsometimes a golden serpent representing either the thunderbolt or the\nmoisture with which this deity was so intimately connected. On his\nfeet were a kind of half-boots, with little bells of gold hanging\ntherefrom. Round his neck was a band or collar set with gold and gems\nof price; while from his wrists depended strings of costly stones,\neven such as are the ornaments of kings. His vesture was an azure\nsmock reaching to the middle of the thigh, cross-hatched all over with\nribbons of silver forming squares; and in the middle of each square\nwas a circle also of silver, while in the angles thereof were flowers,\npearl-colored, with yellow leaves hanging down. And even as the\ndecoration of the vesture so was that of the shield; the ground blue,\ncovered with crossed ribbons of silver and circles of silver: and the\nfeathers of yellow and green and flesh-color and blue, each color\nforming a distinct band. The body was naked from mid-thigh down, and\nof a grey tint, as was also the face. This face had only one eye of a\nsomewhat extraordinary character: there was an exterior circle of\nblue, the interior was white with a black line across it and a little\nsemi-circle below the line. Either round the whole eye or round the\nmouth was a doubled band, or ribbon of blue; this, although unnoticed\nby Torquemada, is affirmed by Gama to have been never omitted from any\nfigure of Tlaloc, to have been his most characteristic device, and\nthat which distinguished him specially from the other gods. In his\nopen mouth were to be seen only three grinders; his front teeth were\npainted red, as was also the pendant, with its button of gold, that\nhung from his ear. His head-adornment was an open crown, covered in\nits circumference with white and green feathers, and from behind it\nover the shoulder depended other plumes of red and white. Sometimes\nthe insignium of the thunderbolt is omitted with this god, and\nIxtlilxochitl represents him, in the picture of the month Etzalli,\nwith a cane of maize in the one hand, and in the other a kind of\ninstrument with which he was digging in the ground. In the ground thus\ndug were put maize leaves filled with a kind of food, like fritters,\ncalled _etzalli_; from this the month took its name.[VIII-18]\n\n  [Sidenote: PRAYER TO TLALOC.]\n\n  [Sidenote: PRAYER FOR RAIN.]\n\nA prayer to this god has been preserved by Sahagun, in which it will\nbe noticed that the word Tlaloc is used sometimes in the singular and\nsometimes in the plural:--\n\nO our Lord, most clement, liberal giver and lord of verdure and\ncoolness, lord of the terrestrial paradise, odorous and flowery, and\nlord of the incense of copal, woe are we that the gods of water, thy\nsubjects, have hid themselves away in their retreat, who are wont to\nserve us with the things we need and who are themselves served with\n_ulli_ and _auchtli_ and copal. They have left concealed all the\nthings that sustain our lives, and carried away with them their sister\nthe goddess of the necessaries of life, and carried away also the\ngoddess of pepper. O our Lord, take pity on us that live; our food\ngoes to destruction, is lost, is dried up; for lack of water, it is as\nif turned to dust and mixed with spiders' webs. Woe for the miserable\nlaborers and for the common people; they are wasted with hunger, they\ngo about unrecognizable and disfigured every one. They are blue under\nthe eyes as with death; their mouths are dry as sedge; all the bones\nof their bodies may be counted as in a skeleton. The children are\ndisfigured and yellow as earth; not only those that begin to walk, but\neven those in the cradle. There is no one to whom this torment of\nhunger does not come; the very animals and birds suffer hard want, by\nthe drought that is. It is pitiful to see the birds, some dragging\nthemselves along with drooping wings, others falling down utterly and\nunable to walk, and others still with their mouths open through this\nhunger and thirst. The animals, O our Lord, it is a grievous sight to\nsee them stumbling and falling, licking the earth for hunger, and\npanting with open mouth and hanging tongue. The people lose their\nsenses and die for thirst; they perish, none is like to remain. It is\nwoeful, O our Lord, to see all the face of the earth dry, so that it\ncannot produce the herbs nor the trees, nor anything to sustain\nus--the earth that used to be as a father and mother to us, giving us\nmilk and all nourishment, herbs and fruits that therein grew. Now is\nall dry, all lost; it is evident that the Tlaloc gods have carried all\naway with them, and hid in their retreat, which is the terrestrial\nparadise. The things, O Lord, that thou wert graciously wont to give\nus, upon which we lived and were joyful, which are the life and joy\nof all the world, and precious as emeralds or sapphires--all these\nthings are departed from us. O our Lord, god of nourishment and giver\nthereof, most humane and most compassionate, what thing hast thou\ndetermined to do with us? Hast thou, peradventure altogether forsaken\nus? Thy wrath and indignation shall it not be appeased? Hast thou\ndetermined on the perdition of all thy servants and vassals, and that\nthy city and kingdom shall be left desolate and uninhabited?\nPeradventure, this has been determined, and settled in heaven and\nhades. O our Lord, concede at least this, that the innocent children,\nwho cannot so much as walk, who are still in the cradle, may have\nsomething to eat, so that they may live, and not die in this so great\nfamine. What have they done that they should be tormented and should\ndie of hunger? No iniquity have they committed, neither know they what\nthing it is to sin; they have neither offended the god of heaven nor\nthe god of hell. We, if we have offended in many things, if our sins\nhave reached heaven and hades, and the stink thereof gone out to the\nends of the earth, just it is that we be destroyed and made an end of;\nwe have nothing to say thereto, nor to excuse ourselves withal, nor to\nresist what is determined against us in heaven and in hades. Let it be\ndone; destroy us all, and that swiftly, that we may not suffer from\nthis long weariness which is worse than if we burned in fire.\nCertainly it is a horrible thing to suffer this hunger; it is like a\nsnake lacking food, it gulps down its saliva, it hisses, it cries out\nfor something to devour. It is a fearful thing to see the anguish of\nit demanding somewhat to eat; this hunger is intense as burning fire,\nflinging out sparks. Lord, let the thing happen that many years ago we\nhave heard said by the old men and women that have passed away from\nus, let the heavens fall on us and the demons of the air come down,\nthe Izitzimites, who are to come to destroy the earth with all that\ndwell on it; let darkness and obscurity cover the whole world, and the\nhabitation of men be nowhere found therein. This thing was known to\nthe ancients, and they divulged it, and from mouth to mouth it has\ncome down to us, all this that has to happen when the world ends and\nthe earth is weary of producing creatures. Our Lord, such present end\nwould be now dear to us as riches or pleasures once were--miserable\nthat we are! See good, O Lord, that there fall some pestilence to end\nus quickly. Such plague usually comes from the god of hades; and if it\ncame there would peradventure be provided some allowance of food, so\nthat the dead should not travel to hades without any provision for the\nway. O that this tribulation were of war, which is originated by the\nsun, and which breaks from sleep like a strong and valiant one--for\nthen would the soldiers and the brave, the stout and warlike men, take\npleasure therein. In it many die, and much blood is spilt, and the\nbattle-field is filled with dead bodies and with the bones and skulls\nof the vanquished; strewn also is the face of the earth with the hairs\nof the head of warriors that rot; but this they fear not, for they\nknow that their souls go to the house of the sun. And there they honor\nthe sun with joyful voices, and suck the various flowers with great\ndelight; there all the stout and valiant ones that died in war are\nglorified and extolled; there also the little and tender children that\ndie in war are presented to the Sun, very clean and well adorned and\nshining like precious stones. Thy sister, the goddess of food,\nprovides for those that go thither, supplying them with provision for\nthe way; and this provision of necessary things is the strength and\nthe soul and the staff of all the people of the world, and without it\nthere is no life. But this hunger with which we are afflicted, O our\nmost humane Lord, is so sore and intolerable that the miserable common\npeople are not able to suffer nor support it; being still alive they\ndie many deaths; and not the people alone suffer but also all the\nanimals. O our most compassionate Lord, lord of green things and gums,\nof herbs odorous and virtuous, I beseech thee to look with eyes of\npity on the people of this thy city and kingdom; for the whole world\ndown to the very beasts is in peril of destruction, and disappearance,\nand irremediable end. Since this is so, I entreat thee to see good to\nsend back to us the food-giving gods, gods of the rain and storm, of\nthe herbs and of the trees; so that they perform again their office\nhere with us on the earth. Scatter the riches and the prosperity of\nthy treasures, let the timbrels of joy be shaken that are the staves\nof the gods of water, let them take their sandals of india-rubber that\nthey may walk with swiftness. Give succor, O Lord, to our lord, the\ngod of the earth, at least with one shower of water, for when he has\nwater he creates and sustains us. See good, O Lord, to invigorate the\ncorn, and the other foods, much wished for and much needed, now sown\nand planted; for the ridges of the earth suffer sore need and anguish\nfrom lack of water. See good, O Lord, that the people receive this\nfavor and mercy at thine hand, let them see and enjoy of the verdure\nand coolness that are as precious stones; see good that the fruit and\nthe substance of the Tlalocs be given, which are the clouds that these\ngods carry with them and that sow the rain about us. See good, O Lord,\nthat the animals and herbs be made glad, and that the fowls and birds\nof precious feather, such as the _quechotl_ and the _caguan_, fly and\nsing and suck the herbs and flowers. And let not this come about with\nthunderings and lightnings, symbols of thy wrath; for if our lords the\nTlalocs come with thunder and lightning the whole people, being lean\nand very weak with hunger, would be terrified. If indeed some are\nalready marked out to go to the earthly paradise by the stroke of the\nthunderbolt, let this death be restricted to them, and let no injury\nbefall any of the other people in mountain or cabin; neither let hurt\ncome near the magueys or the other trees and plants of the earth; for\nthese things are necessary to the life and sustenance of the people,\npoor, forsaken, and cast-away, who can with difficulty get food enough\nto live, going about through hunger with the bowels empty and\nsticking to the ribs. O our Lord, most compassionate, most generous,\ngiver of all nourishment, be pleased to bless the earth and all the\nthings that live on the face thereof. With deep sighing and with\nanguish of heart I cry upon all those that are gods of water, that are\nin the four quarters of the world, east and west, north and south, and\nupon those that dwell in the hollow of the earth, or in the air, or in\nthe high mountains, or in the deep caves, I beseech them to come and\nconsole this poor people and to water the earth; for the eyes of all\nthat inhabit the earth, animals as well as men, are turned toward you,\nand their hope is set upon your persons. O our Lord, be pleased to\ncome.[VIII-19]\n\n  [Sidenote: VENGEANCE OF TLALOC.]\n\nThis is a prayer to Tlaloc. But it was not with prayers alone that\nthey deprecated his wrath and implored his assistance; here as\nelsewhere in the Mexican religion sacrifices played an important part.\nWhen the rain failed and the land was parched by drought, great\nprocessions were made in which a number of hairless dogs, common to\nthe country, and good to eat, were carried on decorated litters to a\nplace devoted to this use. There they were sacrificed to the god of\nwater by cutting out their hearts. Afterwards the carcasses were eaten\namid great festivities. All these things the Tlascaltec historian,\nCamargo, had seen with his own eyes thirty years before writing his\nbook. The sacrifices of men, which were added to these in the days of\ngreatness of the old religion, he describes as he was informed by\npriests who had officiated thereat. Two festivals in the year were\ncelebrated to Tlaloc, the greater feast and the less. Each of these\nwas terminated by human sacrifices. The side of the victim was opened\nwith a sharp knife; the high priest tore out the heart, and turning\ntoward the east offered it with lifted hands to the sun, crushing it\nat the same time with all his strength. He repeated this, turning in\nsuccession towards the remaining three cardinal points; the other\n_tlamacaxques_, or priests, not ceasing the while to darken with\nclouds of incense the faces of the idols. The heart was lastly burned\nand the body flung down the steps of the temple. A priest, who had\nafterwards been converted to Christianity, told Camargo that when he\ntore out the heart of a victim and flung it down, it used to palpitate\nwith such force as to clear itself of the ground several times till it\ngrew cold. Tlaloc was held in exceeding respect and the priests alone\nhad the right to enter his temple. Whoever dared to blaspheme against\nhim was supposed to die suddenly or to be stricken of thunder; the\nthunderbolt, instrument of his vengeance, flashed from the sky even at\nthe moment it was clearest. The sacrifices offered to him in times of\ndrought were never without answer and result; for, as Camargo craftily\ninsinuates, the priests took good care never to undertake them till\nthey saw indications of coming rain; besides, he adds--introducing,\nin defiance of _nec deus intersit_, a surely unneeded personage, if we\nsuppose his last statement true--the devil, to confirm these\npeople in their errors, was always sure to send rain.[VIII-20]\n\nChildren were also sacrificed to Tlaloc. Says Motolinia, when four\nyears came together in which there was no rain, and there remained as\na consequence hardly any green thing in the fields, the people waited\ntill the maize grew as high as the knee, and then made a general\nsubscription with which four slave children, of five or six years of\nage, were purchased. These they sacrificed in a cruel manner by\nclosing them up in a cave, which was never opened except on these\noccasions.[VIII-21]\n\nAccording to Mendieta, again, children were sometimes offered to this\ngod by drowning. The children were put into a canoe which was carried\nto a certain part of the lake of Mexico where was a whirlpool, which\nis no longer visible. Here the boat was sunk with its living cargo.\nThese gods had, according to the same author, altars in the\nneighborhood of pools especially near springs; which altars were\nfurnished with some kind of roof, and at the principal fountains were\nfour in number set over against each other in the shape of a\ncross--the cross of the rain god.[VIII-22]\n\nThe Vatican Codex says that in April a boy was sacrificed to Tlaloc\nand his dead body put into the maize granaries or maize fields--it is\nnot clearly apparent which--to preserve the food of the people from\nspoiling.[VIII-23] It is to Sahagun, however, that we must turn for the\nmost complete and authentic account of the festivals of Tlaloc with\ntheir attendant sacrifices.\n\n  [Sidenote: SACRIFICES OF CHILDREN.]\n\nIn the first days of the first month of the year, which month is\ncalled in some parts of Mexico, Quavitleloa, but generally Atlcaoalo,\nand begins on the second of our February, a great feast was made in\nhonor of the Tlalocs, gods of rain and water. For this occasion many\nchildren at the breast were purchased from their mothers; those being\nchosen that had two whirls (remolinos) in their hair, and that had\nbeen born under a good sign; it being said that such were the most\nagreeable sacrifice to the storm gods, and most likely to induce them\nto send rain in due season. Some of these infants were butchered for\nthis divine holiday on certain mountains, and some were drowned in the\nlake of Mexico. With the beginning of the festival, in every house,\nfrom the hut to the palace, certain poles were set up and to these\nwere attached strips of the paper of the country, daubed over with\nindia-rubber gum, said strips being called _amateteuitl_; this was\nconsidered an honor to the water-gods. And the first place where\nchildren were killed was Quauhtepetl, a high mountain in the\nneighborhood of Tlatelulco; all infants, boys or girls, sacrificed\nthere were called by the name of the place, Quauhtepetl, and were\ndecorated with strips of paper dyed red. The second place where\nchildren were killed was Yoaltecatl, a high mountain near Guadalupe.\nThe victims were decorated with pieces of black paper, with red lines\non it, and were named after the place, Yoaltecatl. The third\ndeath-halt was made at Tepetzingo, a well-known hillock that rose up\nfrom the waters of the lake opposite Tlatelulco; there they killed a\nlittle girl, decking her with blue paper, and calling her Quetzalxoch,\nfor so was this hillock called by another name. Poiauhtla, on the\nboundary of Tlascala, was the fourth hill of sacrifice. Here they\nkilled children, named as usual after the locality, and decorated with\npaper on which were lines of india-rubber oil. The fifth place of\nsacrifice was the no longer visible whirlpool or sink of the lake of\nMexico, Pantitlan. Those drowned here were called Epcoatl, and their\nadornment _epuepaniuhqui_. The sixth hill of death was Cocotl,[VIII-24]\nnear Chalcoatenco; the infant victims were named after it and\ndecorated with strips of paper of which half the number were red and\nhalf a tawny color. The mount Yiauhqueme, near Atlacuioaia, was the\nseventh station; the victims being named after the place and adorned\nwith paper of a tawny color.\n\nAll these miserable babes before being carried to their death were\nbedecked with precious stones and rich feathers and with raiment and\nsandals wrought curiously; they put upon them paper wings (as if they\nwere angels); they stained their faces with oil of india-rubber, and\non the middle of each tiny cheek they painted a round spot of white.\nNot able yet to walk, the victims were carried in litters shining with\njewels and awave with plumes; flutes and trumpets bellowed and\nshrilled round the little bedizened heads, all so unfortunate in their\ntwo whirls of hair, as they passed along; and everywhere as the\nlitters were borne by, all the people wept. When the procession\nreached the temple near Tepetzinco, on the east, called Tozocan, the\npriests rested there all night, watching and singing songs, so that\nthe little ones could not sleep. In the morning the march was again\nresumed; if the children wept copiously those around them were very\nglad, saying it was a sign that much rain would fall; while if they\nmet any dropsical person on the road it was taken for a bad omen and\nsomething that would hinder the rain. If any of the temple ministers,\nor of the others called _quaquavitli_, or of the old men, broke off\nfrom the procession or turned back to their houses before they came to\nthe place where the sacrifice was done, they were held for infamous\nand unworthy of any public office; thenceforward they were called\n_mocauhque_, that is to say, 'deserters.'[VIII-25]\n\n  [Sidenote: SPOLIATION OF C\u00c6SAR FOR THE CHURCH.]\n\nMore ludicrous than diabolical are the ceremonies of the next feast of\nTlaloc. In the sixth Aztec month, the month Etzalqualixtli, there was\nheld a festival in honor of the gods of water and rain. Before the\ncommencement of this festival the idol priests fasted four days, and\nbefore beginning to fast they made a procession to a certain piece of\nwater, near Citlaltepec, to gather tules; for at that place these\nrushes grew very tall and thick and what part of them was under water\nwas very white. There they pulled them up, rolled them in bundles\nwrapped about with their blankets, and so carried them back on their\nshoulders. Both on going out for these rushes and on coming back with\nthem, it was the custom to rob anyone that was met on the road; and\nas every one knew of this custom the roads were generally pretty clear\nof stragglers about this time. No one, not even a king's officer\nreturning to his master with tribute, could hope to escape on such an\noccasion, nor to obtain from any court or magistrate any\nindemnification for loss or injury so sustained in goods or person;\nand if he made any resistance to his clerical spoilers they beat and\nkicked and dragged him over the ground. When they reached the temple\nwith their rushes they spread them out on the ground and plaited them,\nwhite with green, into as it were painted mats, sewing them firm with\nthreads of maguey-root; of these mats they made stools, and chairs\nwith backs. The first day of the fast arrived, all the idol ministers\nand priests retired to their apartments in the temple buildings. There\nretired all those called _tlamacaztequioagues_, that is to say,\n'priests that have done feats in war, that have captured three or four\nprisoners;' these although they did not reside continually in the\ntemple, resorted thither at set times to fulfil their offices. There\nretired also those called _tlamacazcayiaque_, that is, 'priests that\nhave taken one prisoner in war;' these also, although not regular\ninmates of the cues, resorted thither, when called by their duties.\nThere retired also those that are called _tlamacazquecuicanime_,\n'priest singers,' who resided permanently in the temple building\nbecause they had as yet captured no one in war. Last of all those also\nretired that were called _tlamacaztezcahoan_, which means 'inferior\nministers,' and those boys, like little sacristans, who were called\n_tlamacatoton_, 'little ministers.'\n\nNext, all the rush mats that had been made which were called\n_aztapilpetlatl_, 'jaspered mats of rushes, or mats of white and\ngreen' were spread round about the hearths (hogares) of the temple,\nand the priests proceeded to invest themselves for their offices. They\nput on a kind of jacket that they had, called _xicolli_, of painted\ncloth; on the left arm they put a kind of scarf, _macataxtli_; in the\nleft hand they took a bag of copal, and in the right a censer,\n_temaitl_, which is a kind of sauce-pan or frying-pan of baked clay.\nThen they entered into the court-yard of the temple, took up their\nstation in the middle of it, put live coals into their censers, added\ncopal, and offered incense toward the four quarters of the world,\neast, north, west, and south. This done they emptied the coals from\ntheir incense-pans into the great brasiers that were always burning at\nnight in the court, brasiers somewhat less in height than the height\nof a man, and so thick that two men could with difficulty clasp them.\n\n  [Sidenote: BATHING IN THE FESTIVAL OF TLALOC.]\n\nThis over, the priests returned to the temple buildings, _calmecac_,\nand put off their ornaments. Then they offered before the hearth\nlittle balls of dough, called _veutelolotli_; each priest offering\nfour, arranging them on the aforementioned rush mats, and putting them\ndown with great care, so that they should not roll nor move; and if\nthe balls of any one stirred, it was the duty of his fellows to call\nattention to the matter and have him punished therefor. Some offered\ninstead of dough four little pies or four pods of green pepper. A\ncareful scrutiny was also observed to see if any one had any dirt on\nhis blanket, or any bit of thread or hair or feather, and that no one\nshould trip or fall; for in such a case he had to be punished; and as\na consequence every man took good heed to all his steps and ways\nduring these four days. At the end of each day's offerings, certain\nold men, called _quaquacuiltin_ came, their faces dyed black, and\ntheir heads shaved, save only the crown of the head, where the hair\nwas allowed to grow long, the reverse of the custom of the Christian\npriests. These old men daily collected the offerings that had been\nmade, dividing them among themselves. It was further the custom with\nall the priests and in all the temples, while fasting these four days,\nto be wakened at midnight by the blast of horns and shells and other\ninstruments; when all rose up and, utterly naked, went to where were\ncertain thorns of maguey, cut for the purpose the day before, and with\nlittle lancets of stone they hacked their ears, staining the prepared\nthorns of maguey and besmearing their faces with the blood that\nflowed; each man staining maguey-thorns with his blood in number\nproportioned to his devotion, some five, others more, others less.\nThis done all the priests went to bathe themselves, how cold soever it\nmight be, attended by the music of marine shells and shrill whistles\nof baked clay. Every one had a little bag strapped to his shoulders,\nornamented with tassels or strips of painted paper; in these bags was\ncarried a sort of herb ground fine and made up with a kind of black\ndye into little longish pellets.[VIII-26] The general body of the priests\nmarched along, each one carrying a leaf of maguey in which the thorns\nwere stuck, as in a pincushion, which he had to use. Before these went\na priest with his censer full of live coals and a bag of copal; and in\nadvance of all these walked one carrying a board on his shoulder of\nabout a span broad and two yards long, hollowed apparently in some\nway, and filled with little rollers of wood that rattled and sounded\nas the bearer went along shaking them.[VIII-27] All the priests took part\nin this procession, only four remaining behind to take care of the\ntemple-building, or calmecac, which was their monastery. These four\nduring the absence of the others remained seated in the calmecac and\noccupied themselves in devotion to the gods, in singing and in\nrattling with a hollow board of the sort mentioned above. At the piece\nof water where the priests were to bathe there were four houses,\ncalled _axaucalli_, 'fog houses,' set each toward one of the four\nquarters of the compass; in the ablutions of the first night one of\nthese houses was occupied, on the second night another, and so on\nthrough all the four nights and four houses of the fog. Here also were\nfour tall poles standing up out of the water. And the unfortunate\nbathers, naked from the outset as we remember, reached this place\ntrembling and their teeth chattering with cold. One of their number\nmumbled a few words, which being translated mean: this is the place of\nsnakes, the place of mosquitos, the place of ducks, and the place of\nrushes. This said, all flung themselves into the water and began to\nsplash with their hands and feet, making a great noise and imitating\nthe cries of various aquatic birds.[VIII-28] When the bathing was over,\nthe naked priests took their way back accompanied by the music of\npipes and shells. Half dead with cold and weariness they reached the\ntemple, where drawing their mantles over them they flung themselves\ndown in a confused heap on the rush mats, so often mentioned, and\nslept as best they could. We are told that some talked in their sleep,\nand some walked about in it, and some snored, and some sighed in a\npainful manner. There they lay in a tangled weary heap not rising till\nnoon of the next day.\n\n  [Sidenote: RELIGIOUS DISCIPLINE.]\n\nThe first thing to be done on waking was to array themselves in their\ncanonicals, take their censers, and to follow an old priest called\nQuaquacuilti to all the chapels and altars of the idols, incensing\nthem. After this they were at liberty to eat; they squatted down in\ngroups, and to each one was given such food as had been sent to him\nfrom his own house; and if any one took any of the portion of another,\nor even exchanged his for that of another, he was punished for it.\nPunishment also attended the dropping of any morsel while eating, if\nthe fault were not atoned for by a fine. After this meal, they all\nwent to cut down branches of a certain kind called _acxoiatl_, or,\nwhere these were not to be found, green canes instead, and to bring\nthem to the temple in sheaves. There they sat down, every man with his\nsheaf, and waited for an arranged signal. The signal given, every one\nsprang up to some appointed part of the temple to decorate it with his\nboughs; and if any one went to a place not his, or wandered from his\ncompanions, or lagged behind them, they punished him--a punishment\nonly to be remitted by paying to his accuser, within the four days of\nwhich we are now speaking, either a hen or a blanket or a\nbreech-clout, or, if very poor, a ball of dough in a cup.\n\nThese four days over, the festival was come, and every man began it by\neating _etzalli_, a kind of maize porridge, in his own house. For\nthose that wished it there was general dancing and rejoicing. Many\ndecked themselves out like merry-andrews and went about in parties\ncarrying pots, going from house to house, demanding etzalli. They sang\nand danced before the door, and said, \"If you do not give me some\nporridge, I will knock a hole in your house;\" whereupon the etzalli\nwas given. These revels began at midnight and ceased at dawn. Then\nindeed did the priests array themselves in all their glory: underneath\nwas a jacket, over that a thin transparent mantle called\n_aiauhquemitl_, decorated with parrot-feathers set cross-wise. Between\nthe shoulders they fastened a great round paper flower, like a shield.\nTo the nape of the neck they attached other flowers of crumpled paper\nof a semi-circular shape; these hung down on both sides of the head\nlike ears. The forehead was painted blue and over the paint was dusted\npowder of marcasite. In the right hand was carried a bag made of\ntiger-skin, and embroidered with little white shells which clattered\nas one walked. The bag seems to have been three-cornered; from one\nangle hung down the tiger's tail, from another his two fore feet, from\nanother his two hind feet. It contained incense made from a certain\nherb called _yiauhtli_.[VIII-29] There went one priest bearing a hollow\nboard filled with wooden rattles, as before described. In advance of\nthis personage there marched a number of others, carrying in their\narms images of the gods made of that gum that is black and leaps,\ncalled _ulli_ (india-rubber), these images were called _ulteteu_, that\nis to say 'gods of ulli.' Other ministers there were carrying in their\narms lumps of copal, shaped like sugar loaves; each pyramid having a\nrich feather, called quetzal, stuck in the peak of it like a plume. In\nthis manner went the procession with the usual horns and shells, and\nthe purpose of it was to lead to punishment those that had\ntransgressed in any of the points we have already discussed. The\nculprits were marched along, some held by the hair at the nape of the\nneck, others by the breech-clout; the boy offenders were held by the\nhand, or, if very small, were carried. All these were brought to a\nplace called Totecco, where water was. Here certain ceremonies were\nperformed, paper was burned in sacrifice, as were also the pyramids of\ncopal and images of ulli, incense being thrown into the fire and other\nincense scattered over the rush mats with which the place was adorned.\nWhile this was going on those in charge of the culprits had not been\nidle, but were flinging them into the water. Great was the noise, it\nis said, made by the splash of one tossed in, and the water leaped\nhigh with the shock. As any one came to the surface or tried to\nscramble out he was pushed in or pushed down again--well was it then\nfor him who could swim, and by long far diving keep out of the reach\nof his tormentors. For the others they were so roughly handled that\nthey were often left for dead on the water's edge, where their\nrelatives would come and hang them up by the feet to let the water\nthey had swallowed run out of them; a method of cure surely as bad as\nthe malady.\n\n  [Sidenote: THE FOUR BALLS.]\n\nThe shrill music struck up again and the procession returned by the\nway it had come; the friends of the punished ones carrying them. The\nmonastery or calmecac reached, there began another four days' fast,\ncalled _netlacacaoaliztli_; but in this the sharp religious etiquette\nof the first four days' fast was not observed, or at least one was not\nliable to be informed upon or punished for a breach of such etiquette.\nThe conclusion of this fast was celebrated by feasting. Again the\npriests decorated themselves in festal array. All the head was painted\nblue, the face was covered with honey (miel) mixed with a black dye.\nOver the shoulders were carried the incense-bags embroidered with\nlittle white shells--bags made of tiger-skins, as before described,\nfor the chief priests, and of paper painted to imitate tiger-skin in\nthe case of the inferior priests. Some of these satchels were\nfashioned to resemble the bird called _atzitzicuilotl_, others to\nresemble ducks. The priests marched in procession to the temple, and\nbefore all marched the priest of Tlaloc. He had on his head a crown of\nbasketwork, fitting close to the temples below and spreading out\nabove, with many plumes issuing from the middle of it. His face was\nanointed with melted india-rubber gum, black as ink, and concealed by\nan ugly mask with a great nose, and a wig attached which fell as low\nas the waist. All went along mumbling to themselves as if they prayed,\ntill they came to the cu of Tlaloc. There they stopped and spread tule\nmats on the ground, and dusted them over with powdered tule-leaves\nmixed with yiauhtli incense. Upon this the acting priest placed four\nround chalchiuites, like little balls; then he took a small hook\npainted blue, and touched each ball with it; and as he touched each he\nmade a movement as if drawing back his hand, and turned himself\ncompletely round. He scattered more incense on the mats, then he took\nthe board with the rattles inside and sounded with it--perhaps a kind\nof religious stage thunder in imitation of the thunder of his god.\nUpon this every one retired to his house or to his monastery and put\noff his ornaments; and the unfortunates who had been ducked were\ncarried at last to their own dwellings for the rest and recovery that\nthey so sorely needed. That night the festivities burst out with a new\nglory, the musical instruments of the cu itself were sounded, the\ngreat drums and the shrill shells. Well watched that night were the\nprisoners who were doomed to death on the morrow. When it came they\nwere adorned with the trappings of the Tlaloc gods--for it was said\nthey were the images of these gods--and those that were killed first\nwere said to be the foundation of the others, which seemed to be\nsymbolized by those who had to die last being made to seat themselves\non those who had been first killed.[VIII-30]\n\nThe slaughter over, the hearts of the victims were put into a pot that\nwas painted blue and stained with ulli in four places. Together with\nthis pot offerings were taken of paper and feathers and precious\nstones and chalchiuites, and a party set out with the whole for that\npart of the lake where the whirlpool is, called Pantitlan. All who\nassisted at this offering and sacrifice were provided with a supply of\nthe herb called _iztauhiatl_, which is something like the incense used\nin Spain, and they puffed it with their mouths over each other's faces\nand over the faces of their children. This they did to hinder maggots\ngetting into the eyes, and also to protect against a certain disease\nof the eyes called _exocuillo-o-alixtli_; some also put this herb into\ntheir ears, and others for a certain superstition they had held a\nhandful of it clutched in the hand. The party entered a great canoe\nbelonging to the king, furnished with green oars, or paddles, spotted\nwith ulli, and rowed swiftly to the place Pantitlan, where the\nwhirlpool was. This whirlpool was surrounded by logs driven into the\nbottom of the lake like piles--probably to keep canoes from being\ndrawn into the sink. These logs being reached, the priests, standing\nin the bows of the royal vessel, began to play on their horns and\nshells. Conspicuous among them stood their chief holding the pot\ncontaining the hearts; he flung them far into the whirling hollow of\nwater, and it is said that when the hearts plunged in, the waters were\nstrangely moved and stirred into waves and foam. The precious stones\nwere also thrown in, and the papers of the offering were fastened to\nthe stakes with a number of the chalchiuites and other stones. A\npriest took a censer and put four papers called _telhuitl_ into it,\nand burned them, offering them toward the whirlpool; then he threw\nthem, censer and all, still burning into the sink. That done, the\ncanoe was put about and rowed to the landing of Tetamacolco, and every\none bathed there.\n\nAll this took place between midnight and morning, and when the light\nbegan to break the whole body of the priests went to bathe in the\nusual place. They washed the blue paint off their heads, save only on\nthe forehead; and if there were any offences of any priest to be\npunished he was here ducked and half drowned as described above.\nLastly all returned to their monasteries, and the green rush mats\nspread there were thrown out behind each house.[VIII-31]\n\nWe have given the description of two great festivals of the\nTlalocs--two being all that are mentioned by many authorities--there\nstill remain, however, two other notable occasions on which they were\npropitiated and honored.\n\n  [Sidenote: IMAGES OF THE MOUNTAINS.]\n\nIn the thirteenth month, which was called Tepeilhuitl, and which\nbegan, according to Clavigero, on the 24th of October, it was the\ncustom to cut certain sticks into the shape of snakes. Certain images\nas of children were also cut out of wood, and these dolls, called\n_hecatotonti_, together with the wooden snakes, were used as a\nfoundation or centre round which to build up little effigies of the\nmountains; wherein the Tlalocs were honored as gods of the mountains,\nand wherein memorial was had of those that had been drowned, or killed\nby thunderbolts, or whose bodies had been buried without\ncremation--the dolls perhaps representing the bodies of these, and\nthe snakes the thunderbolts. Having then these wooden dolls and snakes\nas a basis, they were covered with dough mixed from the seeds of the\nwild amaranth; over each doll certain papers were put; round one snake\nand one doll, set back to back, there appears next to have been bound\na wisp of hay, (which wisp was kept from year to year and washed on\nthe vigil of every feast), till the proper shape of a mountain was\narrived at; over the whole was then daubed a layer of dough, of the\nkind already mentioned. We have now our image of the mountain with two\nheads looking opposite ways, sticking out from its summit. Round this\nsummit there seem to have been stuck rolls of dough representing the\nclouds usually formed about the crests of high mountains. The face of\nthe human image that looked out over these dough clouds was daubed\nwith melted ulli; and to both cheeks of it were stuck little\ntortillas, or cakes of the everywhere-present dough of wild amaranth\nseeds. On the head of this same image was put a crown with feathers\nissuing from it.[VIII-32] These images were made at night, and in the\nmorning they were carried to their 'oratories,' and laid down on beds\nof rushes or reeds; then food was offered to them, small pies or\ntarts, a porridge of maize-flour and sugar, and the stewed flesh of\nfowls or of dogs. Incense was burned before them, being thrown into a\ncenser shaped like a hand, as it were a great spoon full of burning\ncoals. Those who could afford it sang and drank pulque in honor of\ntheir dead ones and of these gods.\n\n  [Sidenote: SACRIFICES TO TLALOC.]\n\nIn this feast four women and a man were killed in honor of the Tlalocs\nand of the mountains. The four women were named respectively, Tepoxch,\nMatlalquac, Xochetecatl, and Mayavel--this last was decorated to\nappear as the image of the magueyes. The man was called Milnaoatl; he\nstood for an image of 'the snakes.' These victims, adorned with crowns\nof paper stained with ulli, were borne to their doom in litters. Being\ncarried to the summit of the cu, they were thrown one by one on the\nsacrificial stone, their hearts taken out with the flint and offered\nto Tlaloc, and their bodies allowed to slide slowly down the\ntemple-steps to the earth--a too rapid descent being hindered by the\npriests. The corpses were carried to a place where the heads were cut\noff and preserved, spitted on poles thrust through the temples of each\nskull. The bodies were lastly carried to the wards from which they had\nset out alive, and there cut in pieces and eaten. At the same time the\nimages of the mountains, which we have attempted to describe, were\nbroken up, the dough with which they were covered was set out to dry\nin the sun, and was eaten, every day a piece. The papers with which\nthe said images had been adorned were then spread over the wisps of\nhay, above mentioned, and the whole was fastened up in the rafters of\nthe oratory that every one had in his house; there to remain till\nrequired for the next year's feast of the same kind; on which\noccasion, and as a preliminary to the other ceremonies which we have\nalready described in the first part of this feast, the people took\ndown the paper and the wisp from their private oratories, and carried\nthem to the public oratory called the _acaucalli_, left the paper\nthere, and returned with the wisp to make of it anew the image of a\nmountain.[VIII-33]\n\n  [Sidenote: KILLING IMAGES OF THE MOUNTAINS.]\n\nThe fourth and last festival of Tlaloc which we have to describe, fell\nin our December and in the sixteenth Aztec month, called the month\nAtemuztli. About this time it began to thunder round the\nmountain-tops, and the first rains to fall there; the common people\nsaid, \"Now come the Tlalocs,\" and for love of the water they made vows\nto make images of the mountains--not, however, as it would appear,\nsuch images as have been described as appertaining to the preceding\nfestival. The priests were very devout at this season and very earnest\nin prayer, expecting the rain. They took each man his incense-pan or\ncenser, made like a great spoon with a long round hollow handle filled\nwith rattles and terminating in a snake's head, and offered incense to\nall the idols. Five days before the beginning of the feast the common\npeople bought paper and ulli and flint knives and a kind of coarse\ncloth called _nequen_, and devoutly prepared themselves with fasting\nand penance to make their images of the mountains and to cover them\nwith paper. In this holy season, although every one bathed, he washed\nno higher than the neck, the head was left unwashed; the men,\nmoreover, abstained from their wives. The night preceding the great\nfeast-day was spent wholly, flint knife in hand, cutting out paper\ninto various shapes. These papers called _tetevitl_, were stained with\nulli; and every householder got a long pole, covered it with pieces of\nthis paper, and set it up in his court-yard, where it remained all the\nday of the festival. Those that had vowed to make images of the\nmountains invited priests to their houses to do it for them. The\npriests came, bearing their drums and rattles and instruments of music\nof tortoise-shell. They made the images--apparently like human\nfigures--out of the dough of wild amaranth seed, and covered them with\npaper. In some houses there were made five of such images, in others\nten, in others fifteen; they were figures that stood for such\nmountains as the clouds gather round, such as the volcano of the\nSierra Nevada or that of the Sierra of Tlascala. These images being\nconstructed, they were set in order in the oratory of the house, and\nbefore each one was set food--very small pies, on small platters,\nproportionate to the little image, small boxes holding a little sweet\nporridge of maize, little calabashes of cacao, and other small green\ncalabashes containing pulque. In one night they presented the figures\nwith food in this manner four times. All the night too they sang\nbefore them, and played upon flutes; the regular flutists not being\nemployed on this occasion, but certain small boys who were paid for\ntheir trouble with something to eat. When the morning came, the\nministers of the idols asked the master of the house for his\n_tzotzopaztli_, a kind of broad wooden knife used in weaving,[VIII-34]\nand thrust it into the breasts of the images of the mountains, as if\nthey were living men, and cut their throats and drew out the hearts,\nwhich they put in a green cup and gave to the owner of the house. This\ndone, they took all the paper with which these images had been adorned,\ntogether with certain green mats that had been used for the same\npurpose, and the utensils in which the offering of food had been put,\nand burned all in the court-yard of the house. The ashes and the\nmutilated images seem then to have been carried to a public oratory\ncalled Aiauhcalco, on the shore of the lake. Then all who assisted at\nthese ceremonies joined themselves to eat and drink in honor of the\nmutilated images, which were called _tepieme_. Women were allowed to\njoin in this banquet provided they brought fifteen or twenty heads of\nmaize with them; they received every one his or her share of food and\npulque. The pulque was kept in black jars and lifted out to be drunk\nwith black cups. This banquet over, the paper streamers were taken\ndown from the poles set up in the court-yards of the houses and\ncarried to certain places in the water that were marked out by piles\ndriven in--we may remember that our whirlpool of Pantitlan, in the\nlake of Mexico, was one place so marked--and to the tops of the\nmountains, and left there as it would appear.[VIII-35]\n\nIn taking leave here of Tlaloc I may draw attention to the prominence\nin his cult of the number four, the cross, and the snake; and add that\nas lord of one of the three Aztec divisions of the future world, lord\nof the terrestrial paradise, we shall meet with him again in our\nexamination of the Mexican ideas of a future life.\n\nFOOTNOTES:\n\n[VIII-1] Huitzilopochtli is derived from two words: _huitzilin_, the\nhumming-bird, and _opochtli_, left--so called from the left foot of\nhis image being decorated with humming-bird feathers. _Clavigero_,\n_Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 17-19.\n\n[VIII-2] _Boturini_, _Idea de una Hist._, pp. 60-1.\n\n[VIII-3] _Acosta_, _Hist. Nat. Ind._, pp. 352-3, 361-3. Acosta gives a\ndescription of the wanderings of the Mexicans and how their god\nVitziliputzli, directed and guided them therein, much as the God of\nIsrael directed his people, across the wilderness to the Promised\nLand. Tradition also tells, how he himself revealed that manner of\nsacrifice most acceptable to his will:--some of the priests having\novernight offended him, lo, in the morning, they were all dead men;\ntheir stomachs being cut open, and their hearts pulled out; which\nrites in sacrifice were thereupon adopted for the service of that\ndeity, and retained until their rooting out by the stern Spanish\nhusbandry, so well adapted to such foul and bloody tares. _Purchas\nhis Pilgrimes_, vol. iv., pp. 1002-3.\n\n[VIII-4] _Solis_, _Hist. Conq. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 396-8. This writer\nsays: 'The Spanish soldiers called this idol _Huchilobos_, a corrupt\npronunciation: so too Bernal Diaz del Castillo writes it. Authors\ndiffer much in describing this magnificent building. Antonio de\nHerrera follows Francisco Lopez de G\u00f3mara too closely. We shall follow\nFather Josef de Acosta and the better informed authors.' _Id._, p.\n395.\n\n[VIII-5] _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. i., p. i.\n\n[VIII-6] _Gage's New Survey_, pp. 116-7; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, tom.\ni., dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. xvii.\n\n[VIII-7] 'Pero los mismos Naturales afirman, que este Nombre tomaron de\nel Dios Principal, que ellos traxeron, el qual tenia dos Nombres, el\nuno Huitzilopuchtli, y el otro Mexitly, y este segundo, quiere decir\nOmbligo de Maguey.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 293.\n\n[VIII-8] 'Aconteci\u00f2, pues, vn dia, que estando barriendo, come\nacostumbraba, vi\u00f2 bajar por el Aire, una pelota peque\u00f1a, hecha de\nplumas, \u00e0 manera de ovillo, hecho de hilado, que se le vino \u00e0 los\nmanos, la qual tom\u00f2, y meti\u00f2 entre los Nahuas, \u00f2 Faldellin, y la\ncarne, debajo de la faja que le ce\u00f1ia el cuerpo (porque siempre traen\nfajado este genero de vestido) no imaginando ningun misterio, ni fin\nde aquel caso. Acabo de barrer, y busc\u00f2 la pelota de pluma, para v\u00e8r\nde qu\u00e8 podria aprovecharla en servicio de sus Dioses, y no la hall\u00f2.\nQued\u00f2 de esto admirada, y mucho mas de conocer en s\u00ec, que desde aquel\npunto se avia hecho pre\u00f1ada.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii.,\npp. 41-2.\n\n[VIII-9] This Paynalton, or Paynal, was a kind of deputy-god, or\nsubstitute for Huitzilopochtli; used in cases of urgent haste and\nimmediate emergency, where perhaps it might be thought there was not\ntime for the lengthened ceremonies necessary to the invocation of the\ngreater war deity. Sahagun's account of Paynal is concise, and will\nthrow light on the remarks of Torquemada, as given above in the text.\nSahagun says, in effect: This god Paynal was a kind of sub-captain to\nHuitzilopochtli. The latter, as chief-captain, dictated the deliberate\nundertaking of war against any province; the former, as vicar to the\nother, served when it became unexpectedly necessary to take up arms\nand make front hurriedly against an enemy. Then it was that\nPaynal--whose name means 'swift, or hurried,'--when living on earth\nset out in person to stir up the people to repulse the enemy. Upon his\ndeath he was deified and a festival appointed in his honor. In this\nfestival, his image, richly decorated, was carried in a long\nprocession, every one, bearer of the idol or not, running as fast as\nhe could; all of which represented the promptness that is many times\nnecessary to resist the assault of a foe attacking by surprise or\nambuscade. _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. i., p. 2.\n\n[VIII-10] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 293, tom. ii., pp.\n41-3, 71-3.\n\n[VIII-11] See this vol., p. 69, note.\n\n[VIII-12] See this vol. p. 67.\n\n[VIII-13] See this vol. p. 134.\n\n[VIII-14] If some of the names and myths, mentioned or alluded to from\ntime to time, by M\u00fcller and others, are yet unknown to the reader, he\nwill remember the impossibility of any arrangement of these mixed and\nfar-involved legends by which, without infinite verbiage, this trouble\ncould be wholly obviated. In good time, and with what clearness is\npossible, the list of gods and legends will be made as nearly as may\nbe complete.\n\n[VIII-15] _M\u00fcller_, _Amerikanische Urreligionen_, pp. 591-612.\n\n[VIII-16] _Tylor's Prim. Cult._, vol. ii., p 279.\n\n[VIII-17] _Spiegazione delle Tavole del Codice Mexicano_ (Vaticano),\ntav. lxxi.-ii., in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. v., pp. 195-6.\n\n[VIII-18] _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 14;\n_Leon y Gama_, _Dos Piedras_, pt i., p. 101, pt ii., pp. 76-9.\n\n[VIII-19] _Sahagun_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. v., pp.\n372-6; _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, vol. ii., pp. 64-70.\n\n[VIII-20] _Camargo_, _Hist. de Tlaxcallan_, in _Nouvelles Annales des\nVoy._, 1843, tom. 99, pp. 133, 135-7. Camargo, being a Tlascaltec,\nmost of his writings have particular reference to his own province,\nbut in this as in other places he seems to be describing general\nMexican customs.\n\n[VIII-21] The text, without saying directly that these unfortunate\nchildren were closed there alive, appears to infer it: 'Cuando el maiz\nestaba \u00e1 la rodilla, para un dia repartian y echaban pecho, con que\ncompraban cuatro ni\u00f1os esclavos de edad de cinco \u00e1 seis a\u00f1os, y\nsacrific\u00e1banlos \u00e1 Tlaloc, dios del agua, poni\u00e9ndolos en una cueva, y\ncerr\u00e1banla hasta otro a\u00f1o que hacian lo mismo. Este cruel sacrificio.'\n_Motolinia_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 45.\n\n[VIII-22] 'Tambien tenian \u00eddolos junto \u00e1 los aguas, mayormente cerca de\nlas fuentes, \u00e1 do hacian sus altares con sus gradas cubiertas por\nencima, y en muchas principales fuentes cuatro altares de estos \u00e1\nmanera de cruz unos enfrente de otros, y all\u00ed en el agua echaban mucho\nencienso ofrecido y papel.' _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, pp. 87, 102.\n\n[VIII-23] 'In questo mese ritornavano ad ornare li tempj, e le immagini\ncome nello passato, ed in fine delli venti d\u00ed sacrificavano un putto\nal Dio dell' acqua, e lo mettevano infra il maiz, a fine che non si\nguastasse la provisione di tutto l' anno.' _Spiegazione delle Tavole\ndel Codice Mexicano_, tav. lx., in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol.\nv., p. 191.\n\n[VIII-24] 'Whence is derived the name _cocoles_, by which the boys of\nthe choir of the cathedral of Mexico are now known.' _Bustamante_, note\nto _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., p. 85.\n\n[VIII-25] _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. vii., pp. 37-8; _Sahagun_,\n_Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 84-7.\n\n[VIII-26] 'En aquellas talegas llevaban una manera de harina hecha \u00e1 la\nmanera de estiercol de ratones, que ellos llamaban yyaqualli, que era\nconficionada con tinta y con polvos de una yerva que ellos llaman\nyietll; \u00e9s como vele\u00f1os de Castilla.' _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._,\nvol. vii., p. 51.\n\n[VIII-27] Sahagun gives two different accounts of this instrument: 'Una\ntabla tan larga como dos varas, y ancha como un palmo \u00f3 poco mas. Yvan\ndentro de estas tablas unas sonajas, y el que le llevaba iva sonando\ncon ellas. Llamaban \u00e1 esta tabla Axochicaoaliztli, \u00f3 Nacatlquoavitl.'\nThe second description is: 'Una tabla de anchura de un palmo y de\nlargura de dos brazas; \u00e1 trechos ivan unos sonajas en esta tabla unos\npedazuelos de madero rollizos y atados \u00e1 la misma tabla, y dentro de\nella ivan sonando los unos con los otros. Esta tabla se llamaba\naiauhchicaoaztli.' _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. vii., pp. 51 and\n53.\n\n[VIII-28] 'Comenzaban \u00e1 vocear y \u00e1 gritar y a contrahacer las aves del\nagua, unos \u00e1 los anades, otros \u00e1 unas aves zancudas del agua que llama\npipititi, otros \u00e1 los cuervos marinos, otros \u00e1 las garzotas blancas,\notros \u00e1 las garzas. Aquellas palabras que decia el satrapa parece que\neran invocacion del Demonio para hablar aquellos lenguages de aves en\nal agua.' _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. vii., p. 51.\n\n[VIII-29] 'Yauhtlaulli or Yauitl, mayz moreno o negro.' _Molina_,\n_Vocabulario_.\n\n[VIII-30] 'Comenzaban luego \u00e1 matar \u00e1 los captivos; aquellos que primero\nmataban decian que eran el fundamento de los que eran imagen de los\nTlaloques, que ivan aderezados con los ornamentos de los mismos\nTlaloques que (ivan aderezados) decian eran sus imagenes, y asi los\nque morian \u00e1 la postre ivanse \u00e1 sentar sobre los que primero habian\nmuerto.' _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. vii., p. 54.\n\n[VIII-31] _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. vii., pp. 49-55; _Sahagun_,\n_Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 111-124.\n\n[VIII-32] This passage relating to the making of images of the mountains\nis such a chaotic jumble in the original that one is forced to use\nlargely any constructive imagination one may possess to reproduce even\na comprehensible description. I give the original; if any one can make\nrhyme or reason out of it by a closer following of the words of\nSahagun, he shall not want the opportunity: 'Al trece mes llamaban\nTepeilhuitl. En la fiesta que se hacia en este mes cubrian de masa de\nbledos unos palos que tenian hechos como culebras, y hacian imagenes\nde montes fundadas sobre unos palos hechos \u00e1 manera de ni\u00f1os que\nllamaban Hecatotonti: era la imagen del monte de masa de bledos.\nPonianle delante junto unas masas rollizas y larguillas de masa de\nbledos \u00e1 manera de bezos, y estos llamaban Yomiio. Hacian estas\nimagenes \u00e1 honra de los montes altos donde se juntan las nubes, y en\nmemoria de los que habian muerto en agua \u00f3 heridos de rayo, y de los\nque no se quemaban sus cuerpos sino que los enterraban. Estos montes\nhacianlos sobre unos rodeos \u00f3 roscas hechas de heno atadas con zacate,\ny guardabanlas de un a\u00f1o para otro. La vigilia de esta fiesta llevaban\n\u00e1 lavar estas roscas al rio \u00f3 \u00e1 la fuente, y quando las llevaban\nivanlas ta\u00f1endo con unos pitos hechos de barro cocido \u00f3 con unos\ncaracoles mariscos. Lavabanlas en unas casas \u00fa oratorias que estaban\nhechos \u00e1 la orilla del agua que se llama Ayauh calli. Lavabanlas con\nunas ojas de ca\u00f1as verdes; algunos con el agua que pasaba por su casa\nlas lavaban. En acabandolas de lavar volvianlas \u00e1 su casa con la misma\nmusica; luego hacian sobre ellas las imagenes de los montes como est\u00e1\ndicho. Algunos hacian estas imagenes de noche antes de amanecer cerca\ndel dia; la cabeza de cada un monte, tenia dos caras, una de persona y\notra de culebra, y untaban la cara de persona con ulli derretido, y\nhacian unas tortillas preque\u00f1uelas de masa de bledos amarillos, y\nponianlas en las mexillas de la cara de persona de una parte y de\notra; cubrianlos con unos papeles que llamaban Tetcuitli; ponianlos\nunas coronas en las cabezas con sus penachos. Tambien \u00e1 los imagenes\nde los muertos las ponian sobre aquellas roscas de zacate, y luego en\namaneciendo ponian estas imagenes en sus oratorios, sobre unos lechos\nde espada\u00f1as \u00f3 de juncias \u00f3 juncos.' _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._,\nvol. vii., pp. 71-2.\n\n[VIII-33] _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. vii., pp. 71-3; _Sahagun_,\n_Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 159-162.\n\n[VIII-34] 'Tzotzopaztli, palo ancho como cuchilla con que tupen y\naprietan la tela que se texe.' _Molina_, _Vocabulario_.\n\n[VIII-35] _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. vii., pp. 80-1; _Sahagun_,\n_Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 176-9, 198, 210. Farther notice\nof Tlaloc and his worship will be found in the _Spiegazione delle\nTavole del Codice Mexicano_, tav. xxviii., lvii., lx., lxii., in\n_Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. v., pp. 179, 190-2; _Boturini_,\n_Idea_, pp. 12-3, 99, 101; _Amer. Ethnol. Soc., Transact._, vol. i.,\np. 305; _Motolinia_, _Hist. Ind._, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._,\ntom. i., pp. 32, 39, 42, 44-5; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i.,\np. 290, and tom. ii., pp. 45-6, 119, 121, 147, 151, 212, 251-4;\n_Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vi., cap. xv.; _Gomara_,\n_Hist. Conq. Mex._, fol. 216; _Tylor's Prim. Cult._, vol. ii., pp.\n235, 243; _M\u00fcller_, _Amerikanische Urreligionen_, pp. 500-4 et passim.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER IX.\n\nGODS, SUPERNATURAL BEINGS, AND WORSHIP.\n\n     THE MOTHER OR ALL-NOURISHING GODDESS UNDER VARIOUS NAMES AND IN\n     VARIOUS ASPECTS -- HER FEAST IN THE ELEVENTH AZTEC MONTH\n     OCHPANIZTLI -- FESTIVALS OF THE EIGHTH MONTH, HUEYTECUILHUITL,\n     AND OF THE FOURTH, HUEYTOZOZTLI -- THE DEIFICATION OF WOMEN\n     THAT DIED IN CHILD-BIRTH -- THE GODDESS OF WATER UNDER VARIOUS\n     NAMES AND IN VARIOUS ASPECTS -- CEREMONIES OF THE BAPTISM OR\n     LUSTRATION OF CHILDREN -- THE GODDESS OF LOVE, HER VARIOUS\n     NAMES AND ASPECTS -- RITES OF CONFESSION AND ABSOLUTION -- THE\n     GOD OF FIRE AND HIS VARIOUS NAMES -- HIS FESTIVALS IN THE TENTH\n     MONTH XOCOTLVETI AND IN THE EIGHTEENTH MONTH YZCALI; ALSO HIS\n     QUADRIENNIAL FESTIVAL IN THE LATTER MONTH -- THE GREAT FESTIVAL\n     OF EVERY FIFTY-TWO YEARS; LIGHTING THE NEW FIRE -- THE GOD OF\n     HADES, AND TEOYAOMIQUE, COLLECTOR OF THE SOULS OF THE FALLEN\n     BRAVE -- DEIFICATION OF DEAD RULERS AND HEROES -- MIXCOATL, GOD\n     OF HUNTING AND HIS FEAST IN THE FOURTEENTH MONTH, QUECHOLLI --\n     VARIOUS OTHER MEXICAN DEITIES -- FESTIVAL IN THE SECOND MONTH,\n     TLACAXIPEHUALIZTLI, WITH NOTICE OF THE GLADIATORIAL SACRIFICES\n     -- COMPLETE SYNOPSIS OF THE FESTIVALS OF THE MEXICAN CALENDAR,\n     FIXED AND MOVABLE -- TEMPLES AND PRIESTS.\n\n\nCenteotl is a goddess, or according to some good authorities a god,\nwho held, under many names and in many characters, a most important\nplace in the divine world of the Aztecs, and of other Mexican and\nCentral American peoples. She was goddess of maize, and consequently,\nfrom the importance in America of this grain, of agriculture, and of\nthe producing earth generally. Many of her various names seem\ndependent on the varying aspects of the maize at different stages of\nits growth; others seem to have originated in the mother-like\nnourishing qualities of the grain of which she was the deity. M\u00fcller\nlays much stress on this aspect of her character: \"The force which\nsustains life must also have created it. Centeotl was therefore\nconsidered as bringing children to light, and is represented with an\ninfant in her arms. Nebel gives us such a representation, and in our\nMexican museum at Basel there are many images in this form, made of\nburnt clay. Where agriculture rules, there more children are brought\nto mature age than among the hunting nations, and the land revels in a\nlarge population. No part of the world is so well adapted to exhibit\nthis difference as America. Centeotl is consequently the great\nproducer, not of children merely, she is the great goddess, the most\nancient goddess.\"[IX-1]\n\n  [Sidenote: THE MOTHER-NOURISHER.]\n\nCenteotl was known, according to Clavigero, by the titles Tonacajohua,\n'she who sustains us;' Tzinteotl, 'original goddess;' and by the\nfurther names Xilonen, Iztacacenteotl, and Tlatlauhquicenteotl. She\nwas further, according to the same author, identical with Tonantzin,\n'our mother,' and, according to M\u00fcller and many Spanish authorities,\neither identical or closely connected with the various deities known\nas Teteionan, 'the mother of the gods,'[IX-2] Cihuatcoatl, 'the\nsnake-woman,' Tazi or Toci or Tocitzin, 'our grandmother,' and Earth,\nthe universal material mother. Squier says of Tiazolteotl, that \"she\nis Cinteotl the goddess of maize, under another aspect.\"[IX-3]\n\nShe was particularly honored by the Totonacs, with whom she was the\nchief divinity. They greatly loved her, believing that she did not\ndemand human victims, but was content with flowers and fruits, the fat\nbanana and the yellow maize, and small animals, such as doves, quails,\nand rabbits. More, they hoped that she would in the end utterly\ndeliver them from the cruel necessity of such sacrifices, even to the\nother gods.\n\nWith very different feelings, as we shall soon see, did the Mexicans\nproper approach this deity, making her temples horrid with the\ntortured forms of human sacrifices. It shows how deep the stain of the\nblood was in the Mexican religious heart, how poisonous far the odor\nof it had crept through all the senses of the Aztec soul, when it\ncould be believed that the great sustainer, the yellow waving maize,\nthe very mother of all, must be fed upon the flesh of her own\nchildren.[IX-4]\n\nTo make comprehensible various allusions it seems well here to sum up\nrapidly the characters given of certain goddesses identical with or\nresembling in various points this Centeotl. Chicomecoatl[IX-5] was,\naccording to Sahagun, the Ceres of Mexico, and the goddess of\nprovisions, as well of what is drunk as of what is eaten. She was\nrepresented with a crown on her head, a vase in her right hand, and on\nher left arm a shield with a great flower painted thereon; her\ngarments and her sandals were red.\n\nThe first of the Mexican goddesses was, following the same authority,\nCioacoatl, or Civacoatl, the goddess of adverse things, such as\npoverty, downheartedness, and toil. She appeared often in the guise of\na great lady, wearing such apparel as was used in the palace; she was\nalso heard at night in the air shouting and even roaring. Besides her\nname Cioacoatl, which means 'snake-woman,' she was known as Tonantzin,\nthat is to say, 'our mother.' She was arrayed in white robes, and her\nhair was arranged in front, over her forehead, in little curls that\ncrossed each other. It was a custom with her to carry a cradle on her\nshoulders, as one that carries a child in it, and after setting it\ndown in the market-place beside the other women, to disappear. When\nthis cradle was examined, there was found a stone knife in it, and\nwith this the priests slew their sacrificial victims.\n\n  [Sidenote: MEDICINE-GODDESS.]\n\nThe goddess of Sahagun's description most resembling the Toci of other\nwriters, is the one that he calls 'the mother of the gods, the heart\nof the earth, and our ancestor or grandmother (abuela).' She is\ndescribed as the goddess of medicine and of medicinal herbs, as\nworshiped by doctors, surgeons, blood-letters, of those that gave\nherbs to produce abortions, and also of the diviners that pronounced\nupon the fortune of children according to their birth. They worshiped\nher also that cast lots with grains of maize, those that augured by\nlooking into water in a bowl, those that cast lots with bits of cord\ntied together, those that drew little worms or maggots from the mouth\nor eyes, those that extracted little stones from other parts of the\nbody, and those that had sweat-baths, _temazcallis_, in their houses.\nThese last always set the image of this goddess in the baths, calling\nher Temazcalteci, that is to say, 'the grandmother of the baths.' Her\nadorers made this goddess a feast every year, buying a woman for a\nsacrifice, decorating this victim with the ornaments proper to the\ngoddess. Every evening they danced with this unfortunate, and regaled\nher delicately, praying her to eat as they would a great lady, and\namusing her in every way that she might not weep nor be sad at the\nprospect of death. When the dreadful hour did come, having slain her,\ntogether with two others that accompanied her to death, they flayed\nher; then a man clothed himself in her skin, and went about all the\ncity playing many pranks--by all of which her identity with Tozi\nseems sufficiently clear. This goddess was represented with the mouth\nand chin stained with ulli, and a round patch of the same on her face;\non her head she had a kind of turban made of cloth rolled round and\nknotted behind. In this knot were stuck plumes which issued from it\nlike flames, and the ends of the cloth fell behind over the shoulders.\nShe wore sandals, a shirt with a kind of broad serrated lower border,\nand white petticoats. In her left hand she held a shield with a round\nplate of gold in the centre thereof; in her right hand she held a\nbroom.[IX-6]\n\nThe festival in which divers of the various manifestations of the\nmother-goddess were honored, was held in the beginning of the eleventh\nAztec month, beginning on the 14th of September; Centeotl, or\nCinteotl, or Centeutl, or Tzinteutl, is however represented therein as\na male and not a female.\n\n  [Sidenote: SACRIFICE TO THE MOTHER-GODDESS.]\n\nFifteen days before the commencement of the festival those that took\npart in it began to dance, if dancing it could be called, in which the\nfeet and body were hardly moved, and in which the time was kept by\nraising and lowering the hands to the beat of the drum. This went on\nfor eight days, beginning in the afternoon and finishing with the set\nof sun, the dancers being perfectly silent, arranged in four lines,\nand each having both hands full of flowers, cut branches and all. Some\nof the youths, indeed, too restless to bear the silence, imitated with\ntheir mouths the sound of the drum; but all were forced to keep, as\nwell in motion as in voice, the exactest time and good order. On the\nexpiration of these eight days the medical women, both old and young,\ndivided themselves into two parties, and fought a kind of mock battle\nbefore the woman that had to die in this festival, to amuse her and\nkeep tears away; for they held it of bad augury if this miserable\ncreature gave way to her grief, and as a sign that many women had to\ndie in childbirth. This woman who was called for the time being, 'the\nimage of the mother of the gods,' led in person the first attack upon\none of the two parties of fighters, being accompanied by three old\nwomen that were to her as mothers and never left her side, called\nrespectively Aoa, Tlavitezqui, and Xocuauhtli.[IX-7] The fight\nconsisted in pelting each other with handfuls of red leaves, or leaves\nof the nopal, or of yellow flowers called _cempoalsuchitl_, the same\nsort as had been carried by the actors in the preceding dance. These\nwomen all wore girdles, to which were suspended little gourds filled\nwith powder of the herb called _yietl_. When the pelting-match was\nover, the woman that had to die was led back to the house where she\nwas guarded; and all this was repeated during four successive days.\nThen the victim representing Toci, that is to say, 'our grandmother or\nancestor,' for so was called the mother of the gods, was led for the\nlast time through the market-place by the medical woman. This ceremony\nwas called 'the farewell to the market-place;' for never more should\nshe see it who this day passed through, decorated in such mournful\nfrippery, surrounded by the pomp of such hollow mirth. She went sowing\nmaize on every side as she walked, and having passed through the\nmarket she was received by the priests who took her to a house near\nthe cu where she had to be killed. There the medical women and\nmidwives consoled her: Daughter, be joyful and not sad, this night\nthou shalt sleep with the king. Then they adorned her with the\nornaments of the goddess Toci, striving all the while to keep the fact\nof her death in the back-ground, that she might die suddenly and\nwithout knowing it. At midnight, in darkness, not so much as a cough\nbreaking the silence, she was led to the holy temple-top, and caught\nup swiftly on the shoulders of a man. There was hardly a struggle; her\nbearer felt himself deluged with blood, while she was beheaded with\nall despatch, and flayed, still warm. The skin of the thighs was first\ntaken off and carried, for a purpose to be presently revealed, to the\ncu of Centeotl, who was the son of Toci. With the remainder of the\nskin, next taken off, a priest clothed himself, drawing it on, it\nwould appear from other records, like a glove; this priest who was a\nyoung man chosen for his bodily forces and size, thus clothed\nrepresented Toci, the goddess herself. The Toci priest, with this\nhorrible jacket sticking to his sinewy bust, then came down from the\ntemple amid the chanting of the singers of the cu. On each side of him\nwent two persons, who had made a vow to help him in this service, and\nbehind came several other priests. In front there ran a number of\nprincipal men and soldiers, armed with besoms of blood-stained grass,\nwho looked back from time to time, and struck their shields as if\nprovoking a fight; these he pretended to pursue with great fury, and\nall that saw this play (which was called _cacacalli_) feared and\ntrembled exceedingly. On reaching the cu of Huitzilopochtli, the Toci\npriest spread out his arms and stood like a cross before the image of\nthe war god; this he did four times and then went on to the cu of\nCenteotl, whither, as we remember, the skin of the thighs of the\nflayed woman had been sent. This skin of the thighs another young\npriest, representing the god Centeotl, son of Toci, had put on over\nhis face like a mask. In addition to this loathsome veil, he wore a\njacket of feathers and a hood of feathers attached to the jacket. This\nhood ran out into a peak of a spiral form falling behind; and the\nback-bone or spine of this spiral resembled the comb of a cock; this\nhood was called _ytztlacoliuhqui_, that is to say 'god of frost.'\n\nThe Toci priest and the Centeotl priest next went together to the cu\nof Toci, where the first waited for the morning (for all this already\ndescribed took place at night) to have certain trappings put on over\nhis horrid under-vest. When the morning broke, amid the chanting of\nthe singers, all the principal men, who had been waiting below, ran\nwith great swiftness up the steps of the temple carrying their\nofferings. Some of these principal men began to cover the feet and the\nhead of the Toci priest with the white downy inner feathers of the\neagle; others painted his face red; others put on him a rather short\nshirt with the figure of an eagle wrought or woven into the breast of\nit, and certain painted petticoats; others beheaded quails and offered\ncopal. All this done quickly, these men took their departure.\n\n  [Sidenote: THE SKIN-BEARERS.]\n\nThen were brought forth and put on the Toci priest all his rich\nvestures, and a kind of square crown very wide above and ornamented\nwith five little banners, one in each corner, and in the centre one\nhigher than the others. All the captives that had to die were brought\nout and set in line, and he took four of them one after the other,\nthrew them down on the sacrificial stone and took out their hearts;\nthe rest of the captives he handed over to the other priests to\ncomplete the work he had begun. After this he set out with the\nCenteotl priest for the cu of the latter. In advance of these a little\nway there walked a party of their devotees, called _ycuexoan_,\ndecorated with papers, girt for breech-clout with twisted paper,\ncarrying at their shoulders a crumpled paper, round like a shield, and\ntassels of untwisted cotton. On either side also there went those that\nsold lime[IX-8] in the market, and the medical women, moving to the\nsinging of the priests and the beat of drum. Having come to the place\nwhere heads were spitted at the cu of Centeotl, the Toci priest set\none foot on the drum and waited there for the Centeotl priest. The two\nbeing come together it would seem that he who represented Centeotl now\nset out alone, with much haste and accompanied by many soldiers, for a\nplace on the enemy's frontier where there was a kind of small hut\nbuilt. There at last was deposited and left the skin of the thighs of\nthe sacrificed woman which had served such ghastly use. And often, it\nis said, it happened, this ceremony taking place on the border of a\nhostile territory, that the enemy sallied out against the procession,\nand there was fighting and many were slain.\n\nAfter this the young man who represented the goddess Toci was taken to\nthe house that is called Atempan. The king took his seat on a throne\nwith a mat of eagle-skin and feathers under his feet, and a tiger-skin\nover the back of his seat, and there was a grand review of the army,\nand a distribution from the royal treasury of raiment, ornaments, and\narms; and it was understood that those who received such arms had to\ndie with them in war. This done, dancing was begun in the court-yard\nof the temple of Toci; and all who had received presents, as above,\nrepaired thither. This dancing, as in the first part of the festival,\nconsisted for the most part in keeping time to the beat of the drum\nwith hands filled with flowers; so that the whole court looked like a\nliving garden; and there was so much gold, for the king and all the\nprinces were there, that the sun flashed through all as on water. This\nbegan at mid-day and went on for two days. On the evening of the\nsecond day, the priests of the goddess Chicomecoatl, clothed with the\nskins of the captives that had died in a former day, ascended a small\ncu called the table of Huitzilopochtli and sowed maize of all kinds,\nwhite and yellow and red, and calabash-seeds, upon the heads of the\npeople that were below. The people tried to gather up these as they\nfell, and elbowed each other a good deal. The damsels, called\n_cioatlamacazque_, that served the goddess Chicomecoatl, carried each\none on her shoulder, rolled in a rich mantle, seven ears of maize,\nstriped with melted ulli and wrapped in white paper; their legs and\narms were decorated with feathers sprinkled over with marcasite. These\nsang with the priest of their goddess. This done, one of the priests\ndescended from the above-mentioned cu of Huitzilopochtli, carrying in\nhis hand a large basket filled with powdered chalk and feather-down,\nwhich he set in a small chamber, or little cave, called _coaxalpan_,\nbetween the temple-stairs and the temple itself. This cavity was\nreached from below by four or five steps, and when the basket was put\ndown there was a general rush of the soldiers to be first to secure\nsome of the contents. Every one, as he got his hands filled, with much\nelbowing, returned running to the place whence he had set out. All\nthis time the Toci priest had been looking on, and now he pretended to\nchase those that ran, while they pelted him back with the down and\npowdered chalk they had in their hands; the king himself running a\nlittle way and pelting him like the rest. After this fashion they all\nran away from him and left him alone, except some priests, who\nfollowed him to a place called Tocititlan, when he took off the skin\nof the sacrificed woman and hung it up in a little hut that was there;\ntaking care that its arms were stretched out, and that the head (or,\nsurely, the neck--for have we not read that the head was cut off the\nwoman on the fatal night which terminated her life?), was turned\ntoward the road, or street. And this was the last of the ceremonies of\nthe feast of Ochpaniztli.[IX-9]\n\n  [Sidenote: THE XILONEN FESTIVAL.]\n\nThe intimate connection of the goddess Xilonen (from _xilotl_, a young\nor tender ear of maize) with Centeotl is shown by the fact that in the\ncu of Centeotl was killed the unfortunate woman who was decorated to\nresemble the goddess Xilonen. The festival of Xilonen commenced on the\neleventh day of the eighth Mexican month, which month begins on the\n16th of July. The victim was made to resemble the image of the goddess\nby having her face painted yellow from the nose downward, and her brow\nred. On her head was put a crown of paper with four corners, from the\ncentre and top of which issued many plumes. Round her neck and over\nher breasts hung strings of precious stones, and over these was put a\nround medal of gold. Her garments and sandals were curiously wrought,\nthe latter painted with red stripes. On her left arm was a shield, and\nin the right hand she held a stick, or baton, painted yellow. The\nwomen led her to death dancing round her, and the priests and the\nprincipal men danced before them, sowing incense as they went. The\npriest who was to act as executioner had on his shoulders a bunch of\nfeathers held there in the grip of an eagle's talons, artificial;\nanother of the priests carried the hollow board filled with rattles,\nso often mentioned. At the foot of the cu of Centeotl, this latter\nstopped in front of the Xilonen woman, scattered incense before her,\nand rattled with his board, waving it from side to side. They ascended\nthe cu, and one of the priests caught the victim up, twisting her\nbackwards, her shoulders against his shoulders; on which living altar\nher heart was cut out through her breast, and put into a cup. After\nthat there was more dancing, in which the women, old and young, took\npart in a body by themselves, their arms and legs decorated with red\nmacaw feathers, and their faces painted yellow and dusted with\nmarcasite. There was also a banquet of small pies called\n_xocotamalli_, during which to the old men and women license was given\nto drink pulque; the young, however, being restrained from the\nbacchanalian part of this enjoyment by severe and sometimes capital\npunishment.[IX-10]\n\nLastly, the intimate connection or identity of Centeotl with the\nearth-mother, the all-nourisher, seems clearly symbolized in the feast\nof the fourth month of the Mexicans, which began on the 27th of April.\nIn it they made a festival to the god of cereals, under the name of\nCenteotl, and to the goddess of provisions, called Chicomecoatl. First\nthey fasted four days, putting certain rushes or water-flags beside\nthe images of the gods, staining the white part of the bottom of each\nrush with blood drawn from their ears or legs; branches too, of the\nkind called _acxoiatl_, and a kind of bed or mattress of hay were put\nbefore the altars. A sort of porridge of maize called _mazamorra_ was\nalso made and given to the youths. Then all walked out into the\ncountry, and through the maize-fields, carrying stalks of maize, and\nother herbs called _mecoatl_. With these they strewed the image of the\ngod of cereals that every one had in his house, and they put papers on\nit and food before it of various kinds; five _chiquivites_,[IX-11] or\nbaskets, of tortillas, and on the top of each _chiquivitl_ a cooked\nfrog, a basket of _chian_[IX-12] flour, which they call _pinolli_;[IX-13]\nand a basket of toasted maize mixed with beans. They cut also a joint\nfrom a green maize-stalk, stuffed the little tube with morsels of\nevery kind of the above-mentioned food, and set it carefully on the\nback of the frog.[IX-14] This each one did in his own house, and in the\nafternoon all this offering of food was carried to the cu of the\ngoddess of provisions, of the goddess Chicomecoatl, and eaten there in\na general scramble, take who take could; symbolizing one knows not\nwhat, if not the laisser-faire and laisser-aller system of national\ncommisariat much advocated by many political economists, savage and\ncivilized.\n\n  [Sidenote: BLESSING THE SEED-MAIZE.]\n\nIn this festival the ears of maize that were preserved for seed were\ncarried in procession by virgins to a cu, apparently the one just\nmentioned, but which is here called the cu of Chicomecoatl _and_ of\nCenteotl. The maidens carried on their shoulders not more than seven\nears of corn apiece, sprinkled with drops of oil of ulli, and wrapped\nfirst in papers and then in a cloth. The legs and arms of these girls\nwere ornamented with red feathers, and their faces were smeared with\nthe pitch called _chapopotli_ and sprinkled with marcasite. As they\nwent along in this bizarre attire, the people crowded to see them\npass, but it was forbidden to speak to them. Sometimes indeed an\nirrepressible youth would break out into words of admiration or love\ntoward some fair pitch-besmeared face, but his answer came sharp and\nswift from one of the old women that watched the younger, in some such\nfashion as this: And so thou speakest, raw coward! thou must be\nspeaking, eh? Think first of performing some man's feat, and get rid\nof that tail of hair at the nape of thy neck that marks the coward and\nthe good-for-nothing. It is not for thee to speak here; thou art as\nmuch a woman as I am; thou hast never come out from behind the fire!\nBut the young lovers of Tenochtitlan were not without insolent\nspringalls among them, much given to rude gibes, and retorts like the\nfollowing: Well said, my lady, I receive this with thanks, I will do\nwhat you command me, will take care to show myself a man; but as for\nyou, I value two cacao-beans more than you and all your lineage; put\nmud on your body, and scratch yourself; fold one leg over the other\nand roll in the dust; see! here is a rough stone, knock your face\nagainst it; and if you want anything more take a red-hot coal and burn\na hole in your throat to spit through; for God's sake, hold your\npeace.\n\nThis the young fellows said, writes Sahagun, to show their courage;\nand so it went, give and take, till the maize was carried to the cu\nand blessed. Then the folk returned to their houses and sanctified\nmaize was put in the bottom of every granary, and it was said that it\nwas the heart thereof, and it remained there till taken out for seed.\nThese ceremonies were specially in honor of the goddess Chicomecoatl.\nShe supplied provisions, she it was that had made all kinds of maize\nand frijoles, and whatsover vegetables could be eaten, and all sorts\nof chia; and for this they made her that festival with offerings of\nfood, and with songs and dances, and with the blood of quails. All the\nornaments of her attire were bright red and curiously wrought, and in\nher hands they put stalks of maize.[IX-15]\n\nThe Mexicans deified, under the name Cioapipilti, all women that died\nin child-bed. There were oratories raised to their honor in every ward\nthat had two streets. In such oratories, called _cioateucalli_ or\n_ciateupan_, there were kept images of these goddesses adorned with\ncertain papers called _amatetevitl_. The eighth movable feast of the\nMexican calendar was dedicated to them, falling in the sign\nCequiahuitl, in the first house; in this feast were slain in their\nhonor all lying in the jails under pain of death. These goddesses were\nsaid to move through the air at pleasure, and to appear to whom they\nwould of those that lived upon the earth, and sometimes to enter into\nand possess them. They were accustomed to hurt children with various\ninfirmities, especially paralysis and other sudden diseases. Their\nfavorite haunt on earth was the cross-roads, and, on certain days of\nthe year, people would not go out of their houses for fear of meeting\nthem. They were propitiated in their temples and at the cross-roads by\nofferings of bread kneaded into various shapes--into figures of\nbutterflies and thunderbolts for example--by offerings of small\ntamales, or pies, and of toasted maize. Their images, besides the\npapers above mentioned, were decorated by having the face, arms, and\nlegs painted very white; their ears were made of gold; their hair was\ndressed like that of ladies, in little curls; the shirt was painted\nover with black waves; the petticoats were worked in divers colors;\nthe sandals were white.\n\n  [Sidenote: THE MOTHER-GODDESS AND WOMAN IN CHILD-BED.]\n\nThe mother-goddess, under the form of the serpent-woman, Cioacoatl, or\nCiuacoatl, or Cihuacoatl, or, lastly, Quilaztli, seems to have been\nheld as the patroness of women in child-bed generally, and,\nespecially, of those that died there. When the delivery of a woman was\nlikely to be tedious and dangerous, the midwife addressed the patient\nsaying: Be strong, my daughter; we can do nothing for thee. Here are\npresent thy mother and thy relations, but thou alone must conduct this\nbusiness to its termination. See to it, my daughter, my well-beloved,\nthat thou be a strong and valiant and manly woman; be like her who\nfirst bore children, like Cioacoatl, like Quilaztli. And if still\nafter a day and a night of labor the woman could not bring forth, the\nmidwife took her away from all other persons and brought her into a\nclosed room and made many prayers, calling upon the goddess Cioacoatl,\nand upon the goddess Yoalticitl,[IX-16] and upon other goddesses. If,\nnotwithstanding all, however, the woman died, they gave her the\ntitle, _mociaquezqui_, that is 'valiant woman,' and they washed all\nher body, and washed with soap her head and her hair. Her husband\nlifted her on his shoulders, and, with her long hair flowing loose\nbehind him, carried her to the place of burial. All the old midwives\naccompanied the body, marching with shields and swords, and shouting\nas when soldiers close in the attack. They had need of their weapons,\nfor the body that they escorted was a holy relic which many were eager\nto win; and a party of youths fought with these Amazons to take their\ntreasure from them: this fight was no play but a very bone-breaking\nearnest. The burial procession set out at the setting of the sun and\nthe corpse was interred in the court-yard of the cu of the goddesses,\nor celestial women called Cioapipilti. Four nights the husband and his\nfriends guarded the grave and four nights the youths, or rawest and\nmost inexperienced soldiers, prowled like wolves about the little\nband. If, either from the fighting midwives or from the\nnight-watchers, they succeeded in securing the body, they instantly\ncut off the middle finger of the left hand and the hair of the head;\neither of these things being put in one's shield, made one fierce,\nbrave, invincible in war, and blinded the eyes of one's enemies. There\nprowled also round the sacred tomb certain wizards, called\n_temamacpalitotique_, seeking to hack off and steal the whole left arm\nof the dead wife; for they held it to be of mighty potency in their\nenchantments, and a thing that when they went to a house to work their\nmalice thereon, would wholly take away the courage of the inmates, and\ndismay them so that they could neither move hand nor foot, though they\nsaw all that passed.\n\n  [Sidenote: THE HOUSE OF THE SUN.]\n\nThe death of this woman in child-bed was mourned by the midwives, but\nher parents and relations were joyful thereat; for they said that she\ndid not go to hades, or the under-ground world, but to the western\npart of the House of the Sun. To the eastern part of the House of the\nSun, as the ancients said, were taken up all the soldiers that died in\nwar. When the sun rose in the morning these brave men decorated\nthemselves in their panoply of war, and accompanied him towards the\nmid-heaven, shouting and fighting, apparently in a sham or review\nbattle, until they reached the point of noonday, which was called\n_nepantlatonatiuh_. At this point the heroines, whose home was in the\nwest of heaven, the _mocioaquezque_, the valiant women, dead in\nchild-bed, who ranked as equal with the heroes fallen in war, met\nthese heroes and relieved them of their duty as guards of honor of the\nsun. From noon till night, down the western slope of light, while the\nforenoon escort of warriors were scattered through all the fields and\ngardens of heaven, sucking flowers till another day should call them\nanew to their duty, the women, in panoply of war, just as the men had\nbeen, and fighting like them with clashing shields and shouts of joy,\nbore the sun to his setting; carrying him on a litter of _quetzales_,\nor rich feathers, called the _quetzal-apanecaiutl_. At this\nsetting-place of the sun the women were, in their turn, relieved by\nthose of the under world, who here came out to receive him. For it was\nreported of old by the ancients that when night began in the upper\nworld the sun began to shine through hades, and that thereupon the\ndead rose up from their sleep and bore his shining litter through\ntheir domain. At this hour too the celestial women, released from\ntheir duty in heaven, scattered and poured down through the air upon\nthe earth, where, with a touch of the dear nature that makes the world\nkin, they are described as looking for spindles to spin with, and\nshuttles to weave with, and all the old furniture and implements of\ntheir house-wifely pride. This thing, says Sahagun, \"the devil wrought\nto deceive withal, for very often, in the form of those women, he\nappeared to their bereaved husbands, giving them petticoats and\nshirts.\"\n\nVery beautiful was the form of address before burial used by the\nmidwife to the dead woman who had taken rank among the _mocioaquezque_\nor _mocioaquetza_: O woman, strong and warlike, child well-beloved,\nvaliant one, beautiful and tender dove, strong hast thou been and\ntoil-enduring as a hero; thou hast conquered, thou hast done as did\nthy mother the lady Cioacoatl, or Quilaztli. Very valiantly hast thou\nfought, stoutly hast thou handled the shield and the spear that the\ngreat mother put in thine hand. Up with thee! break from sleep! behold\nit is already day; already the red of morning shoots through the\nclouds; already the swallows and all birds are abroad. Rise, my\ndaughter, attire thyself, go to that good land where is the house of\nthy father and mother the Sun; thither let thy sisters, the celestial\nwomen, carry thee, they that are always joyful and merry and filled\nwith delight, because of the Sun with whom they take pleasure. My\ntender daughter and lady, not without sore travail hast thou gotten\nthe glory of this victory; a great pain and a hard penance hast thou\nundergone. Well and fortunately hast thou purchased this death. Is\nthis, peradventure, a fruitless death, and without great merit and\nhonor? Nay, verily, but one of much honor and profit. Who receives\nother such great mercy, other such happy victory as thou? for thou\nhast gained with thy death eternal life, a life full of joy and\ndelight, with the goddesses called Cioapipilti, the celestial\ngoddesses. Go now, my lady, my well-beloved; little by little advance\ntoward them; be one of them, that they may receive thee and be always\nwith thee, that thou mayest rejoice and be glad in our father and\nmother the Sun, and accompany him whithersoever he wish to take\npleasure. O my lady, my well-beloved daughter, thou hast left us\nbehind, us old people, unworthy of such glory; thou hast torn thyself\naway from thy father and mother, and departed. Not indeed of thine own\nwill, but thou wast called; thou didst follow a voice that called. We\nmust remain orphans and forlorn, old and luckless and poor; misery\nwill glorify itself in us. O my lady, thou hast left us here that we\nmay go from door to door and through the streets in poverty and\nsorrow; we pray thee to remember us where thou art, and to provide for\nthe poverty that we here endure. The sun wearies us with his great\nheat, the air with its coldness, and the frost with its torment. All\nthese things afflict and grieve our miserable earthen bodies; hunger\nis lord over us, and we can do nothing against it. My well-beloved, I\npray thee to visit us since thou art a valorous woman and a lady,\nsince thou art settled forever in the place of delight and\nblessedness, there to live and be forever with our Lord. Thou seest\nhim with thine eyes, thou speakest to him with thy tongue, pray to him\nfor us, entreat him that he favor us, and therewith we shall be at\nrest.[IX-17]\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\n  [Sidenote: CHALCHIHUITLICUE.]\n\nChalchihuitlicue or Chalchiuhcyeje is described by Clavigero as the\ngoddess of water and the mate of Tlaloc. She had other names relating\nto water in its different states, as Apozonallotl and Acuecuejotl,\nwhich mean the swelling and fluctuation of water; Atlacamani, or the\nstorms excited thereon; Ahuic and Aiauh, or its motion, now to one side,\nnow to the other; and Xixiquipilihui, the alternate rising and falling\nof the waves. The Tlascaltecs called her Matlalcueje, that is 'clothed\nin a green robe;' and they gave the same name to the highest mountain\nof Tlascala, on whose summit are found those stormy clouds which\ngenerally burst over the city of Puebla. To that summit the Tlascaltecs\nascended to perform their sacrifices, and offer up their prayers. This\nis the very same goddess of water to whom Torquemada gives the name of\nHochiquetzal, and Boturini that of Macuilxochiquetzalli.[IX-18]\n\nOf the accuracy of the assertions of this last sentence I am by no\nmeans certain; Boturini and Torquemada both describe their goddess of\nwater without giving any support thereto. Boturini says that she was\nmetaphorically called by the Mexicans the goddess of the Petticoat of\nPrecious Stones--chalchihuites, as it would appear from other\nauthorities, being meant--and that she was represented with large\npools at her feet, and symbolized by certain reeds that grow in moist\nplaces. She was particularly honored by fishermen and others whose\ntrade connected them with water, and great ladies were accustomed to\ndedicate to her their nuptials--probably, as will be seen immediately,\nbecause this goddess had much to do with certain lustral ceremonies\nperformed on new-born children.[IX-19]\n\nMany names, writes Torquemada, were given to this goddess, but that of\nChalchihuitlicue was the most common and usual; it meant to say,\n'petticoat of water, of a shade between green and blue,' that is, of\nthe color of the stones called chalchihuites.[IX-20] She was the\ncompanion, not the wife of Tlaloc, for indeed as our author affirms,\nthe Mexicans did not think so grossly of their gods and goddesses as\nto marry them.[IX-21]\n\n  [Sidenote: IDOL OF CHALCHIHUITLICUE.]\n\nAccording to Sahagun, Chalchihuitlicue was the sister of the Tlalocs.\nShe was honored because she had power over the waters of the sea and\nof the rivers to drown those that went down to them, to raise\ntempests and whirlwinds, and to cause boats to founder. They worshiped\nher all those that dealt in water, that went about selling it from\ncanoes, or peddled jars of it in the market. They represented this\ngoddess as a woman, painted her face yellow, save the forehead, which\nwas often blue, and hung round her neck a collar of precious stones\nfrom which depended a medal of gold. On her head was a crown of light\nblue paper, with plumes of green feathers, and tassels that fell to\nthe nape of her neck. Her ear-rings were of turquoise wrought in\nmosaic. Her clothing was a shirt, or upper body-garment, clear blue\npetticoats with fringes from which hung marine shells, and white\nsandals. In her left hand she held a shield, and a leaf of the broad\nround white water-lily, called _atlacuezona_.[IX-22] In her right hand\nshe held as a sceptre a vessel in the shape of a cross, or of a\nmonstrance of the Catholic Church. This goddess, together with\nChicomecoatl, goddess of provisions, and Vixtocioatl, goddess of salt,\nwas held in high veneration by kings and lords, for they said that\nthese three supported the common people so that they could live and\nmultiply.[IX-23]\n\n  [Sidenote: TWO LUSTRATIONS OR BAPTISMS.]\n\nChalchihuitlicue was especially connected with certain ceremonies of\nlustration of children, resembling in many points baptism among\nChristians. It would seem that two of these lustrations were practiced\nupon every infant, and the first took place immediately upon its birth.\nWhen the midwife had cut the umbilical cord of the child, then she\nwashed it, and while washing it said, varying her address according to\nits sex: My son, approach now thy mother, Chalchihuitlicue, the\ngoddess of water; may she see good to receive thee, to wash thee, and\nto put away from thee the filthiness that thou takest from thy father\nand mother; may she see good to purify thine heart, to make it good\nand clean, and to instill into thee good habits and manners.\n\nThen the midwife turned to the water itself and spoke: Most\ncompassionate lady, Chalchihuitlicue, here has come into the world\nthis thy servant, sent hither by our father and mother, whose names\nare Ometecutli and Omecioatl,[IX-24] who live on the ninth heaven, which\nis the place of the habitation of the gods. We know not what are the\ngifts that this infant brings with it; we know not what was given to\nit before the beginning of the world; we know not what it is, nor what\nmischief and vice it brings with it taken from its father and mother.\nIt is now in thine hands, wash and cleanse it as thou knowest to be\nnecessary; in thine hands we leave it. Purge it from the filthiness it\ninherits from its father and its mother, all spot and defilement let\nthe water carry away and undo. See good, O our lady, to cleanse and\npurify its heart and life that it may lead a quiet and peaceable life\nin this world; for indeed we leave this creature in thine hands, who\nart mother and lady of the gods, and alone worthy of the gift of\ncleansing that thou has held from before the beginning of the world;\nsee good to do as we have entreated thee to this child now in thy\npresence.\n\nThen the midwife spake again; I pray thee to receive this child here\nbrought before thee. This said, the midwife took water and blew her\nbreath upon it, and gave to taste of it to the babe, and touched the\nbabe with it on the breast and on the top of the head. Then she said:\nMy well-beloved son, or daughter, approach here thy mother and father,\nChalchihuitlicue and Chalchihuitlatonac; let now this goddess take\nthee, for she has to bear thee on her shoulders and in her arms\nthrough this world. Then the midwife dipped the child into water and\nsaid: Enter, my son, into the water that is called _mamatlac_ and\n_tuspalac_; let it wash thee; let him cleanse thee that is in every\nplace, let him see good to put away from thee all the evil that thou\nhast carried with thee from before the beginning of the world, the\nevil that thy father and thy mother have joined to thee. Having so\nwashed the creature, the midwife then wrapped it up, addressing it the\nwhile as follows: O precious stone, O rich feather, O emerald, O\nsapphire, thou wert shaped where abide the great god and the great\ngoddess that are above the heavens; created and formed thou wert by\nthy mother and father, Ometecutli and Omecioatl, the celestial woman\nand the celestial man. Thou hast come into this world, a place of many\ntoils and troubles, of intemperate heat and intemperate cold and wind,\na place of hunger and thirst, of weariness and of tears; of a verity\nwe cannot say that this world is other than a place of weeping, of\nsadness, of vexation. Behold thy lot, weariness and weeping and tears.\nThou hast come, my well-beloved, repose then and take here thy rest;\nlet our Lord that is in every place provide for and support thee. And\nin saying all these things the midwife spake softly, as one that\nprays.\n\nThe second lustration or baptism, usually took place on the fifth day\nafter birth, but in every case the astrologers and diviners were\nconsulted, and if the signs were not propitious, the baptism was\npostponed till a day of good sign came. The ceremony, when the child\nwas a boy, began by bringing to it a little shield, bow, and arrows;\nof which arrows there were four, one pointing toward each of the four\npoints of the world. There were also brought a little shield, bow, and\narrows, made of paste or dough of wild amaranth seeds, and a pottage\nof beans and toasted maize, and a little breech-clout and blanket or\nmantle. The poor in such cases had no more than the little shield,\nbow, and arrows, together with some tamales and toasted maize. When\nthe child was a girl, there were brought to it, instead of mimic\nweapons, certain woman's implements and tools for spinning and\nweaving, the spindle and distaff, a little shirt and petticoats. These\nthings being prepared, suiting the sex of the infant, its parents and\nrelatives assembled before sunrise. When the sun rose the midwife\nasked for a new vessel full of water; and she took the child in her\nhands. Then the by-standers carried all the implements and utensils\nalready mentioned into the court-yard of the house, where the midwife\nset the face of the child toward the west, and spake to the child\nsaying: O grandson of mine, O eagle, O tiger, O valiant man, thou hast\ncome into the world, sent by thy father and mother, the great Lord and\nthe great lady; thou wast created and begotten in thy house, which is\nthe place of the supreme gods that are above the nine heavens. Thou\nart a gift from our son Quetzalcoatl, who is in every place; join\nthyself now to thy mother, the goddess of water, Chalchihuitlicue.\n\nThen the midwife gave the child to taste of the water, putting her\nmoistened fingers in its mouth, and said: Take this; by this thou hast\nto live on the earth, to grow and to flourish; through this we get all\nthings that support existence on the earth; receive it. Then with her\nmoistened fingers she touched the breast of the child, and said:\nBehold the pure water that washes and cleanses thine heart, that\nremoves all filthiness; receive it; may the goddess see good to purify\nand cleanse thine heart. Then the midwife poured water upon the head\nof the child saying: O my grandson, my son, take this water of the\nLord of the world, which is thy life, invigorating and refreshing,\nwashing and cleansing. I pray that this celestial water, blue and\nlight blue, may enter into thy body and there live; I pray that it may\ndestroy in thee and put away from thee all the things evil and\nadverse that were given thee before the beginning of the world. Into\nthine hand, O goddess of water, are all mankind put, because thou art\nour mother Chalchihuitlicue. Having so washed the body of the child\nand so spoken, the midwife said: Wheresoever thou art in this child, O\nthou hurtful thing, begone, leave it, put thyself apart; for now does\nit live anew, and anew is it born; now again is it purified and\ncleansed; now again is it shaped and engendered by our mother the\ngoddess of water.\n\n  [Sidenote: PRAYER TO THE EARTH-MOTHER.]\n\nAll these things being done and spoken, the midwife lifted the child\nin both her hands toward heaven and said: O Lord, behold here thy\ncreature that thou hast sent to this place of pain, of affliction, of\nanguish, to this world. Give it, O Lord, thy gifts and thine\ninspiration, forasmuch as thou art the great god, and hast with thee\nthe great goddess. Then the midwife stooped again and set the child\nupon the earth, and raised it the second time toward heaven, saying: O\nour lady, who art mother of the heavens, who art called\nCitlalatonac,[IX-25] to thee I direct my voice and my cry; I pray thee\nto inspire with thy virtue, what virtue soever it may be, to give and\nto instil it into this creature. Then the midwife stooped again and\nset the child on the ground, and raised it the third time toward\nheaven, and said: O our Lord, god and goddess celestial, that are in\nthe heavens, behold this creature; see good to pour into it thy virtue\nand thy breath, so that it may live upon the earth. Then a fourth and\nlast time the midwife set the babe upon the ground, a fourth time she\nlifted it toward heaven, and she spake to the sun and said: O our\nLord, Sun, Totonametl, Tlaltecutli, that art our mother and our\nfather, behold this creature, which is like a bird of precious\nplumage, like a _zaquan_ or a _quechutl_;[IX-26] thine, O our Lord the\nSun, he is; thou who art valiant in war and painted like a tiger in\nblack and gray, he is thy creature and of thine estate and patrimony.\nFor this he was born, to serve thee and to give thee food and drink;\nhe is of the family of warriors and soldiers that fight on the field\nof battle.\n\n  [Sidenote: DEDICATION OF THE CHILD TO WAR.]\n\nThen the midwife took the shield, and the bow and the dart that were\nthere prepared, and spake to the Sun after this sort: Behold here the\ninstruments of war which thou art served with, which thou delightest\nin; impart to this babe the gift that thou art wont to give to thy\nsoldiers, enabling them to go to thine house of delights, where,\nhaving fallen in battle, they rest and are joyful and are now with\nthee praising thee. Will this poor little nobody ever be one of them?\nHave pity upon him, O clement Lord of ours.\n\nDuring all the time of these ceremonies a great torch of candlewood\nwas burning; and when these ceremonies were accomplished, a name was\ngiven to the child, that of one of his ancestors, so that he might\ninherit the fortune or lot of him whose name was so taken. This name\nwas applied to the child by the midwife, or priestess, who performed\nthe baptism. Suppose the name given was Yautl. Then the midwife began\nto shout and to talk like a man to the child: O Yautl, O valiant man,\ntake this shield and this dart; these are for thy amusement, they are\nthe delight of the sun. Then she tied the little mantle on its\nshoulders and girt the breech-clout about it. Now all the boys of the\nward were assembled, and at this stage of the ceremony they rushed\ninto the house where the baptism had taken place, and representing\nsoldiers and forrayers, they took food that was there prepared for\nthem, which was called 'the navel-string,' or 'navel,' of the child,\nand set out with it into the streets, shouting and eating. They cried\nO Yautl, Yautl, get thee to the field of battle, put thyself into the\nthickest of the fight; O Yautl, Yautl, thine office is to make glad\nthe sun and the earth, to give them to eat and to drink; upon thee has\nfallen the lot of the soldiers that are eagles and tigers, that die in\nwar, that are now making merry and singing before the sun. And they\ncried again: O soldiers, O men of war, come hither, come to eat of the\nnavel of Yautl. Then the midwife, or priestess, took the child into\nthe house, and departed, the great torch of candlewood being carried\nburning before her, and this was the last of the ceremony.[IX-27]\n\n  [Sidenote: THE AZTEC VENUS.]\n\nThe goddess (or god, as some have it) connected by the Mexicans with\ncarnal love was variously called Tlazolteotl, Ixcuina, Tlaclquani,\nwith other names, and, especially it would appear in Tlascala,\nXochiquetzal. She had no very prominent or honorable place in the\nminds of the people and was much more closely allied to the Roman\nCloacina than to the Greek Aphrodite. Camargo, the Tlascaltec, gives\nmuch the most agreeable and pleasing account of her. Her home was in\nthe ninth heaven, in a pleasant garden, watered by innumerable fountains,\nwhere she passed her time spinning and weaving rich stuffs, in the\nmidst of delights, ministered to by the inferior deities. No man was\nable to approach her, but she had in her service a crowd of dwarfs,\nbuffoons, and hunchbacks, who diverted her with their songs and\ndances, and acted as messengers to such gods as she took a fancy to.\nSo beautiful was she painted that no woman in the world could equal\nher; and the place of her habitation was called Iamotamohuanichan,\nXochitlycacan, Chitamihuany, Cicuhnauhuepaniuhcan, and Tuhecayan, that\nis to say 'the place of Tamohuan, the place of the tree of flowers\nXochitlihcacan, where the air is purest, beyond the nine heavens.' It\nwas further said, that whoever had been touched by one of the flowers\nthat grow in the beautiful garden of Xochiquetzal should love to the\nend, should love faithfully.[IX-28]\n\n  [Sidenote: TLAZOLTEOTL SEDUCES Y\u00c1PPAN.]\n\nBoturini gives a legend in which this goddess figures in a very\ncharacteristic way. There was a man called Y\u00e1ppan, who, to win the\nregard of the gods made himself a hermit, leaving his wife and his\nrelations, and retiring to a desert place, there to lead a chaste and\nsolitary life. In that desert was a great stone or rock, called\nTehuehuetl, dedicated to penitential acts, which rock Y\u00e1ppan ascended\nand took up his abode upon like a western Simeon Stylites. The gods\nobserved all this with attention, but doubtful of the firmness of\npurpose of the new recluse, they set a spy upon him in the person of\nan enemy of his, named Y\u00e1otl, the word _y\u00e1otl_ indeed signifying\n'enemy.' Yet not even the sharpened eye of hate and envy could find\nany spot in the austere continent life of the anchorite, and the many\nwomen sent by the gods to tempt him to pleasure were repulsed and\nbaffled. In heaven itself the chaste victories of the lonely saint\nwere applauded, and it began to be thought that he was worthy to be\ntransformed into some higher form of life. Then Tlazolteotl, feeling\nherself slighted and held for naught, rose up in her evil beauty,\nwrathful, contemptuous, and said: Think not, ye high and immortal\ngods, that this hero of yours has the force to preserve his resolution\nbefore me, or that he is worthy of any very sublime transformation; I\ndescend to earth, behold now how strong is the vow of your devotee,\nhow unfeigned his continence!\n\nThat day the flowers of the gardens of Xochiquetzal were untended by\ntheir mistress, her singing dwarfs were silent, her messengers\nundisturbed by her behests, and away in the desert, by the lonely\nrock, the crouching spy Y\u00e1otl saw a wondrous sight: one shaped like a\nwoman, but fairer than eye can conceive, advancing toward the lean\npenance-withered man on the sacred height. Ha! thrills not the\nhermit's mortified flesh with something more than surprise, while the\nsweet voice speaks: My brother Y\u00e1ppan, I the goddess Tlazolteotl,\namazed at thy constancy, and commiserating thy hardships, come to\ncomfort thee; what way shall I take, or what path, that I may get up\nto speak with thee? The simple one did not see the ruse, he came down\nfrom his place and helped the goddess up. Alas, in such a crisis, what\nneed is there to speak further?--no other victory of Y\u00e1ppan was\ndestined to be famous in heaven, but in a cloud of shame his chaste\nlight went down for ever. And thou, O shameless one, have thy fierce\nred lips had their fill of kisses, is thy Paphian soul satisfied\nwithal, as now, flushed with victory, thou passest back to the\ntinkling fountains, and to the great tree of flowers, and to the\nfar-reaching gardens where thy slaves await thee in the ninth heaven?\nDo thine eyes lower themselves at all in any heed of the miserable\ndisenchanted victim left crouching, humbled on his desecrated rock,\nhis nights and days of fasting and weariness gone for naught, his\ndreams, his hopes dissipated, scattered like dust at the trailing of\nthy robes? And for thee, poor Y\u00e1ppan, the troubles of this life are\nsoon to end; Y\u00e1otl, the enemy, has not seen all these things for\nnothing; he, at least, has not borne hunger and thirst and weariness,\nhas not watched and waited in vain. O it avails nothing to lift the\npleading hands, they are warm but not with clasping in prayer, and\nweary but not with waving the censer; the flint-edged mace beats down\nthy feeble guard, the neck that Tlazolteotl clasped is smitten\nthrough, the lips she kissed roll in the dust beside a headless trunk.\n\nThe gods transformed the dead man into a scorpion, with the forearms\nfixed lifted up as when he deprecated the blow of his murderer; and he\ncrawled under the stone upon which he had abode. His wife, whose name\nwas Tlahuitzin, that is to say 'the inflamed,' still lived. The\nimplacable Y\u00e1otl sought her out, led her to the spot stained with her\nhusband's blood, detailed pitilessly the circumstances of the sin and\ndeath of the hermit, and then smote off her head. The gods transformed\nthe poor woman into that species of scorpion called the _alacran\nencendido_, and she crawled under the stone and found her husband. And\nso it comes that tradition says that all reddish colored scorpions are\ndescended from Tlahuitzin, and all dusky or ash-colored scorpions from\nY\u00e1ppan, while both keep hidden under the stones and flee the light for\nshame of their disgrace and punishment. Last of all the wrath of the\ngods fell on Y\u00e1otl for his cruelty and presumption in exceeding their\ncommands; he was transformed into a sort of locust that the Mexicans\ncall _ahuacachapullin_.[IX-29]\n\n  [Sidenote: CONFESSION.]\n\nSahagun gives a very full description of this goddess and her\nconnection with certain rites of confession, much resembling those\nalready described in speaking of Tezcatlipoca.[IX-30] The goddess had\naccording to our author, three names. The first was Tlazolteotl, that\nis to say 'the goddess of carnality.' The second name was Yxcuina,\nwhich signifies four sisters, called respectively, and in order of\nage, Tiacapan, Teicu, Tlaco, Xucotsi. The third and last name of this\ndeity was Tlaclquani, which means 'eater of filthy things,' referring\nit is said to her function of hearing and pardoning the confessions of\nmen and women guilty of unclean and carnal crimes. For this goddess,\nor these goddesses, had power not only to inspire and provoke to the\ncommission of such sins, and to aid in their accomplishment, but also\nto pardon them, if they were confessed to certain priests who were\nalso diviners and tellers of fortunes and wizards generally. In this\nconfession, however, Tlazolteotl seems not to have been directly\naddressed, but only the supreme deity under several of his names.\nThus the person whom, by a stretch of courtesy, we may call the\npenitent, having sought out a confessor from the class above\nmentioned, addressed that functionary in these words: Sir, I wish to\napproach the all-powerful god, protector of all, Yoalliehecatl, or\nTezcatlipoca; I wish to confess my sins in secret. To this the wizard,\nor priest, replied: Welcome, my son; the thing thou wouldst do is for\nthy good and profit. This said, he searched the divining book,\n_tonalamatl_, to see what day would be most opportune for hearing the\nconfession. That day come, the penitent brought a new mat, and white\nincense called _copalli_, and wood for the fire in which the incense\nwas to be burned. Sometimes when he was a very noble personage, the\npriest went to his house to confess him, but as a general rule the\nceremony took place at the residence of the priest. On entering this\nhouse the penitent swept very clean a portion of the floor and spread\nthe new mat there for the confessor to seat himself upon, and kindled\nthe wood. The priest then threw the copal upon the fire and said: O\nLord, thou that art the father and the mother of the gods and the most\nancient god,[IX-31] know that here is come thy vassal and servant,\nweeping and with great sadness; he is aware that he has wandered from\nthe way, that he has stumbled, that he has slidden, that he is spotted\nwith certain filthy sins and grave crimes worthy of death. Our Lord,\nvery pitiful, since thou art the protector and defender of all, accept\nthe penitence, give ear to the anguish of this thy servant and vassal.\n\nAt this point the confessor turned to the sinner and said: My son,\nthou art come into the presence of God, favorer and protector of all;\nthou art come to lay bare thy inner rottenness and unsavoriness; thou\nart come to publish the secrets of thine heart; see that thou fall\ninto no pit by lying unto our Lord; strip thyself, put away all shame\nbefore him who is called Yoalliehecatl and Tezcatlipoca. It is certain\nthat thou art now in his presence, although thou art not worthy to\nsee him, neither will he speak with thee, for he is invisible and\nimpalpable. See then to it how thou comest, and with what heart; fear\nnothing to publish thy secrets in his presence, give account of thy\nlife, relate thine evil deeds as thou didst perform them; tell all\nwith sadness to our Lord God, who is the favorer of all, and whose\narms are open and ready to embrace and set thee on his shoulders.\nBeware of hiding anything through shame or through weakness.\n\nHaving heard these words the penitent took oath, after the Mexican\nfashion, to tell the truth. He touched the ground with his hand and\nlicked off the earth that adhered to it;[IX-32] then he threw copal in\nthe fire, which was another way of swearing to tell the truth. Then he\nset himself down before the priest and, inasmuch as he held him to be\nthe image and vicar of god, he, the penitent, began to speak after\nthis fashion: O our Lord who receivest and shelterest all, give ear to\nmy foul deeds; in thy presence I strip, I put away from myself what\nshameful things soever I have done. Not from thee, of a verity, are\nhidden my crimes, for to thee all things are manifest and clear.\nHaving thus said, the penitent proceeded to relate his sins in the\norder in which they had been committed, clearly and quietly, as in a\nslow and distinctly pronounced chant, as one that walked along a very\nstraight way turning neither to the right hand nor to the left. When\nhe had done the priest answered him as follows: My son, thou hast\nspoken before our Lord God, revealing to him thine evil works; and I\nshall now tell thee what thou hast to do. When the goddesses\nCivapipilti descend to the earth, or when it is the time of the\nfestival of the four sister goddesses of carnality that are called\nYxcuina, thou shalt fast four days afflicting thy stomach and thy\nmouth; this feast of the Yxcuina being come, at daybreak thou shalt do\npenance suitable to thy sins.[IX-33] Through a hole pierced by a\nmaguey-thorn through the middle of thy tongue thou shall pass certain\nosier-twigs called _teucalzacatl_ or _tlacotl_, passing them in front\nof the face and throwing them over the shoulder one by one; or thou\nmayest fasten them the one to the other and so pull them through thy\ntongue like a long cord. These twigs were sometimes passed through a\nhole in the ear; and, wherever they were passed, it would appear by\nour author that there were sometimes used of them by one penitent to\nthe number of four hundred, or even of eight hundred.\n\n  [Sidenote: PENANCES.]\n\nIf the sin seemed too light for such a punishment as the preceding,\nthe priest would say to the penitent: My son, thou shalt fast, thou\nshall fatigue thy stomach with hunger and thy mouth with thirst, and\nthat for four days, eating only once on each day and that at noon. Or,\nthe priest would say to him: Thou shalt go to offer paper in the usual\nplaces, thou shalt make images covered therewith in number\nproportionate to thy devotion, thou shalt sing and dance before them\nas custom directs. Or, again, he would say to him: Thou hast offended\nGod, thou hast got drunk; thou must expiate the matter before\nTotochti, the god of wine; and when thou goest to do penance thou\nshalt go at night, naked, save only a piece of paper hanging from thy\ngirdle in front and another behind; thou shalt repeat thy prayer and\nthen throw down there before the gods those two pieces of paper, and\nso take thy departure.\n\nThis confession was held not to have been made to a priest, or to a\nman, but to God; and, inasmuch as it could only be heard once in a\nman's life, and, as for a relapse into sin after it there was no\nforgiveness, it was generally put off till old age. The absolution\ngiven by the priest was valuable in a double regard; the absolved was\nheld shriven of every crime he had confessed, and clear of all pains\nand penalties, temporal or spiritual, civil or ecclesiastical, due\ntherefor. Thus was the fiery lash of Nemesis bound up, thus were\nstruck down alike the staff of Minos and the sword of Themis before\nthe awful \u00e6gis of religion. It may be imagined with what reluctance\nthis last hope, this unique life-confession was resorted to; it was\nthe one city of refuge, the one Mexican benefit of sanctuary, the sole\nhorn of the altar, of which a man might once take hold and live, but\nno more again for ever.[IX-34]\n\n  [Sidenote: GOD OF FIRE.]\n\nThe Mexican god of fire as we have already noticed was usually called\nXiuhtecutli. He had, however, other names such as Ixcozauhqui, that is\nto say, 'yellow-faced;' and Cuecaltzin, which means 'flame of fire;'\nand Huehueteotl, or 'the ancient god.'[IX-35] His idol represented a\nnaked man, the chin blackened with ulli, and wearing a lip-jewel of\nred stone. On his head was a parti-colored paper crown, with green\nplumes issuing from the top of it like flames of fire; from the sides\nhung tassels of feathers down to the ears. The ear-rings of the image\nwere of turquoise wrought in mosaic. On the idol's back was a dragon's\nhead made of yellow feathers and some little marine shells. To the\nankles were attached little bells or rattles. On the left arm was a\nshield, almost entirely covered with a plate of gold, into which were\nset in the shape of a cross five chalchiuites. In the right hand the\ngod held a round pierced plate of gold, called the 'looking-plate,'\n(mirador \u00f3 miradero); with this he covered his face, looking only\nthrough the hole in the golden plate. Xiuhtecutli was held by the\npeople to be their father, and regarded with feelings of mingled love\nand fear; and they celebrated to him two fixed festivals every year,\none in the tenth and another in the eighteenth month, together with a\nmovable feast in which, according to Clavigero, they appointed\nmagistrates and renewed the ceremony of the investiture of the fiefs\nof the kingdom. The sacrifices of the first of these festivals, the\nfestival of the tenth month, Xocotlveti, were particularly cruel even\nfor the Mexican religion.\n\n  [Sidenote: FESTIVAL OF THE FIRE GOD.]\n\nThe assistants began by cutting down a great tree of five and twenty\nfathoms long and dressing off the branches, removing all it would seem\nbut a few round the top. This tree was then dragged by ropes into the\ncity, on rollers apparently, with great precaution against bruising\nor spoiling it; and the women met the entering procession giving those\nthat dragged cacao to drink. The tree, which was called _xocotl_, was\nreceived into the court of a cu with shouts; and there set up in a\nhole in the ground and allowed to remain for twenty days. On the eve\nof the festival Xocotlvetzi, they let this large tree or pole down\ngently to the ground, by means of ropes and trestles, or rests, made\nof beams tied two and two, probably in an X shape; and carpenters\ndressed it perfectly smooth and straight, and, where the branches had\nbeen left, near the top, they fastened with ropes a kind of yard or\ncross-beam of five fathoms long. Then was prepared, to be set on the\nvery top of the pole or tree, a statue of the god Xiuhtecutli, made\nlike a man out of the dough of wild amaranth seeds, and covered and\ndecorated with innumerable white papers. Into the head of the image\nwere stuck strips of paper instead of hair; sashes of paper crossed\nthe body from each shoulder; on the arms were pieces of paper like\nwings, painted over with figures of sparrow-hawks; a maxtli of paper\ncovered the loins; and a kind of paper shirt or tabard covered all.\nGreat strips of paper, half a fathom broad and ten fathoms long,\nfloated from the feet of the dough god half way down the tree; and\ninto his head were struck three rods with a tamale or small pie on the\ntop of each. The tree being now prepared with all these things, ten\nropes were attached to the middle of it, and by the help of the\nabove-mentioned trestles and a large crowd pulling all together, the\nwhole structure was reared into an upright position and there fixed,\nwith great shouting and stamping of feet.\n\nThen came all those that had captives to sacrifice; they came\ndecorated for dancing, all the body painted yellow (which is the\nlivery color of the god), and the face vermilion. They wore a mass of\nthe red plumage of the parrot, arranged to resemble a butterfly, and\ncarried shields covered with white feathers and as it were the feet of\ntigers or eagles walking. Each one went dancing side by side with his\ncaptive. These captives had the body painted white, and the face\nvermilion, save the cheeks which were black; they were adorned with\npapers, much, apparently, as the dough image was, and they had white\nfeathers on the head and lip-ornaments of feathers. At set of sun the\ndancing ceased; the captives were shut up in the _calpulli_, and\nwatched by their owners, not being even allowed to sleep. About\nmidnight every owner shaved away the hair of the top of the head of\nhis slave, which hair, being fastened with red thread to a little tuft\nof feathers, he put in a small case of cane, and attached to the\nrafters of his house, that every one might see that he was a valiant\nman and had taken a captive. The knife with which this shaving was\naccomplished was called the claw of the sparrow-hawk. At daybreak the\ndoomed and shorn slaves were arranged in order in front of the place\ncalled Tzompantli, where the skulls of the sacrificed were spitted in\nrows. Here one of the priests went along the row of captives taking\nfrom them certain little banners that they carried and all their\nraiment or adornment, and burning the same in a fire; for raiment or\nornament these unfortunates should need no more on earth. While they\nwere standing thus all naked and waiting for death, there came another\npriest, carrying in his arms the image of the god Paynal and his\nornaments; he ran up with this idol to the top of the cu Tlacacouhcan\nwhere the victims were to die. Down he came, then up again, and as he\nwent up the second time the owners took their slaves by the hair and\nled them to the place called Apetlac and there left them. Immediately\nthere descended from the cu those that were to execute the sacrifice,\nbearing bags of a kind of stupefying incense called _yiauhtli_,[IX-36]\nwhich they threw by handfuls into the faces of the victims to deaden\nsomewhat their agonies in the fearful death before them. Each captive\nwas then bound hand and foot and so carried up to the top of the cu\nwhere smouldered a huge heap of live coal. The carriers heaved their\nliving burdens in; and the old narrative gives minute details about\nthe great hole made in the sparkling embers by each slave, and how the\nashy dust rose in a cloud as he fell. As the dust settled the bound\nbodies could be seen writhing and jerking themselves about in torment\non their soft dull-red bed, and their flesh could be heard crackling\nand roasting. Now came a part of the ceremony requiring much\nexperience and judgment; the wild-eyed priests stood grappling-hook in\nhand biding their time. The victims were not to die in the fire, the\ninstant the great blisters began to rise handsomely over their\nscorched skins it was enough, they were raked out. The poor blackened\nbodies were then flung on the 'tajon' and the agonized soul dismissed\nby the sacrificial breast-cut (from nipple to nipple, or a little\nlower); the heart was then torn out and cast at the feet of\nXiuhtecutli, god of fire.\n\n  [Sidenote: CLIMBING FOR THE GOD.]\n\nThis slaughter being over, the statue of Paynal was carried away to\nits own cu and every man went home to eat. And the young men and boys,\nall those called _quexpaleque_,[IX-37] because they had a lock of hair\nat the nape of the neck, came, together with all the people, the women\nin order among the men, and began at mid-day to dance and to sing in\nthe court-yard of Xiuhtecutli; the place was so crowded that there was\nhardly room to move. Suddenly there arose a great cry, and a rush was\nmade out of the court toward the place where was raised the tall tree\nalready described at some length. Let us shoulder our way forward, not\nwithout risk to our ribs, and see what we can see: there stands the\ntall pole with streamers of paper and the ten ropes by which it was\nraised dangling from it. On the top stands the dough image of the fire\ngod, with all his ornaments and weapons, and with the three tamales\nsticking out so oddly above his head. Ware clubs! we press too close;\nshoulder to shoulder in a thick serried ring round the foot of the\npole stand the 'captains of the youths' keeping the youngsters back\nwith cudgels, till the word be given at which all may begin to climb\nthe said pole for the great prize at the top. But the youths are wild\nfor fame; old renowned heroes look on; the eyes of all the women of\nthe city are fixed on the great tree where it shoots above the head of\nthe struggling crowd; glory to him who first gains the cross-beam and\nthe image. Stand back, then, ye captains, let us pass! There is a\nrush, and a trampling, and despite a rain of blows, all the pole with\nits hanging ropes is aswarm with climbers, thrusting each other down.\nThe first youth at the top seizes the idol of dough; he takes the\nshield and the arrows and the darts and the stick _atalt_ for throwing\nthe darts; he takes the tamales from the head of the statue, crumbles\nthem up, and throws the crumbs with the plumes of the image down into\nthe crowd; the securing of which crumbs and plumes is a new occasion\nfor shouting and scrambling and fisticuffs among the multitude. When\nthe young hero comes down with the weapons of the god which he has\nsecured, he is received with far-roaring applause and carried up to\nthe cu Tlacacouhcan, there to receive the reward of his activity and\nendurance, praises and jewels and a rich mantle not lawful for another\nto wear, and the honor of being carried by the priests to his house,\namid the music of horns and shells. The festivity is over now; all the\npeople lay hold on the ropes fastened to the tree, and pull it down\nwith a crash that breaks it to pieces, together, apparently, with all\nthat is left of the wild-amaranth-dough image of Xiuhtecutli.[IX-38]\n\nAnother feast of the god of fire was held in the month Yzcalli, the\neighteenth month; it was called _motlaxquiantota_, that is to say 'our\nfather the fire toasts his food.' An image of the god of fire was\nmade, with a frame of hoops and sticks tied together as the basis or\nmodel to be covered with his ornaments. On the head of this image was\nput a shining mask of turquoise mosaic, banded across with rows of\ngreen chalchiuites. Upon the mask was put a crown fitting to the head\nbelow, wide above, and gorgeous with rich plumage as a flower; a wig\nof reddish hair was attached to this crown so that the evenly cut\nlocks flowed from below it, behind and around the mask, as if they\nwere natural. A robe of costly feathers covered all the front of the\nimage and fell over the ground before the feet, so light that it\nshivered and floated with the least breath of air till the variegated\nfeathers glittered and changed color like water. The back of the image\nseems to have been left unadorned, concealed by a throne on which it\nwas seated, a throne covered with a dried tiger-skin, paws and head\ncomplete. Before this statue new fire was produced at midnight by\nboring rapidly by hand one stick upon another; the spunk or tinder so\ninflamed was put on the hearth and a fire lit.[IX-39] At break of day\ncame all the boys and youths with game and fish that they had captured\non the previous day; walking round the fire, they gave it to certain\nold men that stood there, who taking it threw it into the flames\nbefore the god, giving the youths in return certain tamales that had\nbeen made and offered for this purpose by the women. To eat these\ntamales it was necessary to strip off the maize-leaves in which they\nhad been wrapped and cooked; these leaves were not thrown into the\nfire, but were all put together and thrown into water. After this all\nthe old men of the ward in which the fire was, drank pulque and sang\nbefore the image of Xiuhtecutli till night. This was the tenth day of\nthe month and thus finished that feast, or that part of the feast,\nwhich was called _vauquitamalqualiztli_.\n\nOn the twentieth and last day of the month was made another statue of\nthe fire god, with a frame of sticks and hoops as already described.\nThey put on the head of it a mask with a ground of mosaic of little\nbits of the shell called _tapaztli_,[IX-40] composed below the mouth of\nblack stones, banded across the nostrils with black stones of another\nsort, and the cheeks made of a still different stone called\n_tezcapuchtli_. As in the previous case there was a crown on this\nmask, and over all and over the body of the image costly and beautiful\ndecorations of feather-work. Before the throne on which this statue\nsat there was a fire, and the youths offered game to and received\ncakes from the old men with various ceremonies; the day being closed\nwith a great drinking of pulque by the old people, though not to the\npoint of intoxication. Thus ended the eighteenth month; and with\nregard to the two ceremonies just described, Sahagun says, that though\nnot observed in all parts of Mexico, they were observed at least in\nTezcuco.\n\n  [Sidenote: FOURTH YEAR FESTIVAL.]\n\nIt will be noticed that the festivals of this month have been without\nhuman sacrifices; but every fourth year was an exception to this. In\nsuch a year on the twentieth and last day of this eighteenth month,\nbeing also, according to some, the last day of the year, the five\nNemonteni, or unlucky days, being excepted, men and women were slain\nas images of the god of fire. The women that had to die carried all\ntheir apparel and ornaments on their shoulders, and the men did the\nsame. Arrived thus naked where they had to die, men and women alike\nwere decorated to resemble the god of fire; they ascended the cu,\nwalked round the sacrificial stone, and then descended and returned\nto the place where they were to be kept for the night. Each male\nvictim had a rope tied round the middle of his body which was held by\nhis guards. At midnight the hair of the crown of the head of each was\nshaven off before the fire and kept for a relic, and the head itself\nwas covered with a mixture of resin and hens' feathers. After this the\ndoomed ones burned or gave away to their keepers their now useless\napparel, and as the morning broke they were decorated with papers and\nled in procession to die, with singing and shouting and dancing. These\nfestivities went on till mid-day, when a priest of the cu, arrayed in\nthe ornaments of the god Paynal, came down, passed before the victims,\nand then went up again. They were led up after him, captives first and\nslaves after, in the order they had to die in; they suffered in the\nusual manner. There was then a grand dance of the lords, led by the\nking himself; each dancer wearing a high-fronted paper coronet, a kind\nof false nose of blue paper, ear-rings of turquoise mosaic, or of wood\nwrought with flowers, a blue curiously flowered jacket, and a mantle.\nHanging to the neck of each was the figure of a dog made of paper and\npainted with flowers; in the right hand was carried a stick shaped\nlike a chopping-knife, the lower half of which was painted red and the\nupper half white; in the left hand was carried a little paper bag of\ncopal. This dance was begun on the top of the cu and finished by\ndescending and going four times round the court-yard of the cu; after\nwhich all entered the palace with the king. This dance took place only\nonce in four years, and none but the king and his lords could take\npart in it. On this day the ears of all children born during the three\npreceding years were bored with a bone awl, and the children\nthemselves passed near or through the flames of a fire as already\nrelated.[IX-41] There was a further ceremony of taking the children by\nthe head and lifting them up \"to make them grow;\" and from this the\nmonth took its name, Yzcalli meaning 'growth.'[IX-42]\n\nThere was generally observed in honor of fire a custom called 'the\nthrowing,' which was that no one ate without first flinging into the\nfire a scrap of the food. Another common ceremony was in drinking\npulque to first spill a little on the edge of the hearth. Also when a\nperson began upon a jar of pulque he emptied out a little into a broad\npan and put it beside the fire, whence with another vessel he spilt of\nit four times upon the edge of the hearth; this was 'the libation or\nthe tasting.'[IX-43]\n\n  [Sidenote: THE GREAT NEW FIRE FESTIVAL.]\n\nThe most solemn and important of all the Mexican festivals was that\ncalled Toxilmolpilia or Xiuhmolpilli, the 'the binding up of the\nyears.' Every fifty-two years was called a sheaf of years; and it was\nheld for certain that at the end of some sheaf of fifty-two years the\nmotion of the heavenly bodies should cease and the world itself come\nto an end. As the possible day of destruction drew near all the people\ncast their household gods of wood and stone into the water, as also\nthe stones used on the hearth for cooking and bruising pepper. They\nwashed thoroughly their houses, and last of all put out all fires. For\nthe lighting of the new fire there was a place set apart, the summit\nof a mountain called Vixachtlan, or Huixachtla, on the boundary line\nbetween the cities of Itztapalapa and Colhuacan, about six miles from\nthe city of Mexico. In the production of this new fire none but\npriests had any part, and the task fell specially upon those of the\nward Copolco. On the last day of the fifty-two years, after the sun\nhad set, all the priests clothed themselves with the dress and\ninsignia of their gods, so as to themselves appear like very gods, and\nset out in procession for the mountain, walking very slowly, with\nmuch gravity and silence, as befitted the occasion and the garb they\nwore, \"walking,\" as they phrased it, \"like gods.\" The priest of the\nward of Copolco, whose office it was to produce the fire, carried the\ninstruments thereof in his hand, trying them from time to time to see\nthat all was right. Then, a little before midnight, the mountain being\ngained, and a cu which was there builded for that ceremony, they began\nto watch the heavens and especially the motion of the Pleiades. Now\nthis night always fell so that at midnight these seven stars were in\nthe middle of the sky with respect to the Mexican horizon; and the\npriests watched them to see them pass the zenith and so give sign of\nthe endurance of the world, for another fifty and two years. That sign\nwas the signal for the production of the new fire, lit as follows. The\nbravest and finest of the prisoners taken in war was thrown down\nalive, and a board of very dry wood was put upon his breast; upon this\nthe acting priest at the critical moment bored with another stick,\ntwirling it rapidly between his palms till fire caught. Then instantly\nthe bowels of the captive were laid open, his heart torn out, and it\nwith all the body thrown upon and consumed by a pile of fire. All this\ntime an awful anxiety and suspense held possession of the people at\nlarge; for it was said, that if anything happened to prevent the\nproduction at the proper time of the new fire, there would be an end\nof the human race, the night and the darkness would be perpetual, and\nthose terrible and ugly beings the Tzitzimitles[IX-44] would descend to\ndevour all mankind. As the fateful hour approached, the people\ngathered on the flat house-tops, no one willingly remaining below. All\npregnant women, however, were closed into the granaries, their faces\nbeing covered with maize-leaves; for it was said that if the new fire\ncould not be produced, these women would turn into fierce animals and\ndevour men and women. Children also had masks of maize-leaf put on\ntheir faces, and they were kept awake by cries and pushes, it being\nbelieved that if they were allowed to sleep they would become mice.\n\n  [Sidenote: FEAST OF THE NEW FIRE.]\n\nFrom the crowded house-tops every eye was bent on Vixachtlan. Suddenly\na moving speck of light was seen by those nearest, and then a great\ncolumn of flame shot up against the sky. The new fire! and a great\nshout of joy went up from all the country round about. The stars moved\non in their courses; fifty and two years more at least had the\nuniverse to exist. Every one did penance; cutting his ear with a\nsplinter of flint and scattering the blood toward the part where the\nfire was; even the ears of children in the cradle were so cut. And now\nfrom the blazing pile on the mountain, burning brands of pine\ncandle-wood were carried by the swiftest runners toward every quarter\nof the kingdom. In the city of Mexico, on the temple of\nHuitzilopochtli, before the altar, there was a fire-place of stone and\nlime containing much copal; into this a blazing brand was flung by the\nfirst runner, and from this place fire was carried to all the houses\nof the priests, and thence again to all the city. There soon blazed\ngreat central fires in every ward, and it was a thing to be seen the\nmultitude of people that came together to get light, and the general\nrejoicings.\n\nThe hearth-fires being thus lit, the inhabitants of every house began\nto renew their household gods and furniture, and to lay down new mats,\nand to put on new raiment; they made everything new in sign of the new\nsheaf of years; they beheaded quails, and burned incense in their\ncourt-yard toward the four quarters of the world, and on their\nhearths. After eating a meal of wild amaranth seed and honey, a fast\nwas ordered, even the drinking of water till noon being forbidden.\nThen the eating and drinking were renewed, sacrifices of slaves and\ncaptives were made, and the great fires renewed. The last solemn\nfestival of the new fire was celebrated in the year 1507, the\nSpaniards being not then in the land; and through their presence,\nthere was no public ceremony when the next sheaf of years was\nfinished in 1559.[IX-45]\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\n  [Sidenote: TEOYAOMIQUE.]\n\nMictlan, the Mexican hades, or place of the dead, signifies either\nprimarily, or by an acquired meaning, 'northward, or toward the\nnorth,' though many authorities have located it underground or below\nthe earth. This region was the seat of the power of a god best known\nunder his title of Mictlantecutli; his female companion was called\nMictlancihuatl, made identical by some legends with Tlazolteotl, and\nby others apparently with the serpent-woman and mother goddess.[IX-46]\nThere has been discovered and there is now to be seen in the city of\nMexico a huge compound statue, representing various deities, the most\nprominent being a certain goddess Teoyaomique, who, it seems to me, is\nalmost identical with or at least a connecting link between the\nmother goddess and the companion of Mictlantecutli. Mr Gallatin\nsays[IX-47] that the Mexican gods \"were painted in different ways\naccording to their various attributes and names: and the priests were\nalso in the habit of connecting with the statue of a god or goddess,\nsymbols of other deities which partook of a similar character. Gama\nhas adduced several instances of both practices, in the part of his\ndissertation which relates to the statue of the goddess of death found\nburied in the great Square of Mexico of which he, and lately Mr Nebel,\nhave given copies.[IX-48] Her name is Teoyaomiqui, which means, to die\nin sacred war, or 'in defense of the gods,' and she is the proper\ncompanion of Huitzilopochtli, the god of war. The symbols of her own\nattributes are found in the upper part of the statue: but those from\nthe waist downwards relate to other deities connected with her or with\nHuitzilopochtli. The serpents are the symbols of his mother\nCohuatlycue, and also of Cihuacohuatl, the serpent woman who begat\ntwins, male and female, from which mankind proceeded: the same\nserpents and feathers are the symbol of Quezatlcohuatl, the precious\nstones designate Chalchihuitlycue, the goddess of water; the teeth and\nclaws refer to Tlaloc and to Tlatocaocelocelotl (the tiger king): and\ntogether with her own attributes, the whole is a most horrible\nfigure.\"\n\n  [Sidenote: GAMA ON THE COMPOUND IMAGE.]\n\nOf this great compound statue of Huitzilopochtli (for the most part\nunder his name of Teoyaotlatohua), Teoyaomique, and Mictlantecutli,\nand of the three deities separately Leon y Gama treats, in substance\nas follows, beginning with Mictlantecutli:[IX-49]--\n\nThe Chevalier Boturini mentions another of his names, Teoyaotlatohua,\nand says that as director and chief of sacred war he was always\naccompanied by Teoyaomique, a goddess whose business it was to collect\nthe souls of those that died in war and of those that were sacrificed\nafterward as captives. Let these statements be put alongside of what\nTorquemada says, to wit, that in the great feast of the month\nHueimiccailhuitl,[IX-50] divine names were given to dead kings and to\nall famous persons who had died heroically in war, and in the power of\nthe enemy; idols were made furthermore of these persons, and they were\nput with the deities; for it was said that they had gone to the place\nof delights and pleasures there to be with the gods. From all this it\nwould appear that before this image, in which were closely united\nTeoyaotlatohua and Teoyaomique, there were each year celebrated\ncertain rites in memory and honor of dead kings and lords and captains\nand soldiers fallen in battle. And not only did the Mexicans venerate\nin the temple this image of many gods, but the judicial astrologers\nfeigned a constellation answering thereto and influencing persons born\nunder it. In depicting this constellation Teoyaotlatohua\nHuitzilopochtli was represented with only half his body, as it were\nseated on a bench, and with his mouth open as if speaking. His head\nwas decorated after a peculiar fashion with feathers, his arms were\nmade like trunks of trees with branches, while from his girdle there\nissued certain herbs that fell downwards over the bench. Opposite this\nfigure was Teoyaomique, naked save a thin robe,[IX-51] and standing on\na pedestal, apparently holding her head in her hands, at any rate with\nher head cut off, her eyes bandaged, and two snakes issuing from the\nneck where the head should have been. Between the god and the goddess\nwas a flowering tree divided through the middle, to which was attached\na beam with various crosspieces, and over all was a bird with the head\nseparated from its body. There was to be seen also the head of a bird\nin a cup, and the head of a serpent, together with a pot turned upside\ndown while the contents--water as it would appear by the hieroglyphics\nattached--ran out.\n\nIn this form were painted these two gods, as one of the twenty\ncelestial signs, sufficiently noticed by Boturini, although as he\nconfesses, he had not arranged them in the proper order. Returning to\nnotice the office attributed to Teoyaomique, that of collecting the\nsouls of the dead, we find that Crist\u00f3bal del Castillo says that all\nborn under the sign which, with the god of war, this goddess ruled,\nwere to become at an early age valorous soldiers; but that their\ncareer was to be short as it was brilliant, for they were to fall in\nbattle young. These souls were to rise to heaven, to dwell in the\nhouse of the sun, where were woods and groves. There they were to\nexist four years, at the end of which time they were to be converted\ninto birds of rich and beautiful plumage, and to go about sucking\nflowers both in heaven and on earth.\n\n  [Sidenote: MICTECACIHUATL.]\n\nTo the statue mentioned above there was joined with great propriety\nthe image of another god, feigned to be the god of hell, or of the\nplace of the dead, which latter is the literal signification of his\nname, Mictlantecutli. This image was engraved in demi-relief on the\nlower plane of the stone of the great compound statue; but it was also\nvenerated separately in its own proper temple, called Tlalxicco, that\nis to say, 'in the bowels or navel of the earth.' Among the various\noffices attributed to this deity was that of burying the corpses of\nthe dead, principally of those that died of natural infirmities; for\nthe souls of these went to hell to present themselves before this\nMictlantecutli and before his wife Mictecacihuatl, which name\nTorquemada interprets as 'she that throws into hell.' Thither indeed\nit was said that these dead went to offer themselves as vassals\ncarrying offerings, and to have pointed out to them the places that\nthey were to occupy according to the manner of their death. This god\nof hades was further called Tzontemoc, a term interpreted by\nTorquemada to mean 'he that lowers his head;' but it would rather\nappear that it should take its signification from the action indicated\nby the great statue, where this deity is seen as it were carrying down\ntied to himself the heads of corpses to bury them in the ground, as\nBoturini says. The places or habitations supposed to exist in hell,\nand to which the souls of the dead had to go, were nine; in the last\nof which, called Chicuhnauhmictlan, the said souls were supposed to be\nannihilated and totally destroyed. There was lastly given to this god\na place in heaven, he being joined with one of the planets and\naccompanied by Teotlamacazqui; at his feet, there was painted a body\nthat was half buried, or covered with earth from the head to the\nwaist, while the rest stuck out uncovered. It only remains to be said\nthat such was the veneration and religious feeling with which were\nregarded all things relating to the dead, that not only there were\ninvented for them tutelary gods, much honored by frequent feasts and\nsacrifice; but the Mexicans elevated Death itself, dedicating to it a\nday of the calendar (the first day of the sixth 'trecena'), joining it\nto the number of the celestial signs; and erecting to it a sumptuous\ntemple called Tolnahuac, within the circuit of the great temple of\nMexico, wherein it was particularly adored with holocausts and victims\nunder the title Ce Miquiztli.[IX-52]\n\n  [Sidenote: MIXCOATL, GOD OF HUNTING.]\n\nMixcoatl is the god--or goddess according to some good\nauthorities--of hunting. The name means 'cloud-serpent' and indeed\nseems common to a whole class of deities or heroes somewhat resembling\nthe Nibelungs of northern European mythology.[IX-53] He is further\nsupposed to be connected with the thunderstorm: \"Mixcoatl, the\nCloud-Serpent, or Iztac-Mixcoatl, the White or Gleaming\nCloud-Serpent,\" writes Brinton,[IX-54] \"said to have been the only\ndivinity of the ancient Chichimecs, held in high honor by the Nahuas,\nNicaraguans, and Otom\u00eds, and identical with Taras, supreme god of the\nTarascos, and Camaxtli, god of the Teo-Chichimecs, is another\npersonification of the thunderstorm. To this day this is the familiar\nname of the tropical tornado in the Mexican language. He was\nrepresented, like Jove, with a bundle of arrows in his hand, the\nthunderbolts. Both the Nahuas and Tarascos related legends in which he\nfigured as father of the race of man. Like other lords of the\nlightning he was worshiped as the dispenser of riches and the patron\nof traffic; and in Nicaragua his image is described as being 'engraved\nstones' probably the supposed products of the thunder.\"\n\nIn the fourteenth month, called Quecholli, and beginning, according\nto Clavigero, on the fourteenth of November, there was made with many\nobscure ceremonies, a feast to this god. On the sixth day of the month\nall assembled at the cu of Huitzilopochtli, where during four days\nthey made arrows and darts for use in war and for general practice at\na mark, mortifying at the same time their flesh by drawing blood, and\nby abstaining from women and pulque. This done they made, in honor of\nthe dead, certain little mimic darts of a hand long, of which four\nseem to have been tied together with four splinters of candle-wood\npine; these were put on the graves, and at set of sun, lit and burned,\nafter which the ashes were interred on the spot. There were taken a\nmaize-stalk of nine knots with a paper flag on the top that hung down\nto the bottom, together with a shield and dart belonging to the dead\nman, and his maxtli and blanket; the last two being attached to the\nmaize-stalk. The hanging flag was ornamented on either side with red\ncotton thread, in the figure of an X; a piece of twisted white thread\nalso hung down to which was suspended a dead humming-bird. Handfuls of\nthe white feathers of the heron were tied two and two and fastened to\nthe burdened maize-stalk, while all the cotton threads used were\ncovered with white hen's feathers, stuck on with resin. Lastly all\nthese were burned on a stone block called the _quaulixicalcalico_.\n\nIn the court of the cu of Mixcoatl was scattered much dried grass\nbrought from the mountains, upon which the old women-priests, or\n_cioatlamacazque_, seated themselves, each with a mat before her. All\nthe women that had children came, each bringing her child and five\nsweet tamales; and the tamales were put on the mats before the old\nwomen, who in return took the children, tossed them in their arms and\nthen returned them to their mothers.\n\n  [Sidenote: DRIVE-HUNT OF MIXCOATL.]\n\nAbout the middle of the month was made a special feast to this god of\nthe Otom\u00eds, to Mixcoatl. In the morning all prepared for a great\ndrive-hunt, girding their blankets to their loins, and taking bows\nand arrows. They wended their way to a mountain-slope, anciently\nZapatepec, or Yxillantonan, above the sierra of Atlacuizoayan, or as\nit is now called, according to Bustamante, Tacubaya. There they drove\ndeer, rabbits, hares, coyotes, and other game together, little by\nlittle, every one in the meantime killing what he could; few or no\nanimals escaping. To the most successful hunters blankets were given,\nand every one brought to his house the heads of the animals he had\ntaken, and hanged them up for tokens of his prowess or activity.\n\nThere were human sacrifices in honor of this hunting god with other\ndeities. The manufacturers of pulque bought, apparently two slaves who\nwere decorated with paper and killed in honor of the gods\nTlamatzincatl and Yzquitecatl; there were also sacrificed women\nsupposed to represent the wives of these two deities. The _calpixquis_\non their part led other two slaves to the death in honor of Mixcoatl\nand of Cohuatlicue his wife. On the morning of the last day but one of\nthe month, all the doomed were brought out and led round the cu where\nthey had to die; after mid-day they were led up the cu, round the\nsacrificial block, down again, then back to the _calpulco_, to be at\nonce guarded and forced to keep awake for the night. At midnight their\nheads were shaven before the fire, and every one of them burned there\nwhat goods he had, little paper flags, cane tobacco-pipes[IX-55] and\ndrinking-vessels; the women threw into the flame their raiment, their\nornaments, their spindles, little baskets, vessels in which the\nspindles were twirled, warping-frames, fuller's earth, pieces of cane\nfor pressing a fabric together, cords for fastening it up,\nmaguey-thorns, measuring-rods, and other implements for weaving; and\nthey said that all these things had to be given to them in the other\nworld after their death. At daybreak these captives were carried or\nassisted up, each having a paper flag borne before him, to the\nseveral cues of the gods they were to die in honor of. Four that had\nto die, probably before Mixcoatl, were, each by four bearers, carried\nup to a temple, bound hand and foot to represent dead deer; while\nothers were merely assisted up the steps by a youth at each arm, so\nthat they should not faint nor fail; two other youths trailing or\nletting them down the same steps after they were dead. The preceding\nrelates only to the male captives, the women being slain before the\nmen, in a separate cu called the _coatlan_; it is said that as they\nwere forced up the steps of it some screamed and others wept. In\nletting the dead bodies of these women down the steps again, it is\nalso specially written, that they were not hurled down roughly, but\nrolled down little by little. At the place where the skulls of the\ndead were exposed, waited two old women called _teixamique_, having by\nthem salt water and bread and a mess or gruel of some kind. The\ncarcasses of the victims being brought to them, they dipped\ncane-leaves into the salt water and sprinkled the faces of them\ntherewith, and into each mouth they put four morsels of bread\nmoistened with the gruel or mess above-mentioned. Then the heads were\ncut off and spitted on poles; and so the feast ended.[IX-56]\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\n  [Sidenote: MACUILXOCHITL.]\n\nIn connection with the religious honors paid to the dead, it may be\nhere said that the Mexicans had a deity of whom almost all we know is\nthat he was the god of those that died in the houses of the lords or\nin the palaces of the principal men; he was called Macuilxochitl,\n'the chief that gives flowers, or that takes care of the giving of\nflowers.'[IX-57] The festival of this god fell among the movable feasts\nand was called Xochilhuitl, or 'the festival of flowers.' There were\nin it the usual preliminary fasting (that is to say, eating but once a\nday, at noon, and then only of a restricted diet), blood-letting, and\noffering of food in the temple; though there did not occur therein\nanything suggestive either of a god of flowers or of a god of the more\nnoble dead. The image of this deity was in the likeness of an almost\nnaked man, either flayed or painted of a vermilion color; the mouth\nand chin were of three tints, white, black, and light blue; the face\nwas of a light reddish tinge. It had a crown of light green color,\nwith plumes of the same hue, and tassels that hung down to the\nshoulders. On the back of the idol was a device wrought in feathers,\nrepresenting a banner planted on a hill; about the loins of it was a\nbright reddish blanket, fringed with sea-shells; curiously wrought\nsandals adorned its feet; on the left arm of it was a white shield, in\nthe midst of which were set four stones, joined two and two; it held a\nsceptre, shaped like a heart and tipped with green and yellow\nfeathers.[IX-58]\n\nOme Acatl was the god of banquets and of guests; his name signified\n'two canes.' When a man made a feast to his friends, he had the image\nof this deity carried to his house by certain of its priests; and if\nthe host did not do this, the deity appeared to him in a dream,\nrebuking him in such words as these: Thou bad man, because thou hast\nwithheld from me my due honor, know that I will forsake thee and that\nthou shalt pay dearly for this insult. When this god was excessively\nangered, he was accustomed to mix hairs with the food and drink of the\nguests of the object of his wrath, so that the giver of the feast\nshould be disgraced. As in the case of Huitzilopochtli, there was a\nkind of communion sacrament in connection with the adoration of this\ngod of feasts: in each ward dough was taken and kneaded by the\nprincipal men into the figure of a bone of about a cubit long, called\nthe bone of Ome Acatl. A night seems to have been spent in eating and\nin drinking pulque; then at break of day an unfortunate person, set up\nas the living image of the god, had his belly pricked with pins, or\nsome such articles; being hurt thereby, as we are told. This done the\nbone was divided and each one ate what of it fell to his lot; and when\nthose that had insulted this god ate, they often grew sick, and almost\nchoked, and went stumbling and falling. Ome Acatl was represented as a\nman seated on a bunch of cyperus-sedges. His face was painted white\nand black; upon his head was a paper crown surrounded by a long and\nbroad fillet of divers colors, knotted up at the back of the head; and\nagain round and over the fillet, was wound a string of chalchiuite\nbeads. His blanket was made like a net, and had a broad border of\nflowers woven into it. He bore a shield, from the lower part of which\nhung a kind of fringe of broad tassels. In the right hand he held a\nsceptre called the _tlachielonique_, or 'looker,'[IX-59] because it was\nfurnished with a round plate through which a hole was pierced, and\nthe god kept his face covered with the plate and looked through the\nhole.[IX-60]\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\n  [Sidenote: IXTLILTON, HEALER OF CHILDREN.]\n\nYxtliton, or Ixtlilton--that is to say 'the little negro,' according\nto Sahagun, and 'the black-faced,' according to Clavigero--was a god\nwho cured children of various diseases.[IX-61] His 'oratory' was a kind\nof temporary building made of painted boards; his image was neither\ngraven nor painted; it was a living man decorated with certain\nvestments. In this temple or oratory were kept many pans and jars,\ncovered with boards, and containing a fluid which was called 'black\nwater.' When a child sickened, it was brought to this temple and one\nof these jars was uncovered, upon which the child drank of the black\nwater and was healed of its disease--the cure being probably most\nprompt and complete when the priests as well as the god knew something\nof physic. When one made a feast to this god--which seems to have been\nwhen one made new pulque--the man that was the image of Ixtlilton came\nto the house of the feast-giver with music and dancing, and preceded\nby the smoke of copal incense. The representative of the deity having\narrived, the first thing he did was to eat and drink; there were more\ndances and festivities in his honor, in which he took part, and then\nhe entered the cellar of the house, where were many jars of pulque\nthat had been covered for four days with boards or lids of some kind.\nHe opened one or many of these jars, a ceremony called 'the opening of\nthe first, or of the new wine,' and himself with those that were with\nhim drank thereof. This done, he went out into the court-yard of the\nhouse, where there were prepared certain jars of the above-mentioned\nblack water, which also had been kept covered four days; these he\nopened, and if there was found therein any dirt, or piece of straw, or\nhair, or ash, it was taken as a sign that the giver of the feast was a\nman of evil life, an adulterer, or a thief, or a quarrelsome person,\nand he was affronted with the charge accordingly. When the\nrepresentative of the god set out from the house where all this\noccurred, he was presented with certain blankets called _yxguen_, or\n_ixquen_, that is to say, 'covering of the face,' because when any\nfault had been found in the black water, the giver of the feast was\nput to shame.[IX-62]\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\n  [Sidenote: OPUCHTLI, GOD OF FISHING.]\n\nOpuchtli, or Opochtli, 'the left-handed,' was venerated by fishermen\nas their protector and the inventor of their nets, fish-spears, oars,\nand other gear. In Cuitlahuac, an island of lake Chalco, there was a\ngod of fishing called Amimitl, who, according to Clavigero, differed\nfrom the first-mentioned only in name. Sahagun says that Opuchtli was\ncounted among the number of the Tlaloques, and that the offerings made\nto him were composed of pulque, stalks of green maize, flowers, the\nsmoking-canes, or pipes called _yietl_, copal incense, the odorous\nherb _yiauhtli_, and parched maize. These things seem to have been\nstrewed before him as rushes used to be strewed before a procession.\nThere were used in these solemnities certain rattles enclosed in\nhollow walking-sticks. The image of this god was like a man, almost\nnaked, with the face of that grey tint seen in quails' feathers; on\nthe head was a paper crown of divers colors, made like a rose, as it\nwere, of leaves overlapping each other, topped by green feathers\nissuing from a yellow tassel; other long tassels hung from this crown\nto the shoulders of the idol. Crossed over the breast was a green\nstole resembling that worn by the Christian priest when saying mass;\non the feet were white sandals; on the left arm was a red shield, and\nin the centre of its field a white flower with four leaves disposed\nlike a cross; and in the left hand was a sceptre of a peculiar\nfashion.[IX-63]\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\nXipe, or Totec, or Xipetotec, or Thipetotec, is, according to\nClavigero, a god whose name has no meaning,[IX-64] who was the deity of\nthe goldsmiths, and who was much venerated by the Mexicans, they being\npersuaded that those that neglected his worship would be smitten with\ndiseases; especially the boils, the itch, and pains of the head and\neyes. They excelled themselves therefore in cruelty at his festival\ntime, occurring ordinarily in the second month.\n\nSahagun describes this god as specially honored by dwellers on the\nsea-shore, and as having had his origin at Zapotlan in Jalisco. He was\nsupposed to afflict people with sore eyes and with various\nskin-diseases, such as small-pox, abscesses, and itch. His image was\nmade like a human form, one side or flank of it being painted yellow,\nand the other of a tawny color; down each side of the face from the\nbrow to the jaw a thin stripe was wrought; and on the head was a\nlittle cap with hanging tassels. The upper part of the body was\nclothed with the flayed skin of a man; round the loins was girt a kind\nof green skirt. It had on one arm a yellow shield with a red border,\nand held in both hands a scepter shaped like the calix of a poppy and\ntipped with an arrow-head.[IX-65]\n\n  [Sidenote: EATING THE BODIES OF THE SACRIFICED.]\n\nOn the last day of the second month--or, according to some authors,\nof the first--Tlacaxipehualiztli, there was celebrated a solemn feast\nin honor at once of Xipetotec and of Huitzilopochtli. It was preceded\nby a very solemn dance at noon of the day before. As the night of the\nvigil fell, the captives were shut up and guarded; at midnight--the\ntime when it was usual to draw blood from the ears--the hair of the\nmiddle of the head of each was shaven away before a fire. When the\ndawn appeared they were led by their owners to the foot of the stairs\nof the temple of Huitzilopochtli--and if they would not ascend\nwillingly the priests dragged them up by the hair. The priests threw\nthem down one by one on the back on a stone of three quarters of a\nyard or more high, and square on the top something more than a foot\nevery way. Two assistants held the victim down by the feet, two by the\nhands, and one by the head--this last according to many accounts\nputting a yoke over the neck of the man and so pressing it down. Then\nthe priest, holding with both hands a splinter of flint, or a stone\nresembling flint, like a large lance-head, struck across the breast\ntherewith, and tore out the heart through the gash so made; which,\nafter offering it to the sun and other gods by holding it up toward\nthe four quarters of heaven, he threw into a wooden vessel.[IX-66] The\nblood was collected also in a vessel and given to the owner of the\ndead captive, while the body, thrown down the temple steps, was taken\nto the calpule by certain old men, called _quaquacuiltin_, flayed, cut\ninto pieces, and divided for eating; the king receiving the flesh of\nthe thigh, while the rest of the carcass was eaten at the house of the\nowner of the captive, though, as will appear by a remark\nhereafter,[IX-67] it is improbable that the captor or owner himself ate\nany of it. With the skin of these flayed persons, a party of youths\ncalled the _tototecli_ clothed themselves, and fought in sham fight\nwith another party of young men; prisoners being taken on both sides,\nwho were not released without a ransom of some kind or other. This\nsham battle was succeeded by combats of a terribly real sort, the\nfamous so-called gladiatorial fights of Mexico. On a great round\nstone, like an enormous mill-stone, a captive was tied by a cord,\npassing round his waist and through the hole of the stone, long enough\nto permit him freedom of motion everywhere about the block--set near\nor at a temple called _yopico_, of the god Totec, or Xipe.[IX-68] With\nvarious ceremonies, more particularly described in the preceding\nvolume, the bound man furnished with inferior weapons was made to\nfight with a picked Mexican champion--the latter holding up his sword\nand shield to the sun before engaging. If, as sometimes happened, the\ndesperate though hampered and ill-armed captive--whose club-sword was,\nby a refinement of mockery, deprived of its jagged flint edging and\nset with feathers--slew his opponent, another champion was sent\nagainst him, and so on to the number of five, at which point,\naccording to some, the captive was set free; though according to other\nauthorities, he was not allowed so to escape, but champions were sent\nagainst him till he fell. Upon which a priest called the _yooallaoa_\nopened his breast, tore out his heart, offered it to the sun, and\nthrew it into the usual wooden vessel; while the ropes used for\nbinding to the fighting-stone were carried to the four quarters of the\nworld, reverently with weeping and sighing. A second priest thrust a\npiece of cane into the gash in the victim's breast and held it up\nstained with blood to the sun. Then the owner of the captive came and\nreceived the blood into a vessel bordered with feathers; this vessel\nhe took with a little cane-and-feather broom or aspergillum and went\nabout all the temples and calpules, giving to each of the idols, as\nit were to taste of the blood of his captive. The slain body was then\ncarried to the calpulco--where, while alive, it had been confined the\nnight before the sacrifice--and there skinned. Thence it was brought\nto the house of its owner, who divided and made presents of it to his\nsuperiors, relatives, and friends; not however tasting thereof\nhimself, for, we are told, \"he counted it as the flesh of his own\nbody,\" because from the hour that he took the prisoner \"he held him to\nbe his son, and the captive looked up to his captor as to a father.\"\n\n  [Sidenote: RELATIONS BETWEEN CAPTOR AND CAPTIVE.]\n\nThe skins of the dead belonged to their captors, who gave them again\nto others to be worn by them for apparently twenty days, probably as a\nkind of penance--the persons so clothed collecting alms from everyone\nin the meantime and bringing all they got, each to the man that had\ngiven him the skin. When done with, these skins were hid away in a\nrotting condition in a certain cave, while the ex-wearers thereof\nwashed themselves with great rejoicings. At the putting away of these\nskins there assisted numbers of people ill with the itch and such\nother diseases as Xipe inflicted--hoping thus to be healed of their\ninfirmities, and it is said that many were so cured.[IX-69]\n\nThe merchants of Mexico--a class of men who hawked their goods from\nplace to place and wandered often far into strange countries to buy or\nsell--had various deities to whom they did special honor. Among these\nthe chief, and often the only one mentioned, was the god Yiacatecutli,\nor Jacateuctli, or Iyacatecuhtli, that is 'the lord that guides,'\notherwise called Yacacoliuhqui, or Jacacoliuhqui.[IX-70] This chief god\nof the merchants had, however, according to Sahagun, five brothers and\na sister, also reverenced by traders, the sister being called\nChalmecacioatl, and the brothers respectively Chiconquiavitl,\nXomocuil, Nacxitl, Cochimetl, and Yacapitzaoac. The principal image of\nthis god was a figure representing a man walking along a road with a\nstaff; the face black and white; the hair tied up in a bundle on the\nmiddle of the top of the head with two tassels of rich quetzal-feathers;\nthe ear-rings of gold; the mantle blue, bordered with a flowered\nfringe, and covered with a red net, through whose meshes the blue\nappeared; round the ankles leather straps from which hung marine\nshells; curiously wrought sandals on the feet; and on the arm a plain\nunornamented yellow shield, with a spot of light blue in the centre of\nits field. Practically, however, every merchant reverenced his own\nstout staff--generally made of a solid, knotless piece of black cane,\ncalled _utatl_--as the representative or symbol of this god\nYiacatecutli; keeping it, when not in use, in the oratory or sacred\nplace in his house, and invariably putting food before it preliminary\nto eating his own meal. When traveling the traders were accustomed\nnightly to stack up their staves in a convenient position, bind them\nabout, build a fire before them,[IX-71] and then offering blood and\ncopal, pray for preservation and shelter from the many perils to which\ntheir wandering life made them especially subject.[IX-72]\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\n  [Sidenote: NAPATECUTLI.]\n\nNapatecutli, that is to say 'four times lord,' was the god of the\nmat-makers and of all workers in water-flags and rushes. A beneficent\nand helpful divinity, and one of the Tlalocs, he was known by various\nnames, such as Tepahpaca Teaaltati, 'the purifier or washer;'\nQuitzetzelohua, or Tlaitlanililoni, 'he that scatters or winnows\ndown;' Tlanempopoloa, 'he that is large and liberal;' Teatzelhuia, 'he\nthat sprinkles with water;' and Amotenenqua, 'he that shows himself\ngrateful.' This god had two temples in Mexico and his festival fell in\nthe thirteenth month, by Clavigero's reckoning. His image resembled a\nblack man, the face being spotted with white and black, with tassels\nhanging down behind supporting a green plume of three feathers. Round\nthe loins and reaching to the knees was girt a kind of white and black\nskirt or petticoat, adorned with little sea-shells. The sandals of\nthis idol were white; on its left arm was a shield made like the broad\nleaf of the water-lily, or nenuphar; while the right hand held a\nsceptre like a flowering staff, the flowers being of paper; and across\nthe body, passing under the left arm, was a white scarf, painted over\nwith black flowers.[IX-73]\n\nThe Mexicans had several gods of wine, or rather of pulque; of these\nthe chief seems to have been Tezcatzoncatl, otherwise known as\nTequechmecaniani 'the strangler,' and as Teatlahuiani 'the drowner;'\nepithets suggested by the effects of drunkenness. The companion\ndeities of this Aztec Dionysus were called as a class by the somewhat\nextraordinary name of Centzontotochtin or 'the four hundred rabbits';\nYiaulatecatl, Yzquitecatl, Acoloa, Thilhoa, Pantecatl (the Patecatl of\nthe interpreters of the codices), Tultecatl, Papaztac, Tlaltecaiooa,\nOmetochtli (often referred to as the principal god of wine),\nTepuztecatl, Chimapalnecatl, were deities of this class. The principal\ncharacteristic of the image of the Mexican god of drunkenness was,\naccording to Mendieta and Motolinia, a kind of vessel carried on the\nhead of the idol, into which vessel wine was ceremoniously poured. The\nfeast of this god, like that of the preceding divinity, fell in the\nthirteenth month, Tepeilhuitl, and in his temple in the city of Mexico\nthere served four hundred consecrated priests, so great was the\nservice done this everywhere too widely and well known god.[IX-74]\n\n  [Sidenote: THE HOUSEHOLD GODS.]\n\nThe Mexicans had certain household gods called Tepitoton, or\nTepictoton, 'the little ones,'--small statues of which kings kept six\nin their houses, nobles four, and common folks two. Whether these were\na particular class of deities or merely miniature images of the\nalready described greater gods it is hard to say. Similar small idols\nare said to have adorned streets, cross-roads, fountains and other\nplaces of public traffic and resort.[IX-75]\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\n  [Sidenote: THE CEREMONIAL CALENDAR.]\n\nWith these Tepitoton may be said to finish the list of Mexican gods of\nany repute or any general notoriety; so that it seems fit to give here\na condensed and arranged r\u00e9sum\u00e9 of all the fixed festivals and\ncelebrations of the Aztec calendar, with its eighteen months of twenty\ndays each, and its five supplementary days at the end of the year.\nThere is some disagreement as to which of the months the year began\nwith; but it will best suit our present purpose to follow the\narrangement of Sahagun, the interpreters of the Codices, Torquemada,\nand Clavigero, in which the month variously called Atlcahualco, or\nQuahuitlehua, or Cihuailhuitl, or Xilomanaliztli, is the first.[IX-76]\nThe name Atlchualco, or Atlaooalo, or Atalcaoplo, means 'the buying\nor scarcity of water;' Quahuitlehua, or Quavitleloa, 'the sprouting of\ntrees;' and Xilomanaliztli, 'the offering of Xilotl (that is heads of\nmaize, which were then presented to the gods to secure their blessing\non the seed time).' This first month beginning on the second of\nFebruary according to Sahagun, the eighteenth according to Gama, and\nthe twenty-sixth according to Clavigero, was consecrated to Tlaloc and\nthe other gods of water, and in it great numbers of children were\nsacrificed.[IX-77] In further honor of the Tlalocs there were also at\nthis time killed many captives on the gladiatorial stone.\n\nIt was the second month, called Tlacaxiphualiztli,[IX-78] or 'the\nflaying of men,' that was specially famous for its gladiatorial\nsacrifices, sacrifices already described and performed to the honor of\nXipe, or Xipetotec.[IX-79]\n\nThe third month called Tozoztontli, 'the lesser fast or penance,' was\ninaugurated by the sacrifice on the mountains of children to the\nTlalocs. Those also that traded in flowers and were called\nSochimanque, or Xochimanqui, made a festival to their goddess,\nCoatlycue, or Coatlantona, offering her the first-fruits of the\nflowers of the year, of these that had grown in the precincts of the\ncu _yapico_, a cu as we have seen, consecrated to Tlaloc. Into a cave\nbelonging to this temple there were also at this time cast the now\nrotten skins of the human beings that had been flayed in the preceding\nmonth. Thither, \"stinking like dead dogs,\" as Sahagun phrases it,\nmarched in procession the persons that wore these skins and there they\nput them off, washing themselves with many ceremonies; and sick folk\ntroubled with certain skin-diseases followed and looked on, hoping by\nthe sight of all these things to be healed of their infirmities. The\nowners of the captives that had been slain had also been doing penance\nfor twenty days, neither washing nor bathing during that time; and\nthey now, when they had seen the skins deposited in the cave, washed\nand gave a banquet to all their friends and relatives, performing many\nceremonies with the bones of the dead captives. All the twenty days of\nthis month singing exercises, praising the god, were carried on in the\nhouses called Cuicacalli, the performers not dancing but remaining\nseated.\n\nThe fourth month was called, in contradistinction to the third,\nVeitozoztli, or Hueytozoztli, that is to say, 'the greater penance or\nletting of blood;' because in it not only the priests but also the\npopulace and nobility did penance, drawing blood from their ears,\nshins, and other parts of the body, and exposing at their doors leaves\nof sword-grass stained therewith. After this they performed certain\nalready described ceremonies,[IX-80] and then made, out of the dough\nknown as _tzoalli_,[IX-81] an image of the goddess Chicomecoatl, in the\ncourt-yard of her temple, offering before it all kinds of maize,\nbeans, and chian, because she was the maker and giver of these things\nand the sustainer of the people. In this month, as well as in the\nthree months preceding, little children were sacrificed, a cruelty\nwhich was supposed to please the water gods, and which was kept up\ntill the rains began to fall abundantly.\n\n  [Sidenote: THE MONTH TOXCATL.]\n\nThe fifth month, called Toxcatl and sometimes Tepopochuiliztli,[IX-82]\nwas begun by the most solemn and famous feast of the year, in honor of\nthe principal Mexican god, a god known by a multitude of names and\nepithets, among which were Tezcatlipoca, Titlacaoan, Yautl,\nTelpuchtli, and Tlamatzincatl. A year before this feast, one of the\nmost distinguished of the captives reserved for sacrifice was chosen\nout for superior grace and personal appearance from among all his\nfellows, and given in charge to the priestly functionaries called\ncalpixques. These instructed him with great diligence in all the arts\npertaining to good breeding, according to the Mexican idea: such as\nplaying on the flute, walking, speaking, saluting those he happened to\nmeet, the use and carrying about of straight cane tobacco-pipes and of\nflowers, with the dexterous smoking of the one, and the graceful\ninhalation of the odor of the other. He was attended upon by eight\npages, who were clad in the livery of the palace, and had perfect\nliberty to go where he pleased night and day; while his food was so\nrich that to guard against his growing too fat, it was at times\nnecessary to vary the diet by a purge of salt and water. Everywhere\nhonored and adored as the living image and accredited representative\nof Tezcatlipoca, he went about playing on a small shrill clay flute,\nor fife, and adorned with rich and curious raiment furnished by the\nking, while all he met did him reverence kissing the earth. All his\nbody and face was painted--black, it would appear; his long hair\nflowed to the waist; his head was covered with white hens' feathers\nstuck on with resin, and covered with a garland of the flowers called\n_yzquisuchitl_; while two strings of the same flowers crossed his body\nin the fashion of cross-belts. Earrings of gold, a necklace of\nprecious stones with a great dependent gem hanging to the breast, a\nlip-ornament (barbote) of sea-shell, bracelets of gold above the elbow\non each arm, and strings of gems called _macuextli_ winding from wrist\nalmost to elbow, glittered and flashed back the light as the doomed\nman-god moved. He was covered with a rich beautifully fringed mantle\nof netting, and bore on his shoulders something like a purse made of\nwhite cloth of a span square, ornamented with tassels and fringe. A\nwhite maxtli of a span broad went about his loins, the two ends,\ncuriously wrought, falling in front almost to the knee. Little bells\nof gold kept time with every motion of his feet, which were shod with\npainted sandals called _ocelunacace_.\n\nAll this was the attire he wore from the beginning of his year of\npreparation; but twenty days before the coming of the festival, they\nchanged his vestments, washed away the paint or dye from his skin, and\ncut down his long hair to the length, and arranged it after the\nfashion, of the hair of the captains, tying it up on the crown of the\nhead with feathers and fringe and two gold-buttoned tassels. At the\nsame time they married to him four damsels, who had been pampered and\neducated for this purpose, and who were surnamed respectively after\nthe four goddesses, Xochiquetzal, Xilonen, Atlatonan, and\nVixtocioatl.[IX-83] Five days before the great day of the feast,[IX-84]\nthe day of the feast being counted one, all the people, high and low,\nthe king it would appear being alone excepted, went out to celebrate\nwith the man-god a solemn banquet and dance, in the ward called\nTecanman; the fourth day before the feast, the same was done in the\nward in which was guarded the statue of Tezcatlipoca. The little hill,\nor island, called Tepetzinco, rising out of the waters of the lake of\nMexico, was the scene of the next day's solemnities; solemnities\nrenewed for the last time on the next day, or that immediately\npreceding the great day, on another like island called Tepelpulco, or\nTepepulco. There, with the four women that had been given him for his\nconsolation, the honored victim was put into a covered canoe usually\nreserved for the sole use of the king; and he was carried across the\nlake to a place called Tlapitzaoayan, near the road that goes from\nYztapalapan to Chalco, at a place where was a little hill called\nAcacuilpan, or Cabaltepec. Here left him the four beautiful girls,\nwhose society for twenty days he had enjoyed, they returning to the\ncapital with all the people; there accompanying the hero of this\nterrible tragedy only those eight attendants that had been with him\nall the year. Almost alone, done with the joys of beauty, banquet, and\ndance, bearing a bundle of his flutes, he walked to a little ill-built\ncu, some distance from the road mentioned above, and about a league\nremoved from the city. He marched up the temple steps, not dragged,\nnot bound, not carried like a common slave or captive; and as he\nascended he dashed down and broke on every step one of the flutes that\nhe had been accustomed to play on in the days of his prosperity. He\nreached the top;--by sickening repetition we have learned to know the\nrest; one thing only, from the sacrificial stone his body was not\nhurled down the steps, but was carried by four men down to the\nTzompantli, to the place of the spitting of heads.\n\n  [Sidenote: THE FEAST OF TOXCATL.]\n\nAnd the chroniclers say that all this signified that those who enjoyed\nriches, delights in this life, should at the end come to poverty and\nsorrow--so determined are these same chroniclers to let nothing escape\nwithout its moral.\n\nIn this feast of Toxcatl, in the cu called Huitznahuac, where the\nimage of Huitzilopochtli was always kept, the priests made a bust of\nthis god out of _tzoalli_ dough, with pieces of mizquitl-wood inserted\nby way of bones. They decorated it with his ornaments; putting on a\njacket wrought over with human bones, a mantle of very thin _nequen_,\nand another mantle called the _tlaquaquallo_, covered with rich\nfeathers, fitting the head below and widening out above; in the middle\nof this stood up a little rod, also decorated with feathers and\nsticking into the top of the rod was a flint knife half covered with\nblood. The image was set on a platform made of pieces of wood\nresembling snakes and so arranged that heads and tails alternated all\nthe way round; the whole borne by many captains and men of war.\nBefore this image and platform a number of strong youths carried an\nenormous sheet of paper resembling pasteboard, twenty fathoms long,\none fathom broad, and a little less than an inch thick; it was\nsupported by spear-shafts arranged in pairs of one shaft above and one\nbelow the paper, while persons on either side of the paper held each\none of these pairs in one hand. When the procession, with dancing and\nsinging, reached the cu to be ascended, the snaky platform was\ncarefully and cautiously hoisted up by cords attached to its four\ncorners, the image was set on a seat, and those that carried the paper\nrolled it up and set down the roll before the bust of the god. It was\nsunset when the image was so set up; and the following morning every\none offered food in his own house before the image of Huitzilopochtli\nthere, incensing also such images of other gods as he had, and then\nwent to offer quails' blood before the bust set up on the cu. The king\nbegan, wringing off the heads of four quails; the priests offered\nnext, then all the people; the whole multitude carrying clay fire-pans\nand burning copal incense of every kind, after which every one threw\nhis live coals upon a great hearth in the temple-yard. The virgins\npainted their faces, put on their heads garlands of parched maize with\nstrings of the same across their breasts, decorated their arms and\nlegs with red feathers, and carried black paper flags stuck into split\ncanes. The flags of the daughters of nobles were not of paper but of a\nthin cloth called _canaoac_, painted with vertical black stripes.\nThese girls joining hands danced round the great hearth, upon or over\nwhich on an elevated place of some kind there danced, giving the time\nand step, two men, having each a kind of pine cage covered with paper\nflags on his shoulders, the strap supporting which passed, not across\nthe forehead--the usual way for men to carry a burden--but across\nthe chest as was the fashion with women. The priests of the temple,\ndancing on this occasion with the women, bore shields of paper,\ncrumpled up like great flowers; their heads were adorned with white\nfeathers, their lips and part of the face were smeared with\nsugar-cane juice which produced a peculiar effect over the black with\nwhich their faces were always painted. They carried in their hands\npieces of paper called _amasmaxtli_, and sceptres of palm-wood tipped\nwith a black flower and having in the lower part a ball of black\nfeathers. In dancing they used this sceptre like a staff, and the part\nby which they grasped it was wrapped round with a paper painted with\nblack lines. The music for the dancers was supplied by a party of\nunseen musicians, who occupied one of the temple buildings, where they\nsat, he that played on the drum in the centre, and the performers on\nthe other instruments about him. The men and women danced on till\nnight, but the strictest order and decency were preserved, and any\nlewd word or look brought down swift punishment from the appointed\noverseers.\n\n  [Sidenote: DEATH OF THE YXTEUCALLI.]\n\nThis feast was closed by the death of a youth who had been during the\npast year dedicated to and taken care of for Huitzilopochtli,\nresembling in this the victim of Tezcatlipoca, whose companion he had\nindeed been, but without receiving such high honors. This\nHuitzilopochtli youth was entitled Yxteucalli, or Tlacabepan, or\nTeicauhtzin, and was held to be the image and representative of the\ngod. When the day of his death came, the priests decorated him with\npapers painted over with black circles, and put a mitre of eagles'\nfeathers on his head, in the midst of whose plumes was stuck a flint\nknife, stained half way up with blood and adorned with red feathers.\nTied to his shoulders, by strings passing across the breast, was a\npiece of very thin cloth about a span square, and over it hung a\nlittle bag. Over one of his arms was thrown a wild beast's skin,\narranged somewhat like a maniple; bells of gold jingled at his legs as\nhe walked or danced. There were two peculiar things connected with the\ndeath of this youth; first he had absolute liberty of choice regarding\nthe hour in which he was to die; and second, he was not extended upon\nany block or altar, but when he wished he threw himself into the arms\nof the priests, and had his heart so cut out. His head was then hacked\noff and spitted alongside of that of the Tezcatlipoca youth, of whom\nwe have spoken already. In this same day the priests made little marks\non children, cutting them, with thin stone knives, in the breast,\nstomach, wrists, and fleshy part of the arms; marks, as the Spanish\npriests considered, by which the devil should know his own sheep.[IX-85]\nThe ceremonies of the ensuing monthly festivals have already been\ndescribed at length.[IX-86]\n\n  [Sidenote: MISCELLANEOUS FEASTS.]\n\nThere were, besides, a number of movable feasts in honor of the higher\ngods, the celestial bodies, and the patron deities of the various\ntrades and professions. Sahagun gives an account of sixteen movable\nfeasts, many of which, however, contained no religious element.[IX-87]\nThe first was dedicated to the sun, to whom a ghostly deputation of\neighteen souls was sent to make known the wants of the people, and\nimplore future favors. The selected victims were ranged in order at\nthe place of sacrifice, and addressed by the priest, who exhorted them\nto bear in mind the sacred nature of their mission, and the glory\nwhich would be theirs upon its proper fulfillment. The music now\nstrikes up; amid the crash and din the victims one after another are\nstretched upon the altar; a few flashes of the iztli-knife in the\npracticed hand of the slayer, and the embassy has set out for the\npresence of the sun.[IX-88]\n\nThe sixth, seventh, and eleventh festivals were celebrated to\nQuetzalcoatl, Tezcatlipoca, and Huitzilopochtli respectively. The\npublic and household idols of these gods were at such seasons\ndecorated, and presented with offerings of food, quails, and incense.\nDuring the festival of the god of fire, the thirteenth of the movable\nfeasts, various public officials were elected, and a great many grand\nbanquets given. The _atamalqualiztli_, or 'fast of bread and water,'\nseems to have been one of the most important of the movable feasts.\nThe people prepared for its celebration, which took place every eight\nyears, by a rigid fast, broken only by a midday meal of water and\nunsalted bread. Those who offended the gods by neglecting to observe\nthis fast were thought to expose themselves to an attack of leprosy.\nThe people indulged in all sorts of amusements during the holiday\nseason which succeeded the fast. The most interesting feature of the\nfestivities was a bal masqu\u00e9, which was supposed to be attended by all\nthe gods. The chief honors of the day were, however, rendered to the\nTlalocs, and round their effigy, which stood in the midst of a pond\nalive with frogs and snakes, the dancers whirled continually. It was a\npart of the ceremonies for a number of men called _maxatecaz_ to\ndevour the reptiles in the pond; this they did by each seizing a snake\nor a frog in his teeth, and swallowing it gradually as he joined in\nthe dance; the one who first bolted his titbit cried out triumphantly,\n'Papa, papa!'\n\nEvery fourth year, called _teoxihuitl_, or 'divine year,' and at the\nbeginning of every period of thirteen years, the feasts were more\nnumerous and on a larger scale, the fasts more severe, and the\nsacrifices far greater in number than upon ordinary occasions.[IX-89]\nThe entire series of festivals may be said to have closed with the\nsolemn Toxilmolpilia, or 'binding up of the years,' which took place\nevery fifty-two years, and marked the expiration and renewal of the\nworld's lease of existence.[IX-90]\n\nFOOTNOTES:\n\n[IX-1] _M\u00fcller_, _Amerikanische Urreligionen_, p. 493.\n\n[IX-2] Clavigero, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 16, 22,\nindeed says that Teteionan and Tocitzin are 'certainly different.'\n\n[IX-3] _Squier's Serpent Symbol_, p. 47. A passage which makes the\nprincipal element of the character of Toci or Tocitzin that of Goddess\nof Discord may be condensed from Acosta, as follows: When the\nMexicans, in their wanderings, had settled for a time in the territory\nof Culhuacan, they were instructed by their god Huitzilopochtli to go\nforth and make wars, and first to apotheosize, after his directions, a\nGoddess of Discord. Following these directions, they sent to the king\nof Culhuacan for his daughter to be their queen. Moved by the honor,\nthe father sent his hapless daughter, gorgeously attired, to be\nenthroned. But the wiley, superstitious, and ferocious Mexicans slew\nthe girl and flayed her, and clothed a young man in her skin, calling\nhim 'their goddess and mother of their god,' under the name of Toccy,\nthat is 'grand mother.' See also _Purchas his Pilgrimes_, vol. iv., p.\n1004.\n\n[IX-4] _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. i., pp. 16-22;\n_Explicacion del Codex Telleriano-Remensis_, lam. xii., in\n_Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. v., p. 140; _Spiegazione delle\nTavole del Codice Mexicano_, tav. xxx., _Ib._, p. 180; _Humboldt_,\n_Essai Politique_, tom. i., p. 217; _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. vi.,\np. 631. The sacrifices to Centeotl, if she be identical with the\nearth-mother, are illustrated by the statement of Mendieta, _Hist.\nEcles._, p. 81, that the Mexicans painted the earth-goddess as a frog\nwith a bloody mouth in every joint of her body, (which frog we shall\nmeet again by and by in a Centeotl festival) for they said that the\nearth devoured all things--a proof also, by the by, among others of a\nlike kind which we shall encounter, that not to the Hindoos alone (as\nMr J. G. M\u00fcller somewhere affirms), but to the Mexicans also, belonged\nthe idea of multiplying the organs of their deities to express great\npowers in any given direction. The following note from the\n_Spiegazione delle Tavole del Codice Mexicano_, in _Kingsborough's\nMex. Antiq._, vol. v., pp. 179-80, illustrates the last point noticed,\ngives another form or relation of the goddess of sustenance, and also\nthe origin of the name applied to the Mexican priests: 'They feign\nthat Mayaguil was a woman with four hundred breasts, and that the\ngods, on account of her fruitfulness, changed her into the Maguey,\nwhich is the vine of that country, from which they make wine. She\npresided over these thirteen signs; but whoever chanced to be born on\nthe first sign of the Herb, it proved unlucky to him; for they say\nthat it was applied to the Tlamatzatzguex, who were a race of demons\ndwelling amongst them, who according to their account wandered through\nthe air, from whom the ministers of their temples took their\ndenomination. When this sign arrived, parents enjoined their children\nnot to leave the house, lest any misfortune or unlucky accident should\nbefall them. They believed that those who were born in Two Canes,\nwhich is the second sign, would be long lived, for they say that that\nsign was applied to heaven. They manufacture so many things from this\nplant called the Maguey, and it is so very useful in that country,\nthat the devil took occasion to induce them to believe that it was a\ngod, and to worship and offer sacrifices to it.'\n\n[IX-5] _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. i., pp. 5-6; Gallatin,\nin _Amer. Ethnol. Soc., Transact._, vol. i., pp. 341, 349-50,\ncondensing from and commenting upon the codices Vaticanus and\nTellerianus says: 'Tonacacigua, alias Tuchiquetzal (plucking rose),\nand Chicomecouatl (seven serpents); wife of Tonacatlecotle; the cause\nof sterility, famine, and miseries of life.... Amongst Sahagun's\nsuperior deities is found Civacoatl, the 'serpent woman,' also called\nTonantzin, 'our mother;' and he, sober as he is in Scriptural\nallusions, calls her Eve, and ascribes to her, as the interpreters [of\nthe codices] to Tonatacinga, all the miseries and adverse things of\nthe world. This analogy is, if I am not mistaken, the only foundation\nfor all the allusions to Eve and her history, before, during, and\nafter the sin, which the interpreters have tried to extract from\npaintings which indicate nothing of the kind. They were certainly\nmistaken in saying that their Tonacacinga was also called\nChicomecouatl, seven serpents. They should have said Civacoatl, the\nserpent woman. Chicomecoatl, instead of being the cause of sterility,\nfamine, etc., is, according to Sahagun, the goddess of abundance, that\nwhich supplies both eating and drinking: probably the same as\nTzinteotl, or Cinteotl, the goddess of maize (from _centli_, maize),\nwhich he does not mention. There is no more foundation for ascribing\nto Tonacacigua the name of Suchiquetzal.' Gama, _Dos Piedras_, pt i.,\np. 39, says in effect: Cihuacounatl, or snake woman, was supposed to\nhave given birth to two children, male and female, whence sprung the\nhuman race. It is on this account that twins are called in Mexico\n_cocohua_, 'snakes,' or in the singular cohuatl or coatl, now vulgarly\npronounced coate.\n\n[IX-6] _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. vii., pp. 3-4; _Sahagun_,\n_Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. i., pp. 4-7.\n\n[IX-7] Or, according to Bustamante's ed., Aba, Tlavitecqui, and\nXoquauchtli.' _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., p. 149.\n\n[IX-8] Lime was much used in the preparation of maize for making\nvarious articles of food.\n\n[IX-9] _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. vii., pp. 69-70; _Sahagun_,\n_Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 148-56.\n\n[IX-10] _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. vii., pp. 60-1; _Sahagun_,\n_Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 135-9; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant.\ndel Messico_, tom. ii., p. 75; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii.,\npp. 269-71.\n\n[IX-11] Chiquiuitl, cesto \u00f3 canasta. _Molina_, _Vocabulario._\n\n[IX-12] Chian, \u00f3 Chia, cierta semilla de que sacan azeite. _Id._\n\n[IX-13] Pinolli, la harina de mayz y chia, antes que la deslian. _Id._\n\n[IX-14] Apparently the earth symbolized as a frog (see this vol. p. 351,\nnote 4.) and bearing the fruits thereof on her back.\n\n[IX-15] _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. vii., pp. 43-4; _Sahagun_,\n_Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 97-100; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant.\ndel Messico_, tom. ii., p. 67; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii.,\npp. 52-3, 60-1, 134, 152-3, 181, 255-6.\n\n[IX-16] Yoalticitl, another name of the mother-goddess, of the mother\nof the gods, of the mother of us all, of our grandmother or ancestress;\nmore particularly that form of the mother-goddess described, after\nSahagun (this vol. p. 353), as being the patroness of medicine and of\ndoctors and of the sweat-baths. Sahagun speaks in another passage of\nYoalticitl (_Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. v., p. 453): 'La madre\nde los Dioses, que \u00e9s la Diosa de las medicinas y medicos, y \u00e9s madre\nde todos nosotros, la cual se llama Yoalticitl, la qual tiene poder y\nautoridad sobre los Temazcales (sweat-baths) que llaman Xuchicalli, en\nel qual lugar esta Diosa v\u00e9 las cosas secretas, y adereza las cosas\ndesconcertadas en los cuerpos de los hombres, y fortifica las cosas\ntiernas y blandas.'\n\n[IX-17] _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. vii., pp. 5, 35, vol. v.,\npp. 459-2; _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. i., pp. 8-9, lib.\nii., pp. 78-9; tom. ii., lib. vi., pp. 185-191.\n\n[IX-18] _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 16.\n\n[IX-19] _Boturini_, _Idea_, pp. 25-6.\n\n[IX-20] 'The stones called _chalchiuites_ by the Mexicans (and written\nvariously _chalchibetes_, _chalchihuis_, and _calchihuis_, by the\nchroniclers) were esteemed of high value by all the Central American\nand Mexican nations. They were generally of green quartz, jade, or the\nstone known as _madre de Esmeralda_.... The goddess of water, amongst\nthe Mexicans, bore the name of _Chalchiuilcuye_, the woman of the\n_Chalchiuites_, and the name of _Chalchiuihapan_ was often applied to\nthe city of Tlaxcalla, from a beautiful fountain of water found near\nit, \"the color of which,\" according to Torquemada, \"was between blue\nand green.\"' _Squier_ in _Palacio_, _Carta_, p. 110, note 15. In the\nsame work p. 53, we find mention made by Palacio of an idol apparently\nrepresenting Chalchihuitlicue: 'Very near here, is a little village\ncalled Coatan, in the neighborhood of which is a lake [\"This lake is\ndistant two leagues to the southward of the present considerable town\nof _Guatepeque_, from which it takes its name, _Laguna de\nGuatepue_\"--Guatemala], situated on the flank of the volcano. Its\nwater is bad; it is deep, and full of caymans. In its middle there are\ntwo small islands. The Indians regard the lake as an oracle of much\nauthority.... I learned that certain negroes and mulattoes of an\nadjacent estate had been there [on the islands], and had found a great\nidol of stone, in the form of a woman, and some objects which had been\noffered in sacrifice. Near by were found some stones called\n_chalchibites_.'\n\n[IX-21] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 47.\n\n[IX-22] _Atlacue\u00e7onan_, ninfa del onenufar, flor de yerna de agua.\n_Molina_, _Vocabulario._ The Abb\u00e9 Brasseur adds, on what authority I\nhave not been able to find, that this leaf was ornamented with golden\nflags. _Hist. des Nat. Civ._, tom. i., p. 324. He adds in a note to\nthis passage, what is very true, that, 'suivant Ixtlilxochitl, et\napr\u00e8s lui Veytia, la d\u00e9esse des eaux aurait \u00e9t\u00e9 ador\u00e9e sous la forme\nd'une grenouille, faite d'une seule \u00e9meraude, et qui, suivant\nIxtlilxochitl, existait encore au temps de la conqu\u00eate de Mexico. La\nseule d\u00e9esse ador\u00e9e sous la forme unique d'une grenouille \u00e9tait la\nterre.' (See this vol. p. 351, note 4.) Gomara, _Hist. Conq. Mex._,\nfol. 326, says that the figure of a frog was held to be the goddess of\nfishes: 'Entre los \u00eddolos ... estaua el de la rama. A la cual tenian\npor diosa del pescado.' Motolinia extends this last statement as\nfollows. The Mexicans had idols he says, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de\nDoc._, tom. i., p. 34, 'de los pescados grandes y de los lagartos de\nagua, hasta sapos y ranas, y de otros peces grandes, y estos decian\nque eran los dioses del pescado. De un pueblo de la laguna de M\u00e9xico\nllevaron unos \u00eddolos de estos peces, que eran unos peces hechos de\npiedra, grandes; y despues volviendo por all\u00ed pidi\u00e9ronles para comer\nalgunos peces, y respondieron que habian llevado el dios del pescado y\nque no podian tomar peces.'\n\n[IX-23] _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. vii., pp. 5-6, 36; _Sahagun_,\n_Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. i., pp. 9-10, lib. ii., p. 81; _Amer.\nEthnol. Soc., Transact._, vol. i., pp. 342, 350.\n\n[IX-24] See this vol., p. 58, note 15.\n\n[IX-25] See note 24. 'Entre los Dioses que estos ciegos Mexicanos\nfingieron tener, y ser maiores, que otros, fueron dos; vno llamado\nOmetecuhtli, que quiere decir, dos hidalgos, \u00f2 cavalleros; y el otro\nllamaron Omecihuatl, que quiere decir, dos mugeres: los quales, por\notros nombres, fueron llamados, Citlalatonac, que quiere decir,\nEstrella que resplandece, \u00f2 resplandeciente; y el otro, Citlalicue,\nque quiere decir, Faldellin de la Estrella: ... Estos dos Dioses\nfingidos de esta Gentilidad, cre\u00ecan ser el vno Hombre, y el otro\nMuger; y como \u00e0 dos naturale\u00e7as distintas, y de distintos sexos las\nnombraban, como por los nombres dichos parece. De estos dos Dioses, (o\npor mejor decir, Demonios) tuvieron cre\u00ecdo estos naturales, que\nresidian en vna Ciudad gloriosa, asentada sobre los once Cielos, cuio\nsuelo era mas alto, y supremo de ellos; y que en aquella Ciudad\ngo\u00e7aban de todos los deleites imaginables y pose\u00ecan todas las rique\u00e7as\nde el Mundo; y decian que desde alli arriba regian, y governaban toda\nesta maquina inferior del Mundo, y todo aquello que es visible, \u00e8\ninvisible, influiendo en todas las Animas, que criaban todas las\ninclinaciones naturales, que vemos aver en todas las criaturas\nracionales, \u00e8 irracionales; y que cuidaban de todo, como por\nnaturale\u00e7a los convenia, atalaindo desde aquel su asiento las cosas\ncriadas.... De manera, que segun lo dicho, est\u00e1 mui claro de entender,\nque tenian opinion, que los que regian, y governaban el Mundo, eran\ndos (conviene \u00e1 saber) vn Dios, y vna Diosa, de los quales el vno que\nera el Dios Hombre, obraba en todo el genero de los Varones; y el\notro, que era la Diosa, criaba, y obraba en todo el genero de las\nMugeres.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 37.\n\n[IX-26] Caquantototl, paxaro de pluma amarillo y rica. _Molina_,\n_Vocabulario._ According to Bustamante however, this bird is not one\nin anyway remarkable for plumage, but is identical with the _tzacua_\ndescribed by Clavigero, and is here used as an example of a vigilant\nand active soldier. Bustamante (in a note to _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._,\ntom. ii., lib. vi., pp. 194-5) writes: _Tzacua_, of this bird repeated\nmention has been made in this history, for the Indians used it for a\nmeans of comparison or simile in their speeches. It is an early-rising\nbird (madrugador), and has nothing notable in its plumage or in its\nvoice, but only in its habits. This bird is one of the last to go to\nrest at night and one of the first to announce the coming sun. An hour\nbefore daybreak a bird of this species, having passed the night with\nmany of his fellows on any branch, begins to call them, with a shrill\nclear note that he keeps repeating in a glad tone till some of them\nreply. The _tzacua_ is about the size of a sparrow, and very similar\nin color to the bunting (calandria), but more marvellous in its\nhabits. It is a social bird, each tree is a town of many nests. One\n_tzacua_ plays the part of chief and guards the rest; his post is in\nthe top of the tree, whence, from time to time, he flies from nest to\nnest uttering his notes; and while he is visiting a nest all within\nare silent. If he sees any bird of another species approaching the\ntree he sallies out upon the invader and with beak and wings compels a\nretreat. But if he sees a man or any large object advancing, he flies\nscreaming to a neighboring tree, and, meeting other birds of his tribe\nflying homeward, he obliges them to retire by changing the tone of his\nnote. When the danger is over he returns to his tree and begins his\nrounds as before, from nest to nest. Tzacuas abound in Michoacan, and\nto their observations regarding them the Indians are doubtless\nindebted for many hints and comparisons applied to soldiers diligent\nin duty. The _quechutl_, or _tlauhquechol_, is a large aquatic bird\nwith plumage of a beautiful scarlet color, or a reddish white, except\nthat of the neck, which is black. Its home is on the sea-shore and by\nthe river banks, where it feeds on live fish, never touching dead\nflesh. See _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. i., pp. 87,\n91-3.\n\n[IX-27] _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. v., pp. 479-483, vol. vii.,\npp. 151-2; _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. vi., pp. 215-221.\nAccording to some authors, and I think Boturini for one, this baptism\nwas supplemented by passing the child through fire. There was such a\nceremony; however, it was not connected with that of baptism, but it\ntook place on the last night of every fourth year, before the five\nunlucky days. On the last night of every fourth year, parents chose\ngod-parents for their children born during the three preceding years,\nand these god-fathers and god-mothers passed the children over, or\nnear to, or about the flame of a prepared fire (rodearlos por las\nllamas del fuego que tenian aparejado para esto, que en el latin se\ndice _lustrare_). They also bored the children's ears, which caused no\nsmall uproar (Habia gran voceria de muchachos y muchachas por el\nahugeramiento de las orejas) as may well be imagined. They clasped the\nchildren by the temples and lifted them up 'to make them grow;'\nwherefore they called the feast _izcalli_, 'growing.' They finished by\ngiving the little things pulque in tiny cups, and for this the feast\nwas called the 'drunkenness of children.' _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._,\ntom. i., lib. ii., pp. 189-192. In the _Spiegazione delle Tavole del\nCodice Mexicano_ (Vaticano), tav. xxxi., in _Kingsborough's Mex.\nAntiq._, vol. v., p. 181, there is given a description of the water\nbaptism differing somewhat from that given in the text. It runs as\nfollows: 'They took some ficitle; and having a large vessel of water\nnear them, they made the leaves of the ficitle into a bunch, and\ndipped it into the water, with which they sprinkled the child; and\nafter fumigating it with incense, they gave it a name, taken from the\nsign on which it was born; and they put into its hand a shield and\narrow, if it was a boy, which is what the figure of Xiuatlatl denotes,\nwho here represents the god of war; they also uttered over the child\ncertain prayers in the manner of deprecations, that he might become a\nbrave, intrepid, and courageous man. The offering which his parents\ncarried to the temple the elder priests took and divided with the\nother children who were in the temple, who ran with it through the\nwhole city.' Mendieta, _Hist. Ecles._, p. 107, again describes this\nrite, in substance as follows: 'They had a sort of baptism: thus when\nthe child was a few days old, an old woman was called in, who took the\nchild out into the court of the house where it was born, and washed it\na certain number of times with the wine of the country, and as many\ntimes again with water; then she put a name on it, and performed\ncertain ceremonies with the umbilical cord. These names were taken\nfrom the idols, or from the feasts that fell about that time, or from\na beast or bird.' See further _Esplicacion de la Coleccion de\nMendoza_, pt iii., in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. v., pp. 90-1;\n_Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 445, 449-458; _Clavigero_,\n_Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 85-9; _Humboldt_, _Vues des\nCordill\u00e8res_, tom. ii., pp. 311, 318; _Gama_, _Dos Piedras_, pt ii.,\npp. 39-41; _Prescott's Mex._, vol. iii., p. 385; _Brinton's Myths_,\npp. 122, 130; _M\u00fcller_, _Amerikanische Urreligionen_, p. 652; _Biart_,\n_La Terre Temp\u00e9re\u00e9_, p. 274. Mr Tylor, speaking of Mexico, in his\n_Anahuac_, p. 279, says: 'Children were sprinkled with water when\ntheir names were given to them. This is certainly true, though the\nstatement that they believed that the process purified them from\noriginal sin is probably a monkish fiction.' Farther reading, however,\nhas shown Mr Tylor the injustice of this judgment, and in his masterly\nlatest and greatest work (see _Primitive Culture_, vol. ii., pp.\n429-36), he writes as follows: 'The last group of rites whose course\nthrough religious history is to be outlined here, takes in the varied\ndramatic acts of ceremonial purification or lustration. With all the\nobscurity and intricacy due to age-long modification, the primitive\nthought which underlies these ceremonies is still open to view. It is\nthe transition from practical to symbolic cleansing, from removal of\nbodily impurity to deliverance from invisible, spiritual, and at last\nmoral evil. (See this vol. p. 119).... In old Mexico, the first act of\nceremonial lustration took place at birth. The nurse washed the infant\nin the name of the water-goddess, to remove the impurity of its birth,\nto cleanse its heart and give it a good and perfect life; then blowing\non water in her right hand she washed it again, warning it of\nforthcoming trials and miseries and labors, and praying the invisible\nDeity to descend upon the water, to cleanse the child from sin and\nfoulness, and to deliver it from misfortune. The second act took place\nsome four days later, unless the astrologers postponed it. At a\nfestive gathering, amid fires kept alight from the first ceremony, the\nnurse undressed the child sent by the gods into this sad and doleful\nworld, bade it to receive the life-giving water, and washed it,\ndriving out evil from each limb and offering to the deities appointed\nprayers for virtue and blessing. It was then that the toy instruments\nof war or craft or household labor were placed in the boy's or girl's\nhand (a custom singularly corresponding with one usual in China), and\nthe other children, instructed by their parents, gave the new-comer\nits child-name, here again to be replaced by another at manhood or\nwomanhood. There is nothing unlikely in the statement that the child\nwas also passed four times through the fire, but the authority this is\ngiven on is not sufficient. The religious character of ablution is\nwell shown in Mexico by its forming part of the daily service of the\npriests. Aztec life ended as it had begun, with the ceremonial\nlustration; it was one of the funeral ceremonies to sprinkle the head\nof the corpse with the lustral water of this life.'\n\n[IX-28] _Camargo_, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voyages_, 1843, tom. xcix.,\npp. 132-3. 'On c\u00e9l\u00e9brait chaque ann\u00e9e une f\u00eate solennelle en l'honneur\nde cette d\u00e9esse Xochiquetzal, et une foule de peuple se r\u00e9unissait\ndans son temple. On disait qu'elle \u00e9tait la femme de Tlaloc le dieu\ndes eaux, et que Texcatlipuca la lui avait enlev\u00e9e et l'avait\ntransport\u00e9e au neuvi\u00e8me ciel. Metlacueycati \u00e9tait la d\u00e9esse des\nmagiciennes. Tlaloc l'\u00e9pousa quand Xochiquetzal lui eut \u00e9t\u00e9 enlev\u00e9e.'\n\n[IX-29] _Boturini_, _Idea_, pp. 15, 63-8: 'Pero, no menos indignados los\nDioses del pecado de Y\u00e0ppan, que de la inobediencia, y atrevimiento\nde _Y\u00e0otl_, le convirtieron en Langosta, que llaman los Indios\n_Ahuacachap\u00f9llin_, mandando se llamasse en adelante _Tzontecom\u00e0ma_,\nque quiere dicir, _Carga Cabeza_, y en efecto este animal parece que\nlleva cargo consigo, propiedad de los Malsines, que siempre cargan\nlas honras, que han quitado \u00e0 sus Proximos.'\n\n[IX-30] See this vol. pp. 220-5.\n\n[IX-31] See this vol., pp. 212, 226.\n\n[IX-32] Other descriptions of this rite are given with additional\ndetails: 'Usaban una ceremonia generalmente en toda esta tierra,\nhombres y mugeres, ni\u00f1os y ni\u00f1as, que quando entraban en algun lugar\ndonde habia imagenes de las idolos, una \u00f3 muchas, luego tocaban en la\ntierra con el dedo, y luego le llegaban \u00e1 la boca \u00f3 \u00e1 la lengua: \u00e1\nesto llamaban comer tierra, haciendolo en reverencia de sus Dioses, y\ntodos los que salian de sus casas, aunque no saliesen del pueblo,\nvolviendo \u00e1 su casa hacian lo mismo, y por los caminos quando pasaban\ndelante algun Cu \u00fa oratorio hacian lo mismo, y en lugar de juramento\nusaban esto mismo, que para afirmar quien decia verdad hacian esta\nceremonia, y los que se querian satisfacer del que hablaba si decia\nverdad, demandabanle hiciese esta ceremonia, luego le creian como\njuramento.... Tenian tambien costumbre de hacer juramento de cumplir\nalguna cosa \u00e1 que se obligaban, y aquel \u00e1 quien se obligaban les\ndemandaba que hiciesen juramento para estar seguro de su palabra y el\njuramento que hacian era en esta forma: Por vida del Sol y de nuestra\nse\u00f1ora la tierra que no falte en lo que tengo dicho, y para mayor\nseguridad como esta tierra; y luego tocaba con los dedos en la tierra,\nllegabalos \u00e1 la boca y lamialos; y asi comia tierra haciendo\njuramento.' _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. vii., pp. 95-6, 101;\n_Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. i., ap., pp. 212, 226;\n_Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 25.\n\n[IX-33] Quite different versions of this sentence are given by\nKingsborough's and Bustamante's editions respectively. That of\n_Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. vii., p. 7, reads: 'Quando\ndecienden \u00e1 la tierra las Diosas Ixcuiname, luego de ma\u00f1ana \u00f3 en\namaneciendo, para que hagas la penitencia convenible por tus pecados.'\nThat of Bustamante, _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. i., p. 13,\nreads: 'Cuando descienden \u00e1 la tierra las diosas llamadas\n_Civapipilti_, \u00f3 cuando se hace la fiesta de las diosas de la\ncarnalidad que se llaman _Yxtuiname_, ayunar\u00e1s cuatro dias afligiendo\ntu est\u00f3mago y tu boca, y llegado el dia de la fiesta de estas diosas\n_Yxtuiname_, luego de ma\u00f1ana \u00f3 en amaneciendo para que hagas la\npenitencia convenible por tus pecados.'\n\n[IX-34] 'De esto bien se arguye que aunque habian hecho muchos pecados\nen tiempo de su juventud, no se confesaban de ellos hasta la vejez,\npor no se obligar \u00e1 cesar de pecar antes de la vejez, por la opinion\nque tenian, que el que tornaba \u00e1 reincidir en los pecados, al que se\nconfesaba una vez no tenia remedio.' _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._,\nvol. vii., pp. 6-8; _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. i., pp.\n10-16. Prescott writes, _Mex._, vol. i., p. 68: 'It is remarkable that\nthey administered the rites of confession and absolution. The secrets\nof the confessional were held inviolable, and penances were imposed of\nmuch the same kind as those enjoined in the Roman Catholic Church.\nThere were two remarkable peculiarities in the Aztec ceremony. The first\nwas, that, as the repetition of an offence, once atoned for, was deemed\ninexpiable, confession was made but once in a man's life, and was\nusually deferred to a late period of it, when the penitent unburdened\nhis conscience, and settled, at once, the long arrears of iniquity.\nAnother peculiarity was, that priestly absolution was received in\nplace of the legal punishment of offences, and authorized an acquittal\nin case of arrest.' Mention of Tlazolteotl will be found in _Gomara_,\n_Conq. Mex._, fol. 309; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp.\n62, 79; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., dec. ii., lib. vi., cap.\nxv.; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 21. They say\nthat Yxcuina, who was the goddess of shame, protected adulterers. She\nwas the goddess of salt, of dirt, and of immodesty, and the cause of\nall sins. They painted her with two faces, or with two different\ncolors on the face. She was the wife of Mizuitlantecutli, the god of\nhell. She was also the goddess of prostitutes; and she presided over\nthese thirteen signs, which were all unlucky, and thus they held that\nthose who were born in these signs would be rogues or prostitutes.\n_Spiegazione delle Tavole del Codice Mexicano_, (Vaticano), tav.\nxxxix., in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. v., p. 184; _Brasseur de\nBourbourg_, _Quatre Lettres_, pp. 291-2, 301.\n\n[IX-35] See this vol., pp. 212, 226.\n\n[IX-36] 'Il Jauhtli \u00e8 una pianta, il cui fusto e lungo un cubito, le\nfoglie somiglianti a quelle del Salcio, ma dentate, i fiori gialli, e\nla radice sottile. Cos\u00ec i fiori, come l'altre parti della pianta,\nhanno lo stesso odore e sapore dell' Anice. \u00c8 assai utile per la\nMedicina, ed i Medica Messicani l'adoperavano contro parecchie\nmalattie; ma servivansi ancora d'essa per alcuni usi superstiziosi.'\nThis is the note given by Clavigero, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom.\nii., p. 77, in describing this festival, and the incense used for\nstupefying the victims; see a different note however, in this vol., p.\n339, in which Molina describes _yiauhtli_ as 'black maize.' In some\ncases, according to Mendieta, _Hist. Ecles._, p. 100, there was given\nto the condemned a certain drink that put them beside themselves, so\nthat they went to the sacrifice with a ghastly drunken merriment.\n\n[IX-37] '_Cuexpalli_, cabello largo que dexan a los muchachos en el\ncogote, quando los tresquilan.' _Molina_, _Vocabulario._\n\n[IX-38] _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. vii., pp. 8-9, 28, 63-6;\n_Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. i., pp. 16-19, lib. ii., pp.\n62-4, 141-8; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 16,\n76; _Spiegazione delle Tavole del Codice Mexicano_, (Vaticano), tav.\nlvi., in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. v., p. 190.\n\n[IX-39] 'Esta estatua asi adornada no lejos de un lugar que estaba\ndelante de ella, \u00e1 la media noche sacaban fuego nuevo para que ardiese\nen aquel lugar, y sacabanlo con unos palos, uno puesto abajo, y sobre\n\u00e9l barrenaban con otro palo, como torciendole entre las manos con gran\nprisa, y con aquel movimiento y calor se encendia el fuego, y alli lo\ntomaban con yesca y encendian en el hogar.' _Kingsborough's Mex.\nAntiq._, vol. vii., p. 84; _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii.,\np. 184.\n\n[IX-40] Or _tapachtli_ as Bustamante spells it. '_Tapachtli_, cral,\nconcha o venera.' _Molina_, _Vocabulario._\n\n[IX-41] See this vol., p. 376, note 27.\n\n[IX-42] _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. vii., pp. 33, 83-7;\n_Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 74-5, 183-92;\n_Boturini_, _Idea_, p. 138; _Spiegazione delle Tavole del Codice\nMexicano_, (Vaticano), tav. lxxiv., in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._,\nvol. v., pp. 196-7; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii.,\np. 82.\n\n[IX-43] _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. vii., p. 96; _Sahagun_,\n_Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., ap., p. 213.\n\n[IX-44] Or _Izitzimites_ as on p. 327 of this vol.\n\n[IX-45] _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. vii., pp. 157, 191-3;\n_Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. iv., ap., pp. 346-7, tom. ii.,\nlib. vii., pp. 260-4; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp.\n292-5; _Boturini_, _Idea_, pp. 18-21; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del\nMessico_, tom. ii., pp. 62, 84-5; _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, p. 101;\n_Acosta_, _Hist. de las Yndias_, pp. 398-9. Leon y Gama, _Dos\nPiedras_, pt i., pp. 51-55, differs somewhat from the text; he was\nunfortunate in never having seen the works of Sahagun.\n\n[IX-46] This vol. p. 59. The interpretations of the codices represent\nthis god as peculiarly honored in their paintings: They place\nMichitlatecotle opposite to the sun, to see if he can rescue any of\nthose seized upon by the lords of the dead, for Michitla signifies the\ndead below. These nations painted only two of their gods with the\ncrown called Altoutcatecoatle, viz., the God of heaven and of\nabundance and this lord of the dead, which kind of crown I have seen\nupon the captains in the war of Coatle. _Explicacion del Codex\nTelleriano Remensis_, pt ii., lam. xv., in _Kingsborough's Mex.\nAntiq._, vol. v., p. 140. Miquitlantecotli signifies the great lord of\nthe dead fellow in hell who alone after Tonacatecotle was painted with\na crown, which kind of a crown was used in war even after the arrival\nof the Christians in those countries, and was seen in the war of\nCoatlan, as the person who copied these paintings relates, who was a\nbrother of the Order of Saint Dominic, named Pedro de los Rios. They\npainted this demon near the sun; for in the same way as they believed\nthat the one conducted souls to heaven, so they supposed that the\nother carried them to hell. He is here represented with his hands open\nand stretched toward the sun, to seize on any soul which might escape\nfrom him. _Spiegazione delle Tavole del Codice Mexicano_ (Vaticano),\ntav. xxxiv., in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. v., p. 182. The\nVatican Codex says further--that these were four gods or principal\ndemons in the Mexican hell. Miquitlamtecotl or Zitzimitl; Yzpunteque,\nthe lame demon, who appeared in the streets with the feet of a cock;\nNextepelma, scatterer of ashes; and Contemoque, he who descends\nhead-foremost. These four have goddesses, not as wives, but as\ncompanions, which was the simple relation in which all the Mexican god\nand goddesses stood to one another, there having been--according to\nmost authorities--in their olympus neither marrying nor giving in\nmarriage. Picking our way as well as possible across the frightful\nspelling of the interpreter, the males and females seem paired as\nfollows: To Miquitlamtecotl or Tzitzimitl, was joined as goddess,\nMiquitecacigua; to Yzpunteque, Nexoxocho; to Nextepelma,\nMicapetlacoli; and to Contemoque, Chalmecaciuatl. _Spiegazione delle\nTavole del Codice Mexicano_ (Vaticano), tav. iii., iv., in\n_Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. v., pp. 162-3; _Boturini_, _Idea_,\npp. 30-1; _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. iii., ap. pp. 260-3;\n_Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. v., pp. 116-17, says that this god\nwas known by the further name of Tzontemoc and Aculnaoacatl.\n_Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 6, 17. Gallatin,\n_Amer. Ethnol. Soc., Transact._, vol. i., pp. 350-1, says that\n'Mictlanteuctli is specially distinguished by the interpreters as one\nof the crowned gods. His representation is found under the basis of\nthe statue of Teoyaomiqui, and Gama has published the copy. According\nto him, the name of that god means the god of the place of the dead.\nHe presided over the funeral of those who died of diseases. The souls\nof all those killed in battle were led by Teoyaomiqui to the dwelling\nof the sun. The others fell under the dominion of Mictanteuctli.'\n_Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., pp. 77, 148, 447, tom. ii., p.\n428. Brasseur de Bourbourg mentions this god and his wife, bringing up\nseveral interesting points, for which, however, he must bear the sole\nresponsibility: _S'il Existe des Sources de l'Hist. Prim._, pp. 98-9.\n'Du fond des eaux qui couvraient le monde, ajoute un autre document\nmexicain (_Cod. Mex. Tell.-Rem._, fol. 4, v.), le dieu des r\u00e9gions d'en\nbas. _Mictlan-Teuctli_ fait surgir un monstre marin nomm\u00e9 _Cipactli_\nou _Capactli_ (_Motolinia_, _Hist. Antig. de los Indios_, part. MS.\nDans ce document, au lieu de _cipactli_ il y a _capactli_, qui n'est\npeut-\u00eatre qu'une erreur du copiste, mais qui, peut-\u00eatre aussi est le\nsouvenir d'une langue perdue et qui se rattacherait au _capac_ ou\n_Manco-Capac_ du P\u00e9rou.): de ce monstre, qui a la forme d'un ca\u00efman,\nil cr\u00e9e la terre (_Motolinia_, _Ibid._). Ne serait-ce pas l\u00e0 le\ncrocodile, image du temps, chez les \u00c9gyptiens, et ainsi que l'indique\nChampollion (Dans _Herapollon_, i., 69 et 70, le crocodile est le\nsymbole du couchant et des t\u00e9n\u00e8bres) symbole \u00e9galement de la _R\u00e9gion\ndu Couchant_, de l'_Amenti_? Dans l'Orcus mexicain, le prince des\nMorts, _Mictlan-Teuctli_, a pour compagne _Mictecacihuatl_, celle qui\n\u00e9tend les morts. On l'appelle _Ixcuina_, ou la d\u00e9esse au visage peint\nou au double visage, parce qu'elle avait le visage de deux couleurs,\nrouge avec le contour de la bouche et du nez peint en noir (_Cod. Mex.\nTell.-Rem._, fol. 18, v.). On lui donnait aussi le nom de\n_Tla\u00e7olteotl_, la d\u00e9esse de l'ordure, ou _Tla\u00e7olquani_, la mangeuse\nd'ordure, parce qu'elle pr\u00e9sidait aux amours et aux plaisirs lubriques\navec ses trois s\u0153urs. On la trouve personifi\u00e9e encore avec\n_Chantico_, quelquefois repr\u00e9sent\u00e9e comme un chien, soit \u00e0 cause de sa\nlubricit\u00e9, soit \u00e0 cause du nom de _Chiucnauh-Itzcuintli_ ou les\nNeuf-Chiens, qu'on lui donnait \u00e9galement (_Cod. Mex. Tell.-Rem._, fol.\n21, v.). C'est ainsi que dans l'Italie ant\u00e9-p\u00e9lasgique, dans la Sicile\net dans l'\u00eele de Samothrace, ant\u00e9rieurement aux Thraces et aux\nP\u00e9lasges, on adorait une Z\u00e9rinthia, une H\u00e9cate, d\u00e9esse Chienne qui\nnourrissait ses trois fils, ses trois chiens, sur le m\u00eame autel, dans\nla demeure souterraine; l'une et l'autre rappelaient ainsi le souvenir\nde ces h\u00e9taires qui veillaient au pied des pyramides, o\u00f9 elles se\nprostituaient aux marins, aux marchands et aux voyageurs, pour\nramasser l'argent n\u00e9cessaire \u00e0 l'\u00e9rection des tombeaux des rois. \"Tout\nun calcul des temps, dit Eckstein (_Sur les sources de la Cosmogonie\nde Sanchoniathon_, pp. 101, 197), se rattache \u00e0 l'adoration solaire de\ncette d\u00e9esse et de ses fils. Le Chien, le Sirius, r\u00e8gne dans l'astre\nde ce nom, au z\u00e9nith de l'ann\u00e9e, durant les jours de la canicule. On\nconna\u00eet le cycle ou la p\u00e9riode que pr\u00e9side l'astre du chien: on sait\nqu'il ne se rattache pas seulement aux institutions de la vieille\n\u00c9gypte, mais encore \u00e0 celles de la haute Asie.\" En Am\u00e9rique le nom de\nla d\u00e9esse _Ixcuina_ se rattache \u00e9galement \u00e0 la constellation du sud,\no\u00f9 on la personnifie encore avec _Ixtlacoliuhqui_, autre divinit\u00e9 des\nivrognes et des amours obsc\u00e8nes: les astrologues lui attribuaient un\ngrand pouvoir sur les \u00e9v\u00e9nements de la guerre, et, dans les derniers\ntemps, on en faisait d\u00e9pendre le ch\u00e2timent des adult\u00e8res et des\nincestueux (_Cod. Mex. Tell.-Rem._, fol. 16, v.).' See also, _Brinton's\nMyths_, pp. 130-7; _Leon y Gama_, _Dos Piedras_, pt i., p. 12, pt ii.,\npp. 65-6.\n\n[IX-47] _Amer. Ethnol. Soc., Transact._, vol. i., pp. 338-9.\n\n[IX-48] Speaking of the great image in the Mexican museum of antiquities\nsupposed by some to be this Mexican goddess of war, or of death,\nTeoyaomique, Mr Tylor says, _Anahuac_, pp. 222-3: 'The stone known as\nthe statue of the war-goddess is a huge block of basalt covered with\nsculptures. The antiquaries think that the figures on it stand for\ndifferent personages, and that it is three gods--Huitzilopochtli the\ngod of war, Teoyaomiqui his wife, and Mictlanteuctli the god of hell.\nIt has necklaces of alternate hearts and dead men's hands, with\ndeath's head for a central ornament. At the bottom of the block is a\nstrange sprawling figure, which one cannot see now, for it is the base\nwhich rests on the ground; but there are two shoulders projecting from\nthe idol, which show plainly that it did not stand on the ground, but\nwas supported aloft on the tops of two pillars. The figure carved upon\nthe bottom represents a monster holding a skull in each hand, while\nothers hang from his knees and elbows. His mouth is a mere oval ring,\na common feature of Mexican idols, and four tusks project just above\nit. The new moon laid down like a bridge forms his forehead, and a\nstar is placed on each side of it. This is thought to have been the\nconventional representation of Mictlanteuctli (Lord of the land of the\ndead), the god of hell, which was a place of utter and eternal\ndarkness. Probably each victim as he was led to the altar could look\nup between the two pillars and see the hideous god of hell staring\ndown upon him from above.'\n\n[IX-49] _Leon y Gama_, _Dos Piedras_, pt i., pp. 41-4.\n\n[IX-50] The tenth month, so named by the Tlascaltecs and others. See\n_Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 298. 'Al decimo Mes del\nKalendario Indiano llamaban sus Satrapas, Xocotlhuetzi, que quiere\ndecir: Quando se cae, y acaba la Fruta, y debia de ser, por esta\nra\u00e7on, de que por aquel Tiempo se acababa, que cae en nuestro Agosto,\n\u00e8 i\u00e0 en todo este Mes se pasan las Frutas en tierra fria. Pero los\nTlaxcaltecas, y otros lo llamaban Hueymiccailhuitl. que quiere decir:\nLa Fiesta maior de los Difuntos; y llamavanla asi, porque este Mes\nsolemni\u00e7aban la memoria de los Difuntos, con grandes clamores, y\nllantos, y doblados lutos, que la primera, y se te\u00f1ian los cuerpos de\ncolor negro, y se tiznaban toda la cara; y asi, las ceremonias, que se\nhacian de Dia, y de Noche, en todos los Templos, y fuera de ellos,\neran de mucha triste\u00e7a, segun que cada vno podia hacer su sentimiento;\ny en este Mes daban nombre de Divinos, \u00e0 sus Reies difuntos, y \u00e0 todas\naquellas Personas se\u00f1aladas, que havian muerto ha\u00e7a\u00f1osamente en las\nGuerras, y en poder de sus enemigos, y les hacian sus Idolos, y los\ncolocaban, con sus Dioses, diciendo, que avian ido al lugar de sus\ndeleites, y pasatiempos, en compa\u00f1ia de los otros Dioses.'\n\n[IX-51] As the whole description becomes a little puzzling here, I give\nthe original, _Leon y Gama_, _Dos Piedras_, p. 42: 'Enfrente de esta\nfigura est\u00e1 Teoyaomique desnuda, y cubierta con solo un cendal, parada\nsobre una basa, \u00f3 porcion de pilastra; la cabeza separada del cuerpo,\narriba del cuello, con los ojos vendados, y en su lugar dos viboras \u00f3\nculebras, que nacen del mismo cuello. Entre estas dos figuras est\u00e1 un\n\u00e1rbol de flores partido por medio, al cual se junta un madero con\nvarios atravesa\u00f1os, y encima de \u00e9l una ave, cuya cabeza est\u00e1 tambien\ndividida del cuerpo. Se v\u00e9 tambien otra cabeza de ave dentro de una\njicara, otra de sierpe, una olla con la boca para abajo, saliendo de\nella la materia que contenia dentro, cuya figura parece ser la que\nusaban para representar el agua; y finalmente ocupan el resto del\ncuadro [of the representation of the constellation above mentioned in\nthe text] otros gerogl\u00edficos y figuras diferentes.'\n\n[IX-52] Boturini, _Idea_, pp. 27-8, mentions the goddess Teoyaomique; on\npp. 30-1, he notices the respect with which Mictlantecutli and the\ndead were regarded: 'Me resta solo tratar de la decima tercia, y\nultima Deidad esto es, el _Dios del Infierno_, Geroglifico, que\nexplica el piadoso acto de sepultar los muertos, y el gran respeto,\nque estos antiguos Indios tenian \u00e0 los sepulcros, creyendo, \u00e0\nimitacion de otras Naciones, no solo que alli asistian las almas de\nlos Difuntos, ... sino que tambien dichos Parientes eran sus Dioses\n_Indigetes, ita dicti, quasi inde geniti_, cuyos huessos, y cenizas\ndaban alli indubitables, y ciertas se\u00f1ales de el dominio, que tuvieron\nen aquella misma tierra, donde se hallaban sepultados, la que havian\ndomado con los sudores de la Agricultura, y aun defendian con los\nrespetos, y eloquencia muda, de sus cadaveres.... Nuestros Indios en\nla segunda Edad dedicaron dos meses de el a\u00f1o llamados _Micaylhuitl_, y\n_Hueymicaylhuitl_ \u00e0 la Commemoracion de los Difuntos, y en la tercera\nexercitaron varios actos de piedad en su memoria, prueba constante de\nque confessaron la immortalidad de el alma.' See further _Torquemada_,\n_Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 529-30. Of the compound idol discussed\nabove, Humboldt, _Vues des Cordill\u00e8res_, tom. ii., pp. 153-7, speaks\nat some length. He says: 'On distingue, \u00e0 la partie sup\u00e9rieure, les\nt\u00eates de deux monstres accol\u00e9s et l'on trouve, \u00e0 chaque face, deux\nyeux et une large gueule arm\u00e9e de quatre dents. Ces figures monstrueuses\nn'indiquent peut-\u00eatre que des masques: car, chez les Mexicains, on\n\u00e9toit dans l'usage de masquer les idoles \u00e0 l'\u00e9poque de la maladie d'un\nroi, et dans toute autre calamit\u00e9 publique. Les bras et les pieds sont\ncach\u00e9s sous une draperie entour\u00e9e d'\u00e9normes serpens, et que les\nMexicains designoient sous le nom de _cohuatlicuye, v\u00eatement de\nserpent_. Tous ces accessoires, surtout les franges en forme de\nplumes, sont sculpt\u00e9s avec le plus grand soin. M. Gama, dans un\nm\u00e9moire particulier, a rendu tr\u00e8s-probable que cette idole repr\u00e9sente\nle dieu de la guerre, _Huitzilopochtli_, ou _Tlacahuepancuexcotzin_,\net sa femme, appel\u00e9e _Teoyamiqui_ (de _miqui_, mourir, et de _teoyao_,\nguerre divine), parcequ'elle conduisoit les ames des guerriers morts\npour la d\u00e9fense des dieux, \u00e0 la _maison du Soleil_, le paradis des\nMexicains, o\u00f9 elle les transformoit en colibris. Les t\u00eates de morts et\nles mains coup\u00e9es, dont quatre entourent le sein de la d\u00e9esse,\nrappellent les horribles sacrifices (_teoquauhquetzoliztli_) c\u00e9l\u00e9br\u00e9s\ndans la quinzi\u00e8me p\u00e9riode de treize jours, apr\u00e8s le solstice d'\u00e9t\u00e9, \u00e0\nl'honneur du dieu de la guerre et de sa compagne _Teoyamiqui_. Les\nmains coup\u00e9es alternent avec la figure de certains vases dans lesquels\non br\u00fbloit l'encens. Ces vases \u00e9toient appel\u00e9s _top-xicalli sacs en\nforme de calebasse_ (de _toptli_, bourse tissue de fil de pite, et de\n_xicali_, calebasse). Cette idole \u00e9tant sculpt\u00e9e sur toutes ses faces,\nm\u00eame par dessous (fig. 5), o\u00f9 l'on voit repr\u00e9sent\u00e9 _Mictlanteuhtli, le\nseigneur du lieu des morts_, on ne sauroit douter qu'elle \u00e9toit\nsoutenue en l'air au moyen de deux colonnes sur lesquelles reposoient\nles parties marqu\u00e9es A et B, dans les figures 1 et 3. D'apr\u00e8s cette\ndisposition bizarre, la t\u00eate de l'idole se trouvoit vraisemblablement\n\u00e9lev\u00e9e de cinq \u00e0 six m\u00e8tres au-dessus du pav\u00e9 du temple, de mani\u00e8re\nque les pr\u00eatres (_Teopixqui_) tra\u00eenoient les malheureuses victimes \u00e0\nl'autel, en les faisant passer au-dessous de la figure de\n_Mictlanteuhtli_.'\n\n[IX-53] According to Brasseur de Bourbourg, in _Nouvelles Annales des\nVoyages_, 1858, tom. clx., pp. 267-8: 'Les h\u00e9ros et demi-deux qui,\nsous le nom g\u00e9n\u00e9rique de Chichem\u00e8ques-Mixcohuas, jouent un si grand\nr\u00f4le dans la mythologie mexicaine, et qui du vii^e au ix^e si\u00e8cle de\nnotre \u00e8re, obtinrent la pr\u00e9pond\u00e9rance sur le plateau azt\u00e8que.... Les\nplus c\u00e9l\u00e8bres de ces h\u00e9ros sont Mixcohuatl-Mazatzin (le Serpent\nN\u00e9buleux et le Daim), fondateur de la royaut\u00e9 \u00e0 Tollan (aujourd'hui\nTula), Tetzcatlipoca, sp\u00e9cialement ador\u00e9 \u00e0 Tetzeuco, et son fr\u00e8re\nMixcohuatl le jeune, dit Camaxtli, en particulier ador\u00e9 \u00e0 Tlaxcallan,\nl'un et l'autre mentionn\u00e9s, sous d'autres noms, parmi les rois de\nCulhuacan et consid\u00e9r\u00e9s, ainsi que le premier, comme les principaux\nfondateurs de la monarchie tolt\u00e8que. On ignore o\u00f9 ils re\u00e7urent le\njour. Un manuscrit mexicain, [Codex Chimalpopoca], en les donnant pour\nfils d'Iztac-Mixcohuatl ou le Serpent Blanc N\u00e9buleux et\nd'Iztac-Chalchiuhlicu\u00e9 ou la Blanche Dame azur\u00e9e, fait all\u00e9goriquement\nallusion aux pays n\u00e9buleux et aquatiques o\u00f9 ils ont pris naissance; le\nm\u00eame document ajoute qu'ils vinrent par eau et qu'ils demeur\u00e8rent un\ncertain temps en barque. Peut-\u00eatre que le nom d'Iztac ou Blanc,\n\u00e9galement donn\u00e9 \u00e0 Mixcohuatl, d\u00e9signe aussi une race diff\u00e9rente de\ncelle des Indiens et plus en rapport avec la n\u00f4tre.'\n\n[IX-54] _Brinton's Myths_, p. 158.\n\n[IX-55] Ca\u00f1as de humo. _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. vii., p. 75;\n_Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., p. 166.\n\n[IX-56] _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. vii., pp. 73-6; _Sahagun_,\n_Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 162-7; _Torquemada_, _Monarq.\nInd._, tom. ii., pp. 148-9, 151-2, 280-1; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant.\ndel Messico_, tom. ii., p. 79; _M\u00fcller_, _Amerikanische Urreligionen_,\npp. 483, 486, and elsewhere. Brasseur, as his custom is, euhemerizes\nthis god, detailing the events of his reign, and theorizing on his\npolicy, as soberly and believingly as if it were a question of the\nreign of a Louis XIV., or a Napoleon I.; see _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom.\ni., pp. 227-35. Gomara, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 88, and others, make\nCamaxtle, the principal god of Tlascala, identical with Mixcoatl. The\nChichimecs 'had only one god called Mixcoatl and they kept this image\nor statue. They held to another god, invisible, without image, called\nIooalliehecatl--that is to say, god invisible and impalpable,\nfavoring, sheltering, all-powerful, by whose power all live, etc.'\n_Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. vi., p. 64.\n\n[IX-57] This deity must not, it would seem, be confounded with another\nmentioned by Sahagun, viz., Coatlyace, or Coatlyate, or Coatlantonan,\na goddess of whom we know little save the fact, incidentally\nmentioned, that she was regarded with great devotion by the dealers in\nflowers. See _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. vii., p. 42, and\n_Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., p. 95.\n\n[IX-58] _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. vii., pp. 10-11, 136;\n_Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. i., pp. 19-22, lib. iv., p.\n305. Boturini, _Idea de una Hist._, pp. 14-15, speaks of a goddess\ncalled Macuilxochiquetzalli; by a comparison of the passage with note\n28 of this chapter, it will I think be evident that the chevalier's\nMacuilxochiquetzalli is identical not with Macuilxochitl, but with\nXochiquetzal, the Aztec Venus. See further, on the relations of this\ngoddess, _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp.\n490-1: 'Matlalcu\u00e9y\u00e9, qui donnait son nom au versant de la montagne du\nc\u00f4t\u00e9 de Tlaxcallan, \u00e9tait regard\u00e9e comme la protectrice sp\u00e9ciale des\nmagiciennes. La l\u00e9gende disait qu'elle \u00e9tait devenue l'\u00e9pouse de\nTlaloc, apr\u00e8s que Xochiquetzal eut \u00e9t\u00e9 enlev\u00e9e \u00e0 ce dieu [see this\nvol. p. 378]. Celle-ci, dont elle n'\u00e9tait, apr\u00e8s tout, qu'une\npersonnification diff\u00e9rente, \u00e9tait appel\u00e9e aussi Chalchiuhlycu\u00e9, ou le\nJupon sem\u00e9 d'\u00e9meraudes, en sa qualit\u00e9 de d\u00e9esse des eaux. Le symbole\nsous lequel on la repr\u00e9sente, comme d\u00e9esse des amours honn\u00eates, est\ncelui d'un \u00e9ventail compos\u00e9 de cinq fleurs, ce que rend encore le nom\nqu'on lui donnait \"Macuil-Xochiquetzalli.\"' Brasseur, it is to be\nremembered, distinguishes between Xochiquetzal as the goddess of\nhonest love, and Tlazolteotl as the goddess of lubricity.\n\n[IX-59] The fire-god Xiuhtecutli used an instrument of this kind; see\nthis vol. p. 385.\n\n[IX-60] _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. vii., pp. 11-12; _Sahagun_,\n_Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. i., pp. 22-3; _Torquemada_, _Monarq.\nInd._, tom. ii., pp. 58, 240-1; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del\nMessico_, tom. ii., p. 22; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._,\ntom. iii., p. 492.\n\n[IX-61] This god, who was also known by the title of Tlaltecuin, is the\nthird Mexican god connected with medicine. There is first that unnamed\ngoddess described on p. 353 of this vol.; and there is then a certain\nTzaputlatena, described by Sahagun--_Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol.\nvii., p. 4; _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. i., pp. 7-8--as the\ngoddess of turpentine (see _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._,\ntom. iii., p. 494), or of some such substance, used to cure the itch\nin the head, irruptions on the skin, sore throats, chapped feet or\nlips, and other such things: 'Tzaputlatena fu\u00e9 una muger, segun su\nnombre, nacida en el pueblo de Tzaputla, y por esto se llama la Madre\nde Tzaputla, porque fu\u00e9 la primera que invent\u00f3 la resina que se llama\nuxitl, y es un aceyte sacado por artificio de la resina del pino, que\naprovecha para sanar muchas enfermedades, y primeramente aprovecha\ncontra una manera de bubas, \u00f3 sarna, que nace en la cabeza, que se\nllama Quaxococivistli; y tambien contra otra enfermedad es provechosa\nasi mismo, que nace en la cabeza, que es como bubas, que se llama\nChaguachicioiztli, y tambien para la sarna de la cabeza. Aprovecha\ntambien contra la ronguera de la garganta. Aprovecha tambien contra\nlas grietas de las pies y de los labios. Es tambien contra los\nempeines que nacen en la cara \u00f3 en las manos. Es tambien contra el\nusagre; contra muchas otras enfermedades es bueno. Y como esta muger\ndebi\u00f3 ser la primera que hall\u00f3 este aceyte, contaronla entre las\nDiosas, y hacianla fiesta y sacrificios aquellos que venden y hacen\neste aceyte que se llama Uxitl.'\n\n[IX-62] _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. vii., pp. 12-13; _Sahagun_,\n_Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. i., pp. 24-5; _Clavigero_, _Hist. Ant. del\nMessico_, tom. ii., p. 21.\n\n[IX-63] 'Tenia en la mano izquierda una rodela te\u00f1ida de colorado, y en\nel medio de este campo una flor blanca con quatro ojas \u00e1 manera de\ncruz, y de los espacios de las ojas salian quatro puntas que eran\ntambien ojas de la misma flor. Tenia un cetro en la mano derecha como\nun caliz, y de lo alto de \u00e9l salia como un casquillo de saetas.'\n_Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. vii., p. 13; _Sahagun_, _Hist.\nGen._, tom. i., lib. i., pp. 26-7; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del\nMessico_, tom. ii., p. 20; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp.\n60-1. 'La p\u00eache avait, toutefois, son g\u00e9nie particulier: c'\u00e9tait\nOpochtli, le Gaucher, personnification de Huitzilopochtli.'\n_Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. des Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 494.\n\n[IX-64] _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 22. This is\nevidently a blunder, however; Boturini explains Totec to mean 'god our\nlord,' and Xipe (or Oxipe, as he writes it) to signify 'god of the\nflaying.' '_Tlaxipehualiztli_, Symbolo del primer Mes, quiere decir\n_Deshollamiento de Gentes_, porque en su primer dia se deshollaban\nunos Hombres vivos dedicados al Dios _Tot\u00e9uc_, esto es, _Dios Se\u00f1or\nnuestro_, \u00f2 al Dios _Oxipe, Dios de el Deshollamiento_, syncope de\n_Tloxipe\u00f9ca_.' _Boturini_, _Idea de una Hist._, p. 51. Sahagun says\nthat the name means 'the flayed one.' 'Xipetotec, que quiere decir\ndesollado.' _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. vii., p. 14; _Sahagun_,\n_Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. i., p. 27. While Torquemada affirms that\nit means 'the bald,' or 'the blackened one.' 'Tenian los Plateros otro\nDios, que se llamaba Xippe, y Totec.... Este Demonio Xippe, que quiere\ndecir, Calvo, \u00f3 Ate\u00e7ado.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p.\n58. Brasseur, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 503, partially accepts\nall these derivations: 'Xipe, le chauve ou l'\u00e9corch\u00e9, autrement dit\nencore Totec ou notre seigneur.' This god was further surnamed,\naccording to the interpreter of the Vatican Codex, 'the mournful\ncombatant,' or, as Gallatin gives it, 'the disconsolate;' see\n_Spiegazione delle Tavole del Codice Mexicano_ (Vaticano), tav.\nxliii., in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. v., p. 186; and _Amer.\nEthnol. Soc., Transact._, vol. i., pp. 345, 350.\n\n[IX-65] _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. vii., p. 14; _Sahagun_,\n_Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. i., pp. 27-8; _Boturini_, _Idea de Nueva\nHist._, p. 51.\n\n[IX-66] These human sacrifices were begun, according to Clavigero,\n_Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. i., pp. 165-7, by the Mexicans, before\nthe foundation of their city, while yet slaves of the Culhuas. These\nMexicans had done good service to their rulers in a battle against the\nXochimilcas. The masters were expected to furnish their serfs with a\nthank-offering for the war god. They sent a filthy rag and a rotten\nfowl. The Mexicans received and were silent. The day of festival came;\nand with it the Culhua nobles to see the sport--the Helots and their\nvile sacrifice. But the filth did not appear, only a coarse altar,\nwreathed with a fragrant herb, bearing a great flake of keen-ground\nobsidian. The dance began, the frenzy mounted up, the priests advanced\nto the altar, and with them they dragged four Xochimilca prisoners.\nThere is a quick struggle, and over a prisoner bruised, doubled back\nsupine on the altar-block gleams and falls the itzli, driven with a\ntwo-handed blow. The blood spurts like a recoil into the bent face of\nthe high priest, who grabbles, grasps, tears out and flings the heart\nto the god. Another, another, another, and there are four hearts\nbeating in the lap of the grim image. There are more dances but there\nis no more sport for the Culhuas: with lips considerably whitened they\nreturn to their place. After this there could be no more mastership,\nnor thought of mastership over such a people; there was too much of\nthe wild beast in them; they had already tasted blood. And the\nMexicans were allowed to leave the land of their bondage, and journey\nnorth toward the future Tenochtitlan.\n\n[IX-67] See this vol., p. 415.\n\n[IX-68] Further notice of this stone appears in _Kingsborough's Mex.\nAntiq._, vol. vii., p. 94, or _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib.\nii., ap., pp. 207-8: 'El sesenta y dos edificio se llamaba Temalacatl.\nEra una piedra como muela de molino grande, y estaba agujereada en el\nmedio como muela de molino. Sobre esta piedra ponian los esclavos y\nacuchillabanse con ellos: estaban atados por medio de tal manera que\npodian llegar hasta la circumferencia de la piedra, y dabanles armas\ncon que peleasen. Era este un espectaculo muy frequente, y donde\nconcurria gente de todas las comarcas \u00e1 verle. Un satrapa vestido de\nun pellejo de oso \u00f3 Cuetlachtli, era alli el padrino de los captivos\nque alli mataban, que los llevaba \u00e1 la piedra y los ataba alli, y los\ndaba las armas, y los lloraba entre tanto que peleaban, y quando caian\nlos entregaba al que les habia de sacar el corazon, que era otro\nsatrapa vestido con otro pellejo que se llamaba Tooallaoan. Esta\nrelacion queda escrita en la fiesta de Tlacaxipeoaliztli.'\n\n[IX-69] _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. vii., pp. 23, 37-43;\n_Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 51-3, 86-97;\n_Explicacion del Codex Telleriano-Remensis_, pt. i., lam. iii., in\n_Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. v., p. 133; _Spiegazione delle\nTavole del Codice Mexicano_ (Vaticano), tav. lxiii., in _Id._, vol.\nv., p. 191; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 154, 252-4;\n_Leon y Gama_, _Dos Piedras_, pt. ii., pp. 50-4; _Prescott's Mex._,\nvol. i., p. 78, note; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom.\nii., p. 481. We learn from Clavigero, _Ibid._, tom. i., pp. 281-2,\nthat this great gladiatorial block was sometimes to an extraordinary\nextent a 'stone of sacrifice' to the executioners as well as to the\ndoomed victim. In the last year of the reign of the last Montezuma, a\nfamous Tlascaltec general, Tlahuicol, was captured by the merest\naccident. His strength of arm was such that few men could lift his\n_maquahuil_, or sword of the Mexican type, from the ground. Montezuma,\ntoo proud to use such an inglorious triumph, or perhaps moved by a\nsincere admiration of the terrible and dignified warrior, offered him\nhis liberty, either to return to Tlascala, or to accept high office in\nMexico. But the honor of the chief was at stake, as he understood it;\nand not even a favor would he accept from the hated Mexican; the\ndeath, the death! he said, and, if you dare, by battle on the\ngladiatorial stone. So they tied him, (by the foot says Clavigero),\nupon the _temalacatl_, armed with a great staff only, and chose out\nchampions to kill him from the most renowned of the warriors; but the\ngrim Tlascaltec dashed out the brains of eight with his club, and hurt\ntwenty more, before he fell, dying like himself. They tore out his\nheart, as of wont, and a costlier heart to Mexico never smoked before\nthe sun.\n\n[IX-70] This last name means, Torquemada, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p.\n57, being followed, 'the hook-nosed;' and it is curious enough that\nthis type of face, so generally connected with the Hebrew race and\nthrough them with particular astuteness in trade, should be the\ncharacteristic of the Mexican god of trade: 'Los mercaderes tuvieron\nDios particular, al qual llamaron Iyacatecuhtli, y por otro nombre se\nllam\u00f2 Yacacoliuhqui, que quiere decir: El que tiene la nariz aguile\u00f1a,\nque propriamente representa persona que tiene vive\u00e7a, \u00f2 habilidad,\npara mofar graciosamente, \u00f2 enga\u00f1ar, y es sabio, y sag\u00e0z (que es\npropia condicion de mercaderes.)'\n\n[IX-71] Without laying any particular stress on this lighting a fire\nbefore Yiacatecutli--perhaps here necessary as a camp-fire and\nprobably, at any rate, a thing done before many other gods--it may be\nnoticed that the fire god seems to be particularly connected with the\nmerchant god and indeed with the merchants themselves. Describing a\ncertain coming down or arrival of the gods among men, believed to take\nplace in the twelfth Mexican month, Sahagun--after describing the\ncoming, first of Tezcatlipoca, who, 'being a youth, and light and\nstrong, walked fastest,' and then the coming of all the rest (their\narrival being known to the priests by the marks of their feet on a\nlittle heap of maize flour, specially prepared for the purpose)--says\nthat a day after all the rest of the gods, came the god of fire and\nthe god of the merchants, together; they being old and unable to walk\nas fast as their younger divine brethren: 'El dia siguiente llegaba el\ndios de los Mercaderes llamado Yiaiacapitzaoac, \u00f3 Yiacatecutli, y otro\nDios llamado Hiscocauzqui (Yxcocauhqui), \u00f3 Xiveteuctli (Xiuhtecutli),\nque \u00e9s el Dios del fuego \u00e1 quien los mercaderes tienen grande\ndevocion. Estos dos llegaban \u00e1 la postre un dia despues de los otros,\nporque decian que eran viejos y no andaban tanto como los otros:'\n_Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. vii., p. 71, or _Sahagun_, _Hist.\nGen._, tom. i., lib. ii., p. 158. See also, for the connection of the\nfire god Xiuhtecutli with business, this vol. p. 226; and for the high\nposition of the merchants themselves besides Tezcatlipoca see this\nvol., p. 228.\n\n[IX-72] _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. vii., pp. 14-16; _Sahagun_,\n_Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. i., pp. 29-33; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant.\ndel Messico_, tom. ii., p. 20. The Nahuihehecatli, or Nauiehecatl,\nmentioned by the interpreters of the codices, as a god honored by the\nmerchants, is either some air god like Quetzalcoatl, or, as Sahagun\ngives it, merely the name of a sign; see _Spiegazione delle Tavole del\nCodice Mexicano_ (Vaticano), tav. xxvii., in _Kingsborough's Mex.\nAntiq._, vol. v., p. 179; also, pp. 139-40; _Explicacion del Codex\nTelleriano-Remensis_, lam. xii.; also, _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom.\ni., lib. iv., pp. 304-5, and _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. vii.,\npp. 135-6.\n\n[IX-73] _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. vii., pp. 16-17; _Sahagun_,\n_Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. i., pp. 33-5; _Torquemada_, _Monarq.\nInd._, tom. ii., pp. 59-60; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_,\ntom. ii., p. 22.\n\n[IX-74] _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. vii., pp. 7, 19, 90, 93;\n_Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. i., pp. 14, 39-40, lib. ii.,\npp. 200, 205; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 58, 152,\n184, 416; _Spiegazione delle Tavole del Codice Mexicano_ (Vaticano),\ntav. xxxv., and _Explicacion del Codex Telleriano-Remensis_, lam.\nxvi., in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. v., pp. 141, 182;\n_Gallatin_, in _Amer. Ethno. Soc., Transact._, vol. i., pp. 344, 350;\n_Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 87, 315; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del\nMessico_, tom. ii., p. 21. 'Otros tenian figuras de hombres; tenian\nestos en la cabeza un mortero en lugar de mitra, y all\u00ed les echaban\nvino, por ser el dios del vino.' _Motolinia_, _Hist. Indios_, in\n_Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 33. 'Otros con un mortero\nen la cabeza, y este parece que era el dios del vino, y as\u00ed le echaban\nvino en aquel como mortero.' _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, p. 88.\n'_Papaztla_ \u00f3 _Papaztac_.... Este era uno de los tres pueblos de donde se\nsacaban los esclavos para el sacrificio que se hacia de dia, al idolo\n_Centzentotochtin_, Dios del vino en el mes nombrado _Hueipachtli_, \u00f3\n_tepeilhuitl_ en su templo propio que es el cuadragesimo cuarto\nedificio de los que se contenian en la area del mayor, como dice el\nDr. Hernandez: \"Templum erat dicatum vini deo, in cujus honorem tres\ncaptivos interdiu tamen, et nonnoctu jugulabant, quorum primum\nTepuztecatl nuncupabant secundum toltecatl, tertium vero Papaztac quod\nfiebat quotanni circa festum Tepeilhuiltl.\" Apud P. Nieremberg, pag.\n144.' _Leon y Gama_, _Dos Piedras_, pt ii., p. 35. 'Les buveurs et les\nivrognes avaient cependant, parmi les Azt\u00e8ques, plusieurs divinit\u00e9s\nparticuli\u00e8res: la principale \u00e9tait Izquitecatl; mais le plus connu\ndevait \u00eatre Tezcatzoncatl, appel\u00e9 aussi Tequechmecaniani, ou le\nPendeur.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p.\n493.\n\n[IX-75] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 64; _Clavigero_,\n_Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 23. These were what the\nSpaniards called 'oratorios' in the houses of the Mexicans. In or\nbefore these oratories the people offered cooked food to such images\nof the gods as they had there. Every morning the good-wife of the\nhouse woke up the members of her family and took care that they made\nthe proper offering, as above, to these deities. _Kingsborough's Mex.\nAntiq._, vol. vii., p. 95; _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii.,\nap. p. 211.\n\n[IX-76] It is obviously of little consequence to mythology whether the\nMexicans called the month Atlcahualco the first or the third month\n(or, as Boturini has it, the eighteenth,) so long as we know, with\nsome accuracy, to what month and day of the month it corresponds in\nour own Gregorian calendar. For the complete discussion of this\nquestion of the calendar we refer readers to the preceding volume of\nthis series. Gama was unfortunately unacquainted with the writings of\nSahagun, and Bustamante (who edited the works both of Gama and\nSahagun) remarks in a note to the writings of the astronomer: 'Muchas\nveces he deplorado, que el s\u00e1bio Sr. D. Antonio Leon y Gama no hubiese\ntenido \u00e1 la vista para formar esta preciosa obra los manuscritos del\nP. Sahagun, que he publicado en los a\u00f1os de 1829 y 30 en la oficina de\nD. Alejandro Vald\u00e9s, y solo hubiese le\u00eddo la obra del P. Torquemada,\ndisc\u00edpulo de D. Antonio Valeriano, que lo fu\u00e9 de dicho P. Sahagun;\npues la lectura del texto de \u00e9ste, que acaso trunc\u00f3, \u00f3 no entendi\u00f3\nbien, podrian haberle dejado dudas en hechos muy interesantes \u00e1 esta\nhistoria.' See _Leon y Gama_, _Dos Piedras_, pt i., pp. 45-89;\n_Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. vii., pp. 20-34, or _Sahagun_,\n_Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 49-76; _Torquemada_, _Monarq.\nInd._, tom. ii., pp. 251-86; _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, p. 397;\n_Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 58-84;\n_Explicacion del Codex Telleriano-Remensis_, pt i., and _Spiegazione\ndelle Tavole del Codice Mexicano_ (Vaticano), tav. lvii-lxxiv, in\n_Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. v., pp. 129-34, 190-7; _Boturini_,\n_Idea de una Hist._, pp. 47-53; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 294;\n_M\u00fcller_, _Amerikanische Urreligionen_, pp. 646-8; _Brasseur de\nBourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 502-37; _Gallatin_, in\n_Amer. Ethno. Soc., Transact._, vol. i., pp. 57-114.\n\n[IX-77] See this vol., pp. 332-4.\n\n[IX-78] It is also surnamed Cohuailhuitl, 'feast of the snake:' see\nabove.\n\n[IX-79] There seems to be some confusion with regard to whether or not\nthere were gladiatorial sacrifices in each of the first two months.\nSahagun, however, appears to describe sacrifices of this kind, as\noccurring in both periods; those of the first month being in honor of\nthe Tlalocs and those of the second in honor of Xipe. For a\ndescription of these rites see this vol. pp. 414-5.\n\n[IX-80] See this vol., pp. 360-2.\n\n[IX-81] 'Le _Tzohualli_ \u00e9tait un compos\u00e9 de graines l\u00e9gumineuses\nparticuli\u00e8res au Mexique, qu'on mangeait de diverses mani\u00e8res.'\n_Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., p. 513.\n\n[IX-82] The name 'Tepopochuiliztli' signifies 'smoke or vapor.' As to\nthe meaning of 'Toxcatl' writers are divided, Boturini interpreting it\nto mean 'effort,' and Torquemada 'a slippery place.' Acosta, Sahagun,\nand Gama agree, however, in accepting it as an epithet applied to a\nstring of parched or toasted maize used in ceremonies to be\nimmediately described, and Acosta further gives as its root\nsignification 'a dried thing.' Consult, in addition to the references\ngiven in the note at the beginning of these descriptions of the\nfeasts, _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, p. 383; _Kingsborough's Mex.\nAntiq._, vol. vii., pp. 45-9; _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib.\niii., pp. 100-11.\n\n[IX-83] With three of these goddesses we are tolerably familiar, knowing\nthem to be intimately connected with each other and concerned in the\nproduction, preservation, or support of life and of life-giving food.\nOf Atlatonan little is known, but she seems to belong to the same\nclass, being generally mentioned in connection with Cinteotl. Her name\nmeans, according to Torquemada, 'she that shines in the water.' 'Otra\nCapilla, \u00f2 Templo avia, que se llamaba Xiuhcalco, dedicado al Dios\nCinteutl, en cuia fiesta sacrificaban dos Varones Esclavos, y una\nMuger, \u00e0 los quales ponian el nombre de su Dios. Al vno llamaban\nIztaccinteutl, Dios Tlatlauhquicinteutl, Dios de las Mieses\nencendidas, \u00f2 coloradas; y \u00e0 la Muger Atlantona, que quiere decir, que\nresplandece en el Agua, \u00e0 la qual desollaban, cuio pellejo, y cuero,\nse vestia vn Sacerdote, luego que acababa el Sacrificio, que era de\nnoche.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 155; see also,\n_Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. vii., p. 94; or _Sahagun_, _Hist.\nGen._, tom. i., lib. ii., ap. p. 209.\n\n[IX-84] Acosta, _Hist. de las Ynd._, pp. 382-3, gives an account of\nvarious other ceremonies which took place ten days before the great\nfeast day, which account has been followed by Torquemada, Clavigero,\nand later writers, and which we reproduce from the quaint but in this\ncase at least full and accurate translation of E. G.--a translation\nwhich, however, makes this chapter the 29th of the fifth book instead\nof the 28th as in the original: 'Then came forth one of the chiefe of\nthe temple, attired like to the idoll, carrying flowers in his hand,\nand a flute of earth, having a very sharpe sound, and turning towards\nthe east, he sounded it, and then looking to the west, north and south\nhe did the like. And after he had thus sounded towards the foure parts\nof the world (shewing that both they that were present and absent did\nheare him) hee put his finger into the aire, and then gathered vp\nearth, which he put in his mouth, and did eate it in signe of\nadoration. The like did all they that were present, and weeping, they\nfell flat to the ground, invocating the darknesse of the night, and\nthe windes, intreating them not to leave them, nor to forget them, or\nelse to take away their lives, and free them from the labors they\nindured therein. Theeves, adulterers, and murtherers, and all others\noffendors had great feare and heavinesse, whilest this flute sounded;\nso as some could not dissemble nor hide their offences. By this meanes\nthey all demanded no other thing of their god, but to have their\noffences concealed, powring foorth many teares, with great repentaunce\nand sorrow, offering great store of incense to appease their gods. The\ncouragious and valiant men, and all the olde souldiers, that followed\nthe Arte of Warre, hearing this flute, demaunded with great devotion\nof God the Creator, of the Lorde for whome wee live, of the sunne, and\nof other their gods, that they would give them victorie against their\nennemies, and strength to take many captives, therewith so honour\ntheir sacrifices. This ceremonie was doone ten dayes before the feast:\nDuring which tenne dayes the Priest did sound this flute, to the end\nthat all might do this worship in eating of earth, and demaund of\ntheir idol what they pleased: they every day made their praiers, with\ntheir eyes lift vp to heaven, and with sighs and groanings, as men\nthat were grieved for their sinnes and offences.'\n\n[IX-85] _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 100-11;\n_Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 263-6; _Clavigero_,\n_Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 70-3.\n\n[IX-86] For the month Etzalqualiztli, see this volume, pp. 334-43; for\nthe months Tecuilhuitzintli, Hueytecuilhuitl, and Tlaxochimaco, see\nvol. ii. of this work, pp. 225-8; for Xocotlhuetzin and Ochpaniztli,\nthis volume, pp. 385-9, 354-9; for Teotleco, vol. ii., pp. 332-4; for\nTepeilhuitl, Quecholli, Panquetzaliztli, and Atemoztli, this volume,\npp. 343-6, 404-6, 297-300, 323-4, 346-8; for Tititl, vol. ii., pp.\n337-8; for Itzcalli, this volume, pp. 390-3.\n\n[IX-87] _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 194-7, 216. There are other\nscattered notices of these movable feasts, which will be referred to\nas they appear.\n\n[IX-88] _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apolog\u00e9tica_, MS., cap. clxxvi.\n\n[IX-89] _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 84;\n_Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 77-8, 195-218. The\nlast five days of the year were, according to Gomara, _Conq. Mex._,\nfol. 331, devoted to religious ceremonies, as drawing of blood,\nsacrifices, and dances, but most other authors state that they were\npassed in quiet retirement.\n\n[IX-90] See this volume, pp. 393-6.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER X.\n\nGODS, SUPERNATURAL BEINGS, AND WORSHIP.\n\n     REVENUES OF THE MEXICAN TEMPLES -- VAST NUMBER OF THE PRIESTS\n     -- MEXICAN SACERDOTAL SYSTEM -- PRIESTESSES -- THE ORDERS OF\n     TLAMAXCACAYOTL AND TELPOCHTILIZTLI -- RELIGIOUS DEVOTEES --\n     BAPTISM -- CIRCUMCISION -- COMMUNION -- FASTS AND PENANCE --\n     BLOOD-DRAWING -- HUMAN SACRIFICES -- THE GODS OF THE TARASCOS\n     -- PRIESTS AND TEMPLE SERVICE OF MICHOACAN -- WORSHIP IN\n     JALISCO AND OAJACA -- VOTAN AND QUETZALCOATL -- TRAVELS OF\n     VOTAN -- THE APOSTLE WIXEPECOCHA -- CAVE NEAR XUSTLAHUACA --\n     THE PRINCESS PINOPIAA -- WORSHIP OF COSTAHUNTOX -- TREE\n     WORSHIP.\n\n\nWe have seen in the preceding volume that the number of religious\nedifices was very great; that in addition to the temples in the\ncities--and Mexico alone is said to have contained two thousand sacred\nbuildings--there were \"on every isolated hill, along the roads, and in\nthe fields, substantial structures consecrated to some deity.\"\nTorquemada estimates the whole number at eighty thousand.\n\n  [Sidenote: TEMPLE REVENUES.]\n\nThe vast revenues needed for the support and repair of the temples,\nand for the maintenance of the immense army of priests that officiated\nin them, were derived from various sources. The greatest part was\nsupplied from large tracts of land which were the property of the\nchurch, and were held by vassals under certain conditions, or worked\nby slaves. Besides this, taxes of wine and grain, especially first\nfruits, were levied upon communities, and stored in granaries\nattached to the temples. The voluntary contributions, from a cake,\nfeather, or robe to slaves or priceless gems, given in performance of\na vow, or at the numerous festivals, formed no unimportant item.\nQuantities of food were provided by the parents of the children\nattending the schools, and there were never wanting devout women eager\nto prepare it. In the kingdom of Tezcuco, thirty towns were required\nto provide firewood for the temples and palaces;[X-1] in Meztitlan,\nsays Chaves, every man gave four pieces of wood every five days; it is\neasy to believe that the supply of fuel must have been immense, when\nwe consider that six hundred fires were kept continually blazing in\nthe great temple of Mexico alone.[X-2] Whatever surplus remained of\nthe revenues after all expenses had been defrayed, is said to have\nbeen devoted to the support of charitable institutions and the relief\nof the poor;[X-3] in this respect, at least the Holy Mother Church of\ncontemporary Europe might have taken a lesson from her pagan sister in\nthe New World.\n\nEach temple had its complement of ministers to conduct and take part\nin the daily services, and of servants to attend to the cleansing,\nfiring, and other menial offices. In the great temple at Mexico there\nwere five thousand priests and attendants,[X-4] the total number of\nthe ecclesiastical host must therefore have been immense; Clavigero\nplaces it at a million, which does not appear improbable if we accept\nTorquemada's statement that there were forty thousand temples as a\nbasis for the computation. It should be remembered, however, that the\nsacerdotal body was not composed entirely of permanent members; some\nwere merely engaged for a certain number of years, in fulfillment of a\nvow made by themselves or their parents; others were obliged to attend\nat intervals only, or at certain festivals, the rest of their time\nbeing passed in the pursuit of some profession, usually that of\narms.[X-5]\n\nThe vast number of the priests, their enormous wealth, and the blind\nzeal of the people, all combined to render the sacerdotal power\nextremely formidable. The king himself performed the functions of\nhigh-priest on certain occasions, and frequently held some sacred\noffice before succeeding to the throne. The heads of Church and State\nseem to have worked amicably together, and to have united their power\nto keep the masses in subjection. The sovereign took no step of\nimportance without first consulting the high-priests to learn whether\nthe gods were favorable to the project. The people were guided in the\nsame manner by the inferior ministers, and this influence was not\nlikely to decrease, for the priests as the possessors of all learning,\nthe historians and poets of the nation, were intrusted with the\neducation of the youth, whom they took care to mold to their purposes.\n\nAt the head of the Mexican priesthood were two supreme ministers; the\nTeotecuhtli or 'divine lord,' who seems to have attended more\nparticularly to secular matters, and the Hueiteopixqui, who chiefly\nsuperintended religious affairs. These ministers were elected,\nostensibly from among the priests most distinguished in point of\nbirth, piety, and learning; but as the king and principal nobles were\nthe electors, the preference was doubtless given to those who were\nmost devoted to their interests, or to members of the royal\nfamily.[X-6] They were distinguished by a tuft of cotton, falling\ndown upon the breast. Their robes of ceremony varied with the nature\nof the god whose festival they celebrated. In Tezcuco and Tlacopan,\nthe pontifical dignity was always conferred upon the second son of the\nking. The Totonacs elected their pontiff from among the six chief\npriests, who seem to have risen from the ranks of the Centeotl monks;\nthe ointment used at his consecration was composed partly of\nchildren's blood. High as was the high-priest's rank, he was not by\nany means exempt from punishment; in Ichatlan, for instance, where he\nwas elected by his fellow-priests, if he violated his vow of celibacy\nhe was cut in pieces, and the bloody limbs were given as a warning to\nhis successor.[X-7]\n\n  [Sidenote: MEXICAN PRIESTHOOD.]\n\nNext in rank to the two Mexican high-priests was the\nMexicatlteohuatzin, who was appointed by them, and seems to have been\na kind of Vicar General. His duties were to see that the worship of\nthe gods was properly observed throughout the kingdom, and to\nsupervise the priesthood, monasteries, and schools. His badge of\noffice was a bag of incense of peculiar shape. Two coadjutors assisted\nhim in the discharge of his duties; the Huitzuahuacteohuatzin, who\nacted in his place when necessary, and the Tepanteohuatzin, who\nattended chiefly to the schools.[X-8] Conquered provinces retained\ncontrol over their own religious affairs.[X-9] Among other dignitaries\nof the church may be mentioned the Topiltzin, who held the hereditary\noffice of sacrificer, in which he was aided by five assistants;[X-10]\nthe Tlalquimiloltecuhtli, keeper of relics and ornaments; the\nOmetochtli, composer of hymns; the Tlapixcatzin, musical director; the\nEpcoaquacuiltzin, master of ceremonies; the treasurer; the master of\ntemple properties; and a number of leaders of special celebrations.\nBesides these, every ward, or parish, had its rector, who performed\ndivine service in the temple, assisted by a number of inferior priests\nand school-children. The nobles kept private chaplains to attend to\nthe worship of the household gods, which everyone was required to have\nin his dwelling.[X-11] The statement of some writers indicate that the\nbody of priests attached to the service of each god, was to a certain\nextent independent, and governed by its own rules. Thus in some wards\nthe service of Huitzilopochtli was hereditary, and held in higher\nestimation than any other.\n\nThe distinguishing dress of the ordinary priests was a black cotton\ncloth, from five to six feet square, which hung from the back of the\nhead like a veil. Their hair, which was never cut and frequently\nreached to the knees, was painted black and braided with cord; during\nmany of their long fasts it was left unwashed, and it was a rule with\nsome of the more ascetic orders never to cleanse their heads.[X-12]\nReed sandals protected their feet. They frequently dyed their bodies\nwith a black mixture made of ocotl-root, and painted themselves with\nochre and cinnabar. They bathed every night in ponds set apart for the\npurpose within the temple enclosure. When they went out into the\nmountains to sacrifice, or do penance, they anointed their bodies with\na mixture called _teopatli_, which consisted of the ashes of poisonous\ninsects, snakes, and worms, mixed with ocotl-soot, tobacco,\nololiuhqui, and sacred water. This filthy compound was supposed to be\na safeguard against snakebites, and the attack of wild beasts.[X-13]\n\n  [Sidenote: MEXICAN PRIESTESSES.]\n\nSacred offices were not occupied by males only; females held positions\nin the temples, though they were excluded from the sacrificial and\nhigher offices. The manner in which they were dedicated to the temple\nschool has been already described.[X-14] Like the Roman vestals, their\nchief duty seems to have been to tend the sacred fires, though they\nwere also required to place the meat offerings upon the altar, and to\nmake sacerdotal vestments. The punishment inflicted upon those who\nviolated their vow of chastity was death. They were divided into\nwatches, and during the performance of their duties were required to\nkeep at a proper distance from the male assistants, at whom they did\nnot even dare to glance.[X-15]\n\nOf the several religious orders the most renowned for its sanctity was\nthe Tlamaxcacayotl, which was consecrated to the service of\nQuetzalcoatl. The superior of this order, who was named after the god,\nnever deigned to issue from his seclusion except to confer with the\nking. Its members, called _tlamacaxqui_, led a very ascetic life,\nliving on coarse fare, dressing in simple black robes,[X-16] and\nperforming all manner of hard work. They bathed at midnight, and kept\nwatch until an hour or two before dawn, singing hymns to Quetzalcoatl;\non occasions some of them would retire into the desert to lead a life\nof prayer and penance in solitude. Children dedicated to this order\nwere distinguished by a collar called _yanuati_, which they wore till\ntheir fourth year, the earliest age at which they were admitted as\nnovices. The females who joined these orders were not necessarily\nvirgins, for it seems that married women were admitted.[X-17]\n\nThe order of Telpochtiliztli, 'congregation of young men,' was\ncomposed of youths who lived with their parents, but met at sunset in\na house set apart for them, to dance and chant hymns in honor of their\npatron god, Tezcatlipoca. Females also attended these meetings, and,\naccording to report, strict decorum was maintained, at least while the\nservices lasted.[X-18]\n\n  [Sidenote: RELIGIOUS DEVOTEES.]\n\nAcosta makes mention of certain ascetics who dedicated themselves for\na year to the most austere life; they assisted the priests at the\nhours of incensing, and drew much blood from their bodies in\nsacrifice. They dressed in white robes and lived by begging.[X-19]\nCamargo refers to a similar class of penitents in Tlascala, who called\nthemselves _tlamaceuhque_, and sought to obtain divine favor by\npassing from temple to temple at night, carrying pans of fire upon\ntheir heads; this they kept up for a year or two, during which time\nthey led a very strict life.[X-20] The Totonacs had a very strict sect,\nlimited in number, devoted to Centeotl, to which none were admitted\nbut widowers of irreproachable character, who had passed the age of\nsixty. It was they who made the historical and other paintings from\nwhich the high-priest drew his discourses. They were much respected by\nthe people, and were applied to by all classes for advice, which they\ngave gravely, squatted upon their haunches and with lowered eyes. They\ndressed in skins, and ate no meat.[X-21]\n\nThe children, who were all required, says Las Casas, to attend school\nbetween the ages of six and nine, rendered valuable assistance to the\npriests by performing the minor duties about the temple. Those of the\nlower school performed much of the outside labor, such as carrying\nwood and drawing water, while the sons of the nobility were assigned\nhigher tasks in the interior of the building.[X-22]\n\nThe daily routine of temple duties was performed by bodies of priests,\nwho relieved each other at intervals of a few hours or days. The\nservice, which chiefly consisted of hymn-chanting and incense-burning,\nwas performed four times each day, at dawn, noon, sunset, and\nmidnight. At the midnight service the priests drew blood from their\nbodies and bathed themselves. The sun received offerings of quails\nfour times during the day, and five times during the night.[X-23] The\npriests of Quetzalcoatl sounded the hours of these watches with\nshell-trumpets and drums. Thrice every morning the Totonac pontiff\nwafted incense toward the sun; after which the elder priests, who\nfollowed him in a file, according to rank, waved their censers three\ntimes before the principal idols, and once before the others; finally,\nincense was burned in honor of the pontiff himself. The copal that\nremained was distributed in heaps upon the various altars. Later in\nthe day, the high-priest delivered a lecture before the priests\nand nobles.[X-24] Their prayers were standard compositions, learned by\nrote at school;[X-25] while reciting them, they assumed a squatting\nposture,[X-26] usually with the face toward the east; on occasions of\ngreat solemnity they prostrated themselves. A test was sometimes\napplied to ascertain whether the deity was disposed to respond to the\nprayers of the nation, when offered for a particular purpose. This was\ndone by sprinkling snuff upon the altar, and if, shortly afterwards,\nthe foot-print of an animal, particularly that of an eagle, was found\nimpressed in the snuff, it was regarded as a mark of divine favor, and\ngreat was the shouting when the priest announced the augury.[X-27]\n\nMany rites and ceremonies were found to exist among the civilized\nnations of America that were very similar to certain others observed\nby Jews and Christians in the old world. The innumerable speculators\non the origin of the aboriginal inhabitants of the new world, or at\nleast on the origin of their civilization, have not neglected to bring\nforward these coincidences--there is no good reason to suppose them\nanything else--in support of their various theories.\n\n  [Sidenote: BAPTISM AND CIRCUMCISION.]\n\nThe cleansing virtue of water would naturally suggest its adaptability\nto the purification of spiritual stains; the priests and ascetics,\nplunging at midnight, with their self-inflicted wounds unclosed, into\nthe icy pool within the temple inclosure, had this end in view; there\nis therefore no cause to wonder that baptism developed into an\nestablished rite. The fact that infants were baptized immediately\nafter birth, proves that these people believed, with the Christians\nand Jews, that sin is inherited; but this, to my thinking at least,\ndoes not necessarily show that any communication or connection of any\nkind ever took place or existed between the inhabitants of the old\nworld and those of the new. They saw that life was not all happiness;\nthey saw that a man's suffering begins at his birth; they were\npeculiarly apt to regard every misfortune as a direct visitation of\nthe offended gods, whose anger they continually deprecated by prayer\nand sacrifice; how, then, could they help but believe in the inherency\nof sin--in the visiting of the sins of the fathers upon the\nchildren--while the suffering entailed upon irresponsible infancy was\ncontinually before them?\n\nThe rite of circumcision has been the main-stay of the numerous\ntheorists who have attempted to prove that the native Americans are\ndescended from the Jews; but with the same evidence they may be proved\nto be descended from the Caffirs, the South Sea Islanders, the\nEthiopians, the Egyptians, or from any Mohammedan people, who all\neither have practiced, or do now practice circumcision.[X-28] Brinton\nthinks that the rite was probably a symbolic renunciation of the\nlusts of the flesh;[X-29] but, as it would be difficult to find a more\nlicentious race than the American, this supposition is unsatisfactory.\nAfter all, why need we grope among the recesses of an obscure cult for\nthe meaning and origin of a custom which may have had no religious\nideas connected with it? We know that several of the nations of the\nold world practiced circumcision merely for purposes of cleanliness\nand convenience, why not also the Americans?\n\nA rite, analogous in some aspects to the Christian communion, was\nobserved on certain occasions. Thus, in the fifteenth month, a dough\nstatue of Huitzilopochtli was broken up and distributed among the men;\nthis ceremony was called _teoqualo_, meaning 'the god is eaten.' At\nother times, sacred cakes of amaranth-seeds and honey, were stuck upon\nmaguey-thorns and distributed. Mendieta states that tobacco was eaten\nin honor of Cihuacoatl. The Totonacs made a dough of first-fruits from\nthe temple garden, _ulli_, and the blood of three infants sacrificed\nat a certain festival; of this the men above twenty-five years of age,\nand the women above sixteen, partook every six months; as the dough\nbecame stale, it was moistened with the heart's blood of ordinary\nvictims.[X-30] The rite of confession has been already described.[X-31]\n\n  [Sidenote: FASTS AND PENANCE.]\n\nFasting was observed as an atonement for sin, as well as a preparation\nfor solemn festivals. An ordinary fast consisted in abstaining from\nmeat for a period of from one to ten days, and taking but one meal a\nday, at noon; at no other hour might so much as a drop of water be\ntouched. In the 'divine year' a fast of eighty days was observed. Some\nof the fasts held by the priests lasted one hundred and sixty days,\nand, owing to the insufficient food allowed and terrible mutilations\npracticed, these long feasts not unfrequently resulted fatally to the\ndevotees. The high-priest sometimes set a shining example to his\nsubordinates by going into the mountains and there passing several\nmonths, in perfect solitude, praying, burning incense, drawing blood\nfrom his body, and supporting life upon uncooked maize.[X-32]\n\nIn Teotihuacan, four priests undertook a four years' penance, which,\nif strictly observed, entitled them to be regarded as saints forever\nafter. A thin mantle and a breech-clout were all the dress allowed\nthem, no matter what the weather might be; the bare ground was their\nonly bed, a stone their softest pillow; their noonday and only meal\nwas a two-ounce cake, and a small bowl of porridge made of meal and\nhoney, except on the first of each month, when they were allowed to\ntake part in the general banquets. Two of them watched every alternate\nnight, drawing blood and praying. Every twentieth day they passed\ntwenty sticks through the upper part of the ear; and these, Gomara\nsolemnly assures us, were allowed to accumulate from month to month,\nso that at the end of the four years, the ear held four thousand three\nhundred and twenty sticks, which were burned in honor of the gods at\nthe expiration of the time of penance.[X-33]\n\nBlood-drawing was the favorite and most common mode of expiating sin\nand showing devotion. Chaves says that the people of Meztitlan drew\nblood every five days, staining pieces of paper with it, and offering\nthem to the god.[X-34] The instruments used in ordinary scarification\nwere maguey-thorns, which were offered to the idol, and afterwards\nburned, but for more severe discipline iztli knives were used, and\ncords or sticks were passed through the tongue, ears, or genitals.\n\n  [Sidenote: HUMAN SACRIFICES.]\n\nThe offering most acceptable to the Nahua divinities was human life,\nand without this no festival of any importance was complete. The\norigin of the rite of human sacrifice, as connected with sun-worship\nat least, dates back to the earliest times. It is mentioned in the\nstory of the first appearance of the sun to the Mexicans, which\nrelates how that luminary refused to proceed upon its daily circuit\nuntil appeased by the sacrifice of certain heroes who had offended\nit.[X-35] Some affirm that human sacrifice was first introduced by\nTezcatlipoca; others again say that it was practiced before\nQuetzalcoatl's time, which is likely enough, if, as we are told, that\nprophet not only preached against it as an abomination, but shut his\nears with both hands when it was even mentioned. Written, or painted,\nrecords show its existence in 1091, though some native writers assert\nthat it was not practiced until after this date. The nations that\nencompass the Aztecs ascribe the introduction of human sacrifice to\nthe latter people; a statement accepted by most of the early\nhistorians, who relate that the first human victims were four\nXochimilcos, with whose blood the newly erected altar of\nHuitzilopochtli was consecrated.[X-36]\n\nThe number of human victims sacrificed annually in Mexico is not\nexactly known. Las Casas, the champion of the natives, places it at an\ninsignificantly low figure, while Zum\u00e1rraga states that twenty\nthousand were sacrificed in the capital alone every year. That the\nnumber was immense we can readily believe, when we read in Torquemada,\nIxtlilxochitl, Boturini, and Acosta, that from seventy to eighty\nthousand human beings were slaughtered at the inauguration of the\ntemple of Huitzilopochtli, and a proportionately large number at the\nother celebrations of the kind.[X-37]\n\nThe victims were mostly captives of war, and for the sole purpose of\nobtaining these wars were often made; a large proportion of the\nsacrificed, however, were of slaves and children, either bought or\npresented for the purpose, and condemned criminals. Moreover,\ninstances are not wanting of devout people offering themselves\nvoluntarily for the good of the people and the honor of the god.[X-38]\nThe greater part of the victims died under the knife, in the manner so\noften described;[X-39] some, however, were, as we have seen in the\npreceding volume, burned alive; children were often buried, or immured\nalive, or drowned; in some cases criminals were crushed between\nstones. The Tlascaltecs frequently bound the doomed one to a pole and\nmade his body a target for their spears and arrows.\n\nIt is difficult to determine what religious ideas were connected with\nthe almost universal practice of anthropophagy. We have seen that\nseveral of the savage tribes ate portions of slain heroes, thinking\nthereby to inherit a portion of the dead man's good qualities; the\nsame reason might be assigned for the cannibalism of the Aztecs, were\nit not for the fact that they ate the flesh of sacrificed slaves and\nchildren as well as that of warriors and notable persons. Whatever\nmay have been the original significance of the rite, it is most\nprobable that finally the body, the essence of which served to regale\nthe god, was regarded merely as the remains of a divine feast, and,\ntherefore, as sacred food. It is quite possible, however, that\nreligious anthropophagy gradually degenerated into an unnatural\nappetite for human flesh and nothing more.\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\nI here close the review of the Aztec gods. Like most of its branches,\nthis great centre of North American mythology rests on natural\nphenomena and anthropomorphic creations, with an occasional\neuhemeristic development or apotheosis, but is attended by a worship\nso sanguinary and monstrous that it stands out an isolated spectacle\nof the extreme to which fanatical zeal and blind superstition can go.\nA glance at the Greek and Roman mythology is sufficient to show how\nmuch purer was the Nahua conception of divine character. The Nahua\ngods did not, like those of Greece, play with vice, but rather\nabhorred it. Tezcatlipoca is the only deity that can be fairly\ncompared with the fitful Zeus of Homer--now moved with extreme\npassion, now governed by a noble impulse, now swayed by brutal lust,\nnow drawn on by a vein of humor. But the polished Greek, poetic,\nrefined, full of ideas, exulting in his strong, beautiful, immoral\ngods, and making his art immortal by his sublime representations of\nthem, presents a picture very different from the Aztec, phlegmatic,\nbloody-minded, ferocious, broken in body and in spirit by the excesses\nof his worship, overshadowed by countless terrors of the imagination,\nquaking continually before gods who feast on his flesh and blood.\nNevertheless there was one bright spot, set afar off on the horizon,\nupon which the Aztec might look and hope. Like the Brahmans, the\nBuddhists, and the Jews, he looked forward to a new era under a great\nleader, even Quetzalcoatl, who had promised to return from the glowing\neast, bringing with him all the prosperity, peace, and happiness of\nhis former reign. The Totonacs, also, knew of one in heaven who\npleaded unceasingly for them with the great god, and who was\nultimately to bring about a gentler era.\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\n  [Sidenote: WORSHIP IN MICHOACAN.]\n\nWorship in Michoacan, though on a smaller scale, was very similar to\nthat in Mexico. The misty form of a Supreme Being that hovers through\nthe latter, here assumes a more distinct outline, however. A First\nCause, a Creator of All, a Ruler of the World, who bestows existence,\nand regulates the seasons, is recognized in the god Tucapacha; an\ninvisible being whose abode is in the heaven above, an inconceivable\nbeing whom no image can represent, a merciful being to whom the people\nmay hopefully pray.[X-40] But the very beauty and simplicity of the\nconception of this god seem to have operated against the popularity of\nhis worship. The people needed a less shadowy personification of their\nideas, and this they found in Curicaneri, originally the patron\ndivinity of the Chichimec rulers of the country, and by them exalted\nover Xaratanga, the former head god of the Tarascos. Brasseur de\nBourbourg thinks Curicaneri to be identical with the sun, and gives as\nhis reason that the Chichimecs presented their offerings first to that\nluminary and then to the inferior deities. There is another point that\nseems to favor this view. The insignia of Curicaneri and Xaratanga\nwere carried by the priests in the van of the army to inspire courage\nand confidence of victory. Before setting out on the march a fire was\nlighted before the idol, and as the incense rose to heaven, the priest\naddressed the god of fire, imploring him to accept the offering and\nfavor the expedition.[X-41] The image of Curicaneri was profusely\nadorned with jewels, each one of which represented a human sacrifice\nmade in honor of the god.\n\nThe goddess Xaratanga, though second in rank, seems to have occupied\nthe first place in the affections of the Tarascos, in spite of the\nmyth which associates her name with the downfall of the native\ndynasty, saying that she transformed their princes into snakes,\nbecause they appeared drunk at her festivals, and thus afforded the\nChichimecs an opportunity to seize the sceptre. The priests did their\nutmost, besides, to maintain her prestige, and they were successful,\nas we have seen from the position of the goddess by the side of\nCuricaneri, in the van of the army.\n\nAmong the inferior gods were Manovapa, son of Xaratanga, and Taras,\nfrom whom, says Sahagun, the Tarascos took their name, and who\ncorresponded to the Mexican Mixcoatl. The Matlaltzincas worshiped\nColtzin, suffocating before his image the few human beings offered to\nhim. They reverenced very highly, also, a great reformer, Surites, a\nhigh-priest, who preached morality, and, inspired by a prophetic\nspirit, is said to have prepared the people for a better faith, which\nwas to come from the direction of the rising sun. The festivals of the\nPeranscuaro, which corresponded to our Christmas, and the\nZitacuarencuaro, or 'resurrection,' were instituted by Surites. These\nideas, however, bear traces of having been 'improved' by the padres.\n\nThe priests of Michoacan exercised even a greater influence over the\npeople than those of Mexico. In order to retain this power they\nappealed to the religious side of the people's character by thundering\nsermons and solemn rites, and to their affections by practicing\ncharity at every opportunity. The king himself, when he paid his\nannual visit to the high-priest to inaugurate the offering of\nfirst-fruits, set an example of humility by kneeling before the\npontiff and reverently kissing his hand. The priests of Michoacan\nformed a distinct class, composed of three orders, at the head of\nwhich stood the high priest of Curicaneri.[X-42] Those who served the\ngoddess Xaratanga were called _watarecha_, and were distinguished by\ntheir shaven crowns, long black hair, and tunics bordered with red\nfringe.[X-43] Marriage was one of their privileges.\n\nThe temple-service of Michoacan was much the same as in Mexico. Human\nsacrifices, which seem to have been introduced at a late period, were\nprobably very numerous, since hundreds of human victims were immolated\nat the funeral of a monarch. The hearts of the sacrificed were eaten\nby the priests, says Beaumont, and this is not unlikely since the\nOtom\u00ed population of Michoacan sold flesh in the public market. During\nseasons of drought the Otom\u00eds sought to propitiate the rain gods by\nsacrificing a virgin on the top of a hill.[X-44]\n\n  [Sidenote: WORSHIP IN JALISCO.]\n\nIn Jalisco, several forms of worship appear, each with its special\ndivinities. These were mostly genii of natural features. Thus, the\ntowns about Chapala paid divine honors to the spirit of the lake, who\nwas represented by a misshapen image with a miniature lake before it.\nThe people of other places had idols mounted on rocks, or represented\nin the act of fighting with a wild animal or monster. In Zentipac and\nAcaponeta the stars were honored with offerings of the choicest fruit\nand flowers. Equally innocent were the offerings brought to\nPiltzinteolli, the 'child god,' whose youthful form was reared in\nseveral places. An instance of apotheosis occurred in Nayarit, where\nthe skeleton of a king, enthroned in a cave, received divine honors.\n\nAmong the temples consecrated to the various idols, may be mentioned\none in Jalisco, which was a square pyramid, decorated with breast-work\nand turrets, to which access was had by a staircase sixty feet in\nheight. At each of the four corners was a hearth so arranged that the\nsmoke from the sacred fire spread in a dense cloud over the temple.\nAnother, at Teul, consisted of a stone building, five fathoms in\nlength, by three in breadth, and gradually widening towards the top.\nTwo entrances, one at the north corner, the other at the south, each\nwith five steps, gave admission to the interior; close by were several\npiles, formed of the bones of the sacrificed.\n\nThe festivals which took place seem to have been disgraced not only by\nexcesses of the most infamous character, but by the most horrible\ncruelties, if we are to believe Oviedo, who writes of furnaces filled\nwith charred human remains. These sacrifices, however, if sacrifices\nthey were, which were common in the north-eastern parts, where\nintercourse with Mexico had produced many changes, do not appear as we\nadvance southward. Not only do they entirely vanish, but the\nchroniclers state that in Colima, which was reputed to have been at\none time governed by a very wise prince, no outward worship of any\nkind could be found; moreover, they hint at an atheism having existed\nthere, restricted only by moral precepts. But the reality of an oasis\nof this character, in the midst of the most degraded superstitions and\nthe wildest fanaticism, is at the least, doubtful, and the work of the\nFathers seems to be once more apparent.[X-45]\n\n  [Sidenote: WORSHIP IN OAJACA.]\n\nThe worship of Oajaca bore even a stronger resemblance to that of\nMexico than did that of Michoacan, and the assertion of some modern\nwriters that both nations have a common origin seems fully borne out\nby the records of the old chroniclers. The array of gods was, if\npossible, greater, for almost every feature of the grand, wild\nscenery, every want, every virtue, even every vice, says Burgoa, had\none or more patron deities, to whom offerings were made on the\nhousehold altars. This was especially the case in the upper district\nof Mizteca and Zapoteca, where the rugged, cloud-capped peaks, dense\nforests, boiling cataracts, and stealthy streams, all tended to fill\nthe crude mind of the native with a superstitious awe that must have\nvent. Through all this may be discerned the vague shape of a Supreme\nBeing, bearing many titles, such as Piyetao Piyexoo, 'one without\nbeing,' Pitao Cozaana, 'creator of beings,' Wichaana, 'creator of men\nand fishes,' Coquiza-Chibataya Cozaanatao, 'the sustainer and governor\nof all,' and a multitude of other titles, which merely serve to show\nhow indefinite was the position this Invisible One occupied in the\nminds of a people unable to rise to a definite conception of his\neminence, and groveling before the hideous gnomes bred of their own\nimagination.[X-46]\n\nWhen the disciples of Quetzalcoatl, the Toltec god and lawgiver, went\nforth at the command of their master to preach his doctrines, some are\nsaid to have wended their way to Oajaca, where they founded several\ncentres of worship,[X-47] and among them Achiuhtla, the headquarters of\nthe Miztec religion, situated in the most rugged part of the\nmountains. Here, in a cave the interior of which was filled with\nidols, set up in niches upon stones dyed with human blood and smoke of\nincense, was a large transparent chalchiuite,[X-48] entwined by a snake\nwhose head pointed toward a little bird perched on the apex. This\nrelic, worshiped since time immemorial under the name of the 'heart of\nthe people,' has all the chief attributes of Quetzalcoatl; the stone,\nthe emblem of the air god, the snake and the bird; yet how mutilated\nthe original myth, how much of its beautiful significance gone! Burgoa\ninvests the relic with another attribute in making it the supporter of\nthe earth, another Atlas in fact, whose movements produce earthquakes.\nThis also accords with the character of Quetzalcoatl, who, under the\nname of Huemac, was supposed to produce earthquakes. The Zapotecs,\nbesides, prayed to it for victory and wealth, and Quetzalcoatl as the\n'peace god,' could doubtless influence the former, while the latter\ngift was always in his power.[X-49] In several other places were idols\nwith the same name, as at Yang\u00fcistlan, Chalcatongo, and Coatlan, where\nthe temples were caves, a fact worthy of note when we consider that\nQuetzalcoatl is stated by the myth to have erected temples to\nMictlantecutli, the Mexican Pluto.[X-50]\n\n  [Sidenote: VOTAN AND QUETZALCOATL.]\n\nThe few authors, however, who have referred to this relic, nearly all\nhold it to represent Votan; the old writers doubtless because the name\nsignifies 'heart'[X-51] in the Tzendal dialect of Chiapas, where he was\nthe most prominent deity, the modern, because its attributes accord\nwith those of this god. But Votan has so much in common with\nQuetzalcoatl that some writers are inclined to consider them\nidentical, or at least related. M\u00fcller, however, declares him to be an\noriginal Maya snake-god, one of the thirteen chief snakes, to whom the\nbird attribute was given at a late period, borrowed, perhaps, from\nQuetzalcoatl. He is gradually anthropomorphized into one of the many\nleaders whose names have been given to the days of the month, Votan\ntaking the third of the four names that designated days as well as\nyears. Yet Professor M\u00fcller concedes that the god was brought from\nCholula, and that certain special attributes of Quetzalcoatl may be\nrecognized in the figures on the Palenque ruins, which probably refer\nto Votan; and further, that a phase of the myth seems to point to him\nas the grandson of Quetzalcoatl.[X-52] Brasseur de Bourbourg, while\naccepting his identity with the 'heart of the people,' considers that\nthe double aspect of the tradition allows us to suppose that there\nwere several Votans, or that this name was accorded to deserving men\nwho came after him. At times he seems to be a mythic creation, the\nmediator between man and God, the representation of wisdom and power;\nat times a prince and legislator who introduced a higher culture among\nhis people. The analogy presented by traditions between Votan,\nGucumatz, Cukulcan, and Quetzalcoatl, would lead us to believe that\none individual united in his person all these appellations.\nNevertheless, a comparison of the different traditions admits of two,\nVotan and Quetzalcoatl, the other names having the same signification\nas the latter.\n\nIt is certain, however, that from them, whether heroes, priests,\nrulers, or warriors, Central America received the culture which their\nsuccessors brought to such perfection. The knowledge of one supreme\nbeing appears to have been among the first dogmas instilled into the\nminds of their people; but in the tradition presented to us, the\nhero's name is often confounded with that of the divinities.[X-53] Like\nQuetzalcoatl, Votan was the first historian of his people, and wrote a\nbook on the origin of the race, in which he declares himself a snake,\na descendant of Imos, of the line of Chan, of the race of\nChivim.[X-54] One of his titles was 'lord of the hollow tree,' the\ntepahuaste, or teponaztli.[X-55]\n\nFrom the confused tradition of the Tzendals, as rendered by Nu\u00f1ez de\nla Vega and Ordo\u00f1ez y Aguiar, it seems that Votan, proceeded by divine\ncommand to America and there portioned out the land.[X-56] He\naccordingly departed from Valum Chivim, passed by the 'dwelling of the\nthirteen snakes,' and arrived in Valum Votan,[X-57] where he took with\nhim several of his family to form the nucleus of the settlement. With\nthem he passed through the island-strewn Laguna de Terminos, ascended\nthe Usumacinta, and here, on one of its tributaries founded\nNachan,[X-58] or Palenque, the future metropolis of a mighty kingdom,\nand one of the reputed cradles of American civilization. The Tzendal\ninhabitants bestowed upon the strange-looking new-comers the name\nTzequiles, 'men with petticoats,' on account of their long robes, but\nsoon exchanged ideas and customs with them, submitted to their rule,\nand gave them their daughters in marriage. This event is laid a\nthousand years before Christ.[X-59]\n\n  [Sidenote: TRAVELS OF VOTAN.]\n\nOrdo\u00f1ez proceeds to say that Votan, after the establishment of his\ngovernment, made four or more visits to his former home. On his first\nvoyage he came to a great city, wherein a magnificent temple was in\ncourse of erection; this city Ordo\u00f1ez supposed to be Jerusalem; he\nnext visited an edifice which had been originally intended to reach\nheaven, an object defeated by a confusion of tongues; finally he was\nallowed to penetrate by a subterranean passage to the root of\nheaven.[X-60] On returning to Palenque, Votan found that several more\nof his nations had arrived; these he recognized as snakes, and showed\nthem many favors, in return for which his supremacy was made secure,\nand he was at last apotheosized.[X-61] Among the monuments left by the\nhero was a temple on the Huehuetan River, called 'house of darkness,'\nfrom its subterranean chambers, where the records of the nation were\ndeposited under the charge of a fixed number of old men, termed\n_tlapianes_, or guardians, and an order of priestesses, whose superior\nwas likewise the head of the male members. Here were also kept a\nnumber of tapirs, a sacred animal among the people.[X-62]\n\nThe claims of Votan to be considered as the 'heart of the people,' are\nsupported, according to the above accounts, chiefly by his name, which\nmeans 'heart,' and by the fact that a chalchiuite, of which stone the\nrelic was made, was placed by the Mexicans and other peoples between\nthe lips of deceased. The other attributes accord more with the\ncharacter of Quetzalcoatl, as we have seen, and the tradition is very\nsimilar; its confusion goes to show that it is a mutilated version of\nthe Toltec myth. If we accept Votan as a grandson of Quetzalcoatl we\nmay also suppose that he was one of the disciples sent out by the\nprophet to spread his doctrines, and that his own name has been\nsubstituted for that of his master. This view is favored by the fact\nthat Quetzalcoatl is identified with the snake-heroes of Yucatan and\nGuatemala, countries that lie beside and beyond Chiapas. Then, again,\nwe find that Votan's worship was known in Cholula, and that he landed\nin the very region where the former hero disappeared. However doubtful\nthe preceding tradition may be, there is one among the Oajacans, which\nto me has all the appearance of a mutilated version of the myth of\nQuetzalcoatl, deformed still more by the orthodox Fathers. In very\nremote times, about the era of the apostles, according to the padres,\nan old white man, with long hair and beard, appeared suddenly at\nHuatulco, coming from the south-west by sea, and preached to the\nnatives in their own tongue, but of things beyond their understanding.\nHe lived a strict life, passing the greater part of the night in a\nkneeling posture, and eating but little. He disappeared shortly after\nas mysteriously as he had come, but left as a memento of his visit a\ncross, which he planted with his own hand, and admonished the people\nto preserve it sacredly, for one day they would be taught its\nsignificance.[X-63] Some authors describe a personage of the same\nappearance and character, coming from the same quarter, and appearing\nin the country shortly after, but it is doubtless the same old man,\nwho, on leaving Huatulco, may have turned his steps to the interior.\nHis voice is next heard in Mictlan,[X-64] inveighing in gentle but firm\naccents against the pleasures of this world, and enjoining repentance\nand expiation. His life was in strict accordance with his doctrines,\nand never, except at confession, did he approach a woman. But the lot\nof Wixepecocha, as the Zapotecs call him, was that of most reformers.\nPersecuted by those whose vice and superstitions he attacked, he was\ndriven from one province to another, and at last took refuge on Mount\nCempoaltepec. Even here his pursuers followed him, climbing its craggy\nsides to lay hands upon the prophet. Just as they reached the summit,\nhe vanished like a shadow, leaving only the print of his feet upon the\nrock.[X-65]\n\n  [Sidenote: THE APOSTLE WIXEPECOCHA.]\n\nAmong the points in this myth that correspond to the character of\nQuetzalcoatl may be noticed the appearance of the prophet from the\nsouth-west, which agrees with the direction of the moisture-bearing\nwinds, the chief attribute of the Toltec god; the cross, which\nindicates not only the four winds, but the rain of which they are the\nbearers, attributes recognized by the Mexicans who decorated the\nmantle of the god with crosses; the long beard, the white face, and\nthe dress, which all accord with the Toltec Quetzalcoatl. Like him\nWixepecocha taught gentle doctrines of reform, like him he was\npersecuted and forced to wander from place to place, and at last\ndisappeared, leaving his followers the hope of a better future. The\ndoctrine of Wixepecocha, took root and flourished in the land he had\nconsecrated with his toils and prayers, and, according to Brasseur de\nBourbourg, Wiyatao, the pontiff of Zapotecapan, was vicar and\nsuccessor of the 'prophet of Monapostiac.'[X-66]\n\nThe early padres saw in this personage none other than St. Thomas, the\napostle, who had walked across to plant the cross and prepare the way\nfor christianity. There is, or was until recently, a statue of him in\nthe village of Magdalena, four leagues from Tehuantepec, which\nrepresented him with long white beard, and muffled up in a long robe\nwith a hood, secured by a cord round the waist; he was seated in a\nreflective attitude, listening to the confession of a woman kneeling\nby his side.[X-67] A similar statue is mentioned by Burgoa, as having\nexisted in a cave not far from Xustlahuaca, in Mistecapan,[X-68] where\nit stood near the entrance, on a marble monolith eleven feet in\nheight. The approach to the cavern appears to have formerly led\nthrough a beautiful garden; within were masses of stalactite of the\nmost fantastic and varied forms, many of which the people had\nfashioned into images of different kinds, and of the most artistic\nexecution, says the padre, whose fancy was doubtless aided by the\ntwilight within. Here lay the embalmed bodies of kings and pontiffs,\nsurrounded by treasures, for this was a supposed entrance to the\nflowered fields of heaven. The temple cave at Mictlan bore a similar\nreputation, and served as a sepulchre for the Zapotec grandees. It\nconsisted of four chief divisions, the largest forming the sanctuary\nproper, the second and third the tombs of kings and pontiffs, and the\nfourth a vestibule to an immense labyrinthine grotto, in which brave\nwarriors were occasionally buried. Into this, the very ante-room of\nparadise, frenzied devotees would at times enter, and seek in its dark\nmazes for the abode of the gods; none ever returned from this dread\nquest, for the entrance was closed with a great stone, and doubtless\nmany a poor wretch as he touched in his last feeble gropings the bones\nof those who had preceded him, felt the light come in upon his soul in\nspite of the thick darkness, and knew he had been deluded; but the\nmighty stone at the mouth of the cave told no secrets.[X-69]\n\n  [Sidenote: GODS OF OAJACA.]\n\nThe prominence of the Plutonic element in the worship of Oajaca is\nshown by the fact that Pezelao, whose character corresponded to that\nof the Mexican Mictlantecutli, received high honors. The other\nconspicuous gods, as enumerated by Brasseur de Bourbourg, were\nPitao-Cocobi, god of abundance, or of the harvest; Cociyo, the rain\ngod; Cozaana, patron of hunters and fishermen; and Pitao-Xoo, god of\nearthquakes. Other deities controlled riches, misfortunes, auguries,\npoetic inspiration--even the hens had their patron divinity. As might\nbe expected of a people who regarded even living kings and priests\nwith adoration, apotheosis was common. Thus, Petela, an ancient\nZapotec cacique whose name signified dog, was worshiped in the cavern\nof Coatlan. At one end of this subterranean temple a yawning abyss\nreceived the foaming waters of a mountain torrent, and into this\nslaves and captives, gaily dressed and adorned with flowers, were cast\non certain occasions.[X-70]\n\nAt another place was a white stone shaped like a nine-pin, supposed to\nbe the embodiment of Pinopiaa, a saintly princess of Zapotecapan,\nwhose corpse had been miraculously conveyed to heaven and returned in\nthis form for the benefit of the devout.[X-71]\n\nIn Chiapas they worshiped Costahuntox, who was represented with ram's\nhorns on his head, and sat on a throne surrounded by thirteen\ngrandees. In the district of Llanos, Yabalan, or Yahalan, and Canamlum\nwere the chief gods. Even living beings held the position of deities,\naccording to Diaz, who states that a fat old woman, dressed in richly\ndecorated robes, whom the natives venerated as a goddess, led them\nagainst the Spanish invaders, but was killed.[X-72] Among the Mijes a\ngreen flat stone, with blood-red, lustrous rays, was held in much\nveneration. Although this is the only reference made by the\nchroniclers that may be connected with sun worship--which, by the\nway, could scarcely have claimed a very high position here, since the\nfounder of the Miztec royal family is stated to have been victorious\nin a contest with the sun--it is worthy of note that the Zapotec word\n_nuhu_, fire, also denotes divinity, idol, everything sacred, the\nearth itself.[X-73] The household idols had their names, history, and\nworship depicted on bark, and smoked or painted hides, in order to\nkeep them always before the people, and insure to the youth a\nknowledge of their god. How firmly rooted idolatry was, and how slow\nthe work of eradicating it must have been, to the padres,\nnotwithstanding they destroyed every idol they could lay hands on, is\nshown by the fact that among the Guechecoros a statue of Cort\u00e9s served\nas an object of worship.[X-74] Nagualism is one of the ancient forms of\nworship which still flourish, and consists in choosing an animal as\nthe tulelary divinity of child, whose existence will be so closely\nconnected with it, that the life of one depends on that of the other.\nBurgoa states that the priest selected the animal by divination; when\nthe boy grew up he was directed to proceed to a mountain to offer\nsacrifice, and there the animal would appear to him. Others say that\nat the hour of the mother's confinement, the father and friends drew\non the floor of the hut the outline of various animals, effacing each\nfigure as soon as they began the next, and the figure that remained at\nthe moment of delivery represented the guardian of the infant; or,\nthat the bird or beast first seen by the watchers after the\nconfinement was accepted as the nagual. The bestowal of the sign of\nthe day upon the infant as its name may perhaps be considered as a\nspecies of nagualism, since the name of animals often formed these\nsigns.[X-75]\n\n  [Sidenote: TREE WORSHIP.]\n\nA form of worship particularly marked in this country was the\nveneration accorded to trees, as may be judged from the myth which\nattributes the origin of the Miztec, as well as a portion at least of\nthe Zapotec people to two trees. This cult existed also in other parts\nof Mexico and Central America, where cypresses and palms growing near\nthe temples, generally in groups of three, were tended with great\ncare, and often received offerings of incense and other gifts. They do\nnot, however, seem to have been dedicated to any particular god, as\namong the Romans, where Pluto claimed the cypress, and Victory the\npalm. One of the most sacred of these relics is a cypress standing at\nSanta Mar\u00eda de Tule, the venerable trunk of which measures ninety feet\nin circumference, at a height of six feet from the ground.[X-76]\n\nOne of the chief offerings of the Zapotecs was the blood of the, to\nthem sacred, turkey; straws and feathers smeared with blood from the\nback of the ear, and from beneath the tongue of persons, also\nconstituted a large portion of the sacred offerings, and were\npresented in special grass vessels. Human sacrifices were not common\nwith the Oajacan people, but in case of emergency, captives and slaves\nwere generally the victims. The usual mode of offering them was to\ntear out the heart, but in some places, as at Coatlan, they were cast\ninto an abyss. Herrera states that men were offered to the gods, women\nto goddesses, and children to inferior deities, and that their bodies\nwere eaten, but the latter statement is doubtful.[X-77]\n\nFOOTNOTES:\n\n[X-1] 'Los Pueblos, que \u00e0 los Templos de la Ciudad de Tetzcuco\nservian, con Le\u00f1a, Carbon, y corte\u00e7a de Roble, eran quince ... y otros\nquince Pueblos ... servian los otros seis meses del A\u00f1o, con lo mismo,\n\u00e0 las Casas Reales, y Templo Maior.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._,\ntom. ii., p. 164.\n\n[X-2] _Rapport_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, s\u00e9rie ii., tom. v., p.\n305.\n\n[X-3] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 164-6; _Las Casas_,\n_Hist. Apolog\u00e9tica_, MS., cap. cxxxix., cxli. '\u00c8 da credersi, che\nquel tratto di paese, che avea il nome di _Teotlalpan_, (Terra degli\nDei,) fosse cos\u00ec appellata, per esservi delle possesioni de' Tempj.'\n_Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 36.\n\n[X-4] _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 120.\n\n[X-5] _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., p. 112; _Clavigero_,\n_Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 36-7.\n\n[X-6] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 175-7; _Clavigero_,\n_Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 37. Sahagun calls them\nQuetzalcoatl Teoteztlamacazqui, who was also high-priest of\nHuitzilopochtli, and Tlaloctlamacazqui, who was Tlaloc's chief priest;\nthey were equals, and elected from the most perfect, without reference\nto birth. _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. iii., pp. 276-7. There are two\ninconsistencies in this, the only strong contradiction of the\nstatement of the above, as well as several other authors, who form the\nauthority of my text: first, Sahagun calls the first high-priest\nQuetzalcoatl Teotectlamacazqui, a name which scarcely accords with the\ntitle of Huitzilopochtli's high-priest; secondly, he ignores the\nalmost unanimous evidence of old writers, who state that the latter\noffice was hereditary in a certain district. 'Al Summo Pont\u00ecfice\nllamaban en la lengua mexicana Tehuatecolt.' _Las Casas_, _Hist.\nApolog\u00e9tica_, MS., cap. cxxxiii. 'El mayor de todos que es superlado,\nAchcauhtli.' _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 323. But this was the title\nof the Tlascaltec high-priest. 'A los supremos Sacerdotes ... llamauan\nen su antigua lengua Papas.' _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, p. 336.\nSee also _Chaves_, _Rapport_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, s\u00e9rie ii.,\ntom. v., pp. 303-4.\n\n[X-7] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 177, 180;\n_Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 41; _Herrera_,\n_Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. xv.; _Las Casas_, _Hist.\nApolog\u00e9tica_, MS., cap. cxxxiii.\n\n[X-8] _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 218-19. Brasseur\nde Bourbourg, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 549-51, whose chief\nauthority is Hernandez, and who is not very clear in his description,\nholds that the Mexicatlteohuatzin was the supreme priest, and that he\nalso bore the title of Teotecuhtli, the rank of chief priest of\nHuitzilopochtli, and was the right hand minister of the king.\nQuetzalcoatl's high-priest he places next in rank, but outside of the\npolitical sphere. On one page he states that the high-priest was\nelected by the two chief men in the hierarchy, and on another he\ndistinctly implies that the king made the higher appointments in order\nto control the church. The sacrificing priest, whom he evidently holds\nto be the same as the high-priest, he invests with the rank of\ngeneralissimo, and heir to the throne.\n\n[X-9] Carbajal states that a temple bearing the name of the people, or\ntheir chief town, was erected in the metropolis, and attended by a\nbody of priests brought from the province. _Discurso_, p. 110. This\nmay, however, be a misinterpretation of Torquemada, who gives a\ndescription of a building attached to the chief temple at Mexico, in\nwhich the idols of subjugated people were kept imprisoned, to prevent\nthem from aiding their worshipers to regain their liberty.\n\n[X-10] Some authors seem to associate this office with that of the\npontiff, but it appears that the high-priest merely inaugurated the\nsacrifices on special occasions. 'Era esta vna dignidad suprema, y\nentre ellos tenida en mucho, la qual se heredaua como cosa de\nmayorazgo. El ministro que tenia oficio de matar ... era tenido y\nreuerenciado como supreme Sacerdote, o Pontifice.' _Acosta_, _Hist. de\nlas Ynd._, p. 352. 'Era como decir, el Sumo Sacerdote, al qual, y no \u00e0\notro, era dado este oficio de abrir los Hombres por los pechos, ...\nsiendo comunmente los herederos, de este Patrimonio, y suerte\nEclesiastica, los primogenitos.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom.\nii., p. 117. It is difficult to decide upon the interpretation of\nthese sentences. The expression of his being 'held or reverenced as\npontiff' certainly indicates that another priest held the office, so\ndoes the sentence, 'it was inherited by the first-born' of certain\nfamilies. But the phrase, 'el Sumo Sacerdote, al qual y no \u00e0 otro, era\ndado este oficio,' points very directly to the high-priest as the\nholder of the post.\n\n[X-11] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 178-9; _Clavigero_,\n_Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 37-9; _Sahagun_, _Hist.\nGen._, tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 218-26; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist.\nNat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 551.\n\n[X-12] _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 323-4. He describes the dress as\n'vna ropa de algodon blanca estrecha, y larga, y encima vna manta por\ncapa a\u00f1udada al hombro.... Tiznaunse los dios festiuales, y quando su\nregla mandaua de negro las piernas,' etc.\n\n[X-13] _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 39-40;\n_Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, pp. 369-71. Brasseur de Bourbourg\nthinks that the teopatli was the ointment used at the consecration of\nthe high-priest, but it is not likely that a preparation which served\nmonks and invalids as body paint, would be applied to the heads of\nhigh-priests and kings. _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 558. Every\npriestly adornment had, doubtless, its mystic meaning. The custom of\npainting the body black was first done in honor of the god of Hades.\n_Boturini_, _Idea_, p. 117.\n\n[X-14] See vol. ii., pp. 242, et seq.\n\n[X-15] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 189-91; _Sahagun_,\n_Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. vi., pp. 223-31; _Motolinia_, _Hist.\nIndios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., pp. 53-4.\n'Sustent\u00e1banse del trabajo de sus manos \u00f3 por sus padres y parientes.'\n_Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, p. 107.\n\n[X-16] 'Trahian en las cabe\u00e7as coronas como frayles, poco cabello,\naunque crezido hasta media oreja, y mas largo por el colodrillo hasta\nlas espaldas, y a manera de tren\u00e7ado le atauan.' _Herrera_, _Hist.\nGen._, dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. xvi.\n\n[X-17] Clavigero asserts that at the age of two the boy was consecrated\nto the order of _tlamacazcayotl_ by a cut in the breast, and at seven\nhe was admitted. _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 44;\n_Motolinia_, _Hist. Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom.\ni., p. 53.\n\n[X-18] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 220-4. Whether this\ndecorum was preserved after the adjournment of the meeting, is a point\nwhich some writers are inclined to doubt.\n\n[X-19] _Hist. de las Ynd._, pp. 341-2.\n\n[X-20] _Hist. Tlax._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom.\nxcix., pp. 134-5.\n\n[X-21] _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apolog\u00e9tica_, MS., cap. cxxxii.; _Mendieta_,\n_Hist. Ecles._, p. 90.\n\n[X-22] _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apolog\u00e9tica_, MS., cap. cxxxix.;\n_Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 185-6.\n\n[X-23] _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 39.\nAccording to Torquemada, the night service was partly devoted to the\ngod of night. _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 227.\n\n[X-24] _Hist. Apolog\u00e9tica_, MS., cap. clxxv.; _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._,\ntom. i., lib. ii., pp. 224-5, 275; _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, pp.\n336, 343; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. xv.\n\n[X-25] This was the answer given by Juan de Tovar, in his _Hist. Ind._,\nMS., to the doubts expressed by Acosta as to the authenticity of the\nlong-winded prayers of the Mexicans, whose imperfect writing was not\nwell adapted to reproduce orations. _Helps' Span. Conq._, vol. i., p.\n282.\n\n[X-26] _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, p. 93. Clavigero, _Storia Ant. del\nMessico_, tom. ii., p. 24, certainly says: 'Taceano le loro preghiere\ncomunemente inginocchione,' but we are told by Sahagun and others,\nthat when they approached the deity with most humility, namely, at the\nconfession, a squatting position was assumed; the same was done when\nthey delivered orations. The greatest sign of adoration, according to\nCamargo, was to take a handful of earth and grass and eat it; very\nsimilar to the manner of taking an oath or greeting a superior, which\nconsisted in touching the hand to the ground and then putting it to\nthe lips. _Hist. Tlax._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom.\nxcix., p. 168.\n\n[X-27] _Ib._\n\n[X-28] At the present day the rite of circumcision may be traced almost\nin an unbroken line from China to the Cape of Good Hope.\n\n[X-29] _Myths_, p. 147.\n\n[X-30] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 83; _Mendieta_,\n_Hist. Ecles._, pp. 108-9; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apolog\u00e9tica_, MS., cap.\nclxxv.; _Explicacion del Codex Telleriano-Remensis_, in\n_Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. v., p. 133.\n\n[X-31] See this volume, pp. 380-4.\n\n[X-32] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 212-13; _Acosta_,\n_Hist. de las Ynd._, p. 343; _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib.\niii., pp. 275-6.\n\n[X-33] _Conq. Mex._, fol. 336. Some of these sticks were thicker than a\nfinger, 'y largos, como el tama\u00f1o de vn bra\u00e7o.' 'Eran en numero de\nquatrocientas.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 102-3;\n_Motolinia_, _Hist. Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom.\ni., pp. 51-2.\n\n[X-34] _Rapport_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, s\u00e9rie ii., tom. v., p.\n305. The Mexican priests performed this sacrifice every five days.\n_Explanation of the Codex Vaticanus_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._,\nvol. vi., p. 225, 'De la sangre que sacaban de las partes del Cuerpo\nen cada provincia tenian diferente costumbre.' _Las Casas_, _Hist.\nApolog\u00e9tica_, MS., cap. clxx.\n\n[X-35] See this volume, p. 61.\n\n[X-36] _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. i., pp. 165-7.\nTorquemada, however, mentions one earlier sacrifice of some refractory\nMexicans, who desired to leave their wandering countrymen and settle\nat Tula, contrary to the command of the god. _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii.,\npp. 115-16, 50. 'On pr\u00e9tend que cet usage vint de la province de\nChalco dans celle de Tlaxcallan.' _Camargo_, _Hist. Tlax._, in\n_Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcviii., p. 199; _Brasseur de\nBourbourg_, _Quatre Lettres_, p. 343. 'Quetzalcoatle was the first\ninventor of sacrifices of human blood.' _Explanation of the Codex\nVaticanus_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. vi., p. 201. It is\nconceded, however, by other writers, that Quetzalcoatl was opposed to\nall bloodshed. See this volume, p. 278. M\u00fcller, _Amerikanische\nUrreligionen_, p. 628, thinks that the Aztecs introduced certain rites\nof human sacrifice, which they connected with others already existing\nin Mexico.\n\n[X-37] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 186. 'Eran cada a\u00f1o\nestos Ni\u00f1os sacrificados mas de veinte mil por cuenta.' _Id._, tom.\nii., p. 120. A misconstruction of Zum\u00e1rraga, who does not specify them\nas children. _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 49,\ntom. i., p. 257; _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, in _Kingsborough's\nMex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 268; _Boturini_, _Idea_, p. 28. 'Afirman\nque auia vez que passauan de cinco mil, y dia vuo que en diuersas\npartes fueron assi sacrificados mas de veynta mil.' _Acosta_, _Hist.\nde las Ynd._, p. 356. Gomara states that the conquerors counted\n136,000 skulls in one skull-yard alone. _Conq. Mex._, fol. 122.\n\n[X-38] 'Non furono mai veduti i Messicani sacri\u00fccare i propj lor\nNazionali, se non coloro, che per li loro delitti erano rei di morte.'\n_Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. iv., p. 299. A rather\nhasty assertion.\n\n[X-39] See vol. ii., p. 307.\n\n[X-40] _Salazar y Olarte_, _Hist. Conq. Mex._, p. 71; _Herrera_, _Hist.\nGen._, dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. x.\n\n[X-41] _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp.\n79-82. This author gives the name as Curicaweri.\n\n[X-42] 'El Sumo Sacerdote Curinacanery.' _Beaumont_, _Cr\u00f3n. Mechoacan_,\nMS., p. 52.\n\n[X-43] 'Guirnaldas de fluecos colorados,' says Herrera, _Hist. Gen._,\ndec. iii., lib. iii., cap. x.\n\n[X-44] _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. x.;\n_Beaumont_, _Cr\u00f3n. Mechoacan_, MS., pp. 52-3, 75; _Alegre_, _Hist.\nComp. de Jesus_, tom. i., pp. 91-2; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist.\nNat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 59, 64-5, 79-82; _Torquemada_, _Monarq.\nInd._, tom. ii., p. 525; Carbajal Espinosa, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i.,\npp. 291-2, thinks that the sacrifices were introduced by surrounding\ntribes, and that cannibalism was unknown to the Tarascos.\n'Sacrificaban culebras, aves y conejos, y no los hombres, aunque\nfuesen cautivos, porque se servian de ellos, como de esclavos.'\n_Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., p. 138. See also vol.\nii., pp. 620-1, of this work.\n\n[X-45] Beaumont, _Cr\u00f3n. Mechoacan_, MS., p. 232, tells of a Supreme\nBeing in heaven, and with him an ever young virgin from whom all men\ndescend; a belief which the child-god is said to have promulgated; but\nthe account seems somewhat confused both as to place and authority.\nAlegre, _Hist. Comp. de Jesus_, tom. iii., p. 197, and Padilla, _Conq.\nN. Galicia_, MS., p. 8, mention additional gods, but give no\ndescription. _Villa-Se\u00f1or y Sanchez_, _Theatro_, tom. ii., pp. 269-70;\n_Alcedo_, _Diccionario_, tom. iii., p. 299; _Tello_, in _Icazbalceta_,\n_Col. de Doc._, tom. ii., p. 363; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii.,\np. 566; _Gil_, in _Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin_, tom. viii., pp. 496-8.\n\n[X-46] 'Les dieux, de quelque nature qu'ils fussent, avaient dans la\nlangue zapot\u00e8que le nom de \"Pitao,\" qui correspond \u00e0 l'id\u00e9e du\ngrand-esprit, d'un esprit \u00e9tendu.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist.\nNat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 26-7.\n\n[X-47] Torquemada, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., pp. 255-6, also refers to\nemigration of Toltec chiefs to found new states.\n\n[X-48] 'Vna esmeralda tan grande como vn gruesso pimiento de esta\ntierra, tenia labrado encima vna auesita, \u00f2 pajarillo con grandissimo\nprimor, y de arriba \u00e0 baxo enroscada vna culebrilla con el mesmo arte,\nla piedra era tan transparente, que brillaba desde el fondo.'\n_Burgoa_, _Geog. Descrip._, tom. ii., pt i., fol. 156.\n\n[X-49] Burgoa gives the relic in this instance a title which varies\nsomewhat in the wording, although the former sense remains: 'El Alma,\ny cora\u00e7on del Reyno.' _Geog. Descrip._, tom. ii., pt ii., fol. 396.\nD\u00e1vila Padilla, _Hist. Fvnd. Mex._, p. 639, mentions an idol among the\nZapotecs in shape of a hand, which may have represented Huemac.\n\n[X-50] The Zapotecs had other temples also, fashioned like those of\nMexico in superimposed terraces of stone-cased earth. Burgoa describes\none which measured 2000 paces in circumference, and rose to a height\nof 88-90 feet; on each terrace stood an adobe chapel with a well\nattached for the storage of water. On the occasion of a great victory\nanother terrace was added to the pile. _Geog. Descrip._, tom. i., pt\nii., fol. 198.\n\n[X-51] _Cabrera_, _Teatro_, in _Rio's Description_, p. 37.\n\n[X-52] He also calls him the Miztec Cultur god. _Amerikanische\nUrreligionen_, pp. 486-90.\n\n[X-53] _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. i., pp. 44-5.\n\n[X-54] Chan, 'snake,' was the name of a tribe of Lacandones, near\nPalenque, known also as Colhuas, Chanes, or Quinames. _Brasseur de\nBourbourg_, _Popol Vuh_, p. 109. The book referred to or a copy of it,\nwritten in the Tzendal or Quich\u00e9 language, was in the possession of\nNu\u00f1ez de la Vega, Bishop of Chiapas, who published short extracts of\nit in his _Constitut. Di\u0153ces_, but seems to have had it burned,\ntogether with other native relics, in 1691, at Huehuetan. Previous to\nthis, however, Ordo\u00f1ez y Aguiar had obtained a copy of it, written in\nLatin characters, and gave a r\u00e9sum\u00e9 of the contents in his _Hist. del\nCielo_, MS. This author contradicts himself by stating, in one part of\nhis MS., that the original was written by a descendant of Votan.\n_Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Popol Vuh_, pp. lxxxvii., cviii.; _Tschudi's\nPeruvian Antiq._, p. 12; _Cabrera_, _Teatro_, in _Rio's Descrip._, pp.\n33-4. Cabrera, who bases his account of the myth on Ordo\u00f1ez'\nrendering, which he at times seems to have misunderstood and\nmutilated, thinks that Chivim refers to Tripoli, and it is the same as\nHivim or Givim, the Ph\u0153nician word for snake, which, again, refers\nto Hivites, the descendants of Heth, son of Canaan. Votan's\nexpression, as given in his book, 'I am a snake, a Chivim,' signifies\n'I am a Hivite from Tripoli.' _Teatro_, in _Rio's Descrip._, p. 34, et\nseq.\n\n[X-55] _Boturini_, _Idea_, p. 115. It may be of interest to compare his\nname with Odon in the Michoacan calendar, and Oton, the Otom\u00ed god and\nchief. Humboldt was particularly struck with its resemblance to Odin,\nthe Scandinavian god-hero. _Vues_, tom. i., p. 208; _Brasseur de\nBourbourg_, _Popol Vuh_, p. lxxvi.\n\n[X-56] Equivalent to laying the foundation for civilization. According\nto Ordo\u00f1ez he was sent to people the continent; a view also taken by\nClavigero, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. i., pp. 150-1. Torquemada's\naccount of the spreading of the Toltecs southward, may throw some\nlight on this subject. _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 256, et seq.\n\n[X-57] Valum Chivim, Valum Votan, land of Chivim and Votan. See note\n15. Cabrera considers two marble columns found at Tangier, with\nPh\u0153nician inscriptions, a trace of his route; the dwellings of the\nthirteen snakes are thirteen islands of the Canary group, and Valum\nVotan, the Island of Santo Domingo. _Teatro_, in _Rio's Descrip._, p.\n34, et seq. M\u00fcller, _Amerikanische Urreligionen_, p. 489, hints\nsignificantly at the worship of the snake-god Votan, on Santo Domingo\nIsland, under the name of Vaudoux. Brasseur de Bourbourg's ideas on\nthis point have already been made pretty evident in the account of\nQuetzalcoatl's myth. The thirteen snakes may mean thirteen chiefs of\nXibalba. There is a ruin bearing the name of Valum Votan about nine\nleagues from Ciudad Real, Chiapas. _Popol Vuh_, p. lxxxviii. Ordo\u00f1ez\nholds Valum Votan to be Cuba, whence he takes seven families with him.\n_Cabrera_, ubi sup.\n\n[X-58] Ordo\u00f1ez says the original Na-chan means 'place of snakes.'\n_Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. i., p. 69.\n\n[X-59] A date which is confirmed by the Chimalpopoca MS. _Brasseur de\nBourbourg_, _Popol Vuh_, p. lxxxviii. One tradition makes the\nTzequiles speak a Nahua dialect, but it is possible that Ordo\u00f1ez\nconfounds two epochs. _Id._, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. i., p. 70.\n\n[X-60] In the traditions presented on pp. 67-8, 50, of this volume,\nwill be found reference to Cholula as the place where the tower of\nBabel was built, and to the confusion of tongues, which tends to\nconnect this myth with those of the neighboring country. Ordo\u00f1ez'\northodox ideas have probably added much to the native MS. from which\nhe took his account, yet Nu\u00f1ez de la Vega agrees with him in most\nrespects. Cabrera, _Teatro_, in _Rio's Descrip._, p. 84, considers the\ngreat city to be Rome, but agrees with his authorities that the latter\nedifice is the tower of Babel. A Tzendal legend relates that a\nsubterranean passage, leading from Palenque to Tulh\u00e1, near Ococingo,\nwas constructed in commemoration of the celestial passage, or 'serpent\nhole,' into which Votan in his quality of snake, was admitted.\n_Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. i., pp. 72-3.\n\n[X-61] Cabrera has it that the new-comers are seven Tzequiles, or\nshipwrecked countrymen of Votan. The voyages and other incidents he\nconsiders confirmed by the sculptures on the Palenque ruins, which\nshows Votan surrounded by symbols of travel, indications of the places\nvisited in the old and new world; he recognizes the attributes of\nOsiris in the idol brought over by Votan, with the intention of\nestablishing its worship in the new world. Lastly, Votan and his\nfamilies are Carthaginians. _Teatro_, in _Rio's Description_, pp. 95,\n34.\n\n[X-62] The ruins of Huehuetan, 'city of old men,' are still to be seen.\n_Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. i., pp. 73-4;\n_Tschudi's Peruvian Antiq._, pp. 11-15; _Domenech's Deserts_, vol. i.,\npp. 10-21. Vega mentions that at Teopixca in Chiapas he found several\nfamilies who bore the hero's name and claimed to be descendants of\nhis. This has little value, however, for we know that priests assumed\nthe name of their god, and nearly all mythical heroes have had\ndescendants, as Zeus, Herakles, and others. _Boturini_, _Idea_, p.\n115.\n\n[X-63] A portion of this relic was sent to Pope Paul V., in 1613; the\nremainder was deposited in the cathedral for safe keeping. _Burgoa_,\n_Geog. Descrip._, tom. ii., pt ii., fol. 350-2.\n\n[X-64] The place of the dead, or hades, also called Yopaa, land of\ntombs. _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 9.\n\n[X-65] Fray Juan de Ojedo saw and felt the indentation of two feet upon\nthe rook, the muscles and toes as distinctly marked as if they had\nbeen pressed upon soft wax. The Mijes had this tradition written in\ncharacters on skin. _Burgoa_, _Geog. Descrip._, tom. ii., pt ii., fol.\n299.\n\n[X-66] A name given to Wixepecocha by the tradition, which adds that he\nwas seen on the island of Monapostiac, near Tehuantepec, previous to\nhis final disappearance. _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._,\ntom. iii., p. 411. Quetzalcoatl also disappeared seaward.\n\n[X-67] He debarked near Tehuantepec, bearing a cross in his hand;\n_Gondra_, _Rasgos y se\u00f1ales de la primera predicacion en el\nNuevo-Mundo_, MS.; _Carriedo_, _Estudios, Hist. del Estado Oaxaque\u00f1o_,\ntom. i., cap. i.; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom.\niii., pp. 9-10.\n\n[X-68] Brasseur de Bourbourg seems to place it at Chalcatongo. _Hist.\nNat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 19; _Burgoa_, _Geog. Descrip._, tom. ii., pt\ni., fol. 170.\n\n[X-69] _Escalera and Llana_, _Mej. Hist. Descrip._, p. 330.\n\n[X-70] 'Le tenian enterrado, seco, y embalsamado en su proporcion.' The\ncave was supposed to connect with the city of Chiapas, 200 leagues\ndistant. _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. xiv.\n\n[X-71] 'Piedra blanca, labrada al modo de vn acho de bolos ... vn\ngruesso taladro.' _Burgoa_, _Geog. Descrip._, tom. ii., pt ii., fol.\n362.\n\n[X-72] _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Conq._, fol. 179; _Salazar y Olarte_,\n_Hist. Conq. Mex._, p. 137. There were many among the padres who held\nYabalan to have been an immediate descendant of Noah's son Ham,\nbecause the name signified 'chief black man, or negro.' _Pi\u00f1eda_, in\n_Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin_, tom. iii., p. 419.\n\n[X-73] _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 17;\n_D\u00e1vila Padilla_, _Hist. Fvnd. Mex._, pp. 638-9. In Chiapas are found\na number of representations of heavenly bodies, sculptured, or drawn,\nand at Palenque a sun temple is supposed to have existed. _Pi\u00f1eda_, in\n_Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin_, tom. iii., p. 419.\n\n[X-74] They 'worship his image in their own peculiar way, sometimes by\ncutting off a turkey's head.' 'The natives are about as far advanced\nin christianity as they were at the time of the conquest.' _Hutchings'\nCal. Mag._, vol. ii., p. 542.\n\n[X-75] _Burgoa_, _Geog. Descrip._, tom. ii., pt ii., fol. 395; _Ferry_,\n_Costal L'Indien_, pp. 6-7.\n\n[X-76] Some consider it to be composed of three trunks which have grown\ntogether, and the deep indentations certainly give it that appearance;\nbut trees of this species generally present irregular forms. _Escalera\nand Llana_, _M\u00e9j. Hist. Descrip._, pp. 224-5; _Charnay_, _Ruines\nAm\u00e9r._, phot. xviii.\n\n[X-77] _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. xiv.; _Burgoa_, _Geog.\nDescrip._, tom. ii., pt ii., fol. 282; _M\u00fchlenpfordt_, _Mejico_, tom.\nii., p. 194. Pontelli, who claims to have paid a visit to the\nforbidden retreats of the mountain Lacandones, a few years ago,\nmentions, among other peculiarities, a stone of sacrifice, interlaced\nby serpents, and covered with hieroglyphics, on which the heart of\nhuman beings were torn out. _Correo de Ultramar_, Paris 1860; _Cal.\nFarmer_, Nov. 7, 1862.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER XI.\n\nGODS, SUPERNATURAL BEINGS, AND WORSHIP.\n\n     MAYA PANTHEON -- ZAMN\u00c1 -- CUKULCAN -- THE GODS OF YUCATAN --\n     THE SYMBOL OF THE CROSS IN AMERICA -- HUMAN SACRIFICES IN\n     YUCATAN -- PRIESTS OF YUCATAN -- GUATEMALAN PANTHEON -- TEPEU\n     AND HURAKAN -- AVILIX AND HACAVITZ -- THE HEROES OF THE SACRED\n     BOOK -- QUICH\u00c9 GODS -- WORSHIP OF THE CHOLES, MANCHES, ITZAS,\n     LACANDONES, AND OTHERS -- TRADITION OF COMIZAHUAL -- FASTS --\n     PRIESTS OF GUATEMALA -- GODS, WORSHIP, AND PRIESTS OF NICARAGUA\n     -- WORSHIP ON THE MOSQUITO COAST -- GODS AND WORSHIP OF THE\n     ISTHMIANS -- PHALLIC WORSHIP IN AMERICA.\n\n\nThe religion of the Mayas was fundamentally the same as that of the\nNahuas, though it differed somewhat in outward forms. Most of the gods\nwere deified heroes, brought more or less prominently to the front by\ntheir importance. Occasionally we find very distinct traces of an\nolder sun-worship, which has succumbed to later forms, introduced,\naccording to vague tradition, from An\u00e1huac. The generality of this\ncult is testified to by the numerous representations of sun-plates and\nsun-pillars found among the ruins of Central America.[XI-1]\n\nIn Yucatan, Hunab Ku, 'the only god', called also Kinehahau, 'the\nmouth or eyes of the sun',[XI-2] is represented as the Supreme Being,\nthe Creator, the Invisible one, whom no image can represent.[XI-3] His\nspouse Ixazalvoh was honored as the inventor of weaving, and their son\nZamn\u00e1, or Yaxcocahmut, one of the culture-heroes of the people, is\nsupposed to have been the inventor of the art of writing.[XI-4] The\ninquiries instituted by Las Casas revealed the existence of a trinity,\nthe first person of which was Izona, the Great Father; the second was\nthe Son of the Great Father, Bacab, born of the virgin Chibirias,[XI-5]\nscourged and crucified, he descended into the realms of the dead, rose\nagain the third day, and ascended into heaven; the third person of the\ntrinity was Echuah, or Ekchuah, the Holy Ghost.[XI-6] Now, to accuse\nthe reverend Fathers of deliberately concocting this and other\nstatements of a similar character is to accuse them of acts of\ncharlatanism which no religious zeal could justify. On the other hand,\nthat this mysterious trinity, had any real existence in the original\nbelief of the natives, is, to put it in its mildest form, exceedingly\ndoubtful. It may be, however, that the natives, when questioned\nconcerning their religion, endeavored to make it conform as nearly as\npossible to that of their conquerors, hoping by this means to gain the\ngood will of their masters, and to lull suspicions of lurking\nidolatry.\n\nBacab, stated above to mean the Son of the Great Father, was in\nreality the name of four spirits who supported the firmament; while\nEchuah, or the Holy Ghost, was the patron god of merchants and\ntravelers.\n\n  [Sidenote: ZAMN\u00c1.]\n\nThe goddess Ixcanleox was held to be the mother of the gods, but as\nCogolludo states that she had several names, she may possibly be\nidentical with Ixazaluoh, the wife of Hunab Ku, whose name implies\ngeneration.[XI-7] The Mayas were not behind their neighbors in the\nnumber of their lesser and special divinities, so that there was\nscarcely an animal or imaginary creature which they did not represent\nby sacred images. These idols, or _zemes_,[XI-8] as they were called,\nwere generally made of terra cotta, though sometimes they were of\nstone, gold, or wood. In the front rank of the circle of gods, known\nby the name of _ku_, were the deified kings and heroes, whom we often\nfind credited with attributes so closely connected as to imply\nidentity, or representation of varied phases of the same element.[XI-9]\nThe most popular names were Zamn\u00e1 and Cukulcan, both culture-heroes,\nand considered by some to be identical; a very probable supposition\nwhen we consider that Quetzalcoatl, who is admitted to be the same as\nCukulcan, had the attribute of the strong hand, as well as Zamn\u00e1. The\ntradition relates that some time after the fall of the Quinamean\nEmpire, Zamn\u00e1 appeared in Yucatan, coming from the west, and was\nreceived with great respect wherever he stayed. Besides being the\ninventor of the alphabet, he is said to have named all points and\nplaces in the country. Over his grave rose a city called Izamal or\nItzamat Ul, which soon became one of the chief centres of pilgrimage\nin the peninsula, especially for the afflicted, who sincerely believed\nthat their prayers when accompanied by suitable presents would not\nfail to obtain a hearing. This class of devotees generally resorted\nto the temple where he was represented in the form of a hand, Kab Ul,\nor working hand, whose touch was sufficient to restore health.[XI-10]\n\nProfessor M\u00fcller thinks it very uncertain whether the creating or\nworking hand referred to the sun, as was the case among the northern\ntribes, but the account given of the following idol seems to me to\nmake this not improbable. In the same city was an image of Kinich\nKakmo, 'face or eye of the sun', whom Landa represents to be the\noffspring of the sun, but who subsequently became identified with that\nluminary and received divine honors in the very temple that he had\nerected to his father. He is represented in the act of sacrifice,\npointing the finger toward a ray from the midday sun, as if to draw a\nspark wherewith to kindle the sacred fire. To this idol the people\nresorted in times of calamity and sickness, bringing offerings to\ninduce oracular advice.[XI-11] There are many things which seem to me to\nidentify this personage with Zamn\u00e1, although other writers hold them\nto be distinct. Cogolludo, for instance, implies that Zamn\u00e1 was the\nonly son of the sun, or Supreme Being, while Landa and others declare\nKinich Kakmo to be the son of that luminary; both are placed on or\nabout the same level and considered as healers, and the uplifted hand\nof the latter reminds us strongly of the Kab Ul. Another form in which\nwe may recognize Zamn\u00e1 is the image of Itzamat Ul, or 'the dew of\nheaven', who is said to have been a great ruler, the son of god, and\nwho cured diseases, raised the dead, and pronounced oracles. When\nasked his name, he replied, _ytzencaan_, _ytzenmuyal_.[XI-12]\n\n  [Sidenote: CUKULCAN.]\n\nThe other culture-hero, Cukulcan, appeared in Yucatan from the west,\nwith nineteen followers, two of whom were gods of fishes, two gods of\nfarms, and one of thunder, all wearing full beard, long robes, and\nsandals, but no head-covering. This event is supposed to have occurred\nat the very time that Quetzalcoatl disappeared in the neighboring\nprovince of Goazacoalco, a conjecture which, in addition to the\nsimilarity of the names, character, and work of the heroes, forms the\nbasis for their almost generally accepted identity. Cukulcan stopped\nat several places in Yucatan, but at last settled in Chichen Itza,\nwhere he governed for ten years, and framed laws. At the expiration of\nthis period, he left without apparent reason to return to the country\nwhence he had come. A grateful people erected temples at Mayapan and\nChichen, to which pilgrims resorted from all quarters to worship him\nas a god, and to drink of the waters in which he had bathed. His\nworship, although pretty general throughout Yucatan at one time, was\nlater on confined chiefly to the immediate scenes of his labors.[XI-13]\n\nBesides Izamal and Chichen, there was a third great centre of worship\nin Yucatan, namely, the temple of Ahulneb, on Cozumel Island, said by\nsome writers to have been the chief sanctuary, Chichen being second in\nimportance. It consisted of a square tower of considerable size,\nwithin which was the gigantic terra-cotta statue of Ahulneb, dressed\nas a warrior, and holding an arrow in his hand. The statue was hollow\nand set up close against an aperture in the wall, by which the priest\nentered the figure to deliver the oracle; should the prediction not be\nfulfilled, which was scarcely likely as it was generally so worded\nthat it might mean anything or nothing, the failure was ascribed to\ninsufficient sacrifice or unatoned sin. So famous did this oracle\nbecome, and so great was the multitude of pilgrims continually\nflocking to it, that it was found necessary to construct roads leading\nfrom the chief cities of Yucatan, and even from Tabasco and Guatemala,\nto Pol\u00e9, a town on the continent opposite the island. Before\nembarking, the genius of the sea was always propitiated by the\nsacrifice of a dog, which was slain with arrows amid music and\ndancing.[XI-14]\n\n  [Sidenote: YUCATEC DEITIES.]\n\nThe Bacabs were four brothers who supported the four corners of the\nfirmament; they were also regarded as air gods. Cogolludo speaks of\nthem as Zacal Bacab, Canal Bacab, Chacal Bacab, and Ekel Bacab, but\nthey were also known by other names. Echuah was the patron-god of\nmerchants and of roads; to him the traveler erected every night a rude\naltar of six stones, three laid flat, and three set upright, upon\nwhich he burned incense while he invoked the protection of the god.\nIt was considered a religious duty by Yucatec wayfarers, when passing\nsome prominent point on the road or spot where an image of Echuah\nstood, to add a stone or two to the heap already accumulated there, an\nact of devotion similar to that performed by the Romans in honor of\nMercury. Yuncemil was Lord of Death, or, perhaps, the personification\nof death itself; this dread deity was propitiated with offerings of\nfood.[XI-15] Acat was God of Life; he it was that formed the infant in\nthe womb. At Tihoo, the present M\u00e9rida, stood the magnificent temple\nof Yahau Kuna in which Baklum Chaam, the Priapus of the Mayas and\ntheir most ancient god was worshiped. Chac, or Chaac, a former king of\nIzamal, was honored as the god of fields, and fertility, and the\ninventor of agriculture. Some distance south-west of this city was the\ntemple of Hunpictok, 'commander of eight thousand lances', a title\ngiven also to the general of the army.[XI-16] Abchuy Kak was another\napotheosized warrior-prince, whose statue, dressed in royal robes, was\nborne in the van of the army by four of the most illustrious captains,\nand received an ovation all along the route. Yxchebelyax is mentioned\nas the inventor of the art of interweaving figures in cloth, and of\npainting. Xibalba, 'he who disappears,' was the name of the evil\nspirit. Exquemelin relates that nagualism obtained on the coast. The\nnaked child was placed on a bed of ashes in the temple, and the animal\nwhose footprint was noticed in the ashes, was adopted as the nagual,\nand to it the child offered incense as it grew up.[XI-17]\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\n  [Sidenote: THE SYMBOL OF THE CROSS.]\n\nOne of the most remarkable emblems of Maya worship, in the estimation\nof the conquerors, was the cross, which has also been noticed in other\nparts of Central America and in Mexico,[XI-18] although less prominently\nthan here. Among the many conjectures as to its origin it is supposed\nthat it was received from Spaniards who were wrecked on the coast\nbefore C\u00f3rdova discovered Yucatan, as, for instance, the pious\nAguilar, Cort\u00e9s' interpreter; but this would not account for the\ncrosses that existed in other parts of Central America. The natives\nhad a tradition, however, which placed the introduction of the cross a\nfew years before the conquest. Among the many prophets who arose at\nthat time was one who predicted the coming of a strange people from\nthe direction of the rising sun, who would bring with them a\nmonotheistic faith having the cross for its emblem. He admonished them\nto accept the new religion, and erected a cross as a token of his\nprophecy.[XI-19] Another tradition states that a very handsome man\npassed through the country and left the cross as a memento, and this\nmany of the padres readily believed, declaring this personage to be\nnone other than the wanderer St Thomas.[XI-20] The opinion that it was\nintroduced by early Christians, or old-world pagans, is, however,\nopposed by the argument that other more practical features of their\nculture would have left their mark at the same time. The symbol\nitself is so simple and suggestive of so many ideas that it seems to\nme most reasonable to suppose that the natives adopted it without\nforeign aid. At all events, as the cross was in use both as a\nreligious emblem and an instrument of punishment long before the\nChristian era, it is surely unnecessary to account for its presence in\nAmerica by theories invented for the occasion, or, in fact, in any way\nto connect it with Christianity. The most common signification\nattributed to the symbol is fertility or generation. A piece of wood\nfastened horizontally to an upright beam indicated the height of the\noverflow of the Nile. If the flood reached this mark, the crops\nflourished; should it fail to do so, famine was the result; thus, we\nare told, in Egypt the cross came to be worshipped as a symbol of life\nand generation, or feared as an image of decay and death. By other\npeoples and for other reasons it was closely connected with phallic\nrites, of which I shall speak elsewhere, or was connected with the\nworship of that great fertilizer and life-giver, the sun. Among the\nChinese the cross signifies conception. The cross of Thor may possibly\nbe an exception, and refer merely to his hammer or thunderbolt.[XI-21]\n\nWith the Mexicans the cross was a symbol of rain, the fertilizing\nelement, or rather of the four winds, the bearers of rain, and as such\nit was one of Quetzalcoatl's emblems. Chalchiuitlicue, the sister of\nthe rain-gods, bore in her hands a cross-shaped vessel. The cross is\nto be found in Mexican MSS., and appears in that of Fej\u00e9rvary with a\nbird, which, as an inhabitant of the air, may be said to accord with\nthe character of the symbol. The Mexican name of the cross,\n_tonacaquahuitl_, 'tree of one life, or flesh,' certainly conveys the\nidea of fertility. It is nevertheless regarded by some writers merely\nas an astronomical sign.[XI-22] The first cross noticed by the Spaniards\nstood within the turreted court-yard of a temple on Cozumel Island; it\nwas composed of lime and stone, and was ten spans (palmos) in height.\nTo this cross the natives prayed for rain, and in times of drought\nwent in procession to offer _vahomche_, as they called the symbol,\nquails and other propitiatory gifts. Another cross stood within the\nprecincts of the Spanish cloister at M\u00e9rida, whither the pious monks\nhad most likely brought it from Cozumel; it was about three feet high,\nsix inches thick, and had another cross sculptured on its face.[XI-23]\nThe sculptured cross at Palenque has the latin form; a bird is perched\non its apex, and on either side stands a human figure, apparently\npriests, one of whom offers it a child.[XI-24]\n\n  [Sidenote: HUMAN SACRIFICES IN YUCATAN.]\n\nThe Yucatecs were as careful as the Mexicans to prepare for their\nnumerous festivals by fasts marked by strict chastity and absence from\nsalt and pepper.[XI-25] Scarification could not be omitted by the pious\non these occasions, although women were not called upon to draw\nblood.[XI-26] Yet their gods were not by any means so blood-thirsty as\nthe Mexican, being generally appeased by the blood of animals, and\nhuman sacrifices were called for only on extraordinary occasions.\nCukulcan, like his prototype Quetzalcoatl, doubtless opposed the\nshedding of human blood, but after his departure the practice\ncertainly existed, and the pit at Chichen Itza, whose waters he had\nconsecrated with his person, was among the first places to be\npolluted. The victims here were generally young virgins, who were\ncharged when they should come into the presence of the gods to entreat\nthem for the needed blessings. Medel relates that on one occasion the\nvictim threatened to invoke the most terrible evils upon the people,\ninstead of blessings, if they sacrificed her against her will; the\nperplexed priests thought it prudent to let the girl go, and select\nanother and more tractable sacrifice in her place. The victims who\ndied under the knife, or were tied to a tree and shot, were usually\nenslaved captives, especially those of rank, but when these failed,\ncriminals and even children were substituted. All contributed to these\nsacrifices, either by presenting slaves and children, or by\nsubscribing to the purchase money. While awaiting this doom the\nvictims were well treated, and conducted from town to town amid great\nrejoicings; care was taken, however, that no sinful act should detract\nfrom their purity or value.[XI-27] Sometimes the body was eaten, says\nLanda, the feet, hands and head being given to the priests, the rest\nto the chiefs and others; but Cogolludo and Gomara insist that\ncannibalism was not practiced. The latter statement can not apply to\nthe whole of the peninsula, however, for on a preceding page Cogolludo\nrelates that Aguilar's shipwrecked companions were sacrificed and\neaten by the natives.[XI-28]\n\nConfession, which Cukulcan is said to have introduced, was much\nresorted to, the more so as death and disease were thought to be\ndirect punishments for sin committed. Married priests were the regular\nconfessors, but these were not always applied to for spiritual aid;\nthe wife would often confess to her husband, or a husband to his wife,\nor sometimes a public avowal was made. Mental sins however, says\nLanda, were not confessed.[XI-29]\n\n  [Sidenote: PRIESTS OF YUCATAN.]\n\nThe priesthood of Yucatan were divided into different factions, some\nof which regarded Zamn\u00e1 and Cukulcan as their respective founders,\nwhile others remained true to more ancient leaders. According to Landa\nthe high-priest was termed Ahkin Mai, or Ahau Can Mai, and held in\ngreat veneration, as one whose advice was followed by the kings and\ngrandees. The revenues of the office, which passed as an inheritance\nto the son or nearest relative, consisted of presents from the king\nand of tributes collected by the priests. The ordinary priests bore\nthe title of _ahkin_,[XI-30] and were divided into several classes.\nSome of them preached, made offerings, kept records, and instructed\nthe sons of nobles and those destined for the priesthood in the\nvarious branches of education. The _chilanes_ who construed the\noracles of the gods, and accordingly exercised great influence, held\nthe highest place in the estimation of the people, before whom they\nappeared in state, borne in litters. The sorcerers and medicine men\nforetold fortunes and cured diseases. The _chacs_ were four old men\nelected at every celebration to assist the priests, from which it\nwould seem that the priesthood was not a very numerous body. _Nacon_\nwas the title of the sacrificer, an office held for life, but little\nesteemed; this title was also borne by the general of the army, who\nassisted at certain festivals. Marriage seems to have been permitted\nto all, and confessors were actually required to have wives, yet there\nwere doubtless a large number who lived in a state of celibacy,\ndevoted to their sacred duties. Their dress varied according to their\nrank, the high-priest being distinguished by a mitre in addition to\nhis peculiar robe; the most usual dress was, however, a large white\ncotton robe[XI-31] and a turban formed by wreathing the unwashed hair\nround the head, and keeping it pasted in that position with blood.\nConnected with the sun worship was an order of vestals, formed by\nprincess Zuhui Kak, 'fire virgin,' the daughter of Kinich Kakmo,\nsuperioress of the vestals. The members were all volunteers, who\ngenerally enrolled themselves for a certain time, at the expiration of\nwhich they were allowed to leave and enter the married state; some,\nhowever, remained for ever in the service of the temple, and were\napotheosized. Their duty was to tend the sacred fire, the emblem of\nthe sun, and to keep strictly chaste; those who broke their vows were\nshot to death with arrows.[XI-32]\n\nThe chief account of Guatemalan worship is derived from the sacred\nbook of the Quich\u00e9s, the _Popol Vuh_, to which I have already referred\nin the opening pages of this volume, but the description given in it\nis so confused, the names and attributes of the gods so mixed, that no\nvery reliable conclusions can be derived therefrom. This very\nconfusion seems, however, to indicate that the imported names of\nHurakan, Gucumatz, and others, were with their attributes attached to\nnative heroes, who undergo the most varying fortunes and character,\namid which now and then a glance is obtained at their original form.\n\n  [Sidenote: TEPEU AND HURAKAN.]\n\nThe most ancient of the gods are two persons called Hun Ahpu Vuch and\nHun Ahpu Ut\u00efu, or Xpiyacoc and Xmucane, Creator and Protector,\nGrandfather and Grandmother of the sun and moon, who are often\nconfounded under either gender and represented with big noses, like\ntapirs, an animal sacred to these people. Brasseur identifies them\nwith the Mexican Oxomoco and Cipactonal,[XI-33] Tonacatlecutli and\nTonacatepetl, Ometecutli and Omecihuatl, the female also with Centeotl\nand Toci, and places her in the Quich\u00e9 calendar as Hun Ahpu, while the\nmale heads the list of months under the name of Imox.[XI-34] Connected\nwith them stands Tepeu, termed by the sacred book Dominator, He who\nBegets, and whose name means grand, majestic. Ximenez, by translating\nhis name as buboes, or syphilis, connects him with Nanahuatzin, the\nNahua hero who threw himself into the fire and rose as the sun.[XI-35]\nTepeu is more generally known under the name of Gucumatz, 'feathered\nsnake,' which is universally identified with Quetzalcoatl, the Nahua\nair god. In this character he is said to transform himself every seven\ndays into four forms, snake, eagle, tiger, a mass of coagulated blood,\none after the other, and every seven days he visits heaven and hell\nalternately. He is also held to be the introducer of culture in\nGuatemala, though more, as one who directs man in his search for\nimprovement, than as a culture-hero.[XI-36] These two gods blending into\none, often form a trinity with Hun Ahpu Vuch and Hun Ahpu Ut\u00efu, under\nthe one name of Gucumatz, the Heart of Heaven. The assumption by this\ngod of four forms may have reference to the divine quartette, and in\nthe expression \"they are enveloped in a mist of green and azure,\"\nBrasseur de Bourbourg sees a reference to the sacred bundle containing\nthe four first men and sacrifices, transformed into gods.[XI-37]\n\nHurakan,[XI-38] although connected with the above quartette in the\nenumeration of titles of the supreme deity, keeps aloof from the lower\nsphere in which these move at times, and is even invoked by Gucumatz,\nwho calls him, among other names, Creator, he who begets and gives\nbeing. That he was held to be distinct, and worshiped as such by the\nQuich\u00e9s, may be seen from the fact that they had one high-priest for\nGucumatz, and another for Tohil, another name of Hurakan, who seems to\nhave ranked a degree above the former.[XI-39] He represented the thunder\nand lightning, and his particular title seems to have been Heart of\nHeaven, under which were included the three phases of his attribute,\nthe thunder, the lightning, and the thunderbolt, or, as stated in\nanother place, the flash, the track of the lightning, and the\nthunderbolt,[XI-40] another conception of a trinity. He is also called\nCentre of the Earth and is represented with thunder in his hand. The\nbird Voc was his messenger. M\u00fcller considers him a sun god, probably\nbecause of his title 'Heart of Heaven,' which determines nothing,\nwhile others hold him to be identical with the Tlalocs, the Mexican\nrain gods. He is doubtless the same as Tohil, the leader of the Quich\u00e9\ngods, who is represented by the sign of water, but whose name\nsignifies rumble, clash.[XI-41] In him are also found united the three\nsymbols of Quich\u00e9 trinity, as will be seen shortly, and his priests\naddress him: \"Hail, Beauty of the Day, Hurakan, Heart of Heaven and of\nEarth! Thou who givest glory, riches and children! Thou Tohil, Avilix,\nGagavitz, Bowels of Heaven, Bowels of Earth! Thou who dost constitute\nthe four ends of Heaven!\"[XI-42] He was also god of fire, and as such\ngave his people fire by shaking his sandals.[XI-43] According to the\nversion of Brasseur de Bourbourg, his temple at Utatlan, where he\nseems to have taken the place of an ancient god, was a truncated\npyramid with extremely steep steps in the fa\u00e7ade. On its summit was a\ntemple of great height, built of cut stone, and with a roof of\nprecious woods; the walls within and without were covered with fine,\nbrilliant stucco of extreme hardness. In the midst of the most\nsplendid surroundings sat the idol, on a throne set with precious\nstones. His priests perpetually prayed and burnt precious incense\nbefore him, relieving each other in bands of thirteen, so that while\nsome attended to his service, the others fasted to prepare for it. The\nchief men of the kingdom also attended in bands of eighteen, to invoke\nhis blessing for them and their provinces, nine fasting, while nine\noffered incense.[XI-44] Tohil, and the other members of the trinity,\nAvilix and Hacavitz, or Gagavitz, who also represent the thunder, the\nlightning, and the thunderbolt, were the family gods given by the\nCreator to the founders of the Quich\u00e9 race, and though they afterwards\nbecame stone, they could still assume other shapes in conformity with\nthe supreme will. As family gods they had special temples in the\npalace of the princes, where their regular service was conducted, and\nthree mountain peaks bearing their names, served to keep them before\nthe people.[XI-45] The flint with which Brinton identifies Tohil may,\nperhaps, be the black stone brought from the far east, and venerated\nin the temple of Kahba, 'house of sacrifice,' at Utatlan, but there\nis no confirmation by the chroniclers. It is, besides, stated that the\nworship of Kahba had greatly declined, but was again restored to\nsomething like its former glory by Gucumatz; Tohil, on the other hand,\nalways stood high, and his high-priest belonged to a different\nfamily.[XI-46] A similar stone existed in a temple situated in a deep\nravine near Iximche, in whose polished face the gods made known their\nwill. This stone was often used to determine the fate of those accused\nof crime; if the judges perceived no change in the stone the prisoner\nwent free.[XI-47]\n\n  [Sidenote: HAVALITZ AND HACAVITZ.]\n\n  [Sidenote: ADVENTURES OF XQUIQ, HUN AHPU, AND XBALANQUE.]\n\nWe now come to the heroes with whose adventures the _Popol Vuh_ is\nchiefly occupied. From the union of the Grandfather and Grandmother\nwho head the list of Quich\u00e9 deities, proceeded two sons, Hunhun Ahpu\nand Vukab Hun Ahpu.[XI-48] They incur the suspicion and hatred of the\nprinces of Xibalba, who plan their downfall and for this purpose\ninvite them to their court, under the pretence of playing a game of\nball with them. On their arrival they are subjected to various\nindignities and finally condemned to lose their heads. The head of\nHunhun Ahpu is placed between the withered branches of a\ncalabash-tree; but lo! a miracle takes place; the tree immediately\nbecomes laden with fruit and the head turns into a calabash.\nHenceforth the tree is held sacred and the king commands that none\nshall touch it. Xquiq, however, a royal princess, Eve-like, disregards\nthe injunction, and approaches to pluck the fruit. As she stretches\nforth her arm, Hunhun Ahpu spits into her hand, and Xquiq finds\nherself pregnant. Her father soon perceives her condition, and in a\nfury condemns her to death, telling the executioners to bring him the\nheart of his daughter to prove that they have done their duty. While\nbeing led to the wood Xquiq pleads earnestly for her life, and finally\nprevails upon her executioners to deceive her father by substituting\nfor her heart the jelly-like resin of a tree, which she procures.\nXquiq proceeds to Utatlan, to the Grandmother, Xmucane, and gives\nbirth to the twins Hun Ahpu and Xbalanque,[XI-49] who develop rapidly;\ntheir superior talents soon make their elder brothers jealous, and\nthey attempt their destruction, but the twins anticipate their designs\nand transform them into apes. These brothers Hun Batz and Hun Chouen,\nwere the sons of Hunhun Ahpu by Xbakiyalo, and were invoked as the\npatrons of the fine arts[XI-50]. Brasseur de Bourbourg explains this\nmyth by saying that Hunhun Ahpu denotes the Nahua immigrants who by\ntheir superiority gain the women of the country, and whose children\ncarry on a successful struggle with the aboriginal race. The\ncontinuance of the contest and the triumph of the Nahuas is described\nin the adventures of Hun Ahpu and Xbalanque. A rat reveals to them\ntheir origin, and the place where the ball-game implements of their\nfather are hidden. They play a match with the Xibalba princes who had\nchallenged their father, and are successful in this as well as several\nherculean tasks assigned to them, but are nevertheless burned.[XI-51]\nThe ashes, thrown into the water, are transformed into two handsome\nyoung men, and then into man-fishes, a reference, perhaps, to the\narrival by sea of allies to help them. Again they make their\nappearance in Xibalba, this time as conjurers, and lay their plans so\nskillfully as to overthrow the Prince Vukub Cakix with his adherents,\nand obtain the apotheosis of their father and his adherents as sun,\nmoon, and stars. Vukub Cakix, who represents the sun, may be taken as\nthe representative of an older sun-worship replaced by the newer cult\nintroduced by Hun Ahpu.[XI-52] The burning of this hero agrees with that\nof the Mexican Nanahuatzin who by this act became a sun. In fact,\nBrasseur de Bourbourg considers the whole as a version of the Nahua\nmyth. From another point of view Hun Ahpu, whose name, signifying\n'sarbacan-blower or air-shooter,' suits the attribute of the air-god,\nmay be considered as the morning wind dispersing the clouds and\ndisclosing the splendors of the sun.[XI-53]\n\nIn the _Quatre Lettres_, the Abb\u00e9 takes another view of the myth, and\nsees in it but a version of the convulsions that take place in the\nAntilles, the Seven Grottos of the Mexican myth, of which I have\nspoken in a preceding chapter. Hunhun Ahpu, Vukub Hun Ahpu, and the\ntwo legitimate sons of the former are volcanoes, and their plays,\ndeath, and transformation, are earthquakes, extinction, and upheavals.\nThe burning of Hun Ahpu and Xbalanque and the scattering of their\nashes upon the waters is the final catastrophe, the sinking of the\nAtlantides, or the seven islands; and as the brothers rise again in\nthe form of beautiful young men, so do new islands take the place of\nthose destroyed. The confirmation of this he finds in a tradition\ncurrent on the islands, which speaks of certain upheavals similar to\nthe above.[XI-54]\n\n  [Sidenote: QUICH\u00c9 GODS.]\n\nThe Quich\u00e9s had a multitude of other gods and genii, who controlled\nthe elements and exercised their influence upon the destinies of man.\nThe places where they most loved to linger were dark quiet spots, in\nthe undisturbed silence of the grotto, at the foot of some steep\nprecipice, beneath the shade of mighty trees, especially where a\nspring trickled forth between its roots, and on the summit of the\nmountains; and here the simple native came to pour out his sorrow, and\nto offer his sacrifice. In some places this idea of seclusion was\ncarried to such an extent that idols were kept hidden in subterranean\nchapels, that they might not be disturbed or the people become too\nfamiliar with them; another reason, however, was to prevent their\nbeing stolen by other villagers. The god of the road had sanctuaries,\ncalled _mumah_, all along the highways, especially at the junctions,\nand the traveler in passing never failed to rub his legs with a\nhandful of grass, upon which he afterwards spat with great respect,\nand deposited it upon the altar together with a small stone, believing\nthat this act of piety would give him renewed strength. He also left a\nsmall tribute from his stock of food or merchandise, which remained to\ndecay before the idol, for none dared to remove it. This custom was\nalso observed in Nicaragua.\n\nThe household gods were termed _chahalha_, 'guardian of the house,'\nand to them incense was burned and sacrifice made during the erection\nof a building; when finished, a corner in the interior was consecrated\nto their use. They seem to have been identified with the spirit of\ndeparted friends, for occasionally a corpse was buried beneath the\nhouse to insure their presence.[XI-55]\n\nAmong the more superstitious highlanders, the ancient worship has\nretained its hold upon the population to a great extent, in spite of\nthe efforts of the padres. Scherzer tells us that the people of\nIstlavacan reverenced gods of reason, health, sowing, and others,\nunder the names of Noj, Ajmak, Kanil, and Ik, who were generally\nembodied in natural features, as mountains, or big trees. They\nrecognized an Ormuzd and an Ahriman in Kij, the god of light and good\nprinciple, opposed by Juiup, the god of earth and evil principle, who\nwas represented by a rock, three feet high and one foot thick,\nsupposed to be a distorted human face. The native priests generally\ntook the horoscope, and appointed a nagual, or guardian spirit for\ntheir children, before the padres were allowed to baptize them. They\nare said to have sacrificed infants, scattering their heart's blood\nupon a stone before the idol, and burying the body in the woods to\navoid detection.[XI-56]\n\nThe Choles and Manches of Vera Paz, impressed with the wild features\nof their country, venerated the mountains, and on one called\nEscurruchan, which stood at the junction of several branches of their\nprincipal river, they kept up a perpetual fire to which passers-by\nadded fuel, and at which sacrifices were offered. At another place the\npadres found a rough altar of stone and clay surrounded by a fence,\nwhere they burned torches of black wax and resinous wood, and offered\nfowls, and blood from their bodies, to mountains, cross-roads and\npools in the river, whence came all means of existence and all\nincrease.[XI-57]\n\n  [Sidenote: WORSHIP OF A HORSE.]\n\nThe chief idol of the Itzas was Hubo, who was represented by a hollow\nmetal figure with an opening between the shoulders, through which\nhuman beings were passed, charged to implore the favors of the gods. A\nfire was then lighted beneath the figure, and while the victims were\nroasting alive, their friends joined in a dance around it, drowning\nthe cries of the victims with shouts and rattling of drums. No women\nwere allowed to join in the temple ceremonies. On the chief island in\nthe lake of Peten, the conquerors found twenty-one stone temples with\nstone roofs, the chief of which formed a kind of pyramid of nine\nsteps. In this was found a large chalchiuite, representing one of\ntheir two battle-gods, Pakoc and Hunchunchan, who gave oracles and\nwere supposed to join the people in their dances. This familiarity\nevidently bred contempt, however, for it is related that when a\nprediction of the oracle was not fulfilled, the priest without\nhesitation castigated the idol. In the same temple stood a gypsum\nimage in the form of the sun, adorned with rays, inlaid with nacar,\nand having a gaping mouth set with human teeth. The bones of a horse,\nwhich hung from the rafters, were adored as sacred relics. These were\nthe remains of a wounded horse left by Cort\u00e9s among the natives when\non his way to Honduras. Having seen the Spaniards fire from its back,\nthey believed that the animal produced the flash and report, and hence\nadored it as Tziminchac, god of thunder, and brought it flowers,\nflesh, and incense; but such offerings did not sustain life, and it\nwas not long before the bones of the apotheosized charger were all\nthat remained to his worshipers. In another place was a stone and lime\nimitation of this horse, seated on the floor on its haunches, which\nthe natives adored in the same manner. This animal-worship was the\nmore readily admitted, since their gods was supposed to assume such\nforms.[XI-58]\n\nTheir idols were so numerous, say the conquerors, that it took over a\nhundred men a whole day to destroy those existing on the chief island\nalone; Cogolludo affirms that the priests had charge of all the\nidols.[XI-59] The chief god of the Cakchiquels, Chamalcan, or\nChimalacan,[XI-60] had many of the attributes of Tohil, but took the\nform of a bat, the symbol of the royal house of Zotzil. Every seventh\nand thirteenth day of the month the priests placed before him\nblood-stained thorns, fresh white resin, bark and branches of pine,\nand a cat, the emblem of night, which were burned in his honor.[XI-61]\n\nThe purest form of sun-worship appears among the Lacandones, who\nadored the luminary without the intervention of an image, and\nsacrificed before it in the Mexican fashion. They had temples,\nhowever, the walls of which were decorated with hieroglyphs of the sun\nand moon, and with a figure in the act of praying to the sun.[XI-62] The\nNahua tribe of the Pipiles also worshiped the sun, before which they\nprostrated themselves while offering incense and muttering\ninvocations. Quetzalcoatl and the goddess Itzqueye were honored in the\nsacrifice,[XI-63] which generally consisted of a deer. The relative\nimportance of Quetzalcoatl and Itzqueye, may be seen from the\nstatement that the festival held in honor of the former on certain\noccasions lasted fifteen days, while that in honor of the latter was\nbut of five days duration. The chief centre of worship was at Mictlan,\nnear Huixa Lake, where now is the village of Santa Maria Mita,\nfounded, according to tradition, by an old man, who in company with an\nexceedingly beautiful girl issued from the lake, both dressed in long\nblue robes, the man also wearing a mitre. He seated himself upon a\nstone on the hill, while the girl pursued her way and disappeared, and\nhere, by his order, was built the temple of Mictlan, round which\nstately palaces afterwards arose; he also organized the government of\nthe place.[XI-64]\n\n  [Sidenote: TRADITION OF COMIZAHUAL.]\n\nAmong the vestiges of older worship we find the natives of Cerquin in\nHonduras,[XI-65] venerating and praying for health to two idols, called\nrespectively Great Father and Great Mother, which probably refer to\nthe Grandfather and Grandmother of the Quich\u00e9s. A faint idea of a\nSupreme Being, says Torquemada, was mixed up with the worship of the\nsun and stars, to which sacrifices were made. Their culture-tradition\nspeaks of a beautiful white woman, called Comizahual, or 'flying\ntigress,' a reputed sorceress, as the introducer of civilization in\nCerquin. She is said to have descended from heaven and to have been\ntransported by an invisible hand to the city of Cealcoquin, where she\nbuilt a palace adorned with monstrous figures of men and animals, and\nplaced in the chief temple a stone having on each of its three sides\nthree faces of strange and hideous aspect; by aid of this stone she\nconquered her enemies. She remained a virgin, yet three sons were born\nto her,[XI-66] among whom she divided the kingdom when she grew old.\nAfter arranging her affairs, she commanded her attendants to carry her\non her bed to the highest part of the palace, whence she suddenly\ndisappeared amid thunder and lightning, doubtless to resume her place\namong the gods; directly afterwards a beautiful bird was seen to fly\nupwards and disappear. The people erected a temple in her honor, where\nthe priest delivered her oracles, and celebrated every year the\nanniversary of her disappearance with great feasts. Palacio refers to\na stone, like the one with three faces, named Icelaca, in Cezori,\nwhich disclosed things past, present, and future, and before which the\npeople sacrificed fowls, rabbits and various kinds of food, and\nsmeared the face with blood drawn from the generative organs.[XI-67]\n\nThe religious fervor of the people is shown by the fact that whatever\nwork they undertook they commenced by sanctifying it with prayers and\nofferings and by incensing their implements that they might acquire\nmore efficacy; thus, before commencing to sow, the laborers killed a\nturkey whose blood they scattered over the field, and performed other\nceremonies.[XI-68] Simple in their mode of life, they did not importune\nthe gods for vain luxuries: their prayers were for long life, health,\nchildren, and the necessaries of life. The first they hoped to obtain\nby scarifications and penances; to guard against disease, they sent\nthe priest a bird, generally a quail, to sacrifice. When actually\nattacked by sickness confession was resorted to as a powerful means of\npropitiation, as was also the case on all important occasions to\nsecure divine blessings and avert immediate danger. It is related by\nan old chronicler that when a party of travelers met a jaguar or puma,\neach one immediately commended himself to the gods and confessed in a\nloud voice the sins he had committed, imploring pardon. If the object\nof their terror still advanced upon them, they cried, \"we have\ncommitted as many more sins, do not kill us!\" and sat down, saying one\nto another, \"one of us has done some grievous deed, and him the wild\nbeast will kill!\"[XI-69]\n\n  [Sidenote: SPECIAL FASTS.]\n\nIn their scarifications, those who drew the most blood, especially\nfrom the secret organs, were held to be the most pious. Among the\nPipiles the women joined in drawing blood from the ears and tongue,\nand smearing it on cotton, offered it to Quetzalcoatl, and then to\nItzcueye.[XI-70] On extraordinary occasions, as in the event of a public\ncalamity, the priests and chief men held a council to determine the\npropitiatory penance to be imposed on the people, and the kind of\nsacrifice to be offered; the Ahgih were called upon to trace magic\ncircles and figures, and to cast grains, so as to determine the time\nwhen it should be made. The esteemed task of collecting the fuel for\nthis celebration devolved upon a royal prince, who formed the boys of\nthe district into bands to forage for the wood. The efforts of the\npeople alone were not considered sufficient at such times to\npropitiate the gods; it required the sanctified presence and powerful\ninfluence of the high priest to secure remission of sins. This\npersonage, whether king or pontiff, subjected himself to a very severe\nfast and penance during the twenty, or even hundred days determined\nupon. He removed to an arbor near the hidden sanctuary of the idols,\nand lived in entire solitude, subsisting on grains and fruit, touching\nno food prepared by fire, sacrificing the offerings brought him during\nthe day, and drawing blood. The fast over, with its attendant\nseparation of man and wife, bathing, painting in red, and other acts\nof penance, the nobles went in a body to the retreat of the idols, and\nhaving adorned them in the most splendid manner, conducted them in\nprocession to the town, attended by the high priest and victims. In\nplaces where the idols were kept in the temples of the town, they\nmarched with them round the city. The various rites closed with games\nof ball, played under the supervision of the idols, and with feasting\nand reveling.[XI-71]\n\nThe Popol Vuh ascribes the introduction of human sacrifices to Tohil,\nwho exacted this offering from the first four men in return for the\nfire given to the Quich\u00e9s, while Las Casas states that Xbalanque\ninitiated them. Their knives of sacrifice, he says, had fallen from\nheaven, and were accordingly adored as 'hands of God,' and set in rich\nhandles of gold or silver, ornamented with turquoises and emeralds.\nThe ordinary sacrifices occurred several times a month, and among the\nPipiles, the number and quality were indicated by the calendar and\nconsisted chiefly of bastard boys from six to twelve years of age.\nTheir most solemn offerings were made at the commencement and end of\nthe rains, and were attended by the chief men only. Juarros states\nthat human sacrifices were not offered by the Pipiles and that the\nattempt of caciques to introduce them resulted in an insurrection;\nand, although this will scarcely apply to later times, it seems that\nformerly the sacrifices were very few in number. The Cakchiquels are,\nhowever, said to have abstained from the rite. Cort\u00e9s relates that at\nAcal\u00e1 the fairest girls to be found were selected by the priests and\nbrought up, in strict chastity, to be sacrificed, at the proper time,\nto the goddess of the place. The Itzas, who, when captives failed, took\nthe fattest of their young men for victims, had several modes of\nimmolation, as roasting the victims alive in the metal image;\ndispatching them with the knife on the stone of sacrifice, a large one\nof which was found at Taysal; impalement, followed by extraction of\nthe heart, as at Prospero; and in earlier times shooting, as was done\nby their Yucatec ancestors. According to Cogolludo, three persons\nassisted at the sacrifices, the _adkulel_, master of ceremonies, the\n_adkayom_, and a virgin who must be the daughter of one of these; but\nVillagutierre mentions that the stone of sacrifice at the chief temple\nat Taysal, was surrounded by twelve seats for the attendant priests;\nand assistants to hold the victims were certainly required.\nCannibalism seems to have attended all these sacrifices, the flesh\nbeing boiled and seasoned, and the choice bits reserved for the high\npriests and chiefs.[XI-72]\n\n  [Sidenote: THE PRIESTS OF GUATEMALA.]\n\nEach of the numerous tribes of Guatemala had a distinct and separate\nbody of priests, who by means of their oracles exercised a decided\ninfluence on the state, and some, the Quich\u00e9s for instance, were\nspiritually governed by independent pontiffs. The high priests of\nTohil and Gucumatz, Ahau Ah Tohil and Ahau Ah Gucumatz, belonged to\nthe royal house of Cawek, and held the fourth and fifth rank\nrespectively among the grandees of the Empire; Ahau-Avilix, the\nhigh-priest of Avilix, was a member of the Niha\u00efb family; Ahau\nGagavitz came of the Ahau Quich\u00e9 house; and the two high-priests of\nthe Kahba temple in Utatlan were of the Zakik house, and each had a\nprovince allotted him for his support. The Tohil priests were vowed to\nperpetual continence and austere penitence, and were not permitted to\ntaste meat or bread.[XI-73] The pontiff at Mictlan, in Salvador, who\nstood on nearly the same level as the king, bore the title of Teoti,\n'divine'[XI-74] and was distinguished by a long blue robe, a diadem, and\na baton like an episcopal cross; on solemn occasions he substituted a\nmitre of beautiful feathers for the diadem. Next to him came an\necclesiastical council composed of the Tehuamatlini, chief of the\nastrologers and learned priests, who acted as lieutenant of the high\npriest, and superintended the writings and divinations, and four other\npriests, _teopixqui_, who dressed in different colors. These ruled the\nrest of the priesthood, composed of keepers of properties,\nsacrificers, watchers, and the ordinary priests, termed _teupas_, who\nwere all appointed by the high-priests from the sons of the\nministers. When the high-priest died, the body was embalmed and placed\nin a crypt beneath the palace. After fifteen days of mourning,\nattended by fasts, the king and Tehuamatlini drew lots for his\nsuccessor from among the four teopixqui, the vacancy in their ranks\nbeing filled by a son of the pontiff, or one of their own sons. The\nelected purified himself for the office by blood-letting and other\nobservances, while the people celebrated his accession with feasting\nand dancing. In Vera Paz the chief priest was elected according to\nmerit from a certain family by the people, and ranked next to the\nking.[XI-75] As an instance of the lasting influence possessed by the\npriesthood over the people, Scherzer relates that at Istl\u00e1vacan there\nwere a few years ago as many as sixty priests, diviners, and\nmedicine-men, Ahgih, Ahqixb, and Ahqahb, as they used to be termed,\nwho exercised their offices among them. At Coban, says Villagutierre,\na priest was so highly respected that the person who presumed to touch\nhim was expected to fall dead immediately.[XI-76]\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\n  [Sidenote: GODS OF THE NICARAGUANS.]\n\nThe Nahua impress, noticeable in the languages and customs of\nNicaragua, is still more strongly marked in the mythology of that\ncountry.[XI-77] Instead of obliterating the older forms of worship,\nhowever, as it seems to have done in the northern part of Central\nAmerica, it has here and there passed by many of the distinct beliefs\nheld by different tribes, and blended with the chief element of a\nsystem which is traced to the Muyscas in South America. The inquiries\ninstituted by a Spanish friar among different classes of people in the\nNagrando district go to prove that Tamagostat[XI-78] and Cipattonal,\nmale and female deities who inhabit the regions of the rising sun,\nwere the supreme beings. They created all things, stars as well as\nmortals, and re-created what had been destroyed by the flood, in which\nwork they were aided by Ecalchot, surnamed Huehue, 'the aged,' and\nCiagat 'the little.' In Tamagostat M\u00fcller at once recognizes Fomagata,\nthe ancient sun-god of the Muyscas, who after his dethronement by a\nnewer solar deity became more particularly the fire-god of that\npeople, but retained more of his original pre\u00ebminence in the countries\nto which his worship spread, as in Nicaragua. This view is supported\nby the statement that he inhabited the heavens above, or rather the\nregion of sunrise. His consort Cipattonal, M\u00fcller, judging from their\nrelationship, holds to be the moon; her name seems however, to be\nderived from a Mexican source, probably from _xipalli_, 'dark blue\ncolor,' and _tonalli_, 'sun,'[XI-79] which may be construed as referring\nto the sun in its blue element, or, as the fainter sun, to the moon.\nIn either case the connection of the two is perfectly legitimate.\nEcalchot, who is represented as a young man, yet is surnamed 'the\naged,' seems to be the same as the Mexican Ehecatl, 'wind, air,' an\nelement ever young, yet ever old, and Ciagat may mean 'moisture;'[XI-80]\nboth forming with the sun the fertilizing forces that create.[XI-81]\nOviedo gives the names of these deities as Tamagostat or Tamagostad,\nZipattoval or Zipattonal, Calchithuehue, and Chicoziagat,[XI-82]\n'father.' He further names Chiquinaut and Hecat as gods of the winds,\nwhich seems to be merely another version of Chicoziagat and\nEhecatl.[XI-83]\n\nThe Guatemalan trinity reappears in the character of Omeyateite and\nOmeyatezigoat[XI-84]--easily recognizable in the Mexican Ometecutli and\nOmecihuatl--and their son Ruiatcot, the rain god,[XI-85] who sends forth\nthunder, lightning and rain. They are also supposed to live where the\nsun rises, doubtless because that seems the abode of bliss, and as\nfertilizing forces they are regarded as creators, but not connected\nwith the two before mentioned. Quiateot was the most prominent, if not\nthe supreme, member of the trinity, for the other two, as representing\nthe thunder and lighting, the forerunners, or parents, of the showers,\ndo not seem to have been invoked when rain was wanted, or to have\nparticipated in the sacrifices of young boys and girls offered on such\noccasions.[XI-86]\n\n  [Sidenote: THE GODDESS OF THE VOLCANO.]\n\nThe Nicaraguans had other deities presiding over the elements,\nseasons, and necessaries of life. Thus, Macat and Toste, also written\nMazat and Teotost,[XI-87] the deer and rabbit, were gods of the chase.\nWhen a deer was killed, the hunter placed the head in a basket in his\nhouse, and regarded it as the representation of the god.[XI-88] Mixcoa\nwas the god invoked by the traders, and those about to make purchases;\nCacaguat was the patron of cacao-culture; Miquetanteot, god of hades,\nwas evidently the same as Mictlantecutli of Mexico; there were,\nbesides, others whose names have been given to the days of the month.\nIn Martiari the chief deity was called Tipotani. In Nicaragua proper,\nthey adored Tomaoteot, 'the great god,' whose son Teotbilche was sent\ndown to mankind. This looks like another Christ-myth, especially when\nwe read of attendant angels who had wings and flew about in heaven.\nThe names of the two chief angels were Taraacazcati and\nTamacaztobal.[XI-89] The Dirans revered in particular the goddess of the\nvolcano Masaya; for her they placed food on the brink of the crater,\ninto which they cast human beings, especially when she manifested her\nanger by earthquakes. On such occasions the chiefs and priests, who\nalone were permitted to look into the seething abyss, went to the\nsummit and called upon the genius, who issued from the lake of fire in\nthe form of an old woman and instructed them what to do. She is\ndescribed as a naked, dark-skinned hag, with hanging breasts, scanty\nhair, long, sharp teeth, and sunken glaring eyeballs. The gods were\ninvested with all the peculiarities of humanity, formed of flesh and\nblood, and lived on the food provided for man, besides blood and\nincense. They also appeared on earth dressed like the natives, but\nsince the death of the cacique Xostoval these visits ceased.[XI-90] They\nwere personified by idols of stone, clay, or wood, called\n_teobat_,[XI-91] whose forms their forefathers had transmitted; to them\nwere brought offerings of food and other things, which were taken in\nat the door of the temple by boys serving there, for none except the\nconsecrated were allowed to enter the sanctuary.[XI-92] To encourage the\npiety that prompted these offerings, the priests never failed to\nremind the people of the punishment inflicted on the inhabitants of\nthe ancient capital of Nagrando, who having given themselves up to the\npursuit of pleasure, and neglected the gods, were one night swallowed\nup, not a vestige of their city being left.[XI-93] The most acceptable\noffering was, of course, human blood. At certain times the favorite\nidol was set on a spear and planted in an open place amid gorgeously\nadorned attendants holding banners, and flowers. Here the priests\ngashed their tongues, and other parts, smearing the face of the image\nwith the blood that flowed, while the devout approached to whisper\ntheir desires into the ear of the idol. Songs, dances, and games\nattended these ceremonies.\n\nBefore each temple was a conic or pyramidal mound of adobe, called\n_tescuit_, or _tezarit_, ascended by an interior staircase.[XI-94] From\nits summit, upon which there was room for about ten men to stand, the\npriest proclaimed the nature of the approaching festival, and the kind\nof sacrifice to be made, and here, upon a stone block, the victims,\ngenerally captives and slaves, had their hearts cut out, after which\nthey were decapitated, the body to be cut up and prepared for the\ngrand banquets, while the head, if that of a captive, was hung on a\ntree near the temple, a particular tree being reserved for each tribe\nfrom whom the victims were captured. The most prized victims were\nyoung boys and girls, who were brought up by the chiefs for the\npurpose and treated with great care and respect wherever they went,\nfor they were supposed to become deified after death and to exercise\ngreat influence over the affairs of life. Women, who were held to be\nunworthy to perform any duty in connection with the temples, were\nimmolated outside the temple ground of the large sanctuaries, and even\ntheir flesh was unclean food for the high-priest, who accordingly ate\nonly of the flesh of males.[XI-95]\n\nFasts and baptismal rites, so prominent hitherto, do not appear to\nhave been practiced in Nicaragua. A kind of sacrament was\nadministered, however, by means of maize sprinkled with blood drawn\nfrom the generative organs, and confession was a recognized\ninstitution. The confessor was chosen from among the most aged and\nrespected citizens; a calabash suspended from the neck was his badge\nof office. He was required to be a man of blameless life, unmarried,\nand not connected with the temple. Those who wished to confess went to\nhis house, and there standing with humility before him unburdened\ntheir conscience. The confessor was forbidden to reveal any secret\nconfided to him in his official capacity, under pain of punishment.\nThe penance he imposed was generally some kind of labor to be\nperformed for the benefit of the temple. Boys did not confess, but\nseem to have reserved the avowal of their peccadillos for maturer\nage.[XI-96]\n\n  [Sidenote: PRIESTS OF NICARAGUA.]\n\nThe office of high-priest was held by the caciques, who each in his\nturn left home and occupation and removed to the chief temple, there\nto remain for a year attending to religious matters and praying for\nthe people. At the expiration of the term he received the honorable\ndistinction of having his nose perforated. Subordinate duties were\nperformed by boys. In the inferior temples other classes entered for a\nyear's penance, living like the chief in strict seclusion, except at\nfestivals perhaps, seeing none but the boys who brought food from\ntheir homes. The ordinary priests were called _tamagast_[XI-97] and\nlived on the offerings made to the idols, and perhaps by their own\nexertions, for the temples had no fixed revenues.[XI-98] They had\nsorcerers, _texoxes_, who sometimes caused the death of children by\nmerely looking at them, and who could assume animal forms, for which\nreasons they were much feared by the people. To strengthen this belief\nthey at times disguised themselves in skins of beasts.[XI-99] In\nHonduras the idea of a Supreme Being and Creator was connected with a\nworship of the sun, moon, and stars, to which the people made\nsacrifices.[XI-100] Near Truxillo were three chief temples[XI-101] in\none of which was a chalchiuite in the form of a woman, to which the\npeople prayed, and which answered them through the priests.\nPreparatory to any important undertaking, cocks, dogs, or even men,\nwere sacrificed to secure the favor of the gods. In each of the\nsanctuaries presided a _papa_, or chief priest, to whom the education\nof the sons of the nobles was entrusted. These were unmarried men,\ndistinguished by long hair reaching to the waist, though in some\nplaces they wound it round the head in plaits. Their sanctity and\nsuperior knowledge gave them great influence, and their advice was\nsought on all affairs of importance by the principal men, for none\nelse dared to approach them. There were also sorcerers who could\nassume animal forms, in which guise they went about devouring men and\nspreading diseases.[XI-102]\n\n  [Sidenote: THE MOSQUITO PANTHEON.]\n\nAmong the barbarians of the Mosquito Coast, we find, of course, a much\nlower order of belief, and one which calls to mind the ghouls and\nghosts of Californian mythology. The natives acknowledged a good\nspirit or principle, to which they gave no definite name[XI-103] and\nrendered no homage, for there was no necessity, they said, to pray to\none who always did good; as for thanking him for mercies received,\nsuch an idea seems never to have occurred to them. In fact, they had\nneither temples nor idols, and the only ceremonies that partook of a\nreligious character were the conjurations of their _sukias_, or\nsorceresses, who were constantly engaged in breaking the spells of\nevil spirits, with which the people's fancy, excited by grewsome\nstories told round the camp-fire, had filled every dark and dismal\nplace, every stream and mountain top. These gnomes were known by the\nname of Wulasha,[XI-104] and were supposed to issue from their\nhiding-places, especially at night, to do all manner of evil; they\nwere especially addicted to carrying off solitary wanderers; it was,\ntherefore, say the chroniclers, almost impossible to induce a native\nto go out alone after dark.\n\nAmid the underwood and fallen trees about the sources of rivers, big\nsnakes were thought to dwell. These monsters were assisted by a\nresistless upward current and a strong wind which swept the unwary\nboatman within the reach of the red jaws and slimy folds. Patook,\namong other rivers, had this bad reputation, and a white man who\ndespite the warnings of the natives started to explore its mysteries,\nreturned in a few days with the story that his progress had been\nopposed by a big white cock. Leewa[XI-105] was the name of the water\nspirit, who sucked the bather into pools and eddies and sent forth\ndevastating waterspouts and hurricanes. Wihwin, a spirit having the\nappearance of a horse,[XI-106] with tremendous teeth to devour human\nprey, haunted the hills during the summer, but retired with the winter\nto the sea, whence he originally issued. In mountain caves, guarded by\nfierce white boars, lived the patron deity of the _warrees_, the wild\npigs of the country, of childish form but immense strength, who\ndirected the movements of the droves. There were, besides, certain\nvenomous lizards, who after biting a man ran immediately to the\nnearest water: if the wounded person did the same and succeeded in\nreaching the water first, he was saved, and the lizard died; otherwise\nthe man was doomed.[XI-107] The Sukias who were called upon to exorcise\nthese malignant beings on every occasion of sickness, or misfortune,\nwere generally old hags, supposed to have a compact with the evil one,\nin whose name they exacted half their fee before commencing their\nenchantments. The Caribs held regular meetings or festivals to\npropitiate these spirits, and the Woolwas, who seem to have had many\nreligious forms in common with the Nicaraguans, had \"dances with the\ngods.\"[XI-108]\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\n  [Sidenote: GODS OF THE ISTHMIANS.]\n\nAmong the Isthmians several forms of worship appear, that in the\nvicinity of Panam\u00e1 resembling the system prevalent in Hayti and Cuba,\nsays Gomara.[XI-109] The heavenly bodies seem to have been very generally\nadored, especially in the northern part of the Isthmus, where all good\nthings were thought to come from the sun and moon, which were\nconsidered as man and wife; but no accounts are given of temples, or\nforms of worship, except that prayers were addressed to the sun.[XI-110]\n\nThe most prominent personage in the Isthmian pantheon was Dabaiba, a\ngoddess who controlled the thunder and lightning, and with their aid\ndevastated the lands of those who displeased her. In South America,\nthunder and lightning were held to be the instruments used by the sun\nto inflict punishment upon its enemies, which makes it probable that\nDabaiba was a transformed sun-goddess. Pilgrims resorted from afar to\nher temple at Urab\u00e1, bringing costly presents and human victims, who\nwere first killed and then burned, that the savory odors of roasting\nflesh might be grateful in the delicate nostrils of the goddess. Some\ndescribe her as a native princess, whose reign was marked by great\nwisdom and many miracles, and who was apotheosized after death. She\nwas also honored as the mother of the Creator, the maker of the sun,\nthe moon, and all invisible things, and the sender of blessings, who\nseems to have acted as mediator between the people and his mother, for\ntheir prayers for rain were addressed to him, although she is\ndescribed as controlling the showers, and once when her worship was\nneglected she inflicted a severe drought upon the country.\n\nWhen the needs of the people were very urgent, the chiefs and priests\nremained in the temple fasting and praying with uplifted hands; the\npeople meanwhile observed a four-days fast, lacerating their bodies\nand washing their faces, which were at other times covered with paint.\nSo strict was this fast that no meat or drink was to be touched until\nthe fourth day, and then only a soup made from maize-flour. The\npriests themselves were sworn to perpetual chastity and abstinence,\nand those who went astray in these matters were burned or stoned to\ndeath. Their temples were encompassed with walls and kept scrupulously\nclean; golden trumpets, and bells with bone clappers summoned the\npeople to worship.[XI-111]\n\nIn the province of Pocorosa the existence of a rain-god called\nChipiripe was recognized, who inhabited the heaven above, whence he\nregulated celestial movements; with him lived a beautiful woman with\none child. Nothing else was known respecting this divine family. This\nignorance of the deity was further manifested by the absence of any\nform of worship; the moral laws were well defined, however, so that\nadultery and even lying were regarded as sinful.[XI-112] Las Casas\nstates that Chicune, 'the beginning of all,' who lived in heaven, was\nthe one being to whom the people of Darien addressed their invocations\nand sacrifices, though a certain sect, or tribe, among them worshiped\nthe water. In another chapter he declares that the Isthmians had\nlittle or no religion, for they had no temples and few or no gods or\nidols.[XI-113] According to Peter Martyr, the embalmed and bejeweled\nbodies of ancestors were worshiped in Comagre, and in Veragua gold was\ninvested with divine qualities, so that the gathering of it was\nattended with fasting and penance.[XI-114] Tuira, whom the Spanish\nwriters declared to have been the devil himself, was a widely known\nbeing who communed with his servants, _tequina_, 'masters,'[XI-115] in\nroofless huts kept for this purpose. Here the tequinas entered at\nnight, and spoke in different voices, to induce the belief that the\nspirits were actually answering their questions; the result of the\ninterview was communicated to their patrons. At times the evil one\nappeared in the guise of a handsome boy without hands[XI-116] and with\nthree-toed feet, and accompanied the sorcerers upon their expeditions\nto work mischief, and supplied them with a protecting ointment. Among\nthe evil deeds imputed to these sorcerers was that of sucking the\nnavel of sleeping people until they died.[XI-117] These men naturally\ntook care to foster ideas that tended to sustain or increase their\ninfluence, and circulated, besides, most extravagant stories of\nsupernatural events and beings. Once a terrible hurricane, blowing\nfrom the east, devastated the country and brought with it two birds\nwith maiden faces, one of which was of a size so great that it seized\nupon men and carried them off to its mountain nest. No tree could\nsupport it, and where it alighted upon the rocks, the imprint of its\ntalons were left. The other bird was smaller and supposed to be the\noffspring of the first. After trying several plans to kill these\nman-eating harpies, they hit upon the device of fixing a large beam in\nthe ground, near the place where they usually alighted, leaving only\none end exposed, on which was carved the image of a man. With the dawn\nof day the larger bird came swooping down upon the decoy and imbedded\nits claws so firmly in the beam that it could not withdraw them, and\nthus the people were enabled to kill it.[XI-118]\n\nThe knowledge that the human mind, no matter how low its condition,\ncan be capable of such puerile conceptions, must bring with it a sense\nof humiliation to the thinking man; and well were it for him could he\ncomfort himself with the belief that such debasing superstitions were\nat least confined to humanity in its first and lowest stages; but this\nhe cannot do. It is true that the belief of the civilized Aztec was\nfar higher and nobler than that of the uncivilized Carib, but can he\nwho has read the evidence upon which old women and young maidens were\nconvicted of riding upon broomsticks to witches' Sabbaths, by the most\nlearned judges of the most learned law-courts of modern Europe, deny\nthat the coarsest superstition and the highest civilization have\nhitherto gone hand in hand.\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\n  [Sidenote: PHALLIC WORSHIP.]\n\nBefore leaving this division it will be well to say a few words\nconcerning the existence of Phallic Worship in America.\n\nOne of the first problems of the primitive man is creation. If\nanalogies lead him to conceive it as allied to a birth, and the joint\nresult of some unknown male and female energy, then the symbolization\nof this power is liable to take the gross form of phallic worship.\nThus it is that among the earliest nations of which we possess any\nknowledge, the life-giving and vivifying principle of nature has been\nalways symbolized by the human organs of generation. The Lingham of\nIndia, the Phallus of Greece, the Priapus of Rome, the Baal-Peor of\nthe Hebrew records, and the Peor-Apis of Egypt, all have plainly the\nsame significance. In most mythologies the sun, the principle of fire,\nthe moon, and the earth, were connected with this belief; the sun and\nmoon as the celestial emblems of the generative and productive powers\nof nature, fire and the earth as the terrestrial emblems. These were\nthe Father and the Mother, and their most obvious symbols, as already\nstated, were the phallus and wares, or the Skuas and yoni of\nHindustan.\n\nIt is unnecessary to multiply quotations respecting the basal though\noften veiled idea of One, underlying the polytheistic systems. The\ndifficulty to the human mind of considering anything in another than\nhuman aspect, and our natural delight in analogies, leads, however, in\nmany cases to the consideration in certain aspects of this deity as a\nduality or joint essence of the masculine and the feminine. Take the\nlearned Cory's summary of ancient mythology: \"It recognizes, as the\nprimary elements of all things, two independent principles, of the\nnature of male and female; and these, in mystic union, as the soul and\nbody, constitute the Great Hermaphrodite Deity, The One, the universe\nitself, consisting still of the two separate elements of its\ncomposition, modified though combined in one individual.... If we\ninvestigate the Pantheons of the ancient nations, we shall find that\neach, notwithstanding the variety of names, acknowledged the same\ndeities and the same system of Theology; and, however humble any of\nthe deities may appear, each who has any claim to antiquity will be\nfound ultimately, if not immediately, resolvable into one or other of\nthe Primeval Principles, the Great God and Goddess of the\nGentiles.\"[XI-119]\n\n  [Sidenote: RATIONALE OF PHALLIC WORSHIP.]\n\nTo the moral ideal of the present age, an ideal derived from acquired\nhabit, not from nature, phallic worship will doubtless appear\nrepulsive and indelicate in the extreme. It was, nevertheless, the\nmost natural form of worship that the primitive man could adopt; for\nhim the symbol had no impure meaning, and was associated with none of\nthe disgusting excesses by means of which, as he became more\nsophisticated, he converted his reverence of Nature into a worship of\nLust.\n\nWhat could be more natural than that he should symbolize the\nfecundating principle, the creative power, by the immediate cause of\nreproduction, or as he doubtless took it, of creation, the phallus. He\nrecognized no impurity or licentiousness in the moderate and regular\ngratification of any natural appetite; nor did it seem to him that the\norgans of one species of enjoyment were naturally to be considered as\nsubjects of shame and concealment more than those of another. As Payne\nKnight remarks of the ancient nations of the old world: \"In an age,\ntherefore, when no prejudices of artificial decency existed, what more\njust and natural image could they find, by which to express their idea\nof the beneficent power of the great Creator than that organ which\nendowed them with the power of procreation, and made them partakers,\nnot only of the felicity of the Deity, but of his great characteristic\nattribute, that of multiplying his own image, communicating his\nblessings, and extending them to the generations yet unborn.\" Nothing\nnatural was to them offensively obscene. When the Egyptian matrons\ntouched the phallus they did so with the pure wish of obtaining\noffspring. The gold lingam on the neck of the Hindoo wives was not an\nobject of shame to them.\n\n  [Sidenote: RELICS OF PHALLIC WORSHIP.]\n\nThat the worship of the reciprocal principles of nature was recognized\nand practiced in America, there is in my mind no doubt. The almost\nuniversal prevalence of sun-worship, which is, as I have already\nintimated, closely connected with phallic rites, would alone go far\nto prove this, but an account of certain material relics and well\nknown customs is still more satisfactory evidence.\n\nIn Yucatan, according to Stephens, \"the ornaments upon the external\ncornice of several large buildings actually consisted of _membra\nconjuncta in coitu_, too plainly sculptured to be misunderstood. And,\nif this were not sufficient testimony, more was found in the isolated\nand scattered representations of the _membrum virile_, so accurate\nthat even the Indians recognised the object, and invited the attention\nof Mr Catherwood to the originals of some of his drawings as yet\nunpublished.\"\n\nThe sculptured pillars to be seen at Copan and other ruins in Central\nAmerica, which are acknowledged to be connected with sun worship, are\nvery similar to the sculptured phallus-pillars of the East.[XI-120] Mr\nSquier is of the opinion that they may be considered as such, and the\nAbb\u00e9 Brasseur takes the same view in making the plain cylindrical\npillar found in so many places the representation of the volcano, the\ngoddess of love, and whence it issues as the symbol of new life. On\nanother page he terms the phallus the Crescent, the land whence the\nNahuas originated, and the continent of America the body.[XI-121] Some of\nthe pillars appear without ornament, as the _picote_ at Uxmal, a round\nstone of irregular form, which stood in front of one of the ruins, but\nthe worshipers of Priapus at Thespia and other places were content\nwith a rude stone for an image in early times. In Mexico according to\nGama, the presiding god of spring, Xopancalehuey Tlalloc, was often\nrepresented without a human body, having instead a pilaster or square\ncolumn, upon a pedestal covered with various sculptured designs.[XI-122]\nIn P\u00e1nuco images of the generative organs were kept in the temples as\nobjects of worship, and statues representing men and women performing\nthe sexual act in various postures stood in the temple-courts.[XI-123]\nNear Laguna de Terminos, on the coast of Yucatan, Grijalva found\nimages of men committing acts of indescribable beastliness, while\nclose by lay the bodies of victims recently sacrificed in their\nhonor.[XI-124] The united symbols of the sexual organs were publicly\nworshiped in Tlascala, and in the month of Quecholli a grand festival\nwas held in honor of Xochiquetzal, Xochitecatl, and Tlazolteotl,\ngoddesses of sensual delights, when the prostitutes and young men\naddicted to sodomy were allowed to solicit custom on the public\nstreets.[XI-125] On Zapatero Island, around Lake Nicaragua, and in Costa\nRica, a number of idols have been found of which the disproportionately\nlarge _membrum generationis virile in erectione_ was the most\nprominent feature. Palacio relates that at Cezori, in Honduras, the\nnatives offered blood drawn from the organs of generation and\ncircumcised boys before an idol called Icelaca, which was simply a\nround stone,[XI-126] with two faces and a number of eyes, and was\nsupposed to know all things, past, present, and future.[XI-127] The\nfrequent occurrence of the cross, which has served in so many and such\nwidely separated parts of the earth as the symbol of the life-giving,\ncreative, and fertilizing principle in nature, is, perhaps, one of the\nmost striking evidences of the former recognition of the reciprocal\nprinciples of nature by the Americans; especially when we remember\nthat the Mexican name for the emblem, tonacaquahuitl, signifies 'tree\nof one life, or flesh.'[XI-128] Of two terra-cotta relics found at\nOcocingo, in the state of Chiapas, one would certainly attract the\nattention of any one who had investigated the subject of phallic\nworship or had seen the phallic amulets and ornaments of the old\nworld.[XI-129] In the Museum at Mexico are two small images which were\nevidently used as ornaments. Each of these represents a human figure\nin a crouching posture, clasping with both hands an enormous phallus.\nCol. Brantz Mayer kindly showed me drawings of these made by himself.\nOne of these figures is reproduced in another volume of this work.\n\n  [Sidenote: PHALLIC RITES.]\n\nThe Pipiles abstained from their wives for four days previous to\nsowing, in order to indulge in the marital act to the fullest extent\non the eve of that day, evidently with a view to initiate or urge the\nfecundating powers of nature. It is even said that certain persons\nwere appointed to perform the sexual act at the moment of planting the\nfirst seed. During the bitter cold nights of the Hyperborean winter,\nthe Aleuts, both men and women, joined hands in the open air and\nwhirled perfectly naked round certain idols, lighted only by the pale\nmoon. The spirit was supposed to hallow the dance with his presence.\nThere certainly could have been no licentious element in this\nceremony, for setting aside the discomfort of dancing naked with the\nthermometer at zero, we read that the dancers were blindfolded, and\nthat decorum was strictly enforced. In Nicaragua, maize sprinkled with\nblood drawn from the genitals was regarded as sacred food.[XI-130] The\ncustom of drawing blood from this part of the body was observed as a\nreligious rite by almost every tribe from Mexico to Panam\u00e1, though\nthis, of course, does not prove that it was in all cases connected\nwith phallic worship. Circumcision is regarded by Squier as a phallic\nrite, but there is not sufficient testimony to support this view.\nTezcatlipoca, the chief god of the Nahuas, who has been frequently\nidentified with the sun, was adored as a love-god, according to\nBoturini, who adds that the Nahua Lotharios held disorderly festivals\nin his honor, to induce him to favor their designs.[XI-131] Orgies,\ncharacterized by the grossest licentiousness are met with at different\nplaces along the coast, as among the Nootkas, the Upper and Lower\nCalifornians, in Sinaloa, Nicaragua, and especially in Yucatan, where\nevery festival ended in a debauch. During a certain annual festival\nheld in Nicaragua, women, of whatever condition, could abandon\nthemselves to the embrace of whomever they pleased, without incurring\nany disgrace.[XI-132]\n\nThe feast of the Mexican month Xocotlhuetzin, 'fall, or maturity of\nfruit,' is to me a most striking evidence of the former existence of\nphallic worship, or at least recognition of the fecundating principle\nin nature. I will, however, leave the reader to draw his own\nconclusions. This feast of the 'maturity of fruit' was dedicated to\nXiuhtecutli, god of fire, and, therefore, of fertility, or fecundity.\nThe principal feature of the feast was a tall, straight tree, which\nwas stripped of all its branches except those close to the top and\nset up in the court of the temple. Within a few feet of its top a\ncross-yard thirty feet long was fastened; thus a perfect cross was\nformed. Above all, a dough image of the god of fire curiously dressed\nwas fixed. After certain horrible sacrifices had been made to the\ndeity of the day, the people assembled about the pole, and the youth\nscrambled up for the image, which they broke in pieces and scattered\nupon the ground.[XI-133] A great number of similar analogies may be\ndetected in the rites and customs of the people, and it is almost\nreluctantly that I refrain from giving my views in full. I have made\nit my aim, however, to deal with facts, and leave speculation to\nothers. Those who wish to thoroughly investigate this most interesting\nsubject, cannot do better than study Mr Squier's learned and\nexhaustive treatise on the Serpent Symbol.\n\nFOOTNOTES:\n\n[XI-1] 'Toda esta Tierra, con estotra, ... tenia vna misma manera de\nreligion, y ritos, y si en algo diferenciaba, era, en mui poco.' 'Lo\nmismo fue de las Provincias de Quatimala, Nicaragua, y Honduras.'\n_Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 54, 191. Tylor thinks that\n'the civilizations of Mexico and Central America were originally\nindependent, but that they came much in contact, and thus modified one\nanother to no small extent.' _Anahuac_, p. 191. 'On reconna\u00eet\nfacilement que le culte y \u00e9tait partout bas\u00e9 sur le rituel tolt\u00e8que,\net que les formes m\u00eames ne diff\u00e9raient gu\u00e8re les unes des autres.'\n_Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., p. 559.\n\n[XI-2] Brasseur de Bourbourg, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., p. 42, calls\nhim the sun.\n\n[XI-3] Representations of the sun, with whom he seems to be identified,\nare not impossible to these peoples if we may judge from the\nsun-plates with lapping tongues and other representations found on the\nruins in Mexico and Central America.\n\n[XI-4] 'Porque \u00e0 este le llamaban tambien Ytzamn\u00e0.' _Cogolludo_, _Hist.\nYuc._, pp. 196, 192.\n\n[XI-5] The daughter of Ixchel, the Yucatec medicine goddess. _Brasseur\nde Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., p. 43. He writes the\nvirgin's name as Chiribias. Ixchel seems to be the same as the\nGuatemalan Xmucan\u00e9, mother of the gods.' _Id._, _Quatre Lettres_, p.\n243.\n\n[XI-6] _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apolog\u00e9tica_, MS., cap. cxxiii.;\n_Cogolludo_, _Hist. Yuc._, p. 190; _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, p. 246;\n_Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. iii., p. 133.\n\n[XI-7] 'Celle de l'eau matrice d'embryon, _ix-a-zal-uoh_.' _Brasseur de\nBourbourg_, _MS. Troano_, tom. ii., p. 258.\n\n[XI-8] 'Idolo, \u00f2 Zem\u00ec.' _Villagutierre_, _Hist. Conq. Itza_, p. 33.\n'Zemes which are the Images of their familiar and domesticall\nspirites.' _Peter Martyr_, dec. iv., lib. vi.\n\n[XI-9] 'Les dieux de l'Yucatan, disent Lizana et Cogolludo, \u00e9taient\npresque tous des rois plus ou moins bons que la gratitude ou la\nterreur avait fait placer au rang des divinit\u00e9s.' _Brasseur de\nBourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., p. 20; _Landa_, _Relacion_,\np. 158; _Cogolludo_, _Hist. Yuc._, p. 198.\n\n[XI-10] _Lizana_, in _Landa_, _Relacion_, p. 356; _Cogolludo_, _Hist.\nYuc._, p. 197; Brinton, _Myths_, p. 188, speaks of 'Zamna, or\nCukulcan, lord of the dawn and four winds,' and connects him with\nVotan also. 'Il y a toute apparence qu'il \u00e9tait de la m\u00eame race (as\nVotan) et que son arriv\u00e9e eut lieu peu d'ann\u00e9es apr\u00e8s la fondation de\nla monarchie palenqu\u00e9enne.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat.\nCiv._, tom. i., p. 76, et seq. The hand in picture-writing signifies\nstrength, power, mastery, and is frequently met with on Central\nAmerican ruins, impressed in red color. Among the North American\nsavages it was the symbol of supplication. Their doctors sometimes\nsmeared the hand with paint and daubed it over the patient.\n_Schoolcraft_, in _Stephens' Yucatan_, vol. ii., pp. 476-8.\n\n[XI-11] Lizana, in _Landa_, _Relacion_, p. 360, translates the name as\n'Sol con rostro que sus rayos eran de fuego,' _Cogolludo_, _Hist.\nYuc._, pp. 198, 178; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _MS. Troano_, p. 270;\n_Id._, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., pp. 5-6; _M\u00fcller_, _Amerikanische\nUrreligionen_, p. 475. In the syllable _mo_ of the hero's name is\nfound another reference to the sun, for _moo_ is the Maya term for the\nbird _ara_, the symbol of the sun.\n\n[XI-12] 'El que recibe, y possee la gracia, \u00f2 rozio del Cielo.' 'No\nconocian otro Dios Autor de la vida, sino \u00e0 este.' _Cogolludo_, _Hist.\nYuc._, p. 179. 'Celui qui demande ou obtient la ros\u00e9e ou la glace, ou\nrempli de l'eau en bras de glace, _itz-m-a-tul_.' _Brasseur de\nBourbourg_, _MS. Troano_, tom. ii., p. 257; _Landa_, _Relacion_, pp.\n284-5.\n\n[XI-13] After staying a short time at Potonchan, he embarked and nothing\nmore was heard of him. The _Codex Chimalpopoca_ states, however, that\nhe died in Tlapallan, four days after his return. _Brasseur de\nBourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., p. 18. In another place this\nwriter refers to three brothers, _itzaob_, 'saintly man,' who were\nprobably sent by Quetzalcoatl to spread his doctrines, but who\nultimately founded a monarchy. They also seem to throw a doubt on the\nidentity of Cukulcan with Quetzalcoatl. 'Il n'y a pas \u00e0 douter,\ntoutefois, que, s'il est le m\u00eame que Quetzalcohuatl, la doctrine aura\n\u00e9t\u00e9 la m\u00eame.' _Id._, pp. 10-1, 43. Torquemada, _Monarq. Ind._, tom.\nii., p. 52, states that the Cocomes were his descendants, but as the\nhero never married, his disciples must rather be accepted as their\nancestors. _Landa_, _Relacion_, pp. 35-9, 300-1; _Herrera_, _Hist.\nGen._, dec. iv., lib. x., cap. ii. Veytia connects him with St.\nThomas. _Hist. Antig. Mej._, tom. i., pp. 195-8. Speaking of Cukulcan\nand his companions Las Casas says: 'A este llamaron Dios de las\nfiebres \u00f2 Calenturas.... Los cuales mandaban que se confesasen las\ngentes y ayunasen; y que algunos ayunaban el viernes porque habia\nmuerto aquel dia Bacab; y tiene por nombre aquel dia Himis.' _Hist.\nApolog\u00e9tica_, MS., cap. cxxiii. '_Kukulcan_, vient de _kuk_, oiseau\nqui para\u00eet \u00eatre le m\u00eame que le quetzal; son d\u00e9terminatif est _kukul_\nqui uni \u00e0 can, serpent, fait exactement le m\u00eame mot que _Quetzal\nCohuatl_, serpent aux plumes vertes, ou de Quetzal.' _Brasseur de\nBourbourg_, in _Landa_, _Relacion_, p. 35.\n\n[XI-14] _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 22; _Landa_, _Relacion_, p. 158;\n_Cogolludo_, _Hist. Yuc._, p. 202; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist.\nNat. Civ._, tom. ii., pp. 46-7. 'Se tenian por santificados los que\nalla auian estado,' _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iv., lib. x., cap.\niv.\n\n[XI-15] Brasseur de Bourbourg, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., p. 50, calls\nthe god of death Rakalku. Baeza, in _Registro Yuc._, tom. i., pp.\n168-9, mentions a transparent stone called _zatzun_, by means of which\nhidden things and causes of diseases could be discovered.\n\n[XI-16] 'Cette divinit\u00e9 para\u00eet \u00eatre la m\u00eame que le _Tihax_ des Quich\u00e9s\net Cakchiquels, le _Tecpatl_ des Mexicains, la lance ou la fl\u00e8che.'\n_Brasseur de Bourbourg_, in _Landa_, _Relacion_, p. 363.\n\n[XI-17] _Zee-Rovers_, p. 64; _Cogolludo_, _Hist. Yuc._, pp. 178, 190-1,\n196-7; _Landa_, _Relacion_, pp. 206-8; _Lizana_, in _Id._, pp. 356-64;\n_Ternaux-Compans_, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcvii.,\npp. 40-4; _Domenech's Deserts_, vol. i., pp. 17, 32; _Remesal_, _Hist.\nChyapa_, pp. 245-6; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom.\nii., pp. 4-10, 20, 42-50.\n\n[XI-18] 'Tra le Croci sono celebri quelle di Jucatan, della Mizteca, di\nQueretaro, di Tepique, e di Tianquiztepec.' _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant.\ndel Messico_, tom. ii., p. 14. There were also crosses at Palenque, on\nSan Juan de Ulloa, at Copan, in Nicaragua, and other places. 'Die\nTolteken haben n\u00e4mlich die Verehrung des Kreuzes mit durchaus\nbewusster Beziehung desselben auf den Regen, von der alten\nUrbev\u00f6lkerung aufgenommen.' _M\u00fcller_, _Amerikanische Urreligionen_,\npp. 498-9; _Palacio_, _Carta_, p. 88.\n\n[XI-19] This and other prophecies, which, if not mere fabrications, bear\nat least marks of mutilation and addition, may be found in\n_Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. iii., pp. 132-3; _Remesal_, _Hist.\nChyapa_, pp. 245-6; _Cogolludo_, _Hist. Yuc._, pp. 99-100; _Brasseur\nde Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., pp. 603-6. Brinton thinks\nthat they may refer to 'the return of Zamn\u00e1, or Kuckulcan, lord of the\ndawn and the four winds, worshipped at Cozumel ... under the sign of\nthe cross.' _Myths_, p. 188. The report circulated by Aguilar of his\npeople and of the cross, may have given the prophets a clue.\n\n[XI-20] 'The formation of such an opinion by the Spaniards seems to shew\nalmost conclusively, that the aborigines of the country did not retain\nany traditional history on the subject that would justify the simple\nbelief, that Catholic Europeans had ever possessed influence enough\namong them to have established so important a feature in their\nsuperstitious observances.' _McCulloh_, _Researches in Amer._, p. 327.\n'Afirmaban que por que habia muerto en ella un hombre mas\nreplandeciente que el sol.' _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apolog\u00e9tica_, MS.,\ncap. cxxiii.; _Peter Martyr_, dec. iv., lib. i.\n\n[XI-21] Mr Godfrey Higgins, in his _Celtic Druids_, p. 126, says: 'Few\ncauses have been more powerful in producing mistakes in ancient\nhistory, than the idea, hastily taken up by Christians in all ages,\nthat every monument of antiquity marked with a cross, or with any of\nthose symbols which they conceived to be monograms of Christ, were of\nChristian origin.... The cross is as common in India as in Egypt, and\nEurope,' Mr Maurice, in his _Indian Antiquities_, vol. ii., p. 361,\nwrites: 'Let not the piety of the Catholic Christian be offended at\nthe preceding assertion that the cross was one of the most usual\nsymbols among the hieroglyphics of Egypt and India.' The emblem of\nuniversal nature is equally honored in the Gentile and Christian\nworld. 'In the cave at Elephanta, in India, over the head of the\nprincipal figure, again may be seen this figure (the cross), and a\nlittle in the front the huge Lingham (phallus).'\n\n[XI-22] Constantio holds it to be a symbol of the solstices.\n_Malte-Brun_, _Pr\u00e9cis de la G\u00e9og._, tom. vi., pp. 464-5; _Humboldt_,\n_Exam. Crit._, tom. ii., pp. 354-6; _Waldeck_, _Voy. Pitt._, p. 24;\n_M\u00fcller_, _Amerikanische Urreligionen_, pp. 497-500; _Torquemada_,\n_Monarq. Ind._, tom. iii., pp. 133, 200-6, 299; _McCulloh's\nResearches_, pp. 331-6; _Klemm_, _Cultur-Geschichte_, tom. v., p. 143;\n_Gomara_, _Hist. Ind._, fol. 63. Brinton refers to a statement that\nthe Mexicans had cruciform graves, and supposes that this referred to\nfour spirits of the world who were to carry the deceased to heaven,\nbut there seems to be a mistake on both of these points. _Myths_, pp.\n95-8; _Gould's Curious Myths_, vol. ii., p. 79, et seq.; _Cox's\nMythology of the Aryan Nations_, vol. ii., pp. 369-72. Some of the\ncrosses referred to lack the head piece, and being of this shape,\n\"T\", resemble, somewhat, a Mexican coin.\n\n[XI-23] 'No solo se hall\u00f2 vna Cruz, sino algunas.' _Cogolludo_, _Hist.\nYuc._, pp. 199-302; _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Conq._, fol. 3; _Herrera_,\n_Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. iii., cap. i.; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._,\nfol. 24. Stephens found a cross at the church of Mejorada, in M\u00e9rida,\nwhich an old monk had dug out of the ruins of a church on Cozumel\nIsland. 'The connecting of the \"Cozumel Cross\" with the ruined church\non the island completely invalidates the strongest proof offered at\nthis day that the cross was ever recognized by the Indians as a symbol\nof worship.' _Yucatan_, vol. ii., pp. 377-8. Rather a hasty assertion\nwhen made in the face of so many old authorities.\n\n[XI-24] This seems to confirm the idea that it was worshiped, yet\nConstantio regards it as a representation of the birth of the sun in\nthe winter solstice, and holds the ruin to which the cross belongs to\nbe a sun temple. _Malte-Brun_, _Pr\u00e9cis de la G\u00e9og._, tom. vi., pp.\n464-5; _M\u00fcller_, _Amerikanische Urreligionen_, p. 498; _Stephens'\nCent. Amer._, vol. i., pp. 345-8. Squier, who denies that the\nTonacaquahuitl was intended to represent a cross, thinks that the\nPalenque cross merely represents one of these trees with the branches\nplaced crosswise. _Palacio_, _Carta_, pp. 120-1. Jones, _Hist. Anc.\nAmer._, p. 149, et seq., who identifies almost every feature of\nCentral American worship with the Ph\u0153nician, asserts that the\nPalenque cross proves the Tyrian origin of the aborigines.\n\n[XI-25] Cogolludo says, however: 'Solian ayunar dos, y tres dias, sin\ncomer cosa alguna.' _Hist. Yuc._, p. 194.\n\n[XI-26] These mutilations were at times very severe. 'Otras vezes hazian\nun suzio y penoso sacrificio a\u00f1udandose los que lo hazian en el\ntemplo, donde puestas en rengla, se hazian sendos aguzeros en los\nmiembros viriles al soslayo por el lado, y hechos passavan toda la\nmas cantidad de hilo que podian, quedando assi todos asidos.' _Landa_,\n_Relacion_, pp. 162-3. This author thinks that the practice of\nslitting the prepuce gave rise to the idea that circumcision existed\nin Yucatan.\n\n[XI-27] _Landa_, _Relacion_, pp. 164-8; _Cogolludo_, _Hist. Yuc._, pp.\n193-4; _Medel_, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcvii., p.\n43; vol. ii., pp. 704-5, of this work. 'For want of children they\nsacrifice dogges.' _Peter Martyr_, dec. iv., lib. vi. 'El numero de la\ngente sacrificada era mucho: y esta costumbre fue introduzida en\nYucatan, por los Mexicanos.' 'Flechauan algunas vezes al sacrificado\n... desollauanlos, vestiase el sacerdote el pellejo, y baylauo, y\nenterrauan el cuerpo en el patio del templo.' _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._,\ndec. iv., lib. x., cap. iii., iv. Tradition relates that in a cave\nnear Uxmal existed a well like that of Chichen, guarded by an old\nwoman, the builder of the dwarf palace in that city, who sold the\nwater for infants, and these she cast before the snake at her side.\n_Stephens' Cent. Amer._, vol. ii., p. 425.\n\n[XI-28] _Landa_, _Relacion_, p. 165; _Cogolludo_, _Hist. Yuc._, pp. 25,\n180; _Gomara_, _Hist. Ind._, fol. 62.\n\n[XI-29] _Relacion_, p. 154; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iv., lib. x.,\ncap. iv. For description of baptismal rites, see vol. ii., pp. 682-4,\nof this work.\n\n[XI-30] 'Que se deriva de un verbo _kinyah_, que significa \"sortear \u00f3\nechar suertes.\"' _Lizana_, in _Landa_, _Relacion_, p. 362.\n\n[XI-31] 'Longues robes noires.' _Morelet_, _Voyage_, tom. i., p. 168.\n\n[XI-32] _Cogolludo_, _Hist. Yuc._, p. 198; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_,\n_Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., p. 6; _Ternaux-Compans_, in _Nouvelles\nAnnales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcvii., pp. 39-41. Temples are described\nin vol. ii., pp. 791-3, of this work.\n\n[XI-33] 'C\u00e9l\u00e8bres dans toutes les traditions d'origine tolt\u00e8que, comme\nles p\u00e8res du soleil et de la magie.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist.\nNat. Civ._, tom. i., p. 120.\n\n[XI-34] '_Hun-Ahpu-Vuch_ un Tireur de Sarbacane au Sarigue et\n_Hun-Ahpu-Ut\u00efu_ un Tireur de Sarbacane au Chacal.' _Brasseur de\nBourbourg_, _Popol Vuh_, pp. cxviii., cxix., pp. 2-5. They are also\nreferred to as conjurers. _Id._, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. i., p. 54.\nXimenez spells the latter name Hun-ahpu-uh\u00fa, and states that they are\nheld as oracles. _Hist. Ind. Guat._, pp. 4, 156-8, 82. Las Casas,\n_Hist. Apolog\u00e9tica_, MS., cap. cxxiv., refers to these beings as\nhaving been adored under the name of grandfather and grandmother\nbefore the deluge, but later on a woman appeared who taught them to\ncall the gods by other names. This woman, Brasseur de Bourbourg holds\nto be the traditional and celebrated queen Atit, from whom Atitlan\nvolcano obtained its name, and from whom the princely families of\nGuatemala have descended. The natives still recall her name, but as\nthat of a phantom. _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., pp. 74-5. He further\nfinds considerable similarity between her and Aditi of the Veda. In\nhis solution of the Antilles cataclysm he identifies Xmucane as the\nSouth American part of the continent and Xpiyacoc as North America.\n_Quatre Lettres_, pp. 223-4, 235-8. Garcia, _Origen de los Ind._, pp.\n329-30, calls these first beings Xchmel and Xtmana, and gives them\nthree sons, who create all things. In the younger of these we\nrecognize the two legitimate sons of Hunhun Ahpu, who will be\ndescribed later on as the patrons of the fine arts.\n\n[XI-35] To be afflicted with buboes implied the possession of many women\nand consequently wealth and grandeur. _Hist. Ind. Guat._, p. 157; see\nthis vol. p. 60; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Popol Vuh_, p. 3.\n\n[XI-36] Brasseur de Bourbourg, _Popol Vuh_, p. 315, does not understand\nwhy Ximenez, _Hist. Ind. Guat._, p. 125, translates heaven and Xibalba\nas heaven and hell, but as both terms doubtless refer to provinces, or\ntowns, it is better to retain the figurative name. Xibalba is,\nbesides, derived from the same source as the Insomuch 'demon' of the\nYucatecs. Brasseur translates: 'Chaque sept (jours) il montait au ciel\net en sept (jours) il faisait le chemin pour descendre \u00e0 Xibalba;'\nwhile Ximenez with more apparent correctness renders: 'Siete dias se\nsubia al cielo y siete dias se iba al infierno.' In _Quatre Lettres_,\np. 228, the Abb\u00e9 explains Xibalba as hell. See also vol. ii., pp.\n715-7, of this work.\n\n[XI-37] _Popol Vuh_, p. cxvii.-cxx., 7, 9; see this vol., pp. 48-54. The\noccurrence of the number 4 in mythical and historical accounts of\nMexico and Central America is very frequent.\n\n[XI-38] 'Parait venir des Antilles, o\u00f9 il d\u00e9signait la temp\u00eate et le\ngrondement de l'orage.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Popol Vuh_, p. 8.\n\n[XI-39] _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., p. 496.\n\n[XI-40] Garcilaso says: 'C'est encore l'id\u00e9e du Tonnerre, de l'Eclair et\nde la Foudre, contenus dans un seul _Hurakan_, le centre, le coeur\ndu ciel, la temp\u00eate, le vent, le souffle.' _Comentarios Reales_, lib.\nii., cap. xxiii., lib. iii., cap. xxi., lib. iii.; _Brasseur de\nBourbourg_, _Popol Vuh_, p. ccxxxv., 9; _Id._, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom.\ni., p. 51.\n\n[XI-41] 'Ximenez dit qu'il signifie _Pluie, Averse_: mais il confond ici\nle nom du dieu avec le signe. _Toh_, ... est rendu par le mot _paga_,\npaie, _pagar_, payer. Mais le MS. _Cakehiquel_ ... dit que les Quich\u00e9s\nre\u00e7urent celui de _Tohohil_, qui signifie grondement, bruit,' etc.\n_Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Popol Vuh_, p. 214. He seems identical with\nthe Maya Hunpictok.\n\n[XI-42] _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., p. 553,\ntom. i., p. 128.\n\n[XI-43] Brinton, _Myths_, pp. 156-7, who holds Hurakan to be the Tlaloc,\nconnects Tohil with Quetzalcoatl--ideas taken most likely from\nBrasseur de Bourbourg--states that he was represented by a flint. This\nmust refer to his traditional transformation into a stone, for the\nAbb\u00e9 declares that no description of his idol is given by the\nchroniclers. _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., p. 552. Now, although the\nAbb\u00e9 declares Tohil to be the same as Quetzalcoatl, in the _Popol\nVuh_, p. 214, and other places, he acknowledges that the tradition\npositively identifies him with Hurakan, and confirms this by\nexplaining on p. cclxvii., that Tohil, sometimes in himself, sometimes\nin connection with the two other members of the trinity, combines the\nattributes of thunder, flash, and thunderbolt; further, he gives a\nprayer by the Tohil priests in which this god is addressed as Hurakan.\n_Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., p. 553. Gucumatz, the acknowledged\nrepresentative of Quetzalcoatl, is, besides, shown to be distinct from\nTohil. Every point, therefore, tradition, name, attributes, connect\nTohil and Hurakan, and identify them with Tlaloc.\n\n[XI-44] _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., pp. 552-3.\n\n[XI-45] _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Popol Vuh_, p. cclxvii., 235; _Id._,\n_Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., p. 554. The turning into stone 'veut dire\nque les trois principaux volcans s'\u00e9teignirent ou cess\u00e8rent de lancer\nleurs feux.' _Id._, _Quatre Lettres_, p. 331.\n\n[XI-46] _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., p. 497,\n75; _Id._, _Popol Vuh_, p. cclxii.; see note 7.\n\n[XI-47] _Id._, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., p. 521; _Juarros' Hist.\nGuat._, p. 384.\n\n[XI-48] '_Hunhun-Ahpu_ signifie Chaque Tireur de Sarbacane;\n_Vukub-Hun-Ahpu_, Sept un Tireur de Sarbacane.' _Brasseur de\nBourbourg_, _Popol Vuh_, p. cxxxv. Their chief name, Ahpu, 'd\u00e9signe la\npuissance volcanique.' _Id._, _Quatre Lettres_, p. 225.\n\n[XI-49] Hun Ahpu, a sarbacan shooter. '_Xbalenque, de balam_, tigre,\njaguar; le _que_ final est un signe pluriel, et le _x_ qui pr\u00e9c\u00e8de,\nprononcez _sh_ (anglais), est alternativement un diminutif ou un signe\nf\u00e9minin.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Popol Vuh_, p. cxxxv. Ximenez,\n_Hist. Ind. Guat._, pp. 146-7, 156, remarks the similarity of these\npersonages to the God, son, and virgin of the Christians.\n\n[XI-50] '_Hun-Batz_, Un Singe (ou un Fileur); _Hun-Chouen_, un qui se\nblanchit, ou s'embellit.' They seem to correspond to the Mexican\nOzomatli and Piltzintecutli. _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Popol Vuh_, pp.\ncxxxv., 69, 117. The _ba_ in Hun-Batz refers to something underground,\nor deep down, and Hun-Chouen '\"Une Souris cach\u00e9e\" ou \"un lac en\nsentinelle.\"' Both names indicate the disordered condition and\nmovement of a region (the Antilles). _Id._, _Quatre Lettres_, pp.\n227-9.\n\n[XI-51] 'Les deux fr\u00e8res, s'\u00e9tant embrass\u00e9s, s'\u00e9lancent dans les\nflammes.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. i., p. 137.\n\n[XI-52] Vukub Cakix, 'seven aras,' a type of the sun, although declared\nin one place to have usurped the solar attribute, seems to have been\nworshiped as the sun; his two sons, Zipacna and Cabrakan, represent\nrespectively the creator of the earth and the earthquake, which\nconfirms their father's high position. _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Popol\nVuh_, pp. 31-9, cciv., ccliii.\n\n[XI-53] The allegorical account of these events is related on pp. 31 to\n192 of _Popol Vuh_, and Brasseur's remarks are given on pages cxxxiv.\nto cxl. Juarros, _Hist. Guat._, p. 164, states that Hun Ahpu\ndiscovered the use of cacao and cotton, which is but another\nindication of the introduction of culture. According to Las Casas,\nXbalanque descends into hell, Xibalba, where he captures Satan and his\nchief men, and when the devil implores the hero not to bring him to\nthe light, he kicks him back with the curse that all things rotten and\nabhorrent may cling to him. When he returns, his people do not receive\nhim with due honor, and he accordingly leaves for other parts. _Hist.\nApolog\u00e9tica_, MS., cap. cxxiv.; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom.\nii., pp. 53-4.\n\n[XI-54] _Quatre Lettres_, pp. 225-53; see this vol. 261-4.\n\n[XI-55] On one occasion the people '\u00e9gorg\u00e8rent chacun un de leurs fils,\ndont ils mirent les cadavres dans les fondations.' _Brasseur de\nBourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., pp. 561-4.\n\n[XI-56] _Indianer von Istl\u00e1vacan_, pp. 11-3. The natives believed that\nthey would have to share all the sufferings and emotions of their\nnaguals. _Gage's New Survey_, p. 334; Herrera, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iv.,\nlib. viii., cap. iv., also refers to naguals, and states that the\nHonduras prot\u00e9g\u00e9 made his compact with it in the mountains by\nofferings and blood-letting.\n\n[XI-57] _Espinosa_, _Chr\u00f3n. Apost._, pp. 344-5; _Remesal_, _Hist.\nChyapa_, p. 726; _Villagutierre_, _Hist. Conq. Itza_, pp. 151-3.\n\n[XI-58] 'Tenian por sus Dioses \u00e0 los Venados.' _Villagutierre_, _Hist.\nConq. Itza_, p. 43.\n\n[XI-59] _Hist. Yuc._, pp. 699, 489-93, 509; _Villagutierre_, _Hist.\nConq. Itza_, pp. 100-2, 182, 500-2; _Morelet_, _Voyage_, tom. ii., p.\n32; _McCulloh's Researches in Amer._, p. 318.\n\n[XI-60] '_Cha-malcan_ serait donc Fl\u00e8che ou Dard frott\u00e9 d'ocre jaune,'\netc. _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Popol Vuh_, pp. 248-9.\n\n[XI-61] _Id._, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., p. 173.\n\n[XI-62] _M\u00fcller_, _Amerikanische Urreligionen_, p. 475. In their want of\nidols they contrasted strongly with their neighbors. _Villagutierre_,\n_Hist. Conq. Itza_, p. 74; _Morelet_, _Voyage_, tom. ii., p. 79.\n\n[XI-63] 'C'est \u00e0 eux qu'elles offraient presque tous leurs sacrifices.'\n_Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., p. 556;\n_Palacio_, _Carta_, pp. 66-70.\n\n[XI-64] 'L'\u00e9poque que les \u00e9v\u00e9nements paraissent assigner \u00e0 cette l\u00e9gende\nco\u00efncide avec la p\u00e9riode de la grande \u00e9migration tolt\u00e8que et la\nfondation des divers royaumes guat\u00e9maliens.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_,\n_Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., p. 81; _Id._, _Popol Vuh_, p. cxxviii.\nNear the village of Coatan was a small lake which they regarded as\noracular, into which none dared to peer least he should be smitten\nwith dumbness and death. _Palacio_, _Carta_, p. 50.\n\n[XI-65] 'Aujourd'hui de _Gracias_.... Il y a encore aujourd'hui un\nvillage du m\u00eame nom, paroisse \u00e0 12 l. de Comayagua.' _Brasseur de\nBourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., p. 106.\n\n[XI-66] 'Aunque otros dicen, que eran sus Hermanos.' _Torquemada_,\n_Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 336.\n\n[XI-67] _Carta_, pp. 82-4. As an instance of the respect entertained for\nthe idols, Las Casas relates that on the Spaniards once profaning them\nwith their touch, the natives brought censers with which they incensed\nthem, and then carried them back to their altar with great respect,\nshedding their blood upon the road traversed by the idols. _Hist.\nApolog\u00e9tica_, MS., cap. clxxx.; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i.,\n326; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. iv.\n\n[XI-68] See vol. ii. of this work, pp. 719-20.\n\n[XI-69] _Roman_, _Republica de los Indios_, in _Ximenez_, _Hist. Ind.\nGuat._, pp. 176-81; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom.\nii., pp. 564-566; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apolog\u00e9tica_, MS., cap. clxxix.;\n_Juarros_, _Hist. Guat._, p. 196.\n\n[XI-70] The ancient Quich\u00e9s 'recueillirent leur sang avec des \u00e9ponges,'\n_Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Popol Vuh_, p. 259.\n\n[XI-71] _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., pp.\n559-63; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apolog\u00e9tica_, MS., cap. clxxvii.; vol. ii.\nof this work, pp. 688.\n\n[XI-72] _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Popol Vuh_, pp. 226-7; _Las Casas_,\n_Hist. Apolog\u00e9tica_, MS., cap. cxxiv., clxxvii.; _Juarros' Hist.\nGuat._, p. 225; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 54;\n_Palacio_, _Carta_, p. 66; _Squier_, in _Id._, pp. 116-7; _Cort\u00e9s_,\n_Cartas_, pp. 417-8; _Cogolludo_, _Hist. Yuc._, p. 699;\n_Villagutierre_, _Hist. Conq. Itza_, pp. 392, 502; _Gomara_, _Hist.\nInd._, fol. 268; _Waldeck_, _Voy. Pitt._, p. 40; see also, this vol.\npp. 688-9, 706-10, 735; _Stephens' Cent. Amer._, vol. ii., pp. 184-5.\nXimenez, _Hist. Ind. Guat._, p. 210, states, that in case of a severe\nillness, a father would not hesitate to sacrifice his son to obtain\nrelief. The very fact of such a tale passing current, shows how little\nhuman life was valued.\n\n[XI-73] 'Ils n'avaient pour toute nourriture que des fruits.' MS.,\n_Quich\u00e9 de Chichicastenango_, in _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat.\nCiv._, tom. ii., pp. 552-553, 496-7; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apolog\u00e9tica_,\nMS., cap. cxxxiii.\n\n[XI-74] Ternaux-Compans renders it _tuti_, _Recueil de Doc._, p. 29,\nwhile Squier gives it as _tecti_. _Palacio_, _Carta_, p. 62. But as an\nAztec word, it ought to be written _teoti_.\n\n[XI-75] _Palacio_, _Carta_, pp. 62-6; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iv.,\nlib. viii., cap. x.; _Ximenez_, _Hist. Ind. Guat._, pp. 200-1;\n_Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., pp. 105, 555-6;\n_Salazar y Olarte_, _Hist. Conq. Mex._, pp. 315-6.\n\n[XI-76] _Hist. Conq. Itza_, p. 61; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Popol Vuh_,\npp. cxviii., cclxvi.; _Scherzer_, _Indianer von Istl\u00e1vacan_, p. 10.\n\n[XI-77] Gomara says with regard to this: 'Religion de Nicaragua que casi\nes la mesma Mexicana.' _Hist. Ind._, fol. 63.\n\n[XI-78] The similarity of the name of _tamachaz_ and _tamagast_, names\ngiven to angels and priests, is striking. The ending _tat_ might also\nbe regarded as a contraction of the Aztec _tatli_, father.\n_Buschmann_, _Ortsnamen_, pp. 164-5.\n\n[XI-79] _Buschmann_, _Ortsnamen_, p. 163.\n\n[XI-80] 'Ich bringe es in Verbindung mit dem Stammworte _ciahua_ oder\n_ciyahua_ befeuchten, bew\u00e4ssern.' _Ib._ It is to be noticed that the\nAztec _h_ frequently changes into _g_, in these countries.\n\n[XI-81] _M\u00fcller_, _Amerikanische Urreligionen_, pp. 435-8, 503;\n_Squier's Nicaragua_, (Ed. 1856), vol. ii., pp. 349-60; _Brasseur de\nBourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., p. 112; this author\nidentifies Tamagostat and Cipaltona with the solar deities Oxomoc and\nCipactonal of the Toltecs, but places them in rather an inferior\nposition.\n\n[XI-82] Oxomogo is also introduced, which tends to throw doubt on\nBrasseur's identification of Jamagostad with this personage.\n\n[XI-83] 'Ehecatl oder verk\u00fcrzt Ecatl ... ist die Berichtigung f\u00fcr\nOviedo's Hecat.' _Buschmann_, _Ortsnamen_, p. 163; _Oviedo_, _Hist.\nGen._, tom. iv., pp. 40-5, 52.\n\n[XI-84] In _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, s\u00e9rie ii., tom. iii., p. 40, they\nare written Homey-Atel\u00efte and Homey-Ateciguat, but the above spelling\ncorresponds better with other similar Aztec names in Nicaragua.\n_Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iv., p. 46.\n\n[XI-85] 'Von quiahui oder quiyahui regnen: mit _teotl_ Gott verbunden.'\n_Buschmann_, _Ortsnamen_, p. 167.\n\n[XI-86] _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iv., p. 46.\n\n[XI-87] _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., p. 113.\nThe latter seems to be the same as the Mexican Teotochtli, 'rabbit\ngod.'\n\n[XI-88] 'Y esso tenemos por el dios de los venados.' _Oviedo_, _Hist.\nGen._, tom. iv., p. 55.\n\n[XI-89] All probably derived from _tlamacazqui_, priest. _Brasseur de\nBourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., pp. 112-4. This author,\nfollowing _Oviedo_, _Hist. Nic._, spells the names somewhat\ndifferently. _Buschmann_, _Ortsnamen_, pp. 165-8; _Oviedo_, _Hist.\nGen._, tom. iv., pp. 48, 52, 101.\n\n[XI-90] These remarks appear inconsistent with the statement that the\nspirit only of men ascended to heaven. _Id._, pp. 41-2.\n\n[XI-91] '_T\u00e9obat_ vient probablement de _T\u00e9ohuatl_, \u00eatre divin.'\n_Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., p. 113.\n\n[XI-92] 'En toda la pla\u00e7a, ni en el templo donde est\u00e1n, entran all\u00ed\nhombre ni muger en tanto que all\u00ed est\u00e1n, sino solamente los muchachos\npeque\u00f1os que les llevan \u00e9 dan de comer.' _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom.\niv., p. 47.\n\n[XI-93] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 330.\n\n[XI-94] Peter Martyr describes this edifice as follows: 'Within the\nviewe of their Temples there are diuers Bases or Pillers like the\nPulpittes ... which Bases consist of eight steppes or stayres in some\nplaces twelue, and in another fifteene.' Dec. vi., lib. vi.\n\n[XI-95] _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iv., pp. 46-7, 53, 56, 93-4, 98,\n101; _Peter Martyr_, dec. vi., lib. vii.; _Gomara_, _Hist. Ind._, fol.\n265-6; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec., iii., lib. iv., cap. vii.; vol.\nii., pp. 708-10, 715, of this work.\n\n[XI-96] _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iv., pp. 55-6; _Herrera_, _Hist.\nGen._, dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vii., lib. v., cap. xii.; _Gomara_,\n_Hist. Ind._, fol. 256.\n\n[XI-97] Brasseur de Bourbourg says: '_Tamagoz_, c'est encore une autre\ncorruption du mot _tlamacazqui_.' _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., p. 114.\n\n[XI-98] _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iv., pp. 46-7, 53; _Andagoya_, in\n_Navarrete_, _Col. de Viages_, tom. iii., p. 414; vol. ii., p. 728, of\nthis work. Gomara, _Hist. Ind._, fol. 265, states that the priests\nwere all married, while Herrera, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. iv.,\ncap. vii., asserts the contrary. The latter view seems more correct\nwhen we consider that women were not permitted to enter the temples,\nand that the high priest and devotees were obliged to leave their\nwives when they passed into the sanctuary. It is even probable that\nthere was no distinct priesthood, since the temples had no revenues,\nand the temple service was performed in part at least by volunteers;\nto this must be added the fact, that although the confessor might not\nbe connected with the temple, yet he ordered penance for its benefit.\nIt must be considered, however, that without regular ministers it\nwould have been difficult to keep up the routine of feasts and\nceremonies, write the books of records, teach the children, and\nmaintain discipline.\n\n[XI-99] _Arricivita_, _Cr\u00f3nica Ser\u00e1fica_, p. 57; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._,\ntom. iv., pp. 101, 107. 'Sous le nom de \"Texox\u00e9\" on d\u00e9signait les\nnaguals, les g\u00e9nies mauvais de toute esp\u00e8ce, ainsi que les sorciers.'\n_Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., p. 113.\n\n[XI-100] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 63.\n\n[XI-101] At Cape Honduras they consisted of long, narrow houses, raised\nabove the ground, containing idols with heads of animals. _Herrera_,\n_Hist. Gen._, dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. v.\n\n[XI-102] _Id._, and dec. iv., lib. i., cap. vi.; see vol. i., p. 740, of\nthis work.\n\n[XI-103] 'Es ist daf\u00fcr das Wort God aus dem Englischen aufgenommen.'\n_Mosquitoland_, _Bericht_, p. 142.\n\n[XI-104] _Bard's Waikna_, p. 243. 'Devils, the chief of whom they call\nthe Woolsaw, or evil principle, witchcraft.' _Strangeways' Mosquito\nShore_, p. 331. Young writes Oulasser. _Narrative_, p. 72.\n\n[XI-105] _Bell_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. xxxii., p. 254.\n\n[XI-106] A shape which assigns the story a comparatively recent date,\nunless a deer was originally meant.\n\n[XI-107] _Bell_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. xxxii., pp. 253-4;\n_Young's Narrative_, p. 79.\n\n[XI-108] _Froebel's Cent. Amer._, p. 137; see also vol. i., pp. 740-1,\nof this work.\n\n[XI-109] _Hist. Ind._, fol. 255.\n\n[XI-110] _Id._, fol. 89; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., pp. 20, 125.\n\n[XI-111] _Peter Martyr_, dec. vii., lib. x.; _Irving's Columbus_, vol.\niii., pp. 173-4; _M\u00fcller_, _Amerikanische Urreligionen_, p. 421.\n\n[XI-112] _Andagoya_, in _Navarrete_, _Col. de Viages_, tom. iii., p. 401;\n_Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iv., lib. i., cap. xi., dec. ii., lib.\niii., cap. v.\n\n[XI-113] _Hist. Apolog\u00e9tica_, MS., cap. cxxiv., ccxlii.; _Torquemada_,\n_Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 63.\n\n[XI-114] Dec. iii., lib. iv., dec. ii., lib. iii.\n\n[XI-115] A name applied in Cueba to all who excelled in an art. _Oviedo_,\n_Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., pp. 126-7.\n\n[XI-116] 'Las manos no se las vian.' _Andagoya_, in _Navarrete_, _Col.\nde Viages_, tom. iii., p. 400.\n\n[XI-117] For further account of sorcerers, see vol. i., pp. 779-80.\nGomara writes: 'Tauira, que es el Diablo.' _Hist. Ind._, fol. 255;\n_Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. ii., cap. x., lib. iii., cap.\nv., dec. iv., lib. i., cap. x.\n\n[XI-118] _Peter Martyr_, dec. vii., lib. x.\n\n[XI-119] _Ancient Fragments_, introduction, p. 34. M. Pictet says of the\nprimitive Celtic religion: \"From a _primitive duality_, constituting\nthe fundamental forces of the universe, there arises a double\nprogression of cosmical powers, which, after having crossed each other\nby a mutual transition, at last proceed to blend in One Supreme Unity,\nas in their essential principles.\" Says Sir William Jones: \"We must\nnot be surprised at finding, on a close examination, that the\ncharacters of all the Pagan deities, male and female, melt into each\nother, and at last into one or two, for it seems a well-founded\nopinion that the whole crowd of gods and goddesses in ancient Rome and\nmodern V\u00e1r\u00e1nes, mean only the Powers of Nature, and principally those\nof the SUN, expressed in a variety of ways, and by a multitude of\nfanciful names.\" _On the Gods of Greece, Italy, and India_, p. 273.\n\n[XI-120] 'This suggestion was first publicly made in a communication\nread,' says Squier, _Serpent Symbol_, p. 49, 'before the American\nEthnological Society, by a distinguished member of that body; from\nwhich the following passages are extracted. After noticing several\nfacts tending to show the former existence of Phallic worship in\nAmerica, the author of the paper proceeds as follows:--\"We come now to\nCentral America. Upon a perusal of the first journey of our\nfellow-members, Messrs. Stephens and Catherwood, into Guatemala and\nthe central territories of the Continent, I was forcibly struck with\nthe monolithic idols of Copan. We knew nothing before, save of\nMexican, Palenque, and Uxmal remains; and those of Copan appeared to\nme to be unlike them all, and probably of an older date. My reading\nfurnishes me with but one parallel to those singular monolithic\nsculptures, and that was seen in Ceylon, in 1796, by Captain Colin\nMcKenzie, and described in the 6th volume of the Asiatic Researches.\nAs the description is short, I transcribe it: 'The figure is cut out\nof stone in relievo; but the whole is sunk in a hollow, scooped out,\nso that it is defended from injury on the sides. It may be about\nfourteen feet high, the countenance wild, a full round visage, the\neyes large, the nose round and long; it has no beard; nor the usual\ndistinguishing marks of the Gentoo casts. He holds up both his hands,\nwith the forefingers and thumbs bent; the head-dress is high, and\nseems ornamented with jewels; on the little finger of the left hand is\na ring; on the arms bracelets; a belt high about the waist; the lower\ndress or drapery fixed with a girdle much lower than the Gentoo dress,\nfrom which something like tassels depend; a collar and ornaments on\nthe neck and shoulders; and rings seem to hang low from the ears. No\nappearance of any arms or weapons.' This was the nearest approximation\nI could make to the Copan idols; for idols I took them to be, from the\nfact that an altar was invariably placed before them. From a close\ninspection of Mr. Catherwood's drawings, I found that though no single\nfigure presented all the foregoing characteristics, yet in the various\nfigures I could find every particular enumerated in the Ceylon\nsculpture. It then occurred to me that one of the most usual symbols\nof the Phallus was an erect stone, often in its rough state, sometimes\nsculptured, and that no other object of heathen worship was so often\nshadowed forth by a single stone placed on end, as the Phallus. That\nthe worship of the Priapus, [Lingam] existed in Ceylon, has long since\nbeen satisfactorily established; and hence I was led to suspect that\nthese monuments at Copan, might be vestiges of a similar idolatry. A\nfurther inspection confirmed my suspicions; for, as I supposed, I\nfound sculptured on the American ruins the organs of generation, and\non the back of one of the emblems relative to uterine existence,\nparturition, etc. I should, however, have wanted entire confidence in\nthe correctness of my suspicions, had the matter rested here. On the\nreturn of Messrs. Stephens and Catherwood from their second\nexpedition, every doubt of the existence of Phallic worship,\nespecially in Yucatan, was removed.\"\n\n[XI-121] _Quatre Lettres_, pp. 290, 301; _Squier's Serpent Symbol_, pp.\n47-50.\n\n[XI-122] _Leon y Gama_, _Dos Piedras_, part i., p. 40.\n\n[XI-123] In P\u00e1nuco and other provinces 'adorano il membro che portano gli\nhuomini fra le gambe, & lo tengono nella meschita, & posto similmente\nsopra la piazza insieme con le imagini de rilieuo di tutti modi di\npiacere che possono essere fra l'huomo & la donna, & gli hanno di\nritratto con le gambe di alzate in diuersi modi.' _Relatione fatta per\nun Gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cort\u00e9se_, in _Ramusio_,\n_Navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. 307.\n\n[XI-124] 'Hallaron entre vnos arboles vn idolillo de oro y muchos de\nbarro, dos hombres de palo, caualgando vno sobre otro, a fuer Sodoma,\ny otro de tierra cozida con ambas manos a lo suyo, que lo tenia\nretajado, como son casi todos los Indios de Yucatan.' _Gomara_, _Hist.\nInd._, fol. 58.\n\n[XI-125] See vol. ii., pp. 336-7, concerning this festival.\n\n[XI-126] 'Un idolo de piedra redondo,' which may mean a 'cylindrical\nstone,' as the translator of Palacio's _Carta_ has rendered it.\n\n[XI-127] _Palacio_, _Carta_, p. 84.\n\n[XI-128] Concerning the cross in America, see this vol. p. 468.\n\n[XI-129] I refer to the left hand figure in the cut on p. 348, vol. iv.,\nof this work. For examples of the amulets mentioned, see illustrations\nin Payne Knight's _Worship of Priapus_.\n\n[XI-130] See vol. i., of this work, p. 93; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom.\niv., p. 48; See vol. ii., of this work, pp. 719-20.\n\n[XI-131] _Boturini_, _Idea_, p. 13; see also this volume, pp. 243-4.\n\n[XI-132] See vol. i., of this work, pp. 200, 414, 566-6; vol. ii., p.\n676, and account of Yucatec feasts in chap. xxii. In citing these\nbrutish orgies I do not presume, or wish to assert, that they were in\nany way connected with phallus worship, or indeed, that there was\nanything of a religious nature in them. Still, as they certainly were\nindulged in during, or immediately after the great religious\nfestivals, and as we know how the phallic cult degenerated from its\noriginal purity into just such bestiality in Greece and Rome, I have\nthought it well to mention them. There is much truth in the following\nremarks on this point, by Mr. Brinton, though with his statement that\nthe proofs of a recognition of the fecundating principle in Nature by\nthe Americans are 'altogether wanting,' I cannot agree. He says:\n'There is no ground whatever to invest these debauches with any\nrecondite meaning. They are simply indications of the thorough and\nutter immorality which prevailed throughout the race. And a still more\ndisgusting proof of it is seen in the frequent appearance among\ndiverse tribes of men dressed as women and yielding themselves to\nindescribable vices. There was at first nothing of a religious nature\nin such exhibitions. Lascivious priests chose at times to invest them\nwith some such meaning.... The pretended phallic worship of the\nNatchez and of Culhuacan, cited by the Abb\u00e9 Brasseur, rests on no good\nauthority, and if true, is like that of the Huastecs of Panuco,\nnothing but an unrestrained and boundless profligacy which it were an\nabsurdity to call a religion. That which Mr. Stephens attempts to show\nexisted once in Yucatan, rests entirely by his own statement on a\nfancied resemblance of no value whatever, and the arguments of Lafitau\nto the same effect are quite insufficient. There is a decided\nindecency in the remains of ancient American art, especially in Peru,\n(Meyen) and great lubricity in many ceremonies, but the proof is\naltogether wanting to bind these with the recognition of fecundating\nprinciple throughout nature, or, indeed, to suppose for them any other\norigin than the promptings of an impure fancy. I even doubt whether\nthey often referred to fire as the deity of sexual love. By a flight\nof fancy inspired by a study of oriental mythology, the worship of the\nreciprocal principle in America has been connected with that of the\nsun and moon, as the primitive pair from whose fecund union all\ncreatures proceeded. It is sufficient to say if such a myth exists\namong the Indians--which is questionable--it justifies no such\ndeduction; that the moon is often mentioned in their languages merely\nas the \"night sun;\" and that in such important stocks as the Iroquois,\nAthapascas, Cherokees, and Tupis, the sun is said to be a feminine\nnoun; while the myths represent them more frequently as brother and\nsister than as man and wife; nor did at least the northern tribes\nregard the sun as the cause of fecundity in nature at all, but solely\nas giving light and warmth.' _Myths_, pp. 149-50; _Schoolcraft's\nArch._, vol. v., pp. 416-17.\n\n[XI-133] For a full account of this feast see vol. ii., of this work,\npp. 329-30.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER XII.\n\nFUTURE STATE.\n\n     ABORIGINAL IDEAS OF FUTURE -- GENERAL CONCEPTIONS OF SOUL --\n     FUTURE STATE OF THE ALEUTS, CHEPEWYANS, NATIVES AT MILBANK\n     SOUND, AND OKANAGANS -- HAPPY LAND OF THE SALISH AND CHINOOKS\n     -- CONCEPTIONS OF HEAVEN AND HELL OF THE NEZ PERC\u00c9S, FLATHEADS,\n     AND HAIDAHS -- THE REALMS OF QUAWTEAHT AND CHAYHER -- BELIEFS\n     OF THE SONGHIES, CLALLAMS, AND PEND D'OREILLES -- THE FUTURE\n     STATE OF THE CALIFORNIAN AND NEVADA TRIBES, COMANCHES, PUEBLOS,\n     NAVAJOS, APACHES, MOQUIS, MARICOPAS, YUMAS, AND OTHERS -- THE\n     SUN HOUSE OF THE MEXICANS -- TLALOCAN AND MICTLAN -- CONDITION\n     OF THE DEAD -- JOURNEY OF THE DEAD -- FUTURE OF THE TLASCALTECS\n     AND OTHER NATIONS.\n\n\nThe hope, or at least the expectation of immortality, is universal\namong men. The mind instinctively shrinks from the thought of utter\nannihilation, and ever clings to the hope of a future which shall be\nbetter than the present. But as man's ideal of supreme happiness\ndepends upon his culture, tastes, and condition in this life, we find\namong different people widely differing conceptions of a future. The\nintellectual Greek looked forward to the enjoyment of less gross and\nmore varied pleasures in his Elysian Fields, than the sensual\nMussulman, whose paradise was merely a place where bright-eyed houris\ncould administer to his every want, or the fierce Viking whose\nValhalla was a scene of continual gluttony and strife, of alternate\nhewing in pieces and swilling of mead.\n\n  [Sidenote: IDEAS OF FUTURE.]\n\nIt has been supposed by some that the idea of future punishment and\nreward was unknown to the Americans.[XII-1] This is certainly an error,\nfor some of the Pacific Coast tribes had very definite ideas of future\nretribution, and almost all, in supposing that the manner of death\ninfluenced the future state of the deceased, implied a belief in\nfuture reward, at least. The slave, too, who was sacrificed on the\ngrave of his master, was thought to earn by his devotion, enforced\nthough it might be, a passport to the realms of eternal joy; had there\nbeen no less blissful bourne this prospective reward for fidelity\nwould have been manifestly superfluous.\n\nThe future life of these people was sharply defined, and was of the\nearth, earthy. In its most common forms it was merely earth-life, more\nor less free from mortal ills. The soul was subject to the same wants\nas the body, and must be supplied by the same means. In fact, the\npagan's conception of heaven was much more clearly defined than the\nChristian's, and the former must have anticipated a removal thither\nwith a far less wondering and troubled mind than the latter.\n\nIn the Mexican heaven there were various degrees of happiness, and\neach was appointed to his place according to his rank and deserts in\nthis life. The high-born warrior who fell gloriously in battle did not\nmeet on equal terms the base-born rustic who died in his bed. Even in\nthe House of the Sun, the most blissful abode of the brave, the\nordinary avocations of life were not entirely dispensed with, and\nafter their singing and dancing, the man took up his bow again, and\nthe woman her spindle. The lower heavens possessed a less degree of\nsplendor and happiness until the abode of the great mass of those who\nhad lived an obscure life and died a natural death was reached. These\npursued their avocations by twilight, or passed their time in a\ndreamy condition, or state of torpor. As slaves were often sacrificed\nover their master's grave that they might serve in the next world, we\nmust suppose that differences of rank were maintained there. The\nTlascaltecs supposed that the common people were after death\ntransformed into beetles and disgusting objects, while the nobler\nbecame stars and beautiful birds. But this condition was also\ninfluenced by the acts and conduct of friends of the deceased.\n\nSir John Lubbock[XII-2] does not believe with Wilson and other\narch\u00e6ologists that the burial of implements with the dead was because\nof any belief that they would be of use to the deceased in a future\nstate; but solely as a tribute of affection, an outburst of that\nspirit of sacrifice and offering so noticeable in all, from the most\nsavage to the most civilized, in the presence of lost brotherhood,\nfriendship, or love. In the first place the outfit in a great majority\nof cases is wholly unfit and inadequate, viewed in any rational scale\nof utility; they are not such as the dead warrior would procure, if by\nany means he were again restored to earth and to his friends. In the\nsecond place it was and is usual to so effectually mutilate the\ndevoted arms and utensils, as to render them a mere mockery if they\nare intended for the future use of the dead. It is easy to classify\nthis phenomenon in the same category with the deserting or destroying\nof the house of the deceased, the refusal to mention his name, and all\nthe other rude contrivances by which the memory of their sorrow may be\nburied out of their sight.\n\nThis subject may be viewed in another light, however, by considering\nthat these Indians sometimes impute spirits even to inanimate objects,\nand when the wife or the slave is slain, their spirits meet the chief\nin the future land. Do they not also break the bow and the spear that\nthe ghostly weapons may seek above the hands of their sometime owner,\nnot leaving him defenceless among the awful shades. The mutilation of\nthe articles may perhaps be regarded as a symbolic killing, to release\nthe soul of the object; the inadequacy of the supply may indicate that\nthey were to be used only during the journey, or preparatory state,\nmore perfect articles being given to the soul, or prepared by it, on\nentering the heaven proper.\n\nThe slaves sacrificed at the grave by the Aztecs and Tarascos were\nselected from various trades and professions and took with them the\nmost cherished articles of the master, and the implements of their\ntrade, wherewith to supply his wants. Passports were given for the\ndifferent points along the road, and a dog as guide. Thus the souls of\nanimals are shown to have entered heaven with man, and this is also\nimplied by the belief that men were there transformed into birds and\ninsects, and that they followed the chase. Another instance which\nseems to indicate that the souls of these earthly objects were used\nmerely during the preparatory state, was the yearly feast given to\ndeparted souls during the period that this condition endured. After\nthat they were left to oblivion. The Miztecs had the custom of\ninviting the spirits to enter and partake of the repast spread for\nthem, and this food, the essence of which had been consumed by the\nunseen visitors, was regarded as sacred.[XII-3]\n\n  [Sidenote: THE ROAD TO HEAVEN.]\n\nThe road to paradise was represented to be full of dangers--an idea\nprobably suggested to them by the awful mystery of death. In the idea\nof this perilous journey, this road beset with many dangers--storms,\nmonsters, deep waters, and whirlpools--we may trace a belief in future\nretribution, for though the majority of travelers manage to reach\ntheir destination having only suffered more or less maltreatment by\nthe way, yet many a solitary, ill-provided wanderer is overwhelmed and\nprevented from doing so. In exceptional cases, the perils of this\nvalley of the shadow of death are avoided by the intervention of a\nfriendly deity who, Hermes-like, bears the weary soul straight to its\nrest. Among the Mexicans Teoyaomique, the consort of the war-god,\nperformed this good office for the fallen warrior.\n\nWith the alternative of this not very attractive future before them,\nit is natural that the theory of metempsychosis should have found wide\nand ready acceptance, for with these people it did not mean\npurification from sin, as among the Brahmans; it was simply the return\nof the soul to the world, to live once more the old life, although at\ntimes in a different and superior sphere. The human form was,\ntherefore, assumed more often than that of animals. The soul generally\nentered the body of a female relative to form the soul of the unborn\ninfant; the likeness of the child to a deceased friend in features or\npeculiarities lent great weight to this belief. This re\u00ebmbodiment was\nnot limited to individuals; the Nootkas, for instance, accounted for\nthe existence of a distant tribe, speaking the same language as\nthemselves, by declaring them to be the incarnated spirits of their\ndead. The preservation of the bones of the dead, seems in some cases\nto be connected with a belief in a resurrection of the body. The\nopinion underlying the various customs of preservation of remains,\nsays Brinton, \"was, that a part of the soul, or one of the souls,\ndwelt in the bones; that these were the seeds which, planted in the\nearth, or preserved unbroken in safe places, would, in time, put on\nonce again a garb of flesh, and germinate into living human\nbeings.\"[XII-4] Indeed, a Mexican creation-myth relates that man sprang\nfrom dead bones,[XII-5] and in Goatzacoalco the bones were actually\ndeposited in a convenient place, that the soul might resume them.\n\n  [Sidenote: IDEAS OF SOUL.]\n\nThe most general idea of a soul seems to have been that of a double\nself, possessing all the essence and attributes of the individual,\nexcept the carnal embodiment, and independent of the body in so far as\nit was able to leave it, and revel in other scenes or spheres. It\nwould accordingly appear to another person, by day or night, as a\nphantom, with recognizable form and features, and leave the\nimpression of its visits in ideas, remembrances, or dreams. Every\nmisty outline, every rustle, was liable to be regarded by the\nundiscriminating aborigine as a soul on its wanderings, and the ideas\nof air, wind, breath, shadow, soul, were often represented by the same\nword. The Eskimo word _silla_, signifies air, wind, and conveys the\nidea of world, mind; _tarnak_, means soul, shadow. The Yakima word for\nwind and life contains the same root; the Aztec _ehecatl_ signifies\nwind, air, life, soul, shadow; in Quich\u00e9 the soul bears the name of\n_natub_, shadow; the Nicaraguans think that it is _yulia_, the breath,\nwhich goes to heaven.[XII-6] Some hold that man has several souls, one\nof which goes to heaven, the others remain with the body, and hover\nabout their former home. The Mexicans and Quich\u00e9s received a soul\nafter death from a stone placed between the lips for that purpose,\nwhich also served for heart, the seat of the soul;[XII-7] this was\nburied with the remains. The custom of eating the flesh of brave\nenemies in order to inherit their virtues, points to a belief in the\nexistence of another soul or vital quality in the corpse. Some Oregon\ntribes gave a soul to every member of the body. A plurality of souls\nis also implied by the belief in soul-wandering during sleep, for is\nnot the body animate though the soul be separated from it? Yet the\nsoul proper could not remain away from the body beyond a certain time,\nlest the weaker soul that remained should fail to sustain life.\n\nWith the many contradictions and vague statements before us, it must\nbe admitted that the phrase \"immortality of the soul\" is often\nmisleading. Tylor even considers it doubtful \"how far the lower\npsychology entertains at all an absolute conception of immortality,\nfor past and future fade soon into utter vagueness as the savage mind\nquits the present to explore them.\"[XII-8]\n\n  [Sidenote: METEMPSYCHOSIS.]\n\nSome tribes among the Hyperboreans actually disbelieved in a future\nexistence, while others held the doctrine of a future reward and\npunishment. The conceptions of a soul were well defined however; the\nThlinkeets supposed it to enter the spirit-world, among the yeks, on\nbeing released from the body. The braves who had fallen in battle, or\nhad been murdered, became _keeyeks_, 'upper ones,' and went to dwell\nin the north, where the aurora borealis, omen of war, flashes in\nreflection from the lights which illuminate their dances; so at least\nthe Eskimos regard it.[XII-9] Those who died a natural death became\n_t\u00e1keeyeks_, land-spirits, and _t\u00e9keeyeks_, sea-spirits, and dwelt in\n_takankon_, doubtless situated in the centre of the earth,[XII-10] the\nroad to which was watered, and made smooth by the tears of relatives,\nbut if too much crying was indulged in, it became swampy and difficult\nto travel. The t\u00e1keeyeks and t\u00e9keeyeks appear to have attached\nthemselves as guardian spirits to the living, and were under the\ncontrol of the sham\u00e1ns, before whom they came in the form of land and\nsea animals, to do their bidding and reveal the past and future.[XII-11]\nThe keeyeks were evidently above the conjuration of the sorcerers. The\ncomforts of heaven, like the road to it, depended on earthly\nconditions; thus, the body was burned in order that it might be warm\nin its new home. Slaves, however, who were buried, were condemned to\nfreeze, but the sham\u00e1ns whose bodies were also left to moulder, had\ndoubtless power to avoid such misery. All lived in heaven as on earth,\nearning their living in the same manner, to which end the implements\nand other articles burnt with them were brought into use; wealthy\npeople appointed two slaves to be sacrificed at the pyre, upon whom\ndevolved the duty of attending to their wants. The slaves carried\ntheir long-pending doom very philosophically, it is said.[XII-12] It\nappears, however, that the soul had the option of returning to this\nlife, and as I have said, generally entered the body of a female\nrelative to form the soul of a coming infant. If the child resembled a\ndeceased friend or relation, this re\u00ebmbodiment was at once recognized,\nand the name of the dead person was given to it. Metempsychosis does\nnot appear to have been restricted to relatives only, for the\nThlinkeets were often heard to express a desire to be born again into\nfamilies distinguished for wealth and position, and even to wish to\ndie soon in order to attain this bliss the earlier.[XII-13] This belief\nin the transmigration of souls was widely spread, and accounts to some\nextent for the fearlessness with which the Hyperboreans contemplated\ndeath.[XII-14] The Tacullies and Sicannis asked the deceased whether he\nwould return to life or not, and the sham\u00e1n who put the question\ndecided the matter by looking at the naked breast of the body through\nhis fingers; he then raised his hand toward heaven, and blew the soul,\nwhich had apparently entered his fingers, into the air, that it might\nseek a body to take possession of; or the sham\u00e1n placed his hands upon\nthe head of one of the mourners and sent the spirit into him, to be\nembodied in his next offspring. The relative thus favored added the\nname of the deceased to his own. If these things were not done the\ndeceased was supposed to depart to the centre of the earth to enjoy\nhappiness, according to their estimate of it. The Kenai supposed that\na soft twilight reigned perpetually in this place, and that its\ninhabitants pursued their avocations; while the living slept they\nworked. The soul did not, however, attain perfect rest until a feast\nhad been given in its honor, attended by a distribution of skins.[XII-15]\n\n  [Sidenote: FUTURE OF THE COLUMBIAN TRIBES.]\n\nDall, in speaking of the Tinnehs, to which family the Tacullies and\nKenai belong, states that he found few who believed in the immortality\nof the soul, and none in future reward and punishment; any contrary\nassertion he characterizes as proceeding from ignorance or\nexaggeration. Other authors, however, in treating of tribes situated\nboth in the extreme north, and in the center of this family, as the\nLoucheux and Chepewyans, declare that good and wicked were treated\naccording to their deserts, the poor and rich often changing lots in\nthe other life. Terrible punishment was sometimes inflicted upon the\nwicked in this world; thus, in Stickeen River stand several stone\npillars, which are said to be the remains of an evil-doing chief and\nhis family, whom divine anger placed there as a warning to others.\nAccording to Kennicott, the soul, whether good or bad, was received by\nChutsain, the spirit of death, who was, for this reason probably,\ncalled the bad spirit.[XII-16] The Eskimos seem to have believed in a\nfuture state, for Richardson relates that a dying man whom he saw at\nCumberland Inlet declared his joy at the prospect of meeting his\nchildren in the other world and there living in bliss. It is also a\nsuggestive fact that implements and clothes were buried with the body,\ncare being taken that nothing should press heavily upon it. The large\ndestruction of property practiced by some Rocky Mountain tribes was\nfor the purpose of obliterating the memory of the deceased.[XII-17] The\nAleuts believed that the spirits of their relatives attended them as\ngood genii, and invoked them on all trying occasions, especially in\ncases of _vendetta_.[XII-18] The Chepewyan story relates that the soul\narrives after death at a river upon which floats a stone canoe. In\nthis it embarks and is borne by the gentle current to an extensive\nlake in the midst of which is an enchanted island. While the soul is\ndrifting toward it, the actions of its life are examined, and if the\ngood predominate, the canoe lands it on the shore, where the senses\nrevel in never-ending pleasures. But if the evil of its past life\nout-weigh the good, the stone canoe sinks, leaving the spirit-occupant\nimmersed up to the chin, there eternally to float and struggle, ever\nbeholding but never realizing the happiness of the good.[XII-19] This\npronounced belief in a future reward and punishment obtained among\nseveral of the Columbian tribes. The natives of Millbank Sound picture\nit as two rivers guarded by huge gates, and flowing out of a dark\nlake--the gloom of death. The good enter the stream to the right,\nwhich sparkles in constant sunshine, and supplies them with an\nabundance of salmon and berries; the wicked pass in to the left and\nsuffer cold and starvation on its bleak, snow-clad banks.[XII-20] The\nOkanagans call paradise, or the abode of the good spirit,\n_elemehumkillanwaist_, and hell, where those who kill and steal go,\n_kishtsamah_. The torments of the latter place are increased by an\nevil spirit in human form, but with tail and ears like a horse, who\njumps about from tree to tree with a stick in his hand and belabors\nthe condemned.[XII-21]\n\nSome among the Salish and Chinooks describe the happy state as a\nbright land, called _tamath_ by the latter, evidently situated in the\ndirection of the sunny south, and abounding in all good things. Here\nthe soul can revel in enjoyments, which, however, depend on its own\nexertions; the wealthy, therefore, take slaves with them to perform\nthe menial duties. The wicked on the other hand are consigned to a\ndesolate region under the control of an evil spirit, known as the\nBlack Chief, there to be constantly tantalized by the sight of game,\nwater and fire, which they can never reach. Some held that tamath was\ngained by a difficult road called _otuihuti_, which lay along the\nMilky Way, while others believed that a canoe took the soul across the\nwater that was supposed to separate it from the land of the\nliving.[XII-22]\n\nThe Nez Perc\u00e9s, Flatheads, and some of the Haidah tribes believed that\nthe wicked, after expiating their crimes by a longer or shorter\nsojourn in the land of desolation, were admitted to the abode of\nbliss. The Haidahs called the latter place _keewuck_, 'above,' within\nwhich seems to have been a still brighter spot termed _keewuckkow_,\n'life above,' the abode of perennial youth, whither the spirit of the\nfallen brave took its flight. Those who died a natural death were\nconsigned with the wicked to _seewukkow_, the purgatorial department,\nsituated in the forest, there to be purified before entering the happy\nkeewuck.[XII-23] The Queen Charlotte Islanders termed paradise 'the happy\nhunting-ground,' a rather strange idea when we consider that their\nalmost sole avocation was fishing.[XII-24] The Nez Perc\u00e9s believed also\nin a purgatory for the living, and that the beavers were men condemned\nto atone their sins before they could resume the human form.[XII-25] It\nseems to have been undecided whether the wives and young children\nshared the fate of the head of the family; the Flatheads expressed a\nbelief in reunion, but that may have been after one or all had been\npurified in the intermediate state. Those who sacrificed slaves on the\ngrave, sent them alike with the master that died gloriously on the\nbattle-field, or obscurely in his bed.\n\n  [Sidenote: QUAWTEAHT AND CHAYHER.]\n\nThe Ahts hold that the soul inhabits at once the heart and the head of\nman. Some say that after death it will return to the animal form from\nwhich its owner can trace his descent; others that, according to rank,\ndisembodied souls will go to live with Quawteaht or with Chayher.\nQuawteaht inhabits a beautiful country somewhere up in the heavens,\nthough not directly over the earth; a goodly land flowing with all\nmanner of Indian milk and honey; no storms there, no snow nor frost to\nbind the rivers, but only warmth and sunshine and abundant game and\nfish. Here the chiefs live in the very mansion of Quawteaht, and the\nslain in battle live in a neighboring lodge, enjoying also in their\ndegree, all the amenities of the place. And these are the only doors\nto this Valhalla of the Ahts; only lofty birth or a glorious death in\nbattle can confer the right of entry here. The souls of those that die\na woman's death, in their bed, go down to the land of Chayher. Chayher\nis a figure of flesh without bones--thus reversing our pictorial idea\nof the grisly king of terrors--who is in the form of an old\ngray-bearded man. He wanders about in the night stealing men's souls,\nwhen, unless the doctors can recover the soul, the man dies. The\ncountry of Chayher is also called chayher. It resembles a subterranean\nearth but is every way an inferior country: there are no salmon there\nand the deer are wretchedly small, while the blankets are so thin and\nnarrow as to be almost useless for either warmth or decoration. This\nis why people burn blankets when burying their friends; they cannot\nbear that their friend be sent shivering to the world below. The dead\nAht seems to have been allowed in some cases to roam about on earth in\nthe form of a person or animal, doing both good and evil, a belief\nwhich induced many to make conciliatory offerings of food to the\ndeceased. Some Chinook tribes were afraid to pronounce the names of\ntheir dead lest they should be attracted and carry off souls. This was\nespecially feared at the sick-bed, and the medicine-man had to be\nconstantly on guard with his familiars to frustrate such\nattempts.[XII-26] The Aht sorcerer even sent his own soul down to\nchayher to recover the truant, in which he generally succeeded, unless\nthe spirit of the sick man had entered a house.[XII-27] Some among the\ntribes believed that the soul issued from animals, especially\nsea-gulls and partridges, and would return to its original form. The\nSonghies said the hunter was transformed into a deer, the fisherman\ninto a fish; and the Nootkas, that the spirit could reassume a human\nform if the celestial abode were not to its taste.[XII-28]\n\n  [Sidenote: FUTURE OF THE CALIFORNIANS.]\n\nIn striking contrast to the preceding beliefs in futurity, and to that\nof the Clallams, who with universalistic feeling believe that the good\nspirit will receive all, without exception, in his happy\nhunting-ground, we are told that the Pend d'Oreilles had no\nconceptions whatever of soul or immortality, so that the missionaries\nfound it difficult to explain these matters to them. It is certainly\nstrange that a tribe surrounded by and in constant contact with others\nwho held these ideas should have remained uninfluenced by them,\nespecially as they were extremely superstitious and believed in\nguardian spirits and dreams.[XII-29] Disbelief in a future state is\nassigned to many tribes, which upon closer examination are shown to\npossess ideas of a life after this; such statements must, therefore,\nbe accepted with caution. Among the Californians who are said to\nidentify death with annihilation, are the Meewocs and the tribes of\nthe Sacramento Valley, yet the latter are afraid to pronounce the name\nof a deceased person, lest he should rise from dark oblivion.[XII-30] But\nthese may be regarded as exceptions, the remainder had pretty definite\nideas of futurity, heaven being generally placed in the west, whither\nthe glorious sun speeds to rest. The Northern Californian regarded it\nas a great camping-ground, under the charge of the good spirit, where\nall meet after death, to enjoy a life free from want. But there were\ndangers upon the road which led to this bliss; for Omah\u00e1, the evil\nspirit, hovered near the dying man, ready to snatch and carry off the\nsoul as soon as it should leave its earthly tenement. To prevent such\na calamity, the friends who attended the burning of the body shouted\nand gesticulated to distract the Evil One's attention and enable the\nheart, in which the soul resided, to leap out of the flames and escape\nto heaven. If the body was interred, they thought the devil would have\nmore chance of capturing the heart, which would then be sent back to\nearth to annoy the living.[XII-31] The natives near the mouth of Russian\nRiver burned their dead to prevent their becoming grizzlies, while\nthose about Clear Lake supposed that the wicked alone were thus\nmetamorphosed, or condemned to wander as spirits.[XII-32] Others,\nhowever, who adhered to interment, sought to complete the ceremony\nbefore night, when the coyote, in which form the evil spirit probably\nappeared, begins to howl, and for three days they kept up noisy\ndemonstrations and fires at the graves; after that the fate of the\nsoul was no longer doubtful. If captured, the good spirit could redeem\nit with a big knife. It was the belief in some parts that the deceased\nremained in the grave during the three days, and then proceeded to\nheaven, where earth and sky meet, to become stars, chiefs assuming the\nmost brilliant forms.[XII-33]\n\nThe bright rivers, sunny slopes, and green forests of the Euroc\nparadise are separated from the earth by a deep chasm, which good and\nwicked alike must cross on a thin, slippery pole. The former soon\nreach the goal, aided, doubtless, by the good spirit, as well as by\nthe fire lighted on the grave by mourning friends, but the wicked man\nhas to falter unaided along the shivering bridge; and many are the\nnights that pass before his friends venture to dispense with the\nbeacon, lest the soul miss the path, and fall into the dark abyss. Nor\ndoes retribution end with the peril and anxiety of the passage, for\nmany are liable to return to the earth as birds, beasts, and insects.\nWhen a Kailta dies, a little bird carries the soul to spirit-land, but\nits flight is impeded by the sins of the wicked, which enables a\nwatching hawk to overtake and devour the soul.[XII-34]\n\nThe Cahrocs have a more distinct conception of future reward and\npunishment, and suppose that the spirit on its journey comes to two\nroads, one strewn with flowers and leading to the bright western land\nbeyond the great waters, across which good Chareya doubtless aids it;\nthe other, bristling with thorns and briars, leading to a place full\nof deadly serpents, where the wicked must wander for ever.[XII-35] The\nTolewahs place heaven behind the sun, wherever that is, and picture\nhell as a dark place where souls shiver for ever before the cold\nwinds, and are harassed by fiends.[XII-36] The Modocs believe in a\nspirit-land, evidently situated in the air above the earthly home,\nwhere souls hover about inciting the living to good or evil. Merit\nappears to be measured by bodily stature, for contemptible woman\nbecomes so small here that the warrior, whose stature is in proportion\nto his powers, requires quite a number of females to supply his\nwants.[XII-37]\n\nThe Ukiahs, San\u00e9ls, and others sprinkle food about the favorite haunts\nof the dead. The mother, for instance, while chanting her mournful\nditty over the grave of her dead babe sprinkles the nourishing milk in\nthe air.[XII-38]\n\nMany of the Nevada tribes thought that several heavens await the soul,\neach with a degree of bliss in proportion to the merits of the dead\nperson; but this belief was not well defined; nor was that of the\nSnakes, who killed the favorite horse, and even wife, for the\ndeceased, that he might not be lonely.[XII-39] The Allequas supposed that\nbefore the soul could enter the ever-green prairies to live its second\nlife, free from want and sorrow, it had expiated its sins in the form\nof some animal, weak, or strong, bad or good, often passing from a\nlower to a higher grade, according to the earthly conduct of the\ndeceased. By eating prairie-dogs and other game, some sought to gather\nsouls, apparently with a view to increase the purity of their own and\nshorten the preparatory term.[XII-40] The San Diego tribes, on the other\nhand, who considered large game as the embodied spirits of certain\ngenerations, abstained from their flesh, evidently fearing that such\nfare would hasten their metamorphosis; but old men, whose term of life\nwas nearly run, were not deterred by these fears.\n\n  [Sidenote: METEMPSYCHOSIS IN CALIFORNIA.]\n\nIdeas of metempsychosis also appear in one of the songs of a Southern\nCalifornian tribe, which runs: As the moon dies to be reborn, so the\nsoul of man will be renewed. Yet this people professed no belief in a\nfuture reward, or punishment. It is doubtless the same people, living\nnear Monterey, of whom Marmier says, they supposed that the dead\nretired to certain verdant isles in the sea, while awaiting the birth\nof the infants whose souls they were to form. Others regarded these\nislands as paradise, and placed hell in a mountain chasm.[XII-41]\n\nAmong the Acagchemems we meet with a peculiar pantheistic notion.\nDeath was regarded as an invisible entity constituting the air, which\nalso formed the soul of man, or his breath, whose particular seat was\nthe heart. As man became decrepit, his soul was gradually absorbed in\nthe element which had originated it, until it finally became merged\nand lost therein. But this was the belief of some only among the\ntribe. Others supposed that they would go to _tolmec_, the abode of\nthe great Chinigchinich, situated below the earth, abounding in\nsensual pleasures, unembittered by sorrow, and where food and other\nwants were supplied without labor. Still others held that\nChinigchinich sent the soul, or the heart, as they expressed it, to\ndifferent places, according to the station in life and manner of death\nof the deceased. Thus, chiefs and medicine-men, whom Tacu, the eater\nof human flesh, honored by devouring, became heavenly bodies, while\nthose who died by drowning, or in captivity, and could not be eaten by\nTacu, went elsewhere. Souls of common people were consigned to some\nundefined, though evidently happy, place, since they were obliged to\npass a probationary term on the borders of the sea, on mountains, in\nvalleys, or forests, whence they came to commune with, or among, their\nwidows or relatives, who often burned or razed the house to be saved\nfrom such visits.[XII-42]\n\nThe Mojaves have more liberal ideas and admit all to share the joys of\nheaven. With the smoke curling upwards from the pyre, the soul rises\nand floats eastward to the regions of the rising sun, whither Matevil\nhas gone before, and where a second earth-life awaits it, free from\nwant and sorrow. But if its purity be sullied by crime, or stained\nwith human blood, the soul is transformed into a rat and must remain\nfor four days in a rat-hole to be purified before Matevil can receive\nit. According to some, Matevil dwells in a certain lofty mountain\nlying in the Mojave territory.[XII-43]\n\n  [Sidenote: FUTURE OF MARICOPAS, YUMAS, APACHES, MOQUIS.]\n\nThe Pimas also believe that the soul[XII-44] goes to the east, to the\nsun-house perhaps, there to live with Sehuiab, the son of the\ncreator, but this Elysium is not perfect, for a devil called Chiawat\nis admitted there, and he greatly plagues the inmates.[XII-45] The\nMaricopas are stated in one account to believe in a future state\nexactly similar to the life on earth, with all its social distinctions\nand wants, so that in order to enable the soul to assume its proper\nposition among the spirits, all the property of the deceased, as well\nas a great part of that of his relatives, is offered up at the grave.\nBut according to Bartlett they think the dead will return to their\nancient home on the banks of the Colorado, and live on the sand hills.\nHere the different parts of the body will be transformed into animals,\nthe head, for instance, becoming an owl, the hands, bats, the feet,\nwolves, and in these forms continue their ancient feuds with the\nYumas, who expelled them from that country.[XII-46] The Yumas, however,\ndo not conform to these views, but expect that the good soul will\nleave worldly strife for a pleasant valley hidden in one of the ca\u00f1ons\nof the Colorado, and that the wicked will be shut up in a dark cavern\nto be tantalized by the view of the bliss beyond their reach.[XII-47]\n\nThe Apaches believe in metempsychosis and consider the rattlesnake as\nthe form to be assumed by the wicked after death. The owl, the eagle,\nand perfectly white birds, were regarded as possessing souls of divine\norigin, and the bear was not less sacred in their estimation, for the\nvery daughter of Montezuma, whom it had carried off from her father's\nhome, was the mother of its race.[XII-48] The Moquis, went so far as to\nsuppose that they would return to the primeval condition of animals,\nplants, and inanimate objects.[XII-49] The faith of the other Pueblo\ntribes in New Mexico was more in accordance with their cultured\ncondition, namely, that the soul would be judged immediately after\ndeath according to its deeds. Food was placed with the dead, and\nstones were thrown upon the body to drive out the evil spirit. On a\ncertain night, in August it seems, the soul haunted the hills near its\nformer home to receive the tributes of food and drink which\naffectionate friends hastened to offer. Scoffers connected the\ndisappearance of the choice viands with the rotund form of the\npriests.[XII-50]\n\nThe Navajos expected to return to their place whence they originated,\nbelow the earth, where all kinds of fruits and cereals, germinated\nfrom the seeds lost above, grow in unrivaled luxuriance. Released from\ntheir earthly bonds the spirits proceed to an extensive marsh in which\nmany a soul is bemired through relying too much on its own efforts,\nand failing to ask the aid of the great spirit; or, perhaps the outfit\nof live stock and implements offered at the grave has been inadequate\nto the journey. After wandering about for four days the more fortunate\nsouls come to a ladder conducting to the under world; this they\ndescend and are gladdened by the sight of two great spirits, male and\nfemale, who sit combing their hair. After looking on for a few suns\nimbibing lessons of cleanliness, perhaps, they climb up to the swamp\nagain to be purified, and then return to the abode of the spirits to\nlive in peace and plenty for ever. Some believe that the bad become\ncoyotes, and that women turn into fishes, and then into other\nforms.[XII-51]\n\nAmong the Comanches we find the orthodox American paradise, in its\nfull glory. In the direction of the setting sun lie the happy\nprairies, where the buffalo lead the hunter in the glorious chase, and\nwhere the horse of the pale-face aids those who have excelled in\nscalping and horse-stealing, to attain supreme felicity. At night they\nare permitted to revisit the earth, but must return before the break\nof day.[XII-52] In striking contrast to this idea stands the curious\nbelief said to have been held by the Peric\u00fais of Lower California.\nTheir great spirit Niparaya hated war, and to deter his people from\nengaging therein, consigned all those slain in battle to Tuparan or\nWac, a spirit who rising in rebellion against the peace-loving\nNiparaya was deprived of all luxuries, and imprisoned in a cave by the\nsea, guarded by whales. Yet a number openly professed themselves\nadherents of this personage. The Cochim\u00eds, who appear to have had\nnearly the same belief, declare that it was the bad spirits who sought\nto secure the soul and hold it captive in the cave. Whatever may be\nthe correct version, their belief in a future state, says Baegert, is\nevident from the custom of putting sandals on the feet of the\ndead.[XII-53]\n\n  [Sidenote: THE REALM OF MUCCHITA.]\n\nThe souls of the Sonora Indians dwell in the caves and among the rocks\nof the cliffs, and the echoes heard there are their clamoring\nvoices.[XII-54] Ribas declares that in one part of Sinaloa a future state\nwas ignored, yet he says that they acknowledged a supreme mother and\nher son, who was the first man.[XII-55] In Nayarit we come upon the\nMexican idea of different heavens, determined by the mode of death.\nThus, children and those who were carried off by disease went to one\nplace; those who died a violent death, to the air regions, where they\nbecame shooting stars. The others went to _mucchita_, placed somewhere\nin the district of Rosario, where they lived under the care of men\nwith shaven heads. During the day they were allowed to consort with\nthe living, in the form of flies, to seek food; but at night they\nreturned to the mucchita to assume the human form and pass the time\nin dancing. At one time they could be released from this abode, but\nowing to the imprudence of one man, this privilege was lost. This\nperson one day made a trip to the coast to procure salt, leaving his\nwife to take care of the house. After a short absence he returned, in\ntime only to see her disappear in the mucchita, whither the spirits\nhad beckoned her. His sorrow was boundless, for he loved his wife\ndearly. At last his tears and sighs touched the heart of the keeper of\nthe souls, who told him to watch for his wife one night when she\nappeared in the dance, and wound her with an arrow: she would then\nrecognize him and return home; but he warned him not to speak a loud\nword, or she would disappear forever. The man did as he was told,\nwounded his wife on the leg, and had the joy to see her return home.\nMusicians and singers were called in, and a grand feast was held to\ncelebrate the event; but, overcome with excitement, the husband gave\nvent to a shout of joy. The next moment the warning of the keeper was\nverified--a ghastly corpse had taken the place of the wife. Since then\nno other soul has been allowed to rejoin the living.[XII-56] It is\ncurious to note in how many countries the doctrine of a future life\nhas been connected with the legend of some hero who has died,\ndescended into the under-world, and again risen to life. How closely\ndoes this American legend resemble the old story of Orpheus and\nEurydice; the death and resurrection of the Egyptian Osiris; the\nMithraic Mysteries of Persia, in which the initiated, in dumb show,\ndied and rose again from the coffin; the Indian Mahadeva searching for\nthe lifeless Sita, and made glad by his resuscitation; the recovery of\nAtys by Cybele among the Phrygians; the return of Kore to Demeter for\nhalf of every year in the Elusinian Mysteries; the mock murder and new\nbirth of the impersonated Zagreus, in the Bacchic Mysteries; the\nMetamorphoses in the Celtic and Druidic Mysteries practiced in Gaul\nand Britain; all are different forms of but one idea.\n\n  [Sidenote: EICUT AND YO\u00c1TOTOWEE.]\n\nAn equally devoted husband was the Neeshenam whose story is told by Mr\nPowers in the following legend:--\"First of all things existed the\nmoon. The moon created man, some say in the form of a stone, others\nsay in the form of a simple, straight, hairless, limbless mass of\nflesh, like an enormous earth-worm, from which he gradually developed\ninto his present shape. The first man thus created was called Eicut;\nhis wife, Yo\u00e1totowee. In process of time Yo\u00e1totowee fell sick, and\nthough Eicut nursed her tenderly, she gradually faded away before his\neyes and died. He loved her with a love passing the love of brothers,\nand now his heart was broken with grief. He dug a grave for her close\nbeside his camp-fire (for the Neeshenams did not burn the dead then),\nthat he might daily and hourly weep above her silent dust. His grief\nknew no bounds. His life became a burden to him; all the light was\ngone out of his eyes, and all this world was black and dreary. He\nwished to die, that he might follow his beloved Yo\u00e1totowee. In the\ngreatness of his grief he fell into a trance, there was a rumbling in\nthe ground, and the spirit of the dead Yo\u00e1totowee arose out of her\ngrave and came and stood beside him. When he awoke out of his trance\nand beheld his wife, he would have spoken to her, but she forbade him,\nfor in what moment an Indian speaks to a ghost he dies. She turned\naway and set out to seek the spirit-land (_o\u00f3shwooshe koom_,\nliterally, 'the dance-house of ghosts.') Eicut followed her, but the\nghost turned and said, 'why do you follow me? you are not dead.' They\njourneyed on through a great country and a darksome--a land that no\nman has seen and returned to report--until they came to a river that\nseparated them from the spirit-land. Over this river there was a\nbridge of one small rope, so very narrow that a spider could hardly\ncross over it. Here the spirit of Yo\u00e1totowee must bid farewell to her\nhusband and go over alone into the spirit-land. But the great\nunspeakable grief of Eicut at beholding his wife leaving him forever\novercame his love of life, and he called aloud after her. In that\nself-same instant he died--for no Indian can speak to a ghost and\nlive--and together they entered the land of spirits. Thus Eicut passed\naway from the realm of earth, and in the invisible world became a good\nand quiet spirit, who constantly watches over and befriends his\nposterity still living on earth. But he and his wife left behind them\ntwo children, a brother and a sister; and to prevent incest the moon\ncreated another pair and from these two pairs are descended all the\nNeeshenams of to-day.\"[XII-57]\n\n  [Sidenote: THE SUN HOUSE AND TLALOCAN.]\n\nThe future abode of the Mexicans had three divisions to which the dead\nwere admitted according to their rank in life and manner of death.\nGlorious as was the fate of the warrior who died in the cause of his\ncountry, on the battle-field, or in the hands of the enemy's priests,\nstill more glorious was the destiny that awaited his soul. The fallen\nViking was carried by radiant Valkyries to Valhalla, but the Aztec\nhero was borne in the arms of Teoyaomique herself, the consort of\nHuitzilopochtli, to the bright plains of the sun-house, in the eastern\npart of the heavens, where shady groves, trees loaded with luscious\nfruit, and flowers steeped in honey, vied with the attractions of vast\nhunting-parks, to make his time pass happily. Here also awaited him\nthe presents sent by affectionate friends below. Every morning when\nthe sun set out upon his journey, these bright strong warriors seized\ntheir weapons[XII-58] and marched before him, shouting and fighting sham\nbattles. This continued until they reached the zenith, where the sun\nwas transferred to the charge of the Celestial Women, after which the\nwarriors dispersed to the chase or the shady grove. The members of\nthe new escort were women who had died in war or child-bed, and lived\nin the western part of the Sun House. Dressed like the warriors in\nmartial accoutrement,[XII-59] they conducted the sun to his home, some\ncarrying the litter of quetzal feathers in which he reclined, while\nothers went in front shouting and fighting gaily. Arrived at the\nextreme west they transferred the sun to the dead of Mictlan, and went\nin quest of their spindles, shuttles, baskets, and other implements\nnecessary for weaving or household work.[XII-60] The only other persons\nwho are mentioned as being admitted to the Sun House, were merchants\nwho died on their journey. After four years of this life the souls of\nthe warriors pass into birds of beautiful plumage, which live on the\nhoney of flowers growing in the celestial gardens or seek their\nsustenance on earth.[XII-61]\n\nThe second place of bliss was Tlalocan, the abode of Tlaloc, a\nterrestrial paradise, the source of the rivers and all the nourishment\nof the earth, where joy reigns and sorrow is unknown,[XII-62] where every\nimaginable product of the field and garden grows in profusion beneath\na perpetual summer sky. This paradise appears to have been erected on\nthe ideal reminiscences of the happy Tollan, the cradle of the race,\nwhere their fathers reveled in riches and splendor. To this place\nwent those who had been killed by lightning, the drowned, those\nsuffering from itch, gout, tumors, dropsy, leprosy and other incurable\ndiseases. Children also, at least those who were sacrificed to the\nTlalocs, played about in its gardens, and once a year they descended\namong the living in an invisible form to join in their festivals.[XII-63]\nIt is doubtful, however, whether this paradise was perpetual, for\naccording to some authors the diseased stayed here but a short time,\nand then passed on to Mictlan; while the children, balked of their\nlife by death or sacrifice, were allowed to essay it again.[XII-64]\n\n  [Sidenote: MICTLAN.]\n\nThe third destination of the dead, provided for those who died of\nordinary diseases or old age, and, accordingly, for the great\nmajority, was Mictlan, 'the place of the dead,' which is described as\na vast, pathless place, a land of darkness and desolation, where the\ndead after their time of probation are sunk in a sleep that knows no\nwaking. In addressing the corpse they spoke of this place of Mictlan\nas a 'most obscure land, where light cometh not, and whence none can\never return.'[XII-65] There are several points, however, given by\nSahagun, as well as other writers, which tend to modify this aspect of\nMictlan. The lords and nobles seem even here to have kept up the\nbarriers which separated them from the contaminating touch of\ninferiors, and doubtless the good and respectable were classed apart\nfrom low miscreants and criminals, for there were nine divisions in\nMictlan, of which Chicohnahuimictlan or Ninth-Mictlan, was the abode\nof the Aztec Pluto and his Proserpine. This name seems also to have\nbeen applied to the whole region, meaning then the nine Mictlans.[XII-66]\nThe different idol-mantles in which the dead person was attired,\ndetermined by his profession and by his manner of death, would imply\nthat different gods had control of these divisions.[XII-67] Whatever\ndistinction there may have been was kept up by the humbler or richer\nofferings of food, clothing, implements, and slaves, made at the time\nof the burial, at the end of eighty days, and on the first, second\nthird, and fourth anniversary of the death; all of which went before\nMictlantecutli before being turned over to the use of the person for\nwhom they were destined.[XII-68] In one place Sahagun states that four\nyears were passed in traveling before the soul reached Mictlan, and on\nanother page he distinctly implies that this term was passed within\nthat region, when he says that the dead awoke from their sleep as the\nsun reached the western horizon, and rose to escort it through their\nland; Torquemada says that four days were occupied in the\njourney.[XII-69] The only way to reconcile these statements is by\nsupposing that the soul passed from one division to another, until it\nfinally, at the end of the four years, reached Mictlan proper, or\nNinth-Mictlan, and attained repose. Their duties during this term\nconsisting in escorting the sun, and working like their happier\nbrethren in the Sun House, besides passing a certain time in sleep.\nThe fact that the people besought the dead to visit them during the\nfestival in their honor, implies that they were within Mictlan, though\ntheir liberty there, at that season, at least, was not so very\nrestricted. 'As they helped to escort the sun, we must suppose that\nthey also enjoyed the blessings of sunshine while terrestrial beings\nslept, and the expression of Tezozomoc, a place where none knows\nwhether it be night or day, a place of eternal rest,' must refer to\nthose only who have passed the time of probation, and lapsed into the\nfinal sleep. It may be however, that the sun was lustreless at night,\nfor Camargo states that it slept after its journey.[XII-70] If so, the\ndim twilight noticed among the northern people, or the moon, the deity\nof the night, must have replaced the obscured brightness of the sun,\nif lights indeed were needed, for the escort and the workers could\nscarcely have used artificial illumination. The route of the sun\nfurther indicates that Mictlan was situated in the antipodean regions,\nor rather in the centre of the earth, to which the term 'dark and\npathless regions' also applies. This is the supposition of Clavigero,\nwho bases it on the fact that Tlalxicco, the name of Mictlantecutli's\ntemple, signifies center or bowels of the earth.[XII-71] But Sahagun and\nothers place it in the north, and support this assertion by showing\nthat _Mictlampa_ signified north.[XII-72] The fact that the people turned\nthe face to the north when calling upon the dead,[XII-73] is strongly in\nfavor of this theory; the north is also the dark quarter. These\napparently contradictory statements may be reconciled by supposing\nthat Mictlan was situated in the northern part of the subterranean\nregions, as the home of the heroes was in the eastern part of the\nheavens.\n\nAs the warrior in the Sun House passes after four years of perfect\nenjoyment into a seemingly less happy state, so the Mictlan\nprobationer appears to have abandoned his work for a condition of\neverlasting repose.[XII-74] This condition is already indicated by the\nvery signification of the name Mictlan, 'place of the dead,' and by\nthe preceding statements; it also implied by the myth of the creation\nof man, wherein the god-heroes say to Xolotl: Go beg of\nMictlantecutli, Lord of Hades, that he may give thee a bone or some\nashes of the dead that are with him.[XII-75]\n\n  [Sidenote: THE JOURNEY OF THE DEAD.]\n\nI will now revert to the terrible four days' journey,[XII-76] which those\nwho were unfortunate enough to die a peaceful death had to perform\nbefore they could attain their negative happiness. Fully impressed\nwith the idea of its hardships, the friends of the deceased held it to\nbe a religious duty to provide him with a full outfit of food,\nclothing, implements, and even slaves, to enable him to pass safely\nthrough the ordeal. Idols were also deposited by his side, and if the\ndead man were a lord, his chaplain was sent to attend to their\nservice. This maintenance of worship during the journey is also\nimplied by the sprinkling of water upon the ashes with the words: Let\nthe dead wash himself.[XII-77] The officiating priests, laid, besides,\npassports with the body, which were to serve for various points\nalong the road. The first papers passed him by two mountains, which,\nlike the symplegades, threatened to meet and crush him in their\nembrace. The second was a pass for the road guarded by a big snake;\nthe other papers took him by the green crocodile, Xochitonal, across\neight deserts, and over eight hills. Then came the freezing\n_itzehecaya_, 'wind of knives,' which hurls stones and knives upon\nthe traveler, who now more than ever finds the offerings of his\nfriends of service. How the poor soul escaped this ordeal is not\nstated. Lastly he came to the broad river Chiconahuapan 'nine waters,'\nwhich could be crossed only upon the back of a dog of reddish color,\nwhich was killed for this purposes by thrusting an arrow down its\nthroat, and was burnt with the corpse. According to Gomara, the dog\nserved for a guide to Mictlan, but other authors state that it\npreceded its master, and when he arrived at the river, he found it on\nthe opposite bank, waiting with a number of others for their owners.\nAs soon as the dog recognized its master, it swam over, and bore him\nsafely across the rushing current. A cotton string tied round its neck\nwhen placed upon the pyre may have served to distinguish it from other\ndogs, or as a passport.[XII-78] The traveler was now taken before\nMictlantecutli, to whom he presented the passports together with gifts\nconsisting of candlewood, perfume-canes, soft threads of plain and\ncolored cotton, a piece of cloth, a mantle and other articles of\nclothing, and was thereupon assigned to his sphere. Women underwent\nthe same ordeal.[XII-79] Camargo mentions a paradise above the nine\nheavens, occupied by the goddess of love, where dwarfs, fools, and\nhunchbacks danced and sang for her amusement, but whether these beings\nwere of human or divine origin is not stated.[XII-80] At times the old\nchroniclers consider Mictlan as a place of punishment,[XII-81] but the\npriests in their homilies never appear to have urged repentance for\nthe purpose of escaping future punishment, but merely to avoid earthly\ninflictions, visited upon them or their children.[XII-82] The\nphilanthropist whose whole life had been one continuous act of\nbenevolence, the wise prince who had lived but for his country's good,\nthe saintly hermit, the pious priest who had passed his days in\nperpetual fasts, penance, and self-torture, all were consigned to\nMictlan, together with the drunkard, the murderer, the thief, and none\nwere exempt from the terrible journey, or from the long probation\nwhich ends in eternal sleep. They may have accounted to themselves for\nthe manifest unfairness of this system by means of their belief in\npredestination, which taught that the sign under which a man was born\ndetermined to a great extent, if not entirely, his character, career,\nand consequently his future.[XII-83] Mictlan cannot, therefore, be\nregarded as a hell; it is but a place of negative punishment, a\nNirv\u00e2na, in which the soul is at last blown out and lost.[XII-84]\n\n  [Sidenote: THE FUTURE OF THE TLASCALTECS.]\n\nThe Tlascaltecs supposed that the souls of people of rank entered\nafter death into the bodies of the higher animals, or even into clouds\nand gems, while common souls passed into lower animal forms.[XII-85]\nWith the Mexicans they believed that little children who died were\ngiven another trial of earth-life.[XII-86] In Goatzacoalco the bones of\nthe dead were so placed that the soul might have no difficulty in\nfinding them.[XII-87] In the Aztec creation-myth we have seen that out\nof bone man was formed, and Brinton considers this, together with\ninstances of the careful preservation of remains to be noticed in\ndifferent parts of America, evidence of a widespread belief that the\nsoul resided in the bones. This receives further confirmation in the\nQuich\u00e9 legend which relates that the bones of certain heroes were\nground to powder to prevent their removal.[XII-88] Yet the idea does not\naccord with the Mexican custom of placing a stone between the lips of\nthe dead to serve as heart, and, doubtless, to hold the soul as the\nQuich\u00e9s supposed. Either instance, however, implies a belief in\nseveral souls, although no reference is made to such plurality. The\nTlascaltecs had guardian spirits which were embodied in the idols\ncalled _tepictoton_, and Camargo mentions angels who inhabited the air\nand influenced thunder, winds, and other phenomena, and who were\ndoubtless the children of Tlalocan.[XII-89] A devil they could scarcely\nhave had, for evil mingled too liberally in the nature of most of the\nMexican gods to admit of its personification by one alone. The nearest\napproach to our Satan was to be found in a phantom called\nTlacatecolotl, the 'owlish one'[XII-90] who roamed about doing mischief;\nto see an owl was accordingly held to be an evil sign, and much\ndreaded. Will o' the wisps were regarded as transformed wizards and\nwitches, or animals.[XII-91] The Tlascaltecs supposed that the sparks\nwhich sped away from the craters of volcanoes were the souls of\ntyrants sent forth by the gods to torment the people.[XII-92]\n\n  [Sidenote: FUTURE OF THE OTOMIS, MIZTECS, AND MAYAS.]\n\nThe Otom\u00eds believed that the soul died with the body,[XII-93] while the\nTarascos, according to Herrera, admitted a future judgment, with its\naccompaniments of heaven and hell, but to judge from their burial\ncustoms, with immolation of attendants, term of mourning, and so\nforth, it would appear that they had the same belief as the\nAztecs.[XII-94]\n\nThe Miztecs placed the gates of paradise within the cavern of\nChalcatongo, and the grandees of the kingdom were therefore eager to\nbe buried within its precincts, in order to be near the abode of\nbliss. The Zapotecs placed the heavenly portals within the cave of\nMictlan. Their heaven must accordingly have been situated within the\nearth, although the custom of placing the dead with their feet towards\nthe east indicates that it lay toward the sunny morning land. The\ncommon people at least seem, like the Aztecs, to have been required to\npass a probationary term before entering the holy place, and during\nthis period they were permitted to visit their friends on earth once a\nyear, and partake of the repast spread for them. The Zapotecs gave as\na reason for interring the dead, that those who were burned failed to\nreach heaven.[XII-95]\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\nThe Mayas believed in a place of everlasting delight, where the good\nshould recline in voluptuous repose beneath the shade of the\n_yaxch\u00e9_,[XII-96] indulging in dainty food and delicious drinks. Those\nwho died by hanging were especially sure of admittance to this\nparadise, for their goddess Ixtab carried them thither herself, and\nmany enthusiasts committed suicide with this expectation. The wicked,\non the other hand, descended into Mitnal,[XII-97] a sphere below this,\nwhere hunger and other torments awaited them. Cacao money was laid\nwith the body to pay its way, and frequent offerings of food were\nmade, but the funeral was not proceeded with until the fifth day, when\nthe soul had entered its sphere. A trace of metempsychosis may be\nnoticed in the superstitious belief that sorcerers transformed people\ninto animals.[XII-98]\n\nWhether the Quich\u00e9s believed in a future reward and punishment is\nuncertain, for on the one hand we are told that Xibalba, which implies\na place of terror, was their hell, where ruled two princes bearing the\nsuggestive names of One Death and Seven Deaths; while, on the other\nhand, the sacrifice of slaves and other objects, implies a negative\npunishment. A gentle, unwarlike tribe of Guatemala is said to have had\na belief similar to that of the Pericuis, namely that a future life\nwas accorded to those only who died a natural death, and, therefore,\nthey left the bodies of the slain to beasts and vultures.[XII-99] The\nPipiles appear to have looked forward to the same future abodes as the\nMexicans, and to the same dreadful journey after death. During the\nfour days and four nights that the soul was on the road, the mourners\nwailed deeply, probably with fear for its safety, but on the fifth\nday, when the priest announced that it had reached the goal, the\nlamentation ceased. During this time also, the mother whose infant had\ndeparted withheld the milk from all other children, lest the thirsty\nlittle wanderer should be angry, and smite the usurper.[XII-100] The\nprobationary routine of the spirits appears to have called them to the\nearth at intervals, for a legend of the isles of Lake Ilopango\nrecounts that at certain times of the year spectre barks glide in\nsilence over the tranquil waters of the lake, anointing every island\nfrom the least to the greatest, offering upon each to some bloody\ndivinity of past times a human victim, an infant chosen by lot.[XII-101]\n\n  [Sidenote: FUTURE OF THE NICARAGUANS.]\n\nThe same view of futurity was taken by the Nicaraguans, who thought\nthat the souls[XII-102] of slain warriors went to the sunrise regions,\nthe abode of Tamagostat and Cipattonal, who welcomed them with the\ntitle of 'our children.' But all the good, that is those who had\nobeyed and reverenced the gods, were admitted here, whether warriors\nor not, and strong must have been their faith in the bliss that\nawaited them, for the virgins, says Andagoya, who were cast as\nofferings into the seething lava streams of the volcano met their fate\nwithout fear.[XII-103] The wicked were doomed to annihilation in the\nabode of Miquetanteot.[XII-104] Infants who died before they were\nweaned returned to the house of their parents to be cared for,\nevidently in spirit form.[XII-105] The Mosquitos believe in one heaven\nonly, and this is open to all; for it they prepare at the very\nbeginning of life by tying a little bag of seeds round the neck of the\ninfant, wherewith to pay the ferriage across the great river beyond\nwhich paradise lies.[XII-106] In and about Veragua death means\nannihilation, and no food is left for the dead. In some places the\ndying are carried out to the woods and abandoned to wild\nbeasts.[XII-107] In Costa Rica and Darien slaves and even wives are\nsacrificed that their souls may serve their lords in heaven.[XII-108]\n\nWriting on the customs of Dabaiba, Peter Martyr says: 'They are such\nsimple men, that they know not how to call the soule, nor vnderstand\nthe power thereof: whereupon, they often talk among themselues with\nadmiration what that inuisible and not intelligible essence might bee,\nwhereby the members of men and brute beastes should be moued: I know\nnot what secret thing they say, should liue after the corporall life.\nThat (I know not what) they beleeue that after this peregrination, if\nit liued without spott, and reserued that masse committed vnto it\nwithout iniury done to any, it shoulde goe to a certayne \u00e6ternall\nfelicity: contrary, if it shall suffer the same to be corrupted with\nany filthy lust, violent rapine, or raging furie, they say, it shall\nfinde a thousande tortures in rough and vnpleasant places vnder the\nCenter: and speaking these things, lifting vpp their the handes they\nshewe the heauens, and after that casting right hand down, they poynt\nto the wombe of the earth'! Their belief in a future punishment he\nfurther illustrates by relating that 'the thicke spott seene in the\nglobe of the Moone, at the full, is a mann, and they beleeue hee was\ncast out to the moyst, and colde Circle of the Moone, that hee might\nperpetually bee tormented betweene those two passions, in suffering\ncolde, and moysture, for incest committed with his sister.'[XII-109]\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\nThe following myths, for which I am indebted to the kindness and\nindustrious investigation of Mr Powers, having come to hand too late\nfor insertion in their proper places I avail myself of the\nopportunity to give them here:--There dwells, say the Neeshenams, upon\nthe hills and in the forests, a ghost named B\u00f3hem C\u00fclleh, which is at\nonce man and woman. It is a bad spirit, but nevertheless a useful one\nto those who seek its aid, and these are mostly bad people. Sometimes\nin the night its wierd eldritch cry is heard in the forest, and then\nsome woman about to be overtaken in dishonest childbirth goes out into\nthe woods alone, with her shame and her pangs upon her, and having\nbrought forth, presently returns, crying and lamenting that the wicked\nghost met and overcame her and that she has conceived of the spirit.\nOr perhaps it is a man who has wrought an evil thing who makes this\nbad spirit responsible for his wickedness. Either a man or a woman\nwandering alone in the forest is exposed to the enticements of the\nghost B\u00f3hem C\u00fclleh, to commit fornication with it.\n\n  [Sidenote: THE COYOTE'S ELOPEMENT.]\n\n'The Coyote's Elopement' forms the subject of another Neeshenam tale.\nIt is as follows--The coyote and the bat were one day gathering the\nsoft-shelled nuts of the sugar pine, when there came along two\nwomen-deer (the only way they have of expressing 'female deer'), who\nwere the wives of pigeons. The coyote, upon this, took a handful of\npitch and besmeared the bat's eyes so that it could not see. The poor\nbat was totally blinded, but it called upon the wind to blow, and its\neyes were opened a little, as we see them to-day. Meantime the\nrascally coyote eloped with the two women-deer. But it was not long\nbefore they came to a bridge so extremely narrow that they could not\npass over it. Just then there came along a quail, and he took the two\nwomen-deer and led them across, leaving the bigamous coyote in the\nlurch. No sooner had they crossed than the sister of the pigeons took\nthe quail away to his mother's camp, and thus the women-deer were set\nat liberty, and recovered by their husbands, the pigeons.\n\n\"In this story,\" says Mr Powers, \"as in many others, we have something\nanalogous to the were-wolves and swan-maidens of the medieval legends.\nIt also illustrates the Indian belief in the common origin of all\nanimals. Their favorite theory is, that the man originated from the\ncoyote, and the woman from the deer. Wherefore this story probably\ngives us a glimpse of the first courtship recorded of the human race,\nwhen the animals had so developed, strictly in accordance with the\nDarwinian programme, that man was about to appear upon the scene. The\nfailure of the coyote's elopement delayed that auspicious event a\nlittle while.\"\n\nAnother Neeshenam legend relates that there was once a medicine-man\nwho possessed the wonderful faculty of turning himself into a bear for\na brief season. When one of his patients was extremely ill, and,\naccording to custom, he sucked him to extract the injurious matter, he\nwould presently be seized with a spasm. Falling upon all fours, he\nwould find his hands and feet sprawled along the ground in plantigrade\nfashion, his nails would grow long and sharp, a short tail would\nsprout forth, hair would spring up all over his body, in short he\nwould become a raging, roaring bear. When the spasm had passed away,\nhe would return to the human form.\n\nAccording to yet another Neeshenam tradition, there lived long, long\nago a very terrible old man, whose chief delight it was to kill and\ndevour Indians. He had stone mortars in which he pounded the flesh to\nmake it tender for eating. Far down on the Sacramento plains, thirty\nor forty miles away, he and his wife lived together, and around their\nwigwam the blood of Indians lay a foot deep. The Indians all made war\non them and tried to kill them, but they could do nothing against\nthem. Then at last the Old Coyote took pity on the Indians whom he had\ncreated, and he determined to kill this old man. He was accustomed to\ngo into the great round dance-house when the Indians were assembled\nwithin it, and slay the chief. So the Old Coyote dug a deep hole just\noutside the door, and hid himself in it, armed with a big knife. The\nknife was just on a level with the ground, and when the old man came\nalong, going into the dance-house, he saw it, and gave a kick at it,\nbut did not notice the Coyote, who immediately jumped out of his\nhole, ran into the dance-house, and killed the old man.\n\nThis story, Mr Powers thinks probably refers to some long extinct race\nof cannibals who were superior in power to the present race. \"To\nthem,\" he says, \"may be assigned the stone mortars found in so many\nparts of California, which the Indians now living here confessedly did\nnot make. Others account for these stone mortars by saying they were\nmade by the chief of the spirits, Haylin Kakeeny, and his\nsubordinates.\"\n\n  [Sidenote: SHASTA LEGENDS.]\n\nThe following queer legends are, on the indisputable authority of Mr\nPowers, of Shasta origin: The world was created by Old Groundmole,\n_\u00eddidoc_, a huge animal that heaved creation into existence on its\nback, by rooting underneath somewhere. When the flood came it\ndestroyed all animals except a squirrel, as large as a bear, which\nexists to this day on a mountain called by the Shastas, Wakwaynuma,\nnear Happy Camp.\n\nA long time ago there was a fire-stone in the distant east, white and\nglistening, like the purest quartz; and the coyote journeyed east,\nbrought this fire-stone and gave it to the Indians, and that was the\norigin of fire.\n\nOriginally the sun had nine brothers, all, like himself, flaming hot\nwith fire, so that the world was like to perish; but the coyote slew\nnine of the brothers, and thus saved mankind from burning up. The moon\nalso had nine brothers, all like to himself, made of the coldest ice,\nso that in the night people went near to freeze to death. But the\ncoyote went away out on the eastern edge of the world with a mighty\nbig knife of flint stone, heated stones to keep his hands warm, then\nlaid hold of the nine moons, one after another, and slew them\nlikewise, and thus men got warm again.\n\nWhen it rains, there is some Indian sick in heaven, weeping. Long,\nlong ago there was a good young Indian on earth, and when he died all\nthe Indians cried so much that a flood came on the earth and rose up\nto heaven, and drowned all people except one couple.\n\nThe Ch\u00e9nposels relate that there was once a man who loved two women,\nand wished to marry them. Now, these two women were magpies,\n_atchatch_, and they loved him not, but laughed his wooing to scorn.\nThen he fell into a rage and cursed these two women that were magpies\nand went far away to the north, and there he set the world on fire,\nmade for himself a tule boat in which he escaped to sea, and was never\nheard of more. But the fire which he had kindled burned with a mighty\nburning. It ate its way south with terrible swiftness, licking up all\nthings that are on earth--men, trees, rocks, animals, water, and even\nthe ground itself. But the Old Coyote saw the burning and smoke from\nhis place far in the south, and he ran with all his might to put it\nout. He took two little boys in a sack on his back, and ran north like\nthe wind. So fast did he run that he gave out just as he got to the\nfire, and dropped the two little boys. But he took Indian sugar (honey\ndew) in his mouth, chewed it up, spat it on the fire and put it out.\nNow the fire was out, but the Coyote was very thirsty, but there was\nno water, so he took Indian sugar again, chewed it up, dug a hole in\nthe bottom of the creek, covered up the sugar in it, and it turned to\nwater, and the earth thus had water again. But the two little boys\ncried because they were lonely for there was nobody on earth. Then the\nCoyote made a sweat-house, and split up a great number of little\nsticks, which he laid in the sweat-house over night; in the morning\nthey were all turned into men and women, so the two little boys had\ncompany, and the earth was repeopled.[XII-110]\n\n  [Sidenote: SUN-MYTH OF THE PALLAWONAPS.]\n\nI conclude with a sun-myth of the Pallawonaps, who lived on Kern River\nin Southern California:--Pok\u00f2h made all things. Long ago the sun was\na man. The sun is bad and wishes to kill all things, but the moon is\ngood. The sun's rays are arrows, and he gives a bundle to every\ncreature, more to the lion, fewer to the coyote, etc.; but to none\ndoes he give an arrow that will slay a man. The coyote wished to go to\nthe sun, and he asked Pok\u00f2h the road. Pok\u00f2h pointed out to him a good\nroad, and the coyote traveled on it all day, but the sun turned round,\nso he traveled in a circle, and came back at night to the place whence\nhe had started in the morning. A second time he asked Pok\u00f2h, and a\nsecond time he came back in a circle. Then Pok\u00f2h told him to go\nstraight to the eastern edge of the earth, and wait there until the\nsun came up. So the coyote went and sat down on the hole where the sun\ncame up, with his back turned to the east, and kept pointing with his\narrow in every direction, pretending he was going to shoot. The sun\ncame up under him, and told him to get out of the way. But the coyote\nsat there until it became so warm that he was obliged to coil up his\ntail under him. Then he began to get thirsty, and asked the sun for\nwater. The sun gave him an acorn-cup full, but this did not satisfy\nthe coyote's great thirst. Next his shoulders began to get warm, so he\nspat on his paws and rubbed his back with them. Then he said to the\nsun, Why do you come up here, meddling with me? But the sun said, I am\nnot meddling with you; I am traveling where I have a right to travel.\nThe coyote told him to go round some other way, that that was his\nroad, but the sun insisted on going straight up. Then the coyote\nwanted to go up with him, so the good-natured sun took him along.\nPresently they came to a path with steps like a ladder, and as the sun\nwent up he counted the steps; when they got up above the world, the\ncoyote found it getting hot and wanted to jump down, but the distance\nwas too great. By noon the sun was very hot and bright, and he told\nthe coyote to shut his eyes. He did so, but he opened them quickly\nagain, and so kept opening and shutting them all the afternoon, to see\nhow fast the sun was sliding down. When the sun came down to the\nearth in the west, the coyote jumped off on to a tree, and so\nclambered down to the ground.[XII-111]\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\nSuch are the Myths of the Farthest West, such the endeavors of these\nmen unenlightened, according to our ideas of enlightenment, to define\nthe indefinable, such the result of their 'yearning after the gods.'\nMost of their myths and beliefs are extravagant, childish,\nmeaningless, to our understanding of them, but doubtless our myths\nwould be the same to them. From the beginning of time men have\ngrappled with shadows, have accounted for material certainties by\nimmaterial uncertainties. Let us be content to gather and preserve\nthese perishable phantoms now; they will be very curious relics in the\nday of the triumph of substance.\n\nFOOTNOTES:\n\n[XII-1] 'The preconceived opinions,' says Brinton, 'that saw in the\nmeteorological myths of the Indian a conflict between the Spirit of\nGood and the Spirit of Evil, have with like unconscious error\nfalsified his doctrine of a future life, and almost without an\nexception drawn it more or less in the likeness of a Christian heaven,\nhell, and purgatory.... Nowhere was any well-defined doctrine that\nmoral turpitude was judged and punished in the next world. No contrast\nis discoverable between a place of torments and a realm of joy; at the\nworst, but a negative castigation awaited the liar, the coward, or the\nniggard.' _Myths_, p. 242.\n\n[XII-2] _Prehistoric Times_, p. 139.\n\n[XII-3] See vol. ii., pp. 618, 623.\n\n[XII-4] _Myths_, p. 257.\n\n[XII-5] See p. 59, this volume.\n\n[XII-6] _Oviedo_, _Hist. Nic._, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, s\u00e9rie ii.,\ntom. iii. p. 36; _Buschmann_, _Spuren der Aztek. Spr._, p. 74; _Id._,\n_Ortsnamen_, p. 159; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Gram. Quich\u00e9_, p. 196;\n_Brinton's Myths_, p. 49-52, 235.\n\n[XII-7] Vol. ii., pp. 606, 799, of this work.\n\n[XII-8] _Prim. Cult._, vol. ii., p. 22.\n\n[XII-9] _Dall's Alaska_, pp. 145, 422.\n\n[XII-10] Barrett-Lennard says, however: 'Those that die a natural death\nare condemned to dwell for ages among the branches of tall trees.'\n_Trav._, p. 54. 'Careciese de algunas ideas religiosas, y viviese\npersuadido de la total aniquilacion del hombre con la muerte.' _Sutil\ny Mexicana_, _Viage_, p. cxviii. It is doubtful whether the latter\nclass is composed of the spirits of men, or merely of marine animals.\nSee this vol., p. 148.\n\n[XII-11] The Tinnehs do not regard these as the spirits of men. _Dall's\nAlaska_, p. 88.\n\n[XII-12] _Kotzebue's New Voy._, vol. ii., p. 54. 'They have a confused\nnotion of immortality.' _Id._, p. 58. The Koniagas also used to kill a\nslave on the grave of wealthy men. _Dall's Alaska_, p. 403.\n\n[XII-13] _Dall's Alaska_, pp. 422-3; _Holmberg_, _Ethno. Skiz._, pp.\n63-5.\n\n[XII-14] The Chepewyans also held this theory, though they believed in a\nheaven of bliss and a state of punishment. _Mackenzie's Voy._, p.\ncxix.\n\n[XII-15] _Richardson's Jour._, vol. i., pp. 409-10; _Baer_, _Stat. u.\nEthno._, pp. 107-8, 111; _Harmon's Jour._, pp. 299-300; _Wilkes'\nNar._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. iv., p. 482.\n\n[XII-16] _Whymper's Alaska_, p. 345; _Mackenzie's Voy._, p. cxxviii.;\n_Hardisty_, in _Smithsonian Rept._, 1866, p. 318. 'Nach dem Tode wurde\nnach ihren (Koniagas) Begriffen jeder Mensch ein Teufel; bisweilen\nzeigte er sich den Verwandten, und das hatte Gl\u00fcck zu bedeuten.'\n_Holmberg_, _Ethno. Skiz._, p. 122; _Macfie's Vanc. Isl._, pp. 457-8.\n\n[XII-17] Vol. i., pp. 126-7, of this work; _Dunn's Oregon_, p. 83;\n_Silliman's Jour._, vol. xvi., p. 147; _Seemann's Voy. Herald_, vol.\nii., p. 67; _Richardson's Pol. Reg._, p. 322. The Eskimos had no idea\nof 'future reward and punishment.' _Dall's Alaska_, p. 145.\n\n[XII-18] _D'Orbigny's Voy._, p. 50.\n\n[XII-19] _Mackenzie's Voy._, p. cxix.; _Dunn's Oregon_, p. 104.\n\n[XII-20] _Dunn's Oregon_, pp. 272-3.\n\n[XII-21] _Ross' Adven._, p. 288; _Cox's Adven._, vol. ii., p. 158.\n\n[XII-22] _Parker's Explor. Tour_, pp. 235, 246-7; _Wilkes' Nar._, in _U.\nS. Ex. Ex._, vol. v., p. 124; _Dunn's Oregon_, p. 120. The Salish and\nPend d'Oreilles believed that the brave went to the sun, while the bad\nremained near earth to trouble the living, or ceased to exist. _Lord's\nNat._, vol. ii., pp. 239-40. But this is contradicted by other\naccounts.\n\n[XII-23] Macfie's description leaves a doubt whether the keewuck and\nkeewuckkow are names for the same heaven, or separate. _Vanc. Isl._,\np. 457.\n\n[XII-24] _Poole's Q. Char. Isl._, p. 320.\n\n[XII-25] _Cox's Adven._, vol. i., p. 252; Dunn, _Oregon_, p. 318, says,\n'beavers are a fallen race of Indians.'\n\n[XII-26] _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. vi., p. 619; vol. i., p. 248, of\nthis work.\n\n[XII-27] The sorcerer is stated by one native to have brought the soul on\na small stick and thrown it back into the head of its body. _Sproat's\nScenes_, p. 214. 'The natives often imagine that a bad spirit, which\nloves to vex and torment, takes the place of the truant soul during\nits absence.' _Id._, pp. 173-4; _Hutchings' Cal. Mag._, vol. v., p.\n225.\n\n[XII-28] _Mayne's B. C._, p. 181; _Sutil y Mexicana_, _Viage_, p. 136;\n_Meares' Voy._, p. 270; _Macfie's Vanc. Isl._, p. 457; _Sproat's\nScenes_, pp. 212-3.\n\n[XII-29] _Stevens_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1854, p. 212; _Brinton's\nMyths_, pp. 233-4; see note 2.\n\n[XII-30] _Johnston_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iv., p. 225.\n\n[XII-31] _Hutchings' Cal. Mag._, vol. iii., pp. 438-9; _Macfie's Vanc.\nIsl._, p. 448.\n\n[XII-32] _Powers' Pomo_, MS.\n\n[XII-33] _Ib._; _Gibbs_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iii., p. 140.\n\n[XII-34] _Powers' Pomo_, MS.; _Miller's Life amongst the Modocs_, pp.\n241, 249.\n\n[XII-35] _Powers_, in _Overland Monthly_, vol. viii., pp. 430-1.\n\n[XII-36] _Id._, _Pomo_, MS.; this vol., p. 177.\n\n[XII-37] _Meacham_, _Religion of Indians._\n\n[XII-38] _Powers' Pomo_, MS.\n\n[XII-39] Vol. i., pp. 439-40, this work; _Browne's L. Cal._, p. 188.\n\n[XII-40] _Meyer_, _Nach dem Sacramento_, pp. 228-9; _Schoolcraft's\nArch._, vol. v., pp. 215-6.\n\n[XII-41] _La P\u00e9rouse_, _Voy._, tom. ii., p. 307; _Marmier_, _Notice_, in\n_Bryant_, _Voy. en Cal._, p. 238; _Fages_, in _Nouvelles Annales des\nVoy._, 1844, tom. ci., pp. 335-6; _Mofras_, _Explor._, tom. ii., pp.\n379-80.\n\n[XII-42] _Boscana_, in _Robinson's Life in Cal._, pp. 316-24.\n\n[XII-43] 'Ives legte dem Gebirge den Namen: \"Berg der Todten\" bei.'\n_M\u00f6llhausen_, _Reisen in die Felsengeb._, tom. i., pp. 357-8. 'All\ncowardly Indians (and bravery was the good with them) were tormented\nwith hardships and failures, sickness and defeats. This hill, or\nhades, they never dared visit.' _Stratton's Capt. Oatman Girls_, p.\n233; _Dodt_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1870, p. 129; _Whipple, Ewbank, and\nTurner's Rept._, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. iii., p. 43.\n\n[XII-44] Estupec, the soul or heart, may be connected with _eep_, breath.\n_Walker's Pimas_, MS. In _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iii., p. 461,\noccurs the term angel, but the Pima chiefs whom I have questioned\nstate that the term angel was not known to them.\n\n[XII-45] _Walker's Pimas_, MS.\n\n[XII-46] _Pers. Nar._, vol. ii., p. 222; _Cremony's Apaches_, pp. 104-5.\n'Cuando muere v\u00e1 \u00e1 vivir su corazon por el mar h\u00e1cia el poniente: que\nalgunos despues que mueren viven como tecolotes, y \u00faltimamente dijeron\nque ellos no saben bien estas cosas.' _Garc\u00e9s_, _Diario_, in _Doc.\nHist. Mex._, s\u00e9rie ii., tom. i., p. 239.\n\n[XII-47] _Day_, in _Hesperian_, vol. iii., p. 482.\n\n[XII-48] _Henry_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. v., p. 209.\n\n[XII-49] _Ten Broeck_, in _Id._, vol. iv., p. 86.\n\n[XII-50] _Id._, p. 78; _Domenech's Deserts_, vol. ii., p. 402;\n_Whipple's Rept._, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. iii., p. 59.\n\n[XII-51] _Beadle_, in _Crofutt's Western World_, Aug., 1872, p. 27;\n_Bristol_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1867, p. 358; _Eaton_, in\n_Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iii., p. 218; _Davis' El Gringo_, p. 418.\n\n[XII-52] _Marcy's Army Life_, p. 57; _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. v., pp.\n54, 685. Food is left at the grave for a certain time; this would\nindicate that the soul proper, or its second form, remains with the\nbody for a while. _Id._, pp. 78-9.\n\n[XII-53] _Smithsonian Rept._, 1866, p. 387; _Clavigero_, _Storia della\nCal._, tom. i., pp. 136-7, 139.\n\n[XII-54] _Alger's Future Life_, p. 208. 'Lo llevan \u00e1 enterrar sentado y\ncon sus mejores vestidos, poniendo \u00e1 su lado competente porcion de sus\nordinarios, alimentos.' _Alegre_, _Hist. Comp. de Jesus_, tom. ii., p.\n218.\n\n[XII-55] _Hist. de los Triumphos_, p. 18.\n\n[XII-56] _Apost\u00f3licos Afanes_, pp. 22-4.\n\n[XII-57] This legend is taken from a MS kindly presented to me by Mr.\nStephen Powers, and is a corrected version of the legend entitled\n'Hilpmecone and Ol\u00e9gance' contributed by the same gentleman to the\n_Overland Monthly_, January, 1874. pp. 30-1.\n\n[XII-58] 'El que tenia rodela horadada de saetas no podia mirar al sol.'\n_Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. iii., p. 265. This may perhaps\nmean that the humbler warrior, whose inferior shield was more likely\nto be pierced, could not look upon the majestic face of the sun, just\nas he had been interdicted from regarding the face of his king.\n\n[XII-59] 'When the midwife speaks to a woman who has died in childbed,\nshe refers to the noble manner in which she has used the sword and\nshield, a figure of speech which is probably intended to represent the\nhigh estimation in which they held her.' _Id._, tom. ii., lib. vi., p.\n189.\n\n[XII-60] 'Descendian ac\u00e1 \u00e1 la tierra.' Ib. But it is just as likely that\nthey used the weaving implements supplied to them at the grave, as\nthose of the living. Brasseur de Bourbourg says that the inhabitants\nof this region had day when the inhabitants of the earth slept; but\nsince the women resumed their work after the setting of the sun, it is\nmore likely that they always had light up there, and that they never\nslept. _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 497.\n\n[XII-61] The humming-bird, the emblem and attribute of the war-god,\noffered on the grave in the month of Quecholli, probably referred to\nthis transformation. _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., p.\n164, lib. iv., pp. 264-5, tom. ii., lib. vi., pp. 188-9, lib. ix., p.\n358; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 530. 'Nachher werden\nsie theils in Wolken verwandelt, theils in Kolibris.' _M\u00fcller_,\n_Amerikanische Urreligionen_, p. 661. The transformation into clouds\nseems to refer to the Tlascaltecs.\n\n[XII-62] Tlalocan is the name given by some old writers to the country\nbetween Chiapas and Oajaca. _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat.\nCiv._, tom. iii., p. 496; _Brinton's Myths_, pp. 88-9. It may also be\nthe place referred to under the names of Tamoancha, Xuchitlycacan.\n_Explanation of the Codex Telleriano-Remensis_, in _Kingsborough's\nMex. Antiq._, vol. vi., p. 127.\n\n[XII-63] Vol. ii., p. 336, this work.\n\n[XII-64] _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, p. 97; _Torquemada_, _Monarq.\nInd._, tom. ii., pp. 82, 529. The remarks of the above authors with\nreference to those who die of diseases may, however, refer to\nsufferers from ordinary afflictions, who were from all doomed to\nMictlan. In _Explanation of the Codex Vaticanus_, in _Kingsborough's\nMex. Antiq._, vol. vi., pp. 169-71, all who die of diseases and a\nviolent death are consigned to Mictlan. _Brinton's Myths_, pp. 246-7;\n_Alger's Future Life_, pp. 475-6. Chevalier, _Mex. Ancien et Mod._, p.\n91, who regards the sun as heaven, and Mictlan as hell, considers this\nan intermediate and incomplete paradise. _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom.\ni., lib. iii., p. 264; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom.\nii., p. 5.\n\n[XII-65] _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. iii., pp. 260-1, tom.\nii., lib. vi., p. 176; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 529;\n_Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 571;\n_Tezozomoc_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 329, 331.\n\n[XII-66] _Id._, p. 329. 'Le plus commun est _Chiucnauh-Mictlan_, les\nNeuf s\u00e9jours des Morts.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._,\ntom. iii., p. 495; _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, p. 97; _Sahagun_,\n_Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. iii., p. 263.\n\n[XII-67] This seems also to be the idea of Gomara, _Conq. Mex._, fol.\n308-9, although he makes the heavens distinct from one another, and\nincludes the Sun House and Tlalocan in the list.\n\n[XII-68] _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., p. 166, lib. iii.,\np. 263.\n\n[XII-69] _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 522. The fact that offerings and\nprayers were kept up for four days by the mourners, confirms this\nstatement. _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. iii., p. 263, tom.\nii., lib. vi., p. 189. 'Until souls had arrived at the destined place\nat the expiration of these four years, they had to encounter much\nhardship, cold, and toil.' _Explanation of the Codex Telleriano-Remensis_,\nin _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. vi., p. 96.\n\n[XII-70] _Hist. Tlax._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom.\nxcviii., p. 193; _Tezozomoc_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., p. 331. 'When the\nsun sets, it goes to give light to the dead.' _Explanation of the\nCodex Telleriano-Remensis_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. vi.,\np. 128.\n\n[XII-71] _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 6. Tlalxicco may be\nconsidered as hell proper, and distinct from Mictlan, and may have\nbeen ruled over by Tzontemoc who must then be regarded as distinct\nfrom Mictlantecutli. _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. vi., p. 219.\n\n[XII-72] Mictlampaehecatl, the north-wind, is said to come from hell.\n_Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. vii., pp. 253, 256-7;\n_Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 81.\n\n[XII-73] _Explanation of the Codex Vaticanus_, in _Kingsborough's Mex.\nAntiq._, vol. vi., pp. 218-9.\n\n[XII-74] 'Despues de pasados cuatro a\u00f1os, el difunto se sal\u00eda y se iba\n\u00e1 los nueve infiernos ... en este lugar del infierno que se llamaba\n_Chicunamictla_, se acababan y fenecian los difuntos.' _Sahagun_,\n_Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. iii., p. 263; see also note 8. At the end\nof four years the souls came to a place where they enjoyed a certain\ndegree of repose. _Explanation of the Codex Vaticanus_, in\n_Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. vi., p. 218.\n\n[XII-75] This vol., p. 59; see also, pp. 296-402.\n\n[XII-76] See note 12. Four was the most sacred number among the\nMexicans as well as the other nations of America, and is derived from\nthe adoration of the cardinal points. _Brinton's Myths_, p. 67. The\nCentral Americans believed that the soul arrived at its destination in\nfour days after death.\n\n[XII-77] _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. iii., p. 263.\n\n[XII-78] 'Pour qu'il ne f\u00fbt pas entra\u00een\u00e9 en traversant le Styx indien.'\n_Biart_, _Terre Temp\u00e9r\u00e9e_, p. 280; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 309.\n'Los perros de pelo blanco y negro, no podian nadar y pasar el rio,\nporque dizque decia el perro de pelo negro: \"yo me lab\u00e9\" y el perro de\npelo blanco decia: \"yo me he manchado de color prieto, y por eso no\npuedo pasaros\" solamente el perro de pelo vermejo podia pasar.'\n_Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. iii., p. 263.\n\n[XII-79] _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. iii., pp. 260-4;\n_Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 528-30; _Clavigero_,\n_Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 5-6; vol. ii., pp. 603-19, of\nthis work.\n\n[XII-80] _Hist. Tlax._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom.\nxcix., pp. 192-3.\n\n[XII-81] 'Tenian por cierto, que en el infierno habian de padecer\ndiversas penas conforme \u00e1 la calidad de los delitos.' _Mendieta_,\n_Hist. Ecles._, p. 83. 'Ent\u00f3nces todos ser\u00e1n castigados conforme \u00e1 sus\nobras.' _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. vii., pp. 36-7;\n_Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 80. 'Ils \u00e9taient plong\u00e9s\ndans une obscurit\u00e9 profonde, livr\u00e9s \u00e0 leurs remords.' _Chevalier_,\n_Mex. Ancien et Mod._, p. 91.\n\n[XII-82] 'Padecen por los pecados de sus padres.' _Sahagun_, _Hist.\nGen._, tom. ii., lib. vi., p. 36. Their prayers and penances, says\nAcosta, were merely on account of corporal inflictions, for they\ncertainly feared no punishment in the world to come, but expected that\nall would rest there. _Hist. de las Ynd._, p. 383. 'In the destiny\nthey assigned to the wicked, we discern similar traces of refinement;\nsince the absence of all physical torture forms a striking contrast to\nthe schemes of suffering so ingeniously devised by the fancies of the\nmost enlightened nations. In all this, so contrary to the natural\nsuggestions of the ferocious Aztec, we see the evidences of a higher\ncivilization, inherited from their predecessors in the land.'\n_Prescott's Mex._, vol. i., pp. 62-3.\n\n[XII-83] _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. iii., p. 267, et seq.\n\n[XII-84] The reader who thinks upon the subject at all, cannot help\nbeing struck by the remarkable resemblance in some points between\nthese future abodes of the Mexicans and those of the ancient Greeks\nand Romans. The trembling soul has to pass over the same dreadful\nriver, ferried by a brute Charon. In Hades as in Mictlan, the\ncondition of the dead was a shadowy sort of apparent life, in which,\nmere ghosts of their former selves, they continued dreamily to perform\nthe labors and carry on the occupations to which they had been\naccustomed on earth. In Greece as in Mexico, the shades of the dead\nwere occasionally permitted to visit their friends on earth, summoned\nby a sacrifice and religious rites. Neither Elysium nor the glorious\nSun House was the reward of the purely good so much as of the\nfavorites of the gods. Such points of resemblance as these are,\nhowever, unnoticed by those who theorize concerning the origin of the\nAmericans; they go farther for analogies, and perhaps fare worse.\n\n[XII-85] _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 5;\n_Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, p. 97.\n\n[XII-86] _Alger's Future Life_, pp. 475-6.\n\n[XII-87] _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iv., lib. ix., cap. vii.\n\n[XII-88] _Myths_, p. 258; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Popol Vuh_, p. 175.\n\n[XII-89] _Hist. Tlax._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom.\nxcviii., p. 192; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 64.\n\n[XII-90] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, p. 81. 'Tlacatecolotl, demonio o\ndiablo.' _Molina_, _Diccionario_.\n\n[XII-91] _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, p. 109.\n\n[XII-92] 'The inhabitants suppose kinges (who, while they liued,\ngouerned amisse) to haue a temporary aboade there being companions\nwith diuels amonge those flames, where they may purge the foule spots\nof their wickednesse.' _Peter Martyr_, dec. v., lib. ii.\n\n[XII-93] _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 4:\n_Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, p. 96.\n\n[XII-94] _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. x.; _Carbajal\nEspinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., p. 292; vol. ii., pp. 620-2, of this\nwork.\n\n[XII-95] _Burgoa_, _Geog. Descrip._, tom. ii., fol. 230-1, tom. i., fol.\n159-61; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 5;\n_Explanation of the Codex Telleriano-Remensis_, in _Kingsborough's\nMex. Antiq._, vol. vi., p. 96; _Id._, _Codex Vaticanus_, p. 218; vol.\nii., pp. 622-3, of this work.\n\n[XII-96] 'Le _Yaxch\u00e9_, qui signifie arbre vert, est probablement le m\u00eame\nque le _tonacaste_ ou _tonacazquahuitl_, arbre au tronc puissant et\n\u00e9lev\u00e9, au feuillage immense, mais menu et serr\u00e9, dont la beaut\u00e9 et\nl'extr\u00eame fra\u00eecheur lui ont fait donner le nom d'arbre de la vie.'\n_Brasseur de Bourbourg_, in _Landa_, _Relacion_, p. 200.\n\n[XII-97] An evident corruption of Mictlan.\n\n[XII-98] 'Dezian se lo (el difunto) avia llevado el diablo porque del\npensavan les venian los males todos y especial la muerte.' _Landa_,\n_Relacion_, p. 196, 198-202; _Cogolludo_, _Hist. Yuc._, p. 192;\n_Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., pp. 62-3;\n_Carrillo_, in _Mex. Soc. Geog., Boletin_, 2da \u00e9poca, tom. iii., pp.\n265-6.\n\n[XII-99] _Brinton's Myths_, p. 246; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Popol\nVuh_, pp. lxxix.-lxxx., cxxviii.-cxxx; vol. ii., p. 799, of this work.\n\n[XII-100] _Palacio_, _Carta_, pp. 76-8.\n\n[XII-101] _Dollfus and Mont-Serrat_, _Voy. G\u00e9ologique_, p. 12.\n\n[XII-102] _Yolia_ or _yulia_ derived from _yoli_, to live is distinct\nfrom heart, _yollotli_. _Buschmann_, _Ortsnamen_, p. 159. Yet the\nheart was evidently considered as the seat of the soul, for some\nIndians stated that 'el cora\u00e7on va arriba,' while others explained\nthat by this was meant the breath. _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iv.,\npp. 44-5.\n\n[XII-103] _Navarrete_, _Col. de Viages_, tom. iii., p. 415.\n\n[XII-104] Corresponding to the Aztec Mictlantecutli. It is not quite\nclear whether all agreed upon total annihilation in this place.\n\n[XII-105] 'Han de resu\u00e7itar \u00f3 tornar \u00e1 casa de sus padres, \u00e9 sus\npadres los conoser\u00e1n \u00e9 criar\u00e1n.' _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iv., pp.\n41, 42-9; _Brinton's Myths_, pp. 145, 235; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_,\n_Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., pp. 113-4.\n\n[XII-106] Bell adds that this ferriage money was provided lest the\nchild 'should die young.' Offerings are also placed upon the grave.\n_Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. xxxii., pp. 254-5.\n\n[XII-107] 'They suppose that men do naturally liue and die as other\nbeastes do.' _Peter Martyr_, dec. iii., lib. iv.\n\n[XII-108] 'Aquel humo iba donde estaba el \u00e1nima de aquel defunto ...\nen el cielo, y que en el humo iba all\u00e1.' _Andagoya_, in _Navarrete_,\n_Col. de Viages_, tom. iii., p. 402; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. i.,\nlib. vii., cap. xvi., dec. ii., lib. iii., cap. v.; _Gomara_, _Hist.\nInd._, fol. 255; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., p. 142.\n\n[XII-109] Dec. vii., lib. x.\n\n[XII-110] \"It is possible,\" concludes Mr Powers, \"that this legend has\ndim reference to that great ancient cataclysm, or overflow of lava\nfrom the north, which has been demonstrated by Professor le Conte, in\na paper read before the Californian Academy of Science.\"\n\n[XII-111] This myth, Mr Powers thinks, has been belittled or corrupted\nfrom the ancient myth of the zodiac, and, in his opinion, argues for\nthe Americans a civilized, or at least semi-civilized, Asiatic\norigin--a very far-fetched conclusion I should say.\n\n\n\n\nTHE NATIVE RACES\n\nOF THE\n\nPACIFIC STATES.\n\nLANGUAGES.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER I.\n\nGENERAL REMARKS.\n\n     NATIVE LANGUAGES IN ADVANCE OF SOCIAL CUSTOMS -- CHARACTERISTIC\n     INDIVIDUALITY OF AMERICAN TONGUES -- FREQUENT OCCURRENCE OF\n     LONG WORDS -- REDUPLICATIONS, FREQUENTATIVES, AND DUALS --\n     INTERTRIBAL LANGUAGES -- GESTURE-LANGUAGE -- SLAV\u00c9 AND CHINOOK\n     JARGONS -- PACIFIC STATES LANGUAGES -- THE TINNEH, AZTEC, AND\n     MAYA TONGUES -- THE LARGER FAMILIES INLAND -- LANGUAGE AS A\n     TEST OF ORIGIN -- SIMILARITIES IN UNRELATED LANGUAGES -- PLAN\n     OF THIS INVESTIGATION.\n\n\nIn nothing, perhaps, do the Native Races of the Pacific States show\nsigns of age, and of progress from absolute primevalism, more than in\ntheir languages. Indeed, throughout the length and breadth of the two\nAmericas aboriginal tongues display greater richness, more delicate\ngradations, and a wider scope, than from the uncultured condition in\nwhich the people were found, one would be led to suppose. Until\nrecently, no attention has been given by scholars to these languages;\nnow it is admitted that the more they are studied the more do new\nbeauties appear, and that in their speech these nations are in advance\nof what their general rudeness in other respects would imply. Nor is\nthere that difference in the construction of words and the scope of\nvocabularies between nations which we call civilized and those called\nsavage, which, from the difference in their customs, industries, and\npolities we should expect to find; from which it is safe to infer that\nin progress, after the essential corporeal requirements are satisfied,\nthe necessities of the intellect, of which speech is the very first,\nare not only met, but are developed and gratified beyond what the\nactual necessities of the body demand. That is, speech or no speech\nthe body must be fed or the animal dies, but with the absolute\nnecessities of the body supplied, the intellect and its\nsupernumeraries shoot forward beyond their relative primeval state,\nleaving bodily comforts far behind. Hence, in the very outset of what\nwe call progress, we see the intellect asserting its independence and\ndeveloping those organs only which in their turn assist its own\ndevelopment. Again, under certain conditions, two nations having\nadvanced materially and intellectually side by side up to a certain\npoint, may from extrinsic or incidental causes become widely separate;\none may go forward intellectually while the two remain together\nsubstantially; one may go forward materially while mentally there is\nno apparent difference. The causes which give rise to these strange\ninequalities we cannot fathom until we can minutely retrace the\nprogress of the people for thousands of ages in their history; we only\nsee, in the many examples round us, that such is the fact. A people\nwell advanced in art and language may, from war or famine, become\nreduced to primeval penury and yet retain traces of its former culture\nin its speech, but by no possibility can rude and barbaric speech\nsuddenly assume depth and richness from material prosperity; from all\nof which it is safe to conclude that language is the surest test of\nthe age of a people, for the mind cannot expand without an improvement\nin speech, and speech improves only as it is forced slowly to develop\nunder pressure of the mind.\n\n  [Sidenote: RELATIONSHIP OF AMERICAN LANGUAGES.]\n\nThe researches of the few philologists who have given American\nlanguages their study have brought to light the following facts.\nFirst, that a relationship exists among all the tongues of the\nnorthern and southern continents; and that while certain\ncharacteristics are found in common throughout all the languages of\nAmerica, these languages are as a whole sufficiently peculiar to be\ndistinguishable from the speech of all the other races of the world.\nAlthough some of these characteristics, as a matter of course, are\nfound in some of the languages of the old world--more of them in the\nTuranian family than in any other--yet nowhere on the globe are\nuniformities of speech carried over vast areas and through innumerable\nand diversified races with such persistency, as in America; nowhere\nare tongues so dissimilar and yet so alike as here. In this general\nsimilarity would be a strong ground-work for a theory of common\norigin, either indigenous or foreign, but for the fact that while the\nlanguages of America appear distinct from all other languages of the\nworld, and do indeed in certain respects bear a general resemblance\none to another throughout, yet at the same time I may safely assert\nthat on no other continent can there be found such a multitude of\ndistinct languages which definitely approach one another in scarcely a\nsingle word or syllable as in America. It is as easy to prove from\nlanguage that the nations of the New World were originally thrown\ntogether from different parts, and that by intermigrations, uniformity\nin customs and climate, and the lapse of long ages the people have\nbecome approximately brethren in speech, while their incessant wars\nhave at the same time held them asunder and prevented a more\nparticular uniformity, as it would be to prove a common origin and\nsubsequent dispersion; without further light both theories are alike\ninsusceptible of proof, as are, indeed, all hypotheses concerning the\norigin of the native races of this continent. Another fact which\nnaturally becomes more apparent the more we investigate the subject,\nparticularly as regards the nations inhabiting the western half of\nNorth America, is, that the innumerable diversities of speech found\namong these tribes constantly tend to disappear, tend to range\nthemselves under broad divisions, coalescing into groups and families,\nthereby establishing more intimate relationship between some, and\nwidening the distance between others. The numbers of tongues and\ndialects, which at the first appeared to be legion, by comparison and\nclassification are constantly being reduced. Could we go back, even\nfor a few thousand years, and follow these peoples through the\nturnings and twistings of their nomadic existence, we should be\nsurprised at the rapid and complete changes constantly taking place;\nwe should see throughout this broad continent the tide of human life\nebbing and flowing like a mighty ocean, surging to and fro in a\nperpetual unrest, huge billows of humanity rolling over forest, plain,\nand mountain, nations driving out nations, absorbing, or annihilating,\nonly to be themselves inevitably driven out, absorbed, or annihilated;\nwe should see as a result of this interminable mixture, languages\nconstantly being modified, some wholly or in part disappearing, some\nchanging in a lesser degree, hardly one remaining the same for any\nconsiderable length of time. Even within the short period of our own\nobservation, between the time of the first arrival of Europeans and\nthe disappearance of the natives, many changes are apparent; while we\nare gazing upon them we see their boundaries oscillate, like the play\nof the threads in network. On the buffalo-hunting inland plains I have\nseen aggregations of tribes driven out from their old camping-ground,\nin some instances a thousand miles away, and their places occupied by\nothers; in the narrower limits of the north-western mountains I have\nseen numerous tribes extirpated by their neighbors, a remnant only\nbeing kept as slaves. While such was the normal condition of the\naborigines it is not difficult to perceive in some degree at least,\nthe effect upon languages. Yet while American languages are indeed, as\nWhitney terms them, \"the most changeful human forms of speech\" there\nare yet found indestructible characteristic elements, affiliations\nwhich no circumstances of time or place can wholly obliterate.\n\n  [Sidenote: LONG WORDS IN AMERICAN LANGUAGES.]\n\nOne of these characteristic elements is the frequent occurrence of\nlong words. Even the Otom\u00ed, the only language in America which can be\ncalled monosyllabic, consisting as it does, for the most part, of\netymons of one syllable, contains some comparatively long words. This\nfrequency of long words, the method of their construction, and the\nease with which they are manufactured constitute a striking feature in\nthe system of unity that pervades all American languages. The native\nof the New World expresses in a single word, accompanied perhaps by a\ngrunt or a gesture, what a European would employ a whole sentence to\nelucidate. He crowds the greatest possible number of ideas into the\nmost compact form possible, as though in a multitude of words he found\nweakness rather than strength--taking their several ideas by their\nmonosyllabic equivalents, and joining them in one single expression.\nThis rule is universal; and so these languages become as Humboldt\nexpresses it \"like different substances in analogous forms,\" in which,\nas Gallatin observes, there is \"an universal tendency to express in\nthe same word, not only all that modifies or relates to the same\nobject or action but both the action and the object, thus\nconcentrating in a single expression a complex idea or several ideas,\namong which there is a natural connection.\" This linguistic\npeculiarity is called by various names. Duponceau terms it the\npolysynthetic stage or system, Wilhelm von Humboldt the agglutinative,\nLieber the holophrastic; others the aggregative, the incorporative,\nand so on. As an illustration of this peculiarity, take the Aztec word\nfor letter-postage, _amatlacuilolitquitcatlaxtlahuilli_, which\ninterpreted literally signifies, 'the payment received for carrying a\npaper on which something is written.' The Cherokees go yet further and\nexpress a whole sentence in a single word--a long one it is true, but\nyet one word--_winitawtigeginaliskawlungtanawnelitisesti_ which\ntranslated forms the sentence, 'they will by that time have nearly\nfinished granting favors from a distance to thee and me.' Other\npeculiarities common to all American languages might be mentioned,\nsuch as reduplications, or a repetition of the same syllable to\nexpress plurals; the use of frequentatives and duals; the application\nof gender to the third person of the verb; the direct conversion of\nnouns, substantive and adjective, into verbs, and their conjugation as\nsuch; peculiar generic distinctions arising from a separation of\nanimate from inanimate beings, and the like.\n\nThe multiplicity of tongues, even within comparatively narrow areas,\nrendered the adoption of some sort of universal language absolutely\nnecessary. This international language in America is for the most part\nconfined to gestures, and nowhere has gesture-language attained a\nhigher degree of perfection than here; and what is most remarkable,\nthe same representatives are employed from Alaska to Mexico and even\nin South America. Thus each tribe has a certain gesture to indicate\nits name, which is understood by all others. A Flathead will make his\ntribe known by placing his hand upon his head; a Crow by imitating the\nflapping of the wings of a bird; a Nez Perc\u00e9 by pointing with his\nfinger through his nose, and so on. Fire is generally indicated by\nblowing followed by a pretended warming of the hands, water by a\npretended scooping up and drinking, trade or exchange by crossing the\nfore fingers, a certain gesture being fixed for everything necessary\nto carry on a conversation. Besides this natural gesture-language\nthere is found in various parts an intertribal jargon composed of\nwords chosen to fit emergencies, from the speech of the several\nneighboring nations; the words being altered, if necessary, in\nconstruction or pronunciation to suit all. Thus in the valley of the\nYukon we find the Slav\u00e9 jargon, and in the valley of the Columbia the\nChinook jargon, which latter arose originally, not as is generally\nsupposed conventionally between the French-Canadian and English\ntrappers and the natives of the north-west solely for purposes of\ntrade, but which originated among the tribes themselves spontaneously\nand before the advent of Europeans, though greatly modified and\nextended by subsequent European intercourse. Thus has been laid, no\ndoubt, the foundation of many permanent languages and dialects; and\nthus we may easily perceive the powerful and continued effect of one\nlanguage upon another.\n\nAs to the number of languages in America much difference of opinion\nexists. Herv\u00e1s, before half the country was discovered, felt justified\nin classifying them all under seven families, while others find, on\nthe Pacific side of the northern continent alone, over six hundred\nlanguages which thus far refuse to affiliate. The different dialects\nare countless; and yet, notwithstanding the formidable array of names\nwhich I have gathered at the end of this chapter, probably not\none-fourth of their real number are or ever will be known to us.\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\n  [Sidenote: LANGUAGES OF THE PACIFIC STATES.]\n\nMany of the Pacific States' languages bear resemblances to one\nanother, and may therefore be brought more or less under groups and\nclasses. These languages, however, resemble one another too slightly\nto be called dialects, and in the majority of cases no affiliations of\nany kind can be traced. But four great languages are found within our\nterritory, or, if we exclude the Eskimo, which is not properly an\nAmerican language, there remain but three, the Tinneh, the Aztec, and\nthe Maya. Of the lesser tongues there are many more, as will appear\nfurther on. The Eskimos skirt the shores of the north polar ocean and\nbelong more to the old world than to the new. The Tinneh, Athabasca,\nor Chepewyan family covers the northern end of the Rocky Mountain\nrange, sending its branches in every direction, into Alaska, British\nColumbia, British America, Washington, Oregon, California, New Mexico,\nTexas, and Mexico. The Aztec language, whose seat is Central Mexico,\nis found also in Nicaragua and other parts of Central America. Traces\nmoreover appear in some parts of Sonora, Sinaloa, Durango, Chihuahua,\nTexas, Arizona, California, Utah, Nevada, Idaho, Montana, and Oregon.\nThe Maya is the chief Central American tongue, but traces of it may be\nfound as well in Mexico. Thus we see that while the cradle of the\nTinneh tongue appears to be in the centre of British North America,\nits dialects extend westward and southward, lessening in intensity the\nfurther they are removed from the hypothetical original centre,\nsuddenly dying out in some directions, fading gradually away in\nothers, and breaking out at disconnected intervals in others. So with\nthe Aztec language, whose primitive centre, so far as present\nappearances go, was the valley of Mexico; we find it extending south\nalong the shores of the Pacific as far as Nicaragua, while northward\nits traces grow fainter and fainter until it disappears. And so it is\nwith the Maya, which, covering as it does a less extent of territory,\nis more distinctly marked and consequently more easily followed.\n\nIn classifying the languages of the Pacific States, the marks of\nidentification vary with different families. Thus the linguistic\naffiliations of the Tinneh family are founded not so much on certain\nrecurring grammatical rules, as on the number of important words\noccurring under the same or slightly altered form. In the Aztec\nlanguage the reverse of this is true; for although to some extent, in\nthe establishing of relationships, we are governed by verbal\nsimilarities, yet we also find positive grammatical rules which carry\nwith them much more weight than mere word likenesses.\n\nFor example, in the north, wherever Aztec traces are found, the Aztec\nsubstantive endings _tl_ and _tli_ are either abbreviated or changed\naccording to a regular system into _ti_, _te_, _t_, _de_, _re_, _ki_,\n_ke_, _ca_, _la_, _ri_. Aztec numerals are used by these northern\nnations, but in greatly modified forms; personal pronouns are there\nfound but little changed, while demonstrative, interrogative, and\nindefinite pronouns likewise show signs of Aztec origin. The ending\n_ame_, which, attached to the verb, designates the person acting, can\nbe plainly traced; while among these same northern nations of which I\nam speaking, is found that certain system of _Lautverschiebung_ or\nsound-shunting, originally discovered by Grimm in the Indo-Germanic\nfamily, and by Professor Max M\u00fcller called Grimm's law.\n\nIn the pursuance of this investigation I noticed a two-fold curiosity\nwhich may be worthy of mention. Throughout the great Northwest, as\nwell in most of the many Tinneh vocabularies as elsewhere, is found\nthe Aztec word for stone, _tetl_, sometimes slightly changed but\nalways recognizable, and to which the same meaning is invariably\nattached; while on the other hand the Tinneh word for fire, _cun_, or\n_coon_, appears in like manner in several of the Mexican languages,\nand I even noticed it in the vocabulary of a Honduras nation. This may\nbe purely accidental, but both being important words I thought best to\ndraw attention to the fact.\n\n  [Sidenote: INLAND AND COAST LANGUAGES.]\n\nThe larger linguistic families are for the most part found inland,\nwhile along the sea-shore the speech of the people is broken into\ninnumerable fragments. Particularly is this the case along the shores\nof the Northwest. South of Acapulco, as we have seen, the Aztec tongue\nholds the seaboard for some distance; but again farther south, as well\nas on the gulf coast, there is found a great diversity in languages\nand dialects. In California the confusion becomes interminable; as if\nBabel-builders from every quarter of the earth had here met to the\neternal confounding of all; yet there are linguistic families even in\nCalifornia, principally in the northern part. It is not at all\nimprobable that Malays, Chinese, or Japanese, or all of them, did at\nsome time appear in what is now North America, in such numbers as\nmaterially to influence language, but hitherto no Asiatic nor European\ntongue, excepting always the Eskimo, has been found in America; nor\nhave affinities with any other language of the world been discovered\nsufficiently marked to warrant the claim of relationship. Theorizers\nenough there have been and will be; for centuries to come half-fledged\nscientists, ignorant of what others have done or rather have failed to\ndo, will not cease to bring forward wonderful conceptions, striking\nanalogies; will not cease to speculate, linguistically,\nethnologically, cosmographically and otherwise to their own\nsatisfaction and to the confusion of their readers. The absurdity of\nthese speculations is apparent to all but the speculator. No sooner is\na monosyllabic language, the Otom\u00ed, discovered in America than up\nrises a champion, Se\u00f1or N\u00e1jera, claiming the distinction for the\nChinese, and with no other result than to establish both as\nmonosyllabic, which was well enough known before. So the Abb\u00e9 Brasseur\nde Bourbourg, who has given the subject more years of study and more\npages of printed matter than any other writer, unless it be the\nhalf-crazed Lord Kingsborough, first attempts to prove that the Maya\nlanguages are derived from the Latin, Greek, English, German,\nScandinavian, or other Aryan tongues; then that all these languages\nare but offshoots from the Maya itself, which is the only true\nprimeval language. So much for intemperate speculation, which, whether\nlearned or shallow, too often originates in doubt and ends in\nobscurity. In all these hypotheses, argument assumes the form of\nanalogies drawn between the peoples with whom a relationship is\nattempted to be established--no difficult matter, truly, when we\nconsider that all mankind are formed on one model, and that\ninnumerable similarities must of necessity exist among all the races\nof the globe.\n\n  [Sidenote: ACCIDENTAL WORD-SIMILARITIES.]\n\nTo show the futility of such attempts, let me give a few words,\nanalogous both in signification and sound, selected from American,\nEuropean, Asiatic, and other languages, between which it is now well\nestablished that no relationship exists. For the German _ja_ we have\nthe Shasta _ya_; for _komm_, the Comanche _kim_; for _Kopf_, the\nCahita _coba_; for _weinen_, the Cora _vyeine_; for _thun_, the\nTepehuana _duni_; for _nichts_, _nein_, the Chinook _nixt_, _nix_. For\nthe Greek \u03ba\u03cc\u03c1\u03b1\u03be , there is the Tarahumara _colatschi_; for _\u1f14\u03bc\u03b1\u03b8\u03bf\u03bd_,\n_\u03bc\u03b1\u03b8\u03b5\u1fd6\u03bd_, the Cora _muat\u00ea_; for _\u03b3\u03c5\u03bd\u03ae_, the Cahita _cuna_. For the Latin\n_hic_, _vas_, we have the Tepehuana _hic_, _vase_; for _mucor_, the Cora\n_mucuare_; for _lingua_, the Moqui _l\u00ednga_; for _vallis_, the Kalapooya\n_wall\u00e2h_; for _toga_, _manus_, the Kenai _togaai_, _man_. For the French\n_casser_, we find the Tarahumara _cassn\u00edaler_; for _t\u00e2tonner_, the\nTepehuana _tatame_. For the Spanish _hueco_, the Tarahumara _hoco_; for\n_tu\u00e9tano_, the Cora _t\u00fbtana_. For the Italian _cosi_, the Tarahumara\n_cossi_; for the Arabic _\u00e2char_, the Tarahumara _ajar\u00e9_; for the\nHawaiian _po_, the Sekumne _po_ (night).\n\nFor the Sanscrit _da_, there is the Cora _ta_ (give); for _ek\u00e9_, the\nMiztec _ec_ (one); for _m\u00e2_, the Tepehuana _mai_ (not) and the Maya\n_ma_ (no); for _mas\u00e2_ (month), the Pima _mahsa_ (moon); for\n_tschandra_ (moon), the Kenai _tschane_ (moon); for _pada_ (foot), the\nSekumne _podo_ (leg); for _kam\u00e2_ (love), the Shoshone _kamakh_ (to\nlove); for _p\u00e2_, the Kizh _paa_ (to drink). For the Malay _t\u00e2na_, we\nhave the Tepehuana _tani_ (to ask); for _hurip_, _tabah_, the Cora\n_huri_ (to live), _tab\u00e1_ (to beat); for _h\u00f4mah_, the Shasta _\u00f3ma_\n(house), and so on.\n\nThese examples I could increase indefinitely and show striking\nsimilarities in some few words between almost any two languages of the\nworld. When there are enough of them similar in sound and\nsignification in any two tongues to constitute a rule rather than\nexceptions, such languages are said to be related; but where, as in\nthe above-cited instances, these similarities are merely accidental,\nto prove them related would prove too much, for then all the languages\nof the earth might be said to be related.\n\nIn treating of the languages of the Pacific States, commencing with\nthose of the north and proceeding southward, I make it a rule to\nfollow them wherever they lead, without restricting myself to place or\nnation. One nation may speak two languages; the same language may be\nspoken by a dozen nations, and if the evidence is such as to imply the\nexistence of the same language, or traces of it, in Alaska and in\nSonora, I can do no less than step from one place to the other in\nspeaking of it. Besides the names and localities of languages and\nlinguistic families, I shall endeavor to give some idea of their\nseveral peculiar characteristics, their grammatical construction, with\nsuch specimens of each as will enable the student to make comparisons\nand draw inferences. In the following table I have attempted a\nclassification of these languages; but in some instances, from the\nlack of vocabularies taken before the intermixtures that followed the\nadvent of Europeans, any classification can be but approximative.\n\n  [Sidenote: CLASSIFICATION OF LANGUAGES.]\n\n          CLASSIFICATION OF THE ABORIGINAL LANGUAGES OF\n                       THE PACIFIC STATES.\n\n  H   {               {               { Naggeuktormute\n  y   {               {               { Kittear\n  p   {               { Northern      { Kangmali-Innuin\n  e   {               { Eskimo        { Nuwangmeun\n  r   {               {               { Nunatangmeun\n  b   {               {               { Kitegue\n  o   {               {\n  r   { Eskimo        {               { Malemute\n  e   {               {               { Anlygmute\n  a   {               {               { Chnagmute\n  n   {               { Southern      { Pashtolik\n  s   {               { Eskimo        {\n      {               { or            { Kangjulit     { Kuskoquigmute.\n      {               { Koniagan      {               { Kwichpagmute.\n      {               {               { Magemute\n      {               {               { Agulmute\n      {               {               { Kejataigmute\n      {               {               { Aglegmute\n      {               {               { Chugatsch\n      {               {               { Kadiak\n      {\n      {\n      { Aleut                         { Unalaska\n      {                               { Atkha\n      {\n      {                               { Yakutat\n      {                               { Chilkat\n      {                               { Hoodsinoo\n      {                               { Takoo\n      { Thlinkeet                     { Auk\n      {                               { Kaka\n      {                               { Sitka\n      {                               { Eeliknoo\n      {                               { Stikeen\n      {                               { Tungass\n      {\n      {               {               { Sawessaw-tinneh or Chepewyan\n      {               {               { Tantsawhoot-tinneh or\n      {               {               {   Coppermine River\n      {               {               { Horn Mountain\n      {               {               { Beaver\n      {               {               { Thlingcha-tinneh or Dog-Rib\n      {               { Eastern       { Kawcho-tinneh or Hare\n      {               { Division      { Ambawtawhoot-tinneh or Sheep\n      {               {               { Sarsis or Sursees\n      {               {               { Tsillawdawhoot-tinneh or\n      {               {               {   Brush-wood\n      {               {               { Nagailer\n      {               {               { Slouacuss-tinneh\n      {               {               { Rocky Mountain\n      {               {               { Edchawtawoot-tinneh\n      {               {               {\n      {               {               {          { Degothi-kutchin or\n      {               {               {          {   Loucheux\n      {               {               {          { Vanta-kutchin\n      {               {               {          { Natche-kutchin\n      {               {               {          { Kukuth-kutchin\n      {               {               {          { Tutchone-kutchin\n      {               {               { Kutchin  { Tathzey-kutchin\n      {               {               {          { Han-kutchin\n      {               {               {          { Artez-kutchin\n      {               { Western       {          { Kutcha-kutchin\n      {               { Division      {          { Tenan-kutchin\n      {               {               {\n      {               {               {          { Junakachotana\n      {               {               {          { Jugelnut\n      {               {               {          { Ingalik\n      {               {               { Kenai    { Inkalit\n      {               {                          { Kenai\n      {               {                          { Ugalenz\n      {               {                          { Atnah or Nehanne\n      {               {                          { Koltschane\n      {               {\n      { Tinneh        {               {          { Tautin or Talkotin\n      {               {               {          { Tsilkotin or Chilkotin\n      {               {               {          { Naskotin\n      {               {               {          { Thetliotin\n      {               {               { Tacully  { Tsatsnotin\n      {               {               { or       { Nulaautin\n      {               {               { Carrier  { Ntshaautin\n      {               {               {          { Natliautin\n      {               { Central       {          { Nikozliautin\n      {               { Division      {          { Tatshiautin\n      {               {               {          { Babine\n      {               {               {          { Sicanni\n      {               {               {\n      {               {               { Tlatskanai\n      {               {               { Qualhioqua\n      {               {               { Umpqua\n      {               {               {\n      {               {               {          { Lassics\n      {               {               {          { Wilacki\n      {               {               { Hoopah   { Haynaggi\n      {               {                          { Tolewah\n      {               {                          { Tahahteen\n      {               {                          { Siah\n      {\n      {\n      {\n      {               {               {          { Apache proper\n      {               {               {          { Tonto\n      {               {               {          { Chiricagui\n      {               {               {          { Gile\u00f1o\n      {               {               {          { Mimbre\u00f1o\n      {               {               {          { Faraon\n      {               {               {          { Mescalero\n      {               { Southern      { Apaches  { Llanero\n      {               { Division      {          { Lipan\n      {               {               {          { Vaquero\n      {               {               {          { Xicarilla\n      {               {               {          { Natage\n      {               {               {          { Pi\u00f1aleno\n      {               {               {          { Coyotero\n      {               {               {          { Tejua\n      {               {               {          { Coppermine\n      {               {               {          { Navajo\n\n  C   {         Haidah        { Haidah\n  o   {                       { Kaiganie\n  l   {\n  u   {         Nass          { Nass\n  m   {                       { Sebassa\n  b   {                       { Hailtza\n  i   {\n  a   {         Bellacoola\n  n   {         Chimsyan\n  s   {\n      {                       { Nootka\n      {                       { Quackoll\n      {                       { Cowichin\n      {                       { Tlaoquatch\n      {                       { Uclenu\n      {                       { Quane\n      {                       { Quactoe\n      {                       { Koskiemo\n      {                       { Quatsino\n      {                       { Kycucut\n      {                       { Aitizzaht\n      {                       { Chicklezaht\n      {                       { Ahazaht\n      {                       { Eshquaht\n      {                       { Klaizzaht\n      {                       { Nitinaht\n      {                       { Toquaht\n      {                       { Seshaht\n      {                       { Clayoquot\n      {                       { Patcheena\n      {                       { Soke\n      {                       { Nimkish\n      {         Nootka        { Wickinninish\n      {                       { Songhie\n      {                       { Sanetch\n      {                       { Comux\n      {                       { Noosdalum\n      {                       { Kwantlum\n      {                       { Teet\n      {                       { Nanaimo\n      {                       { Taculta\n      {                       { Ucleta\n      {                       { Neculta\n      {                       { Queehaniculta\n      {                       { Newittee\n      {                       { Saukaulutuck\n      {                       { Makah\n      {                       { Newchemass\n      {                       { Shimiahmoo\n      {                       { Nooksak\n      {                       { Samish\n      {                       { Skagit\n      {                       { Snohomish\n      {                       { Chimakum\n      {                       { Clallum\n      {                       { Toanhooch\n      {                       { Salish proper or Flathead\n      {                       { Lummi\n      {                       { Clallam\n      {                       { Kullespelm or Pend d'Oreilles\n      {                       { Shushwap\n      {                       {                          { Sngomenei\n      {                       { Spokane                  { Snpoilschi\n      {                       {                          { Syk'eszilni\n      {\n      {                       { Soaiatlpi\n      {         Salish        { Okanagan                 { St lakam\n      {                       { Skitsuish, or Coeur d'Al\u00eane\n      {                       { Pisquouse\n      {                       { Cowlitz\n      {                       { Nsietshaw\n      {                       {                          { Chehalis proper\n      {                       { Chehalis                 { Quaiantl\n      {                       {                          { Queniauitl\n      {                       { Nisqually\n      {\n      {         Kootenai\n      {\n      {                       { Sahaptin proper or Nez Perc\u00e9\n      {                       { Walla Walla\n      {                       { Palouse\n      {         Sahaptin      { Yakima\n      {                       { Kliketat\n      {                       { Tairtla\n      {\n      {         Waiilatpu     { Cayuse\n      {                       { Mollale\n      {\n      {                       { Chinook\n      {                       { Wakiakum\n      {         Chinook       { Cathlamet\n      {                       { Clatsop\n      {                       { Multnomah\n      {                       { Skilloot\n      {                       { Watlala\n      {\n      {         Yamkally\n      {         Calapooya\n      {         Chinook Jargon\n\n  C   {         Tototin\n  a   {         Yakon\n  l   {\n  i   {                       { Lutuami or Klamath\n  f   {         Klamath       { Modoc\n  o   {                       { Copah\n  r   {\n  n   {\n  i   {                       { Shasta\n  a   {         Shasta        { Palaik\n  n   {                       { Watsahewah\n  s   {\n      {         Euroc\n      {         Cahroc\n      {         Oppegach\n      {                       { Pataway\n      {         Pataway or    { Veeard\n      {         Weitspeck     { Weeyot\n      {                       { Wishosk\n      {\n      {         Ehnek or Pehtsik\n      {         Howteteoh\n      {         Nabiltse\n      {         Patawat\n      {         Chillulah\n      {         Wheelcutta\n      {         Kailta\n      {         Chimalaquai\n      {\n      {                       { Yuka\n      {         Yuka          { Tahtoo\n      {                       { Wapo or Ashochemie\n      {\n      {                       { Ukiah\n      {                       { Gallinomero\n      {                       { Masallamagoon\n      {                       { Gualala\n      {                       { Matole\n      {         Pomo          { Kulanapo\n      {                       { San\u00e9l\n      {                       { Yonios\n      {                       { Choweshak\n      {                       { Batemdakaie\n      {                       { Chocuyem\n      {                       { Olamentke\n      {                       { Kainamare\n      {                       { Chwachamaju\n      {\n      {         Cushna\n      {         Kinkla\n      {         Yuba\n      {         Sonoma\n      {         Oleepa\n      {         Yoloy or Yolo\n      {         Nemshous\n      {         Colusa\n      {         Bashonee\n      {         Veshanack\n      {         Meidoo\n      {         Neeshenam\n      {\n      {               {               { Ochecamne\n      {               {               { Serouskumne\n      {               {               { Chupumne\n      {               {               { Omochumne\n      {               {               { Secumne\n      {               {               { Walagumne\n      {               {               { Cosumne\n      {               { Eastern       { Sololumne\n      {               { Dialects      { Turealumne\n      {               {               { Saywamine\n      {               {               { Newichumne\n      {               {               { Matchemne\n      { Sacramento    {               { Sagayayumne\n      { Valley        {               { Muthelemne\n      { Languages     {               { Sopotatumne\n      {               {               { Talatiu\n      {               {\n      {               {               { Puzlumne\n      {               {               { Yasumne\n      {               {               { Pujuni\n      {               { Western       { Sekumne\n      {               { Dialects      { Kisky\n      {               {               { Yalesumne\n      {               {               { Huk\n      {               {               { Yukal\n      {               {               { Tsamak\n      {               {               { Nemshaw\n      {\n      {         Napobatin\n      {\n      {                       { Napa\n      {                       { Myacoma\n      {         Napa          { Calayomane\n      {                       { Caymus\n      {                       { Uluca\n      {                       { Suscol\n      {\n      {         Mustitul\n      {         Tulkay\n      {         Suisun\n      {         Karquines\n      {         Tomales\n      {         Lekatuit\n      {         Petaluma\n      {         Guiluco\n      {         Tulare\n      {         Hawhaw\n      {         Coconoon\n      {         Yocut\n      {         Matalan\n      {         Salse\n      {         Quirote\n      {         Olhone\n      {         Runsien\n      {         Eslene\n      {         Ismuracan\n      {         Aspianaque\n      {         Sakhone\n      {         Chalone\n      {         Katlendaruca\n      {         Poytoqui\n      {         Mutsun\n      {         Thamien\n      {         Chowchilla\n      {         Meewoc\n      {         Tatch\u00e9\n      {         San Miguel\n      {         Santa Cruz\n\n  S   {                       { Shoshone\n  h   {         Shoshone      { Wihinasht\n  o   {                       { Bannack\n  s   {                       { Shoshokee\n  h   {\n  o   {                       { Utah\n  n   {                       { Uinta\u00fcte\n  e   {                       { Goshute\n  s   {                       { Piute\n      {         Utah          { Pahute\n      {                       { Paiulee\n      {                       { Washoe\n      {                       { Sampitche\n      {                       { Mono\n      {\n      {         Comanche\n      {         Moqui\n      {         Kizh\n      {         Netela\n      {         Kechi\n      {         Chemehuevi\n      {         Cahuillo\n\n  P   {                       { Kiwomi\n  u   {         Queres        { Cochitemi\n  e   {                       { Acoma\n  n   {\n  l   {         Tegua or Tezuque\n  o   {\n  s   {         Picoris\n      {         Jemez\n      {         Zu\u00f1i\n      {\n\n  N   {                       { Yuma\n  e   {                       { Maricopa\n  w   {                       { Cuchan\n      {         Yuma          { Mojave\n  M   {                       { Diege\u00f1o\n  e   {                       { Yampais\n  x   {                       { Yavipais\n  i   {         Chevet\n  c   {\n  a   {         Cajuenche     { Cajuenche\n  n   {                       { Jalliquamai\n  s   {\n      {         Tamajab\n      {\n      {         Benem\u00e9        { Tecuiche\n      {                       { Teniqueche\n      {\n      {         Covaji\n      {\n      {         Noche\n\n  L C {         Cochim\u00ed       { Laymon\n  o a {                       { Ika\n  w l {\n  e i {         Guaicuri      { Cora\n  r f {                       { Monqui\n    o {                       { Didi\u00f9\n    r {                       { Liy\u00f9e\n    n {                       { Ed\u00f9\n    i {                       { Uchitie\n    a {\n    n {         Peric\u00fa\n    s {\n\n  P   {         Pima Alto     { P\u00e1pago\n  i   {                       { Sobaipuris\n  m   {\n  a   {         Pima Bajo\n\n  N   {                       { Eudeve\n  o   {                       { Teguis\n  r   {                       { Teguima\n  t   {                       { Coguinachie\n  h   {         \u00d3pata         { Batuca\n  e   {                       { Sahuaripa\n  r   {                       { Himeri\n  n   {                       { Guazaba\n      {                       { Jova\n  M   {\n  e   {                       { Mayo\n  x   {         Cahita        { Yaqui\n  i   {                       { Tehueco\n  c   {\n  a   {         Zoe\n  n   {         Guazave\n  s   {         Batuca\n      {         Aibino\n      {         Ocoroni\n      {         Vocaregui\n      {         Zuaque\n      {         Comoporis\n      {         Ahome\n      {         Mocorito\n      {         Petatlan\n      {         Huite\n      {         Ore\n      {         Macoyahui\n      {         Tauro\n      {         Troes\n      {         Nio\n      {         Cahuimeto\n      {         Tepave\n      {         Ohuero\n      {         Chicorata\n      {         Basopa\n      {\n      {                       { Varogio\n      {         Tarahumara    { Guazapare\n      {                       { Pachera\n      {\n      {         Concho\n      {         Toboso\n      {         Julime\n      {         Piro\n      {         Suma\n      {         Chinarra\n      {         Irritilia\n      {         Tejano\n      {         Tubar\n      {\n      {         Tepehuana\n      {                       { Topia\n      {         Acax\u00e9e        { Sabaibo\n      {                       { Xixime\n      {\n      {         Zacatec\n      {         Cazcane\n      {         Mazapile\n      {         Huitcole\n      {         Guachichile\n      {         Colotlan\n      {         Tlaxomultec\n      {         Tecuexe\n      {         Tepecano\n\n  C   {                       { Muutzicat\n  e   {         Cora          { Teakualitzigti\n  n   {                       { Cora, or Ateakari\n  t   {\n  r   {         Aztec, Mexican, or Nahuatl\n  a   {\n  l   {         Otom\u00ed         { Otom\u00ed\n      {                       { Mazahua\n  M   {\n  e   {         Pame\n  x   {         Meco, or Serrano\n  i   {         Yu\u00ea\n  c   {         Yem\u00ea\n  a   {         Olive\n  n   {         Xanambre\n  s   {         Pisone\n      {         Tamaulipec\n      {\n      {         Tarasco\n      {         Matlaltzinca\n      {         Ocuiltec\n\n  S   {                       { Tepuzculano\n  o   {                       { Yang\u00fcistlan\n  u   {                       { Miztec baja\n  t   {                       { Miztec alta\n  h   {                       { Cuixlahuac\n  e   {         Miztec        { Tlaxiaco\n  r   {                       { Cuilapa\n  n   {                       { Mictlantongo\n      {                       { Tamazulapa\n  M   {                       { Xaltepec\n  e   {                       { Nochiztlan\n  x   {\n  i   {         Chocho, or Chuchone\n  c   {         Amusgo\n  a   {         Mazatec\n  n   {         Cuicatec\n  s   {         Chatino\n      {         Tlapanec\n      {         Chinantec\n      {         Popoluca\n      {\n      {                       { Zaachilla\n      {                       { Ocotlan\n      {                       { Etla\n      {         Zapotec       { Netzicho\n      {                       { Serrano de Itztepec\n      {                       { Serrano de Cajonos\n      {                       { Beni Xono\n      {                       { Serrano de Miahuatlan\n      {\n      {         Mije\n      {         Huave\n\n  M   {                       { Tetikilhati\n  a   {         Huastec       { Chakalmati\n  y   {                       { Ipapana\n  a   {                       { Tatimolo, or Naolingo\n  -   {\n  Q   {         Totonac\n  u   {         Chiapanec\n  i   {         Tloque\n  c   {         Zotzil\n  h   {         Zeldal-quelen\n  \u00e9   {         Vebetlateca\n      {         Mam\n      {         Achie\n      {         Guatemaltec\n      {         Cuettac\n      {         Hhirichota\n      {         Pokonchi\n      {         Caechicolchi\n      {         Tlacacebastla\n      {         Apay\n      {         Poton\n      {         Taulepa\n      {         Ulua\n      {         Quich\u00e9\n      {         Cakchiquel\n      {         Zutugil\n      {         Chorti\n      {         Alaguilac\n      {         Caichi\n      {         Ixil\n      {         Zoque\n      {         Coxoh\n      {         Cha\u00f1abal\n      {         Chol\n      {         Uzpantec\n      {         Aguacatec\n      {         Quechi\n      {         Maya\n\n  M   {         Carib\n  o   {         Mosquito\n  s   {         Poya\n  q   {         Towka\n  u   {         Seco\n  i   {         Valiente\n  t   {         Rama\n  o   {         Cookra\n      {         Woolwa\n      {         Toonglas\n      {         Lenca\n      {         Smoo\n      {         Teguca\n      {         Albatuina\n      {         Jara\n      {         Toa\n      {         Gaula\n      {         Motuca\n      {         Fansasma\n      {         Sambo\n\n  C A {         Coribici\n  e m {         Chorotega\n  n e {         Chontal\n  t r {         Oroti\u00f1a\n  . .\n\n  C R {         Blanco\n  o i {         Tiribi\n  s c {         Talamanca\n  t a {         Chiripo\n  a   {         Guatuso\n\n  I   {         Nicoya\n  s   {         Cerebaro\n  t   {         Chiriqu\u00ed\n  h   {         Burica\n  m   {         Veragua\n  i   {         Paris\n  a   {         Escoria\n  n   {         Biruqueta\n      {         Nata\n      {         Urraca\n      {         Chiru\n      {         Chame\n      {         Chicacotra\n      {         Sangana\n      {         Guarara\n      {         Cutara\n      {         Panam\u00e1\n      {         Chuchura\n      {         Chagre\n      {         Chepo\n      {         Cueba\n      {         Quarecua\n      {         Chiape\n      {         Ponca\n      {         Pocora\n      {         Zumanam\u00e1\n      {         Coiba\n      {         Ponca\n      {         Chitarraga\n      {         Acla\n      {         Careta\n      {         Darien\n      {         Abieiba\n      {         Abenamechey\n      {         Dabaiba\n      {         Bir\u00fa\n      {         Tule\n      {         Cholo\n      {         Doracho\n      {         Cimarron\n      {         Bayano\n      {         Manzanillo, or San Blas\n      {         Mandingo\n      {         Cuna\n      {         Cunacuna\n      {         Choco\n      {         Caomane\n      {         Urab\u00e1\n      {         Idiba\n      {         Paya\n      {         Goajiro\n      {         Motilone\n      {         Guaineta\n      {         Cocina\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER II.\n\nHYPERBOREAN LANGUAGES.\n\n     DISTINCTION BETWEEN ESKIMO AND AMERICAN -- ESKIMO PRONUNCIATION\n     AND DECLENSION -- DIALECTS OF THE KONIAGAS AND ALEUTS --\n     LANGUAGE OF THE THLINKEETS -- HYPOTHETICAL AFFINITIES -- THE\n     TINNEH FAMILY AND ITS DIALECTS -- EASTERN, WESTERN, CENTRAL,\n     AND SOUTHERN DIVISIONS -- CHEPEWYAN DECLENSION -- ORATORICAL\n     DISPLAY IN THE SPEECH OF THE KUTCHINS -- DIALECTS OF THE ATNAHS\n     AND UGALENZES COMPARED -- SPECIMEN OF THE KOLTSHANE TONGUE --\n     TACULLY GUTTURALS -- HOOPAH VOCABULARY -- APACHE DIALECTS --\n     LIPAN LORD'S PRAYER -- NAVAJO WORDS -- COMPARATIVE VOCABULARY\n     OF THE TINNEH FAMILY.\n\n\nThe national and tribal distinctions given in the first volume of this\nwork will, for the most part, serve as divisions for languages and\ndialects; I shall not therefore repeat here the names and boundaries\nbefore mentioned, except so far as may be necessary in speaking of\nlanguages alone. As a rule those physical and social distinctions\nwhich indicate severalness among peoples, are followed, if indeed they\nare not governed by the severalness of dialects, that is, the\ndiversities of language operate as powerfully as the aspects of nature\nor any other causes, in separating mankind into tribes and nations;\nhence it is that in the different divisions of humanity are found\ndifferent dialects, and between dialects physical and geographical\ndivisions.[II'-1]\n\n  [Sidenote: LANGUAGES ON THE ARCTIC SEABOARD.]\n\nAs I have said in another place the Eskimos are the anomalous race of\nthe New World; and this is no less true in their language than in\ntheir physical characteristics. Obviously they are a polar people\nrather than an American or an Asiatic people.[II'-2] They cling to the\nseaboard; and while the distinction between them and the inland\nAmerican is clearly drawn, as we descend the strait and sea of Bering,\ncross the Alaskan peninsula and follow the shores of the Pacific\neastward and southward, gradually the Arctic dialect merges into that\nof the American proper. In our Hyperborean group, whose southern bound\nis the fifty-fifth parallel, the northern seaboard part is occupied\nwholly by Eskimos, the southern by a people called by some Eskimos and\nby others Koniagas, while further on the graduation is so complete and\nthe transition from one to the other so imperceptible that it is often\ndifficult to determine which are Indians and which Eskimos. In\ntreating of their manners and customs, I separated the littoral\nAlaskans into two divisions, calling them Eskimos and Koniagas, but in\ntheir languages and dialects I shall speak of them as one. No\nphilologist familiar with the whole territory has attempted to\nclassify these Hyperborean tongues; different writers refer the\nlanguages of all to such particular parts as they happen to be\nfamiliar with. Thus the Russian priest Veniaminoff divides the Eskimo\nlanguage into six dialects, all belonging to the Koniagas, on the\nKadiak Islands and the adjacent territory. The fact is Veniaminoff\ndwelt in southern Alaska and in the Aleutian Isles, and knew nothing\nof the great inland nations to the north and west. To the people of\nKadiak he gives two dialects, a northern and a southern, and carries\nthe same language over to the main land adjacent.[II'-3] The Russian\nexplorer Sagoskin, to the Chnagmute dialect of Veniaminoff, unites the\nKwichpagmute and Kuskoquigmute under the collective name of Kangjulit,\nof which with the Kadiak he makes a comparative vocabulary\nestablishing their identity.[II'-4] In like manner Baer classifies these\nnorthern languages, but confines himself almost exclusively to the\ncoast above Kadiak Island.[II'-5]\n\nKotzebue says that a dialect of this same language is spoken by the\nnatives of St Lawrence Island.[II'-6] Yet if we may believe Mr Seemann,\nall these dialects are essentially different. The Eskimo language, he\nwrites, \"is divided into many dialects, which often vary so much that\nthose who speak one are unable to understand the others. The natives\nof Kotzebue Sound for instance have to use an interpreter in\nconversing with their countrymen in Norton Sound; towards Point Barrow\nanother dialect prevails, which however is not sufficiently distinct\nto be unintelligible to the Kotzebue people.\"[II'-7]\n\n  [Sidenote: EXAMPLES OF THE ESKIMO GRAMMAR.]\n\nAccording to Vater and Richardson the Eskimo language as spoken east\nof the Mackenzie River appears to have a softer sound, as for\ninstance, for the western ending _tch_ the eastern tribes mostly use\n_s_ and sometimes _h_. The German sound _ch_, guttural, is frequently\nheard among the western people. Nouns have six cases, the changes of\nwhich are expressed by affixed syllables.\n\nThese are in the singular _mut_, _mik_, _mit_, _me_, and _kut_, and in\nthe plural _nut_, _nik_, _nit_, _ne_, and _gut_. _Ga_, _go_, _ne_,\n_ait_, _anga_, _ara_, etc., affixed to the nominative, denote a\npossessive case. As:--_kivgah_, a servant; _kivganga_, my servant;\n_kivgane_, his servant; etc. _Arsu_ and _arsuit_ are diminutive\nendings and _soak_, _sudset_, and _sudsek_ augmentatives. Adjectives\nare also declinable. Nouns can be transposed into verbs by affixing\n_evok_ and _ovok_, and the adjective is altered in the same manner.\n\nThe third person singular of the indicative is taken as the root of\nthe verb, and by changing its termination it may be used as a noun.\nThe infinitive is formed by the postposition _nek_. The verb has\nnumerous inflections.\n\n'To be' or 'to have,' both possessing a similar signification, are\nexpressed by _gi_ or _vi_--as _nunagiva_, it is his land.\n\nRichardson gives the following declension of a noun, transitively and\nintransitively (?):\n\n                             TUPEK, A TENT.\n\n                SINGULAR.          DUAL.          PLURAL.\n\n     Nom. tr.   tupek }\n          intr. turkib}          tuppak         turket\n     Gen.       turkib           tuppak         turket\n     Dat. tr.   tuppek           tuppak         turket\n          intr. tuppermut        tuppangnut     tuppernut\n     Acc. tr.   tuppak           tuppak         turkinut\n          intr. tuppernik        tuppangnit     turkit\n     Abl. tr.   tuppermit        tuppangnit     tuppermit\n          intr. tuppermut        tuppangnut     turkinnut[II'-8]\n\nSome claim that the languages of Kadiak and the Aleutian Islands are\ncognate, others deny any relationship. Stephen Glottoff, one of the\nfirst to visit Kadiak Island, states positively that the inhabitants\nof Unalaska and particularly a boy from the western Aleutian Isles\ncould not understand the people of Kadiak.[II'-9] Captain Cook thought\nthere existed a phonetic similarity between the speech of the\nUnalaskas and the people of Norton Sound, which opinion appears to be\ncorrect.[II'-10] So disarranged have the aboriginal tongues in this\nvicinity become since the advent of the Russians that little\ndependence can be placed on latter-day investigations. Dall admits the\nspeech of the two peoples to be dissimilar yet their language he\nbelieves to be one.[II'-11] Vater, more cautious, thinks that there is\nperhaps some Eskimo influence noticeable among the Koniagas.[II'-12]\nBaer gives Admiral von Wrangell's opinion, which also inclines towards\nsuch a connection, but he himself expresses the opposite belief,\nciting in support of this that the physical appearance of the Koniagas\ndiffers entirely from that of the Eskimo race.[II'-13] Buschmann\ngives, as the result of careful investigations and comparisons, the\nopinion that the language of Unalaska is distinct from that of Kadiak,\nand supports it by the statements of travelers, as for instance that\nof the mate Saikoff, given in the _Neue Nordische Beitr\u00e4ge_, tom.\niii., p. 284, who says that the two are totally different.\n\n  [Sidenote: ATKHA AND UNALASKA DIALECTS.]\n\nThroughout the whole Aleutian Archipelago there are but two dialects,\none of which is spoken on the peninsula, on Unalaska, and a few\nislands contiguous, while the other--by Veniaminoff called the Atkha\ndialect--extends thence over all the other Aleutian Isles. In neither\ndialect is there any distinction of gender; but to make up for this\ndeficiency, besides the plural, a dual is used. Substantives have\nthree cases:--_adakch_, the father; _adam_ or _adaganilyak_, of the\nfather; _adaman_, to the father; _adakik_ or _adakin_, both fathers;\n_adan_, the fathers; _adanik_, to the fathers. Verbs are conjugated by\nmeans of terminals. They are divided into three classes, active,\nmedium, and passive. Negation is expressed by the syllable _oljuk_\nadded to the root of the verb; sometimes also by _ljaka_, _ljaga_, or\n_gana_. _Sjukong_, I take; _sjunakching_, I took; _sjuljakakching_, I\ntake not; _sjunag\u00b4oljuting_, I took not; _sjuda_, take; _sjuljagada_,\nor _sjuganachtchin_, take not.\n\nThe eastern Aleuts enunciate very rapidly, without dividing their\nwords distinctly, making it very difficult for a stranger to\nunderstand them. In Unalaska their speech is more drawling, while on\nAtkha Island the natives pronounce each word very distinctly. The\nwestern Aleuts and the people on Umnak also speak rather\nslowly--drawling.[II'-14] Dall states that the chief difference between\nthe Atkha and Unalaska dialects consists in the formation of the\nplural of nouns. The former for this purpose employ the terminal\nletters _s_, _sh_, or _ng_. For diminutives the Atkhas use the ending\n_kutshak_ and the Unalaskas _dak_.[II'-15]\n\nOn the next page I insert a vocabulary of Eskimo, Kuskoquigmute,\nMalemute, Aleut, and Kadiak tongues.\n\n                       COMPARATIVE VOCABULARY.\n\n  ---------------------+--------------+------------+----------+-----------\n          ESKIMO.      |KUSKOQUIGMUTE.| MALEMUTE.  | ALEUT.   | KADIAK.\n  ---------------------+--------------+------------+----------+-----------\n  Man     tuak         |yugut         |enuk        |toioch    |sewk\n  Woman                |agnak         |okanok      |aiyagar   |\n  Fire  { ignik or     |knik          |iknik       |kignak    |knok\n        { ignuck       |              |            |          |\n  Fresh } emik         |              |            |          |\n  Water }              |              |            |          |\n  Salt  } tarreoke     |              |            |          |\n  Water }              |              |            |          |\n  Water                |mik           |immik       |taangak   |taangak\n  Earth                |nuni          |nuneh       |tshekak   |noona\n  Stone   angmak       |              |            |          |\n  Dog   { kenma or     |annakhukkta   |kiyukmuk    |uikuk     |pewatit\n        { kooneack     |              |            |          |\n  Knife   sequetat     |chivichuk     |chowik      |omgazshiz-|tshangielk\n                       |              |            |shik      |\n        { baittsaach   |              |            |          |\n  Sun   { maisak or    |akhtah        |shukeenyuk  |akathak   |madzshak\n        { neiya        |              |            |          |\n  I       woonga       |hwihka        |wunga       |keen      |chooi\n  Thou                 |lpit          |illewit     |ingaan    |chlput\n  Eat   { ashadlooik or|neega         |nugerunger  |kaangen   |pittooaga\n        { ishadlooweet |              |            |          |\n  Yes     a            |you           |wah         |aang      |aang\n        { naga, nau,   |              |            |          |\n  No    { tuum, nao,   |chashituk     |peechuk     |maselikan |pedok\n        { aunga        |              |            |          |\n  One   { tegara or    |atauchik      |atowsik     |attakon   |alcheluk\n        { adaitsuk     |              |            |          |\n  Two   { milleit-     |malkhok       |malruk      |alluk     |malogh\n        { sungnet      |              |            |          |\n        { pingettsat-  |              |            |          |\n  Three { sungnet or   |pa\u00efna\u00efvak     |pinyusut    |kankoon   |pingaien\n        { pingeyook    |              |            |          |\n  Four  { tsetummat or |t'chamik      |setemat     |shitshin  |stamen\n        { setumet      |              |            |          |\n        { tadgl\u00e9mat    |              |            |          |\n  Five  { adreyeet or  |talimik       |telemat     |tshang    |taliman\n        { taleema      |              |            |          |\n        { arkbunna     |              |            |          |\n  Six   { aghwinnak    |akhvinok      |aghwinuleet |attoon    |agovinligin\n        { akkaooin-    |              |            |          |\n        { elget        |              |            |          |\n        { aitpa        |              |            |          |\n  Seven { achwinnigh-  |              |            |          |\n        { ipagha       |aina\u00e4khvanam  |mahluditagh-|olung     |malchongun\n        { mullaroonik  |              |winuleet    |          |\n        { or bolruk    |              |            |          |\n        { penayua      |              |            |          |\n  Eight { penniyooik   |pinaiviak     |pinyusuni-  |kamtshing |inglulgin\n        { pegesset     |              |laghwinuleet|          |\n  Nine  { seetumna     |chtamiakvanam |koolinotyluk|sitching  |kollemgaien\n        { teeidimmik   |              |            |          |\n  Ten   { tadleema or  |              |            |          |\n        { k\u00f3lit        |kullnuk       |kooleet     |hasuk-    |kollen\n  Eleven{              |              |            |attakatha-|alchtoch\n        {              |              |            |matkich   |\n  ---------------------+--------------+------------+----------+-----------\n\nTurn now to the Thlinkeets, who extend along the coast southward from\nMount St Elias, as Holmberg says, to the Columbia River;[II'-16]\nChlebikoff, to the forty-first parallel; Vater, to Queen Charlotte\nIsland;[II'-17] and Veniaminoff, to the Stikeen River; the latter\naffirming, at the same time, that there is but one dialect spoken\namong them all.[II'-18] The nations mentioned by Captain Bryant as\nspeaking this language are the Chilkats, Sitkas, Hoodsinoos, Auks,\nKakas, Elikinoos, Stikeens, and Tungass.[II'-19]\n\n  [Sidenote: HARSHNESS OF THE THLINKEET TONGUE.]\n\nFrom all accounts the Thlinkeets possess the most barbarous speech\nfound anywhere in the Pacific States. Whether this arises from the\nhuge block of wood with which the Thlinkeet matrons grace their under\nlip, which drives the sound from the throat through the teeth and nose\nbefore it reaches the ear of the listener, I do not pretend to say;\nbut that it is hard, guttural, clucking, hissing, in short everything\nbut labial, there is no doubt. All who have visited them, whether\nGerman, English, French, or Spanish, agree in this particular.\nMarchand describes it as excessively rude and wild. Most of their\narticulations are accompanied by a strong nasal aspiration, with\nstrenuous efforts of the throat; particularly in producing the sound\nof a double _r_, which is heavy and hard. Many of their words commence\nwith a strongly guttural _k_ sound and this same sound is frequently\nheard three times in one word. Dr Roblet who accompanied Marchand,\nsays that, notwithstanding all this, the language is very complete,\npossessing a multitude of words, the natives being at no loss to give\na name to everything.[II'-21] La P\u00e9rouse, who makes a similar report,\ngives as an example of its harshness the word _khlrleies_, hair.[II'-22]\nIn Veniaminoff's vocabulary are found such words as _thlklun\u00fak_,\nhealthy, and _katlhth_, ashes, literally unpronounceable. The\nfrequently occurring sound _tl_ has led several authors to suppose a\nrelationship with the Aztec tongue; as for example Vater, who made a\nsmall comparative table which I insert to show directly the contrary\nto what he wished to prove.\n\nSetting aside the _tetl_, _te_, stone, of which I have made previous\nmention, had the words been selected to prove a want of affinity\nbetween the two languages they could not have been more to the point.\nBuschmann asserts, moreover, that several of the Mexican words are\nmis-quoted.[II'-23]\n\n                    AZTEC.          THLINKEET.\n\n     Mother      nantli          attli\n     Brother     teachcauh       achaik or achonoik\n     Face        xayacatl        kaga\n     Forehead    yxquatl         kakak\n     Strong      velitilizcotl   itlzin\n     Depth       vecatlyotl      kattljan\n     Stone       tetl            te\n     Earth       tlalli          tljaknak or tlatka\n     Duck        canauhtli       kauchu\n     Star        citlati         tlaachztl[II'-24]\n\nA few instances have been discovered by the same writer, where the\nThlinkeet tongue appears to be verging towards the Tinneh. Among\nothers he mentions the Thlinkeet words _te_, stone, _zyyn_, muskrat,\ncomparing the latter with the Dogrib _tzin_; the Thlinkeet _achschat_,\nwoman, wife, with the Umpqua _sch'at_; the Thlinkeet _tj\u00e9_, _teik_,\nroad, with the Tacully _tee_.[II'-25] La P\u00e9rouse pretends that they do\nnot use and can hardly pronounce the letters _b_, _f_, _j_, _d_, _p_,\nand _v_. Most words commence with _k_, _t_, _n_, _s_, or _m_, the\nfirst named being the most frequently used; no word commences with an\n_r_.[II'-26] Veniaminoff again says that it would take thirty-eight\nletters or combinations to write the distinct sounds which are\nexpressed in the Thlinkeet language. The personal pronouns are _khat_,\nor _khatsh_, I; _bae_, _be_, or _belch_, thou; _b_ or _bch_, he; _ban_\nor _bantch_, we; _iban_ or _ibantch_, you; _as_ or _astch_ or _youtas_\nor _youastch_, they. The verb 'to do' is conjugated as follows:\n\n     PRESENT INDICATIVE.    FIRST FUTURE.    SECOND FUTURE.\n\n         etakhani            ekbkazyani         enkbizini\n\n          IMPERFECT.                          PERFECT.\n\n       etakhanegin           |      ekhbzin\u00ed or ekhbzinnigin[II'-27]\n\nVater has a Lord's prayer communicated by Baranoff, director of the\nlate Russian possessions in America. It reads as follows:\n\n  [Sidenote: THLINKEET LORD'S PRAYER.]\n\n      Ais   waan, wet wwetu     tikeu;     ikukastii  itssagi\n     Father our,  who  art  in the clouds; honored be  name\n\n      bae;  faa atkwakut  ikustigi  ibee;  atkwakut att\u00fcitugati\n     thine; let   come     kingdom  thine,  be done    will\n\n      bee  ikachtekin linkitan    zu tlekw.    Katuachawat\n     thine   as we    in heaven and on earth.     Food\n\n     u\u00e1an zuikw\u00fclkinichat akech u\u00e1an itat;    tamil   u\u00e1an\n     our     needful       give  us  to-day; absolve   us\n\n     tschaniktschak  aagi zu     u\u00e1an  akut tugati  ajat;   ilil\n         debts      ours as also  we   give debtors ours; not lead\n\n     uan   zulkikagatii  t\u00e1at anachut uan   akall\u00e9elchwetach.\n     us  into temptation  but deliver us  from the evil Spirit.\n\n     T\u00fc.\n     So.[II'-28]\n\nNext come the Tinneh, a people whose diffusion is only equaled by that\nof the Aryan or Semitic nations of the old world. The dialects of the\nTinneh language are by no means confined within the limits of the\nHyperborean division. Stretching from the northern interior of Alaska\ndown into Sonora and Chihuahua, we have here a linguistic line of more\nthan four thousand miles in length extending diagonally over forty-two\ndegrees of latitude; like a great tree whose trunk is the Rocky\nMountain range, whose roots encompass the deserts of Arizona and New\nMexico, and whose branches touch the borders of Hudson Bay[II'-29] and\nof the Arctic and Pacific oceans.[II'-30] In the north, immense compact\nareas are covered by these dialects; towards the south the line holds\nits course steadily in one direction, while at the same time on either\nside are isolated spots, broken fragments as it were, of the Tinneh\ntongue, at wide distances in some cases from the central line. A\nreference to the classification given at the end of the preceding\nchapter, will show the separation of the Tinneh family into four\ndivisions--the eastern, western, central and southern. The eastern\ndivision embraces the dialects spoken between Hudson Bay and the\nMackenzie River; the western, those of the Kutchins and Kenai of\ninterior Alaska and the Pacific Coast in the vicinity of Mount St\nElias and Copper River; the central, those of the Tacullies of New\nCaledonia, the Umpquas of Oregon, and the Hoopahs of California; the\nsouthern, those of the Apaches of New Mexico, Arizona, and Northern\nMexico.\n\nNear the sources of a branch of the Saskatchewan River are the\nSursees, who have been frequently classed with the Blackfeet, but\nMackenzie had before this stated that they speak a dialect of the\nTinneh.[II'-31] Umfreville who visited these people, compares their\nlanguage to the cackling of hens, and says that it is very difficult\nfor their neighbors to learn it.[II'-32]\n\nGlance first at the dialects round Hudson Bay, and thence towards the\nwest. The northern dialects are exceedingly difficult to pronounce,\nbeing composed largely of gutturals. Richardson compares some of the\nsounds to the Hottentot cluck, and Isbister calls them \"harsh and\nguttural, difficult of enunciation and unpleasant to the ear.\"[II'-33]\nThey differ mainly in accentuation and pronunciation, and it therefore\ndoes not require that philological research which is necessary with\nthe farther outlying branches of the family to establish their\nconnection. Richardson says that the Hare and Dog-rib dialects differ\nscarcely at all even in their accents; and again that the Sheep\ndialect is well understood by the Hare Indians. Latham affirms that\nthe \"Beaver Indian is transitional to the Slav\u00e9 and Chepewyan proper.\"\nOf the Coppermine people, Franklin writes that their language is\n\"essentially the same with those of the Chipewyans.\" Ross Cox says\nthat the language of the Slowacuss and Nascud \"bears a close affinity\nto that spoken by the Chepewyans and Beaver Indians.\"[II'-34]\n\n  [Sidenote: DIALECTS OF THE TINNEH FAMILY.]\n\nFrom a paper in the collection of M. Du Ponceau, cited by Mr Gallatin,\nthere appears to be in the grammar of these northern dialects a dual\nas well as a plural. Thus _dinn\u00e9_, a person; _dinn\u00e9 you_, a man;\n_dinn\u00e9 you keh_, two men; _dinn\u00e9 you thlang_, many men. Again we have\n_sick keh_, my foot; _sick keh keh_, my feet. The Chepewyan declension\nis as follows:\n\nMy two hats, _sit sackhall\u00e9 keh_; thy two hats, _nit sackhall\u00e9 keh_;\nhis two hats, _bit sackhale\u00e9 keh_, or _noneh bid tsakhalle keh_; their\ntwo hats, _hoot sackhall\u00e9 keh_; two pieces of wood, _teitchin keh_;\nmuch, or many pieces of wood, _teitchin thlang_; my son, _see az\u00e9_; my\ntwo sons, _see az\u00e9 keh_; thy two sons, _nee az\u00e9 keh_; his two sons,\n_bee az\u00e9 keh_; their two sons, _hoo bee az\u00e9 keh_; my children, _see\naz\u00e9 keh thlang_, or _siskain\u00e9_. Thus we see that the dual ending is\n_keh_ (which also means foot), and that of the plural, _thlang_.\nPossessive pronouns are: first person, _si_, _sit_ or _nee_; second\nperson, _nit_ or _nee_; third person, his or their, _bit_, _bee_,\n_noot_, or _hoo_.\n\n             CONJUGATION OF THE VERB I SPEAK, YAWS'THEE.\n\n            PRESENT.                           IMPERFECT.\n\n     I speak,       yaws'thee     |    I spoke,      yawaylt'hee\n     Thou speakest, yawnelt'h\u00e9e   |    Thou spakest, yayolt'h\u00e9e\n     He speaks,     yawlt'h\u00e9e     |    He spoke,     yalthee\n     We speak,      yawoult'h\u00e9e   |    We spoke,     tayaolthee\n     You speak,     tayoult'h\u00e9e   |    You spoke,    tayahelthee\n     They speak,    tayathee      |    They spoke,   tayolthee[II'-35]\n\nAt the end of this chapter may be found a comparative vocabulary,\ncomprising words selected from these and other dialects, belonging to\nthis family.\n\n  [Sidenote: THE KUTCHIN DIALECTS OF THE YUKON.]\n\nCrossing over to the country drained by the Yukon, we find the great\nKutchin nation and to their north-east the Kenai. The Kutchins,\naccording to Jones, are \"divided into about twenty-two different\ntribes, each speaking a dialect of the same language.\" Hardisty\naffirms that \"the Loucheux proper is spoken by the Indians of Peels\nRiver, thence traversing the mountains, westward down Rat River, the\nTuk-kuth, and Van-tah-koo-chin, which extend to the Tran-jik-koo-chin,\nNa-tsik-koo-chin, and Koo-cha-koo-chin of the Youcon.\"[II'-36] The\nconnection of the Kutchin language with the Tinneh has been, by early\ntravelers, denied, and this denial re-echoed by writers following\nthem;[II'-37] but later philological investigations have established the\nrelationship beyond a question. Furthermore, to corroborate this fact\nthere are persons, well acquainted with these people and their\nlanguage, having lived in their country and traded with them for\nyears, who are positive that the Kutchin is a dialect of the Tinneh.\nSome of them even affirm that the eastern Kutchin dialect bears a\ncloser relationship to that of their neighbors, the Hares and Slav\u00e9s,\nthan do some of the dialects of the western Kutchins to each other,\nyet it is certain that all the Kutchin tribes of the Yukon and its\ntributaries understand one another, accentuation being the principal\ndistinction between them.\n\nA greater divergence from the stock language is observable in the\ndialect of the Tutchone Kutchin, which, with those of the Han Kutchin,\nthe Slav\u00e9 of Francis Lake and Fort Halkett, the Sicannis, the\nAbbato-tinneh of the Pelly and Macmillan Rivers, and the Nehanne of\nforts Liard and Simpson, might almost be called a dialectic division\nof the Tinneh language.[II'-38]\n\nRichardson, following Murray, cautiously traces these relationships in\nthe following words: \"More resemblances, he thinks, might be traced\nthrough the Mountain Indian speech (Naha-'tdinn\u00e8 or Dtch\u00e8-ta-ut'tinn\u00e8)\nthan directly between the Kutchin and Dog-rib tongues. The Han-Kutchi\nof the sources of the Yukon, speak a dialect of the Kutcha-Kutchi\nlanguage, yet they understand and are readily understood by the\nIndians of Frances Lake and the banks of the Pelly. Now these converse\nfreely with the Naha- or Dtch\u00e9-ta-ut'tinn\u00e8, and other Rocky Mountain\ntribes, whose language resembles the Dog-rib tongue, and who are, in\nfact, acknowledged members of the Chepewyan nation. Again, the Frances\nLake Indians understand the Netsilley, or Wild Nation, who trade at\nFort Halkett, on the River of the Mountains; these again are\nunderstood by the Sikanis; and the Sikanis by the Beaver Indians,\nwhose dialect varies little from that of the Athabascans, the\nlongest-known member of the 'Tinn\u00e8 nation.\"[II'-39]\n\nThe Kutchins pride themselves on their oratorical powers, making\nlong, windy, and allegorical speeches remarkable alike for native wit\nand eloquence. In public speaking their delivery is unique and\neffective; commencing in a low monotonous tone the voice slowly rises\nto a crescendo, then increases to a forte, and finally rolls forth in\ngrand fortissimo, at which point, accompanied by striking gestures, it\ncontinues until sheer exhaustion compels the orator to pause for\nbreath. The speech closes with a \"most infernal screech,\" as Hardisty\ncalls it, which is supposed to be a clincher to the most abstruse\nargument.\n\nIt was among these people, in the vicinity of the junction of the\nTananah with the Yukon River that the before-mentioned broken Slav\u00e9\njargon originated. Before the arrival of foreigners, the necessity of\na trade, or intertribal, language was felt and met, the dialect spoken\non the Liard River forming the basis. With the arrival of Russians,\nFrench, and English successively, each one of these nationalities\ncontributed of its words to form the general jargon. Dall says that it\nis in use among all western Eskimos who have intercourse with the\nTinneh. The European element in their jargon is very slight, much less\nthan in the Chinook jargon, from the fact that but few Europeans have\never come in contact with the inland tribes of Alaska even in an\nindirect way.\n\nFollowing the Tinneh tongue southward from Central Alaska, we strike\nthe Pacific seaboard at Cook's Inlet and Prince William Sound, where\nwe find the Kenai, with six or more dialects, stretching along the\nshores of the Ocean as far as Copper River. The word Kenai, or as they\nare sometimes called the Thnaina,[II'-40] meaning men, in signification\nand sound is almost identical with the word Tinneh, Dinneh, Tinn\u00e9,\nDinay, Tinna, with many other variations applied to this family.[II'-41]\nAccording to Sagoskin the Ingaliks, Unakatanas, and others of the\nYukon and Nulato rivers call themselves Ttynaichotana.[II'-42]\nVeniaminoff, a high authority on matters coming under his immediate\nobservation, draws erroneous conclusions from his comparisons of Kenai\ndialects. The Kenai language, he says, is divided into four dialects;\nthe Kenai proper, the Atnah spoken by the Koltshanes and the people of\nCopper River, the Kuskoquim, and the Kwichpak.[II'-43] Baron von Wrangell\nis of the opinion that the Kenai are of Thlinkeet stock, affirming\nthat although their idiom is different yet it comes from the same\nroot;[II'-44] but Dall believes that it might be \"more properly grouped\nwith the Tinneh.\"[II'-45] The dialect of the Ugalenzes, Buschmann\nconfidently asserts, belongs to the Tinneh family, although its\nconnection with the Kenai is not strongly marked, while slight traces\nof the Thlinkeet tongue are found in it, but not the least shadow of\nthe Aztec as Vater imagined.[II'-46] Long words are of frequent occurence\nin the speech of the Ugalenzes; as for example, _chakljtschejalsga_,\nwork; _tekssekonachalek_, enemy; _kakujasliatenna_, to divide;\n_aukatschetohatle_, to take away.\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\nThe Atnah dialect has also been classed with the Thlinkeet by Baer,\nwho inserts a small comparative vocabulary to show the similarity, but\nin it few similar words are found, while between the Atnah and the\nUgalenze the connection is quite prominent, as for instance;\n\n                   ATNAH.      UGALENZE.\n\n     Heaven        jaat        jaa\n     Ice           tt\u00f6n        ttetz\n     Stone         ttzesch     ttza\n     Fox           nakattze    nakattze\n     Eagle         ttschkul\u00e4k  tkotschkalak\n     Blood         tell        tedlch\n     Fat           chch\u00e4       chche\n     Come here     any         anatschtja[II'-47]\n\n  [Sidenote: KENAI LINGUISTIC AFFILIATIONS.]\n\nIn like manner the Kenai dialect has been classed with the\nThlinkeet;[II'-48] but here the preponderance of evidence is with the\nTinneh. Buschmann claims it as his discovery that the Kenai belong to\nthe Tinneh family.[II'-49] The Kenai dialect is very difficult to\npronounce, so much so that even the neighboring people with their\nharsh, nasal, and guttural idioms, find great trouble in enunciating\nit clearly. Some of the combinations of consonants are really very\ncurious,[II'-50]--_aljtnjan_, earth; _kyssynj_, woman; _mljchny_, to\ndrink; _keljkatj_, to eat; _ktaaltatlni_, to shoot; _kydykntjassnissj_,\nI hear; _tschatscheeintschichku_, do not be afraid; _kazikatejityssny_,\nI know not.\n\nBaer makes the Ingalik cognate with Kenai, Atnah, and Thlinkeet;[II'-51]\nan affinity is also detected between the Inkalit and the Kenai, Atnah,\nand Unalaska dialects;[II'-52] while Sagoskin numbers both the Ingalik\nand the Inkalit among the members of the Tinneh family.[II'-53] Like\nthose of their neighbors these two dialects are harsh and difficult of\npronunciation, as for instance in the Inkalit, _tschugljkchuja_, a\nfox.\n\nFrom the earliest times it has been known that the Koltshanes could\nconverse freely with the Atnahs and Kenai, and the relationship\nexisting between these dialects has long been recognized.[II'-54] As a\nspecimen of the Koltshane tongue, I present the following:\n_tschiljkaje_, eagle; _nynkakit_, earth; _ssyljtschitan_, cold;\n_sstscheljssilj_, warm; _tschilje_, man.\n\n  [Sidenote: CENTRAL TINNEH DIVISION.]\n\nTo the Tacullies of our central Tinneh division, whose language Hale\nseparates into eleven dialects, Latham adds the Sicannis, and other\nwriters the Umpquas and the Hoopahs.[II'-55] The northern dialects of\nthis division are represented as composed of words harsh and difficult\nto pronounce, while the southern dialects are softer and more\nsonorous, yet robust and emphatic. Mr Hale felt the necessity of\nadopting a peculiar style of orthography to represent the sounds of\nthese words. The Greek _chi_ he employed to reproduce the Tacully\ngutturals, which he says are somewhat deeper than the Spanish _jota_,\nprobably nearly akin to the German _ch_ in _acht und achtzig_. With _t\nchi l_ he aims to convey a sound which \"is a combination uttered by\nforcing out the breath at the side of the mouth between the tongue and\nthe palate.\"[II'-56] In the following words instead of the Greek\n_chi_, I write _kh_, and for _t chi l_, _sch_. _Schling_, dog;\n_schluk_, fish; _sutschon_, good; _kwun_, fire; _kukh_, house;\n_schhell_, mountain; _tse_, stone; _kuschkai_, run.\n\nHale is the only author who gives any information of the two tribes\nTlatskanai and Kwalhioqua. The Kwalhioquas dwell on the north bank of\nthe Columbia, near its mouth; but between them and the river there\nruns a wedge of Chinook territory. The former are to be found south of\nthe river, on a narrow strip extending north and south. Being nearly\nrelated to the Tacully, these languages also belong to the Tinneh\nfamily. The only vocabulary obtainable is given by Mr Hale. Round the\nheadwaters of the river Umpqua live the people of that name, speaking\na language related to the two last mentioned, but which, if we may\nbelieve Mr Hale, is \"much softer than the others.\"\n\n  [Sidenote: VOCABULARY OF HOOPAH DIALECTS.]\n\nScouler, who has made a curious classification of the languages of\nnorth-western America, places the Umpqua in the same family with the\nCalapooya and Yamkally under the general name of Cathlascon.[II'-57] The\nsouthernmost dialect of this division is that of the Hoopahs, on\nTrinity River. Upon the authority of Mr Powers, \"the Hoopa language is\nworthy of the people who speak it--copious in its vocabulary; robust,\nsonorous, and strong in utterance; of a martial simplicity and\nrudeness in construction.\" Again he writes, \"as the Hoopas remind one\nof the Romans among savages, so is their language something akin to\nthe Latin in its phonetic characteristics: the idiom of camps--rude,\nstrong, laconic. Let a grave and decorous Indian speak it\ndeliberately, and every word comes out like the thud of a\nbattering-ram against a wall. For instance let the reader take the\nwords for 'devil' and 'death'--_keetoanchwa_ and _cheechwit_--and note\nthe robust strength with which they can be uttered. What a grand roll\nof drums there is in that long, strong word, _conchwilchwil_.\" Mr\nPowers gives the following declension: I, _hwe_; father, _hoota_; my\nfather, _hwehoota_; you, _nine_; your father, _nineta_; mother,\n_necho_; death, _cheechwit_; your mother's death, _nincho\ncheechwit_.[II'-58]\n\nOn the western slope of Mount Shasta, there is the Wi-Lackee language,\nwhich bears a close likeness to the Hoopah; on Mad River is the Lassic\nand on Eel River the Siah, both probably Hoopah dialects, and on Smith\nRiver in Del Norte County, the Haynaggi, Tolewah and Tahahteen, also\npresumably Hoopah and Wi-Lackee dialects. The following comparative\ntable of the numerals in the Tolewah, Hoopah, and Wi-Lackee dialects,\nwill serve to illustrate their relationship.\n\n               TOLEWAH.        HOOPAH.        WI-LACKEE.\n\n     One        chla            chla           clyhy\n     Two        nacheh          nach           nocka\n     Three      tacheh          tach           tock\n     Four       tencheh         tinckh         tenckha\n     Five       swoila          chwola         tusculla\n     Six        ost\u00e1neh         hostan         cooslac\n     Seven      tsayteh         ochkit         coosnac\n     Eight      lan\u00e9sh tnata    cahnem         coostac\n     Nine       chla ntuch      noc\u00f3sta        coost\u00e9nckha\n     Ten        neh sun         minchla        kwang enta\n\n  [Sidenote: SPEECH OF THE APACHE TRIBES.]\n\nIn the southern and last division of the Tinneh family are found the\ngreat Apache and Navajo nations, with their many dialects. The Apaches\nmay be said to inhabit or rather to roam over the country, commencing\nat the Colorado desert and extending east to the Rio Pecos, or from\nabout 103\u00b0 to 114\u00b0 west long., and from Utah Territory into the states\nof Sonora, Chihuahua, Coahuila, Nuevo Leon, and Texas, or from about\n38\u00b0 to 30\u00b0 north lat. Hardly two authors agree in stating the number\nand names of the different tribes belonging to this nation.[II'-59] The\nnames by which they are known among themselves are, according to\nOrozco y Berra: _Vinni ettinen-ne_, _Segatajen-ne_, _Tjuiccujen-ne_,\n_Iccujen-ne_, _Yutajen-ne_, _Sejen-ne_, _Cuelcajen-ne_, _Lipajen-ne_,\nfor which the Mexicans have substituted, such words as Apaches,\nTontos, Chiricaguis, Gile\u00f1os, Mimbre\u00f1os, Faraones, Mescaleros,\nLlaneros, Lipanes, and Navajos.[II'-60] The nations that make up this\ngreat people are the Chiricaguis in north-eastern Sonora; Coyoteros in\nthe Gila country; Faraones, west of New Mexico in the Sierras del\nDiablo, Chanate, and Pilares; Gile\u00f1os at the eastern base of the\nSierra de los Mimbres south of the Rio Gila; the people of the copper\nmines on both banks of the Rio Grande, ranging west to the Coyoteros\nand Pinale\u00f1os, and also into Chihuahua and Sonora, and at Lake Guzman\nwest of Paso del Norte; the Lipanes, or Ipandes, in Texas; the\nLlaneros, north-east of Santa F\u00e9, and northerly of the Rio Rojo de\nNatchitoches or Rio Pecos; Mescaleros, in the Sierras del Diablo,\nChanate, Pilares, and on both banks of the Rio Tuerco, above its\nconfluence with the Rio Grande; the Natages, or Natajes, in Texas near\nthe Lipanes; the Pelones, in Coahuila; the Pinale\u00f1os, in the Sierras\ndel Pinal and Blanca; the Tejuas, east of the Rio Grande, in the Gila\ncountry; the Tontos, in north-eastern Sonora, in the north-east near\nthe Seris in the Pimeria Alta, and south of the Maricopas and the Rio\nGila; the Vaqueros in the eastern part of New Mexico; the Mimbre\u00f1os,\nin the Sierra de los Mimbres, west of Paso del Norte, and in the\nsouth-western end of New Mexico, on the northern boundary of\nChihuahua.[II'-61] The Xicarillas, whose dialect forms the principal\nconnecting link between the Apache language and the Tinneh family,\nlive on the Rio de los Osos, west of the Rio Grande; also in the Moro\nMountains and along the Cimarron.[II'-62] All the Apache tribes speak\ndialects but slightly varying from one another, and all can converse\neasily together. Different accentuations and some peculiar vocal\nappellations are, for the most part, all that constitute severalness\nin these dialects. Don Jos\u00e9 Cort\u00e9z states that \"the utterance of the\nlanguage is very violent, but it is not so difficult to speak as the\nfirst impression of it would lead one to suppose; for the ear,\nbecoming accustomed to the sound, discovers a cadence in the words.\"\n\"It has great poverty, both of expression and words.\" It appears as\nwell that the harsh gutturals so constantly heard among the northern\nmembers of the Tinneh family, frequently occur in the Apache\ndialects.[II'-63] Bartlett writes, \"it sounds like a combination of\nPolish, Chinese, Choctaw, and Dutch. Grunts and gutturals abound, and\nthere is a strong resemblance to the Hottentot click. Now blend these\ntogether, and as you utter the word, swallow it, and the sound will be\na fair specimen of an Apache word.\"[II'-64] Apache affiliations have been\nsurmised by different writers, with nearly all their neighbors, and\neven with more distant nations. Arricivita hints at a possible\nrelationship with the Otom\u00ed, because an Otom\u00ed muleteer told him that\nhe could converse with the Apaches.[II'-65] The Shoshone and Comanche\ndialects have also been referred to the Tinneh trunk, but in reality\nthey belong to the Sonora vernacular, a discovery first made by\nTurner, and proved by Buschmann.\n\nCol. Cremony, who was interpreter for the United States Mexican\nboundary commission, and hence conversant with the Apache language,\ngives some valuable grammatical notes. \"Their verbs,\" he says \"express\nthe past, present and future with much regularity, and have the\ninfinitive, indicative, subjunctive and imperative moods, together\nwith the first, second and third persons, and the singular, dual and\nplural numbers. Many of them are very irregular, and depend upon\nauxiliaries which are few. In all that relates to special\nindividuality the language is exacting; thus, _shee_ means I, or me;\nbut _shee-dah_ means I myself, or me myself; _dee_ means thee or thou;\nbut _dee-dah_ means you yourself especially and personally, without\nreference to any other being. When an Apache is relating his own\npersonal adventures he never says _shee_ for I, because that word, in\nsome sense, includes all who were present and took any part in the\naffair but he uses the word _shee-dah_, to show that the act was\nwholly his own. The pronouns are: _shee_--I; _shee-dah_--I myself;\n_dee_--thee or thou; _dee-dah_, thee thyself; _aghan_--it, he, her, or\nthey. The word _to-dah_ means no, and all their affirmatives are\nnegatived by dividing this word so as to place the first syllable in\nfront and the second in the rear of the verb to be negatived. For\nexample, _ink-tah_ means, sit down, but to say, do _not_ sit down, we\nmust express it _to-ink-tah-dah_; _nuest-chee-shee_, come here;\n_to-nuest-chee-shee-dah_, do _not_ come here; _anah-zont-tee_, begone;\n_to-anah-zont-tee-dah_, do _not_ begone.\"[II'-66]\n\n  [Sidenote: APACHE GRAMMAR.]\n\n                 CONJUGATION OF THE VERB TO BE, AH GHONTAY.\n\n                             PRESENT INDICATIVE.\n\n     I am,      tak she             | We are,    tan-ah-hee-ah-aht-tee\n     Thou art,  tan-dee-ah-aht-tee  | You are,   nah-hee-ah-aht-tee\n     He is,     tah-annah           | They are,  aghan-day-aht-tee\n\n                                 IMPERFECT.\n\n                    I was,      tash-ee-ah-ash-ee\n                    Thou wast,  dee-ah-alt-een\n                    He was,     tah annah-kah-on-yah\n                    We were,    akannah sin-kah\n                    You were,   nah-hee-dah-a-kan nah-dash-shosh\n                    They were,  aghan-do-doh-ah-kah-gah-kah\n\n                               FIRST FUTURE.\n\n  I shall be,   she-ah-dosh-\u00b4n-dahl | We shall be, nah-he-do-gont-ee dahl\n  Thou wilt be, dee-ay-goh-ay-dahl  | You will be, nah-he-nah-hat-han-dahl\n  He will be,   ando-ay-gah-ee-dahl | They will be, nah-hayt-han-dahl\n\n                 CONJUGATION OF THE VERB TO DO, AH GOSH LAH.\n\n                             PRESENT INDICATIVE.\n\n     I do,       she-ash-lah        | We do,    tah-nah-hee-ah-ghont-lah\n     Thou dost,  tan-dee-aghon-lah  | You do,   nah-hee-ah-ghast-lah\n     He does     tah-pee-ay-il-lah  | They do,  tah-goh-pee-ah-goh-lah\n\n                                IMPERFECT.\n\n     I did,       tah-she-ash-lah   | We did,    tah-nah-kee-and-lah\n     Thou didst,  dee-and-lah       | You did,   nah-hee-alt-lah\n     He did,      pee-ind-lah       | They did,  goh-pee-ah-goh-nind-lah\n\n                               FIRST FUTURE.\n\n                   I shall do,        tash-ee-ah-dosh-leel\n                   Thou wilt do,      dee-ah-goh-dont-leel\n                   He will do,        tah-pee-aye-dahl-teel\n                   We shall do,       tah-nah-he-ah-go-dont-leel\n                   You will do,       nah-he-ah-dash-leel\n                   They will do,      go-pee-ah-guill-dah-leel\n\n                             PRESENT SUBJUNCTIVE.\n\n   If I do,     she-ash-lah-nah-ah    | If we do,    tah-nah-hee-ant-lah\n   If thou do,  dee-alt-in-dahl       | If you do,   nah-hee-alt-lah\n   If he do,    tah-pee-ayilt-in-dahl | If they do,  go-pee-ah-wilt-ee\n\n                                 IMPERATIVE.\n\n                   Do thou,             eah-and-lah\n\n                           PRESENT PARTICIPLE.\n\n                   Doing,               ah-whee-lah\n\n                   CONJUGATION OF THE VERB TO EAT, ISH SHAN.\n\n                            PRESENT INDICATIVE.\n\n     I eat,        she-ish-shan        | We eat,    tah-nah-de-hit-tahn\n     Thou eatest,  deah-in-nah         | You eat,   nah-he-naloh-in-day\n     He eats,      aghan-iz-yan        | They eat,  goh-pee-goo-iz-yun\n\n                                  PERFECT.\n\n                    I have eaten,     she-ohz-yan\n                    Thou hast eaten,  dee-schlee-ohn-nah\n                    He has eaten,     aghan-ohnz-yan\n                    We have eaten,    tah-nah-hee-al-ke-dah-ohn-tan\n                    You have eaten,   nah-he-ahz-yan\n                    They have eaten,  goh-pee-go-yohnz-yan\n\n                                 FIRST FUTURE.\n\n                    I shall eat,      she-go-ish-shan\n                    Thou wilt eat,    dee-doh-in-mah-dahl\n                    He will eat,      aghandoh-iz-yan\n                    We shall eat,     tah-nah-hee-hin-tahn-dahl\n                    You will eat,     nah-he-goh-an-shan\n                    They will eat,    goh-pee-goh-iz-yan-dahl\n\n                                IMPERATIVE.\n\n  Eat thou,  tan-dee-in-nah        | Let them eat,  tah-goh-pee-niz-yan\n\n                   CONJUGATION OF THE VERB TO SLEEP, IL HOOSH.\n\n                              PRESENT INDICATIVE.\n\n  I sleep,        she-ish-hoosh    | We sleep,    tah-nah-he-il-hoosh\n  Thou sleepest,  dee-ilt-hoosh    | You sleep,   nah-he-il-hoosh\n  He sleeps,      aghan-it-hoosh   | They sleep,  go-pee-will-hoosh\n\n                                  PERFECT.\n\n                   I have slept,     she-al-kee-dah-ish-hash\n                   Thou hast slept,  dee-al-kee-dah-ish-hash\n                   He has slept,     aghando-ish-hash\n                   We have slept,    tah-nah-he-al-kee-dah-il-gash\n                   You have slept,   nah-he-al-kee-dah-al-hoosh\n                   They have slept,  go-pee-al-kee-dah-go-il-gash\n\n                             FIRST FUTURE.\n\n                  I shall sleep,     she-do-ish-hoosht-tahl\n                  Thou wilt sleep,   dee-do-dohl-goosh\n                  He will sleep,     aghando-il-hoosht-dahl\n                  We shall sleep,    tah-nah-he-do-il-goosh-tahl\n                  You will sleep,    nah-he-doh-al-hoosh-tahl\n                  They will sleep,   go-pee-go-will-hoosh-tahl\n\n                               IMPERATIVE.\n\n                    Sleep thou,      dee-ilh-hoosh\n                    Sleep you,       nah-hee-doh-al-hoosh\n                    Sleep they,      go-pee-go-il-hoosh\n\n             CONJUGATION OF THE VERB TO LOVE, IN KAY GO ISHT LEE.\n\n                                PRESENT INDICATIVE.\n\n  I love,      sheah-in-kay-go-isht-lee | We love,\n                                        |  tan-ah-hee-in-kay-go-it-lee\n  Thou lovest, deah-vick-kay-go-int-lee | You love,\n                                        |  nah-he-vick-kay-at-lee\n  He loves,    aghan-ee-kay-go-it-lee   | They love,\n                                        |  goh-pee-vick-kay-go-it-lee\n\n                           IMPERFECT.\n\n         I loved,       she-in-kay-go-isht-leeth-lay\n         Thou lovedst,  dee-vick-kay-go-int-leeth-lee\n         He loved,      aghan-vick-kay-go-it-leelth-lee\n         We loved,      tan-ah-hee-vick-kay-int-leelth-lee\n         You loved,     nah-he-vick-kay-at-leelth-lee\n         They loved,    go-pee-vick-kay-go-leelth-lee\n\n                          FIRST FUTURE.\n\n         Thou wilt love,  dee-vick-kay-go-isht-lee-dahl\n         He will love,    ghan-vick-kay-go-it-lee-dahl\n         I shall love,    he-in-kay-go-isht-lee-dahl\n         We shall love,   tah-nah-he-vick-kay-go-it-tlee-dahl\n         You will love,   nah-he-vick-kay-at-tlee-dahl\n         They will love,  goh-pee-vick-kay-go-it-tlee-dahl\n\n                      IMPERFECT POTENTIAL.\n\n         I should love,       she 'dn-vick-kay-go-isht-leel-dahl\n         Thou shouldst love,  dee 'dn-vick-kay-go-isht-leel-dahl\n         He should love,      aghan-vick-kay-ich-klee-dahl\n         We should love,      tah-nah-he-vick-kay-go-in-klee-dahl\n         You should love,     nah-he-vick-kay-go-in-klee-dahl\n         They should love,    goh-pee-vick-kay-go-in-klee-dahl\n\n                           IMPERATIVE.\n\n         Love thou,           vick-kay-go-it-lee\n         Love you,            nah-he-vick-kay-at-lee\n         Let them love,       goh-pee-vick-kay-go-it-lee\n\n                            NUMERALS.\n\n         One                  tash-ay-ay\n         Two                  nah-kee\n         Three                kah-yay\n         Four                 in-yeh\n         Five                 asht-lay\n         Six                  host-kon-nay\n         Seven                host-ee-day\n         Eight                hah-pee\n         Nine                 'n-ghost-ay\n         Ten                  go-nay-nan-nay\n         Eleven               klats-ah-tah\n         Twelve               nah-kee-sah-tah\n         Thirteen             kah-yay-sah-tah\n         Fourteen             tin-sah-tah-hay\n         Fifteen              asht-lay-sah-tah-hay\n         Sixteen              host-kon-sah-tah-hay\n         Seventeen            host-ee-sah-tah-hay\n         Eighteen             tan-pee-sah-tah-hay\n         Nineteen             'n-ghost-ah-sah-tah-hay\n         Twenty               natin-yay\n         Thirty               kah-tin-yay\n         Forty                tinsh-tin-yay\n         Fifty                asht-lah-tin-yay\n         Sixty                host-kon-tin-yay\n         Seventy              host-ee-tin-yay\n         Eighty               san-vee-tin-yay\n         Ninety               'n-ghost-ah-tin-yay\n         One hundred          tah-len-too-ooh\n         One thousand         go-nay-nan-too-ooh\n         Two thousand         nah-tin-ee-too-ooh\n\nThe following sentences will serve as specimens to show the\nconstruction of this language.\n\n     Whence come you? _hash-ee-ohn-dahl?_\n\n     I come from afar, _an-dah-she-oh-thal_.\n\n     I am a friend, _tah-in-joon-ay-ish-lee_.\n\n     What do you want? _ee-ya-althe-ee 'n?_\n\n     There are wood, water, and grass, _tooh-tlo-chee-gon-lee_.\n\n     Go and watch the enemy, _ni\u00f1-dah-bin-naht-hah-aden-he_.\n\n     Take notice of them, _gon-joon-ay-go-hah-den-ee_.\n\n     Of what nation are they? _yah-indah-aht-ee?_\n\n     Where is their camp? _hah-ay-vee-goat-hah?_\n\n     Note well their position, _gon-joon-ay-go-nel-he-hayago-ah-tay-na-lee_.\n\n     They are near by, _goh-pee-ach-han-nay-she-go_.\n\n     I do not believe it, _too-vah-osht-lah-dah_.\n\n     Show me the road, _in-tin-dee-she-chee-toh-golt-chee_.\n\n     Mine, _shee_.\n\n     It is mine, _es-shee_.\n\n     Thine, _dee_.\n\n     It is his or hers, _ah-koon-pee_.\n\n     It is not mine, _too-she-dah_.\n\n     It is not thine, _too-in-dee-dah_.\n\n     It is not his or hers, _too-pee-dah_.\n\n     These, _tee-hay-ah_.\n\n     Those, _ah-wayh-hay-yah_.\n\n  [Sidenote: SPEECH IN THE MESCALERO DIALECT.]\n\nAs a further illustration, I give a speech made by General Carleton\nduring an interview with the Mescaleros, which was translated and\nwritten down at the time by Col. Cremony.\n\n     Nah-heedn day nah goodnltay; toogo take headah;\n     Your people are bad;         they have not kept faith;\n\n     bayay geah gontay;         schlee nahhah goh inay een;\n     they are treacherous;      they have stolen our horses;\n\n     nahgah godilt say;               nahhannah gwinheay endah ah tay;\n     they have murdered our people;   they must make amends;\n\n     too nahhan neet ee dah;          tah nakee ahendah adenh dee;\n     they must cease troubling us;    they must obey our orders;\n\n     nah schleen nahhannah weedah ayl; han eganday\n     they must restore our animals;     they must\n\n     nahhannah goee dalt yeal; enday nahhah hitjash\n     give up the murderers;      they must give us\n\n     toohayago andadah; alkeedah llaynah ildee; eschlanay\n     hostages;    let them remember past times;  they were\n\n     vaygo daht eel;         saylth lee goh-pee;       taat hooay takee\n     numerous and powerful; they held all the sierras; they occupied all\n\n     anah goh kah;     tah golkahay takay ikay goon lee;\n     the water-holes;      they were masters of the plains;\n\n     tash lainah too nelchedah. Ako ahn day hahdah?\n     none made them afraid.      Where are they now?\n\n     Eeyah veeahkah tsay nogoshee 'n nilt ee?   Nakay eeah\n     Why do they hide behind rocks?           Where is their\n\n     haddah?        Bahyay kay 'n nilt ee?        She aghan iltisch\n     possession?  Why do they hide like coyotes?    I will tell\n\n     in dee;           taykay indah nash lee;                  taykay ay\n     them why; they have been enemies to all other people; they have made\n\n     veeakah nah hindah;              tahnahhe elchindah nah hee;\n     all other people their enemies; they have made enemies of each other;\n\n     tannahee eedaltsay ayveeahkah hee nahindah; too nah\n     they have lived by robbery and murder;      they have\n\n     yah seedah; tah nalkoneeay vickaygo tee en nahseego;\n     not worked;        idleness breeds want;\n\n     tee en nahseego chin nah hilt yeeay; chevilheeaygo\n     want breeds hunger;                  hunger\n\n     vilkonyeago takhoogo ont yeal; yont hooaygo anaht eel;\n     and idleness breed crime;      they have committed crimes;\n\n     takhoogo ninis yah;\n     the punishment has fallen on them;\n\n     aghon ahltay koohaygo naht lee;\n     their thousands have become hundreds;\n\n     elchinalcheego vickeah golt seel; nahee vah ahtee\n     we speak harsh truths;            we speak so only for\n\n     elchinahtee;  naschayhay  too  ahnah  lahdah;\n     their good;       we have no vengeance in our hearts;\n\n     Elchinalcheego inklees andah 'n june; nah kashee\n     Our talk is hard but good;            let them\n\n     vanan an keeays;       anahtay kahdayah too wakhahdah;\n     reflect upon it;       let them change their ways;\n\n     innee nahl ash lah;            ilk jeel eego andah 'n june.[II'-67]\n     let them cultivate the earth; let them be a strong but a good people.\n\nMr Dorr, writing in the _Overland Monthly_, makes an erroneous\nassertion that the Apache and Zu\u00f1i languages are the same, \"differing\nonly in accent, intonation, and cadence, they understand each other\nwithout difficulty. The Zu\u00f1i, or Apache language is very flexible and\n_suave_, and may at some time have been the Court language of the\nancient races. It is often as expressive of fine shades of distinction\nas even the Greek itself. It preserves--in the _adyta_ of its\nwonderful radicals--the traditional duality of the human race: its\ndual, as well as singular and plural, forms of speech.\"[II'-68]\n\nVater intimates a relationship between the Apaches and the Pawnees,\nand that chiefly on the ground of a similarity in the names Pawnees\nand Lipanes.[II'-69]\n\nPimentel gives a Lord's Prayer in the Lipan dialect, which will serve\nas a specimen of the language:\n\n     'Cutall nezll\u00f3 ezll\u00e1 anel ti qui Llat\u00e1; setezdanela net ag\u00e1\n     nautela; nosesene nda tendaj\u00e9 lle ag\u00e1 tand\u00e9: tanzanenda ag\u00e1\n     atanclaju, senegui ti ezllza glezi, aj ull\u00fa ti lle lata; Lle\n     tulatan nezll\u00e9 ja lag\u00e9 tatichi anizan\u00e9 tatichi en gucecen d\u00e9\n     joull\u00e9 vandaezh\u00e9 lenegui ajull\u00fa da y\u00e9 nachezonll\u00e9 tenag\u00e9\n     vandaezhec en ne zto agatenj\u00e1 tend\u00e1 tlez ti tezchupanen da\n     glic\u00f3a genechi te najacengli Gaache ly\u00e9 net.'[II'-70]\n\nThe Navajos, or Apache Navajos, of New Mexico, like the northern\nTinneh, call themselves Tennai, men. Their dialect approaches the\nXicarilla Apache, and Mr Eaton even asserts that it is about the\nsame.[II'-71] Pike mentions the Nanahaws, which name is probably\nintended for Navajos, as no other account can be found of such a\npeople.\n\n  [Sidenote: TINNEH VOCABULARY.]\n\n                 COMPARATIVE VOCABULARY OF THE TINNEH FAMILY.\n\n  ------------+--------+--------+---------+-----------+-----------+--------+\n              |STONE.  |FIRE.   |WATER.   |   DOG.    |   SUN.    |KNIFE.  |\n  ------------+--------+--------+---------+-----------+-----------+--------+\n  Apache      | zeyzai |  kou   |  toah   | zeetzaian |  skeemai  |  pesh  |\n  Apache     }|        |        |         |           |           |        |\n  Coppermine }|   tzi  |  con   |t'hochon | klinchane |chigonakai |  pes   |\n  Atnah       | tzesch | tkchon |  ttuu   |  tchlikja |    noai   |        |\n  Beaver      |        |        |   too   |    tlee   |           |        |\n  Chepewyan   |  thaih | counn  |   tto   |   thling  |    sakh   |  bess  |\n  Dogrib      |  thai  |  cun   |   to    |   kling   |    ssa    |  paas  |\n  Hoopah      |  tsha  |  hoh   | tahnahn |  schlunh  |  hontsah  |salstha |\n  Inkilik     |        |ttakuna |   tu    |   klikhk  |   nooja   |tschawyk|\n  Inkalit     | luohna | kchun  |   te    |   klikhk  |    nooi   |tschawyk|\n  Kenai       |kaljniki|  tasi  | miljtni |   chlika  |  channoo  |kisjaki |\n  Koltshane   |   tzi  |        |tokatschj|    liki   |naaitschete|        |\n  Kutchin     |  tchi  |  khon  |  tchu   |   tleine  |  r'sey\u00e9   |  r'si  |\n  Kwalhioqua  |        |        |         |           |           |tschoho |\n  Loucheux    |        |        |  tchu   |           |           |  tlay  |\n  Navajo      |  tsai  |  tcou  |   toe   |kleechahee | chohaeha  |  pesh  |\n  North'n Ind.|        |odelchat|  ictoo  | anelwosh  |           |  pace  |\n  Apache     }|        |        |         |           |           |        |\n  Pinale\u00f1o   }|tschayer|        |   to    |           |  yaheye   |paysche |\n  Sursee      |        |  coo   |         |    tley   |           | marsh  |\n  Tacully     |   tse  |  coun  |   tou   |   sleing  |    tsa    | t\u00e9isch |\n  Tenan      }|        |        |         |           |           |        |\n  Kutchin    }|  utsih |        |   chu   | klankoyah |    soh    |        |\n  Tlatskanai  | zeyzay | khtane |   to    |  schling  |  taosse   | tekhe  |\n  Ugalenze    |   tza  | takak  |  kaja   |   chaua   |  katakyl  | zachlj |\n  Umpqua      |   seh  | khong  |  tkho   |  schlinge |   scha    | natlmi |\n  Unakatana   | luohna |  khun  |   tu    |   klikhk  | taltohna  |        |\n  Xicarilla   |        |  cone  |   ko    | klinchaah |           |        |\n  Apache     }|        |        |         |           |           |        |\n  Mescalero  }| teesch | kunh'  | too-ooh |neechschlee|shoonnahaye|  pesh  |\n\n  ------------+---------+----------+------------+-----------+---------\n              | MAN.    |  EYE.    |   ONE.     |  TWO.     | THREE.\n  ------------+---------+----------+------------+-----------+---------\n  Apache      |  ailee  |  konda   |   tahse    |  nahkee   |  tai\n  Apache     }|         |          |            |           |\n  Coppermine }|  n'de   | sleenda  |   tashte   |   naki    |  ta-i\n  Atnah       | tkichlj |  ssnega  |schtschelkai| nateakcha | taakei\n  Beaver      |  tin\u00e9   |          |            |           |\n  Chepewyan   | 'tinn\u00e9  |   naw    |   slachy   |   nakh\u00e9   |  takke\n  Dogrib      |tchelaqui| ztennhae |  'nthlar\u00e9  |  nakhk\u00e9   | khtarre\n  Hoopah      |quaietai |  hunnah  |    tlah    |   nahe    |  tahek\n  Inkilik     |ttynnaij |   noga   |  kissleka  |  inteka   |  tokak\n  Inkalit     |  tynni  |   noga   |  kissleka  |  inteka   |  toka\n  Kenai       |  tynni  |  ssnaga  |   zelkei   |   techa   | tokchke\n  Koltshane   |tschilje |tschintagi|   ilite    |  lakeji   |  takei\n  Kutchin     |  tengi  |          |  tihlagga  |  nakhei   | thieka\n  Kwalhioqua  |         |          |            |           |\n  Loucheux    | tenghie |          |            |           |\n  Navajo      | tennai  |  hunnah  |  tathlai   |   naki    |  tanh\n  North'n Ind.| tinneh  |   naw    |    she     |chellatelle| elthoi\n  Apache     }|         |          |            |           |\n  Pinale\u00f1o   }|payyahnay| chindar  |            |           |\n  Sursee      |         |senourvoh |  vttegar   |  vkkeer   | tankey\n  Tacully     |  dinay  |   nah    |   etscha   | nangkakh  |  taki\n  Tenan      }|         |          |            |           |\n  Kutchin    }|  tinji  | sintaga  |            |           |\n  Tlatskanai  |  khanae |  nakhai  |   schli\u00e9   |  natoke   |  tage\n  Ugalenze    |  togoju | kalljag  |  tlchinke  |  gaatte   | toolkoa\n  Umpqua      |  toene  |   naye   |  aitschla  |  nakhok   |  taak\n  Unakatana   | tena lo |  sunoga  |            |           |\n  Xicarilla   |  tinday |  pindah  |            |           |\n  Apache     }|         |          |            |           |\n  Mescalero  }|  enday  | shindah  | tash-ayay  |  nahkee   | kahyay\n\nFOOTNOTES:\n\n[II'-1] See vol. i., p. 42 et seq. of this work.\n\n[II'-2] 'Ces deux langues ... sont absolument la m\u00eame que celle des\nVogules, habitants de la Tartarie, et la m\u00eame que celle des Lapons.'\n_Monglave_, in _Antiq. Mex._, tom. i., div. i., p. 65. 'Les Esquimaux\nd'Am\u00e9rique et les Tchoutchis de l'extr\u00e9mit\u00e9 nord de l'Asie orientale\n... il est ais\u00e9 de reconna\u00eetre qu'ils appartiennent \u00e0 une m\u00eame\nfamille.' _Mofras_, _Explor._, tom. ii., p. 330. 'The whole arctic\nshore of North America is possessed by the Esquimaux and Greenlanders,\nwho speak an original tongue called Karalit.' _McCulloh's Researches\nin Amer._, p. 36. 'The Arctic region is mainly covered by dialects of\na single language--the Eskimo.' _Latham's Comp. Phil._, vol. viii., p.\n384. 'Der Amerikanische Sprachtypus, die Eskimo-Sprache, reicht\nhin\u00fcber nach Asien.' _Buschmann_, _Spuren der Aztek. Spr._, p. 711.\n'Alle Eskimos sprechen im Wesentlichen dieselbe Sprache.' _Baer_,\n_Stat. u. Ethno._, p. 280. 'The language of the Western Esquimaux so\nnearly resembles that of the tribes to the eastward.' _Beechey's\nVoyage_, vol. ii., p. 311; _Sauer's Billings' Ex._, p. 245;\n_Kotzebue's Voyage_, vol. iii., p. 314; _Franklin's Nar._, vol. i., p.\n30; _Dease and Simpson_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. viii., p.\n222; _Seemann's Voy. Herald_, vol. ii., p. 68. But Vater does not\nbelieve that the language extends across to Asia. 'Dass sich wohl ein\nEinfluss der Eskimo-Sprache, aber nicht diese selbst \u00fcber die zwischen\nAsien and Amerika liegenden Inseln erstreckt.' _Mithridates_, tom.\niii., pt iii., pp. 458, 426.\n\n[II'-3] _Veniaminoff_, _Ueber die Sprachen des russ. Amer._, in\n_Erman_, _Archiv._, tom. vii., No. 1, p. 126 et seq.\n\n[II'-4] _Sagoskin_, _Tagebuch_, in _Russ. Geog. Gesell., Denkschr._,\ntom. i., p. 359 et seq.\n\n[II'-5] 'Alle diese V\u00f6lkerschaften reden eine Sprache and geh\u00f6ren zu\neinem und demselben Stamme, der sich auch weiter n\u00f6rdlich l\u00e4ngs der\nK\u00fcste ... ausdehnt.' _Baer_, _Stat. u. Ethno._, p. 122.\n\n[II'-6] _Kotzebue's Voyage_, vol. ii., p. 175.\n\n[II'-7] Of the similarity between the Kadiak and Alaska idiom,\nLangsdorff says: 'In a great degree the clothing and language of the\nAlaskans, are the same as those of the people of Kodiak.' _Voy._, vol.\nii., p. 236. _Seemann's Voy. Herald_, vol. ii., pp. 68-69.\n\n[II'-8] _Richardson's Jour._, vol. ii., p. 364 et seq.; _Veniaminoff_,\nin _Erman_, _Archiv_, tom. iii., No. i., pp. 142-43; _Beechey's\nVoyage_, vol. ii., p. 366; _Vater_, _Mithridates_, tom. iii., pt iii.,\np. 458 et seq.; notes on the Chugatsh dialect at Prince William Sound\nin _Cook's Voy. to Pac._, vol. ii., pp. 374-6, and _Portlock's Voy._,\npp. 254-5.\n\n[II'-9] 'Er konnte die Sprache dieser Insulaner nicht ... verstehen.'\n_Neue Nachrichten_, p. 105.\n\n[II'-10] _Cook's Voy. to Pac._, vol. ii., p. 522.\n\n[II'-11] _Dall's Alaska_, pp. 377-8.\n\n[II'-12] 'Dass sich wohl ein Einfluss der Eskimo-Sprache aber nicht\ndiese selbst \u00fcber die zwischen Asien and Amerika liegenden Inseln\nerstreckt.' _Vater_, _Mithridates_, tom. iii., pt iii., 458.\n\n[II'-13] 'Der Bewohner von Unalaschka kann den von Kadjack gar nicht\nverstehen.' _Baer_, _Stat. u. Ethno._, pp. 123-289.\n\n[II'-14] 'Dass ... sich das aleutische Idiom ... als ein eigner, von\ndem grossen eskimoischen ganz verschiedener Sprachtypus erweist.'\n_Buschmann_, _Spuren der Aztek. Spr._, p. 702 et seq. Veniaminoff's\nexamples are as follows: active, he took; medium, he took me; passive,\nhe was born. In _Erman_, _Archiv_, tom. iii., No. 1, pp. 136-8;\n_Veniaminoff_, _Sapiski ob Ostrovach Oonalashkinskacho Otjela_, tom.\nii., pp. 264-71.\n\n[II'-15] _Dall's Alaska_, p. 386; _Vater_, _Mithridates_, tom. iii.,\npt iii., pp. 459-460.\n\n[II'-16] 'Von St Eliasberge bis hinunter zum Columbia-Strome.'\n_Holmberg_, _Ethno. Skiz._, p. 9.\n\n[II'-17] 'Sie erstrecken sich von Iakutat s\u00fcdlich bis zu den\nCharlotten-Inseln.' _Vater_, _Mithridates_, tom. iii., pt iii., p.\n219.\n\n[II'-18] 'Von Ltu bis Stachin, und hat fast nur einen Dialect.'\n_Veniaminoff_, in _Erman_, _Archiv_, tom. vii., No. i., p. 128.\n\n[II'-19] _Bryant's Jour._, in _Amer. Antiq. Soc., Transact._, vol. ii.,\np. 302. The Tungass language 'as Mr. Tolmie conjectured, is nearly the\nsame as that spoken at Sitga.' _Scouler_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc.,\nJour._, vol. xi., p. 218.\n\n[II'-21] _Marchand_, _Voyage_, tom. ii., pp. 109-110.\n\n[II'-22] _La P\u00e9rouse_, _Voy._, tom. ii., p. 238. 'Their language is\nharsh and unpleasant to the ear.' _Portlock's Voy._, p. 293. 'It\nappears barbarous, uncouth, and difficult to pronounce.' _Dixon's\nVoy._, p. 172. 'La dificil pronunciacion de sus vozes ... pues las\nforman de la garganta con un movimiento de la lengua contra el\npaladar.' _Bodega y Quadra_, _Nav._, MS., pp. 46-47.\n\n[II'-23] 'Von der ganzen Liste bleibt allein The, Stein als \u00e4hnlich.'\n_Buschmann_, _Pima u. Koloschen Sprache_, p. 386. 'Zwischen ihnen und\nder mexicanischen in W\u00f6rtern und Grammatik keine Verwandtschaft\nexistirt ... g\u00e4nzlich vom Mex. verschieden sind.' _Buschmann_,\n_Ortsnamen_, p. 69. 'Je n'ai trouv\u00e9 aucune ressemblance entre les mots\nde cette langue et celle des ... Mexicains.' _La P\u00e9rouse_, _Voy._,\ntom. ii., p. 240.\n\n[II'-24] _Vater_, _Mithridates_, tom. iii., pt iii., pp. 212-13;\n_Holmberg_, _Ethno. Skiz._, p. 16.\n\n[II'-25] _Buschmann_, _Pima u. Koloschen Sprache_, p. 388.\n\n[II'-26] _La P\u00e9rouse_, _Voy._, tom. ii., pp. 238-9.\n\n[II'-27] _Veniaminoff_, _Sapiski ob Ostrovach Oonalashkinskacho\nOtjela_, tom. iii., pp. 149-51. No translation is given.\n\n[II'-28] _Vater_, _Mithridates_, tom. iii., pt iii., p. 225.\n\n[II'-29] 'Dimensionen, in welchen er ein ungeheures Gebiet im Innern\ndes n\u00f6rdlichen Continents einnimmt, nahe an das Eismeer reicht, und\nqueer das nordamerikanische Festland durchzieht: indem er im Osten die\nHudsonsbai, im S\u00fcdwesten in abgestossenen St\u00e4mmen am Umpqua-Flusse das\nstille Meer ber\u00fchrt.' _Buschmann_, _Spuren der Aztek. Spr._, p. 323.\n'This great family includes a large number of North American tribes,\nextending, from near the mouth of the Mackenzie, south to the borders\nof Mexico.' _Dall's Alaska_, p. 428. 'There are outlyers of the stock\nas far as the southern parts of Oregon. More than this, there are\nAthabascans in California, New Mexico and Sonora.' _Latham's Comp.\nPhil._, vol. viii., p. 393. 'Dass er in seinem Hauptg\u00fcrtel von der\nn\u00f6rdlichen Hudsonsbai aus fast die ganze Breite des Continents\ndurchl\u00e4uft; und dass er in abgesonderten, in die Ferne geschleuderten\nGliedern, gen S\u00fcden nicht allein unter dem 46ten (Tlatskanai und\nKwalhioqua) und 43ten Grade n\u00f6rdlicher Breite (Umpqua) das stille Meer\nber\u00fchrt, sondern auch tief im Innern in den Navajos den 36ten Grad\ntrifft ... w\u00e4hrend er im Norden und Nordwesten den 65ten Grad und\nbeinahe die Gestade des Polarmeers erreicht.' _Buschmann_, _Athapask.\nSprachstamm_, p. 313. See also vol. i., pp. 114, 143-9.\n\n[II'-30] _Gibbs_, in _Smithsonian Rept._, 1866, p. 303.\n\n[II'-31] 'The Sarsees who are but few in number, appear from their\nlanguage, to come on the contrary from the North-Westward, and are of\nthe same people as the Rocky-Mountain Indians ... who are a tribe of\nthe Chepewyans.' _Mackenzie's Voyages_, pp. lxxi-lxxii.\n\n[II'-32] _Vater_, _Mithridates_, tom. iii., pt iii., p. 252;\n_Gallatin_, in _Amer. Antiq. Soc., Transact._, vol. ii., p. 19. The\nSarsi, Sussees 'speak a dialect of the Chippewyan (Athapascan), allied\nto the Tahkali.' _Hale's Ethnog._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. vi., p.\n219.\n\n[II'-33] 'They speak a copious language, which is very difficult to be\nattained.' _Mackenzie's Voyages_, p. 114. 'As a language it is\nexceedingly meagre and imperfect.' _Richardson's Jour._, vol. ii., pp.\n3, 28.\n\n[II'-34] _Richardson's Jour._, vol. ii., pp. 3, 7; _Franklin's Nar._,\nvol. ii., p. 76. 'Hare Indians, who also speak a dialect of the\nChipewyan language.' _Id._, p. 83. Rocky Mountain Indians differ but\nlittle from the Strongbow, Beaver, etc. _Id._, p. 85; _Latham's Comp.\nPhil._, vol. viii., pp. 388, 391; _Id._, vol. iii., p. 393; _Cox's\nAdven._, p. 323.\n\n[II'-35] _Gallatin_, in _Amer. Antiq. Soc., Transact._, vol. ii., pp.\n215-16, 269.\n\n[II'-36] _Richardson's Jour._, pp. 377-413; _Latham's Native Races_,\npp. 293-4; _Jones_, in _Smithsonian Rept._, 1866, p. 320; _Hardisty_,\nin _Id._, p. 311.\n\n[II'-37] 'They speak a language distinct from the Chipewyan,'\n_Franklin's Nar._, vol. ii., p. 83. 'The similarity of language\namongst all the tribes (Athabascans) that have been enumerated under\nthis head (the Loucheux excepted) is fully established. It does not\nappear to have any distinct affinities with any other than that of the\nKinai.' _Gallatin_, in _Amer. Antiq. Soc., Transact._, vol. ii., p.\n20. 'The language of the latter (Loucheux) is entirely different from\nthat of the other known tribes who possess the vast region to the\nnorthward of a line drawn from Churchill, on Hudson's Bay, across the\nRocky Mountains, to New Caledonia.' _Simpson's Nar._, p. 157. 'The\nDegothees or Loucheux, called Quarrellers by the English, speak a\ndifferent language.' _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iii., p. 542.\n\n[II'-38] _Hardisty_, in _Smithsonian Rept._, 1866, p. 311.\n\n[II'-39] _Richardson's Jour._, vol. i., pp. 400-1; _Hooper's Tuski_,\np. 270.\n\n[II'-40] _Holmberg_, _Ethno. Skiz._, pp. 6-7; _Baer_, _Stat. u.\nEthno._, p. 97; _Vater_, _Mithridates_, tom. iii., pt iii., p. 228;\n_Dall's Alaska_, p. 430; _Latham's Nat. Races_, p. 292.\n\n[II'-41] _Buschmann_, _Athapask. Sprachstamm_, p. 223; _Krusentern_,\n_Woerter-Sammlung_, p. xi.\n\n[II'-42] 'So nennen die Seek\u00fcstenbewohner Ulukag Mjuten Inkiliken,\nund diese letzten nennen sich selbst entweder nach dem Dorfe, oder im\nallgemeinen Ttynai-Chotana.' _Sagoskin_, _Tagebuch_, in _Russ. Geog.\nGesell., Denkschr._, p. 321.\n\n[II'-43] _Veniaminoff_, in _Erman_, _Archiv_, tom. vii., No. i., p. 128.\n\n[II'-44] 'Ihre Sprache ist zwar von der der Koloschen verschieden,\nstammt aber von derselben Wurzel ab.' _Baer_, _Stat. u. Ethno._, p. 97.\n\n[II'-45] _Dall's Alaska_, p. 430.\n\n[II'-46] 'Ich bleibe dabei stehn sie f\u00fcr eine athapaskische Sprache zu\nerkl\u00e4ren.' _Buschmann_, _Spuren der Aztek. Spr._, p. 687. 'Two tribes\nare found, on the Pacific Ocean, whose kindred languages, though\nexhibiting some affinities both with that of the Western Eskimaux and\nwith that of the Athapascas, we shall, for the present, consider as\nforming a distinct family. They are the Kinai, in or near Cook's Inlet\nor River, and the Ugaljachmutzi (_Ougalachmioutzy_) of Prince\nWilliam's Sound.' _Gallatin_, in _Amer. Antiq. Soc., Transact._, vol.\nii., p. 14.\n\n[II'-47] 'Dieses Volk geh\u00f6rt gleich den Ugalenzen zu einem und demselben\nStamme mit den Koloschen.... Auch in der Sprache giebt es mehrere\nW\u00f6rter, die auf eine gemeinschaftliche Wurzel hindeuten.' _Baer_,\n_Stat. u. Ethno._, p. 99.\n\n[II'-48] 'Geh\u00f6rt zu demselben Stamme wie die Galzanen oder Koltschanen,\nAtnaer und Koloschen. Dieses bezeugt nicht nur die noch vorhandene\nAehnlichkeit einiger W\u00f6rter in den Sprachen dieser V\u00f6lker (eine\nAehnlichkeit, welche freilich in der Sprache der Koloschen kaum noch\nmerkbar und fast g\u00e4nzlich verschwunden ist).' _Baer_, _Stat. u.\nEthno._, p. 103.\n\n[II'-49] 'Die Kinai, Kenai oder Kenaizen wurden bisher schon als ein\nHauptvolk und ihre Sprache als eine haupts\u00e4chliche des russischen\nNordamerika's betrachtet. Sie umziehen in ihren Wohnungen an jener\nK\u00fcste die grosse Kinai-Bucht oder den sogenannten Cooks-Fluss. Ihr\nIdiom galt bisher als eine selbstst\u00e4ndige und urspr\u00fcngliche Sprache,\nTr\u00e4gerinn mehrerer anderer. Nach meinen Entdeckungen ist es ein Glied\ndes grossen athapaskischen Sprachstammes, und seine Verwandten im\nrussischen Nordwesten sind andere Glieder desselben.' _Buschmann_,\n_Athapask. Sprachstamm_, p. 223.\n\n[II'-50] 'Die Kenai-Sprache ist, wegen der Menge ihrer Gurgellaute, von\nallen Idiomen des russischen Amerika's am schwierigsten auszusprechen.\nSelbst die Nachbarn der Kenajer, deren Sprachen schon ein sehr\ngeschmeidiges Organ erfordern, sind nicht im Stande, W\u00f6rter des\nKenajischen rein wiederzugeben.' _Veniaminoff_, in _Erman_, _Archiv_,\ntom. vii., No. i., p. 128.\n\n[II'-51] _Baer_, _Stat. u. Ethno._, p. 119.\n\n[II'-52] 'Sie sprechen eine Sprache, die ganz verschieden ist von der an\nder Seek\u00fcste gebr\u00e4uchlichen Sprache der Aleuten von Kadjack; der\nDialect der Inkaliten ist ein Gemisch aus den Sprachen der Kenayer,\nUnalaschken und Atnaer ... auch die Anwigm\u00fcten und Magim\u00fcten sind\nInkaliten.' _Baer_, _Stat. u. Ethno._, pp. 120-1.\n\n[II'-53] 'Der zwei St\u00e4mme des Volkes Ttynai, haupts\u00e4chlich der Inkiliken\nund der Inkaliten-jug-elnut.' _Sagoskin_, _Tagebuch_, in _Russ. Geog.\nGesell., Denkschr._, tom. i., p. 352; _Whymper's Alaska_, p. 175.\n\n[II'-54] 'Die n\u00e4her wohnenden geh\u00f6ren zu demselben Stamme wie die Atnaer\nund Kenayer und k\u00f6nnen sich mit ihnen, obgleich sie einen anderen\nDialect sprechen, verst\u00e4ndigen.' _Baer_, _Stat. u. Ethno._, p. 101.\n\n[II'-55] _Domenech's Deserts_, vol. ii., p. 62; _Mackenzie's Voyages_,\np. 284. 'Their language is very similar to that of the Chipewyans, and\nhas a great affinity to the tongues spoken by the Beaver Indians and\nthe Sicaunes. Between all the different villages of the Carriers,\nthere prevails a difference of dialect, to such an extent, that they\noften give different names to the most common utensils.' _Harmon's\nJour._, pp. 285-6, 379, 193, 196; _Ludewig's Ab. Lang._, p. 178. 'Les\nIndiens de la c\u00f4te ou de la Nouvelle Cal\u00e9donie, les Tokalis, les\nChargeurs (_Carriers_), les Schouchouaps, les Atnas, appartiennent\ntous \u00e0 la nation des Chipeoua\u00efans.' _Mofras_, _Explor._, tom. ii., p.\n337; _Gallatin_, in _Amer. Antiq. Soc., Transact._, vol. ii., p. 20.\n'A branch of the great Chippewyan (Athapascan) stock.' _Hale's\nEthnog._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. vi., p. 202.\n\n[II'-56] _Hale's Ethnog._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. vi., p. 533.\n\n[II'-57] _Scouler_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. xi., p. 225;\n_Hines' Voy._, p. 117.\n\n[II'-58] _Powers_, in _Overland Monthly_, vol. ix., pp. 157-8; _Gibbs_,\nin _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iii., p. 422; _Turner_, in _Pac. R. R.\nRept._, vol. iii., pp. 87-5. 'Ich habe sp\u00e4ter die _Hoopah_ Sprache\nwirklich f\u00fcr eine athapaskische angenommen.' _Buschmann_, _Spuren der\nAztek. Spr._, p. 576.\n\n[II'-59] _Bartlett's Pers. Nar._, vol. i., p. 325. 'Desde el Real de\nChiguagua, cruzando al Poniente, hasta el rio Gila, y subiendo al\nNorte, hasta el Moqui, y Nuevo M\u00e9xico, y Provincias de Texas y\nQuahuila; y revolviendo al Sur remata en el sobredicho Real.'\n_Arricivita_, _Cr\u00f3nica Ser\u00e1fica_, p. 338; _Vater_, _Mithridates_, tom.\niii., pt iii., p. 177; _M\u00fchlenpfordt_, _Mejico_, tom. i., pp. 212-3;\n'Extend from the black mountains in New M\u00e9xico to the frontiers of\nCogquilla.' _Pike's Explor. Trav._, (Phil. 1810,) appendix, p. 10;\n_Turner_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. iii., p. 83; _Malte-Brun_,\n_Pr\u00e9cis de la G\u00e9og._, tom. vi., p. 446; _Pope_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._,\nvol. ii., p. 13; _Buschmann_, _Spuren der Aztek. Spr._, p. 298;\n_Ludewig's Ab. Lang._, p. 8. 'Se extienden en el vasto espacio de\ndicho continente, que comprenden los grados 30 \u00e1 38 de latitud Norte,\ny 264 \u00e1 277 de longitud de Tenerife.' _Cordero_, in _Orozco y Berra_,\n_Geograf\u00eda_, p. 369; _Villa-Se\u00f1or y Sanchez_, _Theatro_, tom. ii., pp.\n393, et seq. 'Tota h\u00e6c regio, quam Novam Mexicanam vocant, ab omnibus\npene lateribus ambitur ab _Apachibus_.' _Laet_, _Novus Orbis_, p. 316;\n_Venegas_, _Noticia de la Cal._, tom. ii., 553; _Orozco y Berra_,\n_Geograf\u00eda_, p. 40.\n\n[II'-60] _Orozco y Berra_, _Geograf\u00eda_, p. 369. 'La nacion apache es una\nmisma aunque con las denominaciones de Gile\u00f1os, Carlanes, Chilpaines,\nXicarillas, Faraones, Mescaleros, Natales, Lipanes, etc. varia poco en\nsu idioma,' _Doc. Hist. Mex._, s\u00e9rie iv., tom. iii., p. 10. 'Los\nApaches se dividen en cinco parcialidades como son: Tontos \u00f3\nCoyoteros, Chiricahues, Gile\u00f1os, Faraones, Mescaleros, Llaneros,\nLipanes, Xicarillas y otras.' _Barreiro_, _Ojeada_, appendix, p. 7.\nBrowne mentions the Gila Apaches, and as belonging to them Mimbrenas,\nChiricahuas, Sierra Blancas, Pinal llanos, Coyoteros, Cominos, Tontos,\nand Mogallones.' _Apache Country_, p. 290; _Vater_, _Mithridates_,\ntom. iii., pt iii., pp. 177-8; _M\u00fchlenpfordt_, _Mejico_, tom. i., p.\n211. 'The Apache; from which branch the Navajos, Apaches, Coyoteros,\nMescaleros, Moquis, Yabipias, Maricopas, Chiricaquis, Chemeguabas,\nYumayas (the last two tribes of the Moqui), and the Nijoras, a small\ntribe on the Gila.' _Ruxton's Adven. Mex._, p. 194; _Ind. Aff. Rept._,\n1857, p. 298; 1858, pp. 205-6; 1854, p. 180; 1861, p. 122; 1862, p.\n238; 1863, p. 108; 1864, p. 156; 1865, p. 506; 1869, p. 234;\n_Humboldt_, _Essai Pol._, tom. i., p. 289. 'Los apaches se dividen en\nnueve parcialidades \u00f3 tribus.' _Pimentel_, _Cuadro_, tom. ii., p. 251.\n'Since acquiring the Apache language, I have discovered that they\n(Lipans) are a branch of that great tribe, speaking identically the\nsame language, with the exception of a few terms and names of things\nexisting in their region and not generally known to those branches\nwhich inhabit Arizona and New Mexico.' _Cremony's Apaches_, p. 21.\n\n[II'-61] _Buschmann_, _Spuren der Aztek. Spr._, p. 303, et seq. 'El\nintermedio del Colorado y Gila, ocupan los yavipaistejua, y otros\nyavipais; al sur del Moqui son todos yavipais, que es lo mismo que\napaches, donde se conoce el gran terreno que ocupa esta nacion.'\n_Garc\u00e9s_, _Diario_, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, s\u00e9rie ii., tom. i., p. 352;\n_San Francisco Evening Bulletin_, Feb. 18, 1864. Padilla mentions the\nfollowing nations with the Apaches: 'Apaches, Pharaones, Natagees,\nGilas, Mescaleros, Cosninas, Quartelejos, Palomas, Xicarillas, Yutas,\nMoquinos.' _Conq. N. Galicia_, MS., p. 785; _Cortez_, _Hist. Apache\nNations_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. iii., pp. 118-20. 'The Apaches,\nthe Navahoes, and the Lipans, of Texas, speak dialects of the same\nlanguage. The Jicarillas, (Hic-ah-ree-ahs) Mescaleros, Tontos, and\nCoyotens, are all bands of Apaches; and I am induced to think the\nGaroteros are also an offshoot from the Apache tribe.' _Lane_, in\n_Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. v., p. 689.\n\n[II'-62] 'A distancia de cinco leguas, al mesmo rumbo (north of Taos),\nest\u00e1 una Nacion de Indios, que llaman Xicarillas.' _Villa-Se\u00f1or y\nSanchez_, _Theatro_, tom. ii., p. 420; _Davis_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._,\n1869, p. 255. Xicarillas, Apache Indians of northern New Mexico. Their\nlanguage shows affinity with the great Athabascan stock of languages.\n_Buschmann_, _Spr. N. Mex. u. der Westseite des B. Nordamer._, p. 274;\n_Id._, _Spuren der Aztek. Spr._, pp. 318-9; _Schoolcraft's Arch._,\nvol. v., p. 203.\n\n[II'-63] _Cortez_, _Hist. Apache Nations_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol.\niii., p. 120. 'Hablan un mismo idioma, y aunque varia el acento y tal\ncual voz provincial, no influye esta diferencia que dejen de\nentenderse reciprocamente.' _Orozco y Berra_, _Geograf\u00eda_, p. 339.\n\n[II'-64] _Bartlett's Letter_, in _Literary World_, April 24, 1852, pp.\n298-9. 'It abounds equally with guttural, hissing and indistinctly\nuttered mixed intonations.... It abounds in the sound of _tz_, so\ncommon in the Shemitic languages, of _zl_ of _d_ and the rough\n_rr_.... It may be suggested that its proper affinities are to be\nfound in the Athpasca.' _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. v., pp. 202-3.\n\n[II'-65] 'Le pregunt\u00f3 que si acaso entendia la lengua de los Apaches, y\nsatisfizo con que era la misma Otomite que \u00e9l hablaba, y solo con la\ndiferencia de que ellos variaban la significacion de muchos vocablos\nque en la suya querian decir otras cosas: pero por el contexto de las\notras palabras, facilmente se entendian.' _Arricivita_, _Cr\u00f3nica\nSer\u00e1fica_, p. 339.\n\n[II'-66] _Cremony's Apaches_, p. 239; _Id._, in _Overland Monthly_, Sept.\n1868, pp. 306-7.\n\n[II'-67] Prepared at Fort Sumner, Bosque Redondo, on the Pecos River, New\nMexico, in 1863, as certified by Brig. Gen. James H. Carleton, U. S.\nA., and the only Apache grammar known to exist at this date.\n_Cremony's Vocabulary and Grammar of the Mescalero Apache Language_,\nMS.\n\n[II'-68] _Dorr's Ride with the Apaches_, in _Overland Monthly_, vol. vi.,\np. 343.\n\n[II'-69] _Vater_, _Mithridates_, tom. iii., pt. iii., p. 179.\n\n[II'-70] _Pimentel_, _Cuadro_, tom. ii., p. 251, and in _Coleccion\nPolidi\u00f3mica Mexicana que contiene La Oracion Dominical; por la\nSociedad Mex. Geog. y Estad._, M\u00e9xico, 1860.\n\n[II'-71] 'The Apaches call the Navajoes Y\u00fa-tah-kah. The Navajoes call\nthemselves, as a tribe, Ten\u00faai (man.) The appellation N\u00e1vajo, was\nunquestionably given them by the Spaniards.' _Eaton_, in\n_Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iv., pp. 217-8; _M\u00f6llhausen_, _Tagebuch_,\np. 229. 'Geh\u00f6rt ebenfalls zur Familie der Apaches.' _Id._, _Reisen_,\ntom. ii., p. 236.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER III.\n\nCOLUMBIAN LANGUAGES.\n\n     THE HAIDAH, ITS CONSTRUCTION AND CONJUGATION -- THE NASS\n     LANGUAGE AND ITS DIALECTS -- BELLACOOLA AND CHIMSYAN\n     COMPARISONS -- THE NOOTKA LANGUAGES OF VANCOUVER ISLAND --\n     NANAIMO TEN COMMANDMENTS AND LORD'S PRAYER -- AZTEC ANALOGIES\n     -- FRASER AND THOMPSON RIVER LANGUAGES -- THE NEETLAKAPAMUCK\n     GRAMMAR AND LORD'S PRAYER -- SOUND LANGUAGES -- THE SALISH\n     FAMILY -- FLATHEAD GRAMMAR AND LORD'S PRAYER -- THE KOOTENAI --\n     THE SAHAPTIN FAMILY -- NEZ PERC\u00c9 GRAMMAR -- YAKIMA LORD'S\n     PRAYER -- SAHAPTIN STATE AND SLAVE LANGUAGES -- THE CHINOOK\n     FAMILY -- GRAMMAR OF THE CHINOOK LANGUAGE -- AZTEC AFFINITIES\n     -- THE CHINOOK JARGON.\n\n\nReturned from the south, whither we were led by the Apache branch of\nthe Tinneh family, let us examine the languages of our Columbian\ngroup. Next along the seaboard, south of the Thlinkeets, are the\nHaidahs and Kaiganies, whose language is spoken on the southern part\nof the Prince of Wales Archipelago, and on Queen Charlotte Island.\nThis language is sometimes called Haidah, and sometimes Kaiganie,[III'-1]\nand although many tribes belong to these nations, I find among them no\ndialectic difference, except that between the Haidahs of Queen\nCharlotte Island and the Kaiganies of the Prince of Wales Archipelago.\n\nMarchand claims that this language is understood by the Thlinkeets\nand other eastern tribes;[III'-2] Capt. Dixon thinks it is a distinct and\nseparate tongue;[III'-3] Scouler makes one large northern family, which\nhe says spreads \"from the Arctic Circle to the northern extremity of\nQuadra and Vancouver's Island;\"[III'-4] Radloff's comparative researches\nincline him to the opinion that, although there may be a few\nsimilarities in words between this and other idioms, as, for example,\nthe Thlinkeet, they are yet insufficient to prove identity.[III'-5]\n\n  [Sidenote: THE HAIDAH AND KAIGANIE.]\n\nSome of those who have heard the Haidahs speak, say that their\nlanguage is uncouth and difficult to articulate, abounding in\nconsonants, and with a labial and dental pronunciation;[III'-6] others\naffirm that it does not possess the hard aspirated consonants so\nfrequently found in the Thlinkeet language, that it is richer in\nvowels and softer, though, like the Thlinkeet, it is wanting in\nlabials, in the dental _r_, and in the guttural _l_, while the Haidah\nhas the clear _l_.[III'-7] The Haidah language lacks the letters _b_,\n_p_, _f_, and the dental _r_; neither its substantives nor adjectives\nhave any gender, and to express the feminine the word _dshetta_,\nwoman, is added. _Itlk dshetta_, wife of the chief; _ha_, dog; _ha\ndshetta_, slut. Neither is there any particular expression for the\nplural. _Kj\u00e9ganei_, my house; _kjeganei tlj\u00f6nxl l\u00e1gun_, my three\nhouses are good; _t\u00f6n dsha_, thy wife; _t\u00f6n dsha s't\u00f6ng h\u00e1na_, thy two\nwives are both pretty. Two exceptions have been mentioned;--_gje\u00e0_,\nmast; _gje\u00e0ng hl\u00f6hnhl_, three masts; _h\u00e4t\u00e4_, man (homo); _h\u00e1tei_, men.\nSubstantives are not declined, but remain unchanged in all cases.\n_Hantl_, water; _hall hantl_, bring water; _tlu_, boat; _tlu t\u00f6n\ngistasa_, I give thee a boat; _katt_, deer; _katt hutsu ziggin_, I\nhave a small deer; _slei_, hand; _hall t\u00f6n slei_, give thy hand.\nPronouns are either distinct words, or are prefixes to substantives\nand verbs. Prefixes also denote the possessive case. To the former\nclass belong _htl\u00e4_, I; and _tonga_, thou. To the latter belong _te_,\n_ti_, _de_, _di_, _zi_, _kje_, _teea_, _tl_, _t_, mine, all of which\nare used in the first person singular. Second person singular, _t\u00f6ng_,\n_t\u00f6n_, _ten_, thine; second person plural, _t\u00f6ll\u00f6ng_, yours.\n\nOf the conjugation of the verb, the following may serve as example:\nPresent indicative--I am hungry, _tekutke_; thou art hungry, _t\u00f6ng\nkh\u00fattus_; he is hungry, _law kh\u00fattung_; we are hungry, _itl kh\u00fattung_;\nyou are hungry, _t\u00f6ll\u00f6ng kh\u00fattus_; they are hungry, _\u00fannas kh\u00fattung_.\nRoot words are not of great length. The larger part are words of one\nor two syllables; some are of three or four, but these are rare;\nnevertheless, words may be agglutinated to any length.[III'-8]\n\nThe Nass language is spoken with very slight differences by the Nass,\nHailtzas, and Sebassas, who dwell around Observatory Inlet, Millbank\nSound, and the islands of Pitt Archipelago, respectively. Harsh sounds\nand gutturals predominate.[III'-9] The personal pronouns are--_nookwa_,\nI; _cusho_, thou; _nesho_, mine; _cusho_, thine; _nookwintok_, we;\n_kycusko_, ye; _caigh qua_, he; _elee caigh qua_, they.[III'-10]\n\nDunn gives a few sentences, which I insert as specimens: _whealey\nlowels kuss\u00fa_, where are you going? _howmithlem pooquialla iltsouk_,\ndo you understand our language? _lowels, cah c\u00fanter cah m\u00edllah_, go\nshoot deer.[III'-11]\n\n  [Sidenote: BELLACOOLA AND CHIMSYAN.]\n\nIn the immediate vicinity of the Nass are two other languages, the\nBellacoola and Chimsyan, of which hardly anything is known. Tolmie\nsupposes the Chimsyan to be related to the Tacully language, but\nBuschmann, on comparing the vocabularies, could not find the affinity.\nThe Rev. Mr Good informs me that the Chimsyan tongue extends inland as\nfar as Fraser and Stuart Lake.[III'-12] Compare the following words:\n\n            BELLACOOLA.                 CHIMSYAN.\n\n     I        untsh                         newyo\n     Thou     eno                           noone\n     Mine     untshil                       nawhawae\n     We       unshto                        neuhami\n     Ye       enooh                         neumi\n     He       teechtil taigh                qua\n     They     teech til tin no mo taight    queet\n     Man      tlimsdah                      tzib\n     Knife    teech tah                     ilth-a-peesh\n     Water    kull ah                       use\n     Stone    quils tolomick                loap\n     Sun      skin nuch                     kium uk\n     Moon     tlooki                        kium ugum aat uk\n     Good     teeah                         aam\n     Bad      ushee                         atuchk\n\nThe Hailtzas and the Bellacoolas have the following words in\ncommon;--_watz_, dog; _poe_, halibut; _tlah_, black bear; _nun_,\ngrizzly bear.[III'-13]\n\n  [Sidenote: LANGUAGES OF VANCOUVER ISLAND.]\n\nOn Vancouver Island a multitude of dialects are spoken, and various\nand contradictory classifications have been made, none of which, in my\nopinion, are correct. From the evidence, dialetic diversity prevails\nto such an extent that almost every petty tribe has its idiom; so\nthat, even if affinities do exist, sufficient to justify a\nclassification into languages and dialects, so meagre is our knowledge\nthat it is impossible in many instances to say which are languages and\nwhich dialects. Hence in my classification I cannot do better than to\nmake of the Nootka one language, and give a list of the dialects on\nthe island, with all the information concerning them at my command.\nFour languages of the island--the Quackoll in the north, the Cowichin\non the east, the Clallam at the south, and the Makah on the west, are\nsaid to be \"totally distinct from each other, both in sound,\nformation, and modes of expression.\" The one last mentioned is said to\nbear some affinity to the language spoken at the mouth of the Columbia\nRiver,[III'-14] and is called by Sproat the Aht language, for which he\nclaims in like manner that it \"can be traced through all the tribes on\nthe ocean coast, as far south as the mouth of the Columbia.\" The\nComux, which people he locates on the east coast between the Cowichins\nand Quackolls, migrated thither, he says, from the main land, and the\ntribes \"do not readily understand one another's language;\" from all of\nwhich we may infer that in reality there is only one language, of\nwhich these four are the chief dialects.[III'-15] Yet this is partially\ncontradicted by Grant, who affirms that the Cowichins and Clallams can\ncommunicate with each other, though not very easily, but that the\nMakahs and Quackolls cannot converse with each other or with any of\nthe other nations.[III'-16] Another authority, who certainly ought to be\nentitled to an opinion, having been a captive among these nations for\nsome years, also intimates that in reality there was only one language\ndominant on the island. After enumerating the different tribes he\nconcludes; \"all of whom speak the same language. But the Newchemass\nwho come from a great way Northward, and from some distance inland,\nspeak quite a different language, although it is well understood by\nthose of Nootka.\"[III'-17]\n\nNational differences appear to consist more in pronunciation than in\ngrammatical construction. Thus the articulation of the Klaizzahts is\nhoarser and more guttural than that of the people of Nootka\nSound.[III'-18] Dialectic differences sometimes go so far that the\nseveral bands of the same tribe find difficulty in making themselves\nunderstood; as for instance the Nitinaht tribes when conversing with\none another, have frequently to repeat their sentences differently\naccented to make them intelligible. The chief peculiarity of the\nNitinaht dialect is the transmutation of the letters _m_ and _n_,\nwhich are in universal use throughout the island, for which it\nsubstitutes _b_ and _d_. Thus for _mamook_, to work, the Nitinahts say\n_baboik_; _nismah_, country, they pronounce _dissibach_, and so\non.[III'-19]\n\nAs compared with that of the Thlinkeets, the Nootka language is\nneither harsh nor disagreeable. Its most curious feature is the\npredominance of labials and dentals over gutturals. The Nootkas\npossess fine oratorical powers, lending assistance to their words by\nshaking their head, gesticulating forcibly, and even jumping at each\nother. A singular sound, and one which it is hardly possible to\nexpress by any combination of letters, happens in many of their words.\nSpreading the corners of the mouth to their widest extent, and raising\nthe point of the tongue against the palate, they expel the air from\nthe sides of the mouth, at the same time bringing the tongue down\nstrongly, which obviously produces a sound altogether foreign to the\nEnglish vocabulary. Captain Cook says of this sound, \"it is formed, in\na particular manner, by clashing the tongue partly against the roof of\nthe mouth, with considerable force; and may be compared to a very\ncoarse or harsh method of lisping,\" and he attempts to give the sound\nby the letters _lszthl_. Many words end with this sound, and also with\na _tl_, _z_, or _ss_;--as _opulszthl_, sun; _onulszthl_, moon;\n_kahsheetl_, dead; _teeshcheetl_, to throw a stone; _kooomitz_, a\nhuman skull; _quahmiss_, fish-roe. Captain Cook further remarks upon\ntheir language that it \"can only be inferred, from their method of\nspeaking, which is very slow and distinct, that it has few\nprepositions or conjunctions; and, as far as we could discover, is\ndestitute of even a single interjection, to express admiration or\nsurprize.\"[III'-20]\n\nFurthermore, I may add, there is no case, nor gender, nor tense, and\nnumber is expressed only in the personal pronoun and in the inflection\nof verbs. In the first persons singular and plural, verbs end in _a_\nor _mah_; in the second persons, _huk_ or _ayts_; and in the third\npersons, in _mah_, _win_, or _utlma_. Sometimes these endings go over\nto the adverb which accompanies the verb, and they are subject to\nphonetic rules, according to which syllables are sometimes changed or\nleft out altogether. We have _wik_, not; and _kumotop_, to understand;\n_wikahkumotop_ or _wimmutomah_, I do not understand; the latter mode\nbeing a change for the sake of euphony. Plurals, and particularly\nfrequentative plurals, are expressed by duplication: as _mahte_ or\n_mahs_, house; _mahtmahs_, all the houses. Different classes of words\nappear to have different terminals: for example, instruments end with\n_ik_--_hukkaik_, a knife; _hissik_, a saw. Colors end in _uk_ or\n_ook_--_eyyohquk_, green; _kistokkuk_, blue; _klayhook_, purple;\n_kleesook_, white; _toopkook_, black. _Hissit_, red, forms an\nexception. Trees and plants end in _pt_--_kowwhipt_, _seewhipt_,\n_ootsmupt_, _klakkupt_, etc. Verbs end in _shitl_, _shetl_, and\n_chitl_, although some exceptions occur. Another distinctive ending is\n_up_--_ch\u00e2tayup_, to cut off with a knife; _k\u00e2\u00e2sup_, to hurt or wound;\n_hyyusatyup_, to diminish; _ashsup_, to break a string or cord;\n_quoyup_, to break a stick, etc.[III'-21] As a specimen of the\nlanguage, I give the first three of the Ten Commandments, and the\nLord's Prayer, in the dialect of the Nanaimos.[III'-22]\n\n  [Sidenote: NANAIMO COMMANDMENTS.]\n\n     NUTSA.\n\n     Owa tonowa quinet ta eesaila tseetsel seeam, ohi tanca tseetsel\n     seeam.\n\n     EESAILA.\n\n     Owa tanowa seeise ta seeathl sta ta stem nay quo tseetsel, sta\n     ta stem aitna tomuck, e sta ta stem nay ta ka, kokoo taswa\n     tseetsel seeam owa tanowa cappausom e stayweeil ta sta, ohi\n     tanca tseetsel seeam. Towhat oyas kullstuck, tanca ouseete\n     tanca quaquat e towhat ighstuck tanca e oyas shatlm tanswan\n     squell oseete tanca igh lalamat.\n\n     TLEEUGH.\n\n     Owa tanowa heewaulim ta squish quo tseetsel seeam oseete\n     tseetsel seeam quaquasaum towhat oyas sta.\n\n     TA KALHEM TA JESUKIT.\n\n     Saulth man nay quo tseetsel igh telneemelth oyas stlay stuck ta\n     statsn squish. Tel-neemelth ohi stlay tanowa sthee seeam nay\n     toumuck tomuck. Igh taswa mestiu shatlm ta squell aitna tomuck\n     sta ta tseetsel mestiu. Tana quial e muck squial mistook ta\n     saulth saulthan. Igh tanowa nahi tataeuk whawa telneemelth e ta\n     saulth kull squiaxits sta telneemelth nahi tataeuk whunem\n     toumuck mestiu kull squiaxits whawa telneemelth. Igh\n     telneemelth owanam ethlkalth ta kull, igh tanowa awistuck etha\n     igh. Ohi tanowa oonans sthee seeam, tanowa ohi sthee quamqum\n     telneemelth ohi cappausom high quo tanowa oyas oyas. Amen.\n\nFrom certain interpretations placed upon the ancient Aztec\nmanuscripts, it was by some inferred that the origin of that people\nmust be sought in the north; hence speculative philologists have, from\ntime to time, discovered many fancied resemblances between the\nlanguage of the aboriginal Mexicans and those of various northern\nnations. Thus, in the speech of the Nootkas, a distinct phonetic\nresemblance, and the frequent occurrence of the ending _tl_ were\nsufficient evidence to Vater and others that a relationship exists\nbetween the Aztecs and the Nootkas. Prescott, following his\npredecessors, fell into the same error. Humboldt, although struck with\nthe similarities mentioned, yet pronounced them different\ntongues,[III'-23] while Buschmann, who has examined the subject more than\nall others combined, denies all such relationship.[III'-24]\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\nComing over to the main land we find, for the most part, in each of\nthe many inlets and canals a separate language. Between these\nlanguages, from perpetual intertribal intercourse, it is impossible to\ndetermine, in some instances, what relationship, if any, exists.\nSeveral of the languages of the island we find also on the main land\nadjacent. The Clallams are found on both sides of Juan de Fuca\nStraits; and nearly related to the Cowichins, who are found as well on\nthe main land near the mouth of Fraser River as on the island, are the\nNoosdalums of Hood Canal, one language being but a dialect of the\nother.\n\n  [Sidenote: LANGUAGES OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.]\n\nRespecting the languages spoken in the interior of British Columbia,\nthe Rev. Mr Good, who has spent fifteen years among the inland\nnations, and who is fully conversant with their languages, gives me\nthe following information: From Yale to Lillooet, on the Fraser River,\nthence from Bonaparte to Nicola River, the Neetlakapamuch, or Thompson\nRiver, language is spoken. From Douglas, along the Harrison River and\nlake, to its confluence with the Fraser, as far as Chilicothe, and\nagain from Lillooet northward to Clinton, the Stlatelemuck, or\nLillooet, language prevails. Next, from Bonaparte River northward to\nWilliam Lake, to Shushwap Lake, around Lake Kamloops, and for some\ndistance on the Thompson River, the Suwapamuck, or Shushwap, tongue\nprevails; and finally, from Nicola Lake to Kamloops, and southward as\nfar as Columbia River, the Chitwout, or Similkameen, language is used.\nMr Good further asserts that, although there are four distinct\nlanguages, they are nevertheless in some degree affiliated. From the\nsame gentleman, I also obtained the following grammatical notes and\nspecimens of the Neetlakapamuch tongue. Personal pronouns are--I,\n_ens_; thou, _awee_; he, _cheneelt_; we, _nemeemult_; you,\n_aweepeeaps_; they, _chinkoast_.\n\n                     CONJUGATION OF THE VERB TO GIVE.\n\n                            PRESENT INDICATIVE.\n\n    I give,      ens nahktinna     |  We give,   nemeemult nahktam\n    Thou givest, awee nahktatta    |  You give,  aweepeeaps nahktattose\n    He gives,    cheneelt nahktass |  They give, chinkvast nahkteeiks\n\n                                IMPERFECT.\n\n                           I gave, huinahktlam\n\n                              FIRST FUTURE.\n\n                         I shall give, huinahkchin\n\n                               IMPERATIVE.\n\n              Give me,  nahkchams   |   Give us,   nahkteea\n\n_Mamans_ inserted in a word, signifies a desire to do a thing; thus,\n_winaskin_ means to go; and _winasmamankin_, I am wishing to go. The\nsyllable _weltin_, affixed to a word, expresses that a thing has been\ndone effectively;--_tlokhtinnaweltin_, I have fastened it well, or\nthoroughly. _Tata_ is a negative preposition.\n\n                         THE LORD'S PRAYER.\n\n     Takamote nemeemult skatzazact whohakn  nil\n                Our       Father   who art  in\n\n     kakhtomew. Axseeas   chutam     clas squest awee.  Eyah\n     heaven.     Good   to be done   the  name   thine. Good\n\n       huntohs  stakums asait cunamah axclahaks swonakum\n     make haste   all       men         come      truly\n\n     eah    tuksmite    Jesu Cree  huntoseamal. Awee kaseah\n     good children of Jesus Christ make haste.  Thy  will\n\n     eah ah chuwo naanatomew, clah  seeatahah L'angels\n      good  done  on earth,    as      the angels\n\n     archkhwamo incheah nilkahtomew. Takamose nuk\n         do      there   heaven.      All     and\n\n     stakum a tseetlekut nahkteea nemeemult stakums as\n     every       day       give     us        all   our\n\n     skhlayans. Altla quonquonstyea nemeenult takamote\n        food.    And     forgive       us        all\n\n     nemeemult outkest, tseeah nemeemult quonquonstama\n        our     evil,     as      we        forgive\n\n     takamote tooal saitcunama aks weetsikteese  tekest   whoa\n       all     of    men       who accomplish   any evil   to\n\n     nemeemult. Atahmose tah    hoshaman    as masteel\n        us.       Never  let the evil one       lead\n\n     nemeemult axkhokestumtum   a quonteese   akest.    Kamult\n        us        to wish     to lay hold of any evil.    But\n\n     akklokpistyip nemeemult takamote too a kest   wilkakow.\n        deliver       us        all  that is evil far from us.\n\n     Shutenmeenwawee takamose atomew.    Shutenmeenwawee\n          Thine        all   the world.       Thine\n\n     takamose azozoht.  Shutenmeenwawee takamose\n        all   strength.      Thine        all\n\n     asyameet. Taeah asklakameemus astinansouse,\n     worship.  Good    evermore      to come,\n\n     asklakameemus astinansouse. Axseahs.\n       evermore      to come.     Amen.\n\n  [Sidenote: PUGET SOUND DIALECTS.]\n\nProceeding southward to Puget Sound, we have the Shimiahmoo, Nooksak,\nLummi, Samish, Snohomish, and others; and around Cape Flattery, the\nClasset. The Makah, Classet, or Klaizzaht, I have spoken of already,\nin connection with the language of Vancouver Island, and it also\nappears that the Clallam, S'klalum, or as they call themselves,\nNusklaiyum, is also connected with the Vancouver Island\nlanguage.[III'-25] It is probably the same which Dr Scouler has called\nthe Noosdalum. The Lummi, or Nukhlumi, and the Shimiahmoo have also\nsome affinity with the Sanetch dialect of Vancouver Island, and the\nlanguages of the Skagits and Samish approach that of the Nisquallies.\nYet while the Clallam and Lummi show certain affinities to the Nootka\ndialect, they nevertheless clearly belong to the Salish, or Flathead\nfamily.[III'-26]\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\n  [Sidenote: SALISH DIALECTS.]\n\nWe now come to the great interior Salish family, although I shall have\noccasion again to refer to the coast language in this vicinity. The\nnorthernmost Salish language is the Shushwap, or Atnah, which\napproaches near to its neighbor the Salish proper;[III'-27] then there\nare the Kullespelm, or Pend d'Oreille, the Spokane, the Soaiatlpi, and\nthe Okanagan, which with others spoken on the Columbia show close\naffinities.\n\nThe Salish proper, or Flathead, is harsh and guttural. The letters\n_b_, _d_, _f_, _r_, _v_, do not exist in this language. The plural of\nsubstantives is formed in different ways: first, by duplicating the\nroot--_skoi_, mother; _skoikoi_, mothers: second by duplicating and\ndropping a vowel from the root--_skaltmigu_, man; _sklkaltmigu_, men;\n_esm\u00f2ck_, mountain; _esm\u00f2kmck_, mountains: third, by duplicating a\nconsonant in the middle of the word--_sk\u00f2lchem\u00f9s_, eyelid;\n_sk\u00f2lchamm\u00f9s_, eyelids: fourth, by prefixing the syllable\n_ul_--_nacko\u00e8men_, thief; _ulnako\u00e8men_, thieves: and lastly there are\ndivers formations, as _es\u00b4sch\u00edte_, tree; _szlzl\u00edl_, trees, forest;\n_s\u00b4m\u00b4\u00e8m_, woman (mulier); _p\u00e8lplgui_, women. Diminutives are expressed\nby placing _l_ before the root, as, _s\u00b4m\u00b4\u00e8m_, woman; _slm\u00b4\u00e8m_, small\nwoman; _l\u00f9k_, wood; _ll\u00f9l\u00b4lk_, a small piece of wood. Augmentatives\nare formed by prefixing the syllable _kutn_, or _kuti_, when the word\ncommences with an _s_ or _l_, thus, _skagae_, horse; _kuti-skagae_, a\ngreat horse; _sm\u00b4ot_, smoke; _kuti-sm\u00b4ot_, a great smoke. There are\npronouns, personal, possessive, demonstrative, relative,\ninterrogative, and indefinite. According to Mengarini the personal\npronoun has two forms, absolute and copulative, the exact meaning\nattached to these terms not being explained.\n\n             ABSOLUTE.       COPULATIVE.\n\n     I       koie            ko\n     Thou    an\u00fai            ku\n     He      zuilz\n     We      ka\u00e9mpile        kae\n     You     mpil\u00e8pstemp     p, or mp\n     They    zni\u00b4ilz\n\nAs examples of the others there are possessives--mine, _in_; thine,\n_an_; his, _s_; ours, _kao_; yours, _mp_; theirs, _s_:\ndemonstratives--this, _i\u00e8_; that, _zi_: interrogative--who, _su\u00e8t_:\nand indefinite--some one, _chn\u00e1ksi_.\n\n                    CONJUGATION OF THE VERB TO BE ANGRY.\n\n                             PRESENT INDICATIVE.\n\n     I am angry,      tnes aimt-i     |  We are angry,    kaes aimt-i\n     Thou art angry,  kues aimt-i     |  You are angry,   pes aimt-i\n     He is angry,     es aimt-i       |  They are angry,  es afimt-i\n\n                                   PERFECT.\n\n                  I have been angry,  tn-aimt or tnes aimt\n\n                                FIRST FUTURE.\n\n                      I shall be angry,  nem tn aimt\n\n                                 IMPERATIVE.\n\n                            Be angry,  aimt sch\n\n                             PRESENT SUBJUNCTIVE.\n\n     If I be angry,     tiks aimt-i | If we be angry,      kaeks a\u00edmt-i\n     If thou be angry,  kuks aimt-i | If you be angry,     pks aimt-i\n     If he be angry,    ks aimt-i   | If they be angry,    ks a\u00edimt-i\n\n                           IMPERFECT SUBJUNCTIVE.\n\n                    If I were angry,     k neu tn aimt\n\n                                OPTATIVE.\n\n                     If I might be angry, komi tn aimt\n\nFollowing is a Lord's Prayer, the nationality not given:\n\n      Kae l'eu  l's'chichm\u00e1skat  u   ku l'zii, asku  \u00e8st  kuks\n     Our father    in heaven    who   liveth,   thy name of thee\n\n     gam\u00e8nchltm; ku   kl ch\u00e8ltich s  esi\u00e0   sp'us;  asznt\u00e8ls ks\n     be loved;   thou be   Lord     of all  hearts;    thy will\n\n      k\u00f3lli   i\u00e8  l  st\u00f3ligu, ezgail l's'chichm\u00e1skat. Kae  guizlilt\n     be done this on  earth,   as      in  heaven.     Us give to-day\n\n     i\u00e8 tlgoa lu kaesiapz\u00ednm. Kaelkolgo\u00e8llilt lu kae gulgu\u00edlt\n        what       we need.     Us forgive      our    debts,\n\n     ezgail lu tkaempil\u00e8 kaes kolgoelltm,  lu e \u00e9pl gulgu\u00edlt l\n       as      we        forgive (those)   who have debts with\n\n     kaempil\u00e8. Kae olksch\u00edlilt ta  ka  kesku\u00e8stm     lu t\u00e8ie;  u  kai\n        us.    Us    assist    not at any time receive  evil; but us\n\n     gulguillilt lu     tel  tei\u00e9.  Komi ezgail.\n     preserve uninjured from evil.  Be it so.[III'-28]\n\nThe above is taken from the grammar of Mengarini, written in Latin;\nfollowing is a Lord's Prayer of the Pend d'Oreilles, from Father De\nSmet, who wrote in French:\n\n      Kyleeyou,  Itchitchemask,    askwees        kowaaskshamenshem\n     Our father    of heaven,   that your name      be respected\n\n     ailetzemilkou yeelskyloog; ntziezie telletzia spoo\n      by all the    earth;       reign    in all    the\n\n      oez.    Assinteels     astskole, yelstoloeg etzageel\n     hearts. That your will   be done   on earth   as also\n\n     Itchichemask. Hoogwitzilt yettilgwa lokaitssia   petzim.\n      in heaven.    Give us     now       all our   necessaries.\n\n     Knwaasksmeemiltem klotayie    kloitskeyen     etzageel\n        Forgive us     the evil which we have done,   as\n\n     kaitsskolgwelem klotoiye   kloitskwen   klielskyloog.\n       we forgive    (the evil) to those who us have offended.\n\n       Koaxalock    shitem     takaakskwentem klotaiye;\n     Accord to us assistance      to evade       evil;\n\n     kowaaksgweeltem klotaiye.  Komieetzegeel.\n     but deliver us  from evil. So be it.[III'-29]\n\nAlso belonging to this family are the languages spoken by the\nSkitsuish, Pisquouse, Nsietshaws, Nisquallies, and Chehalis. The\nNsietshaw differs more than the others from the Salish proper, which\nis the stock language of this family, and particularly in not\npossessing any labials; the letters _m_ and _b_ being changed to _w_,\nand _p_ to _h_. Thus, in the Chehalis and Nisqually languages, we\nhave, _numan_, son; _tomokh_, earth; _pansototsi_, winter; which, in\nthe Nsietshaw, are pronounced respectively, _nuwon_, _tawekh_ and\n_hansototsi_. The Chehalis is spoken in three dialects, the Chehalis\nproper, the Quaiantl, and the Queniauitl.[III'-30]\n\nThe languages of the Salish Family, particularly that of the Chehalis,\nare rich in words, by means of which everything coming within their\nknowledge may find expression; they are not easily acquired by\nstrangers; it is difficult for the different nations and tribes to\nmake themselves understood to one another. This is owing principally\nto the many localisms in vogue among them, of which there is a good\nspecimen in the Chehalis language. Thus, _tolneuch_ means west-wind,\noff shore, toward the sea, or to the west. Now, if the Chehalis are\nleaving the shore in a canoe, and one of them wants to tell his mate\nto put her head off shore, he will say _tolneuch_, but if in a hurry,\n_neuch neuch_. _Claathlum_ signifies east-wind, also ashore; this they\ntranspose into _clath clath_.[III'-31] The Clallum and Lummi languages\nhave another peculiarity, which is a certain nasal sound at the\ncommencement and ending of words like a strong nasal _ns_; also a\nbroad _a_ sound as in far, path. The sounds of the letters _v_, _r_,\n_z_, are wanting.[III'-32] The frequently occurring ending _tl_ has also\nled to speculation, and to a search for Aztec affinities among these\nlanguages, but nothing except this phonetic similarity has been\ndiscovered. This _tl_ ending is very common. Swan says that,\n\"sometimes they will, as if for amusement, end all their words with\n_tl_; and the effect is ludicrous to hear three or four talking at the\nsame time, with this singular sound, like so many sitting hens.'[III'-33]\nEast of the Salish, the Kitunaha, Kootenai, or Coutanie language is\nspoken. Authorities differ widely in describing this language. Parker\ncalls it \"open and sonorous, and free from gutturals, which are common\nin the language of the surrounding tribes;\" while Capt. Palliser\naffirms that it is \"most guttural and unpronounceable by a European,\nevery word appearing to be brought from their lowest extremities with\ndifficulty.\"[III'-34] The following Lord's Prayer, taken by a Frenchman\nwill give a better idea of the language than any description:\n\n      Katitoe     naitle  naite,    akiklenais  zedabitskinne\n     Our father, who art in heaven,  may thy    name be great\n\n       wilkane.     Ninshalinne  oshemake   kapaik akaitlainam.\n     and honored.     Be thou   the master  of all   hearts.\n\n     Inshazetluit\u00e9     younoamake    yekakaekinaitte.\n     May thy will  be done on earth as it is in heaven.\n\n     Komnakaike  logenie  niggenawaishne naiosaem miait\u00e9ke.\n     Grant us   this day  all our wants.\n\n     Kekepaime  nekoetjekoetleaitle  ixzeai, iyakaikakaaike\n     Forgive us all the evil we have  done,   as we forgive\n\n     iyazeaikinawash kokakipaimenaitle. Amatikezawes\n     all the evil      done unto us.    Strengthen us\n\n     itchkestshimmekakkow\u00ealle akatakzen.          Shaeykiakakaaike.\n     against all evil, and deliver us from it.  May it be so.[III'-35]\n\n  [Sidenote: SAHAPTIN LANGUAGES.]\n\nThe languages of the Sahaptin family are spoken along the Lewis and\nSnake Rivers and their tributaries, as far as the foot of the Rocky\nMountains. The Walla Walla, Palouse, Yakima, Kliketat, and Sahaptin\nproper, some of them widely divergent from the mother tongue, are of\nthis family.[III'-36] The Walla Walla differs from the Sahaptin proper\nnot more than the Portuguese from the Spanish. Father Pandosy made a\ngrammar of the Yakima language, under which he ranges the whole\nSahaptin family, dividing it into dialects, as the Walla Walla, the\nTairtla, the Roilroilpam, or Kliketat, and the Palouse.[III'-37]\n\nIn the Nez Perc\u00e9 language, the following letters only are found: _h_,\n_k_, _l_, _m_, _n_, _p_, _s_, _t_, _w_, _a_, _e_, _i_, _o_, _u_, but\nthe missionaries having introduced some new words, it was found\nnecessary to add _b_, _d_, _f_, _g_, _v_, _z_. Agglutination is\ncarried to a great length, and long words are very frequent. In fact,\nwherever a sentence can be expressed by joining one word to another,\nit is done, leaving out letters in places, for the sake of euphony.\nThe following is a fair illustration: _hitautualawihnankauna_, he\ntraveled past in a rainy night. Analysed, _hi_ expresses the third\nperson singular; _tau_ a thing done at night; _tuala_, something done\nin the rain; _wihnan_, to travel on foot; _kau_ is derived from the\nverb _kokauna_, to pass by; _na_ expresses the indicative mood, aorist\ntense, direction from the speaker. The plural of substantives is\nformed by duplicating the first syllable: _pitin_, girl; _pipitin_,\ngirls. Or when the word commences with a vowel, the vowel is sometimes\nrepeated: _atwai_, old woman; _aatwai_, old women. Exceptions to this\nrule are made in words expressing family relations, the prefix _ma_\nbeing employed in such cases, as _pika_, mother; _pikama_, mothers. If\n_p_ terminates the word, it is omitted, as _askap_, plural _askama_.\nTo express gender, the words _hama_, male, and _aiat_, female, are\nemployed, but the substantive remains unchanged. Nouns are declined\neither by changing their terminals, or by affixes:\n\n     Nom.        a house                     init\n     Gen.        of a house                  ininm\n     Acc.        house                       inina\n\n     1st Dat.    to or for a house           initph\n     2d Dat.     in on, or upon a house      initpa\n\n     1st Abl.    with a house                initki\n     2d Abl.     from a house                initpkinih\n     3d Abl.     for the purpose of a house  initain\n\nComparison--_tahs_, good; _tahs kanmakanm_, better; _tahsni_, best.\nPersonal prounouns--_in_, I; _im_, thou; _ipi_, he, or she; _nun_,\nwe; _ima_, ye; _imma_, they. Of the verb numerous variations are made.\nThey are divided into three classes, neuter, active transitive, and\nactive intransitive. The two neuter verbs are _wash_, to be; and\n_witsasha_, to become. Active intransitive verbs cannot be followed by\nany accusative.\n\n                   CONJUGATION OF THE VERB TO BE.\n\n                         PRESENT INDICATIVE.\n\n                        DIRECTION FROM.             DIRECTION TOWARDS.\n\n  I am,                   in wash\n  Thou art,               im a wash                   im a wam\n  He is, it is his,       ipi hiwash, ipnim ush       ipi hiwam\n  We are,                 nun washih\n  You are,                ima ath washih              ima ath washinm\n  They are, it is theirs, imma hiushih, imman aushih  imma hiushinm\n\n                         RECENT PAST TENSE.\n\n  I have just been,        waka                        wamka\n  Thou hast just been,     a waka                      a wamka\n  He has just been,\n  it has just been his,    hiwaka, awaka               hiwamka\n  We have just been,       washeka                     washinmka\n  You have just been,      ath washeka                 ath washinmka\n  They have just been,\n  it has just been theirs, kinsheka, ausheka           hiushinmka\n                                                             [III'-38]\n\n  [Sidenote: YAKIMA, WALLA WALLA, AND PALOUSE.]\n\nThe following grammatical notes will serve to illustrate the Yakima\nand some of the other languages of the Sahaptin family.\n\n               SINGULAR.\n\n     Nom.     the horse       kussi-nan\n     Gen.     of the horse    kussi-nmi\n     Dat.     to the horse    kussi-ow\n     Acc.     the horse       kussi-nan\n     Voc.     O horse         na-kussi\n     Abl.     for the horse   kussi-ei\n\n                PLURAL.\n\n     Nom.     the horses     kussi-ma\n     Gen.     of the horses  kussi-ma mi\n     Dat.     to the horses  kussi-ma-miow\n     Acc.     the horses     kussi ma-man\n     Voc.     O horses       na-kussi-ma\n     Abl.     for the horses kussi-ma-miei\n\nIn the Palouse and Walla Walla languages the affix _nan_ is changed\ninto _na_. Personal pronouns--I, _ink_, _nes_, _nesh_, or _sh_; of\nme, _enmi_; to me, _enmiow_; me, _inak_; for me, _enmiei_; we,\n_namak_, _nat\u00e9s_, _nanam_, _aat\u00e9s_, or _namtk_; of us, _n\u00e9\u00e9mi_; to us\n_n\u00e9\u00e9miow_; us, _n\u00e9manak_; for us, _n\u00e9\u00e9miei_. The Walla Wallas leaves\noff the _k_ from the affix _ak_; thus, instead of _inak_, me, they say\n_ina_, and instead of _namak_, we, _nama_.\n\n                 YAKIMA.        WALLA WALLA AND PALOUSE.\n\n     He           penk                penk\n     Of him       pin-mink            pinmin\n     To him       pin-miwk            pinmiow\n     Him          pin-nim             pinminnan\n     For Him      pin-mikaiei         pinmiei\n     They         pmak                pma\n     Of Them      pe-mink             pamin\n     To them      pe-miwk             pamiwk\n     Them         pe-minak            pamanak\n     For them     pe-mikaiei          pamikaiei\n\nIn one dialect the terminal _ak_ is changed into _ei_.\n\n        CONJUGATION OF THE VERB TO HAVE.\n\n           PRESENT INDICATIVE.\n\n     I have,       nesh wa, or wash nesh\n     Thou hast,    mesh wa, or wash mesh\n     He has,       penk awa, or pinmink awa\n     We have,      natesh wa, or wash natesh\n     You have,     matesh wa, or wash matesh.\n     They have,    pa wa, or pemink awa\n\n         PERFECT AND PLUPERFECT.\n\n     I had, or have had,    nesh wacha\n\n              FIRST FUTURE.\n\n     I shall have,          nesh wata\n\nAs a specimen of agglutination there is the word\n_ipinashapatawtrahliktamawarsha_, he himself makes night disagreeably\ntiresome long wait; that is, he keeps one long waiting for him at\nnight.\n\n                     YAKIMA LORD'S PRAYER.\n\n     Neemi  Psht, imk  nam wamsh      Roiemich-nik;\n      Our  Father, thou who  art  high on the side (heaven);\n\n     shir nam 'manak     p'a     t-maknani tarnei  wanicht;  shir\n     well     thou they (indef.)  should   respect the name; well\n\n     ewianawitarnei emink   miawarwit;    shir nammanak  pa\n     should arrive  thy   chieftainship;  well   thee   they\n\n     twanenitarnei, ichinak techampa,         tenma,     prw,\n     should follow  here    earth (on) inhabitants (the) will\n\n     amakwsrimmanak  pa   twanenishamsh    roiemipama\n     thou as thyself they    follow     high of the (heaven)\n\n          tenma.        Nemanak    nim   t-kwatak kwalissim maisr\n     inhabitants (the). Our (us) give us   food     always to-morrow\n\n     maisr.     Nemanak  laknanim   ch\u00e9lwitit:   aateskwsri\n     to-morrow. Our (us) forget       sins:        us as\n\n     namak t'normaman lakn\u00e1nisha ch\u00e9lwitit  anakwnkink\n     we     others     forget     sins     have by which\n\n     ne\u00e9miow  pa  chelwitia. R-t-to anianim nemanak\n        us   have offended.  Strong  make    our (us)\n\n     temna;   t-kraw krial.   Nemanak eikrenkem    chelwitknik\n     heart; that it fall not.    Us     snatch  bad from the side.\n\n     Ekws  iwa  neemi temna.\n      So  it is  our  heart.[III'-39]\n\nThe Nez Perc\u00e9s make use of two languages, one the native language\nproper, or, as a European might say, the court language, and the other\na slave language, or jargon. They differ so much, that a stranger\nfully conversant with one cannot understand the other. This jargon\noriginated, probably, from intermixing prisoners of war of different\nnationalities who were enslaved, and their languages mingled with each\nother, and with that of their conquerors. The pure-blooded Nez\nPerc\u00e9s all understand the jargon, learning it when children, together\nwith their own proper language. Nor is this all. The jargon is more or\nless modified by each of the several languages, or dialects, in which\nit is spoken. The employ\u00e9s of the fur companies, who first came in\ncontact with the Sahaptins, were greatly annoyed by this multiformity;\nas, for example, one Nez Perc\u00e9 coming to sell a beaver skin would say,\n_tammecess taxpool_, I wish to sell a beaver; another would say,\n_tow\u00e8you weespoose_, I wish to trade a beaver; and a third would say,\n_e'towpa e'yechcoe_, I wish to trade a beaver.\n\n  [Sidenote: COURT LANGUAGE OF THE SAHAPTINS.]\n\nThe following short vocabulary will show some of the differences\nbetween the Nez Perc\u00e9 language and the jargon:\n\n             NEZ PERC\u00c9       JARGON.\n\n     Man     kewas           winch\n     Woman   eyatt           tealacky\n     Boy     tachnutsem      tuchnoot\n     Girl    tochanough      peten\n     No      waatown,        tsya\n     Knife   waltz           whapallmeh,\n     Horse   she came        koosy\n     Hair    tootanick       kookoo\n     Eyes    shelaw          Atchass.[III'-40]\n\nProfessor Rafinesque, out of twenty-four Sahaptin words, claims to\nhave found six bearing close affinities to the English, but Buschmann\nsays that of these twenty-four, many are not Sahaptin at all.[III'-41]\nThe Waiilatpu language, conterminous with the Sahaptin, is spoken in\ntwo dialects, the Cayuse and Mollale. The Cayuses mingle frequently\nwith the Sahaptins, and therefore many words of the latter have been\nadopted into their tongue. They mostly understand and speak the\nSahaptin, and frequently the Walla Walla, and this not from any\nrelationship in the several languages, but from intercourse.[III'-42]\n\nLike their neighbors, the Cayuses employ two languages; one in the\ntransaction of the common affairs of life, and the other on high state\noccasions, such as when making speeches round the council fire, to\ndetermine questions of war and peace, as well as all other intertribal\naffairs. That is to say, the Sahaptins use their court language on all\nordinary, as well as extraordinary occasions, keeping the jargon for\ntheir servants, while the Cayuses employ the baser tongue for common,\nand the higher for state occasions.\n\nThe Cayuses were eloquent speakers; their language abounded in\nelegant expressions, and they well knew how to make the most of it.\nWhen first known to Europeans, it was fast fading away, and\nsubsequently merged into the Sahaptin; so fleeting are these native\nidioms.[III'-43]\n\n  [Sidenote: DIFFICULTIES OF THE CHINOOK.]\n\nThe Chinook language is spoken by the different tribes inhabiting the\nbanks of the Lower Columbia and adjacent country. This family is\ndivided into many dialects, which diverge from the mother tongue as we\nascend the river; in fact, the upper tribes have mostly to employ an\ninterpreter, when they communicate with those on the lower part of the\nriver. The chief diversities of this language are the Chinook proper,\nthe Wakiakum, Cathlamet, and Clatsop, and the various dialects\nmentioned by Lewis and Clarke as belonging to those inhabiting this\nregion at the time of their expedition, but which cannot now be\npositively identified with any of the languages known to us. Two of\nthe last-mentioned dialects, the Multnomah and the Skilloot, the\nexplorers describe as belonging to the Chinook.[III'-44] Among all the\nlanguages of north-western America, except perhaps that of the\nThlinkeets, the Chinook is considered in its construction the most\nintricate; and in its pronunciation the most difficult. No words are\nto be found in the English vocabulary which can accurately describe\nit. To say that it is guttural, clucking, spluttering, and the like\nconveys but a faint conception of the sound produced by a Chinook in\nhis frantic effort to unburden his mind of an idea. He does not appear\nto have yet discovered the use of the lips and tongue in speaking, but\nstruggles with the lower part of the throat to produce sounds for the\nexpression of his thoughts. Some declare that the speech of the\nThlinkeets, whose language like that of the Chinook contains no\nlabials, is melody in comparison to the croakings of the Chinooks.\nRoss says, that \"to speak the Chinook dialect, you must be a\nChinook.\"[III'-45] Indeed, they appear to have become tired of their own\nlanguage and to have voluntarily abandoned it, for, to-day, the\nyouthful Chinook speaks almost wholly Chehalis and the jargon. The\nemploy\u00e9s of the fur companies, voyageurs, trappers and traders, who\nwere accustomed to master with little difficulty the aboriginal\ntongues which they encountered, were completely nonplussed by the\nChinook. A Canadian of Astor's company is the only person known to\nhave acquired it so as to speak it fluently. During a long illness he\nwas nursed by the Chinooks, and during his convalescence devoted his\nentire time to perfecting himself in their tongue.[III'-46]\n\nHere the sounds of the letters _f_, _r_, _v_, and _z_ do not exist,\nthe pronunciation is generally very indistinct, and _\u00e7_ and _s_, _k_\nand _g_, _d_ and _t_, are almost always confounded.\n\nIn the first person of the dual and plural of pronouns, the person\npresent and addressed is either included or excluded according to the\nform used.\n\nPersonal pronouns in the Watlala dialect are:\n\n      SINGULAR.                 DUAL.                     PLURAL.\n\n     I     naika  |  We (two) (exc.)   ndaika   | We (ex.)    n\u00e7taika\n                  |  We (two) (incl.)  tkhaika  | We (incl.)  olkhaika\n     Thou  maika  |  You (two)         mdaika   | You         mi\u00e7aika\n     He    iakhka |  They (two)        i\u00e7takhka | They        tkhlait\u00e7ka\n\nOf the possessive pronouns the following will serve as examples. They\nare joined to the noun _itukutkhle_, or _itukwutkhle_, house.\n\n                      SINGULAR.\n\n               My house      kukwutkhl\n               Thy house     meokwitkhl\n               His house     iakwitkhl\n\n                         DUAL.          PLURAL.\n\n     Our house (exc.)    ndakwitkhl     nt\u00e7akwitkhl (exc.)\n     Our house (incl.)   tkhakwitkhl    olkhakwitkhl (incl.)\n     Your house          mdakwitkhl     m\u00e7akwitkhl\n     Their house         i\u00e7takwitkhl    tkhlakwitkhl\n\n          CONJUGATION OF THE VERB TO BE COLD.\n\n             PRESENT INDICATIVE, SINGULAR.\n\n     I am cold,                 naika t\u00e7inokhkeakh\n     Thou art cold,             maika t\u00e7i\u00e7omkeakh\n     He is cold,                iakhka t\u00e7ikeakh\n\n                          DUAL.\n\n     We (two) are cold (exc.),  ndaika t\u00e7i\u00e7ontkeakh\n     We (two) are cold (incl.), tkhaika t\u00e7i\u00e7tkeakh\n     You (two) are cold,        mdaika t\u00e7imokeakh\n     They (two) are cold,       ictakhka t\u00e7i\u00e7tkeakh\n\n                         PLURAL.\n\n     We are cold (exc.),        nt\u00e7aika t\u00e7icont\u00e7keakh\n     We are cold (incl.),       olkhaika t\u00e7ilokeakh\n     You are cold,              m\u00e7aika t\u00e7i\u00e7om\u00e7keakh\n     They are cold,             tkhlait\u00e7ka t\u00e7i\u00e7otkhlkeakh\n\n                        IMPERFECT.\n\n     Yesterday I was cold,  takotkhl naika t\u00e7inotkeakh\n\n                       FIRST FUTURE.\n\n     By and bye I shall be cold,  atkhlke naika t\u00e7i\u00e7onkhatka\n     I shall be cold,             naika on\u00e7khatka t\u00e7i\u00e7\n\n                    THE VERB TO KILL.\n\n          I kill thee,        aminowagua\n          I kill him,         t\u00e7inowagua\n          I kill you (dual),  omtkinowagua\n          I kill them (dual), o\u00e7tkinowagua\n          I kill you (pl.),   om\u00e7kinowagua\n          I kill them,        otkhlkinowngua\n          You kill him,       om\u00e7kiwagua\n          You kill them,      otkhlkiwagua\n\nDialectic differences particularly among the upper Chinooks, or\nWatlalas, are found principally in words; grammatical forms being\nalike in both.[III'-47] Kane remarks as a peculiarity that this\nlanguage contains \"no oaths, or any words conveying gratitude or\nthanks.\"[III'-48]\n\nMoving again southward to the Willamette Valley, I find the Calapooya\nlanguage, and for the first time a soft and harmonious idiom. Although\nthe guttural _kh_ sometimes occurs, it is more frequently softened to\n_h_. The consonants are _\u00e7_, or _s_, _f_, _j_, _k_, _l_, _m_, _n_,\n_ng_, _p_, or _b_, _t_, or _d_, _q_, and _w_. Unlike the Sahaptin and\nChinook there are neither dual nor plural forms in the Calapooya\nlanguage.\n\n  [Sidenote: CALAPOOYA PRONOUNS.]\n\nThe personal pronouns are:\n\n     I              tsi, or tsii\n     Thou           maha, or maa\n     He             koka, or kak\n     We             soto\n     You            miti\n     They           kinuk\n\n     My father      tsi simna\n     Thy father     maha kaham\n     His father     kok inifam\n     Our father     soto tufam\n     Your father    miti tifam\n     Their father   kinuk inifam\n\n     My mother      tsi sinni\n     Thy mother     maha kanni\n     His mother     kok ininnim\n     Our mother     soto tunnim\n     Your mother    miti tinnim\n     Their mother   kinuk ininnim\n\n     CONJUGATION OF THE VERB TO BE SICK, ILFATIN.\n\n              PRESENT NEUTER.\n\n     I am sick,         tsi ilfatin\n     Thou art sick,     intsi ilfatin\n     He is sick,              ilfatin\n     We are sick,       tsiti ilfaf\n     You are sick,      intsip ilfaf\n     They are sick,     kinuk in ilfaf\n\n                  NEGATIVE.\n\n     I am not sick,         wangk tsik ilfatit\n\n                 IMPERFECT.\n\n     I was sick yesterday,        ilfatin tsi kuyi\n     Thou wast sick yesterday,    imku ilfatin\n     He was sick yesterday,       hu ilfatin\n\n                 FIRST FUTURE.\n\n     To-morrow I shall be sick,   midji ta\u00eflfit tsii\n\nThe following example will serve to illustrate the great changes verbs\nundergo in their conjugations;--_ksitapatsitup maha_, I love thee;\n_tsitapintsuo kok_, I love him; _himtapintsiwata tsii kak_, he loves\nme; _hintsitapintsiwata tsii_, dost thou love me?[III'-49]\n\nThe Yamkally is spoken at the sources of the Willamette River. A\ncomparison of the Yamkally and Calapooya vocabularies shows a certain\nrelationship between them.[III'-50]\n\n  [Sidenote: COLUMBIAN AND MEXICAN COMPARISONS.]\n\nI have said that certain affinities are discovered between the\nWaiilatpu and Mollale, and also between the Watlala and Chinook; in\nthese, as well as in the Calapooya and Yamkally, Buschmann discovers\nfaint traces of the Aztec language. Others have discovered a fancied\nrelationship between the language of the Mexicans and those of more\nnorthern nations, but Mr Buschmann believes that, descending from the\nnorth, the peoples mentioned, whose lands are drained by the Columbia,\nare the first in which the Aztec, in dim shadows, makes its\nappearance. These similarities, he discovered not alone by direct\ncomparisons with the Aztec, but also by detecting resemblances between\nthese Columbian dialects and those of certain nations which he calls\nhis Sonora group and its affiliations, all of which contain elements\nof the Aztec tongue. Yet Mr Buschmann does not therefrom claim any\nrelationship between the Aztecs and Columbians, but only notices these\nfew slight assimilations.[III'-51]\n\nHerewith is a comparative table, containing a few similar words:\n\n   COMPARATIVE TABLE, SHOWING SIMILARITIES BETWEEN THE COLUMBIAN AND\n                            MEXICAN TONGUES.\n\n  ENGLISH. WAIILATPU. MOLLALE. WATLALA. CHINOOK.  CALA-  AZTEC.   SONORA\n                                                  POOYA.          FAMILY.\n  Yes      i          ia       a        ah        he, aw          e, ha\n  Tooth    tenif                                  tanti  tlantli\n  Red                          tkhlpal  tkhlpolpol       tlapalli\n  Wind                         ikkhala  itskhakh  ikhala ehecatl  heicala\n  Black                        tkhlol   tkhlalukh        tlilli\n  Water                        wematkhl webatkhl         atl\n  I                                     naika     n\u00ebe             ne\n  Chief    iatoiang   iakant                                      iout,\n                                                                   iauta\n\nThe Chinook jargon is employed by the white people in their\nintercourse with the natives, as well as by the natives among\nthemselves. It is spoken throughout Oregon, Washington Territory, on\nVancouver Island, and extends inland into Idaho and some parts of\nMontana. It is more than probable that, like other languages _de\nconvenance_, it formed itself gradually, first among the natives\nthemselves, and that in the course of time, in order to facilitate\ntheir intercourse with the aborigines, trappers and traders adopted\nand improved it, until it was finally brought into its present state.\nIndeed, so great was the diversity of languages in this vicinity, and\nso intricate were they, that without something of this kind there\ncould have been but little intercourse between the people.\n\nA somewhat similar mixture I have already mentioned as existing in\nAlaska. Father Paul Le Jeune gives a short account of a jargon in use\nbetween the French and the Indians, in the north-eastern part of\nAmerica, as early as the year 1633.[III'-52] In Europe a similar\nmixture, or patois, prevails to this day, the lingua franca, used by\nthe many nationalities that congregate upon the shores of the\nMediterranean. In China, and in the East Indies, the so-called pigeon\nEnglish occupies the same place; and in various parts of Central and\nSouthern America, neutral languages may be found. To show how\nlanguages spring up and grow, Vancouver, when visiting the coast in\n1792, found in various places along the shores of Oregon, Washington,\nand Vancouver Island, nations that now and then understood words and\nsentences of the Nootka and other tongues, some of which had been\nadopted into their own language.\n\nWhen Lewis and Clarke, in 1806, reached the coast, the jargon seems to\nhave already assumed a fixed shape, as may be seen from the sentences\nquoted by the explorers. But not until the arrival of the expedition\nsent out by John Jacob Astor does it appear that either English or\nFrench words, of which it contains a large percentage, were\nincorporated. Very few, if any, of the words of which the jargon is\ncomposed, retain their original shape. The harsh, guttural, and\nunpronounceable native cackling was softened or omitted, thus forming\na speech suited to all. In the same manner, some of the English\nsounds, like _f_ and _r_, unpronounceable by the native, were dropped,\nor transferred into _p_ and _l_, while all grammatical forms were\nreduced to the fewest and plainest rules possible.[III'-53] But even in\nthis jargon, there are what may be called dialectic differences; for\ninstance, many words used at the Dalles, are quite unintelligible at\nthe mouth of the Columbia and at Puget Sound. It has often been\nasserted that the jargon was invented or originated by the Hudson's\nBay Company, but although the fur company undoubtedly greatly aided\nits development, and assisted in perfecting it, it is well known,\nfirst, that this jargon existed before the advent of Europeans, and\nsecondly, that languages are not made in this way.\n\n  [Sidenote: ANALYSIS OF THE CHINOOK JARGON.]\n\nMr Gibbs states the number of words to be nearly five hundred, and\nafter a careful analysis of the language, has arrived at the following\nconclusion as to the number contributed by the several nationalities:\n\n     Chinook and Clatsop                            200 words\n     Chinook, having analogies with other languages  21   \"\n     Interjections common to several                  8   \"\n     Nootka, including dialects                      24   \"\n     Chehalis, 32, and Nisqually, 7                  39   \"\n     Kliketat and Yakima                              2   \"\n     Cree                                             2   \"\n     Chippeway (Ojibway)                              1   \"\n     Wasco (probably)                                 4   \"\n     Calapooya (probably)                             4   \"\n     By direct onomatopoeia                           6   \"\n     Derivation unknown, or undetermined             18   \"\n     French, 90, Canadian, 4                         94   \"\n     English                                         67   \"[III'-54]\n\nAs before mentioned, foreign words adopted into the jargon vocabulary\nare changed to suit the taste of the speaker, as in the word\nFran\u00e7ais, being unable to pronounce the _f_, _r_, and _n_, for\nFrenchman they say _pasaiuks_, and for French, _pasai_. The few words\nformed by onomatopoeia, are after this fashion;--_tumtum_, heart, an\nimitation of its beating; _tintin_, bell; _tiktik_, watch; _liplip_,\nto boil, from the sound of boiling water, and so on.\n\nNeither article nor inflections are employed. _Okok_, this, at times\ntakes the place of the English the. As a rule, plurals are not\ndistinguished, but sometimes the word _haiu_, many, is used. Adjectives\nprecede nouns, as in English--_lasuai hakatshum_, silk handkerchief;\n_masatsi tilikum_, bad people. The comparative is expressed, for\nexample, in the sentence, I am stronger than thou, by _wek maika\nskukum kakwa naika_, thou not strong as I. Superlative--_haias oluman\nokok kanem_, very old that canoe. There are only two conjunctions,\n_pi_, derived from the French _puis_, which denotes and or then; and\n_pos_, from _suppose_, meaning if, in case that, provided that. The\nparticle _na_ is at times used as an interrogative.[III'-55]\n\nThe Lord's Prayer in the Chinook jargon is as follows:\n\n     Nesika  papa    klaksta mitlite  kopa saghalie,  kloshe\n      Our   Father     who   stayeth   in  the above, good\n\n     kopa nesika   tumtum     mika nem;  kloshe   mika  tyee\n      in   our   hearts (be)  thy  name;  good    thou  chief\n\n     kopa   konoway tilikum;  kloshe  mika tumtum kopa\n     among   all    people;   good    thy  will   upon\n\n     illahie, kahkwe kopa saghalie.   Potlatch konaway sun\n     earth,     as    in  the above.    Give    every  day\n\n     nesika muckamuck. Spose nesika mamook masahchie,\n      our     food.      If    we     do     ill,\n\n        wake  mika hyas solleks, pe  spose klaksta  masahchie\n     (be) not thou very  angry,  and   if   any one   evil\n\n     kopa     nesika, wake nesika solleks  kopa   klaska.  Mahsh\n     towards  us,     not    we    angry  towards  them.  Send away\n\n     siah kopa nesaika konaway masahchie. Kloshe kahkwa.\n     far  from   us.     all     evil.[III'-56]\n\nFOOTNOTES:\n\n[III'-1] 'Die Kaigan-Sprache wird auf der Insel Kaigan und den\nCharlotten Inseln ... gesprochen.' _Veniaminoff_, in _Erman_,\n_Archiv_, tom. vii., No. 1., p. 128.\n\n[III'-2] 'En parlant du langage de _Tchink\u00eet\u00e2in\u00e9_, j'ai rapport\u00e9\nd'avance les termes num\u00e9riques employ\u00e9s aux \u00eeles de _Queen-Charlotte_,\ntels que le capitaine _Chanal_ a pu les recueillir _\u00e1 Cloak-Bay_; il\nobserve que quelques-uns de ces termes sont communs aux autres parties\nde ces \u00eesles qu'il a visit\u00e9es, ainsi que quelques autres termes qu'il\na pu saisir, et par lesquels les Naturels expriment les objets\nsuivanes.... Cette similitude des termes num\u00e9riques et d'autres\ntermes, employ\u00e9s \u00e9galement par les diverses Tribus, s\u00e9par\u00e9es les unes\ndes autres, qui occupent la partie de c\u00f4tes des \u00eeles de\n_Queen-Charlotte_ que le Capitaine _Chanal_ a visit\u00e9e, me semble\nd\u00e9montrer, contre l'opinion hasard\u00e9e du R\u00e9dacteur du Journal de\n_Dixon_, que ces Tribus communiquent habituellement entre elles: cette\nidentit\u00e9 du langage pourroit encore prouver que les Peuplades qui\nhabitent ces \u00eeles ont une origine commune.' _Marchand_, _Voyage_, tom.\nii., p. 216.\n\n[III'-3] 'There are at least two or three different languages spoken\non the coast, and yet probably they are all pretty generally\nunderstood; though if we may credit the old Chief at Queen Charlotte's\nIslands, his people were totally ignorant of that spoken by the\ninhabitants to the Eastward.' _Dixon's Voy._, p. 240.\n\n[III'-4] _Scouler_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. ii., pp. 218,\n220.\n\n[III'-5] _Radloff_, _Sprache der Kaiganen_, in _M\u00e9l. Russes._ tom.\niii., liv. v., p. 575; _Green_, in _Amer. Antiq. Soc., Transact._,\nvol. iii., p. 302.\n\n[III'-6] _Dixon's Voy._, p. 240.\n\n[III'-7] 'Es fehlen dem Kaig\u00e1ni (Haidah) jene harten aspirirten\nConsonanten, die dem Thlink\u00edt so gel\u00e4ufig sind, es ist vocalreicher\nund weicher. Dagegen theilt es mit dem Thlink\u00edt den Mangel der\nLabialen, des dentalen _r_, wie auch der Verbindung des _l_ mit Dentalen,\nGutturalen und Sibilanten, w\u00e4hrend jenem dagegen das reine _l_ des\nKaigani ganz fremd ist.' _Radloff_, _Sprache der Kaiganen_, in _M\u00e9l.\nRusses_, tom. iii., liv. v., pp. 575-6.\n\n[III'-8] _Id._, pp. 569-607.\n\n[III'-9] _Green_, in _Amer. Antiq. Soc., Transact._, vol. ii., p. 302.\n'N\u00e1ss ... in custom and language, resemble the Sabassa.' _Dunn's\nOregon_, p. 279. _Buschmann_, _Spr. N. Mex. u. der Westseite des b.\nNordamer._, p. 398, et seq.\n\n[III'-10] _Scouler_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. ix., p. 234.\n\n[III'-11] _Dunn's Oregon_, p. 358.\n\n[III'-12] _Scouler_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. ix., p. 221.\n\n[III'-13] _Id._, p. 230, et seq.\n\n[III'-14] _Grant's Vanc. Isl._, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol.\nxxvii., pp. 295-6.\n\n[III'-15] _Sproat's Scenes_, p. 311.\n\n[III'-16] _Grant's Vanc. Isl._, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol.\nxxvii., p. 295.\n\n[III'-17] 'The inhabitants of Nootka Sound and the Tlaoquatch, who\noccupy the south-western points of the island, speak the same\nlanguage.' _Scouler_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. xi., p. 224;\n_Jewitt's Nar._, pp. 74-77; _Hale's Ethnog._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol.\nvi., p. 220; _Meares' Voy._, pp. 229-32; _Douglas' Report_, in _Lond.\nGeog. Soc., Jour._, vol. xxiv., p. 246. At Point Discovery, Vancouver\nmet people some of whom 'understood a few words of the Nootka\nlanguage.' _Voyage_, vol. i., p. 228. 'The distinct languages spoken\nby the Indians are few in number, but the dialects employed by the\nvarious tribes are so many, that, although the inhabitants of any\nparticular district have no great difficulty in communicating with\neach other, ...' _Mayne's B. C._, p. 244; _Sproat's Scenes_, p. 311.\nThe Rev. Mr Good divides and locates the languages of Vancouver Island\nand the opposite shore on the mainland as follows. The first language,\nhe says, runs along the coast from Nitinaht to Nootka Sound; the\nsecond prevails from Sooke to Nanaimo, and across the Sound up to Bird\nInlet on the main land, thence following up the Fraser River as far as\nYale; this he names the Cowichin. On the island north of Cowichin he\nlocates the Comux and adjoining it the Ucleta; finally starting at\nFort Rupert and following the north coast of the island and also on\nthe opposite shore of the main land is the Quackoll.\n\n[III'-18] _Jewitt's Nar._, p. 75.\n\n[III'-19] _Sproat's Scenes_, p. 132.\n\n[III'-20] 'El idioma de estos naturales es tal vez el mas \u00e1spero y\nduro de los conocidos. Abundan mucho en \u00e9l las consonantes, y las\nterminaciones en tl y tz, constando el intermedio y el principio de\nlos vocablos de aspiraciones muy fuertes.' _Sutil y Mexicana_,\n_Viage_, p. 147. 'Their language is very guttural, and if it were\npossible to reduce it to our orthography, it would very much abound\nwith consonants.' _Sparks' Life of Ledyard_, p. 72; _Cook's Voy. to\nPac._, vol. ii., pp. 334-6.\n\n[III'-21] _Sproat's Scenes_, p. 124, et seq.\n\n[III'-22] For a copy of which I am indebted to the late proprietor of\nthe _Overland Monthly_ of San Francisco.\n\n[III'-23] 'En examinant avec soin des vocabulaires form\u00e9s \u00e0 Noutka et\n\u00e0 Monterey, j'ai \u00e9t\u00e9 frapp\u00e9 de l'homotonie et des d\u00e9sinences\nmexicaines de plusieurs mots, comme, par exemple, dans la langue des\nNoutkiens.... Cependant, en g\u00e9n\u00e9ral, les langues de la\nNouvelle-Californie et de l'\u00eele de Quadra, diff\u00e8rent essentiellement\nde l'azt\u00e8que.' _Humboldt_, _Essai Pol._, tom. i., p. 321.\n'Sprach\u00e4hnlichkeiten ... hat man, wie auch nachher bey der Betrachtung\nder Mexikanischen Sprache aus einander gesetzt werden soll, an dieser\nNordwest-K\u00fcste am Nutka-Sunde und bey den V\u00f6lkern in der N\u00e4he der\nRussischen Colonien gefunden.' _Vater_, _Mithridates_, tom. iii., pt\niii., p. 76. 'In the neighborhood of Nootka, tribes still exist whose\ndialects, both in the termination and general sound of the words, bear\nconsiderable resemblance to the Mexican.' _Prescott's Mex._, vol.\niii., p. 399.\n\n[III'-24] 'So gewinnt die Nutka-Sprache, durch eine reiche Zahl von\nW\u00f6rtern und durch grosse Z\u00fcge ihres Lautwesens, einzig vor allen\nanderen fremden ... in einem bedeutenden Theile eine t\u00e4uschende\n\u00c4hnlichkeit mit der aztekischen oder mexicanischen; und so wird die\nihr schon fr\u00fcher gewidmete Aufmerksamkeit vollst\u00e4ndig gerechtfertigt.\nIhrer mexicanischen Erscheinung fehlt aber, wie ich von meiner Seite\nhier ausspreche, jede Wirklichkeit.' _Buschmann_, _Spr. N. Mex. u. der\nWestk\u00fcste des b. Nordamer._, p. 371.\n\n[III'-25] They spoke the same language as the Nootkas. _Vancouver's\nVoy._, vol. i., p. 218.\n\n[III'-26] 'The affinities of the Clallam and Lummi are too obvious to\nrequire demonstration.' _Gibbs' Clallam and Lummi Vocab._, p. vii.\n'The Tsihaili-Selish languages reach the sea in the part opposite\nVancouver's Island. Perhaps they touch it to the north also.'\n_Latham's Comp. Phil._, vol. viii., p. 401; _Gairdner_, in _Lond.\nGeog. Soc., Jour._, vol. xi., p. 255.\n\n[III'-27] 'Les Indiens de la c\u00f4te ou de la Nouvelle Cal\u00e9donie, les\nTokalis, les Chargeurs (Carriers), les Schouchouaps, les Atnas\nappartiennent tous \u00e0 la nation des Chipeoua\u00efans.' _Mofras_, _Explor._,\ntom. ii., p. 337. 'The Atnah language has no affinity to any with\nwhich I am acquainted.' _Mackenzie's Voyages_, p. 258.\n\n[III'-28] _Mengarini_, _Selish Gram._\n\n[III'-29] 'Nationes que radicaliter linguam Selicam loquuntur sunt\nsaltem decem: Calispelm, (vulgo) _Pends d'oreilles du Lac Inf\u00e9rieur_.\nSlkatkomlchi, _Pends d'oreilles du Lac Superieur_. Selish, _T\u00eates\nPlattes_. Sngom\u00e8nei, Snpoilschi, Szk'eszilni, _Spokanes_. S\u00b4chizni,\n_Coeurs d'al\u00e8ne_. Sgoi\u00e8lpi, _Chaudi\u00e8res_. Okinakein, Stlakam,\n_Okanagan_.' _Mengarini_, _Selish Gram._, p. 120. 'Their language is\nthe same as the Spokeins' and Flatheads'.' _Parker's Explor. Tour_, p.\n307. 'The Spokanes speak the same dialect as the Flatheads and Pend\nd'Oreilles.' _Chapman_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1866, p. 201; _De Smet_,\n_Voy._, p. 237. 'The Flatheads are divided into numerous tribes, each\nhaving its own peculiar locality, and differing more or less from the\nothers in language, customs, and manners.' 'The Spokan Indians are a\nsmall tribe, differing very little from the Indians at Colville either\nin their appearance, habits, or language.' _Kane's Wand._, pp. 173,\n307. 'The Pend' d'Oreilles are generally called the Flatheads, the two\nclans, in fact, being united.... Still, the two races are entirely\ndistinct, their languages being fundamentally different. The variety\nof tongues on the west side of the (Rocky) mountains is almost\ninfinite, so that scarcely any two tribes understand each other\nperfectly. They have all, however, the common character of being very\nguttural; and, in fact, the sentences often appear to be mere jumbles\nof grunts and croaks, such as no alphabet could express in writing.'\n_Simpson's Overland Jour._, vol. i., p. 146.\n\n[III'-30] _Hale's Ethnog._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. vi., pp. 535-7.\n\n[III'-31] _Swan's N. W. Coast_, p. 315.\n\n[III'-32] _Gibbs' Clallam and Lummi Vocab._, p. 7.\n\n[III'-33] 'In the northern districts of the great chain of Rocky\nMountains which were visited by Sir Alexander Mackenzie, there are\nseveral nations of unknown language and origin. The Atnah nation is\none of them. Their dialect appears, from the short vocabulary given by\nthat traveller, to be one of those languages which, in the frequent\nrecurrence of peculiar consonants, bears a certain resemblance to the\nMexican.' _Prichard's Nat. Hist. Man_, vol. ii., p. 550; _Swan's N. W.\nCoast_, pp. 315-6.\n\n[III'-34] 'Der Prinz bezeugt (Bd. ii., 511) dass der behauptete Mangel\nan Gurgellauten ein Irrthum ist; er bemerkt: dass die Sprache durch\nden ihr eignen \"Zungenschnalz\" f\u00fcr das Aussprechen schwierig werde,\nund dass sie eine Menge von Gutturalt\u00f6nen habe. Man spreche die W\u00f6rter\nleise und undeutlich aus; dabei gebe es darin viele schnalzende T\u00f6ne,\nindem man mit der Zungenspitze anst\u00f6sst; auch gebe es darin viele\ndumpfe Kehllaute.' _Prinz Max zu Wied_, in _Buschmann_, _Spuren der\nAztek. Spr._, p. 661. 'Their language bears no affinity whatever to\nthat of any of the western nations. It is infinitely softer and more\nfree from those unpronounceable gutturals so common among the lower\ntribes.' _Cox's Adven._, p. 233; _Blakiston's Rept._, in _Palliser's\nExplor._, p. 73; _Parker's Explor. Tour_, p. 307.\n\n[III'-35] _De Smet's Oregon Miss._, p. 409.\n\n[III'-36] Tribes speaking the Kliketat language: Whulwhypum,\nTait-inapum, Yakima, Walla Wallapum, Kyoose, Umatilla, Peloose,\nWyampam; the Yakimas and Kliketats or Whulwhypum ... speaking the\nWalla-Walla language, otherwise known as the Kliketat. _Lord's Nat._,\nvol. ii., pp. 244, 232. 'The Kyeuse resemble the Walla-Wallas very\nmuch.... Their language and customs are almost identical.' _Kane's\nWand._, p. 280. The Pend d'Oreilles 'speak the same language' (Nez\nPerc\u00e9.) _Hutchins_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1863, p. 456. The Palouse\nIndians 'speak the same language.' _Cain_, in _Id._, 1860, p. 210.\n'The Wallah-Wallahs, whose language belongs to the same family.' 'The\nWallah-Wallahs and Nez Perces speak dialects of a common language, and\nthe Cayuses have abandoned their own for that of the latter.' _Gibbs_,\nin _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. i., pp. 416, 425; _Hale's Ethnog._, in _U.\nS. Ex. Ex._, vol. vi., pp. 213, 542. 'The nation among which we now\nare call themselves Sokulks; and with them are united a few of another\nnation, who reside on a western branch, emptying itself into the\nColumbia a few miles above the mouth of the latter river, and whose\nname is Chimnapum. The language of both these nations differs but\nlittle from each other, or from that of the Chopunnish who inhabit the\nKooskooskee and Lewis's river.' _Lewis and Clarke's Trav._, p. 12.\n'The language of the Walla-Wallas differs from the Nez Perc\u00e9s'.\n_Parker's Explor. Tour_, p. 137.\n\n[III'-37] _Pandosy's Yakama Lang._, p. 9.\n\n[III'-38] _Hale's Ethnog._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. vi., p. 542, et\nseq.\n\n[III'-39] _Pandosy's Yakama Lang._\n\n[III'-40] _Ross' Fur Hunters_, vol. i., p. 313, et seq.\n\n[III'-41] _Rafinesque_, _Atlantic Jour._, p. 133, quoted in\n_Buschmann_, _Spuren der Aztek. Spr._, p. 615. 'Ich habe diese W\u00f6rter\nRafinesque's zu einem Theil ganz verschieden von den _Sahaptan_\ngefunden.' _Ib._\n\n[III'-42] _Hale's Ethnog._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. vi., p. 561.\n\n[III'-43] 'The Skyuse have two distinct languages: the one used in\nordinary intercourse, the other on extraordinary occasions; as in war\ncounsels, &c.' _Farnham's Travels_, p. 153. 'The Cayuses have\nabandoned their own for that of the Nez Perc\u00e9s.' _Gibbs_, in _Pac. R.\nR. Rept._, vol. i., pp. 416, 425. 'Their language bears some affinity\nto the Sahaptin or Nez-Perc\u00e9 language.' _Ludewig's Ab. Lang._, p. 199;\n_Coke's Rocky Mts._, p 295; _Kane's Wand._, p. 279. 'Their original\nlanguage, now almost extinct ... having affinity to that of the\nCarriers, of North Caledonia, and the Umpqua Indians of Southern\nOregon.' _Lord's Nat._, vol. ii., pp. 249-50.\n\n[III'-44] 'The language of the bands farther up the river departed\nmore and more widely from the Chinook proper, so that the lower ones\ncould not have understood the others without an interpreter.' _Gibbs'\nChinook Vocab._, p. 4. 'The vocabulary given by Dr. Scouler as\n\"Chenook\" is almost altogether Chihalis. His \"Cathlascon\" ... is\nChinook.' _Id._, p. 5. 'Des _Tchinooks_, d'o\u00f9 est sortie la\nlangue-m\u00e8re de ces sauvages.' _Saint-Amant_, _Voyages_, p. 381.\n'Cathlamahs speak the same language as the Chinnooks and Clatsops.'\n_Lewis and Clarke's Travels_, p. 424. Chinooks 'in language ...\nresemble the Clatsops, Cathlamahs, and indeed all the people near the\nmouth of the Columbia.' _Id._, p. 426. 'The Chinooks, Clatsops,\nWahkiacums and Cathlamahs ... resembled each other in person, dress,\nlanguage.' _Irving's Astoria_, pp. 85, 336. Chinooks, Clatsops,\nCathlamux, Wakicums, Wacalamus, Cattleputles, Clatscanias, Killimux,\nMoltnomas, Chickelis, ... resemble one another in language. _Ross'\nAdven._, pp. 87-88. 'The _Chinook_ language is spoken by all the\nnations from the mouth of the Columbia to the falls.' _Franch\u00e8re's\nNar._, p. 262.\n\n[III'-45] 'The language spoken by these people is guttural, very\ndifficult for a foreigner to learn, and equally hard to pronounce.'\n_Ross' Adven._, p. 101. 'Decidedly the most unpronounceable compound\nof gutturals ever formed for the communication of human thoughts, or\nthe expression of human wants.' _Cox's Adven._, vol. ii., p. 133. 'I\nwould willingly give a specimen of the barbarous language of this\npeople, were it possible to represent by any combination of our\nalphabet the horrible, harsh, spluttering sounds which proceed from\ntheir throats apparently unguided either by the tongue or lip.'\n_Kane's Wand._, p. 182. 'It is hard and difficult to pronounce, for\nstrangers; being full of gutturals, like the Gaelic. The combinations\n_thl_, or _tl_, and _lt_, are as frequent in the Chinook as in the\nMexican.' _Franch\u00e8re's Nar._, p. 262. 'After the soft languages and\nrapid enunciation of the islanders, the Chinooks presented a singular\ncontrast in the slow, deliberate manner in which they seemed to choke\nout their words; giving utterance to sounds, some of which could\nscarcely be represented by combinations of known letters.'\n_Pickering's Races_, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. ix., p. 23. 'It abounds\nwith gutturals and \"clucking\" sounds, almost as difficult to analyse\nas to utter.' _Gibbs' Chinook Vocab._, p. 5.\n\n[III'-46] 'The ancient Chenook is such a guttural, difficult tongue,\nthat many of the young Chenook Indians can not speak it, but have been\ntaught by their parents the Chehalis language and the Jargon.' _Swan's\nN. W. Coast_, p. 306; _Hale's Ethnog._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. vi.,\np. 562. 'The very difficult pronunciation and excessively complicated\nform of the Chinook has effectually prevented its acquisition, even by\nmissionaries and fur traders.' _Gibbs' Chinook Vocab._, p. 5.\n\n[III'-47] _Hale's Ethnog._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol., vi., p. 562, et\nseq.\n\n[III'-48] _Kane's Wand._, p. 183.\n\n[III'-49] _Hale's Ethnog._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. vi., p. 566, et\nseq.\n\n[III'-50] 'Yamkallie, Kallapuiah. Oregon Indians of the plains of the\nWallamette, speaking a language related to that of the Cathlascons and\nHaeeltzuk.' _Ludewig's Ab. Lang._, p. 202. 'Gross die Verwandtschaft\nder Kalapuya und des Yamkallie; aber an verschiedenen W\u00f6rtern fehlt es\nnicht.' _Buschmann_, _Spuren der Aztek. Spr._, p. 628.\n\n[III'-51] 'H\u00f6chst merkw\u00fcrdig sind einzelne unl\u00e4ugbare aztekische und\nzweitens einzelne sonorische W\u00f6rter, welche ich in diesen Sprachen\naufgefunden habe.' _Buschmann_, _Spuren der Aztek. Spr._, p. 629.\n\n[III'-52] 'This system of jargons began very early, and has,\ndoubtless, led to many errors. As early as 1633, the Jesuit Father\nPaul Le Jeune wrote: \"I have remarked, in the study of their language,\nthat there is a certain jargon between the French and Indians, which\nis neither French nor Indian; and yet, when the French use it, they\nthink they are speaking Indian, and the Indians using it, think they\nspeak good French.\"' _Hist. Mag._, vol. v., p. 345.\n\n[III'-53] _Gibbs' Chinook Dic._, p. 6; _San Francisco Evening Bulletin_,\nJune 15, 1866. 'Chinook is a jargon which was invented by the Hudson's\nBay Company for the purpose of facilitating communication with the\ndifferent Indian tribes. These were so numerous, and their languages\nso various, that the traders found it impossible to learn them all,\nand adopted the device of a judicious mixture of English, French,\nRussian, and several Indian tongues, which has a very limited\nvocabulary; but which, by the help of signs, is readily understood by\nall the natives, and serves as a common language.' _Milton and\nCheadle's N. W. Passage_, p. 344. 'The jargon so much in use all over\nthe North Pacific Coast, among both whites and Indians, as a verbal\nmedium of communicating with each other, was originally invented by\nthe Hudson's Bay Company, in order to facilitate the progress of their\ncommerce with Indians.' _Stuart's Dictionary of Chinook Jargon_, p.\n161. 'Chinook is a jargon, consisting of not more than three or four\nhundred words, drawn from the French, English, Spanish, Indian, and\nthe fancy of the inventor. It was contrived by the Hudson's Bay\nCompany for the convenience of trade.' _Brunot_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._,\n1871, p. 124. Sproat disputes the invention of the jargon, and says:\n'Such an achievement as the invention of a language, is beyond the\ncapabilities of even a chief factor.' _Scenes_, p. 139. 'I think that,\namong the Coast Indians in particular, the Indian part of the language\nhas been in use for years.' _Swan's N. W. Coast_, p. 307. _Hale's\nEthnog._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. vi., p. 635, et seq.\n\n[III'-54] _Gibbs' Chinook Dic._, pp. vii.-viii. 'All the words thus\nbrought together and combined in this singularly constructed speech\nare about two hundred and fifty in number.' _Hale's Ethnog._, in _U.\nS. Ex. Ex._, vol. vi., p. 636. 'Words undoubtedly of Japanese origin\nare still used in the jargon spoken on the coast called Chinook.'\n_Lord's Nat._, vol. ii., p. 217.\n\n[III'-55] _Hale's Ethnog._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. vi., p. 636, et\nseq.\n\n[III'-56] _Gibbs' Chinook Dic._, p. 44.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER IV.\n\nCALIFORNIAN LANGUAGES.\n\n     MULTIPLICITY OF TONGUES -- YAKON, KLAMATH, AND PALAIK\n     COMPARISONS -- PITT RIVER AND WINTOON VOCABULARIES -- WEEYOT,\n     WISHOSK, WEITSPEK, AND EHNEK COMPARISONS -- LANGUAGES OF\n     HUMBOLDT BAY -- POTTER VALLEY, RUSSIAN AND EEL RIVER LANGUAGES\n     -- POMO LANGUAGES -- GALLINOMERO GRAMMAR -- TRANS-PACIFIC\n     COMPARISONS -- CHOCUYEM LORD'S PRAYER -- LANGUAGES OF THE\n     SACRAMENTO, SAN JOAQUIN, NAPA AND SONOMA VALLEYS -- THE OLHONE\n     AND OTHER LANGUAGES OF SAN FRANCISCO BAY -- RUNSIEN AND ESLENE\n     OF MONTEREY -- SANTA CLARA LORD'S PRAYER -- MUTSUN GRAMMAR --\n     LANGUAGES OF THE MISSIONS SANTA CRUZ, SAN ANTONIO DE PADUA,\n     SOLEDAD, AND SAN MIGUEL -- TATCH\u00c9 GRAMMAR -- THE DIALECTS OF\n     SANTA CRUZ AND OTHER ISLANDS.\n\n\nNotwithstanding the great diversity of tongues encountered in the\nregions of the north, the confusion increases ten-fold on entering\nCalifornia. Probably nowhere in America is there a greater\nmultiformity of languages and dialects than here. Until quite\nrecently, no attempt has been made to bring order out of this\nlinguistic chaos, owing mainly to a lack of grammars and vocabularies.\nWithin the last few years this want has, in a measure, been supplied,\nand I hope to be able to present some broader classifications than\nhave hitherto been attempted. Through the researches of Mr Powers, who\nhas kindly placed his materials at my disposal, and the valuable\ninformation communicated by Judge Roseborough, the dialects of\nnorthern California have been reduced to some sort of system, yet\nthere remains the fact that, in central and southern California,\nhundreds of dialects have been permitted to die out, without leaving\nus so much as their name.[IV'-1]\n\nIn attempting the classification of Californian tongues, no little\ndifficulty arises from the ambiguity of tribal names. So far as\nappearances go, some peoples have no distinctive name; others are\nknown by the name of their chief alone, or their rancher\u00eda; the\naffiliation of chief, rancher\u00eda, and tribe being identical or\ndistinct, as the case may be. Some writers have a common name for all\ntribes speaking the same, or dialects of the same, language; others\nname a people from each dialect. Last of all, there are nations and\ntribes that call themselves by one name, while their neighbors call\nthem by another, so that the classifier, ethnologic or philologic, is\napt to enumerate one people under two names, while omitting many.[IV'-2]\n\nWe have seen in the Columbian languages, as we approach the south,\nthat they become softer and less guttural; this is yet more observable\namong Californians, whose speech, for the most part, is harmonious,\npronounceable, and rich in vowels; and this feature becomes more and\nmore marked as we proceed from northern to southern California. On\nthis point, Mr Powers writes: \"Not only are the California languages\ndistinguished for that affluence of vowel sounds, which is more or\nless characteristic of all tongues spoken in warm climates; but most\nof them are also remarkable for their special striving after harmony.\nThere are a few languages found in the northern mountains which are\nharsh and sesquipedalian, and some on the coast that are guttural\nbeyond the compass of our American organs of speech; but with these\nfew exceptions, the numerous languages of the state are beautiful\nabove all their neighbors for their simplicity, the brevity of their\nwords, their melody, and their harmonious sequences.\"[IV'-3]\n\n  [Sidenote: RULES OF EUPHONY IN CALIFORNIA.]\n\nThroughout California, much attention is paid to the euphony of words;\nand if, in the inevitable manufacturing process, a syllable does not\nsound well, or does not exactly harmonize according to the native ear,\nit is ruthlessly sacrificed. In many languages these elisions are made\nin accordance with fixed rules, while others, again, obey no other\nmandate but harmony.\n\nConcerning the languages of northern California, Judge Roseborough\nwrites: \"In an ethnological view, the language of these various tribes\nis a subject of great interest. They seem to be governed by the\ngeographical nature of the country, which has had much influence in\ndirecting the migrations and settlement of the various tribes in this\nstate, where they have been found by the whites; and there have been\nin remote times at least three currents, or lines of migration,\nnamely--first, one along the coast southward, dispersing more or less\ntowards the interior as the nature of the country and hostile tribes\npermitted. In so broken and rough a country the migrations must have\nbeen slow, and the eddies numerous, leaving many fragments of\naboriginal tribes here and there with language and customs wholly\ndissimilar. Second, that along the Willamette Valley, over the passes\nof the Calapooya, across the open lands of the Umpqua, southward\nthrough Rogue River Valley into Shasta and Scott valleys. As an\nevidence of this trace I may mention that all the tribes on this line,\nfrom the Calapooya mountains southward to the head of Shasta and Scott\nvalleys, speak the same language, and were confederate in their wars\nwith the tribes on Pitt River, who seem to have arrested their\nprogress southward. In this connection I may mention two facts worthy\nof remark, namely, first, in this cataclysm of tribes, there have been\nsome singular displacements; for instance, the similarity of language\nand customs of the Cumbatwas and other cognate tribes on Pitt River\ndenotes a common origin with a small tribe found on Smith River, on\nthe north-west coast: and secondly, the traditions of the Shastas\nsettled in Shasta and Scott valleys, the advance of this line of\nmigrations, show that a former tribe had been found in possession of\nthose valleys and mountains, and had been driven out. The remains of\ntheir ancient villages, and the arrangements still visible in their\nexcavations confirm the fact, and also the further fact that the\nexpelled tribes were the same, or cognate to those which the whites\nfound in occupation of the Sacramento Valley. For instance, in all of\nthese ancient villages, there was one house of very large dimensions,\nused for feasts, ceremonious dances, etc., just as we found on the\nsettlement of California, in the valley of Sacramento. The existing\ntribes in those mountains have no such domicil and no public houses.\nThey say, when asked, that the villages were built and inhabited by a\ntribe that lived there before they came, and that those ancient\ndwellers worshiped the great snowy Mount Shasta, and always built\ntheir villages in places from which they could behold that mountain.\nThirdly, another wave of migration evidently came southward along the\nDes Chutes River, upon the great plateau of the lakes, which\nconclusion is borne out by a similarity of languages and customs, as\nwell as by traditions.\"[IV'-4]\n\nIn support of this theory, Judge Roseborough states that the languages\nspoken on Smith River, and extending thence forty miles along the\ncoast, are radically and wholly different from those of the\nneighboring tribes. The former are harsh, guttural, irregular, and\napparently monosyllabic, while on the other hand, the neighboring\ntribes inhabiting the coast southward to Humboldt Bay, and along the\nKlamath as far up as the mouth of the Trinity, speak a language very\nregular in its structure; copious in its capacity for expressing ideas\nand shades of thought, and not unpleasing to the ear, being free from\nharsh and guttural sounds. Of all the languages spoken in this part,\nthat which prevails along the Klamath River, as far up as Happy Camp,\nand along the Salmon to its sources, is by far the most regular and\nmusical. In fact, for its regular and musical accents it occupies\namong the Indian tongues of the continent the same pre\u00ebminence that\nthe Spanish does among the Caucasian languages. For instance, their\nproper nouns for persons and places are very euphoneous, as,\n_euphippa_, _escassasoo_, names of persons, and _tahasoofca_,\n_cheenich_, _panumna_, _chimicanee_, _tooyook_, _savorum_, names of\nnoted localities along the river.\n\nAs an example of the copiousness and richness of the coast languages\nabove Humboldt Bay, Judge Roseborough cites the following, for one,\ntwo, three, four, they say, _kor_, _nihhi_, _naxil_, _chohnah_; so for\nto-morrow they say, _kohchamol_; for the day after to-morrow,\n_nahamohl_; three days hence, _naxamohl_; four days hence,\n_chohnahamol_. Nor do they stop here; _mare_, being five, and\n_marunim\u00edcha_, fifteen; the fifteenth day from the present is,\n_marunim\u00eech\u00e1hamohl_.\n\nMr George Bancroft in his Indianology erroneously asserts that the\nsound of our letter _r_ does not occur in any of the aboriginal\nlanguages of America. A similar assertion has been made with regard to\nAsiatic tongues, that there is not a people from the peninsula of\nHindostan to Kamchatka who make use of this sound. Although this idea\nis now exploded, evidence goes to show the rarity of the use of the\nletter _r_ in these regions; yet, Judge Roseborough assures me that in\nthese northern Californian dialects the sound of this letter is not\nonly frequent, but is uttered with its most rolling, whirring\nemphasis; that such words as _arrarra_, Indian; _carrook_, or\n_cahroc_, up; _eurook_, or _euroc_, down; _seearrook_, across and up;\n_micarra_, the name of a village; _tahasoofcarrah_, that is to say the\nvillage of upper Tahasoofca, are brought forth with an intensity that\na Frenchman could not exceed.\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\nOn both sides of the Oregon and Californian boundary line is spoken\nthe Klamath language; adjoining it on the north is the Yakon, and on\nthe south the Shasta and the Palaik. A dialect of the Klamath is also\nspoken by the Modocs. Herewith I give a short comparative table, and\nalthough no relationship between them is claimed, yet many of the\nwords which I have selected are not without a similarity.[IV'-5]\n\n              YAKON.      KLAMATH.   SHASTA.             PALAIK.\n\n     Man      kalt        hisuatsos  awatikoa            yaliu\n     Woman    tkhlaks     snawats    taritsi             omtewitsen\n     Mouth    qai         sum        au, or aof,         ap\n     Leg      sia         tsoks      halaway, or hatis,  atetewa\n     Water    kilo        ampo       atsa                as\n     Blood    pouts       poits      ime                 ahati\n     Earth    onitstoh    kaela      tarak               kela\n     Stone    kelih       kotai      itsa                olisti\n     Wood     kukh        anko       awa                 hau\n     Beaver   kaatsilawa  pum        tawai               pum\n     Dog      tskekh      watsak     hapso               watsaqa\n     Bird     kokoaia     lalak      tararakh            lauitsa\n     Salmon   tsutais     tsialus    kitari              tsialas\n     Great    haihaiat    mo\u00f6nis     kempe               wawa\n\n [Sidenote: THE WINTOON, EUROC, AND CAHROC.]\n\nAlong Pitt River and its tributaries are the Pitt River Indians and\nthe Wintoons, of which languages short vocabularies are given.\n\n                        PITT RIVER.\n\n     Man          t'elyou         Hair      teee\n     Woman        emmetowchan     Eyes      ossa\n     House        teoomchee       Nose      yame\n     Tree (pine)  oswoo           Mouth     yanena\n     Water        oss             Teeth     etes\u00e4\n     Stone        alliste         Legs      s\u00e4y\u00e4\n     Sun          tsool           Fire      mallis\n     Moon         tchool          Big       walswa\n     Crow         owwicha         Little    chowkootcha\n     Dog          chahoom         Dead      deoome\n     Deer         doshshe         Mountain  akoo\n     Bear         loehta          Fish      oll[IV'-6]\n\n                          WINTOON.\n\n     Yes        ummina              Warm      pela\n     Woman      darcus              Eyes      toomb\n     House      boss                Nose      sono\n     I, or me   net                 Mouth     all\n     Water      mem                 Teeth     see\n     Rain       luhay               Talk      teene\n     Sun        sash                To kill   kloma\n     Moon       chamitta            Large     bohama\n     Night      kenavina, or peno   To fight  cluckapooda\n     Dog        suco                Dead      menil\n     Deer       nope                North     wy\n     Bear       chilch, or weemer   South     nora[IV'-7]\n\nOn the lower Klamath, the Euroc language prevails. As compared with\nthe dialects of southern California, it is guttural; there being\napparently in some of its words, or rather grunts, a total absence of\nvowels--_mrprh_, nose; _chlh_, earth; _ynx_, child. Among other\nsounds peculiar to it, there is that of the _ll_, so frequent in the\nWelsh language. Mr Powers says that, \"in conversation they terminate\nmany words with an aspiration which is imperfectly indicated by the\nletter _h_, a sort of catching of the sound, immediately followed by\nthe letting out of the residue of breath, with a quick little grunt.\nThis makes their speech harsh and halting; the voice often comes to a\ndead stop in the middle of a sentence.\" He further adds that \"the\nlanguage seems to have had a monosyllabic origin, and, in fact, they\npronounce many dissyllables as if they were two monosyllables.\"\n\nAlong the upper Klamath, the Cahroc language is spoken, which is\nentirely distinct from that of the Eurocs. It is sonorous, and its\nintonation has even been compared with that of the Spanish, being not\nat all guttural like the Euroc. The _r_, when it occurs in such words\nas _chareya_, and _cahroc_, is strangely rolled. The language is\ncopious; the people speaking it having a name for everything, and on\nseeing any article new to them, if a proper designation is not\nimmediately at hand, they forthwith proceed to manufacture one.\n\nAnother guttural language is the Pataway, spoken on Trinity River. Its\npronunciation is like the Euroc, and it has the same curious, abrupt\nstopping of the voice at the end of syllables terminating with a\nvowel, as Mr Powers describes it. Related to it is the Veeard of lower\nHumboldt Bay. The numerals in the latter language are: _koh-tseh_,\none; _dee-teh_, two; _dee-keh_, three; _deeh-oh_, four; _weh-sah_,\nfive; _chil\u00f3keh_, six; _awtloh_, seven; _owit_, eight; _ser\u00f3keh_,\nnine; _lok\u00e9l_ ten.[IV'-8]\n\nThe language known as the Weitspek, spoken at the junction of the\nTrinity and Klamath rivers, is probably the same which Mr Powers has\nnamed the Pataway. It is also said to have the frequently occurring\nrolling _r_. The _f_, as in the Oregon languages, is wanting. Dialects\nof the Weitspek are the Weeyot and Wishosk, on Eel and Mad rivers.\nThis language is understood from the coast range down to the coast\nbetween Cape Mendocino and Mad River.[IV'-9] The Ehnek, or Pehtsik,\nlanguage is spoken on Salmon River; thence in the region of the\nKlamath, are the Watsahewah, Howteteoh, and Nabiltse languages.[IV'-10]\n\n                               COMPARISONS.\n\n                  WEEYOT.      WISHOSK.     WEITSPEK.     EHNEK.\n\n     Man          ko \u00e9h        ko-\u00e9h        pagehk        ah wunsh\n     Arrow        s\u00e1hpe        tsahp\u00e9       nah qut       kha-wish\n     Water        merah tche   mer ah ch\u00e9   pa ha         iss shah\n     Earth        let kuk      let kuk      chahk         steep\n     Dog          wyets        wy'ts        chish\u00e9        chish ee\n     Fire         mass         mess         mets          ah\n     Sun          taum         tahm         w\u00e1 noush leh  kosh rah\n     One          koh tse      kohtsa       spinekoh      issah\n     Two          er ee ta     ritta        nun ehr       ach bok\n     Three        er ee ka     rihk         nak sa        kui rahk\n     Four         re aw wa     ri yah       toh hun ne    peehs\n     Five         wessa        w\u00e9hsah       mahr o tum    ti rah o\n\nThe Chillulah, Wheelcutta, and Kailta were spoken on Redwood Creek,\nbut before the extinction of these people, their languages were merged\ninto that of the Hoopahs by whom they were subjugated. The language of\nthe Chimalquays of New River has also been absorbed by the Hoopah. Of\nthe Chimalquays Powers hyperbolically remarks \"their language was like\nthe mountain city of California, beautiful in its simplicity, but\nfrail.\"[IV'-11]\n\n  [Sidenote: THE POMO FAMILY AND ITS DIALECTS.]\n\nAt Humboldt Bay a language called Patawat is mentioned, and in Round\nValley the Yuka. The numerals in the latter tongue are--_pongwe_, one;\n_opeh_, two; _malmeh_, three; and _omehet_, four. In Potter Valley is\nthe Tahtoo language which Mr Powers thinks may belong to the Pomo or\nthe Yuka.[IV'-12] In the Eel River and Russian River valleys as far as\nthe mouth of Russian River and in Potter Valley, the different tribes\nknown by the names of Ukiahs or Yokias, San\u00e8ls, Gallinomeros,\nMasallamagoons, Gualalas, and Matoles, speak various dialects of the\nPomo language, which obtains in Potter Valley and the dialects of\nwhich become more and more estranged according to the distance from\nthe aboriginal centre. The Pomo men are good linguists; they readily\nacquire all the different dialects of their language, which in places\ndiffer to such an extent, that unless they are previously learned they\ncannot be understood. Pomo women are not allowed to learn any dialect\nbut their own.\n\nThe following comparative table of numerals will illustrate the\nrelationship of these tribes, among which I include the Kulanapo\nspoken near Clear Lake, and of which Mr Gibbs has also noticed an\naffinity to the Russian River and Eel River languages; also, the\nlanguage spoken by the natives of the Yonios Rancher\u00eda in Marin\nCounty.[IV'-13]\n\n        POMO.    UKIAH.    SAN\u00c9L.    GALINO-  KULANAPO.       YUNIO.\n                                      MERO.\n\n  One   cha      taro      tate      cha      k'hah lih       kalli\n  Two   co       can       co        aco      kots            hotz\n  Three sibbo    sibbo     sibboo    mesibbo  homeka          humka\n  Four  tack     duhan     ducho     meta     dol             caddol\n  Five  shal     native    mato      tooshuh  leh ma          lema\n  Six   padeh    tsadeh    tsadeh    lancha   tsa di          sav\n  Seven copah    hoyneit   c\u00f3\u00ebmar    latco    ku la hots      kolaus\n  Eight cowal    cogodol   cogodol   com\u00e9ta   ko ka dohl      kadol\n  Nine  shalshal n\u00e9mgoshum n\u00famoshum  chaco    hah da rol shum gin\n  Ten   sala     n\u00e9mpotec  n\u00e1vacotec chas\u00fato  hah da rul tek  hidelema\n\n  [Sidenote: GALLINOMERO GRAMMAR.]\n\nOn the Gallinomero dialect I make a few grammatical remarks. In\nconversation the Gallinomeros are rather slovenly and make use of\nfrequent contractions and abbreviations like the English can't and\nshan't, which makes it difficult for a stranger to understand them.\nAnother difficulty for the student is the convertibility of a number\nof letters, such as _t_ into _ch_, _sh_ into _ch_, _i_ into _ah_, etc.\nNouns have neither number, case, nor gender; the first being only\noccasionally indicated by a separate word--_cha atabo\u00f3nya_, one man;\n_aco atabo\u00f3nja_, two men. The genitive is formed by placing the words\nin juxtaposition--_at\u00f3pte me\u00e4tega_, the chief's brother; the governed\nword being always prepositive. None of the remaining cases are\ndistinguished; for example--_chad\u00fana bid\u00e1cha_, I see the river;\n_bid\u00e1cha hoalye_, I go to the river, or, into the river; _bid\u00e1cha\nhuod\u00fana_, I come out of the river; _did\u00e1cha tohole\u00e9na_, I go away from\nthe river; the accusative may be recognized as being placed\nimmediately after the verb, but there are many exceptions to this\nrule. Sometimes the accusative is also marked by the ending _ga_ or\n_gen_--_chechoano\u00f3tugen_, I strike the boy; but this is seldom used.\nVerbs are always regular. There are present, imperfect, and future\ntenses, and three forms of the imperative, all distinctly marked by\ntense endings.\n\n         PRESENT INDICATIVE.      IMPERFECT.      FIRST FUTURE.\n\n     Do,     tseena               tseete\u00e9na       tseec\u00fawa\n     Go,     hoalye               hoalete\u00e9na      hoalec\u00fawa\n     Break,  mats\u00e1na              matsante\u00e9na     matsanc\u00fawa\n     Kill,   matem\u00e1na             matemante\u00e9na    matemanc\u00fawa\n     See,    chad\u00fana              chadute\u00e9na      chaduc\u00fawa\n     Fight,  mehailme             mehailmoote\u00e9na  mehailmooc\u00fawa\n\nIn some instances these endings are changed for the sake of euphony,\ncertain letters being elided. The endings may really be called\nauxiliary verbs, attached to the principal verb. Thus the imperfect\nreads, literally, 'would be I go do,' the ending _teena_, being\nnothing but the word _tseena_, with the _s_ omitted. In like manner\nthe future is formed, as in _tud\u00e1wa_, to want, which is changed into\n_c\u00fawa_.\n\nThere is nothing to denote number in the verb, as can be seen in the\n\n            CONJUGATION OF THE VERB TO BE.\n\n     I am,       ahwa     |   We are,    \u00e1yawa\n     Thou art,   \u00e1mawa    |   You are,   \u00e1mawa\n     He is,      h\u00e1mowa   |   They are,  h\u00e1mowa\n\nOf the imperative, the following may serve as an example: _ho\u00e1leluh_,\nlet me go; _hoalin_, go thou; _ho\u00e1legun_, let him go. The verb\n_chad\u00fana_, to see, may signify either I see, or seeing, or to see, or\nit may be construed as a substantive--sight; or as an adjective in\nagglutination, as _chadunatobo\u00f3nya_, a watchful man. _Chanh\u00f3din_ is an\nauxiliary verb and is always prepositive. The pronouns are, _ah_,\n_ahto_, or _ahmet_, I; _ama_, thou; and _wemo_, _waymo_, _hamo_, or\n_\u00e1mata_, he. The first person of the pronoun is always omitted, except\nwith the verb to be, and the second and third persons frequently.\nPronominal adjectives are quite irregular, as _owkey_, from _ah_;\n_maykey_, from _ama_; _w\u00e9bakey_, from _wemo_; and they are also used\nirregularly with nouns. Thus in _medde_, father; _ahmen_, or\n_owk\u00e1hmen_, or _\u00e1hmedde_, being equivalent to I father, my father.\nHere, also, euphony steps in and makes words sometimes wholly\nunrecognizable, as _aht\u00f3t\u00e1na_, equivalent to _m\u00e9hand_, and still more\ndifferent, as _mam\u00f3wky_, this is for me. Your father is _m\u00e1ykemay_;\nhis father, _w\u00e9bamen_. Thus it will be seen that _medde_ is changed,\nor abbreviated, into _men_, and _may_. Sometimes the personal pronoun\nis agglutinated to the verb, and sometimes it is not;--_checho\u00e1nomdo_\n(_checho\u00e1na meto_), I strike you; _meto tud\u00e1wa_, I love you. As in\nmany other Pacific States languages, we have here a reverential\nsyllable, which in this language is always prefixed, whereas in\nothers, for instance the Aztec, it is an affix. Speaking of persons\nrelated, or of things belonging, to the chief, the reverential _me_ or\n_jin_, is always prefixed;--_owkeyba\u00ec_, my wife; _maykeyba\u00ec_, your\nwife; _at\u00f3pte me\u00ebtchen_, the chief's wife; _shinna_, head; _metoshin_,\nyour head; _webashin_, his head; _at\u00f3pte jinshinna_, the chief's head.\nAll adjectives are really substantives, and are used for both\npurposes. Thus, _ootu_, boy, also signifies little, or young.\nAdjectives are generally placed after nouns--_majey codey_, good day;\nbut there are also many exceptions to this rule. Comparatives are\nexpressed by the particle _pala_, more;--_paleyab\u00e1ta waymo ahmet_, he\nis greater than I, _pala_ becoming _pal\u00e9ya_, in composition. This is\nonly used by the more intelligent class. A Gallinomero of the lower\norder would say, _bata waymo ahmet_, great he I. The principal\ncharacteristics of the language are euphony and brevity, to which all\nthings else are subservient, but nevertheless, as I have shown\nalready, agglutination is carried to the farthest extent.[IV'-14]\n\nAs will be seen by the following comparative table, the Pomo language,\nor rather one of its dialects, the Kulanapo, shows some affinity to\nthe Malay family of languages. Of one hundred and seventy words which\nI have compared, I find fifteen per cent. showing Malay similarities,\nand more could perhaps have been found if the several vocabularies had\nbeen made upon some one system. As it is, I have been obliged to use a\nMalay, a Tonga, and other Polynesian vocabularies, taken by different\npersons, at different times. Without attempting to establish any\nrelationship between the Polynesians and Californians, I present these\nsimilarities merely as a fact; these analogies I find existing nowhere\nelse in California, and between them and no other Trans-Pacific\npeoples.[IV'-15]\n\n  [Sidenote: TRANS-PACIFIC COMPARISONS.]\n\n                                               DIALECT OF THE\n              KULANAPO.            MALAY.          MALAY.\n\n     Woman    dah                  do             Kayan\n     Mother   nihk                 indi, ini      Sakarran\n     Husband  dah'k                laki, lake     Malay\n     Wife     bai le               bini           Malay\n     Head     kai yah              kapala         Malay\n     Hair     moo sooh             fooloo         Tonga\n     Neck     mi yah               gia            Tonga\n     Foot     kah mah              kaki           Malay\n     House    kah (calli, Aztec)   falle          Tonga\n     Sun      lah                  l\u00e1a            Tonga\n     Fire     poh (Copeh)          apo\u00e9           Millanow\n     Water    k'hah                vy, cawna      Tonga\n     Mountain dah no               darud          Suntah\n     Black    keela keelick        kele           Polynesian\n     Bed      keh dah reh duk      dadara         Malay\n     Green    doh tor              ota            Polynesian\n     Dead     mu dal               mati           Malay\n     I        hah                  au             Polynesian\n     One      k'hah lih            tasi           Polynesian\n      \"       tchah (Yukai)        satu           Malay\n     Four     dol                  tau            Polynesian\n     Five     leh ma               lima           Malay\n     Eat      ku hu                kai            Polynesian\n     Drink    mih                  mea inoo       Tonga\n     To see   el lih (Chocuyem)    ilaw           Tonga\n     To go    le loom              aloo           Tonga\n     Bow      pah chee             pana           Malay\n     Tongue   lehn teep (Chocuyem) lida           Malay\n     Leg      co yok (Chocuyem)    ku jak         Suntah\n\nThe similarities existing between the Japanese and Chinese, and the\nCalifornian languages, appearing from a careful comparison of the same\none hundred and seventy words, are insufficient to establish any\nrelationship; the few resemblances may be regarded as purely\naccidental. Of these words I insert the following, which are all\nbetween which I have been able to discover any likeness:\n\n     Husband     Japanese   muko      Costa\u00f1os      makho\n     Teeth       Chinese    chi       Copeh         see ih\n     Knife       Japanese   deba      Costa\u00f1os      tepah\n     Fire        Chinese    ho        Choweshak     ho\n     Water       Japanese   sui       Costa\u00f1os      see ee\n     Dog         Japanese   chin      Weitepek and  chishe\n                                        Ehnek\n     Deer        Japanese   sh'ka     Copeh         si\u00e1h\n\nThe Choweshak and Batemdakaiee are mentioned as being spoken at the\nhead of Eel River, and the Chocuyem in Marin County, near the Mission\nof San Rafael. On Russian River, there yet remain to be mentioned the\nOlamentke, and the Chwachamaju. All these may be properly classed as\ndialects nearly related to the Pomo family, and some of them may even\nbe the same dialects under different names.[IV'-16]\n\nOf the Chocuyem I give the following Lord's Prayer:\n\n     Api maco su lilecoe, ma n\u00e9nas mi au\u00e9s omai m\u00e1cono mi taucuchs\n     oy\u00f3pa mi tauco chaquenit op\u00fa neyatto chaquenit opu liletto. Tu\n     maco muye genum ji naya macono sucuji sulia m\u00e1cono mas\u00f3cte,\n     chague mat opu ma suli mayaco. Macoi yangia ume omutto, ul\u00e9mi\n     m\u00e1cono omu incapo. Nette esa Jesus.[IV'-17]\n\nIn Round Valley, northern California, there is the before-mentioned\nYuka language, which is connected with the Wapo, or Ashochemie, spoken\nnear Calistoga, and in the mountains leading thence to the\nGeysers.[IV'-18]\n\nOn Yuba and Feather rivers are the Meidoos and Neeshenams of whose\nlanguage Powers says that \"the Meidoo shades away so gradually into\nthe Neeshenam that it is extremely difficult to draw a line anywhere.\nBut it must be drawn somewhere, because a vocabulary taken down on\nFeather River will lose three fourths of its words before it reaches\nthe Cosumnes. Even a vocabulary taken on Bear River will lose half or\nmore of its words in going to the Cosumnes, which denotes, as is the\nfact, that the Neeshenam language varies greatly within itself.\nIndeed, it is probably less homogeneous and more thronged with\ndialects than any other tongue in California. Let an Indian go even\nfrom Georgetown to American Flat, or from Bear River to Auburn, and,\nwith the exception of the numerals he will not at first understand\nabove one word in four, or five, or six. But, with this small stock in\ncommon, and the same laws of grammar to guide them, they pick up each\nothers dialects with amazing rapidity. It is these wide variations\nwhich have caused some pioneers to believe that there is one tongue\nspoken on the plains around Sacramento, and another in the mountains;\nwhereas they are as nearly identical as the mountain dialects are. So\nlong as the numerals remain the same, I count it one language; and so\nlong as this is the case, the Indians generally learn each others\ndialects; but when the numerals change utterly, they often find it\neasier to speak the English together than to acquire another tongue.\nAs to the southern boundary of the Neeshenam there is no doubt, for at\nthe Cosumnes the language changes abruptly and totally.\"\n\n  [Sidenote: LANGUAGES OF THE SACRAMENTO VALLEY.]\n\nAlong the banks of the Sacramento, two distinct linguistic systems are\nsaid to prevail. But to what extent all the languages mentioned in\nthat vicinity are related, or can be classified, it is difficult to\nsay; for not only is there great confusion in names, but what is more\nessential, vocabularies of most of them are wanting. On the eastern\nbank of the Sacramento and extending along Feather River, the\nCosumnes, and other tributaries of the Sacramento, the following\nlanguages are mentioned: Ochecamne, Serouskumne, Chupumne, Omochumne,\nSiecumne, Walagumne, Cosumne, Sololumne, Turealumne, Saywamine,\nNewichumne, Matchemne, Sagayayumne, Muthelemne, Sopotatumne, and\nTalatiu. In all these dialects the word for water is _kik_, but in the\ndialects spoken on the west bank it is _m\u00f3mi_. On the western bank are\nmentioned the dialects of the Pujuni, Puzlumne, Secumne, Tsamak,\nYasumne, Nemshaw, Kisky, Yalesumne, Huk, and others.[IV'-19] Undoubtedly\nall these Sacramento Valley dialects are more or less related, but of\nthem we have no positive knowledge except that the Secumne and Tsamak\nare closely related, while the Puzlumne and Talatiu also show many\nwords in common, but cannot be said to affiliate.[IV'-20] In the\nmountains south of the Yuba, and also on some parts of the Sacramento\nthe Cushna language obtains. On the latter river Wilkes mentions the\nKinkla, of which he says that in comparison with the language of the\nnorthern nations it may be called soft, \"as much so as that of the\nPolynesians.\" Repetitions of syllables appear to be frequent as\n_wai-wai_, and _hau-hau-hau_.[IV'-21] In Napa Valley six dialects were\nspoken, the Myacoma, Calayomane, Caymus, Napa, Uluka, and Suscol.[IV'-22]\nIn Solano County the Guiluco language was spoken, of which the\nfollowing Lord's Prayer may serve as a specimen:\n\n     All\u00e1 igam\u00e9 mutryocus\u00e9 mi zahu\u00e1 om mi yahuatail cha usqui etra\n     shou mur tzecali ziam pac onjinta mul zhai\u00edge nasoyate chelegua\n     mul znatzoitze tzecali zicmatan zchiitiilaa chalehua mesqui\n     pihuatzite yteima omahu\u00e1. Emqui Jesus.[IV'-23]\n\nNear the straits of Karquines, and also in the San Joaquin and Tulare\nvalleys, the Tulare tongue prevailed. In this language, if we may\nbelieve M. Duflot de Mofras, the letters _b_, _d_, _f_, _g_, and _r_\ndo not exist, the _r_ being changed into _l_, as _maria_, _malia_.\nMany guttural sounds like _kh_, _tsh_, _lm_, _tp_, _tsp_, _th_, etc.,\nare found, yet softer than the gutturals of the north. Notwithstanding\nthe above statement M. de Mofras gives as a specimen of the Tulare\nlanguage the following Lord's Prayer, in which the _r_ frequently\noccurs:\n\n     Appa macquen erinigmo tasunimac emracat, jinnin eccey macquen\n     iunis\u00ednmac macquen quitti \u00e9n\u00e9 soteyma erinigmo: sumimac macquen\n     hamjam\u00fa jinnan guara ayei: sunun macquen quit ti enesunumac\n     ayacma: aquectsem unisimtac nininti equetmini: jurin\u00e1 macquen\n     equetmini em men.\n\n  [Sidenote: SPECIMENS OF SOUTHERN LANGUAGES.]\n\nOf the languages spoken at the mission of Santa Inez the following\nLord's Prayer is given by M. de Mofras; and this is very likely in the\ntrue Tulare language in place of the one above.\n\n     Dios caquicoco upalequen alapa, quiaenicho opte: paquininigug\n     quique eccuet upalacs huatahuc itimisshup caneche alapa.\n     Ulamuhu ilahulalisahue. Picsiyug equepe ginsucutaniyug\n     uquiyagmagin, canechequique quisagin sucutanagun utiyagmayiyug\n     peux hoyug quie utic lex ulechop santequiyug ilautechop. Amen\n     Jesus.[IV'-24]\n\nThe Tulare language is probably the same which was known under the\nname of Kahweyah in central California and may have some connection\nwith the Cahuillo in the southern part of the state.[IV'-25]\n\nLanguages in the interior, of which but little more than the name and\nthe region where they were spoken is known, are, on the Tuolumne River\nthe Hawhaw and another which has no particular name; on the Merced\nRiver the Coconoon with a dialect extending to King River and to\nTulare Lake.[IV'-26] Mr Powers makes of the tribes inhabiting Kern and\nTulare valleys the Yocut nation, _yocut_ signifying an aggregation of\npeople, while _myee_, or _nono_, means man. \"It is a singular fact,\"\nobserves this writer, \"that in several of the northern languages\n_kiya_ denotes dog, while in the Yocut, _kiya_ is coyote.\"\n\nFrom Mr Powers I have also the following vocabularies, which have\nnever before been published.\n\n                    CAHROC.        MEIDOO.       PALEGAWON\u00c0P.\n\n     Man            awans          midoo         anghanil\n     Woman          asicit\u00e1wa      catee         coyeem\n     Sun            coosooda       pocum         tahl\n     Earth          soosaney       caweh         serwahl\n     Dog            cheshee        seyu          poongool\n     Water          ahs            momeh         pahl\n     Stone          ass            ohm           tuhnt\n     Fire           alih           sum           quoat\n     Head           huchwa         onum          ko\u00f6nte\n     Mouth          apman          cumbo         tawkunte\n     Hand           teeik          ma mah\n     Big            nuckishnuck    haylin\n     Little         neenums        wedaka\n     To eat         oh\u00e1mt          pin\n     To give        tanne\u00ebh        me\u00eby\n     To work        ickee\u00e0ht       tawale\n\n                    MEEWOC.        YOCUT.        NEESHENAM.\n\n     Man            Meewa          nono          neeshenam or maidee\n     Woman          Osuh           mokella       c\u00fclleh\n     Sun            Watoo          ope           ophy\n     Earth          Toleh          hoocheh       cow\n     Dog            Chookoo        chehca        sooh\n     Water          Kikuh          ilic          moh\n     Stone          Sawa           sileh         oam\n     Fire           Wookeh         osit          sah\n     Head           Hanna          oochuh        tsoll\n     Mouth          Awoh           samah         sim\n     Hand           Tissuh         poonose       mah\n     Big            Oyaneh         koteh         nem\n     Little         Toonchickche   colich        hunum\n     To eat         Sowuh          hateh         pap\n     To give                       wahneh        meh\n     To work                       tawhaleh      towh\u00e0n\n\nInformation regarding the languages spoken where the city of San\nFrancisco now stands, and throughout the adjacent country, is meagre,\nand of a very indefinite character. On the shores of San Francisco\nBay, there are the languages spoken by the Matalans, Salses, and\nQuirotes, which are dialects of one mother language.[IV'-27] This\nlanguage has by some been called the Olhone, and although other\ndialects are mentioned as belonging to it, it is generally stated that\nbut one general language was spoken by all of them.[IV'-28] Southward,\nnear Monterey, there are more positive data. Here we find as the\nprincipal languages, the two spoken by the Runsiens and Eslenes;\nbesides which, the Ismuracan and Aspianaque are mentioned.[IV'-29]\n\n  [Sidenote: DIALECTS OF THE RUNSIEN AND ESLENE.]\n\nBut although they are called distinct languages, Taylor affirms that\nthe Eslenes, Sakhones, Chalones, Katlendarukas, Poytoquis, Mutsunes,\nThamiens, and many others, spoke different dialects of the Runsien\nlanguage, and that over a stretch of country one hundred and seventy\nmiles in length, the natives were all able to converse with greater or\nless facility with each other, and that although \"their dialects were\ninfinitesimal and puzzling, their vocal communications were\nintelligible enough when brought together at the different missions.\"\nLa P\u00e9rouse's Achastliens and Ecclemachs are probably nothing more than\nother names for some of the above-mentioned dialects.[IV'-30]\n\nNot only do all these before-mentioned languages show a relationship\none with another, but there are faint resemblances detected between\nthem and the Olhone language of San Francisco Bay. Furthermore, between\nthe latter and the language spoken at La Soledad Mission, as well as\nthat of the Olamentkes of Russian River, which I have already classed\nwith the Pomo family, there are faint traces of relationship.[IV'-31]\n\n               MUTSUN.       LA SOLEDAD.    RUNSIEN.     ACHASTLIEN.\n\n     One       hemethscha    him\u00edtsa        enjal\u00e1       moukala\n     Two       usthrgin      utshe          ultis        outis\n     Three     capjan        hapkha         kappei       capes\n     Four      uthrit        utjit          ultizim      outiti\n     Five      parnes        paruash        hali iz\u00fa     is\n     Father    app\u00e1          nik\u00e1pa         appan\n     Mother    anan          nik\u00e1na         a\u00e1n\n     Daughter  ca            nik\u00e1           kaana\n     Nose      us            us\n     Ears      ocho          otsho\n     Mouth     jai           hai\n\nA further confirmation of this relationship is found in the statement\nof the first missionary Fathers, who traveled overland from Monterey\nto San Francisco, and who, although at that time totally unacquainted\nwith these languages, recognized resemblances in certain words.[IV'-32]\nThe dialect spoken at the Mission of Santa Clara has been preserved to\nus only in the shape of the Lord's Prayer which follows:\n\n     Appa macr\u00e9ne m\u00e9 saura saraahtiga elecpuhmen imragat, sacan\n     macr\u00e9ne mensaraah assueiy nouman ourun macari pireca numa ban\n     saraathtiga poluma macr\u00e9ne souhaii naltis anat macr\u00e9ne ne\u00e9na,\n     ia annanit macr\u00e9ne nieena, ia annanit macr\u00e9ne macrec \u00e9quetr\n     maccari noumaba\u00fa mare annan, nou marot\u00e9, jassemper macr\u00e9ne in\n     eckou\u00e9 tamouniri innam tattahn\u00e9 icatrarca oniet macr\u00e9ne equets\n     naccaritkoun oun och \u00e1 J\u00e9sus.[IV'-33]\n\n  [Sidenote: MUTSUN GRAMMAR.]\n\nOf the Mutsun dialect I give the following grammatical notes. Words of\nthis language do not contain the letters _b_, _d_, _k_, _f_, _v_, _x_,\nand the rolling _r_.\n\n                DECLENSION OF THE WORD APPA, FATHER.\n\n                   SINGULAR.                 PLURAL.\n\n     Nom.             appa                  appagma\n     Gen.             appa                  appagma\n     Dat.             appahuas              appagmahuas\n     Acc.             appase                apagamase\n     Voc.             appa                  appagma\n     Abl.             appatsu {or appatca   appagmatsu {or appamatca\n                              {or appame               {or appagmane\n\n               CONJUGATION OF THE VERB AR\u00c1, TO GIVE.\n\n                        PRESENT INDICATIVE.\n\n     I give,       can ar\u00e1       |   We give,    macse ar\u00e1\n     Thou givest,  men ar\u00e1       |   You give,   macam ar\u00e1\n     He gives,     nunissia ar\u00e1  |   They give,  nupcan ar\u00e1\n\n                               PAST.\n\n     I gave (a very short time ago),    can itzs ar\u00e1n\n     I gave (a long while ago),         can cus ar\u00e1s\n     I gave (very long ago),            can hocs ar\u00e1\n     I gave (from time immemorial),     can munna ar\u00e1s\n     I gave (without mentioning time),  can ar\u00e1n\n     I gave (who knows when),           can ar\u00e1s\n     I gave (sometime ago),             can araicun\n     I gave (already),                  can aragte\n\n                              FUTURE.\n\n     I shall give (soon),               can et (or iete) ar\u00e1\n     I shall give (after many days),    can iti ar\u00e1\n     I shall give (after many years),   can m\u00fanna ar\u00e1\n     I shall have given (perhaps),      can pi\u00f1 ar\u00e1n\n\n                            IMPERATIVE.\n\n     Give me,                           arat, or aratit\n     Give thyself,                      araia\n     Give him,                          arai, or arati\n     Give them,                         arais\n\n                            SUBJUNCTIVE.\n\n     That I give,     cat ar\u00e1\n     If I gave,       imatcum can ar\u00e1, or cochop tucne can ar\u00e1\n\nThe language abounds in adverbs, of which I give the following.\n\n     This day     neppe tengis       To-morrow    aruta\n     Now          naha               Since        yete\n     Immediately  i\u00f1aha              Always       imi\n     Never        ecue et            Before       aru\n     Never more   ecue imi           Much         tolon\n     Good         miste, utin        Very much    tompe\n     Bad          equitseste         Little       cutis\n     Gently       chequen            Very little  cuti\n     Certainly    amane              Yes          gehe\n     No           ecue               Truly        asaha, eres\n     To-day       naha               Look         gir\u00e9\n\nAdjectives are declined the same as substantives when they are\ndeclined alone; but they differ in their declension from substantives\nwhen they are declined in connection with them, because then they do\nnot change their terminations, but remain the same in all the cases.\nThe rules of syntax are intricate and very difficult.\n\nFather Comelias speaks of a language at the Mission of Santa Cruz,\nwith numerous dialects, in fact so many, that the language changed\nnearly every two leagues, and being at times so divergent, that it was\nwith difficulty neighboring people could understand one another.[IV'-34]\nIn the vicinity of the Mission San Antonio de Padua, there is a\nlanguage which has been variously named, Tatch\u00e9, Telam\u00e9, and Sextapay.\nIt appears to be a distinct language, and Taylor affirms that the\npeople speaking it could not understand those of La Soledad Mission,\nthirty miles north.[IV'-35] In this language the letters _b_, _d_, _r_,\ndo not appear; _na_ expresses the article the, and also this. There\nare many different ways of expressing the plural of nouns. Some add\nthe syllable _il_, _el_, _l_, or _li_, others insert _ti_, or _t_,\nwhile others again add _leg_, _aten_, _ten_, or _teno_, as may be seen\nin the following examples.[IV'-36]\n\n                    SINGULAR.              PLURAL.\n\n     Counsellor     tayito                 tayilito\n     Flame          me^ache^al\u00edya          me^ache^aliliya\n     Work           t\u00e1c\u00e2to                 taquele^ato\n     My enemy       zitcho^fn              zitcho^fne^al\n     Brother        citol                  citolan\u00e9l\n     Grass          ca*tz                  ca*tza^on\u00e9l\n     Man            tama                   tamaten\n     Mouse          e^azzqui*lmog          e^azzqui*lmoco*ten\n     Oven           alocon\u00edya              alocotin\u00edya\n     Prison         que^aluez\u00fagne          que^aluez\u00fagtine\n     Fat            cu*pinit               cupinitleg\n     Woman          lixii                  litzzin\n     Bone           ejac\u00f4                  ejacl\u00edto\n\n  [Sidenote: TATCHE GRAMMAR.]\n\nCases do not appear to exist, the relations of the nouns being expressed\nby particles. Adjectives do not vary to show gender or degree. Personal\npronouns are usually copulative and included in the verb, whether\nsubjective or objective. Of the use of the possessive pronoun the\nfollowing examples will give the clearest idea: Brother, _citolo_; my\nbrother, _c\u00edtol_; thy brother, _e^atsmitol_; brothers, _citolan\u00e9lo_;\nmy brothers, _citolan\u00e9l_; thy brothers, _e^atsmitolanel_; mother,\n_epjo_; thy mother, _petsmipeg_; house, _ch^viconou_; my house,\n_ch^v\u00edcono^v_; thy house, _zimch^vicono_; blood, _akata_; my\nblood, _ekata_; thy blood, _cimekata_; father, _ecco_; my father,\n_tili_; thy father, _cimic_; our father, _tatilli_; work, _t\u00e1c\u00e2to_; my\nwork, _t\u00e1c\u00e2t_; thy work, _cimt\u00e1c\u00e2t_; our work, _zat\u00fac\u00e2t_; your work,\n_zugt\u00e1c\u00e2t_; mine, _ze\u00e9_; thine, _e^atsme^am\u00e9e_; this, _na_; that,\n_pe^a_.\n\nVerbs have also a plural form. _Ca*lom_, to teach; _ca*^\u00f3lilom_,\nto teach much, or, to teach many.\n\n                         SINGULAR.         PLURAL.\n\n     To desire           quia^olep         quia^olilep\n     To drink            c\u00e1cheme           c\u00e1chetem\n     To run              quenole           quenoltec\n     To say              mal\u00e1co            maloltaco\n     To walk             qui*tipa^v        qui*lipa{_v}\n\n                             VERB AND PRONOUN.\n\n     I teach,          'eca^o*lom       |      Give me,     me^aya^oc\n     He teaches me,    quepa^oal\u00e1c      |      Give us,     ma\u00edtiltac\n     Speak thou to me, pssia^oc         |      He gives us, pe^aya^oc\n     Speak you to me,  pssit\u00e1c          |      He gives us, paitiltac\n     To give,          peyaco, pe^a\u00edco\n\n              I love thee,         'epe^apa^omaqueca\n              Thou lovest thyself,  mimo e^atame^apa^omapque*co\n\nThe following are prepositions: by, _zo_; in _ne^ape^a_; to _zui_,\n_zuiyo_, _zo_; from, _ze^ape^a_; on, _zui_; within,\n_zine^apa^v_. A few examples of adverbs are--here, _zopa{_v}_;\nthere, _ne^ap\u00e9_; to-day, _taha_; to-morrow, _tixj\u00e1y_; yesterday,\n_notcieyo_.\n\n                            LORD'S PRAYER.\n\n     Za   tili,   mo   quixco ne^ape^a limaatnil. An zucueteyem\n     Our father, thou   art      in     heaven.    Hallowed\n\n     na  etsmatz:   antsiejtsitia na   ejtmilina.  An citaha\n     the thy name:     come       the thy kingdom.  Be done\n\n     natsmalog  zui lac* quicha ne^ap^ae  lima.   Ma^itiltac taha\n     thy will  on  earth   as      in    heaven.   Give us   to-day\n\n     zizalamaget  zizucanatel ziczia.  Za manimtiltac  na\n      our food    our daily.            Forgive us     the\n\n     zanayl, quicha na   kac  apaninit\u00edlico  na   zananaol. Zi\n     Debts,    as   the  we   forgive them   the  our debt.\n\n     quetza commanatatelnec  za  alimeta   zo na ziuxnia.\n               Let not       us   fall   into the temptation.\n\n     Za no  quissili  jom  zig zumtaylitee.  Amen.[IV'-37]\n       Us     from    evil       defend.\n\n  [Sidenote: SAN MIGUEL AND SANTA CRUZ VOCABULARY.]\n\nAnother distinct language is found at and near the Mission of San\nMiguel, but of it nothing but a short vocabulary taken by Mr Hale is\nknown. The language spoken at San Gabriel and at San Fernando Rey,\ncalled Kizh, and the Netela used at San Juan Capistrano, I shall not\ndescribe here, but include them with the Shoshone family, to which\nthey are related. The Chemehuevi and Cahuillo I also place among the\nShoshone dialects, while the Diege\u00f1o and Comeya will be included in\nthe Yuma family. It therefore only remains for me to speak of the\nlanguages of the islands near the coast of California. Of these, the\nprincipal, or mother language, was spoken on the island of Santa Cruz.\nThe different tribes inhabiting the various islands all spoke dialects\nof one language, which was somewhat guttural. I insert a short\nvocabulary of the Santa Cruz Island language with that of the Mission\nof San Miguel.\n\n                 SAN MIGUEL.         SANTA CRUZ ISLAND.\n\n     Man         loa\u00ed, or loguai     alamu\u00fcn\n     Woman       tlen\u00e9               hemutch\n     Father      tata                ceske\n     Mother      apai                osloe\n     Head        tobuko              pispulaoah\n     Hair        teasakho            toffooll\n     Ears        tentkhito           pasthoo\n     Eyes        trugento            tisplesoose\n     Mouth       treliko             pasaotch\n     One         tohi                ismala\n     Two         kogsu               ischum\n     Three       tlobahi             maseghe\n     Four        kesa                scumoo\n     Five        oldrato             sietisma\n     Six         paiate              sietischum\n     Seven       tepa                sietmasshugh\n     Eight       sratel              malawah\n     Nine        teditrup            spah\n     Ten         trupa               kascum[IV'-38]\n\nFOOTNOTES:\n\n[IV'-1] _Roseborough's Letter to the Author_, MS.; _The Shastas and\ntheir Neighbors_, MS. 'The diversity of language is so great in\nCalifornia, that at almost every 15 or 20 leagues, you find a distinct\ndialect.' _Boscana_, in _Robinson's Life in Cal._, p. 240. 'Il n'est\npeut-\u00eatre aucun pays o\u00f9 les diff\u00e9rens idiomes soient aussi multipli\u00e9s\nque dans la Californie septentrionale.' _La P\u00e9rouse_, _Voy._, tom.\nii., p. 323. 'One might spend years with diligence in acquiring an\nIndian tongue, then journey a three-hours' space, and find himself\nadrift again, so multitudinous are the languages and dialects of\nCalifornia.' _Powers' North. Cal. Ind._, in _Overland Monthly_, vol.\nviii., p. 328. 'The diversity is such as to preclude almost entirely\nall verbal communication.' _Hutchings' Cal. Mag._, vol. iii., p. 159.\n'Languages vary from tribe to tribe.' _Pickering's Races_, in _U. S.\nEx. Ex._, vol. ix., p. 106. 'In California, there appears to be spoken\ntwo or more distinct languages.' _McCulloh's Researches in Amer._, p.\n37; _Kotzebue's Voyage_, vol. iii., p. 48; _Id._, _New Voy._, vol.\nii., p. 98; _Taylor_, in _Bancroft's Handbook Almanac_, 1864, p. 29.\n\n[IV'-2] See vol. i., p. 325; _Roseborough's Letter to the Author_, MS.;\n_The Shastas and their Neighbors_, MS.; _Hutchings' Cal. Mag._, vol.\niii., p. 159\n\n[IV'-3] _Powers' Pomo_, MS.\n\n[IV'-4] _Roseborough's Letter to the Author_, MS.\n\n[IV'-5] 'The Lutuami, Shasti and Palaik are thrown by Gallatin into\nthree separate classes. They are without doubt mutually\nunintelligible. Nevertheless they cannot be very widely separated.'\n_Latham's Comp. Phil._, vol. viii., p. 407. The T-ka, Id-do-a,\nHo-te-day, We-o-how, or Shasta Indians, speak the same language.\n_Steele_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1864, p. 120. The Modocs speak the\nsame language as the Klamaths. _Palmer_, in _Id._, 1854, p. 262;\n_Hale's Ethnog._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. vi., p. 218; _Berghaus_,\n_Geographisches Jahrbuch_, tom. iii., p. 48; _Taylor_, in _Cal.\nFarmer_, June 8, 1860. 'A branch of the latter (Shoshone) is the tribe\nof Tlamath Indians.' _Ruxton's Adven. Mex._, p. 244.\n\n[IV'-6] _The Shastas and their Neighbors_, MS.\n\n[IV'-7] _Jackson's Vocab. of the Wintoon Language_, MS.; _Powers'\nVocabularies_, MS.\n\n[IV'-8] _Powers' Pomo_, MS.\n\n[IV'-9] _Gibbs_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iii., p. 422. 'The\njunction of the rivers Klamath, or Trinity, gives us the locality of\nthe Weitspek. Its dialects, the Weyot and Wishosk, extend far into\nHumboldt county, where they are probably the prevailing form of\nspeech, being used on the Mad River, and the parts about Cape\nMendocino. From the Weitspek they differ much more than they do from\neach other.' _Latham's Comp. Phil._, vol. viii., p. 40. 'Weeyot und\nWish-osk, unter einander verwandt.' _Buschmann_, _Spuren der Aztek.\nSpr._, p. 575.\n\n[IV'-10] _Gibbs_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iii., pp. 422-3.\n\n[IV'-11] _Powers' Pomo_, MS.\n\n[IV'-12] _Roseborouqh's Letter to the Author_, MS.; _Powers' Pomo_, MS.\n\n[IV'-13] _Gibbs_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iii., pp. 421-2;\n_Powers' Pomo_, MS.; _Taylor_, in _Cal. Farmer_, March 30, 1860.\n\n[IV'-14] _Powers' Notes on Cal. Languages_, MS.\n\n[IV'-15] _Gibbs_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iii., p. 428, et seq.;\n_Hale's Ethnog._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. vi., p. 342, et seq;\n_Keppel's Exped._, vol. i., appendix, p. 14, et Seq.; _Martin's Tonga\nIsl._, vol. ii.\n\n[IV'-16] 'Die Indianer in Bodega verstehen nur mit M\u00fche die Sprache\nderjenigen welche in den Ebenen am Slaw\u00e4nka-Flusse leben; die Sprache\nder n\u00f6rdlich von Ross lebenden St\u00e4mme ist ihnen v\u00f6llig unverst\u00e4ndlich.'\n_Baer_, _Stat. u. Ethno._, p. 75. 'Die Bodegischen Indianer verstehen\ndie n\u00f6rdlichen nicht, sowohl die Sprache als die Art der Aussprache\nist verschieden. Die Entferten und die Steppen-Indianer sprechen eine\nMenge Dialecte oder Sprachen, deren Eigenth\u00fcmlichkeit und Verwandtschaft\nnoch nicht bekannt sind.' _Kostromitonow_, in _Id._, p. 80; _Gibbs_,\nin _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iii., p. 421. 'Kulanapo und Yukai,\nverwandt: d. h. in dem beschr\u00e4nkten Grade, dass viele W\u00f6rter zwischen\nihnen \u00fcbereinstimmen, viele andere, z. B. ein guter Theil der\nZahlw\u00f6rter, verschieden sind.... Choweshak und Batemdakaiee sehr genau\nund im vollkommnen Maasse unter einander und wiederum beide ganz genau\nmit Yukai, und auch Kulanapo verwandt.... Wichtig ist es aber zu\nsagen, dass die Sprache Tchokoyem mit dem Olamentke der Bodega Bai und\nmit der Mission S. Raphael nahe gleich ist.' _Buschmann_, _Spuren der\nAztek. Spr._, p. 575. 'The Kanimares speak a different dialect from\nthe Tamalos. The Sonoma Indians also speak different from Tamalos. The\nSonomos speak a similar dialect as the Suisuns. The San Rafael Indians\nspeak the same as the Tamalos.' _Taylor_, in _Cal. Farmer_, March\n30th, 1860.\n\n[IV'-17] _Mofras_, _Explor._, tom. ii., p. 391.\n\n[IV'-18] _Powers' Pomo_, MS.\n\n[IV'-19] _Hale's Ethnog._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. vi., pp. 222, 630;\n_Wilkes' Nar._, in _Id._, vol. v., p. 201.\n\n[IV'-20] 'Puzhune, Sekamne, Tsamak und Talatui ... Sekumne und Tsamak\nsind nahe verwandt, die \u00fcbrigen zeigen gemeinsames und fremdes.'\n_Buschmann_, _Spuren der Aztek. Spr._, p. 571. 'Hale's vocubulary of\nthe Talatiu belongs to the group for which the name of Moquelumne is\nproposed, a Moquelumne Hill and a Moquelumne River being found within\nthe area over which the languages belonging to it are spoken. Again,\nthe names of the tribes that speak them end largely in mne, Chupumne,\netc. As far south as Tuolumne County the language belongs to this\ndivision, viz., 1, the Mumaltachi; 2, Mullateco; 3, Apaugasi; 4,\nLapappu; 5, Siyante, or Typoxi band, speak this language.' _Latham's\nComp. Phil._, vol. viii., p. 414.\n\n[IV'-21] _Wilkes' Nar._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. v., p. 201.\n\n[IV'-22] _Montgomery's Indianology of Napa County_, MS.\n\n[IV'-23] _Mofras_, _Explor._, tom. ii., p. 391.\n\n[IV'-24] _Arroyo_, _Gram. de la lengua Tulare\u00f1a_, MS., quoted in\n_Mofras_, _Explor._, tom. ii., p. 388, see also pp. 392-3. 'Malgr\u00e9 le\ngrand nombre de dialectes des Missions de la Californie, les\nFranciscains espagnols s'\u00e9taient attach\u00e9s \u00e0 apprendre la langue\ng\u00e9n\u00e9rale de la grande vall\u00e9e de los Tulares, dont presque toutes les\ntribus sont originaires, et ils ont r\u00e9dig\u00e9s le vocabulaire et une\nsorte de grammaire de cette langue nomm\u00e9e _el Tulare\u00f1o_.' _Id._, p.\n387.\n\n[IV'-25] _Taylor_, in _Cal. Farmer_, May 25, 1860.\n\n[IV'-26] _Johnston_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iv., p. 407. 'Die\nSprachen der Coconoons und die vom King's River sind nahe verwandt.'\n_Buschmann_, _Spuren der Aztek. Spr._, p. 564.\n\n[IV'-27] 'Dans la baie de San Francisco on distingue les tribus des\nMatalans, Salsen et Quirotes, dont les langues d\u00e9rivent d'une souche\ncommune.' _Humboldt_, _Essai Pol._, tom. i., pp. 321-2;\n_M\u00fchlenpfordt_, _Mejico_, tom. ii., pt ii., p. 454.\n\n[IV'-28] 'The tribe of Indians which roamed over this great valley,\nfrom San Francisco to near San Juan Bautista Mission ... were the\nOlhones. Their language slightly resembled that spoken by the Mutsuns,\nat the Mission of San Juan Bautista, although it was by no means the\nsame.' _Hall's San Jos\u00e9_, p. 40. 'In the single Mission Santa Clara\nmore than twenty languages are spoken.' _Kotzebue's New Voy._, vol.\nii., p. 98; _Kotzebue's Voyage_, vol. iii., p. 51; _Beechey's Voyage_,\nvol. ii., p. 78; _Choris_, _Voy. Pitt._, pt iii., pp. 5-6; _Conder's\nMex. Guat._, vol. ii., pp. 94-5.\n\n[IV'-29] 'La misma diferencia que se advierte en los usos y costumbres\nde una y otra nacion hay en sus idiomas.' _Sutil y Mexicana_, _Viage_,\np. 172.\n\n[IV'-30] 'Each tribe has a different dialect; and though their districts\nare small, the languages are sometimes so different that the\nneighbouring tribes cannot understand each other. I have before\nobserved that in the Mission of San Carlos there are eleven different\ndialects.' _Beechey's Voyage_, vol. ii., p. 73. 'La langue de ces\nhabitans (Ecclemachs) diff\u00e8re absolument de toutes celles de leurs\nvoisins; elle a m\u00eame plus de rapport avec nos langues Europ\u00e9ennes\nqu'avec celles de l'Am\u00e9rique.... L'idiome de cette nation est\nd'ailleurs plus riche que celui des autres peuples de la Californie.'\n_La P\u00e9rouse_, _Voy._, tom. ii., pp. 324-326. 'La partie septentrionale\nde la Nouvelle-Californie est habit\u00e9e par les deux nations de Rumsen\net Escelen. Elles parlent des langues enti\u00e8rement diff\u00e9rentes.'\n_Humboldt_, _Essai Pol._, tom. i., p. 321. 'Beyde Darstellungen\nderselben sind, wie man aus der so bestimmten Erkl\u00e4rung beider\nSchriftsteller, dass diese zwey V\u00f6lker die Bev\u00f6lkerung jener Gegend\nausmachen, schliessen muss, ohne Zweifel unter verschiedenen\nAbtheilungen Eines Volkes aufgefasst, unter dessen Zweigen die\nDialekte, ungeregelt, wie sie sind, leicht grosse Abweichungen von\neinander zeigen werden.' _Vater_, _Mithridates_, tom. iii., pt. iii.,\np. 202; _Taylor_, in _Cal. Farmer_, Feb. 22, Apr. 20, 1860.\n\n[IV'-31] 'Es erhellt aber aus den Zahlw\u00f6rtern und anderen W\u00f6rtern, dass\ndie Sprache von la Soledad, der Runsien nahe gleich und der Achastlier\n\u00e4hnlich ist.' _Buschmann_, _Spuren der Aztek. Spr._, p. 561; _Turner_,\nin _Hist. Mag._, vol. i., p. 206.\n\n[IV'-32] 'En estos indios repar\u00e9 que entendian mas que otros los\nt\u00e9rminos de Monterey y entend\u00ed muchos t\u00e9rminos de lo que hablaban....\nEl dici\u00e9ndome _meapam_ tu eres mi padre, que es la misma palabra que\nusan los de Monterey.' _Palou_, _Noticias_, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._,\ns\u00e9rie iv., tom. vii., pp. 62-3, 59, 65, 67, 69.\n\n[IV'-33] _Mofras_, _Explor._, tom. ii., p. 392.\n\n[IV'-34] _Comelias_, in _Cal. Farmer_, April 5, 1860.\n\n[IV'-35] _Taylor_, in _Id._, April 27, 1860.\n\n[IV'-36] 'Quod quanquam hoc idioma ineloquens videatur et inelegans,\nin rei veritate non est ita: est valde copiosum, oblongum, abundans et\neloquens.' _Arroyo de la Cuesta_, _Alphabs Rivulus Obeundus_, preface,\nalso, _Arroyo de la Cuesta_, _Mutsun Grammar_. On the cover of the\nmanuscript is the following important note. 'Copia de la lengua Mutsun\nen estilo Catalan \u00e1 causa la escribi\u00f3 un Catalan. La Castellana usa de\nla fuerza de la pronunciacion de letras de otro modo en su alfabeto.'\nThe Catalans pronounce _ch_ hard, and _j_ like the Germans.\n\n[IV'-37] _Sitjar_, _Vocabulario de la M. de San Antonio._ The\northography employed by Father Sitjar is very curious; accents, stars,\nsmall letters above or below the line, and various other marks are\nconstantly used; but no explanation of these have been found in the\nMS. I have therefore, as far as possible, presented the original style\nof writing. See also _Mofras_, _Explor._, tom. ii., pp. 392-3.\n\n[IV'-38] _Hale's Ethnog._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. vi., pp. 633-4;\n_Taylor_, in _Cal. Farmer_, May 4, 1860.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER V.\n\nSHOSHONE LANGUAGES.\n\n     AZTEC-SONORA CONNECTIONS WITH THE SHOSHONE FAMILY -- THE UTAH,\n     COMANCHE, MOQUI, KIZH, NETELA, KECHI, CAHUILLO, AND CHEMEHUEVI\n     -- EASTERN AND WESTERN SHOSHONE, OR WIHINASHT -- THE BANNACK\n     AND DIGGER, OR SHOSHOKEE -- THE UTAH AND ITS DIALECTS -- THE\n     GOSHUTE, WASHOE, PAIULEE, PIUTE, SAMPITCHE, AND MONO -- POPULAR\n     BELIEF AS TO THE AZTEC ELEMENT IN THE NORTH -- GRIMM'S LAW --\n     SHOSHONE, COMANCHE, AND MOQUI COMPARATIVE TABLE -- NETELA\n     STANZA -- KIZH GRAMMAR -- THE LORD'S PRAYER IN TWO DIALECTS OF\n     THE KIZH -- CHEMEHUEVI AND CAHUILLO GRAMMAR -- COMPARATIVE\n     VOCABULARY.\n\n\nIn this chapter I include all the languages of the Shoshone family,\nthe Wihinasht or western Shoshone of Idaho and Oregon, the Utah with\nits many dialects, the Comanche or Yetan of Texas and New Mexico, the\nMoqui of Arizona, the Kizh, Netela, and Kechi of the San Fernando\nMission, and their dialects, and the Cahuillo and Chemehuevi of\nsouth-eastern California. The six last mentioned do not properly\nbelong to the Shoshone family, but on account of certain faint traces\nof Aztec, found alike in them and in all Shoshone idioms, I cannot do\nbetter than to speak of them in this connection. As regards this Aztec\nelement, I do not mean to say that these languages are related to the\nAztec language, in the same sense that other languages are spoken of\nas being related to each other, for this might lead those who are\nsearching for the former habitation or fatherland of the Aztecs, to\nsuppose that it has been found. This element consists simply in a\nnumber of words, identical or reasonably approximate to the like Aztec\nwords, and in the similarity, perhaps, of a few grammatical rules. How\nthis Aztec word-material crept into the languages of the Shoshones,\nwhether by intercommunication, or Aztec colonization, we do not know.\nNor do I wish to be understood as attempting to sustain the popular\ntheory of an Aztec migration from the north; on the contrary, the\nevidence of language is all on the other side. Whether or not the\nGreat Basin, or any part of the Northwest, was once occupied by the\nancient Mexicans, it is certain that the Aztec language, as a base, is\nfound nowhere north of central Mexico, so that these incidental or\naccidental word-analogies if they prove anything, indicate only a\nscattering from some primeval centre, other than the place where they\nare found, and tend to show that the language whose words are thus\nthinly sprinkled over so broad an area, could not have been the\naboriginal stock language of the country.\n\n  [Sidenote: SHOSHONE AND UTAH DIALECTS.]\n\nThe Shoshone and the Utah are the principal languages of the great\ninterior basin; and these may be regarded as sisters of a common\nmother language, the Shoshone preponderating. Each has many dialects.\nThe Shoshone language may be divided into eastern, or Shoshone proper,\nand western Shoshone, or Wihinasht. Of the former the Bannack, and the\nDigger, or Shoshokee, are the chief variations. The Utah dialects, more\nnumerous, are the Goshute, Washoe, Paiulee, Piute, Sampitche, Mono,\nand a few others, which latter vary so little from some one of the\nothers, that it is unnecessary to trace them as separate dialects. The\nComanche dialects I shall not attempt to classify.[V'-1] No grammar\nhas ever been written of any of these languages. In all of them words\nare generally accented on the first syllable, except when a possessive\npronoun is prefixed. Words of more than four syllables, generally have\na secondary accent on the fifth, as in _t\u00e9-ith-tis-chi-h\u00f3-no_,\nvalley.[V'-2] A few words in these languages are found almost identical\nwith like words of the Tinneh family, which have probably found their\nway into them by intercommunication. Of these the following are the\nprincipal ones, so far as designated by existing vocabularies:\n\n  [Sidenote: SHOSHONE AND TINNEH SIMILARITIES.]\n\nFire: Comanche, _ku-ona_; Shoshone, _kuna_; Chepewyan, _counn_, _kon_,\n_kone_; Utah, _coon_. Bow: Comanche, _eth_; Shoshone, _atsch\u00f6_;\nWihinasht, _ati_; Chepewyan, _atheike_. Cold: Comanche, _etscho_;\nShoshone, _\u00f6tschoin_; Wihinasht, _iz\u00edts_; Chepewyan, _edzah_. Eye:\nComanche, _nachich_; Chepewyan, _nackhay_.[V'-3]\n\nIn the Wihinasht, words occur sometimes in which an unusual number of\nvowels are combined--_pa\u00f6a\u00edu_, great; long words are also not\ninfrequent, like _pimatiyimwai\u00e1kin_, salt.[V'-4] A short comparative\nvocabulary to show the connection between these languages, is given\nfurther on.\n\n  [Sidenote: AZTEC TRACES NORTH OF MEXICO.]\n\nLet us now consider the often discussed but ill understood question of\nthe Aztec language in the north. Torquemada and Vetancvrt narrate the\nexpedition of Juan de O\u00f1ate, who invaded New Mexico during the last\nyears of the sixteenth century. Father Roque de Figueredo, who\naccompanied the expedition, says that while searching for a lost mule,\nat the Rio del Tizon, the Mexican muleteers met certain natives who\naddressed them in their own language, and who, on being asked whence\nthey came, answered that they came from the north, where that language\nwas spoken. Clavigero, who repeats the above, also asserts, that\nduring the expedition made by the Spaniards, in 1606, to New Mexico,\nwhen north of the Rio del Tizon, they saw some large houses, and near\nthem certain natives who spoke the Mexican language. Then we have the\nstatement of Father Ger\u00f3nimo de Z\u00e1rate, that while searching for the\nLaguna de Copala, he was informed, among other things, that the\ncountry in its vicinity was densely peopled by men who spoke a\nlanguage similar to that of his Aztec servants. Z\u00e1rate was at this\ntime at the Rio del Tizon, and the natives, who are close observers in\nsuch matters, assured the Spaniards that they detected in the speech\nof the servant certain words common to both his own and the language\nof the people of the Laguna de Copala. And again, in the region toward\nthe east, Acosta says that \"of late they have discovered a new land,\nwhich they call New Mexico, where they say is much people that speake\nthe Mexican tongue.\"\n\nVater, in his Mithridates, intimates that the Mexican language spread\nfar northward, through the roamings of wild tribes, particularly the\nChichimecs; but when we remember that the term Chichimec was applied\nby the early Spaniards to all the immense unknown nomadic hordes north\nand west, this mention carries with it but little weight. Mr Anderson,\nwho accompanied Captain Cook to the north-west coast, in 1778, fancied\nhe detected a resemblance between the Aztec and the language of the\nNootkas. \"From the few Mexican words,\" he says, \"I have been able to\nprocure, there is the most obvious agreement, in the very frequent\nterminations of the vowels in _l_, _tl_, or _z_, throughout the\nlanguage.\" And remarks the editor, \"may we not, in confirmation of Mr.\nAnderson's remark, observe, that Opulszthl, the Nootka name of the\nSun; and Vitziputzli, the name of the Mexican Divinity, have no very\ndistant affinity in sound.\" Now the absurdity of all idle speculations\nis apparent when we encounter such far-fetched comparisons as this. In\nthe first place, there is no affinity in the sounds of the two words,\nand in the next place there is no such Aztec god--Huitzilopochtli\nprobably being the god meant. Neither has this last word any\nresemblance to the sun; it is composed of the two words, _huitzilin_,\nan abbreviation of the Mexican _huitzitzilin_, which signifies\n'humming-bird,' and _opochtli_, that is to say 'left.' Vater also\ndraws analogies between the Aztec and the Nootka, and Ugalenze, which\non close comparison do not hold good.\n\nRegarding the affinity of the Aztec language with those of the\nPueblos, Moquis, Apaches, Yumas, and others of New Mexico and Arizona,\nRuxton ventures the assertion, \"all these speak dialects of the same\nlanguage.... They likewise all understand each other's tongue. What\nrelation this language bears to the Mexican is unknown; but my\nimpression is, that it will be found to assimilate greatly, if not to\nbe identical,\"--in all of which assertions Mr Ruxton is greatly in\nerror.\n\nAll this, as evidence, does not amount to much; it only indicates the\norigin of a popular belief which placed a Mexican language in various\nparts of the north, while at the same time it shows upon how slender a\nthread hangs this belief, and how the vaguest traditionary rumors\ncome, by repetition, to be accredited as fixed facts.\n\nBuschmann asks himself the question whether the Aztec words, in any\nconsiderable number, are not found in any other languages of the great\nMexican empire--in the Zapotec, Miztec, Tarasco, Otom\u00ed, or\nHuastec--and the answer is no; he has discovered a few accidental\nword-similarities, such as may be found between the Aztec and other\nAmerican languages, or between any two languages of the world, but\nnothing which, by any possibility, could denote relationship.\n\nFrom another class of evidence we approach a little nearer the truth.\nAndres Perez de Ribas, missionary to Sinaloa writing about 1640, says,\nthat while studying the language of his people, he noticed many\nMexican words particularly radicals, and also words which appeared to\nhave been originally Mexican, but which had been so altered that only\none or two syllables in them could be recognized as Aztec.\n\nFather Ortega, in 1732, wrote a vocabulary of the Cora language, in\nwhich he says, the people had incorporated in their language many\nwords of the Mexican and some few of the Spanish languages, and this\nat a period so early that at the time of his writing they were\nregarded as belonging to the original language.\n\nHervas, whose work appeared in 1787, says that the Tarahumara language\nis full of Mexican words. Vater, writing early in the nineteenth\ncentury, affirms that the Cora is remarkable for its relation to the\nMexican, and that the Tarahumara, which is a more polished language\nthan its neighbors, contains some words similar to the Aztec. In his\nMithridates, Vater notices a relationship between the Cora and the\nAztec, furthermore asserting that the conjugations of the two are so\nalike as plainly to prove the connection.\n\nWilhelm von Humboldt left us a short manuscript grammar of the Cora\nand Tarahumara, in which he remarks that for languages which are\nrelated, the Cora and the Mexican have great differences in their\nsound-systems, and although these two languages certainly appear to be\nrelated, yet he is unwilling to assert that either is derived from the\nother. \"There are more ways than one,\" says the great philologist\nWilhelm von Humboldt, \"by which languages are connected. The\nimpression left upon me by the Cora, is that it is a mixture of two\ndifferent languages: one the Mexican, and the other some older and\nricher language, but rougher. In the grammar of the Cora there are\nfound very many forms which strikingly call to mind the Mexican, yet\nat the same time there are many forms wholly different, made by rules\ndirectly opposite, among which are the pronouns.\" He further remarks\ntwo other important differences between the Cora and the Mexican which\nare the absence of the reduplication of syllables and of the\nreverential forms.\n\nSuch was the attitude of the subject when Mr Buschmann took it up.\nFrom the prevailing impression of an Aztec origin in the north, but\nmore particularly from certain remarks of Alexander von Humboldt\nconcerning the probable passing of the ancient Mexicans through the\nregions of the north, he set himself to work to find this line of\nmigration, and the exact relations of their language in various parts.\nCommencing at the Valley of Mexico he made a careful analysis of every\nwestern language north of that place of which he could obtain any\nmaterial. The result of Mr Buschmann's researches was the discovery\nof Aztec traces in certain parts, but nowhere did he find the Aztec\nlanguage as a base.\n\n  [Sidenote: AZTEC TRACES IN NORTHERN MEXICO.]\n\nMore particularly were these Aztec words and word-analogies\nperceptible in four certain languages of north-western Mexico; in the\nCora, spoken in the Nayarit district of Jalisco, commencing about\nfifteen leagues from the coast at the mouth of the Rio Tololotlan, and\nextending between the parallels 21\u00b030' and 20\u00b0 back irregularly into\nthe interior about twenty leagues; in the Tepehuana of northern\nSinaloa, northern Durango, and southern Chihuahua, or as laid down on\nthe map of Orozco y Berra, commencing near the twenty-third parallel\nabout twenty leagues from the eastern shore of the Gulf of California,\nand extending over a horse-shoe shaped territory to about the\ntwenty-seventh parallel; in the Tarahumara spoken immediately north of\nthe Tepehuana in the states of Chihuahua and Sonora, in the centre of\nthe Sierra Madre; and lastly in the Cahita spoken by the people\ninhabiting the eastern shore of the Gulf of California, between\nlatitude 26\u00b0 and 28\u00b0 north, and extending back from the coast\nirregularly about forty leagues, being almost directly west of the\nTarahumara, though not exactly contiguous. The name Cahita is applied\nby the missionaries only to the language, and not to the people\nspeaking it. In the license prefixed to the _Manual para administrar \u00e0\nlos Indios del idioma Cahita los santos sacramentos compuesto por un\nSacerdote de la Compa\u00f1ia de Jesus_, printed in Mexico in 1740, it is\ncalled the common language of the missions of the province of Sinaloa,\nspoken by the Yaquis and the Mayos, the latter extending far into\nsouthern Sonora. In a vocabulary of the Cahita given by\nTernaux-Compans, in the _Nouvelles Annales_, there are likewise found\nmany Aztec words. Neither of these languages are related to the\nothers, yet in all of them is a sprinkling of Aztec word-material. The\nAztec substantive ending _tl_ and _tli_, in the Cora are found changed\nin _ti_, _te_, and _t_; in the Tepehuana into _de_, _re_, and _sci_;\nin the Tarahumara into _ki_, _ke_, _ca_, and _la_; and in the Cahita,\ninto _ri_. In all four of the languages substantive endings are\ndropped, first, in composition when the substantive is united with the\npossessive pronoun; secondly, before an affix; thirdly, in the Cora\nalone, before the ending of the plural; and before affixes in the\nformation of words. They are not dropped in verbs derived from\nsubstantives; and when two substantives are combined to form a word\nthe Aztec terminal is dropped in the first, and also in the\ncombination of a substantive and verb.\n\nIn the Cora, the ending _tyahta_ has the same meaning as the Aztec\nlocal ending _tla_, or _tlan_, which signifies the locality of a\nthing; as, _acotn_, a fir-tree; (Aztec, _ocotl_) _ocotyahta_, a\nfir-forest; (Aztec, _ocotlan_). Another striking similarity between\nthese four languages and the Aztec consists in the use of a postfix\nin the formation of substantives of locality and names of places. Then\ncome the numerals, in which are found similarities in all their\nformations. The Aztec verb _ca_, to be, and even its irregular branch,\n_catqui_, is found disseminated throughout all these languages. In the\nTarahumara dictionary of Steffel, and in the Cora dictionary of\nOrtega, Buschmann found the Aztec element even stronger than he had\nsupposed, and he wondered how Gallatin, who had Tellechea's grammar,\ncould have allowed these similarities to escape his observations.\n\n  [Sidenote: AZTEC MATERIAL IN THE AZTEC-SONORA FAMILY.]\n\nOf these four languages Buschmann makes what he calls his Sonora\nfamily; which term is somewhat a misnomer as applied to languages not\nrelated, and spoken more without than within the province of Sonora.\nTheir only bond of union is this Aztec element, which may have found\nits way into them at different times and under different\ncircumstances. The most peculiar feature of it all, is the departure\nwhich is made by these Aztec-Sonora languages, as from an original\ncentre, and their several appearance, each stamped alike with Aztec\nmarks while at the same time sustaining its own individuality, in\ndifferent parts of the great northern regions. It is as though a\nhandful of Aztec words had been thrown, at intervals, into the\nlanguages of each of these four peoples, and, after partial\namalgamations of these foreign words with those of the aboriginal\ntongues, by some means the words so modified had found their way in\ngreater or less quantities into the languages of other and remote\ntribes. It is at such times, when we obtain a glance from a distance\nat their shadowy history, that there arise in the mind visions of\ntheir illimitable unwritten past, and of the mighty turmoils and\nrevolutions which must forever remain as they are, shrouded in the\ndeepest mystery.\n\nIn these four Aztec-Sonora languages there are nearly two hundred\nAztec words, and the words derived from them by the respective native\nidioms into which they were projected, swell the list to four times\nthat number; and these, with other pure Aztec words in every stage of\nmutilation and transformation are found re-scattered throughout the\nbefore-mentioned Pueblo, Shoshone, and other languages of the north.\nBut again, let me say, nowhere does the Aztec, or any of its\naffiliations appear as a base north of central Mexico.[V'-5]\n\nTaking into consideration that some Aztec and Shoshone words are\nalmost identical, and that the endings of others are almost exactly\nalike, it is not surprising if the acute ear of the natives detected\nphonetic resemblances. The connection between these languages may not\nbe in one respect as positive as that between the languages which\ncompose the great Aryan family on the Asiatic and European continents,\nbut, on the other hand, it presents a somewhat analogous system, by\nmeans of which it becomes possible to establish a connection. I allude\nto Mr Grimm's discovery of what has been termed '_Lautverschiebung_,'\nor '_Lautver\u00e4nderung_,' anglic\u00e9 'Sound-shunting.'[V'-6]\n\nThis phenomenon consists of the changing, or shunting, of certain\nvowels or consonants in the words of one language, into certain other\nvowels and consonants in the same words of another language; and this\nnot accidentally, but in accordance with fixed rules. Sound-shunting,\noriginally discovered by Mr Grimm in the Aryan tongues, has also been\nfound by Mr Buschmann in the languages of his Sonora family, where it\nis more particularly prominent in the word-endings. In a subsequent\nplace I shall have occasion to refer again to this point, and\nparticularly when speaking of the North Mexican languages, the\nTarahumara, Tepehuana, Cora, and Cahita, where it can be clearly shown\nby comparison with the Aztec, that such shunting, or changing, has\ntaken place. In the languages at present under consideration, the\nShoshone, Utah, and Comanche, we have this shunting system illustrated\nin the substantives and adjective endings _p_, _pa_, _pe_, _pi_, _be_,\n_wa_, _ph_, _pee_, _rp_, and _rpe_; and more particularly in the Utah\nand Shoshone _ts_, _tse_, _tsi_, all of which may be referred to the\nAztec endings _tl_, _tli_, and others. In the last-mentioned case the\nendings have been preserved in a purer form, while in the former the\nshunting or changing law is observed. As illustrating the connection\nbetween the languages under consideration and those before mentioned\nof Sonora and through them with the Aztec, I append on the next page a\nshort vocabulary in which the similarities can be easily\nobserved.[V'-7]\n\n  [Sidenote: THE MOQUI LANGUAGE.]\n\nThe Moqui, as before observed, does not properly belong to the\nShoshone family, but shows a connection with the Aztec. It is strange\nthat two permanently located peoples, the Moquis and the Pueblos, both\nliving in well-built towns not far apart, and both showing signs of a\nbudding civilization, should speak languages totally different from\neach other; that one of these languages should show a connection with\nthe Aztec and the other not; that neither is related to the tongue of\nthe Shoshones, who nearly surround them; and, furthermore, that in six\nof the seven Moqui towns only, the Moqui language is spoken, while in\nthe seventh, Harno, the Tegua, a language of one of the New Mexican\nPueblos is spoken. The people of Harno can converse with the Moquis of\nthe six other towns, but among themselves they never make use of the\nMoqui, always speaking the Tegua.[V'-8]\n\n     ------+----------+-----------+---------+----------+---------+\n           | SHOSHONE.| WIHINASHT.|  UTAH.  | COMANCHE.|  MOQUE. |\n           +----------+-----------+---------+----------+---------+\n     Foot  |namps     |kuki       |namp     |nahap     |herkuck  |\n     Eye   |pui, umboi|pui        |puttyshoe|puile     |pose     |\n     Water |pa        |pa         |pah      |pa        |         |\n     Arm   |puir\u00f3     |put\u00e1       |pooir    |pur(e)    |mahat    |\n     Dog   |schari    |           |sahreets |zari      |poku     |\n     Tongue|aku       |ego        |ahoh     |ehk       |linga    |\n     Wife  |wepee     |           |         |          |         |\n     Winter|tumu      |tom\u00f3       |         |tohane    |         |\n          {|nup\u00e1hw    |           |         |          |         |\n     Egg  {|  or      |anoh\u00f3      |         |uno io    |         |\n          {|nanki     |           |         |          |         |\n          {|nongkawa  |           |         |          |         |\n     Ear  {|  or      |inaka      |nink     |nahkarke  |nookawuck|\n          {|masoaki   |           |         |          |         |\n     Hand  |mashitu   |imai       |masseer  |mashpa    |mocktay  |\n     Teeth |tangwa    |tama       |tong     |tahnee    |tahmah   |\n          {|chermti   |           |         |          |         |\n     One  {|  or      |singw\u00e1iu   |         |semmus    |         |\n          {|sh\u00edmutsi  |           |         |          |         |\n     Ten   |paimanusch|s\u00edngwaloyu |         |mato\u00ebcut  |         |\n     Lip   |timpa     |tupa       |timp     |tupe      |         |\n     Sun   |taba      |tava       |tap      |tabih     |tahwah   |\n     House |uink\u00e1n    |no\u00f6\u00ed       |         |kanuke    |         |\n     Stone |timpi     |tip\u00ed       |         |terp      |         |\n     Moon  |mung\u00e1     |muschh\u00e1    |mahtots  |mushe     |mooyah   |\n     Head  |pampi     |pompi      |tuts     |p\u00e1aph     |quatah   |\n     Nose  |mui       |mo\u00f6i       |mahvetah |moopee    |yakuck   |\n     God   |          |           |         |          |tockill  |\n     ------+----------+-----------+---------+----------+---------+\n\n     ------+--------------+---------------+-----------+--------+--------\n           |    AZTEC.    |  TARAHUMARA.  | TEPEHUANA.| CAHITA.|  CORA.\n           +--------------+---------------+-----------+--------+--------\n     Foot  |              |               |           |        |\n     Eye   |yxtelolotli   |pusiki         |buy        |pusi    |\n     Water |atl           |bagui, pauguiki|           |baa     |\n     Arm   |              |               |           |        |\n     Dog   |chichi        |               |           |        |\n     Tongue|nenetl        |               |           |        |\n     Wife  |tenamic       |upi            |           |hubi    |\n     Winter|              |               |gu tomojo  |        |\n     Egg   |nitla, tlemina|               |nono       |        |\n     Ear   |nacaztli      |nachcala       |naxa       |naca    |naxaihti\n     Hand  |maitl         |               |           |mama    |moamati\n     Teeth |tlantli       |tamela         |tatamo     |tami    |tameti\n     One   |ce, cen, cem  |               |senn       |semi    |ce\n     Ten   |matlactli     |               |           |        |\n     Lip   |tentli        |chumi          |tun\u00ed       |teni    |tenniti\n     Sun   |              |               |           |taa     |\n     House |calli         |               |           |cari    |\n     Stone |tetl          |               |           |        |\n     Moon  |metztli       |mecha          |massade    |mecha   |\n     Head  |quaitl        |               |           |        |\n     Nose  |yacatl        |jachcala       |daca       |ieca    |\n     God   |teotl         |               |           |        |\n     ------+--------------+---------------+-----------+--------+--------\n\nNo grammar has been written of the Moqui language, and a few\nvocabularies are all we possess of it. Gov. Lane, speaking of the\nPueblo languages collectively, writes: \"All these languages are\nextremely guttural, and, to my ear, seemed so much alike, that I\nimagine they have sprung from the same parent stock.\"[V'-9]\n\n  [Sidenote: MOQUI AFFILIATIONS.]\n\nSome claim a relationship between the Moquis and the Apaches and\nothers, but no such connection has ever been established.[V'-10] The\nonly positive statement in this regard is made by Buschmann, who, by\nactual comparison of vocabularies, has determined its status.[V'-11]\nAmong other connecting links he particularly mentions the substantive\nendings _pe_, _be_, and others, by means of which, he says, the Moqui\nattaches itself to the Shoshone-Comanche branch of the Sonora idioms.\nThe comparative vocabulary before given will further illustrate their\naffiliation.[V'-12]\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\n  [Sidenote: KIZH AND NETELA SPECIMENS.]\n\nReturning to southern California, let us examine the three languages,\nKizh, Netela, and Kechi, spoken near the missions of San Gabriel, San\nJuan Capistrano, and San Luis Rey, respectively, which are not only\ndistantly related to each other, but show traces of the Sonora-Aztec\nidioms. Father Boscana, who has left us an accurate description of the\nnatives at San Juan Capistrano, unfortunately devoted little attention\nto their language, and only gives us a few scattered words and\nstanzas. One of the latter reads as follows:\n\n     Quic noit noivam\n     Quic secat peleblich\n     Ybicnum majaar vesagnec\n     Ibi panal, ibi urusar,\n     Ibi ecbal, ibi seja, ibi calcel.\n\nWhich may be rendered thus:\n\n     I go to my home\n     That is shaded with willows.\n     These five they have placed,\n     This agave, this stone pot,\n     This sand, this honey, etc.[V'-13]\n\nBut very little is known of the grammatical structure of these\nlanguages. In the Kizh, the plural is formed in various ways, as may\nbe seen in the following examples:\n\n                SINGULAR.    PLURAL.\n\n     Man        woroit       wororoit\n     House      kitsh        kikitsh\n     Mountain   haikh        hahaikh\n\n                SINGULAR.    PLURAL.\n\n     Wolf       ishot        ishishot\n     Good       tihorwait    tiriwait\n     Small      tshinui      tshitsh\u00ednui\n     Black      yupikha      yupinot\n     Woman      tokor        totokor\n     Bow        pa\u00edtkhuar    papa\u00edtkhuar\n     Bad        mohai        momohoi\n     White      arawatai     rawanot\n     Red        kwauokha     kwaukhonot\n\n                DECLENSION WITH PRONOUN.\n\n     My father    ninak        Our father    ayoinak\n     Thy father   monak        Your father   asoinak\n     His father   anak\n     My house     nikin        Our house     eyoknga\n     Thy house    mukin        Your house    asoknga\n     His house    akinga       Their house   pomoknga\n\nOf the Netela there are also the following few specimens of plural\nformation and pronouns;--_suol_, star; _sulum_, stars; _nopulum_, my\neyes; _nanakom_, my ears; _nik\u00edwalom_, my cheeks; _natakalom_, my\nhand; _net\u00e9melum_, my knees.\n\n                DECLENSION WITH PRONOUN.\n\n     My house    niki          Our house     tshomki\n     Thy house   om aki        Your house    omomomki\n     His house   poki          Their house   omp omki\n     My boat     nokh          Our boat      tshomikh\n     Thy boat    om omikh      Your boat     omom omikh\n     His boat    ompomikh      Their boat    ompomikh[V'-14]\n\nThe Kizh appears also to have been spoken, in a slightly divergent\ndialect, at the Mission of San Fernando, as may be easily seen by\ncomparing the following two versions of the Lord's Prayer; the first\nin the language of San Fernando, and the latter in that spoken at San\nGabriel.\n\n     Y yorac yona taray tuc\u00fapuma sagouc\u00f3 motoanian majarmi moin main\n     mon\u00f3 muismi miojor yiactucupar. Pan yyogin gimiamerin majarmi\n     mifema coy\u00f3 ogorn\u00e1 yio mamainay mii, yiarm\u00e1 ogonug y yon\u00e1, y yo\n     ocaynen coijarmea main ytomo mojay coiyam\u00e1 huermi. Parima.\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\n     Yyonac y yogin tucupugnais\u00e1 sujucoy motuan\u00edan masarm\u00ed magin\n     tucupra maiman\u00f3 mu\u00edsme m\u00edll\u00e9osar y ya tucupar jiman bx\u00ed y yon\u00ed\n     masaxm\u00ed m\u00edtema coy aboxmi y yo mama\u00ednatar momoja\u00edch milli y\n     yaxma abonac y yo no y yo ocaihuc coy jaxmea main itan\n     momosa\u00edch coy jama juexme huememesa\u00edch.\n\nIn like manner do the Netela and Kechi show a close affinity. The\nNetela Lord's Prayer reads:\n\n     Chana ech tupana ave onench, otune a cuachin, chame om reino,\n     libi yb chosonec esna tup\u00e1na cham nechetepe, micate tom cha\n     chaom, pepsum yg cai caychame, y i julugcalme cai ech. Depupnn\n     opco chame chum oyote. Amen J\u00e9sus.\n\nThe Kechi is as follows:\n\n     Cham na cham mig tu panga auc onan moquiz cham to gai ha cua\n     che nag omreina li vi hiche ca noc yb\u00e1 heg g\u00e1 y vi au qui g\u00e1\n     topanga. Cham na cholane mim cha pan pituo mag ma jan pohi cala\n     cai gui cha me holloto gai tom chame o gui chag cay ne che cal\n     me tus so lli olo calme alla linoc chame cham cho sivo.[V'-15]\n\nAlthough Mr Turner classed these languages with the Shoshone family,\nin reality they only form such a tie through their Sonora and Aztec\nconnection.[V'-16] This is illustrated by Mr Buschmann in an extensive\ncomparative vocabulary of the three languages, of which I shall give a\nbrief extract on a subsequent page.[V'-17]\n\n  [Sidenote: CHEMEHUEVI AND CAHUILLO PRONOUNS.]\n\nThe Chemehuevi and Cahuillo, the last two of this division, have also\nbeen classed as belonging to the Shoshone family, and some have even\ncalled them bands of Pah-Utes, but what has been said concerning the\naffiliation of the three last mentioned will apply to these with equal\nforce. That they are distinct languages has already been stated by\nPadre Garc\u00e9s, who describes them under the name of Chemegue cajuala,\nChemegue sebita, Chemeguaba, and Chemegue, ascribing the same language\nto all of them in distinction from their neighbors. He includes with\nthe Chemehuevi the Yavipai muca oraive or Moqui, who, although not\nspeaking the same language, are still somewhat connected with them,\nthrough their Sonora and Aztec relations, which conjectures are\nsingularly significant.[V'-18] Grammatical remarks on these languages\nthere are but few to offer. The accentuation is in neither very\nregular; in the Chemehuevi, it is generally on the second syllable,\nwhile in the Cahuillo it is mostly on the first.[V'-19] I give here the\npersonal pronouns of the two languages.\n\n             CHEMEHUEVI.  CAHUILLO.\n\n     I       nuu          neh\n     Thou    h\u00e1i\u00efco       eh\n     He      einp\u00e1        peh\n     We                   ch\u00e9mim\n     You                  \u00e9hmim\n     They                 \u00edwim\n\nTo illustrate the Sonora and Aztec connection, I offer the following\nshort comparative vocabulary.\n\nSHOSHONE LANGUAGES.\n\n  --------+------------+------------+-----------+----------+------------\n          | CHEMEHUEVI.|  CAHUILLO. |   KECHI.  |  NETELA. |    KIZH.\n          +------------+------------+-----------+----------+------------\n  Water   |pa          |pal         |pala       |pala      |bar\n  Sun     |tabaputz    |tamit       |temet      |tem\u00e9t     |tamet\n  Day     |tuwaruwit   |tamyit      |           |tem\u00e9      |oronga\n  Eye     |puoui       |napush      |pusun-opush|nopulum   |atshotshon\n  Three   |paii        |mepa        |pai        |pahe      |pahe\n  I       |nuu         |neh         |no         |no        |noma\n  House   |cani        |kish        |kicha      |niki      |kitsh\n  Arrow   |nu          |hul         |nohu       |hul       |nihun\n  Father  |muo         |nena        |pehnah     |nana      |anak\n  Girl    |naiitsit    |inismal     |           |nawitmal  |\n  Forehead|cobanim     |nepush      |           |          |\n  Five    |manu        |momequadnun |           |mahar     |\n  Ear     |nancaba     |nanocka     |nonak      |nanakum   |anana, najas\n  To die  |            |muqush      |           |          |\n  Stone   |timp        |cow-wish    |           |tot       |tota\n  Black   |shawagar\u00e9   |tuliksh     |           |ya\u00f6atkhnot|yupikha\n  Beard   |mutza       |nultaman    |           |numus     |aong, pehen\n  Hill    |caib        |{ow-so-ni,  |           |          |\n          |            |{or tu-qnush|           |haikh     |tule\n  To kill |pacai       |meca        |           |kakshitkhl|\n  Woman   |            |mukeadi     |           |          |\n  --------+------------+------------+-----------+----------+------------\n\n  --------+-----------+--------+-----------+------------+--------\n          |   AZTEC.  | CAHITA.| TEPEHUANA.| TARAHUMARA.|  CORA.\n          +-----------+--------+-----------+------------+--------\n  Water   |atl        |baa     |           |            |atih\n  Sun     |           |taa     |           |            |\n  Day     |           |        |           |            |\n  Eye     |           |pusi    |buy        |pusiki      |\n  Three   |yei        |bahi    |           |            |\n  I       |ne, ni     |        |           |            |\n  House   |calli      |cari    |qui        |caliki      |\n  Arrow   |mitl       |        |vu, or u   |            |\n  Father  |tatli      |        |           |nono        |\n  Girl    |           |        |           |            |\n  Forehead|ixquaitl   |        |coba       |covara      |\n  Five    |macuilli   |mammi   |           |            |\n  Ear     |nacaztli   |naca    |naxa       |nachcala    |naxaihti\n  To die  |miqui      |        |           |mucu        |\n  Stone   |tetl       |teta    |jodde      |te\u00e9ke       |teteti,\n  Black   |tlilli     |chuculi |tucu       |tschocameke |muaizitl\n  Beard   |           |        |           |            |\n  Hill    |           |        |           |cagui       |\n  To kill |nomac miqui|ameya   |           |mea         |mea\n  Woman   |           |        |           |muki[V'-20] |\n  --------+-----------+--------+-----------+------------+--------\n\n  [Sidenote: AZTEC TRACES IN SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA.]\n\nAs regards the Sonora and Aztec relationship, we have here again the\nsubstantive endings _p_, _b_, _t_, in various forms, which, as before\nstated, may be compared with Aztec endings, changed according to\ncertain linguistic laws. In the Cahuillo, as in the Kechi, prefixed\npossessive pronouns, before substantives representing parts of the\nhuman body, particularly that in the first person singular, _n_, are\nproof of the Sonora affiliation. In the same words, the Chemehuevi has\nthe two pronouns _ni_ and _wi_, which always carry with them the\nending, _m_.[V'-21]\n\nFOOTNOTES:\n\n[V'-1] 'The _Shosh\u00f3ni_ and _P\u00e1nasht_ (Bonnaks) of the Columbia, the\n_Yutes_ and _Sampitches_ ... the _Commanches_ of Texas, and some other\ntribes along the northern frontier of Mexico, are said to speak\ndialects of a common language.' _Hale's Ethnog._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._,\nvol. vi., pp. 218-9. 'The great Shoshonee, or Snake, family: which\ncomprehends the Shoshones proper ... the Utahs ... Pah-Utahs ... the\nKizh ... the Netela ... the Kechi ... the Comanches.' _Turner_, in\n_Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. iii., p. 76. '_Shosh\u00f3nies_ ou _Serpents_ et\nde _Soshocos_ ou _D\u00e9terreurs de racines_ ... parlent la m\u00eame langue.'\n_De Smet_, _Voy._, p. 126. 'The Shoshone language is spoken mostly by\nall the bands of Indians in southeastern Nevada.' _Parker_, in _Ind.\nAff. Rept._, 1866, p. 114. 'Their language (Shoshones) is very\ndifferent from that of either the Bannocks, or Pi-Utes.' _Campbell_,\nin _Id._, p. 120. Goshautes speak the same language as Shoshones.\n_Forney_, in _Id._, 1859, p. 363. 'The language is spoken by bands in\nthe gold mine region of the Sacramento.' _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol.\ni., p. 198. 'Pai-uches speak the same language as the Yutas.'\n_Farnham's Life in Cal._, pp. 371, 375. '_Pi-Edes_, allied in language\nto the Utahs.' _Cooley_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1865, p. 18. Goships,\nor Gosha Utes 'talk very nearly the Shoshonee language.' _Irish_, in\n_Id._, p. 144. Shoshones and Comanches 'both speak the same language.'\nSampiches. 'Their language is said to be allied to that of the\nSnakes.' Youtas. 'Their language is by some thought to be peculiar.'\n_Wilkes' Nar._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. iv., p. 501. 'Pueblan todas\nlas partes de esta sierra por el sueste, sur sudoeste y oeste, gran\nn\u00famero de gentes de la misma nacion, idioma etc.,' which they call\nTimpanogotzis. _Dominguez and Escalante_, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, s\u00e9rie\nii., tom. i., p. 467. 'The language spoken by the Comanches is of\ngreat antiquity, and differs but little from that of the Incas of\nPeru.' _Maillard's Hist. Tex._, p. 249; _Buschmann_, _Spuren der\nAztek. Spr._, pp. 349, 351. Yam-pah. 'This is what the Snakes call the\nComanches, of which they are either the parents or descendants, for\nthe two languages are nearly the same, and they readily understand\neach other, and say that they were once one people.' 'The Snake\nlanguage is talked and understood by all the tribes from the Rocky\nmountains to California, and from the Colorado to the Columbia, and by\na few in many tribes outside of these limits.' _Stuart's Montana_, pp.\n58, 82. 'The different bands of the Comanches and Shoshonies or\nSnakes, constitute another extensive stock, speaking one language.'\n_Gregg's Com. Prairies_, vol. ii., p. 251. 'The vernacular language of\nthe Yutas is said to be distantly allied to that of the Navajoes, but\nit has appeared to me much more guttural, having a deep sepulchral\nsound resembling ventriloquism.' _Id._, vol. i., p. 300. 'The Utahs,\nwho speak the same language as the Kyaways.' _Conder's Mex. Guat._,\nvol. ii., p. 74; _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. v., p. 197. The Goshutes\nare of different language from the Shoshones. _Douglas_, in _Ind. Aff.\nRept._, 1870, p. 96. Diggers, 'differ from the other Snakes somewhat\nin language.' _Wyeth_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. i., p. 206;\n_Berghaus_, in _Buschmann_, _Spuren der Aztek. Spr._, p. 371. The\nKusi-Utahs, 'in speaking they clipped their words ... we recognized\nthe sounds of the language of the Shoshon\u00e8s.' _Remy and Brenchley's\nJourney_, vol. ii., p. 412; _Th\u00fcmmel_, _Mexiko_, p. 359; _Catlin's N.\nAmer. Ind._, vol. ii., p. 113. 'Their native language (Comanches), in\nsound differs from the language of any other nation, and no one can\neasily learn to speak it. They have also a language of signs, by which\nthey converse among themselves.' _French's Hist. La._, (N. Y. 1869),\np. 156. 'The primitive terms of the Comanches are short, and several\nare combined for the expression of complex ideas. The language is very\nbarren of verbs, the functions of which are frequently performed by\nthe aid of gestures and grimaces.' _Kennedy's Texas_, vol. i., p. 348.\n\n[V'-2] _Turner_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. iii., p. 77.\n\n[V'-3] _Buschmann_, _Spuren der Aztek. Spr._, pp. 402-3.\n\n[V'-4] _Id._, p. 645, et seq.\n\n[V'-5] 'Que en casi todas ellas (que son muchas y varias) se hallan\nvocablos, principalmente los que llaman radicales, que o son de la\nlengua Mexicana, o se deriuan della, y retienen muchas de sus silabas,\nde que pudiera hazer aqui vn muy largo catalago. De todo lo qual se\ninfieren dos cosas. La primera que casi todas estas Naciones\ncomunicaron en puestas y lenguas con la Mexicana: y aunque los Artes y\nGramaticas dellas son diferentes; pero en muchos de sus preceptos\nconcuerdan.' _Ribas_, _Hist. de los Triumphos_, p. 20. 'Pintaron esta\nlaguna en tierra y muy poblada de gentes, y oyendo hablar \u00e1 un indio,\ncriado de un soldado, en el idioma mexicano, preguntaron si era de\nCopala, porque as\u00ed hablaban los de alla ... que distaba de all\u00ed diez\njornadas pobladas.' _Zarate_, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, s\u00e9rie iii., tom.\niv., p. 83. 'El Padre Fr. Roque d Figueredo haze del viage que hizo\ncon D. Iuan de O\u00f1ate 500 leguas al Norte hallaremos que dice, que\naviendoseles perdido vnas bestias, buscandolas el rio de Tizon arriba\nencontraron los mosos vn Indio que les habl\u00f2 en lengua mexicana que\npreguntado de donde era, dixo ser del Reyno adentro ... que est\u00e0 en las\nProvincias del Norte donde se habla en esta lengua Mexicana cuyo es\nvocablo.' _Vetancurt_, _Teatro Mex._, pt ii., p. 11. 'In un viaggio,\nche fecero gli Spagnuoli l'anno 1606. dal Nuovo Messico fino al fiume,\nche eglino appellarono _del Tizon_, seicento miglia da quella\nProvincia verso Maestro, vi trovarono alcuni grandi edificj, e\ns'abbatterono in alcuni Indiani, che parlavano la lingua messicana.'\n_Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. iv., p. 29. Tarahumara\n'la cui lingua abbonda di parole Messicane.' _Herv\u00e1s_, _Saggio\nPractico delle Lingue_, p. 71. 'Die Sprache (Cora) ist auch wegen\nihres Verh\u00e4ltnisses zur Mexicanischen merkw\u00fcrdig.' 'Die Sprache\n(Tarahumara) welche eine gewisse Ausbildung zeigt, hat manche dem\nMexicanischen \u00e4hnliche W\u00f6rter,' _Vater_, _Litteratur der Grammatiken,\nLexica und W\u00f6rter-Sammlungen aller Sprachen der Erde_, pp. 52, 231;\n_Cook's Voy. to Pac._, vol. ii., p. 336; _Ruxton's Adven. Mex._, p.\n194.\n\n[V'-6] Max M\u00fcller simply names it 'Grimm's Law.' _Science of Language_,\nseries ii., p. 213, et seq.\n\n[V'-7] 'Indem ich die Urtheile wegen der comanchischen und\nschoschonischen Verwandtschaft best\u00e4tige, erkl\u00e4re ich die Yutah-Sprache\nf\u00fcr ein Glied des sonorischen Sprachstammes.' 'Noch ehe ich zur\nWortvergleichung \u00fcbergehe, kann ich die sonorische Natur der Sprache\nnach den beiden Elementen der aztekischen und sonorischen\nGemeinschaft, und sogar ihre besondere Stellung zwischen der\ncomanche-schoschonischen Ligue, durch blosse zwei, in ihr sich\nhervorthuende Substantiv-Endungen (ts und p) darlegen.' 'Die zwiefache\nSchoschonen Sprache und das Volk der Schoschonen sind das \u00e4usserste\nGlied meiner Entdeckungen: des grossen Bundes, durch ein m\u00e4chtiges\neignes Element zusammengehaltener Sprachen, von einem kleinen Erbtheil\naztekischen Wortstoffes durchdrungen; welches ich, von Guadalaxara aus\nnordw\u00e4rts suchend nach den Spuren des Azteken-Idioms und seines\nVolkes, angetroffen habe; sie bilden den Schlusstein meines\nsonorischen Baues.' _Buschmann_, _Spuren der Aztek. Spr._, pp. 349,\n351, 648, 391, 652, et seq.; _Sivers_, _Mittelamerika_, pp. 291-2.\n\n[V'-8] 'They all speak the same language except Harno, the most\nnorthern town of the three, which has a language and some custom\npeculiar to itself.' _Marcy's Army Life_, p. 111. 'In six of the seven\nMoqui pueblos, the same language is said to be spoken.... Those of San\nJuan ... and one Moqui pueblo all speak the same language ...\nTay-waugh.' _Lane_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. v., p. 689; _Ten\nBroeck_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iv., p. 87. 'The Moquis ... do\nnot all speak the same language. At Oraybe some of the Indians\nactually professed to be unable to understand what was said by the\nMooshahneh chief, and the latter told me that the language of the two\ntowns was different. At Tegua they say that a third distinct tongue is\nspoken.... The people ... have abandoned the habit of visiting each\nother till the languages, which, with all Indian tribes, are subject\nto great mutations, have gradually become dissimilar.' _Ives' Colorado\nRiv._, p. 127. 'Wie ich erfuhr, sollen die Moquis nicht alle eine und\ndieselbe Sprache haben, und die Bewohner einiger St\u00e4dte nicht nur\nfremde Dialekte, sondern sogar fremde Sprachen reden.' _M\u00f6llhausen_,\n_Reisen_, tom. ii., p. 239. Davis, referring to a MS. by Cruzate, a\nformer Governor of New Mexico, maintains that the Moqui speak the\nQueres language, but at the same time he says 'it is maintained by\nsome that ... four of the Moqui villages speak a dialect very nearly\nthe same as that of the Navajos, while a fifth speaks that of San\nJuan, which is Tegua.... The distance from Picoris to the Moqui\nvillages is about four hundred miles ... yet these widely separated\npueblos speak ... the same language.' _El Gringo_, pp. 116-7, 155.\nComparisons of the vocabularies in Simpson, Davis, and Meline prove\nthe Moqui to be a distinct language. _Ward_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._,\n1864, p. 191.\n\n[V'-9] _Lane_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. v., p. 689.\n\n[V'-10] 'The language of the M\u00f4quis, or the M\u00f4quinos, is said to differ\nbut little from that of the Navajos.' _Hughes' Doniphan's Ex._, p.\n197. Speaking of all the Pueblo languages, including the Moqui: 'All\nthese speak dialects of the same language, more or less approximating\nto the Apache, and of all of which the idiomatic structure is the\nsame. They likewise all understand each other's tongue. What relation\nthis language bears to the Mexican is unknown, but my impression is\nthat it will be found to assimilate greatly, if not to be identical.'\n_Ruxton's Adven. Mex._, p. 194; _Gregg's Com. Prairies_, vol. i., p.\n269.\n\n[V'-11] 'No analogy has yet been traced between the language of the old\nMexicans and any tribe at the north in the district from which they\nare supposed to have come.' _Bartlett's Pers. Nar._, vol. ii., p. 283.\n'Reste der Mexikanischen Sprache fanden dagegen in den Sprachen dieser\nV\u00f6lker die im Mexikanischen sehr ge\u00fcbten Mission\u00e4re nicht, sondern die\nSprache von Moqui, und die der _Yabipais_, welche lange B\u00e4rte tragen,\nwesentlich unterschieden von dem Mexikanischen.' _Vater_,\n_Mithridates_, tom. iii., pt iii., p. 182. 'Cependant la langue que\nparlent les Indiens du Moqui, les Yabipais, qui portent de longue\nbarbes, et ceux qui habitent les plaines voisines du Rio Colorado,\ndiff\u00e8re essentiellement de la langue mexicaine.' _Humboldt_, _Essai\nPol._, tom. i., p. 305. 'Doch reden die Moquis.... Sprachen ganz\nverschieden vom Aztekischen.' _M\u00fchlenpfordt_, _Mejico_, tom. ii., pt\nii., p. 539. 'Die Moqui-Sprache ist doch der mexikanischen befreundet!\nsie ist--dies ist meine Erfindung--ein Zweig des Idioms, welches dem\nSuchenden als ein Phantom statt des leibhaften _nahuatl_ als sein\nSchattenbild, in dem alten Norden \u00fcberall entgegentritt: ein Gebilde\nder sonorischen Zunge, bei welchem Namen ein kleines aztekisches\nErbtheil sich von selbst versteht.... Ich erkl\u00e4re die Moqui-Sprache\nf\u00fcr ein Glied meines Sonorischen Sprachstammes. Schon die auffallend\nvielen, manchmal in vorz\u00fcglich reiner Form erscheinenden, aztekischen\nW\u00f6rter bezeichnen die Sprache als eine sonorische; es kommt das zweite\nKennzeichen hinzu: der Besitz gewisser \u00e4cht sonorischer W\u00f6rter. In\neinem grossen Theile erscheint die Sprache aber \u00fcberaus fremdartig: um\nso mehr als sie auch von den 5 Pueblo-Sprachen, wie schon Simpson\nbemerkt hat, g\u00e4nzlich verschieden ist.... Die Spuren der Subst. Endung\n_pe_, _be_ u.\u00e4. weisen der Moqui-Sprache ihren Platz unter der\ncomanche-schoschonischen Familie des Sonora Idioms an. Dieses allgemeine\nUrtheil \u00fcber die Sprache ist sicher.' _Buschmann_, _Spuren der Aztek.\nSpr._, pp. 289-90.\n\n[V'-12] _Simpson's Jour. Mil. Recon._, pp. 128-30; _Davis' El Gringo_,\npp. 157-9.\n\n[V'-13] _Boscana_, in _Robinson's Life in Cal._, p. 282.\n\n[V'-14] _Hale's Ethnog._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. vi., pp. 566-7;\n_Buschmann_, _Kizh und Netela_, pp. 512-13.\n\n[V'-15] _Mofras_, _Explor._, tom. ii., pp. 393-4.\n\n[V'-16] 'Belong to the great Shoshonee, or Snake family.' _Turner_, in\n_Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. iii., p. 76. 'The similarity which exists\nbetween many words in these two languages, and in the Shoshoni, is\nevident enough from a comparison of the vocabularies. The resemblance\nis too great to be attributed to mere casual intercourse, but it is\ndoubtful whether the evidence which it affords will justify us in\nclassing them together as branches of the same family.' _Hale's\nEthnog._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. vi., p. 567. 'The natives of St.\nDiego cannot understand a word of the language used in this mission,\nand in like manner, those in the neighborhood of St. Barbara, and\nfarther north.' _Boscana_, in _Robinson's Life in Cal._, p. 240;\n_Gleeson's Hist. Cath. Church_, p. 97.\n\n[V'-17] 'Ich habe in dem Kizh ... und in der Netela ... zwei Glieder\nmeines sonorischen Sprachstammes, ausgestattet mit Aztekischem\nSprachstoff, entdeckt.' _Buschmann_, _Spuren der Aztek. Spr._, p. 546.\n'Bei der, genugsam von mir aufgezeigten Gemeinschaft der zwei\ncalifornischen Idiome, so lautet _mein Urtheil_, hofft man auch hier\n_vergebens_ auf ein genaues, gl\u00fcckliches _Zutreffen_ eigenth\u00fcmlicher\nFormen dieser Sprachen mit dem Comanche und Schoschonischen oder mit\nden s\u00fcdlicheren sonorischen Hauptsprachen, ein Zusammentreffen mit\netwas recht Besonderem Einer Sprache mit einer anderen: so nahe liegen\ndie Sprachen sich nie, sie sind alle fremd genug gegen einander.'\n_Buschmann_, _Kizh und Netela_, p. 518.\n\n[V'-18] _Garc\u00e9s_, _Diario_, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, s\u00e9rie ii., tom. i., p.\n351. Orozco y Berra includes them as well as the Utahs and Moquis with\nthe Apache family of languages, in support of which he cites Balbi,\ntableau xxxii. 'Die Chimehwhuebes, Comanches und Cahuillos, also\nSt\u00e4mme, die zwischen den K\u00fcsten der S\u00fcdsee und Texas verbreitet sind,\nals Nebenst\u00e4mme der Nation der Schoschone oder Schlangen-Indianer\nbetrachtet werden k\u00f6nnen.' _M\u00f6llhausen_, _Reisen in die Felsengeb._,\ntom. i., pp. 435-6. 'The _Chemehuevis_ are a band of _Pah-Utahs_ ...\nwhose language ... agrees most nearly with Simpson's Utah, and Hale's\nEast Shoshonee.' The Cahuillo 'exhibits the closest affinity to the\nKechi and Netela, especially the former. Its affinity to the Kizh is\nequally evident.' _Turner_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. iii., p. 76.\n'Die Chemehuevi- und Cahuillo-Sprache sind einander so fremd, dass sie\nbeinahe f\u00fcr alle Begriffe ganz andere W\u00f6rter besitzen; ihre\nVerschiedenheit ist so gross, dass man aus ihnen allein nicht ahnden\nsollte, sie seien beide gleichm\u00e4ssig sonorische Glieder.' _Buschmann_,\n_Spuren der Aztek. Spr._, p. 554.\n\n[V'-19] _Turner_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. iii., p. 77.\n\n[V'-20] Compiled from Buschmann, Turner, Hale, Molina, Ortega, and\nothers.\n\n[V'-21] _Buschmann_, _Spuren der Aztek. Spr._, pp. 553-4.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER VI.\n\nTHE PUEBLO, COLORADO RIVER, AND LOWER CALIFORNIA LANGUAGES.\n\n     TRACES OF THE AZTEC NOT FOUND AMONG THE PUEBLOS OF NEW MEXICO\n     AND ARIZONA -- THE FIVE LANGUAGES OF THE PUEBLOS, THE QUERES,\n     THE TEGUA, THE PICORIS, JEMEZ, AND ZU\u00d1I -- PUEBLO COMPARATIVE\n     VOCABULARY -- THE YUMA AND ITS DIALECTS, THE MARICOPA, CUCHAN,\n     MOJAVE, DIEGE\u00d1O, YAMPAIS, AND YAVIPAIS -- THE COCHIM\u00cd,\n     GUAICUR\u00cd, AND PERIC\u00da, WITH THEIR DIALECTS OF LOWER CALIFORNIA\n     -- GUAICUR\u00cd GRAMMAR -- PATER NOSTER IN THREE COCHIM\u00cd DIALECTS\n     -- THE LANGUAGES OF LOWER CALIFORNIA WHOLLY ISOLATED.\n\n\nHaving already mentioned some of the principal idioms spoken in the\nsouthern part of the Great Basin, as parts of the trunks to which they\nbelong, or with which they affiliate, I shall devote the present\nchapter to such languages of New Mexico and Arizona as cannot be\nbrought into the Tinneh or Sonora stocks, and to those of Lower\nCalifornia. Beginning with the several tongues of the Pueblos, thence\nproceeding westward to the Colorado River, and following its course\nsouthward to the Gulf of California, I shall include the languages of\nthe southern extremity of California, and finally those of the\npeninsula. These languages are none of them cognate with any spoken in\nMexico. Respecting those of the Pueblos which have long been popularly\nregarded as allied to southern tongues, it is now very certain that\nthey are in no wise related to them, if we except the Aztec\nword-material found in the Moqui. From analogous manners and customs,\nfrom ancient traditions and time-honored beliefs, many have claimed\nthat these New Mexican towns-people are the remains of aboriginal\nAztec civilization, attempting meanwhile to explain away the adverse\ntestimony of language, by amalgamation of the ancient tongue with\nthose of other nations, or by absorption or annihilation; all of\nwhich, so far as arriving at definite conclusions is concerned,\namounts to nothing. Analogies may be drawn between any nations of the\nearth; human beings are not so unlike but that in every community much\nmay be found that is common to other communities, irrespective of\ndistance and race, especially when the comparison is drawn between two\npeoples both just emerging from savagism. The facts before us\nconcerning the Pueblo languages are these: although all alike are well\nadvanced from primeval savagism, live in similar substantial houses,\nand have many common customs, yet their languages, though distinct as\na whole from those of the more savage surrounding tribes, do not agree\nwith each other. It is difficult to prove that the Aztec, although now\nperhaps extinguished, never was the tongue of New Mexico; on the other\nhand, it is impossible to prove that it was, and surely theorists go\nfar out of their way in attempting to establish a people in a land\nwhere no trace of their language exists, or exists only in such a\nphase as proves conclusively that it could not possibly have ever been\nthe basis of the language now spoken.\n\n  [Sidenote: THE FIVE PUEBLO LANGUAGES.]\n\nFive distinct languages, with numerous dialects, more or less\ndeviating, are spoken by the Pueblos. By the inhabitants of Santo\nDomingo, San Felipe, Santa Ana, Silla, Laguna, Pojuate, Acoma, and\nCochiti, the Queres language is spoken; in San Juan, Santa Clara, San\nIldefonso, Pojuaque, Nambe, Tezuque, and also in Harno, one of the\nMoqui towns, the Tegua language prevails; in Taos, Picoris, Zandia,\nand Isleta, there is the Picoris language; in Jemez and Old Pecos, the\nJemez; in Zu\u00f1i, the Zu\u00f1i language.[VI'-1] The three principal dialects\nof Queres are the Kiwomi, Cochitemi, and Acoma. Of these the first two\nare very similar, in some cases almost identical, while the Acoma is\nmore distinct.[VI'-2] In the Queres the accent is almost invariably on\nthe first syllable, and the words are in general rather short,\nalthough a few long words occur. Possessive pronouns appear to be\naffixed; they are _ini_, _ni_, _ne_, _in_, and _i_.\n\nIn the Tegua and Zu\u00f1i the personal pronouns are:\n\n                 TEGUA.      ZU\u00d1I.\n\n     I           nah         h\u00f3o\n     Thou        uh          t\u00f3o\n     He          ihih        l\u00f3oko\n     She         ihih\n     We (incl.)  tahquireh   h\u00f3ono\n     We (exc.)   nihyeuboh\n     You         nahih       ahch\u00e9e\n     They        ihnah       l\u00f3oko\n\nIn the Tegua, although many monosyllabics appear, there are also a\nnumber of long words, such as _pehgnahvicahmborih_, shrub;\n_haihiombotahrei_, for ever; _hahnguenaahnpih_, to be; _haihahgnuhai_,\ngreat; _heinginubainboyoh_, nothing. In the Zu\u00f1i, long words appear to\npredominate--_\u00e1kmeeashneekeeah_, autumn; _\u00e1hseeailahpalhtonnai_,\nfinger; _lahtailoopeets\u00ednnah_, gold; _t\u00e9hleenahweeteekeeah_, midnight;\n_t\u00e1hmchahpahn\u00e1hmnee_, war-club, and others.[VI'-3] As will more clearly\nappear by the following comparative vocabulary, none of these\nlanguages are cognate; they have no affinity among themselves, nor\nwith any other family or group.[VI'-4]\n\n  [Sidenote: PUEBLO COMPARATIVE VOCABULARY.]\n\n            QUERES.     TEGUA.   PICORIS.      JEMEZ.     ZU\u00d1I.\n\n     Sun                pah      hoolennah     pay        yattockkah\n     Moon               poyye    pannah        pahah\n     Star   shecat      adoyeah  hahheglannah  woonhah    moyatchuway\n     Earth  hahats      nah      pahhannah     dockah     oulocknannay\n     Man    hatssee     sayen    tahhahnenah   shuotish   oatse\n     Woman  naiatsay    ker      clayannah     steosh     ocare\n     Head   nashcanne   pumbah   pinemah       chitchous  oshuckquinnay\n     Eye    kannah      chay     chenay        saech      toonahway\n     Nose   karwishshe  shay     pooaenah      forsaech   nolinnay\n     Mouth  tseeikah    sho      clahmoenah    eaequah    aewahtinnay\n     Ear    kahupah     oyeo     taglayonay    washchish  lahschucktinnay\n     Hand   kahmoshtay  mah                    mahtish    shoncheway\n     Dog    tish        cher     sodornah      cannu      watsetah\n     Fire   hahkanye    fah      pahannah      fwaah      mackke\n     Water  tseats      ogh      pohahoon      pah        keaoway\n\n  [Sidenote: COLORADO RIVER LANGUAGES.]\n\nIn the region through which flows the Colorado, and between that river\nand the Gila, many different languages are mentioned by the early\nmissionaries but at this time it is difficult to ascertain how far\ndifferent names are applied to any one nation.\n\nThe missionaries themselves frequently did not know how to name the\npeople; often they gave several names to one language, and several\nlanguages one name; many of the then existing dialects are known to\nhave since become extinct, and many more have mysteriously\ndisappeared, along with those who spoke them, so that in many\ninstances, a century after their first mention no such language could\nbe found. It seems seldom to have occurred to the missionaries and\nconquerors that the barbarous tongues of these heathen could ever be\nof interest or value to Christendom, still less lists of their words;\nso that vocabularies, almost the only valuable speech-material of the\nphilologist, are exceedingly rare among the writings of the early\nmissionary Fathers. If one half of their profitless homilies on savage\nsalvation had been devoted to the simple gleaning of facts, science\nwould have been the gainer, and the souls of the natives no whit less\nat peace. Of late, however, vocabularies of the dialects of this\nregion have become numerous, and relationships are at length becoming\npermanently established.\n\nThe languages under consideration, on comparison, may nearly all be\ncomprised in what may be called the Yuma family. The principal\ndialects which constitute the Yuma family are the Yuma, Maricopa,\nCuchan, Mojave, and Diegue\u00f1o, which last is spoken in southern\nCalifornia, and more particularly around the bay of San Diego. Among\nothers mentioned are the Yavipais and Yampais.[VI'-5] Compared with\nthat of their neighbors the language of the Diegue\u00f1os is soft and\nharmonious, and as it contains all the sounds of the letters in the\nEnglish alphabet, the people speaking it readily learn to pronounce\nthe English and Spanish languages correctly.[VI'-6] The following\nLord's Prayer is a specimen of the dialect of the Diegue\u00f1os.\n\n  [Sidenote: DIEGUE\u00d1O LORD'S PRAYER.]\n\n     Nagua anall ama\u00ed tacaguach naguanetuuxp mamamulpo cayuca\n     ama\u00edbo mamatam meyayam canaao amat amaibo quexuic echasau\n     naguagu\u00ed \u00f1a\u00f1a chon\u00f1aquin \u00f1\u00edpil me\u00f1eque pach\u00eds echeyuchapo\n     \u00f1agua quexu\u00edc \u00f1agua\u00edch \u00f1acaguaihpo \u00f1amechamel anipuch\n     uch-guel\u00edch-cu\u00edapo. Nacu\u00educh-pambo-cuchl\u00edch-cu\u00edatpo-\u00f1amat.\n     Napu\u00edj\u00e1.[VI'-7]\n\nOf the other dialects the short vocabulary on the following page will\ngive an illustration:\n\n            CUCHAN.   MARICOPA.        MOJAVE.     DIEGUE\u00d1O.\n\n     Man    \u00e9patch    eep\u00e1che          ipah        ayc\u00f3otchet\n     Woman  seenyack  sinchaya\u00edxhutch  sinyax      seen\n     House  eenouwa                    ahba        aw\u00e1h\n     Sun    n'yatch   n'yatz           n'yatz\n     Moon   hullyar   hullash          hullya\n     Fire   aawo      \u00e1hooch           awa\n     Water  ah\u00e1                        ahha        ah\u00e1\n     Maize  terditch  terd\u00edtz          terdicha\n     Good   ahotk     ahotk            abhotk      han\n     I      n'yat     iny\u00e1tz           n'yatz      n'yat\n     Go     n'yeemoom                  n'yimoom\n     Sleep  aseem\u00e1h                    esoma'om    [VI'-8]\n\nThen there are the Yampai and Yavipai, said to approach the Cuchan and\nMojave;[VI'-9] the Chevet reported as a distinct tongue;[VI'-10] the\nCajuenche said to be another language, and the Jalliquamai, a dialect\nof the Cajuenche.[VI'-11] The Tamajab is a strange language, described\nby Don Jos\u00e9 Cortez as \"spoken with violent utterance and lofty\narrogance of manner; and in making speeches, the thighs are violently\nstruck with the palms of the hands.\"[VI'-12]\n\nThere are further mentioned the Benem\u00f3 with the dialects Tecuiche and\nTeniqueche, and lastly the Covaji and Noche, each a distinct\ntongue.[VI'-13] The people speaking the Noche probably were the\nnorthern and eastern neighbors of the Diegue\u00f1os, and may have been\nmentioned by some writers under other names. I have preferred to\nenumerate them here, because the names frequently occur in the reports\nof the earlier expeditions to the Yuma nations.\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\n  [Sidenote: THREE STOCK LANGUAGES IN LOWER CALIFORNIA.]\n\nOn the peninsula of Lower California, there are three distinct\nlanguages with many dialects, more or less related to each other. Some\nof these dialects appear so remote from the parent stock that the\nearly missionaries believed them to be independent languages, and\naccordingly the number of tongues on the peninsula has been variously\nestimated, some saying four, others six; but careful comparisons refer\nthem all to three stock languages. These are the Cochim\u00ed, with its\nprincipal dialects, the Laymon and Ika; the Guaicuri, with the Cora,\nMonqui, Didi\u00fa, Liy\u00fae, Ed\u00fa, and Uchiti dialects; and lastly the Peric\u00fa.\nBesides the above, there were also other dialectic differences in\nalmost every mission, such as the variations of word-endings, and\nother minor points.[VI'-14] In general these languages have been\ndescribed as harsh and poverty-stricken. The missionaries complained\nof not being able to find terms with which to express many of the\ndoctrines which they wished to inculcate; but from the grammatical\nnotes left by Father Baegert and those of Ducrue contained in _Murr's\nNachrichten_, as well as from the various Pater Nosters at hand, it\nappears that these languages are not so very poor after all. Much\nthere may have been wanting to the zealous Fathers, many burning words\nand soul-stirring expressions, which would have greatly assisted their\nefforts, but except that there is certainly no redundancy in these\nlanguages, they offer nothing very extraordinary.[VI'-15] Following I\ngive a few grammatical notes on the Guaicuri language. The sounds\nrepresented by the German letters, _o_, _f_, _g_, _l_, _x_, _z_, and\n_s_, excepting in _tsh_, do not appear. Possessive pronouns are shown\nin the following examples:\n\n     My father    bed\u00e1re       My nose    minam\u00f9\n     Thy father   ed\u00e1re        Thy nose   einam\u00fa\n     His father   ti\u00e1re        His nose   tinam\u00f9\n     Our father   keped\u00e1re\n\n  [Sidenote: GUAICURI GRAMMAR.]\n\nOf prepositions only two are mentioned--_tina_, on or upon; and\n_d\u00e9ve_, or _tip\u00edtsche\u00fb_, on account of, or for (_propter_). There is\nno article, and nouns are indeclinable. The conjunction _tshie_ is\nalways placed after the words to be connected. Verbs have only one\nmood and three tenses--the present, the perfect, and the future. The\npresent is formed by the affix _re_ or _reke_; the perfect by the\naffix _rik\u00edri_, _ruj\u00e9re_, _ra\u00fape_, or _ra\u00fapere_; and the future by\nadding in like manner _me_, _m\u00e9je_, or _\u00e9neme_. If the action of\nseveral persons is to be expressed, the syllable _ku_ or _k_ is\nprefixed to the verb, or the first syllable is changed into _ku_.\n\n                    SINGULAR.          PLURAL.\n\n     To fight       piabak\u00e8            kupi\u00e1bake\n     To remember    umut\u00f9              kumut\u00fa\n     To speak       jake               ku\u00e1ke\n\nSome verbs have also a perfect passive participle in the form of a\nsubstantive--_tsch\u00edpake_, to beat; _tschipitsch\u00fcrre_, a person who\nhas been beaten. The personal pronouns are: _be_, I, me, to me, my;\n_ei_, thou, thee, to thee, thy; _bec\u00f9n_, _betic\u00f9n_, _ec\u00fbn_, or\n_eitic\u00fbn_, mine, thine.\n\n                    CONJUGATION OF THE VERB AMUK\u00cdRI, TO PLAY.\n\n                               PRESENT INDICATIVE.\n\n     I play,           b\u00e8 amukirire     |  We play,    cat\u00e8 amuk\u00edrire\n     Thou playest,     e\u00ef amukirire     |  You play,   pet\u00e8 amukirire\n     He plays,         tut\u00e2u amukirire  |  They play,  tuc\u00e1va amukirire\n\n                 PERFECT.                           FIRST FUTURE.\n\n     I have played,    b\u00e8 amukiririk\u00edri |  I shall play,  b\u00e8 amuk\u00edrime\n\n                                   IMPERATIVE.\n\n     Play thou,        amukiri tei      |  Play you,   amukiri tu\n\n                                     OPTATIVE.\n\n           Would that I had not played,   beri amukiririkirik\u00e1ra\n                    or,                   beri amukirirujer\u00e1ra\n\nI also add a Guaicuri Lord's Prayer with literal translation.\n\n     Kep\u00e8;  d\u00e1re    tekerek\u00e1datemb\u00e0       da\u00ef,      e\u00efr\u00ec\n     Our   father arched earth (heaven) thou art, thee O that\n\n        ak\u00e1tuik\u00e8-pu-me,   tschak\u00e1rrake-pu-me   ti   tschie:  ec\u00f9n\n     acknowledge all will, praise all will   people  and:     thy\n\n      gracia-ri     at\u00fame   cat\u00e8  tekerek\u00e1datemb\u00e0  tschie:   e\u00efri\n     grace O that have will  we    arched earth     and:  thee O that\n\n     jebarrak\u00e9me    ti    p\u00f9   ja\u00fbpe  datemb\u00e0,  p\u00e1e   e\u00ef  jebarrak\u00e9re,\n     obey will    people  all  here   earth,    as   thee   obey,\n\n     a\u00ebna   k\u00e9a:  kepec\u00f9n  b\u00fae   kepe  k\u00ean   jat\u00fape  unt\u00e2iri:  cat\u00e8\n     above  are:    our    food   us   give   this     day:     us\n\n     kuitscharrak\u00e8  t\u00eai   tschie  kepec\u00f9n  atac\u00e1mara, p\u00e0e\n       forgive      thou   and     our      evil,      as\n\n     kuitscharrak\u00e8re cat\u00e8  tschie  c\u00e1vape  atuki\u00e0ra  kepetujak\u00e8:\n       forgive        we    also    the     evil       us do:\n\n     cat\u00e8  tikakamb\u00e0  t\u00eai   tschie,   cuvumer\u00e0      cat\u00e8    u\u00eb\n      us     help     thou   and,   desire will not  we   something\n\n     atuki\u00e1ra:  kepe  kakunj\u00e0  pe    atac\u00e1ra  tschie.  Amen.[VI'-16]\n     evil:      us    protect  from  evil     and.     Amen.\n\n  [Sidenote: LORD'S PRAYERS IN DIFFERENT DIALECTS.]\n\nAs regards the other two languages, the only materials at hand are\nsome Lord's Prayers in various dialects of the Cochim\u00ed, as used in the\ndifferent missions. Of these I insert the following as samples of the\ndialects spoken--I. at the Mission of Santa Maria, II. at San\nFrancisco de Borgia, and III. at San Ignacio:\n\n          Father our  heaven in  who art:  thy name\n       I. Lahai-apa   ambeing    mia:      mimbangajua   val\n      II. Caha\u00ed ap\u00e1,  ambeing    mi\u00e1,      mimbang-aju\u00e1  val\n     III. Ua-bapp\u00e1    amma-bang  miam\u00fa,    ma mang-\u00e1-ju\u00e1 huit\n\n          all honored:  earth thy kingdom   come:    will thine\n       I. vuit-maha:    amet mididivvaijua  kukuem:  jenmu-jua\n      II. vuit-mah\u00e1;    am\u00e9t mididuvaiju\u00e1   cucy\u00e9m;  jemmu-ju\u00e1\n     III. maja tegem    amat-ma-thadabaju\u00e1  ucuem:   kemmu-ju\u00e1\n\n          heaven    done be     earth on\n       I. amabang   vihi mieng  ametetenang\n      II. amab\u00e1ng   vih\u00ed mi\u00e9ng  ameten\u00e1ug\n     III. ammabang  vahi-mang   amat\u00e0nang\n\n          as        Bread\n       I. luvihim.  Thevap  yi-cue     ti-mi-ei-di-gua\n      II. luichim.  Thev\u00e1p  yiecu\u00e9     ti-mi-e\u00ec-di-gu\u00e1,\n     III. lauahim.  Teguap  ibang gual g\u00faiang-avit-\u00e1-jua\n\n           Day\n       I.  ibang-a-nang     na-kahit    tevichip\n      II.  ibang-an\u00e1ng gna  cahit       tevichip\n     III.  ibang \u00e1nane      pac-kagit:  machi\n\n       I.  nuhigua   aviuve ham:  vichip  iyeg-ua na\n      II.  nuhigu\u00e1   aviuveh\u00e1m    vichip  iyegu\u00e1 gna\n     III.  pugijua   abadakegem,  machi   uayecg-ju\u00e1\n\n       I.  kaviu-vem         cassetajuang  inamenit nakum\n      II.  caviu v\u00e9m         cassetasu\u00e0ng  mamenit  guak\u00fam\n     III.  pac kabaya guem;  kazet-\u00e0 juan  \u00e0 juang-amuegnit\n\n       I.         guang  tevisiec  na-kavi\u00f1aha.\n      II.         guang  tevisiec  gna cavignah\u00e0.\n     III.  pacum  guang  mayi-acg  packanajam.[VI'-17]\n\nThe dialect spoken at the Missions of San Francisco Xavier, San Jos\u00e9\nde Comond\u00fa, and at Santa Gertrudis, differed considerably from the\nabove as will be seen by the following Lord's Prayer as used in the\nlast mentioned places.\n\n     Pennay\u00f9  makenamb\u00e0,  ya\u00e0  ambayuj\u00f9p  miya  m\u00f2,\n      Our      father     who   heaven    thou  art,\n\n     buh\u00f9  momboju\u00e0  tammal\u00e0  gkomend\u00e1   hi   nagodogn\u00f2  demuejueg\n     thy     name      men    recognize  and    love       all;\n\n     gkajim: pennayul\u00e0 bogodogn\u00f2 gkajim, guih\u00ed\n                as                        and\n\n     ambayujup  mab\u00e0  ya\u00e0  k\u00e6ammet \u00e8  decuinyi m\u00f2 puegign:\n      heaven    above       earth     satisfy\n\n     ya\u00e0m buhula  m\u00f9jua  ambayujupm\u00f2  de dahijua,  amet \u00e8\n           thy    will   heaven in     done be,   earth on\n\n      n\u00f2 guilugui, ji pagkajim. Tamad\u00e0  ya\u00e0   ib\u00f2 teju\u00e8g guiluguigui\n     this                as.    Bread   this  day\n\n     pamijich \u00e8 m\u00f2, ib\u00f2 yanno puegin: guihi tamm\u00e0\n                    day                and   men\n\n     ya\u00e0 gambuegjula   k\u00e6pujui        ambinyiju\u00e0  pennayula\n                     who have done      evil         us\n\n     dedaudug\u00f9jua, guilugui pagkajim: gu\u00echi ya\u00e0 tagamuegl\u00e0\n      done have               as:      and\n\n     hu\u00ec ambinyyj\u00f9a  hi doom\u00f2    puguegju\u00e0,   hi doom\u00f2   pogounyim;\n             evil   and although            and although\n\n     tamuegjua, guih\u00ec usi mahel k\u00e6mmet \u00e8 dicuin\n                also            earth    satisfy\n\n     yum\u00f2, guih\u00ec  ya\u00e0 hui  mabiny\u00ec ya\u00e0, gambuegju\u00e0 pagkaudugum.[VI'-18]\n            and   what is   evil\n\nClavigero does not give a translation of this Lord's Prayer, but\nHerv\u00e1s, who copies it in his _Saggio Pratico_, translates all words\nwhich he could find in a short vocabulary; Buschmann and others copy\nfrom him, and even at this time no complete translation is obtainable.\n\nLastly, I present a few sentences in the Laymon dialect, literally\ntranslated.\n\n     Tamma  amayben  meta\u00f1  aguina\u00f1i\n      Man    years   many   lives not\n\n     Kenedabapa   urap,  guang  lizi,    quimib  tejunoey\n     Father mine  eats,  and    drinks,   but     little.\n\n     Kenassa  maba  guimma\n     Sister  thine  sleeps.\n\n     Kadagua   gadey  iguimil  decui\u00f1i\n     The fish  sees   but not   hears\n\n     Juetabajua  tahipe\u00f1i\n     Blood mine  good not\n\n       Kotajua kamang       gehua\n     The stone (is) great,  hard\n\n     Ibungajua  ganehmajen  kaluh\u00f9\n       Moon       sun      greater is.[VI'-19]\n\n  [Sidenote: THE CORA DIALECT IN LOWER CALIFORNIA.]\n\nNone of the Lower Californian languages are in any way related to, or\nconnected with, any other language. In Jalisco an idiom is spoken\nwhich is called the Cora, but Se\u00f1or Pimentel after comparing it with\nthe Cora of the peninsula as well as with others in Lower California,\nassures us that not the least connection exists between them.[VI'-20] It\nhas also been stated that the languages spoken on the peninsula north\nof La Paz are affiliated with the Yuma tongue, but this is not the\ncase. As we have seen, the dialect of the Diegue\u00f1os reaches the\nseacoast near San Diego, and again south of that point, and this being\na Yuma dialect, it has perhaps given rise to the belief that the Lower\nCalifornian languages incline the same way.[VI'-21] In South America\nthere is a language called the Guaicuru, which has nothing in common\nwith the Guaicuri of Lower California.[VI'-22]\n\nFOOTNOTES:\n\n[VI'-1] 'No one showing anything more than the _faintest_, if any,\nindications of a cognate origin with the other.' _Simpson's Jour. Mil.\nRecon._, pp. 5, 128-9. 'Classed by dialects, the Pueblos of New Mexico\nat the period of the arrival of the Spaniards spoke four separate and\ndistinct languages, called the Tegua, the Piro, the Queres, and the\nTagnos.' 'There are now five different dialects spoken by the\nPueblos.' No Pueblo can 'understand another of a different dialect.'\n'It does not follow that the groups by dialect correspond with their\ngeographical grouping; for, frequently, those furthest apart speak the\nsame, and those nearest speak different languages.' _Meline's Two\nThousand Miles_, pp. 203-4; _Lane_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. v.,\np. 689. 'The Pueblo Indians of Taos, Pecuris and Acoma speak a\nlanguage of which a dialect is used by those of the Rio Abajo,\nincluding the Pueblos of San Felipe, Sandia, Ysleta, and Xem\u00e9z.'\n_Ruxton's Adven. Mex._, p. 194. 'There are but three or four different\nlanguages spoken among them, and these, indeed, may be distantly\nallied to each other.' 'Those further to the westward are perhaps\nallied to the Navajoes.' _Gregg's Com. Prairies_, vol. i., p. 269. 'In\nancient times the several pueblos formed four distinct nations, called\nthe _Piro_, _Tegua_, _Queres_, and _Tagnos_ or _Tanos_, speaking as\nmany different dialects or languages.' _Davis' El Gringo_, p. 116; see\nalso pp. 155-6, on classification according to Cruzate. 'The Jemez ...\nspeak precisely the same language as the Pecos.' _Domenech's Deserts_,\nvol. i., p. 198; _Turner_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. iii., pp. 90,\net seq. 'There are five different dialects spoken by the nineteen\npueblos.' These are so distinct that the Spanish language 'has to be\nresorted to as a common medium of communication.' _Ward_, in _Ind.\nAff. Rept._, 1864, p. 191; _Buschmann_, _Spr. N. Mex. u. der Westseite\ndes b. Nordamer._, p. 280, et seq.\n\n[VI'-2] _Turner_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. iii., p. 90; _Buschmann_,\n_Spr. N. Mex. u. der Westseite des b. Nordamer._, p. 302.\n\n[VI'-3] Tusuque words 'are monosyllabic, and suggest a connection with\nAsiatic stocks, in which this feature is prominent.' _Schoolcraft's\nArch._, vol. iii., p. 406. 'All these languages are extremely guttural\nand to my ear seemed so much alike that I imagine they have sprung\nfrom the same parent stock.' _Lane_, in _Id._, vol. v., p. 689;\n_Turner_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. iii., p. 93 et seq.;\n_Buschmann_, _New Mex. und Brit. N. Amer._, p. 280 et seq.\n\n[VI'-4] 'Die Queres-Sprache ist trotz einiger Ankl\u00e4nge an andere eine\nganz besondere Sprache, von der keine Verwandtschaft aufzufinden.'\n_Buschmann_, _Spr. N. Mex. u. der Westseite des b. Nordamer._, p. 303.\n'Die Fremdheit der Tezuque-Sprache gegen alles Bekannte ist durch das\nWortverzeichniss genugsam erwiesen.' 'Ich unterlasse es spielende\naztekische oder Sonorische Aehnlichkeiten zu bezeichnen, da auch die\nZu\u00f1i-Sprache diesen Idiomen ganz fremd ist.' _Id._, pp. 296-7. Tanos,\n'one of the Moqui villages, at present speak the Tegua language, which\nis also spoken by several of the New Mexican Pueblo Indians, which\nleaves but little doubt us to the common origin of all the village\nIndians of this country and Old Mexico.' _Arny_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._,\n1871, p. 381. 'These Indians claim, and are generally supposed, to\nhave descended from the ancient Aztec race, but the fact of their\nspeaking three or four different languages would tend to cast a doubt\nupon this point.' _Merriwether_, in _Id._, 1854, p. 174. 'The words in\nthe Zu\u00f1i language very much resemble the English.' _Hutchings' Cal.\nMag._, vol. ii., p. 348; _Gregg's Com. Prairies_, vol. i., p. 285.\n\n[VI'-5] Cocomaricopa, Yuma, Jalchedun and Jamajab, speak the same\nlanguage. _Garc\u00e9s_, _Diario_, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, s\u00e9rie ii., tom.\ni., p. 350; _Kino_, _Relacion_, in _Id._, s\u00e9rie iv., tom. i., pp.\n292-3. 'Opas, que hablan la lengua de los Yumas y Cocomaricopas ...\nCorre la gentilidad de \u00e9stos y de su misma lengua por los rios Azul,\nVerde, Salado y otros que entran el Colorado.' _Arricivita_, _Cr\u00f3nica\nSer\u00e1fica_, p. 416. 'La lengua de todas estas naciones es una,\nCocomaricopas, Yuma, Nijora, Quicamopa.' _Sedelmair_, _Relacion_, in\n_Doc. Hist. Mex._, s\u00e9rie iii., tom. iv., p. 852. Cuchans, or Yumas,\n'speak the same dialect' as the Maricopas. _Emory's Rept. U. S. and\nMex. Boundary Survey_, p. 107; _Turner_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol.\niii., pp. 101-3; _M\u00f6llhausen_, _Reisen in die Felsengeb._, tom. i., p.\n433. Yumas 'no ser Nacion distinta de la Cocomaricopa, pues usan el\nmesmo Idioma.' _Villa-Se\u00f1or y Sanchez_, _Theatro_, tom. ii., p. 408;\n_Gallatin_, in _Emory's Reconnoissance_, p. 129; _Cremony's Apaches_,\np. 90. 'The Pimos and Cocomaricopas ... speaking different languages.\n_Cutts' Conq. of Cal._, p. 189. Cosninos and Tontos, 'leur langue\naurait plus d'affinit\u00e9 avec celle des _Mohaves_ et des _Cuchans_ du\nColorado.' 'Les _Yumas_, auxquels se joignent les _Cocopas_, les\n_Mohaves_, les _Hawalcoes_, et les _Dieguenos_. Chacune de ces tribus\na une langue particuli\u00e8re, mais qui, jusqu'\u00e0 un certain point, se\nrapproche de celles des tribus du m\u00eame groupe.' _Brasseur de\nBourbourg_, _Esquisses_, pp. 28-9. 'Gewiss ist, dass die Cocomaric\u00f3pas\nund Yumas nur Dialecte einer und derselben Sprache reden.'\n_M\u00fchlenpfordt_, _Mejico_, tom. i., p 211. 'The Maricopas speak ... a\ndialect of the Cocapa, Yuma, Mohave and Diegana tongue.' _Mowry_, in\n_Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1859, p. 361; _Id._, 1857, p. 302. Papagos, Pimos,\nand Maricopas. 'These tribes speak a common language, which is\nconceded to be the ancient Aztec tongue.' _Davidson_, in _Id._, 1865,\np. 131. Pima and Maricopa. 'Their languages are totally different, so\nmuch so that I was enabled to distinguish them when spoken.'\n_Bartlett's Pers. Nar._, vol. ii., p. 262. 'Los opas, cocomaricopas,\nhudcoadan, yumas, cuhuanas, quiquimas, y otros mas all\u00e1 del rio\nColorado, se pueden tambien llamar pimas y contar por otras tantas\ntribus de esta nacion; pues la lengua de que usan es una misma con\nsola la diferencia del dilecto.' _Sonora_, _Descrip. Geog._, in _Doc.\nHist. Mex._, s\u00e9rie iii., p. 554; _Sonora_, _Rudo Ensayo_, p. 103.\n'Yuma. Dialecto del Pima, lo tienen los Yumas, \u00f3 chirumas, gile\u00f1os \u00f3\nxile\u00f1os, opas, cocopas, cocomaricopas, hudcoadanes, jamajabs \u00f3\ncuesninas, \u00f3 cuismer \u00f3 cosninas \u00f3 culisnisnas \u00f3 culisnurs y los\nquicamopas. Cajuenche. Dialecto del pima, pertenecen \u00e1 esta seccion\nlos cucap\u00e1 \u00f3 cuhanas, jallicuamai, cajuenches, quiquimas \u00f3 quihuimas,\nyuanes, cutganes, alchedomas, bagiopas, cu\u00f1ai y quemey\u00e1.' _Orozco y\nBerra_, _Geograf\u00eda_, pp. 353, 37; _Buschmann_, _Spuren der Aztek.\nSpr._, p. 264, et seq. 'Die _Yumas_, deren Sprache von der\n_Cocomericoopas_ ... wenig verschieden ist.' 'Cocomericoopas, Yumas,\nPimas ... haben jede ihre besondere Sprache.' _Pfefferkorn_, in\n_Vater_, _Mithridates_, tom. iii., pt iii., p. 159. 'Alike in other\nrespects the Pima and Cocomaricopa Indians differ in language.'\n_Latham's Comp. Phil._, vol. viii., p. 421.\n\n[VI'-6] 'Suave al parecer, y mas f\u00e1cil que no la pima, pues tiene la\nsuave vocal el la que falta \u00e1 los pimas, repitiendo ellos la u hablan\nsu idioma cantando.' _Sedelmair_, _Relacion_, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._,\ns\u00e9rie iii., tom. iv., p. 852. 'Soft and melodious.' _Bartlett's Pers.\nNar._, vol. ii., p. 262; _Turner_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. iii.,\np. 101.\n\n[VI'-7] _Mofras_, _Explor._, tom. ii., p. 395.\n\n[VI'-8] _Turner_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. iii., p. 95, et seq.;\n_Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. ii., p. 118, et seq.\n\n[VI'-9] _Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. iii.,\np. 14.\n\n[VI'-10] 'La Nacion Chevet ... de muy distinto idioma de los que tienen\nlas demas Naciones.' _Arricivita_, _Cr\u00f3nica Ser\u00e1fica_, p. 472.\n\n[VI'-11] 'La lengua de los cajuenches es muy distinta de la yuma.'\nJalliquamais 'aunque parece el mismo idioma que el de los cajuenches,\nse diferenc\u00eda mucho.' _Garc\u00e9s_, _Diario_, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, s\u00e9rie\nii., tom. i., pp. 247, 251.\n\n[VI'-12] 'The Cuc\u00e1pas, Talliguamays, and Cajuenches speak one tongue;\nthe Yumas, Talchedums, and Tamajabs have a distinct one.' _Cortez_,\n_Hist. Apache Nations_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. iii., p. 124.\n\n[VI'-13] _Id._, p. 125.\n\n[VI'-14] 'Nun dann f\u00fcnf andere ganz verschiedene, und in dem bisher\nentdeckten Californien \u00fcbliche Sprachen (welche seynd die Laym\u00f3na, in\nder Gegend der Mission von Loreto, die Cotschim\u00ec, in der Mission des\nheil. Xaverii und anderen gegen Norden, die Utschit\u00ec, und die Peric\u00faa\nin Suden, und die annoch unbekannte welche die V\u00f6lker reden, so P.\nLinck auf seiner Reis hat angetroffen) nebst einer Menge Absprossen\noder Dialekten, auf Seit gesetzt, und von der Wa\u00efcurischen allein\netwas anzumerken.' _Baegert_, _Nachr. von Cal._, pp. 176-7. 'Tres son\n(dice el Padre Tarav\u00e0l) las Lenguas: la Cochimi, la Peric\u00f9 y la de\nLoreto. De esta ultima salen dos ramos, y son: la Guayc\u00f9ra, y la\nUchiti; verdad es, que es la variacion tanta, que ... juzgar\u00e0, no solo\nque hay quatro Lenguas, sino que hay cinco.' _Venegas_, _Noticia de la\nCal._, tom. i., pp. 63-7. Pericui, Guaicuri, Cochim\u00ed. 'Ognuna di\nqueste tre Nazioni aveva il suo linguaggio proprio.' _Clavigero_,\n_Storia della Cal._, tom. i., p. 109. 'Vehitls, Coras, Pericos,\nGuaicuras, Cantils, Cayeyus, y otros muchos.' 'Los de la baja\npeninzula ... hablan distintos idiomas pero todos se entienden.'\n_Revillagigedo_, _Carta_, MS., p. 7. Edues, Cochimies, et Periuches.\n'Ces trois tribus parlent neuf dialectes diff\u00e9rents, d\u00e9riv\u00e9s de trois\nlangues-matrices.' _Pauw_, _Rech. Phil._, tom. i., p. 168. 'Les unes\nparlant la Langue _Monqui_ ... les autres la Langue _Laimone_.'\n_Picolo_, _M\u00e9moire_, in _Recueil de Voiages au Nord_, tom. iii., p.\n279. 'Dreyerley Sprachen in Californien,' 'die de los Picos, dann die\nde los Wa\u00efcuros ... und endlich die de los Laym\u00f3nes.' _Ducrue_, in\n_Murr_, _Nachrichten_, p. 392. 'Die Pericu; die Waicura mit den\nDialecten Cora, Uchidie und Aripe; die Laymon; die Cochima mit 4\nverschiedenen Dialecten, worunter der von S. Francesco und Borgia; die\nUtschita; die Ika.' _Hassel_, _Mex. Guat._, p. 57. 'Die Per\u00edcues, dann\ndie Monquis oder Menguis, zu welchen die Familien der Guayc\u00faras und\nCoras geh\u00f6ren, die Coch\u00edmas oder Col\u00edmi\u00ebs, die Laim\u00f3nes, die Utschitas\noder Veh\u00edtis, und die Icas.' _M\u00fchlenpfordt_, _Mejico_, tom. i., p.\n212. See also tom. ii., pt ii., pp. 443-4; _Taylor_, in _Browne's L.\nCal._, pp. 53-4. 'The Cochimi, Pericu, and Loretto languages; the\nformer is the same as the Laymon, for the Laymones are the northern\nCochimies; the Loretto has two dialects, that of the Guaycuru and the\nUchiti.' _Prichard's Nat. Hist. Man_, vol. ii., p. 553. 'The languages\nof old California were: 1. The Waikur, spoken in several dialects; 2.\nThe Utshiti; 3. The Laymon; 4. The Cochimi North and the Pericu at the\nsouthern extremity of the peninsula; 5. A probably new form of speech\nused by some tribes visited by Link.' _Latham's Comp. Phil._, vol.\nviii., p. 423. Morrell mentions three languages, the Pericues,\nMenquis, and Cochimies. _Nar._, p. 198. Forbes, quoting Father\nTaraval, also speaks of three languages, Pericues, Monquis, and\nCochim\u00eds. _Cal._, p. 21. 'Solo habia dos idiomas distintos; el uno\ntodo lo que comprehende la parte del Mediod\u00eda, y llamaban _Ado_; y el\notro todo lo que abraza el Departamento del Norte y llamaban\n_Cochimi_.' _Californias, Noticias_, carta i., p. 99; _Vater_,\n_Mithridates_, tom. iii., pt iii., p. 182, et seq.; _Baegert_, in\n_Smithsonian Rept._, 1864, p. 393. Orozco y Berra also accepts three,\nnaming them, Pericu; Guaicura, with the dialects, Cora, Conchos,\nUchita and Aripa; and the Cochim\u00ed with the dialects, Ed\u00fa, Did\u00fa, and\nNorthern Cochimi. _Geograf\u00eda_, pp. 365-7; _Pimentel_, _Cuadro_, tom.\nii., p. 207, et seq.; _Buschmann_, _Spuren der Aztek. Spr._, p. 469,\net seq.\n\n[VI'-15] 'La lingua Cochimi, la quale \u00e8 la pi\u00f9 distesa, \u00e8 molto\ndificile, \u00e8 piena d'aspirazioni, ed ha alcune maniere di pronunziare,\nche non \u00e8 possibile di darle ad intendere.... La lingua Peric\u00f9 \u00e8\noggimai estinta.... La branca degli Uchiti, e quasi tutta quella de'\nCori si sono estinte.' _Clavigero_, _Storia della Cal._, tom. i., pp.\n110, 109. Edues and Didius, 'sus palabras no eran de muy dif\u00edcil\npronunciacion, pero carecian enteramente de la f y s.' _Alegre_,\n_Hist. Comp. de Jesus_, tom. iii., pp. 46-7. 'Die Aussprache ist\nmeistentheils gutturalis und narium.' _Ducrue_, in _Murr_,\n_Nachrichten_, p. 392. Wa\u00efcuri. 'Kann man von derselben sagen, dass\nsie im h\u00f6chsten Grad wild sey und barbarisch ... so bestehet derselben\nBarbarey in folgendem, und zwar--1. In einem erb\u00e4rmlichen und\nerstaunlichen Mangel unendlich vieler W\u00f6rter ... in dem Mangel und\nAbgang der Pr\u00e4positionen, Conjunctionen, und Relativorum, das d\u00e9ve,\noder tipitsche\u00fb, so wegen, und das tina, welches auf heisset\nausgenommen.... Im Abgang des Comparativi und Superlativi, und der\nW\u00f6rter mehr und weniger, item, aller Adverbiorum, so wohl deren,\nwelche von Adjectivis herkommen, als auch schier aller anderen.... Im\nAbgang des Modi Conjunctivi, mandativi und schier gar des optativi.\nItem, des verbi Passivi, oder an statt dessen, des verbi Reciproci,\ndessen sich die Spanier und Franzosen bedienen. Item, in Abgang der\nDeclinationen, und zugleich der Artiklen der, die, das, etc.'\n_Baegert_, _Nachr. von Cal._, pp. 177-83. See also, _Smithsonian\nRept._, 1864, pp. 394-5.\n\n[VI'-16] _Baegert_, _Nachr. von Cal._, pp. 175-94; _Id._, in\n_Smithsonian Rept._, 1864, pp. 394-393; also in _Pimentel_, _Cuadro_,\ntom. ii., pp. 207-14; _Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin_, 2da \u00e9poca, tom. iv.,\npp. 31-40; _Vater_, _Mithridates_, tom. iii., pt iii., pp. 188-92;\n_Buschmann_, _Spuren der Aztek. Spr._, pp. 484-95.\n\n[VI'-17] _Herv\u00e1s_, _Saggio Pratico_, p. 125; _Buschmann_, _Spuren der\nAztek. Spr._, pp. 496-7; _Vater_, _Mithridates_, tom. iii., pt iii.,\npp. 193-4; _Pimentel_, _Cuadro_, tom. ii., p. 222; _Mofras_,\n_Explor._, tom. ii., pp. 395-6; _Clavigero_, _Storia della Cal._, tom.\ni., p. 265.\n\n[VI'-18] _Clavigero_, _Storia della Cal._, tom. i., pp. 264-5;\n_Buschmann_, _Spuren der Aztek. Spr._, p. 497; _Herv\u00e1s_, _Saggio\nPratico_, p. 125; _Vater_, _Mithridates_, tom. iii., pt iii., pp.\n192-4; _Mofras_, _Explor._, tom. ii., pp. 395-6; _Pimentel_, _Cuadro_,\ntom. ii., pp. 221-2.\n\n[VI'-19] _Ducrue_, in _Murr_, _Nachrichten_, pp. 394-7.\n\n[VI'-20] 'Hay otra idioma llamado Cora en California, que es un\ndialecto del Guaicura \u00f3 Vaicura, diferente al que se habla en\nJalisco.' _Pimentel_, in _Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin_, tom. viii., p.\n603.\n\n[VI'-21] 'All the Indian tribes of the peninsula seem to be affiliated\nwith the Yumas of the Colorado, and with the Coras below La Paz.'\n_Taylor_, in _Browne's L. Cal._, p. 53.\n\n[VI'-22] 'Beide Sprachen, die californische und die S\u00fcdamerikanische\nGuaycura oder Guaycuru (Mbaya) von einander g\u00e4nzlich verschieden\nsind.' _Buschmann_, _Spuren der Aztek. Spr._, p. 494.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER VII.\n\nTHE PIMA, \u00d3PATA, AND CERI LANGUAGES.\n\n     PIMA ALTO AND BAJO -- P\u00c1PAGO -- PIMA GRAMMAR -- FORMATION OF\n     PLURALS -- PERSONAL PRONOUN -- CONJUGATION -- CLASSIFICATION OF\n     VERBS -- ADVERBS, PREPOSITIONS, CONJUNCTIONS, AND INTERJECTIONS\n     -- SYNTAX OF THE PIMA -- PRAYERS IN DIFFERENT DIALECTS -- THE\n     \u00d3PATA AND EUDEVE -- EUDEVE GRAMMAR -- CONJUGATION OF ACTIVE AND\n     PASSIVE VERBS -- LORD'S PRAYER -- \u00d3PATA GRAMMAR -- DECLENSION\n     -- POSSESSIVE PRONOUN -- CONJUGATION -- CERI LANGUAGE WITH ITS\n     DIALECTS, GUAYMI AND TEPOCA -- CERI VOCABULARY.\n\n\nFrom the Rio Gila southward, in Sonora and in certain parts of\nnorthern Sinaloa, is found the Pima language, spoken in many dialects,\nof which the principal divisions are the Pima alto and Pima bajo, or\nupper and lower Pima, and it has generally been considered one of the\nchief languages of northern Mexico. North of the thirty-second\nparallel, the P\u00e1pago is the dominant dialect of the Pima; in Sonora\nthere are the Sobaipuri and others more or less divergent.[VII'-1] The\nPima as compared with the languages of their northern and southern\nneighbors is represented as complete, full, and harmonious.[VII'-2]\nAlthough frequently classified with the Yuma, it is nevertheless a\ndistinct tongue. It is closely connected with the Aztec-Sonora\nlanguages, which may be proven no less by its grammatical\ncoincidences, than by the similarity of many of its words.[VII'-3]\nFollowing is an extract from a Pima grammar. The alphabet consists of\nthe following letters: _a_, _b_, _c_, _d_, _g_, _h_, _i_, _j_, _m_,\n_n_, _o_, _p_, _q_, _r_, _rh_, _s_, _t_, _u_, _v_, _x_, _y_. Nearly\nall words end with a vowel. To form the plural, the first syllable of\nthe singular noun is duplicated--_hota_, stone; _hohota_, stones.\nExceptions to this rule occur in some few cases;--_vinoy_, snake;\n_vipinoy_, snakes; _tuaia_, girl; _tusia_, girls; _sisi_, brother;\n_sisiki_, brothers; _tuvu_, hare; _tutuapa_, hares. Gender is\nexpressed by means of the words _ubi_, female, and _ituoti_, male.\nDerivatives expressing something which partakes of the nature of the\nprimitive are formed with the affix _magui_;--_xaivori_, honey;\n_xaivorimaqui_, honeyed. For the same purpose the terminal _kama_ is\nalso used;--_hadunikama_, related to. _Kama_ is also employed to form\nnames of places and patronymics. Abstract words are formed with the\nword _daga_;--_humatkama_, man; _humatkamadaga_, mankind; _stoa_,\nwhite; _stoadaga_, whiteness. The particle _parha_, affixed to nouns\nimplies a past condition;--_nigaga_, my land for planting; _nigaga\nparha_, the land for planting which was mine.\n\n  [Sidenote: PIMA GRAMMAR.]\n\n                            PERSONAL PRONOUNS.\n\n                               SINGULAR.\n\n                 FIRST PERSON.                SECOND PERSON.\n\n     Nom.             ani an'ani   | Nom                  api ap'api\n     Gen., Dat.,      ni           | Gen., Dat., and Abl. mu\n       and Abl.\n     Acc.             ni, nunu, nu | Acc.                 mumu, mu\n                                   | Voc.                 api\n\n                                PLURAL.\n\n     Nom.             ati, at'ati  | Nom., and Voc.       apimu\n     Gen., Dat.,ti                 | Gen., Dat., and Abl. amu\n       and Abl.\n     Ac.,             ti, tutu, tu | Ac.                  amumu, amu\n\n                             THIRD PERSON.\n\n     He, or she,      hugai huka   | They, those,       nugama, hukama\n\n                CONJUGATION OF THE VERB AQUIARIDA, TO COUNT.\n\n                        PRESENT INDICATIVE.\n\n     I count,       ani haquiarida | We count,    ati haquiarida\n     Thou countest, api haquiarida | You count,   apimu haquiarida\n     He counts,   hugai haquiarida | They count,  hugam haquiarida\n\n                IMPERFECT.                       PERFECT.\n\n     I counted, ani haquiarid cada | I have counted,  an't' haquiari\n\n                               PLUPERFECT.\n\n                I had counted,  an't'haquiarid cada\n\n                              FIRST FUTURE.\n\n            I shall count,  ani aquiaridamucu, or an't'io haquiari\n\n                              SECOND FUTURE.\n\n                I shall have counted,  an't' io haquiari\n\n                               IMPERATIVE.\n\n                Count thou,  haquiaridani, or hahaquiarida\n                Count you,   haquiarida vorha, or gorha haquiarida\n\n                            PRESENT SUBJUNCTIVE.\n\n                If I count,  co'n'igui haquiaridana\n\n                             PRESENT OPTATIVE.\n\n              O that I may count,  dod' an' iki haquiaridana\n              When I am counting                haquiaridatu\n                (speaking of one person only),\n              Speaking of two persons,          haquiaridada\n              Having counted,                   haquiaridac\n              When I count, or after counting,  haquiaridaay\n              He who counts,                    haquiaridadama\n              He who counted,                   haquiaridacama\n              He who has to count,              haquiaridaaguidama, or\n                                                  io haquiaridacama\n\nVerbs are divided into many classes, such as singular, plural,\nfrequentative, applicative, and compulsive. Plural-verbs--_murha_, to\nrun, one person; _vopobo_, to run, many. Frequentatives are formed\nwith the verb _himu_, to go; for example, _vaita_, to call;\n_vaitahimu_, to call frequently. Applicatives are made by changing the\nterminal vowel of the verb into _i_, and adding the terminal\n_da_--_tubanu_, to lower; _tubanida_, to lower something. Compulsive\nverbs are formed with the affix _tuda_--_hukiaridatuda_, to compel to\ncount. A large number of adverbs are used, of which I give only a few\nspecimens:\n\n     Where          ua, ubai       Near here    iavu\n     Here           ia             High         tai\n     Here (moving)  ay             Yesterday    taco\n     Near           mia            How, as      xa, astu, xaco\n     Nearer         miacu          No           pima\n\n                               PREPOSITIONS.\n\n     Before         vaita              Since        oiti\n     For            iquiti, vusio      With         bumata, buma\n     Upon           damana             Of           amidurhu\n     In             aba\n\n                               CONJUNCTIONS.\n\n     And            upu, cosi          Or           aspumusi, aspi\n     But            posa               Then         bunoga\n     Because        coiva              Although     apcada\n\nSubstantives are generally placed after the adjectives. To signify\npossession the name of the possessor is simply prefixed--_Pedro\nonnigga_, wife of Pedro. Prepositions are affixed.[VII'-4] Of the\ndifferent dialects there are four specimens, of which one differs to\nsuch an extent as to be hardly recognizable. Neither the names of\nthese dialects nor the places where they were spoken are given with\nany of them by the authorities. The first which I give is by the\nmissionary Father Pfefferkorn, and differs most from any of the\nothers.\n\n     Diosch  ini  mam,   ami  si   schoic tat,   wus   in' ipudakit.\n      God     my  dear,  I   very  sorry  am   towards my  heart of\n\n     Ant' apotuta   si  sia   pitana,  apt'  um   soreto\n     I   have done very much   ugly,   thou  me  punish wilt\n\n     taikisa  pia  humac   tasch  pia  etonni   tat.\n     fire in  no   single   time  not  burning   is.\n\nThe next, a Lord's Prayer, is from a _Doctrina Christiana_:\n\n          T'oga ti dama ca tum' ami da cama s'cuga m'aguna mu tuguiga,\n     tubui divianna simu tuodidaga. Cosasi m'huga cugai kiti ti\n     dama catum' ami gusuda huco bupo gusudana ia duburh' aba.\n     Siari vugadi ti coadaga vutu ica tas' aba cati maca. Vpu gat'\n     oanida pima s'cugati tuidiga cos' as' ati pima tuguitoa\n     t'obaga to buy pima s'cuga tuidiga. Pima t' huhuguida tudana\n     vpu pima s'cuga tuidiga, co' pi ti duguvonidani pima scuga ami\n     durhu. Doda hapu muduna Jhs.\n\nThe next is a Lord's Prayer from Herv\u00e1s:\n\n          T'oca titauacatum ami dacama; scuc amu aca mu tukica; ta hui\n     dibiana ma tuotidaca; cosassi mu cussuma amocacugai\n     titamacatum apa hapa cussudana inatuburch apa mui siarim\n     t'hukiacugai buto ca tu maca. Pim' upu ca tukitoa pima scuca\n     ta tuica cosas ati pima tukitoa t'oopa amidurch pima scuca\n     tuitic; pim' upu ca ta dakitoa co diablo ta hiatokidara; cupto\n     ta itucuubundana pim scuc amidurch.\n\nThe fourth, also a Lord's Prayer, is from the collection of the\nMexican Geographical Society:\n\n          Ch\u00f3ga d\u00e1ma c\u00e1ta di\u00e1cam\u00e1 izqui\u00e1ma \u00f1a meitilla tabus mat\u00fayaga\n     cosamacai y\u00ed, dama cata gussada imidirraba Sulit ecuadaga\n     butis maca vupuc chuan yiga cosismatito chavaga\n     tiapisnisquantillos pinitiandan\u00e1 copetulla\u00f1i imisquiandura\n     dod\u00e1 madun\u00e1 cet\u00fas.\n\nFrom the same source I also take a P\u00e1pago Lord's Prayer:\n\n     Pan toc momo tamcaschina apeta michucuyca Santo: anchut\n     botonia ati chuyca: entupo hoyehui maetachui apo masima motepa\n     cachitmo, mapotomal pami buemasitaapa, jummo tomae,\n     boetoicusipua chuyechica, apomasi maza china sugocuita juann\n     motupay assimi qui, jubo gibu matama cazi pachuichica, panchit\n     borrapi. Amen.[VII'-5]\n\n  [Sidenote: THE DIALECTS OF THE \u00d3PATA LANGUAGE.]\n\nWedged in between the Pima alto and the Pima bajo, is the \u00d3pata, or\nTeguima, with its principal dialect the Eudeve. Although the \u00d3pata and\nEudeve have generally been enumerated as distinct languages, after\ncareful comparison I think with the missionaries who were conversant\nwith both, that it will be safe to call the one a dialect of the\nother. An anonymous author even says that the difference between them\nis not greater than between the Portuguese and Castilian, or between\nthe French and the Proven\u00e7al.[VII'-6] Like the Pima, it is a branch of\nthe Aztec-Sonora languages. As is most frequent on the Pacific Coast,\nclassification differs greatly according to fancy; thus it is with the\n\u00d3pata; its classifications have been many, and among others it has\nbeen placed with the Pima family. Many dialects are mentioned, but\nlittle is said of them. Of these there are the Teguis, Teguima,\nCoguinachi, Batuca, Sahuaripa, Himeri, Guazaba, and Jova.[VII'-7] The\n\u00d3pata is represented as finished, easy to acquire, and abounding in\neloquent expressions.[VII'-8] Of the Eudeve dialect I insert a few\ngrammatical remarks. In the alphabet are wanting the letters _f_, _j_,\n_k_, _w_, _x_, _y_, and _l_; vowels are pronounced as in the Spanish;\nnouns are declined without the aid of articles. Verbal nouns are\nfrequently used;--_hi\u00f3sguadauh_, painting or writing, from _hi\u00f3sguan_,\nI write. Nouns as names of instruments are formed from the future\nactive of verbs, designating the action performed by the said\ninstrument;--_m\u00e9tecan_, I chop; future, _m\u00e9tetze_, by changing its\nlast syllable into _siven_, forms _m\u00e9tesiven_--as a noun, meaning axe\nor chopper. In some cases the ending _rina_ is used instead of\n_siven_;--_b\u00edcusirina_, flute, from _bicudan_, I whistle, and\n_bihirina_, shovel, from _bih\u00e1n_, I scrape. Abstract nouns are formed\nwith the particles _ragua_ or _s\u00fara_--_v\u00e1de_, joyously, _v\u00e1deragua_,\njoy; _d\u00e9ni_, good, _d\u00e9niragua_, goodness; _d\u00f3hme_, man or people;\n_d\u00f3hmeragua_, humanity. All verbs are used as nouns, and as such are\ndeclined as well as conjugated;--_hi\u00f3sguan_, I write, also means\nwriter; _nem\u00fatzau_, I bewitch, is also wizard. Adjective nouns ending\nwith _t\u00e9ri_ and _ei_ signify quality;--_bavit\u00e9ri_, elegant;\n_aresumet\u00e9ri_, different or distinct; _tas\u00faquei_, narrow. The ending\n_r\u00e1ve_ denotes plenitude;--_sitor\u00e1ve_, full of honey; _sit\u00f3ri_, honey;\nand _r\u00e1ve_, full. Endings in _e_, _o_, _u_, signify possession;--_es\u00e9_,\nshe that has petticoats; _n\u00f3no_, he that has a father, from _n\u00f3nogua_,\nfather; _sut\u00fau_, he that has finger-nails, from _sut\u00fa_. _Ca_ prefixed\nto a word reverses its meaning;--_c\u00fane_, married; _cac\u00fane_, not\nmarried. _Sguari_, affixed, denotes an augmentative;--_dotzi_, old\nman; _dotz\u00edsguari_, very old man.\n\n       DECLENSION OF THE WORD SIIBI, HAWK.\n\n     Nom.     siibi          Acc.     siib\u00edc\n     Gen.     siiib\u00edque      Voc.     siib\u00ed\n     Dat.     siibt          Abl.     sib\u00edtze\n\nThe plural of nouns is usually formed by duplication;--_dor_, man or\nmale, plural _d\u00f3dor_; _h\u00f3it_, woman, _h\u00f3hoit_, women. Some exceptions\nto this rule occur;--as, _doritzi_, boy, plural _vus_, applied to both\nsexes, but when intended only for males, it is _d\u00f3dorus_. In some\ncases females employ different words from those used by the male sex;\nfor example, the father says to his son, _nogu\u00e0t_, to his daughter,\n_m\u00f3rqua_; the mother says to either, _n\u00f3tzgua_; the son says to the\nfather, _non\u00f3gua_; and the daughter, _m\u00f3sgua_.\n\n  [Sidenote: EUDEVE GRAMMAR.]\n\nPersonal pronouns are _nee_, I; _nap_, thou; _id_, _at_, or _ar_, he,\nor she; _tamide_, we; _emet_, or _em\u00edde_, you; _am\u00e9t_, or _met_, these\nor they. In joining pronouns with other words, elision takes place,\nthe last letter or syllable of the pronouns being dropped.\n\nCONJUGATION OF THE VERB HI\u00d3SGUAN, I PAINT.\n\n                            PRESENT INDICATIVE.\n\n                   ACTIVE.                                PASSIVE.\n\n  I paint,       nee hi\u00f3sguan     | I am painted,     nee hi\u00f3sguadauh\n  Thou paintest, nap hi\u00f3sguan     | Thou art painted, n\u00e1p hi\u00f3sguadauh\n  He paints,     id, or           | He is painted,    id, or\n                   at hi\u00f3sguan    |                     at hi\u00f3sguadauh\n  We paint,      tamide hi\u00f3sguame | We are painted,   tamide hi\u00f3sguadagua\n  You paint,     em\u00e9t hi\u00f3sguame   | You are painted,  em\u00e9t hi\u00f3sguadagua\n  They paint,    amet hi\u00f3sguame   | They are painted, amet hi\u00f3sguadagua\n\n                              IMPERFECT.\n\n  I painted,     nee hi\u00f3sguamru   | I was painted,    nee hi\u00f3sguadauhru\n\n                               PERFECT.\n\n  I have painted,  nee hi\u00f3sguari | I have been painted, nee hi\u00f3sguacauh\n                                                      or nee hi\u00f3sguarit\n\n                             PLUPERFECT.\n\n  I had painted, nee hi\u00f3sguariru | I had been painted,\n                                                   nee hi\u00f3sguacauhrutu\n\n                           FIRST FUTURE.\n\n  I shall paint, nee hi\u00f3sguatze  | I shall be painted,\n                                                   nee hi\u00f3sguatzidauh\n\n  Paint thou,                      hi\u00f3sgua\n  Paint ye,                        hi\u00f3sguavu\n  I will see that I paint,         asmane hi\u00f3sguatze\n  I shall see that I be painted,   asmane hi\u00f3sguatzidauh\n  Even though you paint,           ven\u00e9smana hi\u00f3sguam\n  I will that you paint,           nee eme hi\u00f3sguaco naqu\u00e9m\n  I will that thou be painted,     nee eme hi\u00f3sguarico naqu\u00e9m\n  Even though I may paint,         ven\u00e9smane hi\u00f3sguam\n  Even though I may be painted,    ven\u00e9smane hi\u00f3sguadauh\n  If I should paint,               nee hi\u00f3sguatzern\n  I should be painted,             nee hi\u00f3squatziudauhru\n\nThere are seven other kinds of verbs mentioned, such as frequentative,\ncompulsive, applicative verbs, etc.\n\nThe numerals show more particularly a strong affinity to those of the\nAztec language: 1. _sei_; 2. _godum_; 3. _veidum_; 4. _nauoi_; 5.\n_marqui_; 6. _vusani_; 7. _seniovus\u00e1ni_; 8. _gos n\u00e1voi_; 9.\n_vesm\u00e1coi_; 10. _macoi_.\n\n                       THE LORD'S PRAYER.\n\nTamo N\u00f3no, tev\u00edctze catzi, cann\u00e8 tegu\u00e0, u\u00e9hoa vitzua ter\u00e1dauh. Tomo\ncanne ven\u00e8 has\u00e9m amo qu\u00e9idagua. Amo canne hin\u00e1docauh iuht\u00e9patz\n\u00e9ndaugh, ten\u00edctze endahtev\u00e8n. Qu\u00e9covi tamo b\u00e1dagua \u00f3qui tame mic. Tame\nn\u00e1ventziuh tame piuidedo tamo can\u00e1de \u00e9mca; ein tamide tamo. Ovi tamo\nn\u00e1ven tziuhdahteven. Cana t\u00f3tzi Diablo tatac\u00f3ritze tame hu\u00e9tudenta;\nnassa tame hip\u00f9r cad\u00e9nitzeuai.[VII'-9]\n\n  [Sidenote: \u00d3PATA GRAMMAR.]\n\nOf the \u00d3pata, there exists a grammar written by Natal Lombardo, from\nwhich a few remarks are here given. The alphabet: _a_, _b_, _ch_, _d_,\n_e_, _g_, _h_, _i_, _k_, _m_, _n_, _o_, _p_, _r_, _rh_, _s_, _t_,\n_th_, _tz_, _u_, _v_, _x_, _z_. Most words end with a vowel. Long\nwords are not rare, as _chumikanahuinaguat_, name of a plant;\n_kuguesaguataguikide_, spring (season); _makoisenignabussanibegua_,\nseventeen. Gender is expressed either by the addition of the word,\nmale or female, or by distinct words. The plural is formed by\nduplication; the manner of duplicating varies; sometimes the first,\nand at others the last syllable being repeated, and very frequently\nletters changed;--_Temachi_, lad; plural, _tetemachi_; _h\u00f6re_,\nsquirrel; plural, _hohore_; _uri_, male; plural, _urini_; _vatziguat_,\nbrother; plural, _vapatziguat_; _maraguat_, daughter; plural,\n_mamaraguat_, daughters. Ten declensions are described; they may be\nrecognized by different endings of the genitive, which are: _te_,\n_ri_, _si_, _gui_, _ni_, _tzi_, _ki_, _ku_, _ku_, _pi_. The greater\nnumber of words belong to the first declension. In the 2d, 3d, 4th,\n5th, 6th, 7th, and 10th, the accusative and dative are the same as the\ngenitive; in the 8th the genitive, which ends in _ku_, is formed from\nthe accusative, while in the 9th, in which the genitive also ends in\n_ku_, the accusative and dative are like the nominative.\n\n             1st DECLENSION OF THE WORD TAT, THE SUN.\n\n     Nom.   t\u00e4t   |   Gen.   t\u00e4tte   |   Dat. or Acc.   t\u00e4tta\n\n             2d DECLENSION OF THE WORD KUKU, THE QUAIL.\n\n     Nom.   kuku  |   Gen.  kukuri   |   Dat. or Acc.  kukuri\n\n             8th DECLENSION OF THE WORD CHI, THE BIRD.\n\n     Nom.   chi   |   Gen.  chimiku  |   Dat. or Acc.  chimi\n\n             9th DECLENSION OF THE WORD TUTZI, THE TIGER.\n\n     Nom.   tutzi |   Gen.  tutziku  |   Dat. or Acc.  tutzi\n\nAbstract terms are formed by the affix _ragua_;--_massi_, father;\n_massiragua_, paternity; _naideni_, good; _naideniragua_, goodness.\nThe word _ahka_ is used for a like purpose;--_uri_, man; _uriahka_,\nhumanity; _tossai_, white; _tossaiahka_, whiteness. To express a local\nnoun, the syllable _de_ is added;--_denide_, place of light;\n_neomachide_, difficult place. _Suraua_, _gu\u00ebua_, _ena_, _en_, _essa_,\nand _otze_, signify much, and are used to form superlatives. Personal\npronouns are:--_ne_, I; _ta_, we; _ma_, thou; _emido_, you; _i_ or\n_it_, he or she; _me_, they. Possessive pronouns are:--_no_, mine;\n_tamo_, ours; _amo_, thine; _emo_, yours; _are_, _araku_, his;\n_mereki_, theirs.\n\n               CONJUGATION OF THE VERB NE HIO, I PAINT.\n\n                         PRESENT INDICATIVE.\n\n     I paint,        ne hio       | We paint,    ta, or tamido hio\n     Thou paintest,  ma hio       | You paint,   emido hio\n     He paints,      i hio        | They paint,  me hio\n\n               IMPERFECT.                        PERFECT.\n\n     I painted,      ne hiokaru   | I have painted, ne hiosia, or\n                                                      ne hiove\n\n               PLUPERFECT.                       FIRST FUTURE.\n\n     I had painted,  ne hiosiruta | I shall paint,  ne hiosea\n\n                           SECOND FUTURE.\n\n                 I shall have painted,   ne hioseave\n\n                             IMPERATIVE.\n\n     Paint thou,     hiotte        | Paint you,        hiovu\n     Let him paint,  hioseai       | Let them paint,   hioseame\n\n                Painting,            hiopa, or hioko\n                Having painted,      hiosaru, or hiositzi\n                Having to paint,     hioseakoko, or hioseakiko\n                He who shall paint,  hioseakame\n                He who paints,       kiokame\n                He who painted,      hiosi\n\nAs in the Eudeve, there are in this language many classes of verbs,\ndiffering mostly in endings of certain persons. Prepositions and\nadverbs exist in great number. Finally I give a few of the\nconjunctions;--_guetza_, although; _ves\u00e9_, and; _nemake_, also;\n_naneguari_, why, etc.\n\n                         THE LORD'S PRAYER.\n\n        Tamomas   teguikaktzigua   kakame   amo    tegua santo\n     Of our father   heaven in   he who is of thee  name  holy\n\n     ah,  amo    reino    tame  makte,  hinadoka iguati   tevepa\n     is, of thee kingdom  to us give,   thy will  here   earth on\n\n      ahnia   teguikaktzi  veri.    Chiama       tamo   guaka veu\n     be done    heaven in   so.  Of all the days of us  food  now\n\n     tame  mak,  tame   neavere  tamo  kainaideni ata api tamido\n     to us give, to us  forgive  of us    bad     as also\n\n     neavere  tamo opagua, kai  tame  taotidudare; kianaideni\n     forgive of us enemy,  not  to us   fall let;     bad\n\n     chiguadu apita kaktzia.[VII'-10]\n        of     also deliver.\n\nFollowing is the Lord's Prayer in the Jova dialect:\n\n     Dios Noiksa: Vantegueca cachi, sec jan itemijunalequa\n     itemijunalequa motequ\u00e1n. Veda no parin, embeida mogit\u00e1pejepa.\n     Ennio ju g\u00fcidade, nat\u00e9, vite tev\u00e1, nate vantegu\u00e9ca. Necho\n     cugu\u00edrra, setata vet\u00e9 toomac\u00e1 ento oreir\u00e1, en tobarurra, como\n     it\u00e9 yt\u00e9 topa oreira toon oreira seej\u00e1n. Caa ton surratoga\n     canecho jorr\u00e1 sacu nuna dog\u00fce seejan iguit\u00e9 caag\u00fceta.\n\n  [Sidenote: SUPPOSED CERI AND WELSH SIMILARITIES.]\n\nEast of the \u00d3pata and Pima bajo, on the shores of the gulf of\nCalifornia, and thence for some distance inland, and also on the\nisland of Tiburon, the Ceri language with its dialects, the Guaymi and\nTepoca, is spoken. Few of the words are known, and the excuse given by\ntravelers for not taking vocabularies, is, that it was too difficult\nto catch the sound. It is represented as extremely harsh and guttural\nin its pronunciation, and well suited to the people who speak it, who\nare described as wild and fierce.[VII'-11] It is, so far as known, not\nrelated to any of the Mexican linguistic families. As in many other\nlanguages, some have fancied they saw Welsh traces in it; one writer\nthought he detected similarities to Arabic, but neither of these\nspeculations are worth anything. The Arabic relationship has been\ndisproven by Se\u00f1or Ramirez, who compared the two, and the statement\nregarding the Welsh is given on the hearsay of some sailors, who are\nsaid to have stated that they thought they discovered some Welsh\nsounds, when hearing the Ceris speak.[VII'-12] I give here the only\nvocabulary which I have been able to find of this language:\n\n     Woman        jidja          Horse          cai\n     Population   jiciri         Room (chamber) migenman\n     Milk         junin          More           amen\n     Wine         amat           Less           tungur\u00e1\n     Good         tanjajipe      Little         jin\u00e1s\n     Better       jipe\n\nFOOTNOTES:\n\n[VII'-1] 'Estos se parten en altos y bajos ... hasta los rios Xila y\nColorado, aunque de otra banda de este hay muchos que hablan todavia\nel mismo idioma.' _Alegre_, _Hist. Comp. de Jesus_, tom. ii., p. 216.\n'Los _pimas bajos_ usan del mismo idioma con los _altos_, y estos con\ntodas las demas parcialidades de indios que habitan los arenales y\np\u00e1ramos de los p\u00e1pagos, los amenos valles de _Sobahipuris_, las vegas\nde los rios _Xila_ (\u00e1 escepcion de los apaches) y _Colorado_, y aun el\nlado opuesto del \u00faltimo gran n\u00famero de gentes, que \u00e1 dicho del Padre\nKino y Sedelmayr, no diferencian sino en el dialecto,' _Sonora_,\n_Descrip. Geog._, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, s\u00e9rie iii., tom. iv., pp.\n534-5. 'Los opas, cocomaricopas, hudcoadan, yumas, cuhuanas,\nquiquimas, y otras mas all\u00e1 del rio Colorado se pueden tambien llamar\npimas y contar por otras tantas tribus de estar nacion; pues la lengua\nde que usan es una misma con sola la diferencia del dialecto.' _Id._,\np. 554. _Sonora_, _Estado de la Provincia_, in _Id._, pp. 618-19;\n_Sonora_, _Papeles_, in _Id._, p. 772. 'Sobaypuris, y hablan en el\nidioma de los Pimas, aunque con alguna diferencia en la\npronunciacion.' _Villa-Se\u00f1or y Sanchez_, _Theatro_, tom. ii., p. 396;\n_Ribas_, _Hist. de los Triumphos_, p. 369. 'El idioma es igual, y con\nrespecto al de los pimas se diferencian en muy determinadas palabras.'\n_Velasco_, _Noticias de Sonora_, p. 161; _Zapata_, _Relacion_, in\n_Doc. Hist. Mex._, s\u00e9rie iv., tom. iii., p. 301, et seq. 'Las naciones\nPima, Soba y sobaipuris ... es una misma y general el idioma que todos\nhablan, con poca diferencia de tal cual verbo y nombre' 'papabotas ...\nde la misma lengua.' _Kino_, _Relacion_, in _Id._, tom. i., pp. 292-3.\nPimas 'usan todos una misma lengua, pero especialmente al Norte que en\ntodo se aventaja \u00e1 los demas, mas abundente y con mas primores que al\nPoniente y Pimer\u00eda baja; todos no obstante se entienden.' _Velarde_,\nin _Id._, tom. i., p. 366. 'El pima se divide en varios dialectos, de\nlos cuales ... el tecoripa y el sabagui.' _Pimentel_, _Cuadro_, tom.\nii., p. 94. Orozco y Berra gives as dialects of the Pima, the P\u00e1pago,\nSobaipuri, Yuma and Cajuenche. _Geograf\u00eda_, pp. 58-9, 35-40, 345-53.\n_Pap\u00e0gos_ 'die mit den Pimas dieselbe Sprache reden.' _Pfefferkorn_,\nin _Vater_, _Mithridates_, tom. iii., pt iii., p. 159. 'Die Sprache\nder _Sovaipure_, als verwandt mit der Pima.' _Id._, p. 161. 'Aux Yumas\n... se rattachent aussi, quant \u00e0 la langue ... les _Cocomaricopas_ et\nles tribus nombreuses qui, sous le nom de _Pimos_, s'\u00e9tendent ... de\nla m\u00eame souche paraissent venir aussi les _Papayes_ ... mais dont la\nlangue s'\u00e9loigne davantage de celle des Yumas.' _Brasseur de\nBourbourg_, _Esquisses_, p. 30.\n\n[VII'-2] 'Esta lengua distingue par flexion el singular del plural de\nlos nombres sustantivos; coloca de las preposiciones despues de sus\nreg\u00edmenes y las conjunciones al fin de las preposiciones: la sint\u00e1xis\nes muy complicada y del todo distinta de la de las lenguas Europeas.'\n_Balbi_, in _Orozco y Berra_, _Geograf\u00eda_, p. 352; _Bartlett's Pers.\nNar._, vol. ii., p. 262.\n\n[VII'-3] 'Sie ist unfraglich und deutlich ein Glied des sonorischen\nSprachstammes; aber wieder sehr eigenth\u00fcmliches, selbst\u00e4ndiges und\nwichtiges Idiom.' _Buschmann_, _Pima-Sprache_, p. 352. Family,\nDohme.... Language, Pima.... Dialects, Opata, Heve, Nevome, Papagos,\netc.' _Hist. Mag._, vol. v., p. 236. 'These tribes speak a common\nlanguage, which is conceded to be the ancient Aztec tongue.'\n_Davidson_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1865, p. 131; _Parker_, in _Id._,\n1869, p. 19.\n\n[VII'-4] _Arte de la Lengua N\u00e9vome, que se dice Pima_; _Pimentel_,\n_Cuadro_, tom. ii., pp. 93-118; _Vater_, _Mithridates_, tom. iii., pt\niii., pp. 166-9; _Coulter_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. xi.,\npp. 248-50; _Parry_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iii., pp. 461-2;\n_Hist. Mag._, vol. v., pp. 202-3; _Buschmann_, _Pima-Sprache_, pp.\n357-69; _Mofras_, _Explor._, tom. ii., p. 401.\n\n[VII'-5] _Pfefferkorn_, in _Vater_, _Mithridates_, tom. iii., pt iii.,\npp. 164-5; _Pimentel_, _Cuadro_, tom. ii., pp. 113-15; _Doctrina\nChristiana_, in _Arte de la Lengua N\u00e9vome_, p. 3.; _Buschmann_,\n_Pima-Sprache_, p. 353; _Col. Polidi\u00f3mica Mex._, _Oracion Dominical_,\npp. 34-5.\n\n[VII'-6] '\u00c1 la Opata se pueden reducir los _Edues_ y _Jovas_; aquellos,\npor diferenciar tan poco su lengua de la \u00f3pata, como la portuguesa de\nla castellana, \u00f3 la provenzal de la francesa.' 'La nacion Opata y\nEudeve, que con muy poco diferencian en su idioma.' _Sonora_,\n_Descrip. Geog._, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, s\u00e9rie iii., tom. iv., pp. 534,\n494. 'A las opatas se reducen los tovas y eudeves, poco diferentes en\nel idioma.' _Alegre_, _Hist. Comp. de Jesus_, tom. ii., p. 216.\n\n[VII'-7] '\u00c9 vero, che fra alcune di queste lingue si scorge una tale\naffinit\u00e0, che da tosto a divedere, che esse son nate da una medesima\nmadre, sicome _l'Eudeve_, _l'Opata_, e _la Tarahumara_ nell'America\nsettentrionale.' _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. iv., p.\n21; _Herv\u00e1s_, _Cat\u00e1logo_, tom. i., p. 333; _Salmeron_, _Relaciones_,\nin _Doc. Hist. Mex._, s\u00e9rie iii., tom. iv., p. 68. 'Auch von den,\nnachher anzuf\u00fchrenden Opata und Eudeve sieht man aus Pfefferkorn, dass\nsie von eben denselben Mission\u00e4ren bedient wurden, wie die Pima:\ngleichwohl sind die Sprachen derselben, so weit sich aus den V. U.\nschliessen l\u00e4sst, sehr verschieden.' _Vater_, _Mithridates_, tom.\niii., pt iii., p. 161. Eudeve 'Ihre Verwandtschaft mit dem sonorischen\nSprachstamme, als eines \u00e4chten Gliedes, mit erfreulicher Bestimmtheit\nbeweisen.' 'Man kan sie (Opata) mit Ruhe und ohne viele Einschr\u00e4nkung\nals ein Glied in den sonorischen Sprachstamm einreihen.' _Buschmann_,\n_Spuren der Aztek. Spr._, pp. 227, 235; _Orozco y Berra_, _Geograf\u00eda_,\npp. 343-5.\n\n[VII'-8] 'El idioma de los \u00f3patas es muy arrogante \u00f3 elocuente en su\nespresion, f\u00e1cil de aprender, y tiene muchas voces del castellano.'\n_Velasco_, _Noticias de Sonora_, p. 154.\n\n[VII'-9] _Smith's Gram. Heve Lang._; _Herv\u00e1s_, in _Vater_, _Mithridates_,\ntom. iii., pt iii., pp. 165-6; _Pimentel_, _Cuadro_, tom. ii., pp.\n154-67; _Buschmann_, _Spuren der Aztek. Spr._, pp. 222-9.\n\n[VII'-10] _Lombardo_, in _Pimentel_, _Cuadro_, tom. i., pp. 407-445;\n_Herv\u00e1s_, in _Vater_, _Mithridates_, tom. iii., pt iii., p. 166;\n_Buschmann_, _Spuren der Aztek. Spr._, pp. 229-236; _Pimentel_, in\n_Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin_, tom. x., pp. 288-313; _Col. Polidi\u00f3mica\nMex._, _Oracion Dominical_, p. 11.\n\n[VII'-11] 'Posee un idioma gutural muy dificil de aprender.' _Velasco_,\n_Noticias de Sonora_, p. 131. 'Los guaimas ... de la misma lengua.'\n_Alegre_, _Hist. Comp. de Jesus_, tom. ii., p. 216. 'Poco es la\ndistincion que hay entre seri y upanguaima, ... y unos y otros casi\nhablan un mismo idioma.' _Gallardo_, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, s\u00e9rie iii.,\npp. 889; _Sonora_, _Descrip. Geog._, in _Id._, p. 535.\n\n[VII'-12] 'Por su idioma ... se aparta completamente de la filiacion de\nlas naciones que la rodean.' _Orozco y Berra_, _Geograf\u00eda_, pp. 42,\n353-4. 'Their language is guttural, and very different from any other\nidiom in Sonora. It is said that on one occasion, some of these\nIndians passed by a shop in Guaymas, where some Welsh sailors were\ntalking, and on hearing the Welsh language spoken, stopped, listened,\nand appeared much interested; declaring that these white men were\ntheir brothers, for they had a tongue like their own.' _Stone_, in\n_Hist. Mag._, vol. v., p. 166; _Lavandera_, quoted by _Ramirez_, in\n_Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin_, tom. ii., p. 148, and _Ramirez_, in\n_Id._, p. 149.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER VIII.\n\nNORTH MEXICAN LANGUAGES.\n\n     THE CAHITA AND ITS DIALECTS -- CAHITA GRAMMAR -- DIALECTIC\n     DIFFERENCES OF THE MAYO, YAQUI, AND TEHUECO -- COMPARATIVE\n     VOCABULARY -- CAHITA LORD'S PRAYER -- THE TARAHUMARA AND ITS\n     DIALECTS -- THE TARAHUMARA GRAMMAR -- TARAHUMARA LORD'S PRAYER\n     IN TWO DIALECTS -- THE CONCHO, THE TOBOSO, THE JULIME, THE\n     PIRO, THE SUMA, THE CHINARRA, THE TUBAR, THE IRRITILA -- TEJANO\n     -- TEJANO GRAMMAR -- SPECIMEN OF THE TEJANO -- THE TEPEHUANA --\n     TEPEHUANA GRAMMAR AND LORD'S PRAYER -- ACAX\u00c9E AND ITS DIALECTS,\n     THE TOPIA, SABAIBO, AND XIXIME -- THE ZACATEC, CAZCANE,\n     MAZAPILE, HUITCOLE, GUACHICHILE, COLOTLAN, TLAXOMULTEC,\n     TECUEXE, AND TEPECANO -- THE CORA AND ITS DIALECTS, THE\n     MUUTZICAT, TEACUAEITZICA, AND ATEACARI -- CORA GRAMMAR.\n\n\nWe now come to the four Aztec-Sonora languages before mentioned, the\nCora, the Cahita, the Tepehuana, and the Tarahumara, and their\nneighbors. I have already said that notwithstanding the Aztec element\ncontained in them, they are in no wise related to each other.\n\n  [Sidenote: NUMEROUS LANGUAGES IN SINALOA.]\n\nIn the northern part of Sinaloa, extending across the boundary into\nSonora, the principal language is the Cahita, spoken in many dialects,\nof most of which nothing is transmitted to us. Numerous languages,\nwhich were perhaps only dialects, are named in this region, and by\nsome classed with the Cahita, but the information regarding them is\nvague and contradictory. No vocabularies or other specimens of them\ncan be obtained, nor can I find anywhere mention that any were ever\nwritten. Of these there are the Zoe, the Guazave, the Vacoregue, the\nBatucari, the Aibino, the Ocoroni, which are mentioned as related, as\nalso the Zuaque and Tehueco, and the Comoporis and Ahome. There are\nalso the Mocorito and Petatlan, both distinct; the Huite, the Ore, the\nVarogio, the Tauro, the Macoyahui, the Troe, the Nio, the Cahuimeto,\nthe Tepague, the Ohuero, the Chicorata, the Basopa, and two distinct\ntongues spoken at the Mission San Andres de Conicari, and four at the\nMission of San Miguel do Mocorito.[VIII'-1] The only dialects of the\nCahita, regarding which a few notes exist, and which at the same time\nappear to have been the principal ones, according to the best\nauthorities, are the Mayo, Yaqui, and Tehueco.[VIII'-2] The Cahita\nlanguage is copious, but will not readily express polite\nsentiments.[VIII'-3] Father Ribas says that the Yaquis always speak very\nloudly and arrogantly, and that when he asked them to lower their\nvoice, they answered: \"Dost thou not see that I am a Yaqui?\" which\nlatter word signifies, 'he who speaks loudly.'[VIII'-4]\n\nA grammar of the Cahita was written in the year 1737, of which I give\nhere an extract. The alphabet consists of the following letters: _a_,\n_b_, _ch_, _e_, _h_, _i_, _j_, _k_, _l_, _m_, _n_, _o_, _p_, _r_, _s_,\n_t_, _u_, _v_, _y_, _z_, _tz_.\n\nThere are three declensions; two for nouns, and the third for\nadjectives. To the first belong those words which end in a vowel, and\nalso the participles ending with _me_ and _u_; to the second, those\nending with a consonant. Nouns ending with a vowel, and adjectives,\nform the plural by appending an _m_ to the singular;--_tabu_, rabbit;\n_tabum_, rabbits. Those ending with a consonant affix _im_, and those\nending with _t_ affix _zim_;--_paros_, hare; _parosim_, hares;\n_uikit_, bird; _uikitzim_, birds. The personal pronouns are: _inopo_,\n_neheriua_, _neheri_, _nehe_, _ne_, I; _itopo_, _iteriua_, _itee_,\n_te_, we; _empo_, _eheriua_, _eheri_, _ehee_, _e_, thou; _empom_,\n_emeriua_, _emeri_, _emee_, _em_, you; _uahaa_, _uahariua_, _uahari_,\nhe; _uameriua_, _uameri_, _uamee_, _im_, they.\n\n               CONJUGATION OF THE VERB TO LOVE.\n\n                     PRESENT INDICATIVE.\n\n     I love,        ne eria    |    We love,        te eria\n     Thou lovest,   e eria     |    You love,       em eria\n     He loves,      eria       |    They love,      im eria\n\n           IMPERFECT.                         PERFECT.\n\n     I loved,       ne eriai   |    I have loved,   ne eriak\n\n           PLUPERFECT.                        FIRST FUTURE.\n\n     I had loved,   ne eriakai |    I shall love,   ne erianake\n\n                         SECOND FUTURE.\n\n               I shall have loved,   ne eriasunake\n\n                          IMPERATIVE.\n\n               Love thou,            e eria, or e eriama\n               Let him love,         eria, or eriama\n               Love you,             em eriabu, or em eriamabu\n               Let them love,        im eriabu, or im eriamabu\n\n                      PRESENT SUBJUNCTIVE.\n\n               If I love,            ne eriauaua, or eriana\n\n                           OPTATIVE.\n\n               O that I may love,    netziyo eriayo\n\n                      PRESENT PARTICIPLE.\n\n       Loving,               eriakari, eriayo, eriako, or eriakako\n\n                      INFINITIVE PASSIVE.\n\n       To be loved,          erianaketeka, or erianakekari\n\n     He who loves,      eriame     | He who was loved,   eriau\n     He who has loved,  eriakame   | He who had loved,   eriakau\n     He who will love,  erianakeme |\n\nOf the many prepositions I only insert the following:--\n\n     To      ui                  Below     vetukuni, tukuni\n     In      tzi                 Toward    venukutzi, patiua\n     With    ye                  For       vetziu\n     Before  uepatzi, patzi      Within    uahiua\n     Above   vepa                Whence    kuni, uni\n\n                             CONJUNCTIONS.\n\n     Also      vetzi, suri,      As if     siua\n                 huneri, soko\n     Although  mautzi            Thus      huleni\n     But       vitzi, tepa       Besides   ioentoksoko, ientoik\n     Not even  tepesan           If        sok\n\nThe dialectic differences between the Mayo, Yaqui, and Tehueco are as\nfollows;--the Yaquis and Mayos use the letter _h_, where the Tehuecos\nuse _s_ when it occurs in the middle of a word, and is followed by a\nconsonant;--_tuhta_, by the Tehuecos is pronounced _tusta_. Other\nwords also, by some are pronounced short, while others pronounce them\nlong. The interjection of the vocative is with some _hiua_, and with\nothers _me_. The pronoun _nepo_, the Yaquis use instead of _inopo_.\nThe Mayos use the imperfect as before given; the Tehuecos end it with\n_t_, and the Yaquis with _n_. The pluperfect of the Tehuecos ends with\n_k_; that of the Yaquis with _kam_; that of the Maya with _kai_.\n\nTo illustrate dialectic differences, I insert a short comparative\nvocabulary, made up from a dictionary, a doctrina, and from words of\nthe Mayo and two Yaqui dialects:\n\n                DICTIONARY.  DOCTRINA. MAYO.    YAQUI.  YAQUI.\n\n     Father     achai        atzai     hechai   achay   achai\n     Our        itom         itom      itom     itom    itom\n     Be         katek        katek     katek    katek   katek\n     Respected  aioiore      ioiori    llori    llori   iori\n     Thine      em           em        em       em      em\n     Name       tehua        tehuam    tegam    teguam  teguam\n     Bread      buahuame     buaieu    buanakem buailem buaye\n     Daily      matzukve     makhukve  makehut  matehui machuk\n     Give       amaka        amika     amika    amika   mika\n     To day     ieni         ieni      hene     ian     hien\n     Of         vetana       betana    betana   betana  betana\n\nThe Lord's Prayer in the Cahita:\n\n     Itom  atzai  teuekapo   katekame  emtehuam checheuasu\n      Our father heaven in  he who is  thy name  very much\n\n      ioioriua,     itom    ipeisana        emiauraua emuarepo imbuiapo\n     be respected, to us that he may come thy kingdom thy will earth in\n\n          anua      aman teuekapo   anua   eueni. Makhukve itom\n     let it be done also heaven in is done  as.   Each day  our\n\n     buaieu  ieni   itom  amika, itome  sok  alulutiria itom\n     bread  to-day to us  give,  to us  also   forgive   us\n\n     kaalanekau itome sok alulutiria eueni itom beherim\n        sins      we also we forgive  as    our enemies\n\n     kate sok itom  butia huena kutekom   uoti: emposi\n      not and to us lead   fall temptation in:   thou\n\n     aman itom  ioretua   katuri     betana.\n     also  us    save  no good (bad)  of.\n\nThe Lord's Prayer in the Yaqui dialect:\n\n     Ytoma chay teque canca tecame emteguam cheheguasullorima yem\n     iton llejosama. Emllauragua embalepo ynim buiajo angua. Aman\n     teguecapo anguaben matehui itom buallem yan sitoma mica. Sor y\n     toma a hitaria cala ytom \u00e1 hitaria y topo \u00e1 litariame ytom\n     begerim catuise ytom bulilae contegotiama, ca juena cuchi\n     emposu juchi aman ytom lloretuane caturim betana. Amen\n     Jesus.[VIII'-5]\n\n  [Sidenote: GRAMMAR OF THE TARAHUMARA LANGUAGE.]\n\nEast of the Cahita, in the states of Chihuahua, Sonora, and Durango,\nan uncivilized and barbarous people inhabit the Sierra Madre, who\nspeak the Tarahumara tongue, which contains the same Aztec element as\nthe Cahita, but is otherwise, as previously stated, a distinct\nlanguage. The principal dialects are the Varogio, Guazapare and\nPachera.[VIII'-6] The Tarahumara is a rather difficult language to\nacquire, mainly owing to its pronunciation. The final syllables of\nwords are frequently omitted or swallowed, and sometimes even the\nfirst syllables or letters. The accentuation also differs much, nouns\ngenerally being accentuated on the penultimate, and verbs on the\nultimate. The alphabet consists of the following letters: _a_, _b_,\n_ch_, _e_, _g_, _i_, _j_, _k_, _l_, _m_, _n_, _o_, _p_, _r_, _s_, _t_,\n_u_, _v_, _y_. These letters, and also the following grammatical\nremarks refer specially to the language as spoken in Chinipas. Other\ndialects have the letter _h_ in place of _j_ or _r_, and _z_ for _s_.\nThe plural of nouns is formed by duplicating a syllable;--_muk\u00ed_,\nwoman; _mumuk\u00ed_, women; or, in some cases an adverb, indicating the\nplural, is appended. Patronymics form the plural, by duplicating the\nlast syllable. The particle _gua_ also indicates the plural. The\npossessive case is formed by annexing the syllable _ra_ to the thing\npossessed;--_Pedro buk\u00fara_, house of Pedro. Comparatives are expressed\nby adding the terminal _be_;--_gara_, good; _garab\u00e9_, better; and\nsuperlatives by simply putting a heavier accent on the comparative\nterminal;--_rer\u00e9_, low; _rereb\u00e9_, lower; _rereb\u00e9\u00e9_, lowest. Personal\npronouns are: _nej\u00e9_, I; _muj\u00e9_, thou; _sen\u00fa_, he; _tamuj\u00e9_ or\n_ramuj\u00e9_, we; _emej\u00e9_ or _em\u00e9_, you; _g\u00fcepun\u00e1_, they.\n\n              CONJUGATION OF THE VERB TO COUNT.\n\n                     PRESENT INDICATIVE.\n\n I count,        nej\u00e9 tar\u00e1    | We count,    ramuj\u00e9 tar\u00e1\n Thou countest,  muj\u00e9 tar\u00e1    | You count,   emej\u00e9 tar\u00e1\n He counts,      sen\u00fa tar\u00e1    | They count,  guepun\u00e1 tar\u00e1\n\n           PERFECT.                     PLUPERFECT.\n\n I have counted,  nej\u00e9 tar\u00e1ca | I had counted,  nej\u00e9 taray\u00e9que\n\n           FIRST FUTURE.                SECOND FUTURE.\n\n I shall count,   nej\u00e9 tar\u00e1ra | I shall have counted, nej\u00e9 tarag\u00f3pera\n\n                         IMPERATIVE.\n\n Count thou,      tar\u00e1        | Let them count,       tar\u00e1ra\n Count you,       tar\u00e1si      | Do not count,         cat\u00e9 tar\u00e1si\n Let us count,    taray\u00e9que   |\n\n                        PRESENT SUBJUNCTIVE.\n\n If I count,     sonec\u00e1 tar\u00e1ra     | If we count,    sotamenec\u00e1 tar\u00e1ra\n If thou count,  somuc\u00e1 tar\u00e1ra     | If they count,  sopuc\u00e1 tar\u00e1ra\n If he count,    sosenuc\u00e1 tar\u00e1ra   |\n\n                            IMPERFECT.\n\n                   If I did count,   sonec\u00e1 tararey\u00e9que\n\n He who counts,  taray\u00e1meque       | They who have to count,  taram\u00e9ri\n Counting,       taroy\u00f3            | He who has to count,     tarab\u00e9ri\n Having counted, taras\u00e1go          | [VIII'-7]\n\nOf the different dialects there are five specimens, all Lord's\nPrayers, a comparison of which will show their variations. The first\nis from Father Steffel:\n\n     Tam\u00ed Non\u00f3, mam\u00fa regu\u00ed guam\u00ed gat\u00edk\u00ed, tam\u00ed noin\u00e9ruje m\u00fa regu\u00e1\n     selim\u00e9a rek\u00edjena, tam\u00ed negu\u00e1ruje m\u00fa jelalik\u00ed henn\u00e1 guetschik\u00ed,\n     map\u00fa hatsch\u00edbe r\u00e9guega quam\u00ed. Tam\u00ed nut\u00fatuje hipel\u00e2, tam\u00ed\n     guec\u00e1uje tam\u00ed guikelik\u00ed, matam\u00e9 hatsch\u00edbe r\u00e9guega tam\u00ed\n     guec\u00e1uje puts\u00e9 tam\u00ed guikej\u00e1meke, k\u00e9 t\u00e1 tam\u00ed s\u00e1tuje,\n     telegat\u00edgameke mechc\u00e1 hul\u00e1. Amen.\n\nThe second is from Tellechea, who lived in Chinipas and at Zap\u00f3pan:\n\n     Tam\u00fa non\u00f3 rep\u00e1 regiieg\u00e1chi at\u00edgameque mutegu\u00e1rar\u00ed santo\n     n\u00edreboa, mu sem\u00e1rar\u00ed regiieg\u00e1chi atig\u00e1, tam\u00fa jur\u00e1 muyerar\u00ed\n     jenagiiich\u00edqui map\u00fa regiieg\u00e1 eguar\u00edgua rep\u00e1 regiieg\u00e1chi.\n     Sesen\u00fa ragii\u00ea tam\u00fa nitug\u00e1ra, jipe ragii\u00ea tam\u00ed nej\u00e1, tami\n     cheligiie tamuche\u00edna yor\u00ed yom\u00e1 matameregiiegi\u00e1, cheligu\u00e9 tam\u00fa\n     ayorigu\u00e1meque uch\u00e9 map\u00fa requ\u00ed ch\u00e0ti ju mec\u00e1 mu jur\u00e1, map\u00fa tam\u00ed\n     tayor\u00e0bua qu\u00e9co.\n\nThe third is in the dialect spoken in the district of Mina:\n\n     Taminon\u00f3 tehuastiqui tehuara santi riboa razihuachi tamuper\u00e1\n     arimihuymira nahuichi chumiric\u00e1 tehuanehuario teamonetell\u00e1\n     sinerahu\u00e9 hiperahu\u00ed tamenej\u00e1. Seoriqui cahuill\u00e9 chumaric\u00e1\n     cahuill\u00e9 quiamoqu\u00e9 tarub\u00e9 chimer\u00e1 chiniariqui mast\u00ed\n     nahuchimoba. Amen Jesus.\n\n  [Sidenote: TARAHUMARA LORD'S PRAYERS.]\n\nFor the next two no localities are given:\n\n     Tami nono guami rep\u00e1 reguegachi atiame: t\u00e1 cheiquichi ju, m\u00e0pu\n     m\u00fcreg u\u00e9ga rep\u00e1 asag\u00e1 mu atiqui: Jen\u00e1 ibi, guichim\u00f2ba quima\n     neogarae mu nagu\u00e1ra; mu llel\u00e1 litae guichim\u00f2ba m\u00fc llol\u00e1ra\n     guali m\u00fc cii mollenara, mi, rep\u00e1 reguegachi. Amen Jesus.\n\n     Hono tami nigu\u00ebga matu ati crepa: guebruc\u00e1 nilrera que\n     mubregu\u00e1. Tami nag\u00fcibra que munetebrichi, nilrelra que mu el\n     rabrichi gen\u00e1 g\u00fcichimoba: mapu breguegal repa. Brami gogu\u00e1me\n     epilri brag\u00fce brame jipey\u00e1, brami g\u00fcecag\u00fce. Mata igui g\u00fcic\u00e1\n     mapu breg\u00fcega brameg\u00e9. G\u00fcecag\u00fce mapu brami g\u00fcique ta nobri\n     brami guichavari que chitichi natabrichi. Habri brami guaini\n     mane brisiga equim\u00e9. Amen Isuis.[VIII'-8]\n\nAlthough in possession of Tellechea's grammar, Gallatin denies the\nconnection between the Tarahumara and the Aztec.[VIII'-9] I give here\nsome of their grammatical resemblances. These are, the incorporation\nof the noun with the verb in some cases; the combination of two verbs,\nthe dropping of the original end-syllables when joining or\nincorporating several words together, the formation of the plural by\nduplication, and the traces of a reverential end syllable. All these\nare important points, and combined with the similarity--in some cases\neven identity--of a great number of words, they make the relationship\nor traces of the Aztec language in the Tarahumara\nincontestable.[VIII'-10]\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\nPassing to the north-eastern part of Mexico I enter a totally unknown\nregion, of whose languages mention is made, but nothing more. Neither\nvocabularies, nor grammars, nor any other specimens of them exist, and\nin most cases it is even difficult to fix the exact geographical\nlocation of the people who are reported to have spoken them. Of these\nI name first the Concho, which language is reported to have been a\ndialect of the Aztec, but this is denied by Herv\u00e1s, who had his\ninformation from the missionary Palacios, although the latter admits\nthat the people spoke the Aztec. Their location is stated to have been\nnear the Rio Concho.[VIII'-11] In the Bolson de Mapimi, the Toboso\nlanguage is named. This people are reported to have understood the\nlanguage of the Zacatecs and the Aztecs; and furthermore, to have had\ntheir own distinct tongue.[VIII'-12] Other idioms mentioned near the\nsame region are the Hualahuise, Julime, Piro, Suma, and\nChinarra.[VIII'-13] Of the Piro I find the following Lord's Prayer:\n\n     Quitat\u00e1c nasaul e yapolhua tol h\u00fay quiamgiana mi quiamnarin\u00fa.\n     Jaquie mugilley nasamagui hikiey quiamsama\u00e9, mukiatax\u00e1m,\n     hikiey, hiquiquiamo quia ina\u00e9, huskilley nafoleguey, gimor\u00e9y,\n     y apol y ahul\u00e9y, quialiey, nasan e pomo llekey, quiale\n     mahimnague yo s\u00e9 mahi kan\u00e1 rrohoy, se teman quiennatehui\n     mukilley, nani, nani emolley quinaroy zetasi, nasan\n     quianatehuey pemcihipompo y, qui solakuey quifollohipuca. Kuey\n     maihua atellan, folliquitey. Amen.\n\nThe Irritila, which was spoken by a number of tribes, called by the\nSpaniards the Laguneros, inhabiting the country near the Missions of\nParras, is another extinct tongue.[VIII'-14] In Coahuila, the Tejano or\nCoahuiltec language is found. A short manual for the use of the\npriests was written in this language by Father Garc\u00eda, and from it a\nfew grammatical observations have been drawn by Pimentel.\n\n  [Sidenote: EXTRACT FROM THE COAHUILTEC GRAMMAR.]\n\nThe letters used are _a_, _c_, _ch_, _e_, _g_, _h_, _i_, _j_, _l_,\n_m_, _n_, _o_, _p_, _q_, _s_, _t_, _u_, _y_, _tz_. The pronunciation\nis similar to that of some of the people who inhabit the Northwest\nCoast, as the Nootkas, Thlinkeets, and others. A kind of clicking\nsound produced with the tongue, which Garc\u00eda designates by an\napostrophe, thus--_c'_, _q'_, _t'_, _p'_, _l'_. The _c'_, and _q'_, are\npronounced with a rasping sound from the root of the tongue; _t'_ with\na click with the point of the tongue against the teeth, etc. There is\nno plural in the language except such as is expressed by the words\nmany, all, and some. Pronouns are _tzin_, I; _jamin_, or _am_, thou;\n_nami_, mine; _ja_, thine; _jami_, ours. Interrogation is expressed by\nthe letter _e_ after the verb;--_japt\u00fb p\u00f4\u00e9?_ are you a father? _po_\nbeing the verb. Negation is expressed by _ojua_, if it stands for 'no'\nalone, but if it is joined to a verb it is expressed by _aj\u00e2m_\nfollowing the verb, and if the verb ends with a vowel, by _yaj\u00e2m_. The\nTejano is divided into several dialects which vary chiefly in the\ndifferent pronunciation of some words: as for _che_ they say _chi_, or\n_so_ for _se_, _cue_ instead of _co_, etc. The following soul-winning\ndogma with the translation is given as a specimen of the language.\n\nMej t' oaj\u00e2m pitucu\u00eaj p\u00eenta pilap\u00e2m choj\u00e2i pilch\u00ea guatzam\u00f4juaj\u00e2mat\u00e9,\npil\u00e2paju\u00e1j sauj chojai: Mej t' oaj\u00e2m pitucu\u00eaj pilap\u00f4ujpac\u00f4 san paj\nguaj\u00e1tam at\u00ea; tal\u00f4m apn\u00e1n pan t' oaj\u00e2m tucuet apcu\u00e9 tucu\u00e9 apaj\u00e1i\nsanch\u00e9 guas\u00e1yaj\u00e1m: sajp\u00e1m pinaps\u00e1 pitach\u00eej\u00f4, mai cu\u00e2n tzam aguajt\u00e1,\nnamo, namo t' oaj\u00e2m tucu\u00e9m m\u00e2is\u00e1j\u00e2c mem; t' \u00e1jacat mem jat\u00e2lam ajam \u00e9?\n\nAnd there in hell there is nothing to eat, nor any sleep, nor rest;\nthere is no getting out of hell; the great fire of hell will never be\nfinished. If thou hadst died with those sins, thou wouldst be already\nthere in hell; then, why art thou not afraid?[VIII'-15]\n\nThe Tubar is another idiom which was spoken near the head-waters of\nthe Rio Sinaloa. Ribas affirms that two totally distinct languages\nare spoken by this people. From a Lord's Prayer preserved in this\ntongue Mr Buschmann after careful comparison has concluded that the\nTubar is another member of the Aztec-Sonora group, showing, as it\ndoes, unmistakeable Aztec traces. I insert the Lord's Prayer with\ntranslation.\n\n     Ite   ca\u00f1ar tegmuecarichin  catemat  imit  tegmuarat\n     Our  father   heaven in       art    thy     name\n\n     militurab\u00e0 teochigualac; imit  huegmica  carin iti\n         be       praised;    thy   kingdom   us    to\n\n     bacachinassisaguin, imit avamunarir echu na\u00f1igualac imo  cuigan\n            come,        thy    will     here  be done   as   well as\n\n      amo   nachic  tegmuecarichin; ite cokuatarit essemer taniguarit\n     there is done     heaven;      our   bread        daily\n\n     iabba   ite  micam;  ite  tatacoli  ikiri    atzomua  ikirirain\n     to-day  us   give;   our   sins     forgive     as    we forgive\n\n     ite  bacachin  cale   kuegmua     na\u00f1iguacantem  caisa\n     us   against   evil  previously    have   done    not\n\n     ite nosam baca tatacoli bacachin ackir\u00f2 muetzerac ite.[VIII'-16]\n     us  lead   in    sin       of     evil   deliver   us.\n\nThe following is a Lord's Prayer of the Tubar dialect spoken in the\ndistrict of Mina in Chihuahua.\n\n     Hite ca\u00f1ac temo calichin catema himite muhar\u00e1 huiturab\u00e1\n     santo\u00f1etar\u00e1 himitemoh acar\u00ed hay sesahui hitebacachin hitaramar\u00e9\n     hechinemolac amo cuira pan amotemo calichin h\u00edtecocohatari \u00e9seme\n     tan huaric. Llava hitemicahin tatacoli higu\u00edli hite nachi\n     higuiriray hitebacach in calquihuan nehun conten hitehohui\n     caltehue cheraca tatacol bacachin hiqu ip\u00f3 calquihu\u00e1 \u00f1ahuit\u00e9\n     baquit ebacachin calaserac. Amen Jesus.[VIII'-17]\n\n  [Sidenote: TEPEHUANA GRAMMAR.]\n\nIn the state of Durango and extending into parts of Jalisco,\nChihuahua, Coahuila and Sonora, is spoken the Tepehuana\nlanguage.[VIII'-18] Like the Tarahumara it is guttural and pronounced\nin a rather sputtering manner. The Tepehuanes speak very fast, and\noften leave off or swallow the end syllables, which occasioned much\ntrouble to the missionaries, who on that account could not easily\nunderstand them. Another difficulty is the accentuation, as the\nslightest variation of accent will change the meaning of a\nword.[VIII'-19] The following alphabet is used to represent the sound\nof the Tephuana, _a_, _b_, _ch_, _d_, _e_, _g_, _h_, _i_, _j_, _k_,\n_l_, _m_, _n_, _o_, _p_, _q_, _r_, _s_, _sc_, _t_, _u_, _v_, _y_. In\nthe formation of words many vowels are frequently combined, as, _ooo_,\nbone; _iiuie_, to drink. Long words are of frequent occurrence\nas--_soigulidadatudadamo_, difficult; _meit\nsciuguidodadaguitodadamoe_, continually. The letter _d_ appears to be\nvery frequently used, as in the word--_toddascidaraga_, or\n_doadidamodaraga_, fright. To form the plural of words, the first\nsyllable is duplicated. Personal pronouns are;--_aneane_, or _ane_, I;\n_api_, thou; _eggue_, he; _atum_, we; _apum_, you; _eggama_, they;\n_in_, mine; _u_, thine; _di_, or _de_, his; _ut_, ours; _um_, yours.\n\n                 CONJUGATION OF THE VERB TO SAY.\n\n                         PRESENT INDICATIVE.\n\n     I say,       aneane aguidi      | We say,    atum aguidi\n     Thou sayest, api aguidi         | You say,   apum aguidi\n     He says,     eggue aguidi       | They say,  eggam aguidi\n\n               IMPERFECT.                       PERFECT.\n\n     I said,      aneane aguiditade  | I have said,  aguidianta or\n                                     |               aneaneanta aguidi\n\n               FIRST FUTURE.                    SECOND FUTURE.\n\n     I shall say, aneane aguidiague  | I shall have said,\n                                           aneane aquidiamokue\n\n                      IMPERATIVE.\n\n          Let me say,          aguidiana ane\n          Say thou,            aguidiani, or aguidiana api\n          Let him say,         aguidiana eggue\n          Let us say,          aguiuiana atum\n          Say you,             aguidiana apum, or aguidavoramoe\n          Let them say,        aguidiana eggam\n\n          I may say,           aneane aguidana\n          I should say,        aneane aguidaguitade\n          I should have said,  aneane aguidaguijatade\n          If I should say,     aneane aguidaguiague\n\n                     PARTICIPLE.\n\n          Saying,              aguidimi\n          He is saying,        aguidimijatade\n          Having said,         aguidati\n\nIn some places the ending of the imperfect indicative is _kade_\ninstead of _tade_.\n\n                    CONJUNCTIONS.\n\n          And                  amider\n          As if                appia na\n          Also                 jattika, kat\n          And for that         ikaidiatut\n          Or                   sciupu\n          Although             tumasci, tume\n          For which            ukaidi\n\n                         THE LORD'S PRAYER.\n\n      Utogga      atemo tubaggue  dama   santusikamoe   uggue\n     Our father  who in  heaven   above  sanctified be    he\n\n     ututugaraga  duviana  uguiere      api   odduna  gutuguitodaraga\n      thy name     come   thy kingdom  thou     do       thy will\n\n     tami     dubur  dama   tubaggue.  Udguaddaga   ud\n     as well  earth  above  heaven.    Our food    to us\n\n     makane  scibi    ud   joigudane   ud  sceadoadaraga  addukate\n     give    to-day  to us  forgive    our     sins          as\n\n      joigude   jut  jaddune  maitague  daguito  ud.[VIII'-20]\n     we forgive our  debtors   not       tempt   us.\n\nThe roughest and most inaccessible part of the Sierra Madre, in the\nstate of Durango, is the seat of the Acaxee language, which from this\ncentre spreads, under different names and dialects, into the\nneighboring states. Among these dialects are mentioned the Topia,\nSabaibo, Xixime, Hume, Mediotaquel and Tebaca.[VIII'-21] Some writers\nclaim that the Acaxee with all its differences is related to the\nMexican, while others, among them Balbi, make it a distinct tongue. As\nneither vocabularies nor other specimens of it exist, the real fact\ncannot be ascertained. The missionaries say that the Aztec language\nwas spoken and understood in these parts. In Zacatecas is mentioned as\nthe prevailing tongue the Zacatec, besides which some authors speak of\nthe Cazcane as a distinct idiom, while others aver that the Cazcanes\nand Zacatecs were one people. Besides these there are adjoining them\nthe Mazapile, Huitcole, and Guachichile, of none of which do I find\nany specimens or vocabularies.[VIII'-22] I also find mentioned in\nZacatecas the Colotlan, and in Jalisco the Tlaxomulteca, Tecuexe, and\nTepecano.[VIII'-23]\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\n  [Sidenote: THE CORA LANGUAGE AND ITS DIALECTS.]\n\nIn that portion of the state of Jalisco which is known by the name of\nNayarit, the Cora language is spoken. It is divided into three\ndialects; the Muutzicat, spoken in the heart of the mountains; the\nTeacuaeitzica, on the mountain slopes; and the Cora, or Ateacari, near\nthe mouth of the Rio Nayarit, or Jesus Mar\u00eda.[VIII'-24] The Aztec\nelement, which is stronger and more apparent in the Cora than in any\nother of the three Aztec-Sonora languages, has been recognized by many\nof the earliest writers.[VIII'-25] The Cora language is intricate and\nrather difficult to learn, as indeed are the other three.[VIII'-26]\nFollowing are a few grammatical notes taken from Ortega's vocabulary.\n\nThe letters of the alphabet are _a_, _b_, _ch_, _e_, _h_, _i_, _k_,\n_m_, _n_, _o_, _p_, _r_, _t_, _u_, _v_, _x_, _y_, _z_, _tz_. The\npronunciation is hard; there is no established way of expressing the\ngender. The names of animated beings, as well as inanimate objects\nform the plural by the affixes _te_, _eri_ or _ri_, _tzi_ or _zi_, and\nalso with the preposition _mea_, although there are some exceptions to\nthis rule; for example;--_zearate_, bee; _zearateri_, bees; _kanax_,\nsheep; _kanexeri_, sheep; _ukubihuame_, orator; _ukubihuametzi_,\norators; _teatzahuateakame_, he who is obedient, of which the plural\nis _teatzahuateakametzi_; _kurute_, crane; _kurutzi_, cranes;\n_teaxka_, scorpion; _teaxkate_, scorpions. Verbal nouns designating a\nperson who performs an action, are formed by affixing to the verb the\nsyllable _kame_, or _huame_;--_hukabihuame_, advocate (he who pleads);\n_timuacheakame_, lover, (he who loves); _tichuikame_, singer, (he who\nsings).\n\n  [Sidenote: CORA GRAMMAR AND LORD'S PRAYER.]\n\nPersonal pronouns are;--_neapue_, _nea_, I; _apue_, _ap_, thou;\n_aehpu_, _aehp_, he; _iteammo_, _itean_, we; _ammo_, _an_, you;\n_aehmo_, _aehm_, they; but in conjugating the following are\nused:--_ne_, I; _pe_ or _pa_, thou; _te_, we; _ze_, you; _me_, they.\nOf the conjugation of the verb, it is only stated that there is no\ninfinitive, and the following example of the present indicative is\ngiven:\n\n     I love,        nemuache\n     Thou lovest,   pemuache\n     He loves,      muache\n     We love,       te muache\n     You love,      ze muache\n     They love,     me muache\n\nThere are plural and singular verbs;--_tachuite_, to give a long\nthing; _taihte_, to give long things.\n\nPrepositions are:--_hetze_, _tzahta_, in; _keme_, with, for; _apoan_,\nabove; _tihauze_, before. The peculiarity of the Muutzicat dialect is\nthe frequent use of the letter _r_, which is either appended, or\nplaced in the middle of the word at pleasure;--for _huihma_, they say\n_ruihma_; for _earit_, _erarit_. The Teakuaeitzicai dialect has many\ndistinct words not used in any of the others, so that at times they\nare not at all understood by those speaking the other dialects. As a\nspecimen I insert the Lord's Prayer:\n\n      Tayaoppa    tahapoa  petehbe  cherihuaca     eiia teaguarira;\n     Our father  heaven      be    sanctified be   thy     name;\n\n     chemeahaubeni tahemi eiia chianaca cheaguasteni eiia\n         come      to us  thy   world     done be     thy\n\n     jevira iye chianakatapoan tup up tahapoa. Ta  hamuit\n     will   as      earth         as  heaven.  Our bread\n\n     huima  tahetze rujeve   ihic   ta taa;  huatauniraca\n     always  us by  wanting  to-day us give;   forgive\n\n     ta  xanacat tetup iteahmo tatahuatauni titaxanakante ta\n     our   sin     as    we     we forgive   our debtors  us\n\n     vaehre  teatkai   havobereni   xanakat  hetze huavaehreaka\n      help   that not  let us fall    sin      in     help\n\n     tecai    tahemi rutahuaja  tehai  eu    ene   che  enhuata\n     that not   us     reach     not   what  good  so   be it.\n\n     hua.[VIII'-27]\n\nFOOTNOTES:\n\n[VIII'-1] Mocorito, Petatlan and Ocoroni are 'gentes de varias lenguas.'\n_Ribas_, _Hist. de los Triumphos_, p. 34. Ahome are 'gente de\ndiferente lengua llamada Zoe.' Zoes 'son de la misma lengua con los\nGua\u00e7aues.' _Id._, p. 145. 'Comoporis los quales aunque eran de la\nmisma lengua de los mansos Ahomes.' _Id._, p. 153. 'Huites de\ndiferente lengua' from the Cinaloas. _Id._, p. 207. Zuaques and\nTehuecos 'ser todos de una misma lengua.' Batuca 'de una lengua no\ndificil, y parecida mucho \u00e1 la de Ocoroiri.' _Alegre_, _Hist. Comp. de\nJesus_, tom. ii., pp. 10, 186. 'La lengua es ore.' 'Varogia y segun se\nha reconocido es lo mismo que la taura, aunque varia algo\nprincipalmente en la gram\u00e1tica.' 'La lengua es particular macoyahui\ncon que son tres las lenguas de este partido.' In San Andres de\nConicari 'la lengua es particular y distinta de la de los demas\npueblos si bien todos los demas de ellos entienden la lengua tepave, y\naun la caita aunque no la hablan.' 'La lengua es particular que llaman\ntroes.' 'La gente en su idioma es guazave.' 'La lengua es distinta y\nparticular que llaman nio.' 'Conversan entre s\u00ed distintas las lenguas\nde cahuimetos y ohueras.' 'Lenguas que hablan entre s\u00ed y son chicurata\ny basopa.' San Miguel de Mocorito 'de cuatro parcialidades y distintas\nlenguas.' _Zapata_, _Relacion_, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, s\u00e9rie iv., tom.\niii., pp. 363-409. 'Los misioneros ... colocaban en las misiones de la\nlengua cahita \u00e1 los sinaloas, hichucios, zuaques, biaras, matapanes y\ntehuecos.' 'El ahome y el comopori son dialectos muy diversos \u00f3\nlenguas hermanas del guazave.' _Orozco y Berra_, _Geograf\u00eda_, p. 35;\n_Vater_, _Mithridates_, tom. iii., pt iii., pp. 154-7; _Hassel_, _Mex.\nGuat._, p. 175.\n\n[VIII'-2] 'La nacion Hiaqui y por consecuencia la Mayo y del Fuerte, ...\nque en la sustancia son una misma y de una propia lengua.' _Cancio_,\nin _Doc. Hist. Mex._, s\u00e9rie iv., tom. ii., p. 246. Mayo and Yaqui: 'Su\nidioma por consigu\u00ecente es el mismo, con la diferencia de unas cuantas\nvoces.' _Velasco_, _Noticias de Sonora_, p. 82. Mayo 'su lengua es la\nmisma que corre en los rios de \u00c7uaque y Hiaqui.' Yaqui 'que es la mas\ngeneral de Cinaloa.' _Ribas_, _Hist. de los Triumphos_, pp. 237, 287;\n_Laet_, _Novus Orbis_, p. 286. 'La lengua cahita es dividida en tres\ndialectos principales, el mayo, yaqui y tehueco; ademas hay otros\nsecundarios.' _Pimentel_, _Cuadro_, tom. i., p. 485. 'Tres dialectos\nprincipales, el zuaque, la maya y el yaqui.' _Balbi_, in _Orozco y\nBerra_, _Geograf\u00eda_, p. 35; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Esquisses_, p.\n31.\n\n[VIII'-3] 'Su idioma es muy franco, nada dificil de aprenderse, y\nsusceptible de reducirse \u00e1 las reglas gramaticales de cualquiera\nnacion civilizada.' _Velasco_, _Noticias de Sonora_, p. 75.\n\n[VIII'-4] 'En hablar alto, y con brio singulares, y grandemente\narrogantes.' 'No v\u00e8s que soy Hiaqui: y dezianlo, porque essa palabra,\ny nombre, significa, el que habla a gritos.' _Ribas_, _Hist. de los\nTriumphos_, p. 285.\n\n[VIII'-5] _Pimentel_, _Cuadro_, tom. i., pp. 456-91, _Herv\u00e1s_, in _Vater_,\n_Mithridates_, tom. iii., pt iii., pp. 157-8; _Buschmann_, _Spuren der\nAztek. Spr._, pp. 211-18; _Ternaux-Compans_, in _Nouvelles Annales des\nVoy._, 1841, tom. xcii., pp. 260-87; _Col. Polidi\u00f3mica Mex._, _Oracion\nDominical_, p. 49.\n\n[VIII'-6] 'Varogia y segun se ha reconocido es lo mismo que la taura\naunque varia algo principalmente en la gram\u00e1tica.' Guazapare 'la\nlengua es la misma aunque ya mas parecida \u00e1 la de los taraumares.'\n_Zapata_, _Relacion_, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, s\u00e9rie iv., tom. iii., pp.\n388, 390, 334, et seq.; _Steffel_, in _Murr_, _Nachrichten_, pp.\n296-300; _Ribas_, _Hist. de los Triumphos_, p. 592; _Pimentel_,\n_Cuadro_, tom. i., p. 363; _Orozco y Berra_, _Geograf\u00eda_, p. 34.\n\n[VIII'-7] _Tellechea_, _Compendio Gram. del Idioma Tarahumar_, pp. 2-3.\n\n[VIII'-8] _Tellechea_, _Compendio Gram. del Idioma Tarahumar_; also in\n_Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin_, tom. iv., pp. 145-68, and in _Pimentel_,\n_Cuadro_, tom. i., pp. 366-400; _Steffel_, _Tarahumarisches\nW\u00f6rterbuch_, in _Murr_, _Nachrichten_, pp. 296-374; _Ternaux-Compans_,\nin _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1841, tom. xcii., pp. 260-287;\n_Vater_, _Mithridates_, tom. iii., pt iii., pp. 144-54; _Col.\nPolidi\u00f3mica Mex._, _Oracion Dominical_, pp. 40-43.\n\n[VIII'-9] 'Have no resemblance with the Mexican.' _Gallatin_, in _Amer.\nEthno. Soc., Transact._, vol. i., p. 4. 'This (the Tarahumara) has not\nin its words any affinity with the Mexican; and the people who speak\nit have a decimal arithmetic.' _Id._, p. 203. 'Ihre Aehnlichkeit mit\ndem Mexikanischen ... ist doch gross genug.' _Vater_, _Mithridates_,\ntom. iii., pt iii., p. 143; _Wilhelm von Humboldt_, in _Buschmann_,\n_Spuren der Aztek. Spr._, pp. 46-50.\n\n[VIII'-10] _Wilhelm von Humboldt_, in _Buschmann_, _Spuren der Aztek.\nSpr._, pp. 50.\n\n[VIII'-11] _Alegre_, _Hist. Comp. de Jesus_, tom. ii., p. 58; _Orozco\ny Berra_, _Geograf\u00eda_, pp. 324-5; _Buschmann_, _Spuren der Aztek.\nSpr._, p. 172.\n\n[VIII'-12] _Villa-Se\u00f1or y Sanchez_, _Theatro_, tom. ii., p. 348;\n_Pascual_, in _Hist. Doc. Mex._, s\u00e9rie iv., tom. iii., p. 201;\n_Buschmann_, _Spuren der Aztek. Spr._, p. 172; _Orozco y Berra_,\n_Geograf\u00eda_, pp. 308-9.\n\n[VIII'-13] _Orozco y Berra_, _Geograf\u00eda_, pp. 309, 327; _Col.\nPolidi\u00f3mica Mex._, _Oracion Dominical_, p. 36.\n\n[VIII'-14] _Orozco y Berra_, _Geograf\u00eda_, p. 309.\n\n[VIII'-15] _Pimentel_, _Cuadro_, tom. ii., pp. 409-413.\n\n[VIII'-16] 'Tienen estos indios dos lenguas totalmente distintas: la una,\ny que mas corre entre ellos, y demas gente, es de las que yo tengo en\neste partido, con que les hablo, y me entienden ... la otra es\ntotalmente distinta.' _Herv\u00e1s_, _Cat\u00e1logo_, tom. i., p. 320. _Ribas_,\n_Hist. de los Triumphos_, p. 118; _Vater_, _Mithridates_, tom. iii.,\npt iii., p. 139. 'Zwar voll von Fremdheit und sehr f\u00fcr sich dasteht,\naber doch als ein wirkliches sonorisches Glied, bei bestimmten\nGemeinschaften mit den anderen und als vorzugsweise reich an\naztekischen Stoff ausgestattet.... Ihre \u00c4hnlichkeiten neigen\nabwechselnd gegen die _Cora_, _Tarahumara_, und _Cahita_, besonders\ngegen die beiden letzten, auch _Hiaqui_; der _Tepeguana_ bleibt sie\nmehr fremd.' _Buschmann_, _Spuren der Aztek. Spr._, pp. 164, 170-1.\n\n[VIII'-17] _Col. Polidi\u00f3mica Mex._, _Oracion Dominical_, p. 47.\n\n[VIII'-18] _Ribas_, _Hist. de los Triumphos_, p. 673; _Alegre_, _Hist.\nComp. de Jesus_, tom. i., p. 319; _Museo Mex._, tom. iii., p. 269;\n_Zapata_, _Relacion_, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, s\u00e9rie iv., tom. iii., pp.\n310-315; _Orozco y Berra_, _Geograf\u00eda_, pp. 34, 320; _Vater_,\n_Mithridates_, tom. iii., pt iii., p. 138; _Pimentel_, _Cuadro_, tom.\nii., p. 43; _Buschmann_, _Spuren der Aztek. Spr._, p. 162; _Herv\u00e1s_,\n_Cat\u00e1logo_, tom. i., p. 327.\n\n[VIII'-19] 'La pronunciacion es muy gutural y basta el mas ligero cambio\nen ella para que cambien de sentido las palabras.' _Rinaldini_,\n_Gramatica_, in _Pimentel_, _Cuadro_, tom. ii., p. 46; _Buschmann_,\n_Spuren der Aztek. Spr._, p. 36.\n\n[VIII'-20] _Pimentel_, _Cuadro_, tom. ii., pp. 46-68.\n\n[VIII'-21] Sabaibos 'eran de la misma lengua y Nacion Acaxee.' _Ribas_,\n_Hist. de los Trivmphos_, pp. 471, 491. Sabaibos 'distinta nacion,\naunque del mismo idioma'--Acaxee. _Alegre_, _Hist. Comp. de Jesus_,\ntom. i., p. 422. 'Humes, nacion distinta de los xiximes aunque tienen\nuna misma lengua.' _Alonso del Valle_, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, s\u00e9rie\niv., tom. iii., p. 96. 'Me parece que tienen afinidad las lenguas\n_topia_, _acajee_ y _tepehuana_, las quales, como tambien la de\nParras, son dialectos de la _Zacateca_.' _Herv\u00e1s_, _Cat\u00e1logo_, tom.\ni., p. 327. 'Im Norden von Tepehuana enth\u00e4lt die gebirgige Provinz\nTopia um den 25\u00b0 N. Br. ausser der lingua _Topia_ und der damit\nverwandten _Acaxee_, noch im Norden der letzteren die _Xixime_,\n_Sicuraba_, _Hina_ und _Iluime_ als Sprachen ebenso vieler\nverschiedener in der N\u00e4he der Topia und Acaxee wohnenden\nV\u00f6lkerschaften.' _Vater_, _Mithridates_, tom. iii., pt iii., pp.\n138-9. Casta\u00f1eda mentions in these regions the Tahus, Pacasas, and\nAcaxas languages, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, s\u00e9rie i., tom. ix.,\npp. 150-3; _Zapata_, _Relacion_, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, s\u00e9rie iv., tom.\niii., pp. 415-17; _Orozco y Berra_, _Geograf\u00eda_, pp. 12-13, 319-20;\n_Buschmann_, _Spuren der Aztek. Spr._, pp. 173-4.\n\n[VIII'-22] 'Indios cascanes que son los Zacatecas.' 'Xuchipila que\nentendian la lengua de los Zacatecos.' _Padilla_, _Conq. N. Galicia_,\nMS., p. 234; _Bernardez_, _Descrip. Zacatecas_, p. 23. '_Cazcanes_,\nqui ad fines _Zacatecarum_ degunt, lingua moribusque \u00e1 caeteris\ndiversi: _Guachachiles_ itidem idiomate differentes; Denique\n_Guamaroe_, quorum idioma supra modum concisum, difficilime\naddiscitur.' _Laet_, _Novus Orbis_, p. 281. 'La lengua mexicana que es\nla generica de toda la Provincia.' _Arlegui_, _Chr\u00f3n. Zacatecas_, p.\n52. 'Sobre el Cascon \u00f3 Zacateco, no creo que hubiera sido ni aun\ndialecto del mexicano, sino que era el mismo mexicano hablado por unos\nr\u00fasticos que estropeaban las palabras y que les daban dist\u00ednto\nacento.' Huacbichiles, Tejuejue and Tlajomolteco 'Sobre estos idiomas,\n\u00f3 si les considera dialectos, juzgo que no existieron.' _Romero Gil_,\nin _Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin_, tom. viii., p. 499; _Ribas_, _Hist.\nde los Triumphos_, p. 676; _Hassel_, _Mex. Guat._, p. 159.\n\n[VIII'-23] _Orozco y Berra_, _Geograf\u00eda_, p. 61.\n\n[VIII'-24] _Apost\u00f3licos Afanes_, cap. vii., p. 56. 'Dentro de Reyno de la\nGalicia quedaron algunos otras Naciones como son los Cocas, Tequexes,\nChoras, Tecualmes y Nayaritas, y otras que despues de pac\u00edficada la\ntierra han dejado de hablarse por que ya reducidos los de la lengua\nAzteca, que era la major nacion se han mixturado de suerte que ya\ntodos las mas hablan solo una lengua en toda la Galicia excepta en la\nProvincia del Nayarit.' _Padilla_, _Conq. N. Galicia_, MS., p. 8. 'La\nlengua Cora, que es la del Nayar.' _Arricivita_, _Cr\u00f3nica Ser\u00e1fica_,\np. 89; _Orozco y Berra_, _Geograf\u00eda_, pp. 39, 281-2; _Vater_,\n_Mithridates_, tom. iii., pt iii., pp. 131-2.\n\n[VIII'-25] 'La lengua mas comun del pais es la _chota_ aunque muy\ninterpolada y confundida hoy con la Mexicana.' _Alegre_, _Hist. Comp.\nde Jesus_, tom. iii., p. 197. 'Muchos vocablos de la lengua mexicana,\ny algunos de la castellana, los han corisado haci\u00e8ndolos propios de su\nidioma tan antiguamente; que ya hoy en dia corren, y se tienen por\nCoras.' _Ortega_, in _Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin_, tom. viii., p. 563.\n'No carezco totalmente de datos para creer que los indios nayares son\npimas, \u00f3 al menos descendientes de ellos.' _Orozco y Berra_,\n_Geograf\u00eda_, p. 39. 'Es idioma hermano del azteca, tal vez fundado en\nalgunas palabras que tienen la forma \u00f3 las raices del mexicano;\nnosotros creemos que estas semejanzas no provienen de comunidad de\nor\u00edgen de las dos lenguas, sino de las relaciones que esas tribus\nmantuvieron por espacio de mucho tiempo.' _Id._, p. 282. 'La core\noffrent tr\u00e8s-peu d'affinit\u00e9 avec les autres langues am\u00e9ricaines.'\n_Malte-Brun_, _Pr\u00e9cis de la G\u00e9og._, tom. vi., p. 449. 'Die Cora ...\nbew\u00e4hrt ihre Verwandtschaft vornehmlich durch die unverkennbare\nGleichheit einer nur diesen beiden Sprachen gemeinschaftlichen\nFormations-Weise des Verbum in seinen Personen und die Bezeichnung ihrer\nBeziehung auf ein leidendes Object, wie die Vergleichung des\ngrammatischen Charakters beyder Sprachen deutlich zeigen wird.'\n_Vater_, _Mithridates_, tom. iii., pt iii., pp. 87, 89. 'F\u00fcr verwandte\nSprachen, wie sie allerdings scheinen, haben die Cora und die\nmexicanische grosse Verschiedenheiten in ihrem Lautsystem.' _Wilhelm\nvon Humboldt_, in _Buschmann_, _Spuren der Aztek. Spr._, pp. 48-9.\n\n[VIII'-26] 'La lengua Cora ... es tan dificil, que si no se est\u00e1 entre\nellos muchos a\u00f1os, no se puede aprender y tiene de particular, que no\nse asemeja \u00e1 otra de las naciones que tiene vecinas.' _Cavo_, _Tres\nSiglos_, tom. ii., p. 117.\n\n[VIII'-27] _Ortega_, _Vocabulario_, in _Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin_, tom.\nviii., pp. 561-602; _Pimentel_, _Cuadro_, tom. ii., pp. 71-88;\n_Vater_, _Mithridates_, tom. iii., pt iii., pp. 131-8; _Buschmann_,\n_Die Lautver\u00e4nderung Aztek. W\u00f6rter in den Sonor. Spr._; _Id._, _Gram.\nder Sonor. Spr._\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER IX.\n\nTHE AZTEC AND OTOM\u00cd LANGUAGES.\n\n     NAHUA OR AZTEC, CHICHIMEC, AND TOLTEC LANGUAGES IDENTICAL --\n     AN\u00c1HUAC THE ABORIGINAL SEAT OF THE AZTEC TONGUE -- THE AZTEC\n     THE OLDEST LANGUAGE IN AN\u00c1HUAC -- BEAUTY AND RICHNESS OF THE\n     AZTEC -- TESTIMONY OF THE MISSIONARIES AND EARLY WRITERS IN ITS\n     FAVOR -- SPECIMEN FROM PAREDES' MANUAL -- GRAMMAR OF THE AZTEC\n     LANGUAGE -- AZTEC LORD'S PRAYER -- THE OTOM\u00cd A MONOSYLLABIC\n     LANGUAGE OF AN\u00c1HUAC -- RELATIONSHIP CLAIMED WITH THE CHINESE\n     AND CHEROKEE -- OTOM\u00cd GRAMMAR -- OTOM\u00cd LORD'S PRAYER IN\n     DIFFERENT DIALECTS.\n\n\nThe Nahua, Aztec, or Mexican, is the language of Mexican civilization,\nspoken throughout the greater part of Montezuma's empire, extending\nfrom the plateau of An\u00e1huac, or valley of Mexico, as a centre,\neastward to the gulf of Mexico, and along its shores from above Vera\nCruz east to the Rio Goatzacoalcos; westward to the Pacific, and upon\nits border from about the twenty-sixth to the sixteenth parallel, thus\nforming an irregular but continuous linguistic line from the gulf of\nCalifornia south-east, across the Mexican plateau to the gulf of\nMexico, of more than four hundred leagues in extent. Again, it is\nfound on the coast of Salvador, and in the interior of Nicaragua, and\nwe have before seen its connection with the nations of the north.\nWithin the limits of the ancient Mexican empire many other languages\nbesides the Aztec were spoken, as for instance the Otom\u00ed, Huastec,\nTotonac, Zapotec, Miztec, and Tarasco, about twenty in all. It has\nbeen claimed by some that the languages of the Toltecs and Chichimecs\nwere different from each other, and from the Aztec; it has even been\nintimated that traces of a language more ancient than any of these\nhave been found. Pedro de los Rios mentions two words of a song used\nin the religious ceremonies at Cholula, _tulanian hululaez_--which he\nsays belong to a language not understood by the Mexicans, and\nAlexander von Humboldt thinks they may be the remains of some\npre-Mexican language.[IX'-1] Others, and among them the Abb\u00e9 Brasseur de\nBourbourg, claim greater antiquity for the Maya, affirming that it was\nspoken in Mexico before the Nahua-speaking people reached that\ncountry.\n\nFrom a careful examination of the early authorities, I can but\nentertain the opinion that the Toltec, Chichimec, and Aztec languages\nare one, that the Nahua, or Aztec, is the oldest known language of\nAn\u00e1huac, and that contrary conclusions arrived at by certain later\nwriters are merely speculative. All of the many different peoples\nmentioned as aboriginal in ancient An\u00e1huac are said to have spoken the\nAztec, as the Ulmecs, Xicalancas, Tecpanecs, Colhuas, Acolhuas,\nNahuas, etc. Ixtlilxochitl, the native Tezcucan historian, relates\nthat by order of the ruler, Techotlalatzin, the Chichimecs dropped\ntheir own tongue and adopted that of the Aztecs.[IX'-2]\n\n  [Sidenote: ORIGINALITY OF THE AZTEC TONGUE.]\n\nFurthermore, internal evidence is all in favor of the originality of\nthe Aztec tongue. Throughout the great empire of An\u00e1huac it was the\ndominant stock language. Towards the north, as we have seen,\nsprinklings of it are found in many places, but nowhere does it appear\nin that direction as a base. Far to the south, in Nicaragua, it is\nagain found as the stock tongue, yet with a dialectic rather than an\naboriginal appearance, so that the testimony of language is all in\nfavor of the plateau of An\u00e1huac having been the primal centre of the\nAztec tongue, rather than its having been introduced within any\nmeasurable epoch by immigration.\n\nThat the Mexican nation did its utmost to extend the language is\ncertain. It was the court language of American civilization, the Latin\nof medieval and the French of modern times; it was used as the means\nof holding intercourse with non-Aztec speaking people, also by all\nambassadors, and in all official communications; in all newly acquired\nand conquered territories it was immediately introduced as the\nofficial language, and the people were ordered to learn it. It, or its\nkindred dialects, can be said to have been the common vernacular in\nthe whole interior of An\u00e1huac, and over a large part of the Aztec\nplateau, although within these limits other tongues were in vogue.\nSouthward, it again appears along the shores of the Pacific Ocean. It\nwas spoken as far as Guatemala, in the interior of which it appeared\nin the shape of various dialects more or less corrupted. It can also\nbe traced into Tabasco, and even into Yucatan on the Atlantic coast.\nIt is again encountered in the gulf of Amatique, whence lines extend\nconnecting with the branches of the Aztec in Guatemala, Honduras, and\nNicaragua. It is also possible that it may at one time have been used\neven east of the Mississippi, as will appear from the following\nstatements of Acosta and Sahagun. The latter says that the Apalaches\nliving east of the Mississippi extended their expeditions and colonies\nfar into Mexico, and were proud to show to the first conquerors of\ntheir country the great highways on which they traveled. Acosta\naffirms that the Mexicans called these Apalaches, Tlatuices or\nmountaineers. Sahagun, speaking of them, says \"they are Nahoas, and\nspeak the Mexican language.\"[IX'-3] This is by no means improbable, as\nthe Aztec is found eastward in the present states of Tamaulipas and\nCoahuila, and thence the distance to the Mississippi is not so very\nfar.[IX'-4]\n\n  [Sidenote: THE AZTEC LANGUAGE EAST OF MEXICO.]\n\nOf all the languages spoken on the American continent, the Aztec is\nthe most perfect and finished, approaching in this respect the tongues\nof Europe and Asia, and actually surpassing many of them by its\nelegance of expression. Although wanting the six consonants, _b_,\n_d_, _f_, _r_, _g_, _s_, it may still be called full and rich. Of its\ncopiousness the Natural History of Dr Hernandez gives evidence, in\nwhich are described twelve hundred different species of Mexican\nplants, two hundred or more species of birds, and a large number of\nquadrupeds, reptiles, insects, and metals, each of which is given its\nproper name in the Mexican language.[IX'-5] Mendieta says that it is not\nexcelled in beauty by the Latin, displaying even more art in its\nconstruction, and abounding in tropes and metaphors. Camargo calls it\nthe richest of the whole land, and the purest, being mixed with no\nforeign barbaric element; Gomara says it is the best, most copious,\nand most extended in all New Spain; D\u00e1vila Padilla, that it is very\nelegant and graceful, although it contains many metaphors which make\nit difficult; Lorenzana, that it is very elegant, sweet, and complete;\nClavigero, that it is copious, polite, and expressive; Brasseur de\nBourbourg, that from the most sublime heights it descends to common\nthings with a sonorousness and richness of expression peculiar only to\nitself. The missionaries found it ample for their purpose, as in it\nand without the aid of foreign words they could express all the shades\nof their dogmas, from the thunderings and anathemas of Sinai to the\nsublime teachings of the Christ.\n\nAlthough the Spaniards usually employed the word Dios for God, the\nAztecs offered one as fit, their Teotl, and Tloque Nahuaque,\nsignifying invisible supreme being. The many written Aztec sermons,\ncatechisms, and rituals also attest the copiousness of the\ntongue.[IX'-6] The Mexican, like the Hebrew and French, does not\npossess superlative nouns, and like the Hebrew and most of the living\nEuropean languages, it has no comparatives, their place being supplied\nby certain particles. The Aztec contains more diminutives and\naugmentatives than the Italian, and is probably richer than any other\ntongue in the world in verbal nouns and abstracts, there being hardly\na verb from which verbal nouns cannot be formed, or a substantive or\nadjective of which abstracts are not made. It is equally rich in\nverbs, for every verb is the root from which others of different\nmeanings spring. Agglutination or aggregation is carried to its widest\nextent, and words of inordinate length are not uncommon. In\nagglutinating, end-syllables or letters are usually dropped,\nprincipally for the sake of euphony. A prayer to the Virgin of\nGuadalupe, which is to be found in the _Promptuario Manual_ of\nParedes, I insert here as a curious specimen of long words:\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\n  [Sidenote: SPECIMEN OF LONG AZTEC WORDS.]\n\nTlahuemmanaliztli; ic momoztl\u00ea tictocemmacazque in Tl\u00e2tocacihuapilli\nSanta Maria de Guadalupe. Tl\u00e2tocacihuapill\u00ea, Notlazomahuiznantzin\u00ea,\nSanta Mariae, nican mixpantzinco ninomayahui, ninocnotlaza, ihuan\nmochi Noyollotica, Nanimatica nimitzhohu\u00eacapanilhuia,\nnimitznomahuiztililia, nimitznotlazotilia, ihuan\nnimitznotlazocamachitia ipampa in nepapan in motetlaocolilitzin; ic in\nTehu\u00e2tzin otinechmomacahuililitzino. Auh ocyecenca ipampa ca\nTehu\u00e2tzin, Notzopelicanantzin\u00e9, otinechmopiltzintitzino, ihuan,\notinechmoconetitzin\u00f4. Auh ic ipampa in axcan ihuan y\u00ea mochipa\nnimitznocemmacatzinoa, Notetlaocolicanantzin\u00ea, inic in Tehu\u00e2tzin\nnimitznotlazotiliz, ihuan inic \u00e1ic nimitznoyoltequipaehilhuiz. Auh in\nTehu\u00e2tzin, nimitznotl\u00e1tlauhtilia: in ma in nonemian, ihuan in\nnomiquian xinechmopalchuili, ma xinechmochimalcaltili, ihuan ma in\nmotetlaocolilizcuexantzinco xinechmocalaquili; inic qualli ic ninemiz,\nihuan nimiquiz; inic \u00e7atepan nimitznomahuizalhuiz, in ompa in\nIlhuicac; in ompa in Dios Itl\u00e2tocatecpanchantzinco in Gloria.\nAmen.[IX'-7]\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\nA word of sixteen syllables, the name of a plant, occurs in\nHernandez--_mihuiittilmoyoiccuitlatonpicixochitl_.[IX'-8] Though the\nAztecs made verses, no specimens of their poetry have been preserved\nexcept in a translated form. One, composed by the great Tezcucan, King\nNezahualcoyotl, translated in full in the preceding volume, gives us\nan exalted idea of the advanced state of the language.[IX'-9]\n\nThe Mexican language employs the following letters: _a_, _\u00e7_, _ch_,\n_e_, _h_, _i_, _k_, _l_, _m_, _n_, _o_, _p_, _q_, _t_, _tl_, _tz_,\n_u_, _v_, _x_, _y_, _z_. The pronunciation is soft and musical, and\nfree from nasal sound. The _a_ is clear; _ch_ before a vowel is\npronounced as in Spanish; but before a consonant, or when a terminal,\nit differs somewhat; _e_ is clear; _h_ is an aspirate, in general\nsoft, being strong only when it precedes _u_. No word commences with\nthe letter _l_; _ll_ is pronounced as in English. The _t_ is sometimes\nsilent, but not when it comes between two _l's_; _tl_ in the middle of\na word is soft, as in Spanish, but as a terminal it is pronounced\n_tle_, the _e_ half mute; _tz_ is similar to the Spanish _s_, but a\nlittle stronger; the _v_ is by the women pronounced as in Spanish, but\nmen give it a sound very similar to _hu_ in Spanish; _x_ is soft, like\n_sh_ in English; _z_ is like _s_ in Spanish, but less hissing.\n\n  [Sidenote: AGGLUTINATION IN THE AZTEC LANGUAGE.]\n\nBy compounding, the Mexicans make many long words, some even of\nsixteen syllables; but there are also some non-compounded words that\nare very long. Words are compounded by uniting a number of whole\nwords, and not alone by simple juxtaposition, since, with much\nattention to brevity and euphony, letters and syllables are frequently\nomitted. For instance;--_tlazotli_, loved; _mahuiztik_; honorable, or\nreverend; _teopixqui_, priest; _tatli_, father; _no_, mine; of which\nis composed _notlazomahuizteopixcatzin_, that is to say, my very\nesteemed father and reverend priest. This also presents an example of\nthe ending _tzin_, which simply signifies respect. _Teopixqui_ is\ncomposed of _teotl_, God, and _pia_, to guard. There are two particles\nwhich may be appropriately called ligatures, as they serve to unite\nwords in certain cases; they are _ca_ and _ti_. _Kualani_, to\nirritate, to anger; _itta_, consider, reflect; _nikualanicaitta_, to\nobserve with anger, angrily.\n\nBy reason of these compounded words, the meaning of a whole sentence\nis often contained in a single word, as;--_tlalnepantla_, in the\nmiddle of the earth, or, situated in the middle; _popocatepetl_,\nsmoking mountain; _atzcaputzalli_, ant-hill, or, place where there are\nmany people moving--alluding to a dense population; _cuauhnahuac_,\n(Cuernavaca) near to the trees; _atlixco_, above the water;\n_tepetitlan_, above the mountain, etc.\n\nThere are several ways of expressing the plural. As a rule, plurals\nare applied only to animate objects. Inanimate objects seldom change\nin the plural, as;--_ce tetl_, one stone; _yei tetl_, three stones;\n_miec tetl_, many stones. In exceptional cases the plural of inanimate\nobjects is expressed by terminals. One of these exceptions is when the\nobject is connected with persons, as;--_zoquitl_, mud; _tizoquime_, we\nare earth; but there are again exceptions to this rule, as for\ninstance;--_ilhuicame_, the heavens; _tepeme_, mountains; _zitlaltin_,\nstars. Sometimes inanimate things also form the plural by doubling the\nfirst syllable;--_tetla_, place full of stones; _tetetla_, places full\nof stones; _calli_, house; cacalli, houses. These various terminations\nmay be reduced to the following rules. Primitive words have the plural\nin _me_, _tin_, or _que_, as;--_ichcatl_, a sheep; _ichcame_, sheep;\n_zolin_, a quail, _zoltin_, quail; _cocoxqui_, sick; _cocoxque_, sick\n(plural); _topile_, constable; _topileque_, constables. Derivatives\nform the plural as follows: those called reverentials, ending with\n_tzintli_, have in the plural _tzitzintin_. Diminutives, ending in\n_tontli_, have in the plural _totontin_, and diminutives ending in\n_ton_ and _pil_, augmentatives in _pol_, and reverentials in _tzin_,\ndouble the terminal, as;--_tlacatzintli_, person; _tlacatzitzintin_,\npersons; _ichcatontli_, a lamb; _ichcatatontin_, lambs; _ichcapil_,\nlamb; _ichcapipil_, lambs; _chichiton_, a little dog; _chichitoton_,\nlittle dogs; _huehuetzin_, old man; _huehuetzitzin_, old men.\n\nWords into whose composition the possessive pronoun enters,\nwhether primitive or derivative, have for the plural _van_ or\n_huan_;--_noichcahuan_, my sheep; _noichcatotonhuan_, my little sheep.\nThe words _tlcatl_, man, _ciuatl_, woman, and those which imply an\nofficial or professional position, form the plural simply by leaving\noff the last letters, as;--_mexicatl_, plural, _mexic\u00e1_; in which\ncase, however, the ultimate syllable is accented. Some words, to form\nthe plural, double the first syllable, and also use terminals,\nas;--_teotl_, God; _teteo_, gods; _zolin_, quail; _zozoltin_, quails;\n_zitli_, hare; _ziziltin_, hares. _Telpochtli_ and _ichpochtli_,\ndouble the syllable _po_.\n\nSome adjectives have several plurals, as;--_miec_, much; plural,\n_miectin_, _miecintin_, or _miecin_. Gender is expressed by adding the\nwords _oquichtli_ or _ciuatl_, male and female, except in such words\nas in themselves indicate the gender. A father speaking of his son\nsays, _nopiltzin_, and a mother of her daughter, _noconeuh_.\n\n  [Sidenote: AZTEC GRAMMAR.]\n\nThere are no regular declensions; in the vocative case, an _e_ is\nadded to the nominative, or words ending in _tli_ or _li_, change the\n_i_ into _e_. Those ending in _tzin_ may change to _tze_ or add an\n_e_, but the latter is only used by males. The genitive is denoted by\nthe possessive pronoun or by the juxtaposition of the words,\nas;--_teotl_, God; _tenahuatilli_, emanating; _teotenahuatilli_, precept\nof God. The dative is indicated by verbs called applicatives; the\naccusative, by certain particles which accompany the verb, or by\njuxtaposition; as;--_chihua_, to have; _tlaxcalli_, bread;\n_nitlaxcalchihua_, I have bread. The ablative is indicated by certain\nparticles and prepositions. Diminutives are formed by the terminals\n_tontli_ and _ton_, as;--_chichi_, dog; _chichiton_, small dog;\n_calli_, house; _cacontli_, small house. Augmentatives take the\nsyllable _pol_. The terminals _tla_, and _la_, serve as collectives;\n--_xochitl_, flower; _xochitla_, flower-bed. Words ending with _otl_\nare abstracts, as;--_qualli_, good; _qualotl_, goodness. Those ending\nwith _va_ (_hua_) and _e_ indicate possession;--_ilhuicatl_, heaven;\n_ilhuicahua_, master of heaven, (applied to God). Comparatives and\nsuperlatives have no particular terminations, but their place is\nsupplied by adverbs, as;--_achi_, _ocachi_, etc., which mean 'more.'\nPedro is better than Juan, _ocachiqualli in Pedro ihuan amo Juan_;\nhere the adverb is connected with _quallo_, good. Words derived from\nactive, neuter, passive, reflective and impersonal verbs, having\nvarious significations, terminate in _ni_, _oni_, _ya_, _ia_, _yan_,\n_can_, _yau_, _ian_, _tli_, _li_, _liztli_, _oca_, _ca_, _o_, _tl_;\nas;--_cochini_, he who sleeps; _tlaxcalchihuani_, he who has bread;\n_motlaloani_, he who runs; _chihualoni_, practicable; _neitoniloni_,\nsomething producing perspiration; _notlachiuaya_, my instrument;\n_amotlanequia_, our will; _tlacualoyan_, eater; _micoayan_, place to\nsleep; _itepatiayan_, hospital; _tlachihualli_, created, produced;\n_tetlazotlatiztli_, love; _nachihualoka_, creation.\n\nPersonal pronouns are;--_nehuatl_, _nehua_, _ne_, I; _tehuatl_,\n_tehua_, _te_, thou; _yehuatl_, _yehua_, _ye_, he or somebody;\n_tehuantin_, _tehua_, we; _amehuantin_, _amehuan_, you; _yehuantin_,\n_yehuan_, they. Possessives;--_no_, mine; _mo_, thine; _i_, his; _to_,\nours; _amo_, yours; _in_ or _im_, theirs; _te_, belonging to others.\n\nThe above-mentioned possessives are used in compounded words, and\nchange the final syllable of the word to which they are\njoined;--_teotl_, God; _noteuh_, my God; _huehuetl_, old man;\n_amohuehuetcauh_, our old man.\n\nThe verb has indicative, imperative, optative, and subjunctive\nmoods--present, imperfect, perfect, pluperfect, and future tenses.\n\n                CONJUGATION OF THE VERB TEMICTIA, TO KILL.\n\n                          PRESENT INDICATIVE.\n\n     I kill,        nitemictia    | We kill,     titemicti\u00e2\n     Thou killest,  titemictia    | You kill,    antemicti\u00e2\n     He kills,      temictia      | They kill,   temicti\u00e2\n\n          IMPERFECT.                            PERFECT.\n\n     I killed,    nitemictiaya    | I have killed,    onitemicti\n                                  | We have killed,   otitemictiqu\u00ea\n\n                             PLUPERFECT.\n\n              I had killed,                  onitemictica\n\n             FIRST FUTURE.                 SECOND FUTURE.\n\n     I shall kill,    nitemictiz  |  I shall have killed, yeonitemictli\n     We shall kill, titemictizqu\u00ea |\n\n                              IMPERATIVE.\n\n     Kill thou,    maxictemicti   |  Kill you,    maxitemictican\n\n                               OPTATIVE.\n\n           Would that I might kill,        manitemictiani\n\n                             PASSIVE FORMS.\n\n           I am killed,                    nimictilo\n           I was killed,                   onimictiloya\n\n                            PASSIVE FORMS.\n\n           I have been killed,             onimictiloc\n           I had been killed,              onimitiloca\n           I shall be killed,              nimictiloz\n           I shall have been killed,       ye onimictiloc\n           O that I may be killed,         manimictilo\n           O that I had been killed,       manimictiloni\n           I ought to be killed,           nimictilozquia\n           He who is killed,               inmictilo\n\n                            OTHER FORMS.\n\n           If I had killed,                intlaonitcmictiani\n           If I had not killed,            intlacamo onitemictiani\n           If I should kill,               intlanitemictiz\n           He who kills,                   intemictia\n           I come to kill,                 onitemictico\n           I will come to kill,            nitemictiquiuh\n           May I come to kill,             manitemictiqui\n           I went to kill,                 onitemictito\n           I will go to kill,              nitemictiuh\n           May I go to kill,               manitemiciti\n\n  [Sidenote: AZTEC IRREGULAR VERBS.]\n\nThere are but few irregular verbs in the Aztec language and the\nfollowing are all that Pimentel could find;--_ka_ and _mani_, to be;\n_icac_, to be on foot; _onoc_, to be lying down; _yauh_, to go;\n_huallauh_ and _huitz_, to come; _mazehualti_, _icnopilti_, and\n_ilhuilti_, to obtain a benefit.\n\nThe following words are always used as affixes:\n\n     For                pal, pampa           Of, from      tech\n     Behind             icampa, tepotzco,    Toward        huic\n                            cuitlapan        Between       tzalan\n     With               huan, pa, copa, ca   In the midst  nepantla\n     Belonging to       tloc                 Together      nahuac\n     Within             co, c                Above         icpac\n     On the other side  nalko, nal           Before        ixco, ixpan,\n                                                          ixtlan, ixtla\n     Underneath         tlan                 Inside        itic, itec\n                                             Under         tzintlan\n\n                         THE LORD'S PRAYER.\n\n         Totatzine         ynilhuicac   timoyeztica,  mayectenehualo\n     Our revered father   who heaven in     art,        be praised\n\n     inmotocatzin, mahualauh  inmotlatocayotzin  machihualo\n       thy name,   may come      thy kingdom      be done\n\n     intlalticpac  inmotlanequilitzin,  inyuhchichihualo  inilhuicac,\n     earth above       thy will             as is done     heaven in,\n\n     intotlaxcalmomoztlac  totech   monequi     maaxcan\n     our bread every day   to us  is necessary   to-day\n\n     xitechmomaquili,  maxitechmetlapopohuili  intotlatlacol,\n        give us,             forgive us          our sins,\n\n     iniuh tiquintlapopolhuia intechtlatla  calhuia,\n        as    we forgive        those who  us offend,\n\n     macamoxitechmomacahuili inicamo  ipan tihuetzizque\n      thou not  us lead      that not  in    we fall\n\n     inteneyeyecoltiliztli: \u00e7anye  xitechmomaquixtili  inyhuicpa\n         in temptation:      but       deliver us       against\n\n      inamoqualli.   Maiuhmochihua.[IX'-10]\n     from not good.\n\nMany comparisons between the Aztec and the tongues of Asia and Europe\nhave been made, and relationship claimed with almost every prominent\nlanguage, but under analysis all these fancied affinities vanish.\nSimilarities in words, in common with all tongues, are found between\nthe Aztec and others, but at best they can be called only accidental.\nStill, a few remarkable word-analogies have been noticed, among the\nchief of which are the following. The Aztec like the Greek and\nSanskrit, uses the privative preposition _a_, which in the Celtic has\nbeen changed to _an_, in Latin to _in_, or _im_, and in the German to\n_un_;--Greek, athanatos; Aztec, _amiquini_, immortal. Further, in the\nperfect tense, and sometimes in the imperfect, _o_ is used in the\nAztec, like the Sanskrit _a_, and the Greek _e_. But the most\nremarkable coincidence is the word _teotl_, which is as near as\npossible to the Greek _Th\u00e9os_. Kingsborough and Mrs Simon see in the\nAztec the language of the Jews; Jones that of the ancient Tyrians;\nLang, that of the Polynesians. Garc\u00eda makes comparisons with the\nHebrew, Spanish, Ph\u0153nician, Egyptian, Japanese, and German, and for a\nrelationship with these and many others he finds claimants. Until\nfurther light is thrown upon American philology, the Aztec must stand\nalone, as one of the independent languages of the world.[IX'-11]\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\nThe Otom\u00ed, held to be next to the Aztec the most widely extended\nlanguage in Mexico, was spoken by a rough and barbarous people who\ninhabit the mountains encircling the valley of An\u00e1huac, but more\nparticularly those towards the north-west. Thence it extended into the\npresent state of San Luis Potos\u00ed, was spoken throughout Quer\u00e9taro and\nthe larger part of Guanajuato, and in places in Michoacan, Vera Cruz,\nand Puebla.[IX'-12] From the Journal and Proceedings of the fourth\nProvincial Council, held in Mexico in the year 1771, it appears that\nthe language was spoken in four dialects, varying so much that it was\nonly with the greatest difficulty that the several tribes could hold\nintercourse.[IX'-13] The only dialect of which particular notice has\nbeen taken is the Mazahua, spoken in the ancient province of\nMazahuacan. Of the others the only specimens are a few Lord's Prayers.\n\n  [Sidenote: HYPOTHETICAL OTOM\u00cd AND CHINESE RELATIONSHIP.]\n\nThe Otom\u00ed claims attention in one particular; it is the only true\nmonosyllabic language found in the Pacific States, and this alone has\nled many to claim relationship between it and the Chinese.\n\nThis Chinese relationship has been mainly advocated by Se\u00f1or N\u00e1jera, a\nnative Otom\u00ed, who in furtherance of his peculiar views wrote an\nexcellent Otom\u00ed grammar, in an appendix to which he gives an extensive\ncomparison between the two idioms. But, taking up the words which he\ndeclares to be similar, we are at once struck with important omissions\non his part. The first is that he has not at all taken into\nconsideration the difficulty of comparing monosyllabic languages, in\nwhich a word frequently has ten or more significations,\ndistinguishable only by pronunciation and accentuation, and at times\nhaving scarcely these distinguishing features. Secondly, the words\nwhich he adduces to be similar, are wanting in the very essentials\nthat constitute a relationship, for in most instances they are not\neven similar in sound, a requisite to which more attention ought to be\npaid in monosyllabic languages than in those which are polysyllabic.\nThe few words that in reality are similar are probably only accidental\nresemblances, and the question of relationship between the Otom\u00ed and\nChinese cannot be said to have been established as yet.[IX'-14]\n\nMr Bringier branches out in another direction in search of a\nrelationship, and fancies he finds it in the Cherokee, basing his\nwhole argument on a hypothetical resemblance of perhaps half a dozen\nwords, which in fact do not resemble each other at all.[IX'-15]\n\nLike other monosyllabic tongues the Otom\u00ed is rather difficult to\nacquire, its pronunciation being rough, guttural, with frequently\noccurring nasals and aspirates.[IX'-16]\n\n  [Sidenote: OTOM\u00cd GRAMMAR.]\n\nAs before stated, many words having distinct meanings, are\ndistinguished only by various sounds, or intonations of the same\nvowel; many words even having the same sound and intonations have\ndifferent meanings. The words of this language are of one or two\nsyllables; a few of them have three. In words compounded of more than\none syllable, each syllable preserves its original meaning. The words\nwhether noun or verb, are inflexible. Neither substantive nor\nadjective nouns have any gender. The same word may be a substantive,\nadjective, verb, and adverb, as in the following sentence;--_na nho\nnho ye na nho he nho_, which means, the goodness of man is good and\nbecomes him well. Nouns have neither declension nor gender, which are\nexpressed either by distinct words, or by _ta_, or _tza_, male, and\n_nsu_ or _nxu_, female;--_tayo_, the dog; _nxuyo_, slut. The particle\n_na_ has the property of the article and, prefixed to the noun,\ndistinguishes the singular. In the plural, _ya_ affixed, or _e_\nprefixed, is substituted. Adjectives are always placed before\nsubstantives;--_ka ye_, holy man. Comparatives are expressed by the\nwords _nra_, more, and _chu_, less;--_nho_, good; _nra nho_, better.\nSuperlatives are in like manner shown by the word _tza_, or _tze_,\nprefixed, meaning very much, excessively, exceedingly;--_tza nho_,\nbest; _tze ntzo_, worst, or very bad. The particle _ztzi_, or _ztzu_,\nprefixed, marks a diminutive;--_ztzi hensi_, a small paper. In\nabstract nouns of quality the prefix _na_ is changed into _sa_;--_na\nnho yeh_, a good man; _sa nho_, that which is good. Personal pronouns\nare;--_nuga_, _nugaga_, _nugui_, I; _gui_, _ki_, me, for me; _nugu\u00e9_,\n_n\u00fby_, thou; _y_, _hi_, to thee, for thee; _nunu_, he; _bi_, _ba_,\n_ki_, him, for him, to him; _nugah\u00e9_, _nugagah\u00e9_, _nuguih\u00e9_, we, or\nus; _nugu\u00e9g\u00fai_, _nuguehu_, _n\u00fbyg\u00fai_, _n\u00fbyhu_, you, to you; _nuyu_,\nthey; _ma_, mine; _ni_, thine; _na_, his.\n\nVerbs are conjugated with the assistance of particles, which designate\ntense and person. Every tense has three persons, also a singular, and\na plural. The plural is always designated by the syllable _h\u00e9_, we;\n_wi_, _g\u00fai_, or _hu_, you; _yu_, they. All nouns may also be verbs,\nfor the Otom\u00eds, unable to segregate the abstract idea of existence\nfrom the thing existing, confound both and have no substantive\nverb;--_nho_, good; _di nho_, I good, or I am good.\n\n                CONJUGATION OF THE VERB NEE, I WILL.\n\n                        PRESENT INDICATIVE.\n\n     I will,        di nee     |   We will,        di nee h\u00e9\n     Thou willest,  gui nee    |   You will,       gui nee g\u00fai\n     He wills,      y nee      |   They will,       y nee yu\n\n             IMPERFECT.                      PERFECT.\n\n     I willed,     di nee hma  |    I have willed,  xta nee, or da nee\n\n                           PLUPERFECT.\n\n               I had willed,        xta nee hma\n\n             FIRST FUTURE.                       SECOND FUTURE.\n\n     I shall will,    ga nee   |    I shall have willed,  gua xte nee\n\n                           IMPERATIVE.\n\n     Will thou,     nee        |    Will you,   nee g\u00fai nee hu[IX'-17]\n\n  [Sidenote: OTOM\u00cd AND MAZAHUA LORD'S PRAYERS.]\n\n                           LORD'S PRAYER.\n\n     Ma    t\u00e0    he   ni    b\u00f9y   mahetsi   da    ne   ansu   ni   huhu\n     My  father  we  thou  house  heaven   call  holy  thy   name  name\n\n          da         ehe   ga he ni    b\u00f9y     da    kha ni  hnee  ng\u00f9\n     thy will come towards us    thy  house thy will do  thy will  as\n\n     gua  na  h\u00e0y    te  ng\u00f9   mah\u00e8tsi  ma   hme    he  ta n\u00e0  pa\n     here the earth  as  also  heaven   the  bread  us  every  day\n\n      r\u00e0  he  nar  a pa ya  ha,   puni   he  ma   dupat\u00e8  he\n     give us  one  day  new and  forgive us  our  debts\n\n     teng\u00f9 di  puni he  u ma  ndupat\u00e8   he  ha   yo   gui    he   he\n      as   we  forgive  now   debtors  ours and avoid the  permit us\n\n     ga  he  kha  na tz\u00f2  cadi   ma   na pehe  he hin  nh\u00f2.\n     do  us  in    bad   action  but  save us    no    good.\n\n     Do    kha.\n     Thy  will do.\n\n     The same in another dialect.     Still another version of the same.\n\n     Go ma ta he                   |  Ma t\u00e0 ki he\n     To gu\u00ed b\u00f9y                    |  Gue gui b\u00f9y\n     H\u00e9 tsi                        |  Kha hetsi\n     Da ma ka ni hu                |  Kha ni hu\n     Na di ni hne                  |  Da di hnec\n     H\u00e0y he heisi                  |  Bi kho na h\u00e0y\n     Ma hme he ta pa               |  Ba \u00f1a kha mahetsi\n     Sa da ke ni                   |  Da da s\u00ea he\n     Ha pu n\u00ed ma th\u00e0y he           |  Ma hme he\n     Ng\u00f9 y pu ma th\u00e0y t\u00e8 he        |  Yo ga zo he gee tz\u00f2 di.\n     Ha yo he                      |\n     He ga z\u00e0 tz\u00f2 di.              |\n\nThe grammar of the Mazahua dialect is very nearly the same as that of\nthe Otom\u00ed, and I therefore insert the Lord's Prayer only to illustrate\nthe connection between the two languages.\n\n     Mi yho me ki  obuihui  ahezi   tanereho   ni   chuu  ta ehe\n     Our father      is     heaven sanctified  thy  name   come\n\n     ni    nahmuu   ta cha  axo\u00f1ihomue  cho  ni   nane  makhe\n     thou  kingdom    do      earth      ?   thy  will   as\n\n     anzi ocha    ahezi.   Ti yak  me  mi bech   me  choyazmue,\n     also is done heaven.  Give us     our bread     every day,\n\n     ti chotkhe  me  mo   huezok me  makhe anzi  tigattotpue\n      forgive    us  our  faults     as    also   we forgive\n\n     me mache i  zokhegue  me  p\u00eakhecho  gueguetme  tezoxkhemeyo\n     those who    offend   us   not us     must       lead  in\n\n     huezok hi tipe yeziz  one  macho yo\u00f1ene macho\n      sins      deliver    us   from          all\n\n     tenxi higaho.[IX'-18]\n            evil.\n\nFOOTNOTES:\n\n[IX'-1] 'Les Cholulains chantoient dans leur f\u00eates en dansant autour du\nt\u00e9ocalli, et que ce cantique commen\u00e7oit par les mots _Tulanian\nhululaez_, qui ne sont d'aucune langue actuelle du Mexique. Dans tous\nles parties du globe, sur le dos des Cordill\u00e8res, comme \u00e0 l'\u00eele de\nSamothrace, dans la mer Eg\u00e9e, des fragmens de langues primitives se\nsont conserv\u00e9s dans les rites religieux.' _Humboldt_, _Vues_, tom. i.,\np. 115.\n\n[IX'-2] 'Les Culhuas, les Tecpan\u00e8ques, les Aculhuaques, les Chalmecas,\nles Ulmecas les Xicalancas ... parlaient la m\u00eame langue, quoique dans\nchaque province avec un autre dialecte; la principale diff\u00e9rence\nconsistait dans la prononciation.' _Camargo_, _Hist. Tlax._, in\n_Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcviii., p. 138. 'Les\nUlmecas, les Xicalancas et les Zacatecas ... avaient les m\u00eames\nmoeurs et la m\u00eame langue.' _Id._, p. 137. 'Car la langue de ce pays\n(Xalisco) est le chichimeque, et Marina parlait mexicain. On se\nservait, \u00e0 la verit\u00e9, aussi dans ce pays d'un Mexicain grossier et\nbarbare, tandis que Marina le parlait avec beaucoup d'\u00e9l\u00e9gance.'\n_Id._, tom. xcix., p. 143. Techotlalatzin 'fue el primero que us\u00f3\nhablar la lengua nahua, que ahora se llama Mexicana, porque sus\npasados nunca la usaron; y asi mand\u00f3 que todos los de la nacion\nChichimeca la hablasen, en especial todos los que tuviesen oficio y\ncargos de republica.' _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, in\n_Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 217. 'Los Mexicanos ... son\nde los mismos de Colhua ... por ser la lengua toda una.' _Motolinia_,\n_Hist. Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 5. 'La\nlengua de los Mexicanos es la de los Nahuales.' _Id._, p. 187. 'La\nprincipal lengua de la Nueva Espa\u00f1a que es de nahuatl.' _Id._, p. 231;\nsee also pp. 10-11. 'Los Tetzcucanos (llamados Aculhuaques) y los\nMexicanos, ... eran de vn Lenguage.' 'La propia, y antigua Lengua, de\nlos Chichimecas Antiguos ... es esta que aora corre, con comun Nombre\nde Mexicana.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., pp. 31, 33, 44.\nTecpaneca, Otom\u00ed y Acolhua. 'El lenguage de estas tres naciones era\ndiverso, no lo era rigorosamente hablando el de la tecpaneca y\naculhua, ni pueden llamarse tales y distintos de la lengua nahuatl \u00f3\nmejicana, sino solamente en el dialecto y frasimos, al modo que el\nportuguez respecto del castellana. La Otomi se diferencia mas de la\nnahuatl.' _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. ii., p. 44. Ulmecs; 'su\nlengua era la Nahuatl que hoy llaman mejicana, y se tiene por madre; y\nesta fu\u00e9 de la nacion tolteca, y he oido decir \u00e1 personas bien\ninstruidas en este idioma, que en algunos pueblos que aun subsisten en\nnuestros dias conocidas por de la nacion ulmeca.' _Id._, tom. i., p.\n154. 'Los _Nahoas_, eran los que hablaban la lengua mexicana, aunque\nno la pronunciaban tan clara, como los perfectos mexicanos; y estos\n_Nahoas_ tambien se llamaban _Chichimecas_.' 'De estos _Chichimecas_\nunos habia que se decian _Nahuazchichimecas_ llam\u00e1ndose de _Nah\u00f3as_ y\nde _Chichimecas_ porque hablaban algo la lengua de los _Nah\u00f3as_ \u00f3\nMexicanos y la suya propia Chichimeca.' _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom.\niii., lib. x., pp. 120, 130, 147. 'Lengua _N\u00e0huatl_ ... se entiende\nser en lengua Mexic\u00e0na; aunque la que al presente hablan y hablaron en\nla Gentilidad los Mexic\u00e0nos no es suya, sino aprehendida de las otras\nantecedentes Naciones, y mas bien se debia llamar Tult\u00e8ca, porque esta\nNacion la traxo desde su peregrinacion, haviendola perfeccionado en la\ntercera Edad.' _Boturini_, _Cat\u00e1logo_, p. 95. 'Los tlaxcaltecos, que\ntienen la mesma lengua nahual de M\u00e9xico y Tezcuco.' _Mendieta_, _Hist.\nEcles._, p. 147. 'Le nahuatl est sans nul doute une langue d\u00e9j\u00e0\nancienne dans l'Am\u00e9rique centrale, et plus ancienne m\u00eame que l'empire\ndont Mont\u00e9zuma fut le chef.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Lettre_, in\n_Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1855, tom. cxlvii., pp. 154, 153. 'Io\nper\u00f2 non dubito, che la lingua propria dei Cicimechi antichi fosse la\nmedesima degli Acolhui, e Nahuatlachi, cioe messicana.' _Clavigero_,\n_Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. i., p. 153. 'Los Mexicanos, \u00f3 por\nmejor decir Aztlanecas, no es su natural lengua la que hablan ahora,\n... es la que aprendieron en Tezcuco.' _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Relaciones_,\nin _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 345. 'Que el lenguage\nmexicano se us\u00f3 por las antiqu\u00edsimas naciones de los _Toltecas_ y\n_Chichimecas_.' _Herv\u00e1s_, _Cat\u00e1logo_, tom. i., p. 298. 'Xochimilcas,\nChalque\u00f1os, Tepanecas, Colhuas, Tlahuicas, Tlazcaltecas y Mexicanos\n... todas hablan un mismo idioma.' _Heredia y Sarmiento_, _Sermon_, p.\n86. 'Mehr oder minder zahlreiche Sprachreste aus dem Mexikanischen\nSprachstamme ... sind Zeugen von der ehemaligen Verbreitung der\nTolteken im S\u00fcden.' _M\u00fcller_, _Amerikanische Urreligionen_, p. 525.\n'Chichimecs ... same family with the Toltecs, whose language they\nappear to have spoken.' _Prescott's Mex._, vol. i., p. 14. 'Die\nChichimeken welche aztekisch reden.' _M\u00fchlenpfordt_, _Mejico_, tom.\nii., pt ii., p. 364; _Wapp\u00e4us_, _Geog. u. Stat._, pp. 34-5. 'Dass sie\nEines Ursprunges mit den Tolteken, ... waren, beweist die allen\ngemeinschaftliche Sprache, welche noch die aztekische heisst.'\n_Buschmann_, _Ortsnamen_, p. 6. 'The Aztecs, Acolhuas, and other\nkindred tribes ... were of the same language ... as the Toltecs.'\n_Gallatin_, in _Amer. Ethno. Soc., Transact._, vol. i., p. 203.\n'Lengua mexicana, llamada tolteca.' _Orozco y Berra_, _Geograf\u00eda_, p.\n86. 'Toltecas y las siete tribus nahuatlacas tenian un mismo or\u00edgen y\nhablaban la misma lengua, que era el mexicano, nahuatl \u00f3 azteca; pero\nde ninguna manera succede esto respecto \u00e1 los chichimecas, aunque\nhasta hoy por un error muy comun se cree lo contrario.' _Pimentel_,\n_Cuadro_, tom. i., p. 154; _Grijalua_, _Cr\u00f3n. Augustin_, fol. 32. 'Les\nrares traditions qui nous sont rest\u00e9es de l'empire des Votanides,\nant\u00e9rieurement \u00e0 l'arriv\u00e9e des Nahoas, ne donnent aucune lumi\u00e8re sur\nles populations qui habitaient, \u00e0 cette \u00e9poque, les provinces\nint\u00e9rieures du Mexique.... Ce que nous pensons, toutefois, pouvoir\navancer avec une conviction plus enti\u00e8re, c'est que la majeure partie\ndes nations qui en d\u00e9pendaient parlaient une seule et m\u00eame langue.'\n'Cette langue \u00e9tait suivant toute apparence le _Maya_ ou Yucat\u00e8que.'\n_Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. i., p. 102; _Heller_,\n_Reisen_, p. 379, et seq.\n\n[IX'-3] Acosta, _Hist. Nat. Ind._, p. 600; _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom.\niii., lib. ix., cap. 9; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Palenqu\u00e9_, p. 39.\n\n[IX'-4] _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. v., cap. v., lib. vi.,\ncap. xii., dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. ix., lib. iv., cap. vii., dec.\niv., lib. ix., cap. xiii.; _D\u00e1vila Padilla_, _Hist. Fvnd. Mex._, p.\n64. 'Nicaragua sea y est\u00e9 poblada de Nahuales, que son de la lengua de\nM\u00e9xico.' _Motolinia_, _Hist. Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de\nDoc._, tom. i., pp. 10-11, 231; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., p.\n103, tom. iv., pp. 35-37, 108; _Solis_, _Hist. Conq. Mex._, tom. i.,\np. 118. 'Seine Herrschafft, Lands-Sprach, und Glaubens-Sect\nerstreckten sich einer seits biss zu dem Markflecken Tecoantepec, das\nist zweyhundert, anderseits biss gehn Guatimala dass ist dreyhundert\nMeil sehr von der Statt Mexico.' _Hazart_, _Kirchengeschichte_, tom.\nii., p. 499. 'Esta lengua mexicana es la general que corre por todas\nlas provincias de esta Nueva Espa\u00f1a, puesto que en ella hay muy muchas\ny differentes lenguas particulares, de cada provincia, y en partes de\ncada pueblo, porque son innumerables.' _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, p.\n552. 'Sie haben viererley Sprach darinnen, unter welchen der Mexicaner\nam lieblichsten vnd gebr\u00e4uchlichsten (in Nicaragua).' _West und\nOst-Indischer Lustgart_, p. 390; _Grijalua_, _Cr\u00f3n. Augustin_, p. 12.\n'La lengua general del pais, que era la Mejicana.' _Beaumont_, _Cr\u00f3n.\nMechoacan_, MS., p. 89; _Arnaya_, _Carta_, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, s\u00e9rie\niv., tom. iii., p. 67. 'Celui de Mexico est regard\u00e9 comme le dialecte\noriginal.' _Camargo_, _Hist. Tlax._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._,\n1843, tom. xcviii., p. 138; _Burgoa_, _Geog. Descrip._, tom. ii., fol.\n341; _Laet_, _Novus Orbis_, p. 252; _Gottfried_, _Newe Welt_, p. 285;\n_Juarros_, _Hist. Guat._, p. 224; _Chevalier_, _Mex. Ancien et Mod._,\np. 160; _Museo Mex._, tom. iii., p. 269; _Palacio_, _Carta_, p. 20;\n_Squier_, in _Id._, note iii., p. 100; _Squier's Monograph of\nAuthors_, p. ix.; _Id._, _Cent. Amer._, pp. 320, 327-9, 339, 413;\n_Stephens' Cent. Amer._, vol. ii., p. 190; _Froebel_, _Aus Amerika_,\ntom. i., p. 285; _Conder's Mex. Guat._, vol. ii., p. 178; _Romero_,\n_Noticias para formar la Historia de Michoacan_, p. 5; _Alegre_,\n_Hist. Comp. de Jesus_, tom. i., pp. 89-90; _Baril_, _Mexique_, p.\n212; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Id._, _Esquisses_, p. 24; _Gallatin_,\nin _Amer. Ethno. Soc., Transact._, vol. i., pp. 3, 8; _Orozco y\nBerra_, _Geograf\u00eda_, pp. 54-5; _Vater_, _Mithridates_, tom. iii., pt\niii., p. 85; _Pimentel_, _Cuadro_, tom. i., p. 158; _Anales del\nMinisterio de Fomento_, 1854, tom. i.; _Acosta_, _Hist. Nat. Ind._, p.\n584; _Id._, _Hist. de las Ynd._, p. 530.\n\n[IX'-5] _Hernandez_, _Nova Plant_.\n\n[IX'-6] See _Juan de la Anunciacion_, _Doctrina Christiana muy cumplida,\ndonde se contiene la exposicion de todo lo necessario para doctrinar a\nlos Indios y administralles los Sanctos Sacramentos. Compuesta en\nlengua Castellana y Mexicana_. Mex., 1575. _Juan de la Anunciacion_,\n_Sermonario en lengua Mexicana_. Mex., 1577. _Joan Baptista_,\n_Advertencias para los Confesores de los Naturales_. Mex., 1600.\n_Rosales_, _Loa en Obsequio de la Aparicion de Nuestra Se\u00f1ora de\nGuadalupe, Poem_, 1582. _Ioan de Mijango_, _Espejo Diuino, en lengua\nMexicana_. Mex., 1607. _Martin de Leon_, _Camino del Cielo, en lengua\nMexicana_. Mex., 1611. _Martin de Leon_, _Manual breve y forma de\nadministrar los Santos Sacramentos \u00e1 los Indios_. Mex., 1640. _Carlos\nCeledonio Velasquez de Cardenas y Leon_, _Breve Practica, y Regimen\ndel Confessionario de Indios en Mexicano_. Mex., 1661. _Ignacio de\nParedes_, _Promptuario Manual Mexicano_. Mex., 1759. _Francisco de\nAvila_, _Platica para hazer a los Indios_. Mex., 1717. _Antonio\nVasquez Gastelu_, _Confessionario Breve en lengua Mexicana, Catecismo\nBreve_. Puebla, 1716, and 2d edition, 1826, 1838, also 1860.\n_Lecciones Espirituales para las Tandas de Ejercicios._ Puebla, 1841.\n_Pequeno Catecismo en el idioma Mex._ Puebla, 1819. _Juan Romualdo\nAmaro_, _Doctrina_. Mex. 1840.\n\n[IX'-7] _Paredes_, _Promptuario Manual Mexicano_, p. xc.\n\n[IX'-8] _Buschmann_, _Ortsnamen_, p. 24.\n\n[IX'-9] 'La mexicana no es menos galana y curiosa que la latina, y aun\npienso que mas artizada en composicion y derivacion de vocablos, y en\nmet\u00e1foras, cuya inteligencia y uso se ha perdido.' _Mendieta_, _Hist.\nEcles._, p. 552. 'La langue mexicaine est la plus riche de toute\ncontr\u00e9e: elle est aussi la plus pure, car elle n'est pas m\u00e9lang\u00e9e\nd'aucun mot \u00e9tranger.' _Camargo_, _Hist. Tlax._, in _Nouvelles Annales\ndes Voy._, 1843, tom. xcix., p. 136. 'Lengua Mexicana y Nahuatl, que\nes la mejor, mas copiosa y mas estendida que ay en la nueva Espa\u00f1a.'\n_Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 293; _Purchas his Pilgrimes_, vol. iv.,\nfol. 1135. 'La lengua Mexicana, que aunque es muy elegante y graciosa,\ntiene por su artificio y agudeza muchas metaforas, que la hazen\ndificultosa.' _D\u00e1vila Padilla_, _Hist. Fvnd. Mex._, p. 31. 'Malgrado\nla mancanza di quelle sei consonanti \u00e9 una lingua copiosissima, assai\npulita, e sommamente espressiva.' _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del\nMessico_, tom. ii., p. 171. 'Es muy elegante este idioma, dulce, y muy\nabundante de Frases, y composiciones.' _Cort\u00e9s_, _Hist. Nueva Espa\u00f1a_,\np. 5; _Laet_, _Novus Orbis_, pp. 240-1; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist.\nMex._, tom. i., p. 635; _M\u00fcller_, _Reisen_, tom. iii., pp. 105-8. 'Su\nlengua es la mejor y mas polida.' (Tezcuco.) _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._,\ndec. iii., lib. ii., cap. x. 'La mas elegante la Tezcucana como la\nCastellana en Toledo.' _Vetancvrt_, _Teatro Mex._, pt ii., p. 14;\n_Boturini_, _Idea_, p. 142; _Humboldt_, _Vues_, tom. ii., pp. 382-3.\n'Esta lengua mas elegante y expressiva que la Latina, y dulce que la\nToscana.' _Granados y Galves_, _Tardes Amer._, p. 401. 'La langue\nmexicaine est riche comme les autres langues indiennes; mais, comme\nelles, elle est mat\u00e9rielle et n'abonde pas en mots significatifs\nd'id\u00e9es abstraites; comme elles, elle est synth\u00e9tique dans sa\nstructure, et n'en diff\u00e8re, quant \u00e0 ses formes, que par les d\u00e9tails\nqui n'affectent point son g\u00e9nie et son caract\u00e8re. Elle abonde en\nparticules intercal\u00e9es,' _Du Ponceau_, _M\u00e9moire_, p. 255;\n_Sonneschmid_, _Remarks on Mex. and the Mex. Lang._, in _Amer. Monthly\nMag._, vol. iii., p. 118; _Lang's Polynesian Nat._, pp. 95-7. 'The\nMexican tongue abounded in expressions of reverence and courtesy. The\nstyle and appellations used in the intercourse between equals, would\nhave been so unbecoming in the mouth of one in a lower sphere, when he\naccosted a person in higher rank, as to be deemed an insult.'\n_Robertson's Hist. Amer._, vol. ii., pp. 278-9. 'The low guttural\npronunciation of the Mexican, or Aztec.' _Ward's Mex._, vol. i., p.\n31; _Galicia Chimalpopocatl_, _Dissertacion_, in _Museo Mex._, tom.\niv., p. 517, et seq.; _Heller_, _Reisen_, p. 377. 'Des hauteurs les\nplus sublimes, de la m\u00e9taphysique, elle descend aux choses les plus\nvulgaires; avec une sonorit\u00e9 et une richesse d'expression qui\nn'appartiennent qu'\u00e0 elle.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat.\nCiv._, tom. i., p. 103; _Prescott's Mex._, vol. i., p. 108, vol. iii.,\np. 395. 'The language of the Mexicans is to our apprehension harsh in\nthe extreme.' _Helps' Span. Conq._, vol. i., p. 288.\n\n[IX'-10] _Pedro de Arenas_, _Vocabulario Manual de las Lenguas Castellana\ny Mexicana_. Mex., 1583. _Manuel Perez_, _Arte del Idioma Mexicano_.\nMex., 1713. _Antonio Vasquez Gastelu_, _Arte de la Lengua Mexicana_.\nPuebla, 1716, and 2d edition, 1838. _Francisco de Avila_, _Arte de la\nLengua Mexicana_. Mex., 1717. _Carlos de Tapia Zenteno_, _Arte\nNovissima de Lengua Mexicana_. Mex., 1753. _Horacio Carochi_,\n_Compendio del Arte de la Lengua Mexicana_. Mex., 1759. _Molina_,\n_Vocabulario_. Mex., 1571. _Rafael Sandoval_, _Arte de la Lengua\nMexicana_. Mex., 1810. _Pedro de Arenas_, _Guide de la Conversation_.\nParis, 1862. _Gallatin_, in _Amer. Ethno. Soc., Transact._, vol. i.,\npp. 214-245; _Pimentel_, _Cuadro_, vol. i., pp. 164-216; _Vater_,\n_Mithridates_, tom. iii., pt iii., pp. 85-106; _Buschmann_,\n_Ortsnamen_, pp. 20-37.\n\n[IX'-11] 'Es ist nicht m\u00f6glich von einer Verwandtschaft der mexicanischen\nSprache mit den Sprachen anderer Erdtheile zu reden.' _Buschmann_,\n_Ortsnamen_, p. 20; _Garcia_, _Origen de los Ind._, pp. 118-21, 187,\n232-5, 241, 269; _Jones' Hist. Anc. Amer._; _Simon's Ten Tribes_, pp.\n163, 173; _Lang's Polynesian Nat._, pp. 96-8, et seq; _Quarterly\nReview_, 1816, p. 415; _Humboldt_, _Vues_, tom. ii., p. 229, et seq.\n\n[IX'-12] _Orozco y Berra_, _Geograf\u00eda_, p. 17; _Alegre_, _Hist. Comp. de\nJesus_, tom. i., p. 282; _Pimentel_, _Cuadro_, tom. i., p. 118;\n_Vater_, _Mithridates_, tom. iii., pt iii., p. 113.\n\n[IX'-13] 'Conc\u00f2rdandose en que no se entienden los mismos Otomites de\ndiversos Pueblos, aun Vecinos, de que di\u00f2 una prueba concluyente el\nObispo de Puebla, con el hecho de haver juntado quatro Curas\nestindantes de su sierra Otom\u00ec los que mutuamente se improbaban por\nhereticas, a disparatad\u00f2s sus esplicaciones de los Mysterios de nr\u00e3\nReligion.' _Concilio Provincial Mexicano_, iv., 1771, Julio 31, MS.\n\n[IX'-14] _Naxera_, _Dis. sobre la lengua Othom\u00ed_; _Warden_, _Recherches_,\nin _Antiq. Mex._, pp. 125-9.\n\n[IX'-15] _Bringier_, _Lettre_, in _Silliman's Jour._, vol. iii., pp.\n35-6.\n\n[IX'-16] 'La Otom\u00ed, lengua b\u00e1rbara cuasi enteramente gutural, y que \u00e1\np\u00e9nas cede al estudio y \u00e1 la mas s\u00e9ria aplicacion.' _Alegre_, _Hist.\nComp. de Jesus_, tom. i., p. 90. 'La Otomi, que se dilata casi tanto\ncomo la Mexicana, y en la difficultad, y obscuridad le haze grandes\nventajas.' _Grijalua_, _Cr\u00f3n. Augustin_, fol. 74. 'Loro linguaggio \u00e8\nassai difficile, e pieno d'aspirazioni, che fanno parte nella gola, e\nparte nel naso ma peraltro \u00e8 abbastanza copioso ed espressivo.'\n_Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. i., p. 148. 'Une langue\npleine d'aspirations nasales et gutturales.' _Humboldt_, _Essai Pol._,\ntom. i., p. 255. 'Die Sprache der Othomi zeichnet sich durch die\nEinsylbigkeit oder wenigstens K\u00fcrze ihrer meisten W\u00f6rter, durch H\u00e4rte\nund Aspiration aus.' _Vater_, _Mithridates_, tom. iii., pt iii., p.\n114. 'Leur langue, rude comme eux, est monosyllabique: embrassant \u00e0 la\nfois tous les sons, mais d\u00e9nu\u00e9e d'ornements, elle montre, n\u00e9anmoins,\ndans sa simplicit\u00e9 quelque chose de majestueux qui rappelle les temps\nantiques.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. i., p.\n157. 'Es dura, seca, ingrata \u00e1 la lengua y mal al oido: todo lo de\nella es r\u00fastico, vasto, sin pulidez.' _Naxera_, _Dis. sobre la lengua\nOthom\u00ed_, p. 23. 'Su lenguage es muy duro y corte.' _Herrera_, _Hist.\nGen._, dec. iii., lib. v., cap. xix.; _Duponceau_, _M\u00e9moire_, pp.\n68-71; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 33, tom. ii., p. 82;\n_M\u00fcller_, _Reisen_, tom. iii., p. 45; _Hassel_, _Mex. Guat._, p. 152;\n_M\u00fchlenpfordt_, _Mejico_, tom. ii., pt ii., p. 364; _Conder's Mex.\nGuat._, vol. ii., p. 119.\n\n[IX'-17] _Yoaquin Lopez Yepes_, _Catecismo y Declaracion de la Doctrina\nCristiana, en lengua Otom\u00ed_. _Francisco Perez_, _Catecismo de la\nDoctrina Cristiana, en lengua Otom\u00ed_. _Naxera_, _Disertacion sobre la\nlengua Othomi_. _Gallatin_, in _Amer. Ethno. Soc., Transact._, vol.\ni., pp. 286-98; _Vater_, _Mithridates_, tom. iii., pt iii., pp.\n115-24; _Pimentel_, _Cuadro_, vol. i., pp. 120-50; _Antonio Guadalupe\nRamirez_, _Breve Compendio ... Dispuesto en lengua Othom\u00ed_. See also\n_Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. iii., p. 355; _Luis de Neve y Molina_,\n_Grammatica Della Lingua Otom\u00ed_.\n\n[IX'-18] _Pimentel_, _Cuadro_, tom. ii., pp. 194-201.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER X.\n\nLANGUAGES OF CENTRAL AND SOUTHERN MEXICO.\n\n     THE PAME AND ITS DIALECTS -- THE MECO OF GUANAJUATO AND THE\n     SIERRA GORDA -- THE TARASCO OF MICHOACAN AND ITS GRAMMAR -- THE\n     MATLALTZINCA AND ITS GRAMMAR -- THE OCUILTEC -- THE MIZTEC AND\n     ITS DIALECTS -- MIZTEC GRAMMAR -- THE AMUSGO, CHOCHO, MAZATEC,\n     CUICATEC, CHATINO, TLAPANEC, CHINANTEC, AND POPOLUCA -- THE\n     ZAPOTEC AND ITS GRAMMAR -- THE MIJE -- MIJE GRAMMAR AND LORD'S\n     PRAYER -- THE HUAVE OF THE ISTHMUS OF TEHUANTEPEC -- HUAVE\n     NUMERALS.\n\n\nNorth-eastward of the Otom\u00ed, is a language called the Pame, spoken in\nthree distinct dialects; the first in San Luis de la Paz, in the\nSierra Gorda; the second, near the city of Maiz, in San Luis Potos\u00ed;\nand the third in Pur\u00edsima Concepcion de Arnedo, and also in the Sierra\nGorda. I have at hand only the Lord's Prayer in three dialects; nor\ncan I find mention of any vocabulary or grammar. It is described as\ndifficult to acquire, principally on account of the many dialectic\nvariations.[X'-1]\n\n  [Sidenote: PAME AND MECO LORD'S PRAYER.]\n\n     FIRST DIALECT.\n\n     Tata m\u00edcagon indis bonigemaj\u00e1: indis unaj\u00e1 grotztacuz: Quii\n     unib\u00f3: Nage eu nitaz\u00e1, unib\u00f3 ubonig\u00ed: Urroze paricagon uvingu\u00ed\n     ambog\u00f3n bucon gatig\u00ed bajir gom\u00f3r, como icagon gumorbon\n     quipicgo hicnang\u00f3: nenangu\u00ed nandaz\u00f3 pacunim\u00e1: imorgo cabonj\u00e1\n     pajanor. Amen Jesus.\n\n     SECOND DIALECT.\n\n     Caucan xug\u00fcenan, que humiju cantau impains, achscalijon gee\n     nigiu yucant gee cump\u00f3. Chaucat gee quimang, ac-gi cump\u00f3 acgi\n     cantau impain. Sent\u00e9 caucan senda gun\u00f3 yucant chin\u00e9 iguadcatan\n     caucan humunts, ac-gipain caucan hujuadptan \u00e1 caucan humunts.\n     Y mi negenk do guaik guning cacaa yeket vali ening, ac-ge-bo.\n\n     THIRD DIALECT.\n\n     Ttattahghuhggg ighegh ddih uhvoh hinh gghih qquihhmissches:\n     ughgnjuhgh ttahghgihh innddisseh Qquihihihh uhgg\u00faho uhghg\n     g\u00fchihh rrehhino, Ih qquih \u00fcghgghihghh wohlluhn tt\u00e1h\n     ighschchahh, Assi uhgg\u00fcghh commo ub v\u00f3hnnihghh. Uhnghehddi\n     uhvr\u00e1 hhv\u00edhn qquihhphpohgg\u00fchuhh, yhchihh uh vehv\u00e9hh\n     ihghg\u00fchohg\u00fchuhh ih qqih ih chi wchveh ihhumhurhgg\u00fchuhh\n     uhhohddi nuch h\u00eah\u00f4hu\u00e1g. Assi commo ahpe hp\u00e2hhddi ihec\n     \u00e2hgg\u00fchuhh kuhmh\u00fbhr\u00fbhhg uhonnddi ahphpigg\u00fch\u00fahh. Ih\n     qquihngnahghnh\u00eahrrgg\u00fchuhh phpahagh, Ahn\u00e2hssuhqquih huhnh\u00e9hh.\n     Mahhss\u00e9hh Uihbbr\u00e1hrhr ihhehgg\u00fchuhh. Ihghg\u00f4httahhehr\u00eah\n     Gg\u00e9hss\u00fahs.\n\nIt will be observed that the third dialect displays a most singular\ncombination of letters. It is a manifest absurdity. Pimentel does not\nmention where he obtained it, nor does he intimate what sounds are\nproduced from this huddling of consonants. I give it more as a\ncuriosity than with the idea that philologists will ever derive any\nbenefit from it.[X'-2]\n\nIn the Sierra Gorda and in Guanajuato, another language is mentioned,\ncalled the Meco, or Serrano, of which no specimen but a Lord's Prayer\nexists:\n\n     Mata\u00edge gui bu majetzi, qui sundat too, da gu\u00ea rit t\u00fb j\u00fb da ne\n     pa quecque ni moc can\u00e1ni, ne si dac-ka\u00e1 na moccanz\u00fb; tanto na\n     sinfai, teng\u00fb, majetzi. Mat tumeje t\u00e1, \u00e1t mapa, rac-je pilla,\n     ne si gi pungag\u00e9, mat-oigaj\u00e9, teng\u00fb si didi pumj\u00e9\u00e9, too\n     dit-tuc-je, nello gijega je gatac-je ratentacion; man-aa\n     ju\u00eagaje, gat-tit-jov llaizoonfenni.[X'-3]\n\nStill less is said concerning the languages spoken in the state of\nTamaulipas; of them nothing is known but the names, and it cannot be\nascertained whether they are correctly classified or not, as no\nspecimens exist. The languages which I find spoken of are the Yu\u00ea,\nYem\u00e9, Olive, Janambre, Pisone, and a general one named Tamaulipeco.[X'-4]\n\nThe Tarasco, the principal language of Michoacan, can be placed almost\nupon an equality with the Aztec, as being copious and well finished.\nIt is particularly sweet-sounding, and on this account has been\nlikened to the Italian; possessing all the letters of the alphabet.\n\nEach syllable usually contains one consonant and one vowel; the letter\n_r_ is frequent.[X'-5] From the different grammars I compile the\nfollowing:\n\n  [Sidenote: TARASCO GRAMMAR.]\n\nIn the alphabet there is neither _f_, _v_, nor _l_; no words begin\nwith the letters _b_, _d_, _g_, and _r_; _k_, has a sound distinct\nfrom that of _c_, being pronounced stronger. The letter _s_ is often\nintercalated for euphony; it must be inserted between _h_ and _i_,\nwhen a word ends with _h_, and the next begins with _i_. At the end of\na word it signifies same, or self; _hi_, I; _his_, I myself. When a\nword ends in _s_ and the next begins with _h_, the letter _x_ is\nsubstituted for both. The letter _x_ at the end of a word indicates\nthe plural. _Ph_ is never pronounced like _f_; the _h_ after _p_ only\nindicates an aspiration of the vowel which follows:--_p-hica_. _Hati_,\nthird person singular of the pronoun used in conjugations, may be\nconverted into _ndi_. The _p_ immediately following _m_ is converted\ninto _b_. The _r_ and _t_ next following _n_ are converted into _d_;\nand _e_ and _q_ next following _n_ are converted into _g_. There are\nthree kinds of nouns--rational, irrational, and inanimate. The last\ntwo are indeclinable in the singular. The plural of irrational animals\nis formed simply by the addition of the particle _echa_. Two other\nparticles are used to express the plural of inanimate things;--_uan_,\nand _harandeti_, many, much. Five words of this species use, however,\nthe particle _echa_ in the plural; _uata_, mountain; _ambocuta_,\nstreet; _ahchiuri_, night; _tzipa\u00e9_, morning; _hosqua_, star.\n\n                    DECLENSION OF THE WORD FATHER.\n\n            SINGULAR.                      PLURAL.\n\n     Nom.   tata                        | Nom.    tata ecba\n     Gen.   tataeueri, or hihchiuiremba | Gen.    tata echa eueri\n     Dat.   tata ni                     | Dat.    tata echa ni\n     Acus.  tata ni                     | Acus.   tsta echa ni\n     Voc.   tata e                      | Voc.    tata eche e\n     Abl.   tata ni himbo               | Abl.    tata echa ni himbo\n\n               CONJUGATION OF THE VERB POMI, TO TOUCH.\n\n                         PRESENT INDICATIVE.\n\n            Active.                          Passive.\n     I touch,       pohaca         |  I am touched,     pogahaca\n     Thou touchest, pohacare       |  Thou art touched, pogahacare\n     He touches,    pohati         |  He is touched,    pogahati\n     We touch,      pohacachuchi   |  We are touched,   pogahacachuchi\n     You touch,     pohacarechuchi |  You are touched,  pogahacuchuchi\n     They touch,    potix          |  They are touched, pogatix\n\n                            IMPERFECT.\n\n     I touched,    pohambihca    | I was touched,   pogahambihca\n\n                              PERFECT.\n\n     I have touched,   poca      | I was touched,   pogaca\n\n                            PLUPERFECT.\n\n     I had touched,   pophihca   | I had been touched, pogaphica\n\n                          FIRST FUTURE.\n\n     I shall touch,    pouaca    | I shall be touched,  pagauaca\n\n                          SECOND FUTURE.\n\n     I shall have touched,       thuvin pouaca\n     I shall have been touched,  thuvin pogauaca\n\n                           IMPERATIVE.\n\n     Let me touch,   popa    |  Let us touch,    popacuche\n     Touch thou,     po      |  Touch you,       paue\n     Let him touch,  poue    |  Let them touch,  pauez\n\n     I might touch,  popiringa  | I might be touched, pogapiringa[X'-6]\n\n                           LORD'S PRAYER.\n\n      Tata huchaeueri thukirehaca  au\u00e1ndaro  santo arikeue\n     Father   our     thou who art heaven in holy  be said\n\n     thucheueti hacangurikua uuehtsini andarenoni thucheueti\n        thy        name        make us   arrive      thy\n\n     irechekua  ukeue    thucheueti uekua iskire au\u00e1ndaro\n      kingdom  be done       thy    will  as in  heaven in\n\n     umengahaca  istu   umengaue    ixu  echerendo.  Huchaeueri\n     it is made   as   it be made   as   earth in.      Our\n\n     curinda anganaripakua instcuhtsini  iya   canhtsini uepouachetsnsta\n      bread      daily        give us   to-day and to us    forgive\n\n     huchaeueri hatzingakuareta iski     hucha uehpouacuhuantstahaca\n        our          fault      as also   we         forgive\n\n     huchaeueri hatsingakuaecheni ca   hastsini teruhtatzemani\n         our        debtors       and   not us     lead us\n\n     terungutahperakua himbo. Euahpentstatsini caru  casingurita\n        temptation      but      deliver us    also      evil\n\n     himbo.[X'-7]\n     of.\n\n  [Sidenote: MATLALTZINCA GRAMMAR.]\n\nWest of the valley of An\u00e1huac, in the ancient kingdom of Michoacan,\nand in the district which is now called Toluca, was an independent\nnation, the Matlaltzincas, whose language, of which there are several\ndialects, notwithstanding the assertion of some writers that it was\nconnected with or related to the Tarasco, must still stand as an\nindividual and distinct tongue. Comparisons may develop a few phonetic\nsimilarities, but otherwise the two do not approach one another in the\nleast.[X'-8]\n\nThere are twenty-one letters used in the Matlaltzinca language:--_a_,\n_b_, _ch_, _d_, _e_, _g_, _h_, _i_, _k_, _m_, _n_, _o_, _p_, _q_, _r_,\n_t_, _tz_, _th_, _u_, _x_, _y_, _z_. Compounded words are frequently\nused and are considered very elegant;--_kimituhoritakimindutzitzi_, to\nlook for something to eat; _kituteginchimuthohuinikuhumbi_, I give a\ngood example. Gender is expressed and there is also a declension.\nThere is a singular, a dual, and a plural; the dual is designated by\nthe preposition _the_;--_huema_, the man; _thema_, the two men. The\nplural is designated by the preposition _ne_;--_nema_, the men; but\nthere are some inanimate substantives with which this latter\npreposition is not used.\n\nThe personal pronouns are:--_kaki_, I; _kakuehui_, _kakuebi_,\n_kakuehebi_, we two; _kakohuiti_, _kakehebi_, we; _kahachi_, thou;\n_kachehui_, you two; _kachohui_, you; _inthehui_, he; _inthehuehui_,\nthey two; _inthehue_, they. Possessives:--_niteyeh_, mine; _kaxniyeh_,\nthine; _niyeh inthehui_, his.\n\n                CONJUGATION OF THE VERB TO LOVE.\n\n                      PRESENT INDICATIVE.\n\n                           SINGULAR.\n\n                  I love,        kitututochi\n                  Thou lovest,   kitutochi, or kikitutochi\n                  He loves,      kitutochi\n\n                             DUAL.\n\n                  We two love,   kikuentutochi\n                  You two love,  kichentutochi\n                  They two love, kikuentutochi\n\n                            PLURAL.\n\n                  We love,       kikuchentutochi\n                  You love,      kichehentutochi\n                  They love,     kirontutochi\n\n           IMPERFECT.                        PERFECT.\n\n     I loved,    kimitututochi  |   I have loved,   kitabutochi\n\n                             FUTURE.\n\n                   I shall love,    kirutochi, or takimitututochi\n\n                           IMPERATIVE.\n\n                   Let me love,     kutochi\n\n                             PASSIVE.\n\n     I am loved,   kitochikikaki    | We are loved, kitochikakehebi\n     We two are loved, kitochihuehuikakuebi|\n\n                            REFLEXIVE.\n\n                   I love myself,    kitutecochi\n\n     He who loves,   inmututochi   | He who will love,  inkakatutochi\n\n                           LORD'S PRAYER.\n\n     Kabotuntanki   kizhechori     ypiytiy  tharehetemeyuhbutohui\n     Father our   thou art above  in heaven    sanctified be\n\n     inituyuh  tapue   nitubeye    tharetehehui  inunihami\n     thy name  come   thy kingdom      do       above the earth\n\n     inkituhenahui  ipuzka  hetehehui   ypiytiy.    Achii   ripahkehbi\n       thy will       as    it is done in heaven.  To-day    give us\n\n     inbotumehui  indahmutze  dihemindikebi  inbotubuchochi\n     our bread    every day   forgive us       our fault\n\n     pukuehentukahmindi  indorihuebikeh  nuximenkarihechi\n       as we forgive      our debtors    let us not fall\n\n     kehbi  muhe  dishedanita  kehbi  pinita\n      us    and    deliver      us     from\n\n     inbuti.[X'-9]\n     evil.\n\nA language spoken in Toluca, the Ocuiltec, is mentioned by Sahagun and\nGrijalua, about which, excepting the name only, no information can be\nobtained.[X'-10]\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\n  [Sidenote: DIALECTS OF THE MIZTEC LANGUAGE.]\n\nPrincipally in the state of Oajaca, but also in parts of the present\nstates of Puebla and Guerrero, the Miztec language is spoken even to\nthis day. Of this language there are many dialects, of which the\nfollowing are mentioned as chief;--the Tepuzculano, the Yang\u00fcistlan,\nthe Miztec bajo, the Miztec alto, the Cuixlahuac, the Tlaxiaco, the\nCuilapa, the Mictlantongo, the Tamazulapa, the Xaltepec, and the\nNochiztlan. As related to the Miztec, the Chocho, or Chuchon, also an\nOajaca idiom, is mentioned.[X'-11] As the Miztecs are generally classed\namong the autochthones of Mexico, their language is considered as of\ngreat antiquity, being spoken of in connection with that of the Ulmecs\nand Xicalancas.[X'-12] Almost all of the old missionaries complained of\nthe difficulty of acquiring this tongue and its many dialects, which\nnecessitated often a threefold or fourfold study.[X'-13]\n\nThe Miztec may be written by means of the following letters:--_a_,\n_ch_, _d_, _e_, _h_, _i_, _j_, _k_, _m_, _n_, _\u00f1_, _o_, _s_, _t_,\n_u_, _v_, _x_ or _ks_, _gs_, _y_, _z_, _dz_, _nd_, _tn_, _kh_.\nThe pronunciation is very clear; the _h_ is aspirated; _v_ is as\nin English; _kh_, _nd_, and _tn_, are nasal. Long words are of\nfrequent occurence. I give two of seventeen syllables each;--\n_yodoyokavuandisasikandiyosanninahasahan_, to walk stumbling; and\n_yokuvuihuatinindiyotuvuihuatusindisahata_, to conciliate the good\ngraces of a person. Words are compounded or agglutinated in five\ndifferent ways;--First, without changing either of the component\nwords, as;--_yutn\u00f9_, tree; and _kuihi_, fruit; _yutnukuihi_,\nfruit-tree. Second, one of the component words changes, as;--_huaha_,\ngood, and _\u00f1aha_, no; _\u00f1ahuaha_, bad. Third, words which are first\ndivided and cut up, are afterward, so to say, patched together again.\nFourth, one word is intercalated with another; as;--_yosinindi_, I\nknow; _mani_, an estimable thing; _yosinimanindi_, I love or esteem.\n\nThere are many words in this language which express quite different\nthings, according to the connection in which they are used,\nas;--_yondakandi_, I accompany somebody, means also I ask;\n_yoyuhuindi_, I counsel, signifies also, I go to receive somebody on\nthe road; also, let us go; etc. Reverential terms are of frequent\noccurrence, necessitating almost a separate language when addressing\nsuperiors. For instance;--_noho_, teeth; _yeknya yuchixa_, teeth of a\nlord; _dzitui_, nose; _dutuya_, nose of a lord; _dzoho_, ears;\n_tnahaya_, ears of a lord. There is no regular plural, but plurality\nis expressed by the word 'many,' or the number. Personal pronouns\nare;--I, speaking to inferiors or equals, _duhu_, _ndi_; I, speaking\nwith superiors, _\u00f1adza\u00f1a_, _\u00f1adza_, _\u00f1dza_; thou, _doho_, _ndo_; thou,\nused by females speaking to their children, _diya_, _nda_; you, or\nyour honor, _disi_, _maini_, _ni_; he, _ta_, _tay_, _yukua_; she,\n_\u00f1a_, (also used by women speaking of men); he or she, speaking\nrespectfully, _ya_, _iya_; we, _ndoo_; you, _doho_; they, _ta_, _tay_,\n_yukua_. The pronouns, _ndi_, _ndo_, _ta_, are affixed to the verb;\nand the pronouns, _duhu_, _doho_, and _tai_, are prefixed; _\u00f1adza\u00f1a_,\nis usually prefixed; _\u00f1adza_ or _ndza_, affixed; _disi_, and _maini_,\nare generally prefixed, _ni_ is affixed; _diya_, is prefixed and _\u00f1a_,\n_ndoo_, and _ya_, are affixed.\n\n  [Sidenote: MIZTEC GRAMMAR AND LORD'S PRAYERS.]\n\n                     CONJUGATION OF THE VERB TO SIN.\n\n                           PRESENT INDICATIVE.\n\n     I sin,        yodzatevuindi  |     He sins,    yodzatevuita\n     Thou sinnest, yodzatevuindo  |     We sin,     yodzatevuindoo\n\n           IMPERFECT.                         PLUPERFECT.\n\n     I sinned,   nidzatevuindi |  I had sinned,   sanidzatevuindi\n\n           FIRST FUTURE.                       SECOND FUTURE.\n\n     I shall sin, dzatevuindi  |  I shall have sinned, sadzatevuikandi\n\n                             IMPERATIVE.\n\n     Let me sin,    nadzatevuindi |    Let us sin,   nadzatevuindoo\n     Sin thou,      dzatevui      |    Sin you,    chidzatevui\n     Let him, or them sin, nadzatevuita\n\nVerbal nouns are formed by prefixing the syllable _sa_, or _sasi_, to\nthe present indicative of the verb. Regarding the dialects of the\nMiztec, Pimentel quotes the following from Father Reyes' grammar. All\nthe dialects may be grouped into two principal languages, which are\nthose of Tepuzculula and Yang\u00fcitlan. That of Tepuzculula is the best\nunderstood throughout the district of Mizteca.\n\nThe Pater Noster in the Tepuzculula dialect is as follows.\n\n     Dzutundoo   yodzikani  andevui  nakakunahihuahandoo,\n     Our father  thou art   heaven   let us praise,\n\n     sananini  nakisi  santoniisini  nakuvui  \u00f1uu\u00f1ayevui      inini\n     thy name  come    thy kingdom   be done  (in the) world  thy will\n\n     dzavuatnaha  yokuvui  andevui.      Dzitandoo  yutnaa yutnaa\n     as also      be done  (in) heaven.  Our bread  each day\n\n     tasinisindo   huitno  dzaandoui   kuachisindoo  dzavuatnaha\n     give us much  to-day  forgive us  our sins      as well as\n\n     yodzandoondoo  suhani  sindoo  huasa  kivui\u00f1ahani  nukuitandodzondoo\n     we forgive     debtor  ours    not    lead us      we will fall\n\n     kuachi  tavui\u00f1ahani  sa\u00f1ahuahua.  Dzavua\n     in sin  deliver you  from evil.   So\n\n     nakuvui.\n     be it made.\n\nFor the purpose of illustrating the difference between the dialects, I\ninsert two other Pater Nosters, the first of Miztec bajo, and the\nsecond of the alto dialect:\n\nD\u00fatundo hiad\u00edcani and\u00edvi \u00f1ac\u00f9\u00fa hii \u00f1a n\u00e1nin\u00ed: naqu\u00edxid\u00edca sat\u00f3nixin\u00ed:\nnac\u00fau nd\u00fadu \u00edn\u00ecn\u00ed \u00f1unah\u00edvi y\u00f3h\u00f2 daguatnaha yo c\u00fau ini andivi. Dit\u00e0ndo\niti\u00e1n it\u00edan taxinia nundi vichi: te dandooni cuachindi dagua tnaha\ndandoondi naa ni dativi nundi: te maza d\u00e1\u00f1ani ntziuhu uncaguandi \u00f1a\ndativindi: te cuneguahanindi nuu nditaca \u00f1a unguaha. Duha na cuu\nJesus.\n\nDzutuyo iyoxicani andivi nacui hii \u00f1an\u00e1nini. Naquixi xat\u00f2niixini.\nNac\u00fahui ndudzuin\u00ecni u\u00f1aiviy\u00f3h\u00f2, sahuatna yoc\u00fahui ini andivi. Dzit\u00e0yo\nitian itian taxini nundi vichi: sandoo-ni cu\u00e1chiyo, sahuatanha yo\nsandondi nanidzativi nundi taun-say\u00e1hani \u00f1acanacahuandi zadzativindi.\nSacacunino \u00f1ahani nuu nditaca \u00f1a hunhua. Dzaa nacuu Iya Iesus.[X'-14]\n\nAnother language, said to be connected with the Miztec is the Amusgo.\nWedged in between the Miztec and Zapotec are several tongues, of\nwhich, excepting a few Lord's Prayers, I find nothing mentioned but\nthe names; it is not improbable that some of them were only dialects\nof either the Miztec or Zapotec. These are the Mazatec, Cuicatec, and\nChinantec, which latter is described as a very guttural tongue, with a\nrather indistinct pronunciation, so that it is difficult to\ndistinguish the vowels; further there are mentioned the Chatino,\nTlapanec, and Popoluca.[X'-15] Orozco y Berra declares that the\nfollowing names designate the Popoluca in different states. Thus the\nChocho, Chochona, or Chuchon, is said by him to have been called--in\nPuebla, the Popoluca; in Guerrero, the Tlapanec; in Michoacan, the\nTeco; and in Guatemala, the Pupuluca.[X'-16] Of these languages I have\nthe following Lord's Prayers:\n\n     CHOCHO OR CHUCHON.\n\n     Tha\u00f1ay thee\u00f1ingarmhi athiytnuthu y \u00f1ay dithi\u00f1i achuua\n     dinchaxi\u00f1i atat\u00e7u ndithetat\u00e7u cagu\u00f1i, nchiyatheetat\u00e7u\n     ngarmhi andaatat\u00e7u sa\u00e7ermhi y t\u00e7ama caatuenesacaha cahau\n     atzizhuqhee caa tu\u00ebnesacaha di \u00eb\u00f1ihay a taanguyheene cag\u00fc\u00f1i,\n     ditheethaxengaqhine tu\u00ebnesacaha nchiyaquichuu,\n     ditheetaanguyheene cag\u00fcquichuu ... sacaha,\n     thiytheeche\u00ebxengaqhine quichuu sacaha net\u00e7anga yhathami\u00f1i\n     \u00e7ixit\u00e7eyasacaha yhee cheecaami\u00f1i cheecaaqhi nemi\u00f1i\n     caatu\u00ebnesacaha caanenndi\u00f1a\u00f1a andataazu.\n\n  [Sidenote: MAZATEC AND CUICATEC LORD'S PRAYERS.]\n\nOf the Mazatec there are two specimens, which do not appear to accord,\nthus showing how little regard was paid to names:\n\n     Nadmin\u00e1 Nain\u00e1 ga tecni gahami, sandum\u00ed ili ga tirrubanajin\n     nanguili. Cuaha catama janimali, jacunit dic nangui cunit\n     gahami. Ni\u00f1o rrajinna tey quitaha najin; qntedchatahanajin\n     gadchidtonajin jacunitgajin nedchata alejin chidtaga\n     tedtunajin. Guquimit tacuntuajin, tued tinajin cuacha ca tama.\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\n     Tata nahan xi nac\u00e1 nihaseno: chacuca, catoma \u00f1ier\u00e9; catichov\u00e1\n     rico manimajin. Catoma cuazuare, donjara bato\u00f3 cor nangu\u00ed,\n     bateco, nihasen: niotisla najin ri ganeihinixtin, tinto najin\n     dehi; nicanuhi ri guitenajin donjara batoo, juirin ni canojin\n     ri quiteisjajin, quiniquenahi najin ri danjin quis anda nongo\n     niqueste. Me\u00e9.\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\nOf the Cuicatec there are also two dialects:\n\n     Chidao, chicane cheti jub\u00ed chintuico \u00f1a; cobichi, jubi \u00f1a;\n     chichi\u00ed, chicobi no ns: \u00f1endi \u00f1a; cobichi \u00f1eno\u00f1a. Duica \u00f1ah\u00e1n,\n     \u00f1ah\u00e1n tando cheti jubi. Nondo \u00f1ecno; chi jubi, jubi; techi ni\n     nons: m\u00e1 dinenino, ni chi canticono, dinen, tandonons;\n     dineninono chi canti co \u00f1ehen nons, ata condicno; na tentac\n     io\u00f1, ante danhi, dinenino ni chin que h\u00e9 danhi.\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\n     Chida deco, chicanede vae chetingue cuivicu duchi dende cuichi\n     nusun dende vue chetingue cui, tundube vedinun dende tica\n     na\u00f1aa, tandu vae chetingue yn dingue deco de huehue techide\n     deco guema yna dechecode deco ducue ticu tica, tandu nusun\n     nadecheco deevioducue chichati cusa yati, tumandicude cuitao\n     vendicuido nanguaedene ducue chiguetae.[X'-17]\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\n  [Sidenote: ZAPOTEC GRAMMAR AND LORD'S PRAYER.]\n\nThe ancient kingdom of Zapotecapan, in which the Zapotec language was\nspoken, extended from the valley of Oajaca as far as Tehuantepec. The\ndifferent dialects were, the Zaachilla, Ocotlan, Etla, Netzicho,\nSerrano de Ixtepec, Serrano de Cajones or Beni-Xono, and Serrano de\nMiahuatlan.[X'-18] The Zapotec is a more harmonious language than the\nMiztec, and is spoken with considerable elegance, metaphors and\nparables abounding.[X'-19] Yet it is in some places pronounced\nindistinctly; so much so that Juan C\u00f3rdova, the author of a grammar,\ncomplains that the letters _a_ and _o_, _e_, _y_, and _i_, _o_ and\n_u_, _b_ and _p_, and _t_ and _r_, are often confounded. The _h_ is\nused only as an aspirate. The following letters of the alphabet\nrepresent the sounds of the Zapotec: _a_, _b_, _ch_, _e_, _g_, _h_,\n_i_, _k_, _l_, _m_, _n_, _\u00f1_, _o_, _p_, _r_, _t_, _u_, _y_, _x_, _z_,\n_th_. There are also five diphthongs: _\u00e6_, _oe_, _ei_, _ie_, _ou_.\nThe plural is expressed either by numerals or by adjectives;--_pichina_,\ndeer; _ziani pichina_, many deer. Like the Aztec, Miztec, and others,\nthe Zapotec has reverential terms. The personal pronouns are;--_naa_,\n_ya_, _a_, I; _lohui_, _loy_, _looy_, _lo_, thou; _yobina_, your honor\n(when speaking to superiors); _nikani_, _nike_, _nikee_, _ni_, _ke_,\nhe or they; _yobini_ or _yobina_, he, (speaking respectfully);\n_taono_, _tono_, _tonoo_, _tona_, _no_, _noo_, we; _lato_, _to_, you.\n\nPossessives;--_xitenia_, mine; _xitenilo_, thine; _xitenini_, his;\n_xitenitono_ or _xitenino_, ours; _xitenito_, yours. Interrogatives\nused with animate beings, are;--_tuxa_ or _tuia_, _tu_ or _chu_; and\nwith inanimate things: _xiikaxa_, _xiixa_, _xii_; _koota_ is used for\neither animate or inanimate objects.\n\nThere are four conjugations, which are distinguished by the particles\nwith which they commence. The first uses, in the present, _ta_, in the\npast, _ka_, and in the future, _ka_; the second has _te_, _pe_, and\n_ke_; the third, _ti_, _ko_, _ki_; and if they are passives, _ti_,\n_pi_, _ki_, or _ti_, _ko_, and _ka_; the fourth uses _to_, _pe_, and\n_ko_.\n\n                   CONJUGATION OF THE VERB TO DIG.\n\n                         PRESENT INDICATIVE.\n\n     I dig,                  tanaya      |    We dig,    tieenano\n     Thou diggest,           tanalo      |    You dig,   tanato\n     He digs, or they dig,   tanani      |\n\n                 IMPERFECT.                         PERFECT.\n\n     I dug,  tanatia, konatia, or konaya |    I have dug, zianaya\n\n                             PLUPERFECT.\n\n            I had dug,        huayanaya, konakalaya, zianakalaya,\n                 or,          huayanakalaya\n\n                            FIRST FUTURE.\n\n            I shall dig,      kanaya\n\n                            IMPERATIVE.\n\n            Dig thou,         kona\n            Let us dig,       lakeyanano, or kolakieenano\n            Dig you,          kolakana\n\n                            OTHER FORMS.\n\n            If I would dig,   nianalayaniaka\n            If I have dug,    zianatilaya\n            If I shall dig,   nikanaya\n\nThe following is an example of the differences between the dialects.\nChild in the Zaachilla is _batoo_; in the Ocotlan, _metho_; in the\nEtla, _binnito_; in the sierra, _bitao_; in the tierra caliente,\n_bato_.\n\nThe Pater Noster with literal translation taken from the _Catecismo_\nof Leonardo Levanto, reads as follows.\n\n     Bixoozetonoohe  kiiebaa      nachiibalo     nazitoo   ziikani\n       Father our     heaven  thou who art above  great  has been done\n\n      laalo   kellakookii  xtennilo  kita ziika  ruarii nitizigueelalo\n     thy name   kingdom      thine   will come    here     thy will\n\n     ziika  raka     kiaa,   kiiebaa  laaniziika  gaka     ruarii\n      as   is done  above,   heaven      as      be done    here\n\n     layoo.      Xikonina       kixee kixee peneche ziika  anna  chela\n     earth. The bread of all us  to-morrow   give   also  to-day  and\n\n      a   kozaana\u00f1aaziikalo  tonoo  niiani  ya  kezihuina:  peziilla\n     not      lead us         us     that   we    sin:       deliver\n\n     zika tonoo niiaxtenni kiraa kellahuechiie.    Gaga      ziiga\n     also  us      of       all    evil.        Will be done   so\n\n     ziika.[X'-20]\n      so.\n\nBetween the head waters of the Rio Nexapa and Goatzacoalco the Mije\nlanguage is spoken. It is described as guttural and rough, and by some\nas poor in words, necessitating auxiliary gestures. The bishop of\nOajaca, to whose diocese they belonged, in a letter to Archbishop\nLorenzana stated that he had a people under him, who could only\nconverse during daylight, for at night they could not see their\ngestures and without these were unable to understand each other.[X'-21]\nThe following alphabet is used by Pimentel in writing this\nlanguage;--_a_, _b_, _ch_, _e_, _h_, _i_, _k_, _m_, _n_, _\u00f1_, _o_,\n_p_, _t_, _u_, _v_, _x_, _y_, _tz_. Two and more consonants frequently\nfollow one another in the same syllable, as;--_akx_, _epx_, _itzp_,\n_otzk_, _mma_, _mne_, _mpi_, _mto_, _mxu_, etc. Vowels are also\nfrequently double, as;--_k\u00f4\u00f4_, arms; _teikkaa_, and _tinaak_, stomach.\nIn declensions the genitive is formed by prefixing the letter\n_i_;--_x\u00eauh_, name; _dios ix\u00eauh_, name of God. The plural is formed by\nthe terminal _toch_;--_toix_, woman; _toixtoch_, women.\n\n                       PRONOUNS.\n\n     I                              \u00f4tz, n, n\u00f4tz\n     Thou                           ix, mitz, mi, mim, n\n     Thou, speaking with reverence  mih\n     He                             t, i\n     He, or they who                hudiiphee, hudii\n     He, or they who (affixed)      phee, hee\n     This, these                    phee, hee, yaat\n     Who                            p\u00f4n\n     We                             \u00f4\u00f4tz, n\n     They                           y\u00e2\u00f3\n     Mine                           n\u00f4tz\n     Thine                          m, mitzm\n     His                            i\n     Our, ours                      \u00f4\u00f4tzn, n\u00f4\u00f4tz, n\n\n  [Sidenote: MIJE ADVERBS, PREPOSITIONS, AND CONJUNCTIONS.]\n\n      ADVERBS, PREPOSITIONS, AND CONJUNCTIONS.\n\n     Here                           ya\n     No                             katii\n     Thence                         heem\n     Always                         x\u00fbma\n     Never                          kahundiin\n     More                           niik\n     Then                           hueniit\n     When                           ko\n     For, in, to, above, with       k\u00fbxm\n     Of                             k\u00fbxmit, it\n     In, between                    hoitp\n     In                             hui\u00f1\n     With                           m\u00f4\u00f4t\n     Inside, within                 akuuk\n     Before                         huindui\n     Why, what for                  heek\u00fbxm\n     That                           huen\n     As much, so that               ixtan\u00f4m\n     Not yet                        katiinam\n     How, since                     ixta\n\n                         THE LORD'S PRAYER.\n\n     Nteit\u00f4\u00f4tz   tzaphoitp  mtz\u00f4naiphee  konuikx  itot  mitzm\n     Father our  in heaven  who lives    blessed   be    thy\n\n     x\u00eauh   momoik\u00f4\u00f4tz  mitzm  konkion  itunot   mitzm  tzokn\n     name    give us     thy   kingdom  be done   thy    will\n\n     ya  naxhui\u00f1   ixta  itui\u00f1u   tzaphoitp.  O\u00f4tzn  kaik   opomopomit\n     as  in earth  as    is done  in heaven.  Our    bread    daily\n\n     momoik\u00f4\u00f4tz  yoniit  etz  moyaknitokoik\u00f4\u00f4tzn\n      give us    to-day  and    forgive us\n\n     pokpa  ixta  \u00f4\u00f4tz  niaknitokoi  \u00f4\u00f4tzn  yachotmaatpa  etz\n     sin     as    we    forgive      our     offender    and\n\n     katii  \u00f4\u00f4tz  ixmomatztuit  heekuxm  katii  \u00f4\u00f4tz    nkedai\n     not    as       lead         that    not    as  let us carry\n\n      huinonn    k\u00fbxn.  Etz  mokohuank\u00f4\u00f4tz  na\u00f1ihum  kaoiaphee\n     temptation  in.    And    deliver        all      evil\n\n     kuxmit.[X'-22]\n     from.\n\nThe language of the Huaves spoken on the isthmus of Tehuantepec, is,\naccording to tradition, not indigenous to the country. It is related\nthat these people came by water from a place down the coast, although\nthe locality whence they came is not given.[X'-23] I have only the\nfollowing numerals as a specimen of the language.\n\n     One     anoeth         |   Ten          agax-poax\n     Two     izquie\u00f3        |   Eleven       agax-panocthx\n     Three   areux          |   Twelve       agax-pieuhx\n     Four    apequi\u00fa        |   Thirteen     agax-par\n     Five    acoquia\u00fa       |   Fourteen     agax-papeux\n     Six     anai\u00fa          |   Fifteen      agax-pacoigx\n     Seven   ay\u00e9i\u00fa          |   Twenty       nicumaio\n     Eight   axpeca\u00fa        |   Thirty       nieumiaomcaxp\u00f3\n     Nine    axqueye\u00fa       |   One hundred  anoecacocmiau[X'-24]\n\nFOOTNOTES:\n\n[X'-1] 'Es mucha la dificultad del idioma, porque en treinta vecinos\nsuele haber cuatro y cinco lenguas distintas, y tanto, que aun despues\nde mucho trato no se entienden sino las cosas muy ordinarias.'\n_Alegre_, _Hist. Comp. de Jesus_, tom. i., p. 282.\n\n[X'-2] _Pimentel_, _Cuadro_, tom. ii., p. 267; _Col. Polidi\u00f3mica Mex._,\n_Oracion Dominical_, pp. 31-3.\n\n[X'-3] _Pimentel_, _Cuadro_, tom. ii., p. 267.\n\n[X'-4] _Berlandier_, _Diario_, p. 144; _Orozco y Berra_, _Geograf\u00eda_,\np. 296.\n\n[X'-5] _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, p. 552. 'Tarascum, quod hujus\ngentis proprium erat et vulgare, concisum atque elegans.' _Laet_,\n_Novus Orbis_, p. 267. 'La Tarasca, que corre generalmente en las\nProuincias de Mechoacan, esta es muy facil por tener la mesma\npronunciacion que la nuestra: yassi se escriue con el mesmo\nabecedario. Es muy copiosa, y elegante.' _Grijalua_, _Cr\u00f3n. Augustin_,\nfol. 75; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. ix.;\n_Alegre_, _Hist. Comp. de Jesus_, tom. i., pp. 90-1; _Acosta_, _Hist.\nNat. Ind._, p. 506. 'La loro lingua \u00e8 abbondante, dolce, e sonora.\nAdoperano spesso la R soave: le loro sillabe constano per lo pi\u00f9 d'una\nsola consonante e d'una vocale.' _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del\nMessico_, tom. i., p. 149. 'Les Tarasques ... c\u00e9l\u00e8bres ... par\nl'harmonie de leur langue riche en voyelles.' _Humboldt_, _Essai\nPol._, tom. i., p. 255; _Beaumont_, _Cr\u00f3n. de Mechoacan_, p. 43;\n_M\u00fchlenpfordt_, _Mejico_, tom. ii., pt ii., p. 364; _Romero_,\n_Noticias Michoacan_, p. 5; _Heredia y Sarmiento_, _Sermon_, p. 83;\n_Anales del Ministerio de Fomento_, 1854, p. 185, et seq.; _Wapp\u00e4us_,\n_Geog. u. Stat._, p. 35; _Hassel_, _Mex. Guat._, p. 152. 'Die Sprache\nin dieser Provinz wird f\u00fcr die reineste und zierlichste von ganz\nNeu-Spanien gehalten.' _Delaporte_, _Reisen_, pp. 313-4; _Vater_,\n_Mithridates_, tom. iii., pt iii., p. 125. '_Tarasca_ een nette en\nkorte spraek, die eigentlijk alhier te huis hoort.' _Montanus_,\n_Nieuwe Weereld_, p. 256. Ward, speaking of the Tarasco, has made the\nserious mistake of confounding it with the Otom\u00ed, and seems to think\nthat they are both one and the same. Two languages could hardly be\nfarther apart than these two. _Mexico_, vol. ii., p. 681.\n_Raffinesque_, the indefatigable searcher for foreign relationships\nwith Mexican languages, claims to have discovered an affinity between\nthe Tarasco, Italian, Atlantic, Coptic, Pelasgic, Greek, and Latin\nlanguages. He writes that he was 'struck with its evident analogy'\nwith the above and with the 'languages of Africa and Europe both in\nwords and structure, in spite of a separation of some thousand years.'\nIn _Priest's Amer. Antiq._, p. 314.\n\n[X'-6] _Pimentel_, _Cuadro_, tom. i., pp. 275-309; _Gallatin_, in\n_Amer. Ethno. Soc., Transact._, vol. i., pp. 245-52; _Moxo_, _Cartas\nMejicanas_, p. 68; _Vater_, _Mithridates_, tom. iii., pt iii., p. 126;\n_Manuel de San Juan Crisostomo N\u00e1jera_, _Gram. Tarasca_, in _Soc. Mex.\nGeog., Boletin_, 2da \u00e9poca, tom. iv., pp. 664-684.\n\n[X'-7] _Pimentel_, _Cuadro_, tom. i., p. 304; _Vater_, _Mithridates_,\ntom. iii., pt iii., pp. 126-7; _Araujo_, _Manual de las Santos\nSacramentos en el Idioma de Michuacan_.\n\n[X'-8] 'Estos tolucas, y por otro nombre _Matlatzincas_, no hablaban\nla lengua mexicana, sino otra diferente y obscura ... y su lengua\npropia de ellos, no carece de la letra R.' _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._,\ntom. iii., lib. x., p. 129; _Grijalua_, _Cr\u00f3n. Augustin_, fol. 75;\n_Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Esquisses_, p. 33.\n\n[X'-9] _Pimentel_, _Cuadro_, tom. i., pp. 499-539; _Guevara_, _Arte\nDoctrinal_, in _Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin_, tom. ix., pp. 197-260;\n_Vater_, _Mithridates_, tom. iii., pt iii., p. 126.\n\n[X'-10] '_Ocuiltecas_, viven en el distrito de Toluca, en tierras y\nterminos suyos, son de la misma vida, y costumbre de los de la Toluca,\naunque su lenguage es diferente.' _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii.,\nlib. x., p. 130. 'Ocuilteca, que es lengua singular de aquel pueblo, y\nde solo ocho visitas, que tenia sujetas \u00e0si, y assi somos solos, los\nque la sabemos.' _Grijalua_, _Cr\u00f3n. Augustin_, fol. 75.\n\n[X'-11] 'Y aunque la lengua los haze generalmente \u00e0 todos vnos en\nmuchos partes la han diferenciado en sylabas, y modo de pronunciarlas,\npero todos se comunican, y entienden.' _Burgoa_, _Geog. Descrip._,\ntom. i., fol. 127, 130; _Grijalua_, _Cr\u00f3n. Augustin_, p. 75; _Brasseur\nde Bourbourg_, _Esquisses_, pp. 34-6; _Laet_, _Novus Orbis_, p. 260;\n_Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. xii-xiii.; _Orozco\ny Berra_, _Geograf\u00eda_, pp. 189-96; _Villa-Se\u00f1or y Sanchez_, _Theatro_,\ntom. ii., p. 137; _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, p. 712.\n\n[X'-12] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 32. 'Ein Volk, das zu\nden Autochthonen von Mexico geh\u00f6rt.' _Buschmann_, _Ortsnamen_, p. 18.\n\n[X'-13] 'Mistica, cuya entera pronunciacion se vale algunas vezes de\nlas narizes, y tiene muchos equiuocos que la hazen de mayor\ndificultad.' _D\u00e1vila Padilla_, _Hist. Fvnd. Mex._, p. 64. 'La lengua\ndificultosissima en la pronunciacion, con notable variedad de terminos\ny vozes en vnos y otros Pueblos.' _Burgoa_, _Palestra, Hist._, pt i.,\nfol. 211. 'Que como eran Demonios se valian de la maliciosa astucia de\nvariar las vozes y vocablos en esta lengua, asi para los Palacios de\nlos Caziques con terminos reuerenciales, como para los Idolos con\nparabolos, y tropos, que solos los satrapas los aprendian, y como era\naqui lo mas corrupto.' _Id._, _Geog. Descrip._, tom. i., fol. 156. 'La\nlengua de aquella nacion, que es dificultosa de saberse, por la gran\nequiuocacion de los bocablos, para cuya distincion es necessario vsar\nde ordinario del sonido de la nariz y aspiracion del aliento.'\n_Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, p. 321. 'Ser la Lengua dificultosa de\naprender, por las muchas equiuocaciones que tiene.' _D\u00e1vila_, _Teatro\nEcles._, tom. i., p. 156.\n\n[X'-14] _Pimentel_, _Cuadro_, tom. i., pp. 41-79; _Vater_,\n_Mithridates_, tom. iii., pt. iii., pp. 31-41; _Catecismo del P.\nRipaldo, traducida al Misteco; Catecismo en idioma Mixteco_.\n\n[X'-15] _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, p. 712. Chinantec 'con la dificultad\nde la pronunciacion, y vozes tan equiuocas que con vn mesmo termino\nmas blando \u00f2 mas reci\u00f2 dicho significa disonante sentido.' 'Por que la\nlocucion es entre dientes, violenta, y con los accentos de consonantes\nasperas, confusas las vocales, sin distincion vnas de otras que\nparecian bramidos, mas que terminos de locucion.' _Burgoa_, _Geog.\nDescrip._, tom. i., fol. 183., tom. ii., fol. 284, 286; _Villa-Se\u00f1or y\nSanchez_, _Theatro_, tom. ii., pp. 137, 141, 163, 187, 189, 197;\n_Orozco y Berra_, _Geograf\u00eda_, pp. 187-197; _Hakluyt's Voy._, vol.\niii., p. 497.\n\n[X'-16] _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., p. 135;\n_Pimentel_, _Cuadro_, tom. ii., p. 262.\n\n[X'-17] _Pimentel_, _Cuadro_, tom. ii., pp. 259-62.\n\n[X'-18] _Villa-Se\u00f1or y Sanchez_, _Theatro_, tom. ii., pp. 190-9; _Museo\nMex._, tom. ii., p. 554; _M\u00fchlenpfordt_, _Mejico_, tom. ii., p. 186;\n_Wapp\u00e4us_, _Geog. u. Stat._, p. 36; _Orozco y Berra_, _Geograf\u00eda_, p.\n177; _Burgoa_, _Geog. Descrip._, tom. ii., fol. 312.\n\n[X'-19] 'Su lenguage era tan metaforico, como el de los Palestinos, lo\nque querian persuadir, hablaban siempre con parabolas.' _Burgoa_,\n_Geog. Descrip._, tom. i., fol. 196. 'La langue Zapot\u00e8que est d'une\ndouceur et d'une sonorit\u00e9 qui rappelle l'Italien.' _Brasseur de\nBourbourg_, _Esquisses_, p. 35.\n\n[X'-20] _Pimentel_, _Cuadro_, tom. i., pp. 321-60; _Nouvelles Annales\ndes Voy._, 1841, tom. xcii., p. 260, et seq.\n\n[X'-21] 'Expressa el Illm^o Se\u00f1or Obispo de Oaxaca en su Pastoral, que\nen su Diocesis hay una Lengua, que solo de dia se entienden bien, y\nque de noche en apag\u00e1ndoles la luz, ya no se pueden explicar, porque\ncon los gestos significan.' _Lorenzana y Buitron_, _Cartas\nPastorales_, p. 96, note 1. 'Tambien su idioma tiene fuer\u00e7a y\nenergia.' _Burgoa_, _Geog. Descrip._, tom. ii., fol. 271. 'Lingua\nillorum, rudis et crassum quid sonans instar Allemanorum.' _Laet_,\n_Novus Orbis_, p. 262; _Barnard's Tehuantepec_, pp. 224-5;\n_Villa-Se\u00f1or y Sanchez_, _Theatro_, tom. ii., pp. 155, 199-201;\n_M\u00fchlenpfordt_, _Mejico_, tom. ii., p. 143; _Museo Mex._, tom. ii., p.\n555; _Orozco y Berra_, _Geograf\u00eda_, p. 176.\n\n[X'-22] _Pimentel_, _Cuadro_, tom. ii., pp. 173-88.\n\n[X'-23] 'Y se dixo antes, que la nacion destos Indios huabes avian\nvenido de tierras muy lexanas, de all\u00e0 de la Costa del Sur, mas cerca\nde la Eclyptica vezindad del Per\u00f9, y segun las circunstancias de su\nlengua, y trato de la Provincia \u00f2 Reyno de Nicarahua.' _Burgoa_,\n_Geog. Descrip._, tom. ii., fol. 396; 'El huave, huavi, guave, llamado\ntambien en un antiguo MS. guazonteca \u00f3 huazonteca, se habla en el\nEstado de Oaxaca, Los huaves son originarios de Guatemala; unos les\nhacen de la filiacion de los peruanos, fund\u00e1ndose en la semejanza de\nalgunas costumbres, mientras otros les suponen hermanos de los pueblos\nde Nicaragua. La segunda opinion nos parece la mas acertada, y aun nos\natreveriamos \u00e1 creer que el huave pertenece \u00e1 la familia maya-quich\u00e9.'\n_Orozco y Berra_, _Geograf\u00eda_, pp. 44, 74. 'Il para\u00eet d\u00e9montr\u00e9,\ncependant, que la langue des Wabi a de grandes analogies avec\nquelqu'une de celles qu'on parlait \u00e0 Nicaragua.' _Brasseur de\nBourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 36.\n\n[X'-24] _Sivers_, _Mittelamerika_, p. 290.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER XI.\n\nTHE MAYA-QUICH\u00c9 LANGUAGES.\n\n     THE MAYA-QUICH\u00c9, THE LANGUAGES OF THE CIVILIZED NATIONS OF\n     CENTRAL AMERICA -- ENUMERATION OF THE MEMBERS OF THIS FAMILY --\n     HYPOTHETICAL ANALOGIES WITH LANGUAGES OF THE OLD WORLD --\n     LORD'S PRAYERS IN THE CHA\u00d1ABAL, CHIAPANEC, CHOL, TZENDAL,\n     ZOQUE, AND ZOTZIL -- POKONCHI GRAMMAR -- THE MAME OR\n     ZAKLOPAHKAP -- QUICH\u00c9 GRAMMAR -- CAKCHIQUEL LORD'S PRAYER --\n     MAYA GRAMMAR -- TOTONAC GRAMMAR -- TOTONAC DIALECTS -- HUASTEC\n     GRAMMAR.\n\n\nThe languages of the civilized nations of Central America, being all\nmore or less affiliated, may be not improperly classified as the\nMaya-Quich\u00e9 family, the Maya constituting the mother tongue.\nCommencing in the neighborhood of the river Goazacoalco, thence\nextending over Tabasco, Chiapas, Yucatan, Guatemala, and portions of\nSalvador, Honduras, and Nicaragua, it occupies the same relatively\nimportant position in the south as the Aztec farther north. Besides\nspreading out over this immense area, there are two branches still\nfarther north, isolated from the mother tongue, yet conterminous to\neach other, the Huastec and the Totonac of Tamaulipas and Vera Cruz.\nWithout including the last mentioned, probably the fullest enumeration\nof all these languages, is given by the Licenciado Diego Garc\u00eda de\nPalacio, in a letter addressed to the King of Spain, in the year 1576.\nOmitting the Aztec, which he includes in his catalogue, his summary is\nsubstantially as follows. In Chiapas, the Chiapanec, Tloque, Zotzil,\nand Zeldal-Quelen; in Soconusco, a tongue which he designates as the\nmother language and another called the Vebetlateca; in Suchitepec and\nGuatemala, the Mame, Achi, Guatemaltec, Chinantec, Hutatec, and\nChirichota; in Vera Paz, the Pokonchi, and Caechicolchi; in the\nvalleys of Acacebastla and Chiquimula, the Tlacacebastla, and Apay;\nand in the valley of San Miguel, the Poton, Taulepa, and Ulua. Other\nauthors mention, in Guatemala the Quich\u00e9, the Cakchiquel, the Zutugil,\nthe Chorti, the Alaguilac, the Caichi, the Ixil, the Zoque, the Coxoh,\nthe Cha\u00f1abal, the Chol, the Uzpanteca, the Aguacateca, the Quecchi;\nand in Yucatan, the stock language, the Maya. Among all these\nlanguages thus enumerated by different authors, it is not at all\nunlikely that some have been mentioned twice under different\nnames.[XI'-1] Most, if not all of them, are related to, if indeed they\ndid not spring from one mother tongue, the Maya, of which a dialect,\ncalled the Tzendal is said to be the oldest language spoken in any of\nthese countries. In fact, they all appear to be dialects and\nvariations of some few tongues of yet greater antiquity, which again\nhave sprung from the oldest of all, the Maya. This latter, I may say,\nforms the linguistic centre, from which all the others radiate,\ndecreasing in consanguinity according to the distance from this\ncentre, losing, by intermixture, and the adoption of foreign words,\ntheir aboriginal forms, until on reaching the outer edge of the\ncircle, it becomes difficult to trace their connection with the source\nfrom which they sprang.[XI'-2]\n\n  [Sidenote: THE MAYA LANGUAGE IN YUCATAN.]\n\nThe Maya, with its many affiliations, may be well compared in its\ngrammatical construction and capacity to the Aztec. It has in this\nrespect been likened to the ancient Greek which it is said to resemble\nin many points. Although monosyllabic words are of frequent\noccurrence, it has not, as is common to monosyllabic languages, many\nvery harsh and guttural sounds, but is generally called soft and\nwell-sounding. The dialects spoken on the coast of Yucatan and near\nBelize, are the purest and most elegant of the Maya family, and the\ngreater the distance from this region, the greater are the variations\nfrom the pure Maya.[XI'-3] Some remarkable hypotheses, which, if\nproven, would revolutionize many existing theories, ethnologic and\nphilologic, have latterly been brought forward by the Abb\u00e9 Brasseur de\nBourbourg. This gentleman, who has devoted himself to the study of\nancient Central America and Mexico for many years, and who is fully\nconversant with the languages of Yucatan and Guatemala, the Maya and\nQuich\u00e9, claims to have discovered a close connection between the Maya,\nQuich\u00e9, Cakchiquel, Zutugil, and others, with most of the chief\nlanguages of Europe; prominent among which he places the Greek, but\nmentions also Latin, French, English, German, Flemish, Danish, and\nothers. Although on examination many of the abb\u00e9's so-called roots\ndisplay similarities, both phonetic and in meaning, with some European\nwords, still a large majority are evidently twisted to conform to the\nwriter's ideas, and it will require not alone further investigations,\nbut unprejudiced studies, such as are not made for the purpose of\nproving any particular hypothesis, to substantiate his theories. Until\nsuch impartial comparisons are made, and a clearer light thrown upon\nthe subject, these Central American languages must remain content to\nbe treated as strangers to those of the old world.[XI'-4] Of the\nlanguages previously enumerated I have the following specimens.\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\nThe Lord's Prayer in Cha\u00f1abal, spoken in Comitan, in the state of\nChiapas:\n\n     Tattic hay\u00e1 culchahan tanlinubal \u00e1 vihil jacu\u00e9 eg bagtic \u00e1\n     guajan acotuc \u00e1 guabal hichuc ili luhum jastal culchahan. Yipil\n     caltzil eg g\u00fciniquil tic aquitic sva yabanhi soc culanperdon eg\n     multic hichuc qucj ganticon guazt culanticon perdon mach\u00e1 hay\n     smul sigilticon soc mi ztagua concoctic mulil mas lec\n     coltayotic scab pucuj jachuc.\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\n  [Sidenote: CHIAPANEC, CHOL, AND TZENDAL.]\n\nLord's Prayer in Chiapanec:\n\n     Pua manguem\u00e9 nilum\u00e1 can\u00e9 nacapaj\u00f3 totomomo copamim\u00e9 chambriomo\n     chalaya guipumutamu; gadiloj\u00e1 istanacupu cajiluc\u00e1 nacopaj\u00f3:\n     cajilo ba\u00f1a yacameomo nuori may tarilu mindamu oguajime lla\n     copomimemo taguajime nambucamu\u00f1eme cuqueme gadiluca si memu\n     casimemu tagnagime nambucamu\u00f1eme cop\u00e1 tipusitumu bica\n     tipucapuimu mujarimimu\u00f1ame mangueme. Diusi mutaril\u00fa nitangame\n     chacuillame caji Jesus.\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\nLord's Prayer in Chol:\n\n     Tiat te lojon, au\u00e9 tipuchan utzat alvilacaval trictic tolej\u00f3n\n     han gracia chulee vili\u00e7 \u00e1 pucical vafchec ti paniumil chee\n     tipanchan. Laa cual ti juun pel quin, de vennomeloj\u00f3n gualee\n     sutven lasvet baschee mue sutvenlaa y vetob laspibulob. Llastel\n     ti lolontecl cotanon melojon y chachan jaipel y tiu\u00e9\n     nialoloion. Amen Jesus.\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\nLord's Prayer in Tzendal, as spoken near the celebrated ruins of\nPalenque:\n\n     Tatic, ta nacalat tachulchan: chulalviluc te ajalalvil\u00e9:\n     acatal\u00fac te aguajual\u00e9: acapastayuc: te tuxacane tajich ta\n     chulchan jichucnix ta valumilal. Ecuctae jujhan acabeyaotic te\n     guag vixtum cuntic tajujun caal chaybeyaotic te multic achiotic\n     chaybetic ate hay smul cagtojoltique soyoc mameaguac yalucotic\n     ta mulil colta yaoticnax tastojol piscil te colae. Amen Jesus.\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\nLord's Prayer in Zoque, as spoken in Tabasco, Chiapas, and parts of\nOajaca:\n\n     Theshata tzapguesmue itupue yavecotzamu\u00e9 mis nei, yamin\u00e9 mis\n     yumihacui, ya tuque mis sunoycui, yecnasquesi tzapquesmuese.\n     Tesan\u00e9 hoimuepe homepe tzihete yshoy, yatocoyates mis hescova\n     hes jaziquet mis atocoipas\u00e9 thesquesipue jatzi huitemistetzaeu\n     hocysete cuijomue ticomaye ya cotzocamisthe mumuyatzipue quesi,\n     tese yatuque. Amen Jesus.\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\nLord's Prayer in Zotzil:\n\n     Totit ot-te nacal oi ta vinagel-utzilaluc \u00e1 vi-acotal\n     aguajualel-acopas huc \u00e1 chul cano-echuc nox ta vinagel-eclus\u00e9\n     ta valumil-acbeotic e cham-llocom llocomutic-ech\n     xachaibeutic-cuie tag tojolic-ma \u00e1 guae llalucuntic-ta\n     altajoltic-ech xacolta utic nox ta stojol ti coloc. Amen\n     Jesus.[XI'-5]\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\n  [Sidenote: POKONCHI GRAMMAR.]\n\nOf the Pokonchi Language I have a short grammar, by Thomas Gage, which\nhas also been used by Vater and Gallatin. Following are a few of its\nprominent features:\n\nNouns are declined by the aid of particles, of which there are two\nkinds, varying accordingly as the word to be declined commences with a\nconsonant or with a vowel. For words commencing with a consonant the\nparticles _nu_, _a_, _ru_, _ca_, _ata_, and _quitacque_ are used; and\nfor those commencing with a vowel, _v_, _av_, _r_, _c_, or _q_, _ta_,\n_qu_, and _tacque_. These particles are partly prefixed and partly\naffixed, as will appear in the following examples. So the word _pat_,\nhouse, and _tat_, father, are by Gage declined in the following\nmanner.\n\n     My house     nupat   | Our house      capat\n     Thy house    apat    | Your house     apatta\n     His house    rupat   | Their house    quipattacque\n\n     My father    nutat   | Our father     catat\n     Thy father   atat    | Your father    atatta\n     His father   rutat   | Their father   quitattacque\n\nThe declension of the word _acun_, son, and _ixim_, corn, are given\nby Gage, as follows:\n\n     My son       vacun   | Our son        cacun\n     Thy son      avacun  | Your son       avacunta\n     His son      racun   | Their son      cacuntaque\n\n     My corn      vixim   | Our corn       quixim\n     Thy corn     avixim  | Your corn      avicimta\n     His corn     rixim   | Their corn     quiximtacque\n\nVerbs in like manner change the particles, by means of which they are\nconjugated, accordingly as the word commences with a consonant or a\nvowel. For those commencing with a consonant the particles are;--_nu_,\n_na_, _inru_, _inca_, _nata_, _inquitacque_. Thus the word _locoh_, to\nlove, is conjugated as follows:\n\n                   CONJUGATION OF THE VERB LOCOH, TO LOVE.\n\n                           PRESENT INDICATIVE.\n\n     I love,         nulocoh      |    We love,        incalocoh\n     Thou lovest,    nalocoh      |    You love,       nalocohto\n     He loves,       inrulucoh    |    They love,      inquilocohtacque\n\n                           PRESENT PASSIVE.\n\n     I am loved,     quiloconhi   |    We are loved,   coloconhi\n     Thou art loved, tiloconhi    |    You are loved,  tiloconhita\n     He is loved,    inroconhi    |    They are loved, quiloconhitacque\n\n                          PERFECT PASSIVE.\n\n           I have been loved,            xinloconhi\n           Thou hast been loved,         ixtiloconhi\n           He has been loved,            ixloconhi\n           We have been loved,           xoloconhi\n           You have been loved,          ixtiloconhita\n           They have been loved,         xiloconhi tacque\n\n                            IMPERATIVE.\n\n           Be thou loved,                tiloconhi\n           Let him be loved,             chiloconho\n           Let us be loved,              chicaloconho\n           Be ye loved,                  tiloconhota\n           Let them be loved,            chiquiloconho taque\n\n           I can love,                   inchoinulocoh\n           I will love,                  inranulocoh\n           I have been willing to love,  ixnulocoh\n           I have been able to love,     ixcholixnulocoh\n           I can love thee,              tichol nulocoh\n           I will love thee,             tira nulocoh\n\nSometimes the verb I will is added to express the future;--_inva_, I\nwill; _nava_, thou wilt; _inra_, he will.\n\nVerbs beginning with a vowel have the following particles;--_ino_,\n_nav_, _inr_, _inqu_, or _inc_, _nauta_, _inqu tacque_, or _inc\ntacque_. Thus the verb _e\u00e7a_, to deliver, is conjugated.\n\n     I deliver,         inve\u00e7a        |  We deliver,    inque\u00e7a\n     Thou deliverest,   nave\u00e7a        |  You deliver,   nave\u00e7ata\n     He delivers,       inre\u00e7a        |  They deliver,  inque\u00e7a tacque\n\nAdjectives are indeclinable, and the plural of nouns cannot be\ndistinguished from the singular, as;--_kiro uinac_, good man; _kiro\nuinac_, good men.\n\nThe following Lord's Prayer comes from the same source:\n\n     Catat taxah vilcat; nimta incahar\u00e7ihi avi; inchalita\n     avihauripau cana. Invanivita nava yahvir vacacal, he invataxab.\n     Chaye runa cahuhunta quih viic; na\u00e7achtamac, he in\u00e7achve quimac\n     ximacquivi chiquih; macoacana chipam catacchyhi, coave\u00e7ata\n     china unche tsiri, mani quiro, he inqui. Amen.[XI'-6]\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\n  [Sidenote: MAME CONJUGATION.]\n\nOf the Mame, or Zaklohpakap, the following extract is from a grammar\nwritten by Diego de Reynoso. The letters used are: _a_, _b_, _ch_,\n_e_, _h_, _i_, _k_, _l_, _m_, _n_, _o_, _p_, _t_, _u_, _v_, _x_, _y_,\n_z_, _tz_. There are no special syllables or signs to express gender,\nbut distinct words are used, as;--_mama_, old man; _ahkimikeia_, old\nwoman; _mamail_, old age of a man; _keiail_, or _ahkimikil_, old age\nof a woman. The plural of animate beings is expressed by the particle\n_e_ prefixed to the word;--_vuinak_, person; _evuinak_, persons; but\nit is considered as elegant also to affix the same _e_;--_kiahol_,\nson; _ekiahole_, sons. For inanimate things, either numerals or\nadjectives expressing the plural are used;--_abah_, stone; _ikoh\nabah_, many stones. Personal pronouns are;--_ain_, I; _aia_, thou;\n_ahu_ or _ahi_, he; _ao_ or _aoio_, we; _ae_ or _aeie_, you; _aehu_ or\n_aehi_, they.\n\n     Me, to me, in me            vuih\n     Thee, to thee, in thee      tiha\n     Him, to him, in him         tihu\n     Us, to us, in us            kiho\n     You, to you, in you         kihae\n     Them, to them, in them      kihaehu\n     Of me, by me                vuxm\n     By thee                     tuma\n     By him                      tumhi\n     By us                       kumo\n     By you                      kume\n     By them                     kumhu\n     By myself                   tipa\n     By himself                  tiphi\n     By ourselves                kibo\n     By yourselves               kibe\n     By themselves               kibaehu or kibhu\n\n        CONJUGATION OF THE VERB TO BE.\n\n            PRESENT INDICATIVE.\n\n     I am,               ain in, or ain inen\n     Thou art,           aia\n     He is,              ahu\n     We are,             ao, or aoia\n     You are,            ae, or aeie\n     They are,           aehu\n\n               IMPERFECT.\n\n     I was,              ain took\n\n                PERFECT.\n\n     I have been,        ain hi\n\n               PLUPERFECT.\n\n     I had been,         ain tokem\n\n              FIRST FUTURE.\n\n     I shall be,         in abenelem, or ain loiem\n\n             SECOND FUTURE.\n\n     I shall have been,  ain lohi\n\n               IMPERATIVE.\n\n     Be,                 a u ia\n\n    CONJUGATION OF THE VERB XTALEM, TO LOVE.\n\n              PRESENT INDICATIVE.\n\n     I love,             ain tzum chim xtalem\n     Thou lovest,        tzum xtalem a\n     He loves,           tzum xtalem hu\n     We love,            tzum ko xtalem o\n     You love,           tzum che xtalem e\n     They love,          tzum che xtalem hu\n\n                  IMPERFECT.\n\n     I loved,            tzum tok chim xtalem\n\n                   PERFECT.\n\n     I have loved,       ini xtalim, uni xtale, ma chim xtalim,\n                         ma ni xtale, or ma uni xtale\n\n                  PLUPERFECT.\n\n     I had loved,        ixtok chim xtalim\n\n                 FIRST FUTURE.\n\n     I shall love,       uni xtalibetz, or ain chim xtalem\n\n                SECOND FUTURE.\n\n     I shall have loved, ain lo in xtalem\n\n                 IMPERATIVE.\n\n     Love thou,          ixtalin o ia\n     Let him love,       ixtalin o hu\n     Let us love,        ko ixtalin o\n     Love you,           ixtalin ke ie\n     Let them love,      ixtalin ke hu[XI'-7]\n\nOf the Quich\u00e9, there is an abundance of material. The letters used\nare;--_a_, _b_, _c_, _e_, _g_, _h_, _i_, _k_, _l_, _m_, _n_, _o_, _p_,\n_q_, _r_, _t_, _u_, _v_, _x_, _y_, _z_, _tz_, _tch_. Gender is\nexpressed by prefixing the noun _ixok_, woman, to the word,\nas;--_coh_, lion; _ixok coh_, lioness; _mun_, slave; _ixok mun_,\nfemale slave. The sound _ish_ expressed by the letter _x_ denotes\ninferiority, and is therefore frequently used to express the feminine\nof inferior beings. _U_ in the Quich\u00e8 and _ru_ in the Cakchiquel are\neither possessive pronouns or denote the possession of the word which\nfollows. The particles _re_ and _ri_ are at times used for the same\npurpose;--_u chuch ahpop_, the mother of the prince; _qui quoxtum\ntinanit_, the ramparts of the town. Before the vowels _a_, _o_, and\n_u_, they are changed to _c_; and before _e_ and _i_, to _qu_.\nDerivatives are formed with the preposition _ah_, either prefixed or\naffixed to the primitive noun;--_car_, fish; _ahcar_, the fisherman;\n_tzih_, word; _ahtzih_, the speaker; etc. No positive rule can be\ngiven for the formation of the plural, as there are several different\nmethods in use. The most common appears to be by the affixes _ab_,\n_eb_, _ib_, _ob_, _ub_;--_beom_, merchant; plural, _beomab_; _ixok_,\nwoman; plural, _ixokib_; _ahau_, lord; plural, _ahauab_. In the\nCakchiquel language the last letter _b_ is omitted, as;--_ixokib_,\nwomen, in Quich\u00e9, is _ixoki_ in Cakchiquel. With adjectives the\nsyllables _ak_, _tak_, _ic_, _tic_, etc., are used instead;--_nim_,\ngreat; _nimak ha_, great houses; _rihi_, old; _rihitak vinak_, old\npeople; _utz_, good; _utzic va_, good eatables. Adjectives are always\nplaced before the substantives;--_zak_, white; _zaki ha_, white house.\nSubstantives are formed from adjectives by adding one of the\nparticles, _al_, _el_, _il_, _ol_, _ul_;--_nim_, great; _nimal_, the\ngreatness; _zak_, white; _zakil_, the whiteness; _utz_, good; _utzil_,\nthe goodness. These same substantives can be turned into adjectives\nagain by adding the particle _ah_;--_nimalah mak_, great sin; _utzilah\nachi_, good man. In the same manner all substantives may be turned\ninto adjectives by adding one of the particles _alah_, _elah_, _ilah_,\n_olah_, _ulah_, etc.; _ahau_, king or lord; _ahaualah_, royal.\n\nTo express the comparative, the present participle of the verb _iqou_,\nto surpass, which is _iqouinak_, is used, and sometimes also the word\n_yalacuhinak_, from _yalacuh_, to exceed. For example;--_nim_, great,\ncomparative, _iqouinak chi nim_, he who surpasses in greatness;\n_iqouinak chi nim u hebeliquiil ka xokahau Gapoh maria chiqui vi\nconohel ixokib_, (literally) surpasses in great beauty our Lady the\nVirgin Mary all other women. The superlative is expressed by the\nsyllable _maih_, very great or much; _nim_, great or greatly; _tih_,\n_xoo_, _qu\u00ef_, much; all of which are placed before the word and are\nfollowed by the syllable _chi_;--_maih chi nim_, very great; _maih chi\nhebel_, very fine; _maih chi tinamit_, very great city; _xoo qatan_,\nvery great heat; _tih nima ha_, very great house. The adverb _lavolo_\nor _lolo_ is also used for the same purpose--_lavolo_ or _lolo cou ch'\na bana_, hold it strong.\n\nThe names of colors are duplicated to express the superlative,\nas;--_rax rax_, very green; _zak zak_, very white.\n\nThe reverential syllables in use are _lal_ and _la_--_lal nu cahau_,\nyour excellency is my father; _in alcual la_, I am the son of your\nexcellency.\n\n  [Sidenote: QUICH\u00c9 PRONOUNS.]\n\n              PRONOUNS.\n\n     I, or me       in, nu, nuv\n     Thou           at, a\n     He             are, ri, r'\n     Myself         xavi in\n     Thyself        xavi at\n     Himself        xavi are\n     We             oh\n     You            yx\n     They           e, he\n     Ourselves      xavi oh\n     Yourselves     xavi yx\n     Themselves     xavi e, he\n\nWhen a noun commences with a consonant, _nu_, _a_, _u_, in the\nsingular, and _ka_, _y_, _qui_, in the plural are used as possessive\npronouns, but if it commences with a vowel, _v_, _av'_, _r_, are\nemployed in the singular, and _k'_, _yv'_, _c'_, or _qu'_, in the\nplural.\n\n     My slave           nu mun\n     Thy slave          a mun\n     His slave          u mun\n     Our slaves         ka munib\n     Your slaves        y munib\n     Their slaves       oui munib\n\n     My wrath           v' oyoual\n     Thy wrath          av' oyoual\n     His wrath          r' oyoual\n     Our wrath          k' oyoual\n     Your wrath         yv' oyoual\n     Their wrath        c' oyoual\n\n            INTERROGATIVES.\n\n     Who                naki, achinak, apachinak\n     Who am I           apa-in-chinak\n     Who art thou       apa-at-chinak\n     Who is this        apachinak-ri\n     Who is it          naki-la\n     Who would it be    naki-lalo\n     Who are we         apa-oh-chinak\n     Who are you        apa-yx-chinak\n     Who are they       apa-e-chinak\n\nThe verb, to be, is expressed by either _ux_, or _qo_, or _qohe_. As\nan example of its conjugation I insert the indicative present.\n\n     I am,       in ux        or in qolic\n     Thou art,   at ux        \"  at qolic\n     He is,      are ux       \"  are qolic\n     We are,     oh ux        \"  oh qolic\n     You are,    yx ux        \"  yx qolic\n     They are,   e, or he ux  \"  e, or he qolic\n\nFour different kinds of verbs are given in the grammar compiled by the\nAbb\u00e9 Brasseur de Bourbourg, which he calls active, absolute, passive,\nand neuter. The following sentences are given as specimens of each\nkind. Active;--_can nu logoh v' ahtih_, I love my master.\nAbsolute;--_qu' i logon_, or _logonic_, I love; _qu' i tzibanic_, I\nwrite. Passive;--_ta x-e tzonox rumal ahtzak_, then they were\ninterrogated by the creator. Neuter;--_qu' i cam_, or _qui cam_, I\ndie; _qu' in ul_, I come; _qu' i be_, I go; _qu' i var_, I sleep.\n\n  [Sidenote: QUICH\u00c9 CONJUGATIONS.]\n\nFollowing I insert the conjugation of the active verb to love, in\nwhich the word _logoh_, love, commences with a consonant, and also the\nconjugation of the active verb _oyohbeh_, to wait, which commences\nwith a vowel, thus showing the different particles used.\n\n        CONJUGATION OF THE VERB TO LOVE.\n\n           PRESENT INDICATIVE.\n\n     I love,         ca nu logoh\n     We love,        ca ka logoh\n     Thou lovest,    c' a logoh\n     You love,       qu' y logoh\n     He loves,       c' u logoh\n     They love,      ca que logoh\n\n                PERFECT.\n\n     I have loved,   x-in, xi-nu, or x-nu logoh, or nu logom\n\n               PLUPERFECT.\n\n     I had loved,    nu, or x-nu logom-chic\n\n              FIRST FUTURE.\n\n     I shall love,   ch' in, x-ch'in chi nu, or x-chi nu logoh\n\n           PRESENT SUBJUNCTIVE.\n\n     If I love,      ca nu logoh-tah\n     If I had loved, nu logom-chi-tah\n\n               PARTICIPLE.\n\n     Loving,         logonel\n\n    CONJUGATION OF THE VERB OYOBEH, TO WAIT.\n\n             PRESENT INDICATIVE.\n\n     I wait,               ca v'oyobeh\n     Thou waitest,         c' av' oyobeh\n     He waits,             ca r' oyobeh\n     We wait,              ca k' oyobeh\n     You wait,             qu' yv' oyobeh\n     They wait,            ca c' oyobeh\n\n                 PERFECT.\n\n     I have waited,        xi-v' oyobeh, or av' oyobem\n\n              SECOND FUTURE.\n\n     I shall have waited,  chi v', or xchi v oyobeh\n\n            PRESENT SUBJUNCTIVE.\n\n     If I wait,            ca v' oyobeh-tah\n\nIn the following three columns I give a specimen of the conjugation of\nthe absolute, passive, and neuter verb.\n\n                ABSOLUTE.\n\n     I love,            qu'i logon\n     Thou lovest,       c'at logon\n     He loves,          ca logon\n     We love,           koh logon\n     You love,          qu'y logon\n     They love,         que logon\n\n                PASSIVE.\n\n     I am loved,        qu'i logox\n     Thou art loved,    c'at logox\n     He is loved,       ca legox\n     We are loved,      koh logox\n     You are loved,     qu'ix logox\n     They are loved,    que logox\n\n                NEUTER.\n\n     I roll,            qu'i bol\n     Thou rollest,      c'at bol\n     He rolls,          ca bol\n     We roll,           koh bol\n     You roll,          qu' yx bol\n     They roll,         que bol\n\n               ABSOLUTE.\n\n     I have loved,      x-i logon, or in logoninak\n\n               PASSIVE.\n\n     I was loved,       x-i logox, or in logoxinak\n\n               NEUTER.\n\n     I have arrived,    x-in ul, or in ulinak\n\n             FIRST FUTURE.\n\n               ABSOLUTE.\n\n     I shall love,      x-qui logon\n\n               PASSIVE.\n\n     I shall be loved,  x-qui logox\n\n               NEUTER.\n\n     I shall arrive,    x-qu'in ul\n\nThere are further mentioned a reciprocal and a distributive verb.\n\nOf the former the following is an example.\n\n     I love myself,         ca nu logoh uib\n     Thou lovest thyself,   c'a logoh rib\n     He loves himself,      c'u logoh rib\n     We love ourselves,     ca ka logoh kib\n     You love yourselves,   qu'y logoh yvib\n     They love themselves,  ca qui logoh quib\n\nOf the second form this is an example.\n\n     Thee I love,           cat nu logoh\n     He loves his father,   cu ri, or are logoh a cahau\n     You love us,           koh y logoh\n     Thee they love,        cat que logoh\n\nThe prepositions--_ma_, _man_, or _mana_, and _mave_, are negatives.\nWhen _man_, or _mana_, is used with a verb, the particle _tah_ must be\nadded;--_man ca v' il-tah_, I do not see. Father Ximenez calls the\nfollowing irregular verbs, _qo_, _qoh_, or _qolic_, _pa_, _ux_, or\n_uxic_; _qaz_, to live, and _oh_, or _ho_, to go.\n\nThe conjugation of the last mentioned is as follows.\n\n                        INDICATIVE PRESENT.\n\n     I go,         h'in         |  We go,        o'ho\n     Thou goest,   h'at         |  You go,       h'yx\n     He goes,      oh, or ho    |  They go,      h'e\n\nThe Zutugil and Cakchiquel appear to bear a closer relationship to\neach other, than the Cakchiquel and Quich\u00e9. Some of the principal\ndifferences between the three are the following. The plural of nouns\nwhich in the Quich\u00e9 is formed by the affixes _ab_, _eb_, _ob_, _ib_,\n_ub_, is in the Cakchiquel designated by simply affixing the vowels of\nthe above syllables, and in the Zutugil by the affixes _ay_, or _i_.\nThe pronouns which in the Quich\u00e9 and Cakchiquel are _in_, I, etc., are\nin the Zutugil doubled, as;--_in-in_, I, etc. The possessive pronouns\ndiffer in all three of the languages. The Quich\u00e9 has _vech_, mine;\n_avecha_, thine; _rech_, his; _kech_, ours; _yvech_, yours; _quech_,\ntheirs. In the Cakchiquel these are;--_vichin_, _avichin_, _richin_,\n_kichin_, _yvichin_, _quichin_, and the Zutugil changes the _ch_ of\nthe Cakchiquel into _n_;--_vixin_, _avixin_, _rixin_, _kixin_,\n_yvixin_, _quixin_. The dative in the Quich\u00e9 is _chuvech_, to me, in\nthe Cakchiquel _chuvichin_, and in the Zutugil, _chuvixin_. Reciprocal\npronouns in the Quich\u00e9 are _vib_, _avib_, _rib_, _kib_, _yvib_, and\n_quib_, and in the Zutugil they are _vi_, _avi_, _ri_, _ki_, _yvi_,\n_qui_. The verb _ganeh_, which also means to love, is in the\nCakchiquel and Zutugil conjugated as follows.\n\n     I love,        tin ganeh    |  We love,       ti ka ganeh\n     Thou lovest,   tah ganeh    |  You love,      ty ganeh\n     He loves,      tu ganeh     |  They love,     ti qui ganeh\n\nThere are also many other words which differ in one or more letters in\nthe three languages, but it appears that they are nevertheless so much\nalike that the different people speaking them can understand one\nanother.\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\n  [Sidenote: QUICH\u00c9 AND CAKCHIQUEL LORD'S PRAYERS.]\n\nLord's Prayer in the Quich\u00e9:\n\n     Ka cachau chi cab lal qo-vi, r'auazirizaxic-tah bi la. Chi\n     pe-tah ahauarem la. Chi ban-ta ahauam la, varal chuvi uleu\n     queheri ca ban chi cah. Yah la chikech ka hutagihil va. Zacha\n     la ka mak, queheri ca ka zacho qui mak rii x-e makun chike ruq\n     m'oh ocotah la pa takchiibal mak, xata noh col-ta la pa itzel.\n     Quehe ch'uxoc.\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\nLord's Prayer in Cakchiquel:\n\n     Ka tata r'at qoh chi cah, r'auazirizaxic-tah a bi. Ti pe-ta-ok\n     av' ahauarem. Ti ban-tah av'ahoom vave chuvi uleu, quereri\n     tan-ti ban chi cah. Ta yata-ok chike vacamic ka hutagihil vay.\n     Ta zach-ta-qa-ok ka mak, quereri tan-ti ka zach qui mak riy x-e\n     makun chike. Ruquin qa maqui-tah koh av'ocotah pa takchiibal\n     mak, xatah koh a colo pan itzel. Quere ok t'ux.[XI'-8]\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\nOf the Maya Grammar, the following is a brief compendium:\n\nThe following alphabet is used to write the Maya language: _a_, _b_,\n_c_, _\u00e7_, _z_, _tz_, [_c_], _cti_, _ch_, _e_, _h_, _i_, _y_, _k_,\n_l_, _m_, _n_, _o_, _p_, _pp_, _t_, _th_, _u_, _x_.\n\nThe letter _\u00e7_ is pronounced like the English _z_, or as if for\nexample the word _cambe\u00e7_, were spelled _cambez_. The [_c_] is\npronounced as if spelled _dj_, [_c_]ib_ is pronounced as if written\n_djib_, to write; _h_, not aspirated, and very frequently omitted;\n_k_, rather guttural; _pp_ and _p_, sharp and with force; _th_, hard,\nat the same time approximating slightly the English _tt_. The gender\nof rational beings is denoted by the prefixes _ah_, for masculine, and\n_ix_, for feminine;--_ah cambezah_, master; _ix cambezah_, mistress.\nWith animals the particles _xibil_, for males, and _chupul_, for\nfemales, is prefixed. An exception to this rule is the word\n_pal_;--_xibil pal_, the boy; and _chupal pal_, the girl. Nouns form\nthe plural by adding the particle _ob_;--_ich_, eye; _ich ob_, eyes.\nAdjectives ending in _nac_, in the plural lose their two last\nsyllables and substitute for them the syllable _lac_;--_kakatn\u00e1c_, an\nidle thing; _kakl\u00e1c_, idle things. When an adjective and substantive\nare joined together, the adjective is always placed before the\nsubstantive, but the plural is expressed only in the substantive;--man,\n_uinic_; good, _utzul_; _utz\u00fal uinicob_, good men. To form the\ncomparative, the last vowel of the adjective with the letter _l_ added\nto it is affixed; frequently, the particle _il_ is simply\naffixed;--further, the pronoun of the third person _u_ or _y_ is\nalways prefixed, in the comparative;--_tibil_, a good thing; _\u00fa\ntibilil_, a better thing; _utz_, good; _yutzil_, or _yutzul_, better;\n_lob_, bad; _ulobol_, or _ulobil_, worse; _kaz_, ugly; _ukazal_, or\n_ukazil_, uglier. The superlative is expressed by the particle _hach_,\nwhich is prefixed;--_lob_, bad; _hachlob_, very bad. _Il_ added to\nnouns and adjectives serves to make them abstracts, _uinic_, man;\n_uinicil_, humanity.\n\nThere are four kinds of pronouns used in the Maya, all of which are\nused in conjugating verbs. But the two last are also used, united with\nnouns, or as possessive pronouns, and never alone, or as absolute\npronouns.\n\n                          PRONOUNS.\n\n     I            ten        |    We           t\u00f3on\n     Thou         tech       |    You          t\u00e9ex\n     He           lay        |    They         l\u00f3ob\n\n     I            en         |    We           on\n     Thou         ech        |    You          ex\n     He           laylo      |    They         ob\n\n     I, mine      in         |    We, ours     ca\n     Thou, thine  a          |    You, yours   a-ex\n     He, his      \u00fa          |    They, theirs \u00fa-ob\n\n     Mine         u          |    Ours         ca\n     Thine        au         |    Yours        au-ex\n     His          y          |    Theirs       y-ob\n\n                   RECIPROCAL PRONOUNS.\n\n     Myself       in-ba      |    Ourselves     ca-ba\n     Thyself      a-ba       |    Yourselves    a-ba-ex\n     Himself      \u00fa-ba       |    Themselves    \u00fa-ba-ob\n\n  [Sidenote: MAYA CONJUGATIONS.]\n\n  CONJUGATION OF THE AUXILLARY VERB TENI, TO BE.\n\n          INDICATIVE PRESENT.\n\n     I am,               ten\n     We are,             t\u00f3on\n     Thou art,           tech\n     You are,            t\u00e9ex\n     He is,              lay\n     They are,           l\u00f3ob\n\n               IMPERFECT.\n\n     I was,              ten cuchi\n\n                PERFECT.\n\n     I have been,        ten hi\n\n              PLUPERFECT.\n\n     I had been,         ten hi-ili cuchi\n\n             FIRST FUTURE.\n\n     I shall be,         bin ten-ac\n\n             SECOND FUTURE.\n\n     I shall have been,  ten hi-ili coshom\n\n               IMPERATIVE.\n\n     Be,                 ten-ac\n\n           PRESENT SUBJUNCTIVE.\n\n     If I be,            ten-ac en\n\n          IMPERFECT SUBJUNCTIVE.\n\n     If I were,          hi ten-ac\n\n  FIRST CONJUGATION OF THE VERB NACAL, TO ASCEND.\n\n              PRESENT INDICATIVE.\n\n     I ascend,               nacal in cah\n     Thou ascendest,         nacal a cah\n     He ascends,             nacal \u00fa cah\n     We ascend,              nacal ca cah\n     You ascend,             nacal a-cau-ex\n     They ascend,            nacal \u00fa-cah-ob\n\n                  IMPERFECT.\n\n     I ascended,             nacal in cah-cuchi\n\n                   PERFECT.\n\n     I have ascended,        nac-en\n\n                  PLUPERFECT.\n\n     I had ascended,         nac-eu ili-cuehi\n\n                 FIRST FUTURE.\n\n     I shall ascend,         bin nacac-en\n\n                 SECOND FUTURE.\n\n     I shall have ascended,  nac-en ili-cuchom\n\n                  IMPERATIVE.\n\n     Ascend,                 nacac-en\n\n         SECOND CONJUGATION CAMBEZAH, TO INSTRUCT.\n\n                    PRESENT INDICATIVE.\n\n     I instruct,         cambezah in cah,  or ten cambezic\n     Thou instructest,   cambezah \u00e1 cah,    \" tech cambezic\n     He instructs,       cambezah \u00fa cah,    \" lay cambezic\n     We instruct,        cambezah ca cah,   \" t\u00f3on cambezic\n     You instruct,       cambezah \u00e1 cah-ez, \" t\u00e9ex cambezic\n     They instruct,      cambezah \u00fa cah-ob, \" l\u00f3ob cambezic\n\n                        IMPERFECT.\n\n     I instructed,       cambezah in cah cuchi\n\n                         PERFECT.\n\n     I have instructed,  in cambezah\n\n                        PLUPERFECT.\n\n     I had instructed,   in cambezah ili-cuchi\n\n                       FIRST FUTURE.\n\n     I shall instruct,   bin in cambez\n\n                      SECOND FUTURE.\n\n     I shall have instructed,  in cambezah ili-cochom\n\n                       IMPERATIVE.\n\n     Let me instruct,          in cambez\n     Instruct thou,            cambez\n     Let him instruct,         \u00fa cambez\n     Let us instruct,          ca cambez\n     Instruct you,             \u00e1 cambez ex\n     Let them instruct,        \u00fa cambez ob\n\n                   PRESENT SUBJUNCTIVE.\n\n     If I instruct,            ten in cambez\n\nThe third and fourth conjugations not differing from the above, I do\nnot insert them.\n\n                         THE LORD'S PRAYER.\n\n       Cayum     ianeeh   ti  c\u00e0annob  cilichthantabac  akaba:\n     Our father  who art  in  heaven     blessed be    thy name;\n\n      tac     a    ahaulil    c' okol.  Mencahac   a   uolah  uai\n     it may  come thy kingdom us over.  Be done  thine will   as\n\n     ti luun  bai   ti  caan\u00e8.  Zanzamal  uah   ca   azotoon\n     on earth as    in  heaven.  Daily   bread  us     give\n\n     heleae   caazaatez    c'   ziipil he bik c'  zaatzic    uziipil\n     to-day   us forgive   our   sins  as     we  forgive   their sins\n\n     ahziipiloobtoone ma  ix    appatic c'  lubul  ti    tuntah,\n       to sinners     not also    let   us  fall   in  temptation\n\n     caatocoon    ti   lob.[XI'-9]\n     us deliver  from  evil.\n\nTo the two languages the Huaztec and Totonac spoken respectively in\nthe states of Tamaulipas and Vera Cruz, great antiquity is ascribed. I\ninclude them both in this chapter, and classify them with the Maya\nfamily; the Huaztec because its relationship has already been\nsatisfactorily established by Vater and his successors, and the\nTotonac on the statements of Sahagun and other good authorities.[XI'-10]\nOf both of these languages I insert some grammatical notes. The\nTotonac is divided into four principal dialects, named respectively\nthat of the Sierra Alta or Tetikilhati, that of Xalpan y Pontepec, or\nChakahuaxti, the Ipapana and the Naolingo or Tatimolo. The following\ngrammar refers specially to the last dialect.\n\n  [Sidenote: TOTONAC GRAMMAR.]\n\nThe letters used are _a_, _ch_, _e_, _g_, _h_, _i_, _k_, _l_, _m_,\n_n_, _o_, _p_, _t_, _u_, _v_, _x_, _y_, _z_, _tz_, _lh_. Compounded or\nagglutinated words are of frequent occurrence; they seem to be joined\nwithout any particular system, although it appears that the last\nletter is oftentimes omitted. The following shows the composition of a\nword;--_lioxilhmagatlakachalikihuin_, to go prophesying; composed of\nthe particle _li_, the verb _oxilha_, the adverb _magat_, the\nsubstantive _lakatin_, and the verbs _chaan_ and _likihuin_. There are\nno particular signs or letters to express the gender, but in most\ncases the words _huixkana_, male, and _pozkat_, female, are prefixed\nto words.\n\nThe plural for animated beings is formed by one of the following\nterminations;--_n_, _in_, _nin_, _itni_, _nitni_, _an_, _na_, _ne_,\n_ni_, _no_, _nu_;--_oxga_, youth; _oxgan_, youths; _agapon_, heaven;\n_agaponin_, heavens; _pulana_, captain; _pulananin_, captains;\n_makan_, hand; _makanitni_, hands; _ztako_, star; _ztakonitni_, stars;\n_xanat_, flower; _xanatna_, flowers; etc., etc.; _in_ and _itni_ are\nused when the word ends with a consonant, and _nin_ and _nitni_ when\nit ends with a vowel.\n\n       PERSONAL PRONOUNS.\n\n     I       akit\n     Me      kin\n     Thou    huix\n     He      amah, or huata\n     We      akin\n     Us      kila, or kinka\n     You     huixin\n     They    huatonin\n\n                 CONJUGATION OF THE VERB IK-PAXKI-Y, I LOVE.\n\n                            PRESENT INDICATIVE.\n\n     I love,       ik-paxki-y        |   We love,    ik-paxki-yauh\n     Thou lovest,  paxki-a           |   You love,   paxki-yatit\n     He loves,     paxki-y           |   They love,  paxki-goy\n\n                                 IMPERFECT.\n\n                   I loved,        xak-paxki-y\n\n                                 PERFECT.\n\n                   I have loved,   ik-paxki-lh, or ik-paxki-nit\n\n                                 PLUPERFECT.\n\n                   I had loved,    xah-paxki-nit\n\n                               FIRST FUTURE.\n\n                   I shall love,    nak-paxki-y\n\n                               SECOND FUTURE.\n\n    I shall have loved,     ik-paxki lh nahuan, or ik-paxki-nit nahuan\n\n                                 IMPERATIVE.\n\n                   Love,            ka-paxki\n\n                             PRESENT SUBJUNCTIVE.\n\n                   If I love,       kak-paxki-lh\n\n                                 IMPERFECT.\n\n                   If I loved,      xax-paxki-lh\n\nThe difference between the three dialects may be seen:\n\n     Heart       nako          alkonoko         lakatzin\n     World       kiltamako     katoxahuat       tankilatzon\n     Moon        malkoyo       papa             laxkipap\n     Maize       koxi          tapaxni          kizpa\n     Good        tzey          tlaan            kolhana\n     Truth       ztonkua       loloto           tikxliana\n     To believe  akaeniy       kanalay          katayahuay\n\nThe Lord's Prayer in the dialect of Naolingo:\n\n     Kintlatkane  nak  tiayan  huil  takollalihuakahuanli \u00f3\n     Our father   in   heaven  art      sanctified be\n\n     mimaokxot  nikiminanin \u00f3  mintakakchi  tacholakahuanla\n     thy name      come        thy kingdom      be done\n\n     \u00f3 minpahuat  cholei  kaknitiet  chalchix  nak  tiayan. O\n      thy name      as      world       as     in   heaven.\n\n     kinchouhkan  lakalliya  nikilaixkiuh  yanohue  kakilamatzankaniuh\n     Our bread     daily       give us     to-day      forgive us\n\n     kintakallitkan  chonlei \u00f3  kitnan     lamatzankaniyauh\n       our faults     as we    ourselves      we forgive\n\n     \u00f3 kintalakallaniyan  ka   ala  kilamaktaxtoyauh\n          our debtors     and  not      us lead\n\n     nali  yoyauh  naka  liyogni.     Chon  tacholakahuanla.\n     that  we be    in  temptation.    So      be it done.\n\nThe descriptions or grammatical remarks of Vater and Pimentel, vary in\nmany points. For instance, Vater says that the letters _k_ and _v_ are\nnot used in this language, while Pimentel mentions them both as being\nused. The expression of the plural is also given differently by both,\nas are also several other points.[XI'-11]\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\n  [Sidenote: HUAZTEC GRAMMAR.]\n\nFrom the grammar of Carlos de Tapia Zenteno, which was also used by\nGallatin and Pimentel, I offer the following remarks on the Huaztec:\n\nThe letters used in writing this language are: _a_, _b_, _ch_, _d_,\n_e_, _g_, _h_, _i_, _j_, _k_, _l_, _m_, _n_, _o_, _p_, _t_, _u_, _v_,\n_x_, _y_, _z_, _tz_. The pronunciation is soft. Gender is denoted by\nthe addition of the words _imik_, man, and _uxum_, woman;--_tzalle_,\nking; _uxumtzalle_, queen; _tzejelinik_, young man; _tzejeluxum_,\nyoung girl. The affix _chick_ is used to express the plural;--_atik_,\nson; _atikchick_, sons; but there are a few exceptions to this rule.\nDiminutives are expressed by the preposition _chichick_, as;--_te_,\ntree; _chichikte_, small tree. In some cases the preposition _tzakam_,\nor the affix _il_, is used for this purpose. In the superlative the\nsyllable _le_ is used before the word, as;--_pullik_, great;\n_lepullik_, very great. Personal pronouns;--_nana_, I; _tata_, thou;\n_jaja_, he; _huahua_, we; _xaxa_, you; _baba_, they.\n\n        CONJUGATION OF THE VERB TAHJAL, TO HAVE.\n\n                 INDICATIVE PRESENT.\n\n     I have,        nana utahjal or intahjal\n     Thou hast,     tata atahjal or ittahjal\n     He has,        taja, intahjal\n     We have,       huahua yatahjal\n     You have,      xaxa yatahjal\n     They have,     baba tahjal\n\n                     IMPERFECT.\n\n     I had,         nana utahjalitz or intahjalitz\n\n                      PERFECT.\n\n     I have had,    nana utahjaitz or utahjamal, or utahjamalitz\n\n                    PLUPERFECT.\n\n     I had had,     nana utahjalak or utahjamalak, or utahjamalakitz\n\n                   FIRST FUTURE.\n\n     I shall have,  nana ku or kin, or kiatajah\n\n                    IMPERATIVE.\n\n     Have,          tata katahja\n\n                PRESENT SUBJUNCTIVE.\n\n     If I have,     nana kutahja or kiatahja\n\n                    IMPERFECT.\n\n     If I had,      nana kin or intahjalak\n\n                   INFINITIVE.\n\n             To have,       tahjal\n\nVerbal nouns and participles are formed by adding _x_ or _chix_, to\nthe infinitive, as;--_tzobnal_, to know; and _tzobnax_, he who knows.\nThere are said to be several different dialects of this language in\nuse. Following is the Pater Noster as given by Zenteno in his\nDoctrina, and as spoken in the mountains of the district of Tampico.\n\n     Pailom\u00ea  anitquahat  tiaeb,  quaquauhlu   anabi,   cachich\n     Father      art      heaven  holy said   thy name   come\n\n     anatzalletal.  Katahan  analenal  t\u00eatitzabal,  nuantiani  huatahab\n     thy kingdom.   Be done  thy will  on the earth    as      to have\n\n     tiaeb.   Ani  tacupiza   xahue    cailel   yabacanil  ani\n     heaven.  And  thou give  to-day  each day  our bread  and\n\n     tacupaculamchi  antuhualabchic,  antiani  huahua  tupaculamchial\n      thou forgive       sins           as       we      forgive\n\n     tutomnanchixlomchik,  ani  ib   takuhila  tincal\n          debtors          and  not    lead    that we\n\n     ib   cucuallam  tin  exextalab.   Timat  taculouh  timb\u00e2 ana  ib\n     not   fall us   in   temptation.   But   save us       from   no\n\n      cuacua.      Anitz   catahan.\n     holy (evil)    so   be it done.[XI'-12]\n\nLord's Prayer in the dialect spoken in the Department of San Luis\nPotos\u00ed:\n\n     Tatu puilom huahu\u00e1, itcuajat, ti eb chie pelit santo jajatz abi\n     cachic atzale tal ti eb al huahua: catajatz taculbetal hantzan\u00e1\n     titzabal hantini tiaeb ani cap ud patalaguicha tacubinanchi,\n     xoque ani tacupaculanchi; cal igualab, ani ela tegui\n     tacupalanchi cal y at guitzab ani il tacujila cugualan cal\n     junhi fataxtalb, maxibtaculohu cal ban atax mal tajana\n     guatalel.\n\n  [Sidenote: HUAZTEC LORD'S PRAYER.]\n\nLord's Prayer in the dialect spoken in another part of the district of\nTampico:\n\n     Pailon q\u00fca que cuajat ti\u00e1 el: tu cab tajal hanchan\u00e1 enta bi ca\n     chix hanti ca il\u00e1l cataja na aquiztal hanchana antich aval\n     quinitine ti\u00e1 el. An pan abalg\u00fca ti pat\u00e1s h\u00fcicha ha, tu piza\n     segue, tu placuanchi ni gualal anchan\u00e1 jontin\u00e9g\u00fc\u00e1 y placuanchal\n     in at qualablom, il t\u00fa en gila cu cualan anti at\u00e1s cha lablal,\n     tu en librari ti patas an ataz tabal, anchan\u00e1 juntam. Anchanan\n     catajan.[XI'-13]\n\nFOOTNOTES:\n\n[XI'-1] _Palacio_, _Carta_, p. 20; _Juarros_, _Hist. Guat._, p. 198;\n_Registro Yucateco_, tom. i., p. 166; _Galindo_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc.,\nJour._, vol. iii., pp. 95, 63; _Gallatin_, in _Amer. Ethno. Soc.,\nTransact._, vol. i., pp. 4-7; _M\u00fchlenpfordt_, _Mejico_, tom. ii., pp.\n8, 17; _Wapp\u00e4us_, _Geog. u. Stat._, p. 245; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._,\ndec. iv., lib. x., cap. ii-xiv.; _Laet_, _Novus Orbis_, pp. 277, 317,\n325; _Humboldt_, _Essai Pol._, tom. i., p. 267; _Heller_, _Reisen_, p.\n380; _Galindo_, in _Antiq. Mex._, p. 67; _Norman's Rambles_, p. 238;\n_Haefkens_, _Cent. Amer._, p. 412; _Prichard's Nat. Hist. Man_, vol.\nii., p. 513; _Behrendt's Report_, in _Smithsonian Rept._, 1867, p.\n425; _Squier's Monograph_, p. ix.; _Villagutierre_, _Hist. Conq.\nItza_, p. 84.\n\n[XI'-2] The languages of the Maya family are spoken in the old\nprovinces of Soconusco, Chiapas, Suchitepec, Vera Paz, Honduras,\nIzalcos, Salvador, San Miguel, Nicaragua, Xerez de Choluteca,\nTegucigalpa, and Costa Rica, says the Abb\u00e9 Brasseur de Bourbourg, _MS.\nTroano_, tom. ii., p. vi. 'La plupart des langues de cette contr\u00e9e,\nsi multiples au premier aspect, se r\u00e9duisent en r\u00e9alit\u00e9 \u00e0 un petit\nnombre. Ce sont des dialectes qui ne diff\u00e8rent les uns des autres que\npar le m\u00e9lange de quelques mots \u00e9trangers, une certaine vari\u00e9t\u00e9 dans\nles finales ou dans la prononciation.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, in\n_Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1855, tom. cxlvii., p. 155. 'Il me\npara\u00eet indubitable que la langue universelle des royaumes guat\u00e9maliens\ndevait \u00eatre, avant l'invasion des tribus que les Espagnols trouv\u00e8rent\nen possession de ces contr\u00e9es, le maya d'Yucatan ou le tzendal qui lui\nressemble beaucoup.' _Ib._ 'Lacandons ... les _Mames_, _Pocomames_,\netc., qui parlent encore aujourd'hui une langue presqu'en tout\nsemblable \u00e0 celle des Yucat\u00e8ques.' _Id._, p. 156. 'Le _Tzendal_ ou\n_Tzeldal_ et un dialecte de la langue _zotzile_ dont il diff\u00e8re fort\npeu.' _Id._, _Palenqu\u00e9_, p. 34. 'Toutes sont issues d'une seule\nsouche, dont le _maya_ para\u00eet avoir gard\u00e9 le plus grand nombre\nd'\u00e9l\u00e9ments. Le _quich\u00e9_, le _cakchiquel_, le _mame_, le _tzendal_,\nsont marqu\u00e9s eux-m\u00eames au sceau d'une tr\u00e8s-haute antiquit\u00e9, amplement\npartag\u00e9e par le _mexicain_ ou _nahuatl_ malgr\u00e9 les diff\u00e9rences que\ncomporte sa grammaire; car si ses formes et sa syntaxe sont\ntr\u00e8s-distinctes de celles du _maya_, on peut dire, n\u00e9anmoins, que tous\nces vocables sont compos\u00e9s de racines communes \u00e0 tout le groupe.\n_Id._, _MS. Troano_, tom. ii., pp. vii., viii. 'La langue primitive\nforme le centre; plus elle s'avance vers la circonf\u00e9rence, plus elle\nperd de son originalit\u00e9 la tangente, c'est-\u00e0-dire le point o\u00f9 elle\nrencontre un autre idiome, est l'endroit o\u00f9 elle s'alt\u00e8re pour former\nune langue mixte.' _Waldeck_, _Voy. Pitt._, pp. 24, 42. 'Les Taitzaes,\nles Cehatches, les Campims, les Chinamitas, les Loc\u00e8nes, les Ytzaes et\nles Lacandons. Toutes ces nations parlent la langue maya, except\u00e9 les\nLoc\u00e8nes, qui parlent la langue Chol.' _Ternaux-Compans_, in _Nouvelles\nAnnales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcvii., p. 50; _Id._, 1840, tom.\nlxxxviii., p. 6. 'La de Yucatan, y Tabasco, que es toda vna.' _Bernal\nDiaz_, _Hist. Conq._, fol. 25; _Solis_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., p. 89.\n'Zoques, Celtales y Qu\u00e8lenes, todos de lenguas diferentes.' _Remesal_,\n_Hist. Chyapa_, pp. 264, 299; also in _Montanus_, _Nieuwe Weereld_, p.\n269; _Helps' Span. Conq._, tom. iii., p. 252; _Squier_, in _Nouvelles\nAnnales des Voy._, 1855, tom. cxlviii., p. 275; _Id._, 1857, tom.\ncliii., pp. 175, 177-8. The natives of the island of Cozumel 'son de\nla lengua y costumbres de los de Yucatan.' _Landa_, _Relacion_, p. 12;\n_Orozco y Berra_, _Geograf\u00eda_, pp. 18-25, 55-56.\n\n[XI'-3] 'La simplicit\u00e9 originale de cette langue et la r\u00e9gularit\u00e9\nmerveilleuse de ses formes grammaticales, c'est la facilit\u00e9 avec\nlaquelle elle se pr\u00eate \u00e0 l'analyse de chacun de ces vocables et \u00e0 la\ndissection des racines dont ils sont d\u00e9riv\u00e9s.' _Brasseur de\nBourbourg_, _MS. Troano_, tom. ii., pp. iii., vi., v. 'The _Maya_\ntongue spoken in the northern parts of Yucatan, is remarkable for its\nextremely guttural pronunciation.' _Gordon's Hist. and Geog. Mem._, p.\n73. 'The whole of the native languages are exceedingly guttural in\ntheir pronunciation.' _Dunn's Guatimala_, p. 265. 'Diese Sprache war\nwohlklingend und weich.' _M\u00fcller_, _Amerikanische Urreligionen_, p.\n453; _Ternaux-Compans_, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom.\nxcvii., p. 32; _Squier_, in _Id._, tom. cliii., p. 178.\n\n[XI'-4] 'Dans ces langues kakchiqu\u00e8le, kich\u00e9e et zutugile, les mots qui\nn'appartiennent pas au Maya, m'ont tout l'air d'\u00eatre d'origine\ngermanique, saxons, danois, flamands, anglais m\u00eame.' _Brasseur de\nBourbourg_, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1855, tom. cxlvii., pp.\n156-7. 'Je fus frapp\u00e9, d\u00e8s mon arriv\u00e9e ... de la similitude qu'une\nquantit\u00e9 de mots de leur langue offrait avec celles du nord de\nl'Europe.' _Id._, _Lettre \u00e0 M. Rafn_, in _Id._, tom. clx., 1858, pp.\n263, 281-90. 'The fundamental forms and words of the languages of\nthese regions (except the Mexican) are intimately connected with the\nMaya or Tzendal and that all the words, that are neither Mexican nor\nMaya, belong to our languages of Northern Europe, viz., English,\nSaxon, Danish, Norwegian, Swedish, Flemish and German, some even\nappear to belong to the French and Persian, and altogether they are\nreally very numerous and astounding.' _Id._, _Letter in the New York\nTribune_, November 21, 1855.\n\n[XI'-5] _Pimentel_, _Cuadro_, tom. ii., pp. 231-45.\n\n[XI'-6] _Gage's New Survey_, pp. 465-477, et seq.\n\n[XI'-7] _Pimentel_, _Cuadro_, tom. i., pp. 84-110.\n\n[XI'-8] _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Grammaire de la Langue Quich\u00e9_;\n_Pimentel_, _Cuadro_, tom. ii., pp. 126-47.\n\n[XI'-9] _Beltran de Santa Rosa Mar\u00eda_, _Arte_; _Ruz_, _Catecismo\nHistorico_; _Id._, _Cartilla_; _Id._, _Gram. Yucateca_; _Gallatin_, in\n_Amer. Ethno. Soc., Transact._, vol. i., pp. 252, et seq.; _Heller_,\n_Reisen_, p. 381, et seq.; _Vater_, _Mithridates_, tom. iii., pt iii.,\npp. 4-24; _Pimentel_, _Cuadro_, tom. i., pp. 5, 223, tom. ii., pp.\n119, 229; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Grammaire_, in _Landa_,\n_Relacion_, pp. 459-479; _Id._, in _MS. Troano_, tom. ii.\n\n[XI'-10] 'Estos Totonaques ... decian ser ellas de _Guastelas_.' 'Otros\nhay, que entienden la lengua Guasteca.' _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom.\niii., lib. x., pp. 131-2. 'Im alten Centralamerika also waren die\nSprachen der Totonaken, Otimier, Huasteken, Macahuer unter sich sowohl\nals auch mit der Sprache in Yucatan verwandt.' _M\u00fcller_,\n_Amerikanische Urreligionen_, p. 453; _Mexikanische Zust\u00e4nde_; tom.\ni., p. 143; _Montanus_, _Nieuwe Weereld_, p. 251; _Hassel_, _Mex.\nGuat._, p. 245; _Almaraz_, _Memorio_, pp. 18, 20; _Villa-Se\u00f1or y\nSanchez_, _Theatro_, tom. i., pp. 287-91; _Gallatin_, in _Amer. Ethno.\nSoc., Transact._, vol. i., p. 4; _Ternaux-Compans_, in _Nouvelles\nAnnales des Voy._, 1840, tom. lxxxviii., p. 7; _Vater_, _Mithridates_,\ntom. iii., pt iii., p. 106; _Orozco y Berra_, _Geograf\u00eda_, pp. 18-20,\n204.\n\n[XI'-11] _Pimentel_, _Cuadro_, tom. ii., pp. 223-68; _Vater_,\n_Mithridates_, tom. iii., pt iii., pp. 44-60.\n\n[XI'-12] _Zenteno_, _Lengua Huasteca_; _Gallatin_, in _Amer. Ethno.\nSoc., Transact._, vol. i., pp. 276-85; _Pimentel_, _Cuadro_, tom. i.,\npp. 5-34.\n\n[XI'-13] _Col. Polidi\u00f3mica Mex._, _Oracion Dominical_, p. 8-10.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER XII.\n\nLANGUAGES OF HONDURAS, NICARAGUA, COSTA RICA, AND THE ISTHMUS OF\nDARIEN.\n\n     THE CARIB AN IMPORTED LANGUAGE -- THE MOSQUITO LANGUAGE -- THE\n     POYA, TOWKA, SECO, VALIENTE, RAMA, COOKRA, WOOLWA, AND OTHER\n     LANGUAGES IN HONDURAS -- THE CHONTAL -- MOSQUITO GRAMMAR --\n     LOVE SONG IN THE MOSQUITO LANGUAGE -- COMPARATIVE VOCABULARY OF\n     HONDURAS TONGUES -- THE CORIBICI, CHOROTEGA, CHONTAL AND\n     OROTI\u00d1A IN NICARAGUA -- GRAMMAR OF THE OROTI\u00d1A OR NAGRADAN --\n     COMPARISON BETWEEN THE OROTI\u00d1A AND CHOROTEGA -- THE CHIRIQU\u00cd,\n     GUATUSO, TIRIBI, AND OTHERS IN COSTA RICA -- TALAMANCA\n     VOCABULARY -- DIVERSITY OF SPEECH ON THE ISTHMUS OF DARIEN --\n     ENUMERATION OF LANGUAGES -- COMPARATIVE VOCABULARY.\n\n\nIn Honduras there is a long list of tribal names, to each of which is\nattributed a distinct tongue. Vocabularies have been taken of three or\nfour only, and one, spoken on the Mosquito coast, has had its\ngrammatical structure reduced to writing. It is therefore impossible\nto make comparisons and therefrom to determine how far their number\nmight be reduced by classification. The first which I introduce is\ngenerally conceded to have been imported. It is the Carib, spoken on\nthe shores of the bay of Honduras and on the adjacent islands, and has\nbeen proven to be almost identically the same as the one spoken on the\nWest India Islands. From Cape Honduras to the Rio San Juan, and\nextending inland as far as Black River, the Mosquito language is in\ngeneral use. Of it I shall insert a few grammatical remarks. In the\nPoya Mountains a like-named tongue is spoken; on the headwaters of the\nPatook River is the Towka, and on the Rio Secos, the Seco. Further in\nthe mountains, near the boundary of Nicaragua, and extending into that\nstate are the Valiente and Rama, said to be both separate tongues; and\nin the interior of the state there are the Cookra and Woolwa, the\nlatter spoken in the province of Chontales. Others mentioned are the\nTonglas, the Lenca, the Smoo, the Teguaca, the Albatuina, the Jara,\nthe Taa, the Gaula, the Motuca, the Fantasma, and the Sambo. Of these\nnothing but the names can be given. The oldest authorities mention, as\na principal language the Chontal, the name of a people and language\nmet in many variations in almost every state from Mexico to Nicaragua.\nAs there are no specimens of this language existing, it is impossible\nto say whether one people and language extended through all this\nterritory or whether certain wild tribes were designated by this\ngeneral name, as, according to Molina's Mexican dictionary,\n_chontalli_ means stranger or foreigner; and _popoluca_, which seems\nto be also used like chontalli, is defined as barbarian, or man of\nanother nation and language. I am therefore of the opinion that no\nsuch nations as Chontals or Popolucas exist, but that these names were\nemployed by the more civilized nations to designate people speaking\nother and barbarous tongues.[XII'-1]\n\n  [Sidenote: MOSQUITO ADJECTIVES AND DECLENSIONS.]\n\nOf the Mosquito language, which is understood throughout the whole\nMosquito Coast, and of which I here give a few grammatical remarks, Mr\nSquier remarks that \"it is not deficient in euphony, although\ndefective in grammatical power.\"[XII'-2] There is but one article, the\nnumeral adjective _kumi_, one, used also for a and an. The adjectives\nare few in number, having no uniform termination, and are discovered\nonly by their signification, except when participles, when they always\nterminate in _ra_ or _n_. Adjectives form the comparative by adding\n_kara_ to the positive and the superlative by adding _poli_ except in\ntwo words, _uia_ and _silpe_, which have distinct words for each\ndegree of comparison, thus;--_silpe_, small; _uria_, smaller;\n_katara_, smallest; _uia_, much; _kara_, more; _poli_, most.\nComparison is usually formed in the manner following;--_yamne_, good;\n_yamne kara_, better; _yamne poli_, best; _konra_, strong; _konra\nkara_, stronger; _konra poli_, strongest.\n\nIn composition, to express excess or diminution, comparison is\nsometimes formed in this manner;--_Jan almuk, Samuel almuk apia_: John\nis old, Samuel is not old.\n\n                             ADJECTIVES.\n\n     Old             almuk                Bad          saura\n     Every           bane                 Green        sane\n     Tight, close    bitne                Black        sixa\n     Spotted         bulne                Small        silpe\n     Greedy          slabla               Transparent  slilong\n     Dull            dimdim               Slippery     swokswaka\n     Circular        iwit                 Sour         swane\n     Less            kausa                Damp         tauske\n     More            kara                 Great        tara\n     Hot             lapta                Thin, flat   tanta\n     Rich            lela-kera            Thick        twotne\n     Round           marbra               Poor         umpira\n     Sharp           mata                 Much         uia\n     White           pine                 Smaller      uria\n     Red             paune                Weary        wet\n     Most, very      poli                 Heavy        wira\n     Grey, light     popotne              Chief        wita\n       blue etc.\n     New             raiaka               Good         yamne\n\n                 THE PERFECT TENSE USED AS AN ADJECTIVE.\n\n     Dry                    lawan       Angry           palan, or luan\n     Lazy                   shringwan   Fearful         sibrin\n     Slack, loose           langwan     Sore            latwan\n     Wet                    buswan      Sick, troubled  warban\n     Dirty                  klaklan     Dead            pruan\n     Generous               kupia-pine\n\nThe gender is commonly marked by adding _waikna_ for the male and\n_mairen_ for the female, or, for beasts, _wainatka_ for the male, and\n_mairen_, as before, for the female. Thus;--_lupia waikna_, a son;\n_lupia mairen_, a daughter; _bip wainatka_, a bull; _bip mairen_, a\ncow. In nouns relating to the human species the plural is formed by\nadding _nani_ to the singular; as;--_waikna_, a man; _waikna nani_,\nmen; _yapte_, mother; _yapte nani_, mothers. Other nouns have the\nplural the same as the singular, although sometimes a plural is formed\nby adding _ra_ to the singular;--_inska_, a fish; _inskara_, fishes.\n\nThere are four cases, distinguished by their terminations, the\nnominative, dative, accusative, and ablative.\n\n            DECLENSION OF THE WORD AIZE, FATHER.\n\n          SINGULAR.                        PLURAL.\n\n  Nom.   Father       aize     |    Fathers       aize-nani\n  Dat.   To father    aizera   |    To fathers    aize-nanira\n  Acc.   Father       aize     |    Fathers       aize-nani\n  Abl.   With father  aize-ne  |    With fathers  aize-ne-nani\n\n                        WITH AFFIX KE.\n\n          SINGULAR.                        PLURAL.\n\n  Nom.   My father      aize-ke    |  My fathers         aizeke-nani\n  Dat.   To my father   aizekra    |  To my fathers      aizeke-nanira\n  Acc.   My father      aizeke     |  My fathers         aizeke-nani\n  Abl.   With my father aize-ke-ne |  With my fathers    aizeke ne nani\n\n                        WITH AFFIX KAM.\n\n          SINGULAR.                        PLURAL.\n\n  Nom.   Thy father      aizekam    |  Thy fathers        aizekam-nani\n  Dat.   To thy father   aizekamra  |  To thy fathers     aizekam-nanira\n  Acc.   Thy father      aizekam    |  Thy fathers        aizekam-nani\n  Abl.   With thy father aizekam-ne |  With thy fathers   aizekam ne nani\n\n              SINGULAR.                            PLURAL.\n\n  Nom.   His people       ai upla    |  Their people      ai upla-nani\n  Dat.   To his people    ai uplara  |  To their people   ai upla-nanira\n  Acc.   His people       ai upla    |  Their people      ai upla-nani\n  Abl.   With his people  ai uplane  |  With their people ai uplane-nani\n\nTo form the possessive case of nouns, the word _dukia_, signifying\n'belonging', is added. The word, being subject to a declension\npeculiar to itself, is on that account not put as an affix in the\nusual declension of nouns.\n\n  DECLENSION OF THE WORD DUKIA, BELONGING, POSSESSION.\n\n          Belonging, possession              dukia\n          Belonging to him, to them          ai dukiara\n          Belonging to thee, to you          ai dukiamra\n          In my possession, belonging to me  dukia-ne\n\n               SINGULAR.                             PLURAL.\n\n  Of me, mine            yung dukia  |  Of us, ours      yung-nani dukia\n  Of thee, thine         man dukia   |  Of you, yours    man-nani dukia\n  Of him, his, hers, its wetin dukia |  Of them, theirs  wetin nani dukia\n\nThere are twelve pronouns, mostly declinable. Six of them are\npersonal.\n\n     I         yung             |  Self                             bui\n     Thou      man              |  Our                              wan\n     He        wetin            |  He, his, her, hers, I, me, etc.  ai\n\nThree are relative, and three adjective.\n\n         ADJECTIVE.                           RELATIVE.\n\n     This         baha           |       What         naki\n     That         naha           |       Which        ansa\n     Other        wala           |       Who          dia\n\nThe first three are declined alike; thus\n\n                       DECLENSION OF THE WORD YUNG, I.\n\n             SINGULAR.                         PLURAL.\n\n     Nom.   I       yung            |  We        yung-nani\n     Dat.   To me   yungra          |  To us     yung-nanira,\n     Acc.   Me      yung            |  Us        yung-nani\n     Abl.   In me   yung-ne         |  With us   yung-nani kera\n\n                   DECLENSION OF THE WORD MAN, THOU.\n\n               SINGULAR.                       PLURAL.\n\n     Nom.   Thou       man          |  You        man nani\n     Dat.   To thee    manra        |  To you     man-nanira\n     Acc.   Thee       man          |  You        man-nani\n     Abl.   In thee    man-ne       |  With you   man-nani-kera\n\n                   DECLENSION OF THE WORD WETIN, HE.\n\n               SINGULAR.                       PLURAL.\n\n     Nom.   He       wetin          |  They       wetin-nani\n     Dat.   To him   wetinra        |  To them    wetin-nanira\n     Acc.   Him      wetin          |  Them       wetin nani\n     Abl.   In him   wetin-ne       |  With them  wetin-nani kera\n\nAffixes are also joined to pronouns to increase, vary, or change their\nsignification, such as _sa_, _ne_, _ra_, _am_, and others, as well as\nprepositions and adverbs.\n\nThere are but three interjections: _alai!_ alas! _kais!_ lo! and\n_alakai!_ O dear!\n\n  [Sidenote: MOSQUITO ADVERBS AND PREPOSITIONS.]\n\nAdverbs are numerous, and admit of certain variations in their\nsignification by the use of affixes, thus;--_nara_, here; _narasa_,\nhere it is; _lama_, near; _lamara_, nearer.\n\n     Quickly          ane          Never           tara\n     When             ankia        Where           ansera\n     Every            bane         Together        aika-aika\n     Yesterday, the                There           bara\n          other day   eua-wala     There it is     barasa\n     Presently        kanara       Yonder          bukra\n     When             kanka        Near            lama\n     Again            kli          Nearer, close   lamara\n     Soon             mit          Further         liwara\n     To-day           naiua        Here            nara\n     Next, by and by  naika        Here it is      narasa\n     Already          put          No more         yulakane\n     Immediately      tiske        Yes             au\n     To-morrow        yunka        Anything        deradera\n     After to-morrow  yawanka      Sweetly         dumdum\n     No, not          apia         Exactly         kut\n     Only             baman        Strangely       pale\n     For nothing      barke        Very, truly     poli\n     Not, never       para         Enough          sipse\n     Not              sip          Truly           kosak\n     It is not        sipsa\n\nThere are twenty-eight prepositions. Some of them are also used as\nconjunctions; and some, like the adverb, admit of a variation.\n\n     At, near, about   baila          For                mata\n     To, there         bara           Beneath            maira\n     In                bela           Below              monunta\n     Into, within      belara         Under              monuntara\n     Against           dara           Behind             ninara\n     Beyond            kau            After              ninka\n     With              kera           Without, destitute para\n     Through           krauan         Over, upon         pura\n     With, together    kuki           Upon, above        purara\n     In front          lalma          Before, anterior   pus\n     Opposite, before  lalmara        Without, exterior  skera\n     Unto, close       lama           Among              tilara\n     Without, outside  latara         With               wal\n     Between, centre   lilapos        From, out of       wina\n\n                              CONJUNCTIONS.\n\n     Then              baha           Until              kut\n     Since             baha-wina      Now                mek\n     Like              bako           How                naki\n     Because, for      bamna          Next               naika\n     So thus           bun            But                sekuna\n     So it is          bunsa          Lest               sia\n     If                kaka           And, also          sin\n     Yet               kau            And                wal\n     Still             kause\n\n               CONJUGATION OF THE VEEB KAIA, TO BE.\n\n                    PRESENT INDICATIVE.\n\n     I am,        yung ne     |   The same, only placing _nani_ after\n     Thou art,    man kam     |   the pronouns.\n     He is,       wetin       |\n\n           PERFECT.                          FUTURE.\n\n     I have been,      kare   |   I shall be,     kamne\n     Thou hast been,   karum  |   Thou wilt be,   kama\n     He has been,             |   He will be,     kabia\n\n                         IMPERATIVE.\n\n     Be thou,          kama   |   Let us be,      kape\n     Let him be,       kabia  |   Be ye,          man-nani-kama\n                              |   Let them be,    wetin nani kabia\n\n                         OTHER FORMS.\n\n               I have not been,      kerus\n               Thou hast not been,   kerum\n               He has not been,      keruiskan\n               I shall not be,       kamue-apia\n               Thou wilt not be,     kama-apia\n               He shall not be,      kabia-apia\n               We shall not be,      yung-nani kamne-apia\n               Ye shall not be,      man-nani kama-apia\n               They shall not be,    wetin-nani kabia-apia\n               Shall I not be?       kamne-apiake\n               Wilt thou not be?     kama-apiake\n               Shall he not be?      kabia-apiake\n\n               CONJUGATION OF THE VERB DAUKAIA, TO MAKE.\n\n                         PRESENT INDICATIVE.\n\n             SINGULAR.                                 PLURAL.\n\n     I make,       daukisne          |  We make,    yung-nani daukisne\n     Thou makest,  daukisma          |  You make,   man-nani daukisma\n     He makes,     daukisa, or danki |  They make,  wetin-nani dauki,\n                                                    or dankisa\n\n                                IMPERFECT.\n\n                     I did make,        daukatne\n                     Thou didst make,   daukatma\n                     He did make,       daukata\n\nIn the same way every tense forms the plural, having no difference in\nthe terminations.\n\n             PERFECT.                          FUTURE.\n\n     I have made,      dankre       |  I shall make,    daukamne\n     Thou hast made,   daukrum      |  Thou wilt make,  daukama\n     He has made,      daukan       |  He will make,    daukbia\n\n                               IMPERATIVE.\n\n     Make,             daux         |  Let us make,     daukpe\n     Let him make,     daukbia, or  |  Make ye,         man nani daux\n                       dautbiasika  |  Let them make,  wetin nani daukbia\n                                    |                   or daukbiasika\n\n                 OTHER FORMS.\n\n     I make not,            daukrusne\n     I did not make,        daukruskatne\n     I have not made,       yung daukrus\n     I shall not make,      daukamme-apia\n     Make not,              daukparama, or man daukpara\n     Let him not make,      daukiera, or wetin daukbiera\n     Let us not make,       yung nani daukbiera\n     Make ye not,           man nani daukpara, or daukparama\n     Let them not make,     wetin nani daukbiera\n     I may or can make,     yung shep daukisne\n     I should make,         daukaiakatne\n     I may have made,       yung shep daukre\n     I might have made,     yung daukatnekrane\n     I shall have made,     daukaiakamne\n     Do I make?             daukisneke\n     Do I not make?         daukrusneke\n     Dost thou not make, or\n       makest thou not?     daukrusmake\n     Does he not make?      daukruske\n     Shall I not make?      daukamne apiake\n     If I make,             yung daukikaka\n     If I had not made,     yung daukruskaka[XII'-3]\n\n  [Sidenote: MOSQUITO LOVE SONG.]\n\nAs a specimen of this language I have the following love song:\n\nKeker miren n\u00e1ne, warwar p\u00e1ser yamne krouekan. Coope n\u00e1rer mi koolkun\nI doukser. Dear m\u00e1ne kuker cle wol proue. I sabbe\u00e1ne wal moonter\nmoppara. Keker mis\u00e9re yapte winegan. Koker sombolo barnar lippun,\nlippun, lippunke. Koolunker punater bin biwegan. Coope n\u00e1rer t\u00e1nes I\ndoukser. Coope n\u00e1rer mi koolkun I doukser.\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\nOf this the translation is given as follows:\n\nDear girl, I am going far from thee. When shall we meet again to\nwander together on the sea-side? I feel the sweet sea-breeze blow its\nwelcome on my cheek. I hear the distant rolling of the mournful\nthunder. I see the lightning flashing on the mountain's top, and\nilluminating all things below, but thou art not near me. My heart is\nsad and sorrowful; farewell! dear girl, without thee I am\ndesolate.[XII'-4]\n\nFollowing is a comparative vocabulary of some of the other\nlanguages.[XII'-5]\n\n                            LENCA.\n\n          +-------+--------+-------+-------+---------+---------+-----\n          |GUAJI- |OPATORO.|INTIBU-|SIMILA-| WOOLWA. | XICAQUE.| CARIB.\n          | QUERO.|        | CAT.  | TION. |         |         |\n          +-------+--------+-------+-------+---------+---------+-------\n  Man     |       |taho    |amaske |       |all      |jom\u00e9     |\n  Woman   |       |move    |napu   |mab    |yall     |pitm\u00e9    |\n  Head    |toro   |tohoro  |cagas\u00ed |toro   |tunni    |laipuco  |waichie\n  Face    |amptiga|amptiga |tije   |       |         |         |\n  Ear     |yang   |yan     |yangaga|yoan   |fora     |         |\n  Eye     |saing  |saringla|saring |saarim |miniktaka|non      |\n  Nose    |napse  |napseh  |nepton |nepse  |n\u00e1gnitak |meguin   |\n  House   |tah\u00fc   |taoo    |tahu   |       |u        |chef     |\n  Sun     |gasi   |gashi   |gashi  |       |maa      |behapoy  |wello\n  Fire    |uga    |ua      |yuga   |yuca   |cukh     |iqueamoos|wat\n  Water   |guass  |uash    |guash  |g\u00fcas   |uass     |sur      |dunna\n  Stone   |caa    |coa     |tupan  |       |         |pai      |\n  Dog     |shui   |shui    |shushu |sui    |sulo     |soyo     |\n  White   |shogo  |shogo   |shogo  |       |         |sae      |\n  Black   |sihiri |sihiri  |seriga |       |         |tiltique |\n  To eat  |coorta |gorkin  |gormal |ulanta |tecuting |         |\n  To drink|supatch|talgui  |talmal |       |         |         |\n  One     |ita    |ita     |itaska |eta    |alaslach |pani     |abama\n  Two     |naa    |        |       |p\u00e9     |muyebu   |matis    |biama\n  Three   |lagua  |        |       |l\u00e1gua  |muyebas  |contis   |irwa\n  Four    |aria   |        |       |eslea  |muyarunca|urupau   |biamburi\n  Five    |saihe  |saihe   |       |sai    |muyesinca|casanpani|abanawajap\n  Ten     |isis   |siis    |       |isis   |muyhasluy|camaspus |sunwajp\n\n  [Sidenote: OROTI\u00d1A CONJUGATIONS.]\n\nBesides the Aztec, which I have already spoken of in a previous\nchapter, there were four distinct languages spoken in Nicaragua:--The\nCoribici, Chorotega, Chontal, and Oroti\u00f1a.[XII'-6] Of the Oroti\u00f1a, which\nMr Squier calls the Nagrandan, I have the following grammatical notes.\n\nNeither articles nor prepositions are expressed. The plural is formed\nby the affix _nu_;--_ruscu_, bird; _ruscunu_, birds. Comparatives and\nsuperlatives are expressed by _mah_, better or more, and _pooru_ or\n_puru_, best or most;--_mehe\u00f1a_, good; _ma-mehe\u00f1a_, better;\n_puru-mehe\u00f1a_, best. Diminutives, or deficiency, are expressed by _ai_\nor _mai_;--_ai-mehe\u00f1a_ or _mai-mehe\u00f1a_, bad or lacking good.\n\n              PRONOUNS.\n\n     I                    icu\n     We, masc.            hechelu\n     We, fem.             hecheri\n     Thou                 ica\n     You, m.              hechela\n     You, f.              hechelai\n     He                   icau\n     She                  icagui\n     They, m.             icanu\n     They, f.             icagunu\n     That                 cagui\n     Those                caguinu\n     This, m.             cala\n     This, f.             hala\n     These, m.            cadchinulu\n     These, f.            cadchici\n     Mine, m.             cugani\n     Mine, f.             icagani\n     Yours, m.            cutani\n     Yours, f.            icatani\n     His                  cagani\n\n                 CONJUGATION OF THE VERB SA, TO BE.\n\n                       PRESENT INDICATIVE.\n\n         SINGULAR.                               PLURAL.\n\n     I am,       s\u00e1                     | We are,       so\n     Thou art,   s\u00e1                     | You are,      soa\n     He is,      s\u00e1                     | They are,     sula\n\n                                    IMPERFECT.\n\n     I was,      can\u00e1                   | We were,      canan\u00e1\n     Thou wast,  can\u00e1                   | You were,     canano\u00e1\n     He was,     can\u00e1                   | They were,    lacanan\u00e1\n\n                                     PERFECT.\n\n     I have been,     s\u00e1 c\u00e1             | We have been,    s\u00e1 cu\u00e1\n     Thou hast been,  sachu             | You have been,   s\u00e1 cnahi\n     He has been,     sac\u00e1              | They have been,  sa gahu\n\n                                   PLUPERFECT.\n\n     I had been,        mucasini        |    Plural the same\n     Thou hadst been,   mucanasini      |\n     He had been,       mucanasadini    |\n\n                                 FIRST FUTURE.\n\n     I shall be,     lamanambi          | We shall be,    lamananna\n\n                                 SECOND FUTURE.\n\n     I shall have been,   malamana      | We shall have been, lamana\n\n           CONJUGATION OF THE VERB AIHA, TIHA, AHIHA, TO COME.\n\n                               PRESENT INDICATIVE.\n\n            SINGULAR.                            PLURAL.\n\n     I come,     icunaha              | We come,     hechelunagubi\n\n                                   IMPERFECT.\n\n     I came,     incunahalu           | We came,     hechelunagubal\u00fa\n\n                                    PERFECT.\n\n     I have come,   icusanaha         | We have come,   hechelusagualalu\n\n                                   PLUPERFECT.\n\n     I had come,    icuschisalu       | We had come,   hechelunigualalu\n\n                                  FIRST FUTURE.\n\n     I shall come,   icugaha          | We shall come,   hecheluguha\n\n                                  SECOND FUTURE.\n\n     I shall have come, icuvihiluniha | We shall have come,\n                                                hechehivihiluingualalu\n\n                                   IMPERATIVE.\n\n     Come,           ahiyaica         | Let us come,     ahiyohecheu\n\n     I should come,  icugahalu        | We should come,  hechelugualalu\n\n     If I had come,  icumahaluvihilu  | If we had come,\n                                            hechelumainueamagu\u00edha[XII'-7]\n\n  [Sidenote: NICARAGUA AND COSTA RICA VOCABULARIES.]\n\nOf the Oroti\u00f1a and Chorotega I also insert a short vocabulary.\n\n          OROTI\u00d1A.     CHOROTEGA.           OROTI\u00d1A.       CHOROTEGA.\n\n  Man     rahpa        nuho      Water     eeia            nimbu\n  Woman   rapaku       nahseyomo Stone     esee, or esenu  nugo\n  Head    a'cu, or edi goochemo  Wood      bara            nanguima\n  Face    enu          grote     To drink  mahuia          boprima\n  Ear     nau          nuhme     To go     aiyu, or icu    paya\n  Eye     setu         nahte     Dead      ganganu         gagame\n  Nose    ta'co        mungoo    White     mesha           andirume\n  Arm     pa'pu        deno      I         icu             saho\n  House   gua          nahngu    Thou, he  ica             sumusheta\n  Sun     ahca         numbu     We        hechelu         semehmu\n  Fire    ahku         nahu                                [XII'-8]\n\nMore scanty still is the information regarding the tongues of Costa\nRica. Only one vocabulary is at hand of the languages spoken by the\nBlancos, Valientes, and Talamancas, who inhabit the east coast between\nthe Rio Zent and the Boca del Toro. Besides these there are mentioned,\nas speaking separate tongues, the Chiripos, Guatusos, and Tiribis. Of\nthe language of the Talamancas I give a few words.\n\n     Man      signa-kirinema            Water      d\u00ed-tz\u00edt\u00e1\n     Woman    signa-ar\u00e1gre              Stone      \u00e1k\n     Head     sa-za-k\u00fa                  Wood       u-ruk\n     Face     sa-kar-k\u00fa                 Dog        tschi-tschi\n     Ear      su-k\u00fa-ke                  Good       buisi\n     Eye      su-wu-\u00e1k\u00e9t\u00e9i              Bad        be-so-i\n     Nose     su-tshu-ko-t\u00f3             I          be-h\u00e9\n     Hand     sa-fra-tzin-sek           Thou       tschi-si\n     House    suh\u00fa                      He         se-d\u00e9\n     Sun      kan-hu\u00e9                   We         sa-ta-war-ke\n     Moon     tu-lu                     You        se-hetsch-te\n     Fire     tsch\u00fa-ko                  They       be-zo[XII'-9]\n\n  [Sidenote: CHOLO, TULE, AND DARIEN LANGUAGES.]\n\nOn the isthmus of Darien there is nothing to be mentioned but the\nnames of tongues said to have been spoken there, and of specimens\nnothing but a few scanty vocabularies exist. Oviedo, speaking of\nNicaragua, Costa Rica, and the ancient province of Tierra Firme,\nthinks there were as many as seventy-two distinct tongues spoken in\nthat region. He specially mentions the Coiba, the Burica, and the\nParis.[XII'-10] Andagoya speaks of a distinct language in the province\nof Acla; another called the Cueva as spoken in the provinces of\nComogre and Biruqueta, on Pearl Island, about the gulf of San Miguel,\nand in the province of Coiba; at Nombre de Dios the Chuchura; to each\nof the provinces of Tobreytrota, Nata, Chiru, Chame, Paris, Escoria,\nChicacotra, Sangana, and Guarara, a distinct language is\nassigned.[XII'-11] Another tongue spoken of by an old writer is that of\nthe Simerones.[XII'-12] To the different surveying and exploring\nexpeditions of later years we are indebted for a few notes on the\nlanguages spoken in Darien at this day. The Tules, Dariens, Cholos,\nDorachos, Savanerics, Cunas, and Bayamos, are new names not mentioned\nby any of the older writers; of some of them vocabularies have been\ntaken, but otherwise we are left in darkness.[XII'-13]\n\n              CHOLO.     TULE.          WAFER'S DARIEN VOCAB.\n\n     Water    payto      tee              doola\n     Fire     tuboor     cho\n     Sun      pesea      ip\u00e9\n     Moon     hedecho    nee              nee\n     Tree     pachru     chowala (pl.)\n     House    dh\u00e9        neka\n     Man      mochina    mastola\n     Woman    wu\u00e8na      pundola          poonah\n     Thunder  p\u00e1         marra\n     Dog                 achu\n     Ear                 uwa\n     Eye                 ibia\n     Nose                an uchuu\n     Mouth               kagya\n     Father                               tautah\n     Mother                               naunah\n     Brother                              roopah\n     Go                                   chaunah\n     Sleep                                cotchah\n     Fine                                 mamaubah\n     One                 quenchaqua       hean\n     Two                 pocoa            d\u00ecv\n     Three               pagwa            tree\n     Four                pakegua          caher\n     Five                aptali           cooig\n     Ten                 ambe             deh[XII'-14]\n\nAlthough from a perusal of what has here been gathered we might wish\nto know more of the weird imaginings that floated through the minds of\nthese peoples, and to follow further the interminable intermixture of\ntongues and dialects, spoken, grunted, and gestured between the Arctic\nOcean and the Atrato River, we must content ourselves with what we\nhave. I have gathered and given in this volume all that I have been\nable to find; and from the readiness with which the Americans were\nwont to adopt the dogmas and creeds of Europeans, supernatural\nconceptions supposedly superior to their own, and insist upon their\nbeing aboriginal, and from the rapid and bewildering changes that so\nquickly mar and destroy the original purity of tongues, there is\nlittle hope of our learning further from living lips, or of our ever\nbeing able to study these things from the scattered and degraded\nremnants of the people themselves.\n\n  [Sidenote: CONCLUSION.]\n\nHe who carefully examines the Myths and Languages of the aboriginal\nnations inhabiting the Pacific States, cannot fail to be impressed\nwith the similarity between them and the beliefs and tongues of\nmankind elsewhere. Here is the same insatiate thirst to know the\nunknowable, here are the same audacious attempts to tear asunder the\nveil, the same fashioning and peopling of worlds, laying out and\ncircumscribing of celestial regions, and manufacturing, and setting\nup, spiritually and materially, of creators, man and animal makers and\nrulers, everywhere manifest. Here is apparent what would seem to be\nthe same inherent necessity for worship, for propitiation, for\npurification, or a cleansing from sin, for atonement and sacrifice,\nwith all the symbols and paraphernalia of natural and artificial\nreligion. In their speech the same grammatical constructions are seen\nwith the usual variations in form and scope, in poverty and richness,\nwhich are found in nations, rude or cultivated, everywhere. Little as\nwe know of the beginning and end of things, we can but feel, as fresh\nfacts are brought to light and new comparisons made between the races\nand ages of the earth, that humanity, of whatsoever origin it may be\nor howsoever circumstanced, is formed on one model, and unfolds under\nthe influence of one inspiration.\n\nFOOTNOTES:\n\n[XII'-1] A classification has been made by Mr Squier, but in the absence\nof reliable data on which to base it, it cannot be accepted without\nreserve. He says: 'it appears that Honduras was anciently occupied by\nat least four distinct families or groups.' These he names: the Chorti\nor Sesenti, belonging to the Maya family, the Lenca, under the various\nnames of Chontals and perhaps Xicaques and Poyas;--in the third he\nincludes the various tribes intervening between the Lencas proper and\nthe inhabitants of Cariay, or what is now called the Mosquito shore,\nsuch as the Toacas, Tonglas, Ramas, etc., and lastly in the fourth,\nthe savages who dwelt on the Mosquito shore from near Carataska Lagoon\nsouthward to the Rio San Juan. _Cent. Amer._, pp. 252-3. See also\n_Squier_, in _Palacio_, _Carta_, note iii., pp. 100-5; _Froebel_, _Aus\nAmerika_, tom. i., pp. 399-403; _Id._, _Cent. Amer._, pp. 133-36;\n_Boyle's Ride_, vol. i., p. 287; _Squier_, in _Nouvelles Annales des\nVoy._, 1858, tom. clx., pp. 134-5; _Palacio_, _Carta_, p. 20. 'Variis\net diversis linguis utebantur, Chontalium tamen maxime erat inter eos\ncommunis.' _Laet_, _Novus Orbis_, p. 337. 'Tenian diferencias de\nlenguas, y la mas general es la de los Chontales.' _Herrera_, _Hist.\nGen._, dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. iii.; _Juarros_, _Hist. Guat._, p.\n62; _Galindo_, _Notice of the Caribs_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._,\nvol. iii., p. 290-1; _Orozco y Berra_, _Geograf\u00eda_, p. 20. 'Die\nKaraiben bedienen sich noch gegenw\u00e4rtig ihrer ganz eigenth\u00fcmlichen\nSprache, welche bedeutend von allen \u00fcbrigen abweicht, und von den\nanderen Indianerst\u00e4mmen nicht verstanden wird.' _Mosquitoland_,\n_Bericht_, pp. 19-20, 140; _Bell's Remarks on Mosquito Ter._, in\n_Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. xxxii., pp. 258-9; _Wells' Explor.\nHond._, pp. 552-3.\n\n[XII'-2] _Bard's Waikna_, p. 363. 'Die Sprache ... der Sambos oder\neigentlichen Mosquitos, am meisten ausgebildet, allgemein verbreitet\nund wird im ganzen Lande von allen St\u00e4mmen verstanden und gesprochen.\nSie ist wohlklingend, ohne besondere Kehllaute aber ziemlich arm und\nunbeholfen.' _Mosquitoland_, _Bericht_, p. 140.\n\n[XII'-3] _Mosquitoland_, _Bericht_, pp. 241-68; _Alex. Henderson's\nGrammar, Moskito Lang._, N. York, 1846.\n\n[XII'-4] _Young's Narrative_, pp. 77-8.\n\n[XII'-5] _Squier's Cent. Amer._, pp. 253-6; _Id._, in _Nouvelles Annales\ndes Voy._, 1858, clx., p. 135; _Froebel_, _Aus Amerika_, tom. i., pp.\n400-1.\n\n[XII'-6] 'Ay en Nicaragua cinco lenguajes muy diferentes: Coribici, que\nloan mucho, Chorotega, que es la natural, y antigua: y assi estan en los\nque lo hablan los heredamientos, y el Cacao, que es la moneda, y\nriqueza dela tierra.... Chondal es grossero, y serrano. Oroti\u00f1a, que\ndize mama, por lo que no otros (nosotros). Mexicano, que es la\nprincipal.' _Gomara_, _Hist. Ind._, fol. 264. 'A quatro \u00f3 \u00e7inco\nlenguas distintas \u00e9 diverssas las unas de las otras. La prin\u00e7ipal es\nla que llaman de _Nicaragua_, y es la mesma que hablan en M\u00e9xico \u00f3 en\nNueva Espa\u00f1a. La otra es la lengua que llaman de _Chorotega_, \u00e9 la\nter\u00e7era es Chondal.... Otra hay ques del golpho de Oroti\u00f1aruba h\u00e1\u00e7ia\nla parte del Nordeste, \u00f3 otras lenguas hay adelante la tierra\nadentro.' _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iv., pp. 35, 37. Herrera, who\nhas copied from Gomara almost literally, has made a very important\nmistake; he speaks of five languages and only mentions four. As\nHerrera mentions a place Chuloteca, some writers, and among them Mr\nSquier, have applied this name to a language, but seemingly without\nauthority. Herrera's copy reads: 'Hablauan en Nicaragua, \u00e7inco lenguas\ndiferentes, Coribizi, que lo hablan mucho en Chuloteca, que es la\nnatural, y antigua, y ansi estauan en los que la hablauan.... Los de\nChondal son grosseros, y serranos, la quarta es Orotina, Mexicana es\nla quinta.' _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vii. Purchas has\ncopied Gomara more closely, and cites the five like him. _Pilgrimes_,\nvol. v., p. 887. Mr Squier makes the following division: Dirian,\nNagrandan, Choluteca, Orotina, and Chondal. Those speaking the Aztec\ndialect he names Niquirans and also counts the Choluteca as a dialect\nof the same. _Nicaragua_, vol. ii., p. 310-12; _Buschmann_,\n_Ortsnamen_, p. 132; _Froebel_, _Cent. Amer._, p. 59, et seq.;\n_Boyle's Ride_, vol. i., p. 267, vol. ii., pp. 286-7; _Hassel_, _Mex.\nGuat._, p. 397; _Palacio_, _Carta_, p. 20.\n\n[XII'-7] _Squier's Nicaragua_, vol. ii., pp. 315-319.\n\n[XII'-8] _Id._, pp. 320-23.\n\n[XII'-9] _Wagner and Scherzer_, _Costa Rica_, p. 562; _Scherzer_,\n_Vocab._, in _Sitzungsberichte der Akad. der Wissensch._, _Wien_, vol.\nxv., no. i., 1855, pp. 28-35.\n\n[XII'-10] 'Pienso yo que son apartados del n\u00famero de las septenta y dos.'\n_Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., cap. xliii. 'En tierra\nfirme ... ai mui diversas, i apartadas Lenguas.' _Oviedo_, _Proemio_,\nin _Barcia_, _Historiadores_, tom. i., p. 12. 'Ai entre ellos lenguas\ndiferentes.' _Fernando Colon_, in _Barcia_, _Historiadores_, tom. i.,\nfol. 106. 'Son tr\u00e0 lor diuerse lingue.' _Colombo_, _Hist. Ammeraglio_,\np. 405.\n\n[XII'-11] _Andagoya_, _Relacion_, in _Navarrete_, _Col._, tom. iii., p.\n393, et seq.; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iv., lib. i., cap. xi.\n\n[XII'-12] _Baptista Antonio_, _Relation_, in _Hakluyt's Voy._, tom. iii.,\nfol. 554.\n\n[XII'-13] _Vater_, _Mithridates_, tom. iii., pt ii., p. 707; _Cullen's\nDarien_, p. 65; _Fitzroy_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. xx., p.\n164; _Latham_, in _Id._, pp. 189-90; _Seemann's Voy. Herald_, vol. i.,\np. 312; _Bidwell's Isthmus_, pp. 33-38; _De Puydt_, _Explor._, in\n_Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. xxxviii., p. 91.\n\n[XII'-14] _Cullen's Darien_, pp. 99-102; _Latham_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc.,\nJour._, vol. xx., p. 190; _Wafer's New Voy._, pp. 185-188.\n\n\nEND OF THE THIRD VOLUME.","title":"The Native Races [of the Pacific states], Volume 3, Myths and Languages: The Works of Hubert Howe Bancroft, Volume 3","tradition":"myth-cosmogony","translated_text":null,"word_count":305504}